Rizal's break with del Pilar

In 1890, the reformers rank split into two. One group, led by del Pilar, wanted to become part of - or to
"assimilate" with Spain. The other group, led by José Rizal

, believed that it was the time to work for full independence from Spain. Rizal and del Pilar share almost the
same ideals. They were both anti-friars and they were both freemasons (Rizal in his later life was). In fact, he
was in Europe mainly because he was deported by the friars upon learning his anti-friar activities in a press in
Cupang, Bulacan. In 1888, he was in Barcelona. His family mainly supported him.

Another question that Rizal asked is: “Why haven’t we got a hundred Plaridels?” Rizal may had been rethinking
about that question after the rift he had with del Pilar. This wishful question shows that Rizal shows respect to
del Pilar. Rizal admires del Pilar and he wished that we could have a hundred Plaridels who would write about
the state of affairs in the Philippines and thereby spreading a propaganda
Propaganda
Propaganda is communication aimed at influencing the attitude of a community toward some cause or
position. As opposed to impartially providing information, propaganda in its most basic sense, presents
information primarily to influence an audience...

 against the Spaniards. He believes that del Pilar’s writings is powerful to awaken the consciousness of the
Filipino People. At that time, Rizal’s political philosophies were changing radically. On the other hand, del
Pilar’s views were still in accord with the assimilation of Spain and the Philippines. So while Rizal is now on the
idea of separation, del Pilar is still stucked with the idea of assimilation. Rizal had not yet revealed this new
philosophy. One factor is the fact that he is being wooed to take-over the leadership of the Sol and its beliefs
were mainly assimilatory. This factors contributed to the continuing rift between Rizal and del Pilar. This cited
the philosophy on separation and assimilation. It will show what kind of leadership they have. Rizal’s
leadership was of the subtle type. He would lead more by becoming an example himself. He studied very hard
to “teach” the lazy Filipinos a lesson and to awaken them from their slumber. On the other hand, del Pilar’s
leadership is more of dominance.

Another angle to this issue on leadership is that Rizal is the acknowledged leader of the Reform Movement
La solidaridad
La Solidaridad was the name of the Filipino-Spanish newspaper established by the ilustrados in Barcelona,
Spain on December 13, 1888, which sought to create Filipino representation in the Spanish Cortes. It was also
the name of the official publication of the organization. First edited by Graciano...

. Del Pilar was very jealous of this. He was covetous of power and he cannot simply allow Rizal to fully control
the whole movement. He probably did not realize that Rizal was doing everything for the cause of the nation.
On the other hand, he was doing everything for his own cause, his own honor. One thing that contributed to
their conflict is the fact that del Pilar did not do anything when Rizal pointed out that the Filipino community is
slowly returning to their old, bad habit of excessive merrymaking. On the other hand, del Pilar was losing its
grip in the publication of the articles in the Sol. Sometimes there would be articles that are contrary to the
belief and ideals of Rizal and of the movement in Manila where most of the money is coming from. This
resulted in a division of the reform movement. Del Pilar has been with a “cautious and less radical” group as
Apacible describes it and the rest are with Rizal.

The main issue however is yet to come when they are soon to elect a responsible or president. The responsible
will head a committee along with 2 counselors that will determine the ideals and objectives of the movement
and as well as the direction of the campaign in favor of the Philippines. Rizal observed that the responsible will
be leading not only the committee but the publication as well. He will have a final say in the articles to be
published there. Del Pilar strongly objected to it. He insisted that the publication is private. On the other hand,
Rizal thought that it was for national interest. Rizal walked out and he decided to leave everything in Madrid
Madrid
Madrid is the capital and largest city of Spain. It is the third-most populous municipality in the European Union
after Greater London and Berlin, and its metropolitan area is the third-most populous city by urban area in the
European Union after Paris and London.The city is located on the river...
. Although he was rightfully elected as the responsible, he declined and left immediately in January 1891.
Tested Methods of Modern Propaganda
The difficult election battle is behind all the parties. The Reichstag election of 1932 was particularly difficult for
the NSDAP, since an enormous flood of lies from all the other parties, including the DNVP [Conservative
Party], was directed toward us. The events of June even forced us in part into the defensive. That was
naturally difficult for us, since in all previous elections we were always on the attack.Since the KPD
[Communists] did not particularly exert themselves in this campaign and since the other parties made greater
efforts, but not in the area of propaganda, the main battle was between the NSDAP and the SPD [Socialists].
These two parties are the only ones that did anything new in the area of propaganda. This article will discuss
the propaganda methods that proved effective in the last campaign in Gau Süd Hannover-Braunschweig.
In general, one can say that the SPD's propaganda was very clever and understood the psychology of the
masses. They saw the significance of the swastika symbol, and how it seized the feelings of people and did not
let them go. Therefore, they found a compelling symbol for the "Iron Front," the three arrows, and had the
desired success with it. Along with other clever methods of propaganda, the three arrows encouraged many
Social Democrats to new activity. Our counterpropaganda could not do much, since the three arrows of
"activity, discipline and unity" aimed not at the mind, but at the feelings of the Marxists. We did our best to
ridicule the "arrow" propaganda by connecting the three Sklarek brothers [Jewish figures in a major Berlin
financial scandal] to the three arrows in the press, stickers and "visiting cards." Our large red flag with three
white arrows and the large inscription "Manufactured by the Sklarek Brothers" won wide attention in heavily
trafficked areas.The SPD's "visiting card" propaganda worked only because of its novelty. We replied to it with
our intellectually weightier visiting cards from the "Sklarek Brothers."The SPD's weekly slogans during the
election campaign, which came in circular letters from the SPD's headquarters, were well thought out. For its
supporters, the most effective slogan was: "Iron Front against Hitler barons!"Fortunately for us, we secured a
copy of the circular letter enough in advance to make some preparations. The SPD planned to use a slogan
affirming the "welfare state" in the second week of July. We in Gau Süd Hannover-Braunschweig cleverly used
the slogan in mass meetings during the first week, making it impossible for them to use it.The SPD had planned
to use the slogan: "For the welfare state of millions against the welfare state of the millionaires." We used the
slogan "Against the welfare state of the bigwigs and profiteers, for work and food for millions." This reduced
the effectiveness of their slogan and campaign.The SPD used daily newspapers for propaganda, apparently
following our example during past campaigns. We had good success by regularly delivering our papers to
citizens. Their newspaper the "Volksville" used the method with which the SPD has always had the most
success, namely the political lie. It used newspapers and leaflets to spread the lie about the "Hitler Emergency
Decrees" of the Papen government. This seems to have had its intended success on a large number of retirees
and relief recipients who were not capable of independent thinking.Our most effective propaganda method
was undoubtedly the Hitler mass meeting. The fact that the Führer placed all his energy in the service of
propaganda, and the way in which he did it, had an effect on the masses of the voters. It was an event not only
in our press, but also to some degree in other newspapers as well. As a result, not only those citizens who
participated in the meetings, but everyone else as well was influenced by the spell of the Führer's mass
meetings.We had prepared by years of smaller meetings. That made the mass meetings in the grand style
effective during the July campaign, particularly when they were supported by large marches. The S. A. march
was always the movement's best method of propaganda. The Papen government's ban on demonstrations was
intended to remove our advantage in this regard over other parties. We had already held the first small
marches and had completed all preparations for the planned 24 July march.We reduced our leaflet
propaganda in favor of newspaper propaganda in Gau Süd Hannover-Braunschweig. We delivered an election
newspaper to every house in every village, adjusting it to the audience. One version was directed to the rural
population, another to industrial districts. During the last ten days of the campaign, we delivered our Gau
newspaper, the "Niedersächische Tageszeitung" to every household in the cities and to the easily reached
villages. That allowed us to refute the opponent's lies each day, and remind readers of our goals and previous
accomplishments. Distributing the newspaper to the entire Gau was possible because we had a previously
prepared plan that used the newspaper's existing distribution system.

Another part of newspaper propaganda is supplying the so-called "neutral" press with news and material
supporting our views. We were able to provide numerous newspapers in the province with our Gau Süd
Hannover-Braunschweig press service. Provincial papers have a difficult time of it. The editors are beginning to
see that it is time to adjust to the electoral masses of the largest party. Many gladly accept our material,
particularly since they can receive it without cost and ready for printing. Our opponents have always provided
"factual" information to so-called "neutral" newspapers as a way of influencing the voters. It is obvious that we
too have to use this method of propaganda.
Following the example of one local group, we used "personal" letters throughout the Gau. Model letters were
provided to local groups. The letters were then reproduced either by hand or by machine, with personal address.
Two days before the election, they were delivered to all voters, not only our supporters. There were different
letters for people we knew to be Marxists, farmers, retirees, women, etc. Determining success is naturally
possible only in a few cases. But many stories testify that such letters achieved their goal.
We made increased use in this campaign of flags and banners. Election banners in our party's colors, seen daily
by passers-by, surely had an impact. Electric lighting and loud speaker music ensured that they could also be
seen at night.
It is particularly effective if Hitler's flags can dominate the streets during an election. Unfortunately, one has to
work hard to persuade supporters to do this. The only place we succeeded in getting really well-flagged streets
was in Hannover, and that took constant effort. A corresponding number of the opponent's "arrow" flags made
their appearance too, producing a kind of "election psychology" even in those who were otherwise inattentive.
We also distributed thousands of small flags with a swastika and the slogan "Vote for List 2", with which
children and adults made heavy use in the days before the election [each party had a numbered place on the
ballot].
We used sound films for the first time in this election campaign. Despite limited time, we succeeded in
arranging about 200 performances in 70 places. Sometimes we were able to have our film shown during regular
movie shows. Usually, we arranged special events in conjunction with the film. The films were everywhere
received with interest and enthusiasm. The films with the Führer and party comrades Dr. Goebbels, Straßer and
Göring were particularly successful.
25,000 fellow citizens saw an outdoor showing of "The Führer Speaks" and "German Arms — German Honor."
We used a 10 by 13 meter screen. We can already tell that sound films are a valuable addition to our propaganda
activity, particularly when lower rental costs will give local groups the chance to make a small profit.
Loudspeaker wagons are particularly during campaigns, since they allow us to overcome Marxist efforts to keep
people away from our meetings, as well as the indifference of those who do not attend. They cannot ignore a 15-
20 watt loudspeaker in the streets of a small town or village, even if they want to. We began each time with
march music to set the proper atmosphere for the recorded speech by a well-known party member that followed.
We closed with a record of a group singing the Horst Wessel Song. Local group leaders repeatedly told us that
this propaganda is particularly suited for areas in which meetings are not successful.
The usual forms of propaganda must naturally be continued after the campaign to firm up the voters we have
won and win new supporters. Sound films will have a major role from now on. We also need to provide good
German theater and musical events, with the works of German artists. We must make it possible for every
citizen to attend such an event monthly for a low price. That is one further step to break the Jewish domination
of the arts and to win back the German people's soul.
http://www.calvin.edu/academic/cas/gpa/wilweg02.htm

Editoryal policy of la solidaridad

La Solidaridad: Our purposes
Graciano López Jaena
 
López Jaena, Graciano. "La Solidaridad: Our purposes." In Graciano López Jaena: Speeches, articles and
letters, translated and annotated by Encarnación Alzona, edited and with additional annotations by Teodoro A.
Agoncillo. Manila, Philippines: National Historical Institute, 1994. Pp. 220-22.
 
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: In this very first editorial of La Solidaridad published 15 February 1889,
Graciano López Jaena outlines the publication's aspirations to compile progressive and liberal ideas and to
promote the ideal of democracy while exposing the ills plaguing Spain and all its provinces. He emphasizes
that La Solidaridad will especially focus on affairs relevant to the Philippines, which lacks representation
in the Spanish Cortes.
   Written by Sabrina L. Oliveros; Edited by Andrea L. Peterson 
We would fail in the observance of the most elementary rule of courtesy if at the commencement of our task we
did not pay our respects first of all to the Spanish press in general and the Barcelona press in particular, trusting
that they will receive with love and benevolence our modest publication. 
In times like ours when there are periodicals for every taste and reviews for all the intellectuals, it is not fitting
to say that we come to the stadium of the press to fill a vacuum. We only seek, we only ask for a place in their
ranks in order to share with them the vexations of the battle, the hardships of the contest which the Spanish
press without respite endures with intrepid spirit 
Modest, very modest are our aspirations. Our program besides is simple very simple. It is to combat every
reactionary movement, prevent any backward step, applaud, accept every liberal idea, defend every progressive
move: in one word, it is one more propagandist of all the ideas of democracy in the hope that they may prevail
here and beyond and seas.
The purposes of La Solidaridad then are to gather and compile the redeeming ideas that daily are being poured
into the field of politics and the spheres of science, arts, letters, commerce, agriculture, and industry. 
We shall also discuss the questions pertaining to the general interests of the nation and seek their solutions in a
highly democratic and national sense.
The Spanish provinces beyond the seas will find in La Solidaridad a determined supporter of their just and
legitimate aspirations, an organ that will respect their needs, and expose the ills that afflict them so that they
may be remedied.
With an eminently broad criterion it will deal with political and economic problems that darken the Cuban and
Puerto Rican skies. 
Without complaisance and without passion it will reveal the gangrene that corrodes society in those Spanish
provinces and every immorality committed in the administration and in the
 This is the editorial in the first issue of La Solidaridad, Barcelona, 15 February 1889, whose editor was López
Jaena.
De facto leader
De facto is a Latin expression that means "by [the] fact". In law, it is meant to mean "in practice but not
necessarily ordained by law" or "in practice or actuality, but without being officially established". It is
commonly used in contrast to de jure (which means "concerning the law") when referring to matters of law,
governance, or technique (such as standards) that are found in the common experience as created or
developed without or contrary to a regulation. When discussing a legal situation, de jure designates what the
law says, while de facto designates action of what happens in practice. It is analogous and similar to the
expressions "for all intents and purposes" or "in fact". The term de facto as of governments was created after
the Argentine Constitution referred to illegal governments (governing bodies which Argentina did not
acknowledge as individual nations) as de facto governments. The term de facto may also be used when there is
no relevant law or standard, but a common and well established practice that is considered the accepted
norm.

Juan zulueta
Juan Zulueta, kasapi ng kagalang-galang na lodge ng mga mason ng Lusong, napatay.
Conclusion
1.The plot and theme was related to Daniel Handler's life by the time that she was writing this
novel. His Childhood became a big influence in writing his novel, eventhough he never experience
a happy childhood.
2. There are so many characters that are included in the novel. The characters portray their role.
The Baudelaire Orphans: They are named after the 19th-century French poet Charles
Baudelaire. Baudelaire is most famous for his morbid poetry collection, "Les Fleurs du mal" (The
Flowers of Evil). Baudelaire's own life was a series of financial and personal disasters. He was
prosecuted on obscenity and blasphemy charges, suffered a stroke, was placed in a sanatorium,
contracted syphilis, and became an opium addict. Plus, he was in love with his own mother.
3. The novel took place in the mid the 19th century and the 1930s, though with contemporary, and
seemingly anachronistic scientific knowledge.
4. Daniel Handler used the literary technique called allusion in his novel whereas he used
a brief, usually indirect reference to a person, place, or event real or fictional to give the
effect that he want to emphasize. Here are the following allusions with their corresponding
explaination:
5. Daniel Handler researched for his pseudonym in his first book, The Basic Eight. Handler
wanted to receive material from organizations he found "offensive or funny", but did not want to
use his real name, and invented "Lemony Snicket" as a pseudonym.
In relation with the study conducted by the researchers, these theory can further explain why misery and
misfortunes took place and how it can be prevented, and the right way to surpace these unfortunate events.
According to Fortune(1927), some of each person’s consciously held beliefs are shadowed with
conflicting beliefs on the subconscious level, accessible indreams. Going through life, new attitudes are learned
and developed, butolder convictions persist below the surface. For example, the religious convertmay, deep
down, remain attached to a former belief system. Intrigued
with the idea that people apparently hold conflicting views simultaneously, Fortune investigated dreams in
which the ego exhibits attitudes that have been rejected or repressed in waking life. Fortune disagreed with
Rivers’ argument that Freud’s dream theory was self-fulfilling. Dreams in which a person holds opposite views
to those of waking life,
Fortune (1927, ix) argued, showed that “it is easily possible to exaggerate the influence of waking
theory on dreams of the type under review.” In anthropological terms, The Mind in Sleep is concerned with
conflicting elements of culture in each person’s mind and argues that dreaming allows for the expression of
these incongruous views without harming social cohesion. In dreams, ideas that have been rejected in the
conscious, social, cosmological, and moral systems remain and find expression.
Mchaga (1982) stated that, in a century ideologically involved with free will versus predestination, (…)
emplifies the triumph of free will by altering destiny the horoscope that sometimes cause cruel imprisonment.
David Wechsler (1974) said that, (…) possessing sensitivity to social, moral and aesthetic values and
traits like persistence, zest and impulse control are not intellectual activities by themselves but they enounce and
direct the utility of a person’s intellectual skills.
Lynch (1985) stated that, selfsteem is significantly related to performance. The experience of abuse
causes low self-esteem, self criticism and a constricted way of approaching life, as manifested in fearfulness,
and depression. It distrupts the dynamic balance between the motivation to establish safe and secure
relationships with adults and the motivation to explain the world in competency promoting manner.
Herman (1994) explains that, experience of trauma causes the person to have recurring vivid images of
the incident in fragments. A mental disorganization happens as a part of a defence mechanism of dissociation is
employed. In this process, the painful memories are split from the ordinary awareness. This kind of constriction
in he cognition of the abused is likely to prevent the person from being able to synthesize a situation accurately.