This Content Downloaded From 117.234.207.57 On Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC

Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion: Ritual and Belief Systems
Author(s): Agehananda Bharati

Source: Biennial Review of Anthropology , 1971, Vol. 7 (1971), pp. 230-282
Published by: Stanford University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2949230
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
and are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Biennial Review of
Anthropology
This content downloaded from

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
4
ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF
RELIGION: RITUAL AND BELIEF SYSTEMS
Agehananda Bharati * Syracuse University
HISTORICAL ORIENTATION
The history of the study of religions generates definitions of such key

terms as religion, magic, ritual, much as the study of philosophy gener-
ates philosophical terminology. Even with a less linguistic orientation
than this reviewer's, it cannot be denied that the creation and analysis
of definitions are a substantial part of the whole job at hand. To historians
who do not manipulate a body of specialized terminology, the more be-
haviorally oriented social sciences, particularly sociology, anthropology,
and psychology, appear jargonistic. This cannot be helped. Ordinary,
i.e. nonjargonistic, language provides the corpus to be analyzed, but a
refined terminology, even when it creates Greek and Latin morpheme
clusters, is the shortest possible road to a clear cognitive understanding
of behavior different from our own; this is particularly the case with
belief systems and ritual, since the possible variations are much wider
than, say, in the case of arrow-making or canoe-building, or even in the
descriptions of political institutions. Alexander Goldenweiser spoke of a
law of limited variations-the number of combinations and permuta-
tions is limited in any well-defined, single field of inquiry. This is per-
fectly true, but the formulation does not take cognizance of the com-
plexity or the reconditeness of cosmogony, cosmology, or sacerdotal
manipulations. About a decade ago, linguistically inclined anthropol-
ogists and linguists together created a more radical set of instruments
for the analysis of human behavior, linguistic and nonlinguistic, that ren-
dered much of the earlier research in these fields obsolete. The "new
ethnography" has come into its own, and regardless of whether or not
a researcher needs its suggestions, the world of man as studied by man

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 231
will never be th
put of the past dozen years, during which analysis has come of age, in
the field of religion as in other fields of social inquiry.
Anthropologists writing about religion either have given their own
definitions of the term and its synonyms or constituents (magic, the
supernatural, ritual and belief systems, etc.) or have had some previous
definition in mind. Now there is a wide chasm between Tylor's defini-
tion of religion as "belief in spiritual beings" and C. Geertz's definition
(see p. 237), just as there is between the early definitions of anthropol-
ogy as "the study of culture" or of "artifacts, socifacts, and mentifacts"
and M. Harris's definition (1964: 169) as "actones, episodes, nodes,
nodal chains, nomoclones, . . . permaclones . . . and many other emic
things." From crudely naive, impressionistic beginnings to the accurate,
largely presupposition-less definitions of our day, we have a gamut of
parallel types of treatment of the subjects involved, so much that we can
almost infer the accuracy and complexity of the whole presentation from
thbe accuracy and complexity of the definitions made.
The anthropological study of religion has, of course, no place for
overt or covert statements about the truth of religion, or of one religion
rather than another. Durkheim stated quite correctly that there is no such
thing as a study of religion-that all such study can only be one of re-
ligions, or of a specific religion. The anthropologist, as anthropologist,
can neither make such statements nor do research with the intention of
finding "truth" in any religion. This reviewer, for example, happens to
be an ordained Hindu monk and regards himself as a committed Hindu,
but he keeps t-his commitment out of his anthropological research on
Hindu society. The late Father Koppers, an ethnological mentor of this
reviewer, said in his lectures around 1947, "Just as a man who can build
a canoe can describe it better as an ethnographer, so a person who is
devoutly religious will be better equipped to talk about the ethnogra-
phy of religion." This statement propounds a grave fallacy, and one, I
suppose, that accounts for the early demise of the Grabner-Schmidt-
Koppers approach to the study of religion by anthropologists. The eleven
volumes of the Origin of the Idea of God (Schmidt and Koppers, Der
Ursprung der Gottesidee, 1920-55) are incredibly erudite-but the
theological underpinnings are so evident at every step that all but the
historians of ethnology can only regret the enormous input of energy
represented.
At the back of the confusion between the anthropological and the re-
ligious or doctrinal approach to religion is what I call the normative

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
232 AGEHANANDA BHARATI
fallacy: the notion that observation of religious behavior can, in theory

or praxis, generate insights into the objective validity, or nonvalidity, of
propositions made by the religious agent. From the fact that many peo-
ple are convinced that a particular notion about universal, nonempirical,
and extra-logical entities is true, it does not follow that it is-or is not.
Canoes and good recipes are one thing, holy and unholy spirits quite
another. Belief and ritual systems are of a sort that cannot be falsified,
since no statements qualify as rebuttals. The dialogue between the sup-
porters and critics of religious systems (the people who attempt to
falsify religious claims belong to the religious study of religion) is the
subject matter of departments of religion; the dialogue of people who
describe the dialogue and its widest possible ramifications in social be-
havior is that of the anthropological approach to religion. The two can-
not meet and must not meet, except in salon and kaffeeklatsch situations;
obviously even the anthropological purist will see nothing wrong in
talking about religious "truth" outside the range of his anthropological
work.
This distinction was known to the founding fathers, I believe-to
Tylor, Frazer, and more certainly Durkheim and Weber-but I don't
think they felt it necessary to stress it. Though Frazer and Tylor, Spencer,
Lang, and Marett all lived into the twentieth century, they were from
this point of view thoroughly nineteenth-century men. All of them took
evolutionist theory as a methodological axiom, or, to be more exact, as
the most important axiom. The content of their propositions on the basis
of this axiom differed in degrees of naYvete, where the religious notions
of the Edwardian Age represent the highest, latest, and most perfect
development on the evolutionary scheme, all other men's religions neatly
arrange themselves on a continuum from the primitive to the most
evolved, depending on the degree and the known complexity of theologi-
cal arguments and their similarity to the urbane sermon of the new era.
Since the evolutionary theories were an axiom to those authors, their
assumptions of a rationalist matrix underlying all human belief was a
clear bias. It was only post-medieval Western man who came to regard
rationality as the highest virtue and by implication as the most powerful
psychic component in the beliefs of mankind. When Levy-Bruhl, Tylor,
Frazer, and even Durkheim assigned good and bad marks to the peoples
of the world for being pseudo-scientific in their beliefs (Frazer), pre-
logical or prescientific (Le6vy-Bruhl), good logicians but bad empiricists
(Tylor), generating or weakening social solidarity (Durkheim), all
these men neglected the affective and the orectic elements that go into

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 233
the operation of ritual and belief. The question that seemed to vex the
old masters was that of the connection between religion and magic.
None of them seemed to realize fully that these were semantic problems
at best, or just somewhat trivial terminological recommendations. Rosa-
lie and Murray Wax (1963) showed convincingly that there are two
theoretical alternatives in the magic-religion complex: for Tylor and
Frazer, magic was the manifestation of an early, primitive evolutionary
stage, a stage of erroneous science or prescience; for Durkheim, magic
was immoral and antisocial, since it meant manipulation of individuals
by individuals. Weber thought that Western writers disliked magic be-
cause of the doctrinal Judaeo-Christian disdain for it; the other alter-
native is the one espoused by the Waxes (1963: 495-518), i.e. that the
magical world view is simply a different one, contrasting sharply with
the rational (Hellenic and later) and Judaeo-Christian ideological
basics. By implication, this second, more refined and more tenable view
is held by linguistically oriented anthropologists, this reviewer among
them, who start with what people say rather than with armchair as-
sumptions.
What seems out of order in this post-Freudian era is the dominant
intellectual motivation shared by the early writers, the quest for the
origin of religion-not of "religions" or of "religion X," for such are, of
course, perfectly permissible themes for historians. Frazer and Tylor
were under the spell of a total conversion to evolutionary theory: all
problems seemed to be either solved or solvable in principle with the
proper application of evolutionary stratagems. Themes that did not
point to questions of origin and teleology, bridged by an evolutionary
answer, they saw as unimportant. Indeed, the enormous aggregation of
ethnographic data that Frazer presented in the Golden Bough, col-
lected from a motley assemblage of reports made by a motley assem-
blage of authors, was meant to prove a point: that Frazer's and Tylor's
own culture was the natural culmination of all possible schemes of cul-
tural evolution. Beattie (1964c: 66) tells us how these writers referred
to the ideas of the primitives as "childish" and therefore easy to compre-
hend; they were thus of little interest to scholars, who must instead turn
their academic attention to origins-to the question of how adult people
came by such childish ideas.
Virtually all anthropologists or sociologists before Durkheim sought
the origins of religion, not in a historical or archaeological way, but by
some sort of ideological speculation. The real breakthrough came only
with the Parisian Annee Sociologique, started by a group of scholars

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
around Emile Durkheim. They abandoned the listing of isolated cus-

toms, with or without a view to practicing evolutionist dialectic, and
began instead to examine ritual and belief systems as social representa-
tions, as meanings generated by human societies. Hubert and Mauss
(1964) selected sacrifice as their paradigm, at least in part because of
its great interest to the contemporary Kulturkreis school of the monastic
ethnographers of the Societas Verbi Dei in Austria, southwestern Ger-
many, and Switzerland. R. Hertz (1960) took death as his focal unit of
social "representations." But to this day, continental anthropologists
have not shifted their basic approaches to the study of religion in any
degree comparable to that of their American and British colleagues.
"Kulturmorphologie," the predominantly diachronic study of culture-
area themes, is still in vogue at German universities. Thus, Von Ehren-
fels narrates what he sees as the religious tradition of the Kadar of south-
western India (1969: 45-50); anecdotes of the bear as focal to Kadar
mythology, tales of origin, and a description of the basic ritual as seen
by the visiting investigator exhaust the treatment, very much like the
voluminous, minute studies of Father Hermanns (1963, 1966). There is
no attempt to analyze these isolates in terms of wider configurations
within the tribal Hindu continuum. In a very real sense, these authors
continue the approaches of Frazer and Tylor-sheer description of items
as seen or heard, in great detail and in a methodological vacuum.* Their
motivation, to be sure, is different: Tylor and Frazer wanted to show the
superiority of Edwardian rationalism to all that preceded it; the monas-
tic anthropologists of the Societas Verbi Dei wanted to show that primi-
tive monotheism was ubiquitous since it was best.
In his volumes on the various sections of the Bhils of central India,
Hermanns assembled an astounding array of cosmological, mythological,
and ecological material. Yet, through roughly a thousand pages, Her-
manns avoids investigating the pervasive link with the surrounding
Hindu systems of ritual and belief. All his impressive detail, the tales and
the cosmogonies, are in a perfect vacuum; one feels that the author wants
his primitives pure and unsullied, their monotheism unpolluted by the
* The discrepancy between old-time ethnological reporting and modern analyses

is evident, though some might feel that the gap is closing. In an excellent, careful
report on Nez Perce Plains Indian sorcery, D. A. Walker (1967) uses the latest re-
search tools to show that the configuration corresponds to general North American
Indian patterns as reported by the anthropological old-timers, with not a fraction
of the methodological sophistication employed by Walker, who uses elaborate inter-
viewing techniques in combination with selective autobiographical data, and then
provides a schematic representation of that sorcery complex.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 235
Hindus. Thus also Father Koppers, marveling at the Bhils' beautiful con-
ception of their all-god "Bhagavan," angrily rejected the suggestion that
"Bhagavan" was a good Sanskrit word used by all Hindus in referring to
divinity in the most general, nontheological terms, and was not at all
the patent of the primitive Bhil tribals.
The early writers' fascination with total solutions of a heuristic kind-
animism (Tylor, Frazer), animatism (Marett), totemism (Durkheim)-had
to do with their semantic naivete. They cannot of course be blamed for
not having read Wittgenstein, Ryle, or even Hayakawa and Korzybski.
Yet, some of these single-shot explications have unaccountably lingered
well into our day, when anthropologists have become more alert to the
trickeries of human language-their own language in particular. Thus,
John V. Ferreira (1966) feels that totemism in the South Asian tribal
society that he discusses is needed for an "integral" understanding of the
people, and Martin Orans's devastating point-by-point review (1968:
397-98) elicits only angry remarks on the overintellectualized approach
of American and British anthropology (Ferreira 1969: 709-10). It seems
to this reviewer that if totemism is to be preserved at all, and not dis-
carded like the physicist's phlogiston or the early psychologist's e'lan
vital, the superhuman reference must be eschewed; for though most
totemic objects have some sort of incidental superhuman connection,
their chief function is surely to represent some social process recognized
by the people in question, to serve as what John Beattie (1964c: 71) calls
"a convenient and comprehensive symbol for ... essential group values."
More than our sister disciplines, we have a tendency to start from the
beginning each time, even if only with a few remarks of the "as Durk-
heim showed" type. Yet to what end, when the level of analysis is deeper
and the tools more precise than Durkheim could have dreamed? Show
me a modern text on cardiovascular surgery that conjures up the spirit
of Paracelsus, or even Virchow. An all-time classic does not mean an
all-time valid. Durkheim has his uses in elementary pedagogy: thus
students can learn from his treatment of animism, totemism, ritual, and
myth how the consequences of his arguments are the obverse of what
their author intended. But fieldwork since Durkheim's death has shown
that few of his categories are applicable in a less literary, more rigorous
analysis of actual empirical situations registered in the field.
Two consistent, ideally exclusive, methodological alternatives seem to
exist with respect to the classics. An anthropologist may build on agnatic
lines, so to speak, by referring to the fathers-Tylor, Frazer, Durkheim,
Spencer-with perhaps the addition of such kindred as Darwin, Marx,

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
and Freud. He may either fit his own material into the mold they be-
queathed or reject the mold, the rejection in such cases being a substan-
tial part of his contribution. Alternatively, an anthropologist may not use
the fathers at all: thus, whereas ethnosemantically and formalistically in-
clined researchers have an occasional polite word for the old masters, the
two bodies of work are quite irrelevant. The same is true in contemporary
professional philosophy. Either a philosopher still regards his work as
"a series of footnotes to Plato," a matter of accepting, modifying, or re-
futing philosophers from the pre-Socratics to Dewey; or he ignores them
entirely except for an occasional, often sarcastic reference, as do some
Wittgensteinians and many linguistically oriented philosophers. Those
who take the second approach argue that philosophy starts with each
philosopher and that previous productions are at best incidental, at worst
irrelevant, to the process of philosophizing. Both these approaches are
academically respectable, as are both the tradition-inculcating and the
tradition-ignoring analyses of today's anthropological writing.
In its philosophical ramifications, the anthropology of religion is, to
say the least, classical, even in its most adequate products. Geertz, Spiro,
and a handful of others including this reviewer are a small avant-garde
at this moment who tap the enormous potential of the analytic and the
ordinary-language philosophers of the Wittgenstein-Ryle-Austin con-
tinuum. But otherwise, if anthropologists writing on religion are con-
cerned with philosophy as an outside standard at all, they seem to be
concerned with Hegel, Marx, and the system builders of the nineteenth
century. The title of Leach's important anthology Dialectic in Practical
Religion (1968) exemplifies this philosophically antiquarian attitude.
The book contains straight ethnological accounts like Tambiah's chapter
on practical Thai Buddhism and Obeyesekere's exquisite speculative
analysis of Sinhalese Buddhism, which comes closest to the sober stan-
dards of modern analytic philosophy. Leach's introduction states that
there is a "strong Hegelian strain in the way even the simplest people or-
ganize and utilize categories for the purpose of religious expression"
(1968: 2). Leach shares this dialectic predilection with Levi-Strauss,
without, I think, giving due weight to the possibility that ordinary lan-
guage may be more adequate for analyses of ordinary people's behavior
than dialectic jargon. Also, I do not think that anthropologists can simply
ignore Popper's basic critique of Hegel and Marx (1966, passim).
Among the many hidden aids for anthropologists implicit in the ordi-
nary-language approach, we find that the terms used by the subject him-
self should be given a chance even where an etic strategy is used to

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 237
describe a ritualistic act. Opler (1968) shows that a term generated by

anthropological lexicography is not necessarily more appropriate or
more highly descriptive than a term elicited from the subject; "presta-
tion" is not as good as "payment" or "fee," terms constantly used by the
Apache informant referring to remunerations made to superhuman be-
ings by the ritual practitioner. Van Gennep's (1960) scheme will prob-
ably survive the next several decades of anthropological teaching. Still,
there is a subtle malfunction in his terminology: under its spell, anthro-
pologists have tended to view ritualistic sets as supererogatory, to use a
scholastic term. Unless the society studied makes such a distinction it-
self-for example, the Brahmans who distinguish between nitya, mean-
ing daily or routine rites, and naimittika, meaning special, occasional
rites-the Gennepian taxonomy imposes a division that is by no means
universal. Cyclical, hence predictable, "crises" are one thing; unpredict-
able crises are quite another. I feel that the term "crisis-rite" should be
restricted to the latter type. Divination, for example, unless it is part of
the annual or other calendrical offices of such specialists as the ancient
Roman haruspices, should be regarded as supererogatory. This notion
seems to be shared by most of the authors in four separate publications
on divination (Caquot and Leibovici 1968; Bascom 1969; Flattery 1968;
Lessa 1968). Lessa's Chinese Body Divination (p. vi) straddles the
borderline between the routine and the supererogatory. Leibovici shows
that divination is sought and performed during periods of crisis. Bascom
uses the terminological corpus generated by the Yoruba, with inherent
categorical pentads representing the "good life," as well as the other
taxonomies provided by Yoruba divinatory language use. Contrasted
with Bascom, Flattery applies an etic strategy, comparing ethnographic
data on seven groups in the northern Philippines.
Let me now proceed to the definitions of religion. To this reviewer,
the most satisfying definitional approach to the anthropology of religion
is that of some of the authors in Banton's volume (1966). In particular,
Geertz's pioneering use (1966: 1-96) of the analytical devices of ordi-
nary-language philosophy in defining religion leads to what I consider
the most elegant, comprehensive, and parsimonious definition so far:
"A system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive and
long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions
of a general order of existence, and clothing these conceptions with such
an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely
realistic."
A past master of the felicitous aphorism, Melford E. Spiro (1966b: 85-

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
126) first defines religion as

terned interaction with cul
96). This is in a way a more
complementary to it rather
method, Spiro remains consi
puted to man as homo religi
sense, Spiro argues, unless th
summarily, they are cogniti
indicate that these three ty
of man as a religious being.
which alone should engage t
of origins has been abandon
criticism of earlier literatur
was an endemic confusion be
and the bases for religious per
Together with Milton Singe
Yalman, and-with some reservations in this reviewer's mind-L. Du-
mont, Spiro is at the frontier of the anthropology of religion. These au-
thors have put the atomistic, isolationist approach in its place. The study
of literate cultures and their ritual and belief systems requires increased
investigating inputs-change and process, "textual" and "contextual"
combinations of anthropological and philological instruments (Singer
1961b), and a perceptive assembling of clues detected by psychological
and linguistic means. These are new requirements, superseding the more
homogeneous implements that seem to suffice in the study of nonliterate
societies where no great tradition-little tradition dichotomy could be
applied either by the subjects or by the investigators. More of this later.
TEXTS AND READERS
The various anthologies published during the last decade do a

justice to the men I have called the founding fathers. Lessa and
large Reader (1965 and later editions) has good selections of Fr
Tylor, Durkheim, some of the Kulturkreis fathers, Weber, and
which can be assigned as readings to undergraduate and graduat
on the anthropology of religion. John Middleton's three exquis
umes in the Natural History Press series (1967a-c) are particular
ful; they do not contain too much retrospective material, and ar
to senior students as well as to lecturers, especially when they
prepare a talk on the spur of the moment. Probably more than any
anthology, the Middleton texts survey the state of the art in th

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 239
Many of the authors still display psychological-reductionist tendencies,

and almost all of them take for granted the importance of "symbols" as
an irrefragable tool. Some few, the editor among them, show a more
strictly sociological concern when cross-relating religious phenomena-
magic, curing, witchcraft and sorcery, cosmologies, and mythologies.
Hardly any of the authors, however, takes what would now be called an
ethnosemantic approach, and none of them uses linguistic analysis.
There is a sizable number of straight overall introductions to the field.
Some of them are strong on the historical side (De Waal Malefijt 1968);
Norbeck provides the most complete thematic survey of the problems
(1961 and later printings). Wallace presents a more formalistic, taxon-
omy-oriented approach (1966), and at least three authors emphasize the
function of religion in other-than-religious social contexts (Demerath
and Hammond 1969; W. J. Goode 1951). All these textbooks take ac-
count of earlier writers, but unlike the introductory texts to general cul-
tural anthropology, these texts are often weak on cross-reference to
contemporary authors. The two dozen or so introductory texts to general
anthropology are heavy on cultural anthropology and highly selective
on linguistics and biological anthropology, as well as on archaeology and
prehistory. All deal with kinship, social structure, and ecology, and mini-
mally with religion; they omit nothing that would disqualify their texts
from being viable introductions for 100-level courses in anthropology.
Similarly, though some authors of introductory texts on the anthropology
of religion have stressed one aspect over the others, all deal with what
must now be regarded as the typical minimum in the field, i.e. curing,
witchcraft, shamans, divination, and specialist taxonomies. I think there
is undue emphasis on the shaman, owing to the historical accident of
the early writers' fascination with people who were religious practitioners
without being priests, and insufficient attention to mysticism. Cosmogony
and cosmology have also been comparatively neglected.
Wallace's text, which is somewhere between a straight textbook and
a study of general methodology, is perhaps the best available for under-
graduates, though it has to be supplemented by additional introductory
material. Its taxonomic suggestions are valuable; yet as a work in the
total field of religion it seems ultimately too eclectic.
In all introductory texts, authors have used such terms as totemism,
ancestor worship, shamanism, and witchcraft in ways that defy consis-
tent definition; the bequest of earlier generations, these terms are per-
petuated by lethargy rather than by naivete (Spencer, 1968a). A teach-
ing-research dichotomy with regard to these terminological leftovers

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
seems best at this point: along with similarly bequeathed terms like
primitive, or structure and function, they may be kept for teaching pur-
poses but should be sparingly used for research, since they are not pre-
cise enough to be operational in the light of work done after the mid-
1960's.
TAXONOMIES
The ethnographical temperament per se is not naturally hospitable to

formal analysis; but it seems to correlate with a literary zest for descrip-
tion. This is the reason British ethnological material makes good reading
even now, when many of this country's most anthropologically sophisti-
cated writers have shed the last trace of a desire to write pleasant En-
glish. Lucy Mair's Witchcraft (1969) is a fine specimen of good, straight
ethnographical reporting without formalistic sophistication. Much of
what she says has been t-he stuff taught in classrooms over many dec-
ades-the distinction between witchcraft and sorcery, the diviner-witch-
craft complex, witchcraft accusations as means of social control, etc.
Mair is thoroughly unburdened by the new ethnography, and her writ-
ing, lucid and pedagogically clear, is of the preanalytic age, as R. Prince
points out in his review of the book (1970: 915-17). Quoting Wittgen-
stein, Prince shows that whereas there are "family resemblances" be-
tween syndromes that different people call witchcraft, the generaliza-
tions made by Mair and earlier writers presuppose that "witchcraft" is
of a piece, like "pudding" or even "puberty rites," which it isn't.
The younger a science, the more hospitable it tends to be toward re-
lated sciences; as it grows older, it excludes what its most powerful
spokesmen regard as external. But a time comes when these two poles of
disciplinary inclusion and exclusion generate a synthesis. Usually this
takes the form of a renewed admission of other-discipline-originated
tools and ideas, or terms, which are given new names in the synthesized
setting. For example, old-time philology "translated" Latin, Greek, or
Sanskrit texts into a European language "as literally as possible, as freely
as necessary"; structural and descriptive linguistics rejected all this as
normative and ethnocentric; transformational analyses reinstated the
somewhat artificially forgotten "translation," albeit with a highly purified
and refined apparatus. Marvin Harris (1964) decries the separation of
anthropology from sociology, which is a continuing process, and there
is hardly an instance where two separated departments have been re-
united. Still, the discipline is so young that no amount of camouflage
really gets rid of related disciplines such as sociology, history, psychol-

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 241
ogy, and phi

disciplines. Certainly simplistic reductionism-especially psychological
reductionism, since this is the most frequent in anthropological literature
on religion-is not the answer.
Ideally, anthropology should create its own taxonomies-with the rise
of ethnoscience, this should be possible-and ethnotaxonomies have
been used in the latest reports on ritualistic behavior. Still, taxonomies
provided by other disciplines are helpful to the degree that they are
fertile and interesting. The best example I know is Sally Falk Moore's
review of anthropological studies of law ( 1970: 295-300), and one might
conceivably borrow her typological approach in the investigation of
religious behavior. She shows that in the past, relationships between law
and society were the main focus of inquiry; and this was also true of the
study of religion in the early period (Frazer, Tylor, Durkheim, Weber),
where the relation between religion and society-in however wide or
narrow a sense-reigned supreme. The new emphasis, she says, is on
sequences of events, on legal transactions, disputes, and rules seen in the
dimension of time-with a shift to case studies as a starting point. This
also is true of the study of religion. Virtually all the publications in
Ethnology from its inauguration less than a decade ago are extended
case studies shot through with sophisticated analytic and interpretative
disquisitions.
Moore goes on to suggest that most authors could be arranged along a
continuum, say from an evolutionistic to an ethno-taxonomic pole. Some-
thing very much like this typological continuum checks out in the an-
thropological literature on religion-in fact, this whole review might
well be seen as a bird's-eye view of this typological continuum. Criticiz-
ing Bohannan's emphasis on atomistic, minute terminology in the study of
law, Moore says "a fundamental question is whether certain words, per
se, may indeed be taken to represent the basic categories of a people's
thought" (p. 266). Also, "the question of whether the study of indigenous
terminology is the optimum route to the understanding of alien systems
of law is distinct from the question of whether it is desirable to try as
far as one can to distinguish between 'raw data' and analysis in one's
writings" (p. 267). She has doubts about the first, but no doubts about
the second clause. Strangely, she does not use the emic-etic distinction,
though this is what she is obviously worried about. The shift of emphasis
in the anthropological study of law, and certainly in the study of reli-
gion-is augured by the "new ethnography," by ethnosemantics, which
stipulates a movement from terms to things, in contradistinction to the

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
old approach, where words were to be found for things. Moore may not
wish to see that things fitting the (native) terms are the true and only
corpus for analysis, the very "raw data" that she puts between quotation
marks.
STUDIES OF RELIGION IN COMPLEX SOCIETIES
The nostalgic critics of disciplinary exclusiveness must be happy about

Yinger's monumental work (1970). To him, the study of religion should
be a thoroughly joint enterprise; psychology, sociology, and anthropol-
ogy must share it. Yinger is not an anthropologist, but he does not claim
any prerogative for his own discipline, not even that of a primus inter
pares. Although his work may well be the epitome of a thoroughly cross-
disciplinary effort, it is still top-heavy on the occidental, Judaeo-Chris-
tian set and on Western societies. About three or four chapters in the
book can be viewed as straight anthropology. Yinger is concerned with
emic reporting, but this is weakened since his areas are too close to
home-how does a Jew or a Christian write about the belief system of
Jews and Christians? Still, as an (etic?) summary the book is easily the
most complete for the period under review. It also contains the most
exhaustive bibliography, over a thousand entries, of which some one
hundred are anthropological works. Between Yinger's bibliography and
the one appended to this review, the period between 1960 and 1970
has been exhaustively covered for English-language publications.'
The ideological partition between sociologists and anthropologists of
religion is, however, remarkably evident in the collection edited by
Birnbaum and Lenzer (1969). Whereas most anthropologists working
on religion have more or less abandoned the evolutionary framework
along with or as a sequel to renouncing the quest for origins, the sociol-
ogists assembled in this anthology carry the banner for evolution in the
manner of Talcott Parsons, R. Bellah, and P. Berger. Yet as anyone who
has tried it knows, there is no clear way of assigning topics, methods,
and people unequivocally either to anthropology or to sociology. This is
especially true of the study of religion, since the traditional divisions be-
tween societies of various types by size and complexity fail to operate
when religious phenomena are concerned, just as they fail to operate in
linguistic comparisons. Though accidental and indefensible distinctions
will continue to be made for administrative and other reasons, my feeling
is that no distinction can or should be made in principle between socio-
logical and anthropological themes in the study of religious behavior.
* In addition to sociological, psychological, and anthropological material, Yinger

i,, n somewhat out-of-style "comparative religion" documentation.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 243
Psychoanalysts and psychiatrists with cross-cultural interests, as well

as anthropologists with psychological leanings, often pay ideological
and methodological allegiance to inappropriate psychiatric axioms.
Whether a shaman is genuine or "pseudo" (Boyer and Klopfer 1964:
173-80) cannot be assessed without the subject group's self-assessment
being taken into account. In other words, the shaman's "being spurious"
may be part of an emic description; but if such epithets as "spurious"
and "genuine" are ascribed from outside, the ascription is neither emic
nor etic, since "pseudo" is not an etic term. Such uses simply reflect the
conventions of a specific human group, in this case the psychiatrists and
psychologists.
Psychology and semantics are only apparent kindred, though they
ought to be siblings. Analyzing initiation rituals in an American sorority,
Schwartz and Merten (1968) worry about the applicability of the more
general Durkheim-type claim that such rites help consolidate and re-
inforce social conformity, solidarity, etc. They feel that the white sorority
ritual does the opposite, that it stresses the superiority of the group over
other parts of the society. But surely, this contrasts with the common
sememe 'society" barely on the level of designation: to the sorority mem-
bers, all nonsorority segments of society are simply other societies, or
outgroups; in their concentration on the group, the sisters regard non-
members much as tribals regard members of other tribes. Hence the
sorority rite does indeed consolidate the society and integrate the in-
dividual.
Professor L. Dumont of Paris antagonized quite a few anthropologists
when he insisted that the sociological study of South Asia make acquaint-
ance with Sanskrit, and preferably some additional Indian language, a
prerequisite. Most scholars in the field now grant his point. Most anthro-
pologists now working in literate societies have buried the hatchet their
teachers had wielded against philologists and orientalist studies. They
have begun to look into what the holy books actually say, rather than
repeating what subjects say they say. In Soma, Divine Mushroom of Im-
mortality, R. G. Wasson (1968) illustrates most convincingly how philo-
logical inquiry and sociological reflection in distans may combine to
explain a syndrome that has baffled many more professional men than
the author, who is, in LaBarre's friendly paraphrase, a "dedicated ama-
teur mycophile." What was the old Brahmin soma, and what did it do to
the ancient Indian Aryans? Modern Hindu writers believe that soma was
an intoxicant, but Wasson shows that it was not. He makes an unpre-
meditated point on behalf of the late Allen C. Coult's "psychedelic
anthropology," which postulates that all religions had a psychedelic

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
origin.' It has long seemed

the Vedic gods, as vividly depicted in the Rigveda Soma Hymns (ca.
1100 B.C.), resembles alkaloid-drug-induced psychedelic experiences
much more than any alcoholic intoxication.
On the other hand, we might not want to speak of "psychedelic anthro-
pology" even by semantic extension where the teleological focus of an
investigation is not the drug experience per se but the uses to which a
society puts a drug. Thus, in Aberle's classic on the peyote cult among
the Navaho (1966a) the main thrust is etiological, as it were: economic
deprivation, not therapy as earlier authors believed, induced the Navaho
to accept the cult.
In my Tantric Tradition (1970a) I have applied methods generated
by today's British and American ordinary-language philosophy and lin-
guistic analysis to the body of written and oral lore in Hindu and
Buddhist eroticized ritual and belief. The book rests heavily on primary
written sources, mostly Sanskrit and Tibetan. I am sure that some an-
thropologists will agree with me that diachronic apparatus is indispens-
able to the study of ritualistic process wherever these processes and their
contemporary agents refer to and utilize these sources as part of the
ritual as well as viewing them as normative to their belief content.
Edward B. Harper (1964) and Milton Singer (1959) assembled a
number of essays by anthropologists specializing in India. These im-
portant essays analyze the relation between ritual and social structure,
the specifically Indian problems of social stratification and hierarchical
ranking by degrees of ritualistic pollution and purity, and the interaction
of great-tradition and little-tradition elements in South Asian religion.
Old-fashioned orientalists and scholars of comparative, i.e. literary, reli-
gion tend to resent such studies; as people who are "bothered about final
metaphysical truth" (LaBarre 1970: 1), they find it hard to understand
students of religion whose concern is with people and their notions about
"truth." In our terms "truth" is not an etic word at all-it is emic in
* As LaBarre (1970: 345) believes all religions had their origin in crisis or in a
crisis cult, Coult (unpublished ms.) thought all religions had their origin in the psy-
chedelic experience of their founders. "Psychedelic" would of course have to be
broadly defined to include such psychotomimetic processes as fasting, exposure to
heat and cold, prolonged sexual continence, and all sorts of induced sense and body
deprivations, as well as the ingestion of drugs. It might conceivably be argued that
LaBarre and Coult are both right: i.e. that crisis rites are "psychedelic" in their
affective components. It is clear, for example, that Jesus Christ and Handsome Lake
saw the political and social crises around them as cataclysmic, and that they both
sought and found visions and messages through psychedelic procedures (in our
broad sense of the term)-fasting in the desert for forty days, spirit quest, etc.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 245
believers' parlance about the expectations, revelations, promises, etc.,

embodied in their belief system. Theologians presumably believe that
theirs is an unqualified truth; this is why the theologians' language is
emic.
Disciplinary marginality is not a thing that can be decided once and
for all. It is not so much that the importance of the various feeder sci-
ences fluctuates by reason of individual reporting styles or the profes-
sional vogue-when a famous anthropologist talks about "structure,"
other sciences may use the term in quite unrelated contexts and with
different intent. Rather, it is that new purely ethnological vistas may
require new tools that are available only in other disciplines. Thus the
increasing interest in psychedelic cults, peyote, mushrooms, hashish, etc.,
caught anthropologists without adequate tools, leading LaBarre (1970)
and Aberle (1966a,b), among others, to incorporate impressive psychi-
atric apparatus in their approach. Still, a work like T. X. Barber's (1970),
which was not intended as a primary aid to anthropologists in their pro-
fessional quest, provides a sound basis for appraising the ideologies as
well as the rites of drug use.
With the introduction by Redfleld, Singer, and Srinivas of the great
tradition-little tradition terminology, history regained full respect
among anthropologists. How well anthropology, armed with historical
data, can cope with ideologically complex and systematically structured
"great tradition" belief systems was demonstrated by Spiro (1967). The
understanding and removal of "suffering" is the key concept in Thera-
vada (and other) Buddhism. The Burmese villager knows this. How-
ever, his acts and beliefs are thematically remote and often logically con-
tradictory to the official teachings. The orientalist old-timer might ac-
cordingly regard the villager's Nat worship as an illicit superstition,
while the old-fashioned anthropologist would tend to ignore the Bud-
dhist doctrine as theoretical and to concentrate on Nat worship and
isolated village rites. Both types of scholars should look into Burmese
Supernaturalism, which proves that a scholarly observer can well in-
corporate and present both poles of a continuum that comprises holy
writ and isolated village ritual, which form the real unit for analysis.
Indeed, a cross-cultural tabulation of isolated rites seems less realistic
than the analysis of one area where local ritual and the Great Tradition
intermesh and overlap.
We have a perfect example of cross-disciplinary feasibility in Singer's
beautiful Krishna anthology (1966a). Here we find contributions by
anthropologists working in India and in South Asian religions, as well as

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
by some of the most outstanding indologists and oriental philologists

(Dimock, Van Buitenen, Ingalls). This may well be the first successful
intrusion of anthropological terminology into the writing of Sanskritists
and indologists.
Milton Singer has a very special place in the anthropological study of
religion. Since he is both a professional philosopher and a professional
anthropologist, he surveys the problems indicated in the last paragraphs
from a perspective available to very few. In the first place, he formulated
a methodological balance between the orientalist and the synchronic-
analytic approaches to Hinduism, suggesting a heuristic "text" and "con-
text" dichotomy (1961b: 274-303) in what could be viewed in a thesis-
antithesis frame; but the operative combination of the two, if it can be
achieved, provides the dialectic synthesis that supersedes either ap-
proach taken singly. He calls the recurrent types of ritualistic action and
the expressions of the accompanying belief system "cultural perfor-
mances" (1955: 27), thereby supplying a terminological matrix capable
of generating all the events that make up the ritualistic and the ideo-
logical set in one area, e.g. the city of Madras as epitomizing the Hindu
"Great Tradition" in urban India today. He shows in passing that Van
Gennep's scheme, whatever its heuristic merit from the outside, does not
receive recognition from the "performing" high-caste Hindus of Madras
City (1955: 28). This results in the important finding that "cultural con-
tinuity with the past is so great that even the acceptance of 'modernizing'
and 'progress' ideologies does not result in linear forms of social and
cultural change but may result in the 'traditionalizing' of apparently
'modern' innovations" (1955: 24). With solid information on the actual
incidence of ritual behavior and the involved belief systems, Singer also
succeeds in dismantling in part at least what many social scientists take
for granted, namely Weber's thesis on the Protestant ethic, particularly
as elaborated by Bellah, one of the most prolific new interpreters of the
Weberian doctrine (Singer 1966b). The consummation of Singer's efforts
is presented in his forthcoming large volume When a Great Tradition
Modernizes (1971b).
Weber's axioms, which belonged largely to the economic sphere, seem
almost to have preempted the terrain of the relationship between eco-
nomics and religion. In particular, emic accounts of economic behavior
in the religious universe have rarely been assembled. Spiro provides an
exception (1966a). The economist is puzzled by the Burmese villager's
apparently irrational economic behavior, by his lavish spending on reli-
gious feasts, sacred buildings, the support of monks, etc. However, since

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 247
the villager believes
knows from bitter
subject to depletion
bank interest rates,
safer, investment.
birth upon him, wh
Buddhist doctrine, a
fiscal agencies.
A work that displa
the same time utili
monumental Buddh
mese subjects' own
the doctrine of the
an informing ritual
arching monastic in
tion of emic and et
should not be carri
as Theravada Buddh
is very much in ev
panse of South and
investigator's queri
ing their own Hind
demarcation is likel
CONCEPTUAL PROBLEMS
Speculative or intuitionist reasoning, combined with a sophisti

use of the analytical tools now on hand, is well exemplified in Ge
Javanese studies (1960). Observing the people of Modjokuto, h
them check out their own religious affiliations. The division into
folk religion, the orthopractical Islam of the santri, and the India
conceptual scheme entertained in the middle classes (prijaji)
known to many of the subjects. But the exposition of these three typ
the light of comparative data, with their assignment to non-Indo
roots, is a clearly etic procedure that Geertz handles separately, a
ing the pitfalls of anemic and emetic anthropology in Berreman's
tious but important dictum (1966). Geertz warns against the tempt
to adopt a normative argument in the manner of the Islamic do
('ulema) and their numerous followers, who preach a bookish form
and reject other religious behavior as impure or incorrect.
The subtle persistence of an antihistorical bias has to do with the re

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
tance of earlier anthropo

a literary religious tradit
orientalist-philologist-his
of scholars must not deal with subject matter claimed by another set is
perhaps particularly dysfunctional in the anthropological study of reli-
gion. Geertz shows how an anthropologist studying religious behavior
must make felicitous use of synchronic and diachronic procedures if he
is to do justice to a tradition that includes written canons. In Islam Ob-
served (1968a) he systematically compares the most western and the
most eastern types of Islam. Had he not brought with him a thorough
knowledge of Islamic history, a comparison between Indonesian and
Moroccan Islam would at best have been a collage of localized events;
however detailed such a report might have been, it would have remained
either anecdotal or else intelligent guesswork.
Ruth Landes's study of the Midewiwin (1968) is a critical combina-
tion of selective psychologizing with analysis of communications from
her key informants, one of whom was a powerful shaman. Her approach
is not reductionist; she is eager to change her presuppositions whenever
the responses do not accord with any psychological or other specific
theory.
Claude Levi-Strauss is, of course, an anthropological institution. Some
of this reviewer's basic reservations about his work are shared by anthro-
pological colleagues (e.g. Hultkrantz 1969). It might be said that the
gist of Levi-Strauss's approach to mythology and to primitive South and
North American religion is "structure or else." In three large volumes
(1964, 1967, 1968) he extends his views, formed over a quarter of a
century ago in Brazil, to North American Indian mythologies. This can
be done, of course, if a built-in structure is thought to be the clue to, and
the matrix of, everything talked about. Selective reading and fixation
on a theme help: even if Levi-Strauss's use of "structure" is not clandes-
tinely synonymous with "style" as Hultkrantz suggests (p. 737), it is
a convenient montage, totally self-fulfilling since the elements shown to
be similar were chosen for their overt or (psychologically or dialectic-
ally) covert similarity in the first place. Spatial and temporal oppositions
in the myths analyzed by Levi-Strauss, the selective juxtaposition of con-
trasts of intensity and quality, or of ontobiological oppositions, and their
rearrangement into numerical schemes-all this, devoid of any docu-
mented attempt to ascertain the full indigenous taxonomies and devoid
also of linguistic, i.e. ordinary-language, analysis, has attracted many
American scholars of the nonhumanistic sort. The trouble is that with

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 249
Marx, Hegel, and Freud as avowed preceptors, everything fits if it is

made to. If the corpus generated by the subjects is not taken into account
in its totality, structure can be shown among elements selected for the
purpose of showing structure.
The answer to Levi-Strauss seems to me implicit in the recent work of
field anthropologists; it is that rules, schemes, and structures must be
generated by examining the corpus of belief and ritual in the field, rather
than by pondering it in the library. Collection of data, coordination, for-
mal and conventional analyses are unidirectional sequences; and finally,
the analyses have to be checked by the data. Rosaldo (1968) offers a
highly perceptive example of the integration of conventional and up-
dated formal analyses of ritual. A Mayan rite in honor of local saints
generates actions that show the differences in the participants' social
rank. He also shows that the ways in which rank is assigned are not bare
ritual. They contain intensely moral indicators for the persons involved.
An impressive combination of tabulating, quantifying, and in-depth
interpretation of a funerary complex is presented by Carter (1968). He
takes a large analytical sample from the Aymara, emphasizing that death
rituals provide a primary source or a referent for overall value orienta-
tions in a society. Each of the symbols is analyzed in terms of its corre-
lation to social structure, ecology, the belief system, and the larger ritual
complex. Carter then concludes that negativistic fatalism is the most
prominent and the most frequently reinforced modal attitude.
Once analysis has reached this level of refinement, it becomes hard-
and redundant-to trace the methodological inspiration of an author,
whether functionalist, structuralist, diffusionist, or other. Quite possibly,
this sort of analysis eclipses or bypasses the emic-etic strategy dyad. The
late Douglas Haring told this reviewer just two months before his death
that after looking over the anthropological writings of half a century, he
had concluded that the best anthropologist was the man who was ready
to do constant, indefatigable "donkey work." Yet donkey work, as he
went on to remark, is no longer the sheer data-collecting it used to be; it
needs minute analyses with all the new methodological arsenal, fitting
the techniques to the requirements of the problem rather than the other
way around.
At a time when semantics had not yet come into its own, scholars were
concerned with problems that turned out to be purely verbal, e.g.
whether sorcery and witchcraft were different phenomena. This ques-
tion still seems to bother recent writers. Crawford (1968), for example,
takes pains to show t-hat the difference is of a radical sort among the

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
Shona of Rhodesia. But like most British authors, he does not seem to
feel the need for emic distinctions or nondistinctions. To be sure, he and
V. Turner (1967, 1969) present native vocabulary; but they fail to dis-
tinguish clearly between their subjects' viewpoints and their own. Par-
ticularly in the case of Turner's contributions, this reviewer was never
quite sure whether he was reading an analysis of minutely tabulated no-
tions that made sense to the Ndembu or speculations of a Freudian, post-
Freudian, humanistic, and literary sort.
A concise attempt at integrating ethnosemantics and the new etbnog-
raphy in the analysis of a ritual complex was made by Ottenberg (1970).
He shows how individually owned sanctuaries in southeastern Nigeria
function as protecting covers throughout the tribal's life. This is a double-
descent society with patrifocal stress, if not a patrilineal setting for the
shrines owned by men. The Afikpo equate a personal shrine with its
resident spirit. There is little interest in symbolization connected with the
oblations and libations at the shrine. This is partcularly revealing: I have
long felt that we might be altogether better off by not postulating our
subjects' interest in or conception of "symbols."" Ottenberg properly in-
vestigates the corpus of things, persons, and acts that fit the terms used
by his subjects; his material is emic, his analysis etic.
Highly formalized apparatus is brought into play for the analysis of
myth by the inseparable Buchler and Selby (1968)-another piece of
admirable teamwork. Although some analysts might come away with the
impression that the book contains more tools than topics, there can be
no doubt that it sets new standards in the formal analysis of a religious
corpus. Buchler and Selby make use of graph theory, information theory,
recursive function theory, and generative grammar, all of which they
modestly style "some formal extensions of Levi-Strauss' mythological
studies" (p. iv).
RITUAL CASE STUDIES AND FUNCTIONAL ANALYSES
Charles Frake, one of the arch-inspirers of the ethnosemantic mo

existence, uses ritual as a paradigm in his study of Subanum religious
behavior. His structural description of this behavior-revisionist-struc-
tural, not Strauss-structural-contrasts ritualistic with "alternative" and
complementary kinds of cultural activity (1969: 485). Subanum "offer-
ings" serve society as a technique for getting things done. Religious tech-
* This reviewer feels that "symbol" might well be ignored whenever it does not
translate a single indigenous term. I am reminded of a belief of my Hindu friend:
"The linga (phallus) is not the symbol of ?iva. It is siva."

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 251
niques are the ultimate resort; since they are the most expensive, they
are reserved for instances of crisis. The manipulability of the super-
natural beings with whom the Subanum populate their surroundings re-
flects other (natural) interpersonal types of manipulation in that society.
Although less formalistic or more intuitive methods might have led to
the same conclusions, this important piece, presented in an important
book, provides guidelines for the sort of analytically radical probing
that students of religious behavior should learn to do.
Another excellent book, Charlotte Johnson Frisbie's study of Navaho
girls' puberty rites (1967), achieves minute analysis without radical
formalization, although the approach is informed by the ethnosemantic
style. In addition to straight rites of passage information, Frisbie sup-
plies interesting ethnomusicological data, with staff notations; this, I
believe, is the first musicological aside on the Blessing Way complex, at
least in anthropological literature.
When the findings of the "new ethnography" are ignored rather than
rejected, not even the most famous in the profession are safe from the
ad hominem slanting to which new ethnographers object, as when Meyer
Fortes (Leslie 1960: 39) claims that "not fear, ignorance, or superstition,
but the moral bonds of the filio-parental relationship are the springs of
Tallensi ancestor worship." As Charles Leslie points out in his introduc-
tion (1960: xv), Fortes wants to convince his students of the ethical
rightness of the people he studied, in addition to assuming the correct-
ness of his report. Statements of value and statements of fact should not
be confused-this warning, as old as the social sciences, is too general
to be of much help in this age of ruthless analysis. What it means in
analytic terms is that the social scientist must declare his axioms rather
than letting the reader guess what his ideological or axiomatic bases
might be. A senior student of E. V. Evans-Pritchard told me, without
meaning any disrespect for the master, that the latter's positive assess-
ment of the Nuer and his older, negative assessment of the Azande were
due to his preference for the sort of things the Nuer say, think, and wor-
ship. I am told that Evans-Pritchard has pointed this out himself some-
where, but I do not know where.
As we have seen, there is a cumulative move toward case studies in
the anthropology of religion, just as there is (according to Moore) in
the anthropology of law. The constantly growing Holt, Rinehart & Win-
ston series edited by the Spindlers has become a sine qua non for stu-
dents and instructors. Some thirty items listed in this bibliography are
self-declared case studies, and perhaps an equal number are case studies

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
252 AGEEANANDA BHA1IAT
in effect. One with much

Possession (1970: 97-111), in
woman possessed by a dem
psychopathologically concei
which the symptoms are c
formulations of disease rela
making illness existentially
(emic) idiom of illness faci
and his surroundings, and
generates abstractions and
zation. The core report by
people with very different
of fieldwork.
Another excellent report o
quois Ceremonial of Midwin
method, focusing on minute
ture of putatively identica
anthropological orthopraxi
study separate; the last part
priests, missionaries, capti
traces ritual change from t
including the innovations c
tion of the sacrifice of the w
Single rites or ceremonial
than total systems. One alm
meant to signal the comple
forms, those of Malinowski a
published in the last two ye
system. An increasing num
ritualistic or religio-ecologi
ulated; but at least as many
single aspect of kinship org
emphasis on social change.
mony among the Effutu (1
that the persistence of a rit
to its continued "congruen
that "congruity" (or "incon
affective, structural, and fun
structure that affords new o
the tradition in its new urba

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 253
The correlation between emphasis on male or female puberty rites

and rules of residence has been suggested by Kloos (1963, 1969) and
J. K. Brown (1963), and challenged by Driver (1969: 905-7). These are
among the more forceful examples in the tradition set by Murdock's
works on social organization-to seek correlations between types of be-
havior, ritualistic in this context, and rules of residence. Though more
evidence has seemingly been accumulated for the existence of such cor-
relations, one wonders how much is attributable to the sheer fact of
negative momentum in research. A thesis of correlations had to be pro-
posed and elaborated in the first place; only then could challenges and
refutations follow. Obviously, the initial, creative thrust is the strongest
no one would have thought to start the dialogue by proposing that
there was no correlation. Proposal, in the long-range perspective of
scholarly publications, is stronger than disposal; more people will sup-
port a scientific proposition if it survives the first onslaughts than will
attempt to refute it in toto. This may account for the survival of Durk-
heim's central theories about the interdependence of social structure and
religious behavior; and, much more recently, for the perseverance of
Levi-Strauss's dialectic.
Any stricture on thematic inclusion must remain intelligently arbi-
trary. In the case of South Asian religions, the concepts of ritualistic
purity and defilement-religious topics in themselves when studied in
isolation-are inextricably intertwined with questions of social hier-
archy. Such famous studies as Orenstein (1965), Dumont and Pocock
(1959b), and Harper (1964: 151-97) are accordingly studies in Indian
social structure and Indian religion.
A new approach to ritualistic taxonomy is being worked out by Nor-
beck (1970b, 1971b). He takes issue with Gluckman's "rites of rebel-
lion," which do not cover all latent and overt ritual even in the same
cultural context. Thus, given that women dress as men in some African
rites to express their resentment against men, what are men in the same
societies trying to express when they dress as women? Norbeck intro-
duces the new heuristic notion of reversal, which provides a much more
open-ended, though by no means less rigorous, taxonomy. He ties this in
with the concept of homo ludens, man as playing, hitherto hardly heeded
in anthropology proper. He then examines reversal as a subeategory of
play. Owing perhaps to the success of the Protestant ethic, this sort of
analysis does not seem to find a target in the Western world; in most
other societies, however, it is bound to be very fertile indeed.
Norbeck's "rites of reversar' in effect incorporate "rites of rebellion,"

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
which may now be seen as a lo

cal accident rather than as r
drome. Norbeck defines "rit
norms of behavior, moral rule
are suspended and behavior t
quired" (1971: in press). In li
minded, style of ethnological r
plinary heuristics. With resp
that psychologistic explanat
not fit the corpus of field d
fication, derived from stati
than one hypothesis seems p
of contradictions, since ther
tions at the stage of hypothe
Life-cycle studies of religio
Funerary rites were neglecte
cent rallying point. At least
Anthropological Association
a dozen good publications
fine study (1970) of partly
shows how extensively Chri
moan funerary and associate
to have shown that these cu
total acculturation.
Cross-cultural topics are also on the rise, thanks in good part, perhaps,
to the Human Relations Area Files. The HRAF-oriented researcher no
longer prefers one society to another; any society is as good for him as
any other-it is the theoretical input that counts. This kind of anthropol-
ogist would go to New Guinea or India not because of any initial interest
in the area but to check on some particulars of residence or a particular
ritual type that interests him cross-culturally. Similarly, ritual and belief
systems as such interest the HRAF-oriented researcher less than atomis-
tically selected belief items that appear to show correlation with certain
forms of social, economic, or ecological structure. Thus Keesing (1970)
shows parallels between, on the one hand, Kwaio social structure in the
Solomon Islands and the Kwaio system of ancestor worship, of ancestral
shrines that align with agnatic and cognatic kinship organization, and,
on the other hand, a similarly coordinated system among the Tallensi in
Africa. Keesing is not primarily concerned with shrines and ancestors;
he is looking for "complementary filiation," for agnatic and cognatic
descent.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 255
Though one migh
longer-part of th
amount of inform
ated by scholars wh
major publications
cally, Rappaport (
of Tsembaga ecolo
thropological inqu
paport uses ritual
gest, anadigmatic
flora, fauna, and ot
indexing the descr
monious approach,
objects require add
tion of a cultural
(and Keesing, Har
ideological kind. E
sionistic decisions
ideological; but whe
analyzed corpus on
pologist's prejudic
thropology makes
but it does not app
tion-hence the des
MODELS OF RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS
Models are as central to this decade's anthropologists as they are t

garment industry; many pooh-pooh them, but everybody relies
in one way or another. There are ways in which anthropologica
can and should be used; but there are dangers when the quest f
becomes teleological rather than instrumental. Some of the awkw
arises from the incomplete transferability of models from one d
to another. With Levi-Strauss as the prototype, linguistic mode
to be the most popular in the study of religion. They are not alway
well: witness Mridula Durbin's attempt (1970) to use a transform
model for the study of Jainism, her own religion of orientation. T
of Jainism described by Durbin's model is not the Jainism of J
any anthropologically operational context, but the metaphysical
and discussions of long-dead Jaina theologians. Whatever the
this sort of approach, it has no place in anthropology. Anthropolog

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
256 AGEHAANDA BHAEAT
a fortiori the anthrop

the content of the w
The fact is that some models work better than others. How well a rich
and imaginative, flexible, hence necessarily syncretistic use of models
can work has been shown by Cochrane in Big Men and Cargo Cults
(1970). As Kenelm Burridge observes in his foreword to Cochrane's
book, "his explanatory logic is based on relations between a system of
statuses on the one hand, and a system of transcendent symbols on the
other. That in which conflict is inevitable is that in which conflict is over-
come." (Cochrane 1970: viii.) Cochrane rightly feels that structural mod-
els are too rigid for ritual and belief systems, whereas processual models
are really nothing more than descriptions; he also rejects a functionalist
approach, ending up with a syncretistic model that successfully com-
bines synchronic and diachronic strategies.
Babb (1970) shows that a set of area-specific models can be retained
with minor modifications even when the apparatus has become incom-
parably subtler than during the first presentation of the model. Sanskrit-
ization, great and little traditions, parochialization, and a cluster of other
heuristic terms created more or less specifically for the South Asian area
are thoroughly adapted and used without offense in his study of a pan-
theon in central India. Here the ambivalent status and position of local
Hindu goddesses, absorbed and explained in terms of the official high
gods by the village spokesmen, are analyzed in juxtaposition with the
male deities; so is their equally ambivalent influence as good and evil,
as benign deities and witches. Unfortunately, the author uses obsolete
or totally inadequate literature to support the Sanskritic, great-tradition
part of his investigation, such as works by Danielou and A. Avalon, con-
verted enthusiasts with little claim to serious scholarly standing.
This trend, incidentally, is still quite strong. Too many fine anthropol-
ogists quote from inadequate pamphlets and translations produced by
propagandists of neo-Hinduism and neo-Buddhism who are alienated
both from the grassroots and from traditional scholarship. These are no
substitute for the solid, though less inspiring and less easily available,
translations by serious orientalists. Best of all, of course, is to use the
primary texts directly.
An alternative approach, where primary documents are missing, is to
use psychological models, on the universally accepted ground that the
human psyche does not change radically over time with regard to its
action systems. Thus Dobyns and Euler (1967), for example, in their
analysis of the Pai Indian ghost dance of 1889, aver t-hat the dance and
the attitudes centering on it were the result of generic psychological

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 257
stresses; when du
the Pai turned to
sion of the ghost dance. Etlnohistorians must no doubt avail themselves
of all possible instruments, but the reductionism inherent in any such
generic approach as that of Dobyns and Euler leads to an unsolvable
problem: whatever such explanations may clarify, they are ultimately
unsatisfactory because they cannot be disproved in theory.
MYSTICISM AND MYSTICS
There is as yet no adequate treatment of mysticism as a ritual and

belief system, or of the mystic as a practitioner on a par with, say, the
priest or the shaman. There is not even any agreed-upon definition of the
terms "mystic" and "mysticism" in the anthropological literature; and at-
tempted definitions by sociologists and psychologists (Schneiderman
1967, Ennis 1967) lack the cross-cultural parameter. I must accordingly
cite my own attempt to define mysticism and to single out the mystic as
an ostensively definable, hence anthropologically investigable practi-
tioner (Bharati 1971). In my view, a mystic is a person who has had
an experience, incontrovertible to him, of oneness with an absolute
matrix in accordance with some theological postulate, and who also
identifies himself as a mystic by a term, or terms, that would translate
operationally as "mystic" by the first part of the definition. This latter
part can perhaps be clarified by an analogy between mystics and Jews.
Just as there is no other appellational criterion for "being Jewish" than
saying, consistently, that one is, so there is no other exclusive appella-
tional criterion for being a mystic.
As to the first part of the definition, I took my clue from W. T. Stace
(1961 passim), a philosopher. He thinks that people experience this
somewhat godlike oneness, but that the dominant theologies make them
report their experience in theologically permissible and conceivable
terms. The mystic, I believe, is a specialist who shares features with the
shaman by courting and manipulating ecstasy, and with the priest by
transmitting his skills to a society, usually of select neophytes; he pre-
sents a distinct category of practitioners in literate societies, though mys-
tics may occasionally appear in nonliterate cultures.
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
The study of reform, revivalist, millennial, and other movemen

promoted by the remarkable status such movements have achieved in

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
literate societies in this cen

porary movements in Japan
lowing earlier writers in lab
tional, rebellious, etc., Norbe
them and that are being const
A unique analysis of East As
ational and/or millennial ty
made by Moos for Korea (1
vide important clues to the
movements-e.g. their use of
and rituals taken from estab
linguistic codes of dissimulat
study on the neo-Hindu use
general anthropological para
The question of whether an
an informant or subject soci
esting one. Does the Hindu
havior differently from the
I believe there is a difference,
processes of scholarly intera
subject that he talks emic H
a Hindu or Buddhist. If I did
times be hard put to ascribe
Srinivas or Milton Singer.
So far, however, very few
written on their own religi
being, of course, that very
exist. Obeyesekere is an o
offered a good analysis of t
tianity on a tribal group i
is a caste Hindu, not a tribal
ogists). Both authors make a
the South Asian area, and b
categories. Obeyesekere's cr
incisive, to say the least.
Where native anthropologis
or where they have been co-
came more complicated. Redfi
tion-little tradition formul
sorbed it so readily that one

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 259
Brahman/n
half of tod
only natura
tradition an
(Bharati 196
etic strateg
tic religious
tural but ar
object is ass
ultimately
spokesmen
great and li
strictly loca
deity to the
some of the
CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS
Winthrop Sargeant, in describing Joseph Campbell's monume

volumes (1968a), thinks he eulogizes him when he says, "Campbell's
twentieth-century successor to The Golden Bough is encyclopaedic in
scope"; so, of course, was The Golden Bough, which did not make it any
better. Campbell's work, like Frazer's, is utterly inapplicable and irrele-
vant to actual people, or peoples. Frazer and Tylor did not meet any of
the people they wrote about, and Tylor expressly did not want to. Camp-
bell has traveled and has seen Buddhists, Hindus, and mythmakers. He
talks and writes-as Jung had done before him-about what he thinks
natives ought to think when they do religious things, and says virtually
nothing about what they do. His work is fascinating, but it is not an-
thropology.
This sort of writing does, however, have two positive merits. In the
first place, it is highly salutary for the soul, and the soul is important: it
has attracted some people to a serious study of non-Judaeo-Christian re-
ligions, and inspired others to espouse them. Second, it is pedagogically
helpful: on virtually every level of research, it presents fallacies that the
anthropologist must learn to detect as part of his training. On the nega-
tive side, this post-Jungian literature, epitomized by the Ascona volumes,
has deflected much serious potential interest in religious behavior into
literary reflection and speculation.
Another class of work that is only nominally anthropology is that of the

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
260 AGEHANANDA BHAI1ATI
encylopedic humanist, th
great written cultures fro
well be the most knowled
terica; but only three of ten
of religion at major Amer
listed Eliade's magnum opus Shamanism (1964) as a recommended
text, and none as a required text-this despite the fact that shamanism
was expressly mentioned in eight of these ten course descriptions. His
equally important, earlier book on yoga (1958) was not listed anywhere.
Shamanism is a mine of diffuse and extensive information about shamans
everywhere, and one would expect such a cross-cultural compendium
to be seen as a godsend in all types of anthropological teaching, shaman-
ism being one of the curricular universals. But Eliade simply knows too
much, and what he knows is on the whole too far from the concerns
of the workaday anthropologist.
Although humanistic encylopedists are not accepted into the fold,
psychological and other reductionists are, though I have my doubts
about whether they should be. A typical psychological reductionist,
Lommel ( 1967 ), axiomatically identifies the shaman as a psychopat-h-a
superior one, to be sure, since he has channeled his skills toward his own
cure. He first controls his pathogenic forces by conferring symbolic forms
and organization upon them-an artistic process, which accounts for
Lommel's title, Shamanism: The Beginnings of Art. This psychodynamic
sequence, combined with "animistic" beliefs (obsolete, unanalyzed, and
uncriticized terms abound throughout the work), animal imagery, and
the dominant concern with hunting success, constitutes the essence of
primitive hunting religion.
Several other reductionist books deserve comment. R. Ekvall (1964)
lists a number of "universals" in Tibetan religion, among them faith, cir-
cumambulation, oracles, and incantation. That circumambulation cannot
possibly be on a par, hierarchically, with faith he does not say; one gets
the feeling he does not want to establish a hierarchy, though he could
readily have done so by the sound emic strategy of asking one of his lama
informants. Such ungraded taxonomies falsify the issue; for, of course,
the relationship of faith to circumambulating (a shrine) is analogous to
the relationship between a Catholic's belief in the divinity of Christ and
his belief in the efficacy of dipping his right hand into holy water upon
entering the church-both are universals, but the comparison is so trivial
as to make no sense. Where subjects have their own hierarchy of impor-
tance, ranking their beliefs and their observances, these have to be re-

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 261
ported. If th
plicit-hierarc
solemn postures.
Castaneda's Teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui Way of Knowledge
(1968) is one of the rare books written by anthropologists to reach a
large lay audience; I have even seen it prominently displayed on airport
and bus station newsstands. Anthropologists who have not read it should
do so after first reading Spicer's review (1969). This book is not about a
Yaqui, nor is the wisdom experienced and the wisdom shared Yaqui
wisdom. Yet wisdom it is-the book belongs to the late Allen Coult's
realm of "psychedelic anthropology." The things Castaneda saw are im-
portant, humanly relevant things; that they are of doubtful significance
anthropologically is a minor matter. Don Juan is a Yaqui much the way
Lama Lobsang Rampa is a Tibetan-but whereas The Third Eye is a
well-written hoax, Don Juan is a well-written psychedelic report.
The exaggerated claims for psychedelic wisdom, together with those
for yoga, made by their respective converts, have been solidly dissected
by a psychologist (T. X. Barber, 1970) and are dealt with in a more an-
thropological vein by Bharati (1971). Briefly, psychotomimetic experi-
ence, including the wide range of yogic enstasy-a felicitous term cre-
ated by Eliade to replace the cognitively inaccurate "ecstasy" (1958)-
increases a person's self-respect and reinforces his ego-image, or, to use
religious expressions, redeems him, liberates him, effects his salvation.
The notion that these experiences improve other skills, or that they en-
hance his discursive, artistic, or moral qualifications, is quite false, albeit
extremely old and pervasive. Since factually false claims are valid an-
thropological subject matter when they are emic claims to veracity, fu-
ture anthropological research on religion will have to heed such experi-
ences. But we must feel reasonably certain that these are modal quests
and experiences, like the Plains Indians' spirit quest of introductory an-
thropology texts or the drug-supported ritual of Aberle's peyote people.
Given this caveat, Castaneda's Don Juan may be not only a very good
book, which it is, but potentially a good anthropological study as well.
Weston LaBarre (1970) has supplied the best example known to me
of a well-informed and sophisticated reductionism (1970). Taking the
ghost dance as a paradigm, he shows that the normal childhood crises,
transmuted into magic and religion through modal interiorization by the
members of a society, reflect their unfulfillable craving for power and
security. The psychologically operative elements of the ghost dance were
shared by the Hellenic and Judaeo-Christian traditions in that they all

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
embodied maladaptive retreats from reality-retreats into the fantasies

of magic, mysticism, etc., represented by shamans and other specialists
in the art of retreat. The book strikes a pessimistic note-for what moti-
vated Plato and the mystics, and probably also the shamans, was, accord-
ing to LaBarre, a "failure of nerves."
The ultimate reduction in the study of religion seems to lie in symbol-
ogy. I suggested earlier that we might be better off if we jettisoned sym-
bol talk altogether in the investigation of religions that do not use
"symbol" emically-which means all religions except salon Judaeo-Chris-
tianity. Spiro (1968b) and other writers agree with me on the dangers
of symbolic reduction. Interesting as symbolic analyses may be, they are
meaningless until we have a better theory to back them-not a theory
of the impressionistic kind promulgated by Jung and the Jungians or by
psychologists proper, but a theory of the definitional genre, built on a
'linguistic matrix or a set of ethnosemantic data. A linguistic theory might
generate the logical deduction of a belief pattern that might then be
called a symbol. In an ethnosemantic theory, the actors themselves
would create a body of stipulated meanings capable of being conven-
tionalized, from which ex-post-facto "symbols" could then be deduced.
Whether or not the lovers of symbols and symbolization at the begin-
ning of the 1970's, whether inspired by Leach, by Levi-Strauss, or by
declared psychologists, could have achieved better results without sym-
bol talk-without interposing symbols where the actors do not see any-
is an interesting problem for a seminar. In a presentation of Navaho
ritual, Lamphere (1969) analyzes Navaho chants as symbol systems that
transmit the Navaho model of the human and superhuman world. If all
the terms in quotation marks were written without them, and if all the
nouns, adjectives, and adverbs containing the term symbol were omit-
ted, she would in my opinion have achieved an equally valid statement,
and one closer to the Navaho singers' own ideas. Here as elsewhere,
a straight emic strategy seems preferable to a quasi-etic one.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aberle, D. F. 1966a. The Peyote religion among the Navaho. Chicago: Aldine.
1966b. Religio-magical phenomena of power, prediction, and con-
trol. Sthwest. J. Anthrop. 22: 221-30.
1967. The Navaho singer's "fee": Payment or prestation? In D. H.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 263
Hymes and W. E. Bittle, eds., Studies in southwestern ethnolinguistics.

The Hague: Mouton.
Ablon, J. 1970. The Samoan funeral in urban America. Ethnology 9: 209-28.
Ahlstrom, S. E. 1955. The levels of religious revival. Confluence 4: 32-43.
Ake, Claude. 1966. Charismatic legitimation and political integration. Comp.
Stud. Soc. Hist. 9: 1-13.
Allen, M. R. 1967. Male cults and secret initiation in Melanesia. Melbourne:
University Press.
Ames, Michael M. 1964a. Buddha and the dancing goblins: A theory of magic
and religion. Amer. Anthrop. 66: 75-82.
- 1964b. Magical-animism and Buddhism: A structural analysis of the
Sinhalese religious system. J. Asian Studies 23: 21-52.
1964c. Religion, politics, and economic development in Ceylon: An
interpretation of the Weber thesis. Proc. 1964 ann. spring meeting, Amer.
Ethnol. Soc., pp. 61-76. Seattle: Univ. Washington Press.
1966. Ritual prestations and the structure of the Sinhalese pantheon.
Anthrop. studies in Theravada Buddhism No. 13. New Haven: Yale Univ.
Press.
Anderson, F. 1955. The Pueblo Kachina cult: A historical reconstruction.
Sthwest. J. Anthrop. 11: 404-19.
Anesaki, M. 1961. Religious life of the Japanese people. Toyko: Society for
International Cultural Relations.
Babb, L. A. 1970. Marriage and malevolence: The use of sexual opposition in
a Hindu pantheon. Ethnology 9: 137-49.
Babbie, E. R. 1966. The third civilization: An examination of Sokagakkai.
Rev. Relig. Res. 7: 101-21.
Balikci, A. 1963. Shamanistic behavior among the Netsilik Eskimos. Sthwest.
J. Anthrop. 19: 380-96.
Banton, Michael, ed. 1966. Anthropological approaches to the study of reli-
gion. New York: Praeger.
Barber, B. 1941. Acculturation and messianic movements. Amer. Sociol. Rev.
6: 663-69.
Barber, T. X. 1970. LSD, marijuana, yoga, and hypnosis. Chicago: Aldine.
Barker, C. R. 1965. Sacred and profane: Some thoughts on the folk-urban
continuum of this dichotomy. Man 65 (articles 29-53): 45-46.
Barnett, H. G. 1957. Indian Shakers. A messianic cult of the Pacific Northwest.
Carbondale: Southern Illinois Univ. Press.
Barnett, J. H. 1949. The Easter festival: A study in cultural change. Amer.
Sociol. Rev. 14: 62-70.
Baroja, Julio Caro. 1964. The world of the witches. Trans. from the Spanish by
0. N. V. Glendinning. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press.
Baron, S. W. 1947. Modem nationalism and religion. New York: Harper&
Row.
Bascom, W. 1969. Ifa divination: Communication between gods and men in
West Africa. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press.
Basso, K. H. 1969. Western Apache witchcraft. Tucson: Univ. Arizona Press.
Beardsley, R. K. 1959. The life cycle. In R. K. Beardsley et al., Village Japan.
Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, pp. 288-348.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
Beattie, J. H. M. 1957. Initiation into the Cwezi spirit possession cult in

Bunyoro. African Studies 16: 150-61.
1961. Group aspects of the Nyoro spirit mediumship cult. Rhodes-
Livingston J. 30: 11-38.
1964a. Divination in Bunyoro-Uganda. Sociologus (Berlin) 14:
44-62.
1964b. The ghost cult of Bunyoro. Ethnology 3: 127-51.
1964c. Other cultures. Aims, methods and achievements in social
anthropology. New York: Free Press.
1966a. Consulting a diviner in Bunyoro: A text. Ethnology 5: 202-
17.
1966b. Ritual and social change. Man 1: 60-74.
1967. Consulting a Nyoro diviner: The ethnologist as client. Ethnol-
ogy 6: 57-65.
Beattie, J., and J. Middleton, eds. 1969. Spirit mediumship and society in
Africa. New York: Africana.
Bee, R. L. 1966. Potawatomi peyotism: The influence of traditional patterns.
Beidelman, T. 0. 1963. Witchcraft in Ugakuru. In Middleton 1963.
1966a. The ox and Nuer sacrifice: Some treudian hypotheses about
Nuer symbolism. Man 1: 453-67.
1966b. Swazi royal ritual. Africa 36: 373-405.
1966c. Utani: Some Kaguru notions of death, sexuality and affinity.
1963. Reflections on the Protestant ethic analogy in Asia. J. Soc.
Issues, 19: 52-60.
1965. Religion and progress in modern Asia. New York: Free Press.
1967. Civil religion in America. Daedalus 96: 1-21.
Belo, J. 1960. Trance in Bali. New York: Columbia Univ. Press.
Benson, P. H. 1960. Religion in contemporary culture. New York: Harper &
Row.
Berger, P. L. 1969. The sacred canopy: Elements of sociological theory of
religion. New York: Doubleday-Anchor.
Berkowitz, Morris J., and V. Edmund Johnson. 1967. Social scientific studies
of religion: A bibliography. Pittsburgh: Univ. Pittsburgh Press.
Berreman, G. D. 1966. Anemic and emetic analyses in social anthropology.
Amer. Anthrop. 68: 346-54.
Bettelheim, B. 1962. Symbolic wounds: Puberty rites and the envious male
(1st ed. 1954). New York: Collier.
Bharati, Agehananda. 1965. Review of Matthias Hermanns, Die religios-
magische Weltanschauung der Primitivistiimme Indiens. Band 1, Die
Bhagoria Bhil. Amer. Anthrop. 67: 1301-3.
1968a. Great traditions and little traditions: An anthropological view
of Eastern societies. In T. Cummings, ed., Ant-hropological backgrounds for
adult education. Boston: Center for the Study of Liberal Education for
Adults, pp. 17-94.
1968b. Review of Philip Spratt, Hindu, culture and personality.
Amer. Anthrop. 70: 142.
1970a. The Tantric tradition. New York: Doubleday-Anchor.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 265
1970b. The use of "superstition" as an anti-traditional device in

modern Hinduism. Contribs. Indian Soc. (Bombay), New Series No. 4,
pp. 36-49.
1972. The light at the centre: Context and pretext of modern mysti-
cism. New York: Schocken Books.
Bin Ismail, H. 1968. The medicine man: Swifa Ya Nguvumali. New York:
Oxford Univ. Press.
Birnbaum, N., and G. Lenzer. 1969. Sociology and religion: A book of read-
ings. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.
Bock, E. W. 1966. Symbols in conflict: Official vs. folk religion. J. Sci. Study
Relig. 5: 204-12.
Bock, Philip K. 1967. Love magic, menstrual taboos, and the facts of geog-
raphy. Brief communications. Amer. Anthrop. 69: 213-16.
Bose, Nirmal Kumar. 1966. Religion and society. Man in India 64: 1-13.
Boulard, F. 1960. An introduction to religious sociology, pioneer work in
France. Trans. M. J. Jackson. London: Darton, Longman & Todd.
Bourguignon, Erika. 1965. The self, the behavioral environment, and the
theory of spirit possession. In Melford Spiro, ed., Context and meaning in
cultural anthropology. New York: Free Press, 1965, pp. 39-60.
Bowers, A. W. 1950. Mandan social and ceremonial organization. Chicago:
Univ. Chicago Press.
Boyer, L. B. 1962. Remarks on the personality of shamans, with special ref-
erence to the Apache of the Mescalero Indian Reservation. Psychoanal.
Study Society 2: 233-45.
1964. Further remarks concerning shamans and shamanism. Israel
Ann. Psychiat. & Rel. Disciplines 2: 235-57.
Boyer, L. B., and B. Klopfer. 1964. Comparison of shamans and pseudo-
shamans of the Mescalero Indian Reservation Apache: A Rorschach study.
Proj. Techniques & Personality Assessment 28: 173-80.
Brock, T. C. 1962. Implications of conversion and magnitude of cognitive
dissonance. J. Sci. Study Relig. 1: 198-203.
Brothers, Joan, ed., 1967. Readings in the sociology of religion. New York:
Permagon.
Brown, J. K. 1963. A cross-cultural study of female initiation rites. Amer.
Anthrop. 65: 837-53.
Buchler, I. R., and H. A. Selby. 1968. A formal study of myth. Austin: Univ.
Texas Press.
Buck, P. H. 1939. Anthropology and religion. New York: Macmillan.
Burridge, K. 1960. Mambu: A Melanesian millennium. London: Methuen.
1969. New heaven, new earth: A study of millennarian activities.
New York: Shocken.
Campbell, Joseph. 1968a. The masks of god. I, Primitive mythology. II,
Oriental mythology. III, Occidental mythology. IV, Creative mythology.
New York: Viking. (1st ed., 1959-64.)
ed. 1968b. The mystic vision. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton Univ. Press.
Cancian, F. 1964. Some aspects of the social and religious organization of a
Maya society. 35th Int. Cong. of Americanists, Mexico. Actas y Memorias
1: 336-43.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
1965. Economics and prestige in a Maya community: The religious

cargo system in Zinacantan. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press.
Capron, L. 1953. The medicine bundles of the Florida Seminole and the green
corn dance. Bull. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 151: 155-210.
Caquot, A., and M. Leibovici, eds. 1968. La divination: Etudes recueillies.
Paris: Presses universitaires.
Carneiro, R. L. 1964. The Amahuaca and the spirit world. Ethnology 3: 6-11.
1970. Hunting and hunting magic among the Amahuaca of the
Peruvian montana. Ethnology 9: 331-41.
Carpenter, E. S. 1954. Eternal life and self-definition among the Aivikik Eski-
mos. Amer. J. Psychiat. 60: 840-43.
Carter, W. E. 1968. Secular reinforcement in Aymara death ritual. Amer.
Anthrop. 70: 238-63.
Castaneda, C. 1968. The teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui way of knowledge.
Berkeley: Univ. California Press.
Christianson, P. 1969. The Melanesian cargo millenarian as a factor in cul-
tural change. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag.
Cochrane, Glynn. 1970. Big men and cargo cults. Oxford: Clarendon.
Cohen, Yehudi. 1964. The establishment of identity in a social nexus: The
special case of initiation ceremonies and their relation to value and legal
systems. Amer. Anthrop. 68: 529-52.
Cohn, N. 1961. The pursuit of the millennium. New York: Harper Torchbooks.
Cohn, W. 1955. Jehovah's Witnesses as a proletarian movement. Amer. Schol-
ar 24: 281-98.
1962. Is religion universal? Problems of definition. J. Sci. Study Relig.
2: 25-33.
1964. What is religion? An analysis of cross-cultural comparisons.
J. Christian Ed. 7: 116-38.
1968. Personality, pentecostalism and glossolalia: A research note on
some unsuccessful research. Canad. Rev. Sociol. Anthrop. 5: 36-59.
Collins, J. J. 1967. Peyotism and religious membership at Taos Pueblo. Sth-
west Soc. Sci. Quart. 48: 183-191.
1968. A descriptive introduction to the Taos peyote ceremony. Eth-
nology 7: 427-49.
Colson, E. 1960. Ancestral spirits among the plateau Tonga. In S. and P.
Ottenberg, eds., Cultures and societies in Africa. New York: Random
House, pp. 376-82.
Conklin, Paul K. 1965. Two paths to utopia: The Hutterites and the Llano
colony. Lincoln: Univ. Nebraska Press.
Cotton, W. R., Jr. 1957. What kind of people does a religious cult attract?
Amer. Sociol. Rev. 22: 461-566.
Courlander, H., and R. Bastion. 1966. Religion and politics in Haiti. Washing-
ton, D.C.: Institute for Cross-cultural Research.
Crawford, J. R. 1968. Witchcraft and sorcery in Rhodesia. New York: Oxford
Univ. Press.
Currier, Richard L. 1966. The hot-cold syndrome and symbolic balance in
Mexican and Spanish-American folk medicine. Ethnology 5: 251-63.
Dammann, E. 1963. Die Religionen Afrikas. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 267
Dator, J. A. 1965. The Soka Gakkai: A socio-political interpretation. Contemp.

Religions in Japan 6: 205-42.
Davenport, W., and W. Coker. 1967. The Moro movement of Guadalcanal.
J. Polynes. Soc. 76: 123-57.
Debrunner, HI. 1959. Witchcraft in Ghana. Accra: Presbyterian Book Depot.
Demerath, H. J., III, and Philip E. Hammond. 1969. Religion in social con-
text: Tradition and transition. New York: Random House.
Dempsey, J. A. 1968. Blackfoot ghost dance. Calgary: Glenbow-Alberta In-
stitute.
De Waal Malefijt, Annemarie. 1968. Religion and culture: An introduction to
anthropology of religion. New York: Macmillan.
Dimock, E. C. 1966. The place of the hidden moon. Chicago: Univ. Chicago
Press.
Dobyns, H. F., and R. C. Euler. 1967. The ghost dance of 1889 among t-he
Pai Indians of northwestern Arizona. Prescott, Ariz.: Prescott College Press.
Dobzhansky, Theodosius. 1965. Religion, death and evolutionary adaptation.
In Melford Spiro, ed., Context and meaning in cultural anthropology. New
York: Free Press, pp. 61-73.
Dorson, R. M. 1962. Theories of myth and the folklorist. In R. M. Ohmann,
ed., The making of myth. New York: Putnam, pp. 38-51.
Douglas, Mary. 1966. Purity and danger: An analysis of concepts of pollution
and taboo. New York: Praeger.
1967. Witch beliefs in central Africa. Africa 37: 72-80.
Douglass, W. A. 1969. Death in Murelaga: Funerary ritual in a Spanish
Basque village. Seattle: Univ. Washington Press.
Downs, J. F. 1961. Washo religion. Anthrop. Records 16: 365-85.
Dozier, Edward P. 1970. The Pueblo Indians of North America. New York:
Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
Driver, H. E. 1969. Girls' puberty rites and matrilocal residence. Amer. An-
throp. 71: 905-57.
Dube, L., and Abdul Rahman Dutty. 1969. Matriliny and Islam: Religion and
society in the Laccadives. Delhi: National Publishing House.
Dumont, J. 1957. For a sociology of India. Contribs. Indian Sociol. (J. Dumont
and D. G. Pocock, eds.), 1: 7-22.
Dumont, J., and D. G. Pocock. 1959a. On the different aspects or levels in
Hinduism. Contribs. Indian Sociol. 3: 40-54.
1959b. Pure and impure. Contribs. Indian Sociol. 3: 9-39.
Dumont, L. 1966. Homo hierarchicus. Paris: Gallimard. English translation,
1970. Chicago, Aldine.
Durbin, Mridula A. 1970. The transformational model of linguistics and its
implications for an ethnology of religion: A case study of Jainism. Amer.
Anthrop. 72: 334-42.
Durkheim, Emile. 1965. The elementary forms of religious life. New York:
Free Press. (1st English ed., Allen & Unwin, London 1915.)
Dustin, C. B. 1960. Peyotism and New Mexico. Santa Fe: Vergara Printing
Co.
Edel, May. 1964. On punitive and non-punitive ancestors in Africa. VI Con-
gress International de Sciences Anthropologiques et Ethnologiques 2: 377-
80.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
Edgerton, Robert B. 1966. Co

cieties. Amer. Anthrop. 68: 408-26.
Eister, A. W. 1957. Religious institutions in complex societies: Difficulties in
t-he t-heoretical specifications of functions. Amer. Sociol. Rev. 22: 387-91.
Ekvall, R. B. 1963. Some aspects of divination in Tibetan society. Ethnology
2: 31-39.
1964. Religious observances in Tibet: Patterns and functions. Chi-
cago: Univ. Chicago Press.
Eliade, M. 1958. Yoka: Immortality and freedom. New York: Pantheon (Bol-
lingen series).
1963. Patterns in comparative religion. New York: World Publishing
Co. (Meridian books).
1964. Shamanism: Archaic techniques of ecstasy. New York: Pan-
theon (Bollingen series).
Emmet, D. 1959. Prophets and their societies. J. Roy. Anthrop. Inst. 89: 13-
23.
Ennis, Philip H. 1967. Ecstasy and everyday life. J. Sci. Study Relig. 6: 40-
48.
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. 1937. Witchcraft, oracles and magic among the
Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
1940. The Nuer. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
1956. Nuer religion. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
1965. Theories of primitive religion. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
1966. Some Zande folk-tales from the Gore collection. Anthrop.
Quart. 39: 265-87.
1967. The Zande trickster. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Evers, Hans Dieter. 1965. Magic and religion in Sinhalese society. Amer.
Anthrop. 67: 97-99.
1967a. Buddha and the seven gods. The dual organization of a
temple in central Ceylon. J. Asian Studies 27: 541-50.
1968. The Buddhist Sangha in Ceylon and Thailand. Sociologus 18:
20-35.
Ewing, J. Franklin. 1967. Illness, death and burial in the southern Philippines
with special reference to the Tawsug I. Anthrop. Quart. 40: 13-25.
Farah, C. E. 1968. Islam: Beliefs and observances. New York: Barron's Edu-
cational Series.
Faron, L. C. 1961. On ancestor propitiation among the Mapuche of central
Chile. Amer. Anthrop. 63: 824-30.
1963. Death and fertility rites of the Mapuche (Araucanian) Indians
of central Chile. Ethnology 11: 135-56.
1964. Hawks of the sun: Mapuche morality and its ritual attributes.
Pittsburgh: Univ. Pittsburgh Press.
Fernandez, James W. 1965. Symbolic consensus in a Fang reformative cult.
Ferreira, John V. 1966. Totemism in India. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.
1969. Reply to M. Orans. Amer. Anthrop. 71: 709-10.
Field, M. J. 1961. Religion and medicine of the Ga peoples. London: Oxford
Univ. Press.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 269
Firth, R. 1955. The fate of the soul. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.
1966. Twins, birds, and vegetables: Problems of identification in
primitive religious thought. Man 1: 1-17.
1967a. The spirits depart. New Society 241: 683-85.
1967b. Tikopia ritual and belief. Boston: Beacon Press.
1967c. The work of the gods in Tikopia. New York: Humanities
Press.
Fischer, H. 1965. Studies on conceptions of soul in Oceania (in German).
Munich: Klaus Renner Verlag.
Flattery, P. 1968. Aspects of divination in the northern Philippines. Chicago:
Fogelson, Raymond D. 1965. Psychological theories of Windigo "psychosis"
and a preliminary application of a "models" approach. In Melford Spiro,
ed., Context and meaning in cultural anthropology. New York: Free Press,
pp. 74-99.
Forde, C. D. 1958. The context of belief: A consideration of fetishism among
the Yako. Liverpool: Liverpool Univ. Press.
Fortes, Meyer. 1959. Oedipus and job in west African religion. Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press.
1962. Ritual and office in tribal society. In M. Gluckman, ed., Essays
on the ritual of social relations. Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press.
1966. Totem and taboo. Presidential address-Proceedings of the
Royal Anthrop. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland for 1966, pp. 5-22.
Fortes, M., and G. Dieterlen, eds. 1965. African systems, of thought. Oxford
Univ. Press for the Internat. African Inst., London.
Fortune, R. F. 1963. Sorcerers of Dobu. London: Routledge.
Frake, C. 1969. A structural description of Subanum "religious behavior." In
S. A. Tyler, ed., Cognitive anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart &
Winston.
Freed, Ruth S., and Stanley A. Freed. 1966. Unity in diversity in the celebra-
tion of cattle-curing rites in a north Indian village. A study in the resolution
of conflict. Amer. Anthrop. 68: 673-92.
Freed, Stanley A., and Ruth Freed. 1964. Spirit possession as illness in a north
Indian village. Ethnology 3: 152-71.
Freeman, John F. 1965. The Indian convert: Theme and variation. Ethno-
history 12: 113-28.
Freeman, Susan Tax. 1968. Religious aspects of the social organization of a
Castilian village. Amer. Anthrop. 70: 34-49.
Frisbie, Charlotte Johnson. 1967. Kinaalda-A Study of the Navaho girls'
puberty ceremony. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press.
Fuchs, Stephen, 1965. Rebellious prophets: A study of messianic movements
in Indian religions. New York: Asia Publishing House.
Galanter, Marc. 1965. Secularism East and West. Comp. Stud. Soc. & Hist.
7: 133-59.
Gebauer, P. 1964. Spider divination in the Cameroons. Milwaukee: Public
Museum.
Geertz, C. 1957. Ritual and social change: A Javanese example. Amer. An-
throp. 59: 23-54.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
1960. The religion of Java. New York: Free Press.

1966. Religion as a cultural system. Chapter in Banton 1966.
1968a. Islam observed. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
1968b. Review of A. F. C. Wallace, Religion: An anthropological
view. Amer. Anthrop. 70: 394-95.
Gelfand, M. 1967. The African witch: With particular reference to witchcraft
beliefs and practices among the Shona in Rhodesia. Baltimore: William &
Wilkins.
Gennep, A. V. 1960. The rites of passage. Translated from the French edition
of 1908 by M. B. Vizedom and G. L. Caffee. London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul.
Georges, R. A., ed. 1969. Studies on mythology. Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey
Press.
Gerlach, L. P., and V. Hine. 1968. Five factors crucial to the growth and
spread of a modern religious movement. J. Sci. Study Relig. 7: 23-40.
Glenn, Norval D., and Ruth Hyland. 1967. Religious preference and worldly
success: Some evidence from national surveys. Amer. Sociol. Rev. 32: 73-
85.
Glick, Leonard B. 1967. Medicine as an ethnographic category: The Gimi
of the New Guinea highlands. Ethnology 7: 31-56.
Gluckman, Max. 1954. Rituals of rebellion in south-east Africa. Manchester:
Manchester Univ. Press.
1956. Custom and conflict in Africa. New York: Free Press.
ed. 1962. Essays on the ritual of social relations. Manchester: Man-
chester Univ. Press.
1965. Politics, law and ritual in tribal society. Chicago: Aldine.
Goffman, Erving. 1967. Interaction ritual. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor-Double-
day.
Goldman, I. 1963. The structure of ritual in the northwest Amazon. In R. A.
Manner, ed., Process and pattern in culture. Chicago: Aldine, pp. 111-
22.
Goode, W. J. 1951. Religion among the primitives. New York: Free Press.
Goodenough, E. R. 1965. The psychology of religious experiences. New York:
Basic Books.
Goody, J. 1961. Religion and ritual: The definitional problem. Brit. J. Sociol.
12: 142-64.
Gould, Harold A. 1965. Modem medicine and folk cognition in rural India.
Hum. Organiz. 24: 201-8.
Griaule, Marcel, and Germaine Dieterlin. 1965. Le renard pale: La creation
du monde. I, Le mythe cosmogonique fascicule. Paris: Institute d'Ethnolo-
gie Musee de lPHomme.
Grottanelli, V. L. 1961a. Asonu worship among the Nzema. Africa 31: 46-60.
1961b. Pre-existence and survival in Nzema beliefs. Man 61: 1-5.
1967. Nzema high gods. Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde
13: 32-42.
1969. Gods and morality in Nzema polytheism. Ethnology 8: 370-
405.
Guariglia, G. 1959. Prophetismus und Heilserwartungsbewegungen als

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 271
Volkerkundliches und religionsgeschlichtliches Problem. Wiener Beitrage

zur Kulturgeschichte und Linguistik.
Guemple, D. L. 1969. The Eskimo ritual sponsor: A problem in the fusion
of semantic domains. Ethnology 8: 468-83.
Guyot, M. 1968. Les mythes chez les Selk-nam et les Yamana de la terre de
deu. Paris: Institute d'Ethnologie.
Hagopian, E. C. 1963. Islam and society formation in Morocco-Past and
present. J. Sci. Study Relig. 3: 70.
Hamer, J., and I. Hamer. 1966. Spirit possession and its socio-psychological
implications among the Sidamo of southwest Ethopia. Ethnology 5: 392-
408.
Handelman, D. 1967. The development of a Washo shaman. Ethnology 6:
444-64.
Harner, M. K. 1962. Jivaro souls. Amer. Anthrop. 64: 258-72.
Harper, E. B. 1957. Shamanism in south India. Sthwest. J. Anthrop. 13: 267-
87.
1959. A Hindu village pantheon. Sthwest. J. Anthrop. 15: 227-34.
1963. Spirit possession and social structure. In B. Ratnam, ed., An-
thropology on the march. Madras: Book Centre, pp. 165-77.
, ed. 1964. Religion in south Asia. Seattle: Univ. Washington Press.
Harris, M. 1964. The nature of cultural things. New York: Random House.
1966. The cultural ecology of India's sacred cattle. Current Anthrop.
7: 51-66.
Harris, W. T., and H. Sawyer. 1968. The springs of Mende belief and con-
duct: A discussion of the influence of the belief in the supernatural among
the Mende. Freetown: Sierra Leone Univ. Press.
Harvey, B., III. 1963. Masks at a maskless pueblo: The Laguna Colony
Kachina organization at Isleta. Ethnology 2: 478-89.
Havens, J. 1961. The participant's vs. the observer's frame of reference in the
psychological study of religion. J. Sci. Study Relig. 1: 79-87.
Helm, J., ed. 1964. Symposium on new approaches to the study of religion.
Seattle: American Ethnological Society.
Henslin, James M. 1967. Crops and magic. Amer. J. Sociol. 73: 316-30.
Hermanns, M. 1963, 1966. Die religios-magische Weltanschauung der Primi-
tivstiimme Indiens. 2 vols. Weisbaden: Steiner.
Hertz, R. 1960. Death and the right hand. London: Weidenfles & Nicholason.
Hickerson, H. 1960. The feast of the dead among the 17th century Algonkians
of the Upper Great Lakes. Amer. Anthrop. 62: 81-107.
1963. The sociohistorical significance of two Chippewa ceremonials.
Hockings, P. 1968. On giving salt to buffaloes: Ritual as communication.
Ethnology 7: 411-26.
Holt, J. B. 1940. Holiness religion: Cultural shock and social reorganization.
Amer. Sociol. Rev. 5: 740-47.
Hori, Ichiro. 1968. Folk religion in Japan. Continuity and change. Chicago:
Horowitz, M. M. 1963. The worship of south Indian deities in Martinque.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
272 AGEHANANDA BHARIATI
Horowitz, M. M., and M. Klass. 1961. The Martiniquan East Indian cult of
Maldevidan. Soc. Econ. Stud. 10: 93-100.
Hortoh, W. R. G. 1956. God, man, and the land in a northern Ibo village
group. Africa 26: 17-26.
Horton, R. 1960. A definition of religion and its uses. J. Roy. Anthrop. Inst.
90: 201-26.
Hostetler, J. A. 1967. The Hutterites in North America. New York: Holt,
Rinehart & Winston.
Hostetler, J. A., and Gertrude Endus Huntington. 1968. Communal socializa-
tion patterns in Hutterite society. Ethnology 7: 331-55.
Hoult, T. 1958. The sociology of religion. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Win-
ston.
Howells, W. W. 1960. The heathens. Primitive man and his religions. New
York: Doubleday.
Hsu, Francis L. K. 1967. Christianity and the anthropologist. Int. J. Comp.
Sociol. 8: 1-19.
Huber, H. 1965. A diviner's apprenticeship and work among the Bayaka.
Man 65: 46-47.
Hubert, H., and M. Mauss. 1964. Sacrifice: Its n-ature and function. Trans.
from the French by W. D. Halls. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press.
Hultkrantz, Ake. 1966. An ecological approach to religion. Ethnos 31: 131-50.
1969. Review of C. Levi-Strauss, Mythologiques. Amer. Anthrop. 71:
735-37.
Huxley, Francis. 1969. The invisibles. Voodoo gods in Haiti. New York:
McGraw-Hill.
Hyman, S. E. 1955. The ritual view of myth and the mythic. In Sebeok 1955:
84-94.
Jachmann, F. 1969. Seelen und Totenvorstellungen bei drei Bevolkerungs-
gruppen in Neuguinea. Weisbaden: Steiner.
Jacobs, M., and J. Greenway, comps. and eds. 1966. The anthropologist looks
at myth. Austin: Univ. Texas Press.
Jarvie, I. C., and Joseph Agassi. 1967. The problem of the rationality of magic.
Brit. J. Sociol. 18: 55-74.
Jayarvardena, Chandra. 1966. Religious belief and social change. Aspects of
the development of Hinduism in British Guiana. Comp. Stud. Soc. & Hist.
8: 211-40.
Journal of the Scientific Study of Religion. Official journal of the Society for
the Scientific Study of Religion. Quarterly, started 1962. Berkeley: Univ.
California Press.
Keesing, Roger M. 1967. Christians and pagans in Kwaio, Malaita. J. Polynes.
Sci. 76: 82-100.
1970. Shrines, ancestors, and cognatic descent: The Kwaio and Tal-
lensi. Amer. Anthrop. 72: 755-75.
Kennedy, J. G. 1967a. Mushahara: A Nubian concept of supernatural danger
and the theory of taboo. Amer. Anthrop. 69: 685-702.
1967b. Nubian Zar ceremonies and psychotherapy. Hum. Organiz.
26: 185-94.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 273
1967c. Psychological and social explanations of witchcraft: A com-

parison of Clyde Kluckhohn and E. E. Evans-Pritchard. Man 2: 216-25.
Kiev, A., ed. 1964. Magic, faith, and healing. New York: Free Press.
Kitagawa, J. M., and C. H. Long, eds. 1969. Myths and symbols. Studies in
honor of Mircea Eliade. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press.
Kitziner, Sheila. 1966. The Rastafarian brethren of Jamaica. Comp. Stud. Soc.
& Hist. 9: 33-39.
Kiyoma, Morioka, and William H. Newell, eds. 1968. The sociology of Japa-
nese religion. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill.
Kloos, P. 1969. Female initiation among the Maroni River Caribs. Amer.
Anthrop. 71: 898-905.
Kluckhohn, C. 1962. Navaho witchcraft. Boston: Beacon Press.
Kortmulder, K. 1968. An ethnological theory of the incest taboo and exogamy.
Current Anthrop. 9: 437-49.
Krickeberg, W., and H. Trimborn, eds. 1968. Pre-Columbian American rites.
Translated from the German. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
Krige, E. 1968. Girls' puberty songs and their relation to fertility, health,
morality, and religion among the Zulu. Africa 38: 173-98.
Krishnan-Kutty, G. 1966. Levi-Strauss and the analysis of myths. Eastern
Anthrop. 19: 123-30.
LaBarre, W. 1960. Twenty years of peyote studies. Current Anthrop. 1: 45-
60.
1962. They shall take up serpents: Psychology of the southern snake-
handling cult. Minneapolis: Univ. Minnesota Press.
1969. The peyote cult. New York: Schocken Books.
1970. The ghost dance. The origins of religion. New York: Double-
day.
Lambert, R. D., ed. 1960. Religion in American society. Ann. Amer. Acad.
Pol. Soc. Sci., special issue.
Lamphere, L. 1969. Symbolic elements in Navaho ritual. Sthwest. J. Anthrop.
25: 279-305.
Landes, Ruth. 1968. Ojibwa religion and the Midewiwin. Madison: Univ.
Wisconsin Press.
Lanternari, V. 1963. The religions of the oppressed. A study of modern mes-
sianic cults. New York: Knopf.
Laue, J. H. 1964. A contemporary revitalization movement in American race
relations: The Black Muslims. Soc. Forces 42: 315-23.
Lawrence, P. 1964. Road belong cargo. Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press.
Lawrence, P., and M. J. Meggitt, eds. 1965. Gods, ghosts and men in Mela-
nesia: Some religions of Australia, New Guinea and the New Hebrides.
London: Oxford Univ. Press.
Leach, E. R. 1958. Magical hair. J. Roy. Anthrop. Inst. 88: 147-64.
1961. Levi-Strauss in the garden of Eden: An examination in some
recent developments in the analysis of myth. Trans. N.Y. Acad. Sci. 23:
386-96.
1966a. Ritualization in man. Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc., Series B, 251:
403-8.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
1966b. Virgin birth. Proc

land, pp. 39-50.
, ed. 1967. The structural study of myth and totemism. London: Tavi-
stock.
- ed. 1968. Dialectic in practical religion. Cambridge: Cambridge
Univ. Press.
Leacock, S. 1964. Ceremonial drinking in an Afro-Brasilian cult. Amer. An-
throp. 66: 344-54.
Lebra, W. 1966. Okinawan religion. Honolulu: Univ. Hawaii Press.
Leighton, A. H., and D. C. Leighton. 1949. Gregorio, the hand-trembler.
Papers of the Peabody Museum of American archaeology and ethnology,
40: 1-177. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press.
Leis, P. E. 1963. Washo witchcraft: A test of the frustration-aggression hy-
pothesis. In W. L. d'Azevedo, ed., The Washo Indians of California and
Nevada. Salt Lake City: Brigham Young Univ. Press.
Leslie, Charles, ed. 1960. Anthropology of folk religion. New York: Vintage
Books.
Lessa, William A. 1933. Cultural significance of the ghost dance. Amer. An-
throp. 35: 108-15.
1968. Chinese body divination: Its forms, affinities, and functions.
Los Angeles: United World.
Lessa, William A., and Evon Z. Vogt, eds. 1972. Reader in comparative reli-
gion. An anthropological approach. 3d ed. New York: Harper & Row.
Levi-Strauss, C. 1955. The structural study of myth. J. Amer. Folklore 68:
428-44.
1960. Four Winnebago myths: A structural sketch. In S. Diamond,
ed., Culture in history: Essays in honor of Paul Radin. New York: Columbi
Univ. Press, pp. 351-52.
1963. Totemism. Translated by R. Needham. Boston: Beacon Press.
1964. Le cru et le cuit. Paris: Plon.
1967. Du miel aux cendres. Paris: Plon.
1968. Mythologiques: Des manieres de table. Paris: Plon.
LeVine, R. A. 1962. Witchcraft and co-wife proximity in southwestern Kenya.
Ethnology 1: 39-45.
Lewis, I. M. 1966. Spirit possession and deprivation cults. Man 1: 307-29.
Lewis, 0. 1964. Seventh Day Adventism in a Mexican village: A study in
motivation and culture change. In R. A. Manners, ed., Process and pattern
in culture. Essays in honor of Julian Steward. Chicago: Aldine, pp. 63-83.
Lieban, R. W. 1967. Cebuano sorcery: Malign magic in the Philippines. Berke-
ley: Univ. California Press.
Lienhardt, Godfrey. 1961. Divinity and experience: The religion of the Dinka.
Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
Lommel, A. 1967. Shamanism: The beginnings of art. New York: McGraw-
Hill.
McAllister, J. Gilbert. 1965. The four quartz rocks medicine bundle of the
Kiowa-Apache. Ethnology 4: 210-24.
McCallum, D. Kent. 1965. Consensus and control: The Kunapipi ritual and
attendant taboo. East. Anthrop. 18: 80-88.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 275
McFarland, H. N. 1967. The rush hour of the gods: A study of new religious
movements in Japan. New York: Macmillan.
Madsen, William. 1966. Anxiety and witchcraft in Mexican-American accul-
turation. Anthrop. Quart. 39: 110-27.
Mair, L. P. 1959. Independent religious movements in three continents. Comp.
Stud. Soc. & Hist. 1: 113-36.
1969. Witchcraft. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Mandelbaum, D. G. 1959. Social uses of funeral rites. In H. Feifel, ed., The
meaning of death. New York: McGraw-Hill, pp. 189-217.
1966. Transcendental and pragmatic aspects of religion. Amer. An-
throp. 68: 1174-91.
Marett, R. R. 1914. The threshold of religion. 2d ed. London: Methuen.
Mathur, K. S. 1964. Caste and ritual in a Malwa village. New York: Asia Pub-
lishing House.
May, L. C. 1956. A survey of glossolalia and related phenomena in non-Chris-
tian religions. Amer. Anthrop. 58: 75-96.
Mendelson, E. M. 1961. A messianic Buddhist association in upper Burma.
Bull. Sch. Oriental & African Studies (Univ. London) 24: 560-80.
1964. Buddhism and the Burmese establishment. Arch. sociol. reli-
gions 9: 85-95.
Messing, S. D. 1958. Group therapy and social status in the Zar cult of Ethio-
pia. Amer. Anthrop. 60: 1120-47.
Metraux, A. 1957. Dramatic elements in ritual possession. Diogenes 11:
18-36.
1959. Voodoo in Haiti. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.
Metzer, D., and G. William. 1963. Tenejapa medicine. I, The curer. Sthwest.
J. Anthrop. 19: 216-34.
Middleton, John. 1960. Lugbara religion. London: Oxford Univ. Press.
, ed. 1963. Witchcraft and sorcery in East Africa. London: Routledge
& Kegan Paul.
, ed. 1967a. Gods and ritual: Readings in religious beliefs and prac-
tice. New York: Natural History Press (Doubleday).
- ed. 1967b. Magic, witchcraft, and curing. New York: Natural His-
tory Press (Doubleday).
, ed. 1967c. Myth and cosmos. Readings in mythology and symbol-
ism. New York: Natural History Press (Doubleday).
Miller, Robert J. 1961. Buddhist monastic economy and the Jisa mechanism.
Comp. Stud. Soc. & Hist. 3: 427-38.
Mitchell, R. C., and H. W. Truner, comps. 1966. A bibliography of modern
African religious movements. Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern Univ. Press.
Moerman, M. 1966. Ban Ping's temple: The center of a loosely structured so-
ciety. Anthropological studies in Theravada Buddhism, Culture Report
Series No;. 13, Southeast Asian Studies. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
Mooney, J. 1965. The ghost dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890.
Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press.
Moore, Sally Falk. 1970. Law and anthropology, in B. J. Siegel, ed., Biennial
review of anthropology, 1969. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, pp.
252-300.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
Moos, F. 1963. Religion and

Asian Survey, East Asian Series 6: 136-42.
1967. Leadership and organization in the Olive Tree Movement.
Seoul: Trans. Korea Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc. 43: 11-27.
Moriarty, J. R. 1969. Chinigchinix: An indigenous California Indian religion.
Los Angeles: Southwest Museum.
Morioka, K., and W. H. Newell. 1968. The sociology of Japanese religions.
Internat'l Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology, No. 6. Leiden, Hol-
land: Brill.
Murdock, G. P. 1965. Tenino shamanism. Ethnology 4: 165-71.
Myerhoff, Barbara G., and W. R. Larsen. 1965. The doctor as culture hero:
The routinization of charisma. Hum. Organiz. 24: 188-91.
Nadel, S. F. 1954. Nupe religion. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
1955. Two Nuba religions: An essay in comparison. Amer. Anthrop.
57: 661-79.
1957. Malinowski on magic and religion. In R. Firth, ed., Man and
culture. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Nash, June. 1967. The logic of behavior: Curing in a Maya Indian town.
Hum. Organiz. 26: 132-40.
1970. In the eyes of the ancestors: Beliefs and behavior in a Mayan
community. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
Nash, M. 1960. Witchcraft as social process in a Tzeltal community. Amer.
Indigena 20: 121-26.
, ed. 1966. Anthropological studies in Theravada Buddhism. South-
east Asian Studies. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
1967. Right and left in Nyoro symbolic classification. Africa 37:
425-52.
Newcomb, F. J. 1964. Hosteen Klah: Navaho medicine man and sand painter.
Norman: Univ. Oklahoma Press.
Nicholas, Ralph W. 1967. Ritual hierarchy and social relations in rural Bengal.
Contribs. Indian Soc. (new series) 1: 56-85.
Norbeck, E. N. 1961. Religion in primitive society. New York: Harper & Row.
1963. African rituals of conflict. Amer. Anthrop. 65: 1254-79.
1970a. Religion and society in modern Japan: Continuity and change.
Houston, Texas: Rice University.
1970b. Rites of reversal. Paper presented at 69th annual meeting of
the Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., San Diego, Calif., Nov. 1970.
1971a. Man the player: An anthropological view. Natural History,
special supplement. New York: Mus. Natl. Hist. Press.
1971b. Rites of reversal. Anthropology today: An introduction. Del
Mar, Calif.: CRM Books.
Norbeck, E. N., Donald E. Walker, and Mimi Cohen. 1962. The interpreta-
tion of data: Puberty rites. Amer. Anthrop. 64: 463-85.
Nottingham, E. K. 1954. Religion and society. Garden City, N. Y.: Double-
day.
Obeyesekere, G. 1968. Theodicy, sin, and salvation in a sociology of Bud-
dhism. In E. Leach, ed., Dialectic in practical religion. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge Univ. Press, pp. 7-40.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 277
1970. The idio

gamon.
O'Connell, J. 1962. The withdrawal of the high god in west African religion:
An essay in interpretation. Man 62: 67-69.
Oosterwal, G. 1963. A cargo cult in the Mamberamo area. Ethnology 2: 1-15.
Opler, M. E. 1967. Franz Boas: Religion and theory. Letters to the editor.
1968. Remuneration to supernaturals and man in Apachean cere-
monialism. Ethnology 7: 356-93.
1969. Western Apache and Kiowa Apache materials relating to cere-
monial payment. Ethnology 8: 122-24.
Opler, M. E., and W. E. Bittle. 1961. The death practices and eschatology of
the Kiowa-Apache. Sthwest. J. Anthrop. 17: 383-94.
Orans, Martin. 1968. Review of J. Ferreira, Totemism in India. Amer. An-
thop. 70: 397-98.
Orenstein, H. 1965. The structure of Hindu caste values: A preliminary study
of hierarchy and ritual defilement. Ethnology 4: 1-15.
Ottenberg, S. 1958. Ibo oracles and intergroup relations. Sthwest. J. Anthrop.
14: 295-317.
1970. Personal shrines at Afikpo. Ethnology 9: 26-52.
Otto, R. 1958. The idea of the holy. Translated by J. V. Harvey. New York:
Oxford Univ. Press. (1st ed., 1923.)
Parfinder, E. G. 1954. African traditional religion. London: Hutchinson.
1969. Religion in Africa. New York: Praeger.
Park, G. K. 1963. Divination and its social contexts. J. Roy. Anthrop. Inst. 93:
195-209.
Parsons, Anne. 1969. Belief, magic and anomie: Essays in psychosocial an-
thropology. New York: Free Press.
Parsons, E. C. 1939. Pueblo Indian religion. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press.
Paulson, I. 1962. Die Religionen der nordasiatischen (Sibirischen) V6lker,
und die Religionen der Finnischen Volker, in I. Paulson, A. Hultkrantz, and
K. Jettmar, eds., Die Religionen der Menschheit, Vol. III. Stuttgart: Kohl-
hammer Verlag.
Peel, J. D. Y. 1967. Religious change in Yorubaland. Africa 37: 292-306.
1969a. Aladura: A religious movement among the Yoruba. London:
Oxford Univ. Press.
1969b. Understanding alien belief systems. Brit. J. Sociol. 20: 69-84.
Pentikainen, J. 1968. The Nordic dead-child tradition: Nordic dead-child
begins-A study in comparative religion. Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum
Fennica.
Perenbanayagam, Robert I. 1965. Caste, religion and ritual in Ceylon. An-
throp. Quart. 38: 218-27.
Perella, N. J. 1969. The kiss sacred and profane: An interpretative history of
kiss symbolism and related religio-erotic themes. Berkeley: Univ. Califor-
nia Press.
Pfanner, D. E., and I. Jasper. 1962. Theravada Buddhism and village eco-
nomic behavior. J. Asian Stud. 21: 341-61.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
1966. The Buddhist mon

studies in Theravada Buddhism, Culture Report Series, No. 13, Southeast
Asian Studies. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
Philing, A. R. 1962. Statistics, sorcery and justice. Amer. Anthrop. 64:
1057-59.
Piker, S. 1968. The relationship of belief systems to behavior in rural Thai
society. Asian Survey 8: 384-99.
Plath, David W. 1966a. The fate of utopia: Adaptive tactics in four Japanese
groups. Amer. Anthrop. 68: 1152-62.
1966b. Utopian rhetoric: Conversion and conversation in a Japa-
nese cult. In Visual and verbal arts: Proc. 1966 ann. spring meeting, Amer.
Ethnol. Soc.
Popper, K. 1966. The open society and its enemies. 5th ed. Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton Univ. Press.
Postal, Susan Koessler. 1965. Hoa nativism at Caughnawaga: A control case
for the theory of revitalization. Ethnology 4: 266-81.
Price, William J. 1966. Birth, childhood and death in Todos Santos. Prac.
Anthrop. 13: 85-89.
Prince, R. 1970. Review of Lucy Mair, Witchcraft. Amer. Anthrop. 72: 915-
17.
Raats, P. J. 1969. A structural study of Bagoba myths and rites. Detroit:
Cellar Book Shop.
Radin, P. 1937. Primitive religion. Its nature and origin. New York: Viking.
Rappaport, R. A. 1967. Ritual regulation of environmental relations among
a New Guinea people. Ethnology 6: 17-30.
1971. Pigs for the ancestors: Ritual in the ecology of a New Guinea
people. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press.
Rattray, R. S. 1954. Religion and art in Ashanti. Oxford: Clarendon.
Redfield, R. 1956. Peasant society and culture. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press.
Reichard, G. A. 1950. Navaho religion. 2 vols. New York: Pantheon.
Richards, A. I. 1956. Chisunqu: A girl's initiation ceremony among the
Bemba of northern Rhodesia. London: Faber & Faber.
Rodinson, M. 1967. Magie, medecine et possession a Gondar. The Hague:
Mouton.
Romano V., 0. I. 1965. Charismatic medicine, folk-healing, and folk saint-
hood. Amer. Anthrop. 67: 1151-73.
Rosaldo, R. I. 1968. Metaphors of hierarchy in a Mayan ritual. Amer. An-
throp. 70: 524-36.
Ruel, M. J. 1965. Religion and society among the Kuria of east Africa. Africa
35: 295-306.
Rugby, Peter. 1966. Dual symbolic classification among the GoGo of central
Tanzania. Africa 31: 1-17.
Sahay, K. N. 1968. Impact of Christianity on the Uraon of the Chainpur belt
in Chotanagpur: An analysis of its cultural processes. Amer. Anthrop. 70:
923-42.
Saler, B. 1962a. Migration and ceremonial ties among the Maya. Sthwest. J.
Anthrop. 18: 336-40.
1962b. Unsuccessful practitioners in a bicultural Guatemalan com-
munity. Psychoanal. & Psychoanal. Rev. 49: 103-18.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 279
1964. Nagual, witch and sorcerer in a Quiche village. Ethnology 3:

305-28.
1968. Beliefs, disbeliefs and unbeliefs. Anthrop. Quart. 41: 29-33.
Salisbury, W. S. 1964. Religion in American culture. Homewood, Ill.: Dor-
sey Press.
Samarin, William J. 1966. Religion and modernization in Africa. Anthrop.
Quart. 39: 288-98.
Sangree, W. H. 1970. Tribal ritual, leadership and the mortality rate in
Irigwe, northern Nigeria. Sthwest. J. Anthrop. 26: 32-39.
Schmidt, W., and W. Koppers. 1920-55. Der Ursprung der Gottesidee. 11
vols. Miinster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung.
Schneider, L., ed. 1964. Religion, culture and society. New York: Wiley.
Schneiderman, Leo. 1967. Psychological notes on the nature of mystical ex-
perience. J. Sci. Study Relig. 6: 91-100.
Schwartz, G., and D. Merten. 1968. Social identity and expressive symbols:
The meaning of an initiation ritual. Amer. Anthrop. 70: 1117-31.
Sebeok, T., ed. 1955. Myth: A symposium. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press.
Seuner, H. W. 1966. A methodology for modem African religious movements.
Comp. Stud. Soc. & Hist. 8: 281-94.
Shack, William A. 1968. The Masoal-Pole. Religious conflict and social change
in Gurageland. Africa 38: 457-68.
Shelton, Austin J. 1964. On recent interpretations of Deus Otiosus: The with-
drawn god in west African psychology. Man 64: 53-54.
1965a. The meaning and method of Afa divination among the north-
ern Nsukka Ibo. Amer. Anthrop. 67: 1441-55.
1965b. The presence of the "withdrawn" high god in north Ibo re-
ligious belief and worship. Man 65: 15-18.
Sierksma, F. 1966. Tibet's terrifying deities: Sex and aggression in religious
acculturation. The Hague: Mouton.
Silverman, J. 1967. Shamans and acute schizophrenia. Amer. Anthrop. 69:
21-31.
Simpson, G. E. 1955. The Ras Tafaari movement in Jamaica: A study of race
and class conflict. Soc. Forces 34: 167-70.
1956. Jamaican revivalist cults. Soc. Econ. Stud. 5 (whole issue).
1962. The Shango cult in Nigeria and Trinidad. Amer. Anthrop. 64:
1204-19.
Singer, M. B. 1955. The cultural pattern of Indian civilization. Far East.
Quart. 15: 23-36.
, ed. 1959. Traditional India: Structure and change. Philadelphia:
American Foildore Society.
1961a. The religion of India: The sociology of Hinduism and Bud-
dhism (review article of Max Weber's classic). Amer. Anthrop. 61: 143-50.
1961b. Text and context in the study of contemporary Hinduism.
Madras, India: Bulletin of the Adyar Library and Research Centre, Com-
memoration number.
, ed. 1966a. Krishna: Myths, rites and attitudes. Honolulu: East-West
Center Press.
1966b. Religion and social change in India: The Max Weber thesis,
phase three. Econ. Devel. Cult. Change 14: 497-505.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
1971a. Beyond tradition a

& Hist. 13.
1971b. When a great trad
York: Praeger.
Singh, T. R. 1966. Some aspe
19:131-43.
Slotkin, J. S. 1952. Menomini peyotism. Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc. 42: 565-
700.
1956. The peyote religion. Glencoe, N.Y.: Free Press.
Sofue, T. 1965. Childhood ceremonies in Japan: Regional and local varia-
tions. Ethnology 1: 148-64.
Spencer, R. F. 1968a. Review of C. M. Edsman, Studies in shamanism. Amer.
Anthrop. 70: 396-97.
1968b. Review of E. R. Leach, ed., The structural study of myth and
totemism. Amer. Anthrop. 70: 602-4.
Spicer, E. HI. 1969. Review of C. Castaneda, Don Juan. Amer. Anthrop. 71:
320-22.
Spier, L. 1935. The prophet dance of the Northwest and its derivatives. Gen-
eral series in anthropology. Menasha, Wis.: Banta.
Spiro, M. E. 1952. Ghosts, Ifaluk and teleological functionalism. Amer. An-
throp. 54: 497-503.
1953. Ghosts: An anthropological inquiry into learning and percep-
tion. J. Abnorm. Soc. Psychol. 48: 376-82.
1965. Religious systems as culturally constituted defense mechanisms.
In Melford Spiro, ed., Content and meaning in cultural anthropology. New
York: Free Press, pp. 100-115.
1966a. Buddhism and economic savings in Burma. Amer. Anthrop.
68: 1163-73.
1966b. Religion: Problems of definition and explanation. In Banton
1966.
1966c. Religion in South Asia. Amer. Anthrop. 68: 790-92.
1967. Burmese supernaturalism. A study in the explanation and re-
duction of suffering. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.
1968a. Religion, personality and behavior in Burma. Amer. Anthrop.
70: 359-63.
1968b. Virgin birth, parthenogenesis, and physiological paternity. Man
3: 242-61.
1969. Religious symbols and social behavior. Proc. Amer. Philos.
Soc. 113: 341-50.
1970. Buddhism and society: A great tradition and its Burmese vicis-
situdes. New York: Harper & Row.
Spiro, M. E., and R. G. d'Andrade. 1958. A cross-cultural study of some super-
natural beliefs. Amer. Anthrop. 60: 456-66.
Stace, W. T. 1961. Mysticism and philosophy. London: Macmillan.
Stone, 0. M. 1962. Cultural uses of religious visions: A case study. Ethnology
1: 360-70.
Strathern, Andrew. 1970. Male initiation in New Guinea highlands societies.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
RELIGION 281
Sundkler, B. 1961. Bantu prophets in South Africa. London: Oxford Univ.

Press.
Swanson, G. E. 1960. The birth of the gods: The origin of primitive beliefs.
Ann Arbor: Univ. Michigan Press.
Talmon, Y. 1962. Pursuit of the millennium: The relationship beween reli-
gious change and social change. Arch. Europe'enes Sociol. 3: 125-48.
Tambiah, S. E. J. 1968. The ideology of merit and the social correlates of
Buddhism in a Thai village. In Leach 1968.
Tatje, T., and F. L. K. Hsu. 1969. Variations in ancestor worship beliefs and
their relation to kinship. Sthwest. J. Anthrop. 25: 153-72.
Titiev, M. 1960. A fresh approach to the problem of magic and religion.
Tooker, E. 1971. The Iroquois ceremonial of midwinter. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syra-
cuse Univ. Press.
Turner, V. 1964. Witchcraft and sorcery: Taxonomy versus dynamics. Africa
34: 314-25.
1965. Some current trends in the study of ritual in Africa. Anthrop.
Quart. 38: 155-66.
1967. The forest of symbols. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press.
1968. Drums of affliction: A study of religious processes among the
Ndembu of Zambia. London: Oxford Univ. Press.
1969. The ritual process: Structure and anti-structure. Chicago:
Aldine.
Underhill, R. 1965. Red man's religion. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press.
1968. Singing for power: The song magic of the Papago Indians of
southern Arizona. Berkeley: Univ. California Press.
UNESCO. 1956. Sociology of religions: A trend report and bibliography.
Current Sociol. 5 (whole issue).
Van Gennep, A. 1960. The rites of passage. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press.
Vaughan, J. H., Jr. 1964. The religion and world view of the Marghi. Ethnol-
ogy 3: 389-97.
Vogt, E. Z., and R. Hyman. 1960. Water-witching U.S.A. Chicago: Univ.
Chicago Press.
1965. Ceremonial organization in Zinacantan. Ethnology 4: 39-52.
Von Ehrenfels, Umar. 1969. Innere Entwicklungshilfe. Eine ethnologische-
studie on Siidindien. Wiesbaden: Hrassowitzy.
Vrijhof, P. H. 1962. Was ist Religionssoziologie? Kolner Zeitschrift fur Sociol-
ogie und Sozialpsychologie 6:10-35.
Wagley, C. 1959. Tapirape shamanism. In M. H. Fried, ed., Readings in an-
thropology. Vol. 2. New York: Crowell, pp. 405-23.
Walker, D. A., Jr. 1964. A survey of Nez Perce religion. New York.
1967. Nez Perce sorcery. Ethnology 6: 66-97.
Wallace, A. F. C. 1956. Revitalization movements. Amer. Anthrop. 58:
264-81.
1966. Religion: An anthropological view. New York: Random House.
Wasson, R. Gordon. 1968. Soma: Divine mushroom of immortality. The
Hague: Mouton.
Wax, M. 1960. Ancient Judaism and the Protestant ethic. Amer. J. Sociol. 65:
449-55.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC
Wax, M., and R. Wax. 1962. The magical world view. J. Sci. Study Relig.
1: 179-88.
Wax, R., and M. Wax. 1963. The notion of magic. Current Anthrop. 4: 495-
518.
Wax, R. H. 1969. Magic, fate, and history: The changing ethos of the Vik-
ings. Lawrence, Kansas: Coronado Press.
Weber, Max. 1930. The Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. Trans-
lated by Talcott Parsons. London: Allen & Unwin.
1951. The religion of China. New York: Free Press.
1958. The religion of India. New York: Free Press.
1963. The sociology of religion. Boston: Beacon Press.
Wertheim, W. F. 1961. Religious reform movements in south and southeast
Asia. Arch. Sociol. Religion 12: 53-62.
White, C. M. N. 1961. Elements in Luvale beliefs and rituals. Manchester:
Manchester Univ. Press.
Whiteman, J. 1966. Magic in Saragum. Oceania 37: 60-63.
Whiting, B. 1950. Paiute sorcery. Viking Fund Pub. Anthrop. 15: 1-110.
Whiting, J. W. M., R. Kluckhohn, and A. Anthony. 1958. The function of
male initiation ceremonies at puberty. In E. E. Maccoby, T. M. Newcomb,
and E. L. Hartley, eds., Readings in Social Psychology. New York: Holt,
pp. 359-70.
Willis, R. G. 1968a. Changes in mystical concepts and practices among the
Fipa. Ethnology 7: 139-57.
1968b. Kamcape: An anti-sorcery movement in southwest Tanzania.
Africa 38: 1-15.
Wilson, B. R., ed. 1967. Patterns of sectarianism: Organization and ideology
in social and religious movements. London: Heinemann.
Wilson, M. 1957. Rituals of kinship among the Nyakyusa. London: Oxford
Univ. Press.
1959. Communal rituals of the Nyakyusa. Oxford: Oxford Univ.
Press.
Worsley, P. 1957. The trumpet shall sound: A study of "cargo" cults in Mela-
nesia. London: MacGibbon & Kee.
Wyllie, R. W. 1966. Some notes on the Effutu deities. Anthropos 61: 477-80.
1968. Ritual and social change: A Ghanaian example. Amer. Anthrop.
70: 21-33.
Wyman, L. C. 1957. Beautyway: A Navaho ceremonial. New York: Pantheon.
Yalman, Nur. 1962. The ascetic Buddhist monks of Ceylon. Ethnology 3:
315-28.
Yang, C. K. 1967. Religion in Chinese society: A study of contemporary social
functions of religion and some of their historical factors. Berkeley: Univ.
California Press.
Yinger, Milton J. 1970. The scientific study of religion. New York: Macmillan.
Yoshida, Teigo. 1967. Mystical retribution, spirit possession and social struc-
ture in a Japanese village. Ethnology 6: 237-62.
Young, F. 1965. Initiation ceremonies. Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs Merrill.
Zaretsky, I. I. 1966. Bibliography on spirit possession and spirit mediumship.
Berkeley: Univ. California Press.

117.234.207.57 on Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC

This Content Downloaded From 117.234.207.57 On Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

This Content Downloaded From 117.234.207.57 On Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

This Content Downloaded From 117.234.207.57 On Tue, 03 Nov 2020 16:31:53 UTC

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion: Ritual and Belief Systems

Author(s): Agehananda Bharati

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2949230

This content downloaded from

ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF

RELIGION: RITUAL AND BELIEF SYSTEMS

Agehananda Bharati * Syracuse University

The history of the study of religions generates definitions of such key

This content downloaded from

This content downloaded from

fallacy: the notion that observation of religious behavior can, in theory

This content downloaded from

This content downloaded from

around Emile Durkheim. They abandoned the listing of isolated cus-

* The discrepancy between old-time ethnological reporting and modern analyses

This content downloaded from

This content downloaded from

This content downloaded from

describe a ritualistic act. Opler (1968) shows that a term generated by

This content downloaded from

126) first defines religion as

TEXTS AND READERS

The various anthologies published during the last decade do a

This content downloaded from

Many of the authors still display psychological-reductionist tendencies,

This content downloaded from

The ethnographical temperament per se is not naturally hospitable to

This content downloaded from

ogy, and phi

This content downloaded from

STUDIES OF RELIGION IN COMPLEX SOCIETIES

The nostalgic critics of disciplinary exclusiveness must be happy about

* In addition to sociological, psychological, and anthropological material, Yinger

This content downloaded from

Psychoanalysts and psychiatrists with cross-cultural interests, as well

This content downloaded from

origin.' It has long seemed

This content downloaded from

believers' parlance about the expectations, revelations, promises, etc.,

This content downloaded from

by some of the most outstanding indologists and oriental philologists

This content downloaded from

Speculative or intuitionist reasoning, combined with a sophisti

This content downloaded from

tance of earlier anthropo

This content downloaded from

Marx, Hegel, and Freud as avowed preceptors, everything fits if it is

This content downloaded from

RITUAL CASE STUDIES AND FUNCTIONAL ANALYSES

Charles Frake, one of the arch-inspirers of the ethnosemantic mo

This content downloaded from

This content downloaded from

in effect. One with much

This content downloaded from

The correlation between emphasis on male or female puberty rites

This content downloaded from

which may now be seen as a lo

This content downloaded from

MODELS OF RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS