Karpa:

 Dissident  Theatricalities,  Visual  Arts  and  Culture.  Journal  of  

Theatricalities  and  Visual  Culture.    California  State  University,  Los  Angeles.  
Summer/Fall    2012,  v.5.1-­‐5.2.  ISSN:  1937-­‐8572.  
http://www.calstatela.edu/misc/karpa//Karpa5.1/Site%20Folder/index.html  
   
Forró:  The  Constitution  of  a  Genre  in  Performance  
 
Adriana  Fernandes  
 
This  article  was  inspired  by  an  ongoing  controversy  about  the  Forró  music  
being  performed,  played  and  displayed  around  Brazil  right  now.  The  question  is  
whether  the  groups  that  call  themselves  Forró  bands  are  actually  playing  Forró  
music.  It  is  thus  a  question  about  the  definition  of  Forró.  To  answer  it  I  am  taking  
as  an  organizing  principle  the  concept  of  genre,  as  Wellek  and  Warren  define  it  
for   “modern   times”   (1955,   as   quoted   by   Camargo   2005,   p.5).   Through   an  
organizing   tool   that   takes   into   account   music’s   constitutive   elements—its  
sounds,   its   ways   of   performance   and   production—I   hope   to   demonstrate   that  
music,  to  be  an  expression  of  subjectivities,  has  to  be  elaborated  in  an  interactive  
social   environment.   It   must   grow   from   there.   It   is   possible   for   someone   or  
something   to   reverse   the   process,   that   is,   to   impose   a   ready-­‐made   music  
creation,    but  such  an  imposition  will  have  certain  consequences.  This  is  what  we  
have  today:  a  very  complex  frame  with  many  “social  environments”  —  those  that  
were  created  by  the  cultural  industry,  which      coexist  with  those  based  in  social  
interaction.   And   to   add   a   final   touch   to   this   difficult   picture:   the   “frontiers”  
between  these  environments  are  very  permeable.  But  let  us  proceed  one  step  at  
a  time,  starting  with  an  explanation  of  what  Forró  is.1  
I   define   Forró   as   a   Brazilian   dancing   occasion   accompanied   by   the   live  
performance  of  a  particular  set  of  musical  subgenres  such  as    baião,  xote,  arrasta-­‐
pé,    and  forró.2    Note  that  the  genre  or    umbrella  term    “Forró”  is  also  the  name  of  
a   specific   subgenre   within   the   class.   It   began   in   the   Northeastern   hinterlands  
around  the  19th  century,  but  it  spread  out  all  over  the  country  with  the  intense  

                                                                                                               
1
Parts of this article draw on material from my PhD dissertation (Fernandes 2005). I would like to
acknowledge the generosity of Marc Perlman, a colleague and a friend, who gently reviewed my
writing in this article.
2
For clarity, when I refer to the genre I capitalize the first letter (Forró) in order to distinguish it from
the subgenre, forró.
   2  

migration   of   people   from   the   Northeast   to   the   Southern   states   starting   in   the  
1930s,  and  because  it  was  taken  up  by  the  mass  media  at  the  end  of  the  1940s.  
Typically,  Forró  dance  is  heterosexual  couple  dancing;  the  accompanying  music  
may  be  instrumental  or  sung.  Instrumentation,  style  and  lyrics  (when  present),  
are  evocative  in  some  way  of  the  Northeast  region  and  culture.  Participants  and  
consumers  of  Forró  are  for  the  most  part    of  the  lower,  working  class  (though  all  
classes   participate),   and   the   majority   comes   from   the   Northeast   region,   or  
descends   from   Northeasterners.   Today,   Forró   music   and   dance   occurs   in  
Northeastern   rural   or   urban   areas,   as   well   as   among   migrant   populations   in  
Southern   cities.   In   the   cities,   Forró   usually   is   found   in   working   class  
neighborhoods;   these   festive   occasions   can   be   held   in   private   backyards,   or   in  
Forró  houses,  usually  as  commercial  ventures  in  rented  spaces.  In  the  latter  case,  
like  a    nightclub  it  is  open  to  anyone  who  can  pay  the  price  of  entrance.  During  
my   fieldwork   in   2000,   my   informants   described   the   social   context   of   a   Forró  
event   as   like   an   extended   family   party,   where   proper,   respectful   behavior   is  
appreciated   and   valued.   Nevertheless,   as   it   spread   via   migration   and   the   mass  
media,   Forró   has   also   been   adopted   by   Southern   urban   middle   classes   in   a  
variety  of  contexts,  not  always  related  to  migrants.    
 

About  Genres  and  Styles  

The  discussion  of  genres  in  music  is  as  painful  as  it  is  in  literature  (where  it  
originated)  because  it  involves  categorizing  and  classification,  which  tends  to  be  
limited   and   isolating.   Wellek   and   Warren   (1955   quoted   by   Camargo   2005,   p.4-­‐
5))   assert   that   the   modern   theory   of   the   genres,   is   descriptive,   pragmatic,   and  
allows  mixtures  and  new  species,  and  uses  genre  as  an  organizing  principle.  With  
some   reservations   to   adapt   the   concept   from   literature   to   music,   I   can   say   that  
even   nowadays,   with   sound   recordings   and   written   scores,   handy   means   of  
retaining  and  registering  sounds,  studies  about  music  genres  still  have  to  rely  on  
repertory   memory   and   definitely   bear   in   mind   the   fluidity   and   permeability   of  
genre’s   frontiers,   mainly   when   considering   that   our   object   of   investigation   is  
quite  “fluid”  as  sounds  are.    
The   concept   of   genre   that   I   have   in   mind   here   is   influenced   by   Bakhtin  
(1997),   who   links   genre   with   social  interaction,   and   Todorov   (1981),   who   points  
   3  

to   the   communication   system   organized   by   genres.   They   are   “instruments   that  

allow   to   know   the   communication   constructions”   as   Irene   Machado   puts   it  
(2001,  p.6).  Therefore,  when  treating  Forró  as  a  genre,  I  am  saying  that  there  is  a  
communication  system  and  I  am  trying  to  find  out  how  it  is  organized,  and  how  it  
was   built   as   a   dance   music   expression.   If   Forró   is   communication,   I   am   saying  
this   in   the   same   sense   as   Steven   Feld   (1994),   who   in   my   opinion   synthesizes  
Bakhtin  and  Todorov’s  concepts  in  the  realm  of  music:    
a   socially   interactive   and   subjective   process   of   reality   construction   through   message  
making  and  interpretation.  Communication  is  a  dialectical  process.  The  dialectic  between  
musical  structure  and  extramusical  history  is  central  to  the  study  of  human  musicality  in  
evolutionary,   cross-­‐cultural,   and   symbolic   perspective.   A   communications   epistemology  
addresses  this  dialectic  not  by  choosing  sides  but  by  focusing  on  its  consequences.    (Keil  
and  Feld,  1994,  p.  94)  
 
Extending   this   approach,   I   follow   the   interactive   process   of   making   and  
interpreting   Forró   as   closely   as   I   can   (in   the   space   allowed)   in   order   to  
understand   its   formation   as   a   genre.   I   am   interested   in   the   “reality   construction”  
accomplished  by  music,  and  its  consequences.      
 

 
   4  

http://www.new.divirta-­‐
se.uai.com.br/html/galeria_foto/2009/08/02/galeria_mostrar/id_galeria=1250/galeria_
mostrar.shtml  
Photo  by  Jose  Medeiros/  O  Cruzeiro/  EM/D.A.  Press  -­‐  12/07/1952.  Luiz  Gonzaga  is  at  the  
center.  
 
 
 
 
Forró  emerged  as  a  genre  slowly  throughout  the  years,  starting  probably  in  
the  mid-­‐19th  century,  as  a  pastime  at  the  end  of  a  hard  workday.  I  know  from  my  
informants  that  the  music  at  that  time  was  instrumental  music.    It  is  possible  that  
the   dance   began   together   with   this   music,   but   we   do   not   know   for   sure.   All   that   I  
could  get  from  fieldwork  is  that  the  “traditional”  way  of  dancing  to  Forró  is  the  
“easiest”  way,  which  means,  just  following  the  flow  of  the  music.  The  instruments  
played  could  be  pifanos  (cane  fife),  or  rabecas  (folk  violins)  or  oito  baixos  (button  
accordions   with   eight   bass   buttons).   At   the   end   of   the   1940s   this   music   was  
taken  to  the  mass  media  by  the  Northeastern  singer,  composer  and  accordionist  
Luiz   Gonzaga   (1912-­‐1989)   who   added   lyrics   to   it,   replaced   the   button   accordion  
with   piano   accordion   and   created   a   trio   to   play   his   music,   formed   by   triangle,  
zabumba  drum  (double-­‐headed  bass  drum)  and  piano  accordion.      
Gonzaga   popularized   this   type   of   dance   music   not   only   in   Brazil   but   also  
internationally.   A   good   example   comes   from   Lieber   and   Stoller,   respectively  
lyricist   and   composer   of   Rhythm   &   Blues   of   the   1950-­‐60s   who   produced   The  
Drifters,   The   Coasters,   and   others.   In   an   interview   (Fox   1986),   they   described  
how,  after  seeing  an  Italian  movie  where  Silvana  Mangano  sang  a  baião,  they  and  
others  used  this  Brazilian  beat  extensively  in  rock  and  roll  and  soul  records.3    
Another  key  reference  in  the  history  of  Forró  is  Jackson  do  Pandeiro  (1919-­‐
1982).   He   is   associated   with   the   creation   of   the   subgenre   forró,   to   which   he  
brought  his  background  in  coco  (a  call-­‐and-­‐response  dance  music  expression  of  
the   Northeast),   which   is   accompanied   by   pandeiro   (a   large   tambourine   with  
jingles).   After   migrating   from   the   Northeast   to   Rio   de   Janeiro   in   the   1950s,  
Jackson   do   Pandeiro   immersed   himself   in   the   samba   culture   of   Rio   de   Janeiro  
and   learned   carioca   samba,   mixing   its   swing   and   rhythmic   patterns   into   the  
overall   structure   of   Forró.   To   create   the   subgenre   forró,   Jackson   do   Pandeiro  

                                                                                                               
3
To  get  an  idea  of  Gonzaga’s  performance,  see  the  site:  
http://www.luizluagonzaga.mus.br/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=43
   5  

increased   the   tempo,   added   percussion   instruments,   and   gave   more   swing   to   the  
Forró   sound   structure,   consistent   with   his   point   of   view   and     musical  
experience.4    
It  is  easy  to  deduce  that  the  styles  of  Luiz  Gonzaga  and  Jackson  do  Pandeiro  
are   quite   different.   By   style   I   am   addressing   their   mode   of   interpretation,   how  
they  impart  a  personal  stamp  to  the  whole.  Style  would  be  a  microstructure  and  
personal   take,   “engraved   and   ingrained   in   cultures”   as   Feld   says   (Keil   and   Feld  
1994,   p.111).   Gonzaga’s   style   sounds   old   to   our   ears   today.   His   voice   is   strong,  
loud,   articulated   and   prominent   like   an   opera   or   circus   singer.   The  
accompaniment   has   a   secondary   role   and   it   is   there   to   support   Gonzaga’s  
performance.  If  I  had  to  rank  their  importance,  Gonzaga’s  voice  would  come  first,  
his  accordion  would  come  second,  and  then  zabumba  and  triangle  would  come  in  
third  place.      
Jackson   do   Pandeiro’s   style   is   based   on   fragments   (as   we   hear   it  
nowadays).   His   voice   is   very   articulated   because   words   are   used   in   their  
rhythmic   potential.   As   a   consequence,   his   voice   combines   with   the  
accompaniment,   which   is   richly   percussive.   Hence   in   his   style   I   cannot   trace   a  
hierarchy  of  sounds,  as  all  are  densely  intertwined  in  the  whole.5    
 
 

 
http://www.letradamusica.net/jackson-­‐do-­‐pandeiro/galeria-­‐de-­‐fotos.html  
Photo  of  Jackson  do  Pandeiro  playing  pandeiro  
 

                                                                                                               
4
There   are   some   videos   of   Jackson   do   Pandeiro   on   youtube.   You   can   see   his   performance   of  
Forró  em  Limoeiro  at:  http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vzRkTV8axno&feature=fvwrel
5
For more information on Gonzaga and Jackson do Pandeiro’s vocal characteristics, see Laranjeira, D.
J., 2012.
   6  

These   two   styles   are   the   basis   for   the   development   of   Forró   music  
throughout   the   years   in   the   mass   media.   Every   time   that   there   is   a   “need”   to  
recall  the  origins  of  Forró,  their  names  and  styles  are  brought  back  and  held  up  
as  the  “ideal”  Forró  music.    Thus  the  “real”  origin  of  Forró  music  was  forgotten,  
even  though  people  continued  to  throw  parties  in  their  backyards  and  dance  to  
baião,   xote,   and   arrasta-­‐pé,   played   by   live   musicians.   But   public   discourse   was  
dominated   by   the   mass   mediated   Forró   music   of   Gonzaga   and   Jackson   do  
Pandeiro  which,  to  some  extent,  was  a  creation  of  the  cultural  industry.    
 
Forró  and  its  meanings  
The   origins   and   meaning   of   the   term   “Forró”   are   unclear.   Neither   my  
informants   nor   scholars   are   consistent   in   their   use   of   the   word.   The   flexibility   of  
popular  culture,  where  the  term  “Forró”  originated  and  is  used,  should  be  borne  
in  mind.  
Initially,  when  doing  my  fieldwork,  many  of  my  informants  cited  Luís  da  
Câmara   Cascudo,   a   Brazilian   folklorist,   to   the   effect   that   Forró   is   short   for  
“Forrobodó.”   What   I   found   in   his   Dictionary   of   Brazilian   Folklore   (2000)   was   a  
link   between   the   entry   Forró   and   Forrobodó,   both   of   which   can   mean  
“entertainment”  or    “party.”    It  is  possible  that  Forró  and  Forrobodó  once  had  the  
same  meaning,  but  in  any  case  this  equation  is  now  taken  for  granted,  because  of  
the   wide   dissemination   of   Cascudo’s   information.   I   was   also   often   told   that   the  
word   came   from   English   “for   all”   (which   sounds   similar   to   Portuguese   ears)   –  
referring   to   parties   thrown   for   the   workers   of   the   Great   Western   Railroad  
Company   in   the   last   quarter   of   the   19th   century   in   Pernambuco   state.         In   my  
opinion  this  information  lacks  credibility,  since  by  that  period  the  words  forró  or  
forrobodó  would  have  already  been  in  use.    
Among   lower   class   people   living   in   the   rural   areas   of   the   Brazilian  
Northeast,   where   the   term   originated,   Forró   (like   samba   and   choro)   designates   a  
dance  party  in  someone’s  house.  Usually  they  call  the  party  by  the  name  of  the  
owner  of  the  house  or  host,  or  by  the  site  where  it  is  taking  place:  for  example,  
“Forró   de   Mané   Vito”   (Mané   Vito’s   Forró),   or   “Forró   em   Limoeiro”   (Forró   at  
Limoeiro).  In  a  small  rural  community  where  everybody  knows  each  other,  Forró  
is  a  bonding  occasion  in  a  familiar  place  such  as  someone’s  home,  where  music,  
   7  

dance,   food   and   drink   are   offered   and   enjoyed.   One   of   my   informants   told   me  
that  Forró  could  be  held  for  specific  occasions,  such  as  communal  activities  like  
house  building  (using  clay  and  sticks)  where  the  whole  community  helps.  At  the  
close   of   the   construction,   it   is   necessary   to   make   the   dirt   floor   inside   the   new  
house  very  compact;  they  throw  a  dance  party  at  night  and,  as  everybody  dances,  
they  pound  the  soil  and  finish  the  work.    
When   talking   about   Forró   in   Brazil,   one   name   continually   comes   up   in  
conversation:   Luiz   Gonzaga,   the   artist   responsible   for   bringing   Northeastern  
dance  music  into  the  mainstream  of  Brazilian  popular  culture.  In  an  interview  for  
the  newspaper  Jornal  da  Tarde  in  1980  Gonzaga  said  that:  
Forró  é  dança  de  ponta  de  rua,  de  cabaré,  de  cachaça,  de  fole  de  oito  baixos.  Era  bom.  Mas  
hoje  não  freqüento  mais,  porque  sou  cantor  de  juízo,  e  Forró  é  pra  cabra  mais  novo.  
(19/08/1980  at  Vozes  do  Brasil  1990,  no  page  number)  
 
Forró   is   street-­‐corner   dancing,   cabaret   dancing,   with   alcoholic   drinks,   and   button  
accordion.  It  was  good.  But  today  I  do  not  go  anymore,  because  I  am  a  mature  singer,  and  
Forró  is  for  a  young  man  (my  translation)  
   
Gonzaga   uses   the   adjective   “juízo”   to   describe   himself,   which   means   having  
the   ability   to   make   balanced   judgments,   and   it   seems   that   young   people,   in   his  
opinion,   lack   this   wisdom,   and   so   continue   to   patronize   Forró.   His   comments  
about  Forró  suggest  a  derogatory  view  of  it  as  a  somewhat  vulgar  event  (these  
are   the   connotations   of   the   words   “ponta   de   rua”   and   “cabaré”   in   Portuguese)  
where  participants  are  mostly  looking  for  a  good  time,  easy  sex  (cabaré  is  a  place  
for  sexual  encounters)  and  not  necessarily  great  music  or  dancing.  For  Gonzaga,  
the  participants  of  a  Forró  are  too  young,  and  go  there  primarily  to  dance,  drink  
and   have   sex.   For   him,   as   a   mature   man   in   1980,   this   time   was   over,   although   he  
confessed   that   he   went   to   Forrós   when   he   was   younger.   Therefore,   Gonzaga’s  
view   of   Forró   is   in   accordance   with   the   definitions   provided   by   Cascudo;   forró   is  
a   popular   event,   and   he   adds,   a   risky   place   because   people   there   would   not   be  
capable   of   good   judgment   since   they   are   young,   and   often   drunk.   It   is   worth  
noting   Gonzaga’s   specificity   about   the   instrument   played   in   a   Forró:   button  
accordion,   which   was   his   father’s   instrument   in   the   Northeastern   hinterland.  
Also,   note   that   in   the   1980s   Gonzaga   was   pointing   to   the   existence   of   Forró   in  
places  for  sexual  encounters  such  as  a  cabaré.  This  is  very  important  to  keep  in  
   8  

mind  because  of  later  developments  of  the  genre.  The  association  of  Forró  with  
sex   was   established   at   least   by   Gonzaga’s   father’s   time   (the   beginning   of   the   20th  
century).  
In  my  investigation  of  the  meaning  of  the  term  “Forró,”  I  interviewed  Ari  
Batera   (Aristóteles   de   Almeida   Silva),   the   son   of   Pedro   Sertanejo—a   leading  
Forró  authority  in  São  Paulo.  Forró  do  Pedro  Sertanejo  (Pedro  Sertanejo’s  Forró)  
was  the  first  and  longest  surviving  Forró  house  in  São  Paulo.  It  opened  in  1965  
and  lasted  until  1992,  on  Catumbi  street,  in  the  Belenzinho  neighborhood  (it  was  
also   known   as   Catumbi’s   Forró,   Catumbi   being   a   working   class   neighborhood).  
Because   of   its   long   life,   it   passed   through   many   phases   following   mainstream  
vogues.  
For   Ari   Batera   the   definition   of   Forró   is   threefold:   1)   it   is   a   specific  
“rhythm”;   2)   it   is   a   musical   ‘genre’;   3)   it   is   a   business.   Dance   is   the   common  
denominator.   Forró   involves   dance,   most   commonly   couple   dancing,   although  
there  are  exceptions.  The  “rhythm”  is  the  fuel  for  the  dance,  and  is  included  in  a  
variety   of   musical   “genres”   (forró,   xote,   baião,   coco,   xaxado,   and   arrasta-­‐pé),  
depending   on   the   times   and   fashions.   Dances   in   which   these   Northeastern  
“rhythms”  are  prominent  are  designated  as  the  “genre”-­‐    Forró  -­‐    by  Ari  Batera  
(here  a  “layman”  definition  of  genre:  he  defines  that  the  ‘genre’  is  “aquilo  que  dá  
vertente”—something   that   allows   subdivisions).   When   this   Forró   settled   in   the  
city,   within   the   context   of   a   nightclub   (admission   charges,   the   selling   of   food   and  
drinks,  hired  musicians,)  it  turned  into  a  business—the  Forró  house  (Interviews,  
November  2000).  
Ari   Batera’s   definition   addresses   the   dynamic   involved   in   the   word,  
diachronically  and  synchronically.  Diachronically  it  tracks  the  formation  of  Forró  
as  a  musical  ‘genre’  adapting  itself  to  the  big  city  environment.  In  the  Northeast  
there  were  no  Forró  houses  (in  the  sense  of  nightclubs).  They  begin  to  exist  there  
after   their   “invention”   among   migrant   communities   in   the   South.   Synchronically,  
it   shows   how   the   three   aspects—“rhythm”,   genre   and   business—go   hand   in  
hand.    
According  to  Dominique  Dreyfus,  the  main  biographer  of  Gonzaga,  Forró  
is   an   abbreviation   of   “forrobodó”;   according   to   her,   the   word   originally  
designated   a   dance   party,   but   at   the   end   of   the   1970s   came   to   mean   a   rhythm  
   9  

played   during   a   Forró   party,   influenced   by   disco   and   funk   vogues.   For   Dreyfus,  
Forró   represented   another   choice   of   dance   among   urban   people,   and   Gonzaga  
became  a  pioneer  of  the  style  when  he  composed  “Forró  de  Mané  Vito”  in  1949,  
describing  a  Forró  context.  She  calls  the  1980s  the  “Forró  years”  (Dreyfus  1997,  
p.   274-­‐77).   Another   researcher,   Elba   Braga   Ramalho,   analyzes   Luiz   Gonzaga’s  
career  and  music.  She  says  about  Forró:  
…Gonzaga  also  created  for  his  audience’s  mind,  songs  which  are  sketches  of  Forrós  in  the  
sertão,   mainly   some   of   those   over-­‐lively   events   which   ended   in   the   intervention   of   the  
police   because   of   the   excess   of   cachaça   drinking,   and   the   introduction   of   certain  
forbidden  dance  genres.  (Ramalho  1997,  p.  119)  
 
After   this,   Ramalho   quotes   and   translates   “Forró   de   Mané   Vito,”   as   an  
example   of   a   Forró   that   ended   (probably)   because   of   excessive   drinking,   and  
“Forró   do   Quelemente”   (Luiz   Gonzaga   and   Zédantas,   1951)   as   an   example   of  
“forbidden”   dances   in   the   “family   parties”   (idem,   p.   120).   Ramalho   also   calls  
attention   to   the   region   where   Forrós   take   place:   the   sertão,   the   semi-­‐arid   area   in  
the  hinterland.    
This   location   is   relevant,   because   people   in   the   Northeastern   sertão  
commonly  carry  weapons  (mainly  knives).  So,  if  they  are  the  main  participants  in  
a   Forró   situation,   where   dance   and   drink   are   combined,   their   weapons   bring   a  
threat   of   violence   to   a   Forró   context.   This   “dramatic”   aspect,   when   comically  
described   in   lyrics,   contributes   greatly   to   the   popular   stereotypes   of   the   event  
(Forró   as   a   violent   place),   which   are   exploited   and   fed   by   the   mass   media.  
However,   among   Northeasterners,   the   insiders,   a   very   strong   characteristic   of  
Forró  is  the  link  with  the  family  unit,  with  its  morals  and  ethic  of  self-­‐control.  In  
all  my  fieldwork  and  interviews  it  was  clear  that  the  existence  and  endurance  of  
Forró   was   bound   up   with   strong   extended   family   ties,   and   that   “family”   can   be  
understood   as   a   migrant   community   from   the   same   region,   the   Northeast,   or   a  
group   of   people   with   the   same   goal:   to   dance   and   have   fun.   Although   my  
informants   emphasize   the   family   context   of   the   Forró   party,   once   in   a   while   I  
heard   of   “transgressions”  –   whether   in   a   family   party   as   described   by   Ramalho  
above,   or     in   a   “non-­‐family”   environment,   such   as   a   cabaré,   as   Gonzaga   told   us  
earlier.     I   think   that   this   shows   an   openness   in   the   process,   a   reminder   of   the  
permeability  of  the  popular  realm.  Nevertheless,  the  discourse  of  the  insiders  is  
focused   in   re-­‐asserting   the   family   ties   as   it   used   to   be,   in   a   rural   and   distant  
   10  

version  of  a  Forró  event.  Maybe  this  is  a  protective  and  even  preventive  way  of  
describing   Forró   to   themselves   and   to   others,   as   a   reminder   of   its   origins   and  
roots  that  should  be  valued.    
When   I   asked   my   younger   informants   about   the   contemporary   meaning  
of  the  term  “Forró,”  many  of  them  told  me  that  it  is  simply  a  dance  party,  where  
any  genre  of  music  is  welcome.  I  should  say  that  this  openness  and  flexibility  is  
itself   part   of   Forró’s   identity.   Thus,   a   basic,   generic   definition   of   Forró   today  
would  describe  an  informal  dance  party,  with  live  music  featuring  an  accordion  
(or  the  sound  of  an  accordion  provided  by  a  keyboard),  where  the  musicians  play  
mainly   subgenres   known   in   and   associated   with   the   Northeast,   such   as   xote,  
arrasta-­‐pé,  baião,  and  forró,  as  accompaniment  for  dancing.  
 

The  subgenres  
Rhythm   cannot   be   the   only   reference   to   define   Forró   music   because   they  
are   very   close   to   each   other   and   it   is   easy   to   cross   boundaries,   making   Forró  
subgenres   flexible   and   fluid.   Hence,   the   key   when   classifying   this   music   is   the  
overall  sound  complex.  This  is  the  reason  that  there  is  not  “the  rhythm”  for  baião,  
for  example,  but  a  system  showing  a  rhythmic  complex.    For  clarity,  I  will  discuss  
each  of  the  main  Forró  subgenres  separately;  however,  they  are  so  close  to  each  
other   in   their   particulars   that   when   the   word   Forró   is   mentioned   it   should  
effectively  evoke  all  these  subgenres  together.  
Among  these  individual  subgenres  falling  under  the  general  Forró  rubric,  
there   are   common   elements.   Most   are   in   2/4   meter,   and   they   employ   forms  
comprised   of   alternating   refrains   and   verses.   There   is,   likewise,   typically   an  
alternation   between   sung   and   instrumental   sections.   Instrumentation   is   based  
on   the   trio   of   zabumba,   accordion   and   triangle   (or   at   least   having   this   trio   as   a  
basic   reference).   It   is   usually   tonal   music,   but   the   use   of   church   modes   is   a  
commonly   recurring   characteristic.   Most   Forró   songs   begin   with   a   textual  
anacrusis   set   to   a   musical   upbeat,   or   simply   with   a   musical   upbeat   if   it   begins  
with   an   instrumental   solo.   The   main   chord   sequences   used   are   V-­‐I,   IV-­‐V-­‐I,  
sometimes   with   the   minor   seventh   added   to   the   dominant   triad;   ii-­‐V-­‐I  
progressions   can   also   be   found.   Chords   built   on   the   third   and   sixth   scale   degrees  
appear  sporadically,  as  well  as  interchange  between  major  and  minor  modes  (I–i,  
   11  

IV–iv).   Lyrics   tend   to   express   Northeasterners’   worldview—their   memories,  

observations,   their   habitus   (to   use   Bourdieu’s   term).   There   is   always   room   for  
virtuosic   improvised   passages,   depending   on   the   skill   of   the   performers.   Forró  
performance  typically  has  an  informal  aura;  the  musicians  talk  to  friends  among  
the   dancers   and   audience   from   the   stage,   invite   other   musicians   that   are   not  
officially   performing   to   join   them,   and   tell   picturesque/funny   stories   over  
instrumental  accompaniments.    
In   the   rhythmic   transcriptions   below,   there   is   a   coded   pattern   notating  
the   different   types   of   attacks   on   percussion   instruments;   it   is   to   be   read   as  
follows:  

 
BAIÃO  
Baião  music  is  in  2/4  meter  with  a  distinguishing  rhythmic  pattern  played  
by   the   rhythm   section,   as   seen   below.   The   tempo   of   the   baião   was   typically  
somewhat   slower   in   the   1950s,   ranging   between   75   and   130   beats   per   minute,  
with   an   average   speed   of   90   beats   per   minute.   It   got   faster   throughout   the   years.  
Melodies  tend  to  be  sung  with  longer  held  notes,  which  does  not  bring  rhythmic  
contrast  between  vocal  line  and  the  accompaniment,6  in  contrast  to  other  genres.  
Baião  melodies  move  smoothly  through  arpeggios  and  stepwise  motion,  they  do  
not   require   demanding   vocal   technique,   and   are   easily   memorized.   In   general,  
lyrics   tend   to   describe   very   specific   elements   found   in   the   Northeast,   such   as   a  
tree,  a  road,  a  dialect,  and  the  way  they  see  things  like  love  and  sex.  Gonzaga  was  
the   main   interpreter   and   composer   of   baião   music,   which   is   the   most   recorded  
subgenre   in   his   discography.   Nowadays,   it   is   rare   to   have   new   baião  
compositions.   Below,   a   sample   of   the   rhythmic   complex   of   Baião   as   found   in  
Juazeiro   (1949).   Attention   to   the   inter-­‐rhythm   /inter-­‐texture   played   by   the  
ensemble  that  gives  the  whole  swing.      
 

                                                                                                               
6
Depending on the words used and the phonetics of the language, songs with lyrics can add more
layers of rhythm and melody to a given piece because of the intrinsic percussive characteristic of
consonants and melodic characteristic of vowels.
   12  

 
 
 
XOTE  
Xote   is   in   2/4   meter,   with   a   distinguishing   rhythmic   pattern   played   in   the  
rhythm  section,  as  notated  below.  Xote  is  the  slowest  of  all  Forró  subgenres,  with  
tempos  around  70  bpm.  It  can  be  played  faster  nowadays,  but  not  faster  than  78-­‐
80   bpm.   As   in   baião,   there   is   a   tendency   to   alternate   vocal   and   instrumental  
sections,  solo  and  choir.  Xotes  tend  to  have  rests  (stops)  that  can  last  from  one  to  
three   beats   in   length.   These   interruptions   are   more   likely   to   happen   in   a   xote  
than   in   any   other   subgenre   under   the   Forró   umbrella.   The   melody   tends   to   be  
sung   in   arpeggios   and   repeated   notes,   and   interpreted   in   a   smooth   fashion.   Most  
of   its   lyrics   talk   about   love   and   love-­‐related   themes,   in   the   way   that  
Northeasterners   see   and   feel   it,   which   means   that   the   metaphors   and   images  
recalled   are   strongly   associated   with   their   environment   and   lifestyle.   The  
rhythmic  complex  used  in  a  recording  of  Cintura  Fina  (1950)  is  below.  
 
   13  

 
 
ARRASTA-­‐PÉ  (or  marcha  junina,  or  marchinha  junina  [June  march])  
Arrasta-­‐pé   (literally   “foot-­‐dragging”)   seems   to   be   the   oldest   subgenre   of  
Forró  music.  It  is  associated  with  the  festivals  of  June,  when  three  Catholic  saints  
have   their   feast   days.   In   all   likelihood,   it   was   mainly   an   instrumental   piece   in   the  
past,   although   it   became   a   vocal   genre   after   Gonzaga.   It   is   associated   with  
harvesting,   and   with   the   rainy   season   in   the   Northeast.   The   dance   suggests   the  
influence  of  the  French  pas-­‐des-­‐quatre  or  quadrille  dance.  Arrasta-­‐pés  usually  are    
in  4/4  (the  only  Forró  subgenre  in  this  meter)  and  faster  tempos  (around  112-­‐
158  bpm).  Unlike  some  other  Forró  subgenres,  the  typical  tempo  of  arrasta-­‐pés  
did   not   change   over   the   years.   The   characteristic   rhythm   notated   below   is  
basically   a   type   of   march.   There   is   here,   more   than   in   the   other   genres,   an  
emphasized   alternation   of   vocal   solo   and   choir   parts,   resembling   the   quadrille  
dance,   with   its   two   lines   of   dancers   who   perform   some   steps   separated,   by  
themselves,   and   others   together,   embraced   or   hand   in   hand,   as   in   antiphonal  
singing.   Instrumental   interludes,   usually   with   accordion   solos,   are   a   necessary  
section   in   arrasta-­‐pé,   probably   a   holdover   from   its   instrumental   origins   and   an  
influence   of   Luiz   Gonzaga’s   main   instrument.   Melody   tends   to   be   sung   smoothly,  
with  a  nostalgic  air  for  Brazilians  who  participated  in  Saint  John’s  parties  in  their  
youth.  Lyrics  address  a  variety  of  topics  associated  with  Northeastern  contexts;  
many  of  them  tend  to  describe  a  Saint  John’s  party,  or  a  Saint  John’s  night,  which  
contributes   to   the   nostalgic   feelings   that   it   may   provoke.     Instrumentation   is  
based   on   the   standard   trio,   with   guitars   added.   This   genre   is   a   favorite   of  
accordion  players,  since  it  allows  virtuosic  displays  although  it  is  more  popular  
   14  

among   musicians   in   live   performances   than   in   the   mass   media.   The   rhythmic  
complex  below  is  found  in  São  João  na  Roça  (1952).    
 

 
FORRÓ  
The   specific   subgenre   forró,   which   shares   its   name   with   the   broader  
umbrella   term,   is   in   2/4   meter,   and   tends   toward   faster   tempos   (around   100  
bpm  or  faster);  the  average  tempos  of  forró  pieces  have  gradually  increased  over  
the   years.   The   influence   of   Jackson   do   Pandeiro   on   the   genre   is   evident   in   that  
there   are   several   layers   of   different   rhythms,   played   by   different   instruments.  
There   is   a   lot   of   swing   in   the   forró,   and   rhythmic   contrasts   between   timbre  
layers.   There   is   a   loose   alternation   among   solo   and   choir,   and   vocal   and  
instrumental   sections.   Lyrics   usually   refer   to   a   Forró   dance   situation,  
interpolating  strophes  that  are  sung  with  others  that  are  rendered  in  a  speech-­‐
like   declamation.   Instrumentation   varies,   but   when   Luiz   Gonzaga   interprets  
forró  he  uses  accordion.  When  Jackson  do  Pandeiro  performs  it,  accordion  can  be  
used   along   with   other   instruments,   and   there   are   typically   more   percussion  
instruments   in   his   recordings.   During   my   fieldwork,   I   observed   that   forró  was   as  
popular  as  xote,  which  together  comprised  the  two  main  genres  played  during  a  
Forró  night.  Below  is  the  rhythmic  complex  as  found  in  Mané  Gardino  (1959),  a  
forró  interpreted  by  Jackson  do  Pandeiro.    
 
   15  

 
Performance  
Studies   of   music   as   performance   are   beginning   to   expand   their   horizons  
beyond   issues   of   interpretation   (Madrid   2009).   I   would   like   to   call   attention   to  
two  works  in  particular.  The  older  one  is  Anthony  Seeger’s  article  in  Portuguese  
called   Por  que  os  Indios  Suyá  Cantam  para  suas  Irmãs?   (1977,   Why   Suyá   Sing   to  
their  Sisters)  based  on  a  manuscript  that  was  later  published  by  Norma  McLeod  
and   Marcia   Herdon   (editors)   called   Sing   for   your   Sister:   The   Structure   and  
Performance   of   Suyá   Akia.   The   more   recent   work   is   a   book   by   Carlos   Calado  
called  O  Jazz  como  Espetáculo  (1990,  Jazz  as  Spectacle).  Both  were  published  in  
Portuguese,   and   both   address   the   issue   of   music   performance   by   taking   into  
consideration   the   “actors”   who   produce   the   music   and   the   intended   reactions  
those   “actors”   want   to   elicit   from   their   audience.   In   my   view,   these   are   two  
seminal   works   in   Brazilian   music   studies.     By   asking   “what   happens   when   music  
happens”   (Madrid,   2009),   they   contribute   to   an   approach   to   performance   as   a  
dramatic,   engaged   event,   where   what   happens   on   stage   (or   among   those   who  
present  the  performance)  and  in  the  public  (or  those  to  whom  the  performance  
is   presented)   and   between   them   is   taken   into   consideration   in   a   dialogic,   self-­‐
reinforcing   dynamics.   From   this   point   of   view,   it   is   during   performance   that  
communication  takes  place,  and  Forró  functions  as  a  tool  in  an  organized  system,  
as  a  genre.    
In   their   performances,   Luiz   Gonzaga   and   Jackson   do   Pandeiro   maintain  
distinctly   different   behavior   as   musicians,   towards   their   companions   on   stage,  
   16  

and  toward  their  public.  Gonzaga  stands  with  his  accordion  in  front  of  the  band,  
usually  dressed  in  Northeastern  cowboy  outfits  such  as  a  leather  hat  and  jacket.    
He   positions   himself   in   front   of   the   microphone   and   sings   loudly   to   the   audience  
while   playing   his   accordion.   The   other   musicians   are   positioned   some   distance  
behind   him.   He   assumes   the   soloist   role   and   the   other   musicians   are   there   to  
accompany  him,  in  a  secondary  role.    His  voice  is  quite  potent  and  he  explores  its  
resonance   usually   prolonging   the   endings   of   musical   phrases.   The   interludes   are  
filled  with  his  accordion  solos.  His  movements  on  stage  are  subtle,  because  the  
accordion   is   heavy,   making   it   difficult   to   dance,   and   the   microphones   are   usually  
fixed  in  place.  Therefore,  his  performance  is  centered  in  his  figure  as  a  musician  –
a  singer  and  an  accordion  player.  Even  when  sometimes  he  tells  stories,  usually  
accompanied   by   few   sounds   on   the   accordion,   he   is   still   relying   on   his   vocal  
abilities  and  his  presence  on  stage.  His  interaction  with  his  public  is  through  the  
microphone.  He  sings,  he  smiles,  he  says  something  funny  about  someone  in  the  
audience,  or  comments  about  his  musicians,  but  the  microphone  is  fixed  and  he  
is  behind  it.    
The   audience   interacts   with   his   music   by   staring   at   the   stage,   or,   most  
commonly,   by   dancing   to   it   (in   couples   or   alone),   applauding,   laughing   at   his  
jokes,   whistling,   screaming,   shouting   words,   asking   for   particular   songs,   or  
drinking.    
In  the  case  of  Jackson  do  Pandeiro,  his  behavior  on  stage  is  a  little  different.  
He  presents  himself  in  the  midst  of  the  other  musicians,  usually  dressed  in  a  long  
sleeve   shirt   and   pants,   and   a   small   hat.   His   main   instrument   is   the   pandeiro,  
which  is  a  very  versatile  percussion  instrument,  easy  to  carry,  but  not  played  all  
the   time.   His   voice   is   inside   a   small   range   and   its   main   characteristic   is   the  
articulation   that   is   very   careful   in   relation   to   the   consonants.   Jackson   do  
Pandeiro  uses  his  voice  as  a  rhythmic  instrument  that  combines  with  the  others  
of   the   ensemble.     When   on   stage,   Jackson   do   Pandeiro   moves   a   lot,   taking   the  
microphone  with  him.  He  interacts  with  his  musicians  and  with  the  public.  In  the  
beginning  of  his  career,  he  had  a  partner,  Almira  Castilho,  and  they  used  to  have  
comic  sketches  over  music  pieces.  This  experience  probably  led  him  to  be  very  
free  with  his  body  and  hands  when  on  stage,  and  he  usually  dances,  moves  and  
   17  

gesticulates   while   singing   in   a   very   expressive   way.   He   also   talks   with   his  
audience,  gets  closer  to  them,  tells  jokes.    
His  audience  tends  to  watch  him  more  than  Gonzaga,  since  there  is  visual  
action   going   on   beside   the   sound,   but   also   they   dance,   applaud,   whistle,   laugh,  
scream,   shout,   and   participate   almost   in   the   same   way   as   in   Gonzaga’s  
performance.    
 

A  final  attempt  
In  relation  to  this  paper  and  what  I  want  to  show  with  it,  I  would  say  that  
Forró   is   organized   musically   over   the   rhythmic   feel   of   a   dotted   eighth   note   and   a  
sixteenth   note   that   has   to   be   learned   in   practice,   through   experience   (dancing,  
playing,  listening,  watching  how  it  is  done).  This  would  be  the  marrow  common  
to   the   subgenres,   which,   of   course,   is   not   enough   to   constitute   a   “living  
organism.”  This  rhythmic  feel  has  to  be  intertwined  with  the  instruments  and  the  
voice   or   the   soloist   creating   other   cells   as   a   compound.     The   instruments   playing  
Forró   music   can   range   from   a   melodic   solo   to   a   group   of   instruments   that  
combine   melody   with   percussion.   When   present,   the   voice   sings   about   reality,  
how   it   looks   and   feels.     An   aura   of   informality   is   sought   in   performance,   as   if  
everybody  knows  each  other.    
Taking  Forró  as  communication  in  Feld’s  terms  (as  I  explained  before),  in  
my  opinion,  the  reality  that  Forró  constructed  in  the  time  of  Gonzaga  and  Jackson  
do   Pandeiro   was   related   to   work   and   migration.   It   seems   to   me   that   work   was  
the  foundation  of  the  very  existence  of  Forró  music,  as  is  suggested  by  the  origins  
of  the  word  “Forró.”    When  Gonzaga  and  Jackson  do  Pandeiro  took  Forró  to  the  
recording   companies,   radios,   and   movies,   they   added   a   migration   factor—a  
factor   that   was   work-­‐related,   since   migration   in   itself   was   prompted   by   the  
desire  for  a  better  life,  a  better  job.  As  they  were  migrants  themselves  at  a  time  
when  migration  from  the  Northeast  to  Rio  de  Janeiro  and  São  Paulo  was  all  the  
rage,   the   experience   of   migration   was   something   common   to   Gonzaga   and  
Jackson  do  Pandeiro  and  their  numerous  fellows.  Their  music  was  the  expression  
of   that   reality,   which   was   their   own.   When   they   performed,   their   audience  
recognized   themselves,   their   histories,   and   their   memories.   The   intended  
   18  

reaction   was   this   empathy,   this   catharsis—a     bonding   made   possible   by   the  
establishment  of  communication.    
For  the  audience  of  today,  which  was  not  part  of  that  context,  listening  to  
Gonzaga   and   Jackson   do   Pandeiro   evokes   “the   past”,   our   parents’   past,   our  
country’s  past.  Reactions  to  it  are  as  varied  as  they  are  with  other  music  genres  
and  other  styles  of  Forró  music.      
Nowadays  there  are  many  different  styles  of  Forró  groups  performing  and  
different   ways   of   interaction.   In   general   the   groups   are   bigger,   with   more  
instruments.   New   instruments   were   added,   such   as   electric   guitars,   basses,  
saxophones,  keyboards  and  electronic  drums.  The  use  of  preset  rhythms  became  
common.   The   groups   also   advertise   themselves   in   the   middle   of   the  
performances   as   part   of   the   songs.   Lyrics   tend   to   have   sexual   themes,   and   are  
filled   with   double   entendres.   More   attention   is   paid   to   visual   presentation   and  
the   groups   tend   to   wear   matching   outfits.   The   dance   is   also   emphasized   and   it   is  
common   to   have   dancers   performing   choreographed   movements   for   the   songs.  
Their   dance   is   unlike   that   usually   practiced   on   the   dance   floor,   which   itself  
changed,  incorporating  steps  from  other  types  of  dance.  However,  as  much  as  in  
the   times   of   Gonzaga   and   Jackson   do   Pandeiro,   people   still   go   to   Forró   and   some  
stare  at  the  band,  and  others  dance,  have  fun,  enjoy  it  in  a  more  engaged  mood.  
Because   of   the   more   visual   impact   that   the   bands   have   today,   it   is   more   common  
to  have  people  who  go  to  the  shows  to  actually  see  the  band,  and  get  as  close  as  
they  can  to  the  stage.7    
Many   things   have   changed   since   the   1950s   affecting   the   communication  
process,   mainly   due   to   the   cultural   industry,   which   is   responsible   for   the   long-­‐
lasting   life   of   Forró   in   the   mass   media.   However,   for   the   industry,   the   product,  
Forró,  had  to  be  “modernized,”  “refreshed,”  for  the  new  generation.  New  brands  
and  labels  emerged.  A  new  way  of  dancing  to  it  emerged,  as  well  as  a  new  way  of  
singing   and   presenting   it.   The   reality   expressed   by   the   Forró   groups   today   is  
plural.   There   are   many   realities,   almost   as   many   as   the   number   of   groups   or  
individuals   practicing   Forró.   This   excessive   number   of   groups   and   styles  
jeopardizes   social   interaction   insofar   as   it   dissolves   Forró’s   shared   reality,  
                                                                                                               
7
To get an idea of these new styles, watch for example the group called Calcinha Preta at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SA2-q4W8jGg and the band called Rastapé at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x0dp3rrO-TE
   19  

leaving  a  multiplicity  of  realities.  Even  when    it  is  a  matter  of  listening  to  Gonzaga  
and   Jackson   do   Pandeiro   today,   we   must   ask   who   is   doing   the   listening?   Of  
course,  as  we  have  seen,  Forró  has  been  practiced  in  many  contexts  throughout  
its  trajectory,  hence  its  reality  has  always  been  plural.  But  I  need  to  add  that  it  
was   engrained   in   people’s   lives;   its   time-­‐scale   was   the   scale   of   those   lives.   By  
contrast,   the   reality   created   by   the   cultural   industry   is   artificial,   momentary;   it  
lasts   for   the   length   of   a   concert,   the   total   time   of   a   CD.   It   lacks   human  
sustainability.      
Returning   to   my   definition   of   genre   as   a   communication   tool   within   a  
communication  system,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  are  living  in  a  period  of  message  
disintegration.   The   message   here   is   the   performance   itself.   Messages   are   being    
sent   but   there   is   not   enough   social   interaction   among   the   recipients   to   allow  
them   to   construct   realities   with   these   messages.   The   communication   is   defective  
and   threatens   to   fall   apart.   However,   this   is   a   giant   process   and   it   cannot   take  
place   without   provoking   reactions.   The   communication   is   defective   but   still  
works   with   groups   of   people   who   are   more   exposed   to   mass   media.   This   is   clear  
when   we   consider   the   artificial   and   generalized   context   created   by   the   cultural  
industry,   the   market,   the   media.     If   I   consider   the   contexts   where   these  
performances  are  part  of  people’s  lives,  exactly  as  Forró  was  originally  created  -­‐  
as   a   “social   need,”   as   a   consequence   of   social   interaction   and   bonding,  
communication  still  takes  place,   and  Forró  is   a   genre,   quod  erat  demonstrandum.  
The  data  also  show  that  a  musical  expression  as  a  communication  tool  has  roots  
and   is   anchored   when   it   is   created   starting   from   a   social   interaction   that   then  
feeds  back  on  its  creation.  The  cultural  industry  inverts  this  process  and  presents  
a  musical  item,  hoping  a  social  interaction  will  happen.  But  that  musical  item  is  
not  a  musical  expression  of  those  people  to  whom  it  is  being  presented,  because  
they   did   not   share   the   process   of   making   it.     Therefore,   analyzing   Forró   as   a  
genre  emphasizes  its  social  nature,  its  origin  in  social  interaction,  and  reminds  us  
that   this   interaction   is   important   for   its   survival.   It   also   makes   clear   how   the  
cultural   industry   works,   and   shows   the   lack   of   sustenance   for   many   of   its  
creations,   because   it   is   not   based   in   the   communication   processes   of   social  
interaction  but  in  other  bases.  Analyzing  Forró  under  the  concept  of  genre  gives  
   20  

us  a  new  perception  of  its  development  and  a  new  understanding  of  its  facades  
nowadays.    
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