The case of

Sydney, Australia

Source: CIA factbook

by Joe Flood

Contact
Dr. Joe Flood
Urban Resources
37 Horne St Elsternwick Vic 3185, AUSTRALIA
Tel. +61 3 9532 8492
Fax. +61 3 9532 4325
E-mail: [email protected]

I. INTRODUCTION

Australia, the “Great South Land” is the size of conti- Australia has been called the “Lucky Country” – with
nental USA, but has a population of only 19 million. some justification. From 1890 to1920 it had the highest
Much of Australia is extremely arid and unsuited to culti- per capita income in the world. It was the first country to
vation or settlement, and the bulk of the people live in introduce a social service safety net through universal
the temperate south-eastern region and other coastal age and other pensions. It consistently rates among the
areas. top few countries in terms of human development and
Australia was settled as six separate British colonies liveability indices. It is regarded as one of the world’s
during the period 1788-1840, displacing some 750,000 most egalitarian nations in which everyone gets a
indigenous inhabitants to the more remote parts of the chance to improve their situation. Yet the largest cities
continent1. Following a sheep farming boom in the latter have had slums in the past to equal those of any coun-
half of the nineteenth century and the discovery of gold try. Despite a century of slum clearance and redevelop-
in the 1950s, the colonies prospered and joined to form ment, it is still easy to identify areas of considerable
the Commonwealth of Australia in 1901. The nation social disadvantage, although they would not now be
operates under a Westminster-style federal system of called slums. Recent pressures associated with global-
government in which the Commonwealth collects and isation have conspired to increase inequality in both the
distributes most of the taxes, the states provide most of social and the spatial senses, so that in the longer term,
the human and physical services, and local govern- the cycle through which neighbourhoods become slums
ments have more limited responsibilities than is usual could turn again.
elsewhere.
Although most of Australia’s exports are raw agricul-
tural or mineral commodities, only about 3 per cent of A. SYDNEY: THE CITY
the population are employed in primary activities. In
fact, Australia is 80 per cent urbanised, one of the high- “The growth of suburban Sydney had no parallel
est levels in the world, and two thirds of the population among the cities of the Old World. Even in America the
live in the five primate cities that are the capitals of the rise of the great cities has been accompanied by a
former mainland colonies.
 Urban Slums Reports: The case of Sydney, Australia

corresponding increase in rural population. No charac- Great Dividing Range some 100 km inland and substan-
teristic of development has been more marked than the tial waterways to the north have given it poor surface
concentration of people in the cities”. (Coghlan, NSW access to the interior, and have set limits to urban resi-
Statistician, 1895). dential growth. The generally hilly aspect of the inner
and northern areas, and the waterways on which
Sydney is a coastal city of 4 million people about a Sydney is built, have caused problems of internal traffic
third of the way up Australia’s eastern seaboard. It has flow and access, and have contributed to real estate
a temperate climate with over 340 sunny days per year, prices some 30% higher than other Australian cities.
and has an average rainfall of 1,210mm. It covers an To the south-west of Sydney, however, stretches some
area of about 1,580 km2 - similar to London, and 15 60km of flat, rather dreary suburban sprawl, standing in
times the size of Paris. It is intensely cosmopolitan, with sharp contrast to the tinseltown precincts of the city and
more than a million people born overseas, and another the wealth and privilege of the northern suburbs. It is
900,000 second-generation immigrants, with just about here that the bulk of population increase is taking place,
every national and ethnic group represented. where the new immigrants increasingly settle, and the
Sydney was the site of the first European settlement disadvantaged can find affordable housing and support
in 1788, and is the capital of the most populous mechanisms. It is fairly inevitable that Sydney would be
Australian state of New South Wales. Apart from a residentially divided between those who could afford the
period of about 70 years from 1860-1930 when it was higher amenities and accessibility of the inner and north-
eclipsed by the Victorian capital of Melbourne in popu- ern areas, from those located in the fairly monotonous
lation, wealth and political importance, it has been plains lying to the west inside the escarpment of the
regarded as Australia’s premier city. It has a spectacu- Divide; and that the jobs to which richer households
lar position astride Sydney Harbour, and is famous for would aspire would also tend to be centrally located.
its bay scenery and beaches, its picturesque structures Sydney has been the preferred destination for some
including the Sydney Harbour Bridge and the Opera 30 per cent of immigrants to Australia, and therefore it
House, and its cosmopolitan inner-city precincts, many has supported a large and ethnically diverse immigrant
of them former slum areas. In 2000 its international population, while being (with Melbourne) the major locus
profile was raised when it hosted the 20th Olympiad. It for the growth of the semi-skilled adult labour force. As
has increasingly taken over the roles of the major in other cities, immigrants have tended to gather around
Australian business centre, the preferred location for the specific locations, particularly around former migrant
headquarters of Australian and international firms, and hostels where jobs and facilities suited to recent arrivals
the tourist, information and air traffic “connectivity hub” are concentrated, and where formal and informal social
for Australia. supports for particular ethnic groups can be found.
Sydney has both gained and lost from its spectacular Apart from a few rundown suburban blocks and areas,
site. On the one hand, this has given it global prestige, Sydney no longer has any slums as conventionally
a “must-see” status for tourists, and good access to contrived. What it does have is a rich and very well docu-
Asian markets. On the other hand, the obstacle of the mented history of traditional inner city slum areas and
their passage from squalor to mixed
income status; a history of multicultural
Map 1: Sydney
development which has given a great deal
both to the city and the nation; and a fairly
profound spatial separation of social and
income groups mediated through globali-
sation, and through which the slums of the
future might possly emerge.

1. Sydney: a Short History of

Inequality
New South Wales was established in
1788 as a penal colony for surplus British
prisoners during the social dislocations of
the Industrial Revolution. The transporta-
tion period until 1840 was one of very
slow growth and an artificial society based
on the work of convicts and agricultural
products. Sydney slowly became a market
Source:http://business.carinthia.com/bgolob/bilder/case_area_Sydney.gif
and government centre, in which develop-
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Table 1, Population, Sydney 1788 to 2001 markets, just as in other entrepôt ports such as
Liverpool.
Rate of The unplanned development of the early years was
Year Population
growth succeeded by several rounds of redevelopment or slum
clearing – the first following a small plague outbreak in
1788 1,050 1900; the second in the 1920s; and the third in the
1800 2,537 7.6% 1960s and 1970s, which was strongly opposed by resi-
dent action groups who sought to preserve the historical
1810 6,158 9.3%
character of inner areas. During this period of planning
1820 12,079 7.0% interventions, the almost complete separation of work-
place and residential areas became the norm. Most
1833 16,232 2.3%
workers commuted to the central city, first by train and
1841 35,507 10.3% later by car. Secondary employment centres began to
1851 53,924 4.3% be constructed as the city expanded.
The Second World War caused a major reorientation
1861 95,789 5.9%
in economic and military affiliations, with the USA ulti-
1871 137,776 3.7% mately becoming the major source of imports, and
Japan and other countries receiving Australia’s raw
1881 224,939 5.0%
materials. A major wave of assisted immigration began
1891 383,283 5.5% that was to triple Australia’s (and Sydney’s) population
1901 481,830 2.3%
within 50 years. Huge new sprawling suburban areas of
the “Australian dream, the house on a quarter acre
1911 - - block” were built for single family housing, which were
1921 - - equally popular with immigrants and the native born.
Assisted by the easy availability of housing loans at
1931 - -
concessional and capped interest rates, the home
1941 - - ownership rate soared to the present levels of 70% by
19603. The construction of urban services at these low
1951 - -
densities was expensive and providers had a great deal
1961 - - of trouble keeping up (Sydney was not fully sewered
1971 - - until the late 1980s).
By the 1970s high interest rates, demographics and
1981 3,279,500
changing tastes were moving against this land-intensive
1991 3,672,850 1.1% urban expansion. In the following 25 years, the formerly
ubiquitous “couples with children” fell to only 25% of
2001 3,997,321 0.9%
households, and women rapidly entered the workforce.
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics; Kelly (1978).
The new dominant producer services industries were
linked into the global economy and required a younger,
ment was largely unplanned, containing both fine well educated workforce. Workplaces and factories
mansions and ramshackle informal settlements2. began to move out to the suburbs, and higher paid
Since the 1840s, Sydney’s housing development has workers to the inner city4. Commuting to the CBD began
historically followed a ring pattern: the cycle of boom, in to lose its attraction as the city expanded. The new
which large areas of poor quality housing were hastily DINK (“double income no kids”) and single person
erected on vacant land; and bust, in which poverty and households, who had higher proportionate travel costs
misery combined with rapidly deteriorating and unser- and therefore tended to locate centrally, were more
viced housing to create traditional slum areas. The first amenable to higher density living, especially in Sydney
economic and population boom, coinciding with the where land prices were high and apartment living had
discovery of gold in the 1850s, was followed by a always been more acceptable than in other Australian
depression in the 1860s in which Sydney’s first large cities. Inner city areas with their historical precincts
slum areas were born. came to be seen as better located and more colourful
Two subsequent severe boom-bust cycles occurred, than bland suburbia, and most inner city slum areas
the first in the 1880s and 1890s, based on a pastoral were steadily redeveloped, sometimes by building new
boom and the development of railways; and second in houses but more often by refurbishing. Whole streets
the 1920s and 1930s, based on manufacturing industry, were remodelled dwelling by dwelling, leading to very
by which time Sydney was a large city in the British mixed neighbourhoods of newly arrived “yuppies” or
Empire. The structure of Sydney and its slums was “trendies”, older working class people, and remnants of
therefore to a fair extent dictated by global financial the “underclass”, mixed with service sector firms and
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 Urban Slums Reports: The case of Sydney, Australia

light industrial areas. Virtually every former inner slum motor transport became universally available. The
area in Sydney, even Redfern, has now been redevel- County of Cumberland Planning Scheme of 1951
oped by stealth, and house prices have reached levels attempted to preserve a green belt around the city,
that would have been unimaginable 20 years ago. thereby limiting its growth, but it was rapidly undermined
From the 1980s a concern with the costs of urban by developments seeking quick profits. It was replaced
expansion5, and environmental concerns about traffic in 1968 by the Sydney Region Outline Plan, which has
and energy use led state and local governments to guided growth ever since.
adopt urban consolidation policies. These encouraged For a period of 20 years from the 1960s, corruption
medium density redevelopments in most inner areas, was widespread, involving liaisons of politicians, devel-
especially those near suburban employment centres opers, police and shady characters. By 1970 it
and railway stations, limiting the avenues for existing appeared that the whole inner city area would be
residents to block developments through planning completely redeveloped for business purposes and the
appeals. The result has been an acceleration of inner working class inhabitants would be displaced.
city redevelopment, and some increase in densities in However at the same time, affluent and articulate
the low density “death ring” of middle suburbs. New professionals began to move into the inner city and to
suburbs were also built to higher densities and began to remodel the historical precincts. A struggle developed
include a proportion of medium density terrace or clus- between a network of citizens action groups and
ter housing. developers, culminating in a series of unique “Green
Bans” by the rank and file of the Builders Labourers
2. Slum Clearance and Planning Federation in 1970-72 to prevent areas of cultural and
“A new domestic ideal had been successfully heritage value being demolished or redeveloped. From
implanted …The suburban bungalow became a symbol this time on, complete tracts of land were seldom
of middle class virtues and values - respectability, indi- cleared, and remodelling or reconstruction of individ-
vidualism, order and material success via hard work and ual dwellings and streetscapes became the dominant
thrift.” method of urban improvement.
While the preservation of inner city areas seemed
Following a relatively minor outbreak of plague at the assured, conditions at the city edge were not so
end of the depression years of the 1890s, a reformist sanguine. In the manner of a century before, the build-
council took office. From 1906 the so-called inner city ing of huge greenfield public housing developments in
slums or working class areas were emptied of residents the 1960s at Green Valley and Mt Druitt in the Outer
and razed to make way for commercially profitable rede- West was conducted with limited regard to the timely
velopments. A Royal Commission in 1908 found that provision of services and social infrastructure.
congestion “stunted bodies, polluted minds and worked Although these developments did form part of an inte-
against social and racial improvement”, and tenement grated economic strategy where the estates were to
and flat living were spurned on “social and hygienic be provided with regional shopping centres and work
grounds”6. opportunities, this public housing-led form of develop-
Up until the 1870s Sydney had virtually no urban ment turned out to be extremely problematic. The
services or planning. In the 1880s, a time of prosperity, growth expectations of the time were not realised, and
the size of the city almost doubled to 225,000 people. industry was slow to develop. Meanwhile, the compo-
Most of the new dwellings in this building boom were sition of public housing tenants was changing from
terraced houses of four or five rooms with primitive facil- working class families to largely welfare-dependant
ities, built ahead of infrastructure of any kind, and most and often single parent families. Public transport and
were rented. Yet by the end of the decade much of community services were poor or non-existent. As a
Sydney was sewered, had gas lighting and water, rail- result of these various developments, when coupled
ways, steam trams and omnibuses, and most urban with the high number of new migrants being housed in
services. Fairfield, the location of a major migrant hostel, the
The twenties was another prosperous era of rapid South Western and Western Sydney sectors quickly
change, and most houses in Sydney had electricity by became more stigmatised. Social exclusion of these
1930. In 1947, 91 per cent of dwellings had gas communities has been further reinforced by economic
connected. In 1920 67 per cent of dwellings in Sydney restructuring over the past 20 years.
were sewered; this fell in the 1930s but by 1940 it had The centre of the city tends to attract those with a
risen to 73 per cent. The outer suburbs were steadily low demand for space and a high demand for accessi-
sewered throughout the 1970s and 1980s. bility, including small families with several workers, a
At the edge of the city, new “garden suburbs” were subgroup of disadvantaged people who need central
under construction. As in other Australian cities, these access for livelihood, rental housing or welfare oppor-
eventually spread more than 50km from the city centre, tunities, and professionals who tend to work in the
first along the railway lines and then through infill as centre. Figure 1 is instructive in showing the distribu-
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tion of several key indicators of socio-economic status Figure 1. Income, and Percentage in Key Occupation
Groups vs km from the Central City
as one moves away from the central city. Incomes fall,
as does the proportion of workers in key occupations.
However, this radial distribution is not the only
dimension, and in fact inequality in Sydney is demar-
cated axially, according to direction, with the western
and south-western areas housing the bulk of low
income population, as can be seen in Map 1.
The south-west and western sectors contain the
majority of:
„ low income households
„ unemployed people a) Average household income
„ people without qualifications
„ people with trade qualifications

Conversely, Central Sydney, the eastern suburbs and

the northern suburbs contain the majority of:
„ high income households
„ high employment levels
„ people with university qualifications
„ managers, administrators and professionals
These various social dimensions may be used to
construct a more detailed map of different socio-
economic areas of Sydney. b) Key occupational classes
The six different clusters shown in Map 3 are
1. Flat dwelling households without children, in the
centre
2. Affluent professional households to the north
3. Overseas-born households to the south-west
4. A scattering of areas of high disadvantage
throughout Cluster 3.
5. Outer areas of high familism and middle-class
occupations
6. Coastal areas of retired Australian-born people

c) Percentage of renting households

II. THE SLUMS

B. SLUMS: THE PLACES

“Due to high rents, gross overcrowding was common
and sanitary provisions were virtually non-existent.
Open drains and communal cesspits were particularly
common and the water used by the working classes
came either from public wells or from the water cart.”

This report deals with two very different suburbs.

Surry Hills is a typical inner city former slum with a lurid
history to equal any other. Over 160 years it has under-
gone virtually every kind of urban change, and been the
victim of every kind of mistaken planning policy, while
preserving its unique culture and identity.
Fairfield/Cabramatta is a colourful area in the Outer
West that would not qualify as a slum on the basis of
poor housing or infrastructure, but because of its highly
diverse ethnic population and concentration of low Map 2. Distribution of Low-income Households, Sydney
1996

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 Urban Slums Reports: The case of Sydney, Australia

level of crime and the most

social problems of any part of
Sydney.
Surrey Hills initially began as
a village or informal settlement
in the 1840s. Over 80 per cent
of the first dwellings were built
by landlords who were “not
very far above their tenants in
social status”, around a rudi-
mentary system of roads. The
remainder was mostly “small
and shoddy” housing
constructed by owner-builders.
In 1845 there was a formal
subdivision and sale of plots
Map 3. Clusters of Socio-Economic Groups in Sydney, 1996
which led ultimately to the
present structure of the
suburb. There was no
drainage, and water was
bought from vendors.
By the time of the global
economic downturn of the
1860s, the Sydney slums were
income people, it has been singled out in the popular the equal in dirt and squalor to any slum anywhere.
imagination in ways that normally define a slum area. Keating (paraphrased) relates various eyewitness
Both places form part of a mosaic of changing demo- accounts of Surrey Hills:
graphic and economic circumstances against a broad
background of globalisation and transformations in “The housing was admitted by all hands to be
international capitalism over two centuries. deplorably bad. The older cottages were in many places
very wretched, with the inhabitants assuming a corre-
7 sponding demeanour. The lines had no traps to stop the
1. Surry Hills and South Sydney backflushing of sewage…many of the water closets
“When their grandfathers and great grandfathers were connected directly to the water supply…all the
arrived in Sydney, they went naturally to Shanty Town, household slops were carried by pipes and discharged
not because they were dirty or lazy, though many of into the unkerbed, unguttered street... In one week the
them were that, but because they were poor. And wher- Council dumped 1690 cart loads of rubbish including
ever there are poor you will find landlords who build 542 dead animals and 36 loads of stuff from earth clos-
tenements, cramming two on a piece of land no bigger ets into Moore Park opposite. New houses were spring-
than a pocket handkerchief, and letting them for the rent ing up in great fetid pools. Shea’s Creek (near the abat-
of four.” “Harp of the South”, (Ruth Park). toirs) was a lethal brew of spent tan, lime and floating
animal tissue… I encountered five children (alone) in
For much of their history, the areas abutting the city to the house, none of them able to go out and earn
the south, including Surry Hills, Redfern and Waterloo anything. They had a bed, at least a sort of bedstead if
have been recognised as the worst slums in Australia, not a bed, made up of old clothes, a gridiron, a
the “backyard of Sydney” and a dumping ground for saucepan, and that was all I saw in the place.”
human and industrial refuse. These areas began as
“working men’s housing”, but in successive mercantile Most “decent tenants” vacated this zone of blighted
depressions, they became the low-income quarters of living conditions in this period or in the 1890s.
the city. During their long and often sordid history, there In the 1880s, various Mayors of Sydney made forays
has been a fairly continuous process of redevelopment into the slum areas and condemned many houses for
and renewal, culminating in the rapid gentrification of reasons that “had little to do with structural deficiency
the last 30 years. Today, only very small areas such as and more to do the perceived filth, intemperance and
“the Block” in Redfern would meet most people’s ideas depravity of the occupants themselves. In one day, 50
of a slum. Nevertheless, South Sydney still remains out of 80 dwellings inspected by the mayor were
host to the greatest inequality and concentration of the condemned. The reformers were blind to the fact that
disadvantaged and dispossessed; it has the highest poverty was the cause of bad living conditions not a
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 U N D E R S TA N D I N G S L U M S : C a s e St u d i e s f o r t h e G l o b a l R e p o r t o n H u m a n S e t t l e m e n t s 2 0 0 3

symptom of them, and they thus sought to solve the blocks was not a success, although it did assist with the
problems of working-class housing by evicting the post-war housing shortage. On the one hand, it
inhabitants and demolishing the housing.… displaced residents and destroyed the intangible values
Newspapers revelled in tales of Chinese gambling8and of community and networks of support - the things that
opium dens, the lascivious child whores, the drunken gave “neighbourhood” its meaning. Of 288 families resi-
fathers with their black-eyed wives and larrikin offspring dent in the area where Sydney’s biggest postwar block
that lurked in Surry Hills”. of flats, Northcott Place, was built, only 43 were
rehoused in the same area. Just as significantly, the
From the 1860s, several charities such as the planners and politicians missed the point that the prob-
Benevolent Asylum, and later the Sydney City Mission, lems of slum neighbourhoods were not caused by hous-
were active or located in the area. There was a boom in ing conditions but by the poverty of the residents, which
the dispensation of private charity during the 1890s, could not be solved by pulling the houses down.
with many religious organisations providing food and From the 1970s, the demand for inner city living made
shelter to the deserving poor, “leavened with sizable Surry Hills too valuable to be left to the indigent and
doses of Christian dogma and moral tub thumping.” marginalised, or to industry, and professionals and
By 1890 the building of Surry Hills was complete and young households began to arrive in considerable
the population reached 30,000. It was largely occupied numbers. Old factories were recycled as theatres,
by tradesmen and working men, but its reputation was studio spaces and company offices. While the suburb
at the lowest ebb. It was typified, as most such settle- was still very much on “the edge of sleaze”, the bad old
ments today, by “a resilient self sufficiency, a wary cyni- reputation of Surry Hills was soon forgotten, and it is
cism of authority, and a collective reliance on close-knit now one of the most interesting and sought-after mixed
networks of neighbourhood support”. Even in good areas in Sydney; regarded variously as “cosmopolitan,
times, family units were economically precarious, and tree-lined and friendly”, or “hip and trendy”.
many families could not meet minimal school fees and Resident action groups have been particularly force-
had to withdraw children to work selling newspapers, or ful in Surry Hills in preventing unwanted developments
in industry as soon as they were old enough. Women or highway resumptions, in obtaining desired facilities,
and in preserving the environment and heritage of the
took in washing or worked in the many piecework textile
area. The familiarity of the new activist residents with
sweatshops in the area, while their husbands might
the processes of government, and their persistent
walk miles each day in search of casual labouring work. demands for public access to the decision making
If a source of income was lost, the family was reduced process has forced much greater accountability on
to charity. “To be poor was to live with fear”. governments in determining the future of the suburb.
From the 1890s, much noxious industry located in This enhanced resident power stems not just from the
South Sydney, and slum dwellings were gradually professionalisation of the resident population, but from
replaced with factories and warehouses, lowering the the fact that Surry Hills is no longer seen as a worthless
area’s amenity and air quality. The population fell from area for the destitute but an integral and valued part of
9
30,000 in 1890 to 19,000 in 1947, and by 1974 only the cityscape .
12,000 people lived there. The wave of gentrification spread south over the next
The seedy reputation of the area was heightened in thirty years to encompass much of the local government
the inter-war years. The “Queen of the Underworld”, area, though improvement has been patchy and still
Kate Leigh, ran high profile bordellos and sly grog eludes some areas. Industry still remains in the area
establishments in the depression and war years, until although land is now too expensive for industry and
more liberal liquor laws in the mid 1950s allowed legal much of it has relocated to the Outer West. The century-
drinking after 6pm. The late 1940s was probably the long population flow out of the inner areas has reversed:
point of greatest deterioration of the suburb as a resi- between 1995 and 2000, the population of Sydney’s
dential environment. inner suburbs grew by an average of 15 per cent each
The phenomenal rate of encroachment in the 1920s year. Despite these social changes, large numbers of
and 1930s and the housing shortages of the 1950s and low-income people still live in the area in greater
1960s led the City Council to gazette large areas as concentrations than any other part of the city. It is the
purely residential, a complete change of attitude to the middle class and families that are absent in their usual
area - in opposition to many local businessmen who numbers.
believed the whole area should be turned over to indus- Although there has been an enormous improvement
try. After 1943, at the beginning of the post-war housing in living conditions and reputation in South Sydney,
shortage, the council also began the remodelling of a there is still one area that might be recognised as a slum
number of streets and the construction of public hous- area. Aboriginal people10 have always lived in the area
ing. of a reserve at Bunnerong on Botany Bay, near the
As in a number of other countries, the razing of slum power station. Following the establishment in 1973 of
areas and their replacement with public housing tower the Aboriginal Housing Company, Redfern became a
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 Urban Slums Reports: The case of Sydney, Australia

focus of the most destitute of Aboriginal peoples which is destroying Australian values (e.g. Blainey
(Anderson, 1993b). As labour intensive manufacturing 1993). The print media have not assisted by portraying
declined, Aboriginal unemployment rose, and problems Cabramatta as the centre of crime, organised gangs
of health, housing, crime, alcohol and policing became connected with South-East Asia, drug magnates and
more evident. Today, the locality known as “the Block” is violence (Brown and Sampson 1988)12.
marked by signs of social dislocation on the one hand
(abandoned dwellings, litter and broken windows) and 3. Attributes of Disadvantaged Areas
Aboriginal people’s pride on the other (tribal markings
and flags) (Waitt 1999). Table 2 shows typical average indicators of disadvan-
tage for all severely disadvantaged areas (with and
2. Cabramatta without public housing), for Fairfield, South Sydney, and
While no-one would describe Cabramatta in the outer Sydney as a whole.
western local government area of Fairfield as a slum in
terms of its housing, infrastructure or social quality, it 4. Crime Rates
nevertheless retains a number of the characteristics that General crime rates by State are available from the
areas designated as slums may have. It is a home for Australian Bureau of Statistics at and the Australian
refugees from many countries, and other marginalised Institute of Criminology at http://www.aic.gov.au/stats/
groups, containing many low-income people, unem- Very detailed crime statistics by statistical local area are
ployed and single parents. It is a centre for a thriving collected from police records by the Bureau of Crime
semi-informal sector that fulfils a particular economic Statistics and Research at http://www.agd.nsw.gov.
role for Sydney. And it has been demonised by the au/bocsar1.nsf/pages/lga_region
press and in the popular imagination as the site of “un- Attitudes to crime reporting have been mixed. A
Australian” activities such as drug dealing, street gangs number of high profile incidents in Fairfield have been
and murders, although these are much more prevalent reported extensively in the press; including the murder
elsewhere. of the local member of Parliament who campaigned
The multiethnic phenomenon that is Cabramatta had against crime, the shooting of seven people at a
its origins in the migrant hostel that was located there wedding reception, the death of a child from heat
from the late 1940s until 196711. Successive waves of exhaustion when the car was stolen for a joyride, acts of
immigrants of other nationalities, especially refugees, extortion by teenage gangs running protection rackets,
passed through the Cabramatta Hostel, and moved into the closing of 35 “drug houses” by police13. Local
more permanent housing in the area where work in the activists in Cabramatta seeking increased action
manufacturing sector was available. These distinct against drug dealing were incensed when told by the
groups built community infrastructure and cultural icons Police Commissioner that crime in the area was rated
such as shops, restaurants and religious buildings. As on the low side, under an informal index used by police.
much subsequent immigration involved reuniting fami- The actual crime statistics bear out the police position
lies, the numbers of foreign-born residents increased. to some extent. Table 3 shows that Fairfield is below
Australia’s longstanding hostility to Asian immigration average in many reported crime categories, such as
had broken down somewhat in the 1970s after the assault, sexual offences and malicious damage, and is
Vietnam War, and a substantial Vietnamese population quite high only in homicide, robbery and drug offences.
immigrated to the suburb. Only around 11 per cent of Even here it does not compare with the traditional “slum
Fairfield’s population are Vietnamese-born, but they are area” of South Sydney, which is the leader in virtually
quite localised to the extent that some streets now every area of crime, with three times the average
house 90 per cent Vietnamese families. Although over number of crimes per person, and six times the city
100 languages are spoken in Cabramatta, the area has average in robbery and drug offences14. It appears that
a distinct Vietnamese-Australian ambience. crime in South Sydney is “old news” and not worth
It has been said that Cabramatta personifies every- reporting, whereas Fairfield is something new and bears
thing that has made Australia worthwhile: the willing- the stern gaze of Sydney.
ness to accept people of many cultures and to give
everyone a chance, to keep their own cultures while
accommodating the advantages of the new, and to C. SLUMS: THE PEOPLE
share the rewards that can accumulate through hard “No work, no hope, no escape…this is the prospect
work and organisation. Although the vast majority of facing a growing number of Australians. Call it a welfare
Australians are strongly supportive of multiculturalism, society, a workless class or an underclass, it is the
which has added a new dimension and vibrancy to what same: a group of people excluded from mainstream
was formerly a dull British outpost, the area has been society. It is a way of life that is being passed down from
specifically identified by a few conservative academics one generation to another.” Sydney Morning Herald,
and populist politicians as a “ghetto” and a “little Saigon” reported in Murphy and Watson 1999.
8
 U N D E R S TA N D I N G S L U M S : C a s e St u d i e s f o r t h e G l o b a l R e p o r t o n H u m a n S e t t l e m e n t s 2 0 0 3

Table 2: Profile of City Districts with Severe Table 3. Five Year Crime Averages 1996-2001 per 100,000
Disadvantages by Proportion of Public People, Sydney
Housing, Sydney, 1996.

High Public Low Public Crime

Sydney Sydney South Sydney Fairfield
Housing Housing Category
Average
(> 20%) (< 6%)
Homicide 5.3 16.6 13.2
% Dwellings with No Motor
31.5 24.9 15.5
Vehicles
Assault 830.7 2864.3 810.1
% One Parent Family
21.4 12.1 10.2 Sexual
Households 119.1 235.3 95.0
Offences
% Two Parent Family
28.9 35.7 37.4
Households Robbery 252.1 1539.6 379.5
% Owner Occupied
18.3 32.8 40.3
Dwellings Theft 7276.1 21976.9 7117.0

% Dwellings Being
14.5 14.2 22.7 Extortion 21.6 84.1 27.2
Purchased

% Public Rented Dwellings 48.9 1.1 5.5 Malicious

1396.1 2745.6 1101.9
Damagea

% Private Rented Dwellings 11.7 42.7 23.6 Drug Offences 296.8 1949.5 921.2

% Flats, Units and Offensive

27.5 40.4 22.2 201.5 825.3 257.7
Apartments Behaviourb
Against
303.6 971.2 448.9
% Households with Weekly Justicec
32.9 21.5 16.3
Income less than US$150
Driving 2359.3 3860.3 2851.2
% Unemployment Rate 18.9 19.5 7.5
Other 540.8 1372.1 879.6

% Persons Born Overseas 32.0 55.0 30.7

TOTAL 13602.9 38440.8 14902.4
% Persons Not Fluent in
7.5 18.7 4.8
English Note a. Including arson
Source: Randolph, B. (2000). Community renewal and disadvan- b. Including prostitution, weapons and gambling
taged areas: an agenda for action. pp 6-15 offences
c. Escaping custody etc

1. Defining Socio-Economic Disadvantage

Flood (1999) SEE ABOVE also showed that over a 25
While there is no official poverty definition, the year period, the composition of indexes of advantage
Henderson Poverty Line is in common usage for a and disadvantage have not changed very much; with a
number of purposes. This measure takes 45 per cent of couple of notable exceptions. Some ethnic groups
median male earnings to be the poverty line, and modi- (particularly Southern Europeans) have been able to
fies it according to family type. Before and after housing improve their circumstances, and it is more recently-
poverty are calculated separately. The line was defined arrived groups such as Vietnamese that now have low
in the influential Henderson Poverty Report in 1978, and status15. It has been particularly heartening that studies
is still produced quarterly by Melbourne University. It have shown no essential difference between second-
has often been criticised as inappropriate for many generation immigrants and the general population -
purposes, but has never been replaced. which is not the case in other countries (Burnley 1986).
At the small geographical area level, the Australian The distinction between blue collar (secondary indus-
Bureau of Statistics has defined an Index of Advantage try) and white collar (clerical) workers that was clear 25
and an Index of Disadvantage, by taking a number of years ago has altered. The distinction is clearly now
key variables from the census and performing a between knowledge workers (producer and government
Principal Components Analysis to obtain indices similar services) and other workers (lower paid clerical and
to human development indices. These indices are sold industrial). As such the city seems almost to be dividing
to analysts with each 5 year Census. A number of inner into two parts, a “traditional ring city” with its centre
city areas in Sydney register among the highest in terms somewhere near Fairfield, which follows the older
of both advantage and disadvantage. Flood (1999b) pattern of rings of commuters of different socio-
also used factor analysis to obtain indices that correlate economic status, and the new “world city” which lies on
highly with the above. These are shown in Map 3. the Harbour.
In the 1980s and 1990s, as in most developed coun-
9
 Urban Slums Reports: The case of Sydney, Australia

tries, the gap between the rich and the poor widened harassed, and he and his brother followed. He married a
considerably, although in absolute terms everyone was Lebanese girl and brought her to Australia about 8 years ago,
better off. The cause of this is economic restructuring in and they have two children. He lives in a small house with his
line with global priorities and technological and organi- family and 4 other adults. With all of them working they have
sational change, which has meant the loss both of been able to buy a big house in the northern suburbs which
manufacturing jobs and of many middle income service they rent out for a good rate. By saving rapidly, their aim is to
sector jobs, with an increase in both more skilled knowl- build up enough property that they can all live comfortably in
edge occupations and less skilled personal and domes- their own houses. Abdul himself has had occasional factory
tic service occupations. Observations of the increas- and labouring jobs but now has a good job as a storeman. In
ingly polarised nature of the city and its workforce have the evening he often drives the cab of a relative for extra
led some to speculate on the rise of a “service class” of money. He never had much education but now he will get the
people working in Macjobs and part time domestic activ- best for his kids.
ities, which has not been part of the Australian scene He rather likes the Fairfield area although there is too much
until now (McKay, reported in Murphy and Watson crime and drugs, too many different groups doing there own
1999:107). thing, he wouldn’t want his kids to go to school there much
longer. Still, Australia is a much safer place than Lebanon
was, it’s a pretty good place. The Arab Christian community is
2. Density quite large, including Lebanese and Assyrians, and the social
Sydney is reasonably dense for an Australian or North and business opportunities are good, once you are well
American city, but very sparse by European or develop- connected. Sometimes he misses home, but he’s heard that
ing country standards. Despite the size of the city, Map people who try to go back find it all changed. He is not sure
4 shows the Sydney Statistical Division to be still only where he would move once he has put the money together,
partly settled, with urban areas stretching along the rail- but it would be somewhere out in the Western suburbs where
way lines to the south and west, and a completely sepa- his people are and where he can get to church.
rate urban area on the north coast.
Australian-Vietnamese cultural connections
Do’s parents fled Vietnam by boat when he was just two.
3. Voices of the People They stayed in a refugee camp in Malaysia for close to a year
Making a Living in the New World before arriving in Australia, where they spent another year or
Albert is a Lebanese Christian aged 35 who has been living more in East Hills Migrant Hostel. Do doesn’t remember a
in Fairfield for about 12 years. Some members of his family great deal about it though he has heard all the stories such as
emigrated to Sydney in the 1970s when Christians were being the time they were nearly thrown overboard by pirates. His

Map 4: Sydney, Indexes of Advantage and Disadvantage Map 4. Population Density of Sydney Collector Districts

10
 U N D E R S TA N D I N G S L U M S : C a s e St u d i e s f o r t h e G l o b a l R e p o r t o n H u m a n S e t t l e m e n t s 2 0 0 3

entire family is now in Australia and happy here. “But the whole some residents were injured. A respected Aboriginal commu-
experience of being a refugee, they carry that with them all the nity leader, Lyall Munro, commented that some younger police
time,” he says quietly. Do has a BA in Performance Studies were targeting Aboriginal children.
from Sydney University and has written and performed in The following night, his son Jason Munro, 28, was celebrat-
theatre and stand-up comedy. Recently named the Young ing a relative’s 21st birthday party at a hotel. Jason attempted
Vietnamese of the Year, he works as a volunteer with people to intervene in a scuffle which started at 1am when a group of
from different refugee backgrounds in Cabramatta. “Asylum non-Aborigines arrived. A bottle was smashed over his head
Seekers” J Litsom. Artforce Issue 108:12, 2001. cutting deeply across his forehead and he was hospitalised.
Stones were thrown through the windows of taxis and an
Freedom and a new land injured taxi driver was taken to hospital. Police made no
Australia is my second country. I arrived in Australia in attempt to move in as fighting and stone-throwing swept
November 1978. That was already 18 years ago, but the through the streets for almost five hours. Lyall said he felt
memories are as fresh as if it happened yesterday. I still Jason would be saddened to learn his attempt to stop a small
remember the midnight we escaped Vietnam. The sky was fight may have set off a larger conflict.
dark. We were worried and nervous very much because we Two days later, the first episode was being reported differ-
didn’t know what could happen in the future if the police caught ently by several newspapers. It was stated that a group of
us or if something else happened at the sea. But we had to go youths had tried to rob the cyclist, “a major crime event”, and
on....because we needed freedom. police attempting to intervene had been stoned. Bylines read,
Very luckily after 3 nights we saw the islands of Malaysia. “Anger as police let kids of 10 take over the street.” A local MP
We stayed there for 3 months and then we flew to Australia. I blamed the continuing drug crisis, which was now affecting
still remember that day - it was a wonderful day. I was inter- children as young as 10. Without radical intervention, she
ested in everything I saw. From the airport the bus took us to warned, “today’s toddlers wandering around the neighbour-
the Cabramatta Hostel. They gave us a unit with one bedroom hood will becomes tomorrow’s car- jackers’’.
and one family room. After showering we fell asleep and when Minor events like this are commonplace in some countries
we woke up it was nearly 6 o’clock. We had very interesting but are very rare in peaceful Australia, and may owe something
food for dinner. It was the first time I’d eaten lamb and drunk to a general awareness of much larger scale events in the
milk. I liked milk but I didn’t like the way they cooked rice. USA. Attacks by frustrated urban youths on cars and taxis as
After dinner we took a walk around the hostel. For me every- symbols of property are also common in riot situations in many
thing in Australia was different from my country. Every house in countries.
Australia had a big backyard, had a clothes line and nice grass.
We saw many parks with trees and flowers. That was a
wonderful country. Very deeply in my heart I always say:
“Thank you Australia”, thanks to the people who helped us, D. SLUMS: THE POLICIES
brought us to a free country. We like Australia but we still never
forget Vietnam, the mother country where we were born. 1. Poverty Alleviation
Nga Lang. “Write Away: A showcase of writing by Australian Most interventions are available to all eligible citi-
adultmigrants”. http://www.nceltr.mq.edu.au /writeaway zens and do not vary by locality. A range of fortnightly
/Home.htm income transfers are provided by the Commonwealth
to various groups such as the elderly, handicapped,
Racial Tensions in Redfern and Waterloo single parents, the unemployed and low income fami-
On 21 June and 22 June 2001, residents rioted on the lies, which are calculated to bring them above the
streets of Waterloo following two separate incidents. In the poverty line. Other benefits such as a family benefit
first, witnesses said that a small Aboriginal boy accidentally payments, reduced health and public transport costs,
bumped a cyclist and then ran off as two police chased him in child care subsidies, and reduced utility and tax
a paddywagon. As he tried to climb a cyclone wire fence, the payments are available to low income people. State
police car rammed it at 40 kph and he fell, breaking his collar- hospitals and schools are essentially free to all, though
bone. “He lay there having a seizure and vomiting and the cops there are more expensive private alternatives which
just stood around,” said a 10-year-old girl who saw the inci- also receive subsidies.
dent. “A few people came over to try to help but police would- The two major government housing programmes are
n’t let them.” public housing (mostly since 1945) and rent assis-
The boy’s friends then began throwing stones and rocks at tance (since the late 1980s). Also, very large
the officers. One officer was struck and the windscreen of the programmes of concessional housing loans were
paddy wagon was smashed. A number of other residents made to lower middle income groups from 1945 to
joined in the attack as police called for back-up. Police arrived 1990, though these have become less necessary in an
in full body armour with dogs. About 20 residents continued to era of low interest rates and secondary mortgage
hurl rocks and stones at police as the trees were set alight. A markets. In the late 1980s it became obvious that
number of cars parked along the street were damaged and public housing construction was never going to keep
11
 Urban Slums Reports: The case of Sydney, Australia

up with increasing demand, and that the majority of ventions except for income redistribution is now the
disadvantaged people would remain in the private preferred approach. Nevertheless, local and state
rental sector (Flood and Yates 1986). Rent assistance governments play a substantial role in working with
was introduced, which is a payment of up to AU $50 a local developers and investors while ensuring that the
week (US$28) to welfare recipients. It has become the rights of citizens are preserved and due process is
largest housing programme, with outlays of about $1.3 followed. They also have a key role in controlling local
billion annually. traffic and rejuvenating streetscapes.
About 5 per cent of the stock has been constructed
by state housing authorities and is used to house eligi- 4. Community Action
ble people, normally at no more than 20 per cent of Many community groups have formed to fight partic-
income. Almost everyone now in public housing is a ular issues, to advance the cause of minorities, or to
welfare recipient. Some 15 per cent of the stock is engage in self-help in disadvantaged areas. For exam-
used for crisis or emergency housing, and a special ple, friendly night-time patrolling by tenants from the
stock is maintained for Aboriginal people. Most of Pacific Islands in some outer estates has proven
these houses were initially constructed in large extremely effective in reducing crime and other prob-
estates, many of which are in the West, and which lems. Unless they are a recognised charity or peak
have become very run down. Since the 1980s a mix of group (such as the NSW Council of Social Services or
dwelling types and better-located dwellings has been National Shelter), it is unlikely that such groups will
obtained16, but construction has virtually stopped in have access to government assistance or formal recog-
Sydney. nition as part of the system.
Most emergency and crisis housing such as home-
less or women’s refuges is provided under the
Commonwealth Supported Accommodation 5. Partnerships
Assistance Programme, which provides a per capita “A LATE-NIGHT team of social workers will patrol the
subsidy to NGOs or local governments managing streets of two inner-city suburbs as part of a $7 million
hostels and boarding houses. package announced by Premier Bob Carr last week. Mr
Indigenous people are eligible for the above Carr said the package would assist the suburbs of
programmes as well as others available under the Waterloo and Redfern which have a high rate of unem-
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Council, a ployment, child abuse and family breakdown and a high
national co-ordination body that supports various concentration of public housing. In June last year, a
housing and co-operative programmes among others. group of youths rioted in the streets of Waterloo after an
18th birthday party but State Government officials say
the move towards a package was not sparked by this
2. Social Welfare event.” Daily Telegraph, 28 March 2002.
The state government provides a range of welfare
and health services for handicapped people and Countries with a developed and bureaucratic social
others in difficulty. It is also responsible for urban plan- security system are not normally very amenable to form-
ning and most social and physical services, including ing partnerships. Bureaucratic design by its nature
police, hospitals and education. Local governments seeks to divide functions, activities and responsibilities
provide refuse collection, child care centres, maintain into discrete chunks, each to be handled by particular
local roads and enforce building and planning regula- agencies, with overlap and interagency dialogue to be
tions. minimised; Australia is no exception. However, there are
a number of circumstances where bureaucratic effi-
ciency is not the prime concern and in which partner-
3. Slum Improvement and Local ships are the preferred means of operating. Urban
Government regeneration and holistic poverty alleviation
“The massive resumptions of the 1920s were remark- programmes are one area, issues dealing with immi-
able for their lack of resident action. The residents of the grant groups or Aboriginal people are another.
seventies and eighties however could bargain from a Partnerships in New South Wales have taken a few
position of considerable power. By then Surry Hills was limited forms:
seen as an area vital to the image and amenity of the „ Local governments and housing associations have
city as a whole.” (Keating 1991: 109). received funding and some advice from the
Commonwealth and state governments in obtaining
The changing attitudes to slum clearance have social housing.
already been described. It is unlikely that wholesale „ NGOs in the welfare area are partially funded under
redevelopments will occur in the future as in the period State and Commonwealth Programmes to conduct their
from 1860-1960; small government with minimal inter- activities
12
 U N D E R S TA N D I N G S L U M S : C a s e St u d i e s f o r t h e G l o b a l R e p o r t o n H u m a n S e t t l e m e n t s 2 0 0 3

„ Occasional partnerships between private sector REFERENCES

developers and finance groups and the state govern-
ment to build public housing
Barnard, M (1996) Sydney: the Story of a City Melbourne
„ Resident action groups or environmental groups are University Press, Melbourne
routinely contacted during development projects, but
Baum, S (1997) Sydney: social polarisation and global city
are not pro-actively involved.
status, Urban Futures, 22, pp 21-36
Blainey, G (1993) A critque of Indochinese in Australia: the
A great deal more could be done to encourage part-
issues of unemployment and residential concentration, Bureau
nerships between different actors. Randolph (2000) of Immigration and Population Research Bulletin, 9, pp 26-32
says:
Brock, A and Macmillan, DS The Sydney Scene 1848-78
Melbourne University Press, Melbourne
“We must move away from the current approach of ad
Burnley, I (1999) Levels of Immigrant Residential
hoc, short-term and unlinked policy initiatives that are
Concentration in Sydney and their Relationship with
not self-sustaining once completed. …Partnership will Disadvantage Urban Studies
be the key element of any renewal strategy - partner-
Burnley, I H (1989) Dimensions of Vietnam born settlement
ships between Federal, State and Local government, patterns in metropolitan Sydney, Australian Geographical
charitable/non-government sectors, employment and Studies, October, pp 213-234
skills/training agencies, community sector, employers Daly, MT (1982) Sydney Boom Sydney Bust George Allen and
and the business sector and private funders. Unwin, Sydney
Governments can’t do this on their own. Models for
Dunn, KM (1998) Rethinking ethnic concentration: the case of
developing effective multi-sector partnerships need to Cabramatta, Sydney Urban Studies 4)Global Restructuring,
be researched and developed, and implemented in co- the Australian Experience, Melbourne Oxford University Press,
ordinated pilot programmes. All sectors of the commu- Melbourne
nity should be part of the solution.” Flannery, T (ed) (1999) The Birth of Sydney Text Publishing,
Melbourne
Hugo, G J (1992) Atlas of the Australian People, State and
Territory Volumes Bureau of Immigration and Population
Research, Australian Government Publishing Service,
Canberra
Keating, E (1991) The City of Surrey Hills Hale and
Ironmonger, Sydney
Kelly, M (1972) Paddington 1840-90 Oak Press, Sydney
Murphy, G and Watson, S (2001) Surface City:
Nittim, Z “The coalition of resident action groups”, pp 231-248
in Rowe, J (ed) Twentieth century
Sydney: Studies in Urban and Social History
Spearritt, P (1978) Sydney Since the Twenties Hale and
Ironmonger, Sydney
Playing Games with Sydney: Marketing Sydney for the 2000
Olympics Urban Studies
Woodward, R (2000) “Community renewal in South Western
Sydney Social inclusion: the quiet revolution in public housing”
pp 16-27 in Shelter WA, Creative Approaches to Urban
Renewal Proceedings, June

ENDNOTES

1 Numbers of Aboriginal people fell to about 74,000 by the

1930s, but there is now a sustained increase of over 2 per
cent per annum to about 230,000, and a further 24,000
Torres Strait Islanders. About a quarter live in major urban
areas. On average, the human development figures for
indigenous households are much lower than for other
Australian households, similar to less developed countries,

13
 Urban Slums Reports: The case of Sydney, Australia

with life expectancies ten years less, illiteracy quite gangs” The Sun-Herald, 11 September 1994.
common, and social problems such as substance abuse
widespread in some communities. SOURCE? 13 Academics and social commentators have seen such
sensationalist reporting as a modern version of racist
2 The first Governor, Philip, laid out an urban plan with atten- attacks from the goldrush era in the 1850s, when Chinese
tion to the location of public buildings, but this was soon were persecuted, ostensibly as being sources of crime and
outpaced by rapid population growth (Philip, in Flannery disease. (Dunn 1998, Waitt 1999 NOT IN REFS ).
1999:30).
14 Over a hundred year period, crime in most categories has
3 Leading similar moves to home ownership in other devel- decreased (Graycar 2001, NOT IN REFS Yearbook of
oped countries by several decades. Australia NOT IN REFS ), although of course there are new
categories of crime.
4 Universities were a particular locus, both of employment in
the “high tech” industries, and in acclimatising students to 15 However, there has also been a wave of well-to-do East
inner city living which they later continued. Asian migrants that have settled in a wedge in the high-
status northern suburbs.
5 In particular, many schools in middle areas had to be closed
down because of population loss. 16 Following the negative experiences of the sixties and
seventies, high-rise is regarded as inappropriate for most
6 Even as late as 1929, the “flat menace” was said to be asso- disadvantaged people. Most public housing constructed in
ciated with European decadence, decline in the racial stock, the last 25 years has been medium density.
and family breakdown.

7 Most of this section is paraphrased from Keating (1991).

8 The Chinese minority were particularly singled out as

“mongrels” who lived in “dens or lairs” and made their
“heathen living” from gambling and immorality. Compare
with the situation in Fairfield more than a century later.

9 The area is by no means completely pacified or free from

ethnically-based prejudice. According to the Daily Telegraph
15/11/2001 “It’s noted that the “tentacles” of the Russian
mafia have gripped the eastern suburbs while specifically in
Surry Hills large gatherings of men of Middle Eastern
extraction are intimidating and harassing passers-by
nightly.”

10 There are about 30,000 aboriginal people in Sydney, which

has the largest concentration of indigenous people in
Australia. Indigenous people are reliant to a fair extent on
public housing because of low incomes, discrimination and
high unemployment rates (Forster, 1995). Significant
proportions of indigenous people also live in the Green
Valley, Mount Druitt and Campbelltown public housing
estates.

11 These hostels, which were located in many parts of New

South Wales, were originally built as a staging ground for
large numbers of assisted British immigrants. Migrants and
their dependants were permitted to remain in the hostels
from 3 to 12 months, and were given training to assist with
resettlement. Much of the early accommodation consisted
of disused army huts and other converted buildings.

12 Typical by-line: “Streets where decent citizens are afraid to

walk must be cleansed of drug pushers and menacing local

14