Env WKP (2020) 3
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 3
Abstract
The pollution intensity of the Japanese economy, measured as emissions per dollar of GDP, is among the
lowest within OECD countries. However, air pollution remains a significant issue. Almost 80% of the
Japanese residents were exposed to an annual concentration of PM2.5 above the WHO guideline while the
attainment rate of the domestic air quality standard for photochemical oxidants is below 1%. The analysis
of the regulatory and enforcement framework for air quality management in Japan identifies best practises
and key remaining challenges, including a limited understanding of the generation mechanism of ozone
pollution and the need to strengthen cooperation among Prefectures. This paper complements two case
studies on air quality policies in China and Korea, and a third case study on international regulatory
cooperation on air quality in North America, Europe and North-East Asia.
Keywords: air pollution, regulatory policy, monitoring and enforcement, Japan
JEL codes: Q52, Q53, Q58
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4 ENV/WKP(2020)3
Résumé
Exprimée en volume d’émissions pour 1 USD de PIB, l’intensité de la pollution est plus faible au Japon
que dans la plupart des autres pays de l’OCDE. La pollution atmosphérique n’en reste pas moins un
problème de taille. Près de 80 % des habitants de l’archipel sont exposés à une concentration annuelle
de PM2.5 supérieure au niveau préconisé par l’OMS tandis que le taux de respect du niveau national fixé
pour les oxydants photochimiques a été inférieur à 1 % en 2016. L’analyse du cadre réglementaire de la
gestion de la pollution atmosphérique au Japon et du système d’application connexe permet de recenser
les meilleures pratiques établies et les tâches essentielles qu’il reste à accomplir, telles que mieux
comprendre le mécanisme de formation de la pollution à l’ozone et resserrer la coopération entre les
préfectures. Ces travaux viennent compléter deux études de cas sur les politiques en faveur de la qualité
de l’air poursuivies en Chine et en Corée, ainsi qu’une troisième sur la coopération internationale en
matière de réglementation sur la qualité de l’air engagée en Amérique du Nord, en Europe et en Asie du
Nord-Est.
Mots clés : pollution de l’air, politique réglementaire, surveillance et application, Japon
Classification JEL : Q52, Q53, Q58
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 5
Acknowledgements
This paper was prepared by Enrico Botta and Sho Yamasaki of the OECD Environment Directorate, and
was developed with the support of the Ministry of Environment of Korea. The OECD Secretariat is thankful
to the delegates of the OECD Environmental Policy Committee and Regulatory Policy Committee for the
inputs and comments provided throughout the development of this paper. Colleagues from the OECD
Regulatory Policy Division and the Global Relations Secretariat also provided useful comments and
support. The paper was prepared for publication by Soojin JEONG, Jonathan Wright and Stéphanie
Simonin-Edwards.
Authors: Enrico Botta and Sho Yamasaki (OECD).
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Table of contents
Abstract 3
Résumé 4
Acknowledgements 5
Executive summary 8
1. Introduction 11
2. Historical and recent trends in air quality and emissions 12
3. The environmental policy-making framework 17
3.1. Main policy actors 17
3.2. Environmental impact assessment of projects and regulations 20
3.3. Stakeholders’ participation 25
References 49
Tables
Table 2.1. Timeline of key environmental policies in Japan 12
Table 3.1. Employees of Ministry of Environment at sub-national level (2017) 19
Table 3.2. NOX damage costs (per tonne, 2015 prices) 23
Table 3.3. List of projects subject to environmental impact assessment 24
Table 4.1. Air quality standards in selected countries and regions 28
Table 4.2. Summary table - standards for stationary sources 32
Table 4.3. Air pollution-related low interest loan by JFC as of 2018 34
Table 4.4. Tax reduction for Eco-friendly vehicles 38
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Figures
Figure 2.1. Emissions in Japan – trends and sectoral decomposition 13
Figure 2.2. Regional distribution map of PM 2.5 14
Figure 2.3. Trends in photochemical oxidants (OX) pollution 15
Figure 3.1. Main governmental actors and key responsivities in relation to air quality 18
Figure 3.2. Examples of economic values of pollutants used in CBAs for transport 22
Figure 3.3. Indicators of Regulatory Policy and Governance – stakeholders’ engagement 25
Figure 4.1. Soramame-kun’s distribution map 29
Figure 4.2. Next generation passenger car – new registrations 39
Boxes
Box 2.1. Primary and Secondary pollutants 15
Box 3.1. The Environmental Restoration and Conservation Agency (ERCA) 19
Box 3.2. DEFRA guidelines on emission costing 23
Box 3.3. Online regulatory reform training programmes – the Example of Korea 24
Box 4.1. The Tokyo Environmental Master Plan 30
Box 4.2. Pollution Control Manager 33
Box 4.3. Voluntary approaches and VOCs 35
Box 4.4. Measuring vehicle emissions 36
Box 5.1. OECD Best Practice Principles Regulatory Enforcement and Inspections 42
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Executive summary
In 1950-60s, Japan experienced a period of fast economic growth whose unchecked environmental
externalities led to the diffusion of several pollution-related illnesses (Minamata disease, Itai-Itai disease,
Yokkaichi asthma). Following public demands for improvement in the quality of the environment, Japan
embarked on ambitious reforms and currently features one of the least pollution-intensive GDP among
OECD countries. However, PM2.5 and photochemical oxidants pollution remain significant issues. In 2017,
almost 80% of the Japanese residents were exposed to an annual concentration of PM2.5 above the WHO
guideline while the attainment rate of the domestic Air Quality Standard for photochemical oxidants has
been below 1% in 2016.
The management of air quality, as per other key environmental domains, is still largely based on the legal
framework developed in the 1970s and in the Basic Environmental Act adopted in 1993. Its key features
are:
Emission Limit Values - jointly with the Total Emission Standards for SOx and
NOx in high risk areas - are the main tool to regulate air pollution from
stationary sources. Pricing instruments, such as taxes or trading scheme, are not
included in the policy mix to regulate air pollution. Notably, a system based on Best
Available Techniques is not employed in Japan with the exception of mercury.
A specific feature of the Japanese pollution control efforts is the large
reliance on Voluntary Approaches. Pollution Control Agreements (or PCAs),
which started to proliferate in the early 1960s as a response of local governments
to the citizens’ demand for higher environmental quality, are nowadays common
across Japan. Voluntary approaches are expected to continue to play an important
role in controlling air pollution and, for instance, the recent review of Air Pollution
Control Act explicitly refers to Voluntary Action Plans (or VAPs) as a tool to control
emissions of Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs).
Various incentives are in place to promote the purchase of low-emission
vehicles while few target investment in pollution abatement technologies.
Since 2009 the purchase of eco-friendly vehicles is incentivised through a wide
range of tax breaks (e.g. on the automotive acquisition and ownership taxes). The
uptake of electric vehicles is further promoted through subsidies for the installation
of chargers at private facilities. The main measure to incentivise firms’ investment
in environmental friendly technologies is a below-market rate loan program
operated by the Japan Finance Corporation. In addition, certain local governments
have introduced specific mechanisms (e.g. additional points in bids for public
works) to support the adoption of Environmental Management Systems (EMSs),
such as ECO Action 21.
As diesel cars are included in the group of vehicles that benefit from the eco-
incentives, their sales have surged in recent years with potential negative
impact on air quality. This is particularly concerning given the improved
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 9
understanding on the link between air pollution and lung cancer that paved the way
for the classification of diesel as a definite carcinogenic by the International Agency
for Research on Cancer.
Most recent reforms focused on improving the procedures for the ex-ante
assessment of projects (Environmental Impact Assessment - EIAs) and
regulations (Regulatory Impact Assessment - RIAs). In 2012, the Environmental
Impact Assessment Law was revised to improve the level of “environmental
democracy” through the introduction of various mechanisms that facilitate public
participation (e.g. obligations to hold public sessions or to publish project
documents online). In 2017, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications,
who is in charge of regulatory impact assessment, released new guidelines with
the aim of increasing the application of quantitative evaluation methods. Given their
recent release, it is too early to evaluate whether the guidelines led to a higher
uptake of quantitative appraisals of the impact of regulations on air quality.
Not all ministerial manuals for Cost Benefits Analysis (CBA) provide clear
guidance on how to evaluate the effects of projects on air quality. This is
particularly problematic since non-climate impacts that directly affect human health
can have large importance for the outcome of a CBA.
The compliance monitoring and enforcement activities in Japan are geared
towards guiding economic actors towards compliance with limited recourse
to fines and penalties. This is, for instance, clearly visible in the results of
inspection activities that saw the issuance – on average during the past three years
– of 8,087 guidance and only 5 administrative orders out of more 35,000 annual
inspections. Notably, horizontal information sharing on compliance issues is limited,
thus hindering synergies across Prefectures.
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Key recommendations
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 11
1. Introduction
This case study is part of a joint project of the OECD Environment Policy Committee and Regulatory Policy
Committee focused on regulatory frameworks, enforcement and co-operation to address air pollution
supported by the Ministry of Environment of Korea. The joint project comprises two pillars:
1. Country studies of policies, regulatory framework and enforcement for air quality management,
covering China, Japan and Korea; and
2. Studies of international regulatory co-operation (IRC) initiatives to address air pollution, focusing
on existing arrangements in North-East Asia, the Canada – United States Air Quality Agreement
(Air Quality Agreement) and the Convention on Long-range Transboundary Air Pollution
(CLRTAP).
This document complements two case studies that focus on policies, regulatory and enforcement
frameworks for air quality management in China (ENV/WKP(2020)4), in Korea (ENV/WKP(2020)5) and
third case study that analyses international regulatory cooperation on air quality in North America, Europe
(the Convention on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution) and North-East Asia
(COM/ENV/EPOC/GOV/RPC(2018)1)
These studies are carried out under Revised Output Proposal (ROP) for Intermediate Output 2.3.4.2.11.
Environmental Policy Design and Evaluation- Regulatory quality and enforcement to address air pollution,
under the 2017-2018 EPOC 2018 Programme of Work and Budget (ENV/EPOC(2017)1/ANN3). Overall,
this joint project aims to support the broader ambition of countries in the region to improve their air quality
policies by highlighting the challenges and possible solutions related to the design and enforcement of
effective regulatory frameworks for air quality and the co-operation needs that transboundary air pollution
generates.
This study builds on information collected by the Secretariat through deskwork, questionnaires, and
interviews carried out during a fact-finding mission to China, Japan and Korea undertaken in May 2018.
The case studies have also been revised based on comments received by EPOC and RPC Delegates as
well as the participants at a project workshop in Beijing on 26-27 June 2019. The case study on Japan
benefited from further comments and data provided by the Japanese Ministry of Environment and the
Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. This paper was drafted by Enrico Botta
(ENV/GGGR) and Sho Yamasaki (ENV/GGGR).
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During the 1950s-1960s, Japan experienced a period of fast economic growth that was
accompanied by unprecedented environmental degradation. The unchecked pollution of numerous
environmental media (e.g. air, water bodies) led to several pollution-related illnesses such as the Yokkaichi
asthma, Minamata disease (mercury poisoning) – both named after the cities where they first appeared –
and cadmium poisoning, known as itai-itai or “ouch-ouch” because of the severe bone pain it caused.
In response to the increasing public demand for pollution control measures, a number of reforms
were undertaken during the 1960s-1970s. This process culminated in 1970 with an extraordinary
session of the national Diet, which – often referred as the “green Diet” – introduced (or amended) over
fourteen pollution control measures , and with the establishment of the Environmental Agency in 1971
(Imura and Schreurs, 2005[1]). After this first wave of measures, environmental policies and regulations
were constantly updated in order to respond to new concerns and emerging challenges, a process that
underlines the dynamic nature of environmental policy-making (Table 2.1).
Nowadays, Japan enjoys relatively good levels of air quality. The country features one the least
pollution intensive GDP among the OECD members and the emission levels of major pollutants have been
decoupled from economic activity (Figure 2.1). Per capita levels are also among the lowest among OECD
Countries. For instance, Japan recorded the lowest per capita emission of carbon monoxide and volatile
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 13
organic compounds (VOCs) while NOx per capita emissions are the third lowest among OECD countries
(OECD data, 2018[2]).
1.00
0.90
0.80
0.70
0.60
0.50
0.40
0.30
0.20
0.10
0.00
20002002200420062008201020122014
Sulphur Oxides
Nitrogen Oxides
However, aggregated national data hide specific pollution hotspots. Indeed, according to latest
available data (2017) almost 10% of Japanese residents are exposed to annual concentration levels of
fine particulate matter (PM)1 above the objective set by the domestic Air Quality Standards (i.e. 15
micrograms/m3) (Figure 2.1). In addition, it should be noted that PM2.5 concentration in almost the whole
country is above the safest level identified by the WHO (10µg/m3). The main sources of PM emissions are
the manufacturing sector, on-road vehicles and “soil dust & tire ware” (Figure 2.1).
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14 ENV/WKP(2020)3
Note: data for left panel are the yearly average values for FY2016. Data for the right panel refers to 2017.
Source: Left panel: (MoE, 2018[3]). Right panel: OECD (2018), "Air quality and health: Exposure to PM2.5 fine particles - countries and regions",
OECD Environment Statistics (database).
2 Photochemical oxidants pollution such as ozone has the greatest impact on the respiratory system. Symptoms
associated with exposure include cough, chest pain, and throat and eye irritation.
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Note: Panel A: Black dot stands for "monitoring stations experiencing photochemical ox alerts more than 10 days in 2016". Light green dot
stands for "monitoring stations experiencing photochemical ox alerts 1-9 days in 2016”. Condition for OX pollution alerts: 0.12ppm for hourly
average).
Source: (MoE, 2018[7]).
There is limited understanding of the role of transboundary sources, with the available evidence suggesting
Japan’s downwind location increases its susceptibility to foreign emissions of PM and dust. Modelling
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simulation led by JAMSTEC, a research centre within jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education, estimated
that emissions originating on mainland China may account up to 50-60% of PM2.5 annual
mean concentration in Western Japan and 40% in the Kanto area (Ikeda et al., 2015[8]). A joint study by
Japanese and Chinese researchers who focused on SNA (Sulphur, Nitrate, and Ammonia), which
contributes to PM formation, confirmed the importance – specially in the case of Nitrate (NO3) - of
transboundary air movements (Itahashi et al., 2017[9]). Similarly to PM2.5, the concentration of
photochemical oxidants is affected by transboundary sources as well. For instance, JAMSTEC (2007[10])
concluded that NOx sources in East Asia contributed to increase ozone concentration across Japan,
specially during warmer months. Also, modelling simulation by “Photochemical Oxidants Research and
Review Committee” within the MoE (2017[11]) shows that the increased emission of OX precursors (VOC
and NOx) in the eastern Asian continent are likely to lead to increase in daily maximum 8-hour average
concentration in a broader area of Japan, with particularly negative impact on the Kyushu area (southern-
western) than Kanto area (eastern). Cuesta et al. (2018[12]) also find evidence of ozone pollution plumes
transported from the North China Plain to Northern China, Korea and Japan.
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Following the relatively centralised structure of the Japanese government, most of the
responsibilities for environmental policy making are retained at the central level. The Ministry of
Environment (MoE) has exclusive jurisdiction over several matters involving air pollution. These include
the setting of both ambient air quality standards and emission limits values, the formulation of the total
emissions reduction policies and the determination of the facilities to regulate.
The responsibilities for some air quality policies are fragmented across multiple ministries with no
formal horizontal coordination mechanism in place. This is the case, for instance, of the automotive
sectors where the MoE is in charge of the “Automobile NOx Emission Act” while the Ministry of Economy,
Trade and Industry (METI) elaborates the Basic Energy Plan that sets the targets for clean vehicles
penetration as well as for renewable energy generation (METI, 2014[13]). Given this lack of formal
structures, horizontal cooperation often builds on established practises, such as formal and informal
meetings with different stakeholders. An additional implicit mechanisms to improve coordination is provided
by the Central Environment Council (中央環境審議会 or CEC) that reviews all laws and programs that are
likely to have an environmental impact (Figure 3.1). This is an advisory body3 to MoE and other ministries
(OECD, 2002) and it is composed of non-governmental experts appointed for a period of two years by the
Prime Minister following recommendations by the MoE. The CEC is mainly tasked with providing opinions
and expert judgement on themes established in the Basic Environment Plan (Article 15 Paragraph 3) and
other important matters with regard to environmental conservation (MoE, 2018[14]). Currently, the CEC
has numerous subcommittees working on issues connected to air quality, including the Technical
Committee on Atmospheric Emission Standards, the Special Committee for Fine Particulate Matter and
Automobile Exhaust Gas Comprehensive Measures subcommittee (MoE, 2018[15]).
The annual budget of the MoE almost tripled during the last decade without – however – any large
impact on the resources dedicated to air quality issues. Financial resources increased from 356 billion
yen in 2000 to 1061 billion yen in 2017 (MoE, 2018[3]) while total staff followed a similar trajectory and
grew from 882 to 3,042 persons during the same period . However, this increase – which is mainly driven
by the environmental concerns following the Fukushima nuclear accident in 2011 and climate change – is
coupled with a constant (or slightly decreasing) pool of resources available for air quality matters (MoE,
2018[3]). Table 3.1 provides a break-down of staffing at the subnational level.
A particular institution is Environmental Restoration and Conservation Agency (ERCA) that
manages the programs for pollution prevention and compensation of the sufferers of pollution-
related illnesses. This agency inherited the pollution compensation programs established during the
3
CEC decisions are purely advisory (i.e. not binding) but there is a consolidated practise of acting upon them (MoE,
2018[3]).
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18 ENV/WKP(2020)3
1970s-1980s to pay certified victims of air pollution. The agency saw its responsibilities broadening over
time to include, among other things, supporting the implementation of measures developed at the central
and local level to reduce air pollution (Box 3.1). The funding of these activities is generated by a mix of
sources, including: the pollution load levy – which is earmarked to pay health compensation benefits –,
20% of the total revenues from the automobile tonnage tax and the funds collected though the so-called
“specified” levy that is imposed on polluters in the areas where the causal relationship between certain
diseases and air pollution is well established, such as the regions of Kumamoto and Kagoshima for the
Minamata and Toyama for Itai-Itai disease (ERCA, 2014[16]).
Prefectures, the lower level of government, have limited policy-making power in relation to air
quality and are mainly in charge of monitoring and enforcement. They can establish stricter emission
standards than those set by the central government and can “formulate a plan for reducing the total quantity
of [pollution]” in areas where it “is difficult to attain the standards for environmental conditions related to
air pollution [..]” (APCA, 2006[17]). As in several other OECD countries, they are also responsible for the
monitoring and enforcement of air quality regulations and for operating the permitting system (Figure 3.1).
Within this context, they also have the responsibility to warn the public when the concentration of selected
pollutants (SOx, SPM, CO, NOx, OX) reach levels considered as dangerous for human health (see section
2.2). It should be noted that the MoE can recommend prefectures to implement stricter emission standards
(APCA, art 5) but the use of this power has been very limited. Importantly, the central government retains
monitoring responsibilities in relation to nuclear matters.
Figure 3.1. Main governmental actors and key responsivities in relation to air quality
To improve vertical coordination, seven Regional Environmental Offices have been established by the MoE
in 2005 but their focus is mainly on activities related to waste management and nature conservation
(OECD, 2010[18]). These offices are also responsible for cross-cutting activities, including the development
of environmental awareness and education initiatives (OECD, 2010[18]). Moreover, they take a role of
liaisons between MoE and local governments in case of national disaster by, for instance, informing the
MoE on the results on the samplings of air pollution conducted by local offices (MoE, 2018[19]).
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 19
Note: “General administrative department” denotes the total of employees in local governments, excluding employees covered by the accounts
of publicly managed firms
Source: (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 2018[20]) .
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20 ENV/WKP(2020)3
endowment fund established by polluting enterprises and the national government. Finally, the activities
connected to asbestos pollution are financed by transfers from both central and local governments as well
as contributions – computed according to the amount of asbestos used – from enterprises who meet
certain conditions.
Source: (ERCA, 2018[21]), (ERCA, 2014[16]), (Hashimoto, 1989[22])
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and Regulatory Impact Analysis (RIA) can be effective
instruments to promote policy coherence and the consideration of air quality issues in different
policy areas (Wiener and Ribeiro, 2016[23]; Jacob et al., 2011[24]). These can be broadly defined as
analytical tools available to government to evaluate the environmental impacts of individual construction
projects (EIA) and the benefits and costs - also in terms of the environment - of regulations (RIA).
There is a long-standing practise with Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA) in Japan, whose
process has been revised in 2012. Currently, the EIA Law identifies 13 types of project that are classified
as “Class-1 projects” or “Class -2” according to their size. All projects that fall within the first category have
to go through an environmental impact assessment before construction while the competent Ministers are
required to determine – considering the opinions of prefectural governors – the need for an environmental
impact assessment for smaller “Class-2 projects” (Table 3.3). All assessments need to compare the
proposed project with alternative solutions. Importantly, the Minister of the Environment can advise on
items to be included in the assessment (MoE, 2012[25]). The collection of feedbacks from lower levels of
government can be particularly important for air pollution where multiple, small-scale projects may
collectively severely affect overall air quality. Examples may include a thermoelectric power plant localised
where numerous factories are already in operation or a road passing through an area where the
concentration of nitrogen dioxide (NO2) already exceeds the ambient environmental quality standard
(MoE, 2012[25]).
The Revised EIA Law introduced two additional steps in the assessment procedures. Also before
the amendment, there was an requirement to compare the proposed project with alternative solutions.
However, the framework of the project (location, scale, etc.) was determined prior to the beginning of the
EIA process and therefore it was sometime complex to consider alternative solutions along these
dimensions. For this reason, the reform has introduced an additional step prior to the detailed IEA
assessment where all proponents of Class-1 project4 have to prepare a document on “Primary
Environmental Impact Consideration” that has to consider alternative plans on specific features of the
projects, such as location and scale. Stakeholders are invited to provide comments that should be reflected
in the subsequent steps of the EIA. The second newly introduced step is denominated “Impact Mitigation
Reporting” and it is performed once the project is under construction in order to monitor environmental
conditions during its development and operational stage (MoE, 2012[25]).
The Japanese environmental impact assessment (EIA) law and relative guidelines do not mandate
to consider transboundary impacts. Furthermore, Japan is not a signatory part of the Espoo (EIA)
Convention that establishes an obligation for States to notify and consult each other on all major projects
that are likely to have a significant adverse environmental impact across national boundaries.
4
This step is voluntary to class-2 projects.
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 21
In addition, as of March 2012, all major cities and prefectures developed their own EIA ordinance 5.
These are meant to ensure that also smaller projects, which may have a specific relevance to
environmental quality due to local circumstances, undergo an EIA process. Takao (2016[26]) reports that
these ordinances require the creation of independent review commissions (shinsakai), which provide
“expert opinions”, and often stipulate a power for the local administrative chief to call public hearings
(kochokai) whenever this is considered as necessary.
A Regulatory Impact Analysis (RIA) process was formally adopted in 2007 but has only been
partially applied. The Implementation Guidelines for Policy Evaluation of Regulations state that all new
or revised regulations should be evaluated considering their expected costs and benefits – including in
relation to the environment – in comparison with a baseline and alternative scenarios (Ministry of Internal
Affairs and Communications, 2017[27]). However, as noted by the recently concluded analysis of the Policy
Evaluation Council (2017[28]), the assessments are afflicted by two main issues. First of all, RIAs are mainly
performed at an advanced stage of the regulatory process (while it should be used to improve the
regulation during its formation process and decision making). Secondly, they mostly included only
qualitative considerations. For instance, Yashiro (2016[29]) reports that only five RIAs out of a total of 128
published in 2013 included a quantitative impact assessment. The limited application of quantitative
assessment seems to characterise both RIAs performed by the Ministry of Environment and those
performed by other Ministries (MoE, 2018[19]).
In order to streamline the procedure, the regulatory impact assessment guidelines have been
recently revised while a manual and calculation templates have been developed as well. The revised
guidelines further elaborate on the information and criteria in relation to quantifying and qualifying impacts
and costs, including the various techniques and processes that ministries can adopt under specific
circumstances (e.g. contingent valuation and hedonic pricing). Since these have been published in mid-
2017, it is too early to evaluate their impact. In this regard, the inclusion of predefined values of the social
cost of each additional tonne of emitted pollutant in RIAs manuals or the development of dedicated training
sessions – to be delivered online or offline – may facilitate an higher (and standardised) recourse to
quantitative assessments of the impacts of regulations on air quality (Box 3.3).
Furthermore6, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism (MLIT) publishes the
“Technical Guideline of Cost-benefit Analysis for Public Project Evaluation” (or “TG”), which
presents the general recommendations for the drafting of Manuals for the CBA of transport
projects. These TG include a wide range of environmental impacts (e.g. air quality, water quality) and
several costing methods. However, the CBA Manuals – which are developed by the various Ministries and
are not required to follow all the TG recommendations - do not always consider all environmental benefits
and costs (ITF, 2015[30]). For instance, the manual for “road CBA” does not consider air pollution impact
while these are included within the manual dedicated to “railway CBA”. This limited focus is particularly
problematic since non-climate impacts that directly affect human health and mortality can especially have
large importance for the outcome of a CBA (OECD, 2018[31]). From this standpoint, it should be considered
that the estimates of the total welfare loss associated to exposure to all air pollution, which includes ambient
PM2.5 exposure as well as ambient ozone exposure and indoor air pollution, range between 5.3% of GDP
in Japan, 4.3% in Korea and 9.92% in China (World Bank and IHME, 2016[32]). In this regard, it should be
noted that some OECD countries include economic values of the impacts of major pollutants for use in the
investment assessments (see Figure 3.2 and Box 3.2).
5
Examples of EIA ordinance by cities and prefectures; Tokyo (Tokyo Bureau of Environment, 2013[158]), Osaka
(Osaka Prefectural Government, 2013[159]), Kanagawa (Kanagawa Prefectural Government, 2014[160]), Chiba (Chiba
Prefectural Government, 2014[161]), Yokohama (City of Yokohama, 2012[162]).
6
This section benefited from the expert advice of Professor K.Hayashi (Nagoya University).
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22 ENV/WKP(2020)3
Figure 3.2. Examples of economic values of pollutants used in CBAs for transport
Selected OECD Countries - USD per Tonne
300,000
259,962
250,000
200,000
150,000 136,193
100,000
43,965 35,821
50,000 21,231 22,759 22,641
7,87817,0806,489 14,640
0
PM NOx SOx
Unclassified
ENV/WKP(2020)3 23
Note: A key uncertainty around the impact of NO2, and consequently emissions of NOX, is the link to mortality. Specifically, mortality is estimated
to be reduced by 2.5% (with a range of ± 1.5%) for each 10 μg/m3 change in exposure to NO2. . Values (range and central estimates) only for
selected geographic areas are reported.
Source: (Defra, 2015[33]).
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24 ENV/WKP(2020)3
Box 3.3. Online regulatory reform training programmes – the Example of Korea
A number of OECD member countries leverage online trainings when regulatory reforms are introduced.
Their advantage lies in their higher flexibility in delivery and limited cost. In addition, they allow to broaden
the target audience to a larger number of officials than what traditional approaches would permit. However,
the limited interaction that often characterises such courses has sometime been considered as reason to
carefully consider their application for advanced trainings.
A recent example of the development of online trainings is provided by the Government of Korea that
introduced an online program to train official on the recent regulatory reform that affected regulatory impact
analysis as well. This program is managed by the Central Officials Training Institute (COTI) and target
central public officials who can access the COTI website using their identification number and password.
The online tool allows officials to progress at their own speed but with an obligation to complete the
programme with the one calendar month. The course is successfully concluded if the trainee has
completed at least 90% of the course sections and scored at least 70% in an online test. Upon completion,
a certificate is recorded in the official’s performance assessment.
Source: (OECD, 2015[34]).
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 25
The mechanisms to promote a working environmental democracy are – in general – not specific to
air pollution. For this reason, a brief overview of the tools in place to ensure that the public can contribute
to the environmental policy making process is provided below.
A first layer of public participation is provided by a systematic practise to consult citizens on
primary and secondary laws. The OECD Indicators of Regulatory Policy and Governance (IRPG) focus
on this aspect of the legislative process that is particularly complex to measure. Importantly, the indicators,
which are based on a survey of OECD member countries, target exclusively the processes and practices
for developing national regulations in the executive branch of government 7. The results underline how the
extent of stakeholders’ engagement in relation to subordinate regulation in Japan is in line with other OECD
countries (Figure 3.3). However, the country would benefit from extending existing efforts to engage with
stakeholders in the process of developing primary laws, for example through public online consultations
on the interactive government website.
3
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
The 2012 revision of the Environmental Impact Assessment introduced numerous mechanisms to
promote public participation during the EIA process but similar provisions are lacking for RIAs.
Examples connected to the EIA process include obligations to hold a public session at the stage of the
determination of the assessment method and to publish the documents prepared by the project proponents
via internet. Instead, measures to improve environmental democracy within the RIA process are limited to
the obligation of disclosing the results on the website of the Ministry in charge of the RIA. As such, within
this latter case, the public can only scrutinize the assessments once they have been drafted but cannot
provide inputs to their preparation. Importantly, the OECD Recommendations on Regulatory Policy and
Governance underline how governments should consult stakeholders on all aspects of impact assessment
analysis.
Currently, only a limited number of NGOs that focus on air quality operate on a national scale. According
to several scholars, this is a common feature of Japanese citizens’ environmental engagement that is
mainly local (Mason, 2014[35]). A clear symptom of this lack of engagement on the national level is that no
7
In most countries the majority of their national primary laws originate from initiatives of the executive and are hence
covered by the survey. In Japan, around 26% of all national primary laws are initiated by the Parliament.
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26 ENV/WKP(2020)3
NGOs have been recently invited to participate in the discussions with the various working groups of the
Central Environment Council that focus on issues related to air quality (MoE, 2018[3]).
Furthermore, limited funding – due to the small membership base – and the absence of a single national-
level co-ordinating body weakens the ability of NGOs to influence national and long-term policy objectives
and solutions (OECD, 2010[18]). This is a feature of Japanese system that is not shared in neighbouring
countries. For instance, the Korean Federation for Environmental Movement (KFEM), which is the biggest
and the most influential NGO in South Korea, counts 85,000 members. In comparison, membership of
Japanese NGOs is usually less than 10,000 (Hasegawa, 2010[36]) while “The Wild Bird Society of Japan”
- which is the largest Japanese environmental NGO - counts less than 51,000 members (as of April 2017)
(The Wild Bird Society of Japan, 2018[37]). Furthermore, while Green Peace counts 600,000 members (or
4% of the domestic population) in the Netherlands and more than 550,000 (less than 1% of population) in
Germany (Hasegawa, 2010[36]), its membership base hovers at only 7,000 members out of a 127 million
strong population in Japan (Greenpeace Japan, 2017[38]).
A specific national mechanism to provide financial assistance to non-governmental and non-profit
organizations is the Japan Fund for Global Environment (JFGE). This manages an endowment fund
established by the Japanese government whose accrued interest are leveraged to finance initiative of
NGOs and NPOs aimed at environmental conservation. The fund targets projects in nine key areas that
include, among the most relevant for air quality, the following: air, water and soil conservation; nature
protection, conservation and restoration; Forest conservation and tree/grass planting; Anti-desertification;
Prevention of global warming; Comprehensive environmental education and Comprehensive
environmental conservation activities (ERCA, 2014[16]). Examples of recent supported projects include
investigations on the health impact of chemical air pollutants and awareness-raising initiatives (ERCA,
2018[39]); international cooperation on monitoring of migratory land birds in the North-East Asia region,
including China (ERCA, 2018[40]); development of social businesses to support protected forest areas
(ERCA, 2018[41]) and creation of teaching materials on Environmental Sustainable Development for young
students (ERCA, 2018[42]).
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 27
Air quality is monitored in Japan according to the Basic Environment law (art. 16) which introduced the first
standards for several air pollutants in 1973. Importantly, while suspended particulate matter (SPM,
equivalent to PM7)8 is included among the monitored substances since the promulgation of the law,
standards for fine particulate matters (PM 2.5) were established only by the end of 2009. The standards are
set by the central government and lower levels of governments do not have the authority to introduce other
(more or less stringent) air quality standards (AQSs). Furthermore, it should be noted that the law stipulates
only an obligation to endeavour to attain the environmental standards but does not require their actual
attainment (Matsuno, 2010[43]).
The concentration levels of major pollutants are in line with the domestically set standards with
the exception of photochemical oxidants and fine particulate matter (Table 4.1). Since attainment is
measured considering compliance at the level of the monitoring station, the results highlight how the air
quality is still below the nationally set objectives in several areas of the country for fine particulate matters.
Instead, virtually all regions are affected by a concentration of photochemical oxidants above the nationally
set standards. However, it should be noted that several AQSs, when comparable, are set at concentration
levels higher than those suggested by the WHO.
8
SPM is defined as a set of particular matters that are all smaller than 10 μm and it is equivalent to PM7. Japan began
using SPM as a standard in 1973 when the medical knowledge regarded particles smaller than 10 μm as dangerous
to human hurting health. (MoE, 2013[147]). Once PM10 has become the global standard, Japan has continued
monitoring SPM since it is more stringent than PM10.
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28 ENV/WKP(2020)3
Note: The conversion from μg/m3 to ppm in case of photochemical oxidants is based on the molecular weight of ozone (48 g/mol) since this is
the pollutant covered by the WHO daily quality standard. Achievement rate is computed considering monitoring stations that jointly compliance
with all the AQSs for a given pollutant (e.g. Daily and yearly concentration for PM2.5) .
“*” marks AQSs that measured as the annual 98th percentile values
“**” marks AQSs that are measured as the annual maximum value
“***” marks that Suspended Particular Matter (PM7) is employed instead of PM10 in Japan
“****” marks AQs that are measures as average of 10-minute
“*****” marks AQs for ozone
“******” marks that this value is yearly average of daytime maximum 1-hour values
Source: (MoE, 2018[44]), (APCA, 2017[45]), (WHO, 2006[46]), (WHO, 2000[47]), (MoE, 2013[48]).
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 29
A continuous monitoring system for 11 air pollutants 9, the atmospheric Environmental Regional
Observation System or “Soramame-kun”, has been established (Figure 4.1). There are two types of
monitoring stations: those for the general atmospheric environment (1,581 stations in 2016), and those for
roadside air monitoring (451 stations in 2016). The Soramame-kun website discloses the observed
information almost in real time10 on a distribution map, where concentration values are reported using a
colour coding system. Moreover, it discloses the status of photochemical oxidants advisory and warning
alerts during the past seven days.
9
Sulfur dioxide (SO2), Nitric oxide (NO), Nitrogen dioxide (NO 2), nitrogen oxides (NOx), Carbon monoxide (CO),
Photochemical oxidant (OX), Non-methane hydrocarbon (NMHC), Methane (CH4), total hydrocarbon emissions
(THC), Suspended particulate matter (SPM), Micro particulate matter (PM 2.5).
10
Data are published with a two hours delay.
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30 ENV/WKP(2020)3
The Basic Environmental Plan (BEP) is a multi-annual framework that sets the long-term objectives
for environmental policy. The plans, whose implementation is assessed by the Central Environmental
Council and the Ministry of Environment, are drafted in coordination with multiple ministries and provide
guidance for budget allocation (OECD, 2010[18]).
The latest BEP (2018) does not include air pollution among its main cross-disciplinary strategic
objectives, thus underlining the current lower priority of this topic. This is partially contradictory since
the final review of the previous basic plan highlighted the low attainment rate of air quality standards for
both photochemical oxidants (0% for both stationary and mobile measures) and PM2.5 (74.5% for
stationary measurement, and 58.4% for mobility measurement) (MoE, 2015[50]). However, regardless of
this lack of an explicit focus on air pollution, numerous measures of the current BEP are likely to support
better air quality (e.g. promotion of renewable energy, compact city, higher usage of public transport and
bicycle, and efficient EIA). (MoE, 2018[51]). Furthermore, the plan highlights the importance of PM2.5,
photochemical oxidants and asbestos for the “overall environmental risk management”, which is among
the six main strategic objectives identified.
Prefectures often develop multi-year environmental plans as well. These, while adapting to local
characteristics, follow a similar structure to the BEPs and provide an overview on the prioritised policy
objectives and planned measures (see Box 4.1) (Ogata, 2006[52]). However, there is no evidence that
these reviews influence the annual planning and budgeting processes (OECD, 2010[18]).
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 31
development of green areas, promotion of the use of public transport and the development of eco-driving
awareness-raising campaigns.
Source: (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 2016[53]) (Tokyo 2020, 2018[54]).
4.3.2. Industry
Similarly, NOx emissions are also regulated though both standards, which vary according to the
technology employed, and caps on total emissions, which are enforced only in selected regions.
Instead, the approach to PM standard setting is similar to those developed in other countries. In fact, soot
and dust standards vary according to the technology employed and the geographic location of the plant
(Table 4.2).
Both emission limit and total emission values are vintage-differentiated, thus imposing more stringent
requirements on new firms than on existing firms. Vintage differentiation regulations are relatively common
across OECD countries and are often justified on political economic grounds since they reduce the impact
of new regulations on existing assets. However, at the same time, they create an uneven playing field for
new entrants since they face stricter regulations. The possibly resulting lower rate of entry of new firms
may slowdown the upgrade of the capital stock and therefore lead to slower penetration of less emissions-
intensive technology. For some Japanese regulations, the cut-off date to distinguish new and old plants is
11
https://www.env.go.jp/en/air/aq/air/air3_table.html.
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32 ENV/WKP(2020)3
set as the year of the entry into force of the law (e.g. 1965 or 1974), therefore the pool of (“old”) facilities
subject to less stringent standards is likely to be small but potentially very polluting. However, the number
and the impact that these facilities are not well understood and should be subject of further investigation.
Best available techniques- (or BATs-) based emission standards have been recently adopted but only for
mercury emissions in selected sectors. Following the entry into force of the “Minamata Convention on
Mercury” on August 2017, Japan has modified its air pollution control act to establish the obligation to
consider best-available technologies for emission standards for new facilities emitting mercury in selected
sectors (MoE, 2016[55]). These include: coal-fired power plants; coal-fired industrial boilers; smelting and
roasting processes used in the production of non-ferrous metals; waste incineration facilities; cement
clinker production facilities.
Permitting
New facilities regulated under the Air Pollution Control Law are required to submit a notification to
the Prefectural governor before starting operations. Information to be submitted by the permit applicant
include the location and map of the soot and smoke equipment, size and capacity of the facility, amount of
discharged air pollutant, air pollutant treatment and discharge method and fuels used (MoE, 2018[58]). If
the new facilities are located in the special areas designated for the total emission regulation for SO x or
NOx, an additional document needs to be submitted to the prefecture governor or city mayor in order to
ensure that the expected emissions do not exceed the total limits.
Business operations cannot start until 60 days have elapsed from the date when the notification to
the governor was accepted. Local governments verify whether the facility can comply with enforced
emission standards considering facilities equipment, operating procedures and disposal method of soot
and smoke (MoE, 2018[19]). Any change to the structure of the facility, its use and technology to dispose
soot and smoke needs also to be communicated to the prefectural governor (APCA, 2006[17]). There is no
other formal condition imposed on the operators as part of the permitting procedure, which is the same for
large and small factories even if emission limit values vary according to the size of the plant.
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 33
Taxes
The only form of environmental taxation concerning air pollution is a levy on SO x emissions which,
however, is often considered more as an “environmental liability instrument”. The main purpose of
this levy is to secure funding to compensate the sufferers – certified by 1987 – of diseases due to air
pollution. In order to set the levy rate, the costs to cover health expenditures for certified patients is
estimated each year and then apportioned to emitters proportionally to their 1982-86 emissions (48% of
the cost) and current annual emissions (32% of the cost). The remaining 20% is financed through the
automobile tonnage tax (see Box 3.1 on ERCA). Therefore, companies that had emitting facilities
operating until the 1st April 1987 remain liable even if these plants are (or will be) closed. Instead, newly
established firms are not required to contribute to the fund unless they install a soot- and smoke-producing
equipment in an existing plant (i.e. they start emitting air pollutants from an existing facility).
This structure affects incentives to abate emission for both new and existing firms. The exclusion
of new firms – while due to the objective underpinning this policy, namely the introduction of an
environmental liability instrument rather than an emission tax – is particularly problematic from the point of
view of ensuring that polluters internalise the environmental externalities of their production choices. At the
same time, existing firms may face lower incentives to abate emission since lower pollution would lead
only to a limited decrease of the payments because these depend on the health costs of patients.
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34 ENV/WKP(2020)3
Subsidies
Currently, few incentives are available to firms for the installation of pollution abatement
equipment. The main instrument consists in subsidised loans provided by Japan Finance Corporation
(JFC). These are offered to enterprise undertaking environmental and energy related investments, with a
specific focus on SMEs that emit precise substances that cause air pollution such as smoke, volatile
organic compounds or asbestos (Table 4.3). Examples of equipment purchasable through this scheme
include: dust collection / dust removal equipment; cleaning, neutralisation, adsorption and reduction
equipment and/or measurement and analysis equipment (JFC, 2018[60]). However, loans disbursed for
environmental and energy investments accounted only for 3.2% (50.4 billion yen) of the total loan
operations in 2016 (JFC, 2017[61]).
Furthermore, incentives are in place to support the installation of renewable energy technologies,
which indirectly contributes to the promotion of air quality. Feed-in tariffs are in place since 2012
(IEA, 2018[63]) while a subsidy covering half of the investment cost for local governments and one third for
private industries has been established for off-grid self-consumption renewable energy generation
(Agency for Natural Resources and Energy, 2018[64]).
Following the 2004 Law Concerning Promotion of Business Activities with Environmental Consideration,
several measures encourage the adoption of environmental management systems (EMS). These often
focus on ECO Action 21 that is an EMS developed by the Ministry of Environment and currently managed
by the Institute for Global Environmental Strategies (IGES). To favour its diffusion, some local governments
offer subsidies to cover certification-related expenses (e.g. consulting fees) while ECO-21 compliant firms
often benefit from additional qualification points in bidding procedures for public construction works. More
precisely, several prefectures have adopted qualitative criteria for bids evaluation, such as whether the
business is rooted in the local community or whether the rate of employees with disabilities is higher than
the target rate set by the promotional act. Compliance with Eco Action 21 is also included even if it provides
limited additional points compared to the other qualitative criteria considered (e.g., 4 points in a case of
Osaka) (IPSuS, 2018[65]) (Industrial Waste Management Foundation, 2013[66]). In addition, Development
Bank of Japan considers compliance with ECO Action 21 as a condition for investment and lending
activities (DBJ, 2018[67]) while several banks offer special loan programs to certified firms (IPSuS,
2011[68]).
Voluntary approaches
The wide use of Voluntary approaches is a unique feature of Japanese pollution control measures.
Two different types of voluntary approaches are common in Japan. The first is an approach where local
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 35
governments negotiate “pollution control agreements” (or PCAs) with firms. These proliferated in the late
1960s when local governments, which had limitedly authority to regulate emissions, started resorting to
this instrument in order to respond to the increasing demand for pollution control measures by local
citizens. Their development is de facto encouraged by the national government that collects signed PCAs
as references for new agreements (Matsuno, 2010[43]). However, there is no updated estimations of the
total number of PCAs currently in effect. The second type of VAs commonly used in Japan are unilateral
commitments by industrial organisations (or “voluntary action plans - VAPs”), which are a more recent
development and became more common in the mid 1990s (Börkey et al., 1999[69]).
The development of PCAs has attracted both criticisms and praises. On the one hand, supporting
authors underline how the higher flexibility of these instruments can allow to both better match the pollution
control measures to local conditions and to respond faster to local issues. On the other hand, critics have
often highlighted how the legal ground of PCAs is often not clear, thus their enforceability can be
questioned. Furthermore, a risk of redundancy between the laws and the PCAs and the sometime limited
transparency that characterise the negotiations between public authorities and firms have also been
highlighted as problematic (OECD, 2003[70]). Finally, some authors question the extent to which firms
voluntarily enter PCAs (Matsuno, 2007[71]). The difficulties to empirically test their impact add to the
ongoing debate on the pros and cons of this approach (Elliott and Okubo, 2016[72]).
Nevertheless, the extent to which this approach can be replicated in other countries is highly
debated. In fact, the Japanese culture of “co-operative regulation” has often been considered as
cornerstone for the efficacy of PCAs to pollution control. Within this context, a bureaucracy that is perceived
as relatively efficient and “not prone to scandals” has allowed to build the necessary mutual trust between
public authorities and regulated companies for the system to thrive (OECD, 2003[70]). In this regard, it
should be noted that the recourse to voluntary approaches is much less common in other OECD countries.
For instance, the latest available estimates put the number of PCAs in Japan at around 30.000 (1999)
while in similarly dated surveys the EA (1996) counted approximately 300 national-level approach in
Europe12 (1996) and Brouhle et al. (2005) noted that “negotiated agreements […] are relatively rare in the
U.S” (2005) (Brouhle, Griffiths and Wolverton, 2005[73]).
Voluntary approaches are expected to continue to play an important role in controlling air pollution
through a “best mix approach”. This is generally defined as controlling emission through a combination
of regulatory and voluntary measures (MoE, 2018[74]) and it is explicitly mentioned by the Air on Pollution
Control Act (APCA). More precisely, the Act has been revised in 2006 with the objective to decrease volatile
organic compounds (VOCs) emission by 30% compared to levels recorded in 2000 (APCA, 2006[17]). To
this end, the APCA was amended to introduce new VOCs emission standard and an obligation for facilities
to both measure VOCs emission at least twice a year and to report establishment or any modification to
existing emitting facilities (METI, 2010[75]). At the same time, the Act mentions how voluntary initiatives are
expected to further contribute to reduction in pollution. In this context, numerous industry-wide initiatives
were lunched (Box 4.3). The approach is considered as successful since VOCs emission were reduced by
more than 40% compared to FY 2000 in 2010 and almost halved since the entry into force of the VOC
regulation (from 1,065,791 tonnes in 2006 to 671,567 tonnes in 2016) (MoE, 2018[76])
12
The 1996 review focused only on “..those commitments undertaken by firms and sector associations, which are the
result of negotiations with public authorities and/or explicitly recognised by the authorities” (European Environment
Agency, 1997).
Unclassified
36 ENV/WKP(2020)3
with newly set VOCs emission standards and mentioned how emission reductions should be achieved
through an appropriate combination of legal tools and voluntary initiatives by businesses (APCA, 2006[17]).
To this end, numerous industry wide initiatives (so called voluntary action plans) were lunched.
The participation to these programs is voluntary but a relative high number of firms joins due to multiple
reasons. Businesses often consider these initiatives as a useful tool to pursue their companies' own
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) objective. Furthermore, there is a general understanding that these
initiatives need to be successful in order to avoid that the government introduces new regulations. In
addition, there is often informal peer pressure within the industry to join. Recent data (2015) report more
than 40 industry associations with program on VOCs reduction (METI, 2017[77]).
A particularly successful example is provided by the printing sector where over 90% of the industry (base
on shipment value) joined the voluntary initiatives as of 2015 (METI, 2017[77]). Participants are required to
independently establish their own reduction targets and submit a voluntary action plan to the industry
association. Then, their progress against their own targets are reviewed yearly by the Association (METI,
2010[75]). In addition, labelling schemes, such as the Green Printing Certifications, incentivise firms’
participation (JFPI, 2018[78]).
Japanese vehicle emission standards, as well as fuel efficiency targets, are jointly developed by a
number of Ministries (MoE, MLIT and METI) in cooperation with the Central Environment Council.
Importantly, emission standards are adopted under the authority of the “Air Pollution Control Act”, while
fuel efficiency targets are established under the “Law Concerning the Rational Use of Energy”. In addition
to emission standards (Table 4.5 and Table 4.6), also efficiency standards have been introduced and,
while targets were established with a timeframe up to 2020, they were met by industry already in 2013
(Yang and Bandivadekar, 2017[79])
The Worldwide Harmonized Light Vehicles Test Procedure (WLTP) has been recently introduced to
test vehicles emissions. The adoption of the worldwide UN standards is expected to increase the
adherence of vehicles emission on road to those observed in laboratory tests thanks to the introduction of
more realistic and a wider variety of driving conditions (urban, suburban, main road, motorway) in the
testing procedure (Box 4.4) (ACEA, 2018[80]).
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 37
(RDE). Within these procedures, emissions are measured by portable emission measuring systems
(PEMS) that are attached to the car while driving on the road according to random variations of parameters
such as acceleration, deceleration, ambient temperature, and payloads. RDE is expected to be introduced
in Japan for diesel vehicles in Japan in 2022 (MLIT, 2018[86]).
In order to improve air quality in congested areas, the NOx/PM Act was introduced in 2002. The Act
originally required the government to develop a national basic policy to bring NO x and SPM concentration
levels more closely in line with the relative AQSs by 2010 in the major cities of 8 prefectures (e.g., Tokyo,
Osaka, etc.). The measures introduced to this end included a ban on the registration of older and polluting
vehicles within these cities (un-registered vehicles cannot circulate) and a mandate for businesses to
submit (and annually report on) “vehicle usage plan” to reduce NOx and PM emission (e.g. shift to less
polluting vehicles, reduce vehicle usage via modal shift, etc.). After an evaluation in 2011, the target was
revised to the complete compliance with the NO x and SPM AQSs by 2020. A 2015 interim review concluded
that 1 city and 3 prefectures had the met the 2020 target of NOx and SPM by 2015. (MoE, 2017[87]).
In order to reduce information asymmetries for consumers, numerous vehicle labelling tools have been
introduced. This labelling scheme reports whether a vehicle is compliant – for instance – with the 2018
standards or whether it over-performs it by a certain percentage (e.g. emissions are 25%, 50% and 75%
lower than the 2018 standard) (JAMA, 2017[88]). In 2018, a certification system for refuelling stations
equipped with devices that reduce emissions due to fuel evaporation, which is one of the causative
substances of photochemical oxidants and PM 2.5, has been established (MOE, 2018).
With the introduction of dedicated tax incentives in 2009, the registration of eco-friendly vehicles
dramatically increased in recent years. JAMA (2017[88]) estimates that the (so-called) next-generation
vehicles – which includes hybrid, plug-in hybrid, electric, fuel cell, clean diesel, and other new-energy
vehicles – accounted for almost 35% of new passenger car registrations in 2016 . The tax breaks for these
vehicles focus on three main automotive taxes: tonnage, acquisition, and ownership (Table 4.4)
(Kuramochi, 2014[89]). In addition, since the tonnage tax is levied according to the type and the weight of
the vehicle, this provides a general but indirect effect to reduce emissions of pollutants across all engine
technologies. The uptake of electric vehicles is further promoted through subsidies for the installation of
chargers at private facilities (NGVPC, 2018[90]).
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38 ENV/WKP(2020)3
Conventional vehicles
Emission down by 75% from 2005 standards
Emission
or
Alternative level:
Emission down by 50% from 2018 standards
Energy
+50% +40% +30% +20% +10% +0% +10%
Vehicles*
Fuel from from from from from from from
Efficiency: 2020 2020 2020 2020 2020 2020 2015
standard standard standard standard standard standard standard
New 80% 60% 40% 20%
Exempt N.A.
Acquisition vehicles reduction reduction reduction reduction
Tax Used ¥350,000 ¥250,000 ¥150,000 ¥50,000
¥450,000 deduction N.A.
vehicles deduction deduction deduction deduction
75% 50% 25%
Tonnage Tax Exempt** Exempt N.A.***
reduction reduction reduction
Automotive Tax 75% reduction** 50% reduction N.A. N.A.
Note:
“*” New Alternative Energy Vehicles (AEV) include Electric vehicles, Fuel cell vehicles, Plug-in hybrid vehicles, Clean diesel vehicles (only
vehicles complying with 2009 or 2018 emission standards), Natural gas vehicles (with NO x emissions down by 10% from 2009 emission
standards, or complying with 2018 emission standards).
“**” marks that exemption applies on first inspection mandated for new vehicle and for the 1st vehicle inspection post-purchase
“***” marks that when they undergo the initial inspection from May 2018 to April 2019, they will be eligible for a 25% reduction for tonnage tax .
Source: (JAMA, 2017[88]).
As diesel cars are included in the group of vehicles that benefit from the eco incentives, their sales
have surged in recent years with potential negative impact on air quality (Figure 4.2). The eco-
incentives have been established mainly as a tool to achieve the long-term carbon reduction targets of
Japan and therefore diesel-powered vehicles were included due to their lower CO₂ emissions. However,
this type of engines pose particular issues for air quality because of their higher emissions of traditional
pollutants. While the penetration rates of diesel passenger cars in Japan is almost nil, the rapid growth
rate of sales promoted by the incentives suggest that potential issues may emerge in the short-medium
term. This is particularly important given also the improved understanding on the link between air pollution
and lung cancer that paved the way for the classification of diesel as a definite carcinogenic by the
International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC, 2012[91]; Roy and Braathen, 2017[92]).
In addition, as in most OECD countries, petrol is taxed more heavily than diesel. Environmental
considerations call for the removal of the diesel differential since there is no environmental reason to attach
a tax preference to diesel. However, as the recent experiences of environmental tax reforms show,
appropriate measures need to be introduced to mitigate the potential distributive implications of such
changes (Arlinghaus and Van Dender, 2017[93]).
Diesel Gasoline
Japan 0.49 0.3
Korea 0.82 0.57
OECD Average 0.54 0.71
Unclassified
ENV/WKP(2020)3 39
Another potential issue lies in the road pricing schemes that often encourage long-distance
driving, including over routes that are very well served by fast train. Currently there is a 30% midnight
discount on motorway tolls for all types of automobiles in order to mitigate the daytime peak traffic. If this
is combined with the long-distance use discount, which provides an additional 10% reduction on road toll
for trips over 100km and a 20% discount for trips over 200km, then total discounts is in the 30% to 50%
range. A similar situation applies to urban motorways where specific discounts (named as “environmental
road pricing”) are offered to divert large-size vehicles from congested roads within residential areas in
certain cities (e.g. it ranges between 10% to 20% discount in Kanto and around 30% on Hanshin
Expressway in Kinki) (MLIT, 2014[94]). Nevertheless, some interesting reforms are being undertaken. For
instance, the Japan Express Holding re-organised the toll rates of expressways in Tokyo in order to reflect
distance-travelled (MLIT, 2018[95]).
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40 ENV/WKP(2020)3
Source: Panels A and B: (DieselNet, 2015[96]) (MLIT, 2018[97]). Panel C: (MLIT, 2018[98]) (MLIT, 2018[97]).
Unclassified
ENV/WKP(2020)3 41
The monitoring and enforcement activities in Japan are geared towards guiding economic actors
towards compliance with limited recourse to fines and penalties. This is, for instance, clearly visible
in the ratio between administrative guidances issued after inspection and the quasi-absence of sanctions.
Several authors point out how the success of this approach seems to be based on very specific features
of the Japanese system where regulations are devised and introduced via a co-operative process with the
various stakeholders (OECD, 2003[70]) (MoE, 2018[3]) and where the reputational consequences of non-
compliance can be large (OECD, 2009[99]). There have been no major reforms to the regulatory monitoring
and enforcement practises in the past years. As such, the following pages will only briefly summarise the
key features. Greater attention is paid to mobile sources, given the role that these play in PM emissions.
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42 ENV/WKP(2020)3
5.1. Monitoring
Box 5.1. OECD Best Practice Principles Regulatory Enforcement and Inspections
The OECD “Best Practice Principles for Regulatory Enforcement and Inspection” address the design of
the policies, institutions and tools to promote effective compliance. These are based on extensive review
of practices in OECD and non-OECD countries and are intended to represent an overarching framework
to support initiatives to improve regulatory enforcement (OECD, 2014[100]). The principles are:
1. Evidence based enforcement. Regulatory enforcement and inspections should be evidence-based
and measurement-based: deciding what to inspect and how should be grounded on data and
evidence, and results should be evaluated regularly.
2. Selectivity. Promoting compliance and enforcing rules should be left to market forces, private
sector and civil society actions wherever possible: inspections and enforcement cannot be
everywhere and address everything, and there are many other ways to achieve regulations’
objectives.
3. Risk focus and proportionality. Enforcement needs to be risk-based and proportionate: the
frequency of inspections and the resources employed should be proportional to the level of risk
and enforcement actions should be aiming at reducing the actual risk posed by infractions.
4. Responsive regulation. Enforcement should be based on “responsive regulation” principles:
inspection enforcement actions should be modulated depending on the profile and behaviour of
specific businesses.
5. Long term vision. Governments should adopt policies on regulatory enforcement and inspections:
clear objectives should be set and institutional mechanisms set up with clear objectives and a long-
term road-map.
6. Co-ordination and consolidation. Inspection functions should be co-ordinated and, where needed,
consolidated: less duplication and overlaps will ensure better use of public resources, minimise
burden on regulated subjects, and maximise effectiveness.
7. Transparent governance. Governance structures and human resources policies for regulatory
enforcement should support transparency, professionalism, and results-oriented management.
Execution of regulatory enforcement should be independent from political influence, and
compliance promotion efforts should be rewarded.
8. Information integration. Information and communication technologies should be used to maximise
risk-focus, co-ordination and information-sharing – as well as optimal use of resources.
9. Clear and fair process. Governments should ensure clarity of rules and process for enforcement
and inspections: coherent legislation to organise inspections and enforcement needs to be adopted
and published, and clearly articulate rights and obligations of officials and of businesses.
10. Compliance promotion. Transparency and compliance should be promoted through the use of
appropriate instruments such as guidance, toolkits and checklists.
11. Professionalism. Inspectors should be trained and managed to ensure professionalism, integrity,
consistency and transparency: this requires substantial training focusing not only on technical but
also on generic inspection skills, and official guidelines for inspectors to help ensure consistency
and fairness.
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 43
Note: Emission gas volume criteria applied for SOx (10Nm3 / hour) is based on SOx emission. Criteria applied for pollutants other than SOx
(40,000 m3/hour) is based on overall gas emission of facility.
Source: (APCA, 2016[101]).
While the MoE has released guidelines for the organisation and design of inspections, the ultimate
responsibility lies with local governments. The guidelines encourage to schedule inspections so that
all facilities are regularly checked but local governments have the autonomy to develop their own
prioritisation criteria (MoE, 2008[102]). These usually include the total volume of pollution emission, kinds
of hazardous pollutants released, and compliance record, thus allowing for a prioritisation of inspections
for higher-risk facilities in line with the OECD Best Practice Principles Regulatory Enforcement and
Inspections (Box 5.1) (OECD, 2009[99]) (MoE, 2018[19]). The MoE also issues guidelines on how to draft
inspection manuals but, since these are non-mandatory as well, local authorities have adopted different
approaches ranging from releasing detailed manuals to developing simple checklists. Overall, the
presence of guidelines and manuals are likely to ensure that regulated agents are not confronted with
excessive variations depending on the inspectors they are in contact with. Importantly, while this approach
based on non-mandatory guidelines is likely to provide Prefectures with the necessary autonomy to cater
inspection strategies to the local needs, the extent to which implemented procedures ensure sufficiently
uniform standards across regions is not monitored.
The result of inspection is summarised in a form of written reports. In addition, some local governments
have developed their own local database to store and manage inspection results. (MoE, 2018[19]). Most
prefectures did not introduce a system of inspectors’ rotation, thus the same staff is likely to monitor the
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44 ENV/WKP(2020)3
same facility over a long time period. This is often considered as a bad practise since it can facilitate
corruption.
During the past three years approximately 15% of factories emitting soot and smoke and 60% of
those emitting VOCs have been inspected annually (Table 5.2). The number of inspections has also
remained relatively stable during this period with the exception of those related to asbestos. In fact, these
increased by 35% between 2015 and 2016 due to an earthquake in Kumamoto that damaged numerous
old buildings that were built using asbestos, thus requiring an extensive monitoring of emissions from
buildings demolition activities (MoE, 2018[103]).
Note: Counting for asbestos is based on number of dismantling or demolition of building using materials including asbestos. Direct emitters of
asbestos were abolished by the end of 2007.
Source: (MoE, 2018[103]).
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 45
Moreover, the MLIT can conduct sampling-based inspection of in-use vehicles. For instance,
following the diesel emissions scandal in 2015, MLIT and MoE jointly conducted emission inspection on 8
existing models of diesel vehicles (6 domestic and 2 imported models) (MLIT, 2015[108]) with the aim of
verifying the presence of any discrepancy in emission levels between real driving conditions and in-house
tests. Furthermore, the MLIT leverages different channels to collect information on vehicles
nonconformities that can potentially require a recall. Information from users is collected through a vehicle
malfunction information hotline and a dedicated website. From 2001 to 2015, the MLIT collected annually,
on average, 6,000 consumers’ reports and it is estimated that between 45% and 80% of these provided
complete and reasonable information. On average, emission-related cases accounted for 2% to 3% of
effective reports (ICCT, 2017[109]). These data are analysed and integrated with the information on
malfunctions reported by manufacturers, police and other relevant agencies to identify potential issues
(MLIT, 2018[110]).
5.2. Enforcement
Based on the inspection results, authorities can issue either administrative guidance or
administrative orders. Administrative guidance are not legally-binding acts that recommend and provide
advice on how to improve pollution control measures. Lack of compliance with these acts does not lead to
penalties (Ministry of Justice, 2005[111]). Instead, administrative orders are legal acts that require firms to
improve or to suspend operations (Ministry of Justice, 2005[111]) These administrative acts are imposed if
a major corrective action is required or if the administrative guidance has been insufficient to ensure
corrective actions (APCA, 2006[17]), (OECD, 2009[99]).
Administrative enforcement can start on the basis of either self-disclosed reports or samplings
taken by certified inspectors. Once a firm has received a guidance or an order, it is required to submit
an “improvement plan” that has to include a timeline for ameliorating interventions. Based on this timeline,
the local governments schedule the date of next follow-up inspection (MoE, 2018[19]).
Administrative orders are very rarely issued since the intervention of the authority is already
regarded as a sanction due to potentially high reputational damages. A strong culture of compliance
results in a very low ratio between the numbers of guidances and orders issued. For instance, during the
past three years - on average - 35,555 inspections have been conducted leading to the issuance of 8,087
guidances and only 5 orders (MoE, 2018[103]). Importantly, the details of enforcement decisions (e.g.
names of businesses, reasons, etc.) are not publicly disclosed but aggregated data are available on the
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46 ENV/WKP(2020)3
MoE website. In addition, corporations are encouraged to publish environmental reports along the
guidelines developed by the MoE. These explicitly require to describe the compliance with environmental
regulations, including “the status of the compliance with environmental regulations and of the
performance of other obligations related to the environment”. This information can be disclosed in the
section dedicated to “Environmental risk management system” (MoE, 2012[112]).
In case of incidents, the local government can also order to take the necessary measure to prevent the
worsening of the environmental consequences. While the facility is responsible for reporting any incident,
the MoE and local governments can conduct additional inspections if deemed necessary (APCA, 2006[17]).
There is limited horizontal information sharing on compliance issues. In fact, no specific mechanism
has been established to ensure that prefectures share with each other data on violation and inspections
results. These information are first reported to the National government that can then decide whether to
initiate further investigations and/or inform other prefectures. Within this context, the creation of stronger
horizontal coordination mechanisms that would allow Prefectures to directly share information on non-
compliance issues may reduce the time to identify similar violations in other regions (OECD, 2018[113]).
For mobile sources, the MLIT can recommend manufactures to recall vehicles that are found in
violation of enforced standards. If the manufacturer does not follow this recommendation, then MLIT will
publicly announce its noncompliance. If the manufacturer still refuses to act after the public announcement,
MLIT will order a recall (MLIT, 2018[110]).
Violation of vehicle emission standards also lead to civil and criminal penalties. For instance,
providing a false notification on potentially nonconforming or nonconforming vehicles/devices, failing to
take the corrective actions ordered by the MLIT or to collaborate during on-site can result in one year of
penal servitude or/ and in fines up to 3 million yen for each person, in addition to a fine up to 200 million
yen for each group for each violation (Yang, Muncrief and Bandivadekaricct, 2017[114]). Moreover,
considering the scandal of cheating on fuel economy tests in 2016, the Road Transport Vehicle Act was
amended in 2017 so that the MLIT can suspend type designation approval for vehicles if it is determined
that the manufacturer provided false information in type designation applications (MLIT, 2017[115]).
It is particularly complex to compare the extent to which countries rely on guidance and other
enforcement actions. The main reasons are the difference in the tools available to domestic agencies
(i.e. the gradation of enforcement response) and the statistical issues due to the non-randomness of
inspections. In fact, several countries deliberately target higher risk facilities and therefore the sample of
the inspected facilities is not random. As such, a higher (or lower) rate of both violations discovery and/or
of recourse to heavier enforcement actions may be the result of a higher (or lower) ability to identify
potential violators (Mazur, 2010[116]). Also for these reasons, there is a limited availability of cross-country
data on this topic. Keeping these caveats in mind, it should be noted that OECD countries exhibit a large
variation in terms of their reliance on fines to correct to violations. For instance, formal enforcement actions
(either through civil judicial and administrative enforcement) were initiated for approximately 16% of the
federal inspections and evaluations in 2017 in USA while French authorities conducted 20,000 inspections
in 2014 leading to 2,300 compliance notices (mise en demeure) and only 950 more formal actions (
« sanctions administratives » et « procès-verbaux d’infraction ») (MEDDE, 2015[117]; US EPA, 2018[118]).
The Air Pollution Control Act introduced strict liability for environmental damages. This principle
establishes that whenever any air pollutant injures human health, the entity that released such pollutant is
liable for any resulting damage. For instance, the PHDCS program operated by the ERCA (Box 3.1) has
been considered as a form of administrative damage compensation system whereby victims of pollution
can obtain compensations through non-judicial procedures. Victims who are not included in such
administrative compensation systems can sue the polluters in court.
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ENV/WKP(2020)3 47
There have also been cases in which compensation was demanded from the government for failing
to regulate harmful substances. This obligation was first recognised in the landmark decision on the
Minamata disease lawsuit where the Japanese Supreme Court (2004) ruled that the failure of the national
and prefectural government to exercise their power to control pollution and to enforce regulations was an
unlawful act. After this decision, several courts admitted the State liability in other pollution cases. For
instance, in 2013 the Osaka High Court held that the national government was liable for failing to regulate
asbestos based on the Labour Standards Act and on the Industrial Safety and Health Act (Okubo,
2014[119]) (Osaka Asbestos defense lawyers, 2018[120]).
The penal code establishes several environment-related criminal offences. These include violation
of improvement orders or provision of false information (Table 5.4). The decision to initiate prosecution is
at the discretion of the local government. When criminal penalties are issued against a company, usually
its employees are also convicted of violation.
Penalties
Violate order to change a plan or order for improvement 1 year of penal servitude or fine up to 1 million yen
Violate restrictions on Soot and Smoke emissions
6 months of penal servitude or fine up to 0.5 million yen
Violate order of measures on the event of an accident
The main objective of compliance promotion activities is to ensure that regulated entities are aware
of their environmental responsibilities and possess the capacity to comply. To this end, countries
often leverage a variegated toolbox that includes training or guidance provided during the inspections. In
this respect, the practise of relying significantly on administrative guidance rather than sanctions can be
regarded as an effective part of the compliance promotion toolkit leveraged in Japan (see section 4.2.1).
In addition, numerous actors contribute to information dissemination activities. The MoE plays an important
role in disseminating information about new regulations, often jointly with METI, by developing information
and educational materials for the regulated industries and by holding seminars at industrial associations’
meetings. However, these initiatives are introduced ad-hoc and on-going training programs, which can be
useful to newly established firms, are not offered. Furthermore, a lack of formal evaluation of these
initiatives hinder the identification of best-practises. Other actors that promote information dissemination
includes the METI that has also developed environment management guidelines for pollution prevention
activities (METI, 2007[121]). Furthermore, the Japan Environmental Association for Industry (JEMAI) also
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48 ENV/WKP(2020)3
plays a role in disseminating information by organising trainings open to its associates and other interested
parties. The initiatives aims at providing pollution control managers with continuous education as well as
skilling-up those who engage in environmental work including environmental management system and
environmental audit (JEMAI, 2018[122]). JEMAI also shares the latest information regarding environmental
laws and pollution control technologies by publishing books and updating its website. Finally, local
governments also provide their own regulatory information to businesses by delivering trainings,
developing explanatory materials, and attending industrial associations’ meetings to disseminate
information as needed (OECD, 2009[99]).
Furthermore, the introduction of measures to control the qualifications of personnel in charge of
“completion tests” for mobile sources is currently under consideration. In fact, the training of employees
responsible for completion tests is currently at the discretion of the manufactures. Following the completion
test scandal in 2016, the “Taskforce for appropriate completion test” suggested to introduce a requirement
for companies to both record and report the content of trainings completed by testers and to establish
programs for continuous skills update. The document also included a recommendation to check if the
training and education are conducted in line with the submitted reports during on-site inspections
(Task-force to ensure the appropriate completion testing, 2018[105]).
Disclosing non-compliance is a useful approach to promoting adherence to environmental laws both within
firms and governments. To this end, several mechanisms contribute to ensure that the general public is
informed on the quality of the environment and has access to the results of the monitoring and enforcement
activities. For instance, the MoE surveys regional emissions of key pollutants (e.g. soot and dust, SOx and
NOx) and discloses the results on the attainment rate of the various air quality standards while
Soramamekun’s system provides almost real time information on the concentration of certain pollutants
(MoE, 2018[7]). Information on inspection and enforcement activities is also collected at the national level.
To this end, yearly report are released with aggregated data on number of total facilities/factories emitting
specific pollutants (soot and smoke, VOCs, and asbestos), the number of (i) facilities/factories inspected,
(ii) administrative guidance and administrative orders issued, and (iii) initiated litigation. The report also
has some breakdown of numbers by type of administrative guidance and administrative orders 13 (MoE,
2018[103]). Importantly, the details of enforcement decisions (e.g., names of businesses, reasons, etc.) are
not publicly disclosed but the guidelines for environmental reports require corporations to describe the
status of compliance with environmental regulations. The MLIT also discloses information about
automotive recalls on its web site while, on a dedicated online database, users can search information on
recall reports, remedial actions taken, and malfunctions by vehicle type (MLIT, 2018[123]).
The Act on Promotion of Business Activities mandates certain corporations to publish annual
environmental reports. However, this duty is limited to “specified business operators”, which are defined
as corporations established under special laws or under government order (e.g. the national university
corporations or incorporated administrative agencies under the Act on General Rules for Incorporated
Administrative Agencies) (Thomson Reuters, n.d.[124]). Instead, larger corporations, defined as
corporations other than small and medium-sized enterprises, must make efforts to publish environmental
reports. As detailed by the reporting guidelines developed by the MoE, “air pollution and its environmental
impacts on the living environment” should be included among the topics assessed in these publications
(MoE, 2012[112]).
13
The main categories are: 1) failure to measure emission 2) failure to record the measurement result 3) failure to
store measurement records and 4) providing false record
Unclassified
ENV/WKP(2020)3 49
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Unclassified