100

•10
17•
Sea of
•l Galilee

Q 5
Jordan River • ll

•18

•12
19 • 20•
•8 •13

Mediterranean Sea

l Dan (2 11294) 7 Beth-shan / 12 Shechem ( 176179)

2 Tyre (168297) Scythopolis ( 197212) 13 Samaria (168 187)
3 Hazor (203269) 8 Megiddo (167221 ) 14 Wadi Rabba (144167)
4 Acco ( 158258) 9 Dor (142224) 15 Joppa (126162)
5 Tiberias (20 1242) 10 Gerasa (234187 ) 16 Rabboth-ammon /
6 Nazareth ( 178234) 11 Deir cAJla (209178) Philadelphia (238 I 51)

ARCHAEOLOGICAL Pl
PALEOLITHIC ................................... 25,000-10,000 B.C.E.
MESOLITHIC ......•....................•........ 10,000-8000 B.C.E.
PRE-POTTERY NEOLITHIC A (PPNA)........... 8000-7000 B.C.E.
PRE-POTTERY NEOLITHIC B (PPNB) . ...... . ... 7000-6000 B.C.E.
POTTERY NEOLITHIC A (PNA) ................. 6000-5000 B.C.E.
POTTERY NEOLITHIC B (PNB) ................. 5000-3800 B.C.E.
(EARLY CHALCOLITHIC)
CHALCOLITHIC (LATE CHALCOLITHIC) ...... 3800-3400 B.C.E.
EARLY BRONZE I.. . ...... ....................... 3400-3100 B.C.E.
EARLY BRONZE II .............. . ......... ... ... . 3100-2650 B.C.E.
EARLY BRONZE III .................. ..... ....... 2650-2350 B.C.E.
EARLY BRONZE IV ........................... ... 2350-2000 B.C.E.
MIDDLE BRONZE I ........................... ... 2000-1800 B.C.E.
MIDDLE BRONZE II ............................. 1800-1650 B.C.E.
MIDDLE BRONZE III ........ . ......... .. ...... . . 1650-1550 / 1500 B.C.E.
 050

• 31

'~·2]--; • 33
·~
23 •2s

• 29

25 • 30

I. 26
• 32• 34•

7 Heshbon (226 134) 23 En-gedi ( 18 7096) 29 Arad ( 162076)

11 8 Jericho ( 192 142) 24 Hebron ( 159 103) 30 Beer-sheba ( 134072)
9 Ai ( I 7+ 147 ) 25 Lachish ( 135 108) 31 Bozrah (208016)
0 Jerusalem ( I 72 131) 26 Gaza (09910 1) 32 Kadesh-barneac (096006)
'l Gezer ( 142 140) 27 Bab edh-Dhrac (2020 74) 33 Petra ( 19297 1)
'2 Ekron ( I 36 13 I ) 28 Masada ( 183080) 34 Kuntillet cAjrud (094954)
35 Timnac ( 1459 10)

DS IN PALESTINE
LATE BRONZE IA ...• ...... ..... ....... .. ........ 1500-1450 B.C.E.
LATE BRONZE IB ................................ 1450-1400 B.C.E.
LATE BRONZE IIA .............................. 1400-1300 B.C.E.
LATE BRONZE IIB ............................... 1300-1200 B.C.E.
IRON AGE IA .. .. ........................... ..... 1200-1100. B.C.E.
IRON AGE 18 ... . . .. ... .. . ... . ... ................ 1100-1000 B.C.E.
IRON AGE IC .................................... l 000-900 B.C.E.
IRON AGE IIA ...... ........................... .. 900-800 B.C.E.
IRON AGE IIB ... . .. ... ..... ..................... 800-722 B.C.E.
IRON AGE IIC .............. .... . ......... . ...... 722-586 B.C.E.
IRON AGE III .................................. .. 586-539 / 500 B.C.E.
PERSIAN PERIOD .. .. .... ........ ............. . . 539 / 500-323 B.C.E.
HELLENISTIC PERIOD ....................... ... 323-37 B.C.E.
ROMAN PERIOD .... .. .. ........ .. . .............. 37 B.C.E.-324 C.E.
BYZANTINE .. .... . ....................... ... .... 324-640 C.E.
 THE
ANCHOR BIBLE
DICTIONARY
 VOLUME 5
0-Sh
David Noel Freedman
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF

ASSOCIATE EDITORS
Gary A. Herion • David F. Graf
John David Pleins
MANAGING EDITOR
ABtrid B. Beck
ABD

DOUBLEDAY
NEW YORK • LONDON • TORONTO • SYDNEY • AUCKLAND
THE ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY: VOLUME 5
PUBLISHED BY DOUBLEDAY
a division of Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc.
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THE ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY, DOUBLEDAY,

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are trademarks of Doubleday,
a division of Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc.

DESIGN BY Stanley S. Orate/Folio Graphics Company, Inc.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Anchor Bible dictionary I David Noel Freedman, editor-in-chief;
associate editors, Gary A. Herion, David F. Graf, John David Pleins;
managing editor, Astrid B. Beck.
-1st ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
1. Bible-Dictionaries. I. Freedman, David Noel, 1922- .
BS440.A54 1992
220.3-dc20 91-8385
CIP

Vol. I ISBN 0-385-19351-3

Vol. 2 ISBN 0-385-19360-2
Vol. 3 ISBN 0-385-19361-0
Vol. 4 ISBN 0-385-19362-9
Vol. 5 ISBN 0-385-19363- 7
Vol. 6 ISBN 0-385-26190-X

Copyright © 1992 by Doubleday,

a division of Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc.
All Rights Reserved
Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

FIRST EDITION
 CONSULTANTS

HANS DIETER BETZ (Greco-Roman Religion)

Shailer Mathews Professor of NT Studies, University of Chicago
JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH (Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha)
George L. Collord Professor of NT Language and Literature, Princeton Theological
Seminary
FRANK MOORE CROSS (Old Testament)
Hancock Professor of Hebrew and Other Oriental Languages, Harvard University
WILLIAM G. DEVER (Archaeology)
Professor of Near Eastern Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Arizona
A. KIRK GRAYSON (Mesopotamia and Assyriology)
Professor, University of Toronto
PETER MACHINIST (Bible and Ancient Near East)
Professor of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University
ABRAHAM J. MALHERBE (New Testament)
Buckingham Professor of New Testament Criticism and Interpretation, The Divinity School,
Yale University
BIRGER A. PEARSON (Early Christianity)
Professor of Religious Studies, University of California at Santa Barbara
JACK M. SASSON (Bible and Ancient Near East)
Professor in Religious Studies, University of North Carolina
WILLIAM R. SCHOEDEL (Early Christian Literature)
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
EDITORIAL STAFF

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF:
David Noel Freedman
ASSOCIATE EDITORS:
Gary A. Herion
David F. Graf
John David Pleins
MANAGING EDITOR:
Astrid B. Beck
ASSISTANT EDITOR:
Philip C. Schmitz
PRODUCTION EDITOR:
Leslie Barkley
ASSISTANTS TO THE EDITOR:
Mark J. Fretz
Herbert Grether
John Huddlestun
John Kutsko
Dale Manor
Paul Mirecki
James Mueller
David R. Seely
William Ward
Harry Weeks
PRODUCTION ASSISTANTS:
Carol Herion
Dennis Moser
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

1 Apoc.jas. First Apocalypse ofjames (NHC V,J) 2 Kgdms 2 Samuel (LXX)

1 Chr I Chronicles 2 Kgs 2 Kings
1 Clem. 1 Clement 2 Mace 2 Maccabees
I Cor I Corinthians 2 Pet 2 Peter
1 En. 1 Enoch (Ethiopic Apocalypse) 2 Sam 2 Samuel
I Esdr I Esdras 2 Thess 2 Thessalonians
1 John 1 John 2Tim 2 Timothy
1 Kgdms 1 Samuel (LXX) 2d second
1 Kgs 1 Kings 3 Bar. 3 Baruch (Greek Apocalypse)
1 Mace 1 Maccabees
3 Cor. 3 Corinthians
1 Pet I Peter
3 En. 3 Enoch (Hebrew Apocalypse)
I Sam I Samuel
3 John 3 John
1 Thess I Thessalonians
3 Kgdms 1 Kings (LXX)
1 Tim 1 Timothy
3 Mace. 3 Maccabees
1Q, 2Q, 3Q, etc. Numbered caves of Qumran, yielding
written material; followed by abbrevia- 3d third
tion of biblical or apocryphal book 3Ql5 Copper Scroll from Qumran Cave 3
lQapGen Genesis Apocryphon of Qumran Cave 1 4 Bar. 4 Baruch
lQH Hodayot (Thanksgiving Hymns) from 4 Ezra 4 Ezra
Qumran C.ave 1 4 Kgdms 2 Kings (LXX)
lQlsa•· b First or second copy of Isaiah from 4 Mace. 4 Maccabees
Qumran Cave 1
4QFlor Florilegium (or Eschatological Midrashim)
lQM Mil&<i'mah (War Scroll) from Qumran Cave 4
lQpHab Pesher on Habakkuk from Qumran Cave 4QMess ar Aramaic "Messianic" text from Qumran
I
Cave 4
lQS Serek hayya/:tad (Rule of the Community,
Manual of Discipline) 4QPhyl Phylacteries from Qumran Cave 4
lQSa Appendix A (Rule of the Congregation) to 4QPrNab Prayer of Nabonidus from Qumran
IQS Cave 4
IQSb Appendix B (Blessings) to lQS 4QTestim Testimonia text from Qumran Cave 4
I st first 4QTLevi Testament of Levi from Qumran Cave 4
2 Apoc.Jas. Second Apocalypse ofJames (NHC V,4) 5 Apoc. Syr. Pss. Five Apocryphal Syriac Psalms
2 Bar. 2 Baruch (Syriac Apocalypse) 5 Mace. 5 Maccabees
2 Chr 2 Chronicles l lQMelch Melchizedek text from Qumran Cave 11
2 Clem. 2 Clement l IQtgJob Targum ofjob from Qumran Cave 11
2 Cor 2 Corinthians A Codex Alexandrinus
2 En. 2 Enoch (Slavonic Apocalypse) AA Agyptologische Abhandlungen
2 Esdr 2 Esdras AA Archiiologischer Anzeiger, Berlin
2 John 2 John AAL Afroasiatic Linguistics, Malibu, CA
VII
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS viii
AANLM Atti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei lincei, AcOrASH Acta orientalia Academiae Scientiarum
Memorie, Cla.sse di scienz.e morali, storiche e Hungaricae
filolor;iche, ser. 8 ACR American Classical Review
AANLR Atti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei lincei, Ac Sum Acta Sumerologica
Rendiconti, Cla.sse di scienz.e morali, storiche act. active
e filologiche, ser. 8
Acts Acts (or Acts of the Apostles)
AA RAS American Academy of Religion Acad-
emy Series Acts Andr. Acts of Andrew
AARASR American Academy of Religion Aids Acts A ndr. M th. Acts of Andrew and Matthias
for the Study of Religion Acts A ndr. Paul Acts of Andrew and Paul
AARCRS American Academy of Religion Classics Acts Barn. Acts of Barnabas
in Religious Studies Actsjas. Acts ofJames the Great
AARSR American Academy of Religion Studies Acts john Acts ofjohn
in Religion Acts john Pro. Acts ofjohn (by Prochorus)
AARTT American Academy of Religion Texts Acts Paul Acts of Paul
and Translations Acts Pet. Acts of Peter
AASF Annales Academiae Scientarum Fenni- Acts Pet. (Slav.) Slavonic Acts of Peter
cae, Helsinki
Acts Pet. 12 Apost. Acts of Peter and the Twelve Apostles (NHC
AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Ori- VI,J)
ental Research Acts Pet. A ndr. Acts of Peter and Andrew
AAT Agypten und Altes Testament Acts Pet. Paul Acts of Peter and Paul
AAWLM Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissen- Acts Phil. Acts of Philip
schaften und der Literatur Mainz
Acts Phil. (Syr.) Acts of Philip (Syriac)
AB Anchor Bible
Acts Pil. Acts of Pilate
ABAW Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Aka-
Acts Thad. Acts of Thaddaeus
demie der Wissenschaften
Acts Thom. Acts of Thomas
AbB Altbabylonische Briefe in Umschrift
und Obersetzung, ed. F. R. Kraus. Lei- ActSS Acta Sanctorum
den, 1964- ACW Ancient Christian Writers
abbr. abbreviated, abbreviation A.O. anno domini (year)
ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary ad loc. ad locum (at the place)
ABIUS}H Annual of Bar-flan University Studies in ADAIK Abhandlungen des deutschen archaol-
judaica and the Humanities ogischen Instituts, Kairo
ABL Assyrian and Babylonian Letters, 14 vols., ADA} Annual of the Department of Antiquities of
ed. R. F. Harper. Chicago, 1892-1914 Jordan
ABLA M. Noth. 1971. Aufsiitz.e zur biblischen Add Dan Additions to Daniel
Landes- und Altertumskunde, ed. H. W Add Esth Additions to Esther
Wolff. Neukirchen-Vluyn ADFU Ausgrabungen der Deutschen For-
'Abod. Zar. 'Aboda Zara schungsgemeinschaft in Uruk-Warka
'Abot 'Abot adj. adjective
>A bot R. Nat. >A bot de Rabbi Nathan ADOG Abhandlungen der Deutschen Orient-Ge-
sellschaft, Berlin
Ahr Philo, De Abrahamo
ADPV Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palas-
ABR Australian Biblical Review tina-Vereins
ABRMW H. Graf Reventlow. 1985. The Authority adv. adverb
of the Bible and the Rise of the Modem
AE L'annee epigraphique [cited by year and
World. Trans. J. Bowden. Philadelphia
no. of text]
AbrN Abr-Nahrain Annual Egyptological Bibliography
AEB
absol. absolute Aegyptus: Revista italiana di egittologia e
Aeg
AcApos Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha. 3 vols. Hil- papirologia
desheim, 1959 Annuaire de /'Ecole pratique des Hautes
AEHEIV
ACF Annuaire du College de France, Paris Eludes, IV• section, Sc. hist. et philol.,
ACNT Augsburg Commentary on the New Paris
Testament AEHEV A nnuaire de l'E cole pratique des Hautes
AcOr Acta orientalia Eludes, V• section, Sc. relig., Paris
ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AEHL Archaeological Excavations in the Holy AJBI Annual of the Japanese Biblical Insti-
Land, ed. A. Negev. Englewood Cliffs, tute, Tokyo
NJ, 1980 A}P American journal of Philology
AEL M. Lichtheim. 1971-80. Ancient Egyp- A}SL American journal of Semitic Languages and
tian Literature. 3 vols. Berkeley Literatures
AER American E cclesia.stical Review A}T American Journal of Theology
AESH B. Trigger, B. J. Kemp, D. O'Connor, Akk Akkadian
and A. B. Lloyd. 1983. Ancient Egypt: A AKM Abhandlungen zur Kunde des Morgen-
Social History. Cambridge landes (Leipzig)
Aet Philo, De aetemitate mundi AL The Assyrian Laws, ed. G. R. Driver and
Aev Aevum: Rassegna di scienze storiche linguis- J. C. Miles. Oxford, 1935
tiche e filologiche ALBO Analecta lovaniensia biblica et orien-
AF Agyptologische Forschungen talia
AFER African Ecclesiastical Review, Eldoret, ALGHJ Arbeiten zur Literatur und Geschichte
Kenya des hellenistischen Judentums
A/L Archiv fur Liturgiewissenschaft, Regens- Allogenes Allogenes (NHC XI,J)
burg Altertum Das Altertum, Berlin
AFNW Arbeitsgemeinschaft fur Forschung des ALUOS Annual of Leeds University Oriental
Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen, Cologne Society
AfO Archiv fur Orientforschung, Graz Am America, New York
AfrT} Africa Theological journal, Arusha, Tan- AmBenR American Benedictine Review
zama AMI Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran
AgAp Josephus, Against Apion ( = Contra Api- Amos Amos
onem) AMT R. C. Thompson. 1923. Assyrian Medical
'Ag. Ber. 'Aggadat Beresit Texts. Oxford
AGJU Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Ju- AN J. J. Stamm. 1939. Die akkadi.sche Namen-
dentums und des Urchristentums gebung. MV AG 44. Berlin
Ap- Philo, De agricultura AnBib Analecta Biblica
AGSU Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Spatjuden- AnBoll Analecta Bollandiana
tums und Urchristentums Anclsr R. de Vaux, 1961. Ancient Israel: Its Life
AH An Aramaic Handbook, ed. F. Rosenthal, and Institutions. Trans. J. McHugh. Lon-
2 vols. Wiesbaden, 1967 don. Repr. New York, 1965
Ah. Ahiqar ANE Ancient Near East(ern)
AHAW Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Aka- ANEP Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to
demie der Wissenschaften the Old Testament, 2d ed. with suppl., ed.
AHG B. Albrektson. 1967. History and the J. B. Pritchard, Princeton, 1969
Gods. ConBOT I. Lund ANET Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the
AHR American Historical Review Old Testament, 3d ed. with suppl., ed.
AHW Akkadisches Handwiirterbuch, ed. W. von
J. B. Pritchard, Princeton, 1969
Soden. 3 vols. Wiesbaden, 1965-81 ANF The Ante-Nicene Fathers
AI Arad Inscription [cited according to Ang Angelicum, Rome
Y. Aharoni. 1981. Arad Inscriptions, Je- An Greg Analecta Gregoriana
rusalem] ANHMW Annalen des Naturhi.stori.sche Museum m
A/ON Annali dell'Istituto orientali di Napoli Wien
AIPHOS Annuaire de l'Institut de philologie et d'his- Anim Philo, De animalibus
toire orientates et slaves Anon. Sam. Anonymous Samaritan Text
AIR Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor An Or Analecta orientalia
of Frank Moore Cross, ed. P. D. Miller, ANQ Andover Newton Qµarterly
P. D. Hanson, and S. D. McBride. Phil- Aufstieg und Niedergang der riimischen
ANRW
adelphia, 1987 Welt, ed. H. Temporini and W. Haase,
AIS I. Finkelstein. 1988. The Archaeology of Berlin, 1972-
the Israelite Settlement. Jerusalem AnSt Anatolian Studies
AJA American journal of Archaeology Ant Josephus, Jewish Antiquities ( = Antiqui-
A}AS American journal of Arabic Studies tates judaicae)
A}BA Australian journal of Biblical Archaeology AntCI L 'antiquite classique
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
x
ANTF Arbeiten zur neutestamentlichen Apoc. Vir. Apocalypses of the Virgin
Textforschung Apoc. Zeph. Apocalypse of Zephaniah
ANTJ Arbeiten zum Neuen Testament und Apoc. Zos. Apocalypse of Zosimus
Judentum
Apocr. Apocryphal, Apocrypha
Anton Antonianum
Anuario Anuario de Filologia, Barcelona Apol]ud Philo, Apologia pro Iudaeis
ANVAO Avhandlinger utgitt av det Norske Vi- Apos. Apostolic, Apostles
denskaps-Akademi i Oslo Apos. Con. Apostolic Constitutions and Canons
AO Der Alte Orient APOT Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament Testament, 2 vols., ed. R. H. Charles.
AOATS Alter Orient und Altes Testament Son- Oxford, 1913
derreihe Ar Arabic
AQAW Anzeiger der Osterreichischer Akademie der AR Archaeological Reports
Wissenschaften, Vienna 'Arak. 'Arakin
AOB2 Altorientalische Bilder zum Alten Testament, Aram Aramaic
2d ed., ed. H. Gressman. Berlin and
Leipzig, 1927 ArbT Arbeitzen zur Theologie, Stuttgart
AOBib Altorientalische Bibliothek Arch Archaeology
AoF A ltorientalische Forschungen ArchEleph B. Porten. 1968. Archives from Elephan-
AOS tine. Berkeley
American Oriental Series
ArchPal W F. Albright. 1960. The Archaeology of
AOSTS American Oriental Society Translation
Palestine. 3d rev. ed. Harmondsworth.
Series
Repr. Gloucester, MA, 1971
AOT2 Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament,
2d ed., ed. H. Gressman. Berlin and ARE Ancient Records of Egypt, 5 vols., ed. J. H.
Breasted. Chicago, 1906. Repr. New
Leipzig, 1926
York, 1962
AP L'annee philologique
ARET Archivi reali di Ebia, Testi
Ap. Ezek. Apocryphon of Ezekiel
Ap.]as. ARC Archiv filr Reformationsgeschichte
Apocryphon ofjames (NHC 1,2)
Ap.john Apocryphon of john (NHC 11,J; III,]; ARI W. F. Albright. 1968. Archaeology and the
IV,J) Religion of Israel. 5th ed. Baltimore
APAACS American Philological Association Aris. Ex. Aristeas the Exegete
American Classical Studies Aristob. A ristobulus
APAPM American Philological Association Phil- ARM Archives royales de Mari
ological Monographs
ARMT Archives royals de Mari: transcriptions
APAT Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des et traductions
Alten Testaments, 2 vols., ed. E. Kautzch.
ARNA Ancient Records from North Arabia, ed.
Tiibingen, 1900. Repr. 1975
F. V. Winnett and W L. Reed. Toronto,
APAW Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie 1970
der Wissenschaft
ArOr Archiv orientalni
APEF Annual of the Palestine Exploration Fund
art. article
APNM H. B. Hoffman. 1965. Amorite Personal
Names in the Mari Texts. Baltimore Art. Artapanus
Apoc. Ab. Apocalypse of Abraham ARW Archiv filr Religionswissenschaft
Apoc. Adam Apocalypse of Adam (NHC V,5) AS Assyriological Studies
Apoc. Dan. Apocalypse of Daniel ASAE Anna/es du Service des antiquites de l'Egypte
Apoc. Dosith. Apocalypse of Dositheus ASAW Abhandlungen der Siichsischen Akademie
Apoc. El. Apocalypse of Elijah der Wissenschaften in Leipzig
Apoc. Ezek. Apocalypse of Ezekiel Ase.fas. Ascents offames
Apoc. Messos Apocalypse of Messos Ascen. ls. Ascension of Isaiah
Apoc. Mos. Apocalypse of Moses Asclepius Asclepius 21-29 (NHC Vl,8)
Apoc. Paul Apocalypse of Paul (NHC V,2) ASNU Acta seminarii neotestamentici upsa-
Apoc. Pet. Apocalypse of Peter (NHC VIl,J) liensis
Apoc. Sedr. Apocalypse of Sedrach ASORDS American Schools of Oriental Research
Apoc. Thom. Apocalypse of Thomas Dissertation Series
xi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ASORMS American Schools of Oriental Research BA/AS Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological
Monograph Series Society, London
ASP American Studies in Papyrology BA.VE The Bible in the Ancient Near East, ed.
G. E. Wright. Garden City, NY, 1961.
ASS Acta sanctae sedis Repr. Winona Lake, IN, 1979
AsSeign Assemblies du Seigneur Bar Baruch
ASSR A rehives des sciences sociales des religions BAR Biblical Archaeologist Reader
Assum. Mos. Assumption of Moses Bar. Baraita
Assum. Vir. Assumption of the Virgin BARev Biblical Archaeology Review
Assur Assur, Malibu, CA BARIS British Archaeological Reports, Inter-
AST! Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute national Series
ASV American Standard Version Barn. Epistle of Barnabas
ATAbh Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental
ATANT Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Al- Research
len und Neuen Testaments BASORSup BASOR Supplement
ATAT Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten BASP Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrol-
Testament ogists
ATD Das Alte Testament Deutsch BASPSup Bulletin of the American Society of
Papyrologists Supplement
ATDan Acta theologica danica
BAss Beitrage zur Assyriologie und semi-
ATC Archivo Teol6gico Granadino, Granada tischen Sprach wissenschaft
AT} Ashland Theological journal, Ashland, BAT Die Botschaft des Alten Testaments
OH
BBB Bonner biblische Beitrage
ATR Anglican Theological Review, Evanston, Broadman Bible Commentary
BBC
IL
BBET Beitrage zur biblischen Exegese und
Aug Augustinianum, Rome Theologie
AulaOr Aula Orienta/is, Barcelona BBLAK Beitrage zur biblischen Landes- und Alter-
Aus G. Dalman. 1928-42. Arbeit und Sitte in tumskunde, Stuttgart
Paliistina. 7 vols. BFCT 14, 17, 27, 29, B.C. before Christ
33, 36, 41. Giitersloh, 1928. Repr. Hil- BC Biblical Commentary, ed. C. F. Keil and
desheim, 1964 · F. Delitzsch. Edinburgh.
AusBR Australian Biblical Review B.C.E. before the common (or Christian) era
AUSS Andrews University Seminary Studies, Ber- BCH Bulletin du correspondance hellenique
rien Springs, MI BCNHE Bibliotheque copte de Nag Hammadi
Auth. Teach. Authoritative Teaching (NHC Vl,J) Section Etudes
AUU Acta universitatis upsaliensis BCNHT Bibliotheque copte de Nag Hammadi
AV Authorized Version Section Textes
AW The Ancient World, Chicago BCPE Bulletin de Centre Protestant d'Etudes, Ge-
AWE AT neva
Archiv far wissenschaftliche Erfor-
schung des Alten Testaments BDB F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs.
1907. A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the
B Codex Vaticanus Old Testament. Oxford
b. (Talm.) Babylonian (Talmud) = "Babli" BDF F. Blass, A. Debrunner, and R. W. Funk.
B. Bat. Baba Batra 1961. A Greek Grammar of the New Testa-
B. Me~. BabaMe#<a ment and Other Early Christian Literature.
B. Qam. BabaQamma Chicago
BA BDR F. Blass, A. Debrunner, and F. Rehkopf.
Biblical Archaeologist
1984. Grammatik des neutestamentlichen
Bab. Babylonian Griechisch. 16th ed. Gottingen
BAC Biblioteca de autores cristianos BE Bulletin epigraphique, ed. P. Gauthier.
BAEO Boletin de la asociaci6n espaflala des Paris
orientalistas BE Bibliotheque d'etude (lnstitut fram;ais
BAfO Beihefte zur Archiv fur Orientforschung, d' Archeologie orientale)
Graz BE FAR Bibliotheque des Ecoles franr;:aises
BAGD W. Bauer, W. F. Arndt, F. W. Gingrich, d'Athenes et de Rome
and F. W. Danker. 1979. Greek-English Bek. Bekorot
Lexicon of the New Testament. 2d ed. Chi- Bel Bel and the Dragon
cago Bened Benedictina, Rome
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xii
BeO Bibbia e oriente, Bornato BJPES Bulletin of the Jewish Palestine Exploration
Ber. Berakot Society ( = Yediot; later BIES)
Berytus Berytus, Beirut, Lebanon BJRL Bulletin of the john Rylands University Li-
BES Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar, brary of Manchester
Chico, CA BJS Brown Judaic Studies
Be$a Be$a ( = Yom Toh) BK Bibel und Kirche, Stuttgart
Beth Mikra Beth Mikra, Jerusalem BK F.. Bresciani and M. Kamil. 1966. Le
BETL Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologica- lettere aramaiche di Herrnopoli.
rum lovaniensium AANLM 12/5: 357-428
BEvT Beitrage zur evangelischen Theologie bk. book
BFCT Beitrage zur Forderung christlicher Bk.Barn. Book of the Resurrection of Christ lry Bar-
Theologie nabas the Apostle
BGBE Beitrage zur Geschichte der biblischen Bk. Elch. Book of Elchasai
Exegese Bk. Noah Book of Noah
BGU Berlin Griechische Urkunden BKAT Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testa-
BHG Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca. Brus- ment
sels, 1909 BLE Bulletin de litthature ecclesiastique, Tou-
BHH Biblisch-Historisches Handworterbuch, ed. louse
B. Reicke and L. Rost. Gottingen, BLe H. Bauer and P. Leander. 1918-22.
1962 Historische Grammatik der hebriiischen
BHI J. Bright. 1981. A History of Israel. 3d Sprache. Halle, Repr. Hildesheim, 1962
ed. Philadelphia BL it Bibel und Liturgie, Klosterneuburg
BHK Biblia hebraica, 3d ed., ed. R. Kittel BMAP E. G. Kraeling. 1953. The Brooklyn Mu-
BHNTC Black's/Harper's New Testament Com- seum Aramaic Papyri. New Haven. Repr.
mentaries 1969
BHS Biblia hebraica stuttgartensia BMMA Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
BHT Beitrage zur historischen Theologie BMQ British Museum Qµarterly
BIATC Bulletin d'information de l'Academie de BMS The Bible in Modem Scholarship, ed. J. P.
Theologie Catholique, Warsaw Hyatt. Nashville, 1965
Bib Biblica, Rome BN Biblische Notizen, Bamberg
BibAT Biblical Archeology Today: Proceedings of Bo Unpublished Bogazkoy tablets (with
the International Congress on Biblical Ar- catalog number)
chaeology, Jerwalem, April 1984. Jerusa- BOSA Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture, Cam-
lem, 1985 bridge
BibB Biblische Beitrage B.P. before (the) present (time)
BibBh Biblebhashyam, Kerala, India BR Biblical Research, Chicago
bibliog. bibliography BRev Bible Review
BibOr Biblica et orientalia BRevuo Biblia Revuo, Ravenna
BibS(F) Biblische Studien (Freiburg, 1895- BRL K. Galling. 1937. Biblisches Reallexikon.
BibS(N) Biblische Studien (Neukirchen, 1951- ) TO bingen
BICS Bulletin of the Institute of Classical BRM Balrylonian Records m the Library of
Studies of the University of London ]. Pierpont Morgan, ed. A. T Clay, New
Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society York, 1912-23
BIES
(= Yediot) BSac Bibliotheca Sacra
BIFAO Bulletin de ['institute frant;ais d'archiologie BSAW Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen der Si:ich-
orientale, Cairo sischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Leipzig, phil.-hist. Kl.
Bij Bijdragen: Tijdschrift voor Filosofie en
Theologie, Amsterdam BSC Bible Study Commentary
Bik. Bikkurim BSFE Bulletin de la Societe frant;aise d'egyptologie
Bi Mes Bibliotheca Mesopotamica BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Afri-
can Studies
BIN Balrylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of
James B. Nies, New Haven, 1917-54 BTAVO Beihefte zum Tiibinger Atlas des Vor-
deren Orients
BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalis, Leiden
Bulletin of the International Organization BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin
B/OSCS
for SePtuagint and Cognate Studies BTF Bangalore Theological Forum, Bangalore
xiii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BTNT R. Bultmann. 1955. Theology of the New CCER Cahiers du Cercle Ernest Renan, Paris
Testament. 2 vols. Trans. K. Grobe!. New CChr Corpus Christianorum
York and London CD Cairo (Genizah), Damascus Document
BToday Bible Today, Collegeville, MN [ = S. Schechter, Documents ofJewish Sec-
BTrans Bible Translator, Aberdeen taries, vol. l, Fragments of a Zadokite Work,
BTS Bible et terre sainte Cambridge, 1910. Repr. New York,
1970]
BTZ Berliner Theologische Zeitschrift
CdE Chronique d'Egypte, Brussels
BU Biblische Untersuchungen
C.E. common (or Christian) era
BuA B. Meissner. 1920-25. Ba/yylonien und
Assyrien. 2 vols. Heidelberg Cerinthus Cerinthus
Burg Burgense, Burgos, Spain cf. confer, compare
BurH Buried History, Melbourne, Australia CGTC Cambridge Greek Testament Commen-
tary
BVC Bible et vie chretienne
CGTSC Cambridge Greek Testament for
BWANT Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten
Schools and Colleges
und Neuen Testament
CH Church History
BWL W. G. Lambert. 1960. Ba/yylonian Wis-
dom Literature. Oxford CH Code of Hammurabi [cited according
to G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, eds.
ByF Biblia y Fe, Madrid, Spain
1952-55. The Ba/yylonian Laws. 2 vols.
Bl Biblische Zeitschrift, Paderborn Oxford]
BZAW Beihefte zur ZAW CHAL A Concise Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of
BZNW Beihefte zur ZNW the Old Testament, ed. W. L. Holladay.
BZRGG Beihefte zur ZRGG Grand Rapids, 1971
BZVO Berliner Beitrage zum Vorderen Orient chap(s). chapter(s)
c Codex Ephraemi CHB The Cambridge History of the Bible, 3 vols.,
C&AH Catastrophism and Ancient History, Los ed. P. R. Ackroyd, G. W. M. Lampe, and
Angeles S. L. Greenslade. Cambridge, 1963-70
ca. circa (about, approximately) CHD Chicago Hittite Dictionary
CaByr Cahiers de Byrsa Cher Philo, De cherubim
CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental In- CHI Cambridge History of Iran
stitute of the University of Chicago CH] The Cambridge History of Judaism, ed.
CaE Cahiers Evangile, Paris W. D. Davies and L. Finkelstein. Cam-
bridge, 1984-
CAH Cambridge Ancient History
CHR Catholic Historical Review
CahRB Cahiers de la Revue biblique
CHSP Center for Hermeneutical Studies Protocol
CahTheol Cahiers Theologiques
Series, Berkeley, CA
Ca] Cahiers de josephologie, Montreal
CIC Corpus inscriptionum graecarum
Cant Song of Songs (or Canticles)
Cl/ Corpus inscriptionum indicarum
CaNum Cahiers de Numismatique, Bologna
CI] Corpus inscriptionvm ivdaicarvm, ed. J. B.
CAP A. E. Cowley. 1923. Aramaic Papyri of the Frey. Sussidi allo studio delle antichita
Fifth Century B.C. Oxford [cited by doc- cristiane, pub. per cura <lei Pontificio
ument number] istituto di archeologia cristiana I, 3.
CAT Commentaire de !'Ancient Testament Vatican City, 1936-52
Cath Catholica, Munster CIL Corpus inscriptionum latinarum
Cav. Tr. Cave of Treasures CIS Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum
CB Cultura biblica CiuD Ciudad de Dias, Madrid
CBC Cambridge Bible Commentary on the CJ Concordia journal, St. Louis, MO
New English Bible C]T Canadian journal of Theology
CBQ Catholic Biblical Qµarterly, Washington, CL Communautes et Liturgies, Ottignies, Bel-
DC gium
CBQMS Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph CL Code of Lipit-lshtar [R. R. Steele. 1948.
Series The Code of Lipit-lshtar. AJA 52: 425-
CBSC Cambridge Bible for Schools and Col- 50)
leges Cl.Mal. Cleodemus Malchus
cc Cross Currents, West Nyack, NY CLA Canon Law Abstracts, Melrose, Scotland
CCath Corpus Catholicorum cm centimeter(s)
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xiv
CMHE F. M. Cross. 1973. Canaanite Myth and CTA A. Herdner. 1963. Corpus des tablettes en
Hebrew Epic. Cambridge, MA cuneiformes alphabetiques decouvertes aRas
CMIB Canadian Mediterranean Institute Bulletin, Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 a 1939. MRS 10.
Ottawa Paris ·
CNF/ Christian News From Israel, Jerusalem, Is- CTAED S. Ahituv. 1984. Canaanite Toponyms in
rael Ancient Egyptian Documents. Jerusalem
CNS Cristianesimo nella Storia, Bologna, Italy CTH E. Laroche. 1971. Catalogue des textes
hittites. Paris
CNT Commentaire du Nouveau Testament
CThM Calwer Theologische Monographien
co Commentationes orientales, Leiden
CT] Calvin Theologi,cal journal, Grand Rap-
Col Colossians ids, MI
col(s). column(s) CTM Concordia Theologi,cal Monthly
Coll Collationes, Brugge, Belgium CToday Christianity Today, Carol Stream, IL
Colloquium Colloquium, Auckland/Sydney CTQ Concordia Theologi,cal Qµarterly, Fort
ColT Collectanea Theologi,ca, Warsaw Wayne, IN
comp. compiled, compiler CTSAP Catholic Theological Society of America
ComViat Communio Viatorum, Prague Proceedings, New York
ConBNT Coniectanea biblica, New Testament CTSSR College Theology Society Studies in Re-
ligion
Con BOT Coniectanea biblica, Old Testament
Concilium Concilium
cu Code of Ur-Nammu [J. J. Finkelstein.
1960. The Laws of Ur-Nammu.]CS 14:
Conf Philo, De confusione linguarum 66-82; F. Yildiz. 1981. A Tablet of Co-
Con gr Philo, De congressu eruditionis gratia dex Ur-Nammu from Sippar. Or 58:
conjunction; conjugation 87-97]
conJ.
ConNT Coniectanea neotestamentica CurTM Currents in Theology and Mission, Chi-
cago
constr. construction; construct
D "Deuteronomic" source; or Codex Be-
Conti Rossini K. Conti Rossini. 1931. Chrestomathia zae
Arabica meridionalis ephigraphica, Rome
DACL Dictionnaire d'archeologi,e chretienne et de
COut Commentaar op het Oude Testament liturgi,e
CP Classical Phi lo logy DAGR Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et ro-
CP} Corpus papyrorum ]udicarum, ed. maines d'apres les textes et les monuments,
A. Tcherikover. 3 vols. Cambridge, MA, ed. C. Daremberg and E. Saglio. 4 vols.
1957-64 Paris, 1877-1919
CQ Church Qµarterly Dan Daniel
CQR Church Qµarterly Review DB Dictionnaire de la Bible, 5 vols., ed.
CR Clergy Review, London F. Vigouroux. Paris, 1895-1912
CRAIBL Comptes rendus de l'Academie des inscrip- DBAT Dielheimer Blatter zum A/ten Testament
tions et belles-lettres DBM Deltion Biblikon Meleton, Athens
CRBR Critical Review of Books in Religi,on DBSup Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplement, ed.
CRINT Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad no- L. Pirot, A. Robert, H. Cazelles, and
vum testamentum A. Feuillet. Paris, 1928-
CRRA Compte Rendu de . . . Recontre Assyriolo- DBTh Dictionary of Biblical Theology, 2d ed., ed.
{fi,que Internationale X. Leon-Dufour. Trans. E. M. Stewart.
New York, 1973
Crux Crux, Vancouver, BC
DC Doctor Communis, Vatican City
cs Chicago Studies, Mundelein, IL
DD Dor le Dor, Jerusalem
csco Corpus scriptorum christianorum or-
DDSR Duke Divinity School Review
ientalium
Dec Philo, De decalogo
CSEL Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum la-
tinorum Dem. Demetrius (the Chronographer)
CSR Christian Scholars Review, Houghton, NY Dem. Demai
Deo Philo, De Deo
CT Cuneiform Texts from Balrylonian Tablets
. . . in the British Museum, London, 1896- Der. Er. Rab . Derek Ere$ Rabba
CT The Egyptian Coffin Texts, ed. A. de Buck Der. Er. Zut. Derek Ere$ Zuta
and A.H. Gardiner. Chicago, 1935-47 Deut Deuteronomy
xv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

DH Deuteronomistic History/Historian EBib Etudes bibliques

DHRP Dissertationes ad historiam religionum Ehr Philo, De ebriet.ate
pertinentes Ee The Ecumenist, New York, NY
Diakonia Diakonia, Vienna Eccl or Qoh Ecclesiastes or Qoheleth
Dial. Sav. Dialogue of the Savior (NHC IIl,5) EcR The Ecumenical Review, Geneva
Dial. Trypho Justin, Dialogue with Trypho Ecu Ecumenismo, Ravenna, Italy
Did Dida.Jkalia, Portugal ed. editor(s); edition; edited by
Did. Didache ED Early Dynastic period
Diogn. Epistle to Diognetes 'Ed. 'Eduyyot
Direction Direction, Fresno, CA EDB Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Bible, ed.
Disc. 8-9 Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC and trans. L. F. Hartman. New York,
Vl,6) 1963
DISO C.-F. Jean and J. Hoftijzer. 1965. Dic- e.g. exempli gratia (for example)
tionnaire des inscriptions semitiques de Eg Egyptian
l'ouest. Leiden EgT Eglise et Theologie, Ottawa
diss. dissertation EHAT Exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten Tes-
div. division tament
Div Divinitas, Vatican City EH/ R. de Vaux. 1978. The Early History of
DivT Divus Thomas, Piacenza, Italy Israel. Trans. D. Smith. Philadelphia
DJD Discoveries in the Judean Desert EHS Einleitung in die Heilige Schrift
DL Doctrine and Life, Dublin EI E retz Israel
DMOA Documenta et Monumenta Orientis E] Encyclopedia ]udaica, I 0 vols., ed.
Antiqui J. Klutzkin and I. Elbogen. Berlin,
1928-34
DN divine name
Dmkschriften der Osterreichischer Akademie EKKNT Evangelisch-katholischer Kommentar
DOAW
der Wissenschaften, Vienna zum Neuen Testament
EKL Evangelisches Kirchenlexikon
DOSA J. Biella. 1982. Dictionary of Old South
Arabic: Sabaean Dialect. HSS 25. Chico, El.Mod. Eldad and Modad
CA EM Ephemerides Mexicanae, Mexico City
DOTT Documents from Old Testament Times, ed. Emm Emmanuel, New York
D. W. Thomas. Edinburgh, 1958. Repr. EncBib Encyclopaedia Biblica, ed. T. K. Cheyne.
New York, 1961 London, 1800-1903. 2d ed. 1958
DRev The Dawnside Review, Bath EncBibBarc Enciclopedia de la Biblia, ed. A. Diez Ma-
DS Denzinger-Schonmetzer, Enchiridion cho and S. Bartina. Barcelona, 1963-
symbolorum 65
DTC Dictionnaire de theologie catholique EncBrit Encyclopaedia Britannica
DTT Dansk Teologtsk Tidsskrift, Copenhagen EnchBib Enchiridion biblicum
DunRev Dunwoodie Review Encjud Encyclopaedia judaica ( 1971)
E east(ern); or "Elohist" source EncMiqr E ntsiqlopedia M iqrti.'ft-E ncyclopaedia Bib-
EA Tell el-Amarna tablets [cited from J. A. lica, Jerusalem, 1950-
Knudtzon, 0. Weber, and E. Ebeling, EncRel Encyclopedia of Religion, 16 vols., ed.
Die El-Amarna Tafeln, 2 vols., VAB 2, M. Eliade. New York, 1987
Leipzig, 1915; and A. F. Rainey, El- Eng English
Amarna Tablets 359-379: Supplement to Entr Encounter, Indianapolis, IN
]. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln, 2d Ep Jer Epistle of Jeremiah
rev. ed., AOAT 8, Kevelaer and Neu-
kirchen-Vluyn, 1970) Ep. Alex. Epistle to the Alexandrians
EAEHL Ep. Apos. Epistle to the Apostles
Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations
in the Holy Land, 4 vols., ed. M. Avi- Ep. Barn. Epistle of Barnabas
Yonah, 1975 Ep. Chr. Abg. Epistle of Christ and Abgar
EA]ET East Africa Journal of Evangelical Theol- Ep. Chr. Heav. Epistle of Christ from Heaven
ogy, Machakos, Kenya Ep. Lao. Epistle to the Laodiceans
EAJT East Asia journal of Theology, Singapore Ep. Lent. Epistle of Lentulus
EB Early Bronze (Age); or Echter Bibel Ep. Paul Sen. Epistles of Paul and Seneca
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
xvi
Ep. Pet. Phil. Letter of Peter to Philip (NHC VIIl,2) EWNT Exegetisches W orterbuch zum Neuen Testa-
Ep. Pol. Epistles of Polycarp ment, ed. H. Baiz and G. Schneider
Ep. Tit. (Apoc.) Apocryphal Epistle of Titus Ex Explor, Evanston, IL
Eph Ephesians ExB Expositor's Bible
Eph. see Ign. Eph. Exeg. Soul Exegesis on the Soul (NHC II,6)
EphC Ephemerides Carmelitica, Rome Exod Exodus
Ephem M. Lidzbarski. 1900-15. Ephemeris fur Exp Tim Expository Times, Surrey
semiti.sche Epigraphik. 3 vols. Giessen Ezek Ezekiel
EphLit Ephemerides Liturgicae, Rome Ezek. Trag. Ezekiel the Tragedian
EphMar Ephemerides Mariologicae, Madrid Ezra Ezra
EPRO Etudes preliminaires aux religions or- f(f). following page(s)
ientales clans !'Empire romain FAS Freiburger Altorientalische Studien
ER Epworth Review, London FB Forschuung zur Bibel
ErbAuf Erbe und Auftrag FBBS Facet Books, Biblical Series
ERE Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, 12 FC Fathers of the Church
vols., ed. J. Hastings. Edinburgh and fc. forthcoming (publication)
New York, 1908-22 fem. feminine; female
Er For Ertrage der Forschung FFNT Foundations and Facets: New Testa-
ErffhSt Erfurter Theologische Studien ment
Erjb E ranos jahrbuch FGLP Forschungen zur Geschichte und Lehre
ERT Evangelical Review of Theolog;y, Exeter des Protestantismus
'Erub. 'Erubin FGrH F. Jacoby. Die Fragmente der griechischen
Historiker. 2d ed. 3 vols. in 10 pts. Lei-
Escr Vedat Escritos del Vedat, Torrente
den, 1957-64 [cited by fragment no.]
esp. especially
FH Fides et Historia, Grand Rapids
Esp Vie Esprit et Vie., Langres
fig(s). figure(s)
EstBib Estudios Biblicos, Madrid
FKDG Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dog-
EstEcl £studios Eclesitisticos, Barcelona mengeschichte
EstFranc Estudios Franci.scanos, Barcelona FKT Forum Katholi.sche Theologie, Aschaffen-
Es th Esther burg
EstTeo Estudios Teologicos, Sao Leopoldo, Brazil fl. fioruit (flourished)
ET English translation Flacc Philo, In Flaccum
et al. et alii (and others) FoiVie Foi et Vie, Paris
etc. et cetera (and so forth) Fond Fondamenti, Bresica
Eth Ethiopic Forum Forum, Bonner, MT
ETL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses, FOTL Forms of Old Testament Literature
Lou vain FR Freiburger Rundbrief
ETOT W. Eichrodt. 1961-67. Theolog;y of the Fran Franci.scanum, Bogota
Old Testament. 2 vols. Trans. J. A. Baker.
Frg. Tg. Fragmentary Targum
Philadelphia
Frgs. Hi.st. Wrks. Fragments of Historical Works
ETR Eludes theologiques et Religieuses, Mont-
pellier, France Frgs. Poet. Wrks. Fragments of Poetic Works
Etudes Etudes, Paris FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Litera-
tur des Alten und Neuen Testaments
Eugnostos Eugnostos the Blessed (NHC III,J; V,1)
Frm. Fragments (NHC XIl,3)
EuntDoc Euntes Docete, Rome
FSAC W. F. Albright. 1957. From the Stone Age
Eup. Eupolemus to Christianity. 2d ed., repr. Garden City,
EV(V) English version(s) NY
Ev] Evangelicaljournal, Myerstown, PA FTS Freiburger Theologische Studien
EvK Evangelische Kommentare FuF Forschungen und Fortschritte, Berlin
EvQ Evangelical Qµarterly, Derbyshire Fuga Philo, De fuga et inventione
EvT Evangeli.sche Theologie, Munich Fund Fundamentum, Riehen, Switzerland
EV(V) English version(s) Furraw Furraw, Maynooth
xvii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

FWSDFML Funk and Wagnall's Standard Dictionary of Gos. Bas. Gospel of Basilides
Folklore, Mythology and Legend Gos. Bir. Mary Gospel of the Birth of Mary
FZPT Freiburger Zeitschrift fur Philosophie und Gos. Eb. Gospel of the Ebionites
Theologie, Fribourg Gos. Eg. Gospel of the Egyptians (NHC Ill,2; IV,2)
GAG W. von Soden. 1969. Grundriss der akka- Gos. Eve Gospel of Eve
dischen Grammatik samt Ergiinzungsheft.
Gos. Cam. Gospel of Gamaliel
AnOr 33/47. Rome
Gos. Heb. Gospel of the Hebrews
Gaium Philo, Legatio ad Gaium
Gos. Inf Infancy Gospels
Gal Galatians
Gos. Inf (Arab) Arabic Gospel of the Infancy
GARI A. K. Grayson. 1972. Assyrian Royal In-
scriptions. RANE. Wiesbaden Gos. Inf (Arm) A nnenian Gospel of the Infancy
GB D. Baly. 1974. The Geography of the Bible. Gos. john (Apocr.) Apocryphal Gospel of]ohn
2d ed. New York Gos. Marcion Gospel of Marcion
GBS Guides to Biblical Scholarship Gos. Mary Gospel of Mary
GCS Griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller Gos. Naass. Gospel of the Naassenes
Gem. Gemara Gos. Naz. Gospel of the Nazarenes
Gen Genesis Gos. Nie. Gospel of Nicodemus
GesB W. Gesenius. Hebriiisches und aramiiisches Gos. Pet. Gospel of Peter
Handwiirterbuch, 17th ed., ed. F. Buhl. Gos. Phil. Gospel of Philip (NHC II,J)
Berlin, 1921 Gos. Thom. Gospel According to Thomas (NHC II,2)
GGR M. P. Nilsson. Geschichte der griechische Gos. Trad. Mth. Gospel and Traditions of Matthias
Religion. 2 vols. 2d ed. Munich, 1961
Gos. Truth Gospel of Truth (NHC I,3; Xll,2)
GHBW R. R. Wilson. 1977. Genealogy and His-
GOTR Greek Orthodox Theological Review,
tory in the Biblical World. YN ER 7. New
Brookline, MA
Haven
GP F. M. Abel. 1933. Geographie de la Pales-
Gig Philo, De gigantibus
tine, 2 vols. Paris
Gi.t. Gittin GRBS Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, Dur-
G]V E. Schurer. 1901-9. Geschichte des ju- ham, NC
disches Volkes im Zeitalter ]esu Christi.
Great Pow. The Concept of Our Great Power (NHC
Leipzig. Repr. Hildesheim, 1970
VI,4)
Gk Greek
Greg Gregorianum, Rome
GK Gesenius' Hebraische Grammatik, 28th ed.,
GSAT Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament,
ed. by E. Kautzsch. Leipzig, 1909. Repr.
Munich
Hildesheim, 1962
GTA Gottinger theologische Arbeiten
Gk. Apoc. Ezra Greek Apocalypse of Ezra
GT] Grace Theological Journal, Winona Lake,
GKB G. Bergstrasser. 1918-29. Hebriiische
IN
Grammatik mit Benutzung der van E.
Kaut;.sch bearbeiteten 28. Aujlage van Wil- GIT Gereformeerd Theologisch Tijdschrift,
helm Gesenius' hebriiischer Grammatik. 2 Netherlands
vols. Leipzig. Repr. Hildesheim, 1962 GTTOT J. J. Simons. 1959. The Geographical and
GKC Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, 28th ed., ed. Topographical Texts of the Old Testament.
E. Kautzsch. Trans. A. E. Cowley. Ox- Francisci Scholten memoriae dedicata
ford, 1910 2. Leiden
GLECS Co!'lptes Rendus du Groupe Linguistique GuL Geist und Leben, Munich
d'Etudes Chamito-Semitiques, Paris eve C. Brockelmann. 1903-13. Grundriss
GM Giittinger M iszellen der vergleichenden Grammatik der semi-
GN tischen Sprachen. 2 vols. Berlin. Repr.
geographical name
1961
GNB Good News Bible
ha. hectares
GNC Good News Commentary
Hab Habakkuk
GNS Good News Studies
HAB Harper's Atlas of the Bible
GNT Grundrisse zum Neuen Testament
GO
HAB Hildesheimer agyptologische Beitrage
Gottinger Orientforschungen
HAD Hebrew and Aramaic Dictionary of the OT,
Gos. Barn. Gospel of Barnabas ed. G. Fohrer. Trans W. Johnstone. Ber-
Gos. Bart. Gospel of Bartholomew lin, 1973
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
xviii
Hag Haggai Hit Hittite
l:fag. l:fagiga HJP 1 E. Schurer. The History of the Jewish Peo-
HAI] J. M. Miller and J. H. Hayes. 1986. A ple in the Time of Jesus Christ, 5 vols.,
History of Ancient Israel and Judah. Phila- trans. ]. Macpherson, S. Taylor, and
delphia P. Christie. Edinburgh, 1886-90
/:Jal. /:lalla HJP2 E. Schurer. The History of the Jewish Peo-
HALAT Hebriiisches und aramiiisches Lexikon zum ple in the Age of Jesus Christ, 3 vols., ed.
Alten Testament, ed. W. Baumgartner et and trans. G. Vermes et al. Edinburgh,
al. 1973-87
HAR Hebrew Annual Review HKAT Handkommentar zum Alten Testament
HAT Handbuch zum Alten Testament HKL R. Borger. l 96 7-7 5. Handbuch der Keil-
HAW schriftliteratur. 3 vols. Berlin
Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft
HKNT Handkommentar zum Neuen Testa-
HBC Harper's Bible Commentary
ment
HBD Harper's Bible Dictionary, ed. P. ]. Achte- HL Hittite Laws [ANET, 188-97)
meier. San Francisco, 1985
HM Hamizrah Hehadash!Near East, Jerusalem
HBT Horizons in Biblical Theology, Pittsburgh,
PA HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament
HDB Dictionary of the Bible, 4 vols., ed. by HNTC Harper's NT Commentaries
J. Hastings et al. Edinburgh and New HO Handbuch der Orientalistik
York, 1899-1904. Rev. by F. C. Grant Hokhma Hokhma, La Sarraz, Switzerland
and H. H. Rowley, 1963 Hor Horizons, Villanova, PA
HDR Harvard Dissertations in Religion Hor. Horayot
HDS Harvard Dissertation Series Hos Hosea
Hdt. Herodotus HPR Homiletic and Pastoral Review, New York
Heb Hebrew; Epistle to the Hebrews HPT M. Noth. 1981. A History of Pentateuchal
Heb. Apoc. El. Hebrew Apocalypse of Elijah Traditions. Trans. B. Anderson. Chico,
Hee. Ab Hecataeus of Abdera CA
Hel. Syn. Pr. Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers HR History of Religions, Chicago
Hen Henoch, Torino, Italy HS Hebrew Studies, Madison, WI
Heres Philo, Qu.is rerum divinarum heres HSAO Heidelberger Studien zum Allen Orient.
Herm Hermathena, Dublin, Ireland Wiesbaden, 1967
Herm.Man. Hermas, Mandate HSAT Die heilige Schrift des Allen Testaments, 4th
Herm. Sim. ed., ed. E. Kautzsch and A. Bertholet.
Hermas, Similitude
Tubingen, 1922-23
Herm. Vis. Hermas, Vision
HSCL Harvard Studies in Comparative Liter-
Hermeneia Hermeneia: A Critical and Historical ature
Commentary on the Bible
HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology,
I:Iev Nabal I:Iever texts Cambridge, MA
Hey] The Heythrop journal, London HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs
HG J. Friedrich. 1959. Die hethitischen Ges- HSS Harvard Semitic Studies
etze. DMOA 7. Leiden
HTKNT Herders theologischer Kommentar
HGB Z. Kallai. 1986. Historical Geography of zum Neuen Testament
the Bible. Leiden
HTR Harvard Theological Review
HH/ S. Herrmann. 1975. A History of Israel in
HTS Harvard Theological Studies
Old Testament Times. 2d ed. Philadelphia
HVCA Hebrew Union College Annual, Cincinnati
Hib] Hibbert journal
HIOTP /:lul. /:lullin
H. Jagersma. 1983. A History of Israel in
the Old Testament Period. Trans. J. Bow- HUTH Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur
den. Philadelphia Theologie
Hist. Eccl. Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica ( = Church Hymn Dance Hymn of the Dance
History) Hyp. Arch. Hypostasis of the Archons (NHC II,4)
Hist. Jos. History ofJoseph Hypo Philo, Hypothetica
Hist. Jos. Carp. History ofJoseph the Carpenter Hypsiph. Hypsiphrone (NHC XI,4)
Hist. Rech. History of the Rechabites IB Interpreter's Bible
xix UST OF ABBREVIATIONS

IBC Interpretation: A Bible Commentary ISBE International Standard Bible Encyclopedia,

for Teaching and Preaching 2d ed., ed. G. W Bromiley
ibid. ibidem (in the same place) /SE ELA lnstituto Superior de Estudios Eclesiasticos
JBS Irish Biblical Studies, Belfast Libra Anual, Mexico City
ICC International Critical Commentary Jstina Jstina, Paris
IDB Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, ed. ITC International Theological Commentary
G. A. Buttrick. 4 vols. Nashville, 1962 ITQ Irish Theological Qµarterly, Maynooth
IDBSup Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible Supple- ITS Indian Theological Studies, Bangalore
mentary Volume, ed. K. Crim. Nashville, IvEph Die lnschriften von Ephesos, ed. H. Wan-
1976 kel. 8 vols. IGSK 11-15
IE] Israel Exploration journal, Jerusalem j. (Talm.) Jerusalem (Talmud)
JG lnscriptiones Graecae J "Yahwist" source
IGRR Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas per- ]A journal asiatique
tinentes, ed. R. Cagnat, J. Toutain, et al. ]AAR journal of the American Academy of Reli-
3 vols. Paris, 1901-27. Repr. Rome, gion
1964
]AC jahrbuchfi.ir Antike und Christen/um
Ign. Eph. Ignatius, Letter to the Ephesians
Jan.jam. jannes and ]ambres
lgn. Magn. Ignatius, Letter to the Magnesians
JANES journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society
Jgn. Phld. Ignatius, Letter to the Philadelphians of Columbia University, New York
lgn. Pol. Ignatius, Letter to the Polycarp ]AOS Journal of the American Oriental Society,
Jgn. Rom. Ignatius, Letter to the Romans New Haven
Jgn. Symm. Ignatius, Letter to the Smyrnaeans JAOSSup Journal of the American Oriental Soci-
Jgn. Trail. Ignatius, Letter to the Trallians ety Supplement
IGLS Jalabert, L., and Mouterde, R. 1929-. ]ARCE journal of the American Research Center in
Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie. 6 Egypt, Boston
vols. Paris. Jas James
IGSK Inschriften griechischer Stadte aus }AS journal of Asian Studies
Kleinasien JB Jerusalem Bible
I]H Israelite and judean Hi.story, ed. J. Hayes ]BC The Jerome Biblical Commentary, ed. R. E.
and M. Miller. OTL. Philadelphia, 1977 Brown, J. A. Fitzmyer, and R. E. Mur-
I]T Indian journal of Theology, Calcutta phy. 2 vols. in I. Englewood Cliffs, NJ,
/KirZ Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift, Bern 1968
/LS Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, ed. H. Des- }BL journal of Biblical Literature
sau. 3 vols. in 5 pts. Berlin, 1892-1916. ]BR journal of Bible and Religion, Boston
Re pr. JCS journal of Cuneiform Studies
Imm Immanuel, Jerusalem }DAI jahrbuch des deutschen archiiologischen In-
impf. imperfect stituts
1mpv. imperative JDS Judean Desert Studies
inf. infinitive Jdt Judith
Inf Gos. Thom. Infancy Gospel of Thomas }EA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, London
IN] Israel Numismatic journal, Jerusalem jeev jeevadhara, Kottayam, Kerala, India
Int Interpretation, Richmond, VA ]EH journal of Ecclesiastical History, London
Interp. Knaw. }Enc The Jewish Encyclopaedia, 12 vols., ed.
Interpretation of Knawledge (NHC XI,/)
I. Singer et al. New York, 1901-6
/OS Israel Oriental Studies
]EOL jaarbericht Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Gezel-
JOTS B. S. Childs. 1979. Introduction to the Old schap "Ex Oriente Lux"
Testament ru Scripture. Philadelphia
Jer Jeremiah
JPN M. Noth. 1928. Die i.sraelitischen Perso-
JES journal of Ecumenical Studies, Philadel-
nennamen. BWANT 3/10. Stuttgarl.
phia
Repr. Hildesheim, 1966
Iraq ]ESHO journal of the Economic and Social History
Iraq
of the Orient, Leiden
Irenikon Irenikon
JETS journal of the Evangelical Theological So-
llU Issues in Religion and Theology ciety
Isa Isaiah ]FA journal of FieUl Archaeology
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
xx
]FSR journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, At- JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testa-
lanta ment Supplement Series
JHNES johns Hopkins Near Eastern Studies }SP Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha
]HS journal of Hellenic Studies, London JSPSup Journal for the Study of the Pseudepig-
]/BS journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies rapha Supplement
]/Ph journal of Indian Philosophy }SS Journal of Semitic Studies, Manchester
]ITC Journal of the Interdenominational Theolog- }SSEA journal of the Society for the Study of Egyp-
ical Center, Atlanta tian Antiquities, Mississauga, Ontario
]JS journal ofJewish Studies, Oxford }SSR Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion
]LA The Jewish Law Annual, Leiden ]TC journal for Theology and the Church
]MES }TS journal of Theological Studies, Oxford
journal of Middle Eastern Studies
]MS }TSoA Journal of Theology for Southern Africa,
journal of Mithraic Studies
Cape Town, South Africa
]NES journal of Near Eastern Studies, Chicago
jub. jubilees
]NSL journal of Northwest Semitic Languages,
judaica judaica: Beitriige zum Verstiindnis . ..
Stellenbosch
Judaism Judaism, New York
Job Job
Jude Jude
Joel Joel
Judg Judges
John john
}W Josephus, The Jewish War ( = Bellum ju-
Jonah Jonah daicum)
]os Philo, De /osepho ]WH journal of World History
Jos. or Joseph. Josephus K Kethib
Jos. Asen. Joseph and Asenath K Tablets in the Kouyunjik collection of
Josh Joshua the British Museum [cited by number]
]POS journal of Palestine Oriental Society, Jeru- KAI Kanaaniiische und aramiiische lnschriften,
salem 3 vols., ed. H. Donner and W. Rollig,
JPSV Jewish Publication Society Version Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1962
}PT Journal of Psychology and Theology, La Kairos Kairos, Salzburg
Mirada, CA KA} Keilschrifttexte aus Assur juristischen ln-
}QR halts, ed. E. Ebeling. WVDOG 50. Leip-
Jewish Qµarterly Review
zig, 1927
JQRMS Jewish Quarterly Review Monograph
Kalla Kalla
Series
KAR Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religiiisen lnhalL1,
JR journal of Religion, Chicago
ed. E. Ebeling. WVDOG 28/34. Leipzig,
]RA/ journal of the Royal Anthropological Insti- 1919-23
tute Kommentar zum Alten Testament
KAT
]RAS journal of the Royal Asiatic Society KAV Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschzedenen ln-
}RE Journal of Religious Ethics halts, ed. 0. Schroeder. WVDOG 35.
}RelS journal of Religious Studies, Cleveland, Leipzig, 1920
OH KB Keilschriftliche Bibliothek, ed. E. Schra-
}RH journal of Religious History der. Berlin, 1889-1915
}RS journal of Roman Studies, London KB L. Koehler and W. Baumgartner. 1953.
Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti libros. Leiden;
]RT journal of Religious Thought, Washing-
Supplementum ad Lexicon in Veteris Testa-
ton, DC
menti libros. Leiden, 1958
JSHRZ J udische Schriften aus hellenistisch- KBANT Kommentare und Beitrage zum Alten
romischer Zeit und Neuen Testament
]SJ journal for the Study ofJudaism, Leiden KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkiii. WVDOG
}SNT journal for the Study of the New Testament, 30/36/68-70172- . Leipzig, 1916-23;
Sheffield Berlin, 1954-
JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testa- KD Kerygma und Dogma, Gottingen
ment Supplement Series KEHAT Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum
]SOR journal of the Society of Oriental Research Alten Testament, ed. 0. F. Fridelin, Leip-
}SOT journal for the Study of the Old Testament, zig, 1812-96
Sheffield Kelim Kelim
xxi UST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Ker. Keritot LavTP Laval Theologique et Philosaphique, Que-

Ketub. Ketubot bec
KG H. Frankfort. 1948. Kingship and the LB Late Bronze (Age)
Gods. Chicago. Repr. 1978 LB Lingui.stica Biblica, Bonn
KHC Kurzer Handcommentar zum Allen Testa- LBAT Late Ba/yylonian Astronomical and Related
ment, ed. K. Marti. Tiibingen Texts, ed. T. G. Pinches and A. Sachs.
Kil. KiPayim Providence, RI, 1955
KJV King James Version LBHG Y. Aharoni. 1979. The Land of the Bible,
3d ed., rev. and en!. by A. F. Rainey.
KK Katorikku Kenkyu, Tokyo, Japan
Philadelphia, 1979
Klosterman E. Klosterman. 1904. Eusebius Das Ono-
LBS Library of Biblical Studies
mastikon der Bibli.schen Ortsnamen. Leip-
zig. Repr. 1966 LCC Library of Christian Classics
KlPauly Der Kleine Pauly, ed. K. Zeigler-W. Son- LCL Loeb Classical Library
theimer, Stuttgart, 1964 LD Lectio divina
KlSchr Kleine Schriften (A. Alt, 1953-59, 1964 LE Laws of Eshnunna [A. Goetze. 1956.
[3d ed.]; 0. Eissfeldt, 1963-68; The Laws of Eshnunna. AASOR 31. New
K. Ellinger, 1966) Haven; ANET, 161-63]
KIT Kleine Texte LEC Library of Early Christianity
km kilometer(s) Leg All I-Ill Philo, Legum allegoriae I-III
KRI K. Kitchen. 1968- . Ramesside Inscrip- Les Lesonenu
tions, Historical and Biographical. 7 vols. Let. Ari.s. Letter of A ri.steas
Oxford
Lev Leviticus
KR/ Y. Kaufmann. 1960. The Religion of Is-
Levant Levant, London
rael. Trans. M. Greenberg. New York
LexLingAeth A. Dillmann. 1865. Lexicon linguae ae-
KTR King's Theological Review, London
thiopicae. Leipzig. Repr. New York,
KTU Keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit, vol. I, 1955; Osnabruck, 1970
ed. M. Dietrich, 0. Loretz, and
LexSyr C. Brockelmann. 1928. Lexicon Syria-
J. Sanmartin. AOAT 24. Kevelaer and cum. 2d ed. Halle. Repr.
Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1976
KUB
LHA F. Zorrell. 1966. Lexicon Hebraicum el
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Voderasia-
Aramaicum Veteri.s Testamenti. Rome
tische Abteilung (later Deutsche Ori-
ent-Gesellschaft) Keilschrifturkunden aus Life Josephus, Life ( = Vita)
Boghazkoi, l 921- List Listening: journal of Religion and Culture,
Lexikon der Agyptologie, eds. W. Heick River Forest, IL
and E. Otto, Wiesbaden, 1972 lit. literally
L.A. B. Liber A ntiquitatum Biblicarum Liv. Pro. Lives of the Prophets
Lad.Jae. Ladder ofJacob LL The Living Light, Washington, DC
LAE The Literature of Ancient Egypt, ed. W. K. LLAVT Lexicon Linguae aramaicae Veteri.s Testa-
Simpson. New Haven, 1972 menti documentis antiquis illustratum.
L.A. E. Life of Adam and Eve E. Vogt. 1971. Rome
Lam Lamentations loc. cit. loco citato (in the place cited)
Lane E. W. Lane. 1863-93. An Arabic-English Lost Tr. The Lost Tribes
Lexicon. 8 vols. London. Repr. 1968 LPGL G. W. H. Lampe. 1961-68. A Patristic
LAPO Litteratures anciennes du Proche-Ori- Greek Lexicon. Oxford
ent LQ Lutheran Qµarterly
LAR D. D. Luckenbill. 1926-27. Ancient Rec- LR Lutheri.sche Rundschau
ords of Assyria and Ba/yylonia. Chicago LS Louvain Studies, Louvain
LAS Leipziger agyptologische Studien LSJM H. G. Liddell and R. Scott. 1968. A
LAS D. D. Luckenbill. 1924. Annals of Sen- Greek-English Lexicon. rev. ed., ed. H. S.
nacherib. OIP 2. Chicago Jones and R. McKenzie. Oxford
LAS BF Liber Annuus Studii Biblici Franci.scani, Je- LSS Leipziger Semitistische Studien
rusalem LT] Lutheran Theological Journal, Adelaide, S.
Lat Latin Australia
Lat Lateranum, Vatican City LTK Lexikonfiir Theologie und Kirche
Laur Laurentianum, Rome LTP Laval Theologique et Philosaphique
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xxii
LTQ Lexington Theological Qµarterly, Lexing- Matt Matthew
ton, KY May Mayeutica, Marcilla (Navarra), Spain
LUA Lunds universitets arsskrift MB Middle Bronze (Age)
Luc Lucianic recension
MB Le Monde de la Bible
Luke Luke
MBA Y. Aharoni and M. Avi-Yonah. 1977.
Lum Vie Lumiere et Vie, Lyons, France
The Macmillan Bible Atlas. Rev. ed. New
LumVit Lumen Vitae, Brussels York
LW Lutheran World MC Miscelanea Comillas, Madrid
LXX Septuagint MCBW R. K. Harrison. 1985. Major Cities of the
m meter(s) Biblical World. New York, 1985
MA Middle Assyrian McCQ McCormick Qµarterly
Maarav Maarav, Santa Monica, CA MD E. S. Drower and R. Macuch. 1963.
Ma'a.S. Ma'a.Serot Mandaic Dictionary. Oxford
Ma'a.S. S. Ma'a.Ser Seni MDAIK Mitteilungen des deutschen archaolo-
MAHL The Moody Atlas of Bible Lands, ed. B. J. gischen Instituts, Kairo
Beitzel. Chicago, 1985 MDOG Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-
Magn. see lgn. Magn. Gesellschaft
MaisDieu Maison-Dieu, Paris MDP Memoires de la delegation en Perse
Mak. Makkot MedHab Epigraphic Expedition, Medinet Habu.
Mak.S. Mak.Sirin ( = Mruqin) OIP 8 (1930), 9 (1932), Chicago
Mal Malachi Meg. Megilla
MAL Middle Assyrian Laws Me'il. Me'ila
MAMA Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, vol. 1, Mek. Mekilta
ed. W. M. Calder and J. M. R. Cormack.
Publications of the American Society Melch. Melchizedek (NHC IX,l)
for Archaeological Research in Asia Mi- Melkon Melkon
nor. Manchester, 1928. Vol. 3, ed. MelT Melita Theologica, Rabat, Malta
J. Keil and A. Wilhelm, 1931. Vol. 4, ed. Mem. Apos. Memoria of Apostles
W. H. Buckler, W. M. Calder, W. K. C.
Guthrie, 1933. Vol. 5, ed. C. W. M. Cox Mena/:i. Mena/:iot
and A. Cameron, 1937. Vol. 6, ed. MEOL Medeelingen en Verhandelingen van het
W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder, 1939 Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Gezelschap "Ex Or-
Man Manuscripta, St. Louis, MO iente Lux," Leiden
MANE Monographs on the Ancient Near East, Mal- Mer Merleg, Munich
ibu, CA MeyerK H. A. W. Meyer, Kritisch-exegetischer
Man.srea Mansrea, Madrid Kommentar iiber das Neue Testament
MAOG Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen Ge- MGW] Monatsschrift fiJ.r Geschichte und Wissen-
sellschaft, Leipzig schaft des ]udentums
Marian um Marianum, Rome m1. mile(s)
Mark Mark Mic Micah
Marsanes Marsanes (NHC XI,J) Mid. Middot
MarSt Marian Studies, Dayton, OH Midr. Midra.S; cited with usual abbreviation
Mart. Bart. Martyrdom of Bartholomew for biblical book; but Midr. Qoh. = Mid-
Mart. Is. Martyrdom of Isaiah ras Qohelet
Mart. Mt. Martyrdom of Matthew MIFAO Memoires publies par les membres de
Mart. Paul Martyrdom of Paul l'Institut fram;:ais d'archeologie orien-
Mat. Pet. tate du Caire
Martyrdom of Peter
Mart. Pet. Paul Martyrdom of Peter and Paul Migr Philo, De migratione Abrahami
Mart. Phil. Martyrdom of Philip MIO Mitteilungen des ln.stituts fiJ.r Orientfor-
Mart. Pol. Martyrdom of Polycarp schung, Berlin
Mas Masada texts Miqw. Miqwa'ot
MAS Milnchner Agyptologische Studien Mird Khirbet Mird texts
masc. masculine misc. miscellaneous
xx iii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

MM J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan. 1914- NBD The New Bible Dictionary, 2d ed., ed. J. D.
30. The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament Douglas and N. Hillyer. Leicester and
Illustrated from the Papyri and other Non- Wheaton, IL
literary Sources. London. Repr. Grand NCBC New Century Bible Commentary
Rapids, 1949 NCCHS New Catholic Commentary on Holy Scrip-
MNTC Moffatt NT Commentary ture, ed. R. D. Fuller et al.
ModChurch Modem Churchman, Leominster, UK NCE New Catholic Encyclopedia, ed. M. R. P.
Mo'ed Mo'ed McGuire et al.
Mo'edQa!- Mo'ed Qatan NCH M. Noth. 1986. The Chronicler's History.
Month, London Trans. H. G. M. Williamson. JSOTSup
Month
51. Sheffield (translates chaps. 14-25
MPAIBL Memoires presentes a l'Academie des inscrip- of VgS]
tions et belles-lettres
NClBC New Clarendon Bible Commentary
MPAT A Manual of Palestinian Aramaic Texts, ed.
J. A. Fitzmyer and D. ]. Harrington. NDH M. Noth. 1981. The Deuteronomistic His-
BibOr 34. Rome, 1978 tory. Trans. H. G. M. Williamson. JSOT-
Sup 15. Sheffield [translates chaps. 1-
MRR The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, ed. 13 of OgS)
T. R. S. Broughton and M. L. Patterson.
2 vols. Philological Monographs 15. ND/EC New Documents Illustrating Early Christi-
1951-52. Suppl., 1960 anity, ed. G. H. K. Horsley. Macquarie
University, 1976-(= 1981-]
MRS Mission de Ras Shamra
NE northeast( ern)
ms (pl. mss) manuscript(s)
NE M. Lidzbarski. 1898. Handbuch der nord-
MScRel Melanges de science religieuse, Lille semitischen Epigraphik. 2 vols. Weimar
MSD Materials for the Sumerian Dictionary NEB New English Bible, Oxford, 1961-70
MSL Materialen zum sumerischen Lexikon, NEBib Neue Echter Bibel
Rome, 1937-
Ned. Nedarim
MSR Melanges de Science Religieuse, Lille
NedTTs Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift, The
MSU Mitteilungen des Septuaginta-Unter- Hague
nehmens
Neg. Nega'im
MT Masoretic Text
Neh Nehemiah
MTS Marburger Theologische Studien Neotestamentica, Stellenbosch
Neot
MTZ Munchner theologi.sche Zeitschrift The Near East School of Theology Theolog-
NETR
Mur Wadi Murabba'at texts ical Review, Beirut
Mus Le Muston: Revue d'Etudes Orienta/es, neut. neuter
Paris Nez. Neziqin
MUS] Melanges de l'Universite Saintjoseph NFT New Frontiers in Theology
Mut Philo. De mutatione nominum NGTT Nederduits Gereformeerde Teologiese Tyd-
MVAG Mitteilungen der vorder-asiatisch-agyp- skrif, Stellenbosch
tischen Gesellschaft NHC Nag Hammadi Codex
N north(ern) M. Noth. 1960. The History of Israel. 2d
NH!
n(n). note(s) ed. Trans. S. Godman, rev. P. R. Ack-
NA Neo-Assyrian royd. London
NAB New American Bible NHL The Nag Hammadi Library in English, 3d
Nah ed., ed. J. M. Robinson. San Francisco,
Nahum
1978
NARCE Newsletter of the American Research Center
in Egypt NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
NASB NHT S. R. Driver. 1913. Notes on the Hebrew
New American Standard Bible
Text and the Topography of the Books of
No.Sim No.Sim Samuel. 2d ed. Oxford
NAWG Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaf- NICNT New International Commentary on the
ten in Gottingen New Testament
Nazir Nazir NICOT New International Commentary on the
NB Neo-Babylonian Old Testament
N.B. nota bem (note well) Nid. Niddah
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
xxiv
NIDNIT New.International Dictionary of New Testa- NWDB The New Westminster Dictionary of the Bi-
ment Theology, 3 vols., ed. C. Brown. ble, ed. H. S. Gehman. Philadelphia,
Grand Rapids, 1975-78 1970
NIGTC New International Greek Testament OA Old Assyrian
Commentary OAkk Old Akkadian
NIV New International Version OB Old Babylonian
NJB New Jerusalem Bible
Obad Obadiah
N]BC New Jerome Bible Commentary
OBO Orbis biblicus el orientalis
NJPSV New Jewish Publication Society Version
OBS Osterreichische biblische Studien
NKJV New King James Version
OBT Overtures to Biblical Theology
NKZ Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift
no. number
oc One in Chri1t, London
Norea The Thought of Norea (NHC IX,2) OCA Orientalia christiana analecta
Nor IT Norsk Teologi.sk Tidsskrift, Oslo, Norway OCD Oxford Classical Dictionary
NovT Novum Testamentum, Leiden OCP Orientalu' Christiana Periodica, Rome
NovTG2 6 Novum Testamentum Graece, ed. E. Nestle Odes Sol. Odes of Solomon
and K. Aland. 26th ed. Stuttgart, 1979 OECT Oxford Edition.1· of Cuneiform 1exl1, ed.
NovTSup Novum Testamentum Supplements S. Langdon, 1923-
NPNF Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers OED 0xford English Dictionary
NRSV New Revised Standard Version OG Old Greek
NRT La nouvelle revue thiologique OGJS Orienti.i· graer.i inscriptione.1 selert~e, ed.
n.s. new series W. Dittenberger. 2 vols. Leipzig,
NS SEA 1903-5
Newsletter of the Society for the Study of
Egyptian Antiquities Ohol. Oholot
NT New Testament OIC Oriental Institute Communications
NTA New Testament Abstracts OIP Oriental Institute Publications
NTAbh Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen OL Old Latin
NTApocr E. Henneke. New Testament Apocrypha, OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analec:ta
ed. W. Schneemelcher. Trans. R. McL. OLP Orientalia lovaniemia periodica
Wilson. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1963-65
OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, Berlin
NTC B. S. Childs. 1985. The New Testament as
OMRO Oudheidkundige Medeelingen uit ltet Rijk.1-
Canon: An Introduction. Philadelphia,
Museum van Oudheden le Leiden
1985
NTCS Onomast. Eusebius, Onomasticon
Newsletter for Tarr;umic and Cognate Stud-
ies, Toronto Op Philo, De opificio mundi
NTD Das Neue Testament Deutsch OP Occasional Papers on the Near East, Mal-
NTF ibu, CA
Neutestamentliche Forschungen
NTH IP W. G. Kilmmel. 1972. The New Testament: op. cit. opere citato ([in] the work cited)
The History of the Investigation of Its Prob- Or Orientalia
lems. Trans. S. M. Gilmour and H. C. car. c0r1a
Kee. Nashville Oriens antiquus
OrAnt
NTL New Testament Library
OrBibLov Orientalia et biblica lovaniensia
NTM New Testament Message
OrChr Orien.s christianus
NTOA Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiq-
uus Orig. World On the Origin of the World (NHC 11,5;
XIII,2)
NTS New Testament Studies, Cambridge, MA
OrSyr L 'orient syrien
NIT Nieuw theologi.sch Tijdschrift
o.s. old series
NTTS New Testament Tools and Studies
OstStud Ostkirchliche Studien, Wurzburg
Num Numbers
Numen Numen: International Review for the His- OT Old Testament
tory of Religions, Leiden OTA Old Testament Abstracts
NV Nova et Vetera, Geneva OTE Old Testament Essays, Pretoria
NW northwest( em) OTG Old Testament Guides
xxv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

OTG The Old Testament in Greek according to the Pesiq. Rab Kah. Pesiqta de Rab Kahana
Text of Codex Vaticanus, ed. A. E. Brooke, PG J. Migne, Patrologia graeca
N. Mclean, and H. St. J. Thackeray. PGM Papyri graecae magicae, 3 vols., ed.
Cambridge, 1906-40 K. Preisendanz. Leipzig, 1928-41
OTK Okumenischer Taschenbuch-Kommen- Ph. E. Poet Philo the Epic Poet
tar PhEW Philosophy East and West
OTL Old Testament Library Phil Philippians
OTM Old Testament Message Philosophische-historische Klasse
Phil.-hist. Kl.
OTP Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 2 vols., ed.
Phld. see Ign. Phld.
J. Charlesworth. Garden City, NY,
1983-87 Phlm Philemon
OTS Oudtestamenti.sche Studiiin PHOE G. von Rad. 1966. The Problem of the
Hexateuch and Other Essays. Trans.
p Pesher (commentary) E. Dicken. Edinburgh and New York
p "Priestly" source Phoen Phoenician
p(p). page(s); past PhonWest Phonizier im Westen, ed. H. G. Neimeyer.
PA Probleme der Agyptologie, Leiden Madrider Beitrage 8. Mainz, 1982
PAA}R Proceedings of the American Academy for PhRev Philosophical Review
Jewish Research, Philadelphia PI J. Pedersen. 1926-40. Israel: Its Life and
Pal. Palestinian Culture. 2 vols. Copenhagen
Pal. Tgs. Palestinian Targum.s PIBA Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association,
PalCl Palestra del Clero Dublin
PAPS Proceedings of the American Philo- PIOL Publications de l'Institut orientaliste de
sophical Society Lou vain
par(s). paragraph(s); (gospel) parallel(s) PIR Prosopographia imperii Romani saec.
Para Para I.II.III, 3 vols., ed. E. Klebs, H. Dessau,
Paraph. Shem Paraphrase of Shem (NHC VIl,J) and P. von Rohden. Berlin, 1897-98
part. PIR 2 Prosopographia imperii Romani saec.
participle
I.II.III, 2d ed., ed. E. Groag, A. Stein,
pass. passive and L. Petersen. 5 vols. Berlin and
passim throughout Leipzig, 1933-
PBA Proceedings of the British Academy, Oxford Pirqe R. El. Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer
PBS University Museum, University of Penn- P.}. Paraleipomena jeremiou
sylvania, Publications of the Babylonian Pj Palii.stinajahrbuch
Section, Philadelphia PL J. Migne, Patrologia Latina
PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome pl. plural
PCB Peak.e's Commentary on the Bible, rev. ed., pl(s). plate(s)
ed. M. Black and H. H. Rowley. New
York, 1962 Plant Philo, De plantatione
PCPS Plato Rep. Plato: Republic 588B-589B (NHC Vl,5)
Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical
Society PMLA Publications of the Modern Language Asso-
P.E. ciation of America
Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica
Pe>a Pe> a PMR Charlesworth, J. H. 1976. The Pseud-
epigrapha and Modern Research. SCS 7.
PEFA Palestine Exploration Fund Annual Missoula, MT
PEFQS Palestine Exploration Fund OJ,tarterly State- PN personal name
ment
PN A Pottery Neolithic A
PEGLAMBS Proceedings of the Eastern Great Lakes and PNB Pottery Neolithic B
Midwest Biblical Societies
PEGLBS Proceedings of the Eastern Great Lakes Bib-
PNPI J. K. Stark. 197 l. Personal Names in Pal-
myrene Inscriptions. Oxford
lical Society
PEQ PNPPI F. Benz. 1972. Personal Names in the Phoe-
Palestine Exploration OJ,tarterly, London nician and Punic Inscriptions. Studia Pohl
perf. perfect 8. Rome
Pers Persian PNTC Pelican New Testament Commentaries
Pesafi. Pesaliim PO Patrologia orientalis
Pesiq. R. Pesiqta Rabbati Pol. see Ign. Pol.
UST OF ABBREVIATIONS
xx vi
Post Philo, De posteritate Caini PTU F. Grondahl. 1967. Die Personennamen
PO'IT Peoples of 01.d Testament Times, ed. D. J. der Texte aus Ugarit. Studia Pohl I. Rome
Wiseman. Oxford, 1973 Pun Punic
POuT De Prediking van het Oude Testament PVTG Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti
PPN A Pre-Pottery Neolithic A graece
PPNB Pre-Pottery Neolithic B PW A. Pauly-G. Wissowa, Real-Encyclopiidie
Pr Azar Prayer of Azariah der classi.schen Altertumswi.ssenschaft,
Pr.Jae. Prayer ofJacob Stuttgart, 1839-; supplements, 1903-
56, 11 vols.; 2d series, 1914-48
Pr.jos. Prayer ofJoseph
PWC]S Proceedings of the . . . World Congress of
Pr Man Prayer of Manasseh Jewish Studies
Pr. Mos. Prayer of Moses PWSup Supplement to PW
Pr. Paul Prayer of the Apostle Paul (NHC I,J) Pyr K. Sethe. 1908-32. Die altiigyptischen
Pr. Thanks. The Prayer of Thanksgiving (NHC VI,7) Pyramidentexte. 4 vols. Leipzig. Repr.
Praem Philo, De praemii.s et poenii.s Hildesheim, 1969
Praep. Evang. Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica Q Qere; "Q"-source; Qumran texts (e.g.,
Pre. Pet. Preaching of Peter 4QTestim)
Preslryterion Preslryterion, St. Louis, MO Qad Qadmoniot, Jerusalem
Prism Prism, St. Paul, MN QD Quaestiones disputatae
Pro Prayecci6n, Granada, Spain QDAP Qµarterly of the Department of Antiquities
Prob Philo, Probus in Palestine
Prod QHBT Qµmran and the History of the Biblical Text,
Proclamation Commentaries
ed. F. M. Cross and S. Talmon. Cam-
Proof Proo/texts: A journal ofJewish Literary His- bridge, MA, 1975
tory
Qidd. Qiddulin
Prot.jas. Protevangelium ofJames
Qinnim Qinnim
Prov Proverbs
QL Qumran Literature
Provid I-II Philo, De providentia I-II
Qod. QodaSin
PRS Perspectives in Religious Studies, Macon,
Qoh or Eccl Qoheleth or Ecclesiastes
GA
Qµaes Ex I-II Philo, Qµaestiones et solutiones in Exodum
PRU Le Palai.s Royal d'Ugarit, ed. C. F. A.
I-II
Schaeffer and J. Nougayrol. Paris
Qµaes Gen I-IV Philo, Qµaestiones et solutiones in Genesin
Ps(s) Psalm(s)
I-IV
Ps-Abd. Apostolic Hi.story of Pseudo-Abdias
Qµes. Ezra Qµestions of Ezra
PSB Princeton Seminary Bulletin, Princeton,
Qµod Del Philo, Qµod deterius potiori insidiari soleat
NJ
Qµod Deus Philo, Qµod deus immutabili.s sit
PSBA Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Ar-
chaeology Qµod Omn Philo, Qµod omni.s probus liber sit
Ps-Clem. Pseudo-Clementines R H. C. Rawlinson. 1861-1909. The Cu-
neiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. Lon-
Ps-Eup. P seudo-Eupolemus
don
Ps-Hec. Pseudo-Hecataeus
RA Revue d'Assyriologie et d'A rcheologie orien-
Ps-Mt. Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew tale, Paris
Ps-Orph. Pseudo-Orpheus RAB J. Rogerson. 1985. Atlas of the Bible. New
Ps-Philo Pseudo-Philo York
Ps-Phoc. Pseudo-Phocylides Rab. Rabbah (following abbreviation for bib-
Pss. Sol. Psalms of Solomon lical book: Gen. Rab. = Genesis Rabbah)
PSt Process Studies, Claremont, CA RAC Reallexikon fur A ntike und Christentum, I 0
PST] Perkins (School of Theology) journal, Dal- vols., ed. T. Klauser, Stuttgart, 1950-78
las, TX RANE Records of the Ancient Near East
PT Perspectiva Teol6gica, Venda Nova, Brazil RAO Recueil d' archeologie orientate
pt. part RAR H. Bonnet. 1952. Reallexikon der iigyp-
PThS Pretoria Theological Studies, Leiden ti.schen Religionsgeschichte. Berlin
PTMS Pittsburgh Theological Monograph Se- RArch Revue archeologique
nes RasT Rassegna di Teologia, Naples
xx vii UST OF ABBREVIATIONS

RAT Revue Africaine de Theologie, Kinshasa RGTC Repertoire giographique des textes cunei-
Limete, Zaire formes, 8 vols., ed. W. Rollig. BTAVO B7.
Razon y Fe, Madrid Wiesbaden
RazFe
Revue biblique, Paris RHA Revue hittite et asianique
RB
Revue benedictine, Maredsous RHE Revue d'histoire ecclisiastique, Louvain
RB en
Rivista biblica it.aliana, Brescia RHLR Revue d'histoire et de littirature religieuses,
RBI
Paris
RBR Ricerche Bibliche e Religiose
RhM Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie
RCB Revista de Cultura Biblica, Sao Paulo,
Brazil RHPR Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses,
Strasbourg
RCT Revist.a Cat.alana de Teologia, Barcelona,
Spain RHR Revue de l'histoire des religions, Paris
RDAC Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cy- RIC The Roman Imperial Coinage, ed. H. Mat-
prus, Nicosia tingly et al. Lqndon, 1923-81
RdE Revue d'egyptologie RIC 2 The Roman Imperial Coinage, 2d ed., ed.
C. H. V. Sutherland and R. A. G. Car-
RdM Die Religionen der Menschheit, ed. C. M.
son. London, 1984-
Schroder, Stuttgart
RIDA Revue internationale des droits de l'antiquiti
RE Realencyklopii.die fur protestantische Theo-
logie und Kirche, 3d ed., ed. A. Hauck. RIH J. de Rouge. 1877-78. Inscriptions hiero-
Leipzig, 1897-1913 glyphiques copiies en Egypte. 3 vols. Etudes
egyptologiques 9-11. Paris
REA Revue des etudes anciennes
RivArCr Rivista di archeologia cristiana, Rome
RE Aug Revue des etudes augustiniennes, Paris
RivB Rivista biblica, Bologna
REB Revista Eclesidstica Brasileira, Brazil
RLA Reallexikon der Assyriologie, ed.
Rech Bib Recherches bibliques
G. Ebeling et al. Berlin, 1932-
Re/Rev Reformed Review, Holland, MI
RLT Revista Latinoamericana de Teologia, San
RejTR Reformed Theological Revil?W, Melbourne Salvador
RE] Revue des etudes juives, Paris RNAB see RAB
RelArts Religion and the Arts RNT Regenesburger Neues Testament
RelLond Religion, London, 1971- RocTKan Roczniki Teologiczno-Kanoniczne, Lublin
RelNY Religion, New York Rom Romans
RelS Religious Studies, London Rom. see Ign. Rom.
Re/Soc Religion and Society Ros HI. Ros Ha.f.fana
RelSRev Religious Studies Review ROTT G. von Rad. 1962-65. Old Test.ament The-
Renovatio Renovatio, Bonn ology. 2 vols. Trans. D. M. G. Stalker.
repr. reprint, reprinted New York
RES Revue des etudes simitiqueS, Paris RP Revue de philologie
RES Repertoire d'epigraphie semitique [cited by RQ Romische Qµartalschrift fur christliche Al-
number] tertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte, Vati-
ResABib Die Reste der altlateinische Bibel can City
ResQ Restoration Qµarterly, Abilene, TX RR Review of Religion
Rev Revelation RS Ras Shamra
Rev. Ezra Revelation of Ezra RSF Revista di Studi Fenici
Rev. Steph. Revelation of Stephen RSLR Rivista di storia letteratura religiosa, Turin
RevExp Review and Expositor, Louisville, KY RSO Rivista degli studi orient.ali
RevistB Revist.a Biblica, Buenos Aires RSPT Revue des sciences philosophiques et thiol-
RevistEspir Revist.a de Espritualidad, Madrid giques, Paris
RevQ Revue de Qumran, Paris RSR Recherches de science religieuse, Paris
RevRef La Revue Reformee, Aix en Provence RST Religious Studies and Theology, Edmon-
ton, Alberta
RevRel Review for Religious, St. Louis, MO
RevScRel
RSV Revised Standard Version
Revue des sciences religieuses, Strasbourg
RT Recueil de travaux relatifs a la philologie et
RevSem Revue simitique a l'archeologie eg-yptiennes et assyriennes
RevThom Revue thomiste, Toulouse RTAM Recherches de Theologie Ancienne et Midi-
RGG Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart ivale
UST OF ABBREVIATIONS xx viii
R:rl Revue theologique de Louvain SBLASP Society of Biblical Literature Abstracts
KTP Revue de theologie et de philosophie, Lau- and Seminar Papers
sanne SBLBAC Society of Biblical Literature The Bible
RUO Revue de l'universite d'Ottawa in American Culture
Ruth Ruth SBLBMI Society of Biblical Literature The Bible
RV Revised Version and Its Modem Interpreters
RVV Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und SBLBSNA Society of Biblical Literature Biblical
Vorarbeiten Scholarship in North America
Ry G. Ryckmans. 1927-59. Inscriptions su- SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Disserta-
darabes I-XVII. Mus 40-72 [cited by tion Series
no. of text] SBLMasS Society of Biblical Literature Masoretic
s south( em) Studies
S. <otam Rab. Seder <otam Rabbah SBLMS Society of Biblical Literature Mono-
Sabb. Sabbat graph Series
SacDoc Sacra Doctrina, Bologna SBLNTGF Society of Biblical Literature: The New
SacEr Testament in the Greek Fathers
Sacris Erudiri: Jaarboek voor Godsdienstwe-
tenschappen, Brugge, Belgium SBLRBS Society of Biblical Literature: Resources
for Biblical Study
Sacr Philo, De sacrificiis Abelis et Caini
SAHG A. Falkenstein and W von Soden. 1953. SBLSBS Society of Biblical Literature: Sources
Sumerische und aklc.adische Hymnen und for Biblical Study
Gebete. Zurich SBLSCS Society of Biblical Literature: Septua-
SAK Studien z.ur Altiigyptischen Kultur, Ham- gint and Cognate Studies
burg SBLSP Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Pa-
Sal Salesianum, Rome pers
Salman Salmanticensis, Salamanca SBLSS Society of Biblical Literature: Semeia
Studies
Sam. Pent. Samaritan Pentateuch
SBLTT Society of Biblical Literature: Texts and
Sam. Tg. Samaritan Targum
Translations
SamOstr Samaria Ostracon/Ostraca
SBLWAW Society of Biblical Literature: Writings
SANE Sources From the Ancient Near East, Mal- of the Ancient World
ibu, CA
SBM Stuttgarter biblische Monographien
Sank Sanhedrin
SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien
SANT Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testa-
ment SBT Studies in Biblical Theology
SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization SC Sources chretiennes
Sap Sapienza, Naples SCCNH Studies on the Civilization and Culture of
Nuzi and the Hurrians, 2 vols., ed. D. I.
SAQ Sammlung ausgewahlter kirchen-und Owen and M. A. Morrison. Winona
dogmengeschichtlicher Quellenschrif- Lake, IN, 1981-87
ten
ScEccl Sciences ecclisiatiques
SAT Die Schriften des Allen Testaments in Au-
swahl, ed. and trans. H. Gunkel et al. ScEs Science et esprit, Montreal
GOttingen SCH NT Studia ad corpus hellenisticum novi tes-
SB Sources bibliques tamenti
SBA Studies in Biblical Archaeology Ser Scripture
SBAW Sitzungsberichten der (koniglichen) SCR Studies in Comparative Religion
bayerischen Akademie der Wissen- ScrB Scripture Bulletin
schaften sere Scripture in Church, Dublin
SBB Stuttgarter biblische Beitrage SerHier Scripta Hierosolymitana, Jerusalem
SBibB Studies in Bibliography and Booklore, Cin- Scrip Scriptorium, Brussels
cinnati, OH
Scriptura Scriptura, Stellenbosch
SBJ La sainte bible de Jerusalem Scripta Theologica, Baraftain/Pamplona
ScrT
SBLABS Society of Biblical Literature Archae-
ology and Biblical Studies scs Septuagint and Cognate Studies
SBLAS Society of Biblical Literature Aramaic ScuolC Scuola Cattolica, Milan
Studies SD Studies and Documents
xxix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

SDB Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, ed. H. B. Sipre Sipre

Hackett. Boston, 1880 Sir Ecclesiasticus or Wisdom of Jesus Ben-
SE southeast( em) Sira
SE Studia Evangelica I, II, III ( = TU 73 SIRIS Sy/loge inscriptionum religioni.s Isiacae et
[1959], 87 [1964], 88 [1964], etc.) Serapicae, ed. L. Vidman. RVV 28. Ber-
Svensk Exegetisk Arsbok lin, 1969
SEA
Search Search, Dublin SJ Studia Judaica
Seb. Sebi'it SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
Sebu. Sebu'ot S]OT Scandinavian journal of the Old Testament
sec. section SJT Scotti.sh journal of Theology, Edinburgh
Sec. Gos. Mk. Secret Gospel of Mark Skrifl< Skrif en Kerk, Pretoria
SecondCent Second Century, Macon, GA SLAG Schrifien der Luther-Agricola-Gesellschaft
(Finland)
Sef Sefarad, Madrid
SL]T Saint Luke'sjoumal of Theology, Sewanee,
SEC Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, ed.
TN
J. J. E. Hondius. Leiden, 1923-
SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
Sem Semitica, Paris
SMS Syro-Mesopotamian Studies, Malibu, CA
Sem. Semaf.iot
SMSR Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni
Semeia Semeia, Chico, CA
Smym. see Ign. Smym.
SemiotBib Semiotique et Bible, Lyon
Semitics, Pretoria SNT Studien zum Neuen Testament
Semitics
SNTSMS Society for New Testament Studies
Sent. Sextus Sentences of Sextus (NHC Xll,J)
Monograph Series
Seqal. Seqalim
SNTU Studien zum Neuen Testament und seiner
Seux J. M. Seux. I 968. Epithetes R(]Jales Akka- Umwelt, Linz
diennes et Sumtiriennes. Paris
SNVAO Skrifter utgitt av det Norske Videnskaps-
SGL A. Falkenstein. I 959. Sumerische Giitter- Akademi i Oslo
lieder. Heidelberg
so Symbolae osloenses
SGV Sammlung gemeinverstiindlicher Vortrage SQAW Sitzungsberichte der Osterreichen Akademie
und Schriften aus dem Gebiet der Theologie der Wi.ssenschafien
und Religionsgeschichte, Tiibingen
Sobr Philo, De sobrietate
S.H.A. Scriptores Historiae Augustae
Somn I-II Philo, De somnii.s I-II
SHAW Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger
Akademie der Wissenschaften SonB Soncino Books of the Bible
Shep. Herm. Shepherd of Hermas Sop. Soperim
SHIB R: M. Grant and D. Tracy. I 984. A Shorl Soph. Jes. Chr. Sophia ofjesus Christ (NHC III,4)
History of the Interpretation of the Bible. 2d Sota Sota
ed. Philadelphia SOTSB ooklist Society for Old Testament Study Bookli.st
Shofar Shofar, West Lafayette, IN SOTSMS Society for Old Testament Study Mon-
SHR Studies in the History of Religions ograph Series
SHT Studies in Historical Theology Sou Soundings, Nashville
Sib. Or. Sibylline Oracles SPap Studia papyrologica
SICV Sy/loge inscriptionum Christianorum ve- SPAW Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Aka-
terum musei Vaticani, ed. H. Zilliacus. demie der Wissenschaften
Acta instituti Romani Finlandiae 111-2. SPB Studia postbiblica
Rome Spec Leg I-IV Philo, De specialibus legibus I-IV
SIDA Scripta Instituti Donneriana Aboensis SPhil Studia Philonica, Chicago
Stockholm ' SPIB Scripta Pontificii Instituti Biblici, Rome
SID]C S eroice International de Documentation ju- SpT Spirituality Today, Dubuque, IA
deo-chretienne, Rome SQAW Schriften und Quellen der alten Welt
SIG 3 Sy/loge Inscriptionum Graecarum ed. SR Studies in Religion/Sciences religieuses, Wa-
W. Dittenberger. 3d ed. Leipzig '
terloo, Ontario
Sil Studies in Islam, New Delhi SS Studi semitici
smg. singular SSAOI Sacra Scriptura Antiquitatibus Orientalibus
Sipra Sipra Illustrata, Rome
UST OF ABBREVIATIONS
xxx
SSEA Society for the Study of Egyptian An- Sus Susanna
tiquities SVF Stoicorum veterum fragmenta, ed. J. von
SSN Studia Semitica Neerwndica, Assen Arnim. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1903-24. Rcpr.
SSS Semitic Study Series Stuttgart, 1966; New York, 1986
St Studium, Madrid SVTP Studia in Veteris Testamcnti pscudcpig-
ST Studia theologica rapha
STA Svendk teologisk drsskrift SVTQ St. Vladimir's Theological Qµarterly, 'Tui:k-
StadtrChr ahoe, NY
P. Lampe. 1987. Die stadtromischen Chris-
ten in den ersten beiden ]ahrhunderten. SW southwest( em)
WUNT 2/18. Tiibingen SWBA Social World of Biblical Antiquity
StANT Studien zum Allen und Neuen Testament, Sw]T Southwestern journal of Theology, Fort
Munich Worth, TX
StBT Studien zu den Bogazkjjy-Texten, Wiesba- SWP Survey of Western Palestine:
den SWP I = C. R. Conder and II. H.
StDI Studia et Documenta ad Iura Orientis Kitchener. 1881. Galilee. London.
Antiqui Pertinenti SWP 2 = C. R. Conder and H. H.
Kitchener. 1882. Samaria. London.
STDJ Studies on the Texts of the Desert of
SWP 3 = C. R. Conder and I-I. 1-1.
Judah
Kitchener. 1883. fudaea. London.
StEb Studi Ebwiti, Rome SWP 4 = E. H. Palmer. 1881. Arabir
StEc Studi Ecumenici, Verona, Italy and English Name Li.1L1. London.
Steles Seth Three Steles of Seth (NHC VIl,5) SWP 5 = C. Wilson and C. Warren.
StFS Studia Francisci Scholten, Leiden 1881. Special Papers. London.
STK SWP 6 = C. Warren and C. Warren,
Svensk teologisk kvartalskrift, Lund
1884.jerusalem. London.
STL Studia theologica Ludensia SWP 7 = H. B. 'Ihstram. 1884. The
StLtg Studia Liturgica, Rotterdam Fauna and Flora of Palestine. London.
StMiss Studia Missionalia, Rome SymBU Symbolae biblicae upsalienses
StOr Studia Orientalia, Helsinki Syr Syriac
StOvet Studium Ovetense, Oviedo Syr Syria: Revue d'Art Oriental et d'Arclu!olo>fie,
StPat Studia Patavina, Padua, Italy Paris
StPatr Studia Patristica Syr. Men. Syriac Menander
StPhilon Studia Philonica sz Stimmen der Zeit, Munich
Str Stromata, San Miguel, Argentina T. 12 P. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarch1
Str-B H. L. Strack and P. Billerbeck. 1922- T. Ab. Testament of Abraham
61. Kommentar zum NT aus Talmud und T. Adam Testament of Adam
Midrasch. 6 vols. Munich T. Ash. Testament of Asher
SIT The Sultantepe Tablets, 2 vols., ed. 0. R. T. Benj. Testament of Benjamin
Gurney, J. J. Finkelstein, and P. Hulin.
T. Dan. Testament of Daniel
Occasional Publications of the British
School of Archaeology at Ankara 3, 7. T. Gad Testament of Gad
London, 1957-64 T. Hez. Testament of Hezekiah
StTh Studia Theologica T. Isaac Testament of Isaac
StudBib Studia biblica T. lss. Testament of lssachar
StudBT Studia biblica et theologica, Guilford, CT T. Jae. Testament ofJacob
Studium Studium, Madrid T.]ob Testament ofjob
StudNeot Studia neotestamentica, Studia T. Jos. Testament ofJoseph
StudOr Studia orientalia T.jud. Testament ofjudah
StudPhoen Studia Phoenicia [I-VIII] T. Levi Testament of Levi
STV Studia theologica varsaviensia T. Mos. Testament of Moses
Suklr.. Suklr.a T. Naph. Testament of Naphtali
Sum Sumerian T. Reu. Testament of Reuben
SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testa- T. Sim. Testament of Simeon
ments T. Sol. Testament of Solomon
suppl. supplement T Yorn Tebul Yorn
xxxi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

T Zeb. Testament of Zebulun Temenos Temenos: Studies in Comparative Religion,

Tel Aviv, Tel Aviv Helsinki
TA
Ta'anit Ter Teresianum, Rome
Ta'an.
B. Porten and A. Yardeni. 1986. Textbook Ter. Terumot
TAD
of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt. Test Testimonianu, Florence
Jerusalem Testim. Truth Testimony of Truth (NHC IX,J)
TAD A = vol. I , Letters TEV Today's English Version
TAD B = vol. 2, Contracts Texts and Studies
TextsS
TAD C = vol. 3, Literature and Lists
TAD D = vol. 4, Fragments and Inscrip- TF Theologische Forschung
tions Tg. Esth. I First Targum of Esther
TAik Teologi.nen Aikakauskirja, Helsinki Tg. Esth. II Second Targum of Esther
Talm. Talmud Tg. Isa. Targum of Isaiah
TAM Tituli Asiae Minoris Tg. Ket. Targum of the Writings
Ta mid Ta mid Tg. Neb. Targum of the Prophets
TAPA Transactions of the American Philological Tg. Neof Targum Neofiti I
Association Tg. Onq. Targum Onqelos
TAPhS Transactions of the American Philosophical Tg. Ps.j. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan
Society, Philadelphia Tg. Yer. I Targum Yeruialmi I
TBC Torch Bible Commentary Tg. Yer. II Targum Yeruialmi II
TBei Theologische Beitriige, Wuppertal TGI K. Galling. 1950. Textbuch zur Geschichte
TB/ Theologische Bliitter Israels. 2d ed. Tiibingen
TBT The Bible Today, Collegeville, MN TGl Theologie und Glaube, Paderborn
TB ii Theologische Biicherei Thal. Thallus
TCGNT B. M. Metzger. 1971. A Textual Commen- ThArb Theo/ogische Arbeiten, Berlin
tary on the Greek New Testament, United
THAT Theologisches Handwiirterbuch zum Allen
Bible Societies
Testament, 2 vols., ed. E. Jenni and
TCL Textes cuneiforms du Musee du Louvre, C. Westermann. Munich, 1971-76
Paris, 1910-
ThEd Theological Educator, New Orleans
TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources:
TCS I = E. Sollberger. 1966. Business ThEH Theologische Existenz Heute, Munich
and Administrative Correspondence Under Them Themelios, Madison, WI
the Kings of Ur. Locust Valley, NY. Theod. Theodotus
TCS 2 = R. Biggs. 1967. SA.Zl.GA: Theology Theology, London
Ancient Mesopotamian Potency Incanta- Texte der Hethiter
THeth
tions.
TCS 3 = A. Sjoberg, E. Bergmann, and ThH Theologie historique
G. Gragg. 1969. The Collection of the THKNT Theologischer Handkommentar zum
Sumerian Temple Hymns. Neuen Testament
TCS 4 = E. Leichty. 1970. The Omen Thom. Cont. Book of Thomas the Contender (NHC 11,7)
Series fomma izbu. Thomist Thomist, Washington, D.C.
TCS 5 = A. K. Grayson. 197 5. Assyrian
and Ba/Jylonian Chronicles. ThPh Theologie und Philosophie, Freiburg
TD Theology Digest, St. Louis, MO ThStud Theologische Studien
TDNT Theologi.cal Dictionary of the New Testa- Thund. The Thunder: Perfect Mind (NHC VI,2)
ment, I 0 vols., ed. G. Kittel and G. Fried- ThV Theologische Versuche, Berlin
rich. Trans. G. W. Bromiley. Grand ThViat Theologia Viatorum, Berlin
Rapids, 1964-76 Ti)dTheol Tijdschrift voor Theologie, Nijmegen
TDOT Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament, Titus Titus
ed. G. J. Botterweck, H. Ringgren, and
Tj Trinity journal, Deerfield, IL
H. J. Fabry. Trans. J. T. Willis, G. W.
Bromiley, and D. E. Green. Grand Rap- T}T Toronto journal of Theology
ids, 1974- TLZ Theologische Literaturzeitung
TE Theologica Evangelica, Pretoria TNB The New Blackfriars, Oxford
Teach. Silv. Teachings of Silvanus (NHC Vll,4) TNTC Tyndale New Testament Commentary
Tem. Temura Tob Tobit
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
xxxii
Tohar. Toharot UCPSP University of California Publications in
TOTC Tyndale Old Testament Commentary Semitic Philology
TP Theologie und Philosophie UET Ur Excavations: Texts
TPNAH J. D. Fowler. 1988. Theophoric Personal UF Ugarit-Furschungen
Names in Ancient Hebrew. JSOTSup 49. Ug Ugaritic
Sheffield UGAA Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und
TPQ Theologisch-Praktische Qµartalschriji, Aus- Altertumskunde Aegyptens
tria UgS M. Noth. 1967. Uberlieferungsgesrhicht-
TQ Theologische Qµartalschrift liche Studien. 3d ed. Tu bingen
TR P. Lucau. Textes Religieux Egyptiens, I, UNT Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testa-
Paris ment
Trad Tradition, New York 'Uq. 'Uq$in
Traditio Traditio, New York Urk. IV Urkunden des dgyptischen Altertum1. Abt.
Trall. see /gn. Trail. IV, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, ed.
TRE Theologische Realenzyklopiidie K. Sethe and W. Heick. 22 fasc. Leipzig,
1903-58
Treat. Res. Treatise on Resurrection (NHC 1,4)
Treat. Seth Second Treatise of the Great Seth (NHC
us Una Sancta
VII,2) USQR Union Seminary Qµarterly Review, New
York, NY
Treat. Shem Treatise of Shem
UT C. H. Gordon. 1965. Ugaritic 7extbook.
TRev Theologische Revue
AnOr 38. Rome; suppl. 1967
Tri. Trac. Tripartite Trac/ate (NHC l,5)
UUA Uppsala universitel1· Ar.ukrifl
Trim. Prot. Trimorphic Protennoia (NHC Xlll,J) v(v) verse(s)
TRu Theologische Rundschau, Tiibingen VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, Leipzig, 1907-
TS Theological Studies, Washington, DC 16
TSK Theologische Studien und K ritiken Val. Exp. A Valentinian Expmition (NHC Xl,2)
TSSI J. C. L. Gibson. I 971-82. Textbook of VAT Vorderasiatische Abteilung, Thontafd-
Syrian Semitic Inscriptions. 3 vols. Oxford sammlung, Staatliche Musee zu Berlin
IT Teologisk Tidsskrift vc Vigiliae christianae
ITKi Tidsskrift for Teologie og Kirke, Oslo, Nor- VCaro Verbum caro
way VD i¥?rbum domini
ITKY Tiirk Tarih K urumu Kongresi Yayfnlari. VE Vox Evangilica
Ankara Vetera Chri1tianum, Bari
VetChr
IToday Theology Today, Princeton, NJ VF Verkiindigung und Fonchung
TTS Trierer Theologische Studien Vg Vulgate
ITZ Trierer theologische Zeitschrift Vid Vidyajyoti, Delhi
TU Texte und Untersuchungen VigChrist Vigiliao Chri1tianae
TUAT Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testa- VIO Veri>ffentlichung der Institut fiir Or·
ments ientforsch u ng
TV Teologia y Vida, Santiago, Chile Virt Philo, De virtutibus
TvT Tijdschrift voor Theologie, Nijmegen, The Vii. Ezra Vi1ion of Ezra
Netherlands Vision of Isaiah
Vis. ls.
TWAT Theologisches Worterbuch zum Allen Testa- Vis. Paul Vision of Paul
ment, ed. G. J. Botterweck, H. Ringgren,
Vita Vita Adae et Evae
and H. J. Fabry. Stuttgart, I 970-
Vita C Eusebius, Vita Constantini
TWNT Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Tes-
tament, 8 vols., ed. G. Kittel and Vita Cont Philo, De vita contemplativa
G. Friedrich. Stuttgart, I 933-69 Vita Mus 1-1 I Philo, De vita Mosis 1-11
TynBul Tyndale Bulletin VKGNT Vollstdndige Konkordanz zurn griechi1rher1
TZ Theologische Zeitschrift, Basel, Switzer- Neuen Testament, ed. K. Aland
land VL Vetus Latina
UBSGNT United Bible Societies Greek New Testament vol(s). volume(s)
UCPNES University of California Publications in Vorsokr. Fragmente der Vorsokrater, 4th ed., ed.
Near Eastern Studies H. Diets. Berlin, 1922
xxxiii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

VR Vox Reformata, Geelong, Victoria, Aus- WTM J. Levy. 1924. Wi:irterbuch ilber die Talmu-
tralia dim und Midraschim. 5 vols. 2d ed., ed.
L. Goldschmidt. Leipzig. Repr. 1963
vs Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler der
koniglichen Museen zu Berlin WTS E. Littmann and M. Hofner. 1962. Wi:ir-
Vie spirituelle, Paris terbuch der Tigre-Sprache. Wiesbaden
VSpir
VT Vetus Testamentum, Leiden WuD Wort und Dienst, Bielefeld
Vetus Testamentum Supplements WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen
VTSup
zum Neuen Testament
w west( em)
wus J. Aistleitner. 1974. Wdrterbuchderugar-
WA ["Weimar Ausgabe," =] D. Martin Luth-
itischen Sprache. 4th ed., ed. 0. Eissfeldt.
ers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, ed.
BSAW 106/3. Berlin
J. K. F. Knaake et al. Weimar, 1883-
WuW Wissenschaft und Weisheit, Monchenglad-
Way The Way, London bach
WbAS A. Erman and H. Grapow. 1926-31.
WV DOG Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der
Worterbuch der iigyptischen Sprache. 7 vols.
Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
Leipzig. Repr. 1963
WW Word & World, Fort Lee, NJ
WBC World Bible Commentary
WBKL Wiener Beitrage zur Kulturgeschichte
wz Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift
und Linguistik WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift filr die Kunde des Mor-
genlandes
WbMyth Wi:irterbuch der Mythologie, ed. H. W.
Haussig, Stuttgart, 1961 WZKSO Wiener Zeitschrift filr die Kunde Sild- und
Ostasiens
WC Westminster Commentaries, London
Yad. Yadayim
WD Wort und Dienst
Yal. Yalqut
WDB Westminster Dictionary of the Bible
Yebam. Yebamot
Wehr H. Wehr. 1976. A Dictionary of Modern
Written Arabic, 3d ed., ed. J. M. Cowen. Yem. Tg. Yemenite Targum
Ithaca YES Yale Egyptological Studies
WF Wege der Forschung YGC W. F. Albright. 1969. Yahweh and the Gods
of Canaan. Garden City, NY. Repr. Wi-
WCI J. Wellhausen. 1878. Geschichte Israels. nona Lake, IN, 1990
Berlin [see also WPGI and WPHJ]
Y}S Yale judaica Series, New Haven
WHAB Westminster Historical Atlas of the Bible
YNER Yale Near Eastern Researches
Whitaker R. E. Whitaker. 1972. A Concordance of
the Ugaritic Literature. Cambridge, MA Yo ma Yoma ( = Kippurim)
WHJP World History of the Jewish People VOS Yale Oriental Series
Wis Wisdom of Solomon y. (Talm.) Jerusalem (Talmud) = "Yerushalmi"
WLSGF The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays ZA Zeitschrift filr Assyriologie
in Honor of David Noel Freedman, eds. Zabim Zabim
C. L. Meyers and M. O'Connor. Wi- ZAH Zeitschrift fur Althebriiistic
nona Lake, IN, 1983
WM ANT
zAs Zeitschrift filr Agyptische Sprache und Al-
Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum tertumskunde
Alten und Neuen Testament
ZAW Zeitschrift filr die alttestamentliche Wissen-
WO Die Welt des Orients schaft, Berlin
WoAr World Archaeology ZB Zurcher Bibelkommentare
Wor Worship, Collegeville, MN ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenliindischen
Word World Word and World, St. Paul, MN Gesellschaft
WPGI J. Wellhausen. 1895. Prolegomena zur ZDPV Zeitschrift des deutschen Paliistina-Vereins
Geschichte Israels. 4th ed. Berlin Zebab. Zebabim
WPHI J. Wellhausen. 1885. Prolegomena to the Zech Zechariah
History of Israel. 2 vols. Trans. J. S. Black
and A. Menzies. Edinburgh. Repr.
ZEE Zeitschrift fur evangelische Ethik
Cleveland 1957; Gloucester, MA, 1973 Zeph Zephaniah
ws World and Spirit, Petersham, MA Zer. Zera'im
WT] Westminster Theological journal, Philadel- ZHT Zeitschrift filr historische Theologie
phia, PA ZKG Zeitschrift filr Kirchengeschichte
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xxxiv

ZKT Zeitschrift fur katholi.sche Theologie, Inns- ZPKT Zeitschrift fur Philosaphie und Katholi.sche
bruck Theologie
ZMR Zeitschrift fur M i.ssionskunde und Religion- ZRGG Zeitschrift fur Religions- und Gei.stesges-
swi.ssenschaft chichte, Erlangen
ZNW Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wi.ssen- ZST Zeitschrift fur systemati.sche Theologie
schaft ZTK Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche
lost. Zostrianos (NHC VIII,]) ZWT Zeitschrift fur wi.ssenschaftliche Theologie
ZPE Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik ZycMysl Zycie iMysl
OAK OF TABOR (PLACE). See TABOR, OAK OF. 3. A postexilic descendant of David (I Chr 3:2 l ). After
the name Jeshaiah in v 21, a textual difficulty arises which
obscures the verse's sense. Following "Jeshaiah," the MT
OAK TREE. See FLORA. reads, "the sons of Rephaiah, the sons of Arnan, the sons
of Obadiah, the sons of Shecaniah." The MT, therefore,
specifies no direct connection between the persons listed.
OAK, DIVINER'S. See DIVINER'S OAK. Another possibility is to read beno "his son," instead of the
MT bene, "sons of." According to this emendation, which
is supported by the LXX (and accepted by the RSV),
OBADIAH (PERSON) [Heb 'obadyiihU]. A common He- Obadiah would be the son of Aman and the father of
brew name meaning "Yahweh's servant." Shecaniah. According to the text-critical principle that the
1. One of the twelve Minor Prophets. See OBADIAH, more difficult reading is to be preferred, the MT should
BOOK OF. probably be retained. Nothing can thus be known about
2. The manager of Ahab's household and a devoted Obadiah except that he is from David's family.
follower of Yahweh during the reign of Ahab, king of 4. A descendant of Issachar and son of Izrahiah (I Chr
Israel (1 Kgs 18:1-16). Obadiah is described as "over the 7:3). According to the Chronicler, Obadiah would have
house" (Heb )iifer 'al-habbiiyit) of Ahab. The phrase occurs been roughly contemporary with Moses. This list of Issa-
elsewhere in 1Kgs4:6; 16:9; 18:3; 2 Kgs 10:5; 15:5; 18:18 char's descendants emphasizes the family's warrior tradi-
( = Isa 36:3); 18:37 ( = Isa 36:22); 19:2 ( = Isa 37:2); Isa tions, which correspond with the description of Issachar
22: 15; and on a 7th-century B.C. seal. According to Mettin- in Judg 5: 15. Obadiah is one of five "chief men" (Heb
ger ( 197 l: 88, 110), it designates the one who supervises ro)fim). This title indicates a place of leadership in his
the royal estate and who was also probably responsible for family.
royal trade and mining. 5. A son of Azel and a member of the family of Saul (l
Obadiah is noted in l Kgs 18:4 as protecting a group of Chr 8:38; 9:44). The list in which his name is fixed occurs
Yahwist prophets during a period of persecution. The twice in l Chronicles. The first list, in chap. 8, delineates
Omride dynasty, of which Ahab was the second ruler, the descendants of Benjamin in relation to the Chroni-
arranged diplomatic relations with Ethbaal, king of Sidon cler's unified Israel theme. The second list, in chap. 9,
(l Kgs 16:31). This move brought Ethbaal's daughter, serves to introduce the story of Saul's death in chap. 10.
Jezebel, into the Omride dynasty and facilitated in Israel 6. One of the first exiles to return to Judah ( l Chr 9: 16).
the worship of Baal, the Canaanite god of fertility. Con- The list in which his name occurs appears again in Nehe-
servative forces represented by Yahwist prophets found miah 11 but in the latter Obadiah's name does not occur.
themselves subjected to persecution by Jezebel. Yet in Oba- (For the chronological problem suggested by the two lists,
diah they found a friend who provided secret sanctuary see MESHULLAM.) l Chr 9: 16 lists Obadiah as a Levite.
and food for them. 7. A member of the tribe of Gad who joined David
While assisting the king in a search for water during a during his stay in Ziklag (I Chr 12:9). Obadiah is one of a
drought, Obadiah happened upon the prophet Elijah, who group of warriors whose skill and prowess underscore the
commanded hirr, to appear before Ahab with a message quality of the people who gathered around David. Accord-
concerning the prophet's whereabouts. Fearing for his life, ing to v 14, Obadiah was an officer in the army. Verse 15
Obadiah balked at the task. He reminded Elijah of how far amplifies the description ofGadite ability already provided
and wide Ahab had sought him as well as the danger in in v 8 by stating that these Gadites had crossed the Jordan
which he had already placed himself by spiriting Yahweh's in its flood stage. The inclusion of the list of Gadites
prophets into a safe hiding place. He then claimed that contributes to the Chronicler's theme of Israel united.
when he related Elijah's message to Ahab, the prophet 8. A member of the tribe of Zebulun and father of
would vanish and thereby place Obadiah's life in even Ishmaiah (I Chr 27: 19). Obadiah is here the patronymic
greater danger. Nevertheless, the prophet assured Oba- for one of the leaders of the tribes during David's reign.
diah of his safety by promising to appear that very day The exact bureaucratic task of tribal leaders is not clear,
before Ahab. Obadiah delivered the message and was but vv 23 and 24 suggest that they had something to do
rewarded by Elijah keeping his word. with census taking.
V • I
OBADIAH 2•V
9. A prince of Judah who was among a group commis- books to the later Assyrian/Babylonian period. Since Oba-
sioned by Jehoshaphat to teach "the book of the law of diah is so very brief, it may be asked whether its inclusion
Yahweh" to the people of Judah (2 Chr l 7:7). That mem- as a separate unit is linked with the desirability that the
bers of the laity are commissioned to perform religious last "book" of the Latter Prophets should be made up of
instruction is notable. Myers suggests that the position of twelve prophetic collections.
members of the laity as teachers is possibly quite old and
that the reference to the Levites in 2 Chr l 7:8 might be B. The Prophet
the Chronicler's own addition to an older tradition. Ac- This point may be taken a little further when the name
cording to Myers (2 t;hronicles AB, 99-100), the "book of Obadiah is considered. No information is available about
the law of Yahweh" could hardly be the Pentateuch as it the prophet except what may be deduced from the book.
now exists and might refer instead to a royal law code such No serious question arises of identification with any other
as the Code of Hammurabi. Historically, he is certainly biblical character of this name. Later Jewish tradition (b.
correct but from the perspective of the Chronicler, the Sanh. 39b: cf. Jerome, In Abdiam) associated him with the
"book of the law of Yahweh" would most surely have been Obadiah of 1 Kings 18, the controller of the royal house-
understood as the Mosaic Torah. hold who protected prophets of Yahweh from Jezebel: this
10. A Levite who served as an overseer in the repairing is a legend attached to a devout character, showing also
of the temple during the reform of Josiah (2 Chr 34: 12). the common tendency to identify those who bear the same
He is noted as a Levite of the lineage of Merari. name. More seriously it may be asked whether here the
11. A priest who accompanied Ezra to Jerusalem (Ezra name Obadiah ("servant" or "worshipper of Yahweh," cf.
8:9 = I Esdr 8:35). He bears the patronym "son of Jehiel." "Abdiel"), while frequently attested in both biblical and
In Neh 10:5 Obadiah was among those who set their seal archaeological sources, could, like "Malachi," be a pious
to the covenant renewal under Ezra. If Ezra's journey to invention to identify a prophetic fragment making up the
Jerusalem took place in 458 e.c., then it is possible that the Twelve.
Obadiah mentioned in Neh 10:5 is the same as in Ezra 8:9
(= 1 Esdr 8:35). However, because of the chronological C. Contents and Plan of the Book
uncertainty concerning the date of Ezra's mission (see The first heading of the book is "vision of Obadiah," an
EZRA), an identification of Obadiah in Ezra 8:9 with expression used in Isa 1: I and Nah 1: I (and elsewhere) in
Obadiah in Neh 10:5 is not certain. the sense of "prophetic message" rather than narrowly
12. A gatekeeper during the priesthood of Joiakim (Neh denoting visionary experience. The second heading: "thus
12:25). His task was to guard the storehouses of the gates. says the Lord Yahweh to (concerning) Edom," in effect
covers much of what follows, though the content of the
Bibliography book is not so restricted as this phrase may seem to suggest.
Mettinger, T. N. D. 1971. Solomonic State Officials. ConBOT 5. Lund. The content may be set out briefly:
JAMES M. KENNEDY

a. 1b-7: judgment on Edom brought by the nations-

divisible into lb-4 and 5-7;
OBADIAH, BOOK OF. This prophetic book--0nly b. 8-14 (15): the day of doom-within which 10-14
21 verses, almost entirely in poetic form-stands in the concern Edom and the fate of Jerusalem;
collection of the Twelve after Amos and before Jonah (so c. (15) 16-21: the day of Yahweh, bringing both judg-
MT, EVV): LXX arranges the first six differently. ment and salvation.
A. Place in the Canon These divisions are open to some question. There are
B. The Prophet markers ("oracle of Yahweh") at the end of 4 and the
C. Contents and Plan of the Book beginning of 8; there is also a punctuating conclusion ("so
D. Text Yahweh has spoken") at the end of 18. There are close
I. Obadiah and Jeremiah 49 links of theme between 1-7 and 8-14, but style and con-
2. Unity and Disunity: Dislocation tent differ. In particular 12-14 show closely structured
3. Text and Language form: each line begins with a prohibition, and each line
E. Historical Context and Interpretation (except 14a) ends with an expression descriptive of the day
of Yahweh.
A. Place in the Canon Verse 15 is problematic. Most often it is supposed that
The position of Obadiah within the Hebrew canonical 15b-a markedly proverbial-style expression-is the true
order probably implies a belief that the first six books all continuation of 14, summing up the warnings or accusa-
belonged to one general period. The precise order could tions of 12-14 by emphasizing that retribution on Edom
be related to possible relationships between the individual will be in exact relation to its own actions. Verse l 5a is then
books: Obadiah 16-21 could be in some measure based on seen as the beginning of the salvation oracle or oracles of
Amos 9: 12, and this could explain why Obadiah follows 16-21. The similarity between the openings of 15b and
Amos. Less probably, Obadiah 1-14 could be linked back I 6a could have attracted the former away from its correct
to Joel 4: 19. In the Greek order the first five are of position. But while this is possible, 15b could be an_ addi-
decreasing length, but that tradition perhaps associates tion underlining the retributive thought present m the
Obadiah and Jonah more closely with Nahum, Habakkuk, context. 15a broadens the idea of the day of Yahweh to
and Zephaniah, which follow, in order to relate these concern all nations, and this could form a fitting conclu-
V•3 OBADIAH, BOOK OF

sion to the Edom oracles, stressing that these oracles, complex of Jeremiah 46-SI, just as the Edom oracle in
whatever their original reference, are now typical, expres- Amos l: l lf does in Amos 1-2. The Obadiah oracle (or
sive of a doom which is to come upon the whole world. oracles) in 1-14(15) functions differently, being set in the
This is then explained in 16 in terms of a reversal by which context of the salvation message of ( 15) 16-2 l; in this
Judah, forced to drink the cup of Yahweh's wrath, will now respect it comes nearer to the Edom material of Isaiah 34
see all nations brought to a comparable judgment (cf. followed by salvation in Isaiah 35, and of Ezekiel 35 in
Jeremiah 25, especially 15f). relation to its sequel in Ezekiel 36-3 7.
The emphasis on Edom is clear throughout the book. 2. Unity and Disunity: Dislocation. The question of the
The major part is an oracle (or oracles) on Edom as a unity of the book has already been raised by the notes on
foreign nation, such as may be found in a number of other content and the comments on the relation to Jeremiah 49.
prophetic books, in most instances as part of a collection If, as seems probable, Obadiah l-4 makes use of an
of such oracles. The appearance alongside foreign-nation already existing oracle, and possibly some other elements
oracles of a message of general judgment ushering in in 1-14 build on earlier material, then the unity of this
salvation for Israel is also familiar (cf. Zephaniah 3; Isaiah part of the book is to be seen in the integrating of origi-
24-27 as a sequel to 13-23; Jeremiah 25). nally separate elements into a new whole. Such a unity has
The poetry of Obadiah is marked by vivid imagery of a as much validity as the alternative, still maintained by
kind frequently to be found in the prophetic books. The some, that the whole section is of one piece. Unity is in
contrast between pride and humiliation in 2-4 uses ideas terms of the total impact of a now-impressive grouping of
found also in Isaiah 2 and in the poem on the overthrow various types of oracles (noting especially the very differ-
of Tyre in Ezekiel 28. Being "set among the stars" in 4 ent style of 12-14), all gathered around the one theme of
(excised as a gloss by some commentators) may echo the doom.
mythological theme of the fallen daystar (Isa 14: 12-14, AV A different type of question is posed by joining ( 15) 16-
"Lucifer"; cf. Luke I 0: 18). The inescapability of divine 21 to this material. A division into two units, 16-18 and
judgment in 3-4 suggests comparison with Ps 139:7-12. 19-21, appears proper, though there are verbal links
Judgment compared to thieves in 5 (cf. Joel 2:9) was to be between them which make their association intelligible: to
developed in the NT (cf. l Thess 5:2). The "day of Yah- some degree 19-2 l provide an exegesis of 16-18. But the
weh" theme, much used here, is especially clear in Amos extension and reinterpretation of the Edom theme here,
5: 18-20; Isa 2: 12-22; Zephaniah l. Betrayal of friends or precisely picked up by the Esau references of 18, 19, and
by allies (7, IO, 12-14) is a theme used of Edom in Amos 21, point to the whole book having a new unity in which
I: l l (cf. l :9. Cf. also Ps 41 :9; Job 6: l 4f). The fire motif of the Edom oracles are lifted out of whatever historical
18 may be compared with Isa IO:l7f. Inheritance/dispos- context may be postulated for them so as to give them a
session ( 17, l 9f) may be seen also in Num 24: l 8f and often broader meaning, an application to a situation different
in Deuteronomy (cf 2: 12). Direct relationship between from that previous one. The evidence in prophetic books
such uses is hardly to be posited: the poets draw on a rich of links with liturgical usage (for example the psalms in
heritage of poetic language and image. Isaiah 12 and Habakkuk 3) invites the possibility that
"Obadiah" as the author of the book as we now have it
D. Text
could be understood as a cult prophet, or as one who
The text of Obadiah presents some problems.
interpreted existing prophetic material in a cultic context.
I. Obadiah and Jeremiah 49. Jer 49:7-22 offers a more
Attempts at giving greater precision to such a view (for
substantial oracle against Edom, set in the long series of
example, Watts, Wolff Obadja BKAT) cannot be sufficiently
foreign-nation oracles in Jeremiah 46-5 l. There are nu-
demonstrated.
merous points of similarity between the two texts, most
closely in 49: 14-16 (cf. Obadiah l-4) but also in 49:9f (cf. 3. Text and Language. Some of the problems here relate
Obadiah Sf). The nature of the relationship between the to possible historical references (see below). In addition to
two texts has been widely discussed but without full agree- proposals for emendation based on the Jeremiah parallels,
ment being reached. Recent discussions of relationships there are difficulties not easily resolved. Thus the last word
between such pairs of texts have tended to be cautious of of 9 ("by slaughter") should perhaps, with some support
claiming direct dependence of one on the other. The from the versions, belong to 10 ("for the slaughter and
closeness at some points in this particular case suggests a violence ... "). In 12 the first "the day of" is probably due
relationship due more probably to the common use of to reduplication. The text in 20 is evidently in some
source material or the use of traditional or liturgical ma- disorder: various alternative proposals, all conjectural, may
terial. Close parallels may provide a basis for considering be found in commentaries and modern translation. The
the quality of each text, with consequent proposals for curious "there is no understanding of it" or "in it" at the
textual emendation where one or the other appears doubt- end of 7 could be a marginal note to the last clause of 8
ful. More properly, each text needs to be considered in its making the comment that Edam's supposed wisdom (from
own right. In such cases, one text may subsequently have which l Kgs 4:30 has sometimes been cited) is in reality
mft uenced the other in the course of transmission and the nonexistent. Another suggestion, which may be paralleled
versions may similarly have been influenced by the alter- in ANE scribal practice, is that it is the despairing com-
native text. ment of a copyist who could not understand the text in
More important is the recognition that Jer 49:7-22 of- front of him: certainly the hapax legomenon rendered "trap"
fers a larger and distinctive collection of oracles against (RSV) is unclear (cf. the various proposals in commentaries
Edom and that this collection functions within the whole and translations).
OBADIAH, BOOK OF 4. v
E. Historical Context and Interpretation tories are recovered by Jews returned from exile. The text
While it would be proper to determine the historical of.20 may c~nceal the corrupted name Halah, a place of
context of the book or of the prophet before considering ~xile .named m 2 Kgs 17:6; "Sepharad" has been variously
interpretation, the two questions interlock. In part, the 1denufied, for example with Sardis in Lydia or Sapardu in
answer to these questions turns on deciding how far the Media, possibly to be equated with Sepharvaim (2 Kgs
oracles allude to events already past. Does the doom oracle 17:24).
of I b--4 refer to a disaster which has already overtaken If it is right to see precise references to a particular
Edom, or to the future? Or, if it is taken over from an period for the judgment oracles, then the two favored
earlier context, does it in effect provide the justification alternatives are (I) a date shortly after 587 B.c. (cf. Lam
for what has now happened (Jerome, In Abdiam)? Do the 4:21f), the detail of 12-14 being seen as immediate recol-
prohibitions in 12-14 carry their normal sense of "do lection; (2) a 5th-century date, as also for Malachi, on the
not ... " (so NEB, JB), or should they be rendered "you assumption that the pressures of the Nabataeans represent
should not have . . . " (so RSV)? Such a difference of the experienced or future disaster to Edom. Neither pro-
interpretation reflects a different understanding of the posal is really adequately based on clear historical or
relation of 12-14 to historical events. Much, indeed, turns archaeological evidence.
on this last point, and has its context in the wider questions In the light of other Edom oracles, as also of Lam 4:21 f
of the relationships during the biblical period between and Psalm 13 7, it is possible to read the Edom references,
Edom and Judah. Since there is evident allusion to a whatever historical attachment may underlie them, as sym-
disaster to Judah and Jerusalem here (explicitly in 11), and bolic of the alien outside world upon which divine judg-
since Psalm 137 places Babylon and Edom in parallel, it ment ultimately falls and over which in the end-time divine
has seemed clear to many that in one way or another rule is absolutely established. The same themes are to be
Edom was involved in the Judean disaster. Lam 4:2lf, found in many prophetic passages (for example, Isaiah
often assumed to belong shortly after 587 B.C., has been 11; Zachariah 9, 14) and in psalms which see the eventual
thought to give added support. Evidence that during the subjection of all nations to Yahweh and his anointed king
period of Babylonian rule Edomites may have taken over (so Psalms 2; 89; 110). The two styles of interpretation are
some parts of southern Judean territory would support not mutually exclusive, for the hostilities of centuries, still
this. When read as reference to the actualities of the a factor at the end of the biblical period, can underlie the
period, 12-14 seem to provide a basis on which more can recognition of a more than historical sense to the book. If
be said about Edom and its involvement than appears in the antagonism of Judah and Edom has become of largely
narrative sources. Some justification must exist for the antiquarian interest, the confidence in the overthrow of
extreme hostility that is to be found both in the numerous the powers of evil and the establishment of royal rule
prophetic oracles against Edom and in the Jacob-Esau belonging entirely to God is one that has lasting signifi-
traditions. At a later period, Judean-Idumaean hostility, cance. (For other discussions of various issues see Allen
particularly in the 2d and 1st centuries B.c., provides Obadiah NICOT; Bewer Obadiah ICC; Coggins Obadiah ITC;
indications of the continuing relevance of such older sto- Keller Abdias CAT; Rudolph Obadja KAT; Watts Obadiah
ries and oracles. CBC; and Wolff Obadja BKAT.)
The difficulty with this kind of interpretation is that it
runs the risk of constructing history largely out of pro- Bibliography
Duval, Y.-M. 1985. Jerome et les prophetes. VTSup 36: 108-3 l.
phetic oracles or poetry. The relationship here, as else-
Watts, J. D. W. 1969. Obadiah. Grand Rapids.
where, between historical events, allusions to them in po-
PETER R. ACKROYD
etic form, and the poetic use of motifs in a nonhistorical
manner is very difficult to determine. In respect to Oba-
diah 12-14 there are possibilities of various kinds. It is
entirely intelligible, and may be correct, to see precise OBAL (PERSON) [Heb 'obtil]. Var. EBAL. A son of Joktan
allusion; it is also proper to observe that there is no and hence the name of a South Arabian tribe (Gen 10:28;
statement here which necessitates a merely historical con- I Chr I :22), which, however, hitherto could neither be
struction. Underlying the material of these and other identified nor localized in a satisfactory way. The forms of
the name with an initial e- vocalization (e.g., I Chr I :22,
Edom oracles there is no doubt the reality of hostile
RSV Ebal; Samaritan lbal; LXX Geibal, Cabal) might have
relationships at various periods between the two peoples;
resulted from an assimilation to 'ebiil, which is attested as
but fixing this more precisely always remains open to some
question. It is clearly improper to give too definite an the name of an Edomite (Gen 36:23; I Chr I :40) and as
answer. It should be noted that I Esdr 4:45 adds the the name of a mountain near Shechem (Deut 11 :29, etc.).
gratuitously developed legend that it was Edomites who The Greek forms with g at the beginning of the word
burnt the temple: such an item cannot be used as if it were could point to a South Arabic gbl; there is, however, no
historical evidence. evidence of such a root.
Interpretation is affected by these historical questions. Glaser (1890: 427) considered whether 'obiil is to be
Read with a close linking of the words to historical events, identified with Yemenite 'ubiil, a locality on the Wadi
the main part of Obadiah can seem all too much a piece of Siham between Bagi! and l:lagailah at the border of the
relentless hostility to one particular people, now rounded Tihamah toward the highland; if this is correct, one would
off with the hope of a total reversal in which Jerusalem have to look for 'obiil in the middle of the Yemenite coastal
contains a holy refuge, Edom is destroyed, not even a plain. At the same time, h~wever, Glaser drew attention to
remnant left, and more broadly all the surrounding terri- the fact that a form like 'Abil or 'Aibal would better corre-
V•5 OBED-EDOM

spond to the biblical name. ~ clan or tribal ~oup (bnw) Naomi's (4: 17), the story depicts Obed as heir to Boaz,
cblm is attested several times m the Sabaean mscnpuons, Mahlon, and Elimelech (Ruth 4:9-10).
especially in votive texts from Marib. ~ost of the inscrip- The historicity of Obed's kinship to the royal house,
tions in which the (bnw) cblm are menuoned, however, do however, is often debated. Related to this problem is the
not give a hint at the provenance of their donors; some, legitimacy of the name Obed. The naming of Obed by the
however. indicate that we obviously have to deal with two women of the city differs from the expected formula for
differen.t groups. The dedicators of the inscription Ja 558 naming a child (4: 17). Where the name "Obed" should
belong to the tribe of Faisan which settled around Mari?, occur in the formula, only the word sem ("name") appears
and RES 4387 is the epitaph on a tombstone from Manb and there is no connection between the meaning of"Obed"
mentioning names of members of the clan cblm. On the ("worshipper") and the women's explanation: "A son has
other hand, the bnw cblm of Ja 621 are designated as ))flnn, been born to Naomi." The reconstructed name ben nii'am
i.e., as belonging to the tribe of Ma>4in, the territory of ("son of pleasantness") therefore has been suggested for
which extended in the area NW of Sanca>. The bny cblm of the original name; the lost name has been supplanted by
Ja 585, which are counted among the tribe of Ghaiman, "Obed" in order to tie the narrative to David's genealogy
were most probably resident in the same region. The (Eissfeldt 1965: 4 79). This opinion no longer dominates,
donor of the inscription RES 4143, who is identical with however (Sasson 1979: 175). The name Obed is a vocalized
the donor of the text Ja 635 and who also belongs to the participle and derived from cbd, meaning "worshipper." It
'blm, is supposed to have come from the same district, not may be a shortened form of "Obadiah" ('obadya).
far from San'a> (cf. Ryckmans 1981: 286). This distinction 2. Son of Ephlal, descended from Jerahmeel who was
into two different groups is also supported by the South the firstborn of Hezron (1 Chr 2:37-38).
Arabian tradition. Al-Hamdani (1966: 106-8, 109) clearly 3. One of David's "mighty men" ( 1 Chr 11:47). Obed is
distinguishes between the Qu clbl as a clan of Marib and among those names added by the Chronicler which are
the tribe Du 'Abil bin Di Aqyan bin Saba>, which is itself absent in the parallel account of 2 Samuel (Chronicles
divided into four bra~hes. Wadi Oahr and the places NCBC, 103-4).
Kaukaban and Tula are mentioned as the settlement area 4. Son of Shemaiah, a member of the Korahite division
of the Al Qi Aqyan, and the town of Sibam below the of gatekeepers. The four sons of Shemaiah are reported
mountain-fortress of Kaukaban is distinguished from the to be leaders as a result of their exceptional ability (1 Chr
other Yemenite localities of the same name as Sibam Aqyan 26:6-7).
(Al-Hamdani 1884: 72). Since an equation of Hebrew cabal 5. Father of the military commander Azariah, who as-
with S Arabic 'Abil is worth being advocated, it is quite sisted the priest Jehoiada in executing Queen Athaliah and
possible that the biblical name refers to that Sabaean tribal establishing the legitimate rule of King Joash (2 Chr 2 3: 1,
group of the (bnw) 'blm whose ancient settlement area was 14-15).
likely located in the Yemenite highland approximately 6. One of the men who returned with Ezra from Baby-
between Sanca> and Sibam Aqyan or Sibam respectively lon, the son of Jonathan and descendant of Addin ( 1 Esdr
(ca. 45 km NW of Sanca>). Inscriptions which have been 8:32). In the parallel account of Ezra, the variant name
found there enable us to retrace the history of this region "Ebed" is given (Ezra 8:6).
to the early time of the Sabaean realm.
Bibliography
Bibliography Eissfeldt, 0. 1965. The Old Testament: An Introduction. Trans. P. R.
Al-Hamdani. 1884. Sifat Gazirat al-cArab, ed. D. H. Muller. Leiden. Ackroyd. New York.
- - . 1966. Al-lqlil, vol. 2, ed. M. al-Akwac. Cairo. Sasson, J. M. 1979. Ruth. Baltimore.
Glaser, E. 1890. Skizze der Ceschichte und Ceographie Arabiens. Vol. 2. KENNETH A. MATHEWS
Berlin.
Rykmans, j. 1981. Un parallele sud arabe a !'imposition du nom de
Jean-Baptiste et de Jesus. In Al-Hudhud, Festschrift M. Hafner OBED-EDOM (PERSON) [Heb cobed->edom]. Four indi-
zum 80. Ceburtstag, ed. von R. G. Stiegner. Graz. viduals in the OT bear this non-Yahwistic name meaning
w. w. MOLLER "Servant of (the god) Edom" (cf. the Phoen personal name
cbd>dm). According to Albright (YGC, 140 and n. 76), the
theophoric element ('edomJ>adom?) names the consort of
OBED (PERSON) [Heb cobed]. Var. EBED. I. The son of Resheph, an Underworld deity known from Egypt and
Ruth and Boaz, the grandfather of King David, ancestor Canaan.
of Jesus Christ (Ruth 4:13, 17, 22; 1 Chr 2:12; Matt 1:5; I. The "Gittite" (i.e., one from Gath) at whose house
Luke 3:32). Obed was the son of the Moabite Ruth who David stored the ark of God when the sudden death of
had returned with her mother-in-law Naomi to Bethlehem Uzzah halted the procession to bring it from Baale-judah
where she married Boaz, a relative of Ruth's deceased (2 Sam 6:2 = Kiriath-jearim, 1 Chr 13:6) to the City of
husband, Mahlon. See RUTH, BOOK OF; NAOMI. By David (2 Sam 6: 1-11 = 1 Chr 13: 1-14). His name and
extension of the Israelite custom of kinship marriage origins in Gath may well place him among Philistine expa-
(Deut 25:5-10), Boaz fathered Obed, but he did so in the triates loyal to David (2 Sam 15: 18-22; 18:2), thus explain-
name of Mahlon. While the narrative indicates that Obed ing the king's willingness to leave the ark with a foreigner,
is the son of Mahlon, the genealogy gives the actual lineage apparently now a convert to Yahweh (McCarter 2 Samuel
of Obed by Boaz. Since the child is Ruth's (4: 15) and AB, 170). Yahweh blessed Obed-edom and his household
OBED-EDOM 6. v
because of the ark, prompting David to bring the ark on evening sacrifice, as well as the morning one, is described
into the city (2 Sam 6:11-12 = I Chr 13:14; cf. 15:25). in Exod 29:38-46 and Num 28: 1-8 (where the two sacri-
2. Son of Jeduthun, named primarily as a gatekeeper (I fic~s are referred to as qo~ban). In both offerings, the
Chr 15: 18, 24; 16:38) and perhaps performing special priests sla1;1ghter an unblem1sh~d lamb as a burnt offering
service related to the ark (15:24). In the celebration accom- accompamed by a cereal offenng of Hour and oil and a
panying the ark into the city, he functioned as a musician, drink offering.
appointed by David to lead as one of the lyre players PAUL v. M. FLESHER
(15:21) and after that to minister with harp and lyre before
the ark, along with his 68 brothers (16:5, 38).
3. Son of Korah through Kore (1 Chr 26: I, I 9). Obed- OBODA (M.R. 128022). A town in the Negeb which was
edom and his sixty-two descendants, including eight sons, named after a Nabatean king who reigned 30-9 B.C.E.
served at the S gate of the temple precinct and the store-
houses related to it (26:4-8, 15). The size (26:8; cf. 16:38) A. History of Research
and fitness (26:6, 8) of the family for temple service are U. J. Seetzen passed by Abdeh in 1807 and recognized
stressed by the Chronicler. the preservation of the ancient name of the site. H. Palmer
4. Levitical custodian of temple treasures at the time in 1870 drew the first schematic plan of the site, and A.
Joash, king of Israel, sacked Jerusalem following his defeat Musil drew a more detailed plan in 1902, recognizing and
of Amaziah of Judah (2 Chr 25:24). He presumably served noting a number of significant features. These investiga-
in the gatekeeper tradition of his clan (cf. 1 Chr 26:4-8, tions were followed by those of A. Jaussen, R. Savignac,
15; and #3 above). Whether Obed-edom was taken captive and H. L. Vincent in I 904; C. L. Woolley and T. E.
(LXX, Vg) or (more likely) is simply named keeper of the Lawrence in 1914; and the German work ofT. Wiegand in
vessels and precious metals lost to Joash is not clear from the same period. The Colt Expedition of 1937 located a
the MT. The 2 Kgs 14: I 4 parallel does not mention him. building which apparently was a caravansary on the SW
The precise relationship between these four remains end of the plateau. Full-scale excavations at Oboda were
unclear due to the nature of the Chronicler's work where conducted by M. Avi-Yonah (1958), A. Negev (1959-61),
one or more families of temple servants claiming ties to and A. Negev in collaboration with R. Cohen (1975-77).
the Philistine caretaker of the ark are given levitical ances- These investigations have clarified the occupation of the
try. site into the following periods: Early Nabatean (4th-early
1st centuries B.c.E.); Middle Nabatean (30/25 B.C.E.-50170
Bibliography c.E.); Late Nabatean (ca. 70-150 c.E.), and Post-Nabatean,
Williams, H. G. M. 1979. The Origins of the Twenty-Four Priestly including the Late Roman and Byzantine periods. See also
Courses. VTSup 30: 250-68. NABATEANS.
DAVID L. THOMPSON
B. History
Oboda, whose name is preserved in the Arabic form,
OBELISK. See MASSEBAH. Abda, is named after the Nabatean king Obodas (appar-
ently the second king by this name), who, according to
Stephanus Byzantinus (482.15-16), was buried at the site
ODIL (PERSON) [Heb '6bil]. A state official; an Ishmael- after his deification. A recently discovered Nabatean in-
ite. One of twelve stewards of royal property appointed by scription and numerous Greek inscriptions in the ruins of
David, his specific charge was to oversee the camels (l Chr the temple at Oboda testify to the persistence of the cult
27:30). Of the twelve, he is one of seven identified with a into the 2d and 3d centuries c.E. Ptolemy (Geog. 5.17.4)
gentilic rather than by paternity, a feature which may lists Eboda ( = Oboda) among the cities of Arabia Petraea.
underscore his non-Israelite background. Some have ar- It is known as Oboda on the Peutinger map along the main
gued for the antiquity of the list because of the inclusion road from Aila to Jerusalem. Although the city prospered
of an Ishmaelite; others that it is artificial (and perhaps in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods, it is never
late) because "Obi!" means "camel driver" (see Braun 1 mentioned again in historic sources.
Chronicles WBC, 263). The earliest traces of settlement, coins and Hellenistic
RICHARD W NYSSE pottery, are from the late 4th century B.C.E. The wide
distribution of the mints from which these coins originate
hint of the role of Oboda, with Nessana and Elusa, as a
OBLATION [Heb min!u;i]. "Oblation" is the word the major caravan stop on the network of the international
RSV uses to translate min!u;i in I Kgs 18:29 and 18:36. spice trade. No building remains of this period have been
Min!u;i can refer either to sacrifices in general or to grain found, and it seems that the nomadic Nabateans con-
offerings specifically. In I Kings, it indicates the evening ducted their trade from tent encampments. The conquest
offering, which was one of two daily sacrifices performed of Gaza by Alexander Jannaeus (ca. 100 B.C.E.) apparently
in the tabernacle and in the temple. According to Exod precipitated a brief decline of Oboda. At the beginning of
29:39, this offering takes place "between the evenings" (bin the reign of Obodas II, however, the Nabateans resumed
hii,<arlbayim), that is, after sundown but before all the sun's control of the Negeb, establishing at Oboda a major cara-
light has left the sky. Josephus, by contrast, states that the van stop. A magnificent temple was built on the W part of
evening offering occurs at the ninth hour, which is about the plateau, rising 6 I 9 m above sea level. At the. N end of
three o'clock in the afternoon (Ant 14.4.3). This regular the plateau was a military camp, accommodatmg up to
V•7 OCH RAN

2 000 soldiers and their camels. The S part of the site was - - . 1963. Nabatean Inscriptions from Avdat (Oboda). IE] 13:
allotted to breeding stock. No private buildings have been 113-24.
discovered for this period and it seems that the civilian - - . 1965. Stonedressers Marks from A Nabatean Sanctuary at
population still lived in tents. This period of prosperity Avdat. IE] 15: 33-37.
encompasses the entire reign of Aretas IV (9 e.c.E.-.40 - - . 1967. Oboda Mampsis and the Provincia Arabia. IE] 17:
c.E.). By the middle of the 1st century c.E., at the begm- 46-55.
ning of the reign of Malichus II (40-70 c.E.)_. Oboda was - - . 1974. Nabatean Potter's Workshop of Oboda. Bonn.
sacked by Arab tribes who wreaked havoc m all of the - - . 1976. Eboda. EAEHL 2: 345-54.
Nabatean kingdom, which resulted in the cessation of - -.. 198la. House and City Planning in the Ancient Negev and
Nabatean rule at Oboda until ca. 70 c.E., when Rabel II the Provincia Arabia. Pp. 3-32 in Housing in Arid Lands, ed. G.
("He Who Brought Life and Deliverance to His People") Golani. London.
ascended the throne. The Nabateans lost their supremacy - - . 198 lb. Greek Inscriptions from the Negev. Jerusalem.
in commercial trade and turned to agriculture. This tran- - - . 1983. Tempel, Kirchen und Zisternen. Stuttgart.
sition is attested at Oboda by dedicatory inscriptions on AVRAHAM NEGEV
agricultural installations. Rahel's death and the annexation
of the Nabatean kingdom to Provincia Arabia had little
adverse effect on Oboda, but the building activities that OBOTH (PLACE) [Heb >obiit]. An unidentified stage of
had begun in the 80s of the 1st century continued until ca. the Exodus between Mount Hor and the plains of Moab
125 c.E. Activities for the remainder of the 2d and 3d (Num 21:10, 11; 33:43, 44). The encampment at Oboth
centuries can be traced by numismatic evidence. The town immediately preceded the people's rest at lye-abarim.
extended along part of the W slope of the hill, and in the Oboth has been identified by some with <Ain el-Weiba
beginning of the 3d century a new residential quarter was on the Wedge of the Wadi <Arabah, almost 18 miles due
established on the S part of the plateau, with a contempo- W of Feinan (e.g., GP, 400-1). Feinan is generally identi-
rary cemetery on the W slope. The old Nabatean temple fied with Punon, the encampment preceding Oboth (Num
was renovated on the acropolis and dedicated to Aphro- 33:43). See PUNON. However, though <Ain el-Weiba would
dite and to Zeus Oboda, thus perpetuating Oboda's cult.
be a suitable camping ground, its location produces an
Although the ones dedicating the temple were all of Naba-
inexplicable detour to the W given the general NE direc-
tean descent, the old Aramaic-Nabatean language yielded
tion the Israelites were traveling toward the Transjordanian
to Greek, which was the language of the numerous dedi-
mountains. Hence other suggestions for Oboth have been
cations.
With the advent of Diocletian and Constantine, major offered, including an unspecified location N of Feinan
changes occurred in the E. Some Late Nabatean houses (e.g. Davies 1979: 90) and a position N of Bozrah (MBA,
and the old military camp, which had been abandoned 42). The location of Oboth depends largely upon one's
since ca. 50 c.E., were plundered for stone to construct a reconstruction of the route of the Exodus.
smaller citadel on the E half of the acropolis. During the Bibliography
early Byzantine period, Oboda spread along the entire W Davies, G. I. 1979. The Way of the Wilderness. Cambridge.
slope, with isolated farmhouses along the plateau.
ARTHUR J. FERCH
From the 4th century c.E., olive oil and wine production
were the basis of the economy. On the plateau and along
the slopes, five winepresses, an olive oil press, and several
wine cellars were built. Working and storage space was
OBSCENE LANGUAGE. See BIBLE, EUPHEMISM
found in the excavation of caves in the back of each of the AND DYSPHEMISM IN THE.
houses. Numerous cisterns were excavated in and around
the city and a bath was supplied with water from a 64-m-
deep well. Apparently in the second half of the 4th cen- OCHIEL (PERSON) [Gk Ochielos]. See JEIEL.
tury, the old Nabatean temple was destroyed and its stones
used to build the North Church on the acropolis. A cen-
tury later the South Church and monastery were built OCHRAN (PERSON) [Heb <okran]. The father of the
bridging both the North Church and the citadel, making a chief (nil.ff', Num 2:27) Pagiel of the tribe of Asher. Each
huge complex. of the five times that Ochran is mentioned in the OT
The latest-dated inscription at Oboda is from 612 c.E. occurs in a tribal list where his mark of distinction is his
Both churches were discovered full of ash and charred status as the father of Pagiel. Under the leadership of
beams from the wooden frame of the roof. This destruc- Ochran's son Pagiel, the tribe of Asher participated in the
tion is attributed to 636 C.E., when Oboda was stormed by census of Israelite fighting men carried out by Moses (Num
the Islamic raids, which precipitated the desertion of the l: 13, 40-41 ), presented its offerings on the eleventh day
site. of the twelve-day celebration of the dedication of the altar
(Num 7:72, 77), took its proper place on the N side of the
Bibliography tabernacle in the Israelite camp (Num 2:27), and assumed
Negev, A. l96ia. A Caravan Halt in the Negev. Archaeology 14: its position in the order of march at the Israelites' depar-
122-30. ture from Mount Sinai (Num 10:26). The name Ochran
- - . 1961 b. Nabatean Inscriptions from Avdat (Oboda). IE] 11: seems to mean "the perplexed or afflicted one" (JPN, 253).
127-38. DALE F. LAUNDERVILLE
OCINA 8 • v
OCINA (PLACE) [Gk Okina]. A site which is part of a list Segert, S. I986. Altaramiiische Grammatik. Leipzig.
of towns occurring in the book of Judith (Jdt 2:28). The Willi, T. I 972. Die Chronik als Auslegung. Gtittingen.
name Ocina occurs only here in the Bible, where it is part H. ELDON CLEM
of a list of towns on the seacoast stretching from N to S. It
is possible that "Ocina" is a corruption of "Acco," an
ancient harbor city N of Mount Carmel. See ACCO ODOMERA (PERSON) [Gk Odomera]. According to 1
(PLACE); PTOLEMAIS (PLACE). This would be the cor- Mace 9:66, Jewish forces under Jonathan the Hasmonean
rect geographical location. However, given the genre of the killed Odomera and his brothers along with the sons of
book of Judith, it is also possible that the name is fictitious. Pharison near Bethbasi south of Jerusalem (ca. 160 e.c.E.).
See JUDITH, BOOK OF. Odomera and his brothers were probably a bedouin tribe
SJDNJE ANN WHITE allied with the Syrian forces under Bacchides. A variant
reading, however, would indicate that Jonathan did not
slay (Gk epat11JCen) Odomera and his brothers but, rather,
OCTOPUS. See ZOOLOGY. commanded or summoned them (Gk epeta.xen in Codex
Venetus and 340). Goldstein (1 Maccabees AB, 395) prefers
the variant reading, noting its common use in l Maccabees.
ODED (PERSON) [Heb 'oded, 'oded]. This name is of For Goldstein, Jonathan would hardly have slipped out of
uncertain etymology, with BDB (pp. 728-29) deriving it Bethbasi under Seleucid siege to attack a group of bedouin
from 'Ud, "prob. return, go about, repeat, do again," and but would have done so to enlist aid in defeating the Syrian
KB translating it as "Orakeldeuter" (752; cf. also the discus- army. Josephus indicates that Jonathan did seek aid to
sion in Willi 1972: 221-22). There is probably some con- defeat Bacchides, in an account which parallels l Macca-
nection with the name Iddo ('iddo, 'iddo>, 'iddo>). bees 9 (Ant 13.1.5 §28). However, the Josephan account
1. The first person in the Bible mentioned as having this appears to be based on a different tradition in that Jona-
"name" was an individual in the early 9th or very late I 0th than slips out of Bethalaga and not Bethbasi (Ant 13.1.5
century said to be 'iimryiihu ben-'oded, a prophet in Judah §26). Zeitlin (1950: 166, n. 66) demurs from using Jose-
who preached a word of encouragement to King Asa (2 phus to argue that these bedouin were allied with the Jews
Chr 15:1). Strangely enough, in 15:8 the prophecy is said by noting that according to Josippon, who made use of the
to have been given by "Oded the Prophet" ('oded hanniibf>). Hebrew text (unlike Josephus, who probably read the
The RSV restores "Azariah the son of Oded," a reading at Greek), Jonathan does indeed kill these bedouin allies of
least as old as the Syr Peshitta and some manuscripts of Bacchides.
the LXX (specifically the Lucianic recension). Perhaps a
clue can be found in the Old Aram inscription of Zakkur, Bibliography
beginning with line 11 (obverse), where we are told by Zeitlin, S. 1950. The First Book of Maccabees. Trans. and ed. S.
Zakkur, "I lifted up my hands to Baalshamayin and Baal- Tedesche and S. Zeitlin. New York.
shamayin answered me and Baalshamayin spoke to me MICHAEL E. HARDWICK

through (lit. "by the hand of") seers and prophets ('ddn)"
(my translation). Since ('ddn) clearly has the sense of
"prophet" in this passage (DISO, 204; Degen 1969: 47, 52; ODOR [Heb rea/:i; Gk osme). In the OT odor is not
Segert 1986: 545; cf. also 'dd-"herald" in Ugaritic, II AB directly related to texts dealing with perfume, except for
vii, 46 [Gibson 1965: 65)), it is quite likely that ben-'oded Cant 1:3 and Jer 25: 10 (LXX), "myrrh," or for Cant l: 12,
referred to a prophetic class in 15: l (or even a prophetic "nard." Odor can be that left by the smell of garments
disciple-cf. the discussion with regard to Amos 7: 14 in (Gen 27:27) or of fire (Dan 3:27). Most often found is the
Wolff Joel and Amos Hermeneia, 312-14). Since the term reference to "a pleasing odor," found 40 times between
was a rare one for a prophet, hanniiW was then appended Gen 8:21 and Num 29:26. Lev 1:3-17 gives the following
to 'oded in 15:8 as an attempt to clarify for the reader the definition: "it is a burnt offering, an offering by fire upon
meaning of the term. The term 'oded was then later mis- the altar, a pleasing odor to the Lord." Such a rite is found
read as a personal name, resulting in the confusion wit- in the Babylonian narratives that relate to thanksgiving for
nessed by the versions (for a similar explanation, cf. the being rescued from the Flood. God is favorably inclined
by the pleasing odor offered by the worshipper; he "ac-
discussion in Montgomery 1909: 68-69).
knowledges with his nose," wherewith the breath of life is
2. This individual was also a prophet (!), this time from
late-8th-century Samaria, who rebuked Israel for taking to be found (Gen 7:22), that odor which restores life. In
200,000 Judeans captive (2 Chr 28:9). Several Ephraimite the biblical Flood Narrative, it is Noah who first presented
tribal leaders joined him and succeeded in dissuading the such an offering: the Lord smelled the pleasing odor and
Israelites to let the Judeans go free, which they did after blessed Noah after the Flood (Gen 8:20-22). The Noa-
feeding and clothing them (2 Chr 28: 10-15). chian tradition is often referred to during the rite of the
burnt offering to the Lord. The only exception is Lev
Bibliography 4:31, which refers to the offering for sin, since in that rite
Degen, R. I 969. Altaramiiische Grammatik: Der lnschriften des 10-8. only certain parts are burned, which are never elsewhere
]h. v. Chr. AKM 38/3. Wiesbaden. termed as producing "a pleasing odor." Another exception
Gibson, J. C. L. I 965. Canaanite Myths and Legends. Edinburgh. is to be found in Ezek 6:13; 16:19; 20:28, which concern
Montgomery, J. A. 1909. Some Gleanings from Pognon's ZKR idols instead of the Lord.
lnscription.]BL 28: 57-70. Odors that conform to divine prescription are effica-
v. 9 OHAD

cious, as in Tob 8:3 where the demon Asmodeus flees from OG (PERSON) [Heb 'og]. King of the land of Bashan in
the smell of fish. When angered by his unworthy people, Transjordan (Num 21 :33-35). He was defeated and killed
the Lord will not smell the pleasing odors (Lev 26:31). by the Israelites as they passed through his territory on
Thus, odors can apparently be tokens of both approval the way to the promised land. Og's kingdom is portrayed
and disapproval. as a settled region; sixty cities are mentioned in the narra-
When quoting LXX, osme euOdias is the translation of tive of the conquest of the area (Deut 3:1-10). Og is also
rea~ niMa~, and a metaphoric sense of "a pleasing odor" connected with two major cities in the region which are
can be discerned (Sir 39: 14). The same was asserted about assumed to have been his capitals: Edrei and Ashtaroth
prayer in the Qumran community (lQS 8:9) and later, in (Josh 12:4). After the region had been conquered, the
the apostolic period, about the praise of the creator (Ep territory of Og was given to the half tribe of Manasseh,
Barn 2: 10). which chose to remain east of the Jordan (Josh 13:29-30).
The NT usage is exclusively metaphoric. Paul calls the An additional note about Og is found in Deut 3: 11,
Philippians' offering a pleasing odor, a sacrifice acceptable where he is said to be the last survivor of the REPHAIM,
and pleasing to God (Phil 4: 18); the author of Ephesians a putative race of giants mentioned occasionally in the
exhorts his readers to "walk in love, as Christ loved us and Hebrew Bible and presumed to have inhabited Canaan in
gave himself up for us, a pleasing odor and sacrifice to pre-Israelite times (Deut 2:20). The great size of Og was
God" (Eph 5:2). confirmed by a reference to his "iron bedstead" still on
Paul discusses the apostolic ministry of the new covenant display at Rabbah (Deut 3: 11). This bedstead was some 6
in which Christ through the apostle "spreads the fragrance feet (4 cubits) wide and 13 1/2 feet (9 cubits) long. The
of the knowledge of him everywhere" (2 Cor 2: 14-16). Hebrew words translated "bedstead" and "iron" have been
This passage expresses a universal apostolate where Paul, much discussed in the secondary literature. The transla-
Timothy, and Silvanus are a pleasing odor of Christ to tion "bedstead" is from the Hebrew 'eres, which is usually
God, among those who are being saved and among those understood as "couch" or "bed." In Deut 3: 11, some take
who are perishing. This "pleasing odor of Christ" (2 Cor it as a last resting place and so a tomb or sarcophagus
2:15) is among all people but in a somewhat different (Mayes I 979: 144). In connection with this reference to a
fashion. In the Greek text both participles are present sarcophagus, the term barzel is understood as "basalt," a
tense, "those who are proceeding toward perdition and those dense black stone commonly used in the region (Driver
who are by now proceeding toward salvation" (2 Cor 2:15). Deuteronomy ICC, 54).
Thus Christ's life is actually the living, present "life of The importance of the defeat of Og in Israel's memory
Christ" inspired and conveyed by faith. The "pleasing is demonstrated by the continued references to the event
in various parts of the Hebrew Bible. The Pentateuch
odor of Christ" is believed to draw to life those who are
refers to the victory over Og in both Numbers and Deuter-
perishing. Thus God makes use of Paul's apostolic ministry
onomy (Num 21:33; 32:33; Deut 1:4; 3: 1-13; 4:47; 29:6-
and the work of all Christians in order that Christ may be Eng 29:7; 31 :4). The Deuteronomistic History picks up
known by all.
this event in Joshua and in I Kings (Josh 2:10; 9:!0; 12:4;
13:12, 30-31; I Kgs 4:19). The summary of Israel's his-
Bibliography tory in Nehemiah 9 includes this event in 9:22. There are
Carrez, M. 1984. Odcur de mort, odeur de vie (apropos de 2 Co also references to Og in Psalms 135: 11 and 136: 20.
2:l6).RHPR64: 135-41.
- - . 1987. Parfum. Dictionnaire encyclopedzque de la Bible. Centre Bibliography
informatique et Bible. Maredsous, France. Mayes, A. D. H. 1979. Deuteronomy. London.
- - . 1987. Ikanotes: 2 Cor 2: 14-17. Pp 79-104 in Paolo, Mimstro PHILLIP E. McMILLION
de/ Nuovo Testamento (2 Cor 2:14-4:6), ed. L. de Lorenzi. Serie
Monografica di "Benedictina'" 9. Rome.
MAURICE CARREZ OHAD (PERSON) [Heb 'ohad]. He was the third of the
six sons of Simeon (Gen 46: 10; Exod 6: 15). Ohad was the
grandson of Jacob and Leah, and his name is mentioned
OFFERINGS. See SACRIFICE AND SACRIFICIAL in the genealogical list of the people who descended with
OFFERINGS. Jacob to Egypt at the invitation of Joseph at the time of a
severe famine in the land of Canaan (Gen 46:8-27).
Ohad's name does not appear in the parallel genealogical
OFFSET [Heb migra'a]. Rebatements in the construction lists of the descendants of Simeon in Num 26:12 and 1
of the wall of the temple so that the side chambers could Chr 4:24. Cheyne (EncBib, 3460) explained this omission
be constructed without actually being attached to the tem- by saying that the name Ohad comes from a dittography
ple ( 1 Kgs 6:6; cf. Ezek 41 :6-7). The distinction of the of "Zohar," Simeon's fifth son. Keil (1951: 372) explained
te~p_le as a separate sacred space is thus preserved. "Off- the omission of Ohad's name in the parallel genealogical
set is from a root (gr') meaning "to diminish," and it lists by saying that Ohad either died without fathering
probabl.y refers to a ledge in the wall created by a reduc- children or did not leave a sufficient number of children
tion m its width at a given point. The second tier of side to form an independent clan.
chambers was thus wider (6 cubits) than the bottom tier (5 Bibliography
cubits); and the uppermost wall was wider still (7 cubits). Keil, C. F. 195 l. The Pentateuch. Vol. 1 in Biblical Commentary on the
See also TEMPLE, JERUSALEM. Old Testament. Repr. Grand Rapids.
CAROL MEYERS CLAUDE f. MARIOTTINI
OHEL 10 • v
OHEL (PERSON) [Heb 'ohel]. The fifth child of Zerub- more, she was regarded as her own tribe on the basis of
babel. Ohel is listed second in 1 Chr 3:20, which records a the addendum in Gen 36:40-43, a list of Edomite "tribal
second distinct list of Zerubbabel's children. It has been leaders" (Heb 'allupim) that probably ought to be attrib-
suggested that these names were grouped separately be- uted to the Priestly source (cf. also I Chr I :51 b-54, which
cause they were born after the return to Palestine. It 5eems is a shortened version of that addendum). The meaning
unlikely that these names represent the offspring of Mesh- of the name is unclear. Perhaps it can be understood as
allum as was previously suggested (Albright 1921: 10; "my (god's) tent (protection, refuge) is with them ('ohel
Williamson Chronicles NCBC, 57). plus preposition be- and 3d person plural suffix?)" or as
"my tent (protection) is (divine name)." Another possible
Bibliography meaning could be derived from Arabic 'ht, "people, clan,"
Albright, W. F. 1921. The Date and Personality of the Chronicler. and mean "people/clan of (a certain) god."
}BL 40: 110.
ULRICH HUBNER
RUSSELL FULLER

OLD AGE. Aging in the Bible represents a welcomed

OHOLIAB (PERSON) [Heb 'ohiilf'ab]. Ahisamach's son, pilgrimage through the transitions of life. Old age enjoys
from the tribe of Dan, and Bezalel's cocraftsman in the its own vocabulary and high regard (Lev 19:32). Neverthe-
tabernacle construction (Exod 38:23-LXX 37:21). Oho- less, like other stages of life, it brings mixed blessings.
liab possessed the necessary skills-traceable to divine in-
spiration-for fashioning several individual items in A. Old Age as Physical 'Il'aits
accordance with the instructions he received from Moses Languages throughout the ANE use "white hair" (wool)
(31 :6). He and Bezalel also taught their special skills to a to refer to one of optimum age and wisdom. White hair is
great host of manual laborers engaged in the work on the the primary trait of old age. Akkadian si-pa-tu (wool, gray
tabernacle (35:30-36:7). Yet the two were not architects. hair) and si-bu describe those who are old, older, or very
When it came to assembling the parts into an integrated old (AHW 3: 1228, 1244). Hebrew uses sebti, "gray head,"
whole, not they but Moses personally performed the task as a synonym for old age (BDB, 966; Gen 15: 15; 25:8;
(40: 1-33). The name Oholiab is unusual but not necessar- Judg 8:32; I Chr 29:28). A similar image appears in
ily an artificial construction since there is evidence of its biblical Aramaic describing the "ancient of days" who sits
elements in W Semitic nomenclature. Noth (IPN, 158-59), enthroned with hair like "lamb's wool," 'amar neqe' (Dan
who compares the form with Phoenician 'hlb'l and 'hlmlk 7:9; Sokoloff 1976).
and with Sabaean 'ht>l, considers it a nominal sentence A second word, "elder," ziiqen (Hebrew), and its equiva-
name, and translates it as "father is a tent (i.e., shelter)" lents sibtum (Akkadian), senator (Latin), geriin (Greek), and
rather than either "family of father" or "tent of father." sheikh (Arabic), designate both people of advanced age and
The name is archaic, not containing the new title YHWH people of a distinct social grade. Hebrew derives the.word
in the function of a formative element. Cole (Exodus from zaqan, one who wears a beard, i.e., a fully accredited
TOTC, 209) sees no reason to consider it an ungenuine adult. Though the term defines any person past puberty,
insertion. He adds that it is datable at the latest to the time it also designates a clan leader, a local official: a_nd an o_ld
of the Davidic tent (I Chr 15: 1), since Solomon's artificer person. (For discussions of the elders as a d1stmct soC1al
had a different name (I Kgs 7:13). One may therefore grade or position, see Bornkamm TDNT 4: 651-83; Har-
accept the possibility that behind the names of both Oho- vey 1974). The feminine form also describes older women
liab and Bezalel, and even behind their assignment to (zlqenot, Zech 8:4) and old age in general (ziqnti, Gen
certain Israelite tribes, there stand the historical figures of 24:36). Aged, decrepit persons are designated by a parallel
craftsmen who were at one time involved in the furnishing term, yases (2 Chr 36: 17), and its derivative for the venera-
of the sanctuary (Noth, Exodus OTL, 240). Clements (Exo- ble aged,yasis (Job 15:10; 32:6; 12:12; 29:8).
dus CBC, 199), however, denies an extraordinary instance
of survival of tradition and thinks they simply represented B. Old Age as Advanced Years
famous family guilds of craftsmen well known in ancient The Bible also indicates aging by referring to a chrono-
Israel-families who were expert in woodcraft and metal- logical age. Some texts record a life span in years. Others
craft and who were employed in making and furnishing use idioms to describe longevity as "full of days" or "ad-
the temple. vanced in years": 'orek yamim ("length of days"); yamfm
Eow1N C. HosTETfER rabbfm ("many days"); seba' yamim ("sated with days"); mete>
yamim ("full of days"); M' bayyamim ("advanced in years");
and sebti _t{jbti ("a ripe old age"). Verbal forms mclu_de
OHOLIBAMAH (PERSON) [Heb 'oholibtima]. The ha'arek yamim ("to lengthen days"); harbOt yamim ("to in-
daughter of Anah, son of Zibon the Horite, and the second crease days"); and hOsep yamim ("to add days"). The expres-
wife of Esau (Gen 36:2, 14, 18, 25). Oholibamah was also sion 'rkymm ('orek yamim) was discovered in a Hebrew m-
the mother of Jeush, Jalam, and Korah (vv 5, 14, 18). As scription at Kuntillet Ajrud dating from the late 9th to the
such, she (along with Adah and Basemath) was considered early 8th century B.C.E. Other count~rparts of the above
one of the Edomite tribal mothers. Originally she probably phrases have been found in West Semitic languages and m
belonged to the Horitic-Seiritic tribal system. Later (as Akkadian (Malamat 1982: 215). .
Esau's wife) she and her three sons were genealogically Long life in ancient literature~ represents an exceptional
integrated into the Esauite-Edomite tribal system. Further- achievement. Advanced years md1cate importance (Gen
v • 11 OLD AGE

5: 1-32) and divine favor. The Bible mentions that Abra- John the Baptist, and also of the priestly division of Abi-
ham (Gen 25:8), Gideon (Judg 8:33), and David (1 Chr athar (Luke 1:5; 1 Chronicles 24, esp. v 10) considered his
29:28) lived to a "good (ripe) old age" (Seba .toba). They wife and himself"old," yet that did not preclude him from
died prosperous, of natural causes, and were buried in serving in the temple (Luke 1: 18-25). Nevertheless, priests
their family tomb, obviously blessed by God (Gen 15:15). at age 50 entered some form of retirement, a common
The Bible notes one exception: it explains how Enoch transition of old age.
walked with God and yet lived only a relatively short time: Life transitions began somewhat earlier in agricultural
"God took him" (Gen 5:22-24). occupations. The toil was so difficult that parents retired
The Bible glorifies some of its heroes by describing their from active farming as soon as children were old enough
longevity. For example, a Deuteronomic summary praises to work the field. Then they would train their grandchil-
the good health of Moses at his death (Deut 34:7), and dren and advise the younger generation. A father or
Caleb brags on his extra vigor at 85 years of age (Josh mother might also serve as an elder or judge for the clan,
14:10-11). the community (wise woman at Abel, 2 Sam 20: 14-20),
A study of fourteen kings from the dynasty of David and in some cases a tribe or nation (Deborah, Judg 4:4-5;
presents a clearer picture of the average life span during wise woman of Tekoa, 2 Sam 14: 1-7).
the royal eras of Israel, 926-597 B.C.E. (Wolff 1974: 119- A price list associated with payments of vows (Lev 27: 1-
23; Pl 2: 46). Omitting Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Zede- 8) provides values for men and women at different stages
kiah, the age at death of the remaining kings varies be- of life. Such evaluations apparently estimate the worth of
tween 66 (Manasseh) and 21 (Ahaziah), the average being a person's work capacity adjusted to represent the cost of
44. Premature and unnatural causes of death such as a slave at various times in life (Wenham 1978). These values
assassination may account for some of these deaths. Nev- (calculated in shekels of silver) are as follows:
ertheless, in spite of superior diet and medical care, mon-
archs in stable Judah during this period did not live 70 or Male Female
80 years (contra Ps 90: 10). Outside of stories about the 1 mo.-5 yrs. old 5 3
patriarchs in Genesis, only Moses ( 120 years), Joshua ( 110), 5-20 yrs. old 20 10
Job ( 140), and the high priest Jehoiada ( 130, 2 Chr 24: 15) 20-60 yrs. old 50 30
are said to surpass 100. One passage suggests that only in
Over 60 yrs. old 15 10
the eschatological kingdom would people regularly attain
100 years (Isa 65:20). Generally, transitions to old age
began earlier than age 65 (see Harris 1987: 11-17). The peak value for a male (20-60 yrs.) may indicate that
period when he could be conscripted for military service
C. Old Age as the Final Transition as given in census instructions (Num 1:3, 20, 22; 26:2, 4; 2
1. Stages of Life. The Bible also describes the aging Chr 25:5). After age 60 a female does not decrease in
experience as a sequence of the seasons of life. Such value as much as a male. The comparative worth of an
seasons indicate common transitions: childhood, youth, older woman changes from the earlier 3/5 ratio to that of
maturity, and elderliness. Akkadian uses a number of 2/3, perhaps indicating that elderly women lived healthier
words to describe the various age groups: 40 years (la-lu- and more active lives than elderly men. A drop in value of
lu), "prime of life" (CAD 9: 52); 50 years (umu-ar-ku-tu), both genders at age 60 suggests that both had retired by
"short life"; 60 years (si-pa-tu), "wool"; 80 years (si-bu-tu), then.
"old age"; and 90 years (lit-tu-tu), "extreme old age" (CAD
9: 220-21). D. Old Age as Debilitation and Loss
Life also is pictured as four seasons (childhood, youth, The Bible also mentions the debilitating losses which
young marrieds, the elderly; Jer 51 :22), or as five stages accompany old age. A key transition for the woman comes
(small child, youth [maturity begins at age thirteen, Gen at menopause, when she loses the ability to give birth to
17:25], adult men and women, the elderly (ziiqen), and the children. When a woman can no longer give birth (Gen
aged (mele) yamim); Jer 6: 11 ). The Bible also defines a 18:11; Ruth 1:12; Luke 1:18, 36) or when a man is unable
maximum life span as the fourth generation of a family, to sire a child for his wife (Gen 18:12), the Bible considers
equating it with the life span of 70-80 years mentioned in that a sign of advanced age. Failing health (e.g., loss of
Ps 90:10 (Malamat 1982: 216-18). Though the fourth- hearing, sight, or normal vigor) also indicates old age (Gen
generation position may be an important one, few elderly 27:1-2; 1Kgs1:1-4).
m fact lived to enjoy it. To some degree old age brought a loss of income as well
2. Adult Responsibilities and Retirement. Life's transi- as significance. Women especially experienced this di-
tions. indicate changes in the work and role patterns of lemma. A widow in the Bible represents the most traumatic
md1V1duals. Twenty-year-old males are considered respon- example of one who is helpless and yet worthy of support
sible adults (Num 14:29; 32: 11) and liable to enter military from the community. Without a kinsman-redeemer, or
service (Num I :3, 18; 26:2) and to pay taxes (Exod 30: 14). sympathy from a godly leader, or miraculous aid from
According tu Num 4:3, the Kohathite branch of Levites God, widows possessed little hope (I Kgs 17 :9-24; 2 Kgs
were tu serve as priests between the ages of 30 and 50. 4: 1-7). Consequently, the "reproach of widowhood" re-
Other texts suggest that (other?) Levites could begin their mained synonymous with suffering and loss (Isa 54:4;
servICe as early as age 25 (Num 8:24) or even 20 (1 Chr Lam 1:1; 5:3-4; Rev 18:7).
23:24). Regardless, Levites would retire at age 50 to assist An older widow could experience deep bitterness and
younger priests (Num 8:24-26). Zechariah, the father of depression because of her severe losses and inability to
OLD AGE 12 • v
recover from them, as in the noteworthy case of Naomi Scharbert, J. 1979. Das Alter und die Alten in der Bibel. Saeculum
(Ruth l: 20-21 ). Note also the convincing ruse of the 30: 338-54.
woman of Tekoa (2 Sam 14: 1-7). Biblical texts single out Sokoloff, M. 1976. 'Amar Neqe', Lamb's Wool (Dan 7:9). }BL 95:
older widows as in need of extra help and compassion (l 277-79.
Tim 5:3-8). Luke-Acts mentions how early Christians Wenham, G. J. 1978. Leviticus 27:28 and the Price of Slaves. ZAW
organized to care for widows (Acts 6:1-7; 9:39). Jesus 90: 264-65.
praised the widow who gave her remaining money to the Wolff, H. W. 1974. AnthropololfY of the O/Ji Testament. Trans. M. Kohl.
temple (Luke 21: 1-4), and he showed compassion on a London.
widow whose only son had died (Luke 7: 11-16). He angrily j. GORDON HARRIS
denounced those who "devour widows' houses" and then
prayed long prayers (Luke 20:47). The epistle of James
defines "pure religion" as visiting orphans and widows in OLD GATE (PLACE) [Heb Ia'ar haysana]. A gate in the
their affliction (l :27). outer defensive wall of Jerusalem on the W side of the
The Bible reveals the God of Israel as the defender of Temple Mount above the E slope of the Tyropoeon or
powerless widows (Deut l 0: 18), commanding the people Central Valley mentioned by Nehemiah (3:6; 12:39) and
of the covenant to care for them (Deut 14:29; 24: 17, 19- possibly by Zechariah ( 14: l 0).
21 ). Prophets and others condemn violations of these Because gates are often identified with some geographic
responsibilities (Isa I :23; 10:2; Mic 2:9; Mal 3:5; Job 22:9; location outside a city to which they lead, it would be
24:3; 31: 16; Ps 94:6). natural to think of this gate as having received its name
Aging fathers, likewise, are portrayed as victims in the from the village of Ye~ana (i.e., "Jeshanah," identified with
Bible (often of their children's ambitions). Note how chil- Khirbet el-Burj or el-Burj Isana [M.R. 174156]), one of a
dren exploit drunken (old?) fathers in the stories of Noah triangle with Ephron [M.R. 178151] and Bethel [M.R.
and Lot. Encouraged by his mother Rebekah, Jacob ma- 172148] guarding the Taiyibe ridge and access to the
nipulates his nearly blind father into blessing him instead Benjamin plateau (2 Chr 13: 19; Neh I l :25-36; I Mace
of his brother Esau (Genesis 27). Absalom temporarily 9:15, Ant 14.15.12 § 458). Although this strategic control
overthrows his aging father David (2 Samuel 15-19). Na- point on the N frontier of Benjamin was militarily and
than and Bathsheba exploit David's failing health and politically more important than many have realized, the
memory to establish Solomon as his successor (l Kings 1). definite article before yesanti prevents us from considering
Prophets condemn disregard for vulnerable parents fa'ar haysana a proper name and associating it with the
(Mic 7:6). Intergenerational love remains their ideal (Mal village of Jeshanah. This coupled with the difference in
4:6). The books of Sirach (3:1-16) and Tobit (4:1-4) gender between fa'ar (masc) and ye!ana (fem) leaves two
reinforce these ideals and the benefits of filial support for possibilities: (I) the text needs emending to possibly fa'ar
parents. In the Synoptic Gospels Jesus condemns those hammilneh ("the Mishneh Gate"), associating the gate with
who shirk the care of aging parents through a religious the Mishneh quarter of Jerusalem that has been located by
vow called "Corban" (Mark 7:5-13). Talmudic rabbis also some in the Tyropoeon or Central Valley to the W of the
teach filial reverence and illustrate these laws with exam- Temple Mount; or (2) one should supply a feminine noun
ples of obedience (mora, Qidd. 3la, 3lb,j. Pe)a l:l; 15c). such as haberekah (the pool) or ha'ir (the city) to read fa'ar
haysana ha'ir, "the gate of the old city." Additionally, some
Aging parents sometimes enter a somewhat dependent
have wanted to identify this gate with the Gate of Ephraim
and vulnerable stage before death. Qoheleth mentions
in order to resolve (unnecessarily) the absence of the
common debilitating losses of aging in a poem describing Ephraim Gate in Nehemiah's restoration text (3:7, 8) and
death (Eccl 12: 1-8). The teacher describes vividly the the deletion of the Old Gate in the LXX procession text
"coming days of hardship and those years that arrive" as a (12:39). Many have reviewed the several possibilities (Avi-
weakening body which collapses in death. Old age in the Yonah 1954: 242-43; Simons 1952: 276-78, 305-6; Vin-
Bible signifies more than divine blessing; it also indicates a cent and Steve 1954: 240, 243; Williamson 1984: 81-88),
transition into a weakened social and physical condition yet the enigma of the Old Gate has not been completely
which needs respect and protection to compensate for its resolved. We know from Nehemiah's restoration and pro-
losses (Prov 19:26; 28:24; Exod 20:12). cession texts (3:6; 12:39) that this gate was located to the
N of the Ephraim Gate and to the S of the Fish Gate along
Bibliography the rather prominent inclined street (l Chr 26: 18) that
Durr, L. 1926. Die Wertung des Lebens im Allen Testament und im ran N-S and led from the inner foundation or Sur Gate to
antiJren onent. Munster. the Fish Gate.
Harris, J. G. 1987. Biblical Pmpectives on Aging: God and the E/Jierly.
Philadelphia. Bibliography
Harvey, A. E. 1974. Elders.]TS n.s. 25: 318-32. Avi-Yonah, M. 1954. The Walls of Nehemiah-A Minimalist View.
Maier, j. 1979. Die Wertung des Alters in der judischen Uberliefer- IE] 4: 239-48.
ung der Spatantike und des fruhen Miuelalters. Saeculum 30: Simons, J. 1952.jerusalem in the O/Ji Testament. Leiden.
355-64. Vincent, L.-H., and Steve, M.-A. 1954. Jerusalem de l'Ancien Testa-
Malamat, A. 1982. Longevity: Biblical Concepts and Some Ancient ment. Paris.
Near Ea.stern Parallels. AfO 19: 215-18. Williamson, H. G. M. 1984. Nehemiah's Walls Revisited. PEQ 116/
Prevost, J.-P. 1985. Vieiller ou pas Vieiller? Le Point de Vue de 2: 81-88.
l'Ancien Testament. EgT 16: 9-23. DALE C. Luo
v. 13 OLIVES, MOUNT OF

OLD TESTAMENT QUOTATIONS IN THE B. Old Testament and Late Judaism

NT. See NEW TESTAMENT, OT QUOTATIONS IN. Surprisingly, in spite of the close proximity of the Mount
of Olives to Jerusalem, there are only two explicit refer-
ences to this mount in the OT. The first reference occurs
in 2 Sam 15:30. David, fleeing from Jerusalem after his
OLIVE OIL. See PERFUMES AND SPICES. son Absalom led a successful revolt, took the path which
led over the crest of the Mount of Olives as he made his
way to his temporary exile in the Transjordan: "David went
OLIVE TREE. See FLORA. up the ascent of the Mount of Olives, weeping as he went,
barefoot and with his head covered." Interestingly, the
text recalls that "David came to the summit where God was
worshipped" (2 Sam 15:32). Previously, the OT had not
OLIVES, MOUNT OF (PLACE) [Heb ma'ate haui- mentioned this "place of worship." However, given the
tzm; har hazzitlm; Gk to oros ton elaion; to oros kaloumenon inclination of ancient peoples to worship on mountains, it
elaion; tou elaionos]. A small ridge of three summits, about is not impossible that a sanctuary existed here. It is tempt-
two miles long, the highest of which is not quite 3,000 feet ing to identify this place of worship with Nob, but this
above sea level, running N to S across from the Kidron identification is far from certain (cf. I Sam 21 : I; 22 :9-11).
Valley E of Jerusalem and known for its abundance of olive The second explicit reference to the Mount is found in
trees. Zechariah's description of the Day of Yahweh: "On that
day his feet shall stand on the Mount of Olives and it shall
A. Description be split in two from east to west by a very wide valley; so
B. Old Testament and Late Judaism that one half of the Mount shall withdraw northward, and
C. New Testament the other half southward ... then the Lord your God will
D. Shrines on the Mount come, and all the holy ones with him" (14:4-5).
Besides these two explicit references there are several
A. Description probable implicit references. In I Kgs 11 :7-8 mention is
The Mount of Olives belongs to the Central Mountain made of high places built by Solomon for all his foreign
Range, the main range of mountains which runs through wives to worship the Moabite god Chemosh and the Am-
the central and S portions of Palestine from the N to the monite god Molech. These places of worship, the text says,
S. To the W of Olivet lay the Kidron Valley and the city of "were east of Jerusalem, to south of the Mount of Corrup-
Jerusalem. Toward the E lay Jericho, the Jordan Valley, and tion" (2 Kgs 23: 13). Today the Mount of Offense (variously
the Dead Sea. There are several undulations along the called Mount of Corruption, Sandal, or Evil Counsel) may
two-mile ridge separating several high points. The north- well be the place where these abominations occurred, but
ernmost summit is the highest, which has been reported this identification is by no means certain. Some scholars
to be 2,963 feet above Mediterranean Sea level. This sum- see a play on words in 2 Kgs 23: 13. The Hebrew word
mit has been identified with Nob (Isa 10:32) and Mount "corruption" (maJ!ift) is very close to the word "anointing"
Scopus (Josephus ]W 2.19.4, 7; 5.4. l), but there is no (mti..SaM. Thus the "mount of anointing" (Mount of Olives,
certain evidence for these suggestions. This N peak today from which the sacred anointing oil is produced) has
is called Ras el-Mesharif. become the "mount of corruption." Though this sugges-
The center of the Mount of Olives is a bit lower (about tion is very possible it should be noted that the ascription
Mons Offensionis (Mount of Offense) can be traced only as
2,700 feet) than its N counterpart. It stands opposite the
temple area and is about 100 feet higher than Jerusalem far back as Quaresmius of the 17th century A.D.
itself. To the S and SE one can see the expansive wilderness A second implicit reference is found in Ezekiel. The
prophet was enabled to view the glory of God depart from
of Judea; to the E is a spectacular view of the Jordan Valley
the temple, whereupon it "stood upon the mountain which
and the Dead Sea; to the W lies a deeply stirring panorama
is on the east side of the city" (Ezek 11 :23). Later in the
of the old city of Jerusalem. The S summit, the southern- book, Ezekiel reported that he saw the process reversed.
most part of the ridge, is the smallest of the three. This In his vision of the new Jerusalem, Ezekiel saw this glory
peak, facing W, overlooks the ancient site of Davidic Jeru- return and enter the eschatological temple (43:2-5). The
salem, just S of the temple area. mountain referred to by Ezekiel is commonly understood
The mount itself is composed of cretaceous limestone as Olivet.
with a chalklike top layer and was named "Olives" because The Mount of Olives has also been associated with the
of its extensive olive groves. The olive tree, one of the rite of the burning of the red heifer so that its ashes could
hardier trees, was able to thrive in this terrain. Although serve as a purification (Num 19:1-10). According to the
populous with olive trees, this ancient site was also dotted Talmud, this purification rite was performed on the Mount
with pines. The mount, denuded of trees in the time of of Olives opposite the E gate of the temple (Para 3.6-7,
Titus, contains only a fraction of the tree population it 11). Moreover, the Mishnah claims that Jews in Jerusalem
had in ancient times. Today there are major deforested announced the new moon to their brethren in Babylonia
areas and numerous cemeteries. Since Christ often tra- by means of a chain of fire signals, the first of which began
versed this ridge and spent not a few hours in its groves, on Olivet. Furthermore, according to tradition, the dove
there_ are many commemorative churches honoring this sent forth from the ark by Noah retrieved the olive branch
terrain. Some of these sites, however, are questionable. from the Mount of Olives (Gen 8: 11; Gen. Rab. 33:6).
OLIVES, MOUNT OF 14 • v
Tradition also suggests that those faithful Jews who died The seclusion of the groves was probably heartily wel-
abroad would be channeled back to Jerusalem through comed after the rigor of teaching in the temple all day. It
underground caverns and be resurrected and emerge at is probably from this mountain that Jesus sent his disciples
the sundered Mount of Olives (m. Ketub. 11 la). Also, when into Jerusalem (Matt 26:18; Luke 22:8) to prepare the
the glory of God departed from the temple it was to have Passover. After celebrating this feast in the city, they sang
tarried three and a half years on Olivet while eagerly a hymn and went to the Mount of Olives (Matt 26:30; Mark
awaiting Israel's repentance (Lam. Rab. Proem 25; cf. Ezek 14:26; Luke 22:39; cf. John 18:1). Jesus' destination on the
10: 18). Mount of Olives was the garden of Gethsemane (Matt
26:36). This garden was probably located on the W side of
C. New Testament Olivet, and here Jesus agonized before his Father in prayer
Almost certainly, Jesus traversed this mountain many (Matt 26:30, 36ff; Mark 14:26, 32ff; Luke 22:30ff; John
times to and from feasts and festivals in Jerusalem. Al- 18: 1ff). It was also in this place that Jesus was betrayed by
though this route could have been avoided and a route Judas and seized by the soldiers (John 18:12; cf. Matt
directly N through Samaria followed, the Jewish custom 26:47-57; Mark 14:43-50; Luke 22:47-54).
was to head E and then N to avoid stepping on Samaritan
soil. Despite the numerous trips using this circuitous route, D. Shrines on the Mount
apart from Jesus' final week of ministry the Mount of Only the city of Jerusalem would have a greater concen-
Olives is mentioned only infrequently. tration of shrines than the Mount of Olives. Most of these
The references to the Mount of Olives outside the pas- shrines are related to events named in the NT, but their
sion week occur at John 8: I, the pericope of the woman origin and accuracy are nonetheless problematic. For ex-
taken in adultery (many scholars seriously question the ample, there are three triumphal entry trails, three gar-
authenticity of John 7:53-8: 11), and Acts 1: 12 (cf. Luke dens of Gethsemane, three sites for Jesus' ascension, two
24:50-53), in which Jesus' ascension is described. There Jericho roads, etc. There is even a shrine over the sup-
may also be several implicit references outside of Jesus' posed "last footprint of Christ."
passion week. These references include the visit to Mary A basilica dedicated in the name of Helena, Constan-
and Martha where Mary is affirmed for seeking to be tine's mother, was probably the first shrine on Olivet.
taught (Luke 10:38-42); the raising of Lazarus (John 11); Located on the Send of the central hill, it was built ca. 325
and the feast "six days before the Passover" (John 12: 1; cf. and is called the Eleona ("Olives"). It was destroyed in the
Matt 26:6-12; Mark 14:3-9). Although none of these 7th century by the Persians, but became the site upon
pericopes explicitly mentions the Mount of Olives, never- which the Church of the Pater Noster was built in 1869.
theless they all occurred at or near Bethany, which is on Ostensibly the Lord's Prayer was taught on the ground
the E side of the mountain. marked by this church and therefore the walls are covered
With regard to the passion week, the references to Olivet with versions of the Lord's Prayer in no less than sixty
are numerous. The triumphal entry, which began at Beth- different languages. Also on the mount stands a Greek
any and terminated in Jerusalem, explicitly mentions the orthodox monastery, Viri Galilaei, which reportedly draws
Mount of Olives (Matt 21:1-11; Mark 11:1-10; Luke its name from Acts 1: 11: "Men of Galilee, why do you
19:28-39; John 12:12-15). While proceeding into Jerusa- stand looking into heaven?" Thus the "mountain of Gali-
lem, Jesus paused on Olivet and wept over the unrepentant lee" (Matt 28: 15) is dubiously identified with a place on
Jewish nation (Luke 19:41-44); traditionally this site has the Mount of Olives. A chapel marking the ascension of
been marked by the Dominus Flevit chapel, but this iden- Christ is located at the summit of Olivet. Built in 1834, this
tification is by no means certain. Apparently Jesus did not sanctuary also houses a stone which some have claimed
lodge in Jerusalem during his final week, but rather in contains the footprints of Jesus.
Bethany, probably at the home of Mary and Martha or On the W slope of the Mount of Olives the visitor can
perhaps with Simon the leper (cf. Mark 11: 11; 14:3; Luke choose one of three possible sites for the garden of Geth-
21 :37). The Gospels' description of Bethany suggests an semane, commemorated by three different churches. The
identification with the Arab village of el-Azariyeh. Beth- first one, near the center of the W slope, is the Russian
phage was apparently adjacent to Bethany, but nearer the Church of Mary Magdalene. The more celebrated Roman
top of the Mount of Olives. Abu-Dis probably corresponds Catholic Church of All Nations, with its Stone of the
to this city today, although some identify it with the village
Agony in front of the altar, lies just below it. The garden,
et-Tur on the very top. marked by the Church of All Nations, contains olive trees
The cursing of the fig tree, occurring the day after the
which probably were planted about a millennium ago.
triumphal entry, took place on Jesus' evening return to
Bethany (Matt 21:17-19; Mark 11:11-14; 19-20) and Thirdly, the Armenian Gethsemane, with its church built
probably occurred on this mountain. It is also likely that ca. 455, claims to be the site of the burial of Mary. Though
the Mount of Olives was in view when Jesus taught that the not a shrine, the German hospice, Augusta Victoria, built
person of faith could say to the mountain, "Be taken up by Kaiser Wilhelm II, located on the N of the Mount of
and cast into the sea," and it would occur (Matt 21:21). Olives also deserves special mention. In digging its foun-
Also during his passion week, Jesus gave his disciples an dation in 1907 an ancient settlement was uncovered. Be-
eschatological outline (Matthew 24; Mark 13) from "the cause of the association of the valley of Jehoshaphat with
Mount of Olives opposite the temple" (Mark 13:3; cf. Matt the Day of the Lord, there is an extensive tradition of
24:3). Luke informs us that during the evenings of the religious burials on the Mount of Olives. Included among
passion week, Jesus tarried on Mount Olivet (Luke 21:37). the burials are James, the Apostle; Mary, the mother of
v. 15 OMENS IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST

Jesus; Joachim and Anna, Mary's parents; and Joseph, the of the east (cf. Schiffman HBC, 905). Nor should Antio-
husband of Mary. chus simply be viewed as an apostle of Hellenism. It is
The Mount of Olives is also important in the Moslem much more likely that he wished to evoke the origins of
tradition. A Muslim shrine, the Inbomom, built around his dynasty and its first patron, i.e., to establish in Jerusa-
375, contains what is claimed to be the last footprint of lem a symbol of the Seleucid Empire (Rigsby 1980: 233-
Christ upon earth. Of greater importance is the Islamic 38). There is ample evidence of his particular devotion to
belief that the final judgment will occur in the Kidron the Olympian Zeus as patron of the dynasty (Abel Macca-
Valley between the Mount of Olives and the celebrated bees EBib, 360; Habicht 2 Maccabees JSHRZ, 229). See
Jerusalem shrine, Dome of the Rock. Ibn el-Gaqih sum- ANTIOCHUS #4.
marizes this final cataclysm: "The Mount of Olives faces
the Mosque, and between them is the Valley of Ben Hin- Bibliography
nom, and from it 'Isa [Jesus] ascended to Heaven. And on
Rigsby, K. J. 1980. Seleucid Notes. TAPA 110: 233-54.
JottN KAMPEN
the Day of Judgment all souls will be gathered to it and
they will cross the bridge over the valley of Jehoshaphat,
some to Paradise and some to Gehenham." Additionally,
Muslim tradition asserts that Olivet is holy because "Saf-
OMAR (PERSON) [Heb )6mtir]. The second son of Eli-
phaz, and therefore Esau's grandson (Gen 36: I 1, 15; 1
fiya, the wife of the prophet ... prayed there."
Chr l :36). Following Gen 36: 15, he belonged to Edam's
"tribal leaders" (Heb )allupim) and represented a clan
Bibliography within the Esauite-Edomite tribe of Eliphaz. The meaning
Baldi, D. 1955. Enchiridion Locorum Sanctorum. Jerusalem.
of the name is not completely clear. It could either be
Dalman, G. 1935. Sacred Sites and Ways. New York.
considered an animal name (cf. Heb )immer, "lamb,"
Hacohen, M. 1962. Har Hazeitzm. Jerusalem (in Hebrew).
Hoede, E. 1973. Guide to the Holy Land. 7th ed. Jerusalem.
"sheep"; Assyrian emtiru(m), Babylonian imeru(m), "don-
key") or more likely as a shortened form of the theophoric
Katsh, A. 1954. Judaism in Islam. New York.
Kracling, E. G. 1956. Bible Atlas. New York.
personal name "God NN has spoken" (cf. Heb )amarytih(u),
Vincent, H., and Abel, F.-M. 1914-16. Jerusalem Nouvelle. Vol. 2.
'imri (?), '~y'mr, 'mr'l; Sabean )Pmr; Safaitic/Thamudic
Paris.
'mr(')l).
ULRICH HUBNER
WARREN J. HEARD, JR.

OLYMPAS (PERSON) [Gk Olympas]. A Roman Christian OMEGA. The twenty-fourth and last letter of the Greek
who received greetings from Paul in Rom 16: 15. He was alphabet. See also ALPHA AND OMEGA.
probably a gentile Christian. See NEREUS. The Greek
name Olympas was derived from a longer name beginning
with the letters "Olymp-" (e.g., Olympiodorus, Olympi- OMENS IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST.
anus, Olympicus, Olympheius; cf. Patrobas-Patrobius, Belief that in omens lies a divine message, and attempts at
Epaphras-Epaphroditus). According to the epigraphical interpreting this message, are ancient and universal. In
and lnerary sources from the city of Rome, "Olympas" the ANE the oldest sources for divinatory practices come
occurs only two times (Lampe StadtrChr, 139-41, 149). As from Mesopotamia, where the need to interpret omens
the name was not common there, it probably indicates that gave rise to the extensive and well-attested art of divination
Olympas had immigrated to Rome. and its practitioner, the diviner. Much of the evidence
PETER LAMPE dates from the first half of the 2d millennium.
In Mesopotamia the ominous was found in any deviation
from the ordinary, both in nature and among mankind:
OLYMPIAN ZEUS, TEMPLE OF [Gk neas Dias from the erratic motions of the planets to freak births
Olympiou]. The name proposed by Antiochus IV Epiph- among humans and beasts; from the behavior of a sacrifi-
anes for the temple in Jerusalem (165-164 B.C.E.) in 2 cial lamb on its way to slaughter to that of a lizard on the
Mace 6:2, when he prohibited the observance of Jewish wall of a house; from the ominous import of a chance
rehgwus practices. In the language of 2 Maccabees this is utterance (Akkadian egirru, corresponding to the Greek
the gnevous act of Antiochus which parallels the ABOMI- kledon; cf. 1 Sam 14:8-12) to that of one's dreams. All
N~T_IO_N OF DESOLATION in 1 Mace I :54 [Gk bdelygrna these phenomena were believed to contain divine messages
eremoseos] and Dan 11:31 and 12:11 [Heb fiqq~ mes6mem]. which could be interpreted by the specialist so that appro-
Josephus says that the king "compelled them to do rever- priate measures could be taken to avert the portended evil,
ence to the gods in whom he believed" (Ant 12 §253). The or a course of action leading to disaster could be avoided.
strong. language reserved for descriptions of this event However, the diviner did not depend on natural phe-
makes It extremely unlikely that the majority of Jews would nomena alone for clues to the divine will, but commonly
have regarded this renaming as somewhat inconsequential created the means whereby the divine response to specific
or regarded Zeus as almost a common noun for a god in questions could be obtained. This might be accomplished
general (cf. Bartlett Maccabees CBC, 32: Goldstein 2 Mac- by presenting to the gods the liver of a sacrificial sheep on
cabees AB, 272-73). It is doubtful that Antiochus here was which they could "write," as it were, their verdicts, or by
attempting to identify the God of Israel with Zeus in order pouring oil over water and observing the patterns, or by
to transform Judaism into one of the syncretistic religions letting smoke rise from a censer and observing its config-
OMENS IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST 16 • v
urations. These three methods of interpreting omens, o~ens gained much influence at the court by advising the
hepatoscopy, lecanomancy, libanomancy, respectively, are kmg of how best to avoid the pitfalls of evil celestial omens
some of the methods of divination attested in ancient such as eclipses. One way to avert the evil influences of a~
Mesopotamia. Of the three, hepatoscopy, i.e., liver divina- eclipse was the appointment of a substitute king who was
tion, or in its more general application, extispicy (since in expected to take upon himself any evil consequences; later,
practice the entire entrails [exta] of the sheep came under he would be executed when the danger was believed to be
scrutiny), was most prevalent in the royal service. Extispicy over.
is attested, in a fully developed form, from early in the 2d Some of these practices, notably hepatoscopy, are at-
millennium e.c. Its practical aspect is represented by the tested beyond the boundaries of Mesopotamia. Liver mod-
so-called extispicy reports, which are observations on the els, i.e., clay models of sheeps' livers used by the apprentice
appearance of the entrails of a sacrificial sheep. Irregular- diviner to learn his craft, are attested in Boghazkoi, Ugarit,
ities and abnormalities in the exta were considered omi- Megiddo, and Hazor (all from the 2d millennium e.c.},
nous, and predictions were derived from them. Such extis- indicating the spread of Mesopotamian divinatory prac-
picy reports are attested from the first half of the 2d tices elsewhere in the Near East and beyond.
millennium to the 7th century e.c., when this practice was In the Bible, the ominous was not found or sought after
vigorously pursued by the later Sargonid kings of Assyria, in deviation from the ordinary, either in nature or in
Esarhaddon and his son Ashurbanipal. In fact, the extis- human affairs. Biblical writers, notably in the Wisdom
picy practiced on behalf of these two gave rise to a distinct Literature, found the wonders of God's work in the har-
genre in Mesopotamian omen literature, that of queries to mony of nature. The Bible, in fact, frowns on most forms
the sun-god, Shamash, co-patron (with Adad) of Mesopo- of divination, which it proscribes as examples of heathen
tamian divination. Extispicy is also referred to in the practices (e.g., Deut 18: 10-11).
inscriptions of Nabonidus (556-539 e.c.) as a means of Nevertheless, procedures for eliciting a divine response
eliciting a divine response. to the needs of the people in times of crisis were present
The ability of the diviner to elicit a divine response lies in ancient Israel too, and legitimate means to this end were
in the nature of divination. Of the two types of divination available in the form of the urim and tummim and the )epod
attested, oblativa and impetrita (also referred to as intuitive (Exod 28:30-31; TDOT 2:453-54). Other ways of seeking
and inductive, or natural and artificial, divination) it is the omens were also available, e.g., through dreams and
latter which enabled the diviner to present to the gods the prophecy, which were evidently considered acceptable
means whereby a divine decision could be obtained. Obla- ways of inquiring of God. Interpretation of dreams is
tiva could not serve this purpose, dependent as the Meso- closely associated in the Bible with the careers of Joseph
potamians were on the occurrence of natural phenomena. and Daniel, and according to I Sam 28:6, God did not
The three divinatory practices mentioned above, extispicy, answer King Saul through dreams, or the >urim or proph-
lecanomancy, and libanomancy, may serve as examples of ets, on the eve of his final confrontation with the Philis-
impetrated omens. To this type belongs also the Israelite tines.
method of consulting God through the >urim and tummim. Prophecy was regarded until recent times as a uniquely
The response appears to have been binary in nature, i.e., Israelite institution. However, evidence for it elsewhere in
"yes" or "no" answers to specific questions, or "favorable" the ANE has come to light in recent years (Wilson 1980).
and "unfavorable," as the case might be (TDOT 2: 453- In texts from Mari (pre-18th century e.c.) reference is
54). made to several types of prophets, male and female. They
Much of the evidence from Mesopotamian divinatory deliver messages, demands, and exhortations from the
practices (among which are extispicy, lecanomancy, libano- gods for the last king of Mari, Zimri-Lim. Zakur, an 8th-
mancy, teratomancy [unnatural births], physiognomy, as- century-e.c. king of Hamath in Syria, informs us in his
trology, oneiromancy [dream omina]) and other aspects of inscription that Be'elshamayn spoke to him "through seers
Mesopotamian experience considered to be of ominous and diviners." In 7th-century-e.c. Assyria, prophets and
import is represented by literary omen series. Some omen more commonly prophetesses, who were associated with
series date back to the first half of the 2d millennium e.c.; the cult of Ishtar of Arbela, pronounced oracles for Esar-
in them the results of centuries of observations have been haddon and Ashurbanipal.
recorded and eventually systematized in series arranged as It is clear that in the popular mind, prophets were
conditional statements (i.e., if such-and-such is the case, associated with the foretelling of the future, as indicated
then such-and-such is the result). by the episode of Saul and his father's lost asses, where it
Much of the early evidence that divinatory practices, is said (I Sam 9:9) that formerly a prophet had been
notably extispicy, played an important role in the everyday known as a "seer" (cf. Amos 7: 12).
life of the people and not just the royal court comes from In Ezek 21 :26, there is a description of the king of
the city of Mari (dating at the latest from the 18th century Babylon standing at the crossroads and trying to deter-
B.c.), where accounts of extispicies performed for sundry mine how to proceed by the oracular means of shaking or
purposes and their results (favorable or unfavorable) are tossing arrows (belomancy), consulting the terapim, and
commonly described in letters. inspecting the liver of a sheep. The omens determined his
Other evidence that not only extispicy but astrological course of action. Of the three, only the third, hepatoscopy,
omens were popular in the royal courts comes from 7th- is not attested in ancient Israel. Of the other two, the
century-e.c. Assyria, where aside from diviners in the teraphim are well-attested and are in some instances associ-
service of Esarhaddon (681-669 e.c.), scholars who con- ated with the ephod (Judges 17-18 passim; Hos 3:4).
sulted and interpreted the compendiums of astrological Belomancy is also known, e.g., 2 Kgs 13:14-19, which
v • 17 OMRI

relates an incident involving the prophet Elisha and Joash, Ahab but also of his grandsons Ahaziah and Joram, held
the king of Israel. See also PROPHECY. on to the Israelite throne for a total of 33 years, counting
from the beginning of Omri's sole rulership (878-845
Bibliography . e.C.E., following the chronology of A. Jepsen 1979: 204.:...
Starr, I. 1983. The Rituals of the Diviner. Malibu. 18). To be sure, the Jehu dynasty, which took over the
Wilson, R. R. 1980. Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel. Philadel- rulership from the Omrides, considerably outdid its pre-
phia. decessor in length of rule, holding fast to the reins of
IVAN STARR power for almost a full century (845-747 e.c.E., following
the Jepsen chronology). The royal houses of Omri and
Jehu were the only two actual _dynasties. to appear. in the
OMER [Heb <omer]. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. history of the N kingdom, a history whJCh otherwise was
characterized by constant changes of rulership and usur-
pations of the throne.
OMICRON. The fifteenth letter of the Greek alphabet. The origins of Omri remain in the dark. The verse
which mentions him for the first time (I Kgs 16: 16) neither
gives the name of his father nor identifies his tribal or
OMRI (PERSON) [Heb 'omri]. The origin of th_e name regional affiliation. Only his title is given: "commander of
Omri is disputed, as is its meaning. Probably It 1s an the army." From this one can conclude that the family of
abbreviated form of the longer "Omriyahu," following the Omri was not of Israelite origin and that he himself
same pattern as the name Zimri .= Zimriyahu = "Yahweh belonged to that class of foreign mercenaries which, since
is (my) protection." However, while the first elemen~ in the the time of David, had formed the backbone of the Israel-
name Zimri[yahu] is known, with the name Omn[yahu] ite military. According to whether one associates the name
the initial element is questionable; here there is no obvio~s Omri with the Arabic or the Amorite language family, one
underlying Hebrew root. A derivation from either Arabic must correspondingly ascribe to his family an Arabic or a
or Amorite is possible. The first hypothesis is somewhat Canaanite line of descent. Since the name Omri is quite
more probable in that the name of the N Israelite. k!ng likely a shortened form of "Omriyahu" (i.e., a name con-
Omri's daughter, Athaliah, can be brought into assoc1auon taining a theophoric element for "Yahweh"), one can fur-
with the Arabic language stock. If one goes with the ther assume that he and his family had adopted the
hypothesis of an Arabic verbal root, then the name Yahwistic faith and had embraced as their own the tradi-
Omri[yahu] can be rendered: "(The) life (which) Yahweh tions of Israel. The name of Omri's daughter, Athaliah
(has given)" (Gray I and II Kings OTL, 365). The chrono- (which also contains a theophoric element for "Yahweh"),
logically earliest bearer of this name that can be deter- provides additional evidence for Omri's Yahwistic orienta-
mined with certainty is the Omri who was king of the N tion.
kingdom of Israel in the 9th century B.C.E. Those who l Kgs 16: 15-22, which rests upon reliable sources, re-
bear this name in the work of the Chronicler (I Chr 7:8; ports the circumstances surrounding Omri's seizing of the
9:4; 27: 18), even though they are partly assigned to a Israelite throne. The accession of Omri was preceded by
historical era somewhat earlier than the time of the N one of the coups d'etat which were so characteristic of the
Israelite king Omri, are most likely anachronistic reflec- N kingdom. The ruling king, Elah, after a reign of barely
tions of the linguistic usage of a later time. However, these two years, had been overthrown in the capital city of
references in the work of the Chronicler do show that the Tirzah (Tell el-Far'ah North) by Zimri, the commander of
name Omri came to be incorporated into the onomasticon half of Elah's chariot force. Zimri formed a conspiracy
of Israel and Judah. against Elah and seized the opportunity provided by a
1. A king of N Israel and founder of a dynasty. Deter- drinking bout in order to assassinate the king, whose
minations of the years of his reign differ by several years: family (the "house of Baasha") Zimri subsequently exter-
882/878-871 e.c.E. (Begrich; Jepsen); 885/880-874 B.C.E. minated when he set himself upon the throne (I Kgs 16:8-
(Thiele); or 886-875 e.c.E. (Andersen). 14).
I Kgs 16: 15-28 deals with the history of Omri. Here his While these events were being played out in Tirzah, the
elevation to the kingship is described in some detail, but Israelite army, under the command of Omri, was en-
very little is said about his actual reign. The name Omri camped against the Philistine border town of Gibbethon
also appears in filiation formulas in I Kgs 16:29-30 ('aqir). These conflicts at Gibbethon (a similar situation is
("Ahab the son of Omri") and in 2 Kgs 8:26 = 2 Chr 22:2 reported for a mere quarter century earlier, and that ~ne
("Athaliah the daughter [RSV: granddaughter] of Omri"). also led to a change in the rulership, with Baasha replacing
"Omri" also appears in a critical retrospect in Mic 6: 16. Nadab, cf. I Kgs 15:27) had as their chief goal a gaining
Finally, the name appears in extrabiblical sources, where of clear control over the open countryside leading to the
Omri is the first mentioned king of Israel. He is directly city of Gezer, countryside whose possession was a matter
named in lines 4-8 of the inscription of King Mesha of of dispute between the Israelites and the Philistines. As
Moab (ANET, 320), while he is referred to indirectly in news of the palace revolt and the transfer of power that
several Assyrian inscriptions. had taken place in Tirzah reached the military camp at
Omri was the first one in the history of the N Israelite Gibbethon, the warriors gathered there refused to recog-
kingdom to succeed in establishing a ruling structure that nize Zimri as their new ruler but rather proclaimed their
lasted for any length of time. The Omride dynasty, which commander-in-chief, Omri, as king. We can no longer
encompassed not only the reigns of Omri and his son determine whether behind this course of events there
OMRI 18 • v
might have been some sort of rivalry between the militia of Asa ( 16: 15 ). The 7-year span between the 31st year of
and the chariot contingent, perhaps even some deep- Asa (16:23) and his 38th year (16:29) thus refers to the
seated conflict rooted in the fact that the militia tended to y_ears when Omri was sole monarch. With some justifica-
be drawn from the tribes and therefore was oriented tion one ca!"I assume that there were two systems of dating
toward specifically Israelite traditions whereas the chariot m_ th~ N kingdom, one :whi~h incor~orated the reign of
contingent was comprised of professional soldiers who T1bm and the other which ignored 1t (cf. Noth Kiinige /
were more strongly oriented toward Canaanite ways. BK, 351).
Omri immediately seized the advantage of the moment, The OT conveys very little information regarding the
lifted the seige of Gibbethon, and with his army turned actual reign of Omri (1 Kgs 16:23-28). On the basis of
against Tirzah. Apparently the forces in support of Zimri indirect references and extrabiblical sources, however, one
proved too weak to be able to mount serious resistance to can see that Omri must have been one of Israel's greatest,
Omri and the Israelite army. With the final conquest of most energetic, and most foresighted kings. He had a new
Tirzah by Omri impending, Zimri burned down a portion vision for the government of Israel, one which looked
of the palace complex over his own head and perished in beyond the needs of the moment and which went on to
the blaze. His reign had lasted a mere seven days. become the characteristic Omride policy; it was carried out
With the conquest of Tirzah, however, the rulership was in exemplary fashion, particularly by his son Ahab, and
by no means secured solely in the hands of Omri. As is was continued even by his grandsons Ahaziah and Joram.
noted all too briefly (1 Kgs 16:21-22), a portion of the The guiding principles of his governmental policy were
populace raised against Omri another pretender to the two: treaties without and parity within. Omri introduced a
throne, Tibni, the son of Ginath. Here the particulars foreign policy in which Israel sought lo win the support of
escape us; we can only speculate about the corresponding certain neighboring states by means of treaties and diplo-
details. For instance, perhaps certain of the tribes did not matic marriages. So, for example, the marriage of the
concur with the decision of the army encamped before crown prince Ahab to the Phoenician princess Jezebel,
Gibbethon and chose their own candidate for the kingship. which served to guarantee the accord with the Phoeni-
Perhaps traditionalist circles opposed the elevation to the cians, was certainly proposed by Omri and was brought to
throne of a mercenary whose family background was not fruition during his own lifetime. Liekwise the termination
Israelite. We are just as poorly informed about the regional of tensions with the neighboring stale to the S, Judah, is
distribution of the spheres of influence of, respectively, most probably to be ascribed to the time of Omri, even
Omri and Tibni. One can imagine that Omri exercised though the actual marriage between the Judean crown
control over the tribes of the central highlands, while prince Joram and Omri's daughter Athaliah, a marriage
Tibni's base of power was Galilee and perhaps also the which sealed the peaceful relations between the two stales,
plain of Jezreel. But all of this remains pure speculation. only took place somewhat later. In order to reach agree-
At the very least, however, one must assume that the ment with Judah, Omri apparently accepted certain terri-
Israelite throne was divided for several years-from 882 torial losses; he abandoned efforts to regain portions of
until 878 B.C.E., according to Begrich and Jepsen, or from the tribal territory of Benjamin that had been annexed to
885 until 880 B.C.E., according to Thiele. Andersen's hy- Judah by Asa several decades earlier (1Kgs15:22).
pothesis that no divided monarchy actually developed, but This deliberate policy of peaceful alliance was a response
rather that the reign of Tibni amounted to no more than to the external state of affairs at the time: it obviously
an episode lasting a few weeks, or at most a few months, served a defensive purpose in the face of a menacing
during 886-885 B.C.E. must be judged a minority opinion. danger. Since there is no evidence for encroachment by
In the confrontation between these two concurrently rul- the Assyrians into the Syro-Palestinian area during this
ing monarchs, which hardly ran its course without some time, the opponent against which the policy of Omri was
military clashes, Omri gained the upper hand. The death directed can only have been the Aramean state of Damas-
of Tibni, which took place under unknown circumstances, cus. On the basis of their raid into Galilee at the time of
finally opened the way for Omri to assume sole rulership King Baasha (I Kgs 15:16-22), the Arameans had proved
over Israel. themselves a dangerous, militarily effective antagonist. It
Several chronological discrepancies in the OT regarding is quite possible that they had been exerting steady pres-
Omri's accession to the throne and the duration of his sure on the N boundaries of Israel, and especially on the
reign can be explained by reference to the fact that the N reaches of Israelite Transjordan, ever since. Included in
throne was divided for several years. In 1 Kgs 16: 15 the the overall plan of Omri as king was obviously the goal of
events which led to both the deaths of Elah and Zimri and securing Israel against this constant threat from the N.
the elevation of Omri are said to have fallen in the 27th Similar intentions can also be recognized as lying behind
year of Asa of Judah; according to 16:23, however, Omri Omri's domestic policy. With regard to the latter, the
did not ascend to the throne until the 31st year of Asa. primary concern was to reduce tensions within the realm,
The difference between these two statements is obviously particularly tensions between the Israelite tribes and the
a reflection of the period of divided rule. Also according traditionally Canaanite elements of the populace. The
to 16:23 Omri reigned for 12 years, whereas according to sociocultural, and above all religious, differences between
16:29 he died in the 38th year of Asa of Judah, which at these two groups had apparently not been appreciably
first glance would seem to ascribe to him a reign of only 7 relaxed since the time of the united monarchy under
years. The 12-year ascription actually describes the total David and Solomon. In order to eliminate, or at least to
time that Omri ruled, including the time that Tibni was reduce, the growing internal tensions that went back to the
his rival, and therefore properly begins with the 27th year time of the incorporation of both elements into one state,
v • 19 OMRI

Omri initiated a policy of parity, a policy that aimed at under Omri from those that were finished only later under
equal treatment for both factions of the population. In- Ahab. However, the excavators at Samaria assign--even if
cluded within this policy was a recognition, and even not without question-to the time of Omri the weaker,
fostering, of Canaanite religion on the part of the state. inner walls of the upper city as well as the palace complex
This policy of equal treatment in matters of religion sub- (Stratum I). There is no doubt that the palace received its
sequently aroused the opposition of staunchly Yahwistic final fitting out only under Ahab, but it is by no means
circles, especially of the prophets Elijah and Elisha and of impossible that Omri had already employed Phoenician
the prophetic groups that gathered about the latter. In.t~e craftsmen during the palace's basic construction phase.
final analysis, it is also with reference to these Yahw1st1c Omri may have intended from the outset that his capital
opponents and the allies who stood with them that the city, newly erected on formerly Canaanite property and
negative judgment upon Omri and his dynasty in OT hence not reckoned to any Israelite tribal territory, should
traditions is to be explained. So, finally, it must be said be primarily for the benefit of the Canaanite portion of
that the domestic policy set into effect by Omri did not the populace. The hypothesis of A. Alt (KlSchr 2: 116-34),
achieve its desired goal, but that it rather conjured up new namely that under the Omrides Samaria was the capital
tensions, tensions which eventually contributed in no small city for the Canaanite element while Jezreel (Zer'in) served
way to the downfall of the Omride dynasty. as the center for the Israelite element in the population, is
Part of Omri's grand design for the governing of Israel admittedly much in dispute. In favor of Alt's thesis, how-
was the building of the new capital city, Samaria (Sebas- ever, is the fact that only during the Omride dynasty-
tiya). Up to this point the royal residences of the N king- neither before nor after-did Jezreel, which was located in
dom, specifically Shechem (Tell Balatah, I Kgs 12:25-the the tribal territory of Issachar, play the role of a secondary
transferring of the capital to Penuel, apparently necessi- royal residence. Whether this duality can be carried back
tated by the pharaoh Shishak's invasion, amounted to only to the time of Omri himself remains open to question,
a temporary measure) and Tirzah (Tell el-Far'ah North, I however. Clear attestation for Jezreel as a royal residence
Kgs 14:17; 15:33), had been located in territories belong- does not come until the time of Ahab (l Kgs 18:45-46;
ing to the Israelite tribes. For a time Omri continued to 21: 1), and it was not Omri but rather Ahab who built the
use Tirzah as the royal residence after taking it over from Baal temple in Samaria (I Kgs 16:32).
Zimri; he had the damage done during the conflict re- Only an extrabiblical source, the stele of King Mesha of
paired, and he even started to enlarge the city. However, Moab (ANET, 320-21), gives information concerning the
two years after he succeeded in gaining the sole rulership, military successes of Omri. In the retrospect portion of
Omri discontinued the rebuilding of Tirzah and aban- the stele, Mesha reports that "Omri had occupied the land
doned the city. The excavations at Tell el-Farcah North of Medeba" (lines 7-8). Omri therefore did enjoy a certain
(Stratum Ill) under the direction of R. de Vaux (EAEHL military success against the Moabites, checked their north-
2: 395-404) have been able to show a destruction of the ward expansion, and pushed them back beyond the Seil
city, obviously the destruction at the time of Omri's conflict Heidan. The area which Omri won back from the Moabites
with Zimri, and also a rebuilding of the city that was begun lay between the N tip of the Dead Sea and the Seil Heidan;
but not finished. it was territory traditionally reckoned to the tribe of Gad.
Omri constructed his new capital city of Samaria on a Omri restored Israelite settlement to the region and ap-
previously unbuilt site. He purchased the hill of Samaria parently also reaffirmed Israelite hegemony over Moab.
in consonance with Canaanite law-which also suggests Word of further military actions on the part of Omri,
that he purchased the land from a Canaanite landowner. which may be hinted at in 1 Kgs 16:27, has not been
The seller is called Shemer (I Kgs 16:24), but this can recorded. However, one can assume that Omri was able to
hardly be historically correct. Rather, this name must have hold and to secure Israel's N boundary against the Ara-
arisen later as part of an attempt to provide an etiology means. It is historically improbable that he suffered a
for the name 56mron, which in all probability was originally decisive defeat at the hands of the Aramean state of
the name of the hill itself. The hill was an advantageous Damascus and had to accept harsh terms in a peace settle-
site for the building of a national capital, since it was ment, despite being presupposed in I Kgs 20:34. The
militarily defensible and also strategically located on the whole incident related in 1 Kings 20 probably originally
N-S trade route. Since the site had been purchased, the referred to a time during the Jehu dynasty, later in the
new residence built there fell to the royal family as a history of Israel. All in all, there can be little doubt that at
private estate. In this way the city acquired a singular the time of his death Omri left behind for his son Ahab an
juridical position. None of the tribes could lay claim to it as Israelite state that was both strong and well equipped to
a part of its territory; rather, it stood directly under the deal with external threats.
jurisdiction of the king. In this way the status of Samaria In 845 B.C.E. Jehu overthrew the Omride dynasty and
corresponded to that enjoyed by Jerusalem, the capital city exterminated the Omride royal house. However, the name
of Judah, since the time that David had conquered it for of Omri outlasted this catastrophe. In Assyrian inscrip-
himself. Finally, the acquisition by Omri of previously tions from the time of the Jehu dynasty and even afterward
unbmlt land offered the advantage that in constructing (ANET, 280-81, 284-85), not only is Jehu called "son of
the new city, no attention needed to be paid to existing Omri" (mar ljumri) but even the whole of the N kingdom
structures or to foundations already in place. of Israel is referred to as "land of Omri" (Bft-ljumri). The
Construction work on Samaria lasted until the time of international reputation of the Omride dynasty is reflected
Omri's son Ahab. It is not an easy matter to distinguish in this development from a dynastic appellation to the
between the phases of building activity already completed name of a country. Within the OT, on the other hand, the
OMRI 20. v
phrase "house of Omri" never appears; "house of Ahab" Timm, S. I9BO. Die territoriale Ausdehnung des Staates Israel wr
is used as a designation for the Omride dynasty. Zeit der Omriden. ZDPV 96: 20-40.
The Deuteronomistic redactors selected for inclusion in - - . 19B2. Die Dynn.stie Omri. FRLANT 124. Giittingen.
their work only a small amount of the total material which Whitley, C. I 952. The Deuteronomic Presentation of the House of
tradition had preserved regarding Omri. Their theological Omri. VT 2: 137-52.
evaluation of him is a negative one (1 Kgs I6:25-26). W1NFRIED THIEL
Their particularly sharp remark that Omri "did more evil Trans. Charles Muenchow
than all that were before him" (v 25)-a remark which is
then repeated with reference to Omri's son Ahab (v 33)-
is not grounded in anything specific, since the reference ON (PERSON) [Heb >on). The son of Peleth, a Reubenite,
in the immediately following verse (v 26) to the perpetua- who participated in a rebellion against Moses along with
tion of the "sin of Jeroboam," by which is meant the Korah, Dathan, and Abiram (Num I6:I). There is some
veneration of the calf images at Bethel and Dan, is a question concerning the reliability of this information
stereotypical charge having nothing uniquely to do with since this is the only occurrence of the name On. In the
Omri. Perhaps the Deuteronomists derived their particu- account of the rebellion, the names of Korah, Dathan, and
larly negative evaluation of Omri from the fact that he was Abiram recur, but not On. In addition, Num 26:5-9,
Ahab's father; in the traditions surrounding the figure of which lists the genealogy of Reuben, does not include On.
Elijah, Ahab appears as the foremost protagonist of N Furthermore, Num 26:8 lists Eliab as the son of Pallu. On
Israelite idolatry (I Kgs I6:30-33). An analogous evalua- this basis, Noth has suggested that two changes be made so
tion of Omri and, synonymously, of the "house of Ahab" that Num 16: I I would read, "he (referring to Eliab) was
is also to be found in the Deuteronomically influenced Mic the son of Pallu" (Numbers OTL, l I8), rather than, "On
6:16. Finally, the Chronicler simply passes over the reign was the son of Peleth." Another suggestion involves omit-
of Omri in silence; his name appears only in conjunction ting the name On, and reading, "sons of Eliab, son of
with a reference to his daughter Athaliah (2 Chr 22:2). See Peleth" (Sturdy Numbers CBC, l I6). There is, however, no
also BHH 2: 1341-42; Eissfeldt KlSchr 2: 453-63; Alt manuscript evidence that would support these emenda-
KlSchr 3: 258-302; RGG 4: I630; IDB 3: 600-1. tions. Hence, it is wiser to let the enigmatic On stand as
2. A Benjaminite who appears in the genealogy of the the son of Peleth.
patriarch Benjamin (I Chr 7:8). It is more likely that he CHRISTINA DE GROOT VAN HOUTEN
belonged to a postexilic Benjaminite family.
3. A Jerusalemite ( 1 Chr 9:4), most likely a member of a
Judean clan in postexilic Jerusalem. ON (PLACE). See HELIOPOLIS.
4. A leader of the tribe of lssachar, ostensibly from the
time of David ( 1 Chr 27: I 8), but who appears in a list of
obviously later origin and in a tradition of questionable ONAGER. See WOLOGY.
historical value (I Chr 27:I6-22).

Bibliography ONAM (PERSON) [Heb >onam]. I. A clan name in the

Andersen, K. T. I969. Die Chronologie der Kiinige von Israel und genealogical clan list of Seir the Horite. This person is
Juda. ST 23: 69-114. referred to in Gen 36:23 and in the matching genealogy
Begrich, J. 1929. Die Chronolor;i,e der Konige von Israel undjuda. BHT in 1 Chr I :40 as the fifth son of the clan chief Shobal, and
3. Tubingen. is thus a grandson of Seir. These Horite clans are not to
Corney, R. W. 1970. The Reigns ofOmri and Ahab. Th.D. diss. Union be associated with the Hurrians. They represent the origi-
Theological Seminary. nal inhabitants (perhaps as cave dwellers) of the region of
Ishida, T. 1975. "The House of Ahab." IE] 25: 135-37. Edom, but they lost control of that area to the encroaching
Jepsen, A. 1941-44. Israel und Damascus. AfO 14: 153-72. "sons of Esau" (Deut 2: I 2-22). The conquest by the Esau
Jepsen, A., ed. 1979. Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar. Stuttgart. tribes of Edom is matched in the text with the conquest of
Jepsen, A., and Hanhart, R. I 964. Untersuchungen zur israelitisch- Canaan by the tribes of Israel. .
jiidischen Chronolofj,e. BZAW BB. Berlin. 2. A clan name in the genealogical clan list of Judah in I
Miller, J.M. 1964. The Omride Dynn.sty in the Light of Recent Literary Chr 2:26, 28. Onam is described as the son of Jerameel by
and Archaeolor;i,cal Research. Ph.D. diss. Emory. his second wife Atarah. Onam, in turn, is the father of
- - . 196B. So Tibni Died (I Kings XVI 22). VT IB: 392-94. Shammai and Jada. Wilson (GHBW, 183) suggests that the
Olivier, J. P. J. I 9B3. In Search of a Capital for the Northern inclusion of Onam in both the Horite and Judahite lists
Kingdom.]NSL 11: 117-32. demonstrates social and/or political contact between these
Schmidt, W. H. 1962. Ein "Haus Omris" bei Samaria? ZDPV 7B: people. Intermarriage might have taken place and eco-
30-33. nomic or political treaties initiated. These agreements m
Soggin, J. A. 1975. Tibni, King of Israel in the First Half of the turn may have led the Chronicler to add the Horite gene-
9th Century s.c. Pp. 50-55 in Old Testament and Oriental Studies. alogies to those of Judah.
BibOr 29. Rome. VICTOR H. MATTHEWS
Tadmor, H. I 9B3. Some Aspects of the History of Samaria during
the Biblical Period. Thejeru.salem Cathedra 3: 1-l l.
Thiele, E. R. I 95 l. The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings. ONAN (PERSON) [Heb >onan]. The second son of Judah
Chicago. and Shua, a Canaanite woman (Gen 38:2-4). He was the
v • 21 ONESIMUS

brother of Er and Shelah. In the genealogical list of of two minor clans of Judah. Thompson (1974: 185) has
Judah's descendants, Onan is mentioned as the daughter strongly rejected this view.
of Bath-shua (l Chr 2:3).
Judah had arranged a marriage between his firstborn, Bibliography
Er, and a woman named Tamar. Er, however, died an early Coats, G. W. 1972. Widow's Rights: A Crux in the Structure of
Genesis 38. CBQ 34: 461-66.
death, which was attributed to an act of Yahweh because of
Er's unmentioned wickedness (Gen 36:7). Because Er had Thompson, T. L. 1974. The Historicity of the Patriarchs. BZAW 138.
Berlin.
died childless, Tamar was left a widow without a son_ to
Thompson, T., and Thompson, D. 1968. Some Legal Problems in
continue the family of her deceased husband. Accordmg
to the custom of levirate marriage, it fell upon Onan to the Book of Ruth. VT 18: 79-99.
continue the family of his brother by fulfilling the respon- CLAUDE F. MARIOTIINI

sibility of the brother-in-law. The meaning of this respon-

sibility is expressed by the Hebrew word yiibiim, "the hus-
band's brother." The Latin translation of the OT rendered ONESIMUS (PERSON) [Gk Onesimos]. The slave of the
the Hebrew word as levir, "brother," from which comes the addressee of the "Epistle to Philemon" (probably Phile-
concept of levirate marriage. mon, also possibly Archippus; Phlm 1-2). Onesimus' name
The purpose of levirate marriage is expressed by Deut means "useful," representing the type of slave name that
25:6: "that his name [the name of the dead brother] may expressed what a master wished from his slave. Though
not be blotted out of Israel." Thus, in order to comply his master was Christian and hosted a house-church in
with the intent of the tradition, Judah commanded Onan Colossae (Phlm 2; Col 4:9, 17), Onesimus himself was still
to take the wife of his deceased brother in order to raise a pagan. Thus, the case differed from others in which a
an offspring for his brother (Gen 38:8). ?nan was. not whole household had become Christian (e.g., I Cor 1: 16;
required to actually marry Tamar, form levirate marnage 16:15; cf. Acts 10:2, 44-48; 16:15; 18:8).
the widow only had the right to a son to preserve her The common exegesis of the letter to Philemon is that
husband's name (Coats 1972: 463). Onan obeyed his fa- Onesimus at some time ran away from his master. See also
ther; however, he was unwilling to fulfill his responsibility PHI LEMON, EPISTLE TO. As a fugitive slave, he went to
toward his deceased brother. Whenever he had sexual the imprisoned Paul (e.g., Gnilka Philemon HTKNT, 68)
relations with Tamar he would let the semen fall to the after he had embezzled money for his flight (Phlm 18-19;
ground (Gen 38:9), thereby avoiding giving a child to e.g., Giilzow 1969: 31). But this version leaves open why
Tamar. This action of Onan probably was a reference to he did not-like other runaway slaves-hide abroad in a
coitus interruptus, but Onan's conduct has produced the robber band or in a big city. Paul's prison (probably in
Ephesus) was not a logical place to hide, because fugitive
word "onanism," which has come to be a reference to
slaves were pursued. Roman legal texts render another
masturbation.
solution more probable (Lampe 1985: 135-37). Like many
The reason given in the narrative for Onan's reluctance
other slaves who had done something wrong (cf. Phlm 18-
to provide a son for his brother was that he knew that the 19) and feared the anger of their master, Onesimus went
offspring to be born of Tamar would not be his son but to a person whom he asked to plead his case with his
would belong to his brother and would carry the name of master. See also SLAVERY. Often, a close friend of the
the deceased. It is possible that he refused to provide the master was chosen by these slaves for this purpose. Asking
heir for his deceased brother because he desired the for intercession, they were not considered fugitive slaves.
inheritance of his dead brother for himself (Thompson Their intention was to return to the master's house and to
and Thompson 1968: 9). However, Onan's reluctance to continue living there peacefully. (Digesta 21:1:17:4, 5, 12;
give a child to his sister-in-law may reflect a rejection of 21: 1:43: I; Plinius Epistulae 9:21, 24). Exactly what Onesi-
this custom already present in society. The regulation of mus' misdeed was we do not know; but it did some damage
levirate marriage in Deut 25:5-10 shows that the custom (Phlm 18-19) so that he needed a mediator. Interestingly
had encountered some opposition. The law in Deuteron- enough, the pagan slave asked the Christian apostle for
omy allowing a man to refuse his duty was a concession to help against his Christian master.
the reluctance to comply with the custom. Because of Paul sent Onesimus back with a letter appealing to the
Onan's unwillingness to bear a son for his deceased master to swallow his anger about the damage Onesimus
brother, Yahweh was displeased with Onan and slew him committed and to accept him again with love. Paul stressed
also (Gen 38:10). his appeal by pointing out that he had converted Onesimus
The names of Onan and Er are mentioned in the list of into a Christian in the meantime (something that the
the people who descended with Jacob to Egypt (Gen master had not achieved); Onesimus therefore deserved to
46: 12). Although Onan and Er had died in the land of be welcomed as a "beloved brother" in the master's house
Canaan, they are counted among the seventy people who church, leaving no more room for anger (Phlm 10, 16,
migrated to Egypt with Jacob. The marriage of Judah to a 17).
Canaanite woman may reflect a political alliance between As a Christian, Onesimus was now "useful" for Paul and
the tribe of Judah and the Canaanites and consequently be his master (v 11). Paul combined his appeal for Onesimus
a veiled reference to territorial expansion by the tribe of with a request for himself; Paul asked the master to send
Judah. Albright (YGC, 69) identified the name Onan with Onesimus back so that the latter could "serve" the apostle
the Babylonian clan Awnanum and surmised that the (vv 12-14). The "service" has often been interpreted as a
deaths of Er and Onan might reflect the early extinction personal one for Paul in prison (e.g., Stuhlmacher Phile-
ONESIMUS 22 • v
mon EKKNT, 40). It is more probable (Ollrog 1979: I 02- Giilzow, H. 1969. Christenlum und Slilaverei in den ersten drei Jahrhun-
6, 122) that Paul asked to have Onesimus as a co-worker in derten. Bonn.
mission for a time in place of the master himself (Phlm Lampe, P. 1985. Keine "Sklavenflucht" des Onesimus. ZNW 76:
13). This temporary delegation of a co-worker by a single 135-37.
congregation to serve another in mission (cf. Phlm 14) is Laub, F. l 982. Die Begegnung des friihen Christentums mit der antiken
known elsewhere (2 Cor 8:23; Phil 2:25-30; 1 Cor 16: 17; Sklaverei. SBS I 07. Stuttgart.
Col l :7). Through these workers, the congregations Lucas, R. C. 1980. Fullness and Freedom: The Mrssage of Colossians
shared actively in Paul's mission work. Since Onesimus' and Philemon. Basel Studies of Theology. Leicester.
master represented a house church (Phlm 2), Paul's wish Mayer, B. 1986. Philipperbrief, Philemonbrief Stuttgart.
can be interpreted as such a wish for a congregational Ollrog, W.-H. 1979. Paulus und seine Mitarbeiter. WMANT 50.
delegate. Paul asked for Onesimus to be a mission co- Neukirchen.
worker as a representative of the master and his house Petersen, N. R. 1985. Rediscovering Paul: Philemon and the Sociology
church. Other mission helpers were already present in of Paul's Narrative World. Philadelphia.
Ephesus when Paul wrote his letter in prison, and sent PETER LAMPE
their greetings (Phlm 24).
From Col 4:9, it can be concluded that the master indeed
released Onesimus for temporary service to Paul's mission. ONESIPHORUS (PERSON) [Gk Onesiphoros]. Onesi-
After a while, Paul sent him back to his master together phorus is referred to in 2 Tim I : 16-18 as one who had
with Tychicus and the letter to the Colossians (Col 4:7). It rendered much service at Ephesus and who later had
should be noted, however, that this conclusion from Colos- eagerly searched for and found Paul in his captivity in
sians is based on the assumption that Colossians was writ- Rome. This Ephesian, not being "ashamed of [Paul's]
ten a few weeks later than the letter to Philemon by a co- chains" (1:16), had often "refreshed" him (1:16)-in con-
worker of the apostle (which seems most likely; Schweizer trast to other Asians, e.g. Phygelus and Hermogenes, who
Colossians EKKNT, 27-28. Others date Colossians either at had "turned away" from Paul (1:15). 2 Timothy also in-
exactly the same time as the letter to Philemon or later cludes greetings to the household of Onesiphorus (4: 19)
than Paul's death). and a prayer that the Lord might grant mercy to his
Paul, in the Epistle to Philemon, defined a new relation- household because of his service to Paul (I: 16). Onesipho-
ship between slave and master, but he did not ask to free rus himself does not seem to be included, suggesting that
Onesimus from slavery. Paul never criticized the institution he was either not envisioned as present among the (al-
of slavery. (Neither is it clear that in I Cor 7:21 he really leged) recipients of 2 Timothy, was with Paul, or was
encouraged the slaves to avail themselves of the opportu- already dead. The latter is most likely since the author of
nity to gain freedom whenever this chance came. Every- 2 Timothy writes: "May the Lord grant him to find mercy
body should "remain in whatever state he was called" from the Lord on that Day" ( 1: 18). If Onesiphorus had
[7:24].) What mattered to Paul is that the existing social indeed died, then this prayer is the earliest one for the
difference between slave and master no longer had rele- dead found in Christian literature. As such it has been
vance in the Christian community (Gal 3:27-28; 1 Cor cited as clear scriptural support (especially among Roman
12: 13), where all should treat each other as equally worthy Catholics) for prayer for the dead. (Jewish precedent for
and with love. Existing worldly social differences should such prayer is found in 2 Mace 12:43-46.) The prayer
no longer be used to the disadvantage of the (in worldly itself in I: 18 with its double use of "the Lord" is problem-
atic; it raises the question of whether the references are to
eyes) lower classes. Paul himself did not care whether his
Christ and/or God (Hanson Pastoral Epistles NCBC, 127).
mission co-worker Onesimus was a slave or freeborn. In
The idea that Onesiphorus searched eagerly for Paul
the Church, "free" and "slave" were no longer relevant "when he arrived in Rome" (I: 17) has been subjected to
social terms; they were transformed into spiritual terms: close scrutiny. The underlying Greek phrase, genomenos 'en
all Christians were "slaves of Christ" and "free" from sin's rhOm(, literally means "being in Rome" or "having arrived
power (I Cor 7:22). in Rome." Yet, in the interest of reconstructing whatever
As with almost all slaves in the cities of that time (AlfOldy apparently historical details can be extracted from th_e
1981: 359), however, Onesimus was probably freed while Pastoral Epistles-and harmonizing them with what 1s
he was in his thirties at the latest. That Onesimus later, at known about Paul from the authentic letters and Acts-
the age of over 70 at the beginning of the 2d century, was attempts have been made to give a different sense to this
bishop of Ephesus (/gn. Eph. 1:3, 6:2) is only a possibility. phrase. One suggestion had been to take rhom( as a Greek
For further discussion, see commentaries on Philemon and word for "strength," not the name of a city, and thus read
Colossians in Hermeneia, NCBC, WBC, and BBC. "when he regained his strength." While this removes ~he
necessity of locating Onesiphorus' visit and thus the im-
Bibliography prisonment of Paul referred to in 2 Timothy in Rome, it is
Alfoldy, G. 198 l. Die Freilassung von Sklaven und die Struktur der an improbable reading, for, as Dibelius and Conzelmann
Sklaverei in der romischen Kaiserzeit. Pp. 336-7 l in Sozial- (Pastoral Epistles Hermeneia, 106) point out, nothing was
und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der romischen Kaiserzeil, ed. H. Schnei- said previously about Onesiphorus being sick. Paul, and
der. Darmstadt. consequently Onesiphorus, must therefore have been en-
Bartchy, S. S. 1975. First-Century Slavery and I Corinthians 7:21. visioned as being in Rome.
SBLDS 11. Missoula, MT. Another theory about Onesiphorus, an improbable one
Gayer, R. 1976. Die Stellung des Sklaven in den paulinischen Gemeinden. because it is too strained, is the attempt to identify him
Bern. with Onesimus. This is based on the assumption that
v • 23 ONIAS

Onesimus is a shortened form of Onesiphorus (Lyman III, the third Syrian war began. Onias II sided with the
IDB 3: 602). Syrians, perhaps because he believed that direct contact
Apart from the references in 2 Timothy cited above, with the Babylonian diaspora accorded better with his
Onesiphorus is not mentioned elsewhere in the NT. He is, interests. But Onias miscalculated the outcome. Ptolemy
however, rather prominent in the apocryphal Acts of Paul III was the victor, and Onias II fell into disfavor in the
(3.2-7, 15, 23-26, 42). There Onesiphorus is described as Ptolemaic court. His fall enabled Joseph, the head of the
a resident of Iconium who, with his wife Lectra and Tobiad family, to strengthen his position in Judea. With
children Simmias and Zeno, welcomes Paul into Iconium this began a power struggle between Tobiads and Oniads
and acts as his host. Paul's appreciation of Onesiphorus that ended eighty years later with the consolidation of
inspires jealousy in his traveling companions Demas and Hasmonean power. Nonetheless, under his son Simon II,
Hermogenes, who oppose him from that point on. It is in the high priesthood regained power and prestige.
the house of Onesiphorus that the virgin Theda is inspired 3. Onias III succeeded his father, the high priest Simon
by Paul to break her betrothal and follow Paul. II (known as "the Just"), about I 90 B.C.E. At the time he
In contrast to 2 Timothy, the apocryphal Acts locates inherited the office of high priest, its influence was at a
Onesiphorus not in Ephesus but in Iconium and names peak. But the power of the office began to decline, in part
his family members. The document also contrasts him because of a severe crisis in Judean society caused by
with Demas and Hermogenes, while 2 Timothy contrasts tensions between various political, social, and cultural
the exemplary Onesiphorus with Phygelus and Hermog- power groups. Onias III faced opposition from Simon and
enes (2 Tim I: 15 ), although it refers to Demas later as well his supporters.
(4: 10), casting him in an unfavorable light. Apart from Simon was the brother of Menelaus and Lysimachus, the
these differences, however, both 2 Timothy and Acts of Paul leaders of the more extreme hellenizers; he was addition-
share an emphasis on the faithfulness of Onesiphorus and ally a member of the priestly order of Bilga (Balgea), who,
his family to Paul in spite of the desertion of others. While in cooperation with the Tobiads, contested the hegemony
these differences and similarities could be explained as the of the Oniads. The confrontation between Simon and
elaborative dependence of the Acts of Paul on 2 Timothy, it Onias III foreshadowed the hellenizers' coup d'etat and its
remains possible that both are also independent witnesses consequences for Judea.
to a common strand of oral tradition from Asia Minor Conflict between Simon and Onias III began over super-
(MacDonald 1983: 65-66). vision of the market in Jerusalem. The main issue was
probably pecuniary, although Simon was encroaching on
Bibliography the jurisdiction of the high priest to enlarge his own
MacDonald, D. R. 1983. The Legend and the Apostle. Philadelphia. authority. The incident was a portent of the future of the
FLORENCE MORGAN GILLMAN high priestly office, with increasing interference from the
imperial government and greater impetus toward helleni-
zation.
ONIAS (PERSON) [Gk Onias]. The name of four persons Onias III next faced interference (at Simon's instigation)
of a priestly family in Hellenistic Palestine. "Onias" is the from Heliodoros, the minister of King Seleucus IV (187-
Greek form of the Hebrew name IJ,fmifyu or IJ,Oni. This form 175 B.C.E.), in the fiscal management of the temple (2
is related to the name John (Heb y(eh)olJ,anan). The Oniads Maccabees 3). Heliodoros intended to confiscate deposits
are traced back to Jehoiada, the high priest who returned entrusted to the temple's treasury, probably because of
from the Babylonian Captivity, and through him to Zadok, suspicion sowed by Simon that they belonged to enemies
who was appointed by King Solomon.
of the Seleucid regime. His intention aroused alarm in
1. Son of Jaddua, who was high priest in Jerusalem at
Jerusalem. According to the florid account in 2 Maccabees
the time of Alexander the Great. He held office about 300 3, when he approached the treasury office with his body-
B.C.E., and may have been the Onias who corresponded
guards, a supernatural horseman in golden armor reared
with a Spartan king named Areus (I Mace 12: 7, 19-23).
against him and two young men beat him nearly to death.
There is no agreement about who the correspondents
The incident was seen by the author of 2 Maccabees as a
were, and various combinations of the four candidates
manifestation of God's power in defense of his sanctuary
(Onias I or II and Areus I or II) have been proposed.
Omas I was father of Simon I. (2 Mace 3:24). Friends of Heliodoros asked the high priest
Onias, who then prayed and offered sacrifice for him with
2. Onias II was the son of the high priest Simon I. On
the result that God restored Heliodoros to life. The chas-
his father's death he was still young, and was substituted
tened official returned to Seleucus IV and declared to him
temporarily in this office, first by his uncle Eleazar, and
the deeds of the supreme God of the temple of Jerusalem.
then by his grandfather's brother Manasses (Ant 12.44, (This story resembles the narrative in Daniel 1-6; see
157). Onias II officiated about the middle of the 3d cen- Bickerman 1939-44.)
tury B.C.E. He might have been in correspondence with the The "miracle" of Heliodoros' chastisement was not taken
Spartan king Areus (see #I above). He came into conflict at face value, and Simon accused Onias of perpetuating a
with Ptolemy III (246-222 B.C.E.), according to Josephus hoax (2 Mace 4: I-2). Animosity progressed to violence;
(Ant .12.158-59) because of his refusal to pay tribute. But murders between the factions in Jerusalem and malice on
the_ issue of tribute (and Josephus' characterization of the part of the governor of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia,
Omas as greedy) cannot serve as a full and satisfactory Appolonius son of Menestheus, convinced Onias that the
explanation for the conflict. Political motives may account rivalry had gone too far. Onias traveled in person to meet
in part for Onias' behavior. At the accession of Ptolemy with the king himself at Antioch.
ONIAS 24 • v
Jaddua (contemporary of Alexander) Acco~d~ng ~o Ant 13, ~ias had immigrated to Egypt and
was hvmg m Alexandria at the time of the Maccabean
wars. He requested from the Ptolemaic ruling couple Ptol-
Onias I (ca. 300 B.C.E.) Manasses (held office emy ~I .Philomet.or (180-145 B.C.E.) and Queen Cleopatra
for Onias II after death perm1s.s1on to build a temple to the God of Israel in Egypt.
of Eleazar) The kmg a~d the queen consented to his request, and
I allotted to him a ruined Egyptian temple in Leontopolis in
the name of Heliopolis. The site was reconstructed as a
Jewish temple under Onias as "high priest" and with other
Simon I Eleazar (held office for priests and Levites. It served mainly as the worship center
(cf. Ant 12.157) Onias II after death of of the Jewish inhabitants of this region.
Simon I)
I
[Eleazar, see above]
There are some problems concerning the date and
purpose of Onias' migration to Egypt. According to Ant
12.387, this took place in 162 B.C.E., after the execution of
I Menelaus and the appointment of Alcimus to the high
[Manasses, see above] priesthood. His motive for immigrating may have been
despair of obtaining the high priesthood in Jerusalem for
I himself.
Onias II (contemporary of Ptolemy III, 246-222, B.C.E.) The chronology of his activities is not confirmed by Ant
I 13.62, and may be in conflict with CP] 1 no. 132. This
papyrus, dated to September 21, 164 B.C.E., is a letter from
Simon II (cf. m. 'Abot 1.2; Sir 50: l)
Heroides to a certain person whose name was restored by
I
Onias III
Wilcken as Oni[ai] (Onias). If the restoration (endorsed by
Tcherikover in CP] 1: 244-46) is correct, and the recipient
was Onias IV, as seems probable, then Onias IV should
have come to Egypt some time before 164 B.C.E. This
Onias IV (migrated to Egypt) chronology is in conflict with Ant 12.387, but not with Ant
13.62, which supposes that a certain time elapsed between
DNl.01. Genealogical table of the Oniads. Onias IV's arrival at Alexandria and his request to build a
temple.
Onias arrived at Antioch (the year is 175 B.C.E.) to find In view of this, we accept Tcherikover's opinion that
that Seleucus IV had been murdered by his minister Onias IV came to Egypt about a decade before he re-
Heliodoros. The throne was subsequently occupied by the quested permission from Philometor and Cleopatra to
king's brother, who became Antiochus IV. build the temple; the temple would then be dated about
Jason, Onias' brother, took advantage of the new situa- 160 B.C.E. A reminiscence of Onias as founder of a temple
tion and bought from the new king the appointment to in Egypt is preserved in b. Menah. 109:2. There Onias is a
the high priesthood. Jason held the office for approxi- son of Simon the Just (Simon II), who founded a temple
mately three years and implemented changes in Jerusalem. in Alexandria.
During that time Onias remained in exile in Antioch Onias IV also stood at the head of a Jewish army, which
(whether voluntarily or under detention is not clear). was centered in the Heliopolite nome. He and his sons
served as generals under the Ptolemies, and played a role
At this point the story of Onias dissolves in conflicting
in Ptolemaic politics.
accounts. Jason was dethroned by Menelaus, brother of
Simon, in the year 172 B.C.E. Menelaus wished to dispose Bibliography
of Onias, the legitimate high priest. To achieve his aim he Bickerman, E. 1939-44. Heliodore au Temple de Jerusalem.
bribed Andronicus, a regent for Antiochus IV at that time, AIPHOS 7: 5-40. Repr. pp. 159-91 in Studies in Jewish and
to murder Onias. Onias took refuge in an asylum at Christian History, pt. 2, ed. 0. Michel; M. Hengel; and P.
Daphne, near Antioch. He was finally lured out and mur- Schafer. Leiden, 1980.
dered (2 Mace 4:30-38). The story of the murder of Onias Stern, M. 1960. The Death of Onias Ill. Zion 25: 1-16.
III has a parallel in Diodorus Siculus (30.7.2), where URIEL RAPPAPORT
Andronicus is implicated in the murder of Antiochus, son
of Seleucus IV, and executed for it. The similarity of the
two stories is evident, yet their relationship is unclear. ONION. See FLORA.
Josephus records two different accounts of Onias' fate.
In ]W (l.33; 7.423) he states that Onias III was never
detained in Antioch and that he founded a Jewish temple ONO (PLACE) (Heb 'ono]. A settlement in the NW She-
in Egypt. But the account of Onias in the Antiquities accords phelah (M.R. 137159), first mentioned in a list oflocations
with 2 Maccabees 4. For the various critical opinions see in Upper Retenu (Palestine and Syria) conquered by Thut-
Stern (1960). mose III ( 1490-1436 s.c.). Its hieroglyphic representa-
4. Onias IV was a son of Onias III. The main source tion, as it appears in these annals (Simons 1937: 112, no.
about him is Ant 13.62-73, to which may be added Ant 65) carved on the walls of the Sanctuary of Amon at
12.387-88; and 20.236. The narrative in]W is erroneous. Karnak, is, according to Albright (1934: 35, 46), vocalized
v • 25 ONYCHA

as 'U-nu. Although its location is not precisely fixed, the bination of "Lod and Hadid" according to Turner [IDB I:
sequence of towns on the roster provides some geograph- 482])" and number 725.
ical perspective (Aharoni LBHG, 49): Mahoz, Joppa, Gath, Neh 6:2 records a proposal by Nehemiah's enemies to
Lod, Ono, Aphek, Socoh, Yal:iam, hbdn_, Gath, Mig~ol. meet him "in the villages (bakkepirim) in the plain of Ono."
Dorsey (1981: 175, 180; fc.: 319) places It at the crossing Although LXX (komais, cf. LXX 1 Chr 8: 12) and the
of the international coastal route (from Gaza to Aphek) Vulgate read "villages," Myers (1 Chronicles AB, 135), Blen-
with a NW extension (Beth-horon-T. Hadid-Ono- kinsopp (Ezra-Nehemiah OTL, 267), and others treat hakke-
Joppa: the path of a I 9th-century-A.D. road) of an alte_r- pfrim as a place-name. Simons (GTTOT, 390) suggests that
nate branch (between Lod and Beth-horon) of the mam "the plain of Ono" may be the same area referred to as
road linking Joppa to Beth-horon. . . . "the valley of Craftsmen." The choice of this location is
A tradition preserved in I Chr 8: 12 a~s1gns the but!d1.ng, understandable if, as Blenkinsopp (ibid., 216, 268) sug-
or rebuilding, of "Ono and Lod and Its daughters (1.e., gests, Sanballat's home was nearby in one of the Beth-
villages, LXX lamas)" to one of the three sons ?f Elpaal, a horons in the Shephelah NW of Jerusalem or if, as Alt
Benjaminite. The Greek Codex Vaticanus of this text lacks (KlSchr 2: 343 n. 4) proposes, the territory was a neutral
the words "and Lod." The location of Benjaminite towns zone between the provinces of Ashdod and Samaria.
so far to the W is problematic. Mazar (WH]P 3: 113) Talmudic sources contribute to our knowledge of Ono.
believed that during the early settlement, the Benjaminites It was a walled city in the days of Joshua (b. Meg. 4a, m.
spread W into the northern coastal plain-to Ono and
'Arak. 9:6). It was a part of Judea (b. 'Arak. 32a, b). The
Lod and elsewhere-to escape the overcrowding of the
towns of Lod, Ono, and Ge Haharashim were laid waste in
area bounded by Ephraim, Jerusalem, and the Gibeonite
the days of the concubine of Gibeah (Judges 20) and
cities. Myers (I Chronicles AB, 60-61) suggests that when
the Danites, whose initial allotment included "territory rebuilt by Elpaal; after falling again they were repaired by
over against Joppa" (Josh 19:46), were removed to Lesh~m/ Asa (b. Meg. 4a). The distance from Lod to Ono was three
Laish, their land was absorbed by Judah and Ephraim. miles (b. Ketub. 11 lb). A Rabbi I:Ianina resided in Ono (m.
Since Judah and Benjamin had, to some extent, merged Git. 6:7). Two rabbis spent a Sabbath in Ono on their way
since the division of the kingdom, Benjaminites, who ear- to Lydda/Lod (b. lful. 56b). The Mid rash on Lam 1: 17
lier enjoyed close ties with the Joseph tribes (Gen 35:24; (also quoted in the Midrashim on Lev 23:5 and Cant 2:2
46:19-21), moved into this territory. Alt (KlSchr 2: 283) [section 5]) describes Lydda/Lod and Ono as adversaries.
proposed that following a period of Philistine dominion, A late-3d-century-A.D. manumission text (No. 1205)
probably as part of the state of Ekron, the land N of Ekron from Oxyrhynchus in Egypt (Hunt 1912: 240) mentions a
to the Nahr el-'Auja was annexed by Josiah following an councillor (bouleutes) ofOneitai. If, as Hunt (1912: 241) and
overthrow of Ekron. Avi-Yonah ( 1966: 123, n. 43) suggest, this designation
That Benjaminites were living in Ono during the Persian refers to Ono (or its inhabitants) it may indicate that Ono
period is attested by Neh 11 :35. Here "Lod and Ono" (see was made an independent municipality sometime during
Neubauer 1868: 86) is thought by Simons (GTTOT, 390) to the 3d century, maybe as a consequence of the strife with
be the referent of the apposition "the valley of Craftsmen Lod (Avi-Yonah 1966: 123, 158; Encjud 12: 1407). Ono
(ge ha!uirasim, although cf. I Chr 4: 14 and b. Meg. 4a)." appears in 5th- and 6th-century Byzantine town lists as an
Simons (GTTOT, 381) believes Lod and Ono formed an independent town (Abel GP 2: 401; Avi-Yonah Encjud 12:
"enclave in the territory outlined by the Danite city-list of 1407).
Josh 19:40-48." Smith (1896: 253, n. I) understood the
area around Lod to be Samaritan. Avi-Yonah ( 1966: I 7- Bibliography
18) suggested that Ono, along with Lod and Hadid, should Albright, W. F. 1934. Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography.
be considered similar to Judean villages dispersed through New Haven.
Edom which were to be excluded from the Persian prov- - - . 1963. Biblical Period from Abraham to Ezra. New York.
ince of Judah/Yehud. Both Aharoni (LBHG, 416) and Blen- Avi-Yonah, M. 1966. Holy Land from the Persian to the Arab Conquests.
kinsopp (Ezra-Nehemiah OTL, 268) concur in excluding Grand Rapids.
this region from Judea during the Persian period. On the Dorsey, D. A. 1981. The Roads and Highways of Israel during the
other hand, Albright (1963: 93) speculated that Lod and Iron Age. Ph.D. diss. Dropsie.
its adjoining towns were added to the province of Judah - - . fc. The Roads and Highways of Ancient Israel. Baltimore.
by Nehemiah himself. Stern (1982: 246, 248-49) main- Hunt, A. S. 1912. Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Pt 9. London.
tains that the region of the NW Shephelah was part of the Neubauer, A. 1868. la Geographie du Talmud. Paris.
Gezer district of the province of Judah during the Persian Simons, J. 1937. Handbook for the Study of Egyptian Topographical lists
period. relating to Western Asia. Leiden.
Ono is also mentioned in the rosters of returnees from Smith, G. A. 1896. Historical Geography of the Holy land. New York.
exile as the town of origin of some of those who came back Stem, E. 1982. Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian
to Jerusalem and Judah. In Ezra 2:33 the "sons (i.e., Period 538-332 B.C. Warminster.
citizens) of Ono" are listed along with those of Lod and RODNEY H. SHEARER
Hadid as numbering 725. In Neh 7:37 these same three
localities claim 721 of the returnees. In 1 Esdr 5:22 the
"sons of Ono" are paired with those of "the other Elam
(LXX A kalamiilalou, LXX B kalamokalou-a corrupt com- ONYCHA. See PERFUMES AND SPICES.
OPHEL 26 • v
OPHEL (PLACE) [Heb 'opel]. The word means "hill," Bibliography
"mound," or "bulge," and in some instances refers to a hill Ryckmans, G. 1934. Les noms propres sud-semitiques. Louvain.
(Isa 32: 14; Mic 4:8). With the article, the word refers to a DAVID W. BAKER
specific hill or mound, such as the hill of Samaria (2 Kgs
5:24; cf. the Mesha Stone from Dhiban, which speaks of
the wall of the "citadel" of Qarhoh [the high acropolis of OPHIR (PLACE) [Heb >opir]. A maritime nation which
Kerak in Jordan]). was a source of gold from at least the reign of Solomon (I
Usually, however, the word ha'opel is used as a proper Kgs 9:28; 22:49; 2 Chr 8:I8). It also provided fine wood
noun to refer to a section of the SE ridge of ancient and precious stones (I Kgs I 0: 11; 2 Chr 9: IO; Job 28: 16).
Jerusalem, south of the temple platform and just north of All of these were delivered to Israel by ship through the
the City of David where the ridge widens to join the temple port of Ezion-geber on the Red Sea. The gold seems to
platform, or it may refer to the hill of Zion itself (Kenyon have been of a particularly high quality since in some of
1967: 14-15). Some of the kings of the divided monarchy the passages it is used in conjunction with more specific
initiated various construction programs on the Ophel Hebrew terms for fine, choice gold (Job 22:24; Ps 45: IO[-
(Jotham, 2 Chr 27:3; Manasseh, 2 Chr 33: 14). After the Eng 45:9]; Isa 13:12). Ophir became so associated with
Exile, the Nethanim (i.e., various temple servants) took this rare metal that the name Ophir itself, without any
their turn in repairing the city walls on the Ophel (Neh further qualifier, is to be understood as "gold" in Job
3:26-27; cf. 11:21). 22:24. Gold from this source is also known from an extra-
During the Roman period, Josephus calls the area Oph- biblical inscription from Israel (Maisler I 951).
In poetic and prophetic references to the wealth of
las, a transliteration into Greek from the Aramaic apla,
Ophir, it is not the source or origin but rather the quality
and locates it next to the temple platform. He describes
of the metal which is stressed. It is said to be precious
the course of the first old wall of Jerusalem as "passing a indeed, but less so than wisdom (Job 28: 16), a relationship
spot which they call Ophlas, [which] finally joined the with God (Job 22:24), or even humanity itself (Isa 13: 12).
eastern portion of the temple" (JW 5.4.2 145). This refer- The geographical location of Ophir is unclear, and the
ence to the Ophlas indicates the external bulge just below question has raised a multitude of suggestions ranging
and SE of the corner of the present Haram esh-Sharif of from southern Africa to India. The popular attraction to
the temple platform. the romantic idea of some distant, exotic location of fan-
The area was strategically important, and during the tastic wealth has undoubtedly we1ed the speculation.
Roman siege of Jerusalem, John, one of the Jewish leaders, Some have suggested that Ophir is strictly a legend, with
was able to control the temple area with the "Ophla and no historical existence at all. Because of the large amount
the valley called Kedron" (JW 5.6. l §254). Josephus cor- of gold which is claimed to have been delivered from there
rectly distinguished between the Ophlas, located at the N (15 tons), some have suggested that it is the mythical
end of the SE ridge, and the area he called "Akra, that is equivalent of Eldorado (North I 967: I 97-98). Based on
to say, the lower town" (i.e., farther down the SE ridge) other ANE records, however, it is possible to show that this
which during the Roman siege was held by another Jewish amount of the metal is not implausible.
leader, Simon (JW 5.6.1 §253; cf. ]W 6.6.3 §354; Simons An issue which has exacerbated the problem of identi-
1952: 60-66; Mazar 1975: 173; Mare 1987: 66). fying the location of Ophir concerns the possible relation-
ship between the Ophir of the genealogies of Noah (Gen
Bibliography I0:29; 1 Chr 1:23; see OPHIR [PERSON]) and that men-
Kenyon, K. 1967.jerusalem. New York. tioned above. The former has been fairly certainly located
Mare, W. H. 1987. Archaeology of the Jerusalem Area. Grand Rapids. in the Arabian peninsula, leading to the same suggestion
Mazar, B. 1975. Mountain of the Lord. Garden City. as to the location of Ophir in all of its biblical occurrences.
Simons, J. 1952. Jerusalem in the Old Testament. Leiden. A problem with this location has been suggested because
w. HAROLD MARE it does not lend itself to the production of some of the
exotic animal life associated by some with Ophir's gold (I
Kgs 10:22). This argument against an Arabian site is not
compelling since the gold mentioned in 1 Kings I 0 is not
OPHIR (PERSON) [Heb >opir]. According to the Table specifically stated to originate in Ophir. Its source is unspe-
of Nations (Gen 10:29) and the parallel genealogy in I Chr cified, and its mass (666 shekels, v 14) exceeds that which
I :23, Ophir was a Semite, son of Joktan, born six genera- is said to have been transported from Ophir (420 shekels;
tions after Noah. His name is also associated with a geo- 1Kgs9:28). Even ifthe gold of chap. IO were from Ophir,
graphical area. The names of his brothers in the genealogy it is not stated that the exotic animals were from the same
would seem to place him and his descendants in Arabia. location. They could have come from a different place,
See HAVILAH (PLACE); SHEBA (PERSON) #I. This with the ships then on-loading the gold en route back to
location is supported by a descriptive note that places the Israel (North I 967: 200). The association of the gold from
sons of Joktan in the "eastern hill-country" in the region Ophir with the queen of Sheba (I Kgs IO: 10-12), generally
between Mesha and Sephar (Gen 10:30). An exact location identified with Seba and the Sabeans in SW Arabia, adds
is not known, but the S Arabian area around Yemen would to the merit of the Arabian identification of Ophir.
fit the evidence. The name itself is recorded in inscriptions Christides rejects the identification of the Solomonic
coming from the pre-Islamic period (Ryckmans I934: 298, Ophir with that of the genealogies on the basis of alterna-
339-40). tive readings of the name (1970: 242). Most of the non-
v. 27 OPHRAH (PLACE)

genealogical texts in their Greek and Latin versions have ing its exact location. The fact that it appears in a list that
the place-name with an initial s not found in the Hebrew tends to group names according to geographical proxim-
text, i.e., Sopher(a) (1 Kgs 9:28; 10:11), Sopheir(a) (Job ity, in this case neighboring Geba, suggests that it would
22:24; 28:16; 2 Chr 8:18), Soupheir (I Chr 29:4; 2 Chr be located at the modern site of Jifna (M.R. 170152), some
9: 10), and Souphir (Isa 13: 12). This distinction from the 3 miles (5 km) NW of Bethel. If so, the settlement would
"Ophir" form of the genealogies he feels sufficient to actually lie in Ephraim rather than Benjamin as suggested
warrant an interpretation which sees the two as separate by the larger context, leading us to conclude either (1) that
entities. the N boundary of Benjamin was in actuality much more
Aside from an Arabian site, one of the two other major irregular than the schematic description of Josh 18: 11-20
contenders for the location of Ophir is India (Schreiden would suggest, or, as is now more commonly assumed, (2)
1953: 587-90). This identification was made by Josephus that the border description and the listing of towns are
(Ant 8.164) concerning 1 Kgs 9:28, and applied by Jerome contradictory, the two deriving from quite different peri-
to Job 28: 16 in his translation of the Latin Vulgate. ods in Israel's history.
(S)upara, a site some 40 miles N of Bombay, and men- ELMER H. DYCK
tioned by Ptolemy (Geog. 7.1.5), has been suggested (see
Christides 1970: 243), as has Goa (Gray HDB, 713). In
favor of a location on this subcontinent is a sea trade OPHRAH (PERSON) [Heb <opra]. The son of Meono-
between India and the Middle East from at least the 2d thai in the genealogy of Judah (I Chr 4: 14).
millennium B.c. Also, the commodities which might be H.C.Lo
associated in Kings with the biblical Ophir are indigenous
to India.
Several have also suggested Africa as the site of Ophir. OPHRAH (PLACE) [Heb <oprah]. l. A town in the
With the discovery of the wealth of Zimbabwe in southern tribal allotment of Benjamin (Josh 18:23). This Ophrah
Africa during the 19th century, some suggested that has been identified with modern et-Taiyibeh (M.R.
Ophir had been found (Peters 1895; see North 1967: 200). 178151 ), about 4 miles N of Bethel (Boling Joshua AB,
Albright (ARI, 133-34) suggested a location farther N 430; McCarter 1 Samuel AB, 238). It may also be described
along the African coast in what is now Somalia. This is an as lying on the intersection of two lines, one running NE
area associated with the Egyptian punt. See PUT. The from Jerusalem, the other NW from Jericho. This Ophrah
commodities associated with Ophir are found in this area. also figures in the story of Jonathan's surprise raid on the
This is especially so if one accepts the possibility that some Philistines at Michmash, where it is said to be the road
of the geographical descriptions used for parts of this area (roads at this time being named by their end points) taken
extend to both sides of the Red Sea, including East Africa by one of three Philistine raiding parties ( 1 Sam 13: 17).
and the W Arabian peninsula (ibid.; also North 1967: 201). The other two roads named are "Beth-Horan" and the
This would be a combination of two of tht suggestions "valley of Zeboim." Morton (IDB 3: 607) and McCarter (I
already mentioned. Samuel AB, 238) equate this Ophrah with the Ephron of 2
None of these possibilities have been compellingly Chr 13: 17 and, on the basis of evidence from the early
proven. The only extrabiblical reference to Ophir does not
Christian father Jerome, with Ephraim of 2 Sam 13:23
shed much geographical light on the subject. A text from
Tell Qasile dating from the 8th century B.c. reads "gold of and John 11 :54 (on the former, see the textual note in
Ophir to Beth-horon. 30 shekels" (Maisler 1951: 266). This McCarter 1 Samuel AB, 330, who cites manuscripts of the
could indicate the transfer of the metal from its source to LXX which lend credence to this equation). In addition,
another location. Another possibility is that "Ophir" is a Morton (IDB 3: 607) cites Aphairema, a district given to
description of the fine quality of the gold, as has already Judea from Samaria by Demetrius in I Mace 11 :34 as
been shown for some OT texts. In neither case are we able identical with the Benjaminite Ophrah.
to obtain any more geographical precision. Though not 2. A second Ophrah is associated with the traditions
conclusive, the Arabian or East African sites seem more surrounding the judge Gideon (Judg 6: 11, 24). This
likely. Ophrah is located by these stories in the territory of the
tribe Manasseh (that is, to the N of the tribal claim of
Bibliography Benjamin). Judg 6: 11 tells us that the Manassite Ophrah
Christides, V. 1970. L'enigme d'Ophir. RB 77: 240-47. belonged to the clan of Abiezer (cf. Josh 17:2, I Chr 7: 18;
Maisler, B. 1951. Two Hebrew Ostraca from Tell Qasile.}NES 10: see IDB 3: 607), and the naming of the place as "the Oak
265-67. at Ophrah" suggests a place of prophetic activity (cf. the
North, R. 1967. Ophir/Parvaim and Petra!Joktheel. PWCJS 4: 197- tradition of "Deborah's Palm" in Judg 4:5; see Boling
202. Judges AB, 130), though in this case one operating in the
Peters, C. 1895. Im Golden/ande des Altertums: Das goldene Ophir Baal cult (cf. Judg 6:25ff). The stories about Gideon
Salomo's. Munich. continue with no further mention of Ophrah until Judg
Schrciden, R. 1953. Les entreprises navales du roi Salamon. 8:27 when Gideon makes an ephod there, which the text
AIPHOS 13: 587-90. tells us became a source of apostasy for Gideon and Israel.
DAVID w. BAKER Upon his death, Gideon is buried in his hometown of
Ophrah (Judg 8:32). His son Abimelech killed his brothers
there (Judg 9:5), save for Jotham, in a bid to gain sole rule
OPHNI (PLACE) [Heb <opni]. A settlement in the E half for himself. This Manassite Ophrah has not been located
of Benjamin (Josh 18:23). The text is not explicit regard- with any certainty, though the location of Gideon tradi-
OPHRAH (PLACE) 28 • v
tions in the valley of Jezreel (e.g. Judg 6:35) gives weight to destruction of Tyre, Babylon, the renovation of postexilic
the suggestion of Aharoni (LBHG, 263) that this Ophrah Judah, Nineveh, Jerusalem, King Ahab). The addressee of
should be identified with modern 'Affuleh (M.R. 177223) a ma.Sia' is either the prophet's own community or the
in the center of the valley of Jezreel. person or group that is the topic of the passage.
JEFFRIES M. HAMILTON A ma.Sia) is based on a particular revelation (given to the
prophet) of the divine intention or of a forthcoming divine
action. A speech or text belonging to this genre was com-
ORACLE. An oracle is information transmitted from posed by the prophet in order to expound the way in
the deity to human beings, usually either answers to im- which the revealed divine action or intention would actu-
portant questions or revelations about future events. This ally express itself in human affairs. Thus, regardless of
entry consists of two articles, one surveying the use of the the overall formal structure they exhibit, all texts belong-
word "oracle" (Heb ma.Sia» in the OT, and the other survey- ing to the genre ma.5ia' link descriptions of God's acts or
ing oracles as an element in ancient Egyptian religion. For intentions with descriptions of human acts and events in
other discussions of oracles, see PROPHECY; SIBYLLINE order to present events taking place in the human realm
ORACLES; and WOE. as the manifestation or result of divine initiation (e.g., Isa
13:6-8; 19:lb; 23:11-13; Zech 9:4-5a).
OLD TESTAMENT On the basis of this exposition a ma.Sia' gives direction
Although discussions of prophecy in the OT often use for human action in the present or near future, or pro-
the English word "oracle" as a general term for any speech vides insight into the future. Those texts that give insight
into the future are predominantly announcements of fu-
by a prophet, the RSV and other modern translations use
ture events and conditions (e.g., Isa 17:lb-ll; 30:6b-7;
it mostly to translate a single Hebrew word, ma.Sia'. Ma.§ia'
Ezek 12:11-16). Those texts that give direction contain
designates a specific type of speech used by ancient Israel-
commands and/or prohibitions that are justified by reports
ite prophets. Thus when translating ma.5sa), "oracle" indi-
of past or present events and conditions (e.g., Isa 15: 1b-
cates that a prophetic passage or speech belongs to this
16: I2; 21: 1b-10; 22: I b-14; 23: I b-18). Commands or
specific type.
prohibitions concerning jubilation and lamentation are
The OT identifies eighteen passages by means of the
addressed to the person or group that is the text's topic
Hebrew term ma.Sia'. The RSV labels all of them with the
(e.g., Isa 23: I b-6, 14). Commands or prohibitions con-
term "oracle." These are: 2 Kgs 9:26a; Isa 13:2-14:23; cerning concrete human action apart from jubilation or
14:29-32; 15:lb-16:12; 17:lb-ll; 19:lb-25; 2l:lb-10, lamentation are always given to the text's addressee (e.g.,
l lb-12, l3b-17; 22: lb-14; 23:lb-18; 30:6b-7; Ezek
Isa 16:3-4a is addressed to officials of Judah, not to the
12:11-16; Nah 1:2-3:19; Hab 1:2-2:20; Zech 9:1-11:3; Moabites).
12:lb-14:21; Mal 1:2-3:24(-Eng 1:2-4:6]. The oldest texts of the OT that belong to this genre
Jer 23:33-38, Lam 2:14, and 2 Chr 24:27 use the term (e.g., Isa 14:29-32; 15:1b-16:12; 2l:lb-IO; 22:lb-14)
ma.Sia' to refer to unreported speeches of Israelite proph- come from the 8th century B.C.E., and contain within
ets. In the Lamentations and Chronicles passages the RSV themselves the revelation on which they are based (e.g., Isa
translates ma.Sia' with "oracle," but uses "burden" in the 14:32b; 16:6-11, 21:2b [ + 21:9?]; 22:14b). They commu-
Jeremiah passage to show the pun created in Jer 23:33 nicate and expound that revelation for the first time, and
through the use of a homonym of ma.Sia) meaning "bur- respond to a specific inquiry addressed to the prophet
den" (i.e., "You are the burden"). Other passages where about some aspect of the immediate human situation for
translations use the term "oracle" do not contain the term which the significance is unclear (e.g., Isa 15:1b-16:12
ma.Sia', and in Prov 30: 1 and 31: I ma.§ia' is a name. See concerns the advisability of giving sanctuary to refugees
MASSA [PERSON]. from an attack on Moab). These examples of the genre
Ma.5ia' has often been thought to designate a specific ma.Sia' usually give direction for action. These texts are
type of prophetic speech, but a comprehensive definition produced by prophets who appeal to a living revelatory
of the genre has been reconstructed only lately. This encounter with the deity, and out of that-through the
definition, developed in a recent study (Weis 1986), indi- ma.§ia', which they compose-seek to communicate how
cates that a translation for ma.§ia' such as "prophetic expo- the deity is at work in human affairs, and. thus how th_e
sition of divine revelation" would be preferable to "oracle." audience should itself act. The texts are wntten composi-
Within ancient Israel the type, or genre, of speech called tions, but were probably delivered orally. This version of
ma.Sia) is found exclusively within the prophetic movement. the genre ma.5ia) predominates before the Exile. .
A ma.Sia' responds to a question about a lack of clarity in There is some evidence that the prophets who used this
the relation between divine intention and human reality. type of speech thought of themselves in terms of the
Either the divine intention being expressed in some aspect metaphor of the lookout on the city wall_ who watches for
of human experience is unclear, or the divine intention is dust clouds and other signs of approachmg events. These
clear enough, but the human events through which it will lookouts then had to interpret the significance of the
gain expression are unclear. In any event, the initiative for phenomena, or the meaning of. th.e signs ~hat _they .ob-
a ma.Sia' lies not with the deity or the prophet, but with the served, in order to deliver usable ms1ght or direction-Just
prophet's community-<>r a member thereof-which asks as the prophets using the genre h~d to exp?u~d the
the question to which the ma.Sia' is a response. revelation they received in order to give usable ms1ght or
The topic of a ma.Sia' is thus always some person, group, direction.
situation, or event (e.g., Philistia, the ravaging of Moab, the The latest texts of the OT that belong to this genre (e.g.,
v • 29 ORACLE

Zech 9:1-11:3; 12:lb-14:21; Mal 1:2-3:24-[Eng 1:2- ANCIENT EGYPT

4:6]) come from the late 6th and early 5th centuries B.C.E. An oracle is information transmitted from the world of
Unlike the earliest examples of mafsa' they refer to a the gods to humans. Different from theological revela-
previously communicated revelation that is found outside tions, the term "oracle" is usually reserved for those occa-
the mafia' (e.g., the previously communicated revelations sions which relate to the will or knowledge of god with
for the three texts listed above are Haggai 1-2 and Zecha- regard to the actions of human beings. Because of this,
riah 1-8, plus Zech 11 :4-17 for the last two). Here a mafia' oracles have often been assumed to reveal a person's des-
is the prophet's response to a generalized complaint that tiny, and, therefore, they are indicative of cultures which
God's intention expressed in the prior communication has have a very fatalistic worldview. On analysis, however, this
not shown itself in human affairs as expected. These
proves to be a highly problematic position.
examples of the genre tend to give insight into the future
Oracles can be divided into two categories: the solicited
rather than direction for action. In other words, they
accept the revelatory status of some previous prophetic and the unsolicited (Blackman 1925: 249ff.; 1926: l 76ff.).
communication of the divine intention, and in the face of The unsolicited oracle, the less common of the two, is a
the failure of that intention to appear in human affairs as sudden, unexpected message from the divine, often occur-
expected expound how it will actually manifest itself in the ring in dreams. We are familiar with such oracles in Egypt
near future. These examples of mafia' are produced by in relation to royalty, such as Prince Osorkon (Caminos
prophets who derive their authority chiefly from a revela- 1958: 88-89), Pharaoh Merenptah, and on the famous
tory text (i.e., earlier prophecy) and only a little (if at all) sphinx stele of Tuthmoses IV (Sauneron 1959: l 9ff.).
from a living revelatory encounter with the deity. Al- Solicited oracles result from a conscious human attempt
though this usage of maisa' is a pattern of the postexilic to discover the divine will. This attempt usually comes in
period, there are signs that the shift had begun by the very the form of a question which is phrased either to solicit
end of the preexilic period (note the reference to a previ- verification ("yes" or "no") or for specification, the answer
ously communicated revelation in Hab 2:2-3, although to which requires explanation. The former is, of course,
Habakkuk 1-2 otherwise conforms to the preexilic pattern the most common type of oracular question (Cerny 1935:
for a maisa'). 41 ff.), and it is regularly encountered in Egypt in cases of
It is not clear whether the prophets responsible for the adjudication where the petitioner presents his case to the
postexilic texts conceived of their work under any particu- god who will, by one means or another, communicate
lar metaphor, but they had become less the originators of agreement or disagreement (Parker 1962: 44-45). The
new prophecies and more the guardians and interpreters latter type of question requests much more information
of old prophecies deemed still to have life. The evolution from the god; the most common example of this is incu-
of the genre maisa'. in this respect, participates in the bation, creating a situation-usually through an altered
evolution currently posited by some for the prophetic state of sleep or deep meditation-wherein one induces
movement as a whole. The shift from localizing revelation the god to communicate the divine will or knowledge
in a personal encounter with the deity to localizing revela- (Volten 1942: 40-41 ). This practice of incubation, or
tion in a written text, seen in the development of the genre dream invocation, does not seem to occur in the earlier
maisa'. is also an important step on the road to a religion stages of Egyptian history (Ray 1976: 131 ff.), and may be
centered around a canonical Scripture as the source of concomitant with the Late Period change in Egyptian
divine guidance. thought, which saw a distinct change in the Egyptian
acceptance of the power and prominence of fate (Miosi
Bibliography 1982: 69 ff.).
Aune, D. E. 1983. Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Oracles were made in numerous ways and related to
Mediterranean World. Grand Rapids. various topics (Roeder 1959: passim). They frequently
Barton, J. 1986. Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient Prophecy in involved voices which emanated from the recesses of chap-
Israel afleT the Exile. London. els or from statues. These "divine" voices were certainly
Baumgartel, F. 1961. Die Formel nl'umjahwe. ZAW 73: 277-90. those of priests who interpreted the will of god. Prophetic
Christensen, D. L. 1975. Transformation of the War Oracle in Old messages were also associated with dreams, particularly
Testament Prophecy: Studies in the Oracles against the Nations. HDR associated with temple incubation, and they were often
3. Missoula. transmitted by people who were possessed or in a trance.
Hayes, J. H. 1968. The Usage of Oracles against Foreign Nations in Oracles could also occur without speech, as was the case
Ancient Israel.JBL 87: 81-92. for those made during processions of the god in his sacred
Porter, J. R. 1981. Ancient Israel. Pp. 191-214 in Oracles and boat, when he communicated his will by forcing the boat
Divination, ed. M. Loewe and C. Blacker. Boulder, CO. carriers to move in one direction or another or by inter-
Tucker, G. M. 1978. Prophetic Speech. Int 32: 31-45. preting the movement of sacred animals (Ray 1976: 131 ).
Weis, R. 1986. A Definition of the Genre Ma.WP in the Hebrew Bible. Oracles were sought by all classes-from peasants to
Ph.D. diss. Claremont Graduate School. pharaohs-and they covered all topics; e.g., whether some
Westermann, C. 1967. Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech. Trans. H. C. food was good enough to eat; what was the most effective
White. Philadelphia. cure for a disease (Ray 1976: 134); how to ensure concep-
Wilson, R. R. 1980. Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel. Philadel- tion; matters of commerce; the selection of a high priest
phia. or of a pharaoh; and whether professional advancement
RICHARD D. WEIS was likely. Quite often oracles were sought to decide guilt
ORACLE 30. v
or innocence in legal disputes; usually these were solicited, Parker, R. 1962. A Saite Oracle Papyrus. Providence.
requiring only a "yes" ·or "no" response. Posener, G. 1968. Amenemope 21, 12 et bi3i.t au sens d'"oracle."
The presence of a priest was absolutely essential in zAs 90: 99.
oracular matters. Priests sometimes wrote the questions, Ray, J. D. 1976. The Archive of Hor. London.
were usually the vehicle through which a god transmitted - - . 1981. Ancient Egypt. Pp. 174-90 in Oracl~s and Divinatwn
an oracle, were responsible for recording oracles, particu- ed. M. Loewe and C. Blacker. Boulder, CO. '
larly in legal matters (Posener 1968: 99), and were often Roeder. 1959. Kulte und Orakel im alter Aeg;ypten. Berlin.
responsible for interpreting the meaning of oracles. In- Sauneron, S. 1959. Les songes et leur interpretation. Sources Orien-
deed, there existed at the serapeum at Memphis expert tales 2. Paris.
and professional dream interpreters who were available to Volten, A. 1942. Demotische Traumdeutung. Copenhagen.
anyone. Some of these individuals may have been part of FRANK T. M10s1
the personnel of the main temple, while others worked
independently. In the late Ptolemaic and Roman periods,
cults and their priesthoods may have been quite competi- ORAL TRADITION. This entry consists of two arti-
tive in attracting clients for their particular oracular inter- cles. The first deals with the role of oral tradition in the
pretation skills (Ray 1976: 130 ff.). formation of the NT writings. The second deals with the
As mentioned above, there is a tendency to connect too role and importance of oral tradition in early Judaism. For
quickly oracles with a fatalistic worldview. However, it can the role of oral tradition in the formation of the OT
be seen that many oracles, especially those which involved writings, see FORM CRITICISM (OT); GENESIS, THE
adjudication, refer to past events; predictions and fate are NARRATIVE OF; JOSHUA, BOOK OF; JUDGES, BOOK
certainly not involved with these. Some appeal to god's OF; SCANDINAVIAN SCHOOL (OT); TRADITION HIS-
omniscience and reflect a present circumstance-knowing TORY.
the most appropriate cure or the whereabouts of someone
or something-and again are not associated with fate or NEW TESTAMENT
predictions. Others merely show a god's preference or
The oral tradition of the NT developed in a world which
favor (e.g., his choice of high priest or pharaoh). had set a high premium on both the written and the
Of course, many oracles do refer to the outcome of
spoken word.
future events, but even here we must be wary of automati-
On the one hand, early Christianity was in its Jewish and
cally linking ability to predict with fate or predestination. Hellenistic loyalties heir to literate cultures of distinction.
Other explanations are possible. An Egyptian's future was In ancient Judaism scrolls were revered as repositories of
not considered fixed and predestined. It was, instead, seen wisdom and revelation. From the 3d century B.C.E. onward
as the result of a dynamic interaction between the individ- the hellenization of the ANE world accelerated chiro-
ual-with his own desires, motivations, and actions, and graphic processes, rapidly increasing the quantity and
his own physical and temporal environment-and the variety of Hellenistic and Jewish-Hellenistic literature.
gods. The divine was imminent and was always reacting to There had never been in Western history a production of
man, principally through the process of reward and pun- scrolls, papyri, and manuscripts on such a massive scale.
ishment. When the future was revealed to a person The Christian movement, therefore, originated in a Jew-
through an oracle, he may simply have been finding out ish-Hellenistic milieu which highly prized the written
what god wanted him to do or what particular response or word.
reaction god had in store for him based on his position at On the other hand, the canonization of biblical literature
any given moment within the process of the law of reward is apt to delude us into thinking of texts as the single most
and punishment. Divine revelation of some event in a important tool of civilized existence in the ancient world.
totally static and predestined future is quite different from Orality, which had been humankind's sole or predominant
god's revealing to someone what his future responses will medium for millennia, prevailed long after the introduc-
be within a dynamically interactive relationship. tion of alphabetic writing systems (Ong 1982: 115-16).
Thus, reference to oracles does not necessarily indicate Despite the growth of a chirographic culture in antiquity,
a belief in a predestined life. Oracles could refer to the the Hellenistic age remained strongly beholden to oral
past, or to god's omniscience or preference; these are not
modes of communication, composition, and education.
related to fate. Oracles relating to the future may merely
Mnemonic devices and formulaic modes of expression
record what deserved rewards or punishments might or
dominated thought structures. Orators could carry in their
will occur, or what questions man feels are beyond his
minds a vast stock of commonplaces, and rhetoric was one
capacity to answer.
of the most serious and consequential subjects of civilized
Bibliography life. Texts themselves were hearer-friendly. Any text wor-
Blackman, A. M. I 925. Oracles in Ancient Egypt.}EA 11: 249-55. thy of consideration was meant to be read aloud (Balogh
- - . 1926. Oracles in Ancient Egypt.}EA 12: 176-85. 1926; Hendrickson 1929; Saenger 1982).
Caminos, R. I 958. Chronicle of Prince Osorkon. Rome. As a result of this dual commitment to textuality and
Cerny, J. 1935. Questions adressees aux oracles. BIFAO 35: 41-58. orality in late antiquity, Christianity does not possess a
- - . I 962. Egyptian Oracles. Pp. 35-48 in Parker 1962. tradition transmitted in purely oral fashion over a millen-
Miosi, F. 1982. Goel, Fate and Free Will in Egyptian Wisdom nium (like the Hindu Vedas). Texts came early to the
Literature. Pp. 69-111 in Studies in Philology in Honour of Christian movement, and oral proclamation was subject to
&maid]. Williams. SSEA 3. Toronto. textualization almost from its inception. But it must like-
v. 31 ORAL TRADITION (NT)

wise be acknowledged that in early Christianity, as else- maximal rhetorical effects. Irrespective of the literary fix-
where in the ancient world, speech remained a principal ation of Jesus' sayings, the mnemonic structuring, the
means of communication. There is no rational ground for rhetorical appeal, and the compositional variability of
rejecting the existence of oral tradition altogether (Ellis many reminds us of their oral genesis and performance.
1975: 299-315). In early Christian life and worship the 2. The Parable. Parable availed itself of story, a chief
oral proclamation was the rule. As is evident from the vehicle in oral teaching. Brevity as well as rhythmic and
Pauline letters, this proclamation was saturated with tradi- thematic patterning must once again be viewed as conces-
tional forms and formulas. Even glossolalia was a learned sions to hearers. Another hallmark of Jesus' parables is
skill which availed itself of fixed sounds and rhythmic their narrative variety; they are not reducible to one single
utterances. The interaction, moreover, of discourse with tale (Crossan 1973). The parable, as the saying, functioned
texts and vice versa took on many forms, ranging from like an instrument the effectiveness of which depended on
close partnership to strained relations all the way to tex- the skills of the performer. In keeping with oral proprie-
tuality's urge to revise antecedent proclamation. ties, Jesus' parables stayed close to the human world. Up to
a point hearers could recognize themselves in these stories.
A. Oral Proclamation of Jesus But in the course of a parabolic rendition, the narrative
I. The Saying realism frequently conflicted with the social experience of
2. The Parable the hearers. At this very point the parabolic logic intruded
3. Miracle, Exorcism, Apothegm upon hearers' lives, making their engagement in the story
B. Synoptic Tradition inescapable. Remembering, therefore, was not the only,
C. Gospel Composition and not even the most important, objective of parables.
D. Paul The tradition has, quite appropriately, furnished some
E. Commonplace Tradition parables with the closing formula: "He who has ears to
F. Rhetoric of the NT hear, let him hear." It invited hearers to complete the
parable, and to make sense of it in their lives.
A. Oral Proclamation of Jesus a. Plurality of Originals. What was fundamental about
The oral gospel originated with Jesus himself. In the the rendition of sayings and parables was their disposition
only canonical passage pertaining to his educational, lin- to function as autonomous speech acts. They were not
guistic background, he is called a man of literary, scrip- meant to be heard as scattered pieces or fragmented
tural knowledge, although without formal rabbinic school- knowledge in need of an explanatory framework. Saying
ing (John 7:15). In communicating his message, he and parable constituted discrete utterances. Each oral per-
entrusted himself to the oral medium without-as far as is formance carried with it its own logic and sense of integ-
known-ever committing a word to writing. Insofar as all rity; each was an authentic act of communication. Our
four canonical Gospels have given us the portrait of an search for the one original saying or parable of Jesus is,
itinerant speaker of authoritative words, surrounded by therefore, not only fraught with technical difficulties, but
audiences and engaged in debates, they will have retained from the perspective of oral performance meaningless.
genuine features of Jesus the oral performer. Multiple oral renditions of a saying or parable produced a
The aphoristic saying (ho logos) and the parabolic story plurality of originals, and hence not the one original (Lord
(he parabole) constituted the two formal units of Jesus' 1960).
proclamation. Both were oral operations, not literary cat- b. Clustering Processes. If saying and parable consti-
egories, and together they formed the basis of what came tuted the initial phase of proclamation, then their cluster-
to be the gospel tradition. Their formation, moreover, was ing arrangements began to enrich and complicate the
rooted in Jewish and Greco-Roman culture. Far from being tradition. The juxtaposition of sayings and parables re-
Christian inventions, the saying and the parable presented sulted in a variety of formations. Two sayings combined
themselves as ready-made linguistic instruments to Jesus into an aphoristic compound. Three or more sayings and
and his early followers. parables coalesced into speech complexes (Crossan 1983).
1. The Saying. Speaking in sayings was a proven way of Clustering also was at the root of the formation of Jesus'
managing information in antiquity. Teachers and philoso- speeches, the best known of which were the Sermon on
phers, prophets and scientists were trained to handle the Mount (Matthew 5-7), the Sermon on the Plain (Luke
knowledge in aphoristic fashion. Brevity, rhythmic pat- 6:20-49), and the Farewell Speech (John 13:31-17:26).
terning, and appeal to visual imagination were character- Further development of the clustering processes led to
istic aspects of ancient sayings, including those of the Jesus sayings collections, arrangements with little or no interest
tradition. As is true of all generic choices, a commitment in narrative syntax. A notable example is Q, which was,
t? the. genre of saying imposed artistic and ideological however, acceptable to the canonizers only by way of Mat-
hm.1tauons upon the speaker. An effective operation of the thean and Lukan mediation. Clustering, moreover, ele-
sayings, therefore, depended not only on a rhetorically vated sayings, dialogues, and parables to a gospel in its
skilled performance, but on using the genre to its full own right, the sayings gospel or revelation discourse. A
potential. The latter is well documented by the rich display prominent example of a sayings gospel was the gospel of
of vaned types of sayings in the gospel tradition: prover- Thomas. See THOMAS, GOSPEL OF (NHC 11,2). Its Jesus
bial sayings, wisdom sayings, prophetic sayings, apocalyptic functioned as a teacher of wisdom more than as object of
sayings, ethical sayings, curses and beatitudes, among oth- faith. Most clustering processes were products of writing:
ers (Bultmann 1963: 69-166). Within the limitations set one does not speak in series of sayings. But in seeking to
by the genre, diversity was desirable in order to achieve perpetuate the living authority of Jesus as speaker of
ORAL TRADITION (NT) 32 • v
sayings and parables, the sayings gospel remained commit- neutical processes, of recall and revision, of omission and
ted to oral sensibilities. It displayed, therefore, the compet- dec<;>nstruction, w~ich in their entirety may elude diagram-
ing interests of speech and writing in the tradition. matic representation.
3. Miracle, Exorcism, Apothegm. In addition to saying
and parable other types of oral communication developed C. Gospel Composition
which organized and recollected vital information. The According to the two-source hypothesis, the Matthean
miracle (or heroic) story centered on the single, spectacu- and Lukan narratives were composed in dependence on
lar aspect of Jesus' healings. Simultaneously simplifying Mark and the sayings source Q. Mark in turn had devel-
and magnifying the dramatic healing action, it created a oped out of an orally dominant tradition. The thesis of
heroic image of Jesus which conformed to the mnemonic Griesbach, which has recently been revived in some quar-
and aesthetic requirements of oral communication. In the ters, presents an alternative model (Farmer 1964). On that
exorcism (or polarization) story life was grasped by its hypothesis, Mark wrote after Matthew and Luke, and Luke
opposites and Jesus was profiled as a memorable figure in was dependent on Matthew. The Matthean gospel in turn
conflict with evil. Ideological simplicity and adversary re- had developed out of a tradition of early "eyewitnesses."
lations had obvious imaginative advantages over the mo- How the ancients were supposed to have proceeded, how-
notonous course of daily life. The apothegmatic (or didac- ever, technically and practically, in merging Mark and Q
tic) story enacted a variety of controversy or dialogue into the Matthean/Lukan syntheses, or in conflating Mat-
scenes which culminated in a saying. In this case the stories thew and Luke into the Markan composition, has re-
served as a mnemonic bridge designed to call attention to mained unexplained and unexplored. What to the mod-
the final saying, which carried the tradition's social, cultic, ern mind appears to be a skillful juggling of textual
and moral values. What all three types of oral stories had sources may in ancient scribality have been a partnership
in common was a mnemonic structuring, a high degree of of chirographic activity with an oral memory in possession
imaginative appeal, and a personalization and actualiza- of multiple traditions.
tion of information. Whatever the genetic history of the Gospels, their nar-
rative design appeals to the ear more than to the eye. An
B. Synoptic Tradition oral, paratactic style dominates over subordinate, depen-
In the 20th century Bultmann (1963), Gerhardsson dent clauses. Multiple kinds of redundancies accommo-
( 1961; 1964; 1979; 1986), and Riesner (1984) developed date listeners to hear their way through these narratives.
the most influential models of the precanonical, synoptic Single-action scenes, controversies, and speeches make up
tradition. Together with Schmidt ( 1919) and Dibelius the backbone of their syntax. Doings and sayings take over
(1934), Bultmann pioneered the school of form criticism. narrative functions where the modern reader would ex-
See FORM CRITICISM. Its basic premise was that many pect character development and psychological probing.
of the sayings and brief narrative units in the Gospels had This is not to suggest that the Gospels are oral traditional
formerly been operating as speech events. This form- literature, e.g., direct transcriptions of the same oral story
critical insight gave rise to the concept of a pre-gospel, oral (Lord 1978). The marks of textuality are unmistakably
tradition. Bultmann suggested an active transmission of present in the Gospels. But textual constructions and de-
the tradition along evolutionary lines from oral simplicity pendencies notwithstanding, the gospel narratives still op-
to gospel complexity. Gerhardsson and Riesner, question- erate in the interest of an aesthetics of hearing.
ing many of the assumptions of form criticism, advocated
a relatively stable process of transmission. The former D. Paul
appealed to rabbinic transmissional processes, while the The bulk of the pre-Pauline Christian materials recov-
latter located a reliable transfer of sayings in circles com- erable from the apostolic letters appears in forms fash-
prised of Jesus' disciples and sympathizers. It has, however, ioned by oral needs and/or designed for oral use in wor-
been questioned as to whether the synoptic tradition sub- ship: baptismal formula (Gal 3:28), eucharistic formula (I
mits to a single conceptual model (Kelber 1983). All oral Cor 11 :23-26), acclamation formula (I Cor 12:3; 16:22),
proclamations were discrete acts of speech, separated by confessional formula (1 Cor 15:3-5; Roman 1:3-4), faith
intervals of nonspeaking and unconnectable by linear, formula (I Thess 4: 14; Rom 10:9b), doxology (Rom I :25c;
evolutionary tracts. Nor was the tradition limited to orality. 9:5c), and hymn (Phil 2:6-11). In addition, the apostle
Stories, sayings, and cluster arrangements came to be made use of dominical sayings (I Cor 7: 10-11; 9: 14),
written down. Once textualized, they were as a rule recy- although with surprising infrequency.
cled back into speech. This interplay of text and procla- While the degree of Paul's indebtedness to Jewish, Hel-
mation ruled out progressive solidification of orality into lenistic, and Jewish-Hellenistic culture has remained con-
textuality. While speech was often written down out of troversial, there is growing certainty that his style of argu-
preservative instincts, interpretive impulses were built into mentation was informed by ancient rhetoric (Wuellner
the tradition from its inception. The parable, for example, 1979; 1986). The exercise of theology in such a world was
always called for interpretation. Prophetic and apostolic primarily a dynamic interpersonal affair. It did not intend
figures continued to proclaim Jesus' words, updating them to prove truth abstractly, but through persuasion and by
and adding new ones to their repertoire (Beare 1967; soliciting action. Partiality rather than objectivity was desir-
Boring 1982). Forgetting and suppression, moreover, were able. In a number of his letters Paul communicated the
as much part of tradition as remembering and interpreta- nature and terms of the gospel in a disputational, polemi-
tion (Abel 1971 ). In sum, the synoptic tradition is a catch- cal style. This is traditionally understood as a response to
word used to reify a tangle of transmissional and herme- historical adversaries but it can also be appreciated as a
v. 33 ORAL TRADITION (NT)

rhetorically effective communication. Assertion against proclamation. Ranging from saying to hymn, and from
opposition, rather than dispassionate logic, was a proven parable to doxology, it represented a rich world of sound
rhetorical strategy. In the same vein, Paul communicated and voices, of shared knowledge and intimacy, of loyalties
by means of popular polarities: Jew/gentile, male/female, and polemics, of remembering and participation. Once
master/slave, believer/unbeliever, spirit/flesh, wise/foolish, textualized, each item of proclamation, including its aes-
among others. The best-known example of his rhetorical thetic, ideological ambience, was subject to revision. In
style is the diatribe (Bultmann 1910; Stowers 1981 ). In different words, none of the twenty-seven texts was in its
using it, the apostle simulated objections to his argument, entirety the product of orality. The oral tradition of the
or drew false inferences from it, both of which he subse- NT exists only in forms embedded in and overridden by
quently refuted (I Car 15:35-37; Gal 2:17). In effect the textuality.
diatribe furnished him with a method of creating dia- A distinction must be made between the primary orality
logues between himself and imaginary interlocutors (Rom and literary rhetoric. The former entailed acts of speech
3:27-4:2). The purpose of the diatribe was pedagogical at specific situations. It was not itself a text, although it
more than polemical. Dialogue enhanced contact with the could become textualized. At the point of textualization,
addressees and the exposition of error sought to deepen primary orality was inevitably subject to the norms of the
their commitment to the gospel. In keeping with the written medium. Literary rhetoric, on the other hand,
ancient rhetorical tradition, moreover, Paul was in com- described the stylistic and argumentative disposition of
mand of an arsenal of fixed topics and popular maxims. texts which shared basic objectives with oral proclamation.
The paraenetic section of Galatians (5:25-6: 10), for ex- Not unlike primary orality, literary rhetoric developed
ample, is composed of diverse sayings; Galatians 4:12-20 strategies appealing to hearers, but owing to its textual
constitutes a collection of maxims focused on the topic of identity it had to negotiate rapprochements with the chi-
friendship; Romans 12 :9-21 contains another series of rographic technology. It may justly be assumed that all
sayings loosely arranged around the topos of love. Typi- twenty-seven texts of the NT, not merely the Pauline let-
cally, many of these maxims had parallels in Judaism, ters, represent various degrees of literary rhetoric. The
Hellenism, and Jewish-Hellenistic philosophy. They be- Apocalypse, for example, was constructed less according
longed to a common stock of ancient philosophical, rhetor- to a linear plot, but rather as a drama of recapitulation,
ical wisdom. allowing hearers through successive remembering to im-
In Pauline studies a notable shift is taking place from merse themselves in a world of expanding symbols and
epistolography to rhetoric (Wuellner 1976). It is based on images (Barr 1987). Even the Letter to the Hebrews, which
the premise that the key to the apostle's writings does not is distinguished by a polished and educated style, defines
lie in theories of literature but rather in theories of argu- itself as a "word of exhortation" (13:22: logos tes parakle-
mentation. Work on the rhetorical design of an entire seos), a discourse designed to prove a case and to move
Pauline letter, however, is still in its infancy. The most hearers to take appropriate action. Reader-response criti-
successful rhetorical interpretation of a Pauline letter has cism or reception theory, which has scarcely begun to be
been Betz's commentary on Galatians (Galatians Herme- employed in biblical studies, is destined to make a crucial
neia). On Betz's reading, Galatians conjures up the situa- contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical nature
tion of a law court, with Paul functioning as the defendant, of the NT texts.
the addressees as jury, and Paul's opponents as the accus-
ers.
Bibliography
Abel, E. L. 1971. The Psychology of Memory and Rumor Trans-
E. Commo11place Tradition
mission and Their Bearing on Theories of Oral Transmission
The use of common stock materials was a recurrent
in Early Christianity.JR 51: 270-8 I.
feature outside the corpus Paulinum as well. The Letter of
James, for example, carries clusters of sayings which were Balogh, J. 1926. Voces Paginarum. Philologus 82: 84-109, 202-40.
occasionally connected by catchwords, but more often lack Barr, D. L. 1987. The Dawn of a New Day: The Apocalypse of
a discernible connectedness (1:2-27; 3:13-4:12; 5:7-20). john. Pp. 266-96 in New Testament Story. Belmont, CA.
Some sayings in James bear a close resemblance to those in Beare, F. W. 1967. Sayings of the Risen Jesus in the Synoptic
the Sermon on the Mount (1:22 = Matt 7:24-27; 5:12 = Tradition. Pp. 161-81 in Christian History and Interpretation:
Matt 5:34-37). But whether or not they originated with Studies Presented to John Knox, ed. W. R. Farmer; C. F. D. Moule;
Jesus, for James they were loci communes in that they be- and R. R. Niebuhr. Cambridge.
longed to a tradition common to all believers irrespective Boring, M. E. 1982. Sayings of the Risen Jesus. New York.
of md1v1dual authorship. The topic of the rules for the Bultmann, R. 1910. Der Stil der Paulinischen Predigt und die lrynisch-
~ousehold enj.oyed special popularity (Col 3: 18-4: l; Eph stoische Diatribe. Gottingen.
::>:22-6:9; 1 Tim 2:8-15; 6:1-2; Titus 2:1-10; 1Pet2:13- - - . 1963. The History of the Synoptic Tradition. Trans. J. Marsh.
3:7). Again, there was little that was specifically Christian 5th ed. New York.
m these rules. The ethos they displayed belonged to the Crossan, J. D. 1973. /n Parables: The Challenge of the Historical Jesus.
common tradition shared by non-Christians and Chris- New York.
tians alike. - - . 1983. In Fragments: The Aphorisms ofJesus. San Francisco.
Dibelius, M. 1934. From Tradition lo Gospel. Trans. B. L. Woolf. New
F. Rhetoric of the NT York.
The oral tradition of the NT was a phenomenon com- Ellis, E. E. 1975. New Directions in Form Criticism. Pp. 299-315 in
pmed of a plurality of speech acts and diverse modes of Jesus Christus in Historie und Geschichle: Neulestamentliche Fest-
ORAL TRADITION (NT) 34. v
schrift fur Hans Conzelmann zum 60. Geburtslag, ed. G. Strecker. intellectual calamity, beginning in the 2d century c.E., the
Tu bingen. rabbis codified the oral materials and preserved them in
Farmer, W. R. 1964. The Synoptic Problem: A Critical Analysis. New written form.
York. The first and principal document of the Oral Torah is
Gerhardsson, B. 1961. Memqry and Manuscript. ASNV 22. Lund. the Mishnah, a Hebrew-language law code, edited in the
- - . 1964. Tradition and Transmission in Early Christianity. Lund. land of Israel ca. 200 c.E., but containing statements attrib-
- - . 1979. The Origins of the Gospel Traditions. Philadelphia. uted to rabbis who flourished over the preceding 200
- - . 1986. The Gospel Tradition. ConBNT 15. Lund. years. Other rabbinic texts, including the Tosefta, Mid-
Hendrickson, G. L. 1929. Ancient Reading. CJ 25: 182-96. rashic documents, and the Talmuds of the land of Israel
Kelber, W. H. 1983. The Oral and the Wriuen Gospel. Philadelphia. and of Babylonia, are deemed also to embody the origi-
Lord, A. B. 1960. The Singer of Tales. HSCL 24. Cambridge, MA. nally oral revelation. The Babylonian Talmud, completed
- - . 1978. The Gospels as Oral Traditional Literature. Pp. 33- in ca. 600 c.E., is the final document considered to be part
91 in The Relationships among the Gospels, ed. W. 0. Walker. San of the oral tradition. The rabbinic theory of Oral Torah
Antonio. thus holds that statements and principles expressed by
Ong, W. J. 1982. Orality and Literacy. New Accents Series. London. sages who lived over a period of close to 600 years preserve
Riesner, R. 1984.jesus als Lehrer. WVNT 217. 2d ed. Tubingen. teachings that derive from God's original revelation to
Saenger, P. 1982. Silent Reading: Its Impact on Late Medieval Moses at Sinai.
Script and Society. Viator 13: 367-414. In this theory, the Written and Oral Torahs are part of
Schmidt, K. L. 1919. Der Rahmen der Geschichte }esu: Literarkriti.sche a single, uniform revelation and are, accordingly, of equal
Untersuchungen zur Altesten jesusiiberlieferung. Berlin. Repr. authority and importance. When a 2d-century rabbi in the
1964. Mishnah or a 5th-century sage in the Midrash or Talmud
Stowers, S. K. 1981. The Diatribe and Paul's Letter to the Romans. responds to a discussion or question from his own day, his
SBLDS 57. Chico, CA. judgment does not comprise his own thinking and analysis.
Wuellner, W. 1976. Paul's Rhetoric of Argumentation. CBQ 38: Rather, it is part and parcel of the divine revelation of
330-51. Torah at Sinai. Even though the sage's comment is ex-
- - . 1979. Greek Rhetoric and Pauline Argumentation. pressed in his own words and responds to a question or
Pp. 177-88 in Early Christian Literature and the Classical Intellec- issue raised in his own day, it is understood to derive, in
tual Tradition, ed. W. R. Schoedel and R. L. Wilken. Paris. detail, from what God told Moses at the time of the original
- - . 1986. Paul as Pastor: The Function of Rhetorical Questions revelation (Neusner 1986: viii). The statement in every
in First Corinthians. Pp. 49-77 in L'Apotre Paul: Personalite, respect has the authority of divine revelation.
Style et Conception du Mini.stere, ed. A. Vanhoye. BETL 73. The first evidence for this concept of Oral Torah is
Leuven. found in Mishnah tractate lAbot, which dates to early in
WERNER H. KELBER the 3d century c.E. It begins:

EARLY JUDAISM Moses received Torah at Sinai and passed it on to Joshua,

Joshua to elders, and elders to prophets. And prophets
According to rabbinic Judaism, "oral tradition" is the handed it on to the men of the great assembly ...
authoritative interpretation of the Written Law. Judaism (trans. Neusner 1986: 4 7)
understands the oral tradition to have been given by God
to Moses on Sinai and therefore to be equal in authority Use of the term "Torah," without the definite article,
and holiness to the Written Torah, represented by the indicates that the passage does not speak of the Penta-
Pentateuch. teuch, always referred to as "the" Torah. Further, the
passage describes Torah's closed transmission to specific
A. The Concept of Oral Tradition individuals and groups. This process does not pertain to
B. The Character and Antiquity of the Oral Tradition the written Scriptures, which were made accessible to all
C. Past Perspectives on the Oral Tradition Israelites. The passage thus describes Moses' receiving of
a second component of revelation, referred to elsewhere
A. The Concept of Oral Tradition in rabbinic literature as Oral Torah. Developing the theme
Judaism maintains that God's revelation to Moses at introduced here, the remainder of the first chapter of
Sinai, described in the book of Exodus, contained two lAbot describes the subsequent transmission of this Oral
distinct parts. One component was the Written Law, em- Torah through generations of Jewish leaders and ulti-
bodied in the text of the Pentateuch. This component was mately to those same rabbis who are cited in the Mishna~.
transmitted in writing and made accessible to all the peo- The notion introduced in )Abot, of the closed transmis-
ple of Israel. The other part was the Oral Law. This aspect sion of an esoteric revelation, functions polemically within
of the revelation was formulated for memorization and rabbinic Judaism. The claim to possess a.n. otherwise _un-
was transmitted orally by successive generations of sages. known component of God's revelation leg1ttmates rabb1mc
Judaism holds that God taught the oral tradition to Moses, authority and promotes the Israelite people's accepta?ce
who repeated it to Joshua. After Joshua, the chain of of rabbinic leadership. The concept of Oral Torah claims
tradition lists "elders" and the biblical prophets. Ulti- that rabbinic leaders are direct successors to Moses, whom
mately, the oral materials passed into the hands of rabbinic these authorities call "our Rabbi," thus designating him
authorities. To assure that this revelation would not be lost the first rabbinic sage. According to the notion of oral
as a result of war, national strife, or other physical or tradition, furthermore, only under rabbinic guidance can
v. 35 ORAL TRADITION (JUDAISM)

the Israelite people correctly observe God's will. The Writ- the concrete form of arguments and discussions among
ten Torah, available to all of Israel, contains only half of rabbinic sages of the first centuries of the Common Era.
God's revelation. Access to the written Scriptures alone The earliest of these discussions, found in the Mishnah,
does not provide the people with all the information took place for the most part in the aftermath of the
needed to properly observe the law. Correct observance is destruction of the temple in 70 c.E. and the failed Bar
possible only under the guidance of rabbinic authorities, Kokhba revolt of 133-35 c.E. During this decisive period
who have the revealed key to understanding the written in Jewish history, rabbinic sages studied and interpreted
Scripture. Scripture, working out a program of ritual and legal
The concept of oral tradition described here is uniquely practice that eventually would shape Judaism according to
rabbinic. Other postbiblical Jewish writings know nothing the rabbis' own ideals and aspirations. By the end of the
comparable. This is evident, for instance, in Josephus' Mishnaic period, the rabbis came to consider the results of
descriptions of the Pharisees, whom the later rabbis under- their deliberations to be part of a divinely revealed oral
stand to be the direct recipients of the oral tradition. In tradition. From the principles, rules, and issues at play in
his first book, The Jewish War, Josephus says nothing about the rabbinic documents, it is apparent, however, that this
the Phariser.s' knowledge of inherited traditions. He states Oral Torah is substantially the product of the rabbis' own
only that of the several Jewish philosophical schools, the day and of their own distinctive attitudes and philosophies.
Pharisees are "considered the more accurate interpreters To illustrate this point, let us examine Mishnah tractate
of the laws" (}W 1.97, LCL). Josephus' later work, the B erakot I: I, a typical legal discussion:
Antiquities, reworks his earlier descriptions so as to encour-
age the Roman government to support the Pharisees as A. From what time may they recite the Shema-prayer in
leaders of the Jewish people (Smith 1956: 81). To substan- the evening?
tiate his case that the Pharisees are the nation's legitimate B. From the hour that the priests enter [their homes] to
rulers, Josephus notes that they preserve and follow cer- eat their heave offering,
tain traditions developed in accordance with their distinc- C. "until the end of the first watch"-the words of Rabbi
tive philosophical doctrine: Eliezer.
D. But sages say, "Until midnight."
They follow the guidance of that which their doctrine E. Rabban Gamaliel says, "Until the rise of dawn."
has selected and transmitted as good, attaching the chief F. There was an incident: His [that is, Gamaliel's] sons
importance to the observance of those commandments returned from a banquet hall [after midnight].
which it has seen fit to dictate to them. G. They said to him, "We did not [yet] recite the
(13.171, LCL) Shema."
H. He said to them, "If the dawn has not yet risen, you
It is one thing to say that a group preserves and follows are obligated to recite [the Shema].
some traditions received from past generations. That is I. "And [this applies] not only [in] this [case]. Rather,
what Josephus argues in the passage in Antiquities. The [as regards] all [commandments] which sages said
same general idea is found in Philo, who focuses upon the [may be performed] 'Until midnight,' the obligation
Jews' adherence to laws and traditions handed down from [to perform them persists] until the rise of dawn."
Moses, their lawgiver. It is quite another to claim, as the J. [For example] the offering of the fats and entrails-
rabbis do, that all of the legal and exegetical dicta of a their obligation [persists] until the rise of dawn [see
particular group have been passed down by tradition and Lev 1:9, 3:3-5].
derive, ultimately, from divine revelation. Outside of the K. And all [sacrifices] which must be eaten within one
rabbinic writings, such a notion is absent from Jewish day, the obligation [to eat them persists] until the
discussions of oral tradition. rise of dawn.
In sum, the notion of oral tradition legitimates all rab- L. If so why did sages [DJ say [that these actions may be
binic statements about the meaning of Scripture and the performed only] until midnight?
content of revelation. Under the theory of Orah Torah, M. In order to protect man from sin.
rabbinic interpretations have the authority of the word of
God. At the same time, the concept of Oral Torah delegiti- Rabbinic sages discuss the time frame within which a
mizes all interpretations that derive from outside of rab- certain obligatory prayer may be recited. As presented
binic circles. These are viewed as (simply) the work of here, this issue clearly was live in the period of the discus-
fallible human intellect. By establishing the rabbis as the sion's named authorities, the early 2d century c.E. Since
only authoritative source for correct practice and under- the matter is still under dispute, it appears hardly to
standing of the divine word, the theory of Oral Torah represent the end product of a tradition of revealed law,
promotes and justifies the rabbis' spiritual and political intended by God to define exactly how the rules of the
leadership over the Israelite people. Written Torah are to be carried out. The Shema prayer
itself is known only from the rabbinic literature. Accord-
B. The Character and Antiquity of the Oral ingly, there is no reason to posit a long history of legisla-
Tradition tion concerning its recitation.
The nature and content of the documents of rabbinic While Eliezer, B-C, suggests temple practice as the guide
Judaism lead to conclusions quite different from those to the answer to A's question, neither he nor the other
suggested by the notion of Oral Torah. What the rabbis cited authorities argue or imply that these positions rep-
conceive of as an oral tradition originating at Sinai takes resent the way things always--or even recently-have been
ORAL TRADITION (JUDAISM) 36 • v
done. Quite to the contrary, L-M explains that the opinion ter of the system of Mishnaic law as it develops in the later
of sages (that is, anonymous rabbinic authorities), D, is not :abbinic academies. This suggests that both the topical
meant to represent the true law at all. These unnamed mter.ests of and. the program of inquiry followed by the
authorities give an early time-midnight-for completion :abb1~ were their own, developed independently of any
of the requirement in order to prevent people from be- mhented body of law and interpretation.
coming lax and failing to fulfill their obligation. So here This is not to suggest that traditions of agricultural and
matters are explicit: the sages do not simply repeat what other practices were not known in the first centuries. From
they know to be a revealed law, passed on through tradi- a variety of historical sources it is clear that from the time
tion. Rather, they intentionally refrain from indicating the of Scripture itself, Jews did tithe and observe the other
correct parameters for proper practice, preferring, in- laws introduced in Scripture. Further, the Mishnah does
stead, to give their own reasoned opinion as to what the assume a number of details not available in Scripture.
people should be told. These include the identification of the distinctive set of
The form and concerns of this passage suggest that the agricultural gifts discussed by the Mishnah's authorities.
rabbinic literature records discussions and opinions from Accordingly, it is clear that at some point prior to the
the time of the rabbis themselves. This impression is sup- inception of the discussion later recorded in the Mishnah,
ported by recent analyses of the content of the discussions unidentified individuals carefully read Scripture and de-
found in the Mishnah as a whole. The consensus of this lineated a set of agricultural tithes.
scholarship is that the ideals and principles that inform In light of this fact, the point must be clearly stated. It is
the Mishnah's rules are the creations of those same rabbis not that traditions regarding ritual practice and the mean-
cited in that document. These rabbis, that is to say, report ing of Scripture did not in all probability exist in late
their own opinions and disputes on a variety of topics. antiquity. The point, rather, is that so far as the literary
They do not simply repeat, in their own names, laws that evidence indicates, the rabbis did not take up and preserve
they inherited. any such traditions, using them as significant components
This point is illustrated by reference to the Mishnaic of their own legislation. Rather than a compendium of
division of Agriculture, which contains the rabbinic treat- prior oral traditions, the Mishnah and other rabbinic writ-
ment of Scripture's laws for tithing and maintenance of ings, as they have come down to us, are the independent
the holy land, e.g., observance of the prohibitions against intellectual and literary creations of rabbinic circles. These
planting mixed kinds and tilling the land during the documents do not preserve an ancient tradition of law, but
Sabbatical Year. Observance of these restrictions would rather develop themes and ideas suggested by Scripture
have been of central concern to the Israelite people from and worked out by the rabbis themselves.
antiquity all the way through Second Temple times. Metic- This is not to deny that the sages did, at points, use
ulous observance of the tithing laws also is generally con- facts, such as the definitions of the agricultural offerings,
sidered one central characteristic of the Pharisaic move- which antedate the discussions recorded in the Mishnah.
ment. If the Mishnah preserves an ancient oral tradition But the historical provenance of these facts cannot be
at all, we should likely find substantial traces of it here. determined. Even in their case, therefore, it is impossible
This, however, is not the case. Like the rest of the to speak with confidence about an ancient oral tradition,
Mishnah, the vast majority of the division of Agriculture is let alone about one going back to Sinai. Moreover, the way
attributed to authorities who lived in the period after the in which the rabbis took over such facts, incorporating
destruction of the temple in 70 c.E., and, to an even greater them within their own systematic legal and theological
extent, after the Bar Kokhba revolt of 133-35 c.E. (Avery- discussions, means that the meaning and significance they
Peck 1985: 359-61). It is from this later period that most might have had within a prior context cannot be recovered.
of the division's attributed laws and all of its anonymous In the division of Agriculture, like the rest of the Mishnah,
materials appear to derive. Further, the smattering of facts accordingly, rabbinic authorities preserved little of any
and ideas attributed to authorities from the period before inherited corpus of laws and interpretations. The content
70 does not present a coherent interpretation of the char- and character of rabbinic law, rather, is worked out fully
acter or meaning of the agricultural law. Nor are these within the Mishnah itself, by the authorities cited there.
facts sufficient to allow practical implementation of Scrip-
ture's tithing restrictions. In all, then, it is clear that tradi- C. Past Perspectives on the Oral Tradition
tions of agricultural practice that might have existed in or The evidence of the Mishnah and other rabbinic litera-
prior to rabbinic times simply are not preserved in the ture does not disprove the existence within early Judaism
rabbinic literature. of an oral tradition extending back into history. This
It is noteworthy, too, that the few extant details of evidence only shows that even if the rabbis knew such a
agricultural practice attributed to authorities who lived tradition, they did not embody it within their own legal
during the Second Temple period do not provide the dicta and scriptural interpretations. As a result, what rab-
starting point for the later rabbinic deliberations. Within binic Judaism calls Oral Torah in fact is the creation of the
the division of Agriculture, that is, the rabbis followed sages who flourished in the 1st through 6th centuries c.E.
their own interests. Their legal deliberations exhibit no An earlier generation of scholars of Judaism, however,
significant dependence upon a knowledge of practices that failed to make this important distinction between the sys-
might already have existed. These deliberations follow a tem of law and exegesis that the rabbis created and trans-
path that is distinct even from the concerns introduced by mitted under the heading Oral Torah, on the one hand,
the earliest cited rabbinic masters. The few extant details and ancient traditions of practice and interpretation that
from this early period, that is, offer no clue to the charac- theoretically existed, but for which we have no extant
v. 37 ORDAIN, ORDINATION

literary evidence, on the other. Instead these scholars Jewish history, cultural, legal, and ritual practice was deter-
largely accepted the rabbinic version of matters. T_hey mined not only by scriptural statements but, additionally,
attempted, therefore, to conceive of how an oral trad1t10n, by interpretations of the meaning and import of those
beginning at or close to the time of Sinai, could have statements. The problem, rather, is how to conceive of and
existed and developed so as ultimately to be codified and describe these traditions. Until recently, scholars under-
preserved in the rabbinic texts. stood them to comprise a monolithic corpus, rightly des-
In light of this perspective, scholars argued that the very ignated "the" oral tradition and correctly understood as
nature of the Written Torah necessitates the existence of being embodied in the rabbinic writings. This perspective
an oral tradition. This view is described in detail by M. D. failed to recognize the difference between any traditions
Herr (Encjud 12: cols. 1439-40): that did in fact exist, on the one hand, and the intellectual
and literary processes that gave way to the documents of
[I]t is clear that there can be no real existence for the rabbinic Judaism, on the other. As recent study of those
Written Law without the Oral. The need for the positing documents has made clear, they are the products of the
of the existence of the Oral Law is inherent in the very authorities cited in them and are not the end product of a
character and nature of the Torah. The statutes of the long history of transmission of originally oral laws and
Written Law could not have been fulfilled literally even interpretations.
in the generation in which they were given, since "that In the minds of the rabbis, the oral tradition of Sinai
which is plain in the Torah is obscure, all the more that took shape in the Mishnah and in the successive docu-
which is obscure" (Judah Halevi, Kuzari, 3, 35) ... ments of rabbinic Judaism (Neusner 1986: viii). But this
If, therefore, the statutes of the Torah could not be rabbinic notion of Oral Torah cannot be equated in any
properly understood in the generation in which it was . concrete sense with a corpus of laws and interpretations
given, how much less could it be understood by later that actually existed throughout Israelite history. Clearly,
generations? In addition to this consideration, it was a Jews in different historical periods and places observed
fundamental doctrine of the rabbis that the Torah was Scripture's dicta according to interpretations of the biblical
given by God for all time, that it would never be ex- text, some of which may have been transmitted from
changed for another Torah and certainly never re- generation to generation. But there is no evidence that
scinded, and that it provided for all possible circum- such traditions ever comprised a unitary tradition stretch-
stances which might arise at any time in the future ... ing back to Sinai. Even if such an oral tradition existed, the
It can thus be regarded as a historical fact that the Oral clear evidence of the rabbinic writings indicates that these
Law existed nut merely from the moment the Written texts do not embody it. They are, rather, the products of
Law was given (and in this sense it is correct to say that their authors, who pursued their own independent pro-
the Written and Oral Laws were given together to Moses gram in order to create a system of practice and belief that
at Sinai), but it may even be maintained that the Oral would take Judaism from their day to our own.
Law anticipated the Written Law, as the Written Law not
only assumed the observance of the Oral Law in the Bibliography
future, but is in effect based on its previous existence. Avery-Peck, A. J. 1985. Mishnah's Division of Agriculture: The History
Since the written law relies-by allusion or by its si- and Theology of Seder Zeraim. Chico, CA.
lence--on statues, customs, and basic laws not explicitly Neusner, J. 1986. The Oral Torah. San Francisco.
mentioned in it (marriage, divorce, business ... ), these Smith, M. 1956. Palestinian Judaism in the First Centuries. Pp. 75-
statutes are ipso facto converted into part of the Oral 76 in Israel: Its Role in Civilization, ed. M. Davis. New York.
Law. ALAN J. AVERY-PECK

Herr continues by describing the continuous existence and

development of the Oral Law throughout Jewish history, ORATORY. See RHETORIC AND RHETORICAL
tracing it in the books of the Bible, the Jewish literature of CRITICISM.
the Second Temple period, the early Targums, and the
rabbinic literature.
This approach, much like that of the rabbis themselves, ORDAIN, ORDINATION. Appointment to formal
sees the transmission of law and theology within Judaism functions in a religious community. Greeks and Romans
as. the result of a unitary and linear process, beginning knew a variety of modes of selection and installation to
with Scripture and continuing through all later develop- public office, and some of these influenced the later devel-
ments ~1thm (Orthodox) Judaism. While Herr stops short opments in the Church. Greek society commonly filled
of ma.king claims concerning the divine origin of the oral magistracies and priesthoods by election, by taking lots, or
tra_d1uon, his view still makes an important theological by a combination of the two methods. Cheirotonia was
pumt. It argues that the corpus of law and interpretation voting by a show of hands. Entrance into office involved
embodied within rabbinic Judaism is authentic, having the candidate undergoing a formal scrutiny of his qualifi-
existed at least from the moment (if not before) the Writ- cations, taking an oath, and bringing entrance sacrifices.
ten Law was given and having been accurately preserved The Roman Republic chose magistrates by an election
and transmitted through the generations. by the voting units of the assembly. Existing magistrates
The problem, as we have seen, is not with the claim for had great influence in determining the outcome and had
the existence, throughout Jewish history, of traditions ex- the right to designate lesser magistrates. Colleges of Ro-
ternal to the Written Law. Certainly, in each period within man priests filled vacancies by co-optation. Offices were
ORDAIN, ORDINATION 38. v
formally assumed by taking the auspices to determine place of the former, but he sat in the place that was
divine favor and formally beginning to exercise the func- proper for him ...
tions. The oath held a prominent place. Under the empire (m. Sanh. 4:'.{)
the imperial designation eclipsed other methods of selec-
tion. The same procedure apparently was employed for thf'
The divine choice was determinative for positions of lesser Sanhedrins of 23 in places away from Jerusalem (b.
leadership in Israel. This may be seen in the hereditary Sanh. l 7b). A similar concern with being seated in one's
principle governing the levitical priesthood (Numbers 3) proper place may be observed in the Qumran community
and God's choice of kings, made known through prophets (IQS 5.23-24; 6.8-13).
(I Sam9:16; 16:1; I Kgs 11:30-38). Out of the elaborate Ordination of individual rabbis is first attested for Jo-
ceremony of consecration to the priesthood (Exodus 19; hanan b. Zakkai after 70: ·
Leviticus 8), the anointing with olive oil was understood as
the crucial element. The oil was sprinkled on all the Originally, every one [i.e. every teacher] ordained his
priests, but it was poured on the head of the high priest own pupils, thus R. Johanan b. Zakkai ordained R.
(Lev 21 : 10), so that the term "anointed priest" referred to Eliezer and R. Joshua; R. Joshua ordained R. Akiba; R.
the high priest. Anointing with oil was likewise crucial in Akiba ordained R. Meir and R. Simeon. They were
the appointment of kings (I Sam 10:1; 16:13-14; I Kgs anxious to honor this house [the house of the Nasil and
19: 16). Exodus 29 and Leviticus 8 use words from the root declared that if the Beth Din ordained without the
mt> ("to fill") in reference to the installation of a priest. approval of the Nasi the ordination was not valid, but if
The full expression seems to have been "to fill the hand" a Nasi ordained without the knowledge of the Beth Din
(Judg 17:5, 12), but with what is not clear-portions of the the Semikah was valid; then again they made a regula-
sacrificial animal (Lev 8:27) or divining stones (Lev 8:8) tion that ordination should be performed with the mu-
are the most likely interpretations. In most OT passages tual approval of the Beth Din and the Nasi.
the sense is "appoint" without reference to the original (j.Srmli. I, l!Ja,·l'.I)
denotation. The OT accounts of consecration of priests
did not influence early Christian practice of ordination. Private ordination of a student by his rabbi belongs to the
Accounts of two special appointments became important troubled period between 70 and 135. The limitation to the
in the later Jewish and Christian practices. In the account Nasi presumably occurred after 135, and the requirement
of the consecration of the Levites in Num 8: 5-13 the of mutual consent in the 3d century. Rabbinic ordination
people of Israel were instructed to "lay their hands upon employed the imposition of hands, but not prayer, and
the Levites" (v I 0). This action perhaps expressed the idea developed its technical terminology from the Hebrew word
that the Levites were a sacrificial offering or, more pre- stimak ("to lean upon"). It granted an equal status and had
cisely, a substitute for the firstborn of the nation (vv 17- a legal significance in that it conferred juridical functions.
18). When Moses appointed Joshua to succeed to the Christian ordination did not derive directly from rab-
leadership of Israel in Num 27:15-23, he laid his hands binic ordination; rather, both practices were independent
on him, so investing him with authority, and commissioned developments from the Jewish heritage.
him. Although Num 27: 18 says Joshua was chosen because The Qumran community was hierarchically organized
the spirit was in him, Deut 34:9 seems to say that Joshua with a priestly dominance. Nonetheless, the voice of the
was full of the spirit of wisdom because "Moses had laid "many" was heard in the selection of leaders. The whole
his hands on him." On the other hand, the text may be congregation appears to have made the rhoice of the ten
understood as saying that Moses' laying on of hands was judges (CD 10.4-6), and the phrase y,1> hp;wrl .("the lot shall
evidence for and not the cause of the spirit of wisdom in go out") was used figuratively for all decisions in which the
Joshua. whole assembly had a part, including the selection of
By Herodian times, if not earlier, investiture with the leaders by the members (IQSa 1.13-17).
garments of the high priesthood and not chrismation was The divine initiative in the selection of leaders is mani-
constitutive in the making of the high priest (Josephus Ant. fested in Jesus' selection of the Twelve and in Paul's words
20.6-14; m. Hor. 3:4; b. Yoma 12a-b). about spirit-inspired ministers given to the Church. A
Admission to the Sanhedrin was obtained by a formal selection of an inner circle of twelve disciples by Jesus is
seating in the chair of teaching and judging (Assum. Mos. firmly embedded in the synoptic tradition (Matt 10: 1-4;
12.2; Sipre Num 27:18, 20). The Mishnah, therefore, may Mark 3:13-19; Luke 6:12-16). No special act accompanied
reflect pre-70 conditions in its description: their choice, although a later apocryphal tradition supplies
an imposition of hands (Acl1 Pet. I 0).
The Sanhedrin was arranged like the half of a round Paul often mentions gifts and functions bestowed on the
threshing-floor so that they all might see one another. Church by God (Rom 12:6-8; I Cor 12:28-30; cf. Eph
Before them stood the two scribes of the judges ... 4: 11 ); but these cannot be identified with offices in the
Before them sat three rows of disciples of the Sages, Church, nor does Paul give any indication how these
and each knew his proper place. If they needed to inspired functionaries might be recognized or set apart:
appoint another as judge, they appointed him from the presumably their charisma was self-evident and its own
first row, and one from the second row came into the authorization. Paul does refer to churches' choosing mes-
first row, and one from the third row came into the sengers to carry their contribution to the Judean Chris-
second; and they chose yet another from the congrega- tians (2 Cor 8: 19), using the word cheirolonein. During
tion and set him in the third row. He did not sit in the Hellenistic times this word had come to mean "elect," in
v. 39 ORDAIN, ORDINATION

whatever way, or even "select" or "appoint." Philo and (for an appointment with the idea of commission, see
Josephus attest a religious usage of cheirotonein in Hellenis- Justin, Dial. 108)?
tic Judaism in reference to the appointments of God, A set of passages which belong together-I Tim 1:18;
including his selection of leaders for his people (Philo Qµod 4: 14; and 2 Tim 1:6-provides a parallel to Acts 13: 1-3.
Det 39; Josephus Ant. 4 §34, 54, 66). Prophecies pointed out Timothy, according to 1TimI:18;
Acts and the Pastoral Epistles give evidence of more in view of this verse, dia propheteias in 4: 14 should be taken
developed practices which later provided the precedents as accusative and translated "on account of prophecies" (if
for the ceremony of Christian ordination. "prophecy" is genitive, then the reference may be to prayer
The selection of Matthias to replace Judas (Acts I :23- as the means of imparting the gift). Similarly, Acts 20:28
26, according to the best supported text) employed a speaks of bishops made by the Holy Spirit, i.e. designated
procedure without parallel in the early history of the by spirit-inspired prophecies. The college of presbyters
Church-the taking of lots, which preserved the idea of laid hands on Timothy (this was not laying on of hands to
the Lord himself choosing his apostles. The prayer, partic- make him one of the presbyters, who are throughout
ularly the designation of God as the "knower of hearts," distinct from Timothy). If the prepositions may be
found echoes in later ordination liturgies. pressed, Timothy received the charisma "through" (dia)
Acts 6: 1-6, the most complete account of the selection the laying on of Paul's hands (2 Tim 1:6) but "with" (meta
and setting apart of Church functionaries in the NT, was as an accompanying circumstance) the laying on of the
one of the most influential texts. There are numerous hands of the elders (1Tim4:14).
verbal parallels with the Greek version of Num 27:15-23, The Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus from the beginning
as well as a common sequence: a command to select some- of the 3d century provides the first complete description
one meeting definite qualifications to be appointed for a of an ordination ceremony. Some of its features reflect
responsibility, who is then publicly presented to receive widely representative practices: the congregation chose or
the laying on of hands. The roles, however, are in a approved the bishop; cheirotonia meant "ordination" (if the
measure reversed: the disciples take the place of God and restoration of the text is correct); the right to confer
Moses in making the selection (cf. Acts 15:22 for the whole ordination was limited to a bishop, although presbyters
Church choosing representatives), and the apostles take shared in the ceremony; the ordination was by the laying
the place of Israel as witnesses before whom the appoin- on of hands and a prayer for the bestowal of the Holy
tees are formally presented to receive a public commission- Spirit; the newly ordained bishop proceeded immediately
ing. Luke's linking of the first step in developing an orga- to the celebration of the eucharist; and lesser clergy (ap-
nization for the Church with the first transmission of pointed by the bishop) were named or received the symbol
authority in Israel (an event which also served as the of their office.
pattern for rabbinic ordination) was a bold claim that Christian ordination put its emphasis on the divine
Christians were the true heirs of the biblical traditions. choice of ministers for the Church, a choice mediaterl by
Acts 13: 1-3 refers to a choice by the Holy Spirit speaking prophetic utterance or by selection by the people. God
through prophets, and based on this choice a human bestowed with his call his blessing, mediated by prayer,
commissioning by fasting, prayer, and laying on of hands. which was reinforced by fasting and the laying on of
The account has allusions to Numbers 8. The laying on of hands. Although the central element of ordination was the
hands did not impart the Holy Spirit to Paul and Barnabas, benediction, there were the accompanying themes of com-
but, as in Numbers 8, ratified the divine choice and set missioning or authorization and the ratification or creation
apart representatives who were offered to the Lord for his of representatives for service to God.
service. The significance of the event is made clear by Acts
14:26. Bibliography
The linking of the laying on of hands with prayer points Barlea, 0. 1969. Die Weihe der Bischofe, Preslrjter, und Diakone in
vorniciinischer Zeit. Munich.
to the practice of bestowing a blessing in this manner (Gen
48: 14, fit) as the primary origin of Christian usage. Jesus Dau be, D. 1956. The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism. London.
used this gesture in blessing (Mark 10: 13-16); the varying Ehrhardt, A. 1954. Jewish and Christian Ordination.}EH 5: 125-
38.
usages of the act in early Christianity (healing, bestowing
Ferguson, E. 1959. Ordination in the Ancient Church. Ph.D. diss.
the Holy Spirit, reconciling penitents, exorcism) had in
Harvard.
common the bestowal of a blessing; and the Church Fa-
- - . 1963. Jewish and Christian Ordination. HTR 56: 13-19.
thers interpreted ~he act in terms of a benediction (Jerome
- - . 1974. Selection and Installation to Office in Roman, Greek,
In Isa. 16.58; John Chrysostom ham. 14 in Ac.; Vita Polycarpi
II). Jewish, and Christian Antiquity. Tl 30: 273-84.
- - . 1975. Laying on of Hands: Its Significance in Ordination.
The centrality of prayer emerges in the more summary }TS n.s. 26: 1-12.
account m Acts 14:23 of the appointment of elders in the Kilmartin, E. J. 1979. Ministry and Ordination in Early Christianity
churches. The chief problem of this text is the meaning of against a Jewish Background. StLtg 13: 42-69.
chetrotonem. Does it keep the Hellenistic meaning of "elect" Kretschmar, G. 1975. Die Ordination im fruhen Christentum.
or "select," so that Paul and Barnabas made the choice (cf. FZPT 22: 35-69.
the meaning in Did. 15 and Ign., Philad. 10; Smyrn. 11; Lohse, E. 1951. Die Ordination im spatjudentum und im Neuen Testa-
f_'olyc. 7 for congregational election)? Or is the word used ment. Gottingen.
m the sense of "appoint" or "install " and so looks in the Newman, J. 1950. Semikhah. Manchester.
direction of the later ecclesiastical m~aning of "ordination" Parratt, J. K. 1969. The Laying on of Hands in the New Testament:
ORDAIN, ORDINATION 40 • v
A Re-examination in the Light of the Hebrew "Jerminology. nally separate literary strands, one and t hl' samr
ExpTim 80: 210-14. procedure is described. In summary, this is what the t<·xt
Richter, K. 1974. Ansatze for die Entwicklung einer Weiheliturgi1· s~ys. Sim:e legal proof is lacking, the susperted wile, po~­
in apostolischer Zeit. Archiv fur Liturgitwi.nrnschaft 16: 32-52. s1bly pregnant, ts to be taken to the sanctuary whl'rc,
Siotis, M. A. 1949-50. Die Klassische und die Christliche Cheiro- among other things, her husband presents a "n·mem-
tonie in ihrem Verhaltnis. Theologia 20-22 (Greek). brance offering, a reminder of iniquity" (Num !'i: I!>). The
\\brkentin, M. 1982. Ordination: A Biblical-Historical V1tw. Grand priest then sets the wife "before till' I.ORD" and mak<·s
Rapids. her take an oath. Thereupon she is given a powl'rlul
EVERET!' Fi::RGUSON potion to drink, a mixture of "holy water" and dust from
the temple floor, into which rnndi1io11al ntrscs, writt<·n in
ink and erased in !he liquid, have materially passed. 111
ORDEAL. Like most of their contemporaries, the an- case of guilt, the water will !urn out to he "hiller" and
cient Israelites were familiar with ordeal procedures. The make 1he woman's body swell and her thigh fall away.
conceptual basis for this judicial practice was the belief Apparemly, the sexual organs of the wife will he affertcd.
that God possessed a knowledge surpassing that of hu- If she is innocent, nothing will happen to the woman, who
mans. A crime might have been committed without a soul will !hen have no difhrnlty conceiving d1ildre11.
in sight, but the Lord had been a witness. "The eyes of the In studies on Israelite jurisprudence, I he c1sc of 1ht· .lii/d,
Lord are in every place, keeping watch on the evil and the "the errant woman" as the suspected wifr is rdl'rred 10 in
good," says Prov 15:3 (cf. Zech 4: 10; 2 Chr 16:9). The !he Mishna, is often cited as a crown witness of trial hy
Lord "tries the kidneys and the heart" of men (Jer I I :20; ordeal. In the s1ric1cst sense of the term, howev<·r, this ran
17:10; 20:12; Ps 7:10-Eng v 9; 26:21, and from his hardly he railed an ordeal. Vcrdirl and sa11nio11 rnalcsce,
investigation there is no escaping (Ps 139: 1-12). In this and the mallcr docs not belong to th<' compelcnn· of thr
respect, the Lord had assumed functions auributed else- human judge. Perhaps we should speak her<' ol a drama-
where in the ANE to solar deities, like the Mesopotamian tized oath. As a rule, the oath is exac I rel from the arnrs<'d
Shamash. Just as nothing remains hidden before the pen- on the assumption !hat God will rurse the pnjurn. 111 the
etrating sunlight (Ps 19:7-Eng v 6), no sin remains hid- case of Num !'i: 11-~ I the penalty is specified l>elorehand.
den before the scrutinizing face of the Lord (l's 19: 13- Through the rnnsumption of the "hitter watt·r that brings
Eng v 12). Should a judicial inquest prove inconclusive, an the curse" (Num !i:24), the sanction has h<·e11 ritually
appeal to God for a verdict from on high was bound LO anchored in the woman's body, ready 10 he aclivated when
clear things up. t:in:urnstanccs I rigger it. Once I he ceremony is over, I h<'
The ordeal is not the only means by which humans wife is left to her fate. No human.jury inlnvenes to decide
could involve the supernatural in a legal case. It has dose about the appropriate punitive measures. Also the dday in
affinities with divination and oath, both of which could which the curse will go into effect is left vagul'; ii may h<' a
also be resorted to in cases where the court was unable to matler of hours, days, weeks, or mo111hs.
reach a verdict. In order to avoid confusion, one must try The procedure followed for the .lrl/d falls into lhr calr-
to distinguish between the three procedures. Generally gory of drinking !rials. The latter have in fommon that
speaking, divination is primarily used in the early stages the guilt of the susperl is established, and in some ras<'s
of the legal process, as a preliminary procedure. It can be penalized, by his reaction to a special potion which he is
resorted to as a means of justifying bringing a charge made to drink. When one searches 1h1· OT for trar<'s ol
against an individual. Ordeals, on the other hand, may he this practice, one discovers that aparl from Num :1: 11--'.il,
invoked to determine whether the accused is in fact guilty there arc only irnlircrl allusions. Ye! th<·se arc dear enouK"h
or not. Also, the ordeal involves the suspect in a far more 10 warrant al least a twofold distinnion, based 011 tlw
direct manner than divination. In the ordeal, the accused nalure oflhe potion that is used. Sometimes the s11s1wcl is
is subjected to a physical test, the outcome of which decides given water lo drink; al other times it is wine. Setting aside
his guilt or innocence. Such a Lest is also one of the Num !'i: 11-'.i I, a drinking trial by means of waler is allud<·d
elements in which the ordeal differs from the oath. In its lo twice. Acconling lo Exod 32:20, Moses made the Israel-
simplest form, the oath consists of a solemn statement by ites drink waler mixed with the powder ol the grouml
which the juror refers his case LO the heavenly court. It is "golden <:all." Presumably, those guilty of idolatry would
fundamentally a transfer of jurisdiction. The divine agent not prove impervious lo this noxious mixture. The sober
invoked is expected to render a verdict by implementing description is reminiscent of trial hy ordeal and was intn-
the appropriate sanction. In the ordeal, verdict and pun- preted as such in h. cAbod. lar. 44a. Exod l!'i:22-21i ran
ishment usually make up two separate phases. Once the also be conncrlcd with the drinking trials, if 1h1· "hi11n
deity has manifested his verdict in the ordeal, the human water" (Exod I :1:2:i) of Marah was indl'ed used hy thl'
judges decide the measures to be taken in consequence. 1.ord to "try" his people.
In practice, however, these distinctions arc often The use of waler in drinking trials was hy no nwans
blurred, making it sometimes difficult to decide whether a reslricted 10 the soil of Palestine. ·1: Frynwr-Kl'nsky ( 1~177)
given procedure is actually an oath, an ordeal, or a species found evidence for it in Susa texts, and could also point to
of divination. A case in point is the treatment of the wife a Hittite parallel. J. M. Sasson ( 1972) drew attention to a
whom her husband suspects of adultery, dealt with in similar prac:tice in Mari. There are also a few Neo-Assyrian
Num 5: 1-3 I. Although the relevant passage probably be- texts which bear on !he theme. They show that a promis-
longs to the postexilic strata of the Pentateuch, it incorpo- sory oath (as rnntrasted with the purgatory oath) rould ht·
rates material that savors of great antiquity. In two origi- an:ompanied hy "drinking water from a ><lT,lllru~jar." 111
v • 41 ORDEAL

lhe same vein, lhe series Surpu speaks of a "curse" (mamitu) 16:5; 23:5; cf. 116: 13). The expected effect of this cup
incurred "by drinking waler from a ~ar~aru-jar" (Ill 62). was dual: judgment upon the wicked, salvation for the
Presumably, this waler became harmful when lhe oalhs righteous. Ps 11 :6 says that the wicked will have "a scorch-
were false. Thus, lhe laking of an oalh was coupled wilh ing wind" (ruati zil'apot) as "the portion of lheir cup" (miniit
an acl lhal linked il to lhreats of punishment in case of kosiim), whereas in Ps 23:5, the cup, said to be overflowing
noncompliance. In olher words, lhe perjurer was exposed (rewaya; Vg. cal&: meus inebrians), is drunk in a festive mood.
to an imminenl curse which would "enter his inwards like Guilt or innocence determined one's attitude toward this
water," as Ps 109: 18 puls il. There is no need lo assume cup: either fearful apprehension or joyful anticipation.
lhal some sorl of poison was added to the water, since in Also the description of God's judgment in Ps 17: 14 sug-
lhe ANE lhe water itself was oflen ralher unhealthy. Thus, gests that it materialized in the effects of a drinking trial.
a Babylonian exlispicy lext pictures lhe silualion of an The hypothesis of a drinking trial as the institutional
army overcome by lhirsl during a campaign. "They will background of lhe "Psalms of lhe Accused" makes sense
drink bad waler," goes the prediclion, "and lhey will die." when il is sel in lhe broader context of the sacral repast.
Similarly, the waler around Jericho is purported lo have In the ANE, oath ceremonies were frequently connecled
caused dealh and miscarriages until lhe actions of Elisha with the celebration of a sacrificial meal. Pacts were con-
made il wholesome (2 Kgs 2: 19-22). Under such circum- cluded over a solemn banquet (Gen 31 :53-54; Exod
slances, water lhat had neither been filtered nor boiled 24:11); according to a letter from the Mari archives, the
could very well serve as a judgment drink. partners "ate from the same platter, drank from the same
Most of the OT allusions to drinking trials, however, goblet, and anointed themselves (or each other) with oil"
seem to envisage the use of wine. The relevant texls are (ARM VIII 13 rev. ll'-14'). The effecl of lhe various
oflen referred to as lhe "cup of wrath" passages (Isa actions-eating, drinking, being anointed-was twofold: il
51:17-23; Jer 25:15-29; 49:12; 51:7, 39; Ezek 23:31-34; signified the murnal bond as well as lhe danger of disloy-
Obadiah 16; Hab 2:15-16; Zech 12:2; Pss 60:5-Eng v 3; ally. In case lhe oalh was laken in a callous way, the food
75:9; Lam 4:21). They conjure up lhe image of an "anti- would rnrn into a source of illness, and the water and the
banquet" (W. McKane 1980), during which lhe Lord pro- oil which had penelraled the body would prove to be the
vides his guests wilh poisonous food and drink inslead of bearers of a curse (Ps I 09: 18). Traces of the belief that
wholesome dishes and wine that cheers the heart. A special under certain conditions, normally harmless food could
emphasis falls on the "cup" (kos) or "chalice" (qubbacat) have delrimental effects are also contained in the Talmud.
(Mayer TWAT 4: 107-11). It apparently conlains wine (Jer Significantly, the second cup drunk during a meal is called
25:15; Ps 75:9), but lhis is "wine of poison" (Jer 25:15), the "cup of retribution" (kos sel purciinilt, b. Ber. 51 b), a
according to lhe primary meaning of l;ema, "venom, poi- designation used by the Tg. Jon., Ezek 23:32 for the "cup
son" (cf. Ug hmt and Akk imtu). Hab 2: 15 indicales that of wrath." Paul's interpretation of the Lord's Supper seems
poison could be purposefully added to lhe wine, partly al to be indebled to similar conceptions. He says that "anyone
leasl in view of heighlening lhe narcolic qualilies of lhe who eats and drinks in an unworthy manner eats and
beverage. The effecl of the wine was expected to be drinks judgment upon himself," a judgment consisting of
twofold: it would bring about intoxication and drunken- weakness, illness, and possibly death (I Cor 11 :27-30).
ness, making the drinkers totter and stagger, and would The drinking trials alluded to in the Psalms and the
eventually lead to their destruction (Jer 25:27; 51 :39). The various "cup of wrath" passages pertain to the same con-
ingestion of the potion resulted in the eliciting of a verdict, ceptual sphere. Through the consumption of a conse-
a proof of guilt, and the imposition of a penally. crated substance the faith of the juror was put to the test.
Although the imagery of the "cup of wrath" passages The inslances of ordeal considered until now were all
was inspired by ordeal procedures, the biblical authors closely connected with the oath. A similar connection
detached it from its judicial context to serve as a literary gleams through in Exod 22:7-10-Eng vv 8-11. When
molif in descriptions of God's judgment. The connection one Israelite has a grudge against another, suspecting him
between the cup of judgment and the ordeal is still present, of the embezzlement of his property, "the case of those
however, in some of the individual laments in the Psalter. two shall come to the gods (cad-hii>e[ohim); the one whom
In 1928, H. Schmidt published a monograph in which he the gods declare guilty shall restitute in double to his
argued that various psalms were purgatory prayers, spo- neighbor" (Exod 22:8-Eng v 9). Once the litigants had
ken by suspects in the contexl of sacral jurisdiction (Psalms committed themselves by oath (Exod 22:10-Eng v II),
3; 4; 5; 7; 17; 26; 27; 31:2-9-Eng vv 1-8; 57; 139; 142; the deities-the term was laler interpreted as 'judges"-
cf. Pss 11; 13; 55:2-20-Eng vv 1-19; 56; 59; 94:16-23; were to manifest their verdict. This is probably the clearest
109; 140; Beyerlin 1970 added Pss 23; 63). Even though instance of an ordeal lo be found in the OT, even lhough
Schmidt has perhaps included too many psalms in his lhe actual procedure remains in lhe dark. The drinking
newly defined Gattung, the thrust of his argument appears lrials discussed above implied a lransfer of jurisdiclion. In
to be vahd. Several psalms do indeed hint at a nightly Exod 22:7-10, the sentence is determined by the human
ordeal, to be followed by an acquittal in the morning (Ps agents. The gods are asked to indicate the verdict, but lhe
17:3, 15; cf. Pss 3:6-Eng v 5; 139:18). Because these appropriate sanclion is for lhe court to take.
prayers have come down to us without a description of lhe A most unusual type of ordeal, bordering on divinalion,
accompanying rituals, the nature of the ordeal must be is lo be found in Num 17: 16-26-Eng vv 1-11. ll is the
pieced together from the oblique allusions occurring in story of Aaron's rod, miraculously lransformed overnighl.
the pertinent complaints. The recurrent reference to a In ils present form lhe passage looks like a piece of
"cup" (k6s) suggests lhat il was a drinking lrial (Pss 11 :6; propaganda for lhe Leviles. The episode relates how a
ORDEAL 42 • v
dispute over sacrificial rights was settled by means of an the men of Ephraim when Gideon defeated the Midianites
ordeal. Twelve rods, each inscribed with the name of one (Judg 7.:25; 8:3; Ps 83: 12-Eng 83: 11). They were killed,
of Israel's clans, were deposited in the "tent of meeting." respectively, at "the rock of Oreb" and "the winepress of
On inspection the following morning only the rod of Zeeb." The former location, at least, became legendary in
Aaron had sprouted, the sign agreed upon beforehand as later tradition (Isa 10:26), and it is uncertain whether
indicating God's election. As far as we can see, this way of these place names gave rise to etiological legends about
eliciting a divine verdict is unique and it hardly reflects "Midianite princes," or vice versa. Both names are authen-
actual custom. The etiological nature of the story is evi- tic pre-Islamic Arabic personal names, common to the
dent: the author may well have based his account on the onomastics of the Arabian desert fringe area (but not
presence in the sanctuary of a staff, a relic purportedly Amorite, Ugaritic, or biblical Hebrew). The name Oreb
harking back to the time of Aaron (cf., perhaps, Jer I: 11). can be compared with Safaitic and Old S Arabic grb, guriib
The described procedure, probably fictitious, stands be- ("raven"), giirib. "Zeeb" can be compared with d'b, "wolf,"
tween ordeal and divination. found in Old S Arabic dialects, Thamudic, and-very often
Finally, the OT contains a literary reflection of ordeal in Safaitic and Nabatean (d'bw and the diminuitive d'ybw,
by fire. The story of Daniel and his comrades in the fiery du'aib); in Classical Arabic until recent times it was used as
furnace (Daniel 3), legendary in nature, shows familiarity i personal and tribal name. Regardless of how the names
with the Persian trial by fire. The latter consisted of a got into the biblical tradition and Israelite toponymy, they
passage through .Hames; it was introduced in Babylonia must be associated with the pre-Islamic Arabic cultural
under the reign of the Achaemenids. Since the experi- and linguistic complex (Knauf 1988: 90).
ences of Daniel are set in a Babylonian milieu, the author
probably used the Persian fire ordeal as a model. Rabbini- Bibliography
cal sources contain a similar account, also set in Babylonia, Knauf, A. 1988. Midian. ADPV. Wiesbaden.
in which Abraham figures. This story of "Abraham in the GEORGE E. MENDENHALL

Fiery Furnace," of which Pseudo-Philo offers an extended

version (L.A.B. 6.15-18), is found in Gen. Rab. 38:13. In
Israel itself, though, ordeal by fire was never practiced. OREN (PERSON) [Heb 'oren). Individual of the tribe of
Judging by the biblical sources, the only type of ordeal Judah, the third son of Jerahmeel who was firstborn of
to enjoy some popularity was the drinking trial. It should Hezron (1 Chr 2:25). His name is spelled the same as the
be kept in mind, however, that the latter was always pre- mountain ash found in Isa 44: 14.
ceded by an oath. The ordeal, taken in the broad sense of DAVID CHANNING SMITH
the term, served as an immediate test to verify the reliabil-
ity of the oath-taker's witness. In many cases, the ordeal
may not even have been necessary. Fear of God's curse was ORIENTATION. See DIRECTION AND ORIENTA-
such that the prospect of the ordeal may have sufficed to TION.
scare feigned innocents into confessing.

Bibliography ORIGEN (PERSON). An Alexandrian-born early

Beyerlin, W. 1970. Die Rettung der Bedrangten in den Feindpsalmen der Church Father (ca. 185-253); most of what we know about
E inrelnen auf institutionelle Zusammenhange untersucht. FRLANT him comes from Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History (ca. 340).
99. Gottingen.
Frymer-Kensky, T S. 1977. The judicial Ordeal in the Ancient Near A. Life
East. 2 vols. Ph.D. Diss. Yale. B. Works
- - . 1981. Suprarational Procedures in Elam and Nuzi. SCCNH, I. Treatises
pp. 115-31. 2. Homilies
- - . 1984. The Strange Case of the Suspected Sotah (Numbers 3. Letters
v 11-31). VT 34: 11-26. 4. Dialogues
McKane, W. 1980. Poison, Trial by Ordeal and the Cup of Wrath. C. Difficulties in Interpretation
VT 30: 474-92. D. Sources
Press, A. 1933. Das Ordal im alten Israel. ZAW 51: 121-40, 227- E. Origen and the Church
55. F. Theology
Sasson, J.M. 1972. Numbers 5 and the "Waters of Judgment." BZ G. Biblical Study
16: 249-51. H. Piety
Schmidt, H. 1928. Das Gebet der Angek/.agten im Allen Testament.
I. Origen's Legacy
BZAW 49. Giessen.
Toorn, K. van der. 1985. Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia.
SSN. Assen.
A. Life
Not a biographer in the modern sense, Eusebius pre-
- - . fc. Ordeal Procedures in the Psalms and the Passover Meal.
VT.
sents Origen as a model scholar and saint, co.m?ining. in
KAREL VAN DER TOORN
his person ideals admired by pagans and Chnsuans ahke
(Cox 1983). We can also glean information from such
sources as the Panegyric by a student of Origen traditionally
OREB AND ZEEB (PERSONS) [Heb <ar-eb uU'eb]. The identified as Gregory Thaumaturgus (ca. 213-ca. 270),
two "princes of Midian" who were captured and slain by occasional personal references in Origen's surviving works,
v • 43 ORIGEN

and some of Jerome's (ca. 342-420) letters. Pierre Nautin B. Works

(I 977) provides the most persuasive account of Origen's The emperor Justinian (483-565) procured Origen's
life, based on a critical analysis of all sources, but has been condemnation as a heretic in 553 and saw to the destruc-
challenged on many points (Barnes 1981: 81-93; Crouzel tion of most his works. Even so, extensive writings have
1984). survived, some, including his treatise On First Principles, in
Notwithstanding the difficulties involved in reconstruct- Latin translations of regrettably questionable accuracy.
ing the details of Origen's life and work, the following Nau tin (1977: 241-60) provides a comprehensive list of
outline is reasonably certain. Origen was born, ca. 185, in Origen's works and their editions. Origen wrote in four
Alexandria, where he was reared in a Christian family of established genres: ( 1) learned treatises, (2) homilies, (3)
some means. He received an education in Greek literature letters, and (4) dialogues. Outside such classification is his
and the Christian Bible. During the reign of Septimius massive Hexapla, an edition of the OT in which, most likely,
Severus ( 193-211 ), when Origen was in his teens, his six parallel columns enabled the reader to see the Hebrew
father was martyred and his estate confiscated, leaving his text, its Greek transcription; and four translations into
family destitute. A wealthy Christian woman enabled Ori- Greek, those of Aquila and Symmachus, the LXX, and that
gen to complete his studies so as to become a teacher of of Theodotion. To these Origen added two Greek transla-
Greek literature. During his youth Origen also became tions of the Psalms that he had personally discovered.
familiar with other intellectual traditions. His patron also 1. 'Ifeatises. Most of Origen's treatises, including his
supported a gnostic whose teaching Origen attended; he earliest work, On Psalms 1-25, were biblical commentaries.
studied philosophy under the Platonist Ammonius Saccas He also wrote a commentary on Lamentations and began
(early 3d century), who later taught Plotinus (205-ca. massive commentaries on Genesis and on John while still
269); and he became familiar with Jewish exegetical tradi- at Alexandria. Of these only the first two books of the
tions. He probably studied also with Clement of Alexan- Commentary on john (CJ), vital for understanding Origen's
dria (ca. 150-ca. 215), who dealt with many issues Origen christology, survive in more than fragments. While there
was to develop more fully. During a second period of he also wrote treatises, now lost, On the Resurrection, against
persecution under Severus, when Bishop Demetrius of what he considered the crudely materialist views of simple
Alexandria (d. ca. 231) and most of the Church's teachers Christians; On Natures, against Valentinian anthropology;
hid or fled, Origen courageously provided Christian in- and a work called Stromata (his use of this unusual title,
struction. Shortly thereafter he underwent a conversion evoking a variegated oriental carpet, is our best indication
that led him to abandon pagan literature, to adopt a life that he was familiar with Clement of Alexandria).
of rigorous self-mortification (almost certainly including Origen's great treatise at Alexandria, On First Principles
voluntary castration), and to restrict himself to Christian (OFP), often known by its Greek title, Peri Archon, was the
teaching. first Christian attempt to provide a systematic and philo-
Origen's learning commanded the respect of pagans and sophically informed account of the principal doctrine of
Christians alike. When he converted Ambrosius, a wealthy the faith. Recent scholarship has shown that the Peri Archon
Alexandrian, from Gnosticism, he gained a lifelong friend belongs to the genre of philosophical treatises on "physics"
and patron. Ambrosius encouraged Origen to write and (the doctrine of God and God's relationship to the world).
provided Origen with stenographers and copyists so that Such treatises are characterized by a two-part structure in
he could compose treatises extempore, becoming one of the which a general conspectus is followed by a treatment in
most prolific authors of antiquity. His fame soon spread more detail, but in the same order, of particular issues
far beyond Alexandria, reaching the highest circles of the (Harl 1975; Dorival 1975). Origen's treatise actually has a
empire. In 231 the dowager empress Julia Mammaea fourfold structure. A preface briefly enumerates the "ar-
called him to audience at Antioch. chai," first principles in the philosophical sense employed
Although Bishop Demetrius gave after-the-fact approval by the pre-Socratics, but also, for him, elementary princi-
to Origen's teaching, his efforts at establishing episcopal ples of the Christian faith as transmitted by the Church's
hegemony over the Church in Egypt provided little scope tradition. The first major section of the work deals with
for a brilliant lay teacher. Journeys to Rome and to Greece, God; rational creatures and their fall from God into vari-
undertaken at various times, were probably attempts to ous kinds of embodiment; and the world and its place in
find an intellectual center where the Church would be the process whereby God is bringing about the return of
more congenial. After 233 Origen settled at Caesarea in rational creatures to their original state. The second deals
Palestine, whose bishop, Theoctistus, had ordained him to with particular issues such as the manner of the incarna-
the presbyterate during an earlier sojourn. This ordina- tion, the free will of rational creatures, and biblical inter-
tion infuriated Demetrius, who had come to view Origen pretation. A short recapitulation sums up these doctrines
as a heretic. and ties up loose ends.
Most of Origen's surviving works were written at Caesa- Origen continued his never-completed commentaries on
rea, where he preached extensively. Although Heraclas (d. Genesis and John after removing to Caesarea. He also
247), Demetrius' successor as bishop of Alexandria, also wrote commentaries on Proverbs, the Song of Songs, Isa-
considered Origen unorthodox, the bishops of Palestine iah, Ezekiel, the Minor Prophets, Luke, Matthew, and most
and the nearby province of Arabia (modern Jordan) made of the Pauline Epistles, as well as a fuller commentary on
use of his expertise at least twice in synods concerned with the Psalms. Some books of the commentaries on John and
christological doctrine. After being imprisoned and tor- Matthew survive in Greek, and more or less faithful trans-
tured dur!ng the Decian persecution of 251, Origen died lations of the commentaries on Romans, the Song of
at Tyre, his health broken by his sufferings (ca. 253). Songs, and much of the rest of the commentary on Mat-
ORIGEN 44. v
thew survive in Latin.-The others survive, at best, only in of On First Principles, crucial for interpreting Origen's
fragments. In addition, Origen wrote scholiae, which ap- thought. That work was controversial in its own time. It
pear to have been commentaries on selected passages of became even more so as Christian doctrine became more
works or parts of works not covered by continuous com- fixed in the century and a half that elapsed between its
mentaries (Nautin 1977: 372-75). We know of scholiae on composition and its translation. In his translator's preface
the Pentateuch, the Psalms, Ecclesiastes, Isaiah, and John. Rufi nus (ca. 345-4 I 0) justified correcting theological er-
Three nonexegetical treatises written at Caesarea, his rors in the Greek text on the pretext that there had been
Exhortation to Martyrdom, On Prayer, and Contra Celsum, heretical interpolations. However, if Rufinus understated
survive in Greek. A further work, a treatise (or homily) On putatively heterodox elements in Origen's works, others
the Passover, a spiritual interpretation of Exodus 12, has have overstated them. Antoine Guillaumont ( 1962) has
recently been discovered and edited (Nautin and Gueraud shown that the views of Evagrius Ponticus, a 4th-century
1979). The Exhortation to Martyrdom exhibits the Maccabean Origenist, have become confused with Origen's own, so
veneration of martyrdom that suffused the Church of that we cannot assume that Origen taught all the doctrines
Origen's time. For him this signified a preference for for which he was condemned in 553.
intellectual over corporeal existence. On Prayer provides a Origen's theological method also poses difficulties of
concise introduction to Origen's piety; its justification of interpretation. He presupposes a division between the vast
prayer for its own sake, as opposed to having petitions majority of simple Christians, who accept the Church's
granted, places it at the head of a long succession of teaching on faith and are motivated by fear, and a small
Christian mystical literature. The Contra Celsum (CC), in minority of spiritual Christians, who rationally understand
eight books, refutes Celsus' True Logos. Celsus, a 2d-century their faith and are motivated by love (Rius-Camps 1970;
Platonist, attacked Christianity on philosophical grounds Hallstrom I 984). Valentinian gnostics made a distinction
and provided a rationale for persecution by accusing between psychics and pneumatics, but Origen differenti-
Christians of disloyalty to the empire. Origen's reply is the ated his position from theirs by insisting that spiritual
most cogent apology for Christianity written in Greek. Christians differ from their simpler fellow believers not by
2. Homilies. While in Palestine Origen preached homi- nature, but because they have progressed further toward
lies, recorded by stenographers, on Genesis, Exodus, Le- likeness to God. Origen taught that the Christian theolo-
viticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, 1 Samuel, gian should exercise a prudent reserve, extending even to
Job, the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs, deliberate deception (as, in his opinion, the biblical authors
Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Matthew, Luke, Acts, 1 Corinthi- themselves did) in presenting profound doctrines that
ans, 2 Corinthians, Galatians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, Ti- might shock or demoralize simple believers (CC 4.19 and
tus, and Hebrews. One hundred and fifty-six OT homilies, HJ 20.3-7). We must, therefore, be attentive in studying
along with thirty-nine on Luke, survive in Latin transla- Origen to determine to what extent doctrines simply
tions by Jerome and Rufinus. Vittorio Peri ( 1980) has hinted at or presented as mere speculations are in fact
recently demonstrated that an additional seventy-five hom- serious expressions of his thought. This difficulty has led
ilies in the Latin Treatise or Homilies on the Psalms, ascribed to widely divergent estimates of Origen's thought.
to Jerome, are in fact adaptations of homilies by Origen.
Twenty homilies on Jeremiah (HJ) and one on 1 Samuel D. Sources
survive in Greek. These works do not display the oratory Origen seldom cites authors outside the Bible, and those
of the great 4th-century preachers, but employ the subtle works that he did use he thoroughly transformed. When
diatribe style of philosophical teachers like Epictetus (ca. we speak of sources, therefore, we are not ordinarily
55-ca. 135). Like the commentaries, they interpret the speaking of borrowings but of constituent elements of a
biblical text verse by verse, but they treat it in less detail remarkably original intellectual synthesis. This is true of
and concentrate on moral exhortation. the Bible itself. Given Origen's intimate knowledge of and
3. Letters. Little is left of Origen's extensive correspon- ardent devotion to the biblical text, it may seem paradoxi-
dence, but those fragments that survive provide valuable cal that the extent of this influence is a matter of contro-
insights into the man and his thought. We have one letter versy. Thus, for example, Eugene de Faye, author of a
written to him along with his reply, his correspondence pioneering study of Origen, argued that the Bible was, in
with Julius Africanus concerning the authenticity of the effect, an empty shell into which Origen poured his own
story of Susanna in the LXX version of Daniel. thought (1923: 72-95). Henri de Lubac (1950), by con-
4. Dialogues. Ancient sources mention among Origen's trast, presented Origen as a genuinely biblical thinker.
works a Dialogue with Candidus from his Alexandrian pe- Such widely divergent views are possible because Origen
riod; and part of his Dialogues with Heracleides, which al- understood the Bible in terms of intellectual traditions of
most certainly dates from his Caesarean period, has re- his time.
cently been discovered. Neither of these works were Origen received the Bible through the mediation of
literary dialogues in the tradition of Plato, but were tran- early Christianity. His statement of the fundamental prin-
scripts of debates in which Origen had engaged. ciples of the faith conforms to earlier summaries by such
authors as Irenaeus and Hippolytus and his ethical teach-
C. Difficulties in Interpretation ing reflects the asceticism and veneration of martyrdom
The loss of so many works makes interpreting Origen which were current in the Church of his time. His christol-
difficult. A comparison of Latin translations with Greek ogy depends on the Logos speculation which writers such
texts reveals, at the very least, a loss in nuance and subtlety. as Justin Martyr (ca. 100-ca. 165) brought into the Chris-
It is particularly regrettable that we lack the full Greek text tian tradition from Philo (ca. 29 B.c.-ca. A.D. 50). Although
v • 45 ORIGEN

he mentions Ignatius of Antioch (ca. 35--ca. 107) and is pelled him to do so, most notably in his doctrine of the
said to have met Hippolytus of Rome (ca. 170--ca. 236), he incarnation.
does not mention either lrenaeus (ca. 130--ca. 200), whom
he may have read, or, for that matter, Clement of Alexan- E. Origen and the Church
dria. Origen described himself as a "man of the Church,"
Gnosticism's influence on Origen is of a different char- remained throughout his life in communion with the
acter. Although one can speak of a limited positive influ- Church, and vigorously defended its teachings against
ence of Gnosticism on Origen's exegesis (Danielou 1955: heretics, Jews, and pagans. Nonetheless, the Church has
191-99), its principal influence is negative. Origen may had difficulty assimilating his thought and, as his tensions
justly be called the greatest of the anti-gnostic Fathers (le with the Alexandrian episcopate indicate, he was already
Boulluec I 985 ), and Hal Koch has shown that the refuta- suspected of unorthodoxy during his lifetime. Origen, for
tion of gnostic understandings of God, the world, and the that matter, frequently and unsparingly criticized bishops.
human condition is a mainspring of Origen's theology Origen's understanding of the Church and of his role as
(I 932). He never tired of refuting the schools of Valen- a theologian made tensions inevitable. Essential to both is
tin us, Basilides, and Marcion. He also denied any access to the distinction between "spiritual" and "simple" Christians.
a secret, esoteric tradition such as many gnostics appealed Most Christians are simple, and, although this should not
to (Hanson 1956). Origen, by contrast with Irenaeus, be the case, so are many who hold clerical office. Unspiri-
sought not simply to refute the gnostics but to provide a tual clerics, however, have no right to arrogate for them-
reasoned response to the serious issues they raised. He selves disciplinary authority that can only be exercised by
regarded the refusal to identify the Creator and Lawgiver the spiritual. Furthermore, teaching, as a mediation of the
of the OT with the God and Father of Jesus Christ as the word of God, is the highest ecclesiastical function and the
fundamental error of all gnostics (CC 5.4 and 5.61 ), and source of genuine authority. The administration of the
he felt obliged to demonstrate the fundamental consis- sacraments is distinctly subordinate to this function (Lies
tency of the Christian tradition that identified them. In I 978). While Origen professed loyalty to the Church's rule
doing so, Origen was forced to go far beyond the Church's of faith, he held that as a spiritual man, it was his duty to
traditional rule of faith, which simply did not deal with pass beyond the acceptance of such doctrines on faith, as
such issues as why the world came into being or why some is appropriate for the simple, and to acquire a rational
souls have a better lot than others. Ironically, this led him understanding of them. Such an understanding would
to develop an esoteric account of the origin and destiny of uncover the hidden system of thought that gave the
the cosmos that, as Hans Jonas ( 1934) has pointed out, is Church's teaching its coherence (Kettler 1965). Not sur-
structurally much like a gnostic system. prisingly, bishops considered such views subversive.
Although Origen taught that Judaism was superseded
by Christianity and engaged in anti-Jewish polemic occa- F. Theology
sioned by the intense competition between Christians and In On First Principles Origen discussed the doctrines
Jews in Caesarea, his relationship to Judaism is much more which, in his opinion, the soul most needs in its journey
positive (de Lange 1976: Sgherri 1982). He regarded Philo toward God (OFP 4.2.7). Hal Koch (I 932) has shown that
more highly than any postbiblical Christian writer and he Origen employed the Middle Platonic philosophy to con-
respected the learning of the rabbinic teachers of his time. struct a system in which the driving force is God's provi-
Origen recognized the importance of the Hebrew text for dence, which employs the material and spiritual worlds as
the understanding of Scripture and he sought out and paideia (a Gk word that means both "education" and "dis-
utilized, with or without attribution, Jewish Haggadah in cipline") for rational beings while respecting their freedom
his exegesis. of choice. Origen believed that such a system underlay and
Origen's biblical interpretation constantly testifies to his made sense of the Bible. In his doctrine of God (God the
training in Hellenistic literary theory, known as grammar, Father) Origen argued for the incorporeality of God and
which determines his method of approaching a text and, for God's utter unity and simplicity in contrast with the
for that matter, his literary, if unadorned, style (Neus- multiplicity of the created world. His understanding of
chafer I 987). He was also trained in the scientific and God's purpose enabled him to provide a rational justifica-
mathematical disciplines that made up encyclical educa- tion, over against the gnostics, for the Church's teaching
tion and could use the astronomical discovery of the pre- that the Creator and Lawgiver in the OT is the Father of
cession of the equinoxes to refute astrology. Jesus Christ in the NT.
Origen studied under Ammonius Saccas and continued For Origen the Son is God's Logos ("Word" or "Reason"),
throughout his life to read and teach philosophy, which and Wisdom, a second divine hypostasis, or second God,
he saw as an indispensable preparation for biblical inter- subordinate to and eternally generated by the Father.
pretation. He was a sophisticated philosopher of the school Although consistent with Middle Platonic speculation
we call Middle Platonism, itself an eclectic blend of Platonic about the divine hypostases, Origen's subordinationism
metaphysics, Aristotelian logic, and elements of Stoic was characteristic of Christian thought in his time; Arius'
ethics, along with Neo-Pythagorean mystical speculation (ca. 250--ca. 336) retention of it comes not from Origen-
(Berchman. I 984). Philosophical terms continually occur ism, but from theological conservatism. By contrast, his
m his wntmgs, and philosophical concepts inform his concept of eternal generation was highly influential in the
theology. Origen, like Justin Martyr before him, consid- formation of the Christian doctrine of the trinity. The
ered Christianity the true philosophy and parted company manifold aspects (epinoiai) of the Logos, the "express im-
with pagan philosophy when the Church's teaching com- age of [God's] substance" (Heb 1:3), mediate between the
ORIGEN 46. v
absolute unity of God and the multiplicity of the Created This ranged from establishment of the text, through care-
World (Lyons 1982). Likewise, various aspects meet the ful study of grammar and syntax, to the most speculative
needs of fallen rational spirits at every stage of their return theological application. Origen's students reputedly
to God (Harl 1958). The incarnation enables rational be- drea~ed about the Bible at night from having studied it
ings to know the Logos and, through the Logos, to know so assiduously all day, and Origen found the erotic im-
God. It involves the inseparable union between the Logos agery of the Song of Songs entirely suitable to describe the
and a full human person. This is possible because of the soul's intercourse with the Logos in Scripture.
Son's preincarnate union with his human soul, the one Origen never attained the ability to read Hebrew, even
rational being who did not fall from its original adherence though keenly aware of its need. His Hexapla was an
to God. The Holy Spirit, the third divine hypostasis, is attempt to make up for this lack by enabling him to
eternally generated through the Son and shares in the compare the Church's LXX text with all other Greek
Son's knowledge of and subordination to the Father. The translations. Its use is apparent in his Homilies on Jeremiah,
Spirit's sphere is limited to sanctifying the saints, an activity where he occasionally mentioned that he preferred an-
which includes giving insight into those who wrote the other reading to that of the LXX. Origen used Hellenistic
Bible and to those who interpret it spiritually. critical signs to mark places where the LXX evidently
Rational beings were created in unity with God and all differed from the Hebrew. This immense work was prob-
but the being who was united with the Logos fell from ably never copied in its entirety and unfortunately per-
God through satiety. Some did not fall very far, and their ished with Origen's original manuscript.
return is relatively easy. These beings constitute the angels Origen's works reveal him being careful of grammatical
and the spirits that animate the heavenly bodies, whose niceties and using historical or geographical information
task is to serve those below them. Other rational creatures to illuminate the Bible's literal meaning, which he re-
fell more precipitously; these are called "souls" (psychai) spected. Although he had a high doctrine of biblical inspi-
because they have "cooled" (psychesthai) from their once ration and lacked a modern appreciation of history, Ori-
ardent love of God. God created the material cosmos from gen's approach to Scripture was neither naive nor
nothing in order to arrest the fall of these beings and to insensitive. He was able, in his interpretation of Paul, for
facilitate their return. Origen thus affirmed, against the example, to grasp the overall thrust of a biblical author's
gnostics and with Plato and the Bible, the goodness of the argument and to recognize when that author was using
cosmos. categories of thought not identical to his own (Gorday
Once in each world age these souls can become en- 1983). He recognized serious inconsistencies in the Bible
fleshed in grossly material human bodies. Through God's and explained them as a deliberate policy on the part of
providence, their situation in the world is a just recom- the inspired authors to hide deeper insights from the
pense for their sin and their experience here provides a simple and to signal their presence to the more intelligent
means for them to choose freely to return to God and, in by interweaving falsehoods into the narrative. Intelligent
so doing, to become intellectually and ethically more like readers of the Bible can recognize that a text is literally
God. Origen thus transforms Christian eschatology. Our false when it is unworthy of God, contradicts another
experience in this life determines whether our future life inspired text, or is manifestly improbable. A striking in-
will be a continual growth in the knowledge of God, stance of interweaving is in the gospel of John, where
including knowledge of the Bible and the created order, Origen argues on the basis of inconsistencies among the
both of which reveal God, or will be the painful purgation gospel accounts and historical improbabilities that Jesus'
symbolized by the fires of hell in which simple Christians entry into Jerusalem and cleansing of the temple did not
do well to believe literally. Christian belief in the resurrec- literally happen at all (Grant 1961; Kettler 1973). Instead,
tion is a way of talking about the identity of the embodied the account symbolizes the Logos' entry into and purifica-
person who dies in this world with the glorified person of tion of the soul (CJ 10.22-34).
the world to come. Similarly the advent (Parousia) of Christ Although he found historical investigation helpful in
that is significant for us is his advent in our souls. understanding the text, Origen rejected historical infor-
Other rational beings, the adverse powers, have fallen mation as a goal of interpretation because he could see no
too far for such embodiment to be useful. These beings way in which purely historical knowledge could lead the
continually attempt to frustrate the progress of human soul toward God. It is this attitude toward history that
beings and, in the guise of pagan deities, to deceive them distinguishes Origen sharply from the approach exempli-
into worshipping them to the neglect of the one true God. fied by Theodore of Mopsuestia (ca. 350-428) and often
Origen holds forth the hope that all creatures, however, referred to by the modern term "typology." While his
shall eventually return to God. To deny even Satan, the allegory may initially strike the reader as arbitrary, it
prince of demons, the possibility of repentance would possesses remarkable internal consistency throughout his
mean to deny the free choice of a rational being. To bring works. Origen believed in a natural symbolism, grounded
even the most obdurate beings to the point where their in the sensible world's dependence on the intelligible
existence apart from God is unbearable, a very long cycle world, which Charles Bigg (1913: 173) aptly referred to as
of world ages will be necessary. a "sacramental mystery of nature."
The anti-gnostic thrust of Origen's theology, with its
G. Biblical Study concern to vindicate the unity of the Creator and Lawgiver
Origen is best known for his allegorical interpretation, of the OT and the Father of Jesus Christ of the NT, implied
but, in keeping with his training in Hellenistic literary exegetically the unity of the two testaments. God's com-
study, he was a master of all aspects of biblical scholarship. mand to consume the entire Passover lamb (Exod 12: 10)
v. 47 ORIGEN

symbolizes the need to interpret the whole Bi?le as a unity scriptural study and systematic theology in the Christian
and is a standing rebuke to Jews and gnosucs who only tradition.
accept one testament (CJ I 0.28. I 07). The Bible is treated
as a consistent and harmonious whole, in which every part Bibliography
illuminates every other part; Origen frequently brings to Balthasar, H. U. von. 1936-37. Le Mysterion d'Origene. RSR
bear a multitude of verses containing the same word or 26:513-62; 27:38-64.
concept in order to elucidate a difficult passage. There is, Barnes, T. D. 1981. Constantine and Eusebius. Cambridge, MA.
however, a significant difference between the testaments: Berchman, R. M. 1984. From Philo to Origen. BJS 69. Chico, CA.
Christ, who is only announced in a shadowy way in the OT, Berner, U. 1981. Origenes. Erfor 147. Darmstadt.
is shone forth in the NT. Even so, the NT requires inter- Bigg, C. 1913. The Christian Platonists of Alexandria. Oxford.
pretation. An inspired interpreter must transform the Boulluec, A. le. 1985. La notion d'heresie dans la litterature grecque I/e-
sensible gospel shown forth in the NT into the eternal, or l/le sciecles. 2 vols. Paris.
spiritual, gospel of Rev 14:6, which bears a relation to the Cox, P. 1983. Biography in Late Antiquity: A Qµest for the Holy Man.
NT similar to that which the NT bears to the OT (CJ Berkeley.
1.3.12-8.46). Crouzel, H. 1961. Origene et la "connaissance mystique." Bruges.
- - . 1971. Bibliographie critique d'Origene. The Hague.
H. Piety - - . 1982. Bibtiographie critique d'Origene, Supplement I. The
Walther Volker's pioneering study ( 1931) demonstrated Hague.
a rich affective piety in Origen and laid the groundwork - - . 1984. Origene. Paris.
for an appreciation of Origen's key role in the history of Danielou, ]. 1955. Origen. Trans. W. Mitchell. New York.
Christian spirituality. Origen depicted the Christian life Dorival, G. 1975. Remarques sur la forme du Peri Archon. In
as, ideally, a continual progress toward the knowledge of Origeniana, ed. H. Crouzel; G. Lomiento; and ]. Rius-Camps.
God, a progress by which we are transformed both ethi- Bari.
cally and intellectually so as to become more like God. Faye, E. de. 1923-28. Origene: Sa vie, son oeuvre, sa pensee. 3 vols.
Unlike the Cappadocians, whom he resembles in many Paris.
ways, Origen, as Hans Urs von Balthasar noted (1936-37), Gorday, P. 1983. Principles of Patristic Exegesis: Romans 9-11 in
locates the reason for our ignorance of God not in the Origen, john Chrysostom, and Augustine. New York.
absolute incomprehensibility of God, but in the silence of Grant, R. M. 1961. The Earliest Lives ofJesus. New York.
the Logos, who communicates to us what we need to know Guillaumont, A. 1962. Les "Kephalaia Gnostika" d'Evagre le Pontique
when we need to know it. For Origen, God, as Raoul et l'histoire de l'originisme chez Les Crees et chez les Syrieru. Paris.
Mortley puts it (1986: 84) "whilst incommunicable in lan- Hallstrom, G. af. 1984. Fides Simpliciorum according to Origen of
guage, is accessible to the mind and the object of knowl- Alexandna. Helsinki.
edge.'" Hanson, R. P. C. 1956. Origen's Doctrine of Tradition. London.
There is no tension between Origen's piety and the Harl, M. 1958. Origene et la fonctzon revilatrice du Verbe incarni. Paris.
intellectual rigor of his theology and exegesis (Crouzel - - . 1975. Structure et coherence du Peri Archon. In Origeniana,
1961). Indeed, the latter is the highest expression of the ed. H. Crouzel; G. Lomiento; and]. Rius-Camps. Bari.
former. It is precisely in the interpretation of Scripture, Jonas, H. 1934. Gnosis und spiitantiker Geist. 2 vols. Gottingen.
informed by the best insights of all aspects of learning, Kannengiesser, C., and Petersen, W. L., eds. 1988. Origen of Alex-
that the soul makes its progress. Spiritual interpretation andria. Notre Dame, IN.
was, in fact, the chief means by which the Logos conferred Kettler, F. H. 1965. Der Ursprungliche Sinn der Dogmatik des Origenes.
to souls at all levels of progress the saving knowledge of BZNW 31. Berlin.
God. Origen's interpretation of Scripture is consistently - - . 1973. Funktion und Tragweite der historischen Kritik des
oriented toward the transformation of the person who Origenes an den Evangelien. Kairos 15: 36-49.
reads the Bible or hears it interpreted (Torjesen 1985). Koch, H. 1932. Pronoia und Paideusis: Studien ilber Origenes und sein
This process requires divine grace and a willingness to Verhiilnis wm Platonismus. Berlin.
wait upon the Logos. Origen, in fact, believed that the Lange, N. de. 1976. Origen and the Jews. Cambridge.
Christian soul continues to study Scripture as it progresses Lies, L. 1978. Wort und Eucharistie bei Origenes. Innsbruck.
toward God after death (CJ 32.3; OFP 2.11.3). Lubac, H. de. 1950. Histoire et esprit: l'inteltigence de l'Ecriture d'apres
Origene. Paris.
I. Origen's Legacy Lyons, J. A. 1982. The Cosmic Christ in Origen and Tei/hard de Chardin.
Manlio Simonetti ( 1986) has pointed out that Ori gen Oxford.
presents an elitist way of living the Christian life which Mortley, R. 1986. From Word to Silence. Vol. 2, The Way of Negation
could only have arisen during a time when the Christian Christian and Greek. Bonn.
community permitted a relatively great freedom of Nau tin, P. 1977. Origene: sa vie et son oeuvre. Paris.
thought and which was doomed by that community's or- Nau tin, P., and Gueraud, 0., eds. 1979. Origene sur la Ptu,ue: Traite
gamzauonal evolution. Nevertheless, while Origenism per indidit d'apres un papyrus de Toura. Paris.
se rapidly became a bypath in the history of Christianity, Neuschafer, B. 1987. Origenes als Philologe. Basel.
Origen's influence was immense. This is particularly true Peri, V 1980. Omelie origeniane sui Salmi. Vatican City.
of monastJC theology, where Origen's way of life to some Rius-Camps, ]. 1970. El dinamismo trinitario en la divinizaci6n de los
extent survived. Athanasius and the Cappadocian Fathers seres racionales seg"Un Origenes. OCA 188.
freely adapted Origen to the needs of their own time and Sgherri, G. 1982. Chiesa e Sinagoga nelle opere di Origen. Milan.
through them and others Origen became the father of Simonetti, M. 1986. La controversia origeniana. Aug 25: 7-31.
ORIGEN 48. v
Torjesen, K. J. 1985. Hermmeutical Procedure and Theolagical Method ~eclares that he has purchased all that belonged "to Chi-
in Origen's Exegesis. Berlin. hon and to Mahlon" (4:9). Whereas Ruth shall enjoy
Trigg, J. W. 1983. Origen: The Bible and Philasophy in the Third-Century through Boaz both Chilion's and Mahlon's inheritance
Church. Atlanta. Orpah is not present to benefit from the legacy of he;
Viillker, W. 1931. Das Vollkommenheitsideal des Origenes. Ti.ibingen. deceased husband, Chilion.
JOSEPH W. TRIGG Th~ etr,molo~y of Orpa~ is ':1sually related to corep,
meanmg neck. Thus, Jewish m1drash explains that Or-
~ah turned her back on her mother-in-law. Jewish tradi-
ORIGEN'S HEXAPLA. See HEXAPLA OF ORI- tion a.lso has Orpah and Ruth sisters, the daughters of the
GEN. Moabtte kmg Eglon. An alternative explanation for the
name is 'arip, "cloud."

ORIGIN OF THE WORLD (NHC 11,5). See Bibliography

WORLD, ON THE ORIGIN OF (NHC 11,5). Beattie, D.R. G. 1977.]ewish Exegesis of the Book of Ruth. JSOTSup
2. Sheffield.
KENNETH A. MATHEWS
ORNAMENTS. See DRESS AND ORNAMENTA-
TION.
ORPHISM. A religious movement dating to the 6th
~entury. B.C.E. ~entering on the figure of Orpheus, produc-
ORNAN (PERSON) [Heb >ornan]. An alternate form of mg a SJZable .ht~r~ture with cosmogonic and theological
ARAUNAH. the~es, an~ mvttmg people to find salvation by living a
particular lifestyle. Although the materials we may call
"Orphic" first appear in the 6th centuries e.c.E. and much
ORPAH (PERSON) [Heb 'orpa]. The wife of Chilion and evidence comes from Neoplatonic authors living as late as
sister-in-law of Ruth (Ruth l :4; 4: 10). See CH ILION. Due ~he 6th century C.E., the movement was likely the strongest
to famine in Bethlehem, Elimelech and Naomi moved to m the 6th and 5th century B.C.E. and lasted into the 3d
Moab, where their sons, Mahlon and Chilion, married the century B.C.E. Three relatively discrete types of materials
Moabite women Ruth and Orpah (l:l-4). See RUTH, comprise Orphism: legends about Orpheus, an Orphic
BOOK OF. With the deaths of Elimelech and his sons literature, and ritual practices and regulations for an Or-
Naomi and the Moabitesses were left without male prog~ phic way of life.
eny. Naomi decided to return to her homeland, but she Orpheus was first and foremost a musician with sha-
urged her daughters-in-law to remain and marry Moabite manic powers. His voice and his lyre had the magical ability
husbands, where they could secure for themselves a fu- to charm animals and to change the course of rivers. He
ture. Orpah elected to stay in Moab while Ruth insisted on joined the expedition of the Argonauts, as Apollonios of
accompanying Naomi (I: 13-l 7). Rhodes writes in the mid-3d century B.C.E., a somewhat
Orpah's character in the story serves as a foil for Ruth. effeminate man whose entertaining music prevented the
Since her decision to stay behind is not condemned by the sailors from quarreling and whose sacrifices won the bless-
s~ory's narrator, Ru.th's decision is recognized as an excep-
ing and aid of the gods. His journey to Hades to reclaim
tional act of devotion to the family. By contrasting the Eurydice remains ambiguous; Euripides (Ale. 357-59) in-
women, the storyteller shows Ruth to be a woman of great dicates that Orpheus successfully retrieved his wife, but
value to Naomi and the family of Elimelech. Plato (Symp. l 79D) suggests that he left Hades without her
To highlight the difference in their characters, the story because he lacked the courage to join her in death. Or-
paints this word portrait of Orpah: "Orpah kissed her pheus himself is portrayed on numerous vase paintings of
mother-in-law, but Ruth clung to her" (1:14). By subtle the 5th century B.C.E. as dying at the hands of Thracian
means, the story continues to compare Orpah with Ruth. women and their spears, clubs, and stones, perhaps be-
Naomi says of Orpah, "See, your sister-in-law has gone cause he refused to initiate them into his mysteries or
back to her people and to her gods, return after your because his music enthralled their husbands. Somehow
sister-in-law" ( l: l 5). The reference to Orpah as "sister-in- Orpheus managed to survive his death or at least to enjoy
law" (yebimek) is the term occurring in Deut 25:5-10, which a pleasurable existence in Hades. A number of 4th- and
describes the responsibilities of the brother-in-law (or 3d-century vases from S Italy show him playing his lyre in
lever) to a widowed sister-in-law. See MARRIAGE (OLD the underworld and his initiates holding a papyrus scroll,
TESTAMENT AND ANE); FAMILY. The irony of Naomi's suggesting that victory over death was thought possible for
statement is that it is Ruth who comes closer to playing those following an Orphic regimen, while the noninitiates
that role than Orpah. would continue to suffer for their sin.
Also, the story contrasts Orpah with Ruth when Naomi The Orphic literature of the 5th and 4th centuries
remarks that Orpah has returned to her "people and her exhibits a keen interest in the origin of the gods and the
gods" ( l: 15). This is proleptic of Ruth's exclamation: "Your world. One of the richest creation accounts, the Derveni
people shall be my people and your God my God" (l:l6). commentary of the 4th century, tells how Zeus, a monothe-
The final gate scene provides another subtle comparison istic deity, produced the world through his power (Oke-
for the reader. A significant theme in the story is reward anos) and his thought (Moira). Although Zeus has no
for faithfulness. When Boaz concludes his negotiations, he partner, he created the world by "aphroditing," or making
v. 49 ORPHISM

love; his sexual energy functions as a metaphor rather nature, presents humans with choices and responsibilities.
than a mythical description of the world's beginning. A In the Phaedo and the Gorgia.s, Plato draws on the Orphics
sharp distinction seems to identify Zeus as permanent and to develop his own views; to the Orphics he attributes the
the world as temporal, perpetually undergoing change as view that the human soul retains after the death of the
its elements combine to form entities only to dissolve and body those traits and characteristics it had acquired when
recombine to make new entities. Even though deities and the two were together, and that the soul would bejudged-
cosmos are distinct, continuity between them is assured naked, and thus without any ability to deceive the judges.
because Zeus governs the world as its king. The author of Pure and just souls are to be rewarded, whereas impure
the Derveni text developed his linguistic and allegorical and uninitiated souls are to suffer severe penalties in
theories to comment on Orpheus' creation account, for he Hades.
tried to show that as sexual activity both unites and divides, Where a distinction between life before death and life
so the linguistic act of naming objects and events indicates after death is marked by a final judgment, a connection is
the unity of the world even as it shows its differences. also established by the belief that the soul's destiny after
Other Orphic creation myths elaborate themes of the death is determined by its behavior in its body prior to
Derveni account and also introduce new topics. Most ac- death. An Orphic way of life provides both ritual and
counts show the world deriving from a primal unity, with ethical foundations for happiness after death. Euripides
strife or tension soon arising as the force which divides (Hipp. 952-53), Aristophanes (Batrachoi 1032), and Plato
beings and objects. Descriptions of the bizarre Orphic (Leg. 6.782) refer to the Orphic initiatory rituals as well as
deities demonstrate how Orphism differs from the orderly their prohibition on eating meat and sacrificing animals.
gods of the Olympian religion of the polis: bodies of Plato (Resp. 364D-365A) also refers to a large number of
dragons, multiple heads, angelic wings of gold, and voices Orphic books or liturgical texts used to persuade individ-
of bulls. We also hear of incest and parental emasculation. uals as well as large groups that ritual participation can
Several accounts tell of a succession of rulers from Phanes eliminate guilt and pardon injustices, and that proper
to Ouranos and Gaia, thence to Kronos and Rhea, and sacrifices can save the dead as well as the living from
finally to Zeus, the transitions anything but smooth yet all punishment in the next world. Among the most interesting
culminating in the reign of Zeus. Common to all myths is materials providing information about Orphic practices is
the recognition that the world cannot be sustained by its a statement in the Derveni text about the wandering Or-
own power but instead needs the attention and effort of a phic practitioners who journeyed from city to city to per-
ruler or a king who is beyond it. However, the monstrosity form their rites and received payment for performing
of the gods prior to Zeus' rule and the divine struggles rituals to mollify fears about life after death. All these
before Zeus takes the throne are neither capricious nor references to Orphic rituals and bans demonstrate that
fanciful, because they show the trials and experiments that Orphism was more than merely a literary religion, and
preceded the rule of Zeus (and as one account has it, his that it offered an alternative to the traditional Greek
son Dionysos). The rule of Zeus adds unity to the division religion of warring deities and blood sacrifice.
and tension characterizing previous generations of rulers, At the center of the Orphic life was a ban on killing, be
and thus transforms deformity in to clarity and beauty; it for food or for sacrifice. This prohibition meant that
the birth of Dionysos makes salvation possible for humans
those who followed an Orphic way of life put themselves in
caught in their hereditary sin.
sharp and uncompromising opposition to the mainstream
Mention of Dionysos and soteriology prompts us to
of Greek religion with its sacrifices, which served to distin-
move from Orphic creation accounts to anthropological
motifs in Orphic literature. Aristotle writes that the Orphic guish eternal gods from mortal humans at the same time
poems distinguish soul from body, holding, moreover, that it linked the two by apportioning rights and duties among
the soul enters the body from the universe (De An. them. The Orphics renounced the general Greek way in
l.5.410b). Plato adds that the body is a sort of prison for favor of a life of purity, nonviolence, and vegetarianism.
the soul, not one where the soul is punished but a garrison The negative model was the Titans who swallowed Diony-
where it resides for safekeeping and with the gods as its sos to kill him; the positive model was Zeus who, according
guardians (Cra. 400C and Phd 62B). But whv are souls in to one creation account, swallowed the entire universe in
~dies? And how do they get there? The 'myth of the order to give it new life and peace and order. The Orphics
dismemberment of Dionysos by the Titans, considered by could imitate Dionysos and thus transport themselves back
many scholars to be the cardinal Orphic myth, provides to a pure time of the beginnings of the world, and thus
th.e clue to answers. According to the myth, when the procure salvation for their souls. Hence it was not the
Titans observed the child Dionysos at play, they disguised Titanic killing and eating of Dionysos that brought a
themselves and then dismembered Dionysos, boiled and sacramental intimacy with the gods but a rejection of
roasted him, and finally ate him; Zeus, however, struck the killing based on Dionysiac hope that made salvation ritu-
Titans with his thunderbolt, reducing them to ashes. From ally and ethically possible for the Orphics. Here we have
the ash~s, th~ human species arose-partly Titanic and an encouragement to preserve life, for killing damaged
partly Dmnys1ac. The myth is not the basis for a sacramen- the psyche in a body whereas avoidance of killing en-
tal. ritual of intimacy with the gods, but one which de- hanced the psyche. And because the psyche continued to
scnbes the ?ivine deeds which led to the human plight. exist after the death of the body, it could anticipate a
Several umes Plato refers to Orphic notions of a judg- blessed life after death if it followed the Orphic way of life.
ment and des~iny of the human soul, as though to suggest Orphism became a religion of salvation-renouncing
that the duality of humans, i.e., their Titanic-Dionysiac blood sacrifice, abandoning the Greek civil religion, and
ORPHISM 50. v
finding in liturgical and ethical practices a life of Dionysiac a corrupti?n of t~e name of the last great Assyrian king
joy. Ashurbampal, smce he waged numerous campaigns
Orpheus does not appear as the historical or even leg- against the Elamites and since Elamites and "men of Susa"
endary founder of Orphism. It is likely, however, that the are listed among those peoples deported to Samaria (Ezra
people we have come to know as Orphics adopted Orpheus 4:9).
as their teacher and master because his nonviolence estab- A. KIRK GRAYSON
lished a pattern they desired and his shamanic powers
enabled them to look beyond society and nature to another
world where their salvation was guaranteed. OSPREY. See ZOOLOGY.
Bibliography
Alderink, L. J. 1981. Creation and Salvation in Ancient Orphism. OSTRACA, SEMITIC. The word "ostraca," plural of
American Classical Studies 8. Gk ostrakon, "shell, sherd" (cf. Heb heres, l_Uisap), is used in
Burkert, W. 1982. Craft versus Sect: The Problem of Orphics and epigraphy for inscriptions written on sherds. Mostly writ-
Pythagoreans. Pp. 1-22 in Jewish and Christian Self-Definition. ten with ink but sometimes incised, these ostraca can be
Vol. 3 of Self-Definition in the Greco-Roman World, ed. B. F. Meyer from various dimensions: from a few centimeters up to
and E. P. Sanders. Philadelphia. the size of a sheet of paper (ca. 21.5 x 28 cm; Lemaire
- - . 1987. Ancient Mystery Cults. Cambridge, MA. and Vernus 1983). Written on one side (generally the
Detienne, M. 1979. Dionysos Slain. Trans. M. Muellner and L. convex one) or on both sides (recto and verso), they can
Muellner. Baltimore. contain texts ranging from one word (personal name) to
Guthrie, W. K. C. 1952. Orpheus and Greek Religion. 2d rev. ed. several-dozen lines or columns of ciphers.
London and New York. Sherd, as a material for writing, was not so practical as
Kern, 0., ed. 1963. Orphicorum Fragmenta. 2d ed. Berlin. leather or papyrus but much cheaper: ostraca were mainly
Linforth, I. M. 1941. The Arts of Orpheus. Berkeley. used for learning writing, for short and provisory admin-
West, M. L. 1983. The Orphic Poems. Oxford. istrative notes such as receipts, or for short letters, espe-
LARRY J. ALDERINK cially in war time, when it was difficult to get imported
papyrus.
In Palestine, during biblical times, besides the Beth-
ORTHOSIA (PLACE) [Gk Orthosias]. A port city in shemesh and Izbet-Sartah ostraca from the late 2d millen-
Phoenicia to which Trypho, the usurper to the Syrian nium e.c. and a few Gk ostraca from the beginning of the
throne, fled in 138 e.c. when defeated in Palestine by Christian era, one may distinguish three groups of Semitic
Antiochus VII Sedetes (1 Mace 15:37). The site is attested ostraca corresponding to three periods of writing.
in many ancient manuscripts and was later a bishopric. (1) Paleo-Hebrew ostraca were mainly used in the royal
The name of the city indicates a great deal of Hellenistic administration from the 8th century e.c. to the fall of
influence. Its name is derived from an epithet attributed Jerusalem in 587. The main collections were found in
to Artemis, meaning "upright." This toponym was also Samaria, Lachish, and Arad (Lemaire 1977) but several
used to name a city in the Maeander River drainage area other ones come from Jerusalem, Me~ad Hashavyahu, Ka-
of W Asia Minor. The port city of Orthosia is located by desh-Barnea, and l:forvat 'Uza. From the same period, a
ancient geographers S of the Eleutherus River and N of few Ammonite, Moabite, Edomite, and Philistine (Naveh
Tripolis (Pliny HN 5.17; Ptolemy Geog. 5.14). It is located 1985b) ostraca were found in Transjordan, the Negev, and
through the use of the Peutinger Tables to be in modern the Philistine plain. See EPIGRAPHY, TRANSJORDAN-
Lebanon in the vicinity of Ard Artuzi near the mouth of IAN.
the Ba rid River (ca. 34°3 l 'N; 35°57'E). Trypho's flight to (2) Aramaic ostraca were used in administration during
Orthosia was a retreat toward his original base of support the Persian period. Two collections of these ostraca have
in Apamaea. He was not able to land at Tripolis since it was been found in Arad and Beer-sheba while various exem-
loyal to Antiochus. From Orthosia he was able to travel plars were discovered at Samaria and several other places.
along the Barid River and through the Homs Gap in the (3) Square Hebrew ostraca were used toward the turning
Lebanon Mountains into the Orantes Valley. of the Christian era at Qumran, Massada, Murabba'at, and
ROBERT W SMITH Herodium. They contain mostly abecedaries, names, and
schoolboy's exercises. See also LACHISH LETTERS;
ARAD OSTRACA; SAMARIA (PLACE) (OSTRACA).
OSNAPPAR (PERSON) [Heb 'osnappar]. The king re-
ported to have transported some of the people of Babylo- Bibliography
nia to Samaria (Ezra 4: 10). The context clearly suggests an Beit-Arieh, I. 1983. A First Temple Census Document. PEQ 115:
Assyrian king, and some Greek codices of Ezra read sal- 105-8.
manassares, suggesting an identification with Shalmaneser. - - . 1986-87. The Ostracon of Ab.iqam from Horvat 'Uza. TA
To the best of our knowledge, Samaria was besieged and 13/14: 32-38.
captured by Shalmaneser V, while the various transfers of Kaufman, I. T. 1982. The Samaria Ostraca. BA 45: 229-39.
population groups were carried out by his successor Sar- Lemaire, A. 1977. Inscriptions MbraU[ues. Vol. l, Les ostraca. LAPO
gon II. See SARGON. There seems to be no way to 9. Paris.
reconcile the name "Sargon" with the biblical form Osnap- - - . 1978. Les ostraca paleo-hebreux des fouilles de l'Ophel.
par. Some scholars have suggested that the name is actually Levant 10: 156-61.
v. 51 OTHNIEL

- - . 1985. Vom Ostrakon zur Schriftrolle, Oberlegungen zur the stories of other 'judges." It appears, therefore, that
Entstehung der Bibel. Pp. 110-23 in XXll. Deutscher Orientalis- Othniel's story is offered as an example, presenting the
tentag, Mii.rz 1983, Tiibingen. ZDMGSup 7. Stuttgart. relationship between Othniel and Israel as exemplary. It is
Lemaire, A., and Vcrnus, P. 1980. Les ostraca paleo-hebreux de told at the beginning of the book of Judges in such a way
Qadesh-Barnea. Or 49: 341-45. as to introduce the problems with which Israel and Yahweh
- - . 1983. L'ostracon paleo-hebreu n° 6 de Tell Qudeirat (Qa- would be confronted in Israel's remembering the rest of
desh-Barnea). Pp. 302-6 in Fontes atque Pontes, ed. M. Gorg. the era.
AAT 5. Wiesbaden. The narrative unit is compact. When Israelites forsook
l\'aveh, J. 1973. The Aramaic Ostraca. Pp. 79-82 in Beer-Sheba I, Yahweh and turned instead to Baal and Asherah, Yahweh
Excavations al Tel Beer-Sheba 1969-1971 Seasons, ed. Y. Aharoni. sold them into the hand of Cushan-rishathaim, "king of
Tel Aviv. )aram nahtirayim" (Judg 3:8; RSV: "Mesopotamia"). When
- - . 1979. The Aramaic Ostraca from Tel Beer-Sheba (Seasons the Israelites cried out to Yahweh, he raised up a savior
1971-1976). TA 6: 182-98. who rescued them, Othniel the son of Kenaz, further
- - . 1985a. Published and Unpublished Aramaic Ostraca. identified as Caleb's younger brother (Judg 3:9; cf. Josh
'Atiqol 17: 114-21. 15: 17). Othniel's leadership was recognized as manifesting
- - . I 985b. Writing and Scripts in Seventh-century B.C.E. Phi- the spirit of Yahweh when he went forth to defeat Cushan-
listia. IE] 35: 8-21. rishathaim and win forty years (a generation?) of "rest"
Pardee, A. D. 1982. Handbook of Ancient Hebrew letters. Chicago. for the land. Such, overall, will be the repeated pattern of
Puech, E. 1980. Abecedaire et liste alphabetique de noms hebreux the premonarchy period. Information about the protago-
du debut du lies. A.D. RB 87: 118-26. nists here at the outset is minimal.
Smelik, K. A. D. 1987. Historische Dokumenle aus dem a/ten Israel. References to the spirit of Yahweh occur sporadically
Gottingen. throughout Judges (6:34; 11 :29; 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15: 14),
ANDRE LEMAIRE differently manifested in various individuals. Here it
stands for an impersonal power or force which can be
absorbed or can so envelope a person that he or she
OSTRICH. See ZOOLOGY. becomes capable of extraordinary deeds.
The meaning of Othniel's name is not clear, except for
the final syllable, Heb )el, "God." The first element is a
OTHNI (PERSON) [Heb 'otnl]. A Levitical gatekeeper in root that appears elsewhere in OT only in the personal
the Jerusalem temple, one of the sons of Shemaiah (I Chr name Othni (I Chr 26:7), who was a Levitical gatekeeper
26:7) who was the firstborn son of Obed-Edom ( 1 Chr in the temple (note TPNAH, 96).
26:4). While no other mention is made of Othni, consid- Othniel appears to be presented as Caleb's nephew, who
erable discussion attaches to his grandfather, Obed-Edom: won Caleb's daughter Achsah as his wife by capturing the
in this passage (I Chr 26:4-8) he and his posterity are town of Debir (Josh 15: 15-19), a town apparently identical
listed among the gatekeepers, while other passages include with Kiriath-sepher (Judg l:ll-15). The genealogy in 1
him among the Levitical musicians, of the clan of Asaph Chr 4:13 supports the statement in Judg 3:9 that Othniel
("with harps and lyres," I Chr 16:5; "with lyres," I Chr was the son of Kenaz, Caleb's brother. On the other hand,
15:21). Perhaps the Obed-Edom clan members originally Othniel is also a clan or tribal name in I Chr 27: 15. Thus
were temple musicians, but later were demoted to the rank Othniel and Caleb are clans of the tribe of Judah. The
of gatekeepers (I Chr 15:24, which also designates them eponymous hero Othniel is a southerner, from the area
as gatekeepers, is often considered a later gloss; see Wil- where Debir is also situated (probably Khirbet Rabud), not
liamson I and 2 Chronicles NCBC, 125-27, 169-71 ). If that far from Hebron, which Joshua allotted to Caleb (Josh
shift actually happened, Othni may have been a temple 15: 13-14).
musician who was later remembered as a gatekeeper when The name of the oppressor, "Cushan Doubly Wicked,"
the reputation of his fami!y was downgraded. is obviously a distortion, and "king of Mesopotamia" (Heb
melek )aram; Judg 3: 10) is problematical. (RSV's translation
Bibliography of )aram as "Mesopotamia" is unique here and dependent
Williamson, H. G. M. 1979. The Origins of the Twenty-four Priestly on the inferred meaning of Judg 3:8; elsewhere the name
Courses. A Study of I Chronicles xxiii-xxvii. Pp. 251-68 in is translated "Aram" [e.g., Num 23:7] or "Syria" [e.g., Judg
SLudies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament, ed. J. A. 10:6; I Kgs 10:29].) The oppressors of Israel in the pre-
Emerton. VTSup 30. Leiden. monarchy period never came from so far away as Mesopo-
JOHN C. ENDRES tamia. The suggestion that the oppressor's name may be
related to one Irsu, a Syrian usurper in Egypt during the
period of anarchy which concluded the 19th Dynasty
OTHNIEL [Heb )otnf>el]. The first of the military lead- (Malamat 1954), has not fared well. Recognizing the ease
ers who 'judged" Israel in the book of Judges (3:7-11). of misdivision in an unpainted consonantal Hebrew text,
Only the Heb verb sapa! "to judge," and never the noun the oppressor might instead have been king of )armon-
IOfie! 'judge," is used with reference to those leaders. In harim, "a hill country fortress" (Boling judges AB, 81 ),
such usage, it appears, "to judge" is to organize successful located not far from Hebron and Debir. If so, and Othniel
counteroffensive against oppressive overlords. was a southern hill country liberator, then the story rings
Othniel's career description displays an outlook and with a sound of more authenticity than is generally
employs framework rubrics that are variously observed in granted.
OTHNIEL 52 • v
This tradition about the southerner Othniel as con- OVERLAY. An English word that translates five differ-
queror of Debir remains in tension with the tradition ent Hebrew terms ~ignifying various technical applications
about the northerner, Joshua of Ephraim, who is else- of metal-gold, silver, and bronze--over a wooden or
where credited with the conquest of Debir (Josh 10:38- stone . object or structural element. The most common
~9). '?r perhaps the place had changed hands again, in the term 1s from the verb ~ph and is used frequently in the
mtenm. tabernacle texts of Exodus to describe the covering of
Bibliography "pure gold" attached to various appurtenances such as the
Malamat, A. 1954. Cushan Rishathaim and the Decline of the Near ark (Exod 25: l_ l; 37:2) and its fittings. It also designates
East around 1200 B.C. ]NES 13: 231-42. the brass and silver overlay for other tabernacle objects or
structur~l features. Similarly, the holiest places and items
ROBERT G. BOLING
of the First ~emple are said to be overlaid with gold (e.g.,
l Kgs 6:20; 6:28; 2 Kgs 10: 18) although the designation
OTHONIAH (PERSON) [Gk Othonias]. One of the sons for gold in the Temple differs from that of the tabernacle
of Zattu who returned with Ezra ( l Esdr 9:28). He was one texts. Similarly, the royal throne was overlaid with gold (2
of the Israelites who had married foreign wives and had Kgs 10: 18; 2 Chr 9: 17).
to put them away with their children in accordance with In several other passages, different Hebrew words are
Ezra's reform. The parallel list in Ezra calls him Mattaniah found for gold. They are probably not synonyms but
(Ezra 10:27). rather indicate differences in technology. In 2 Chr 3:8, 9,
JIN HEE HAN
flph is used with "fine gold" in Isa 40: 19, rkc is used to
describe the covering of an image (made of metal?) with
gold; and in Hab 2:19, gold and silver are said to overlay
OVENS, TOWER OF THE (PLACE) [Heb migdal (from Heb tpf) stone idols.
hattannurim]. A tower in the outer wall of Jerusalem to the The frequent use of the root ~ph apparently refers to
W of Ophel. Nehemiah refers to this tower in both the the use of hammered-out sheets of metal. The other words
restoration (3:8-13) and the procession (12:38-39) texts may designate variations on the process that depend on
and places the tower to the N of the Valley Gate and S of the quality of the gold or the nature of the object to be
the Broad Wall and the Ephraim Gate. The Tower of the overlaid. The technique for covering stone, for example,
Ovens was probably an integral part of the bakers quarter would have to be different than for that used to cover
NW of the City of David and near the royal residence wood (acacia wood in the Tabernacle; cedar, olivewood,
where the "Bakers' Street" was found (Jer 37:21). Avi- and cypress wood in the Temple).
CAROL MEYERS
Yonah (l 954: 244) alludes to the prevailing breezes from
the W that would provide the drafts and ventilation for
such a complex of ovens. Those who have held to a
maximalist view of Jerusalem during Nehemiah's recon- OWL. See ZOOLOGY.
struction have associated the Tower of the Ovens with
reinforcement of the Corner Gate by Uzziah (2 Chr 26:9;
Sayce 1883: 218; Simons 1952: 234 and n. 2; and Vincent OX (ANIMAL). See ZOOLOGY.
1954: 243). Simons' suggestion that Nehemiah refers to
the Corner Gate when he speaks of the Tower of the Ovens
(3: 11; 12:38) and Vincent's equation of the Tower of the OX (PERSON) [Gk Ox]. A name given as part of the
Angle (2 Chr 26:9) with the Tower of the Ovens have genealogy of Judith (Jdt 8: l). The name in its Greek form
obscured rather than clarified the location of the tower. is non-Semitic. It appears in certain manuscripts as Oz (Gk
The accumulative evidence appears to corroborate Avi- Oz; see Vaticanus, OL', Syr), which is a translation of the
Yonah's proposal that the Tower of the Ovens should be Hebrew name Uzzi (Heb cuzzi). If "Ox" is a corruption of
placed near the NW limits of the City of David, N of the "Oz," its Hebrew original, Uzzi, appears eleven times in
Valley Gate and S of where the Broad Wall intersects the the OT (Ezra 7:4, Neh 11:22, l Chr 5:31, etc.). However,
W wall of the Temple mount (Avi-Yonah 1954: 244; Wil- none of these occurrences connect the name "Uzzi" with
liamson 1984: 85). the tribe of Simeon, the tribe to which, according to the
author, Judith belongs. Therefore, it is probable, given the
Bibliography genre of the book of Judith, that the name is part of what
Avi-Yonah, M. 1954. The Walls of Nehemiah-A Minimalist View. Noth (HPT) calls a "secondary genealogy," and thus com-
IE] 4: 239-48. pletely fictitious. See further JUDITH, BOOK OF.
SIDNIE ANN WHITE
Sayce, A. H. 1883. The Topography of Pre-exilic Jerusalem.
PEFQS, 215-23.
Simons, J. 1952.jerusalem in the Old Testament. Leiden.
Vincent, L.-H., and Steve, M.-A. 1954. Jerusalem de l'Ancien Testa- OXYRHYNCHUS SAYINGS. See SAYINGS OF
ment. Paris. JESUS, OXYRHYNCHUS.
Williamson, H. G. M. 1984. Nehemiah's Walls Revisited. PEQ 116/
2: 81-88.
DALE C. Luo OYSTERS. See ZOOLOGY.
v. 53 OZNI

OZEM (PERSON) [Heb )o~em]. Two individuals of the purpose of the genealogy is to prove the purity of Judith's
tribe of Judah. Jewish descent, and to provide the story with verisimili-
I. Sixth son of Jesse and the brother of David the King. tude. See JUDITH, BOOK OF.
The sons of Jesse are listed here as being seven whereas l SIONIE ANN WHITE

Sam 16: 10 indicates eight sons.

2. Fourth son of Jerahmeel (I Chr 2:25). OZNI (PERSON) [Heb )oznf]. Var. EZBON. OZNITE.
DAVID CHANNING SMITH One of the sons of Gad and founder of the clan of the
Oznites, according to the genealogy of Num 26: 16. He is
preceded in the list by Shuni and followed by Eri. This
OZIEL (PERSON) [Gk Ozie/]. A name given as part of second census in Numbers is closely related to the geneal-
the genealogy of Judith (Jdt 8: 1). The Hebrew form of the ogy of Genesis 46. There (Gen 46: 16) and also in ]uh.
name is Uzziel (Heb <uzzflel), which occurs several times in 44:20, Ezbon is listed as the son of Gad between Shuni and
the OT. The occurrence of which the author of the book Eri. There is no manuscript evidence which would support
of Judith was most likely thinking is 1 Chr 4:42, where a Ozni or Ezbon as the preferred reading in both places.
certain Uzziel appears as a member of the tribe of Simeon. Rather, there seem to be two renditions of the same name.
Judith, according to the author, is also a Simeonite. The CHRISTINA DE GROOT VAN HOUTEN
P. The abbreviation used in Pentateuchal source criticism ARAM-NAHARAIM, a substantial region of upper Meso-
to designate the Priestly Writer. See PRIESTLY ("P") potamia located around the great bend of the Euphrates
SOURCE; TORAH (PENTATEUCH); SOURCE CRITI- River (Skinner Genesis ICC, 358; de Vaux EH/, 195). On
CISM (OT). the other hand, some have argued that Paddan-aram was
an Aramaic rendering of the city name HARAN (PLACE)
(O'Callaghan 1948: 96).
PAARAI (PERSON) [Hebpa<aray]. One of"The Thirty," These two distinct identifications depend upon the
an elite group of the warriors of King David (2 Sam 23:35). meaning of the word paddan. Those who argue that the
He is called "the Arbite" (Heb )arbi), which is a reference name designates a large geographical area generally trans-
to his home village, ARAB, in the hill country district of late it as "field," thus making Paddan-aram mean "Field of
Hebron (Josh 15:52). Aram." This has been based largely on two arguments
There is some textual confusion over both the name (already referred to in Rashi's commentary on Gen 25:20):
"Paarai," and the gentilic "Arbite." In the parallel list of (I) the noun paddan has a cognate in Arabic which means
David's champions in I Chr 11:26-47, the reading corre- "field," and thus Aramaic may also have had a similar
sponding to "Paarai the Arbite" is "Naarai the son of meaning for the word; and (2) Hosea 12:13 (-Eng 12:12)
Ezbai" (I Chr 11 :37; LXX supports this). Although cer- refers to this area as sedeh )aram, "Field of Aram," in a
tainty is impossible, scholars generally feel that Samuel has reference to Jacob's sojourn there, and this is deemed to
the superior reading, Naarai resulting from a confusion of be a Hebrew translation of paddan->aram (de Vaux 1948:
the Hebrew letters pe and nun, and "son of Ezbai" being 323; Albright FSAC, 237; Skinner Genesis ICC, 358). How-
the result of corruption. ever, neither of these arguments is conclusive. There ap-
In the LXX of 2 Kgdms 23:35, Codex Vaticanus reads pears to be no clear Aramaic or Syriac occurrence of
Ouraioerchi for the term "Arbite" in MT. This suggests the paddan as "field." Its regular meanings in Aramaic and
translator read Heb )arM instead of )arbi, "Archite" in place Syriac are "plough, yoke (of oxen)," and in Arabic the
of "Arbite." This would then place the home town of primary meaning is "yoke" as well. The derivative mean-
Paarai in the hill country of Ephraim. Although some ing, "field," may be an inner-Arabic development. As for
scholars have argued for the originality of this reading, it the second argument, one must admit that the use of sedeh
has a weak textual basis. It would also be incongruous with >aram in Hosea need not be understood as the translation
the geographical arrangement of the list, since Paarai's of a place name at all.
name is included with other warriors, all of whom came The other proposal, that Paddan-aram is an Aramaic
from the southern district of Judah (Elliger 1966: 101-2). rendering of the city name Haran, relates paddan to the
Akkadian padanu/paddanu, which means "road, highway."
Bibliography
This is a ~ynonym for Akkadian l]arranu, "road, highway,
Elliger, K. 1966. Die dreissig Heiden David. Pp. 72-118 in Kleine
caravan," the probable source of the name, Har(r)an
Schriften zum Allen Testament, ed. H. Gese and 0. Kaiser. Mu-
(O'Callaghan 1948: 96). But the argument depends on the
nich.
Aramaic word also having the meaning "road" or "cara-
STEPHEN G. DEMPSTER
van," and there is no such evidence currently available.
Thus the exact extent of the area designated by this name
remains uncertain.
PADDAN-ARAM (PLACE) [Heb paddan-)aram]. Var.
PADDAN. A name for the area around Haran, the home- Bibliography
land of Abraham's family in upper Mesopotamia. This O'Callaghan, R. T. 1948. Aram Naharaim. AnOr 26. Rome.
designation occurs only in Genesis and only in passages Vaux, R. de. 1948. Les patriarches hebreux et Jes decouvertes
generally ascribed to the Priestly source. It appears partic- modernes. RB 55: 321-47.
ularly in reference to Jacob's sojourn with Laban at Haran WAYNE T. PITA RD
m Genesis 28-31. It is to Paddan-aram that Isaac sends
Jacob in Gen 28: 1-7, and it is there that most of Jacob's
sons are born (Gen 29:31-30:24; cf. Gen 35:26; 46:15). PADON (PERSON) [Heb padiln]. The head of a family of
Scholars have generally seen it as an alternate name for Nethinim (Temple servants) who returned from the Baby-
v. 55
PADON 56. v
Ionian Exile (Ezra 2:44 and parallels in Neh 7:47 and newly subjugated land of Moab (2 Sam 8:2). This person is
Esdr 5:29). The list in Ezra-Nehemiah implies that this never otherwise identified, however, and is known primar-
return took place immediately in response to Cyrus's dec- ily as the ancestor of one of the large Judean clans which
laration in 538 e.c.E. But I Esdras places this return in its returned from the Babylonian exile with Zerubbabel (Ezra
more probable date at the time of King Darius (ca. 522). 2:6; 8:4; 10:30; Neh 3:11; 7:11; 1Esdr5:11; 8:31). Neh
As members of the guild of NETHINIM, the family of 10: 15-Eng 10: 14 names Pahath-Moab as one of the chiefs
Padon would have had a special role in the temple cult, of the people who set his seal to Nehemiah's covenant.
perhaps assisting the Levites (Levine 1963; Weinberg D. G. SCHLEY
1975). Although some scholars consider the Nethinim to
be foreigners or of foreign origin (largely on the basis of
later rabbinic sources), it is more likely that during the PAI (PLACE) [Heb pa'i]. Var. PAU. Residence of the
postexilic period the Nethinim, as cultic personnel, were Edomite king Hadad ( 1 Chr 1:50). See also PAU (PLACE).
neither considered foreigners nor slaves. Rather, like the
Levites, they had been devoted to cultic service the precise
nature of which can no longer be identified. The size of PALACE. Neither the Hebrew OT nor the Greek NT
Padon's family, its origins, and specific role are no longer has a specific word for "palace," although various terms so
discernible. See Blenkinsopp Ezra-Nehemiah OTL; William- translated suggest a structure that was an elite residence
son Ezra, Nehemiah WBC. and at the same time served certain military, judicial, and
even religious functions. For instance, bet hammelek (2 Chr
Bibliography 9: 11 ), "house of the king," denotes what we would call a
Levine, B. A. 1963. The Netinim.JBL 82: 207-12. palace. Similarly, in the NT, aule, literally "hall" or "court,"
Weinberg, J.P. 1975. Nctinim und "Sohne der Sklaven Salomos" im clearly implies in some passages a palace (cf. Matt 26:3;
6-4 Jh. V. u. z. ZAW 87: 355-71. Luke 11 :21).
TAMARA C. ESKENAZI Few actual palaces are known thus far from excavations
in Palestine, and certainly none that compare to the fa-
mous palaces brought to light in ancient Egypt, Syria, and
PAGANS. See NATIONS. Mesopotamia. Ancient Palestine was a marginal region,
relatively poor in material culture in comparison with
Egypt, Syria, and Mesopotamia. It has thus yielded few
PAGIEL (PERSON) [Heb pag'i,el]. The son of Ochran remains of luxurious buildings such as palaces. This brief
and the chief (nasi>, Num 2:27) of the tribe of Asher survey will note the principal structures that might be
during the wilderness sojourn after the Exodus. He is considered "palaces" in the pre-Classical sites and Classical
mentioned only five times in the OT in four different periods (see articles on specific sites for further detail). We
tribal lists. He helped Moses conduct a census of all able- shall regard as a "palace" any unusually large and elabo-
bodied warriors among the Israelites (Num I: 13). He led rate structure that is clearly not an ordinary private dwell-
the tribe of Asher to its proper place on the N side of the ing, especially those whose locations and/or contents and
tabernacle in the Israelite camp (2:27) and to its position furnishings suggest both residential and administrative
in the rear guard when the Israelites prepared to depart functions.
from Mt. Sinai (Num 10:26). He also presented the offer-
ings of the tribe of Asher on the eleventh day of the twelve- A. Bronze Age
day celebration of the dedication of the altar (Num 7:72, 1. The Early Bronze Age (ca. 3400-2000 e.c.). The
77). While the meaning of the name "Pagiel" is uncertain, only truly palatial structure known from the first urban
HALAT (861) suggests that it means "the one who inter- era in the 3d millennium e.c. is the 'Ai palais of Mm.
cedes with God"; Gray (Numbers ICC, 8) proposes the Marquet-Krause (1949), reinvestigated by J. A. Callaway.
meaning: "the lot or fate given by God." See Fig. PAL.OJ and AIP.01. In its initial phase, it no doubt
DALE F. LAUNDERVILLE functioned as a temple, but by EB III (ca. 2600-2400 e.c.)
it had become a citadel-palace, of monumental propor-
tions and excellent stone masonry.
PAHAD. See NAMES OF GOD IN THE OT 2. The Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2000-1500 e.c.). The
phase of urban revival in the early 2d millennium e.c.
produced a number of elaborate structures, possibly the
PAHATH-MOAB (PERSON) [Heb pa?iat-mo,ab]. The residences and also administrative centers for local dynast5
name Pahath-Moab suggests a title, (military) governor of in Palestine's characteristic "city-state" system. "Palace
Moab, rather than a personal name. It is derived from the 7200" adjacent to the city gate at Shechem (Dever 1974) i5
Hebrew word pebfi, meaning military governor, and is a large, two-story colonnaded structure, incorporating a
related to the Akk pabfitulpibfitu of the same meaning. The tripartite temple and located on a public plaza. It resem-
best explanation for the use of Pahath-Moab as a personal bles and even rivals the royal complex of stratum VII at
name is that a person of humble origins rose to a position Alalakh in Syria. Petrie's old "Palace II" at Tell el-'Ajji.il
as governor of Moab and assumed his title in place of his (1931-34) is an impressive multiroomed structure, also
given name. One can only guess that this person was one near the city gate. The largest (and earliest) such stru~ture
of obscure background who achieved this position under is the Ras el-'Ain/Aphek "Palace I" of MB I, with sp.aoous,
David (1 Sam 22:1-2) and became the governor of the thickly plastered rooms and courtyards, and massive col-
v. 57 PALACE

residential. The lower story features an entrance court

with a large water basin, several large work and service
rooms, and a still larger area that is probably an audience
chamber. The administrative function of the Aphek palace
is indicated by its relative wealth of textual remains (for a
Palestinian site), including cuneiform fragments, a lexical
tablet in Akkadian, and a Hittite bu/la. A monumental
building unearthed at Gezer long ago by Macalister along
the N "Inner Walt" may constitute another example, as
does also the badly ruined "Palace 14120" of the modern
excavations.

B. Iron Age .
I. The Iron I Period (ca. 1200-900 e.c.). The periods
of the Israelite settlement and early monarchy have
yielded a few palacelike structures, such as Albright's "for-
tress of King Saul" at Tell el-Ful/Gibeah (Albright 1924;
0
Sinclair 1960; Lapp 1965). More certain are the Solomonic
0
period bit !Jilani-style "Palace 6000" and Building 1723

j (Ussishkin 1973) at Megiddo (both str. VA/IVB)-the latter

n
possibly the residence of the district governor Ba'ana, who
is known from the Hebrew Bible (1 Kgs 4:12). "Palace
10,000" at Gezer is connected with the city gate (Dever
1985 ), like "Palace 6000" at Megiddo, but it is less elabo-
rate; both appear to be more administrative than reside?-
tial, i.e., citadels. The most important Iron I palace m

irr~·······
early Israel would have been, of course, the Royal Palace in
• ~ 0 Jerusalem. This is described in 1 Kgs 7:1-12 (cf. also .2
0
0-0~
R b
J...:..o..oc:::i0oc:>0000 ....... . Sam 5: 11-15 for David's palace), but no trace of this
structure has been (or ever likely will be) discovered. Simi-
lar structures, however, which fit even the details of the
biblical structure, have been found in 9th-8th century
Syria at such sites as Zinjirli (ancient Sam'al) and Tell Ha~af.
Here one finds, as with the Jerusalem temple, a location
on the citadel near the main temple, ashlar (dressed)
masonry construction, etc.
0 10m 2. The Iron II Period (ca. 900-600 e.c.). Similar pal-
----==== aces at regional centers existed during the period of ~he
divided monarchy. In Israel, was the Hazor VIII-V Cita-
PAL.01. Plan of monumental citadel-palace at Ai-EB. (Redrawn from Marquet·
Krause 1949: pl. XCll) del in the upper city, a massive residence-fortress. The
Gezer "Palace 10,000" continued in use, but more as a
residence. The most significant palace in the N kingdom
umn bases that rival or surpass any in contemporary Syria
of Israel was no doubt that of the Omride kings at the
in size. A recently discovered palace at Kabri, in Lower
capitol of Samaria (Crowfoot, Kenyon, and Sukenik 1942),
Galilee, even boasts plastered floors with painted designs.
in the 9th-8th centuries s.c. The royal quarter on the
It is likely that other Middle Bronze Age palaces existed in
Palestine. acropolis was surrounded by a casemate (double) wall. T~e
palace area included a splendid building const_ructe~ m
3. The Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500-1200 s.c.). When
the finest Phoenician ashlar masonry ever found m ancient
Palestine came under Egyptian New Kingdom domination Palestine. Dubbed the "ivory house" by the excavators, this
in the Late Bronze Age-especially in the well-known building yielded more than 500 fragments of carved ivory
"Amarna Age" of about the 14th century s.c.-a number inlays, no doubt from wooden furniture (see Ahab's
of palatial strucwres appeared. Several were clearly pal- "house of ivory" in l Kgs 23:39; cf. "beds of ivory" in
aces, since they were modeled along the lines of Egyptian- Amos 6:40). These are the finest Phoenician-style ivories
style "Governor's Residencies," as E. Oren has shown known from Palestine, and they hint at the luxury goods
(1985). Among the latter are elaborate, multiroomed that once embellished the local palaces but which were
buildings such as those at Beth-shan, Aphek ("Palace l "; almost always looted in antiquity. Just to the W of this
Beck and Kuchavi l 983; 1985 ), Tel Barash VII (Kelm and building was found a group of 63 ostraca, mostly tax
Mazar 1984), Tell esh-Shariya IX (Oren 1982), Tell el-'Ajjul receipts, indicating the administrative functions of the
("Palace Ill") (Petrie 1931-1934), Tel Masos, Tell Jemmeh, palace.
Tell el-l:lesi, Tell el-Far'ah (S), and Deir al-Balah in the In Judah, Ramat Rabel (Aharoni 1962; 1964), on the
Gaza strip. The Aphek palace is exceptional. It has two outskirts of Jerusalem, may have been an auxiliary resi-
stories, the lower no doubt administrative and the upper dence of the kings of Judah; it had splendid ashlar ma-
PALACE 58 • v
sonry, capitols, and balustrades of Phoenician style. Al- and Arazi 1985), a fortress (and also Herod's tomb)'4 miles
bright's "West Buildiii.g" at Tell Beit Mirsim, a !iilani-style SE of Bethlehem, excavated in recent years. An even more
structure built into a city gate, is probably another palace grandiose Herodian palace and desert retreat was erected
(Albright 1932; Albright and Kelso 1943). See Fig. PAL.02. along with other structures, at Masada, on the W shore of
The most monumental Iron II palace in Palestine is the the Dead Sea. Masada was extensively cleared by Y. Yadin
strata V-11 "Residency" at Lachish (Tufnell 1953; Aharoni in 1965-67 (1966) and gives the visitor an unforgettable
1975), an enormous masonry structure with several succes- impression of Herod's ambition and his taste for the Ro-
sive additions, still standing to an impressive height today. man lifestyle.
It continued in use until the Assyrian destructions, and
was even rebuilt in the Persian period. Bibliography
Aharoni, Y. l 962. Excavations al Ramal Rahel, Sea.sons I 959 and
C. Later Palaces 1960. Rome.
There may have been Assyrian or Babylonian palaces in - - . 1964. Excavations al Ramal Rahel, Seasons 1961 and 1962.
Palestine following the destruction of the N and S king- Rome.
doms, but no trace of these has survived, with one possible - - . 1975. Lachish V Tel Aviv.
exception. A large building built in Assyrian-style vaulted Albright, W. F. l 924. Excavations and Results al Tell el-Ful (Gibeah of
mudbrick construction, containing Assyrian "palace ware," Saul). AASOR 4. New Haven.
was found at Tell Jemmeh, possibly ancient Yurza, of the - - . 1932. The Excavation of Tell Beil Mirsim in Palestine, 1. AASOR
8th-7th centuries B.C. 12. New Haven.
The Persian rebuild of the Lachish "Residency" has been Albright, W. F., and Kelso, J. L. 1943. The Excavation of Tell Rezt
mentioned above. The Hellenistic period in Palestine has Mirsim, 3. AASOR 21-22. New Haven.
yielded a number of monumental buildings, but none that Beck, P, and Ko~havi, M. 1983. The Egyptian Governor's Palace al
can be positively identified as a palace. Aphek. Qad 16: 47-51 (in Hebrew).
In the Roman era, the most notable remains of palaces - - . 1985. A Dated Assemblage of the Late 13th Century B.C.E.
are those identified with the well-known building activities from the Egyptian Residency al Aphek. TA 12: 29-42.
of Herod the Great (37-4 B.c.). His principal residence in Crowfoot, J. W.; Kenyon, K. M.; and Sukenik, E. L. 1942. The
Jerusalem is relatively well described by Josephus, and Buildings al Samaria. London.
archaeological investigation has confirmed that it is to be Dever, W. G. 1974. The MBIIC Stratification in the Northwest Gate
identified in the earliest phases of the Citadel, now incor- Area at Shechem. BASOR 216: 31-52.
porated into the Jaffa Gate in the W wall of the Old City. - - . 1985. Solomonic and Assyrian Period "Palaces" at Gezer.
Herod's "Winter Palace" on both banks of the Wadi Qelt, IE] 35: 217-30.
Kelm, G. L., and Mazar, A. 1984. Timnah: A Biblical City in the
W of Jericho, has been investigated by both American and
Sorek Valley. Arch 37: 58-59 +.
Israeli archaeologists (Pritchard 1958; Netzer 1982) and
Lapp, P W. 1965. Tell el-Ful. BA 28: 2-10.
has produced splendid remains of residential areas, court-
Marquet-Krause,]. 1949. Lesfouilles de <Ay (el-Tell). Paris.
yards, and luxurious gardens. See Fig. JER.06. Another
Netzer, E. 1981. Greater Herodium. Qedem 10. Jerusalem.
retreat of Herod's was the Herodium (Netzer 1981; Netzer - - . 1982. Recent Discoveries in the Winter Palace of Second
Temple Times at Jericho. Qad 15: 22-29 (in Hebrew).
Netzer, E., and Arazi, S. 1985. The Tunnels of Herodium. Qad 18:
33-38 (in Hebrew).
Oren, E. 1982. Ziklag: A Biblical City on the Edge of the Negev.
BA 45: 155-66.
- - . 1985. Governors' Residencies in Canaan Under the New
Kingdom: A Case Study of Egyptian Administration. Journal
for the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 14/2: 37-56.
Petrie, W. M. F. 1931-34. Ancient Gaza I-IV London.
Pritchard, J. B. 1958. Excavations at Herodzan]eTicho, l 951. AASOR
32-33. New Haven.
Sinclair, L. A. 1960. An Archaeological Study of Gibeah (Tell el-Ful).
AASOR 34-35: l-52.
Tufnell, 0. 1953. Lachish 3. London.
Ussishkin, D. 1973. King Solomon's Palaces. BA 36: 78-105.
Yadin, Y. 1966. Masada. London.
WILLIAM G. DEVER

PALAEOGRAPHY. Palaeography provides the stu-

dent of the Bible with a tool for studying both the material
culture of ancient civilizations and the religious, political,
and intellectual culture of these societies. By providing a
PAL.02. Plan of "West Building" in bit l]ilani-style at Tell Beit Mirsim-lron II.
sound basis for establishing relative chronologies for
(Redrawn from Albright and Kelso 1943: pl. 6) manuscripts, inscriptions on monuments, potsherds, and
v • 59 PALAEOGRAPHY

coins, palaeography joins with other archaeological evi- and direction of strokes. Subsequent students or appren-
dence in allowing the student to gain a better understand- tices have a new ideal form as their standard. It is this
ing of everyday life in the ancient world. . . . continual modification that allows us to determine typolog-
Palaeography is the study of anoent wntmg with refer- ical sequences over the long term. The more frequent the
ence to the way the letters are formed and how these use of a script or individual letter within the script, the
letters change form over a period of time. There are greater is the possibility of innovations and reinterpreta-
several subcategories within palaeography which are de- tion. More frequent letters will have a faster rate of devel-
fined in relation to the type of material the scribe wrote opment than less frequently used forms.
upon and the tools the scribe used. As a subcategory, However, one cannot study the change in any given letter
palaeography refers to the study of writing drawn with a in isolation from the rest of the letters of the script. Just as
pen or a brush, upon any material which will hold the ink each of us learned that our printed and cursive letters have
or paint, but particularly leather, parchment, papyrus, ideal proportions, spacing, and angular relationships with
paper, and ostraca (Metzger, 1981: 1). Epigraphy refers to the other letters in a word or line, these same considera-
the study of writing carved into nonporous materials such tions must be taken into account. The palaeographer must
as stone, metal, bone. Numismatics refers to the study of create a horizontal script chart which displays examples of
coins; coins often bear an inscription and other symbols or all the letters found in a given manuscript in alphabetical
designs representative of the minting authority. order. The proper proportions, spacing, and angular re-
lationships must be recorded with reference to the ceiling
A. Functions and History or base line used in any given manuscript. The term
Once sufficient evidence is in hand, a palaeographer is "swing" is used for scripts hanging from a ceiling line;
able to establish a typological sequence of the changes "stance" is used for scripts oriented to a base line.
which occur in the form and orientation of the characters Modern English and Hebrew alphabets are drawn in
written by the scribes. Not every newly discovered manu- relationship to a base line. The early Semitic alphabets,
script, inscription, or coin comes with an absolute date including Aramaic, Hebrew, and Phoenician, were drawn
written upon it. But the palaeographer can date the newly hanging from a ceiling line. Often the ceiling or base line
discovered writing on the basis of the relative chronology used by the original scribe is still visible on the manuscript.
that the typological sequence provides. The Palaeo-Hebrew manuscript of Leviticus found in Cave
This makes palaeography an indispensable tool for de- 11 at Qumran (I IQpaleoLev) provides a good example of
tecting forgeries and authenticating genuine manuscripts, the horizontal ceiling and vertical margin lines used by
inscriptions, and coins. The science of palaeography was scribes (Freedman and Mathews 1985: pl. 9).
born out of an attempt to prove the authenticity of the Inscriptions on coins and other media create special
credentials of several Benedictine monasteries through problems for determining the ideal swing or stance envi-
classifying Latin manuscripts by age using handwriting sioned by the engraver. Stones and other natural objects
and other internal evidence. This led to the publication of have limitations of size, and possible flaws; miscalculation
De Re Diplomatica by Jean Mabillon ( 1632-1707) of St. of available space by the engraver further modifies letter
Maur. Mabillon's methodology was soon adapted to the shape and stance or swing. The die cutter has limited
study of Greek manuscripts (Metzger 1981: I). space upon which to put the required inscription on the
With a sufficient base of evidence, one can even identify coin. Letters are often squeezed into odd corners at odd
the work of individual scribes in a number of manuscripts angles. A line of script will start at one angle and finish on
or the hand of specific engravers in a number of different another. A script chart for a Hasmonean coin might show
coin dies. An example of this is found in the palaeographic extreme variations of swing or shape of letters owing to
and numismatic study of the abundant Hasmonean coin- the engraver's attempt to use available space. The palaeog-
age (ca. 103-37 B.c.) available for study. At least twelve rapher must recognize that such variations have no bearing
different engravers made dies for the Hasmonean rulers on the development of the script. Also, a common numis-
(McLean 1982: 111). matic convention of writing the inscription around the
circumference of the coin makes the establishment of an
B. Methodology and Techniques orientation line difficult.
The palaeographer tries to envision the ideal form Perhaps the most important development in palaeogra-
which the scribe or engraver was trying to achieve. The phy is the continuing work of perfecting techniques in
scribe had in mind a basic form with a certain sequence infrared and microphotography, computer enhancement,
and direction of strokes, and had some understanding of and digital recording of images. One of the scholars in the
the proper proportions of the character to be produced, forefront of these developments is Prof. Bruce Zucker-
whatever the actual outcome might be. The feature of man, director of the West Semitic Research Project of the
human nature that allows us to use typological analysis for University of Southern California. One of the major goals
scripts, pottery, and art forms is that the individual exe- of the project is to make good-quality photographs of West
cution of the "ideal form" is different each time. No person Semitic inscriptions available to the whole scholarly com-
signs_ his or her name exactly the same way each time. Yet munity (Coughlin 1987). Standard photography has made
th_e signature must be recognizable. Therefore the range reproductions of manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins avail-
of to_lerated variation is limited in any given instance. able to the beginning and experienced palaeographer that
It is the innovations, whether accidental or deliberate in would otherwise be unavailable because of the cost of travel
the actual production of a form which result in reinter~re­ and the restrictions of various institutions on access to
tallon of the form, its proportions, and even the sequence their collections.
PALAEOGRAPHY 60. v
The use of photographic materials, however, is not with- form of Pelaliah, which means "Yahweh has interposed/
out its dangers. PhOtographs of manuscripts do not pose ju.dged" (Brockington Ezra, Nehemiah and Esther Century
too much of a problem. But a photograph of an inscription Bible, 143). Pala! was the son of Uzai.
or a coin involves reducing a three-dimensional object to a MICHAEL L. RUFFIN
two-dimensional reproduction. The position of the cam-
era, the angle and type of lighting, the amount of relief in
the original inscription or coin result in different images
being recorded. The best palaeographic analysis remains PALEO-HEBREW SCRIPT. See HEBREW
dependent on access to as many of the original artifacts as SCRIPTS.
is possible. The palaeographer can turn the objects to get
different lighting effects and identify distortions caused
by lighting that might be impossible to detect in a photo- PALEOLITHIC. See PREHISTORY.
graph.
The use of original coins or inscriptions does not com-
pletely solve the problem; the making of a script chart
once again involves reducing a three-dimensional charac- PALEOPATHOLOGY. The study of ancient health
ter to two dimensions. This reinforces the earlier observa- and disease in man and animals from the evidence of
tion that the palaeographer must be able to envision the archaeological remains. While the term "paleopathology"
ideal form behind the actual form which the scribe or itself is often thought to have been coined by Armand
engraver produced. Naturally, the palaeographer is lim- Ruffer early this century, it is clear that it was used in
ited by what she sees, or thinks she sees. dictionaries as early as 1895 (Moodie 1921: 21 ), and as
This interpretation and reproduction of what the pa- early as 1892 in articles dealing specifically with the subject
laeographer perceives means palaeography is both a sci- (Zimmerman and Kelley 1982: l). The terms "pathology"
ence and an art. Therefore, the value of palaeographic and "pathologies" are still often used incorrectly in the
analysis is dependent on the quantity of material available sense of "lesion(s)" or "disease process(es)," rather than
for comparison. The methodology, techniques, and abili- correctly to mean the study of such conditions (see the
ties of the palaeographer are crucial. The information Editorial 1985 ). The field of paleopathology is very broad
gleaned from palaeography is vital for creating, supple- and includes the study of disease processes in plants, lower
menting, or debunking relative chronologies or absolute and higher animals, and hominids from the earliest eras
darings not only for writings, but also for pottery and from which there is evidence to the recent historical past.
other archaeological artifacts. It is useful for determining One can find paleopathological studies on a variety of
the authenticity of manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins. specimens-evidence of fungal parasitism in fossil plants,
traumatic lesions in ancient crustaceans, fractures and
Bibliography arthritis in dinosaurs, osseous lesions in extinct cave bears
Avigad, N. 1958. The Palaeography of the Dead Sea Scrolls and and bison, dental attrition among Neanderthals, and a
Related Documents. Aspects of the Dead Sea Scrolls. ScrHier 4. myriad of paleopathologic studies on recent man (Tasnadi-
Jerusalem. Kubacska 1962; Moodie 1921 ). The present discussion will
Coughlin, E. K. 1987. Cameras, Computers Help to Decipher necessarily focus on human paleopathology as it concerns
Ancient Texts. Chronicle of Higher Education 34/ 11: A6-A9. the biblical world.
Cross, F. M. 1968. The Phoenician Inscription from Brazil. A
Nineteenth-Century Forgery. Or 37: 437-60.
Freedman, D. N., and Mathews, K. I 985. The Paleo-Leviticus Scroll A. History and Development of Paleopathology
( 11 Qpaleolev). Philadelphia.
I. Prior to ca. 1850
Herr, L. G. I 978. The Scnpts of Ancient Northwest Semitic Seals. HSM 2. From ca. 1850 to ca. 1930
18. Missoula, MT. 3. From ca. 1930 to ca. 1960
Lidzbarski, M. 1898. Handbuch der Nordsemitischen Epigraphik. 2 vols. 4. From ca. 1960 to the Present
Weimar. B. The Nature of the Evidence
McCartcr, P. K., Jr. 1975. The Antiquity of the Greek Alphabet and the l. Decarnated Skeletal Remains, Including Teeth
Early Phoenician Scripts. HSM 9. Missoula, MT. 2. Preserved Soft Tissues and Hair
McLean, M. l 982. The Use and Development of Palaeo-Hebrew in 3. Blood, Biological Pigments, and Stains of Biologicai
the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. Ph.D. Diss., Harvard. Origin
Metzger, B. l 981. Manuscripts of the Greek Bible: An Introduction to 4. Coprolites, Soil from the Burial, and Ancient Cess·
Palaeography. New York. pits
Naveh, J. I 970. The Development of the Aramaic Scripts. Jerusalem. 5. Foreign Objects Associated with Grave Contents
Zuckerman, B. 1987. Puzzling Out the Past: Making Sense of Ancient 6. Fabricated Cultic, Artistic, and Other Fashioned
Inscriptions from Biblical Times. Los Angeles. Artifacts
MARK D. McLEAN C. Pseudopathological Changes in Human Remains
D. Animal Paleopathology
E. Are Archaeological Human Remains a Biohazard?
PALAL (PERSON) [Heb paliil]. One of those who worked F. The Paleopathologist
on the wall of Jerusalem following the return from Baby- G. Paleopathology and Reburial Laws
lonian exile (Neh 3:25). His name may be a shortened H. Paleopathology and Archaeology of the Biblical World
v • 61 PALEO PATHOLOGY

I. Observations on Health and Disease Applicable to the 1800s, notably with the appearance in 1844 of such works
Biblical World as S. G. Morton's Crania Egyptiaca (Brothwell 1968: l).
J. Conclusion Interest in skeletal remains would continue through the
century, with the development of several models and the-
A. History and Development of Paleopathology ories concerning the various races of man as early under-
The science of paleopathology appears to have emerged stood and characterized from skeletal remains, especially
nearly simultaneously in America and Europe near the the skull.
turn of the century from out of its early beginnings in the 2. From ca. 1850 to ca. 1930. From the mid-l800s to
late 18th century and early 19th century, with work based roughly 1930, human paleopathology in the biblical world
largely upon specimens indigenous to each hemisphere. It continued to center largely on mummified human and
seems valid to speak of paleopathology in the narrower fauna) remains from Egypt. Austrian physician Johann
sense of the biblical world as its development is directly Czermak (1828-1873), who perfected the early laryngo-
related to British and European advances in paleopathol- scope, published the first microscopic anatomical and his-
ogy which were early based almost entirely upon human tological observations on mummified organs and tissues in
and animal remains from Egypt. The history of paleopath- 1852 (Dawson and Uphill 1972: 75). Among many other
ology in the biblical world might be outlined as follows (for figures of importance in this period are physician D. M.
a worldwide perspective, see Pales 1930; Armelagos et al. Fouquet ( 1850-1914) (whose work on mummies was influ-
1971; Buikstra and Cook 1980; and Angel 1981 ). ential but contained many errors), and French naturalist
1. Prior to ca. 1850. Before the mid-1800s, interest in Louis Charles Lortet (1836-1909), who continued work
human paleopathology ultimately emerged from curiosity on mummified fauna of Egypt. Toward the turn of the
and interest in the mummies which accompanied the flow century and later, human paleopathology in the biblical
of antiquities from Egypt into Europe and Great Britain. world was largely a British affair focused upon Egypt with
And indeed, human paleopathology is to a large extent landmark contributions by anthropologists G. Elliot Smith
the spawn of formative Egyptian archaeology. Already by (1871-1937) and Frederic Wood-Jones (1879-1954) dur-
1662, German naturalist Andreas Gryphius (1616-1664) ing the archaeological survey of Nubia, the first and largest
had published an anatomical treatise on two mummies systematic pathological survey of ancient human remains
which, however, stemmed from his preoccupation with to date (Smith and Wood-Jones 1910).
mystery, ritual, and death (Neveux 1964). This early gen- Under the direction of Egyptologist Margaret Murray
eral curiosity surrounding Egyptian mummies soon devel- (1863-1963), the first serious interdisciplinary approach
oped into a more serious interest in their anatomy and to the dissection and medical study of a mummy was made
health. In 1765, English physician John Hadley (1731- in 1907 before an audience at the Manchester Museum
1764) published a scientific description of an Egyptian (Murray 1910). English pathologist Marc Armand Ruffer
mummy belonging to the Royal Society (Dawson and Up- (1859-1917) made many important early contributions to
hill 1972: 130). And in America as well, surgeon John C. descriptive paleopathology and the scientific study of
Warren (1778-1856) of the Massachusetts General Hospi- mummified human tissues, and is commonly regarded as
tal described a Ptolemaic period mummy in 1821 (Dawson the "Father of Paleopathology," although others such as
and Uphill 1972: 298). A number of such accounts fol- Pales have applied this epithet to the great Rudolph Vir-
lowed by physicians and others who had either acquired chow (ascribing to him "la paternite de la paleopatholo-
mummies locally or had purchased them as tourists in gie," and more accurately, it seems, calling Ruffer "le
Egypt. Typical of the increasingly scientific and medical grand animateur" [Pales, 1930: 7, 13]). During the last
nature of early paleopathology, English physician A. B. part of the 19th century, Virchow reported on a broad
Granville (1783-1872) published in 1825 an account of a group of paleopathological specimens ranging from early
Persian period mummy in which he observed a cystaden- prehistoric mammals and hominids to the specifics of the
oma of the ovary. The report of the mummy and its hair of Egyptian mummies, quite aside from the fact that
unwrapping is still useful reading (Dawson and Uphill some of his conclusions were later shown to be incorrect.
1972: 77). Particularly important in this period is the work Ruffer's contributions were nevertheless a major landmark
of surgeon Thomas J. Pettigrew (1791-1865), who studied in paleopathological method also. While the first histolog-
a particularly large number of mummies and produced ical studies on mummified tissue dates to the work of
his History of Egyptian Mummies in 1834, recently reprinted Czermack in 1852, Ruffer left a lasting imprint on the
(Pettigrew 1834). This work was an early landmark in field with pioneering work which employed relatively mod-
paleopathology as well as being the first book written in ern histological techniques on mummified tissues and also
England on the archaeology of Egypt (Dawson 1934). It with the formulation of the so-called Ruffer's Solution.
contained, by the standards of the day, many important This histologic reagent is used in the rehydration of mum-
observat10ns of mummification, anatomy, and other issues mified human tissues, although the formula has been
of mterest to the paleopathologist. Serious accounts of slightly modified in recent years (Sandison 1955, and oth-
mummie_s _also began to appear early in the century from ers). A number of Ruffer's papers were collected and
nonphys1C1ans such as German anthropologist Johann F. reprinted after his death (Sandison 1967; Moodie 1921 ).
Blumenbach, one of the early founders of the science of Characteristics of this period is the descriptive paleo-
physical anthropology, and English historian William Os- pathology of human remains, centering largely on trauma,
burn (Dawson and Uphill 1972: 31, 219). skeletal lesions, and early interest in infectious diseases,
Similarly, while studies of the human skeleton also dated especially syphilis, which was then incorrectly diagnosed
back to the 1600s, detailed work did not appear until the in human remains from early Egypt by Lortet, Zambaco
PALEO PATHOLOGY 62 • v
Pasha, and others (Lortet 1907; Zambaco Pacha 1897). struction of museum specimens previously associated with
Also, the period is marked by the first application in the gross dissection of autopsies. The facial reconstruction
paleopathology of several scientific methods and technol- techni~ues of forensic m~dicine have been usefully applied
ogies. Flinders Petrie, for instance, utilized X-ray studies to ancient human remams as well (David 1978). Indeed,
on mummies just three years after its application in medi- the blossoming of paleopathology in recent years holds
cine (Petrie 1898). great promise for unprecedented discoveries and advances
3. From ca. 1930 to ca. 1960. It has been stated that the in our ability to extract knowledge from human remains.
years of ca. 1930-1960 reflect a period of relative stagna- Achievements such as the successful cloning of ancient
tion in paleopathology worldwide (Buikstra and Cook Egyptian mummy DNA in the modern laboratory demon-
1980). This was due in part to the criticism of several strates the potential for obtaining direct knowledge of the
established racial osteometric models and theories and the biological nature and makeup of the ancient inhabitants
subsequent shift of interest away from the study of bones of the biblical world (Paabo 1985 ).
to the study of living populations in anthropological circles Examples of what can be accomplished by interdiscipli-
(Brothwell 1968: 2). However, work did not cease entirely. nary teams employing modern techniques can be seen
Among the contributions of this period could be men- from the efforts of Rosalie David, whose team conducted
tioned a number of papers by Douglas Derry on a variety a thorough interdisciplinary mummy autopsy at the Man-
of paleopathological subjects (see Armelagos et al. 1971) chester Museum, in the tradition established by Margaret
or the important work of British physician William C. Murray (David 1978; David and Tapp 1984). Important
Boyd, who surveyed a large number of mummies in the also is the more recent team study of the mummy of
first large-scale effort to determine blood groups from Ramesses II, which was flown to France for the application
associated ancient mummified tissues (Boyd and Boyd of a battery of modern diagnostic procedures, then steril-
1934; Boyd and Boyd, 1937). Also, in 1931 Moodie pub- ized by gamma radiation before being returned to Cairo
lished X-ray studies of seventeen Egyptian mummies. How- (Balout and Roubet 1985 ).
ever, aside from various individual studies, no attempts However, with advances in techniques and technologies
were made at assembling a major synthesis of paleopath- is associated the increasing cost of paleopathological re-
ologic knowledge on a scale such as those which had been search and the difficulty in applying some techniques to
produced earlier in the century by Moodie or Pales. large numbers of specimens. From a practical standpoint,
4. From ca. 1960 to the Present. Since about 1960 and much that is potentially available for use in paleopathology
more recently, and paralleling progress in technology and is usually unavailable in the field to the archaeologist and
anthropological theory, there have been numerous ad- paleopathologist. Advances in diagnostic technology which
vances in the field of paleopathology with an increase in are relatively common in medicine are often applied only
the number of paleopathologic subspecialties as well. The exceptionally to archaeologic period human remains. Un-
increase in the number of published reports on human fortunately, paleopathology in the archaeological setting
remains since about 1960 is notable (cf. Bass 1979). Several still relies largely on descriptive osteological studies with
important syntheses and collections of paleopathologic specialized study of smaller specimens or portions of spe-
knowledge have appeared, although none have dealt spe- cimens which can be studied at, or taken from, the site.
cifically with the biblical world (e.g., Brothwell and Sandi-
son 1967; Broth well 1968; Janssens 1970; Steinbock 1976; B. The Nature of the Evidence
Cockburn and Cockburn 1980; Ortner and Putschar 198 l; The various specimens obtained from archaeological
Cohen and Armelagos 1984; David 1986; Zimmerman and excavations from which paleopathologic data are obtained
Angel 1986; others). Work on the histology of dessicated may be grouped as follows:
and mummified tissues has been advanced with the ap- 1. Decarnated Skeletal Remains, Including Teeth. Skel-
pearance of a paleohistological atlas and a number of etal remains are the most frequently encountered human
detailed studies on the microstructure and staining char- remains in biblical archaeology. A large variety of evidence
acteristics of preserved soft tissues (Zimmerman and Kel- can be obtained from the skeleton, such as information
ley 1982). A radiographic survey of 133 mummies from regarding the age, sex (still difficult or impossible with
museums in Europe and Britain was made by Gray in 1967 immature specimens), stature of the individual, identifica-
(Gray 1967), and an X-ray atlas and new pathological study tion of blood groups, relative health, and the existence of
of the royal mummies in the Cairo Museum has appeared certain general disease processes, evidence of parturition
(Harris and Wente 1980). Several specialized studies have (past childbirth), the presence of accidental and inflicted
provided vast improvements in the diagnostic criteria for trauma, dietary information and nutritional status, several
the evidence of several diseases in skeletal remains, espe- nonspecific markers for biological stress, and information
cially syphilis (Hackett 1976), and leprosy (Moller-Chris- about certain social customs (i.e., changes in bones owing
tensen 1961; 1978). Major advances have been made in the to frequent kneeling). Often, evidence of specific diseas~s
area of paleonutrition providing several new nonspecific can be detected such as arthritis, leprosy, tuberculosis,
skeletal indicators of metabolic stresses. Technological ad- treponemal infections, septic infection (pyogenic osteo-
vances have provided medical diagnostic tools and tech- myelitis), certain anemias and metabolic bone diseases, and
niques which have been of importance to paleopathology malignancies and tumorlike processes (Steinbock 1.976). A
such as CAT (computed axial tomography) and scanning number of nonspecific indicators may be found smgly or
of human remains, and fiber optics, which allow the study together in skeletal remains to suggest the presenc.e of
of body cavities and the sampling of the internal tissues of stress and disease, such as early age at death, Harns Imes,
mummified coroses without the unacceotable massive de- dental crowding, dental hypoplasias, or thin long bone
v. 63 PALEO PATHOLOGY

cortices. When large numbers of burials are found, popu- can reveal extraordinary information. Dessicated ancient
lations may be profiled and defined by the application of blood-indeed, the survival of even intact erythrocytes of
osteometric analysis to the skeletons. several thousand years age has been demonstrated (Zim-
The information gained from skeletal material depends merman 1973)-<:ontains much potential information con-
upon many factors, most important being the presence of cerning the person to whom it belonged, at least the blood
a complete skeleton in good condition. However, much type (groups A, B, 0, M, and N, usually excluding the Rh
may still be learned from fragmentary skeletal remains as antigens, which are unstable over time) if not the manner
well. In fact, the probable sex, relative age, and an estimate in which the blood might have been shed. Wounds sus-
of the stature of an ancient person may be determinable tained before death may cause bloodstains on associated
from a single recovered bone. An example of the wealth bone (Wood-Jones l 908a). Also, the discovery and proper
of data which can be extracted from an incomplete, poorly analysis of the pink-colored bones from the cemeteries at
preserved, prehistoric skeleton in the hands of competent Qumran revealed dietary practices among the monks at
osteologists is seen in the recent and superb analysis of the Qumran which are unattested by any of the published
paleolithic period skeleton from Wadi Kubbaniya, Egypt Dead Sea Scrolls or archaeological artifacts (Steckoll et al.
(Close 1986). The presence of a healthy skeleton does not 1971 ). The presence of bright yellow hematoidin on a
eliminate the presence of disease since most acute illnesses femur from Tell esh-Shuqafiya, Egypt, is proof of the
and conditions resulting in death leave no imprint upon presence of an old wound and a subsequent nonacute or
the bones. Teeth also may provide evidence of the age of nonsudden death in the individual a few weeks after the
the individual, the quality of the diet, and several nonspe- wound was sustained (Jones 1988). However, quite unreli-
cific indicators of nutritional stress and growth distur- able are the conclusions drawn from the study of red-
bances (Price et al. 1985). Occasionally, evidence of certain stained bedrock during the excavations at Bethel which
social customs and occupations is present in teeth such as attempt to link it with blood shed by sacrificial victims on
grooves in the teeth of weavers who pulled fibers from the a Canaanite altar (Kelso 1968).
mouth, etc. 4. Coprolites, Soil from the Burial, and Ancient Cess-
2. Preserved Soft Tissues and Hair. With the survival pits. Recent broadened interests in human paleopathology
of soft tissues is often preserved information regarding now require an examination of the soil of the burial,
the specific health of that particular tissue, and thus cer- especially the soil in the pelvic and abdominal areas, for
tain implications may be drawn for the health of the the presence of coprolites, or ancient fecal remains. Fecal
individual. Important advances in the study of preserved remains may be found as part of the individual grave soil
tissues have been made in recent years (Zimmerman 1979; or in masses in ancient pit toilets. Archaeologic fecal re-
Zimmerman and Kelley 1982), and it is from Egypt that mains may contain direct evidence of the diet of ancient
we have the greatest amount of knowledge in this regard. man, data on the domestication of plants and the use of
Zimmerman, for example, has shown the wealth of data wild plant foods, the presence of hair and bone of animal
extractable from preserved soft tissues in a recent study of and fish origin used as food, evidence of ancient technol-
a small group of mummies which demonstrated the pres- ogies, the season of defecation of the specimen deter-
ence of tuberculosis, anthracosis (the accumulation of car- mined from seasonally specific food remains, as well as
bon particles from inhaled smoke from cooking fires, etc.), data on the microbiological and parasitic inhabitants of
severe atherosclerosis, a rare ancient occurrence of a be- the human or animal alimentary tract. The soil from the
nign dermatofibroma of the skin on the heel of one pelvis and burial may also contain urinary parasites or
mummy, cases of spina bifida, and an infected but healed various materials inserted into the rectum of the individual
fracture (Zimmerman 1977). Work on the histology of for medicinal or magical purposes prior to death. Unfor-
mummified tissue has shown that many preserved tissues tunately, much less may be learned concerning nutrition
and lesions retain most of the characteristics comparable from fecal analysis owing simply to the fact that it is
to freshly processed tissues of the same type. However, difficult or impossible to assess the nutritional value of
some inflammatory reactions (and associated neutrophils), foods assimilated by the body from the undigestible fibers
areas of hemorrhage, malignancies of the colon, and evi- and residues which are not assimilated. Many problems
?ence of acute myocardial infarction are poorly preserved remain in the study of coprolites such as the difficulty in
m mummified tissues (Zimmerman 1979; Zimmerman and determining if a sample is of human versus animal origin,
Kelley 1982). and various quantitative and qualitative assessments im-
Hair is important for the assessment of the nutritional plied by the indigestible remains present in the coprolite.
status of the individual and for racial and population Attempts at culturing and recovering viable ancient hu-
profiles (e.g., Hrdy 1978). The color of preserved hair man intestinal microorganisms from coprolites have failed
must be interpreted cautiously especially when red-brown repeatedly (see, Wilke and Hall 197 5; Bryant 197 4 and
and near-blond colors are encountered in populations references).
where dark and black hair is to be expected. Factors such With regard to the biblical world, paleofecal studies are
as the oxidation of pigments, damage to the hair, the very few. One analysis of coprolite specimens from caves
process of mummification, or fungal invasion of the hair near the Dead Sea dating to the late Second Temple
shaft are all known to alter the color of hair. period, suggest the presence, perhaps commonly, of Enta-
~· .Blood, Biological Pigments, and Stains of Biological moeba histolytica, Giardia lamblia, and Chilomastix mesnili. All
Ongm. Blood and other biological stains are encountered three are common intestinal protozoa in developing coun-
mfrequently in archaeology and in the past were often tries, the first two of which may cause diarrhea and abdom-
ignored. However, when properly studied, such material inal complaints but also may be life-threatening, the latter
PALEOPATHOLOGY

being a harmless protozoan inhabitant on the colon (Wi- cally mal~~rmed foot. Babata, it appears, was crippled and
tenberg 1961 ). Several studies of Egyptian coprolites have had a vmbly deformed foot, the shape of which was
provided some data on food items and ancient parasites reflected in her sandal, a disability she bore her entire life.
from various periods (Cockburn et al. 1975; Smith and S~e likely had the noticeable limp of a cripple, and cer-
Wood-Jones 1910: 181-220; Netolitzky 1911; 1912). tamly she could not run well. See LAME, LAMENESS.
Occasionally, other biological artifacts are recovered None of Babata's skeletal remains have yet been identified
with the burial soil such as tissue and arterial calcifications, (Yadin 1963; 1971).
urinary and gall stones, and echinococcal cysts, among
others.
C. Pseudopathological Changes in Human Remains
5. Foreign Objects Associated with Grave Contents.
Burials may contain durable objects which provide consid- An area of paleopathology of which we still know little is
erable evidence for the paleopathologist. Among these the study of false diseaselike lesions or changes in human
may be weapons embedded within a portion of the skele- remains which are due to factors in the burial environment
ton such as arrowheads (Pahl 1983), the remains of rope and therefore occur post mortem. Relatively common are
nooses and garrotes (Wood-Jones I 908b), crucifixion nails such changes as bending or warping of long bones due to
(Zias and Sekeles 1985), the presence of splints or bandag- grave soil pressure over time, tracks along bones made by
ing (Smith l 908b), and many other items. roots or insects which mimic venous imprints in bone, or
6. Fabricated Cultic, Artistic, and Other Fashioned scratches and erosions due to carnivorous animals, all of
Artifacts. While this group of artifacts easily may fall which may appear pathologic in their origin (Wells 1967).
within other spheres of study such as the history of medi- Such alterations in skeletal remains may be particularly
cine, sociology, cult, or myth, they often have relevance enigmatic-at times one may not be sure if certain lesions
directly to paleopathology as well. Various objects found in on ancient bone represent disease processes or are the
association with human habitation and burials sometimes result of innumerable environmental factors. One of the
preserve replicas or images of certain human activities of most important examples of pseudopathological changes
medical importance or portrayals of pathological condi- in human bone being interpreted as truly pathological are
tions. However, such artifacts must be interpreted with the past alt.empts of several physicians to see the existence
caution. For example, from Egypt, the painted limestone of syphilis anciently in skulls from Egypt dating many
statue of the dwarf Khnumhotep (Egyptian Museum no. centuries earlier (even to the late Predynastic period of
160), the granite sarcophagus lid with the portrait of its Egypt) than any previously known from any part of the
dwarf occupant Djehor (Egyptian Museum no. 1294), or world (Fouquet 1896; Zambaco Pacha 1897; Lortet 1907;
the statuette group of the dwarf Seneb with his wife others). These pseudo-syphilitic bony changes of the skull
(Egyptian Museum no. 6055) prove the existence of achon- resembled true syphilitic changes so closely that the claims
droplastic dwarfism in ancient Egypt, agreeing impor- of ancient syphilis in Egypt remained unchallenged for
tantly with the literary and artistic evidence from ancient more than a decade until it was shown that such changes
Egypt as attested by many examples (Ruffer 1911 = were actually due to a combination of the effects of insects
Moodie 1921: 35-48; Dawson 1938). However, the claim and sandy burials upon the skull (Smith 1908a).
of Yoeli (1955 and 1968), that a single Canaanite figurine A more recent example is the question of the true
dated to the 14th century B.C. portrays the facies leonis of incidence of ochronosis in ancient Egypt. Several claims
advanced leprosy at such an early date runs counter to for its existence were called into question only because
current knowledge of that disease in antiquity. Also, sev- ochronosis in modern times is a rare autosomal recessive
eral ancient portrayals of the Pharaoh Akhenaten have condition. X-ray films of the intervertebral discs of Egyp-
stimulated much discussion about several possible diseases tian mummies often present an impression indistinguish-
he may have had although his mummy itself has not yet able from the densification of the intervertebral spaces
been found (Aldred and Sandison 1962). characteristic of alkaptonuric ochronosis seen in modern
Another area which holds some potential in anthropol- examples, and thus several claims for the common exis-
ogy, genetics, and paleopathology is the study of ancient tence of ochronosis in ancient Egypt have now been shown
fingerprints left on pottery by the potter, pressed into the to be the result of artifacts owing to the processes of
insides of bivalve molded figurines, pottery, etc. Finger- mummification (Sandison 1968; Vyhanek and Strouhal
prints on various objects uncovered by the archaeologist 1976).
are a relatively common discovery, but little study has been
made of these important sources of ancient dermato-
glyphs. D. Animal Paleopathology
More directly applicable to the biblical world is the Much of the present discussion may be relevant to the
unusual case of the famous woman Babata from the time paleopathology of animal remains. Ancient animals also
of Bar Kokhba, whose artifacts were found in the so-called may be found to have had arthritis, broken bones, and
Cave of Letters in Nahal Hever. Her possessions included other diseases, although the impact of such discoveries is
a basket (her "purse") which contained such traditional often minor or insignificant in archaeological terms. How-
feminine objects as scraps of cloth, a mirror, household ever, other findings are clearly more applicable to the
items, and various personal documents. Also recovered archaeological setting. Among the more important aspects
were two important and telling artifacts, her sandals. One of animal paleopathology are the evidences of man-in-
sandal had a normal sole pattern, but the other was pecu- flicted wounds associated with hostilities, animal sacrifice,
liarly shaped to conform to the outline of her pathologi- etc. (Holladay 1982).
v. 65 PALEOPATHOLOGY

E. Are Archaeological Human Remains a Biohazard? ical material used in this article mention the frustration of
The issue of biohazardous risk associated with archaeo- time restrictions and reburial requirements attached to the
logical period biological evidence has been raised occasion- study of human remains. Such laws also prevent the re-
ally, most recently with regard to the smallpox virus. study of osteological samples years after an initial assess-
Smallpox was eradicated worldwide by 1979, but some ment. One possible effect of this is seen in a recent crani-
have cautioned that viable smallpox virus particles may be ometric restudy of skulls from Lachish which determined
entombed in potential reservoirs such as the mummy of that only 39 percent of the specimens had been assessed
Rameses V, which is covered with smallpox pustules (Meers correctly in the initial study performed soon after their
1985). However, the infectious risks associated with archae- excavation. Had these skulls been reburied instead of
ologic human remains appear to be extremely small, gen- deposited in the British Museum of Natural History, much
erally speaking. Smallpox virus particles have not been of our data on the population at Lachish derived from
proven viable after more than a year in dormancy. It is these skulls would have remained forever incorrect (Keita
often difficult or impossible to culture viable organisms 1988).
from mummy viscera, or matter from ancient pit toilets Local religious and cultural sensitivities often even pre-
which musr have initially received a variety of contagious vent the excavation of human remains from their ancient
organisms. However, there are few studies of this question burial sites. And so, for example, important sources of
and presently there are no established guidelines regard- data for the anthropology and paleopathology of the an-
ing the biohazardous potential of archaeologic period hu- cient Jews, such as the Jericho necropolis containing many
man remams. thousands of burials, or the cemeteries at Qumran contain-
ing approximately 1200 burials, still remain largely un-
F. The Paleopathologist studied except for a few samplings (Hachlili et al. 1981;
During the early days of paleopathology, the paleopa- Steckoll 1967-69; Haas and Nathan 1967-69; Steckoll et
thologist (although many early researchers in ancient dis- al. 1971 ). One can appreciate and understand the many
ease process never thought of themselves in such terms) religious, social, and traditional motivations underlying
was most often an anthropologist or physician, but some- the establishment of reburial laws, but clearly, the dead
times an historian, antiquarian, or chemist. At the present can only speak to us and tell us of their ancient lives when
day, and reflecting the diverse nature of diagnostic tech- their remains are accessible for careful and reverent study
niques and technologies, the paleopathologist, now more by sympathetic modern scientists. Many ancient people
than ever, represents many fields and orientations-most still wait to speak. That skeletal remains may be housed in
often anthropologists and archaeologists specializing in museums is only to their honor rather than the compara-
osteology and paleopathology, and physicians who may tive anonymity of a cursory examination and haphazard
represent such specialties as pathology and radiography. reburial.
Also, one often finds paleopathological studies, especially
in team efforts, which include the work of biochemists, H. Paleopathology and Archaeology of the Biblical
microbiologists, demographers, forensic artists, and many World
others. Such diversity in paleopathologic science is its ma- It is only in recent years that human and animal remains
jor strength and this interdisciplinary nature of paleopath- from archaeological excavations have begun to receive the
ology will only increase in the future. However, the paleo- attention they deserve. Today, it is apparent that paleo-
pathologist must necessarily bridge several fields, no pathology often touches upon issues which relate directly
matter what one's initial training might be. The paleopa- to biblical period history, problems, and personalities.
thologist must understand human physiology and pathol- Some random examples of this applicability might include
ogy, the concepts of diagnostic osteology (often not the the following out of many possible examples.
same as that of modern surgical pathology), or such fields Without question, the best evidence for the paleopa-
as paleoenvironment, biochemistry, and many others, thologist is to be found in mummified human remains
while at the same time being aware of the requirements of where the skeleton as well as some or all of the soft tissues
s?lid archaeological technique and the elements and prin- are preserved. In this regard, we know that Merneptah,
ciples of accurate history. It is to be expected, therefore, the probable Pharaoh of the Exodus, had severe periodon-
that paleopathological studies may occasionally vary m tal disease and had lost all of his upper maxillary teeth in
quality. the molar-bicuspid regions, leaving only his frontal teeth
with which to chew food. He also had extensive arterioscle-
G. Paleopathology and Reburial Laws rosis and was obese (Harris and Wente 1980: 330, 294). A
Without question, the greatest obstacle to the paleopa- restudy of male skulls from ancient Lachish has provided
thologist is the established laws and regulations in most new confirmation of the multinational population sug-
modern countries of the biblical world which require re- gested by data from the Bible and excavations at the site
burial of excavated ancient human remains. The implica- (Keila 1988).
tions of such regulations are many, such as greatly restrict- Paleopathological studies of human skeletal remains
ing t~e lengt~ o.f time permitted for the study of human from the ancient Middle East have yet to demonstrate the
remams, restnclion of the application of special techniques existence of leprosy and syphilis in the ancient biblical
and technologies to the specimens, or elimination of the world before the 6th century A.D., although some biblical
opportunity for future study of problems which were not translations of and commentaries on Leviticus 13 and 15
Wuched upon initially in the field. For example, the reader have led many to believe that it existed at an earlier date.
will note that many of the references to studies of osteolog- See LEPROSY; DISCHARGE. A skeleton from the Abba
PALEO PATHOLOGY 66. v
cave at Giv<at ha-Mivtar, thought to be that of one of the jority of specime_ns ~ate from the metal ages, superficial
Maccabean heroes and which possessed evidence of s~udy and r~portmg m the past "again makes comprehen-
wounds which generally agreed with that reported of his sive comparisons tenuous" (Rathbun 1984: 138). However,
death, has been shown with reasonable probability by s~veral skeletal markers for inadequate or periodic nutri-
modern paleopathologists to be the remains of a woman tional stress~s are present in remains from earlier periods,
who had sustained a sword wound to the face post mortem as 1s generalized dental attrition, especially in earlier speci-
(Smith 1977). Important new contributions to our previ- mens and in the Neanderthal remains. Bronze and Iron
ously sketchy knowledge of the methods of crucifixion Age skulls from some sites show a very high incidence (40
have also been reported (Zias and Sekeles 1985 and refer- percent) of advanced otitis media or inner ear infections
ences). and resultant sequelae with a presumably high incidence
Populations of several periods in ancient Israel have of associated deafness. Trauma, often violent in origin, was
been osteometrically profiled (Arensburg 1973; Nathan evident in four of six Shanidar Neanderthals and 15 per-
1961; Smith and Zias 1980; Arensburg and Rak 1985; cent of metal age specimens. Osteoarthritic changes were
others), and for example, the Jewish population during common in all specimens and the average age at death was
the Second Temple period has been described as generally low (Rathbun 1984).
of a robust short to medium stature, having brachycranic From Egypt, there are of a host of studies, too many to
to mesocranic skulls, with short broad faces. Jewish fami- be properly sampled here owing to space considerations.
lies of this period were faced with a child mortality of 30 Egyptian specimens have given us the most comprehensive
percent although this was lower than that experienced by body of data on health and disease in the entire ancient
non-Jewish neighbors of the same period (Smith and Zias world. Evidence of trauma of many types has long been
1980), and similar to that of Bedouin skeletal remains known from this region. Several infectious diseases are
from Israel dating to the last century (Goldstein et al. known from ancient Egypt such as tuberculosis, poliomye-
1976). Dental disease and arthritis were evident by middle litis, smallpox, and degenerative vascular disease. Arthritis
age (Hachlili et al. 1981; Smith and Zias 1980). Specific of several types was common. There is no evidence of
diagnostic problems such as various forms of trauma in vitamin D deficiency (rickets) or syphilis. Parasitism was
late ancient Israel have been described (Rak et al. 1976), widespread throughout the entire biblical world with a
as well as numerous observations on the health and dis- variety of probable sequelae such as anemia, reduced work
eases of Jewish inhabitants of Israel during the period of output, poor health and longevity, and poor nutrition.
100 B.c. to A.D. 600 (Arensburg, Goldstein, and Rak 1985). Parasites such as schistosomiasis, for example, are well
Among the most important recent studies of human documented in ancient Egypt as early as I 000 B.c. begin-
remains from Transjordan have been the series of reports ning with the discovery of schistosome ova in the renal
dealing with EB Age human remains from shaft tombs at tubules of a mummy by Ruffer in his early landmark paper
Bab edh-Dhra (Ortner 1979; Ortner 1981; Ortner 1982), (Ruffer 1910). It was probably also present in much of
and the skeletal remains from Tell el-Mazar which repre- ancient Mesopotamia as well since the habitat in this region
sent a significant number of Iron Age human remains was and is well suited for the spread of the disease and the
known elsewhere in large numbers only from Kamid el- shells of the snail intermediate host can be found in
Loz and Lachish (Disi et al. 1983). Iron Age human mudbricks used in the construction of ancient Babylonian
remains are very much fewer from other sites in the ziggurats. Various other conditions are known, among them
biblical world such as Megiddo (Hrdlicka 1938), Ain Shems the presence of renal stones and gallstones, hernia, rectal
(i.e., Beth-shemesh; Hooton 1939), Azur, or Gezer (Macal- disease, anthracosis, emphysema and pneumonia, acro-
ister 1912). All of these studies demonstrate that degener- megaly, achrondroplastic dwarfism, or vesicovaginal fistula
ative arthritic conditions, trauma, and dental attrition are associated with narrow pelvic architecture in childbirth
the most obvious conditions reflected in these human (for further references, begin with Sandison 1985 ). The
remains. Trephaning is also evident in a significant number human remains also present us with some surprises. The
of crania from this period, however it is to be interpreted. high incidence of periosteal reactions in the tibias of an-
Less work has been done on the osteology and paleo- cient Egyptians is not convincingly accounted for, and
pathology of skeletal specimens from Mesopotamia. The sepsis seems only occasionally or rarely to have followed
region is most famous for the discovery of the prebiblical severe examples of broken bones which likely were com-
Neanderthal remains from the Shanidar Cave in N Iraq pound fractures. Nearly all septic changes of the facial
(Trinka us 1983 ). Otherwise, a number of scattered and bones are due to advanced dental disease. Many other less
relatively recent reports have appeared which focus largely threatening and less fatal conditions existed as well. Mum-
on isolated or small groups of human specimens, although mies from Egypt have shown that societies with high-
"bin" ossuaries are known from several sites. Nevertheless, population-density dwellings suffered from carbon depos-
some of these studies present important and rare paleo- its in the lungs owing to smoke inhalation from domestic
pathological cases such as the possible remains of con- fires (Zimmermann 1977).
joined ("Siamese") twins from early Tell Hassuna (Abdul
Aziz and Slipka 1966). Clearly, the most important and I. Observations on Health and Disease Applicable to
only synthesis of paleopathological data from this area is the Biblical World
the recent study of Rathbun which concentrates largely on While more specific information on health and disease
specimens dated earlier than about !000 B.c. (Rathbun in the biblical world can be had in another article in this
1984). In this region, he notes that "pathology has yet to dictionary, some results and inferences drawn from the
be considered adequately," and further, although the ma- efforts of paleopathologists may be summarized to provide
v . 67 PALEOPATHOLOGY

here a broad general statement on the subject. Many potential knowledge to be gained thereby has resulted in
things are clear from the study o~ ancient he'.llth and the frequent participation of a paleopathologist as part of
disease, that is, paleopathology, which are applicable to the staff of archaeological expeditions, and reflects the
most or all of thf' biblical world. See SICKNESS AND increasing sophistication of the theory and method of the
DISEASE. so-called "New Archaeology." See ARCHAEOLOGY,
While there are always some long-lived individuals in SYRO-PALESTINIAN. Clearly, as much may be learned
every society, life expectancy in the ancient biblical world about the inhabitants of an ancient tell from their skeletal
was short by modern standards, averaging in the_ range of remains as from associated artifacts.
30 to 45 years depending upon the place and time. The
advances of Greek society alone are credited by some with Bibliography
the extension of average longevity about five years to Abdul Aziz, M. H., and Slipka, J. 1966. Twins from Tell Hassuna.
roughly 40-45 years of age, and it appears ~hat at t':1rn- Sumer 22: 45-50.
of-the-era Jericho, one-fourth of the population survived Aldred, C., and Sandison, A. T. 1962. The Pharoah Akhenaten: A
beyond age 50. Women generally lived shorter lives than Problem in Egyptology and Pathology. Bulletin of the History of
men by as much as ten years (Arensburg, Goldstein, and Medicine 36: 293-3 l 6.
Rak 1985) in contrast to the life span of modern American Angel, J. L. 198 l. History and Development of Paleopathology.
women, which surpasses that of men by about ten years. American journal of Physical Anthropology 56: 509-15.
Mortality associated with childbirth was greater, as was also Arensburg, B. l 973. The People of the Land of Israel from
infant and subadult mortality. Indeed, the figures ob- Epipaleolithic to Present Times, Ph.D. diss., University of Tel
tained from some skeletal groups suggest that by age 18 Aviv, Tel Aviv.
as much as 30 percent of the population had already
Arensburg, B.; Goldstein, M. S.; and Rak, Y. 1985. Observations
perished (Hachlili et al. 1981; Ortner 1979). More startling
on the Pathology of the Jewish Population in Israel (LOO B.C.
are the burials from the Meroitic cemetery at Aksha (N
to 600 B.C.). Koroth 9: 73-83.
Sudan), where 45 percent of the burials were age 12 and
less (Vila 1967). Arensburg, B., and Rak, Y. l 985. Jewish Skeletal Remains from the
In ancient times there was always the constant reality of Period of the Kings of judaea. PEQ l l 7: 30-34.
uncertain nutrition, reflected by the presence of cribra Armelagos, G. J.; Mielke,]. H.; and Winter, J. 1971. Bibliography of
orbitalia, a skeletal lesion which is apparently a reaction to Human Paleopathology. Amherst.
sustained iron deficiency, found in the ocular orbits of the Balout, L., and Roubet, C., eds. 1985. La Momie de Ramses II. Paris.
skull. This has been observed commonly, for example, in Bass, W. M. 1979. Developments in the Identification of Human
ancient Jewish skeletal remains, especially those of chil- Skeletal Material (1968-1978). American journal of Physical An-
dren, which date to the Second Temple period (Arens- thropology 51: 555-62.
burg, Goldstein, and Rak 1985 ). Boyd, W. C., and Boyd, L. G. 1934. An Attempt to Determine the
Trauma, accidental and inflicted, was one of the most Blood Group of Mummies. Proceedings of the Society of Experi-
common causes of injury and disability, and is one of the mental Biology and Medicine 3 l: 671-74.
most frequent causes of pathological conditions apparent - - . 1937. Blood Group Testing on 300 Mummies with Notes
in ancient skeletal remains. Healed broken bones are often on the Precipitin Test. journal of Immunology 32: 307-19.
found in various states of union and disunion as evidence Brothwell, D. R. 1959. Teeth in Earlier Human Populations. Pro-
of accidents and inflicted wounds. Certain forms of arthri- ceedings of the Nutrition Society 18: 59-65.
tis and degenerative conditions were common. By the Brothwell, D. R., ed. 1968. The Skeletal Biology of Earlier Human
Coptic/Byzantine periods, dental caries became much Populations. Symposia of the Society for the Study of Human
more notable and increasingly so thereafter in association Biology 8. London.
with refinements in diet and lifestyle, whereas before this Brothwell, D., and Sandison, A. T., eds. 1967. Diseases in Antiquity.
time and in association with more unrefined diets, attrition Springfield.
(wear) was common and caries were rare (Arensburg, Bryant, V. M., Jr. 197 4. The Role of Coprolite Analysis in Archae-
Goldstein, and Rak 1985; Brothwell 1959). Infectious dis- ology. Bulletin of the Texas Archaeological Society 45: 1-28.
eases went largely unchecked except for natural immunity. Buikstra, J.E., and Cook, D. C. 1980. Paleopathoiogy: An Ameri-
A variety of states of disability must have existed anciently can Account. Annual Review of Anthropology 9: 433-70.
owing to many causes. It cannot be stressed too strongly Close, A. E., ed. 1986. The Wadi Kubbaniya Skeleton: A Late Paleolithic
that pain was a common fact of life for much of the ancient Burial from Southern Egypt. The Prehistory of Wadi Kubbaniya
population.
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Cockburn, A.; Barraco, R. A.; Reyman, T. A.; and Peck, W. H.
is known to have existed in Egypt at least. Evidence of
1975. Autopsy of an Egyptian Mummy. Science 187: 1155-60.
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~re not clear. A possible explanation may be the shorter
Cockburn, A., and Cockburn, E., eds. 1980. Mummies, Disease, and
hfe span of most people anciently, and thus the probability Ancient Cultures. London.
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popu_Iation. Another explanation may be that many malig- Origins of Agriculture. Orlando.
nancies often do not spread to the bone before death and David, A. R., ed. 1978. Manchester Museum Mummy Project: Multidis-
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J. Conclusion - - . l 986. Science in Egyptology. Manchester.
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Dawson, W. R. 1934. Peuigrew's Demonstrations upon Mummies. Moodie, R. L., ed. 1921. Studies in the l'aleopathology of 1~-,i:ypt Ir; Sir
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89. l'llathan, H. 196 l. Tht• Skeletal Material from Nahal llrvt'r Cav1·
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of the Principal Monuments. Cairo. Ortner, D . .f. 1979. DiseaS<• and Mortality in the Early l\rorm· Agr
Fouquet, [D. M.] 1896. Appendice. Note sur les squelettes d'El- People of Bab edh-Dhra, Jordan. Amrriwn Journal of l'hy.1iral
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Jewish Necropolis at Jericho. Current Anthropology 22: 701-2. Paabo, S. 1985. Molcrnlar Cloning of Ancit'nt Egyptian Mummy
Hackett, C. J. 1976. Diagnostic Criteria of Syphifa, Yaws, and Treponarid DNA. Nature 314: o44-4!'i.
(Treponematoses) and of Some Other Diseases in Dry Bone.1. New l'dhl, W. M. l 9H:t Medical and Archaeological Findings Concnn-
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Harris, J.E., and Wente, E. F., eds. 1980. An X-Ray Atla.1 of the Ruyal of Human Evulutirm 12: 21 :1-29.
Mummies. Chicago. Pales, L. 1930. PrLleofiatholop;ie et PrLthologie Comfmmtive. Paris.
Holladay, J. S. 1982. Cities of the Delta Ill: Tell el-Maskhuta. Malibu. Petric, W. M. E 1898. /)e.1/ud1eh, 1897. London.
Hooton, E. A. 1939. Report on the Skeletal Remains. Pp. 61-66 in Pettigrew, T J. 1834. A History of l\gyptian Mummie.1. . . l.ornlnn.
Ain Sherns Excavatioru JV. Haverford. Repr. 1983.
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Paleopathological Study. Bulletin of the New York Academy of Chemistry and Past Behavior . .Jourrwl of Human hmlutirm 14:
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Hrdy, D. B. 1978. Analysis of Hair Samples of Mummies from l'EQ I 08: !i.~-fi4.
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v • 69 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN)

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Letters. Jerusalem. A. Neu-Assyrian Period
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Mesopotamian (which at this time means Assyrian) contact
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with Palestine was intermittent and unimportant. Three
10: 331-33. moments are recorded in the sources available. Two of
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them come in the middle of the 9th century B.C., when the
Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine 44: 1057-67. Assyrian king, Shalmaneser Ill, attempted to advance
Zambaco Pasha. 1897. L'antiquite de la Syphilis. Paris Medicate no. beyond the N Syrian region, attacked already by his pre-
52. decessors, into S Syria: (l) 853, at the battle of Qarqar,
Zias, J., and Sekeles, E. I 985. The Crucified Man from Giv' at ha- near Hamath in Syria. Here Shalmaneser's advance was
Mivtar: A Reappraisal. IE] 35: 23-27. apparently stopped by a Syro-Palestinian coalition led by
Zimmerman, M. R. 1973. Blood Cells Preserved in a Mummy 2000 the Aramean Hadadezer of Damascus and Irhulena of
Years Old. Science 180: 303-4. Hamath, and among its other prominent members was
- - . 1977. The Mummies of the Tomb of Nebwenenef: Paleo- Ahab of Israel (ANET, 278-79); (2) 841, in which Shalma-
pathology and Archaeology.JARCE 14: 33-36. neser finally broke through the local coalition, overrun-
- - . 1979. Paleopathologic Diagnosis Based on Experimental ning S Syria and apparently Transjordan and Israel (Hos
Mummification. American journal of Physical Anthropology 51: 10:14 may be an echo of this: cf. Astour 1971). In his
235-54. mention of Syrian rulers who paid him tribute, Shalmane-
Zimmerman, M. R., and Angel, J. L., eds. 1986. Dating and Age ser includes the apparent leader, Hazael, the recent
Determination of Biological Materials. London. usurper of the Aramean throne of Damascus who had
Zimmerman, M. R., and Kelley, M. A. 1982. An Atlm of Human been attacking Israel, and the ruler of Israel himself, who
Paleopathology. New York. seems to be Jehu (l/a-u-a/Ia-a-u mar l!ju-um-ri-i), the recent
RICHARD N. JONES usurper of the dynasty of Ahab (ANET, 280-81; cf. P. K.
McCarter's proposal that the king here is Jehoram, son of
Ahab [McCarter 1974], and the responses by Weippert
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF. With the l 978 and Halpern l 987). Shalmaneser Ill's victory may
collapse first of Samaria (722 B.c.) and then of Jerusalem have given Israel some relief from the Aramaeans, but it
(586 B.c.), i;iolitical control of the land of Canaan passed was only temporary. For with the withdrawal of Assyrian
from lsraehte/Judean hands into the hands of successive forces, Aramean pressure from Hazael returned, and an-
conquering empires. This entry surveys how those various other forty years remained before a "deliverer" appeared
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN) 70. v
(2 Kgs 13:5), in the person of Adad-nirari III. The latter lure until the collapse of Assyria at the end of the 7th
king records in several inscriptions his defeat of Syria- century.
Palestine, especially Damascus, and in one of them adds This imperial system relied on a large-scale bureaucracy
that he accepted tribute from "Joash, the Samarian" (Page that radiated from the imperial cities in the Upper Tigris
1968), i.e., Joash, grandson of Jehu, king of Israel. The area o"!tward, and more particularly on an increasingly
date of submission is disputed between 803/802 (e.g., profess10nal army hardened by regular campaigning, a
Schramm 1972) and 796 (e.g., Millard and Tadmor 1973), well-maintained road network, and an intelligence and
but two results can be discerned. First, the submission propaganda apparatus to monitor potential trouble spots
seems to have brought some Israelite captives to Assyria, and spread the message of Assyrian invincibility. The
as revealed by their inclusion in wine ration lists from areas conquered were arranged in two basic categories,
Kalah a couple of decades later (Kinnier-Wilson 1972: 91- both of which had been used by Assyrian rulers before
93). Second, the submission, with the defeat of Damascus, Tiglath-pileser, though over a more limited territory. The
allowed Joash and his son, Jeroboam II, under the nominal first were the vassal states. Here the local state and ruler
protection of Assyria, to gain back territory in Transjordan were kept intact-although if the ruler had been resistant,
previously lost to Damascus and then, eventually, when he could be replaced by someone else in his family or
Assyria became too preoccupied elsewhere to interfere, to community who would be more pliant-in return for
embark on an expansion of their own (2 Kgs 13:25; which the ruler had to agree to become a loyal subordinate
14:25,28). of the Assyrian sovereign. The agreement seems to have
The three moments just noted represent no sustained been formalized in an oath-treaty to the Assyrian king
concern for Palestine on the part of the Assyrians. Insofar directly, the ade, which stipulated loyalty to the king and
as they had an interest in permanent control it extended, his dynasty, coordination of foreign policy with that of the
to the W, only so far as the Syrian states up to the W bend king, and approval from the king for any local change of
of the Euphrates, which were either annexed as provinces ruler. The vassal was also obligated economically in the
or, more often, kept as vassal states (e.g., Nasibina, Ra- form of material goods and personnel. These were often
sappa, Guzana, Harran, Bit Adini; cf. the Tell Fakhariyeh taken in a large amount upon conquest by the Assyrian
stela, probably of the middle 9th century B.c. [Abou-Assaf, king, and after that the vassal sent them in smaller sums
Bordreuil, and Millard 1982]). Syria farther W and S was annually as tribute (biltu, mandattu/maddattu) as well as in
largely for periodic raids to gather booty and personnel occasional special taxes (katru, tamartulnamurtu). It was also
and to keep lines of commerce open to the Mediterranean expected that the vassal would furnish men and supplies
and beyond. Into this area N Israel-never Judah-was to Assyrian military campaigns and building enterprises
drawn, but Assyrian armies barely grazed its territory. The conducted in his vicinity. What may not have been re-
tribute and captives thus taken can be construed as a kind quired was worship of the Assyrian gods (see further
of imposition of vassalage upon the local Syro-Palestinian below). To ensure compliance with the obligations that
states, but it was a vassalage clearly not regularly enforced, were demanded, at least in the case of potentially uncer-
all the more as Assyria in the century between 850 and tain vassals-it is not clear whether this applied to all
745 also faced serious challenges from other outsiders on vassals-the Assyrian central administration installed an
official called a qepu at or near the vassal's court, together
other borders, especially Urartu to its N, and from rival
with a small garrison, or sometimes it relied on a nearby
elites within its midst.
governor (!aknu) for this task.
2. Neo-Assyrian Empire in Its Classical Period (745-
If the vassal rebelled or if the newly conquered state in
609 B.c.). a. Tiglath-pileser III and His Imperial Re- other ways required it, the Assyrian king could annex it
forms. This pattern changed with the accession ofTiglath- outright as a part of Assyrian territory (the formulas in
pileser III as Assyrian king in 745. Apparently a usurper, the Assyrian royal inscriptions speak of "seizing it anew,'
who succeeded to the throne out of the struggle among which probably means "reorganize" [ana eIIilti >abatu] or
rival elites, Tiglath-pileser undertook a vigorous program "reckoning the local population with my people/the Assyr-
to rebuild the Assyrian state. On the one hand, he seems ian people" [analitti niJe matiyalmat AJJur manu]). In thi!
to have curtailed the independence of various high offi- way, the state lost its independence and became an Assyr-
cials, who had become virtually kings in their own right. ian province (pi~atu) ruled directly by an Assyrian official
On the other, he initiated almost immediately upon his labelled either !aknu ( = Heb sagan) or bel pi~ti ( = Hel:
accession a wide-ranging series of military campaigns in pelJ,ah). These two titles have been conventionally translated
all directions: first to the south to Babylonia (745); then to as "governor," but what difference, if any, existed between
the E to the Zagros and W Iran (744); next to N and them has not yet been agreed on. The governor main-
central Syria, detaching them from the Urartian sphere of tained his own palace complex in the capital city of th{
influence (743-738); then to the N to Urartu and E to the province. He also controlled various other locales of au-
Medes in W Iran (738-735); back to Damascus and Syria thority within the province: fortresses (birtu, ~~1u), royal
along with Palestine (734-732); and finally, to Babylonia roads, and stations for royal messengers and the army (bi1
once more (731-727), with which he was involved almost mardite). Collecting taxes-in addition to the general term!
until his death in 727. The successes of these campaigns for tribute, biltu and mandattulmaddattu, the particular cat-
Tiglath-pileser sought to consolidate into an imperial sys- egories used were the ilku, a tax in labor service, and the
tem. While it rested on earlier Assyrian efforts, in extent JibJu, a tax on agricultural produce-was one of the gov·
and complexity it was really something new, and contin- ernor's main duties; part of these was sent on to the central
ued, with some modifications, as the basic political struc- imperial cities in the Assyrian heartland, while the other
v. 71 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN)

part remained in the province to maintain the local admin- mastery. This was particularly crucial in the Assyrian cam-
istration. The governor had to keep the imperial center paigns against Egypt, which had to go through the Sinai.
regularly informed of all activities and to join the Assyrian b. Israel in the Classical Neo-Assyrian Period. Within
army on campaign when ordered. He also, unlike the the imperial system just described, the fortunes of Israel
apparent situation in the vassal states, provided for Assyr- and Judah can be followed. Israel, from the first campaigns
ian religious cults, though riative gods and their worship of Tiglath-pileser III to the W in 743-738, passed rapidly
were certainly not proscribed. And in the process of car- from vassal to province. In 738, in the wake of Tiglath-
rying out his duties, assisted by a variety of subordinates- pileser's defeat of a N Syrian coalition led by Azriyau of
the rab alani, in charge of a subdistrict (perhaps = qannu) Yaudi (not = Azariah/Uzziah of Judah!), Menahem, king
of settlements with its own urban center, was the most of Israel paid the Assyrian tribute (2 Kgs 15: 18-20; ANET,
important-the governor was normally able to gain profit 283a; Levine 1972: 18.II 5). The resulting vassal status,
of his own: at least of some of the taxes left over after the however, was shattered by 734, when a new Israelite king,
distribution to the central and provincial administrations Pekah, joined forces with the king of Damascus, Ra;i:yan II
could be used by him personally, and he was normally ( = biblical Rezin), in an anti-Assyrian pact to enlarge their
granted land by the king, often tax-free, outside his own territory at the expense of Judah under Ahaz. This so-
province. called Syro-Ephraimite war brought Tiglath-pileser back
A province was created normally as a result of Assyrian to the region, and in 732 he defeated the coalition and
military action, which resulted in the destruction of certain conquered the two states. Damascus became a set of prov-
of the local cities and towns of the region and deportation inces; Israel lost, it appears, its W and E territories to
of significant elements of the population, especially from provinces (see below). The core of Israel, around the
the local elites and craftsworkers, to other parts of the capital Samaria, was allowed to remain a vassal state under
empire, most prominently to the central imperial cities in a new, seemingly pro-Assyrian ruler, Hoshea, whose acces-
the Upper Tigris triangle. Here the deportees entered the sion had to be approved by Tiglath-pileser III (ANET,
work force, as skilled craftsmen or as laborers, on state 284a; cf. Borger and Tadmor 1982: 244-249). But by 725
building projects, were mustered into the army, or became Hoshea was in open revolt against the successor ofTiglath-
part of the governing bureaucracy. In turn, the lost popu- pileser, Shalmaneser V. And the response was equally
lation was replaced, at least partially, by deportees brought decisive. Israel was attacked and Samaria was besieged.
in from other provincial regions. While it is clear that Hoshea seems to have been captured and deported at the
Tiglath-pileser III created provinces and practiced depor- beginning of this siege (2 Kgs 18:9-10 with 17:4-6), and
tation on a far larger scale than his predecessors, and that after three years, during which time, leadership may have
his policy was continued by his successors, the origins of been assumed by city elders or generals, Samaria fell in
this policy are no longer certain. Forrer ( 1920: I 0-11) had 722, at the end of Shalmaneser's reign (2 Kgs 17:5-6; TCS
argued that it began by his breaking up into smaller units 5: 73.1 28; cf. Tadmor 1958: 37). His successor, Sargon II,
the large provinces in existence from earlier decades in however unfairly claimed responsibility for this success
the area from the Tigris to the western bend of the (Tadmor 1958: 34), dating it to his accession year. But two
Euphrates-provinces that had been controlled by power- years later, in 720, Sargon had a legitimate boast when
ful, rather independent governors. As noted above, it does Samaria revolted a second time, in conjunction with a
appear that Tiglath-pileser curbed the power of these widespread uprising of the W vassals and provinces sup-
officials, but Garelli (Garelli and Nikiprowetzky 1974: 113- ported by Egypt, and he put it down (ANET, 285, and
14, 232-34) has more recently cast strong doubts on the victory stelae of Sargon from Samaria [Crowfoot, Crow-
assumed breakup of territory as one of the means by foot, and Kenyon 1957: 35 & Pl. IV 2] and Qaqiin [cf.
which this was done. RLA 5: 203b]. At this point, apparently, Samaria and its
This imperial system of vassal states and provinces ex- environs became definitively an Assyrian province, under
hibited several peculiarities or partial modifications. Baby- t!ie name Samerina, the Assyrian equivalent of Hebrew
lonia, because of its ancient cultural associations, was the Someron ( = Samaria). And as in 722, population deporta-
most troublesome part of the empire, and at various times tion took place.
was a vassal, province, and especially a state ruled by a After 720, therefore, no independent or vassal state
existed in the territory of (N) Israel. The classic study of
member of the Assyrian royal family, whether a son,
Forrer (1920: 60-61,63) had supposed that four provinces
brother, or the reigning king himself. In the west, the
were established in what had been the Israelite state prior
Phoenician cities remained vassal states under special pro-
to 732. Three came in 732 after Tiglath-pileser Ill's cam-
tection, so that their maritime commerce would flourish to
paign: Dor ( = Assyrian Du'ru) on the Mediterranean coast
Assyria's benefit. Vassals of another kind were the nomadic from above Ashdod to the Mt. Carmel region; Megiddo
Arab tribes in the Syro-Arabian desert and the N Sinai- ( = Assyrian Magiddu/Magaddu) in the Jezreel Valley and
s_imilar arrangements operated with other nomadic groups Galilee; and Gilead(= Assyrian Gal'a[d(d)a}; on the form
like the Medes-who were too elusive, resistant, and far see Weippert 1972: 154-55) in the N Transjordan. The
away to be coerced into provinces. Rather, with their sheiks fourth province was Samaria ( = Assyrian Samerina) in the
nominated as vassal rulers and pasture rights occasionally hill country below the province of Megiddo, established in
given on the margins of Assyrian imperial lands, the Arabs 722-20 under Sargon II. As Eph'al (WHJP 411: 284-86),
coul? be used to facilitate trade, the passage of Assyrian however, has noted, no Assyrian or Biblical texts unequiv-
armies, and other kinds of communication through the ocally mention Gilead as an Assyrian province; when the
deserts and other border areas over which they alone had name occurs in Tiglath-pileser Ill's inscriptions, it desig-
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN) 72 • v
nates only a city, and only by extrapolation from biblical The operation of Assyrian administration in these prov-
texts that describe earlier periods and later Hellenistic !nc~s c;>f the fo~mer kingdom of Israel can be followed only
Greek texts can one infer that Gilead in 8th-7th-century ~n hm1ted fashion. Sargon ll's inscriptions speak of impos-
Assyrian history designated the capital city of a province. mg on the newly created province of Samaria, after its
Similarly for Dor, the Assyrian references are only to a conquest, tribute ( Akk biltu, mandattulmaddattu), continu-
city, and one can only guess whether this was an isolated ing "the biltu of their former king" (Winckler 1889:
Assyrian center or the capital of an Assyrian province by I.100.24-25, ANET, 285a, which should refer to the tax
the same name. Only for Megiddo and Samaria do the system of Israel when it was an independent state). Three
Assyrian records-and for Samaria, also the biblical (2 Kgs governors are known from Assyrian documents, all impor-
17:24, 26)-testify clearly to their existence as provinces. tant enough to have achieved the status of eponym (refer-
And at least by Esarhaddon's time, the territory of Samaria ences in RLA 5: 203): ltti-Adad-(a)ninu of Megiddo (679,
appears to have included Aphek, close to the Mediterra- reign of Esarhaddon); Nabu-kitta-u~ur of Samaria (690,
nean coast (Borger 1956: §76:16, as collated by Tadmor reign of Sennacherib; in different documents he is de-
apudCogan 1974: 100, n. 19). scribed as bel piljati [Grayson 1963: 96.120] and as faknu
As for the deportations, these proceeded over a number [Postgate 1970: 148]); and Nabu-sar-ahhesu (646 or 645,
of decades, beginning with Tiglath-pileser Ill's campaign reign of Ashurbanipal) also of Samaria. A rab alani is
of 734-732. In 733-732, the king deported large numbers attested from an Assyrian document found in Samaria, in
from the Transjordanian tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half- which he is to be given, apparently on order of the gover-
Manasseh, then within the N kingdom of Israel (I Chr 5:6, nor, a ration of animals (Reisner, Fisher, and Lyon 1924:
26) and from Upper Galilee (2 Kgs 15:29; Tiglath-pileser 1.247; 2, pl. 56b). Samaria and Megiddo, apparently as
III annals, which give the number as 13,520 [Tadmor capital cities of their respective provinces, are noted in
1967: 66)). With the fall of Samaria in 722/720, the inscrip- several lists of Assyrian administrative centers, some of
tions of Sargon II number the deportees at 27,290 (ANET, which indicate tribute submitted by these centers to the
285a), but whether this figure represents the sum from Assyrian crown. Dor is also listed in these texts, but note
the conquest in 722, by Shalmaneser V, and 720, by Sargon above Eph'al's caution about identifying it as the capital of
II, who also, it may be recalled, took credit for the 722 a province. Several Assyrian texts, letters, and administra-
conquest, or just the sum from 720 is not clear. The tive lists, indicate contingents from Samaria in the Assyrian
Biblical record (2 Kgs 17:6; 18:11; I Chr 5:26) seems to army, though it is not clear whether these represent forces
record only the 722 deportation, which it indicates took sent by the province or deportees from the original Assyr-
the captives to the upper Euphrates, around the Habur ian conquest in 7221720 (cf. Dalley 1985 and other refer-
River (Habor, river of Gozan), to the area apparently NE ences in RLA 5: 204). Akkadian texts reflecting Assyrian
of Nineveh beyond the Tigris (Halah, cities of the Merles). control have been found in three settlements: Samaria
Assyrian texts, in turn, indicate the presence of Israelites (Reisner, Fisher, and Lyon 1924: 1.247; 2, pl. 56a-b;
after 722/20 in Gozan ( = Tell Halaf), Kalah ( = Nimrud), Crowfoot, Crowfoot, and Kenyon 1957: 35, pis. II-Ill,
and Nineveh as various kinds of officials and workers, XV: 18a), Gezer (republished by Becking 1981-82), and
military and otherwise. Of these, recent evidence from the Tell Keisan near Acco (Sigrist 1982). The texts at issue
reign of Sargon II suggests that the Assyrian especially include: for Samaria, a legal order, a bulla with the royal
prized Samarians for their expertise in chariot and eques- Assyrian seal that bears the name of a local resident, a
trian warfare and deported them to serve both as contin- cylinder seal of a Nabu-zabil with an inscription mention-
gents within and as experts to advise the army (Dalley ing various Babylonian gods, and a fragment of an Assyr-
1985). ian royal stela, probably of Sargon II; for Gezer, two legal
Doubtless not all the inhabitants of the former kingdom contracts, one dated to 65 l, recording the sale of an estate
of Israel were exiled. But to replace those who were the with houses and slaves, and the other dated to 649, describ-
Assyrians brought in deportees from other parts of the ing the sale of a plot of land, in addition to several
empire. 2 Kgs 17:24 (cf. 30-31) speaks of people brought uninscribed cylinder and stamp seals and impressions
from a variety of cities in Babylonia (Babylon, Kutha, (Reich and Brandl 1985: 45-48); for Tell Keisan, a list of
perhaps Hamath and Sepharvaim), probably in Elam bread rations perhaps for foreign soldiers or settlers. The
(Avva, though some have located this in Babylonia), and texts, thus, are of standard Mesopotamian types, found
possibly in Syria (Hamath and Sepharvaim, if they are not elsewhere in the Assyrian empire, and reflect Mesopota-
in Babylonia). These are presented as coming in the wake mian/Assyrian administrative/legal procedures. The per-
of the 722/20 conquests (cf. also Sargon II annals, ANET, sonnel involved, if one may judge from the names, are of
284b; Tadmor 1958: 34), though it is likely that the 2 Kgs mixed background-Assyrian, Babylonians, Egyptians,
list is a composite of several deportations, both from 722/ Aramaeans, Israelites--exactly what one would expect
20 and later. Clearly later, either in 716 or in 715, Sargon from Assyrian deportation policy and confirming, at least
records the transfer of parts of Arab tribes-the Tamudi, in broad outline, the range of population pictured for
Ibadidi, Marsimani, and Hayyapa (ANET, 286a). And in conquered Samaria in the biblical sources noted above (2
Ezra 4:2, 9-10, there are notices of additional deporta- Kgs 17; Ezra 4).
tions to Samaria in the following 7th century by Esarhad- The archaeological picture of the N kingdom after the
don and Ashurbanipal ( = Heb Osnappar), the latter, Assyrian conquest correlates with the picture described in
according to vv 9-10, including people from Babylonia the written sources. Sites like Hazor (Level VA), Megiddo
(Erech/Uruk and Babylon) and Elam (Susa) as well as other (Level IVA), Beth-shan (Level IV), and Gezer (Level VIA)
places. show destruction in the latter 8th century that fits with the
v • 73 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN)

written evidence of Tiglath-pileser Ill's campaigning in ware, and its shapes include a bowl with a high flaring rim
their area in 733-32. In turn, the destruction of Samaria which reflects a metallic prototype. The pottery appears
(Period V-Vl)-not complete, but centered on th~ bui_ld- in Palestine primarily in the first years of Assyrian occu-
ings of the Israelite royal quarter-and of other sites hke pation both in imported and in local copy, and gives way
Tell el-Farah of the N (Level Vllc--d) and Shechem (Level rather soon to indigenous pottery styles.
VII) can be attributed to the conquest of 722. Most of the What did the Assyrians expect from the population of
destroyed sites-Beth-shan is one of the exceptions-were natives and deportees settled in Samaria and the other
resettled, although not all immediately. Some like Tell el- provinces which they had created out of the former king-
Farah of the north (Level VII e) and Shechem (Level VI) dom of Israel? Several inscriptions of Sargon II speak, as
were now poorer and less extensive than before. In the we have seen, of the tribute (biltu, mandattulma.ddattu) im-
case of Samaria (Level Vil), the earlier defensive walls posed on the population, by which should probably be
seem to have been kept and restored, although the general understood both the initial spoil and the subsequent reg-
rebuilding indicated by Sargon II in his annals (ANET, ular payment of taxes. The inscriptions make a point that
284b) has not been found on the site. this was done 'just as if they were Assyrian" (hi 5a AS.furi),
Megiddo (level Ill), Hazor (Level IV), and Gezer (Level and add that "I also had them trained in proper behavior"
VB) evidence refortification that suggests their positions (inuJunu uJa{Jiz) (Lie 1929: 6:7 .17; Winckler 1889: 1.100-
as Assyrian administrative centers: Megiddo as capital of 1.24; cf. ANET, 284-85). What is involved here is elabo-
the province of the same name; Hazor and Gezer as rated on in another inscription of Sargon, treating the
subprovincial centers perhaps for rab alani, Hazor within resettlement of captives and others in his new capital of
Megiddo and Gezer within Samaria or possibly Dor. At all Dur-Sarrukin (Khorsabad): "I ordered citizens of Assyria,
three sites, the remains of fortified buildings were discov- knowledgeable in all the proper behavior (mildilte ini k.a-
ered that doubtless served administrative needs, and hence lama), as overseers and supervisors to teach them correct
have been called palaces. The plan of the one at Gezer is conduct, the worship of god and king" (ana sil{Juz ~ibitte
unclear, but at Hazor (citadel) and Megiddo (buildings pala!J iii u farri) (Lyon 1883: 12.74). These statements
I 052 and 1369), the structures are of the "open court" reflect, as Cogan (197 4: 49-55) has pointed out, the effort
type, in which a series of rooms is arranged along the four to organize the new and mixed population of the provinces
walls of the building with an open court in the middle. and to teach them proper obedience. Indeed, the possibil-
This type appears to derive from Babylonia, and was ity that such statements may have been broadcast to the
brought to Palestine, where it was previously unknown, by local population, at least to the local elites, is suggested by
the Assyrians; Lachish (where, however, the structure, the way they are echoed in a biblical text like 2 Kgs 17:27-
called by the excavators the Residency, is now to be dated 28 (Paul 1969). What the obedience involved, certainly,
to the Achaemenid Persian period), Tell Jemmeh, and was the orderly payment of taxes, service to the crown,
Buseirah represent other (southern) sites in Palestine and resistance to rebellion. Included as well was a degree
where the building is found. Note that at Hazor and of religious obeisance, which, as other Assyrian texts, not
Megiddo, these "open court" buildings were in central relating to Israel, suggest, could take such forms as taxes
locations: at Hazor occupying the whole of the W bluff of for support of the temples of the Assyrian gods in the
the citadel; at Megiddo, both near the city gate. In addi- imperial centers and the erection of images of deified
tion, just NE of Hazor at Ayyelet Ha-Shahar a new settle- weapons, particularly associated with the imperial god
ment was established, more or less contemporaneous with Ashur, in provincial cities, around which, one can assume,
the Assyrian occupation of Hazor III. The bulk of this is worship occurred. But obeisance to the Assyrian gods did
another palace, whose fragmentary plan seems directly to not apparently displace the worship of other deities con-
reflect the palaces of the Assyrian imperial capitals, with nected with the provincial populations. This is clearly
two, not one, open courtyards, slightly separated, around indicated by the narrative in 2 Kings 17, which describes
which rooms are arranged (Reich 1975). A recent sugges- the various deportees in Samaria each worshipping their
tion by J. Bloom ( 1989) is that the Ayyelet Ha-Shahar own gods along with Yahweh, whose cult is said to have
palace represents the dwelling of the Hazor rab alani, while been reactivated there with the approval of the Assyrian
the open court building on the citadel of Hazor III is an king, and eventually to have predominated among the
Assyrian ekal maJarti, the armory and headquarters of the population. While there is doubtless some special pleading
Assyrian garrison at Hazor. Indeed, that there appears to in this narrative on the part of its Deuteronomistic editors,
be no real settlement in Hazor III beyond this building the religious tolerance it assumes from the Assyrian au-
suggests that the site served then exclusively military- thorities is borne out by practice elsewhere in the empire
administrative purposes. (Cogan 1974: 55; 38 n. 101; 104-7).
Besides these architectural features, the Assyrian pres- The waning of Assyrian rule in Samaria and adjacent
ence in Samaria and adjacent provinces can be traced in provinces seems to have begun, or at least becomes notice-
various artifacts. The small, but noticeable number of able, in the late 640s, in the wake of Ashurbanipal's costly
cuneiform texts and seals from Samaria, Gezer, and Tell wars in the S and E parts of the empire, viz., against
K.eisan has been described above. The other noticeable Babylonia (652-648) and Elam (647-646). Against the
artifact is a distinctive pottery, hitherto unknown in Pales- background of these wars, the West saw the opportunity to
tiCle, which has been labeled Assyrian palace ware because challenge Assyrian control, and the last attested Assyrian
It is at home in the palaces of the Assyrian imperial capitals interventions in the S Levant were in the mid-latter 640s
(N1mrud has furnished an especially large collection; see in response: a campaign against the nomads who were
Oates 1959). This pottery is distinguished by its thin, fine menacing the provinces from the middle Euphrates to the
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN) 74. v
Transjordan; and lhe conquesl of mainland Tyre (Ushu) tempted to join, if it did not actually do so (cf. Isa 20: I-6;
and Acco, which had rebelled. By lhe 620s and lhe dealh Prism A of Sargon II in ANET, 287a). But the outcome for
of Ashurbanipal (627), lhe silualion of lhe empire as a her was at the most a payment of tribute, as recorded in
whole became urgent, provoked and aggravaled by slrife an Assyrian text thal may date from the end of this revolt
wilhin lhe ruling Assyrian elile joined lo a resurgenl and lists tribule payments from various Palestinian and
independence in Babylonia and Iran. Nol surprisingly, Transjordanian groups as well as Egypt (ND 2765; cf.
Egypl look advantage lo extend ils influence lhrough Cogan 1974: 118). In lhe great rebellion againsl Sennach-
Palesline, lo which Assyria seems eventually lo have agreed erib of 705-70 I, Hezekiah of Judah was one of the major
in relurn for supporl elsewhere; one by-product may have western leaders, extending his influence perhaps to Sa-
been the Assyrian cession of Megiddo to Egypl in lhis maria and the other N provinces (2 Chr 30:5, 10-11, 18;
period (Malamat 1973; archaeologically lhis is Megiddo 31: l) as well as to Philistia (Sennacherib annals, ANET,
II). It is probably no accident as well lhal the 620s mark 287b). In turn, Sennacherib's counterattack, in his third
lhe full emergence of lhe polilical and religious reforms campaign of 70 l, resulted in a sizable conquest of Judean
undenaken by Josiah of Judah, reforms lhal may have territory ("46 of his strong cities, walled forts and ...
included a reclamalion of lerrilOry in Judah previously countless small villages in their vicinity" [Sennacherib an-
removed by Sennacherib in his 701 campaign (2 Kgs 23:5, nals, ANET, 288a]), the transfer of this territory to loyal
8; 2 Chr 34:9, 32; letler from Me~ad l:lashavyahu [ANET, Philistine vassals (Mitinti of Ashdod, Padi of Ekron, and
568) and an attempt to expand into Samaria and perhaps Silli-bel of Gaza), large slaughter and deportations from
adjacent provinces (2 Kgs 23:15-20; 2 Chr 34:6-7, 9, 33; the captured settlements (Sennacherib's annals number
for the debate on this see D. Edelman 1991 ). Significantly, the deportees at 200,150 [ANET, 288a], and the slaughter
the extant sources on Josiah's reforms (2 Kgs 22-23; 2 Chr and deponation from Lachish are lhe mosl graphically
34-35) do not report any concomitant defensive measures recorded in lhe excavations at lhe site and in reliefs from
against Assyria nor, in turn, any Assyrian response. Nineveh [Ussishkin 1982]), and a very large payment of
c. Judah in the Classical Neo-Assyrian Period. Unlike tribute from Judah as well as an increased annual tax. Yet
Israel, Judah's involvement with Assyria, from the western the Assyrian siege of Jerusalem was suddenly withdrawn;
campaigns of Tiglath-pileser III in the 730s B.C. until the and Judah, though now reduced essentially to Jerusalem
collapse of the Assyrian empire in 614-609 B.C., shows a and its environs, was allowed to retain its vassal status and
basic consistency: its status as vassal is never changed. That even its rebel king, Hezekiah (Sennacherib annals, ANET,
status first becomes clear in 734-732 B.c., when Judah was 287b-88; Na)aman 1974; main Biblical sources are 2 Kgs
attacked by the "Syro-Ephraimite" coalition of Damascus 18-20 = Isa 36-39 and 2 Chr 32).
and Israel as part of a general agitation against Assyrian Judah's vassalship was again disturbed, though still not
authority in the region, and Tiglath-pileser Ill responded broken, in lhe reign of Hezekiah's successor, Manasseh. 2
with a campaign of conquest through S Syria, Israel, Trans- Chr 33: 11-13 reports that Manasseh was captured and
jordan, and the Mediterranean coast from Phoenicia lO brought before an unnamed Assyrian king in Babylon. If
"the city of the Brook of Egypt" in the Sinai (Wiseman the incident is authentic, as seems likely, it cannot easily be
1951: 23.18). In this campaign, Ahaz of Judah affirmed equaled with either the Esarhaddon or the Ashurbanipal
his loyalty lO the Assyrian, who secured his throne, and menlions of Manasseh noled above. ll may refer, ralher,
this affirmation is made clear in the biblical text (especially lo lhe possible involvement of Judah, along wilh other W
2 Kgs 16:7-18) and in an Assyrian list of tribute providers vassals, in lhe rebellion of lhe Egyplian Taharqa (biblical
either from 734 or 732 (ANET, 282a, where the name Tirhakah) in 671 againsl Esarhaddon (so Cogan 1974: 69
appears in Akkadian, as 1/a-u-lja-zi = Jehoahaz). Some- wilh earlier opinions). Or il may be connecled with Judean
time around his conquest of Samaria in 720, Sargon II (and other western) restiveness in reaction lO the Babylo-
noted in one inscription that he was "the subduer of the nian war or Ashurbanipal in 652-648 (see in Cogan 1974:
country Judah which is far away" (ANET, 287a), which 68-69; as Cogan and others have also suggested, this same
would not seem to indicate that Judah had revolted at that rebellion and war, respectively, may also be behind the
time, but rather had paid tribute as a loyal vassal (so deportations to Samaria in the reigns of Esarhaddon [Ezra
Tadmor 1958: 39 n. 146). And two other occasions of 4:2] and Ashurbanipal [Ezra 4:9-10]). Whatever lhe case,
demonstrated loyalty are recorded in Assyrian texts for the account in 2 Chronicles 33 makes clear thal Manasseh
the long fifty-five-year reign of Manasseh of Judah: lhe was not removed from his throne, but with the help of
first in the annals of Esarhaddon, where Manasseh is listed Yahweh, restored to Jerusalem by the Assyrians, presum-
among twenty-two W vassal kings who were commanded, ably after a sizable lribute payment (which is not, however,
about 679 or 677, lo bring to lhe imperial capital at noted). Finally, we may recall the political and religious
Nineveh materials for the construclion of the royal armory reforms of the last Judean king, Josiah, which went un-
and storehouse (ekal moJarti) (ANET, 291); the second from challenged by Assyria even though they appear lo have
the annals of Esarhaddon's successor, Ashurbanipal, in become increasingly aggressive in the 620s. Indeed, the
which many of the same rulers brought gifts to the king only external force Josiah had lO deal with was Egypl,
and troop contingents to join his first campaign against which moved, as noted above, lo fill somelhing of lhe
Egypt in 668/667 (ANET, 294). Assyrian vacuum in Palesline. Whelhe,r Josiah actually
This history of vassalship was disturbed on several occa- became an Egyplian vassal is mool (cf. HAJJ, 388-90), bul
sions, but it is noteworthy that none of them resulted in a by 609, they were al odds. For in thal year, Pharaoh Necho
change of status for Judah. Thus, in lhe anti-Assyrian II slew Josiah al Megiddo, evidently when Josiah attempled
revolt of 713-712 led by Ashdod, Judah was at leasl lO stop lhe Egyptians from marching lo lhe aid of lhe
v. 75 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN)

beleaguered Assyrian army in Harran (2 Kgs 23:29-30; 2 of some 1500 persons, and numerous iron arrowheads;
Chr 35:22-24). there is also, one will recall, the Assyrian record of all this
Within the historical framework just given, details about in the extensive wall reliefs from Nineveh (Ussishkin 1982).
the Assyrian management of Judah as vassal are, as they Moreover, some pieces of Assyrian palace ware have
were for Israel, sparse. The effectiveness of the Assyrian turned up in Judah, though far less and generally later-
propaganda apparatus in communicating autho:ity ai_id in the latter half of the 7th century (e.g., Ramat Rahel
demands is made clear by the many echoes of 1mpenal Level VA)-than in Samaria and the other N provinces. In
rhetoric in the biblical texts of the period, none more than general, the archaeological indications, combined with
in (First) Isaiah (Cohen 1979; Machinist 1983). More con- other sources, suggest that Judah only slowly recovered
cretely, as we have seen, the vassal's duty of regular tribute from the devastation and truncation of its territory caused
(biltu,. mandattulmaddattu [ = tribute] and tiimartulniimurtu by the 701 campaign, and that the burden of heavy taxa-
[ = supplementary gifts)) is documented for the reigns of tion never allowed a return to full economic health.
Ahaz, Hezekiah, and Manasseh; the punitive tribute and In the Assyrian management of its vassals, the matter of
spoil from rebellion for the reign of Hezekiah. Judeans in religious control has become a disputed question. Against
Assyrian army service are likewise known from Manasseh's an older opinion, Cogan (1974) and McKay ( 1973) have
reign, as mentioned, where they apparently were grouped independently concluded that while religious obeisance in
into a separate unit, and the same is true for a regiment some form was expected of the provinces, it was not of the
of Judeans from Lachish, deported in the wake of Sen- vassals. No Assyrian sources, they argue, indicate that
nacherib's campaign of 701, who served as palace guards vassals were required to support Assyrian sanctuaries or to
in Nineveh (Barnett 1958; cf. Reade 1972: 106-7). The maintain Assyrian religious symbols or cults within their
Assyrian practice of ;upervising a vassal state by placing own territory. On the other hand, vassals certainly had the
one or more government commissioners (qepu) in or near option of making occasional gifts for Assyrian gods if they
it, or of using a nearby governor (faknu), is attested for wanted to on their own volition. More recently, Spiecker-
several W states: e.g., the Arabs of Queen Samsi, under mann ( 1982) has returned to the older view; and while
Tiglath-pileser III; Tyre and Ashdod, under Esarhaddon acknowledging that Assyrian texts rather infrequently
and Ashurbanipal and perhaps also, in the case of Ashdod, mention demands for worship of the Assyrian gods, he
under Sargon II after the 713-712 rebellion (WH]P 411: believes that there are some instances (e.g., in Esarhad-
286-87; Elat 1975: 64-66; Tadmor 1966: 95). Whether don's treaty with the Median vassals, lines 393-96, 401-9
such a commissioner was placed in Judah is moot. None is [ANET, 538a)) and that these are echoed by Assyrian
explicitly attested, but Elat (1975: 63-64) has argued on practices such as deporting the statues of the gods of the
indirect grounds that one was appointed after the 701 people whom they conquer (e.g., for Samaria in 7221720:
campaign, and set up his headquarters in Lachish. This cf. Gadd 1954: 179, 4.32-33), presumably to be replaced
argument has been opposed by Ussishkin (1977: 53 and n. (even if this is not explicitly stated) by the statues of
14), who notes that there is nothing in the archaeological Assyrian gods. The dispute between Cogan/McKay and
record of Lachish level II (the level of the post- 701 period) Spieckermann is not easily resolved, but it appears to turn
that points to an Assyrian presence. Especially, Ussishkin on the nature of the evidence each is seeking: Cogan/
(1977: 39) shows that the so-called Residency building, McKay looking for explicit concrete requirements and
which was an "open court" structure and for Elat and actual practices involving Assyrian cults; Spieckermann
Aharoni was used by the commissioner, belongs not to willing to infer such requirements from more generally
level II, but to level I of the Achaemenid Persian period. It phrased statements, such as in the Esarhaddon treaty,
represents, thus, a survival of the "open court" form because of his conviction that the religiously grounded
beyond Assyrian times. Ussishkin's refutation notwith- character of Assyrian imperial ideology-promoting the
standing, it makes sense to suppose that Assyrian garrisons superiority of the god Ashur-makes religious impositions
and associated officials were at least within range of Judah a logical part of imperial practice.
to monitor affairs. Among the places they may be looked The relevance of this debate for Judah centers on the
for are the sites of Tell esh-Sharia (probably Ziklag) and religious innovations associated with the kings Ahaz and
Tell Jemmeh (probably Ar~a) in the northwestern Negeb Manasseh: the erection of a new altar in Jerusalem copied
just inside or over the Judean border. Here excavations by from one seen by Ahaz in Damascus during his meeting
Oren (1982: 159-61 for Level VI) and Van Beek (1983), with Tiglath-pileser III; the passing of children through
respectively, have revealed in the 7th-century levels such fire and the Malech cult; and astral cults, which included
features as Assyrian palace ware, iron spearheads, and also horses (2 Kgs 16:3-4, 10-16; 21:5-6, 18, 26; 23:5,
massive fortresslike buildings. The Jemmeh building is of 10-12; 2 Chr 28:3; 33:5-6). For Cogan and McKay, these
the "open court" form and has mud-brick barrel vaulting. innovations reflect long-standing Syrian(Aramean)-Ca-
Together such remains suggest that at that time both sites naanite traditions, not Assyrian, except possibly for the
were Assyrian military posts. cultic use of horses; and their promotion by Ahaz and
Other archaeological traces of Assyrian activity may be Manasseh was a voluntary revival of these traditions in
found elsewhere in Judah. Thus, the devastation of Sen- Judah, not an Assyrian imposition. The new altar, in any
nacherib's 701 campaign is attested at a number of sites, case, was adapted, as the biblical text makes clear (2 Kgs
most dramatically at Lachish level III (on the dating see 16: 12-16), for a specifically lsraelite/Judean worship of
Uss1shkm 1977), with such features as the massive siege Yahweh in Jerusalem, not for any Assyrian god. Spiecker-
ramp and counterramp against the city wall (Ussishkin mann admits this latter point, but supposes that the new
1983: 137-46; Eph'al 1984), tomb 120 with its mass burial altar was part of a religious change enforced on Ahaz
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN) 76 • v
when he met and affirmed his loyalty to Tiglath-pileser in B. Neo-Babylonian Period
Damascus, and that the old altar became then, in Jerusa- 1. Preliminaries. When the Assyrian state collapsed in
lem, the vehicle for the worship of Assyrian deities. It is the years 614-609, its empire in Syria-Palestine fell largely
difficult, however, to infer such worship from the only under Egyptian control of the Pharaoh Necho II. This
source we have, 2 Kgs 16:14, 16. con.trol did not last long. Babylonia, under the Neo-Baby-
d. 'lhtde and the Neo-Assyrian Involvement in Israel loman or Chaldean dynasty, first challenged it, though
and Judah. The Assyrian treatment of Israel and Judah in unsuccessfully, in 607. Then in 605, at the battle of Car-
the latter 8th and 7th centuries e.c. does not make sense, chemish, a Babylonian army led by the crown prince,
finally, unless it is seen with Assyrian policy toward the S Nebuchadnezzar II, decisively defeated the Egyptians and
Levant as a whole. Clearly a crucial aspect of this policy so opened Syria-Palestine up to Babylonian control. Nebu-
was opening up and maintaining lines of trade into the chadnezzar became king the next year, 604, and with his
Mediterranean, along the coast into Egypt, and through successors appears to have followed Assyrian imperial
the Sinai and down the Jordan Valley into Arabia. From practices rather closely, preserving the division into prov-
these channels came a great variety of natural resources inces and vassal states and utilizing deportation.
such as wood, precious objects like glass and gold, animals Babylonian domination of Judah and the former terri-
like horses and camels, and human personnel, which the tory of Israel was briefer than the Neo-Assyrian, and is
Assyrians increasingly desired for their capital cities and more sparsely recorded. Nebuchadnezzar II appears to
elsewhere in the empire. Menacing the flow of this trade, have taken control of the region if not immediately after
on the other hand, were the Egyptians, especially under his Carchemish victory, then within the next couple of
the aggressive 24th and 25th Dynasties, and the nomads years (on the question and a rather late date for the
of the Syrian desert. These occasionally accepted peaceful capitulation of Judah at the end of603, see Malamat WH]P
relations with and even the domination of Assyria, but 4/1: 208-9 and references). Babylonian sovereignty re-
often as not resisted it, in the process encouraging the mained until 539, when the whole of the empire passed
breakdown of authority among the Assyrian provinces and into the hands of the Achaemenid Persian ruler, Cyrus 1I.
vassal states of the S Levant-the Egyptians focusing on 2. Samaria in the Neo-Babylonian Period. Within this
those W of the Jordan, the nomads on those E. chronological framework, hardly anything is known about
The Assyrians, in turn, sought to deal with these chal- the Babylonian treatment of Samaria and the other N
lenges as inexpensively as possible. Accordingly, they pre- provinces set up by the Assyrians. lf these provinces came,
ferred to maintain control through vassal states, which partly or largely, under the control of Josiah of Judah in
obviated the need for large commitments of Assyrian the 620s, it is possible that the Babylonians at first allowed
troops and bureaucrats. While continually restive vassals them to remain as such. But by 599/98, Samaria, at least,
were converted to provinces, this was not done, as Otzen seems to have been a separate entity, if we follow the LXX
(1977-78: 103-6) has acutely observed, Sofa line running of 2 Chr 36:5, which reports that Nebuchadnezzar II
roughly E-W above Jerusalem and the Dead Sea. Thus, included Samarians among the local contingents of troops
Samaria, Megiddo, and perhaps Dor and Gilead became that he sent to counter the rebellion of Jehoiakim of Judah
provinces; but S of them Judah, the four Philistian king- in that period. (The parallel account in 2 Kgs 24:2, both
doms (Ekron, Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Gaza), and Ammon, in the MT and in the LXX, leaves out the Samarians.) This
Moab, and Edom in the Transjordan-plus various Arab argument was advanced by Alt ( l 93411953: 325 and n. 3;
tribes in the Sinai-all remained vassals, despite the rebel- cf. also Malamat WHJP 411: 209 and n. 16). Much more
lions they occasionally offered. Their distance from the debated, because more conjectural, is Alt's further conten-
Assyrian imperial centers made it simply too costly to tion (193411953: 328-29) that at a later point, perhaps
establish and supply them as full provinces-though Ash- after the deportation of 582, the Babylonians brought
dod may have had a brief period as such short! y after 712. Judah under the jurisdiction of the province of Samaria,
As vassals, then, these S states could serve as facilitators of and that this arrangement prevailed through Achaemenid
trade with the Mediterranean, Egypt, and Arabia and as Persian rule until the arrival of Nehemiah. In any event,
buffers against Egyptian and nomadic hostility when it Samaria continued to be occupied in the period after 586,
appeared, their activities watched by isolated Assyrian as Jer 4 l :5 makes clear (referring to inhabitants of
administrative posts at sites like Tell esh-Sharia, Tell Jem- Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria), though this cannot be
meh, Tell Abu Salima, and Tel Qatif/Tell Rukeish. (The confirmed easily by the archaeology of the area, given the
latter two have each been identified with the commercial scanty and poorly defined materials uncovered.
and administrative center [Akk karu] set up by Sargon II 3. Judah as Vassal. In regard to Judah, Babylonian
in 716 to organize trade in the region; see Reich 1984 control under Nebuchadnezzar II moved through two
[who advocates Abu Salima] and Oren et al. 1986 [who stages: vassal and then province. The first lasted for almost
prefers, probably correctly, Qatif/Rukeish]). One excep- twenty years, from 605/603 to 586, and through three
tion to this geographical division, it should be added, was Judean vassal kings: Jehoiakim (605 [became king in 609)-
the Phoenician cities, Sidon, Tyre, Aradus, and Byblos. 598), his son, Jehoiachin (598-597), and his brother, Mat-
Although in the latitude N of the Dead Sea and occasion- taniah/Zedekiah (597-586) (on the problem of the dates
ally rebellious, these were nonetheless preserved mostly as in this period, see Malamat 1968: 144-51; Cogan and
vassals, presumably because the Assyrians felt that a heavy Tadmor II Kings AB, 317 ad 2). But it was marked bv
hand would interfere with their mercantile activities, and several severe strains: rebellion against Babylonia (ca. 600-
thus with the benefit the Assyrians sought to derive from 597) led by Jehoiakim and then Jehoiachin; a conspiracy
them. of Judean and neighboring leaders from the Transjordan
v • 77 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN)

and Phoenicia, held in Jerusalem under the aegis of Zede- tures of the Babylonian management of Judah are discern-
kiah (apparently 595-594), and concerned to plan, ible. As in the Assyrian empire, the Judean vassal kings
through it did not fully implement, further anti-Babylo- were called the "servants" of their sovereign (e.g., 2 Kgs
nian resistance; and a major new rebellion against Babylo- 24: I for Jehoiakim; cf. 2 Kgs 16:7 for Ahaz), and received
nia (589-586) involving the same Zedekiah. These rebel- their status from him through some kind of loyalty oath,
lions and conspiracy followed the earlier Assyrian pattern: akin to the Assyrian ade. To be sure, no Neo-Babylonian
they began while the Babylonians were occupied elsewhere oath document actually survives, but of the three Judeans,
and were inevitably opposed by other Judean groups which Zedekiah is reported to have been brought to the imperial
thought them counterproductive (the prophet Jeremiah capital at Babylon to take such an oath in 597 (Ezek 17: 12-
was a prominent member of these). Yet they regularly 21; Josephus, Ant 10.102).
involved not only Judah, but also some other Palestinian Vassal activity must have been monitored, as in the
states, Phoenician and/or Transjordan, although the broad Assyrian case, by various administrative centers and their
coalitions of rebel states of Assyrian times seem not to be associated garrisons. Riblah, near Hamath in Syria, ap-
found. In turn, encouragement to rebel was always sup- pears to have been the main one for Syria-Palestine, taken
plied by Egypt, whether indirectly or directly by military over by the Babylonians from the Egyptians who preceded
confrontations with Babylonian forces, but Egypt never them (2 Kgs 23:33); it is here that Zedekiah and his
offered sufficient strengths or persistance to sustain the entourage were brought before Nebuchadnezzar for judg-
rebellions (cf. Egypt as "a broken reed" not to be relied ment when caught trying to escape the siege of Jerusalem
on, a motif used both in the Babylonian [e.g., Ezek 29:6) in 586 (2 Kgs 25:6, 20; Jer 39:5-7, 52:9-12, 26-27). Of
and in the earlier Assyrian periods [e.g., 2 Kgs 18:21 = Babylonian centers within or adjacent to Judah, there are
Isa 36:6]). no clear indications, but they must have existed, as in the
Nebuchadnezzar's response was in each instance a Assyrian period, probably in the provinces of Samaria and
strong one, although sometimes it was delayed by the the Transjordan. From these it may well be that the initial
necessity to attend to troubles in other parts of the empire. harassment of Judah in 599-98 was coordinated, using a
Thus in 599-597, the king first sent local imperial garri- mixture of Chaldean forces, with local troops from Moab,
sons and auxiliaries to harass the Judeans, followed up a Ammon, Syria, and perhaps Samaria (2 Kgs 24:2; LXX to
year later by an invasion of Judah and capture of Jerusa- 2 Chr 36:5, as noted above).
lem by the main Babylonian army, which resulted in a Babylonian deportation policy, as revealed by the Ju-
deportation of the local elites, including the rebel Judean dean deportations of 597 and 586, as well as a third carried
king, Jehoiachin. The latter was replaced as vassal by his out in 582, also reflected Assyrian practice, but with some
more pliant uncle, Mattaniah, renamed Zedekiah, who, in variations. For both Babylonia and Assyria, deportation
turn, was required, as in Assyrian practice, to pay a "heavy was aimed particularly at the leading elements of the local
tribute" (biltu kabittu) (TCS 5: 102.11-13; 2 Kgs 24:1-17; population-even more, it seems, under Babylonia than
cf. 2 Chr 36:5-10). Another Babylonian campaign to under Assyria-and served to punish and (it was hoped)
Syria-Palestine occurred in 594-593 (TCS 5: 102.25-26); weaken local resistance to imperial authority, as well as to
and although not certain, this may have intersected with furnish the empire with workers and soldiers. On the other
two events of the same year: the Jerusalem conspiracy, hand, Babylonian deportation appears to have been less
noted above, and the (enforced) visit of Zedekiah and/or extensive than Assyrian; at least the numbers and fre-
one of his officials to Babylon (Jer 51 :59). Finally, in 588 quency of deportations stand out less in texts about the
or 587-the date is disputed (cf. Malamat 1968: 150-51; Neo-Babylonian state than in texts about the Neo-Assyrian.
Cogan and Tadmor II Kings AB, 317 ad 2)-Nebuchadnez- Compare, for example, the numbers for the Assyrian
zar invaded Judah once more, this time with much greater deportations from Samaria and Judah-27 ,290 and
devastation of the countryside, and began a l 'h-2-year 200, 150, respectively-with those for the three Babylonian
siege of Jerusalem (2 Kgs 25: 1-22; 2 Chr 36: 11-21; Jere- deportations from Judah-10,000, 8,000, 3,023 in 597,
miah 34; 37; 52: 1-27). Briefly interrupted when an Egyp- probably to be totaled at not more than 11,000; 832 from
uan force came to help the Judeans then withdrew, the Jerusalem in 586; 745 in 582 (2 Kgs 24: 14-16; Jer 52:28-
siege was brought to a violent conclusion in the summer 30)-although it must be admitted that these numbers
of 586. Deportation and heavy slaughter, including the raise serious problems of interpretation (see, e.g., Ackroyd
sons of the vassal Zedekiah and the highest priestly eche- 1968: 22-23. n.24; Malamat WHJP 4/1:211; HAI], 419-
lon, destruction of the city, especially of the royal palace 20). Further, the Babylonians did not replace those taken
and the Temple, and wide plunder, including the Temple's from Judah with deportees from elsewhere in the empire,
sacred implements, all marked the Babylonian effort. Ju- either while Judah was a vassal (when Assyrian did not do
dah's vassalship was thereby ended and a new provincial it either) or after 586, with its apparent conversion to a
status for it begun (see below), and what is significant is province (when Assyrian would have done it). The point is
that this change had not been made earlier, as a result of that Babylonian deportees seem to have been resettled
the troubles of 600-597 or 594-593. Apparently, Nebu- virtually exclusively in Babylonia and not, as in Assyrian,
chadnezzar tried to hold on as long as he could to the all over the rest of the empire as well. And in resettling
Assyrian policy of not establishing provinces below the them, as the Judean deportees and other examples show
Jerusalem-Dead Sea line; only the tenaciousness of the (Jer 29:4-7; ANET, 308; cf. Eph'al 1978 and WH]P 5:17-
rebellion in 589-586 made him decide that this policy was 27; 256-58, the Babylonians seem to have been more
too mild and indulgent. intent than the Assyrians on keeping exiled communities
Within this twenty-year period of vassalship, several fea- intact.
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN) 78 • v
The deportation policy had another facet bearing on before they conquered Jerusalem, just as Sennacherib had
the management of Judah. This is the evidently deliberate undertaken to do in 70 I.
tension created in 597, when the rebel Judean king, Jehoia- According to the biblical book of Chronicles (2 Chr
chin, and his courtiers were exiled to Babylon and his 36:21), the Babylonian destruction and deportation were
uncle, Zedekiah, was appointed in his stead. As biblical (2 so thorough in 586 that the land "lay desolate" for seventy
Kgs 25:27-30; Jer 52:31-34) and Babylonian sources years thereafter, to "enjoy its sabbaths." But from other
(ANET, 308b) indicate, the exiled Jehoiachin was allowed textual evidence and archaeological work, it becomes clear
to retain his community and treated reasonably well, if that this portrayal is inaccurate, the outgrowth of the
closely watched. He had the loyalty of many Judeans, both particular ideological interests of the Chronicler. Some
among the Babylonian exiles and back in Judah (jer 28:4; areas of settlement in fact survived. These included part
note the dating by his reign even when in exile in Ezek of Jerusalem itself, notably the W quarter (note the rich
I :2). Since Babylonian records tell us of other exiled rulers burials from the Hinnom Valley [Barkay 1986]), but espe-
who were similarly treated (ANET, 308a; WHJP 411: 213, cially the territory of Benjamin N of Jerusalem. Whether
351 n. 26), the practice may have been, as Malamat notes because Benjamin had voluntarily surrendered to the Bab-
(WH}P 4/1: 213), to keep the exiled ruler as a threatened ylonians early in the 589-586 rebellion or because even
replacement for the new vassal in case the latter failed or earlier, perhaps in 598-597, the Babylonians had split it
misbehaved. But if so, the situation had an unintended off from Judah (WHJP 411: 212; 217-18), Benjamin seems
effect, since the tension it provoked with the new vassal to have escaped extensive destruction. Although the stra-
helped, in Zedekiah's case, to weaken his authority and tigraphy is not always clear, it appears that Benjaminite
thus to reduce his chances for success as a Babylonian sites like Bethel, Tell en Nasbeh ( = Mizpah), Tell el-Ful
vassal. (Gibeah), and Gibeon continued right though 586 without
4. Jud.ah as Province. Nebuchadnezzar II was deter- a break.
mined that after 586 Jerusalem should not remain the It was at an ancient political center of Benjamin, Mizpah
functioning capital of the area. This is clear from the ( = Tell en Nasbeh), 12 km N of Jerusalem, that Nebuchad-
biblical report about its massive destruction in that year, nezzar established a new Judean capital; and we should
confirmed by the excavations in the ancient center of the probably understand that the core of the new community
city. See DAVID, CITY OF; OPHEL. Here the work of was now in Benjaminite territory. The two deportations of
Kenyon (1974: 166-71) then of Shiloh (1984: 29 and 597 and 586 had depleted the land of many of its leading
passim; 1986; 1989) has laid bare the devastation of level elements-most of the royal family, major officials, key
X, with its revelations of collapsed city and house walls, military and religious figures, the upper class of landed
scattered and crushed home furnishings, intermixed with wealth, and various skilled artisans (2 Kgs 24:12-16;
arrowheads and other weapons and a hoard of inscribed 25: 11-12; Jer 52: 15-16; Jer 24: I; 27:20; 29:2, 21 ). Those
bullae of Judean officials active on the eve of the destruc- who were left, according to the biblical sources, were "the
tion. poorest people of the land" (2 Kgs 24:14), "the poor
Babylonian destruction was not confined to Jerusalem. people who owned nothing" (Jer 39; I 0)-that is, the peas-
antry and other lower classes who had owned little or no
The biblical record only briefly alludes to this, in its note
property before the destruction. In addition, there were
about the towns of Lachish and Azekah (jer 34:7). One
still some of the ruling elite around, who had escaped
must go to the archaeological evidence, therefore, to get a harm by going into hiding or into the Transjordan or by
sense of how much beyond Jerusalem destruction reached. professing loyalty to Babylonian rule (Jer 40:7-12; cf.
The Babylonian goal seems to have been particularly the WHJP 4/1: 220-21). From this elite, Nebuchadnezzar
fortresses throughout Judah, and the evidence shows de- chose Gedaliah as the ruler of the surviving Judean com-
struction, in levels regularly with groups of pottery similar munity.
to that found in the Jerusalem Ophel destruction, in the Gedaliah son of Ahikam came from a distinguished
W hill country and Shephelah (Lachish II, Tell Beit Mirsim family of Judean royal officials (2 Kings 25:22; Jer 40:5),
A3, Gezer VA), in the central Judean hills (Beth-zur III, whose service reached back to the reign of Josiah. It makes
Khirbet Rabud [probably = Debir] IB, Ramat Rahel VA), sense that Gedaliah himself should also have had govern-
in the Negeb (Arad VI, Tel Malhata, Tel Ira VI, Tel Masos, ment experience, and that may be attested if we can
Aroer II, and Kadesh Barnea Upper Fort), and on the connect him with the person named in a seal impression
Western Dead Sea shores (Ein Gedi V). The letters written found at Lachish, apparently of the early 6th century
on ostraca from Arad VI and Lachish II add to this (Tufnell 1953: 347-48 and pis. 44-45: No. 173). In that
picture, by describing military activities at these two border impression, which still bears traces of the papyrus fibers of
fortresses just prior to or at an early stage of the rebellion, the document to which it was fixed, the owner's name 1s
before matters became desperate (one exception may be written in the longer form, Gedalyahu, and is given the
Lachish letter 4, which may attest the fall of, or at least well-known title "the one over the house," which could
danger to, Azekah [ANET, 322]). Interestingly, the note designate a royal official. A similarly spelled Gedalyahu,
about Lachish and Azekah in Jer 34:7 reports that while together with his son, Hananiah, appears in another seal
the Babylonians were besieging Jerusalem, only these two impression with papyrus fiber marks, which seems to date
fortresses, of those outside the capital, remained in Judean to about the same period (Avigad 1964: 193-94 + pl.
hands. The indication is, then, that the Babylonians prob- 44C). Unfortunately, neither impression provides the
ably completed their devastation of the rest of Judah name of Gedaliah's father, and since we know of other
v. 79 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN)

Gedaliahs in the period (Jer 38: 1), an identification with Mizpah by Ishmael ben Nethaniah, who had assassinated
the new Judean ruler is not certain. Gedaliah the day before (vv 5-8). Mizpah has been sug-
Once installed in Mizpah, Gedaliah was able to attract gested as the location of the temple in question (e.g., HAI},
various Judeans who had earlier fled the Babylonian inva- 426), but more likely it is the ruin of the Jerusalem Temple
sion (Jer 40:7-12). He also had the support, and supervi- which was the goal, and the mourning garb was to lament
sion, of a Babylonian garrison at the site (Jer 41 :3). The its destruction. Whether within this ruin the altar survived
arrangement fits best with the supposition that Gedaliah as the point of worship is debated; those in favor point to
functioned as Babylonian governor over a provincial Ju- the absence of any notice of the altar's destruction in the
dah, and not, as Miller and Hayes have recently proposed biblical descriptions of the Babylonian burning and sack-
(HAI}, 423), as king. The indications that they find in the ing of the Temple. Likewise debated is the nature of the
Biblical text for this are all highly indirect and can be worship: whether animal sacrifices had ceased and only
interpreted otherwise. The fact remains that Gedaliah was nonanimal sacrifices were continued, and whether sacri-
not of royal blood, and it is hard to see what advantage the fices altogether were giving way to prayer. The passage of
Babylonians would have gained by appointing him king Jeremiah clearly indicates that sacrifices were still being
and flouting so flagrantly and provocatively native Judean made, but may suggest that these were only of the nonan-
royal tradition. Indeed, though Gedaliah is not explicitly imal kind, if minl.iah here means cereal offerings and is not
labelled a governor, the designation he is given, the one used more ambiguously as a general term for sacrifice,
whom Nebuchadnezzar "appointed (Hip'il < paqad) over animal and nonanimal. Who supervised the sacrifices is
*
them ( the people left in the land)" (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer not specified. One would expect priests, but with the main
Jerusalem leadership executed, it is possible that no priests
40:7, II; 41:2, 18), would suit an imperial official like a
governor nicely (cf. Gen 41:34; Esth 2:3); it is, however, were involved at the Temple ruin, or else other priestly
never used in the Bible for making a king (expected would orders, previously subordinate or peripheral, now took
be a Hip'il verb from malak, as in Nebuchadnezzar's mak- over. As for prayer, various biblical texts, for example 1
ing Mattaniah/Zedekiah vassal king [2 Kgs 24: 17]). Kings 8 (especially vv 46-54), have been held to emphasize
In establishing Gedaliah's governorship, the Babyloni- it over against sacrifice and to reflect the post-586 period
ans were determined not to allow the economy of the area in Judah (e.g., Jones 1963). But the interpretation and
to languish. The biblical texts report that Nebuzaradan, dating of these passages is far from clear, even though one
the leader of the Babylonian army against Jerusalem in should certainly not deny the existence of prayer in the
586, made the Judean poor who were left in the land worship of the period, ubiquitous as it was already in
"vinedressers and plowmen" (2 Kgs 25: 12), "and gave preexilic times when the Temple and other sanctuaries
them vineyards and fields" (Jer 39: JO). In turn, Gedaliah were functioning.
advised his people to "dwell in the land, serve the king of The tenure of Gedaliah, though not specified, seems to
Babylon" and "gather wine and summer fruits and oil, have been a short one. He had bitter enemies, opposed to
and store them in your vessels" (Jer 40:9, 10). Graham's his collaboration with Babylonia and perhaps to other
recent study ( 1984) has made clear that behind these things he stood for. The enemies centered on a group of
notices-and perhaps also various archaeological finds at royalists, led by Ishmael son of Nethaniah, of the royal
Mozah, Gibeon, Tell en Nasbeh/Mizpah, and En Gedi, family, who had initially professed support of him, but
though the dating is not in all instances secure-is the then conspired with the Ammonite king Baalis ( = ba'al-
establishment of a deliberate economic policy, in which yiJ'a, in the seal impression referring possibly to this king:
the estates of the Judean wealthy who had been deported Herr 1985; Younker 1985) and assassinated Gedaliah, his
were transferred to the lower classes, to be worked by them entourage, and the Babylonian garrison at Mizpah (Jer
for the benefit of the Babylonian state. Gedaliah was the 41: 1-10). The aim of the plot may have been the restora-
local coordinator of this policy; and through taxes and tion of an independent Judean kingdom, but the result
trade, the products of the Judean economy, wine, balm, was further disaster. Ishmael's forces were set upon by
oil, and dyes, appear to have made their way beyond Judah those Judeans supporting Gedaliah and Babylonian rule;
to Babylonia itself. the losing Ishmael and eight of his companions succeeded
What about religious practices in provincial Judah after in escaping to their ally, Ammon. In turn, the bulk of the
586' The Babylonians' deliberate destruction of the Jeru- Gedaliah forces, fearing a severe Babylonian reaction,
salem Temple, plunder of its sacred implements for re- decided to flee Judah for Egypt, and took Jeremiah with
moval to Babylon, and execution of its principal priests (2 them (Jer 41: 11-43:7). The fear may have been warranted.
Kgs 25:9, 13-21 = Jer 52:13, 17-27) indicate an effort to Jer 52:30 mentions a third deportation from Judah in 582,
destroy the cult at least as it had been practiced in Judah. after those of 597 and 586; and while the reason for this
But there is evidence that the worship of Yahweh contin- is not given, many scholars have connected it with the
ued, albeit on a much more modest level, which the Baby- assassination of Gedaliah, thus yielding about four years
lomans presumably tolerated, although their attitude is for his rule. The matter is not resolved, because others
not represented with any precision. The principal notice have understood the laconic dating of the assassination to
is Jer 41 :4. It records a procession of pilgrims from the "seventh month," without any elaboration (Jer 41:1-
Shech~m, Shiloh, and Samaria, thus evidently from the 3), to imply a time within Gedaliah's first year of rule, i.e.,
Samanan province, coming in mourning garb to present 586-585 (cf. Holladay Jeremiah 2 Hermeneia, 296). Be that
mmMh offerings and incense (leb6niih) to the temple of as it may, the biblical authors provide no further notice
Yahweh, all but ten of whom were waylaid and killed in about Judah under Babylonian rule. For them at least, the
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN) 80 • v
importance of Judah as a viable community had ceased for - - . 1984. The Assyrian Siege Ramp at Lachish: Military and
the moment, and all attention was turned to the exile in Linguistic Aspects. TA I I: 60-70.
Babylonia. Forrer, E. 1920. Die Prouinzeinteilungdes a.1.ryri.1Chen Rtirhes. Lciplig.
Gadd, C. J. 1954. Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud. frtui
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Borger, R., and Tadmor, H. 1982. Zwei Beitrage zur alttestament- Lyon, D. G. 1883. Keilrchrifttexte Sargon's, Kiinig.1 vrm A.uyrim (722-
lichen Wissenschaft aufgrund der lnschriften Tigaltpilesers 705 v. Chr.). Assyriologische Bibliothek 5. Ll'ipzig.
III. ZAW 94: 244-51. Machinist, P 1983. Assyrian and Its Image in the Firs! Isaiah . .fMJS
Cogan, M. 1974. imperialism and Religion. SBLMS 19. Missoula, MT. 103: 719-37.
Cohen, C. 1979. Neo-Assyrian Elements in the First Speech of the Malamat, A. 1968. The Last Kings of .Judah and tl1t: Fall ol
Biblical Rab-Saqe. /OS 9: 32-48. Jerusalem. IE] 18: 137-56.
Crowfoot, J. W.; Crowfoot, G. M.; and Kenyon, K. M. 1957. The - - . 1973. Josiah's Bid for Armageddon. The llarkground ol
Objects from Samaria. Samaria-Sebaste III. London. the Judean-Egyptian Encounter in 60911.C.]ANl•."S 5: 21i7-7!1.
Dalley, S. 1985. Foreign Chariotry and Cavalry in the Armies of McCarter, PK. 1974. "Yaw, Son of'Omri": A l'hilologiral Nol.I' on
Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II. Iraq 47: 31-48. Israelite Chronology. RASOR 216: 5-7.
Edelman, D. 1991. The Manassite Genealogy in I Chr 7:14-19: McKay, J. 1973. Religion in Judah under the A.i.rynans. SllT n.s. 21>.
Form and Sources. CBQ 53: I 79-20 I. London.
Elat, M. 1975. The Political Status of the Kingdom of Judah within Millard, A. R., and Tadmor H. 1973. Adad-nirari III in Syria. /rfU/
the Assyrian Empire in the 7th Century B.C.E. Pp. 61-70 in 35: 57-64 + pl. XXIX.
Investigations at Lachish. The Sanctuary and the Residency (Lachish Na'aman, N. 1974. Sennacherib's "Letter Lo God" on His Cam-
V), by Y. Aharoni. Tel Aviv. paign to Judah. BASOR 214: 25-39.
- - . 1978. The Economic Relations of the Neo-Assyrian Empire Na'aman, N., and Zadok, R. 1988. Sargon H's Deportations to
with Egypt.]AOS 98: 20-34. Israel and Philistia (716-70811.C.).]CS 40: %-4fi.
- - . 1982. The Impact of Tribute and Booty on Countries and Oates, J. 1959. Late Assyrian Pottery from fort Shalmaneser. lrfU/
People within the Assyrian Empire. Pp. 244-51 in Vortrage 21: 130-46 +pis. XXXIV-XXXIX.
gehalten auf der 28. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Oren, E. D. 1982. Ziklag: A Biblical City on the Edge of the Negt•v.
Wien, 6.-10.juli 1981. AfO Beiheft 19. Horn. BA 45: 155-66.
Eph'al, I. 1978. The Western Minorities in Babylonia in the 6th- Oren, E. D. et al. 1986. A Phoenician Emporium on the Bonier ol
5th Centuries B.C.: Maintenance and Cohesion. Or n.s. 47: Egypt. Qadmoniot 19: 83-91 (in Hebrew).
74-90. Otzen, B. 1977-78. Israel under the Assyrians: Rdlections 011
- - . 1982. The Ancient Arabs. Jerusalem. Imperial Policy in Palestine. AST/ 11: 96-110.
v • 81 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (PERSIAN)

Page, S. 1968. A Stela of Adad-nirari III and Nergal-erd from Tell - - . 1978. Jau(a) Mar lfomri-Joram oder Jehu von Israel? VT
al Rimah. lraq 30: 139-53 + pis. XXXIX-XLI. 28: 113-18.
Paul, S. M. 1969. Sargon's Administrative Diction in II Kings 17: Winckler, H. 1889. Die K£ilschrifttexte Sargons. 2 Vols. Leipzig.
27.]BL 88: 73-74. Wiseman, D. J. 1951. Two Historical Inscriptions from Nimrud.
Petirkova, J. 1977. The Administrative Organization of the Neo- Iraq 13: 21-26 + pis. XI-XII.
Assyrian Empire. A70r 45: 211-28. Younker, R. W. 1985. Israel, Judah, and Ammon and the Motifs on
- - . 1987. The Administrative Methods of Assyrian Imperial- the Baalis Seal from Tell el-'Umeiri. BA 48: 173-80.
ism. A70r 55: 162-75. PETER MACHINIST
Postgate, J. N. 1970. More "Assyrian Deeds and Documents." Iraq
32: 129-64 + pis. XVIIl-XXXI. PERSIAN ADMINISTRATION
- - . 1974. Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire. Studia The period of Persian dominance in the ANE, ushered
Pohl, Series Maior I. Rome. in by Cyrus in 539 B.c., is not easily documented by the
- - . 1979. The Economic Structure of the Assyrian Empire. available epigraphic and archaeological evidence. Persian
Pp. 193-221 in Power and Propaganda. A Symposium on Ancient rulers dealt with the region that came to be called Pales-
Empires, ed., M. T L;i.rsen. Mesopotamia 7. Copenhagen. tine, which was defined differently over time, by using
- - . 1980. The Place of the Saknu in Assyrian Government. political and administrative savvy to serve their own inter-
AnSt 30: 67-76. ests. Although Persian policies toward and administrative
Reade, J. E. 1972. The Neo-Assyrian Court and Army: Evidence structures governing Palestine are difficult to reconstruct
from the Sculptures. Iraq 34: 87-112 + pis. XXXIII-XL. because of the meager evidence, an overview of adminis-
Reich, R. 1975. The Persian Building at Ayyelet ha-Shahar: The trative practice in the south, the north, Samaria, and Judah
Assyrian Palace of Hazor? IE] 25: 233-37. is possible.
- - . 1984. The Identification of the "Sealed luiru of Egypt." IE]
34: 32-38 + pl. 6A. A. Sources
Reich, R., and Brandl, B. 1985. Gezer under Assyrian Rule. PEQ B. The Region Called Palestine
117:41-54. C. Persian Administration
Reisner, G. A.; Fisher, C. S.; and Lyon, D. G. 1924. Harvard 1. In the South
Excavations at Samaria 1908-1910. Vols. 1-2. Cambridge, MA. 2. In the North
Schramm, W. 1972. War Semiramis assyrische Regentin? Historia 3. Samaria
21: 513-21. 4. Judah
Shiloh, Y. 1984. Excavations at the City of David I. Qedem 19.
Jerusalem. A. Sources
- - 1986. A Group of Hebrew Bullae from the City of David. The sources available for the study of the Persian admin-
IE] 36: 16-38 + pis. 4-7. istration of Palestine fall into two distinct group5, and the
- - . 1989. Judah and Jerusalem in the Eighth-sixth Centuries difficulty which confronts us in consequence is that of
B.C.E. Pp. 97-105 in Recent Excavations in Israel: Studies in Iron relating the one to the other. First, the literary and archae-
Age Archaeology, ed. S. Gitin and W. G. Dever. AASOR 49. ological sources illuminate the history of Palestine (princi-
Winona Lake, IN. pally Judah) throughout this period. Alongside the rele-
Sigrist, R. M. 1982. Une tablette cuneiforme de Tell Keisan. /E] 32: vant biblical texts, mention should also be made of the
32-35. Aramaic texts from the Jewish community in Elephantine,
Smith, D. L. 1989. The Religion of the Landless. The Social Context of Upper Egypt, of the Aramaic texts from Wadi ed-Daliyeh,
the Babylonian Exile. Bloomington. of a number of seals and coins throughout the region, and
Spieckermann, H. 1982. Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit. of course, the general conclusions which may be drawn
FRLANT 129. Gottingen. from a study of the material remains of the period. Of
Stern, E. 1975. Israel at the Close of the Period of the Monarchy: later textual sources, none is more important than Jose-
An Archaeological Survey. BA 38: 26-54. phus, whose history of the period (Antiquities 11) probably
Tadmor, H. 1958. The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur.]CS 12: includes a few items of authentic material not otherwise
22-40; 77-100. preserved. These sources are not comprehensive and so
- - . 1966. Philistia Under Assyrian Rule. BA 29: 86-102. do not enable us to reconstruct a satisfyingly connected
- - . 1967. The Conquest of Galilee by Tiglath-pileser Ill, King history even of Judah, let alone the remainder of Palestine
of Assyria. Pp. 62-67 in All the Land of Naphtali (in Hebrew). (see Williamson 1990). However, this is less serious for our
Jerusalem. present purposes than might at first appear, in so far as
Tufnell, 0. 1953. Lachish III. The Iron Age. 2 vols. London. our concern is with policy and administrative structures
Ussishkin, D. 1977. The Destruction of Lachish by Sennacherib rather than with the course of events as such.
and the Dating of the Royal Judean Storage Jars. TA 4: 28-60. Second, we have a good deal of information regarding
- - . 1982. The Conquest of Lachish by Sennacherib. Tel Aviv. the affairs of the Achaemenid empire as a whole. Until the
- - . 1983. Excavations at Tel Lachish 1978-1983: Second Pre- last century, this was confined to classical sources, such as
liminary Report. TA 10: 97-175. Herodotus, Ctesias, Thucydides, and Xenophon. Now,
Van Beek, G. W. 1983. Digging Up Tell Jemmeh. Arch 36: 12-19. however, it is possible to refine and sometimes modify this
Weippert, M. 1972. Review of Neo-A.ssyrian Toponym.s, by Simo Par- picture by firsthand texts from the center of the empire
pola. GiiUingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 224: 150-61. itself: monumental texts in Old Persian, such as Darius I's
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (PERSIAN) 82 • v
Behistun inscription, have been joined by the Elamite and There is little agy-eement as to where the capital of the
Aramaic texts from Persepolis, while information in local new satrapy was located. Sidon, Tripolis, Damascus, Ash-
languages from Babylon, Egypt, Asia Minor, and else- kelon, and Belesys all have some sort of claim (Cook 1983:
where has helped to round out the picture (see Cook 174), though the first-named seems most probable (Elayi
1983; Frye 1984). Hardly any of these, however, make any 1980: 25-26). More interestingly, it appears from material
mention whatsoever of Palestine; our problem, therefore, remains that the Persian overlords limited their presence
is to match what we know of Persian administrative prac- to a few specific garrison towns (notably Lachish, Hazor,
tices in general with such specific texts as we have for the Tel Poleg, Shiqmonah, Ramat Rahel, Ein Gedi Tell es-
history of Palestine during this period. Sadiyeh, Tell Mazar, Tell el-Hesi, Samaria. Tell 'el-Farah,
and Gezer; see Kenyon 1987: 145-47), and were content
B. The Region Called Palestine thereafter to leave the administration in local hands. They
"Palestine" was not a name or district officially recog- will have relied upon their excellent road system and
nized by the Persians. Furthermore, Herodotus is not fully periodic inspections by high officials of the king, known as
consistent in his usage of the term. Generally in his writ- "the King's Eye" (who traveled the provinces with a mili-
ings, Palestine explicitly excludes Phoenicia (e.g., in his list tary patrol drawn from the Persian army itself) to ensure
of satrapies, 3. 91: ". . . the whole of Phoenicia and that stability and provide an independent check on the loyalty
part of Syria which is called Palestine ... "), but at 7.89, of both satraps and governors.
beyond the more restricted definition, he also goes on to
say, "This part of Syria [i.e., including the land of the C. Persian Administration.
Phoenicians], together with the country which extends It is when we turn to the issue of provincial administra-
southward to Egypt, is all known as Palestine." In view of tion within this satrapy that we encounter great difficulties,
this ambiguity, it would seem best in the present context and indeed the almost complete lack of connection be-
to concentrate attention primarily on the territories origi- tween our two major blocks of sources (to say nothing of
nally included within the preexilic kingdoms of Israel and their spasmodic character) means that over many issues we
Judah, but to include some comments on neighboring cannot hope for more than reasonably informed conjec-
districts (where sources permit) for comparison and con- ture. Nor should we assume that the Persians administered
trast. every province alike; a brief look at the situation in the
At the macro level, the administrative status of this extreme Sand the extreme N of our area should underline
territory under the Persians is relatively straightforward. this point before we move on to a more detailed discussion
When Cyrus entered Babylon in 539 e.c., he inherited at of Judah and Samaria.
a stroke the whole of the neo-Babylonian empire, which I. In the South. The S border of the Persian province
was made up of both Babylonia and former Assyria and of Judah ran along a line to the N of Hebron and Lachish,
thus stretched around the fertile crescent as far as Egypt. so that these prominent centers, to say nothing of more
During the early years of Persian rule, this whole area southerly towns such as Arad and Beer-sheba, lay outside
("Babylon and the land Beyond the River") was adminis- the Jewish province. This situation probably reflects a
tered as a single unit under Gubaru, whom Cyrus ap- continuation of that which developed after the first Baby-
pointed as governor. lonian conquest (597 B.C.), when the territory of Judah was
Similarly, after Darius I crushed two rebellions in Baby- diminished and Edomite and other Arabian tribes ex-
lon at the start of his reign, we find that a Persian named panded into the area.
Ushtani is governor over the same extended area, but that Herodotus (3.4-9; 3.91; 3:97) tells us that in return for
in addition he has a subordinate with responsibility for Arabian help during his Egyptian campaign, Cyrus' succes-
"Beyond the River" (i.e., the western side of the fertile sor Cambyses did not subdue their territory but rather
crescent) only, namely Tattannu Olmstead 1944), who is established "friendly relations" and that this was continued
clearly to be identified with the Tattenai of Ezra 5:3, 6; later in the sense that the Arabs were not obliged to pay
6:6, 13. Ushtani remained in office until at least 516 B.c. revenue but that they did make annual contributions in
(Graf 1985: 87), and Tattenai until as late as 502 B.C. the form of "gifts." From the Persian point of view, this
(Rainey 1969: 53, Oppenheim in Gershevitch 1985: 563). may well have been regarded as a practical means of
lt is thus apparent, on the basis of firsthand sources, that securing one of their borders with a minimum of effort,
we cannot follow without qualification the somewhat later while Eph'al (1982: 206-10) has suggested that the "gifts"
account of Herodotus when he both implies that the major were in fact a fixed amount paid in return for the delega-
reform of the empire into twenty satrapies should be dated tion to "the king of the Arabs" of the supervision of the
early in the reign of Darius I and that Babylon and Beyond spice trade from Arabia to the coast S of Gaza. A less
the River were administered as separate satrapies (the generous attitude might be to observe that the arrange-
ninth and fifth in his list respectively) from that time on. It ment was as much as the Persians could hope to achieve in
is widely believed currently (though, cf. Dandamayev CH] the light of what we now know of the power and extent of
l: 329) that whereas the major reorganization of the this kingdom. Geshem the Arabian, who was an enemy of
empire was achieved by Darius, the specific separation of Nehemiah located to the S of Judah (cf. Neh 2: 19; 6: 1-2.
Beyond the River to form a new satrapy was realized only 6), is probably to be identified with the father of "Qainii
in the early years of Xerxes' reign as part of his reforms son of Geshem, king of Qedar," whose name appears on a
following two Babylonian revolts (Rainey 1969: 57; Graf silver bowl found at Tell el-Maskhiita in lower Egypt, and
1985: 89-93). Thereafter, Palestine will have remained as perhaps with the Gashm ben Shahr referred to in a Lil:i-
part of this new satrapy until the end of the Persian period. yanite inscription from Arabian Dedan (see the most re-
v • 83 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (PERSIAN)

cent defense of this identification by Graf fc., l 0-11, contra that, once again, the Persians adopted a pragmatic ap-
Eph'al 1982: 213-14). This suggests that in the middle of proach to their administration in this area-granting con-
the 5th century B.C., at any rate, the Qedarite confedera- siderable autonomy to a traditional way of government in
tion· was an extensive and powerful force whose total order to secure the benefits of much-needed Phoenician
subjugation the Persians may have considered too costly. maritime skills.
It has been reasonably argued, however, that following This brief survey of S and N Palestine has concluded
the Egyptian revolt at the very end of the 5th century, the that we cannot bring a priori considerations to bear on an
relationship changed and the Persians established the analysis of the administrative structures of any given area
province of ldumaea; a further reason for this may have within the satrapy of Beyond the River. Since we have to
been that the growth in population of S Palestine made be alert to variety, we should not be afraid of concluding
this fiscally rewarding (de Geus 1979-80). This would then from a study of relevant evidence that one province may
account for the presence of 4th-century Aramaic ostraca have been administered differently from another. Unfor-
at Arad and Beersheba whose terminology is suggestive of tunately, for parts of the coastal plain, as for Galilee and
Achaemenid administration, but whose late date cannot Transjordan, we do not have sufficient evidence to draw
support Stern's conjecture (CH] l: 81) that the area was a any firm conclusions whatever (for ·a survey of what is
regular Persian province throughout the period of Persian available, see Avi-Yonah 1966: 23-31; and Stern 1982:
rule. The history of S Palestine thus makes clear that 237-53). But for the heartland of Judah and Samaria, the
Persian administration proceeded on a pragmatic basis OT itself, together with epigraphic and other archaeolog-
and was subject to development in the face of changing ical remains, enables us to be rather more positive.
circumstances. 3. Samaria. The first issue concerns whether these two
2. In the North. Administration of the Phoenician cities, districts were initially administered as a single province, or
located basically to the N of Palestine, but with influence whether they were two separate provinces from the very
on and hence implications for virtually the whole of the start of Achaemenid rule. References to Sheshbazzar (Ezra
Palestinian coast, leads by a quite different route to a 5:14) and Zerubbabel (Hag 1:1, 14) as "governors" of
comparable conclusion (see especially Elayi 1980). In the Judah, as well as to the territory of Judah as a "province"
early years of Persian rule it is clear that they shared many (Heb hamedinii, Ezra 2: I), give initial support to the latter
common objectives with the Persians in terms of control of opinion (I] H, 510). This was challenged by Alt (KlSchr
the eastern Mediterranean seaboard. Not only, therefore, 2:316-37), however, who argued in an influential article
did they rapidly submit to Cyrus after he had entered that Judah became part of Samaria in Babylonian times
Babylon (assuming that they are included among "the and that this continued to be the case until Nehemiah's
kings of the West land" mentioned in the Cyrus cylinder; time, when Judah first gained its independence (hence the
see ANET 316), but they materially aided his successor opposition which Nehemiah aroused). He further argued
Cambyses with naval assistance for his invasion of Egypt, that pl;h, "governor," was a broad term that could equally
as they did subsequent kings in the later Greco-Persian well refer to a "special commissioner" (see more recently
wars of the early 5th century. McEvenue 1981 ).
In response to (if not indeed to secure) such loyalty, In a strongly worded riposte originally published in
these Phoenician city-states seem to have been treated with 1971, Smith (1987: 193-20 l) pointed to the hypothetical
a light hand by the Persians. They retained their heredi- nature of Alt's case and to the fact that Neh 5: 15 implies
tary monarchs, were able later to mint their own coinage that there were governors of Judah before Nehemiah. In
(Betlyon 1982), and were given considerable freedom in the second edition of his book (198 7: 149-50), Smith was
their commercial enterprises. Thus although they were also probably right to draw attention to the appearance of
included within the fifth satrapy, it would be a mistake to "Elnathan the governor" on a bulla and seal published by
think of them either individually or collectively as simply Avigad (1976). Neither the precise significance of the title
another province. Once again, Stern ( 1982: 239; CH] I: nor the date of this material is completely certain, al-
80-81) rejects this conclusion, citing in particular the fact though probability strongly favors Avigad's and Smith's
that the Eshmunazar inscription includes the description position (Williamson 1988).
of a region which coincides with the boundaries of the Finally, various historical considerations may be added
Assyrian-Persian province of Dor. What he does not state, to the foregoing proposals. For instance, it needs to be
however, is (I) that this is south of the central area of the asked why, if Judah was not an independent province with
Phoenician city-states, (2) that the area was given to Sidon Jerusalem as its capital, the various official enquiries in
as a reward for loyalty by the Persian king (unidentified, Ezra 4 and 5 were necessary. Presumably on Alt's view the
but perhaps Xerxes I, following his wars with Greece), governor of Samaria should have had authority to act
thus implying a change in what had formerly been the within his own province (Ezra 4), while Tattenai in Ezra 5
s1tuatmn, and (3) that the area is geographically separated should have approached him, and not the Jews, for an
from. Sidon by Tyre, so that it cannot be part of a single explanation of what was going on. On balance, therefore,
province. The political geography of this area is admit- we should conclude that Judah and Samaria were admin-
tedly extremely complex (Elayi 1982) and we do not have istered separately throughout the period of Persian rule.
sufficient sources to resolve all the issues satisfactorily. What little further is known of Samaria may be conve-
Furthermore, conditions did not remain static (Katzen- niently summarized next. The precise boundaries of the
stem 1979) and of course later on in the Persian period province are uncertain, but Avi-Yonah (1966: 24-25) has
the are.a. saw at least two major revolts against the central argued convincingly that it did not include Galilee, the
authonues, but none of this should detract from the fact situation thus remaining as it had under the Assyrians.
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (PERSIAN) 84. v
The mixed population of the province (Stern 1982: 245) Jerusalem, Keilah, Mizpah, Beth-haccherem, and Beth-
appears to be reflected in the names and titles of Ezra 4: zur. Some scholars accept that this reflects the actual
9-10, but textual difficulties preclude pressing this evi- situation (e.g., Aharoni LBHG, 364), while others believe
dence further. By the middle of the 5th century s.c., that one or two districts may simply not be mentioned in
however, when Nehemiah came to Jerusalem, Sanballat was the list. For instance, Avi-Yonah ( 1966: 22) adds Jericho,
acting as governor. The biblical text never ascribes this title whereas Stern ( 1982: 248-49) adds Gezer and Jericho, but
to him, but it appears on a seal from Wadi ed-Daliyeh subsumes Beth-haccherem within Jerusalem. Such details,
(Cross 1974: 18) as well as in the Elephantine papyri (CAP of course, are of less significance in the present context
30.29). Because he was succeeded by his descendants than the intensity of administrative structures which the
through a further four generations and appears himself data present as a whole.
to have been the first in his family to act as governor (for b. Governor. As already noted, the Persians adminis-
the evidence for both these assertions, see SANBALLAT), tered this province through a "governor" (Heb pel,!ii). We
it is likely that his appointment reflects some administra- may list the names of those known to us with the source
tive changes by the Persians following the revolt of the which states their title, while recognizing that in the case
western satrapies under the leadership of Megabyzos in of those known only from epigraphical sources, there can
about 449 s.c., but unless Nehemiah's appointment a few be little certainty as to absolute or relative chronology
years later is to be seen in the same context we do not (Avigad 1976: 35; modified by Williamson 1988), as fol-
know what further measures they took at this time. lows:
4. Judah. a. Boundaries. Turning finally to Judah, we
find our evidence to be more abundant than for any other NAME DATE SOURCE
of the provinces in Beyond the River. First, we can recon-
struct not only the approximate boundaries of the prov- Sheshbazzar 538 B.C. Ezra 5:14 (and 1:8?)
ince, but even its internal divisions. From the list of those Zerubbabel 520 B.C. Hag l:l, 14
who returned from Babylon (Ezra 2; Nehemiah 7) and Elna than late 6th century B.c. see Avigad 1976
that in Nehemiah 3, which details the participants in the Nehemiah 445-433 B.C. Neh 5:14-15, 18;
reconstruction of the walls of Jerusalem, we learn that 12:26
Gibeon, Mizpah, and Bethel were included, suggesting a Bagohi 408 B.C. CAP 30:1
northern border slightly more extensive than that of the Yebezpiya 4th century s.c. see Rahmani 197 l;
kingdom of Judah after the division of the monarchy. To Mildenberg 1979;
the east, the mention of Jericho points to the river Jordan Betlyon 1986
Yeh'ezer (uncertain) Aharoni 1962: 28;
continuing as the natural border. To the south, however,
Aharoni 1964: 19,
the border was pulled back to a line between Hebron and
Lachish outside the province and Beth-zur and Keilah 43
Ahzai (uncertain) Aharoni 1962: 28;
inside, as already noted, this probably continued the situ-
Aharoni 1964: 19,
ation established by Nebuchadnezzar. The southwestern
43
border, including Keilah and Zanoah, is not controversial,
but in the northwest there is considerable dispute as to
whether the trio of Lod, Hadid, and Ono (Ezra 2: 33) are The dates refer to the year attested by the source, not the
to be included or not. For different reasons, Alt (KlSchr duration of the office, concerning which there is generally
2:338-45) and Avi-Yonah (1966), among others, have ar- no information. The names "Yeh'ezer" and "Ahzai" ap-
gued that this district lay outside the province of Judah, pear on stamps from a refuse dump at Ramal Rabel, but
whereas to counter this Stern (1982: 245-49) has added there is no means of telling whether they were governors
archaeological considerations to the textual data, namely before or after Nehemiah's time. It thus appears as if the
the place of discovery of a number of seal impressions administration was wholly in Jewish hands. The only pos-
which he believes belonged to the Judean administration sible doubt here concerns Bagohi, but since we know that,
and of coins bearing the legend yh(w)d (Judah). As regards despite its Iranian etymology, this name could be used by
the disputed area, he locates this within a district that he Jewish families (Ezra 2: 2), it seems probable that this is
calls "north-west Shephelah," centered on Gezer, where also the case here. In any event, he should almost certainly
such finds have been made. Unfortunately, however, this not be associated with the famous general of Artaxerxes
sort of evidence cannot at present finally settle the issue. III (Williamson 1977).
The trio of towns are at quite some distance from Gezer, c. Strategic Location. Moving beyond these rather se-
so that we cannot be sure exactly where the border lay. verely factual matters, we should observe next that Judah
This leaves us with the literary evidence alone, which probably benefited considerably under the Persian admin-
points unanimously to their inclusion. This may seem a istration from its location near the border with Egypt.
little odd geographically, but it is possible to defend it on (The situation ought to have been the same in the case of
historical grounds (Williamson Ezra, Nehemiah WBC, 33- such neighboring provinces as Ashdod, but we have no
34, 254-55). It thus emerges that the province was proba- literary evidence by which to check.) Though Cyrus him-
bly no more than 40-50 km wide, less than half as large as self never invaded Egypt, there can be little doubt that he
the preexilic kingdom of Judah. had it in mind, and his son Cambyses duly fulfilled his
Again on the basis of Nehemiah 3, it is clear that the ambition. We have already noted how, in quite different
province was divided into at least five districts (themselves ways, this turned out to the advantage both of the Arabs
apparently further subdivided), with their "capitals" at to the south and the Phoenician city-states to the north
v. 85 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (PERSIAN)

and west. The dealings of the early Achaemenids with sions in return for what was regarded as an even greater
Judah should be viewed in the same light. Although ~yrus good. As texts from various sources show, the Jews, for
is not so much regarded now as actmg purely out of liberal their part, were generally quite willing to act loyally toward
humanitarian considerations (Kuhrt 1983), he was cer- the empire-including offering prayers and sacrifices on
tainly not above making use of such when it could be seen behalf of the king and his family (Ezra 6: 10; 7: 23)-in
to work to his advantage-and in the case of Judah, it return for relative religious and legal freedom as well as
surely was. The return of some of the exiles with their tax concessions (elsewhere it has been argued that, ironi-
temple treasures from Babylon, together with permission cally, it was this administrative convenience rather than
to rebuild the temple itself, is not out of place in terms of any internal ideological development which was the pri-
Persian policy toward both the area of Babylon itself, as mary catalyst for the exclusive stance of the Jewish reform-
revealed in the Cyrus cylinder, or toward Beyond the ers; see Williamson 1989). Conversely, it is likely that the
River, as noted above. Persians regarded this as a small price to pay for loyalty on
Indeed, as it turns out, for most of the major turning their W border. But of course, as Ezra at least demon-
points known to us in the history of the postexilic period strates, any suspicion of an abuse of this delicate arrange-
which brought the Jews into close contact with the center ment was speedily treated in a harsh and peremptory
of power in the empire, wider international considerations manner.
can always be postulated as motivation on the part of the Another important area in the Persian administration of
king. In summary (and in addition to the factors already Palestine is unfortunately one regarding which we have
mentioned), we may link (I) the favor of Darius I (Ezra 5- least information. As part of the satrapy of Beyond the
6) with his desire to consolidate his rule after the spate of River, Judah must have had to contribute its share toward
rebellions at its inception; (2) the mission of Ezra (on an the 350 talents of silver which, according to Herodotus
early date) with the Egyptian revolt (though cf. Margalith 3.90-97, the satrapy as a whole was liable to pay as revenue
1986; (3) the harsh measures of Ezra 4: 8-23 soon after each year, but how much and by what means the province
with the revolt of the satrap Megabyzos once he had made its contribution we have no way of knowing. On the
successfully put down the Egyptian revolt; (4) the mission one hand, Cyrus (Ezra 6: 4), Darius I (Ezra 6: 8-10), and
of Nehemiah with a postulated desire of Artaxerxes I to Artaxerxes (Ezra 7: 20-24) all made grants for the sup-
stabilize the position in the whole of the satrapy following port of the temple, and it has often been supposed that
Megabyzos' revolt (Williamson 1990); and (5) a late date of this was administered by deducting the amount expended
Ezra's mission (i.e., 398 B.C.) with a further Egyptian revolt from the amount of revenue owed by the province. In
(Cazelles 1954). Finally, the account of how one Bagoses addition, there were specific tax concessions for the cultic
"defiled the sanctuary, and imposed tribute on the Jews" personnel (Ezra 7: 24). On the other hand, it is clear from
because the high priest Joannes murdered his brother Neh 5: 4 that the burden of taxation fell heavily on many
Jesus in the temple (Josephus, Ant 11.297-301) may be in the population and, from vv 14-19 of the same chapter,
linked with the attempt by Artaxerxes III to recapture that several of Nehemiah's predecessors as governor ex-
Egypt in 344-343 B.c. both because a Persian general acted their dues from the people with a heavy hand. (It is
named Bagoses played an important part in this campaign, possible, on the basis of evidence from the Persepolis
and because it is possible that the Tennes revolt just before tablets, that these dues in kind were accepted as part of
could well have divided Jerusalem into pro-Persian and the province's overall dues in revenue, but we cannot be
pro-Egyptian parties; but this example is far less certain, sure.) In addition, steps were taken periodically (Nehe-
and could equally well have been motivated by local issues miah 10 and 13) to enforce the payment of tithes for tht;
alone. support of the temple.
Evidence is continuing to accumulate regarding the ad- Now, it has frequently been stated in the past that in the
ministrative procedures which undergirded this policy. later part of the Persian period, at least, the situation
Frei (1984) has collected examples from Egypt and Asia already obtained which seems certain for the Hellenistic
Minor as well as Judah to illustrate how frequently reforms period, namely that civil as well as sacred authority lay in
in the spheres of law and the cult as they affected a the hands of the high priest. If that were so, then several
particular province were initiated by the Persians in re- of the kinds of payment just listed would have been concen-
sponse to specific petitions by the local inhabitants under trated into one, and the whole system would be relatively
an indigenous leadership. Similarly, Blenkinsopp ( 1987) is clear. Unfortunately, however there is virtually no evidence
only the latest in a long line of scholars who have compared for this hypothesis (nor have I been able to find any serious
the accounts of Ezra and Nehemiah with that of the attempt to defend it; most scholars just assert it, though
Egyptian Udjahorresnet (for his inscription, see AEL 3: see Meyers 1985 ), and much that tells against it, such as
36-41). He was a collaborator who, again explicitly by the list of (secular) governors given above (see also Laper-
means of a petition, "used his new position to influence rousaz 1982). Thus, beyond the suggestion that the jar
Cambyses to carry out a thorough restoration of the cult handles stamped with the official name of the province
at the dynastic sanctuary of Sais" (AEL 3: 410), and who were once part of a system for collecting revenues in kind,
was almost certainly involved in the codification and en- we remain in the dark about this important topic.
forcement of the ancient laws of Egypt, as recorded in the Finally, we should observe that a number of coins
Demotic Chronicle (Spiegelberg 1914). stamped with the name of the province are now known
. In the Ii.ght of these and other examples that could be from the 4th century B.C., again attesting both the admin-
h~ted, a picture emerges with regard to Judah in which istrative independence and favorable status which Judah
kmg and subject were each willing to make some conces- enjoyed at that time. The occurrence of the name of a
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (PERSIAN) 86 • v
govern~r on some of these coins is thus not expected. Laperrousaz, E. M. 1982. Le regime theocratique juif a-t-il rnm-
More d1ffi~ult to account for, however, is Barag's reading ence a l'epoque hellenistique? Sem 32: 93-96. .
of one com as yfm{n] hkhn "Johanan the priest" (1985). Margalith, 0. 1986. The Political role of Ezra as Persian c;,,vernor.
Were there other evidence to support it, this might be ZAW 98: 110-12.
taken as signifying that by the second half of the 4th McEvenue, S. E. 1981. The Political Structure in Judah from Cyrus
century e.c. (i.e., just before the collapse of Persian rule) to Nehemiah. CBQ 43: 353-64.
Judah was indeed governed as a hierocracy, but in fact Mildenberg, L. 1979. Yehud: A Preliminary Study of the Provincial
both B'.lrag and Betyl~n ( 1986) agree that this single coin Coinage of Judaea. Pp. 183-96 in Gruh Numi.1matio and Ar-
more hkely attests a ume of revolt or subversive activity chaeology, ed. 0. M!llrkholm and N. M. Waggoner. Wetteren.
against Persian rule. Meyers, E. M. 1985. The Shelomith Seal and the Judean Restora-
In sum, therefore, the Persian administration of Pales- tion: Some Additional Considerations. El 18: 33"-38•.
tine can be best characterized as one of enlightened self- Olmstead, A. T 1944. Tattenai, Governor of "Across the River."
interest, exploiting with no little skill their varied ways of ]NES 3: 46.
gaining favor with the local peoples for their own strategic
Rahmani, L. Y. 1971. Silver Coins of the Fourth Century BC from
and political ends.
Tel Gamma. IE/ 21: 158-60.
Rainey, A. F. 1969. The Satrapy "Beyond the River." AJBA 1: 51-
Bibliography 78.
Aharoni, Y. 1962-64. Excavations at Ramal Rahel: Sewons 1959 and
Smith, M. 1987. Palestinian Parties and l'rilitio that Shaped the Old
1960 and Sewons 1961and1962. Rome.
Testament. 2d ed. London.
Avigad, N. 1976. Bull.ai! and Seals from a Post-Exilic judtan Archive.
Qedem 4. Jerusalem. Spiegelberg, W. 1914. Die sogenannte Demoti.1che Chronik. Leipzig.
Avi-Yonah, M. 1966. The Holy Land From the Persian to the Arab Stern, E. 1982. The Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the
Conquests (536 B.C. to A.D. 640): A Historical Geography. Grand Persian Period 538-332 B.C. Warminster and Jerusalem.
Rapids. Williamson, H. G. M. 1977. The Historit:al Value of Josephus'
Barag, D. 1985. Some Notes on a Silver Coin of Johanan the High jewi.ih Antiquities xi.297-30 l. JTS n.s. 28: 49-66.
Priest. BA 48: 166-68. - - . 1988. The Governors of Judah under the Persians. TynRul
Betlyon, W. 1982. The Coinage and Mints of Phoenicia: The Pre- 29: 59-82.
Alexandrine Period. HSM 26. Chico, CA. - - . 1989. The Concept of Israel in 'lransition. l'p. 141-61 in
- - . 1986. The Provincial Government of Persian Period Judea The World of Ancient l.1rael: Social, Political and Anthropolo(l;lml
and the Yehud Coins.]BL 105: 633-42. Perspectives, ed. R. E. Clements. Camhridge.
Blenkinsopp, J. 1987. The Mission of Udjahorresnet and those of - - . 1990. Early Post-Exilic Judaean History. In The Bible and
Ezra and Nehemiah.JBL 106: 409-21. the Ancient Near Ewt, ed. J. A. Hackett. Atlanta.
Cazelles, H. 1954. La Mission d'Esdras. VT 4: 113-40. H. G. M. WILLIAMSON

Cook, J. M. 1983. The Persian Empire. London.

Cross, F. M. 1974. The Papyri and Their Historical Implications. POSTEXIUC JUDEAN OFFICIALS
Pp. 17-29 in Discoveries in the Wadi ed-Daliyeh, ed. P. W. Lapp
and N. L. Lapp. AASOR 41. Cambridge, MA. A problem for exegesis of biblical references to officials
Elayi, J. 1980. The Phoenician Cities in the Persian Period.JANES lies in the fact that the official of preexilic towns called a
12: 13-28. far seems to be accompanied by slganim and ~<!rim, instead
- - . 1982. Studies in Phoenician Geography during the Persian of the earlier "elders," just as the previously rare pe~f1 has
Period.JNES41: 83-110. now become a top-ranking "governor" or tirftitti). Such
Eph'al, I. 1982. The Ancient Arabs: Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile changes might be expected to have some relation with
Crescent. Leiden. Persian administrative reforms, either under Darius I, or
Frei, P. 1984. Zentralgewalt und Lokalautonomie im Achameniden- perhaps more likely in Xerxes' reorganization following
reich. Pp. 7-43 in Reichsidte und Reichsorganisation im Perserreich, the Babylonian and Egyptian revolts at his accession. But a
ed. P. Frei and K. Koch. OBO 55. Freiburg and Gottingen. lexical scrutiny of the terms involved, together with what
Frye, R. N. 1984. The Hi.story of Ancient Iran. Munich. little new light archaeology has shed, may point rather to
Gershevitch, I., ed. 1985. The Cambridge Hi.story of Iran. Vol. 2, The developing outlooks held within the biblical period itself.
Median and Achaemenian Periods. Cambridge.
Geus, C.H. J. de. 1979-80. ldumaea.JEOL 26: 53-74. A. The Monarchic Period
Graf, D. F. 1985. Greek Tyrants and Achaemenid Politics. Pp. 79- 1. sar
123 in The Craft of the Ancient Hi.itorian, ed. J. W. Eadie and J. 2. Other Officials
Ober. Lanham, MD. 3. mi.(£
- - . fc. Arabia during Achaemenid Times. Papers Presented to the 4. sdri.5-"Eunuch"
Si:cth Achaemenid Worluhop. 5. slganim
Katzenstein, H. 1979. Tyre in the Early Persian Period (539-486 6. "Elders"
B.C.). BA 42: 23-34. 7. Conclusion
Kenyon, K. M. 1987. The Bible and Recent Archaeology. Rev. ed. Ed. B. The Postexilic Period
P. R. S. Moorey. London. I. Overview of Sources
Kuhrt, A. 1983. The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid Imperial 2. Ezra 9: 1-2
Policy.JSOT 25: 83-97. 3. Nehemiah 2
v. 87 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (JUDEAN OFFICIALS)

4. Nehemiah 12 ever became a separate province with its own top authority
5. rc?s (? pel_W,ltirfiita').
C. Ezra and Nehemiah as Officials 3. mi.ff'. This term has a semantic and chronological
range so similar to §ar that it is striking not to find the two
A. The Monarchic Period in parallel. Though it is used for Abraham by Hittites in
I. Sar. In the Monarchic period, as reported in Kings Gen 23: 6, for Solomon by Yahweh in 1 Kgs 11: 34, and for
and Chronicles, the typical upper-bracket official is far. top civil rulers in general in borrowed Israelite law (Exod
Though the term is taken from Akkadian Iarru, "king," it 22:27), nevertheless already in Numbers and Ezekiel it is
rarely seems to mean so high a ruler. But it does have a primarily used for lay posts in the religious organization.
wide variety of meanings. The term is applied to David in Mysteriously falling out of use in the postexilic period, it
his condottiere days (1 Sam 22:2); to the top but rather reappears shortly after as the rabbinic term for a high or
collegial authorities of the Philistines (for saren 5 times in highest religious office equated with nagfd. Mantel ( 1961:
I Samuel 29); and in Isa 49:7, the "Servant of Yahweh," 51) has only a fleeting allusion to the possible equating of
though subject to mii!lim (RSV "rulers"), will be honored niiSi' with far (m. 'Abot 1.2; Rost 1938: 65) or its Greek
by miwkim and siirim (RSV "princes"). The word far is used equivalents, or with siirim as a group sometimes consulted
for the highest officials of David ( 1 Chr 22: 17); and Solo- by high priests. Schiirer-Vermes's (HJP2 2: 203) discussion
mon (I Kgs 4:2); for princes (Qoh 10:16; Hos 3:4); for on gerou.sia is unrelated to sar or nasi'; but the equivalence
magistrates, per se suggesting judicial powers (Isa I :23); is examined by Horbury ( 1986) under the name "phy-
although in Deut 1: 15 rather military, as distinct from larch." The nasi' of Ezra 1:8 for Sheshbazzar is declared
Iiipe/ of 1: 16; similarly Exod 2: 14. But far is also the "city- "utterly unhistorical" by Donner ( 1986: 410).
ruler" or mayor (Judg 9:30, of Shechem; "king" in Josh 4. sciris-"Eunuch." With two sameks, saris only acciden-
12:9-24; I Kgs 22:26 = 2 Chr 18:25, Shomron?). In 2 tally sounds to us like far; its Akkadian origin is Ia refi, "he
Chr 34:8, Maaseiah is the §ar of Jerusalem involved in the who is chief," where ro'I is made an adjective. In I Kgs
finding of "the [Deut-scroll] Law," but not in the parallel 2 22:9 the saris is exactly the kind of official for minor
Kgs 22:3, where 23:8 names Joshua as far of Jerusalem. errands which concerns us here. But he is usually a much
The siirim of cities seem to have had an authority which higher and foreign official; as in Genesis 37-38; Esth l: 10-
was rather collegial (though not clearly in subordination 11; and Rab-Saris in parallel with the famous Hebrew-
to a single "ruler") and paired with "elders" (Judg 8: 14, speaking Rab-Sakeh of 2 Kgs 18: 17. Though such an
for Succoth; 2 Kgs I 0: I, Shomron; 2 Chr 29:20, Jerusa- official was often called "eunuch" in the Orient, BDB is
lem). The preexilic far is quite insistently 'ebed of the king rather outdated in assigning this as its principal meaning
(Ri.itersworden 1985: 4-19, 92-95), though in Zeph 1:8 and relating it to admittedly denominative verbs for "cas-
he is distinct from the bene hammelek. As synonym of ro'I, trate" in Syriac, Aramaic, and Arabic. Hence it will hardly
rab, piiqid, and 'al hll$~ebii>, the far is progressively militaris- prove relevant to the long-standing debate as to whether
tic, culminating in the "Archangel" Michael of Dan 12:1. Nehemiah ( 1: 11) was really a eunuch, as in the corre-
Throughout Chronicles, as in Job 29:9-10, the pluralSarim sponding Greek (2 Esdras 11: 11: euno-echos is also explain-
is equated with nigfdim (RSV "nobles"), though preexili- able as inner-Greek variant for oino-choos [as MT]; North
cally niigfd occurs only in the singular for the king as "Chronicles/Ezra/Nehemia" NJBC; Yamauchi 1980). Even
Yahweh's choice (de Vaux Anc/sr). The fact that far is if Nehemiah was called "eunuch," this term, like our
occasionally used for top authorities, even sovereigns, in- "chamberlain," may have really signified some administra-
creases rather than diminishes its vagueness: like "leader," tive office. If so, it would seem to have been of a higher
it is a term of honor even for the most supreme potentate, and more privileged rank than the local officials being
but is also fully applicable to a village mayor or razzia discussed here.
leader. 5. seganim. It is not included among the dozen terms
2. Other Officials. Flanking the preexilic far are not for postexilic officials studied by Riitersworden. It does in
only the piiqid and niigfd noticed above (really names for fact occur some six times in the major prophets (Isa 25:41)
highest-level authority), but also his "counselors" (yo'~. for high officials of Assyria, Babylon (always parallel with
ni$$iib [de Boer 1955]), and "policemen" (Iomer; also Io.ter pa/:tfJt, Ezek 23:6; 12:23; Jer 51:23,57), or Media (Jer
[van der Ploeg 1954 ]). Even pel_W, occurs as early as 1 Kgs 51 :28). But it will be prominent in Nehemiah as an official
I 0: 15 under Solomon, for a taxable official of "the land." of Judah distinct from, but equated, with f!orim. This
It is not clear whether this is Israel or Judah, or perhaps f!Or[im] virtually never occurs in preexilic sources. Isa 34: 12
the immediately preceding Arabia as in 2 Chr 9: 14. In the (LXX), concerning Edom, begins "And there shall be no
relatively similar context of I Kgs 11:15, far is plainly a f!Orim [which RSV connects with the preceding verse]; 'No
military title, as indeed it is in a notable proportion of all kingdom there' they will call it." In the exilic horizon of
Its occurrences (BDB, 3ab), not unlike the military "dicta- Jer 27:20; 39:6 it occurs for "the (slain) nobles;" later still
tor:" qi$in (RSV "leader") of Isa 3:7 and Joshua-Judges. we have Qoh 10: 17, "happy is your land when your king is
But no less than four times in 1 Kings 20 alone, far seems a son of f!Orim, and your iarim dine at the proper time."
to be the head of a midina: no number of such sarim is 6. "Elders." Apart from the "pre-state judges" (not
give.n, a?d they are curiously neither equated with, nor really judges before I Sam 7:16, but rather charismatic
d1stmgu1shed from, the exactly thirty-two "kinglets" (ml- "leaders"), great importance is attached in preexilic times
lii.kfm) who were helping Ben-hadad and carousing with to the "elders." The z.iiqen is doubtless largely equated with
him (I Kgs 20: 16-17). The anomalous use of midina here ro'J, presumably heads of families (ro'Ie 'abOt), and had
will reappear below in the controversy as to whether Judah great consultative influence but no real authority.
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (JUDEAN OFFICIALS) 88. v
7. Conclusion. Really all the above biblical terms for between .frirfm and .1eganim, Fensham admits it is very diffi-
civil authority are shifting and interchangeable. This was cult to find any at all; he hesitantly suggests that the
the (orally communicated) conclusion of Alonso-Schokel .1lganfm, of which we do not even know a singular form,
in preparing his Chronicles ( 1976), after an exhaustive are a kind of council for the far; thus they would he a kind
effort to attach specific significances. This is also held by of zaqenim or Mrim. And yet, with a casual reserve for thl'
McEvenue (1981: 364), "the form of political authority in Nehemiah usages below, he audaciously equates the .1i'grin
Judah from 597 to 445 s.c. remains obscure in our as Akkadian loanword .foqnu with peb/ilbel PPMti "gover-
sources" (p. 359, "the head [rc?I] of a district or [)aMt] nor." Henshaw ( 1968: 465-69) had found that .foqnu is
family, n~~ab under Solomon [I Kgs 4:.'i, 7], later Sar [ 1 never identical with bf/ peMti, but is also never dearly
Kgs 20] and also peM, [I Kgs 10:5 = 2 Chr 9: 14] is a lower above or below him (see also l.ipir'1ski l!ln).
official whose chief responsibility is organizing the taxes"). 3. Nehemiah 2. Neh 2: 16 is a rirh source of data on
those seganim and other officials who knew nothing ol his
B. The Postexilic Period night ride. The .1egrinim arc mentioned first "because they
I. Overview of Sources. On the specifically postexilic were very important," says Fensham (/':zra/Nfhfmiah N 1-
administration our information comes wholly from Ezra, COl~ 167); but he less guardedly adds (adapting Widcn-
Nehemiah, and Chronicles. Their presumed authorship gren 1977: 522) that they were "probably representatives
by the Chronicler, and also the likelihood of a post-Nehe- who were chosen by the congregation"-like his "counril"
miah date for Ezra, are now widely questioned but must of Ezra 9:2, but not zriqhiim as suggested above. Like .\tirim
still be regarded as fully open possibilities. In any case, in Ezra 9: 1-2, .1egri11im seems to he used here in two
terms for earlier history specific to Chronicles, some of different senses, hrst as a general term including also
which have been mentioned above, may reflect an Ezra-era other officials about to be enumerated; then as a specific
usage. Furthermore, Sar within Chronicles occurs fre- group among these officials, distinct from the four other
quently in combinations not attested earlier, and always groups.
plural: with rekUJ, "possessions" (l Chr 27:31; cf. 28:1); One of these groups is suitably t•nough "the pril'sts" ;is
mal;liqot, "departments" (I Chr 28: I); mele)ket hammelek, in Ezra 9: 1 but surprisingly without "the Levites." I\ sec-
"royal works" (I Chr 29:6); .Mli.Iayn/mil!iamot (2 Chr 8:9; ond group in Neb 2: 16 is "the biirim", not noblemcn in thl'
32:6 "chief of the adjutants" [Riitersworden 1985: 45]), real sense of the word, but persons with rertain rights,
comparing the only use of Sar in the singular, "of deter- "citizens" according to Fensham. Williamson (/':zm/Nl'iu-
mining the singers," Ezra 2:65). Also peculiar to the miah WBC, 191) rejects Kellerman n's attempt to take /uirim
Chronicler is the equating of Sar with ro)s; Riiterswtirden as the local leadership distinct from .1lgri11im, "Persian ap-
gives a number of examples, mostly of far for rtPf, but pointees." It is important 10 hear in mind that /1iir nowhl'rl'
some of rtPf for far. His general conclusion is that the in biblical Hebrew means "free" or "freedman" as it docs
Chronicler differs from the Deuteronomist in two points in modern Hebrew, which follows Aramaic-Arahir (and
(p. 145): (I) he marks no hiatus between kingdom and perhaps Sabean-Amharic).
prekingdom practices (so/er and sopet are used also for the There remain in Neh 2: 16 two anomalous groups. "Thl'
Kings era) and he ignores the "King's 'abadim" (2 Chr 8:9); .Judeans," even more than .1egrinim itself, is applicable to all
and (2) he makes a distinction between secular and reli- the groups. The term is perhaps used in rnntradistinrtion
gious officials. to "the people of the land" (2 Kgs 25:22; see NJ/IC on Neh
References in Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, and such 4: 1), those .Judeans who had never gone into exile and
possibly contemporaneous works as Job, Joel, and Jonah thus had bernme administratively a part of the Babylo-
are fleeting and vague. The Maccabees and the Wisdom nian-Persian Samarian province (Williamson r:zmlNPhnniah
Literature, while not ignored here, are not very instructive. WBC)-and remained such to the bitter end, dcspitt·
De Vaux's Ancient Israel ( 196 l: 98), though devoting a claims of a separate ".Judah-province" to be noticed below.
lengthy chapter to the Chr-Ezra priesthood, has only a Nehemiah has a very prickly relationship with this "pcoplt·
half-page on the postexilic "state" (Ezra 5:9; 6:7, the of the land." Much of his polemic against "the lor sperihrl
mi!pabat and their uiqenim, families and elders). Samaritans" seems in fact directed against those lull-
2. Ezra 9: 1-2. These verses provide the main source on blooded Judeans and Yahweh worshipers who had neve1
administration. In v I a complaint against "mixed" mar- been deemed worthy of the hardships of exile (inHicted 011
riages is lodged with Ezra by the farim. RSV and N.JB only the upper crust: 2 Kgs 24: 14, 16). Nehemiah dot»
render this "officials"; Fensham (Ezra/Nehemiah N ICOl~ not in fact elsewhere use "Judeans" as an appellative fo1
124) and NEB perhaps better use "leaders," whom they "returnees only," "Judeans worth listening to," hut we
relate to the three groups immediately enumerated: "peo- might find this implication here if our interpretation of
ple" (laity), priests, and Levites-though the complaint will "low-brow Samaritan-province people of the land (of Ju-
turn out to be precisely agaimt these three groups. And dah)" is correct.
the next verse comes to a climax with a claim that the worst The fifth and even more anomalous group of "of'hrials
offenders are the .farim themselves and the Jeganim. We left in ignorance" in Neh 2: 10 are "the doers of the work"
might harmonizingly render "some .fan"m protested against (RSV "the rest that were to do the work"), presumably tht·
the widespread abuse in which (other) .forim and even heads of the various guilds or locality groups immediatelv
Seganim were involved." But it seems more oqjective to enumerated in Nehemiah 3, "but we cannot deduce this
recognize that Sar has become, or remains, a rather mild from the Hebrew," says Fensham (Ezra/Nehm11ah NICOL
term for any kind of leadership, "important people," 167) overcautiously, citing Kaupel ( 1940). In that d1aptn
which would fit equally both verses. As for a distinction indeed we have a sixth group to add to the live enumerated
v. 89 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (JUDEAN OFFICIALS)

in Neh 2: 16, namely the far of pelek or half-pelek. The term Aikhenwald (1985: 66) concludes that the Persian admin-
is generally there taken as "chief of a district" (Neh 3: 16, istration left no lasting trace.
Bet-Zur; 3: 15, Mizpah) or half-district (3:9, 12, Jerusalem; All in all, our search for the above data on minor officials
3:17-18, Keilah; 3:16, Beth-zur, under a different Nehe- has revealed that these are at times varyingly equated with
miah). Riitersworden (1985: 46) concludes that these uses the highest local authority, sometimes having no other
of far in the singular were formations invented by the title, sometimes pe~ti, to which seganlfaqnu is not probably
Chronicler without foundation in actual usage, even in the equal, superior, or inferior.
postexilic period (except for birti in Neh 7:2); more inter-
estingly he claims that the far pelek cannot be related to rab C. Ezra and Nehemiah as Officials
pilkani, because that Akkadian term relates to building In no case is there further evidence calling in doubt the
supervision (Demsky 1983, "corvee"). But in this context published view that neither Nehemiah nor Ezra possessed
of Nehemiah there is question precisely of building super- any genuine permanent civil office within the Persian
vision; and even the more general commission of Nehe- government (North 1972). The sporadically recurring
miah is primarily that of building contractor. In any case, claims that Nehemiah as governor stood in an unbroken
mention of "the doers of the work" in Neh 2: 16 may line with Zerubbabel and the previous (or identical: so Lust
justifiably be focused as a very modern nuance: Nehemiah 1987) Sheshbazzar; or that some or all of these were of
puts the labor union leaders on a par with the bureaucrats Davidic lineage, thus putting this "governorship" on a far
and hierarchs, even if only to bypass them all temporarily. more solid and even messianic plane, have not been fol-
4. Nehemiah 12. Neh 12:40 is the third passage focus- lowed up.
ing on seganim. Here we have a procession, in which Nehe- But what is apparent is that more recent studies (Klein
miah himself leads "half of the seganim with me," that is, 1976), some even after respectful note of North ( 1972),
the counterclockwise half of the parade. We may see in continue to maintain in various ways that Nehemiah as
those seganim the civil authorities, or rather "Very Impor- peM. and tirsata' was truly a governor, a cog in the Persian
tant Persons" including Nehemiah himself, since the clock- satrapy system, over Judah created into a medinti or prov-
wise half includes mostly priests. It also includes (obscurely ince distinct from Samaria (Bengtson 1965; Frye 1984;
in 33, but tardily as head of the procession in 36) "Ezra Gershevitch 1985 ). These general histories of Persia draw
the scribe"; whereas Ezra "the priest, the scribe" is more their accounts of Judean administration mainly from the
directly paired with "Nehemiah the pe~ti" in Neh 12 :26, philology-based dictums of outdated exegetes, or from
but as a purely chronological colophon to a preceding list. Herodotus, with no really new empirical data. This is
Fensham discreetly finds it "of interest" that Nehemiah despite interest in the questions raised by Cross (1975) in
mentions only his own half of the leaders (seganim) and adding a new Sanballat to the dynasty of Nehemiah's
not any other half under the leadership of Ezra. RSV flatly opponents (Betlyon 1986).
excises all three references to Ezra. We would say more The request made to the king by Nehemiah at his initial
cautiously that the common name "Ezra" may well belong appointment ( 1:7-8) clearly excludes any civil authority.
to the obscure personage of Neh 12:33, and may have Nehemiah asks for a recommendation to the governors of
given rise to 36 assuming that the Ezra was meant, and he the province and for help in his building project, and
would thus of course go to the head of the parade. The there is no evidence that the king's edict went beyond these
chronological notice of Neh 12:26 does not imply that modest requests. McEvenue ( 1981: 363; citing Nober 1961)
Nehemiah was present or even contemporary with Ezra any demolishes Morton Smith's conclusions drawn from peM.;
more than with Jeshua ben-Jozadak a century earlier (Ezra and he briefly dismisses tirsata' as likewise ambivalent. Yet
5:2), but in noting this we must repeat that the question of he goes on to maintain that Nehemiah had a genuine civil
whether Ezra was in fact at least briefly on the stage with office in the Persian administration, proved not from his
Nehemiah, or only before or after him, is fully open, titles but from the way he is shown acting; and Alonso-
because the Albright-Rudolph emendation of 7th to 27th Schokel agrees with this (oral communication). But as
year of Artaxerxes in Ezra 7:7 is not one bit more auda- Nehemiah NJBC shows, what Nehemiah is actually shown
cious than to excise all the references to Ezra and Nehe- doing is building a wall, incidentally surmounting "foreign
miah functioning together. intrusions" (Nehemiah 4), labor troubles (Nehemiah 5),
and other national solidarity crises progressively taking on
In Neh 12:31 both groups of paraders are "marshaled"
a religious tinge: mixed marriages, sabbath-his manhan-
by ~ehemiah as "master of ceremonies"-a very low place
dling and threats in Neh 13:15, 21, 25 seem to imply he
on the totem pole, whatever happens to be the actual rank
was exceeding whatever authority he may have had.
of its incumbent; and the sarim here used for the paraders After surveying McEvenue's view that there was no in-
doubtless means "the leaders of various degree along with dependent province of Judah before Nehemiah, and
their escorts." In verse 32 the clockwise half alone are equating it with Alt's, Williamson (1987: 40-50) goes on
called sarim, which is thus a synonym of the seganim of the to prefer the position of M. Smith and Widengren: there
counterclockwise half in Neh 12:40. was a Persian province of which Sheshbazzar was ap-
5. ru'I. This term has not shown up prominently in pointed governor, as Ezra 5: 14 says. But in understandable
these key passages from Ezra-Nehemiah. It is used postex- diffidence about that verse, Donner (1986: 422) holds that
1hcally for special groups (Muller 1976; Bartlett 1969) and, Nehemiah's original Persian commission was simply to
as not~~ above, becomes interchanged with far. Despite build the wall, and at a later stage he became the first real
adrauia of. Ezra 7 :23 (Rundgren 1982), the Bible rarely "governor" of the newly constituted province (medinti; Neh
gives a Persian title except through Akkadian, from which 11:3; 7:6 = Ezra 2: I; Esther often; but already also Neh
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (JUDEAN OFFICIALS) 90. v
l :3) of Judah. No two events in the civil life of a region are Lipinski, E. 1973. skn et sgn dans le semitique occidental du nord.
less likely to pass unnoticed than its erection into a new UF 5: 191-207.
degree of independence, or the inauguration of a ruler - - . 1974. Nagid, der Kronprinz. VT24: 497-99.
with the highest title thus far granted. It seems inconceiv- Lust, J. 1987. The Identification of Zerubbabel with Sheshbassar.
able that such a great day would have passed unnoticed ETL 63: 90-95.
either in Nehemiah's personal memoirs, or in the Ezra McEvenue, S. E. 1981. The Political Structure in Judah from Cyrus
books otherwise so fond of describing in detail just such to Nehemiah. CBQ 43: 353-64.
solemnities. Macholz, G. C. 1975. Nagid, der Statthalter ("praefectus"). Pp. 59-
We know even less about Ezra (Donner 1986: 431 ), but 72 Festschrift R. Rendtorff, ed. K. Rupprecht Diehlheim.
what at any rate is certain is that between the two of them Mantel, H. 1961. Studies in the History of tlu Sanhedrin. HSS 17.
something momentous was accomplished in the creation Cambridge, MA.
of a new Israelite identity. For further discussion see Margalith, 0. 1986. The Political Role of Ezra as Persian Governor.
Galling TGI, and CH] l: 130-61. ZAW 98: 110-12.
Muller, H.-P. 1976. RM, Kopf. THAT2: 701-15.
Bibliography Naber, P. 1961. Notae philologicae. VD 39: 110-11.
Aikhenwald, A. Y. 1985. Some Names of Officials in the Later North, R. 1972. Civil Authority in Ezra. Vol. 6, pp. 377-404 in
Books of the Old Testament. Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 3: 58-65 (in Studi in onore di E. Volterra. Milan.
Russian). Ploeg, J. van der. 1950. Les chefs du peuple d'lsrad et leurs noms.
Alonso Schokel, L. 1976. Cr6nicas, Esdras, Nehemias: introducciones y RB 57: 40-61.
comentarios. Madrid. - - . 1954. Les fol.'rim d'Israel. OTS 10: 185-96.
Alt, A. 1992. Das System der assyrischen Provinzen auf dem Boden Reviv, H. 1983. The Elders in Ancient Israel. Jerusalem (in Hebrew).
des Reiches Israel. ZDPV 52: 220-42. Rost, L. 1938. Die Vorstufen von Kirche und Synagoge im Alten Testa-
- - . 1945. Neue assyrische Nachrichten uber Palastina. ZDPV ment. BWANT 76. Stuttgart.
67: 128-46. Rundgren, F. 1982-83. Biblical Aramaic adrauia (Ezra 7, 23) and
Bartlett, J. R. 1969. The Use of the Word rtPs as a Title in the Old fam bal. Orientalia Suecana 31-32: 143-46.
Testament. VT 19: 1-10. Rutersworden, U. 1985. Die Beamten der israelitischen Kiinigszeit; eine
Bengtson, H. 1965. Syrien in der Perserzeit. Pp. 371-76 in Fischers Studie zu §r und vergleichbaren Begriffen. BWANT 117. Stuttgart.
Weltgeschichte. Vol. 5, Griechen und Perser. Frankfurt. Sanchez Caro, J. M. 1985. Esdras, Nehem[as y los or[genes del
Betylon, J. W. 1986. The Provincial Government of Persian Period Judaismo. Salman 32: 5-35.
Judea and the Yehud Coind.JBL 105: 633-42. Smith, M. 1965. Das Judentum in Palastina wahrend der Perserzeit.
Boer, P.A. H. 1955. The Counsellor. VTSup 3: 42-71. Vol. 5, pp. 356-70 in Fischers Weltgeschichte, ed. H. Bengtson.
Bogoliubov, M. N. 1974. Titre honorifique d'un chef militaire Frankfurt.
achemenide en Haute-Egypte. Acta !ranica 2: 109-14. Soggin, J. 1985. A History of Ancient Israel. Philadelphia.
Cazelles, H. 1982. Histoire politique d'/sraiil des origines a Alexandre le Vaux, R. de. 1939. Titres et fonctionnaires egyptiens a la cour de
Grand. Paris. David et de Salomon. RB 48: 394-405.
Cross,~~ M. 1975. A Reconstruction of the Judean Restoration.]BL Widengren, G. 1969. Der Feudalismus im alien Iran. Cologne.
94: 4-18. - - . 1977. The Persian Period. Pp. 489-538 in IJH.
Demsky, A. 1983. Pelekh in Nehemiah 3. IE] 33: 242-44. Williamson, H. G. M. 1987. Ezra and Nehemiah. OT Guides. Shef-
Donner, H. 1986. Das persische Zeitalter. Vol. 2 of Geschichte des Volkes field.
Israel und seiner Nachbam in Grundzugen. Gottingen. Yamauchi, E. M. 1980. Was Nehemiah the Cupbearer a Eunuchi
Frye, R. N. 1984. Tiu History of Ancient Iran. HAW 317. Munich. ZAW 92: 132-42.
Garbini, G. 1985. Aramaico gemir (Esdra 7, 12). Pp. 227-29 in Studi ROBERT NORTH
in onore di E. Bresciani, ed. S. F. Bondi et al. Pisa.
Gerschevitch, I., ed. 1985. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol 2. PTOLEMAIC ADMINISTRATION
Gordis, R. 1935. Sectional Rivalry in the Kingdom of Judah. ]QR
25: 237-59. A. Chronology and Extent of Ptolemaic Control
Heichelheim, F. M. 1951. Ezra's Palestine and Periclean Athens. After two brief periods of control (320-315 and 312
ZRGG 3: 251-53. e.c.), Ptolemy I Soter gained permanent possession of
Henshaw, R. A. 1967-8. The Office of Iaqnu in Neo-Assyrian Palestine in 301 e.c., when Antigonus the One-Eyed wa!
Times.JAOS 87: 517-25; 88: 461-83. defeated at the Battle of Ipsos. Ptolemy and his successon
Hinz, W. 1971. Achamenidische Hofverwaltung. ZA 61: 260-311. held "Phoenicia and Hollow Syria," as they called it, for a
Horbury, W. 1986. The Twelve and the Phylarchs. NTS 32: 503- century until Antioch us II I ("the Great") defeated the
27. forces of Ptolemy V Epiphanes at Paneion in 200 B.C
In der Smitten, W. T. 1971. Der Tirschata' in Esra-Nehemia. VT During the intervening years, Ptolemaic and Seleucid
21: 618-20. forces fought several wars over control of Palestine, bu1
Japhet, S. 1983. Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel against the Back- with one exception we do not know of any significant and
ground of the Historical and Religious Tendencies of Ezra- lasting gains by either side in these wars until the final
Nehemiah. ZAW 95: 218-29. Ptolemaic loss. Shortly before his death in 146 e.c., Ptol-
Kaupel, H. 1940. Der Sinn van <c1Jeh hammilii'M in Neh 2, 16. Bib emy VI Philometor made an attempt to recover Palestine.
21: 40-44. but death cut short his early success (for the chronology
Klein, R. W. 1976. Ezra and Nehemiah in Recent Studies. Pp. 361- and extent of Ptolemaic rule, see Bagnall 1976: 11-13).
76 in Magnalia Dei, ed. F. M. Cross. New York. The area under Ptolemaic control during the 3d centuq
v . 91 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (PTOLEMAIC)

was bounded on the S by Egypt, on the W by the Mediter- which they were settled. Ptolemy II founded or refounded
ranean, and on the N probably by the Eleutherus River and renamed (as Greek cities) several towns (Ptolemais,
(the modern Kebir), the northern boundary of modern from Acco; Philadelphia, from Rabbath-ammon; Philo-
Lebanon. It is clear that Arados and the territory to the N teria, on the Sea of Galilee), and all of these presumably
in general never came under lasting Ptolemaic _contr?l had Greek soldiers among the settlers and citizens.
(Seyrig 1951: 206-20). Ptolemy III Euergetes did gam
control of Seleucia-in-Pieria and of Laodiceia in the Third C. Civil Administration in the Cities
Syrian War (246-241 B.c.), but they were lost by his succes- The scarce inscriptions of the period give us almost no
sor, Ptolemy IV Philopator, in 219 and not regained information at all about the administration of the cities of
despite Philopator's victory at Raphia in 217 (for control the inferior in this period, and only some limited facts
of Laodicea, see Rey-Coquais 1978). The limits of Ptole- about the coastal cities, which were no doubt the focus of
maic control to the E are less clear. Philadelphia (Rabbath- Ptolemaic interest. Though the Phoenician monarchy was
ammon, modern Amman) was certainly Ptolemaic, along preserved for a time at least in Sidon (as some of the
with much of Transjordan, but we do not know how Cypriot monarchies had survived briefly under Ptolemaic
whether any of Moab was under Ptolemaic rule nor exactly rule), it probably did not outlast Philokles son of Apollo-
how far N it extended E of the Jordan. Paneion (the site of dorus, who served as a Ptolemaic admiral (Merker 1970;
the final loss in 200 B.c.) was probably part of the Ptole- Seibert 1970). Signs of Greek civic institutions soon ap-
maic domains; Damascus was in Ptolemaic hands at least pear: Sidon is called a polis; members of its upper class
from the 270s until the 250s, and perhaps throughout the compete in Greek athletics at Delos, Delphi, and Nemea;
period. It seems likely enough that Ptolemaic control ex- and the city has an official in charge of athletic contests
tended to the E slopes of the Anti-lebanon Mountains whose title (agonothetes) is Greek. The Greek civic title
throughout their extent. archon is attested for Sidon and Marissa. Even with all these
signs of Hellenization, however, the substance of local
B. Military Occupation and Settlement government may not have changed very much. The Phoe-
The Ptolemies certainly kept garrisons in the principal nician term sufet, president of the people, and its Greek
cities of the region, made up of mercenaries recruited rendering dikastes, appear in Tyre and Sidon.
from all over the E Mediterranean (Bagnall 1976: 17; Rey- ln all probability the cities of the coast, and at least some
Coquais 1978). In peacetime their numbers were no doubt of those in the interior, had some land attached to them
modest, but in time of war field forces were imported in and under their administration. But our evidence for this
much greater quantity. Most of the military commanders land under Ptolemaic rule is nonexistent. Nor do we have
mentioned in the ancient sources appear in accounts of any real indication of the relationship of the civic officials
the Ptolemaic-Seleucid wars, and we know little about the to royal ones, either those at the level of the whole province
regular garrisons and their commanders. There is not or those with more local control. Ptolemaic administration
even any evidence until the last two decades of Ptolemaic elsewhere kept local governments in check with supervi-
rule of any military governor of the region as a whole. It sion by the garrison commander (or city commandant)
seems likely, however, that as in many other regions of and financial officials, and the same was probably true in
their empire (at varying dates), the Ptolemies appointed in Palestine.
Palestine a strategos, or provincial governor, who had both
military and civil functions. But such an appointment may D. Civil Administration in the Countryside
not have come until the second half of the 3d century The countryside of the province of Phoenicia and Coele
(Bagnall I 976: 219). The first absolutely certain strategos Syria was divided (at least by 261 B.c.) into administrative
of the area, indeed, is first found after Antiochus Ill's units called hyparchies (hyparchiai), of whose size and num-
conquest; the title is mentioned in an inscription dealing ber we know nothing. At the head of the financial bureauc-
with the property of Ptolemaius son of Thraseas, formerly racy in each hyparchy, just as of each no me in Egypt, was
a Ptolemaic general, who had gone over to the Selucid an oikonomos, who was in charge of such things as supervis-
king at an unknown date and become a strategos and high- ing the underwriting of the collection of taxes to contrac-
priest, evidently of Syria and Phoenicia (for this official tors, overseeing the actual tax collection, and registering
and his landholdings, see Fischer 1979; Bertrand 1982). ownership of slaves. (This information comes mostly from
The Ptolemies also settled troops on land in the region Lenger 1980: 21-22.) Administrative symmetry and Ptol-
in much the same way they did in Egypt: a soldier was emaic practice in Egypt suggest that the oikonomos operated
~llocated land to support him and his family, but he held collegially with at least one other official, who was probably
it on condition of continued military service, when called a hyparchos. So far, however, no evidence for these
needed, by him or his son. These soldiers evidently tried officials at the level of the entire region, to whom the
(as elsewhere) to take advantage of their superior eco- oikonomoi probably reported at least in this aspect of their
nomic positions to enslave natives, a practice firmly forbid- work, called "the manager of the revenues in Syria and
de_n, with limited exceptions, by the Ptolemaic government Phoenicia." His one appearance in the papyrus uses a
~L1ebesny I 936). Many of them married local women; and participle of the verb dioikeo, but he may well have held the
m the Ammanitis there was a group of them under the title dioiketes, as did the finance minister in Egypt to whom
command of a local chieftain, Tobias (Edgar I 925: he doubtless reported.
1.59003 ). We have no idea of the numbers of these settlers At the village level, the royal administration was repre-
who provided substantial military reserves and helped sented by komarchs. They were responsible for seeing that
ensure the loyalty to the Ptolemaic crown of the areas in the proper declarations of taxable or restricted property
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (PTOLEMAIC) 92. v
(such as livestock and slaves) were filed with the oikonomos. Egypt and Syria in the Third Century before Christ. A}P 49:
There were also royal judges, called dika.stai, but we know 1-35.
virtually nothing about who they were, what areas they Lenger, M. T 1980. Corpus <ks ordonnances des Ptolhnies. 2d ed.
were responsible for, or what their jurisdictional compe- Brussels.
tence was. Liebesny, H. 1936. Ein Erlass des Konigs Ptolemaios II: Philadel-
Despite this structure, which appears lo be a Greek phia iiber die Deklaration von Vieh und Sklaven in Syrien und
framework imposed on the country, the Ptolemies relied PhOnikien (PER Inv. Nr. 24.552 gr.). Aeg 16: 257-91.
substantially on local institutions and magnates to rule the Merker, I. L. 1970. The Ptolemaic Officials and the League of the
countryside for them, just as they did in the cities. The Islanders. Historia 19: 143-50.
story of Joseph son of Tobias (see below) indicates that Rey-Coquais, J.-P. 1978. Inscription grecque decouverte a Ras lbn
wealthy locals acted as tax farmers on a large scale, just as Hani. Syr 55:314-25.
Tobias' role as the commander in charge of military settlers Seibert, J. 1970. Philokles, Sohn des Apollodoros, Konig der Sidon-
in his area shows an attempt to enlist the most powerful ier. Historia 19: 337-51.
local figures in the military side of Ptolemaic rule. Seyrig, H. 1951. Antiquites Syriennes 49: Aradus et sa peree sous
les rois Seleucides. Syr 28: 206-20.
E. Economic Management Tcherikover, V. 1937. Palestine and the Ptolemies (A Contribution
Like any empire, the Ptolemaic was interested in exploit- to the Study of the Zenon Papyri). Mizraim 4-5: 9-90.
ing its opportunities for income from the lands it con- ROGER S. BAGNALL
trolled. Palestine was a useful backup source of wheat for
Egypt when the Egyptian harvest was poor, but in ordinary SELEUCID ADMINISTRATION
times its agricultural interest was certainly more for the Only a few sources provide information about the Seleu-
wide range of fruits, vegetables, oils, and wine that it cid administration and staff in Palestine. The sources
produced than for wheat, which Egypt produced in abun- comprise a few inscriptions, the more or less extensive but
dance. The Phoenician ports had a long history as com- tendentious accounts in 1-2 Maccabees, and the later
mercial centers, and these clearly offered numerous op- works of Josephus. The works of Polybius and Poseidonius,
portunities to Greeks in Ptolemaic service to make money. who were the most important contemporary authors in
The Zenon papyri from the 250s show us some of the the Greco-Roman ambit, as well as those of their immedi-
range of economic interests al stake (Harper 1928; Tcher- ate successors, are almost completely lost. The authors of
ikover 193 7). the Roman Imperial period only imprecisely or summarily
Royal interest in these activities, however, centered on inform us about the management and bureaucracy of the
taxing them. Export and import taxes at the ports, largely Hellenistic period. In spite of the many problems and
in the control of tax farmers, were undoubtedly important uncertainties concerning the historical and political devel-
(as they were elsewhere in the Ptolemaic empire). The opment (in particular of Judea), the following survey will
agricultural land of the province was also taxed. The attempt to depict some basic features of the Seleucid
career of Joseph son of Tobias, recounted in book 12 of administration of Palestine in the 2d century.
Josephus' Jewish Antiquities, shows us a prominent local
notable bidding for the tax contract for the entire prov- A. Seleucid Conquest and Maccabean Revolt
ince, outbidding the longtime holders of the contract and B. Rise of Hasmonean Rule
still making a fortune over more than two decades (the C. Remnants of Seleucid Sovereignty
dates are disputed: see Bagnall 1976: 21 n. 42). D. Conclusion
From the reign of Ptolemy II on, the coinage for the
entire region was supplied by seven coastal mints (Tyre, A. Seleucid Conquest and Maccabean Revolt (200-
Sidon, Ptolemais, Joppa, Gaza, Berytos, and Askalon). Like 157 B.C.)
Ptolemaic coinage elsewhere, it was minted on a standard During the Fifth Syrian War (202-ca. 195 B.c.) Ptolemy,
with a lower weight for the drachma than was common the governor of the Ptolemaic border province of Syria
elsewhere. The Ptolemies systematically excluded coinage and Phoenicia, sided with the Seleucid Antiochus III the
from elsewhere from Palestine (as they did from Egypt, Great and thus retained his position as provincial governor
Cyprus, and Cyrene), and hoard and excavation finds from after Antiochus' victory. In 199 B.C. the Seleucid kin!l
the middle of the 3d century until its end show almost perhaps regulated the legal and property relations of hi!
exclusively Ptolemaic coins. Many of them remained in newly won territory in a "decree;" in so doing, it is likel}
circulation after the Seleucid conquest (Bagnall 1976:
that he simply confirmed the existing Ptolemaic arrange·
180-83).
ments (see the inscription of Hefzibah, Fischer 1980: 1-3;
see also Bengston 1964: 147-48; Fisher 1986: 66). Accord·
Bibliography
Bagnall, R. S. 1976. Tiu Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions ingly, Antiochus allowed the theocracy of Jerusalem and
Outside EK'!fJt. Leiden. Judea to retain its conventional form, including the "hi~h
Bertrand, J.-M. 1982. Sur !'inscription d'Hefzibah. Zeitschrift fii.r priest" (archiereus), the "council of elders" (gerousw, also m
Papyro/JJgie und Epigraphik 46: 167-74. its traditional and unofficial sense called hoz pres/Jyteroz), the
Edgar, C. C. 1925. Zenon Papyri. Vol. I. Cairo. "priests" (hiereis), and the "rest of the Judean.s" (h?i allo1
Fischer, T. 1979. Zur Seleukideninschrift von Hefzibah. Zeitschrift /oudaioi). However, as far as we are aware he did this onl}
filr Papyro/JJgie und Epigraphili 33: 131-38. indirectly in a formal message directed to his provincial
Harper, G. M. 1928. A Study in the Commercial Relations between governor, Ptolemy. In this letter, Antiochus allowed "the
v • 93 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (SELEUCID)

Judean people" and their temple further "magnanimities" respective counties (Bengston l 964: l 0-11, 21-29, 170;
through the governor, although in a precarious and time- cf. HJP2 2: 186). According to the sources, there was,
limited fashion (Ant 12.138-44; cf. WHJP 6: 81-86; Taylor however, no satrap at the peak of the civil and financial
1979: 51-107, 169-70). A further "announcement" seek- administration of the province. It may be that the native
ing to protect the domestic cult regulations in Jerusalem and hereditary high priest of Jerusalem enjoyed the rank
(Ant 12.145-46) may have been secured from the king by and/or function of "subcommander" (hyparch1L5) of Judea;
Jonathan, the father of Eupolemus. In the winter of 194/3 the same possibly applied to the Samaritans. Galilee was
e.c. Antiochus married off his daughter Cleopatra to the perhaps a hyparchy within the district of Samaria. How-
Ptolemaic king; in so doing, he may have awarded her ever, these details and functions remain quite unclear and
(rights to) half of the phoroi (tribute) of Phoenicia and problematical.
Coele-Syria ("Syria," according to the earlier Ptolemaic Stationed on the site itself, the "commanders of garri-
nomenclature). However, this personal dowry was appar- sons" (phrourarchoi; at larger places akmphylakes or eparchoi)
ently understood by both Cleopatra and by the Egyptian exercised the supreme military authority. As representa-
(Ptolemaic) rulers as the Seleucid return, surrender, or tives of the standing army they performed all the immedi-
renunciation of the (entire) province. ate and tangible functions of occupational, police, or gen-
The hereditary Zadokite high priest in Jerusalem repc eral security forces. In this capacity they preserved the
resented the now-subject "nation of the Judeans" to the public order alongside the civilian functionary, the hyparch
king. His task included ensuring the deliveries of the phoroi or high priest, and helped to ensure the regular payment
to the king. He assumed the principal responsibility for of the tax monies to the crown. Occasionally such com-
the territorial administration, and with his own army, he manders were designated by the types of troops or weap-
assumed responsibility for the cultic, political, military, ons at their command (e.g., the "elephantarch," as well as
and administrative ijuridical) interests of the Seleucid king the "Mysarch" and the "Kypriarch" who were, respectively,
on the regional level. Thus, for example, he communi- commanders of mercenary units from Mysias and Cyprus).
cated to the court the news of the "immeasurable wealth" Local "mayors" (komarchai) are not attested in the entire
of the temple in Jerusalem. He likewise presented to the province; however, it seems probable that the Hasmonean
sovereign an accusation emerging from the Judean council Mattathias (prior to the Maccabean Revolt) and (afterward)
of elders against the high priest. He also presented to the his son Jonathan exercised (as 'judges") such an adminis-
sovereign "memoranda," that is, petitions, applications, or trative function at Modein and Michmash, respectively ( 1
complaints. When appropriate, the Seleucid monarch in- Mace 2: 17; 9:73). Local traditions manifested themselves
formed him and/or assigned other functionaries to carry fairly strongly at the lower (local) level, whereas in the first
out his projects. In the sense of his royal "instruction," the half of the 2d century the Greco-Macedonian element
governor apparently also issued executive "decisions" on predominated at the top of the administrative system.
behalf of the (pseudo-) autonomous congregations or cities It is not possible here to deal with the conflicts concern-
of his region (2 Mace 6:8, according to Fischer 1985: 352, ing the "immeasurable wealth" of the temple in Jerusalem,
n. IO).
the rivalries about the position of high priest, or the events
Unlike the dynastes, the provincial governor-a Macedo- and prehistory of the Maccabean Revolt under Antiochus
nian or Greek who was a foreigner and as such subject to IV (175-164 B.c.), Antiochus V (164-162), and Demetrius
transfer-could not normally bequeath his position to
I (162-150). See MACCABEAN REVOLT Perhaps it would
members of his own family. He probably dwelt in Acco-
be best to emphasize the following points here in abbrevi-
Ptolemais, which was officially called "Antioch-in-Ptole-
mais" from the time of Antiochus IV at the latest. Cer- ated terms. Jason had attempted to establish a sort of
tainly this site was, in juridical terms, a polis which had its community or even a polis of the "Antiochenes-in-Hiero-
own more or less "free," "democratic," and/or Hellenized solyma" (Jerusalem). When he failed in the end to deliver
administration. The "people" plus their own "assembly," "the immeasurable wealth" of the sanctuary (as Onias III
"council," and "magistrates" were the typical institutions had done before him), the Seleucid king appointed Mene-
of such communities. The Seleucids themselves, particu- laus, brother of the temple manager, to serve as the new
larly Antiochus IV and his house, encouraged the urbani- Judean high priest. See MENELAUS. The appointment of
zation and extension of such "Greek" poleis as Acco in Menelaus not only deposed the traditional Zadokite dy-
order to support their rule, especially E of the Jordan. nasty in this increasingly cosmopolitan town; it also shifted
Moreover, in many cases such cities had originated in the the focus of the office from the religious and cultic to the
foreign military settlements of the Macedonian kings. economic and political sphere. At first the league between
Acco~d.ing to Ant 12.154, 175, the province was origi- Antiochus IV and his protege Menelaus survived, but
nally d1v1ded mto four(?) districts (merides in the official when Judas Maccabeus achieved preeminence among the
usage, perhaps eparchiai in the common usage): (l) Coele- people, the "failure" was liquidated by Antiochus V. The
Syria (in the strict sense); (2) Samaria (at least in the revolt itself began in 166; it extended steadily from the
Ma~cab~an period Judea seems to have belonged within its phrourarch of Jerusalem throughout the meridarch of Sa-
JUnsd1mon); (3) ldumea(?); and (4) Phoenicia (without the maria up to the provincial governor (strategos). Finally, it
N parts, that is, the region N of the river Eleutherus). escalated up to the central government, only to be put
~ach possessed its own district governors and troops. Sim- down by Demetrius I himself in 157 B.C. During the Revolt,
1larly, at this district level "subcommanders" (hyparchoi) the Hasmoneans had shown themselves to be capable mili-
were empowered to act in the civil and particularly in the tary leaders and very able politicians, which recommended
fiscal arena. They were served by the local leaders in the them to the king (note the personal meeting between
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (SELEUCID) 94 • v
Antiochus V and Judas, when the latter received "forgive- that '~the people" dated their own (i.e., presumably 1he
ness" but by no means renounced his "rebellious temper"). non-(,reek, viz. Aramean) documents an:ording IO tlw
reign (!) of "Simon, the great high priest, the commander-
B. Rise of Hasmonean Rule (152-129 e.c.) in-chief an?.~eader of the Jews" (I Mace 13:42; .Josephus,
The Seleucid pretender and bastard, Alexander Balas however, differs, relerrmg to the high priest lard1iaPml
(150-145 B.c.), considered the Hasmonean Jonathan his Simon, as "the benefactor [euergetis] of the .Judeans ;md
"brother and friend," and as early as 152 a.c. appointed the ethnarch" [Ant 13.213-14; varia lenio: "eparrh "I). The
him to the office of high priest in Jerusalem. After Alex- first year of this alleged freedom of Israel from the "yoke
ander's subsequent victory over Demetrius I, the general of the nations" corresponds to Seleucid 1-:ra 170 hy the
conditions in Palestine changed drastically. In the course Babylonian (and therefore Judean) reckoning, tha1 is, 1hc
of the Seleucid succession struggle, which lasted until 138, year 142/141 8.c. (from spring to spring) by 1he Julian
the Hasmonean leaders brought increased autonomy to reckoning (I Mace l'.~:41-42; 14:27; Ant l'.l.21'.1-14).
Judea. Henceforth, the local leader served (in the Seleucid Henceforth, as of the beginning of 1he year 141 11.c:., thl'
staff) as a dynastes, with his own military forces; he as- Judeans considered themselves 10 he completely free and
cended swiftly and won advantages for his own country independent. However, the Seleurid ki111~ had neithn
and for himself from his double function, that is, against agreed to nor pronounced the formal clccree of indepen-
the rivaling kings as well as against his own Judean com- dence. Thus the "honorary record ol the p;reat assembly
patriots. On the other hand, the royal power in Palestine of the priests, the people, the community authorities, and
diminished both quantitatively and qualitatively, as Rome the elders of the country for Simon, the high priesl nt
now had no serious opponent in the E Mediterranean. In asaramel and his brothel'S" (I Mace l 4:2!J-4~l), which was
other words, an additional destabilizing factor had now composed in the late summer of 140, served as an addi-
entered the political arena. In addition to this, the native tional, proper and quasi-"Israeli1e" legitima1io11 of I las-
element of the population now began more strongly to monean sovereignty (cf. Ant 13.21!">-17, which rt'veals a
assume leadership positions in competition with the similarly plebiscitarian-"democrat ic" 1e11clency). I 11 14 I/4 O
Greek-born and with the immigrant "Macedonians," a B.c:. ( = year 172 by the Macedonian Seleucid reckonin~.
phenomenon which allows comparison with simultaneous i.e., from autumn to autumn) the considerable privill'gl' of
developments in Egypt. asylia was accorded by the king to the city of Tyre with ils
The events which took place in these years may be important sea harbor. In 138 the new king Antiochus VII
summarized in the following manner. In 152/51 B.C. De- Euergetes (139-1291\.c:.), who later managed to rt'lanl lh<"
metrius I had ended the general occupation of the terri- struggle for the Seleucid succession, directed some d1·-
tory of Judea, with the exceptions of Beth-zur and the mands to Simon, the "high priest and people's leader of
citadel of Jerusalem; he also granted to Jonathan the right the .Judeans." Simon only partially assented, and suc-
to assemble his own troops and to fortify Zion. In 150/49 ceeded in repelling the retaliatory altack o! thl' "high
the victorious Alexander Balas appointed the Judean commander of the coastal distric1" (I Man I !J:'.18), which
leader to be his provincial governor (strategos) and district was launched on Antioch us VI l's personal order. I lowt'vn,
governor (meridarches) (of Samaria, including Judea?); in the beginning of 134 Simon fell prey to the plot ol his
about 145 a.c. Jonathan received the court title of "relative son-in-law Ptolemy, the (royal~) chief, 011 tht' plain ol
of the king," plus the territory of Ekron as his personal, Jericho. Once again (around 133 11.c:.) A111iorhus V 11
immediate, and privileged fief, on the rank order of a achieved the suqjugation of .Judea. In spite ol s!'vcral
dynastes within the Seleucid realm. The next ruler, Deme- concessions, .John Hyrcanus I ( 134-104 11.<:.), the son of
trius II (145-139, 129-125 B.c.), who maintained the Simon, was confirmed as the legi1ima1e dynast of du·
garrisons in Jerusalem and Beth-zur, confirmed Jonathan's people and even received a limited righl to issue his own
cultic, military, and political position; he laid claim to the coins. As vassal and military leader, he followed his lord
military forces of his Judean vassal, and in fact received Antioch us VI I into the Panhian War of 131-12!1 11.c:.
them. The same disposition was accepted by his rival,
Balas' minor son Antiochus VI (145-142 e.c.), who addi- C. Remnants of Seleucid Sovereignty (129-63 e.c.)
tionally appointed Jonathan's brother Simon to be "strate- Hyrcanus survived the death of An1iochus VI I in the
gos from the Ladder of Tyre to the border of Egypt" (I Parthian War. He was the first Hasmonean to hire foreign
Mace 11 :57-59). In their victorious struggle as function- mercenaries (which apparemly counted as a sign ol royal
aries of the young Antiochus VI against Demetrius II, the power). According to .Josephus (Ant l'.1.27'.1), on his relurn
two Hasmoneans attempted to extend their own rule, he "fell away from the Macedonians (i.e., from the Seleurid
which is probably what finally cost Jonathan his life. kings) and did not concern himself with them as either
After this, Simon (142-134 e.c.) gathered the reins of suqject or friend" (namely as functionary, vassal, or ally).
power in Judea to himself and returned under the banner Instead, he pursued his own successful policy of expansion
of Demetrius II. Presumably in the beginning of 141 8.c., everywhere in Palestine. Nevertheless, some vestigl' of Se-
the Demetrius II granted not only him (as "high priest leucid royal authority was officially retained, as evidrnred
and friend of the kings") but also the "elders (presbyteroi) by a document from 124/23 which reHens the usage of the
and the people (ethnos) of the Judeans" both amnesty and Seleucid Era (2 Mace I :9).
deliverance from taxation, allowing them to enter the royal It was Alexander Jan nae us (I 04-78 11.c:.), son and suc-
service (I Mace 13:36-40). cessor of Hyrcanus, who first assumed the most l'xalted
As yet, there is no indication that the Judean dynast title "king" (melek or basile1L1), who dated his dornml'nts (as
tangibly supported the Seleucid king; instead, we discover the Ptolemies had already done) by the years of hi1 <JU'll
v. 95 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (SELEUCID)

reign, and who formally declared himself free and inde- which was at once indulgent yet determined; which en-
pendent. It is conceivable that the Seleucids_ never re- sured reciprocal advantages, took account of the actual
nounced their juridical claim to the possession of the situations, and allowed for contingencies. This was a policy
Hasmonean territories. of "good intention" of "faithfulness and obligation" in the
In fact, it was the "Macedonian" kings who had ex- form of "good deeds" with respect to the subject peoples.
hausted themselves in passionate dynastic competitions in The Seleucids were thus able, with different intentions
the years following the death of Antiochus VII in 129 B.C., and in varying degrees of success, to attach the rebellious,
while at the same time Ptolemaic (Egyptian) influence over aggressive, and ambitious clan of the Hasmoneans to their
Syria and Palestine had been steadily increasing. In 125, own "concerns." Moreover, they did so despite their losses
Tyre became completely free, and other coastal sites of of territory and power, despite the dynastic embroilments,
the former province of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia followed despite Rome's continuously emergent influence, and
suit shortly thereafter (Gaza between 112 and 103; Sidon above all despite the newly awakened senses of national
in l I l; Ascalon in I 04/3; Acco probably in 103 or 102. In and regional self-awareness which continually weakened
other places, particularly in the interior, local potentates their universal dominance, and which continually intensi-
(tyrannoi, monarchoi) established their own more or less fied the instability of the normally well-established power
independent governments-Zeno Cotylas had done so in structures.
Philadelphia already under Antiochus VII; somewhat This process of gradual dissolution of central authority
later, his son Theodorus did so in Amathus on the Jordan; was accompanied by the continuous reevaluation and in-
Zoilus would so do in Straton's Tower and Dora; Ptolemy, creased emancipation of the local and regional powers,
the son of Mennaeus, would do so in Chalcis in the Leba- that is, the dynasts, the tyrannoi, and the monarchoi, as well
non region, etc. Occasionally the fairly meager sources as of both the indigenous elite and the eminent individuals
permit us to make out individual events clearly, as, for in the towns. These tendencies manifested themselves in
example, the controversy over Joppa and the territories an increase in privileges and in a refined and to some
which Antiochus VII had detached from Judea. extent extremely complex "legal empowerment" of the
When Alexander Jannaeus laid siege to Acco at the ever more divergent and pluralistic instances.
beginning of his reign, neither of the two Seleucid preten- With the death of Antiochus VII in 129 B.c. the final
ders-Gryphus (Antiochus VIII) or Cyzicenus (Antiochus decline of Seleucid sovereignty began, at least in Palestine.
IX)-was able to assist the town. By purest chance we Exalted titles replaced the de facto absent royal power and
happen to possess a dedicatory inscription from this city concealed the lack of real Seleucid authority. The political
by a "hrst friend, minister for the land forces," who was chaos was reflected by the dominance of the military, and
also "local commander." The king honored in this docu- by an unmistakable expansion in terms of industry, trade,
ment is possibly Antiochus IX (although this is debated). and finance; in addition to this there was apparently a
Actually, this Antioch us, who controlled S Syria and the demographic increase. The dynasty of the Hasmoneans,
coastal sites of Phoenicia and Palestine for a few years with their success on the regional power level, did not end
following 113/12, was able to assert himself in battle with as Israelite "priests," genuine 'judges," or true biblical
his half-brother Antiochus VIII, who mainly ruled in the "kings," as David and Solomon had done. Rather, they
N. Shortly before the turn of the century, the Ptolemies were very appropriate to their own time, "Hellenized,"
and Hasmoneans ruled the field in swift succession. With self-assertive, occasionally unscrupulous personalities who
only a few exceptions, especially on the coast, Judeans and distinguished themselves as "leaders," "power holders,"
Nabatean Arabs, under their own increasingly Hellenizing and finally as "kings" in the Greek sense, like the Seleucids
and pro-Greek princes, determined the development of and Ptolemies. This dynamic development of "decline and
the former province of (Coele-)Syria, Judea (to which fall," like the once-great empire of Alexander, may have
Samaria had in the meantime become subject), Idumaea, experienced a final, sometimes exaggerated and even ex-
and Phoenicia (Ant 13.395; cf. Justinus, Epit. 39, 5-4-6; uberant flowering. However, unlike Poseidonius and the
40, 2:4). Thus, in the course of a single century the sectarians of Qumran, who deplored such a "denatura-
juridical, political, military, and economic pace of events tion" from very different points of view, the modern
had considerably intensified and fundamentally changed historian is in a considerably better position to study the
through the disintegration of the sole determining central transformation and the authentic achievements of the Se-
authority (Rome had not yet seized control of the region). leucids as well as their fragmentation and "orientalization."
D. Conclusion Bibliography
In the course of one century, the Seleucid administra- Avi-Yonah, M. 1966. The Holy Land from the Persian to the Arab
tion continuously proved itself to be, in both its regular Conquests (536 B.C. to A.D. 640). Grand Rapids.
and Its transient functions, neither rigid nor formalistic. - - . 1974. Historical Geography of Palestine. Pp. 78-116 in The
Instead, it was capable of adaptation and thoroughly Jewish People in the First Century, ed. S. Safrai and M. Stern.
suned to build upon its Ptolemaic predecessor, organically CRINT 1/1. Philadelphia.
and by varying degrees. For the moment it also proved to Bengtson, H. 1964. Die Strategie in der hellenistischen Zell. Vol. 2. Rev.
be able to compensate for the loss of its own Greco- ed. Munich.
Macedonian basis by the absorption of both new and Bickerman, E. J. 1988. The Jews in the Greek Age. Cambridge, MA.
domestic resources. Bringmann, K. 1983. Hellemstische Reform und Religwnsverfolgung in
After the misconceived and unsuccessful policy of Anti- Judaea. Gottingen.
och us IV m Judea, the Seleucid kings promulgated a policy Cohen, G. M. 1978. The Seleucid Colonies. Wiesbaden.
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (SELEUCID) 96 • v
Fischer, T. 1980. Seleukiden und Maklcabaeer. Bochum. brothers appeared before him in turn, and Pompey even-
- - . 1981. Rom und die Hasmonaeer. Gymnasium 88: 139-50. tually gave his support to Hyrcanus. Jerusalem was surren-
- - . 1985. Review of Bringmann 1983. Klio 67: 350-55. dered to Pompey, but the followers of Aristobulus barri-
- - . 1986. Zur Auswertung seleukidischer Muenzen. SchweiZLT- caded themselves in the well-fortified temple area and held
ische Numismatische Rundschau 65: 65-72. out against Pompey's forces for three months. The temple
- - . fc. Hasmoneans and Seleucids. Proceedings of the Conference area was stormed in July or August, 63 e.c.
"Greece and Rome in Eretz-lsrael," Universities of Haifa and Tel Aviv Pompey confirmed Hyrcanus in power, but withheld the
(March 25-28, 1985). title of king from him, and released from his control the
Gruen, E. S. 1984. The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome. 2 Greek cities of the Mediterranean seaboard and Transjor-
vols. Berkeley, CA. dan which his predecessors had conquered, placing them
Rajak, T. 1981. Roman Intervention in a Seleucid Siege of Jerusa- under the direct authority of the Roman governor of Syria
lem? GRBS 22: 65-81. (Scaurus), who at the same time exercised general super-
Taylor, j. E. 1979. Seleucid Rule in Palestine. Diss. Duke University. vision over Judea.
Will, E. 1982. Histoire politique du Monde hellemstique (323-30 av In 57 B.c. Alexander, son of Aristobulus II, escaping
j.-C.). Vol. 2, 2d rev. ed. Nancy. from his Roman captivity, raised an army and occupied
THOMAS FISCHER three fortresses in Judea. Aulus Gabinius, newly appointed
Trans. Frederick H. Cryer proconsul of Syria, put down the rebellion and reorgan-
ized the province of Judea. Hyrcanus was left with the
ROMAN ADMINISTRATION high priesthood and the custody of the temple; Judaea was
divided into five districts, each administered by an aristo-
This article covers the period of Roman administration
cratic council.
in Palestine from the time of Pompey's conquest in 63 e.c.
In 54 e.c. Gabinius was succeeded as proconsul of Syria
until the crushing of the Bar Kokhba revolt in A.D. 135.
by Licinius Crassus, a member of the first triumvirate at
Rome along with Pompey and Julius Caesar. Crassus plun-
A. From Pompey's Conquest to the Parthian Invasion
dered the temple treasury in Jerusalem to raise funds for
B. Herod, King of the Jews his campaign against Parthia. In that campaign he was
C. Herod's Legacy
defeated and killed (53 e.c.). His quaestor Cassius (later to
l. Sons of Herod be one of Caesar's assassins) exercised supreme authority
2. Early Prefects of Judea in Syria and Judea from 53 to 51 e.c.
3. Reign of Herod Agrippa The civil war which broke out in 49 B.c. between Pompey
D. The Last Procurators of Judea and Caesar ended the following year with Pompey's defeat
E. The War with Rome at Pharsalus in Thessaly and his murder when he fled for
F. Judea under Imperial Legates asylum to Egypt. Hyrcanus, at the prompting of Antipater
(who for several years had been quietly consolidating his
A. From Pompey's Conquest to the Parthian power base in Judea), declared his support for Caesar. A
Invasion material proof of this support was given in the spring of
The establishment of Roman control over W Asia after 47 e.c. when Caesar found himself outnumbered in Egypt:
Pompey's decisive overthrow of Mithridates VI of Pontus Antipater sent troops and other supplies to his aid, and
in 64 e.c. was bound to affect the state of Judea, which for Hyrcanus persuaded the large Jewish colony in Egypt to
nearly 80 years had enjoyed independence under the fight on his side. Caesar was grateful: when he came to
Hasmonean dynasty of priest-kings. But division within Syria later that year he named Hyrcanus "ethnarch of the
the Hasmonean camp at that time positively invited Roman Jews" over and above his high priesthood, while he hon-
intervention in Judea. ored Antipater (the effective power behind Hyrcanus'
When Salome Alexandra, Hasmonean queen regnant, throne) with Roman citizenship and freedom from taxa-
died in 67 e.c., rivalry broke out between her two sons- tion, and appointed him procurator of Judea. Gabinius·
Hyrcanus II, who had occupied the high priesthood dur- division of the province into five administrative districts
ing her reign, and Aristobulus II, who had been her was now canceled.
military commander-in-chief. Hyrcanus, the older son, was Antipater appointed his two sons, Phasael and Herod,
heir to the throne, but Aristobulus rebelled against him military prefects in Judea and Galilee respectively. A?out
and defeated his forces. Hyrcanus relinquished his royal the same time Herod, a young man of outstanding ability.
and high-priestly titles in his brother's favor. Hyrcanus was was appointed military prefect of Coele-Syria by Sextus
totally devoid of personal initiative or ambition, but he was Caesar, governor of Syria.
manipulated by the ambitious Idumean Antipater. Antip- Julius Caesar's assassination on March 15, 44 e.c., was~
ater persuaded Hyrcanus that Aristobulus had designs on heavy blow to the Jews, both in Palestine and throughout
his life and that he should seek sanctuary with the Naba- the empire. Cassius, one of the leading assassins, came
tean king Aretas III. Aretas invaded Judea on Hyrcanus's back to take control of Syria, and received from Hyrcanus
behalf and defeated Aristobulus. and Antipater the support which they had given to Caesar.
Aristobulus and Hyrcanus both sent legations to Damas- Antipater's policy, followed by his son Herod_, was to sup-
cus, where Aemilius Scaurus, Pompey's lieutenant, had port Rome, whoever might be the represei:tat1ve of Roman
arrived in 65 a.c. Scaurus favored Aristobulus, and or- power in the east from time to _time. An_upater was killed
dered Aretas to leave Judea. But when Pompey himself by a private enemy in 43 e.c.; his authonty was taken over
came to Damascus in 63 e.c., legations from the two by his two sons. Next year they were nominated tetrarchs
v. 97 PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ROMAN)

of Judea by Mark Antony, who became .ruler of the Rom.an who received the title of ethnarch; Galilee and Peraea (S
east when he and Octavian (Caesar's heir) defeated Cassius Transjordan) went to Archelaus' full brother Antipas
and Brutus at the battle of Philippi. ("Herod the tetrarch" of the gospel records), while their
In 40 s.c. the whole of W Asia was overrun by the half-brother Philip received as his tetrarchy the territories
Parthians, from beyond the Euphrates. In Jerusalem they which Herod had acquired E and NE of the Sea of Galilee
placed Antigonus, the last surviving son of Aristobulus II, in 23 and 20 B.c.-"the region of lturaea and Trachonitis"
on the throne as king and high priest. Phasael was cap- (Luke 3:I).
tured and committed suicide; Herod escaped to Rome. I. Sons of Herod. Archelaus, who inherited his father's
There Antony and Octavian persuaded the Roman senate ruthlessness but not his statesmanship, proved so intolera-
to recognize him as king of the Jews. ble to his subjects in Judea and Samaria that after 9 years
they threatened revolt if he were not removed. Augustus
B. Herod, King of the Jews accordingly removed him in A.D. 6 and banished him to
It was now for Herod to give substance to his title by Gaul. His principality was transformed into a Roman prov-
winning back his kingdom. The Romans lost no time in ince.
expelling the Parthians from the territories they had over- Philip governed his mainly gentile tetrarchy justly and
run, but left Antigonus on the throne in Jerusalem. Most peaceably. He built himself a capital at Banyas, near one
of his subjects were well pleased to have an effective Has- of the sources of the Jordan, and named it Caesarea in
monean ruler again. It took long and hard fighting on honor of the emperor; it was known as Caesarea Philippi
Herod's part to reduce Judea. Jerusalem was taken in the ("Philip's Caesarea") to distinguish it from other founda-
summer of 37 a.c. after a siege of three months in which tions of the same name. When he died in A.O. 34 his
Herod's forces were augmented by Roman troops under tetrarchy was added to the province of Syria.
the command of Sosius, governor of Syria. Antipas was politically the ablest of Herod's sons. He
For 33 years (37-4 B.C.) Herod reigned over Judea governed Galilee and Peraea in the interests of Rome for
(including Samaria, Galilee and parts of Transjordan) as over forty years. He vigilantly checked any movement
Rome's faithful ally. When civil war broke out between which he suspected might lead to insurrection. His capital
Antony and Octavian in 31 B.C. and Antony (with Cleo- was Sepphoris, until he built a new one on the W shore of
patra) was defeated at the battle of Actium (committing the Sea of Galilee and called it Tiberias in honor of the
suicide at Alexandria the following year), Herod went to Emperor Tiberius. He fell from power in A.O. 39, when his
meet Octavian at Rhodes and undertook to be as loyal a nephew Agrippa I satisfied a grudge by poisoning the
friend to him as he had been to Antony. Octavian recog- mind of Tiberius' successor Caius (Caligula) against him.
nized Herod's worth to Rome and confirmed him in his Caius deposed and banished him, and gave his tetrarchy
status as king of the Jews. to Agrippa.
Rome found it convenient to control several subject 2. Early Prefects of Judea. When Archelaus was de-
nations in the E part of the empire through client kings, posed in A.O. 6 his territory was placed under the general
who ranked officially as "friends and allies of the Roman supervision of the imperial legate of Syria, with its own
people." These kings were completely dependent on Rome governor of equestrian rank. The first event of the new
for their power, and were bound to retain the favor of order was the census held by Quirinius, legate of Syria, to
Rome, but they enjoyed considerable freedom in the ad- determine the amount of tribute which the province of
ministration of their kingdoms. See CLIENT KINGS. If Judea would henceforth have to pay to Rome. The idea
they kept the peace within their own boundaries and in that the people of God, living in the holy land, should pay
adjoining ter:ritories, Rome was content: Rome reaped all tribute to a pagan ruler was offensive to many Jews, chiefly
the advantages from this arrangement, and the client kings to Judas of Galilee and his followers, who led a rising
incurred all the odium-and where Herod was concerned, against the Romans; this was inevitably put down (Acts
there was no lack of odium. But when Herod subdued 5:37). It is plain from the gospels that the propriety of
unruly tribes on his NE frontier, Augustus (the style which paying tribute to Caesar remained a burning question in
Octavian adopted from 27 B.c. on) knew that the best way Judea and Jerusalem (Mark I2: 13-I 7; Luke 23:2).
to keep them pacified was to add them to Herod's king- The first provincial governor of Judea was Coponius.
dom. By the end of Herod's reign his dominions ap- Between A.O. 6 and 41 he and his successors appear to
proached the dimensions of the empire of David and have been called prefects. This is Pontius Pilate's designa-
Solomon a thousand years before. But, whereas David and tion in the Caesarea inscription which bears his name; if
Solomon were overlords over weaker. rulers, Herod could Tacitus, writing ca. 115-17, calls him a procurator (Ann.
never forget that he was subject to the overlordship of 15.44.4), that may be because the later governors of Judea
Augustus, to whom indeed his subjects had to swear an (44-66) were called procurators.
oath of allegiance as well as to Herod himself (Joseph. Ant. The prefects had some cohorts of auxiliary troops un-
17.42). der their command: garrisons were maintained at Caesa-
rea (the Mediterranean port founded by Herod ca. 13 a.c.,
C. Herod's Legacy where the prefects set up their official residence), at Jeru-
. When Herod died in 4 B.C., his kingdom was at the salem (in the Antonia fortress NW of the temple area) and
d~spo.sal of Augustus. In his last will he had bequeathed elsewhere in the province. If more force was required, the
his kmgdom to three of his sons, but the will could not legate of Syria could supply it from the legionary troops at
take effect until Augustus confirmed it. Judea and Samaria his disposal.
were bestowed on Herod's son Archelaus (cf. Matt 2:22), The internal affairs of the Jewish nation were adminis-
PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF (ROMAN) 98 • v
tered by the Sanhedrin, their senate and supreme court. dispute between the two communities. Both sides appealed
The prefect reserved the right of capital punishment; only to the legate of Syna, who ordered their leaders with
for offenses against the temple was this right left in the Cumanus himself, to go to Rome and submit to Cla~dius'
hands of the Sanhedrin, by a special concession from the judgment. Claudius ruled in the Jews' favor, and Cumanus
Romans. Jerusalem had the status of a holy city; when its was deposed and exiled.
sanctity was disregarded by an insensitive prefect, he was Cumanus' successor, Felix, was not a member of the
apt to incur the emperor's disapproval. Images were not equestrian order, like his predecessors, but a freedman
to be introduced" within the city limits (for their presence who owed the appointment to the influence of his brother
would infringe the second commandment); when Pilate P~llas at the imperial court. Felix's procuratorship was
nevertheless brought into the city military standards bear- disturbed by repeated outbreaks of insurgency, which his
ing busts of the emperor, the Jewish authorities protested forces put down ruthlessly. A flattering description of his
and Pilate had to remove the busts (Ant 18.35;]W 2.169). measures is given by Tertullus in his speech for the prose-
From A.O. 6 to 41 the prefects of Judea, or occasionally cuuon when Paul appeared on trial before Felix (Acts
the legates of Syria, appointed and deposed Jewish high 24:2-3). His severity led to a stiffening of anti-Roman
priests. Annas, for example, was appointed in A.D. 6 by resistance in Judea. He was eventually recalled from office
(A.O. 59) because of his inept handling of a feud between
Quirinius; his son-in-law Caiaphas was appointed in A.D.
15 by the prefect Valerius Gratus, and retained the office Jews and gentiles in Caesarea.
until 37, when he was removed by Vitellius, legate of Syria. At his departure from Judea, Felix left Paul in custody
for his successor, Porcius Festus (59-62) to deal with. It
In addition to his sacral duties, the high priest was presi-
was at his appearance before Festus that Paul, exercising
dent of the Sanhedrin. The prefects maintained further
his right as a Roman citizen, appealed to have his case
control of the high priests until 37 by keeping their holy transferred from the subordinate provincial court to the
vestments under armed guard in the Antonia fortress. supreme imperial tribunal in Rome (Acts 25: 11-12).
3. Reign of Herod Agrippa I. When Gaius (Caligula) Of Festus (exceptionally among the governors of Ju-
succeeded Tiberius as emperor in 37, he made Agrippa, daea), nothing discreditable is recorded, but he died sud-
grandson of Herod the Great, ruler of Philip's former denly after three years in office. Events in the three
tetrarchy, with the title king. When, two years later, he months' interregnum which followed his death showed
deposed Antipas, he added Galilee and Peraea to Agrip- how strictly Roman authority was maintained over a prov-
pa's kingdom. When Claudius became emperor in 41, he ince even in the absence of a governor. The high priest
enlarged Agrippa's kingdom with the addition of Judea Ananus took advantage of the interval which elapsed be-
and Samaria, so that Agrippa ("Herod the king" of Acts fore the arrival of Festus' successor to assume the right of
12: I) ruled a territory almost as extensive as his grandfath- capital jurisdiction (one of his victims was James the
er's. brother of Jesus); this usurpation of an authority which
Agrippa enjoyed considerable autonomy within his king- was not his would have brought down Roman reprisals on
dom, but otherwise his authority was strictly limited. the province if his action had not been disowned by his
When, for example, he convened a conference of neigh- being deposed from the high priesthood.
boring client kings at Tiberias, the legate of Syria ordered Of the last two procurators of Judea, Albinus and Ges-
it to disband. His Jewish subjects were mostly pleased with sius Florus, nothing good is related. Their insensitivity
his rule, but it lasted only three years: in 44 he died after and ineptitude were largely responsible for the Jewish
a short and sudden illness (Acts 12:20-23; Ant. 19.343- revolt of 66, but Josephus depicts them as unworthy rep-
50). resentatives of imperial Rome, which deserved better
agents. Albinus accepted bribes impartially f.rom the Jew-
D. The Last Procurators of Judea ish establishment and the insurgents, and on the eve of his
Agrippa's seventeen-year-old son, Agrippa the younger departure, he released criminals from prison indiscrimi-
("Agrippa the king" of Acts 25:13), was adjudged too nately; Florus' misdeeds made Albinus appear a paragon
immature to inherit his father's kingdom; Claudius gave of justice (JW 2.277; Ant 20.252). He flaunted his venality
him a tiny kingdom in South Lebanon. Judea (with Sa- even more disgracefully than Albinus, and took savage
maria, Galilee, and Perea) reverted to provincial status. reprisals when his vexatious treatment of the Jews became
The governors of Judea from 44 to 66 were called more than they could endure. Even Tacitus (Hi.st. 5.10)
concedes that it was Florus' malevolence that made Jewish
procurators. Unlike the prefects from 6 to 41, they were
not allowed to appoint high priests: this privilege was given patience snap at last.
When the ensuing revolt quickly developed to a point
to the late Agrippa's brother, Herod of Chalcis, and after where Florus could not cope with it, Cestius Gallus, legate
him to the younger Agrippa. of Syria, intervened with the twelfth legion and additional
Cuspius Fadus, first of the new procurators, tried to troops. On reaching Jerusalem, Gallus realized that the
govern justly, but did not hold his office long. His succes- reduction of the strongly defended Temple area would
sor, Tiberius Julius Alexander, an uncle of Philo, the require a greater force than he had brought, so he with-
Jewish philosopher of Alexandria, was unacceptable to drew northward, and his troops were severely mauled by
most Jews because he was an apostate from his ancestral the insurgents on their way through the Pass of Beth-
religion. He dealt sternly with insurgents, including two horon.
sons of Judas the Galilean, who were crucified by his
orders. The next procurator, Ventidius Cumanus (48-52), E. The War with Rome
experienced the difficulties inherent in governing both A state of war now existed throughout all Palestine, and
Jews and Samaritans. He intervened unsatisfactorily in a supreme authority was vested in Vespasian, the com-
v • 99 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC)

mander-in-chief sent by Nero with adequate forces (three in Zuttiyeh and Emireh caves in Wadi Amud near Tiberias.
legions and auxiliary troops) to put down the revolt: When, He was followed by D. Garrod, who is known mostly for
in the strife that followed Nero's death, Vespasian was her excavations in the Carmel caves ( 1928-1934) and by
proclaimed emperor by the eastern legions in July 69, he R. Neuville in rock shelters in the Judean desert ( 1928-
left for Rome with Jerusalem still unreduced, entrusting 1935 ). He also dug in Qafzeh cave (near Nazareth) with M.
the prosecution of the war to his son Titus. When Titus in Stekelis, the first Israeli prehistorian, who excavated Jisr
turn left for Rome, after bringing the siege of Jerusalem Banat Yacaqub, a Lower Paleolithic site in the Jordan Val-
to a successful conclusion in September 70, his place as ley. From the 1950s through the 1980s, a series of excava-
commander-in-chief was taken by Vettenius Cerialis. tions have been conducted in various parts of Israel, and
these, with the results of surveys and excavations in Sinai
F. Judea under Imperial Legates and Jordan, have provided a continuous cultural sequence
After the war, Judea's status as a Roman province was for the Middle and Upper Paleolithic, Epi-Paleolithic, and
raised: it was now governed by a legate of senatorial rank, Neolithic periods. Our knowledge of the earlier period is
no longer under the general supervision of the governor still fragmentary-the number of sites is small and they
of Syria, like the earlier prefects and procurators, but are poorly dated.
directly responsible to the emperor, with legionary troops
under his command. These troops belonged at first to one A. Paleolithic
legion only, the tenth (Fretensis); later, between 120 and B. Neolithic
130, the sixth legion (Ferrata) was also stationed in Judea. l. Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN)
The seat of government continued to be Caesarea, now a 2. Pottery Neolithic (PN)
Roman colony. C. Chalcolithic
The first three legates appear to have been Cerialis,
commander of the fifth legion at the siege of Jerusalem; A. Paleolithic
Lucilius Bassus, who stormed the fortresses of Herodium The earliest occurrences of artifacts testifying of the
and Machaerus; and Flavius Silva, who reduced Masada. presence of early hominids in the Near East were found
The extant list of legates is incomplete: Lusius Quietus, during the excavations at UBEIDIYA, in the central Jordan
appointed by Trajan, had put down a Jewish rebellion in Valley. The archaeological horizons of this site are embed-
Mesopotamia in 115; Tineius Rufus, appointed by Ha- ded in a sequence of lacustrine and fluviatile deposits
drian, was legate when the Bar-Kokhba revolt broke out in which is defined at the Ubeidiya Formation. This forma-
132. The governor under whom this revolt was crushed tion overlies the Erq el-Ahmar Formation, which contained
( 135) was Julius Severus, who had earlier been governor of Late Pliocene mollusks and is the earliest limnic formation
Britain. Thereafter the name of the province was Palestine within the Jordan Rift, which was formed by a series of
(Syria Palaestina); Jerusalem was refounded as a Roman tectonic movements younger than 3.2 million years. The
colony and renamed Aelia Capitolina. excavations at Ubeidiya demonstrated the presence of
numerous implementiferous layers but only 14 were ex-
Bibliography tensively excavated. The lithic industries are characterized
Freyne, S. 1980. Galilee from Alexander the Great to Hadrian. Wilming- by the high frequencies of core choppers from which
ton, DE and South Bend, IN. flakes were removed and used. Polyhedrons, spheroids,
Goodman, M. 1983. State and Society in Roman Galilee. Oxford and a few hand axes form the rest of the assemblages. It is
Centre for Postgraduate Hebrew Studies. Totowa, NJ. worth noting that most core choppers and polyhedrons
- - . 1987. The Ruling Cl.ass ofjudea. Cambridge. were made of flint pebbles; spheroids were shaped from
Jones, A. H. M. 1967. The Herods o[Judaea. 2d ed. Oxford. limestone, and hand axes were dominantly made of basalt
Lemonon, J.-P. 1981. Pilate et le Gouvernement de la Judie. EBib. and the rest from flint and limestone. Only the earliest
Paris. levels at Ubeidiya do not contain bifaces. The assemblages
Schalit, A. 1969. Konig Herod<s: Der Mann und sein Werk. Trans. J. resemble the Oldowan of Africa. However, as the rest of
Amir. SJ 4. Berlin. the assemblages includes bifaces, trihedral, or picks even
Smallwood, E. M. 1976. The Jews under Roman Rule. SJLA 20. in small numbers, the entire lithic sequence is cautiously
Leiden. attributed to the Early Acheulian.
F. F. BRUCE Over 120 species of mammals, birds, and reptiles were
identified. Among the most common mammals are the
horse, deer, hippopotamus, elephant, several carnivores,
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF. This entry and various rodents (which essentially characterize a for-
co~sists of four articles surveying, respectively, the prehis- est-steppic environment). The paleoecological reconstruc-
tonc penods, the Bronze and Iron Ages, the Persian tion of the immediate environment of the site encompasses
period, and the New Testament period. a variety of habitats including an open fresh-water lake,
pebbly beaches, thickets with reeds and tamarisk along
PREHISTORIC PERIODS laguna areas, open grassy meadows, partly forested west-
ern slopes of the Jordan Rift with some rocky exposures, a
The_ study of prehistoric Palestine began with surface plateau covered with oak forest above the valley, and some
collecuons made during the 19th century by travelers who dry wadis descending into the lake much as they do today.
came to look for the country's biblical past. The first The site of Ubeidiya is dated on the basis of fauna!
excavation was carried out by F. Turville-Petre ( 1925-1926) correlations. The presence of certain species including an
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC) 100 • v
elephant (Mammuthu.s meridionalis tamanensis), rhinocerus The. Ac~eu.lo-l'.abrudia~ de~onstrates a particular geo-
(Dicerorhinus etruscus), horses (Equus tabeti, Equus caballus), graphic d1stnbuuon. This entity occupied the N Levant,
deer (Praemegaceros verticornis), warthog, and wild boar and its S manifestations are just S of Mt. Carmel and into
(Kolpochoerus olduwayensis) led to a long-distance correlation the Transjordanian plateau. U-series datings suggest that
between the fauna! biozones of W and E Europe and E this entity lasted from about 180/150-120 thousand years
Africa, and indicates the Ubeidiya should be dated to 1.4- ago.
1.0 million years ago. This is the best-dated Lower Paleo- Human relics in Acheulo-Yabrudian contexts include the
lithic site in the entire Near East and represents one of the fragmentary skull recovered in Zuttiyeh cave and a broken
stations of Homo erectus as members of this genus moved femur in Tabun cave. The Zuttiyeh skull is morphologi-
from Africa into Asia and Europe. cally attributed to the late Homo errctus or the archaic Homo
Other Lower Paleolithic sites, all of which are classified sapiens.
as Middle or Upper Acheulian, are found in the Jordan In stratified cave sites such as Yabrud (Anti-Lebanon
Valley or the coastal plain, where considerable amounts of mountains) or Tabun cave, the Acheulo-Yabrudian is over-
deposits are exposed. The hilly areas are often stripped of lain by the Mousterian complex. The long sequence of
any Lower or Middle Pleistocene accumulations. Tabun cave enabled the general description of three types
Evron-Quary is a small site including the remains of of lithic industries, mostly made through the use of various
some Middle Pleistocene mammals. Its lithic assemblage methods of the Levallois technique. Each of these is named
contains a few large flint bifaces and a small flake industry after the main layer in Tabun as identified by D. Garrod,
indicating that part of the assemblages was transported although A. Jelinek was able to refine the subdivision and
into the site. See EVRON. accurately relate the industries to their geological deposit.
JISR BANAT YA'AQUB, on the banks of the Jordan In "Tabun B"-type industry, the blanks were removed
River and currently under excavation, is known for its by the unidirectional and convergent methods of Levallois.
assemblages of lava flake cleavers which were made in the Short and broad points are common as well as side scrap-
same technique so common in Africa. With the cleavers ers. A more "facies" with more blades and elongated
are lava bifaces and a collection of large mammalian fauna, points occurs at the lower levels of this entity in Tabun and
which are best correlated with the European Cromerian Kebara caves. See KEBARA CAVE.
fauna. They include elephants, rhinoceroses, hippopota- The "Tabun C"-type industry is often dominated by
muses, wild boar, and deer. This site overlies a lava flow radial and bidirectional core reduction methods which
dated by Potassium/Argon (K/Ar) to 0.68 million years were responsible for the production of large oval flakes.
with a normal magnetic polarity. The age of the site is However, convergent flaking is present and resulted in the
estimated to be around 0.5 million years old. According to presence of a "facies" with Levallois points (such as in
the observations made by M. Stekelis in the 1930s, the Tabun and Qafzeh caves).
upper layers of the site contained Acheulian industry in The earliest industry is the "Tabun D" type, which
which the bifaces were mainly made of flint. Two fragments contains numerous elongated points and blades, however,
of human femora, without exact provenience, were col- with side scrapers. Among the best examples are Tabun
lected from the dumps created by the deepening of the and Abu Sif caves. This type of industry seems to be more
Jordan River channel, which considerably damaged the common in the Negeb and the S Transjordanian plateau
site. than in the N part of Palestine. The lack of a sufficient
Upper Acheulian materials, most of them collected from number of well-founded dates precludes the establishment
surface scatters, were located in the various regions of of the Mousterian sequence. Thermoluminescence (TL)
Palestine including the oases such as AZRAQ and Nahal and Electron Spin Resonance (ESR) dates from Qafzeh
Zin. However, it seems that hominids during the Lower cave (averaging 90-100 thousand years for the hominid
and Middle Pleistocene were not able to cope with arid or bearing layers) and Kebara cave (averaging 48-64 thou-
semiarid conditions. Sites located in the deserts, therefore, sand years for the entire sequence in the site) support
signify pluvial times. Upper Acheulian assemblages were earlier contentions based on rodents' biozones. An esti-
also excavated in cave sites such as Tabun cave and Umm mated age for Tabun D-type industry will be in the order
Qatafa cave. See CARMEL CAVES. The animal bones are of 130/115-100/95 thousand years. However, the current
often those of large to medium mammals, probably indi- use of these dating techniques and cross-checking by other
cating the scavenging activities of humans. radiometric methods makes any suggested conclusions
In several sites, the Upper Acheulian is overlain by a premature.
lithic industry which has several names. The current term The current surge of dates was motivated by the re-
"Mugharan Tradition" was suggested by A. Jelinek, on the newed discussion on the origins of anatomically modern
basis of his excavations in Tabun cave. Others still use the humans. The number of Mousterian human remains dis-
term "Acheulo-Yabrudian." Both terms mean that this covered in Palestine is large when compared to other
entity contains several facies of the same lithic industry. regions of the Old World. Several relics were uncovered by
One "facies" contains thick scrapers of various shapes intentional burials such as in Tabun, Skhul, Kebara.
including canted and transverse forms, often demonstrat- Qafzeh, and Amud caves. The entire sample is considered
ing considerable resharpening ("Yabrudian"); the second to represent the West Asian Neanderthal (Tabun, Kebara.
together with the scrapers has varying frequencies of often and Amud) or the archaic Homo sapiens (also referred to as
small, oval or pointed bifaces; and the third "facies" is "Proto-Cro-Magnon" at Qafzeh, Skhul). While one school
dominated by blades with a few bifaces and burins ("Amu- views the entire collection as representing the same popu-
dian"). The first two facies are the most common. lation, others see the Neanderthals as either emerging
v. 101 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC)

from local ancestors or as Europeans migrating into the antler objects add to the distinction of this entity. Most of
Levant with the onset of glacial conditions (110 or 75 these objects were made by cutting and shaving with flint
thousand years ago). . knives. Two split base points, a typical object in the Euro-
There is ample evidence to indicate that the Moustenan pean Aurignacian, were found in Kebara and El-Quseir
people gathered plant foods and hunted gazelles and caves. Two incised slabs, found in Hayonim cave, may
fallow deer, although they did not refrain from opportu- represent artistic expressions.
nistic scavenging. The signs of utilization on their tools The Levantine Aurignacian is only known from the N
reflect hide and woodworking, and butchery. Levallois and central Levant and is not present in the Negeb or S
points bear impact marks as they have been employed as Jordan. It is therefore considered as the archaeological
spear points. The use of red ocher is rare as is the collec- expression of a social unit foreign to the Near East, which
tion of marine shells. Imported elements in sites include arrived in the region and lasted for some time between
raw material for the production of artifacts and curated 32,000-28,000 B.C.
tools. Hearths were often rounded or oval, and amorphous The following phase of the Upper Paleolithic is signified
ashy deposits are common in well-preserved situations in by an abundance of scrapers and burins (in several sites
caves (e.g., Kebara). the latter is the dominant tool type) and it seems that in
The transition from the Middle Paleolithic to the Upper most assemblages, these tool types are made on flakes. In
Paleolithic is reflected in the local evolution within the some sites the burins, especially those on truncation, dom-
lithic industries. The best example is in Boker Tachtit, a inate the assemblage. It is in this type of site (Nahal Ein
site in Nahal Zin in the Negeb, excavated by A. Marks. The Gev I, Jordan Valley) that a flexed burial of a woman, 30-
lithic sequence of this site demonstrates a transition in core 35 years old, was uncovered.
reduction methods from a mixture of bidirectional Leval- The subsequent industries (ca. 25/24,000-20/18,000
lois cores and prismatic Upper Paleolithic cores for blade B.C.) are characterized by the proliferation of blade/blade-
production to simple unidirectional Upper Paleolithic let production, and microlithic tools become the dominant
blade cores. The Transitional Industry includes Levallois forms. This phase, which can be referred to as the Late
points removed from blade cores with a bidirectional scar Ahmarian, heralds the onset of what is known as the
pattern. In Ksar Akil (Lebanon), the Transitional Industry Kebaran cultural complex (ca. 18,000-12,500 B.c.), which
represents an idea similar to that of the Upper Paleolithic. encompasses a variety of assemblage types. The changes
Tool types such as end scrapers are made on Levallois in the form of the microliths leads from nongeometric
blanks. The specific tool type common in Lebanon, the forms such as the obliquely truncated bladelets (Kebara
chamferred blades and flakes, were not found in Palestine points) to the elongated trapeze-rectangles, which charac-
except for rare surface occurrences. The Early Upper terize the ensuing cultural complex known as the Geomet-
Paleolithic sequence is therefore characterized by the dom- ric Kebaran (ca. 12,500-10,800/10,500 s.c.).
inance of tool types such as end scrapers and a few burins. The Kebaran sites are g·enerally small and located in
The blanks are either mainly flakes (Emireh cave) or blades lower altitudes. Most are known from surface collections
(Boker Tachtit). and limited excavations. The largest excavation is in Ein
It is the following industry which signifies the subse- Gev I (on the E shores of Lake Tiberias), where a shallow
quent phases with the dominance of blades/bladelets (of- basin dug into the sandy deposits which formed the foun-
ten removed from unipolar prismatic cores). This industry dations of a small hut (5-7 m in diameter) was exposed.
was called the Ahmarian Tradition and most of its sites are Repeated occupations resulted in considerable accumula-
known from the Negeb and Sinai, but also include the tion of flints and animal bones (mainly deer and gazelle).
early layers in some caves (e.g., Kebara). The dominant A burial of a 30-35-year-old woman was found under one
point forms are either the Ksar Akii type or the El-Wad of the levels in the center of the hut. A mortar and several
type and retouched bladelets are often a steady compo- pestles were among the domestic utensils. Recent excava-
nent of these assemblages. The entire Ahmarian sequence tions in Urkan er-Rubb II, a site in the lower Jordan Valley,
is radio-carbon dated to 38,000-20/18,000 s.c. when it retrieved the only art object from this period-a flat pebble
develops into the Kebaran Complex. Most of the sites which bears several incised series of the "ladder" pattern.
indicate a greater mobility than in the Middle Paleolithic, The climatic conditions during the Kebaran Complex
accompanied by the hunting of gazelle, fallow deer, roe were cold and dry (the Late Glacial Maximum) and human
deer, and more ibex in the semiarid areas. Intensive use occupations were limited to the belt of Mediterranean
of red ocher is recorded and several grinding tools were vegetation and margins of the steppic I rano-Turanian belt
also employed in the preparation of the color. Bone tools including some of the desert oases. The subsequent cli-
are quite rare and the manipulation of marine shells began matic amelioration which brought the increase in temper-
around 20,000 B.C. atures and precipitation enabled the Geometric Kebaran
The Ahmarian sequence in the cave sites is interrupted groups to inhabit many of the formerly arid areas. More-
by the d1stmct appearance of the first Aurignacian ele- over, the spatial expansion of vegetal and animal resources
ments, such as carinated and nosed scrapers and later by tempted groups from neighboring regions to move in.
the dominance of an industry essentially produced on Such is the archaeological complex of the Mushabian,
flakes. It is this industry which is currently named Levan- mainly known from Sinai; which is considered to be a
tine Aurignacian. penetration from NE Africa. Other groups moved into the
With carinated and nosed scrapers, the Levantine Aurig- inland basins on the Transjordanian plateau such as the
nac1an assemblages contain El-Wad points which are also Azraq.
present in Ahmarian assemblages. However, rich bone and The general increase in population within the entire
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC) 102 • v
region and the different lithic knapping traditions im- and stone pendants, shell beads, often using the various
ported into Palestine left a variety of assemblages which species of Dentalium and rarely some mundane tools. The
cannot easily be clustered under one or two taxons. How- original places of the decorations were probably as head-
ever, the common denominators are the microliths, mostly gear, garments, and belts. Of special importance is the
the trapeze-rectangles, the triangles, and the lunates. In burial of a woman with a young dog exposed in Ain
terms of lifeways, these were basically small groups of Mallaha, indicating the domestication of this mammal.
hunter-gatherers who left behind ample evidence for re- The lithic industry of the Natufian culture often dem-
constructing small campsites with a hearth and a particular onstrates a proliferation of geometric microliths, especially
distribution of the dumps. The larger sites are either of lunates shaped by either Helwan or abrupt retouch.
palimpsests of reoccupations where deflation and erosion Sickle bl~des, burins, perforators, and a few delicate, elon-
obliterated many features or sites where rapid accumula- gated pICks make for the rest of the assemblages. The
tion of sand and loam today enables the identification of production of small flakes and short bladelets as blanks
discrete features such as hearths and activity areas. The for tools differentiate the Natufian from the former cul-
consumption of seeds, grain, acorns, and nuts is best tural complexes. The use of microburin technique to ob-
recorded in the use of pounding and some grinding tools tain oblique snaps possibly indicates the local tradition of
such as mortars, pestles, and mullers. Marine shells were certain groups which lasted through the two phases of the
brought mainly from the closest shoreline-either the Natufian. However, Helwan retouch (a bifacial retouch on
Mediterranean or the Red Sea. From the large Geometric lunates) is more common in the Early Natufian. On the
Kebaran site of Neveh David (Mt. Carmel), two burials with whole, the Early Natufian is better known from some large
fragmentary skeletons are known. sites and small ephemeral occupations in the semiarid zone
The settlement pattern reconstructed for the Epi-Paleo- while the Late Natufian is poorly known from a few sites
lithic groups depends on the available resources and their such as NAHAL OREN Terrace (Mt. Carmel), Salibiya I
seasonal distribution. On the whole, lowlands were better (Jordan Valley), Rosh Zin, and Rosh Horesha (Negeb).
suited for winter exploitation while highlands were better Natufian art expressions are more numerous than in
suited for summer occupations. Water sources are abun- any of the preceding periods. They include the carving of
dant in the hills of Palestine (including the Transjordanian heads of ungulates on sickle hafts, limestone figurines
plateau) and the dry summer had no effects on the avail- schematically representing humans and animals, zigzag
ability of this resource. Over one hundred species of plants and meander decorations incised or carved on domestic
can be exploited during the year and the stress period is objects, and some incised slabs where the ladder pattern is
often from November through late February. The com- dominant. The sudden increase in artistic activity in the
mon medium- to small-size mammal is the gazelle (mainly Natufian is explained by the need to increase symbolic
Gazella gazella), which is a stationary mammal with a very behavior to maintain social cohesion. Natufian sites also
small home range territory (1-5 km2). Such an availability, differ from each other by types of ornaments, especially
reliability, and accessibility of resources would encourage the arrangements of Dentalium shells or common bone
a semisedentary settlement pattern with some storage fa- beads. It seems that body decorations were the salient
cilities. means of group identification.
A short and abrupt climatic crisis, probably around The Natufian economy was based on intensive collection
10,000/10,500 e.c. was responsible for the disruption of of cereals (which left its marks as a special luster on the
the socioeconomic situation and caused some groups to sickle blades) although some scholars have suggested that
resolve the seasonal shortages by settling down on the during this period emerged the earliest farmers. Unfortu-
ecotone of the Mediterranean open forest and the steppic nately, plant remains in Natufian sites are sfarce, mainly
belt or on the boundary between the coastal plain and the owing to bad preservation in Mediterranean soils. For
hilly areas. This archaeological entity known as the Natu- pounding and grinding, they employed mortars and pes-
fian culture has a distribution of sites which avoids the arid tles which were made either of limestone or basalt. Hunt-
belt. ing continued, and at some sites, the decrease in gazelle
The Natufian large sites (or base camps) are up to 5,000 size is interpreted as overexploitation. Otherwise, the
m 2 and contain rounded and oval houses (e.g., Ain Mal- range of hunted game and collected reptiles or trapped
laha, Hayonim Cave and Terrace, Wadi Hammeh 26), water fowl is wider than in any previous Epi-Paleolithic
burials, and rich lithic and bone industries. The houses entity. It seems that the Natufian subsistence strategy had
are often dug into the ground and the walls of undressed responded to the increase of basic group size and seden-
stone are slanting inside. In one large house in Ain Mal- tarism (which leads to increase of population). Even if
laha a series of postholes were uncovered. There is no Natufian groups were not permanently annually seden-
evidence for the use of mudbricks by the Natufian and it tary, the investments in building structures in the sites
seems that the superstructures of the houses were built of reflects a tight pattern of anticipated mobility.
organic substances. The evidence for sedentarism is derived from the prolif-
Natufian burials display various styles in disposition of eration of commensals, such as house mice and house
the dead. Collective burials are more common in the Early sparrows, in some Natufian sites. Recent chromosomal
Natufian and positions are supine, semiflexed, and flexed. studies, as well as metrical analysis of living wild and
In rare cases, skulls of adults were intentionally removed. domestic forms of house mice, confirm the identification
The late Natufian sites contain more single burials in of the Natufian mice populations as including both forms
flexed position. Grave goods possibly indicate social differ- of this self-domesticated rodent.
entiation. They include body decorations made of bone The study ~f Natufian skeletal remains indicates that
v • 103 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC)

they were generally healthy, with a stature of 153-160 cm coastal belt and the deserts were occupied by hunter-
(i.e., ca. 60-62.5 inches), a life expectancy of 32-35, and gatherers, who continued to survive while interacting with
about 20-30 percent mortality of children 0-12 years old. the villagers. While agriculture as a subsistence strategy
Teeth attrition demonstrates (except for the Kebara sam- expanded, the Lebanese mountains and the arid region
ple) the eating of ground and pounded substances. Thus remained the primary territories of hunter-gatherers, who
Natufian economy seems to have been a mixture of hunt- continued their mutual exchange (food and commodities)
ing and gathering of a large variety of foo~stuffs which with the farming communities.
enabled the survival of larger groups. Dunng the l lth Current researchers use a variety of archaeological
millennium a.c. (based on uncalibrated Cl4 dates), the terms to describe the material culture of the Neolithic
Near Eastern climate returned to cold and dry conditions. period. Terms such as "Pre-Pottery Neolithic" or "Acer-
Natufian adaptations were slightly changed, but the most amic Neolithic" interchange with Archaic or Early Neo-
prominent example of efforts to retain the traditional lithic. The use of chronological terms such as Period I, 2,
lifeways are the archaeological remains of Late Natufian 3, ... etc., is based on Cl4 dates which are currently
groups in the Negeb and N Sinai, who developed some subject to calibration. In order to keep the basic terminol-
special regional attributes and are therefore known as the ogy in line with those used in Palestinian archaeology, the
Harifian culture. terminology proposed by K. Kenyon during her excava-
The Harifian sites demonstrate a well-defined distribu- tions in Jericho will be used.
tion. The small sites (sometimes less than 100 m 2 ) are 1. Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN). The number of sites
dispersed in the lowlands (which in N Sinai and the W excavated and studied from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A
Negeb are covered with sand dunes). The larger sites were (PPNA) (8300-730017200 B.c.) is small. Most of them were
uncovered in the highlands of the Negeb, on the plateau found in the Jordan Valley or the adjacent slopes of the
of Har Harif and its vicinity which lies I 000 m above sea Jordan Rift. On the basis of lithic studies, this period was
level. The sites contain semisubterranean buildings, often subdivided into two phases-the Khiamian and the Sultan-
lined with stones. Mortars, pestles, grinding stones, and ian. The Khiamian lithic assemblages contain moderate
>labs with numerous cupholes are found either inside the frequencies of microliths (mainly lunates and retouched
huts or around them. The lithic industry is Natufian-like bladelets), perforators, burins, some sickle blades, and
with numerous microliths dominated by lunates but with arrowheads mostly of the El-Khiam type (a small projectile
the inclusion of what seems to be a desertic projectile with bilateral notches near the often retouched base). The
point-the Harif point. This is a microlithic point, with a Sultanian contains the same components with the addition
rhomboid form, modified by abrupt retouch and micro- of axes-adzes and polished celts. Unfortunately the Khia-
burin technique. Animal bones include mainly gazelle, mian is known from only one unicultural site (Salibiya IX)
ibex, and hare. No plant remains were recovered and and from two sites where the Khiamian assemblages are
charcoal samples indicate a similar vegetation, probably partially mixed with the underlying Late Natufian industry
with a better cover of Pi.stacia atlantica. Radiocarbon dates (HATULA, El-Khiam Terrace). The Sultanian is well rep-
indicate a distribution between 8700 and 8000 B.c. (uncal- resented in Jericho, Netiv Hagdud, Gilgal, Gesher, and
ibrated). "fa.king into account the problems of "dead Hatula. It is possible that the Khiamian, as an archaeolog-
wood," typical to desertic sites, these dates could be inter- ical phenomenon, represents the actual transition from
preted as indicating the presence of humans during only the Natufian to the Early Neolithic, and the overlapping
one or two centunes. radiocarbon dates only indicate that this transition was a
rather rapid change, which deserves the definition of the
B. Neolithic "Neolithic Revolution."
The Natufian culture marks an important threshold in An additional aspect of this major cultural change is site
the cultural and social evolution in the Levant. The emer- size. PPNA sites vary in size from 2.5 hectares (Jericho),
gence of sedentary and semisedentary communities in through 1.5-1.0 (Netiv Hagdud and Gilgal), to the smallest
which the social unit was larger than the smaller Paleolithic occupations of this period in the desert, which hardly
band demonstrates a change in human organization. Un- cover 100 m 2 . Minimal demographic estimates would sug-
der the climatic circumstances prevailing in the Levant gest a population of 150 persons per hectare and thus a
around 8000 B.C., with the increase of annual precipitation large village like Jericho probably had a population of
and an additional rise of temperatures, the adoption of about 450 people. If such minimal estimates are correct,
systematic harvesting of natural stands of cereals led to the then the largest villages held a sufficiently large social unit
establishment of permanent farming communities. In to maintain their biological vitality. Such a group size is a
these new and large villages, such as Jericho, Netiv Hag- significant departure from the previous Paleolithic period.
dud, and Gilgal (in the Jordan Valley), cultivation of barley The Sultanian architectural remains are best known
was practiced. See GlLGAL (PREHISTORIC SITES). from the excavations of JERICHO. The so-called "town
Archaeological observations dated to the Early Neolithic wall," built of undressed stones 1.8 m thick and 3.5 m
penod (8300/8000-6000/5800 B.c.) provide ample evi- high, was exposed in the W trench. In front of the wall
dence for the contemporary presence of farmer-hunters was a 3.5 m wide shallow ditch dug into the chalky bed-
and hunter-gatherers in the S Levant. The sown land, rock. Behind the wall, inside the settlement, is the rounded
whi_ch is a narrow "corridor" stretching from the Damascus tower, 8.5 m high, built of stone and covered with a thin
basm through the W edges of the Transjordanian plateau layer of mud, with a small door and interior staircase with
mto the Jordan Valley and the Edom Mountains (S Trans- 22 steps. On the N side of the tower, a few large and deep
JOrdan), was inhabited by the earliest cultivators. The rounded structures built of mudbricks were exposed. The
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC) 104 • v
"town wall" according to Kenyon's observations, was re- biya IX and Nahal Oren. It seems that the small number
moved by erosion on the N end of the village and is only of excavations and the small areas dug in the sites are
1.6 m thick on the S end. The conventional interpretation responsible for the poor sample of artistic representations.
is that the wall and the tower were part of a fortification The economic basis of the Sultanian villages was a mix-
system against human aggression. The ample evidence for ture of cultivation of emmer (in the Damascus plain),
the role of erosion evidenced in Jericho and neighboring barley, and legumes. Fruits and wild seeds, including nuts
sites in the lower Jordan Valley led to the alternative and acorns, were collected. Gazelle and foxes were the
interpretation that the defense system was built in order main game animals in the .Jordan Valley with some fallow
to protect the settlement from flooding. Apparently, the deer, bovids, and hare. Water fowl trapping was a major
PPNA period was wetter and slightly warmer than the seasonal activity for the collectors in the village, and sev~ral
preceding millennium. These conditions secured the suc- species of ducks are evident. The health of the population
cess of the early farming communities, which otherwise (as inferred from the skeletal remains) was comparable to
under climatic conditions similar to today's, with frequent that of the earlier Natutian period. Similar frequencies ol
droughts, would have retreated to better-watered areas. child burials are recorded. In some cases in .Jericho skull
Domestic architecture is represented in Jericho, Netiv deformation was practiced in vivo.
Hagdud, Gilgal, and Hatula in oval houses, the founda- It is impossible to separate the cultural changes that took
tions of which were dug into earlier levels, which were place in Palestine from those of the entire Levant. Al-
lined with stones and a superstructure built of mudbricks. though agriculture as a subsistence strategy was first estab-
The shape of the roof is somewhat unclear, but some lished in the central and S Levant, it rapidly diffused
collapsed examples indicate that they had a flat roof with northward and the ensuing technological changes in the
wooden beams and mats covered with mud. On the floors N Levant began by the mid-8th millennium 11.c:. (uncali-
there is evidence for the use of mud and plaster. Mats brated).
covered the floors. Hearths were embedded into the floors, The following period, the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B
generally forming a sort of a shallow, well-paved basin. (PPNB; ca. 730017200-6000/.1800 R.c. uncalibrated), is
Some of the houses or structures were rounded with a better known from Palestine and other parts of the Near
smaller diameter of about 3 m. The walls were built of East. It was recently suggested, on the basis of stratigraphic
mudbricks which often have a planoconvex cross-section. evidence from AIN GHAZAL (near Amman) to name the
Mud as a building material was brought from the vicinity latest portion of this period as PPNC.
of the site and thus "foreign elements" such as flints from Climatic conditions during the PPN B were wetter than
earlier sites were incorporated in the site's deposits. in the PPNA, at least until the second half of the 7th
While burials are absent from some sites (such as Gilgal), millennium s.c. (uncalibrated). Site size increased consid-
they are otherwise found in various places, including situa- erably, especially when the sizes or the largest sites of each
tions which are often interpreted as under the floors. It is period are compared. The surface size of Ain Ghazal is 12
conceivable that some burials took place in open spaces hectares, Basta is 12 hectares, Beisamoun is 12, Yiftahel is
which were later built up. Building required leveling and 4, and Jericho is 2.5 hectares. The largest sites are about
thus some burials, or storage installations, stratigraphically five times larger than the largest known l'PNA sites. Even
occur under the floors. Burials are generally single and if the increase in size took only 500 years, it s1ill reflects a
only from adults were skulls removed while leaving the jaw population increase which is evident not only in the lusher
in place. No grave goods were encountered in any of the areas of Palestine, but also in the desert region in thl'
sites. Negeb and Edom, where relatively large l'PN B sites were
The lithic industry of the PPNA is generally character- discovered and several were excavated.
ized by the production of blades, bladelets, and Hakes. It The change in domestic architecture, which among
differs from the Natufian by having much lower frequen- other archaeological criteria led K. Kenyon to propose her
cies of microliths even in the desertic sites such as Abu subdivision, is neatly expressed i11 the houses with a rectan-
Madi I in S Sinai. Among the retouched pieces, there are gular plan exposed i11 .Jericho, Ain Ghazal, YIF' IAll EL,
small projectiles such as El-Khiam point and a few others Munhatta, Beisarnoun, and Nahal Oren. The exc;1va1iom
with a small tang or with a triangular shape. Perforators in Beidha demonstrate that the appearance ol rectangular
are common as are burins. Sickle blades are often plain houses was preceded, at least al this site, by polygonal
and a few bear bifacial retouch and are known as Beit buildings, where the roof was supported with wooden
Ta'amir knives. The group of bifacial tools include axes- posts. The use of lime plaster for building tloors and
adzes (in which the transverse removal shaped the working coating lower portions of the walls, as well as storage
edge; i.e., Tahunian axes), chisels (with narrow working facilities, is recorded from various sites. This practice is
edges), and picks. Polished celts made of basalt and lime- not evenly distributed within the sites, and is thcrdon·
stone occur as well. In the desert sites, sickle blades and understood to indicate socioeconomic hierarchies. ln Ain
bifacial tools are missing. Instead higher frequencies of Ghazal, the preservation of post holes implit's thl' use ol
scrapers were noted. Retouched or used blades are com- timber, and in the later phases o( the site's historv. tht·
mon in most of PPNA assemblages. diminishing of this resource is reflected in smaller spares
Art objects are quite rare, but small figurines exist, and fewer posts.
which are made either of limestone or clay. A common PPNB burials are found under tloors and in open
type is the sitting female (most notably known from Netiv spaces. Skulls of adults were removed and in a frw sitt·s
Hagdud), a female with a string skirt and birds (Gilgal), nests of skulls were found. Better known are the plasterl'd
and schematic figurines of kneeling females(?) from Sali- skulls uncovered in .Jericho, Beisarnoun. and Ain (;ha1al
v. 105 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC)

(as well as Tel Ramad in S Syria). An additional method of were collected on the shores of the Mediterranean and the
treating skulls was discovered in Nahal Hemar cave (Ju- Red Sea and distributed through the Levant. It seems that
dean Desert), where the skulls were modeled in asphalt. cowries (Cyprea sp.) and Glycimerys sp. are among the com-
There is a consensus that the special treatment of the monly used species. The preference for these forms marks
skulls is a direct evidence for the "ancestors' cult." This is a departure from the more Dentalium-shell-dominated as-
possibly supported by the important discovery of a cache semblages of the Natufian and the PPNA.
of plaster statues of humans in Ain Ghazal. Similar, but The PPNB village economy was based on cultivation of
fragmentary, remains were also found in Jericho and Na- domesticated species of cereals and legumes with the con-
hal Hemar cave. The human statues, made of lime plaster tinuous collection of wild fruits and seeds. Hunting ga-
and modeled on reed skeletons, represent males and fem- zelles, along with a few roe deer, fallow deer, wild boar,
ales. The fashion in which they were constructed recalls and hare was supplemented in the villages (which were
the Mesopotamian legend of the creation of man, perhaps located within the core area of farming communities) by
indicating the antiquity of this myth. raising goats and sheep.
Additional insights on either domestic or cultic activities The domestication of goats and sheep is a controversial
are gained from the numerous clay figurines which repre- issue. While wild goats occur in the fauna! collections of
sent pregnant females, males, and animals, including Epi-Paleolithic and PPNA sites (although in very small
oxen, sheep, goat, as well as some wild species. A cache of percentages), wild sheep were apparently absent from the
human figurines, stone masks, modeled skulls, and nu- original wild fauna of the Levant. Goats and sheep were
merous domestic objects in a small, dark cave in Nahal most of the hunted game in the Zagros Mountains since
Hemar in the S end of the Judean Desert indicates that Mousterian times. There is ample evidence to indicate that
ritual activities also encompassed special sites which per- the domestication of these herd mammals took place dur-
haps marked territorial ownership. ing the Early Neolithic period in the Zagros region and
The PPNB lithic industry differs from its predecessor perhaps in the E Taurus. The exchange networks which
by the heavy reliance on blade removal from bipolar cores, enabled the incorporation of domesticated cereals into the
which in their more elaborate, elongated form, are known Zagros economy were probably responsible for the intro-
as "naviform" cores. The punched blades were shaped into duction of goats and sheep into the Levant. Thus, the shift
arrowheads, perforators, burins, sickle blades, or simply in the fauna! spectra is reflected in the PPNB sites, which
used in their original shape. The typological changes in in Palestine are located within the "corridor" which runs
arrowhead types proved to be chronological indicators for from the Damascus basin through the Jordan Valley. It is
the subdivision of the PPNB and for marking prehistoric only in later times that both the W hilly slopes of Palestine
provinces within the Levant. The earliest types are the and the desert fringes in Transjordan acquired the domes-
Helwan point (with bilateral notches and a tang) and the ticated species.
Jericho point (with wings or clear-cut shoulders and a In the late stages of the PPNB, new domestic objects
tang) and the later types are the Byblos point (leaf-shaped were introduced. These products are known as the "White
with a tang) and the Amuq point (leaf-shaped). The two Ware," which is made of a mixture of ashes and plaster.
latter types are often shaped by flat pressure flaking. The forms include bowls, open jars, and bowls on pedes-
Sickle blades are either plain blades (which bear the tals. Most of those are known from N Syria, and they rarely
luster resulting from the harvesting of cereals) or elon- occur in Palestinian contexts.
gated, tanged blades, often finely serrated. A complete The end of the PPNB period is not as clear as its
curved sickle made from a bent ibex horn, in which were beginning. Many sites were abandoned. The abandonment
three blades which had been attached with resin, was of villages either during the PPNA or the PPNB is an issue
found in Nahal Hemar cave. Sickle blades are generally which has never received an adequate treatment. Sug-
found only in sites within the sown land. gested reasons which might cause a population to move
Burins are common in many, but not all, sites. In Trans- out or not to return to their home base may include group
jordan there is a geographic province which stretches into aggression, salinization of fields, mortal epidemic, and
the Syro-Arabian desert where burins are the most com- temptation to move to an empty and a better environment.
mon tool type. The "collapse" of the PPN B in the S Levant is known to
The group of bi facial tools including axe-adzes and cells have been a major break or an abrupt change of settlement
see some changes through time. While in most early and pattern. In the site of Ain Ghazal, where this phase is
middle PPNB sites, the Tahunian (tranchet) types domi- named "PPNC," there is sufficient evidence to demonstrate
nate, there is a shift in the later PPNB to objects with the presence of two cultural changes. The first is signified
rounded retouched or polished working edges. Triangular by a change in the lithic industry and mortuary practices.
shapes increase in frequency. Desert sites contain none of The main core reduction strategy was based on the pro-
these. types, which seem to have been used in cutting and duction of flakes and to a lesser extent of blades. The
working wood and sometimes served as hoes. dominant tool types are burins, with low frequencies of
Imported raw materials such as obsidian, which had first other formal tool types including arrowheads. Burials were
appeared in the Late Natufian, are more frequent in some less organized and with no evidence for skull removal.
PPNB sues although not necessarily at the large ones. The The second cultural change brought about the establish-
mechanism responsible for the distribution of this com- ment of what is known as the Yarmukian culture, the
modity is still poorly understood. Other exotic raw mate- assemblages of which contain ceremics. This introduction
rials include greenstone (serpentine, malachite, rosasite), is part of the definition of the following period.
from which beads and pendants were made. Marine shells 2. Pottery Neolithic (PN). The Pottery Neolithic is a
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC) 106 • v
poorly known period, mainly because of a major change C. Cbalcolithic
in settlement pattern. This change is archaeologically ex- The Chalcolithic period (5000-3500 B.c. calibrated)
pressed in two ways: (1) in stratified sites the PN remains marks the establishment of a typical Mediterranean socio-
are found in numerous pits of various sizes which often economic structure based on large and small communities,
penetrated and disturbed the wealth of PPNB rectangular which practiced cultivation of cereals and legumes, herd-
buildings (Jericho, Munhatla, Beisamoun, etc.), and ing goats and sheep, some cattle, raising pigs in suitable
(2) many new settlements were established either in the areas, and tending a variety of fruit trees. There are some
Jordan Valley (Sha'ar Hagolan) or along the coastal plain. regional subcultures, and in a few cases several scholars
Most of these were abandoned after some time and their view them as chiefdoms. In the arid region, both pastoral
remains provide excellent examples of unicultural assem- nomads and seasonal herders from villages exploited the
blages. natural pastures maintaining constant interaction.
The invention of pottery and its introduction to domes- Several cultural attributes characterize the subregions
tic use took place first in the N Levant and later in and are archaeologically expressed in particular architec-
P-alestine. As mentioned above, the "White Ware" is made tural remains and pottery types. It should be stressed that,
of lime plaster mixed with ashes. Clay pots outnumber in contemporaneously, major urban centers were already es-
P-alestine the White Ware products and the common forms tablished in Mesopotamia and the emergence of large
are simple, including jars, cooking pols, and bowls. These human organizations-chiefdoms and states-was under-
were decorated first with chevron pattern and red paint way. By the end of the Chalcolithic period in P-alestine,
and later by painting alone. writing systems were employed in Mesopo,amia and Egypt,
The economy of this period is based on the cultivation and there is ample evidence of connections between the
of cereals and legumes, herding goats and sheep, raising Sumerians and the Egyptians.
pigs in the more humid parts of the country, and some The Chalcolithic period suffers from the same taxonom-
cattle. The activities of pastoral nomads, who partially ical problems as almost every other archaeological period.
subsisted on herding goats, are reflected in numerous Its earliest phase, which certain scholars still call "Late
desert sites. These groups continued to hunt and were Pottery Neolithic" (spanning the last third of the 6th and
possibly exchanging meat and other products for carbo- first half of the 5th millennia B.C.) is sometimes known as
hydrates with the farming communities. the "Wadi Rabah culture," the sites of which were found
Evidence for burials is still rare, but indicates a shift only in N and central P-alestine. Most of the sites of the
from the earlier pattern. One burial under a small built- second half of the 5th and first half of the 4th millennia
up cairn of rocks was exposed in Sha'ar Hagolan. Single contain the remains of the Ghassulian culture (named
flexed and semiflexed burials were found in other sites. after Tuleilat el-Ghassul, a site in the lower Jordan Valley,
Further indications concerning belief systems are reflected across the river, and E of Jericho). However, in the Negeb,
in clay and stone figurines. The Yarmukian culture, rep- which is one of the most studied subregions, a sequence of
resented to date in Sha'ar Hagolan, Munhatta, Ain Ghazal, local entities, beginning with the Qatifian (ca. 4500-4000
and Jericho, is famous for the female clay figurines which B.c.), followed by the Besor phase and then the Beer-
depict seated women, with tall headgear and a mask on sheba-Ghassulian culture (ca. 4000-3500/3300 e.c.) was
the face, but exposed breasts. Schematic images of the suggested. See RABAH, WADI; GHASSUL, TULEILAT
same female were incised on river pebbles. The minimal EL-; and BEER-SHEBA.
The climate of the Chalcolithic period was and is a
representations kept the slanted eyes or the female organ.
subject for debate. The palynological evidence and the
Additional patterns on the pebbles are the network and
deposition of the loess in the N Negeb suggest a humid
series of parallel lines. period with considerable precipitation in the S. The plant
Temples or shrines are as yet unknown from the more remains from the site of Shiqmim were interpreted as
sedentary sites, but occur mainly in the desert sites. An indicating a climate similar to today's. However, it is diffi-
open temple found in Biqat Uvda has an open courtyard cult to understand how the Negeb sites had flourished,
and a small enclosure in one corner with miniature steles while subsisting on farming and herding in an area with
of undressed stones. Two small pebble-coated pits, which repeated droughts without economic support from a cen-
contained charcoal, were uncovered in the courtyard. Rock tral political power. A low-level regional social organization
figures were found on the surface just outside the shrine. (i.e., chiefdom) is inferred from the archaeologJCal re-
These were made by planting small stones which depict a mains. Hence, favorable environmental conditions seem
series of panthers and one antelope. ?anthers, more than essential for the survival of semidesert Chalcolithic com-
lions, seem to have been part of the animal imagery of the munities during the 4th millennium e.c.
Neolithic religious world. The Wadi Rabah culture, considered here as Early Chal-
The distribution of the PN sites in P-alestine reflects a colithic, is known from sites in the Upper Jordan Va~ley,
settlement pattern which was based on cultivation and the coastal plain, Mt. Carmel area, and the lower Gahlee.
herding with seasonal mobility. The investment in the It is characterized by the pottery known as Dark Face
more permanent sites seems to have been less than in the Burnished Ware. Some of the pots are angular, with red,
PPNB period and probably points toward a less anticipated brown, and black color and decorated with incisions, fin-
pattern of mobility. It might reflect the unstable climatic gerprints, shell prints, and clay relief. Other type_s include
conditions which by the mid-Holocene were changing the bow-rim jars. In some sites evidence for the mfluence
from a stable pattern of precipitation to one which resem- of the Halafian culture (known from N Syria and S Turkey)
bles much more today's unpredictable pattern. is inferred from the ornamentation of the pots with geo-
v • 107 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC)

metric bicolor designs. The lithic artifacts are shaped in foreign metamorphic rocks and were brought into Pales-
the forms which were common during the Chalcolithic tine.
period such as backed sickle blades, adzes with planoc~:m­ Mortuary practices are signified by the establishment of
vex longitudinal cross-section, robust perforators, cortical cemeteries which lie outside the habitation area. Such
scrapers, and the lack of arrowheads. cemeteries with circular graves or tumuli were exposed in
The houses exposed in small excavations are either Adeimeh and near Shiqmim. Others were found in dug-
square or rectangular, built on stone foundations. Similar out caves in the kurkar (sandstone) ridges in the coastal
structures were uncovered in other sites which are not plain. Clay ossuaries are an additional attribute of this
included in the Wadi Rabah entity, in other parts of the culture. They have two basic forms, either circular like a
country. Additional common attributes are within the ec- jar with an opening at the top, or rectangular like a
onomic realm. All sites were those of farmers and herders. "house" with an opening in the narrow side. Both types
Because of the similarity of the material remains with the were interpreted by M. Dunan as representing silos. The
following millennium, the only reliable way to differentiate "house"-type ossuaries often have legs and a door in the
them is with C 14 dates. It seems that communities of upper part of the narrow side, a trait which resembles silos
pastoral nomads continued to evolve in the Near Eastern much more than the typical broad-room Chalcolithic
desert, and still relied on herding goats and sheep. Most house. Some of the ossuaries were decorated on the front
1eholars view as autochtonic the development of Palestin- pediment with attributes (e.g., horns) similar to those
ian society from this phase into the Late Chalcolithic. common on the Golan pillar statues or in the hoard of
The Ghassulian culture is better known and is repre- Nahal Mishmar, thus indicating a common belief system.
sented by a wide distribution of sites, mostly villages and Craft specialization in the Chalcolithic is reflected in the
hamlets of various sizes, often located on alluvial terraces. lithic, pottery, and especially the metal assemblages.
The basic house plan was the broad room type, with the Among the lithics, the frequent tool types are adzes with
entrance in one of the long walls of the house. Sometimes the planoconvex cross sections, the scrapers on tabular
it is subdivided with one or two small rooms at the ends. flint (which seem to have been a trade item), backed sickle
Storage installations were built inside the houses or in the blades, some microlithic tools, and hammer stones. A
courtyards (which in Tuleilat el-Ghassul were encircled). special tool type is the starlike, perforated, bifacially re-
In the Beer-sheba region subterranean rooms and tunnels, touched disk.
carved into the loess, were exposed by J. Perrot and other Ceramic technology was marked by the introduction of
archaeologists. These unusual features ignited debate re- the slow wheel (tournette), the production of V-shaped
garding their function. However, the objects found inside bowls, the cornets (which are the hallmark of the Ghassu-
the underground rooms and tunnels indicate that they lian), the churns (used for butter production), and a vari-
were intentionally closed, but the inhabitants never re- ety of pots including large pithoi, holemouth vessels, glob-
turned to retrieve their belongings. ular jars, basins, footed vessels, and vessels with multiple
Special buildings or compounds either (I) occupied a handles. Clay was used to construct large storage jars (i.e.,
special topographic location, such as the temple of En pithoi) as tall as 2 m; these were decorated with rope
Gedi, (2) were specifically decorated, such as the house designs. Pottery decorations, however, were minimal and
with the frescos in Ghassul, or (3) contained special vessels the "hanging triangle," red painted stripes, and rope mo-
and artifacts like the one in Gilat. The presence of temples tifs in relief seem to have been the common ones.
or shrines is not a major change, as already noted above. Two other raw materials received careful attention by
This phenomenon began at least during the Neolithic the artisans of this period-basalt and ivory. Basalt objects
when social cohesion among farming communities re- included, besides the traditional mortars, grinding bowls,
quired a more permanent establishment. In this context pestles, handstones, fenestrated bowl stands, delicately
the hoard found in a cave in Nahal Mishmar should be shaped V-shaped bowls, and pillar statues. Ivory crafts-
mentioned. The large collection of cult objects which in- manship was well done and a workshop was discovered in
clude standards decorated with maceheads, animal fig- Bir es-Safadi (Beer-sheba). Both elephant and hippopota-
ures, scepters, "crowns," decorated animal figures, doors mus tusks were exploited. Additional raw materials, which
(which resemble the ossuaries), standards, carved hippo have been used, include mined malachite and turquoise
which were quarried in Feinan, TIMNA (PLACE), and S
tusks with numerous well-oriented holes, and numerous
Sinai. In addition to making beads and pendants, the
maceheads was related to the En Gedi temple. However,
Chalcolithic period is marked by the development of met-
petrographic analysis of pottery derived from the two sites allurgy.
did not confirm this hypothesis. A similar analysis illumi- The main evidence concerning the metallurgical
nated the important place of the temple exposed in Gilat, achievements of this period come from the hoard of Nahal
one of the Negeb village sites where two ceramic figurines Mishmar cave (Judean Desert). The spectrographic analy-
were .uncovered. One of these depicts a seated woman sis indicates that the mace heads and probably most of the
carrymg a churn on her head while the other one is a ram elaborate forms were made by the lost wax-casting tech-
with three cornets on its back. To the general description nique. Copper mines and smelting installations were un-
of culuc objects one should add the ivory male and female covered in Timna', but the full picture of the entire
human figurines from Bir es-Safadi, near Beer-sheba, the exploitation system (including investment in labor, food
schemauc basalt face carvings known as the pillar statues supplies for workers, exact sourcing, etc.) is not well docu-
from t~e Go~an, and the numerous "fiddle" figurines, mented.
found m vanous sites, which sometimes were made of The transition from the Chalcolithic to the Early Bronze
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PREHISTORIC) 108 • v
period is again not a simple subject for discussion. How- Transition to the Epi-Palaeolithic in the Southern Levant.
ever, by the end of this social process, urban centers Pakorient 9: 39-54.
emerged in Palestine and thus marked another threshold - - . 1988. The Chalcolithic Period in the Levant. Journal of
in the history of the country. World Prehistory 2/4: 397-443.
Gilead, I., and Grigson, C. 1984. Farah II: A Middle Palaeolithic
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Amiran, R.; Beck, P.; and Zevulun, U. 1970. Ancient Pottery of the Prehistoric Society 50: 71-97.
Holy Land. New Jersey. Goldberg, P. 1986. Late Quarternary Environmental History of the
Arensburg, B., and Bar-Yosef, 0. 1973a. Human Remains from Southern Levant. Geoarchaeology I: 225-44.
Ein Gev I, Jordan Valley, Israel. Pakorient I: 201-6. Goren-Inbar, N. 1985. The Lithic Assemblage of the Berekhat
- - . eds. 1973b. Eretz Israel 13. Ram Acheulian Site, Golan Heights. Paleorient 11: 7-28.
Arensburg, B., and Hershkovitz, I. 1988. Nahal Hemar Cave: Goring-Morris, A. N. 1987. At the Edge. BARIS 361. Oxford.
Neolithic Human Remains. <Atiqot 18: 50-58. Hennessy, J. B. 1982. Teleilat el Ghassul: Its Place in the Archae-
Aurenche, 0.; Evin, J.; and Hours, F., eds. 1987. Chronologies in the ology of Jordan. Pp. 55-58 in Studies in the History and Archae-
Near East. BARIS 379. Oxford. ology ofJordan. Vol. I, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman.
Bar-Yosef, 0. 1980. Prehistory of the Levant. Annual Review of Henry, D. 0. 1983. Adaptive Evolution within the £pi-Palaeolithic
Anthropology 9: 101-33. of the Near East. Pp. 99-160 Advances in World Archaeology, vol.
- - . 1986. The Walls of Jericho: An Alternative Interpretation. 2, ed. F. Wendorf and A. E. Close. New York.
Current Anthropology 27: 15 7-62. - - . 1985. The Natufian Example. Pp. 365-84 in Prehistoric
- - . 1987a. Late Pleistocene Adaptations in the Levant. Pp. Hunter-Gatherers: The Emergence of Cultural Complexity, ed. T. D.
214-36 in Old World Pkistocene: Regional Perspectives, ed. 0. Price and J. Brown. New York.
Soffer. New York. - - . 1989. From Foraging to Agriculture. Philadelphia.
- - . l 987b. Pleistocene Connexions between Africa and South- Hershkovitz, I., ed. 1989. Peopi£ and Culture in Change. BARIS 508.
west Asia: An Archaeological Perspective. African Archaeological Oxford.
Review 5: 29-38. Horowitz, A. 1979. The Qu.arternary of Israel. New York.
Bar-Yosef, 0., and Alon, D. 1988. Nahal Hemir Cave: The Excava- Jelinek, A. J. 1982a. The Middle Palaeolithic in the Southern
tions. 'Atiqot 18: 1-30. Levant with Comments of the Appearance of Modern Homo
Bar-Yosef, 0., and Belfer-Cohen, A. 1988. The Early Upper Pa- Sapiens. Pp. 57-104 in Ronen, A., ed. 1982.
laeolithic in Levantine Caves. Pp. 23-41 in Early Upper Paleo- - - . I 982b. The Tabun Cave and Paeolithic Man in the Levant.
lithic, ed. J. H. Hoffeker and C. A. Wolf. BARIS 437. Oxford. Science 216: 1369-75.
Bar-Yosef, 0., and Tchernov, E. 1972. On the Palaeoecological History Kenyon, K. M. 1957. Digging Up Jericho. London.
of the Site of <ubeidiya. Publications of the Israel Academy of - - . 1979. Archaeology in the Holy Land. 4th ed. London.
Sciences and Humanities. Jerusalem. Kenyon, K. M., and Holland, T. A. 1981. Excavations al]encho. Vol.
Bar-Yosef, 0., and Vandermeersch, B., eds. 1989. Investigations in 3. London.
South Levantine Prehistory/Prehistoire du Sud-Levant. BARIS 497. - - . 1982. Excavations atjericho. Vol. 4. London.
Oxford. - - . 1983. Excavations at Jericho. Vol. 5. London.
Bennett, C.-M. 1980. Soundings at Dhea, Jordan. Levant 12: 30- Kirkbride, D. 1966. Five Seasons at the Pre-Pottery Neolithic Vil-
39. lage of Beidha in Jordan. PEQ 88: 8-72.
Bintliff, J. L., and van Zeist, W., eds. 1982. Pakoclimates, Paleoenvi- Levy, T. E. 1983. Chalcolithic Settlement Pattern in the Northern
ronments and Human Communities in the Eastern Mediterranean Negev Desert. Current Archaeology 24: 105-7.
Region in Later Prehistory. BARIS 133. Oxford. - - . 1986. The Chalcolithic Period. BA 49/2: 83-108.
Cauvin, J. 1978. Les premiers villages de Syrie-Pakstine du /Xeme au Marks, A. E. I 983b. The Middle to Upper Palaeolithic Transition
Vllenu millenaire avant].C. Lyon. in the Levant. Advances in World Archaeology 2: 51-98.
Cauvin, J., and Sanlaville, P., eds. 1981. Prehistoire du Levant. Centre Marks, A. £.,and Ferring, C. R. 1988. The Early Upper Paleolithic
national de la recherche scientifique 598. Paris. of the Levant. Pp. 43-72 in Early Upper Pakolithic, ed. F
Clark, J. D. 1975. A Comparison of the Late Achenian Industries Hoffeker and C. A. Wolf. BARIS 437. Oxford.
of Africa and the Middle East. Pp. 605-60 in After the Australo- Moore, A. M. T., 1985. The Development of Neolithic Societies in
pithecus, ed. K. W. Butzer and G. L. Isaac. Hague. the Near East. Advances in World Archaeology 4: 1-69.
- - . 1982. The Transition from Lower to Middle Palaeolithic in Muheisin, M. 1985. L'Epipaleolithique dans le gisement de Khor·
the African Continent. Pp. 235-55 in Ronen, A., ed. 1982. aneh IV. Paleorient 11: 149-60.
Clutton-Brock, J. 1981. Domesticated Animals from Early Times. Aus- Neuville, R. 1951. Le paleolithique et le Mesolithique du desert d~
tin. Judee. 24e Memoire des Archives de L'lnstitut· de Pai£antologi1
Epstein, C. 1977. The Chalcolithic Culture of the Golan. BA 40: Humaine. Paris.
57-62. Noy, T.; Schuldenrien, J.; and Tchernov, E. 1980. Gilgal, A Pre·
Garfinkel, Y. 1987. Yiftahel: A Neolithic Village from the Seventh Pottery Neolithic A Site in the Lower Jordan Valley. IE] 30:
Millennium B.C. in Lower Galilee, Israel. journal of Field Ar- 63-82.
chaeology 14: 199-212. Ohel, M. 1986. The Acheulian of the Yiron Plateau. BARIS 307.
Garrad, A. N., and Gebel, H. G., eds. 1986. The Prehistory ofJordan, Oxford.
The State of Research in 1986, Part i. BARIS 396. Oxford. Perrot, J. 1968. La Prehistoire Palestinienne. DBSup 8: 286-446.
Garrod, D. A. E., and Bate, D. M. 1937. Stone Age of Mount Carmel. Phillips, J. L. 1987. Sinai during the Palaeolithic: The Early Peri·
Vol. I. Oxford. ods. Pp. 106-22 in Prehistory of Arid North Africa, ed. A. E.
Gilead, I. 1983. Upper Palaeolithic Occurrences in Sinai and the Close. Dallas.
v• 109 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (BRONZE-IRON AGES)

Roe, D., ed. 1983. Adlun in the Stone Age. BARIS 159. Oxford. 1989; and, for Transjordan, especially Hadidi 1982-89).
Rollefson, G. 0. 1985. The 1983 Season at the Early Neolithic Site The present treatment, therefore, confines itself to an
of Ain Chazel. National Geographic Research 1: 44-62. overview, concentrating on the Bronze and Iron Ages as is
Ronen, A., ed. 1982. Transition from Lower to Middle Palaeolithic and typical of the divisions usually made in Syro-Palestine
the Origin of Modern Man. BARIS 151. Oxford. archaeology. See also ARCHAEOLOGY. Major attention is
- - . 1984. Sefunim Prehistoric Sites, Mount Carmel, Israel. BARIS given to discoveries and changed opinions since about
230. Oxford. 1970.
Ronen, A., and Vandermeersch, B. 1972. The Upper Palaeolithic
Sequence in the Cave of Qafza (Israel). ~ternaria 16: 189- A. The Late Chalcolithic Age
262. B. The Early Bronze I-IV Age
Ronen, A.; Ohel, M.; Lamdan, M.; and Assaf, A. 1980. Acheulian C. The Middle Bronze Age
Artifacts from Two Trenches at Ma'ayan Baruch. IE} 30: 17- D. The Late Bronze Age
33. E. The Iron I Period
Rust, A. 1950. Die Hohlenfunde von]abrud (Syrien). Neumunster. F. The Iron II Period
Schwarcz, H.; Goldberg, P; and Blackwell, B. 1980. Uranium Series
Dating of Archaeological Sites in Israel.Journal of Earth Sciences A. The Late Chalcolithic Age (ca. 3800-3400 a.c.)
29: 157-65. The last "prehistoric" phase preceding the Bronze Age
Sherrat, A. 1983. The Secondary Exploitation of Animals in the and its rapid urban development was the Chalcolithic (or
Old World. World Archaeology 15: 90-104. "Copper-Stone" Age). Early Chalcolithic (sometimes called
Suzuki, H., and Takai, F. 1970. Amud Man and his Cave Site. Tokyo. "Late Neolithic," ca. 4500-3800 a.c.) is not yet well de-
Tchernov, E. 1968. Succession of Rodent Faunas during the Upper fined, but it represents a transitional phase between the
Pleistocene of Israel. Hamburg. long Neolithic period (ca. 9th-6th millennium a.c.; see
- - . 1984. Commensal Animals and Human Sedemism in the preceding article) and distinctive village cultures of "proto-
Middle East. Pp. 91-116 in Animals and Archaeology, vol. 3, ed. urban" type. These later Chalcolithic sites (ca. 3800-3400
J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson. BARIS 202. Oxford. e.c.) consist mostly of small villages, grouped in several
- - . 1987. The Age of the 'Ubeidiya Formation, an Early complexes and marked by strongly regional cultures.
Pleistocene Hominid Site in the Jordan Valley, Israel. Israel Some are in the N and inland, while others are along the
journal of Earth Sciences 36: 3-30. coast and the river valleys, and especially in the lower
Trinkaus, E. 1984. Western Asia. Pp. 251-93 in Origins of Modern Jordan Valley and the N Negeb. One of the fii:st sites
Humans: A World Survey of the Fossil Evidence, ed. F. H. Smith extensively investigated (in the 1920s), Tuleilat al-Ghassul,
and F. Spencer. New York. at the N end of the Dead Sea, produced a large, exception-
Unger-Hamilton, R. 1989. Epi-Paleolithic Southern Levant and the ally well planned and laid out village. Grains and cereals
Origins of Cultivation. Current Archaeology 30/l: 88-103. were grown, possibly using primitive irrigation; olives and
Vandermeersch, B. 1981. Les Hammes Fossiles de Qafzeh (Israel). grapes were imported from the hill country; and copper
Centre national de la recherche scientifique. Paris. was brought from mines farther S in the Jordan Valley. A
- - . 1982. The First Homo Sapiens in the Near East. Pp. 294- sanctuary revealed frescoes with exotic cult scenes. The
300 in Ronen, A., ed. 1982. lithic and ceramic industries were technically and aestheti-
Wendorf, F., and Marks, E. A., eds. Problems in Prehistory: North cally very advanced, and both textiles and basketry were
Afnca and the Levant. Dallas. attested. More recent excavations at Nahal l:lever along the
Wolpoff, M. H. 1980. Palaeo-anthropology. New York. W Dead Sea shore have yielded dozens of very elaborate
Young, C. T.; Smith, Ph. E. L.; and Mortensen, P., eds. 1983. The arsenical copper implements, mostly cultic, produced by a
Hilly Flanks and Beyond. Chicago. lost-wax method of casting. Near Beer-sheba, a group of
Zohay, D., and Hopff, M. 1988. Domestication of Plants in the Old similar sites, most recently Shiqmim, has produced a series
World. Oxford. of ivory male and female figurines carved in the round,
OFER BAR- Y OSEF copper items, exotic painted pottery, rectangular houses,
the first well-preserved tombs found (of tholos-type, at
BRONZE AND IRON AGES Shiqmim), and even some evidence for runoff irrigation
agriculture (again at Shiqmim). The coastal sites near Tel
Ancient Palestine was geographically a small country,
Aviv are characterized by secondary burials in terra-cotta
situated astride the narrow coastal "land bridge" between
painted ossuaries, some in zoomorphic form, others rep-
Egypt and Syro-Mesopotamia. Its vulnerable geopolitical resenting domestic houses. The latest regional Late Chal-
position, in addition to its mountainous terrain and its colithic family is in the far N, as exhibited for instance at
semiarid agricultural conditions, made the country eco- Tel Teo near Shiqmonah, a well-planned village with excep-
no~ically unstable, politically fragmented, and constantly tional stone-built rectilinear houses. On the Golan heights,
subject to foreign domination. Palestine was thus a mar- Claire Epstein has investigated many pastoral nomadic
ginal are~ compared to its great neighboring empires; but camps and agricultural villages, the latter characterized by
Its long history and contribution to universal culture were broadroom dwellings, rope-molded pottery, and curious
nevertheless uniquely important. basalt anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines.
The archaeological history of Palestine has frequently The general picture of the Chalcolithic is that of a highly
been surveyed, and detailed data on individual sites and sophisticated society, based on intensive farming, and par-
problems will be found in many publications (see also ticularly concerned with religious expression. Although
EAEHL; Aharoni 1979; Shanks and Mazar 1984; Mazar still regional, it represents a further development from
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (BRONZE-IRON AGES) 110 • v
"tribal" to a "chiefdom" level of social organization. In- signatu~e of Narmer, ~he first pharaoh of Dynasty I in
deed, the last century or two is classed by some authorities Egypt; imported Egyptian pottery; painted Abydos wares
(together with the early part of the following phase) as the like those found in Dynasty 1-2 tombs; and materials
"Proto-Urban" horizon. ln Egypt and Mesopotamia, this is linking Arad with a number of EB ll "colonies" of Arad
the Late Predynastic and Proto-Historic period, with mon- found ~y lsraeli_s throughout the Sinai. <Ai is also impor-
umental art and architecture, and even the beginnings of tant, with massive city walls, several gates, and a large
writing, already in evidence (see further Levy 1986). colonnaded temple with Egyptian Dynasty 1-2 alabaster
vessels. Egyptian trade is further illustrated at <En-llcsor,
B. The Early Bronze I-IV Age (ca. 3400-2000 e.c.) a way station or trading emporium at the mouth of the
Early Bronze Age studies have flourished since 1970, Wadi Gaza, which has yielded more than 30 seatings for
changing our views of every phase (see further Broshi and jars (or grain sacks) of Dynasty 1 date. Across the N Sinai,
Gophna 1984; Richard 1987). Early Bronze l, ca. 3400- Israeli archaeologists have found small Ell ll camps along
3100 s.c., appears more and more as a "Proto-Urban" the caravan routes with both Palestinian and Egyptian
(Kenyon's term), transitional phase between Late Chalco- materials, further evidence of a brisk trade. Current dates
lithic and the true urban Early Bronze period. Among the for EB II, ca. 3100-2650 B.c., emphasize the long-held
key sites is 'En-Shadud in the Jezreel Valley, a well-devel- correlation with the Archaic period in Egypt, Dynasties 1-
oped agricultural village founded de novo, with typical 2, and thus provide a relatively well-fixed chronology.
broadroom dwellings. In the N Shephelah, Gezer contin- although somewhat higher in accordance with the current
ues the Chalcolithic occupation but remains, as most sites, tendency to raise the date of the beginning of Dynasty I.
an unwalled village. J. A. Callaway's reexcavation of <Ai, N Early Bronze Ill, ca. 2650-2350 11.c., was a period of
of Jerusalem, greatly clarifies older work, revealing several urban collapse in the N, still poorly illuminated. As previ-
well-defined "pre-urban" phases. The final publication of ously, it was marked by lustrous "Khirbet Kerak" red and
the Jericho volumes clarifies the occupational deposits that black pottery of Anatolian derivation. In the S, rercnt
complement Kenyon's red-painted and red-burnished ce- excavations have brought to light a renewed urban phase,
ramic groups from tombs, upon the basis of which she with even larger fortifications. The main sites arc 'Id
(like Wright) had characterized this period. Kenyon's no- Yarmut, near lleth-shemesh, with massive embankments,
tion of three intrusive ethnic groups, however, finds little city walls, towers, and gate; Lahav, near modern (;ath; and
favor today. Bab edh-Dhra< in S Transjordan exhibits a Petrie's old site of Tell el-l:lesi, reexcavated by an American
pre-town phase of occupation, with early disarticulated, expedition. At the end of this period, however, these sites
secondary shaft-tomb burials supplanted by articulated declined, like those of EB ll, and there were only scattered
primary burials toward the end of EB l (Wright's "EB IB"). unfortified settlements (e.g., Nahal Rephaim).
Renewed workup of the unpublished Tel Gath materials Several recent discoveries in .Jordan testify to the fact
will almost certainly clarify the Palestinian EB I-Egyptian that the Palestinian urban EB ll-Ill cultures Hourished to
Late Predynastic connection already attested. At YiftaJ:iel, a hitherto unsuspected degree in Transjordan. W. Rast and
in lower Galilee, several long oval houses clearly dated to T. Schaub have excavated the extensive Lown site of Bah
Early Bronze I apparently lay to rest the older notion of edh-Dhra< on the Lisan, which had large defenses, a
"apsidal" dwellings as characteristic of this period. All sites temple area, and a vast cemetery that included unique
thus far excavated show that city walls were first built only charnel houses, nearly all abandoned by EB l V. ·Iii the S,
in the succeeding phase (the former "EB IC," or transi- Numeira is a one-period EB ll l walled site, destroyed (hy
tional phase, now generally being abandoned). earthquake?) at the end of EB Ill. A number of other EB
Early Bronze II, ca. 3100-2650 s.c., is now richly docu- ll-111 sites are now known in Jordan through surface
mented as Palestine's first, and very impressive, urban surveys. ln the N, German and Jordanian work at Mug-
period. By "urban," we mean a "complex society" that hayir, E of Irbid, has brought to light an urban center
exhibits such features as densely nucleated population, in fully comparable to those in W Palestine. S. Helms' site of
a hierarchically tiered settlement pattern with a few large Jawa, far out in the NE desert near the modern Iraqi
sites; a stable subsistence system, in this case based on border, was founded at the beginning of EB I, but the
intensified agriculture, industry, and trade; social stratifi- date of the massive fortifications is not yet clear (i.e., they
cation; centralized political administration (not state-level may belong to the Middle Bronze citadel). The 1ransjor-
formation in Palestine, but the typical "city-state"); and danian sites, like those of W Palestine, generally ended as
monumental art and architecture. In Egypt and Mesopo- urban sites with EB II or EB ll I; but S. Richard's site of
tamia, this first urban era comprises the Archaic/Proto- Khirbet lskander, on the Wadi Wala, flourished precisely
Dynastic and Early Dynastic l-II periods, with writing well as a walled town in EB IV, thus far unique. Then it, too,
in evidence, but Palestine lags somewhat behind these like nearly all the other large EB sites in Jordan, was
developments. abandoned entirely throughout the MB and LB Ages.
The most important recent EB II site is Arad, E of Beer- The explanation for the end of the EB 11-lll urban
sheba, where Ruth Amiran's exceedingly important exca- period is sought today not in "Amorite invasions," as
vations since the 1960s have revealed much of the 50-acre previously, but in a complex interrelationship of causes,
site's city plan. It includes a massive masonry wall with among them possible climatic shifts, environmental deg-
many round towers; an extensive and well-laid-out domes- radation, overpopulation, bureaucratic mismanagement,
tic quarter with broadroom dwellings; a "twin temple"; a and possibly the diminution of international trade with
"palace"; and an enormous catchment system and deep the beginning of Egypt's "First Intermediate period" (Dyn.
reservoir. Among the small finds are a potsherd with a 6-11).
v. lll PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (BRONZE-IRON AGES)

Early Bronze IV, ca. 2400-2000 B.C. (Albright's "Middle influence. Recent publication of the earlier excavations at
Bronze I," Kenyon's "Intermediate EB-MB"), was the Dan, Akko, Beth-shan, Shechem, Gezer, and many isolated
posturban phase. A former dark age, it is now illuminated tombs reveal the same ceramic developments, along with
by hundreds of newly discovered small settlements and the introduction of new cist tombs and the introduction of
seasonal camps in the marginal zones, especially the Jor- true tin-bronze metallurgy-often accompanied by early
dan Valley and the Negeb-Sinai. Dozens of isolated ceme- earthen ramparts and city walls. At Dan there was found
teries, represented by hundreds and hundreds of shaft an almost intact triple-entryway mudbrick and plastered
tombs in S Palestine, have yielded secondary disarticulated city gate, still standing to its original three-story height
burials. Thus the settlement at Be'er Resisim in the Negeb (Biran 1984).
highlands, together with the vast cemetery at Jebel Qa'aqir Middle Bronze II (ca. 1800-1650 B.c.), coeval with
in the Hebron hills, excavated by W. G. Dever, seem to Egyptian Dynasty 13, saw the fuller development of highly
reflect the way of life of migratory pastoral groups. In urbanized city-states, nearly all of which were fortified (see
central and N Palestine, however, as well as in the Jordan further Kempinski 1983 on this and the following phase).
Valley, an increasing number of small, permanent agricul- Recent excavations at Dan, Hazor, Akko, Kabri, Shechem,
tural villages are known; most are not on the older tell Tel Zeror, Tel Poleg, Aphek, Jerusalem, Jericho, and else-
sites, most of which remain abandoned. The new evidence where further document this trend. Some sites were first
seems to confirm the notion of several distinct "families," founded in this period, like Ashdod and its port, Tel Mor.
or regional cultures. The Transjordanian family may have Egyptian imports such as scrabs and alabasters increased,
preserved some of the urban character of the preceding and Cypriot pottery was imported on a larger scale.
EB 11-111 period, for S. Richard has brought to light an The final phase, Middle Bronze III (ca. 1650-1500 B.c.),
EB IV fortification system and urban-style occupation at marked the zenith of urban development in Palestine, and
Kh. lskander, on the Wadi Wala (see further Dever 1980; coincided exactly with the late "Second Intermediate" pe-
Richard 1987). riod and the Semitic "Hyksos" Dynasty 15 in Egypt. New
Palestine appears to have been a relatively isolated hin- sites like Gezer, previously unwalled, were heavily fortified;
terland of Syria in EB IV, where pastoral nomadism and while existing defenses at other sites were augmented,
rural villages characterized the socioeconomic structure. often with several phases of construction in evidence. The
This contrasts with Syria, where in EB IV, "Palace G" at typical system consisted of terre pisee embankments, a plas-
Ebia produced evidence of a network of international tered gla~is (or ramp), at least one masonry and mudbrick
relations and a large archive of texts. Some contacts be- city wall, often an outer revetment wall, and even dry
tween Palestine and Syria are attested, however, in a few moats or fosses. Both double- and triple-entryway gates
items, probably brought by migrating pastoralists or by were found, and both casemate and solid walls. Even tiny
trade, such as Syrian "caliciform" pottery at several sites in forts like Tel Mevorakh and Tel Mor on the coast near Tel
the N, and a silver goblet of provincial Ur I II style found Aviv, or small hill country sites like Shiloh, boasted massive
in a shaft tomb at 'Ain es-Samiyeh near Jerusalem. Con- fortifications.
tacts with Egypt, which was in its own "dark age" in the Several small villages in the Jordan Valley, among the
First Intermediate period (ca. 2315-1999 B.C.), were non- first such sites excavated, have brought to light MB III
existent. temples surprisingly like those formerly known at large
urban sites such as Megiddo and Shechem. Among them
C. The Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2000-1500 e.c.) are Kfar Ruppin and Tel Kittan near Beth-shan, and Tell
The MB has been well illuminated by recent archaeolog- el-I:Iayyat across the Jordan.
ical work (see further Broshi and Gophna 1986; Dever Two large urban sites demonstrate the main character of
1987). The three phases designated by Albright as "Middle the period. Shechem had a massive embankment, revetted
Bronze IIA-C" (using "Middle Bronze I" for the previous by an outer cyclopean Wall A (still standing 10 m high)
period) are increasingly termed Middle Bronze 1-111, but and topped by casemate Wall B. Just inside the triple-
not all authorities yet agree on the transitions, or on the entryway NW Gate was a two-story colonnaded palace, an
absolute dates. Israeli archaeologists recognize only an attached tripartite private (?) temple, a barracks or citadel
"MB IIB" (i.e., combining the last two). adjoining the gate, a large plastered plaza, and a migdal
The first phase (ca. 2000-1800 B.c.), coinciding almost (or fortress) temple similar to the area D temple at Ebia.
exactly with the renascent Egyptian Dynasty 12, witnessed The entire complex is closely paralleled by stratum VII at
a major shift in settlement patterns, back to the central Alalakh in Syria. Gezer exhibits an even larger wall and
agricultural zone (see further Gerstenblith 1983). This tower system, in places more than 15 m thick (the Inner
entailed the reoccupation of nearly all the older urban Wall and Tower 5017), together with a large triple-entry-
sites and the founding of numerous new, small unwalled way gate and a skillfully engineered, multilayered giafis.
settlements. Many of these sites would be fortified before To this period belongs the Gezer "High Place," an installa-
the end of the period. Excavations of the Tel-Aviv Univer- tion of 10 large steles in a N-S alignment with a stone
si_ty since_ 197 3 at Tel Aphek are the most revealing, com- basin and plastered pavement, probably a cult place of
bined wit~ extensive surface surveys throughout the some sort.
Sharon Plam. Aphek exhibits an unfortified "pre-palace" The end of MB III saw virtually every site in Palestine
phas_e,. then a "palace" phase with city walls and a palatial violently destroyed, probably in connection with the ex-
admm1strative building. The rich ceramic repertoire is in pulsion of the Hyksos in Egypt under the renascent Dy-
the new fast wheelmade style, often beautifully burnished nasty 18 kings, ca. 1540-1480 B.c .. Nearly all the more
and sometimes painted, which seems to reflect Syrian recent sites noted above have produced clear evidence of
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (BRONZE-IRON AGES) 112 • v
these destructions, particularly Shechem and Gezer. The the population of Canaanite Palestine, the Philistines and
destruction of the Hyksos capitol of Avaris in the Delta, the Israelites. Both are well illustrated by recent archaeo-
now positively identified by the excavations of M. Bietak at logical finds, in what must be accounted among the most
Tell ed-Dab'a, must be related to these events. The site significant archaeological advances of our era (see further
shows a Canaanite population and material culture, in- Dothan 1982; Callaway 1988; and especially Finkelstein
cluding tombs with Palestinian weapons and pottery, be- A/S).
ginning as early as 1800 e.c. or even earlier (in Levels The main Philistine domestic sites are Ashdod, Gezer,
G-F). and Tel Miqne (Ekron). The appearance of new architec-
Literacy seems to have begun in Palestine toward the tural and ceramic styles is clearly evident, including both
end of the MB Age. A few more examples of the "Proto- imported Late Mycenaean III :CI b monochrome pottery
Sinaitic" script have turned up (as at Gezer); and fragmen- and its locally made bichrome derivatives-reminders of
tary cuneiform tablets are known from Hazor, Megiddo, the Aegean origins of the "Sea Peoples." Tel Qasile, on the
Gezer, and Hebron. coast at the mouth of the Yarkon River, has revealed a
sequence of several well-preserved temples with quantities
D. The Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500-1200 B.c.) of Philistine pottery and other Aegean elements. Deir al-
The LB I, ca. 1500-1400 e.c., was a postdestruction BalaJ:i, in the Gaza strip, has produced more than two
horizon that is still not well illuminated (see further Gonen dozen distinctive terra-cotta anthropoid coffins from the
1989; Leonard 1989). The LB IIA-B period, however (ca. late 13th century e.c., similar to those long known from
1400-1200 e.c.), is increasingly well known, especially the Beth-shan and elsewhere, but made in a local potter's
IIA phase of the "Amarna Age" in the 14th century e.c. workshop. These Egyptian-style coffins suggest that some
The major sites recently investigated are Tell Abu Hawam, of the earliest "Sea Peoples" appeared along the coast of
Tel Kittan, Tel Mevorakh, Aphek, Gezer, Jerusalem, Tel Palestine as Egyptian mercenaries even before the time of
Batash in the Sorek Valley, Lachish, Ashdod, Tel es-Shari'a Rameses III. Today many scholars believe, however, that
in the N Negeb, and Deir al-BalaJ:i in the Gaza area. Across the distinctive bichrome painted pottery of the Philistines
the Jordan, important LB remains have come to light at came into vogue only in the second generation, ca. 1150
Deir 'Alla, Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, Pella, Irbid, Amman, and e.c., after these people were partly assimilated.
other sites. Early "Israelite" settlements (or better, "Proto-Israelite")
Virtually all these sites, despite their strategic location have now been clearly recognized for the first time. Most
and importance, remained unwalled, or simply made were small, unwalled hilltop villages in central Palestine,
slight reuse of the old MB fortifications. The sole excep- Galilee, and possibly the N Negeb, established de nova and
tion may be Gezer, where the "Outer Wall" system has not on the ruins of Canaanite LB urban sites. Particularly
been dated by the excavators to the LB IIA period. important (although largely unpublished) are 'Ai, Rad-
Among the most important finds are new temples at Tel danah, Shiloh, and Giloh, all near Jerusalem; 'Izbet Sarteh,
Kittan, Tel Mevorakh, and Lachish (the "Summit Temple"), near Aphek (probably Biblical Ebenezer); and probably
and in Jordan at Deir 'Alla and Amman. Large, multi- Tel Esdar, Tel Masos, and Beer-sheba, all in the N Negeb.
roomed Egyptian "residencies" have been recognized now These villages are characterized by early "four-room"
at major centers such as Gezer, Aphek, Ashdod, Tel es- courtyard houses, stone silos, rock-hewn cisterns, terrace
Shari'a, and Deir al-BalaJ:i. Finally, rich LB II tombs have farming, crude iron implements, transitional LB/Iron I
been partially published from Akko (the "Persian Gar- pottery (including the well-known "collar-rim" store jars),
den"), Dan, Shechem, Gezer (Cave I. I OA), Jerusalem, and and even a few Old Canaanite (or "Proto-Hebrew") ostraca
elsewhere. The general picture of political conditions and ('Izbet Sarfeh). Most sites were abandoned in the late 11th-
socioeconomic structure in Palestine, as revealed in the early I 0th century e.c. with the growth of urbanism under
well-known Amarna letters from Egypt, fits very well in- the United Monarchy of Israel. In addition, extensive
deed with the most recent LB II archaeological discoveries. Israeli surveys in ancient Ephraim and Manasseh, in Lower
All indications point to Egypt's incorporation of Palestine Galilee, and along the Sharon Plain have revealed several
into the New Kingdom empire. hundred small agricultural villages of the 12th-I Ith cen-
There are now a number of confirmed destructions at turies, all probably "Israelite." These new discoveries
the end of the LB and the beginning of the Iron Age,
clearly discredit the older "conquest" model of Albright.
from ca. 1250-1150 e.c., but virtually none would any
Instead, they support a modified version of the Alt-Noth
longer be attributed to an "Israelite conquest" under
"peaceful infiltration" model, or even the "peasants' revolt"
Joshua. Hazor appears to have been destroyed ca. 1250
e.c., Lachish ca. 1150 e.c., both by unknown agents. Tell model of Mendenhall, Gottwald, and others. Any model
Abu Hawam, Tel Mevorakh, Aphek, Ashdod, and other for the Israelite settlement must now take into account:
coastal sites were likely destroyed by the incoming Philis- ( 1) the continuity from LB Canaanite culture into earlv
tines and other "Sea Peoples." Many sites, such as Megiddo, Iron I, especially in ceramics; and (2) the i~igenow factors
Beth-shan, Shechem, and Gezer, show considerable conti- in the Iron I hill country settlement, 1.e., changes m
nuity or were not destroyed at all. It is increasingly clear settlement patterns, demography, and socioeconomic
that Egyptian influence, despite declining Dynasty 20 structure, rather than supposed "invasions," from Trans-
power, continued even as late as Rameses VI. jordan or otherwise. See ISRAEL, HISTORY OF (AR-
CHAEOLOGY AND THE ISRAELITE "CONQUEST').
E. The Iron I Period (ca. 1200-900 B.C.) Two possible early Israelite cult sites are no~ known.
The early Iron Age ("Iron IA-B," 12th-I Ith centuries The Mt. Eba! installation, a tower or large altarhke struc-
e.c.) saw the appearance of two new ethnic groups among ture with pits containing many burnt animal bones, is
v• 113 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (BRONZE-IRON AGES)

dated clearly to the 12th century s.c., but its interpretation water system. Tell el-Far'ah (N), dug in the 1950s-1960s
is disputed. The "Bull site" east of Dothan is of the same by R. de Vaux, has finally published the Iron Age se-
date, and its enclosed altar, standing stone ('ITU4$ibiih), and quence, which has important domestic material and cultic
a finely cast bronze bull strongly suggest an El (or Canaan- remains. The I 0th century B.c. elite quarter of the City of
ite) sanctuary in the heartland of Israelite tribal territory. David in Jerusalem continued to develop, and it has
The late Iron I period in the 10th century B.C. (Al- yielded not only a good pottery sequence but also figu-
bright's "Iron IC," or Israeli "Iron IIA") is now best docu- rines, inscriptions, and a cache of late 7th century B.C.
mented in a number of Davidic-Solomonic constructions bullae featuring many Judean names known from the
at increasingly urbanized sites (see further Dever 1983). Hebrew Bible. Other Iron II Israelite sites include
Nearly identical three-entryway city gates and casemate Yoqneam W of the Megiddo pass; Shechem, not yet pub-
walls at Hazor, Megiddo, and Gezer provide a commentary lished; and Gezer, with important domestic remains, re-
on I Kgs 9: 15; and both Megiddo and Gezer also have used and augmented city walls and gates, and destruction
10th-century "palaces" that were probably residences of levels of the Neo-Assyrian period. Tell Keisan, near the bay
royal governors. Of the Temple of Solomon in Jerusalem, of Haifa, gives evidence of Cypro-Phoenician cultural in-
nothing remains. The plan of the structure, however, and fluence, as do Dor and Tel Mevorakh farther S on the
details of its decoration and furnishings, may now be coast.
confidently reconstructed from the increasing number of In the S, both Arad and Beer-sheba, excavated by Y.
Bronze and Iron Age Canaanite-Phoenician temples and Aharoni, yield nearly complete town plans of an Iron II
cultic artifacts brought to light. These include the MB Israelite fortress and district store-city, respectively, both
tripartite "Temple 7300" at Shechem; similar temples at with sanctuaries. At Arad, a collection of several dozen
Mumbaqat and elsewhere in Syria; more "Proto-Aeolic" ostraca is especially noteworthy. Lachish, reexcavated since
capitals; artistic motifs on ivories and seals; bronze stands; 1973 by D. Ussishkin, is perhaps the key site. The well-
a life-sized horned altar from Beer-sheba; and other data. attested destruction of the gate area in stratum II I can
See TEMPLE, JERUSALEM. now be fixed to the raid of Sennacherib in 701 B.c. (not
The extension of Solomonic power is well illustrated by 598 B.c., as formerly). This raises the Iron II chronology
a string of forts recently investigated through the Negeb, of Judah by as much as JOO years and is of revolutionary
extending to the earliest fortress at the oasis of Kadesh- import. Other important Judean sites recently dug are
barnea in the Sinai. Finally, Jerusalem itself has been Khirbet Rabud (now "Debir"), Lahav, and Tell el-l:lesi. For
extensively dug, where Y. Shiloh has uncovered several the 7th-early 6th century s.c., both Tel Miqne (Ekron)
10th century B.C. pillared houses on the E slope S of the and Tel Batash (Timna), in the Sorek Valley, provide a
Temple Mount, on a terraced and stepped stone podium wealth of information, including evidence of industry and
that recalls the biblical millo, or "filling." On the coast, Tel trade with the Philistine coast. The latter is also illustrated
Mevorakh provides rich evidence of imported Cypro- now by the upper levels at Ashdod.
Phoenician pottery; and Tel Miqne and Ashdod illustrate In the Negeb-Sinai, some of the Iron I forts and the
the continuing culture of the Philistines along the coast, fortress at Kadesh-barnea continued into Iron II. The 8th
never fully assimilated. Increasing evidence points to the century B.C. hilltop fort and shrine at Kuntillet 'Ajrud, in
end of Iron I with the convergence of the death of Solo- the E Sinai, are known only from preliminary publications.
mon, the raid of Shishak, and the breakup of the United Kuntillet 'Ajrud has yielded dozens of graffiti and votives
Kingdom, ca. 920 s.c. of a cultic nature, including a painted stone jar with two
Bes figures, a half-nude enthroned female, and a Hebrew
F. The Iron II Period (ca. 900-600 B.c.) inscription mentioning in a blessing formula "Yahweh of
The Iron II period, representing the full development Samaria and his Asherah." To the extreme S, Nelson
of the Israelite monarchy and the zenith of Israelite mate- Glueck's excavation of Tell el-Kheleifeh, on the Gulf of
rial culture, has been especially well documented by recent Eilat (Ezion-geber?), has finally been published as well as
Israeli archaeology (see further Shiloh 1980; Horn 1988; possible.
Gitin and Dever 1989). Nevertheless, there are still serious Among scattered finds are numerous Iron II chamber
chronological difficulties, and the 9th century s.c. in par- and bench tombs, yielding large collections of pottery,
ticular is still inadequately attested. figurines, weights, and several inscriptions. Judean tomb
We can only mention the main sites, moving from N to inscriptions are now known from Khirbet Lei and Khirbet
S. Dan, excavated since 1966 by A. Biran, remains largely el-Qom, in the Hebron hills, as well as from Silwan (Jeru-
unpublished but has revealed a massive 9th-century "High salem). The 8th century B.c. el-Qom inscription seems also
Place" of ashlar masonry; an associated shrine with altars, to mention Yahweh and Asherah together.
anthropomorphic figurines, a horned altar, bronze imple- Outside Israel, the contemporary Transjordanian states
ments and shovels, and burned animal bones; and both of Ammon, Moab, and Edom are increasingly well docu-
?uter and inner triple-entryway city gates, with a connect- mented by a number of excavations. The main sites are
mg roadway. Yadin's last campaigns at Hazor (1969-70) Pella, Amman, Tel es-Sa'idiyeh, Amman, Heshbon, Dhi-
brought to light a magnificent 9th-century water shaft ban, Buseira (Bosra), Tawilan (Terna?), and 'Umm el-Bi-
hewn. into the bedrock, with an underground gallery yara (Sela?). The material culture is parallel to that of
reachmg the water table deep underground. Megiddo, Israel, as are the closely related West Semitic dialects now
reexcavated by Yadin in the 1960s, now makes clear that reconstructed from a growing corpus of ostraca and seals
the well-known "stables" (perhaps storehouses) are 9th (see further Dornemann 1983; Geraty and Herr 1986;
century B.c. (i.e., Ahab, rather than Solomon), as is its Sauer 1986). The cult, however, differs substantially, to
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (BRONZE-IRON AGES) 114. v
judge from t~e names of known deities and cult practices. PERSIAN PERIOD
The best evidence for the Edomite cult comes from a
hoard of exotic 7th-century figurines found at Qitmit S Bet~een 5~5 and 538 B.C.E., the whole of the Middle
of Arad in SE Israel. ' East-:-m~ludmg Palestine-was conquered by the Achae-
Both the Assyrian destructions in the Nin 735-721 B.c., memd kmgs. of Perna. During the reign of Darius I (522-
and those of the Babylonians in Judah in 587/586 B.C., are 4~~ B.C.E.), its borders were consolidated and its interior
well attested in clear destruction levels at nearly all the sites d~vmon was dete.rmined. Accordingly, some twenty satra-
mentioned above. Nevertheless, surveys have shown that p1es we~e established, each of which was divided into
many smaller sites escaped destruction, especially in Ju- subprov.mces (co1:1pare the description in Esth 1:1).
dah, where an "Iron III" phase may be detected extending Pale~tme constituted only a tiny part of one of these
well toward the end of the 6th century B.C. satrap1es~ named "Beyond the River" (Ezra 4: 10-11), a
te~~ wh1.ch was borrowed from the former Assyrian ad-
Bibliography m1mstrat1on and p~r.haps from an even earlier period (see
Aharoni, Y. 1979. The Archaeolo15Y of the Land of Israel. Philadelphia. 1 K.gs 4:24). I.n .add1t1on to Palestine, the province included
Biran, A. 1984. The Triple-arched Gate of Laish at Tel Dan. IE] Syna, . Phoemc1a, and ~yprus. According to Herodotus
34: 1-19. (3.5), its N border was m Poseideion (now al-Mina at the
Broshi, M., and Gophna, R. 1984. The Settlement and Population mouth of the Orontes), and its S border was at Lake
of Palestine during the Early Bronze Age. BASOR 253: 41-53. Sirbonis (Bardawil Lake).
- - . 1986. Middle Bronze II Palestine: Its Settlements and The subdivision of Palestine appears to have been based
Population. BASOR 261: 73-90. on th~ old~r divisions of the Assyrian and Babylonian
Callaway, j. A. 1988. The Settlement in Canaan. Pp. 53-84 in adm1mstrauon, probably related to the territorial bounda-
Ancient Israel, ed. H. Shanks. Washington. ries of t~e various peoples living in the country during
Dever, W. G. 1980. New Vistas on the EB IV ("MB I") Horizon in that penod. The best known of these provinces were
Syria-Palestine. BASOR 237: 35-64. Megiddo, Dor, Samaria, Judea, Ashdod, and Gaza. At the
- - . 1983. Monumental Architecture in Ancient Israel in the
head of each province was a Persian governor or a local
Period of the United Monarchy. Pp. 269-306 in Studies in the
representative who was responsible to the satrap of "Be-
Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays, ed. T. Ishida.
yond the River" for its efficient administration, payment
Tokyo.
of taxes, etc. This arrangement lasted for some two hun-
- - . 1987. Palestine in the Middle Bronze Age: The Zenith of
dred years, from 538 to 332 B.C.E., when the entire Middle
the Urban Canaanite Era. BA 50: 149-76.
East was conquered by Alexander the Great.
Dornemann, R. H. 1983. The Archaeology of the Transjordan in the
Bronze and Iron Ages. Milwaukee.
A. Archaeological Research
Dothan, T. 1982. The Philistines and Their Material Culture. New
From the standpoint of archaeology, the history of the
Haven.
Persian period in Palestine is obscure, despite the fact that
it is relatively recent. The information provided by the
Geraty, L. T., and Herr, L. G., eds. 1986. The Archaeolo15Y ofJordan
Bible, our major literary source for the Israelite period,
and Other Studies. Berrien Springs, Ml.
gives anything but a clear picture, and even this does not
Gerstenblith, P. 1983. The Levant at the Beginning of the Middle Bronze
Age. Winona Lake, IN.
go beyond the middle of the 5th century B.C.E. The same
is true of the following period with regard to the informa-
Gitin, S., and Dever, W. G., eds. 1989. Recent Excavations in Israel:
tion provided by Greek literature (Herodotus, Pseudo-
Studies in Iron Age Archaeology. AASOR 49. Winona Lake, IN.
Scylax) and the Apocrypha.
Gonen, R. 1989. Burial Practice and Cultural Diversity in Late Bronze
Some epigraphic sources have been added through re-
Age Canaan. Baltimore.
cent discovery. Among them are the inscriptions of Darius
Hadidi, A., ed. 1982-89. Studies in the History and Archaeology of
I found at Persepolis, the inscriptions of the Phoenician
Jordan, vols. I-IV. Oxford/Amman.
kings discovered at Sidon, the archives of the Jewish mili-
Horn, S. 1988. The Divided Monarchy. Pp. 109-49 in Ancient
Israel, ed. H. Shanks. Washington.
tary colony from Elephantine in Egypt, the inscriptions
Kempinski, A. 1983. Syrien und Palii.stina (Kanaan) in der Letzten found at Tell el-Maskhuta in Egypt, where a similar Arab
Phase der Mittlebronze llB-zeit (1650-1570 v. Chr.). Wiesbaden. military base existed, and the archive of the satrap, )Ar-
Leonard, A. 1989. The Late Bronze Age. BA 52: 4-39. sam.
Levy, T. E. 1986. The Chalcolithic Period. BA 49: 83-109. Palestine, too, has yielded some outstanding discoveries.
Mazar, A. 1989. The Archaeolo15Y of the Land of the Bible; 10,000-600 Of prime importance are the Samaritan papyri dating to
B.C.E. Garden City, NY. 375-332 B.C.E. discovered in a cave at Wadi Daliyeh, and
Richard, S. 1987. The Early Bronze Age: The Rise and Collapse the hoard of bullae from a postexilic Judean archive found
of Urbanism. BA 50: 22-43. near Jerusalem. Also important are some Egyptian steles
Sauer, J. A. 1986. Transjordan in the Bronze and Iron Ages: A found at Gezer and Acco. But the main epigraphic mate-
Critique of Glueck's Synthesis. BASOR 263: 1-26. rials in Palestine are the ostraca, discovered at many sites
Shanks, H., and Mazar, B., eds. 1984. Recent Archaeology in the Land and written in Aramaic, Hebrew, and Phoenician. Most are
of Israel. Washington. lists of proper names (Hebrew, Phoenician, Arabic, Baby-
Shiloh, Y. 1980. The Population of Iron Age Palestine in the Light lonian, Egyptian, etc.) or receipts for consignments of
of a Sample Analysis of Urban Plans, Areas, and Population food, merchandise, etc. Although they give no indication
Density. BASOR 239: 25-35. of contemporary events, they are of considerable impor-
WILLIAM G. DEVER tance for our knowledge of the everyday life of the period.
v • 115 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PERSIAN PERIOD)

They also shed light on the country's milita~y. and fiscal An analysis of the remains of these two regions demon-
organization, and indirectly on the compos1Uon of the strates that the material culture of the hill country is
population. Short inscriptions, some with the titles of basically "eastern" in character. It is made up of a local
officeholders, have been discovered on seals, seal impres- culture (which continues the Israelite tradition) and east-
sions, bullae, and coins. ern influences (Assyrian, Babylonian, but also Egyptian).
However, the combined literary and epigraphic sources The coastal culture, on the other hand, is basically "west-
still provide little information of the history. of Palest~ne ern" in nature, containing eastern Greek, Cypriot, and
during the Persian period, and the overall picture wh1Ch Athenian elements. It is therefore probable that the Greek
emerges remains unclear. Unfortunately, our knowledge material culture considerably preceded the Macedonian
of the material culture of this period in Palestine has for conquest and that Greek materials had already been
many years been unorganized and has fallen short of that adapted to local traditions and customs. The main bearers
of the previous periods. of this new culture to Palestine were probably Phoenicians
Significant advances in the study of the period have and only secondarily Greek soldiers and settlers.
occurred relatively recently. Senlements of the Persian It seems then that Albright's definition of "Iron III" for
period have been discovered in Galilee and the coastal the culture of this period is justified if it is applied only to
plain: Tel Dan, Tel Anafa, Hazor, Beth-Yerah, Taanach, the mountain region of Judea and Benjamin; it seems
Tel Qedesh, Tell Qiri, Tel Yokne'am, Akzib, Acco, Tell much less appropriate, however, for other regions of the
Keisan, U~a, Gil'am, Shiqmona, Tel Megadim, Tel Dor, Tel country. Moreover, it is now evident that the difference
Mevorakh, Tel Zeror, Mikhmoret, Makmish, Jaffa, Tell between the "coastal" culture and that of the "hill country"
Qasile, Tell Abu-Zeitun, Aphek, Tirat Yehudah, Ashdod, is not a chronological difference as proposed by Albright,
and Tel Sera', as well as the more recent excavations at but rather a question of concurrent influences from "west-
Gezer, Lachish, Tell el-l;lesi, and Tell Jemmeh. Excavations ern" and "eastern" cultures over these respective areas.
revealing Persian occupation have been conducted in the 2. Achaemenid Influences. From all that has been said
mountain region at Shechem, Gibeon, Tell el-Ful, Jerusa- so far, the fact remains that in the case of the material
lem, Ramat RaJ:iel, and En-gedi; and in the Negeb, Persian- culture in Palestine one cannot distinguish any influence
period remains were found at Beer-sheba, Arad, and of the Persian material culture (i.e., the culture of the rulers
Kadesh-barnea. Further evidence has come from excava- by whose name we identify the entire period). The scanty
tions and surveys in Sinai. Of special importance were the Persian influence is mainly expressed by isolated types of
excavations at Hazor, Shiqmona, Tel Megadim, Tel Dor, ceramics; by a small number of ornaments and Achae-
Tel Mevorakh, Tel Michal, and En-gedi, since at these the menid style metal objects, which also appear to have been
Persian strata were better preserved and could serve as a made by the Phoenicians; and by a few clothing accessories
frame of reference to investigate the regional assemblages. on some Phoenician figurines.
These finds are now enriched by homogeneous assem- The main influence of the long period of Persian rule in
blages from Shechem, Wadi Daliyeh, Qadum, the Sheikh Palestine is seen not in the material culture but only in
Ibrahim cave near Jerusalem, the burial cave at 'Ain 'Arub, those spheres immediately connected with political affairs,
N of Hebron, as well as the recent finds from Tell el-Mazar such as administration, military organization, finance, and
E of the Jordan. taxation. In each of the few inscriptions from Wadi Daliyeh
In some of these excavations the stratum of the Persian so far published, the dates given are according to the royal
period contains two phases or more, while at other sites years of the Persian kings, and the officials named are
the finds belonged to only part of the Persian period. It is local Persian administrators. Information about military
now possible to analyze the development of the Persian organization is contained on an ostracon recently discov-
material culture in Palestine and to classify the finds into ered at Arad, which mentions an individual who belqngs
early and late. to a certain "standard" (i.e., a Persian military unit also
Recent excavations have cast a new light on cult objects. known from Elephantine in Egypt). The military strong-
Important collections of statuettes and figurines have been holds and granaries discovered at nearly all the large sites
discovered at Tel 'Erani, Tel Sippor, and Tel Dor. Our in Palestine reflect the maintenance of the Persian military
knowledge of the various types of seal impressions has system. Many of the weapons and chariot accessories
been expanded by the excavations at Ramat Ral:iel and by found in the tombs of the period are of the Scytho-Iranian
the collection of bullae and seals from the Jerusalem area. type, just like those found in the guard rooms at Persepo-
lis, confirming the earlier supposition that some of the
B. The Character of the Material Culture tombs at Gezer were in fact the graves of Persian soldiers.
1. Regional Diversity: Eastern and Western Influences. Persian influence is most conspicuous, however, in matters
A study of the material culture of Palestine reveals that the of taxation and money. Whereas Persian rulers could be
country was divided into two distinct regions at the begin- liberal and magnanimous toward the conquered people in
nmg of the period: one included the hill country of Judea matters of cult and administration, in matters pertaining
and Transjordan (and to a lesser extent Samaria), while to the economy and taxation they were rather severe. The
the other was Galilee and the coastal area. The border taxes levied on the various provinces were determined
between. these two cultural areas is at times very sharp-- according to their size and prosperity, and had to be paid
almost hke a border dividing two countries. Without an in precious metals only. The seal impressions on the han-
understanding of this division of Palestine it is difficult to dles of vessels from Judea, which give evidence of the
understand the material development of the culture of the taxation system, use motifs taken from Achaemenid royal
period. motifs. Their stratigraphic contexts (only from the end of
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (PERSIAN PERIOD) 116 • v
the 6th to the end of the 5th century B.C.E.) prove that Stern, E. 1987. Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian
matters of administration and finance in Judea were only Period 538-332 B.C. Warminster.
initially conducted by officials of the Achaemenid empire. Weinberg, S. S. 1969. Post Exilic Palestine. An Archaeological
Subsequently, these Achaemenid seals were replace? by Reporl. The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities Proceedings.
seals written in Aramaic bearing the name of the provmce, Vol. 4, no. 5. Jerusalem.
yhwd. This implies a change in the administration of the Widengren, G. 1977. The Persian Period. Pp. 489-538 in l)H.
province at the end of the 5th century B.C.E., perhaps at EPHRAIM STERN
the time of Nehemiah or a little later. Alt surmised that
Nehemiah freed Judea from its subjection to Samaria and NEW TESTAMENT PERJOD
turned it into an independent province.
Scholars did not systematically pursue the archaeology
C. Stratigraphic Evidenc~ of Con~icts . . . of the NT period in Palestine, (ca. 50 B.C.-A.D. 150) until
A detailed study of the sites of this period m Palestine roughly the second half of the 20th century. This was
allows us to conclude with some measure of certainty that because of the relative paucity of Roman monuments in
there were two waves of destruction during the Persian Palestine at a time when archaeology was dominated by
period. We learn about the first through the excavations in interest in major architecture. Roman Palestine seemed to
the territory of Benjamin. A large number of the towns furnish few Greek and Roman temples, aqueducts, thea-
which had been spared the destruction wrought by Nebu- ters, circuses, hippodromes, etc. This was at the very time
chadnezzar were destroyed about a hundred years later when the imaginations of the I 9th and early 20th century
(ca. 480 e.c.E.). No historical explanation has been foun? pilgrims and scholars had been captured by the splendid
for this destruction, though it may be assumed that It monuments of Egypt, Asia Minor, and Mesopotamia, most
occurred in connection with some minor war, such as that of which related to the OT period. On the other hand,
which threatened Judea in the days of Nehemiah. The Greece, Italy, and W Turkey still appeared to provide more
picture is different concerning the seco~d wave of destruc- than enough attractive architecture to illustrate the NT
tion, which affected only the coastal regions and the Negeb narratives, while the seemingly paltry finds of a few P.ot-
sherds and coins from Hellenistic and Roman Palestme
apparently around 380 e.c.E. This destruction is con-
nected with the Egyptian struggle for mdependence (ca. hardly seemed worth the effort. Apart from the Tei_nple
Mount of Herod the Great in Jerusalem, most showpieces
404-400 B.C.E.), which spread two decades later to the
of Roman civilization came from other well-known Classi-
lowlands of Palestine. This assumption is strengthened by
cal sites in the E Mediterranean. As late as 1960, W. F.
two important finds: an inscription of Nepherites I (399-
Albright could cite relatively few discoveries of Roman
393 e.c.E.) at Gezer, and steles of Achoris (393-380 B.C.E.)
Palestine in the revised edition of The Archaeology of Pales-
at Acco and Sidon.
tine. These included certain painted tombs of Tell Marissa,
The end of the Persian period in Palestine is marked by
the mausoleum of the Tobiads at Araq el-Amir, the Helle-
staggered destruction levels that testify not to a. single
nistic citadel at Beth-zur, the "fortress of Simon Macca-
"death blow" but to sporadic conflicts associated with th~
beus" at Gezer (now known to be misidentified), the t<_>wn
demise of Persian power. Such conflicts included the S1-
plan of Tell Marissa, ossuaries and tombs of the period,
donian revolt of 351 e.c.E., which brought about the de-
certain discoveries in Jerusalem (the walls, the Ecce Homo
struction of the province of Dor; the wars associated with
arch, the alleged Gabbatha pavement beneath the convent
Alexander the Great in the territories of Tyre, Acco, and
of the sisters of Zion), NT Jericho (excavated from 1950-
Gaza· and the Samaritan revolt against Alexander, which
51 ), the cities of Gerasa and Petra in Jordan, syn~gogues
resul~ed in the destruction of many major cities in these in Galilee (including Capernaum), and certam ep1graph1c
regions (e.g.: Megiddo, Acco, Tell Abu H~wam, Samaria,
discoveries, such as proper names, that echo th?se found
and Gaza). Several cities (Shiqmonah, Tel S1ppor) may have
in the NT. The Dead Sea Scrolls were not mentioned, but
been destroyed even as late as the wars of the Dia~ochi, as
were discussed in detail by G. E. Wright in his 1962 work
is proved by the coins of Alexander the Great which w~re
Biblical Archaeology. Thus interest in the archaeology of the
uncovered within the destruction levels of the Persian
period. NT period seemed to be dominated by t~e c~ncern~ of the
classical archaeologist of the same penod, mcludmg the
Bibliography . hope of finding texts. . .
Avigad, N. 1976. Bulla£ and Seals from a Post-Exilic Judean Archive. Researchers focused on sites mentioned m the NT.
Qedem 4. Jerusalem. These included Capernaum, visited. by Ro?inso? in 18~ 7,
Cross, F. M., Jr. 1963. The Discovery of the Samaritan Papyri. BA who identified the synagogue, but did not 1dent1fy the site
26: 110-21. (Tell Hum) with Capernaum. The site was .subsequently
- - . 1971. P..tpyri of the Fourth Century B.C. from Daliyeh. Pp. visited and probed by many until 1921, when 1t was syst_em-
45-69 in New Directions in Biblical Archaeology, ed. D. N. Freed- atically excavated by Dr. G. Orfali. In 1968, excavations
man and j. C. Greenfield. Garden City. resumed under Frs. Corbo and Lofredda. In Jerusalem,
- - . 1974. Discoveries in the Wadi ed-Dll.lryeh, ed. P. W. Lapp and meanwhile, no less than 46 excavations were ~arri.ed out
N. L. Lapp. AASOR41: 17-29. before I 967 by a host of well-known archaeologists, mclud-
Davies, D., and Finkelstein, L., eds. 1984. CH] I. ing R. A. S. Macalister, E. L. Sukenik, J. W. Crowfoot, R. W.
Galling, K. 1929. Syrien in der Politik der Achamenider. A[O 28 .. Hamilton, M. Avi-Yonah, K. Kenyon, and J. Hennessy.
- - . 1938. Die Syrische-Palastinische Kuste nach der Beschre1- Among many questions pursued by excavators were ~he
bung bei Pseudo-Skylax. ZDPV 61: 66-96. location of Golgotha and the tomb of Christ, the locauon
v • 117 PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (NT)

and dates of the city walls of the Roman period, the search or uncover campsites of the Sixth Legion "Ferrata" in
for Herod's palace, the discovery of the Ecce Homo arch, Galilee or the Tenth Legion "Fretensis" in Jerusalem.
and the discovery and identification of the so-called Gab- These developments in archaeology show promise of link-
batha pavement. Excavations at Caesarea, the political cap- age with NT scholarship in a more direct and fruitful way.
ital, were conducted from 1948 to 1963 by such luminaries On the other hand, the unfolding of allied specialties in
as J. Ory, M. Avi-Yonah, A. Frova, A. Negev, and E. A. the archaeology of the period has often proceeded without
Link. Bethlehem and the Church of the Nativity fascinated regard for connections with NT scholarship, research in
generations of scholars, and publication of its remains by Christian origins, or the study of Rabbinic Judaism. Such
H. Vincent and F.-M. Abel began in 1914. Similarly Naza- developments include stratigraphic excavation of Roman
reth was excavated by M. Viaud from 1890-1909 and by sites for purely scientific reasons, advances in numismatics,
B. Bagatti in 1954. Armchair archaeologists wrote about studies in ancient glass, neutron-activation analysis of an-
the archaeology of Antioch, Ephesus, Laodicea, and Ath- cient ceramics and other technological studies, or the
ens. formation of theory and models in archaeology. Probably
A second focus of interest in archaeology of the period the dominant trend in recent archaeology of the period is
was on artifacts and items that illustrated the NT and an attempt to place the archaeology of the NT period into
other early Christian and postbiblical Jewish literature. the wider discipline of Roman archaeology in ancient
Those who pursued this line described writing materials, Palestine and the E Mediterranean.
the scroll and codex, the potter's craft, ancient tombs (so It is within this wider understanding of archaeology that
as to reconstruct on paper the tomb of Christ), inscrip- we must place recent excavations in ancient Palestine. For
tions, ritual baths at Qumran as forerunners of Christian example, excavations at Khirbet Shema, Meiron, Gush
baptism, coins, and certain manuscripts discoveries (for Halav, and Nabratein, all in Upper Galilee, have disclosed
example the Samaria Papyri, the Dead Sea Scrolls, the Bar a vigorous Jewish village life from the 2d century B.C. to
Kokhba letters, the Bodmer papyri, and the Nag Hammadi the 4th century A.D. and later. Similar conclusions must
finds), including papyri and codices containing alleged follow from excavations in a series of ancient villages and
sayings of Jesus. This broad line of investigation promised towns from the Negeb to the Galilee. Local and regional
less than the more narrowly defined study of inscriptions trade networks bore goods to the remotest parts of Upper
and papyri, which after all promised-and delivered-a Galilee. That is, town and village life was not isolated, but
host of evidence to solve various linguistic enigmas in the movement of goods, services, and ideas was extensive.
NT and other ancient literature. The study of the Roman Excavations of tombs and structures in Nazareth Ilit, to
period Egyptian papyri faced certain limits, namely, that cite only one example, indicate that there was a tiny Roman
one was extrapolating to Palestine from another Roman agricultural village above Nazareth about a fifteen-minute
province with only similar, not the same, religious and walk away. In a similar vein, excavations at the Herodium
political institutions. near Bethlehem reveal an entire support village around
On the other hand, the amount of archaeological knowl- the fortress, suggesting that similar support villages might
edge about the NT period seems to have expanded expo- be found elsewhere. The density of occupation in ancient
nentially since the 1960s. This is knowledge from system- Judea in the NT period appears to have been nearly the
atic and large-scale excavations, thorough regional highest in the Roman Empire, if not the highest. On the
surveys, and pursuit of accidental discoveries. In this pe- other hand, excavations in a variety of cities and large
riod the interests of the scholar have gradually shifted towns indicate a degree of urbanization in ancient Pales-
from those of Classical art and archaeology to include tine that goes beyond traditional understandings. For ex-
questions of the size and population of ancient cities and ample, excavations at Magdala-Tarichaeae have disclosed a
villages, reconstructions of rural and urban life, the nature small portion of a Roman-style city complete with paved
and extent of Hellenism, the magnitude of Greek/ Aramaic streets. The excavations at Tiberias have revealed a very
bilingualism, of the nature and extent of urbanism and of large city and a detached city of Hammath to the S in the
urban vs. village life, understanding of Jewish burial cus- 1st century, confirming certain literary notices in Josephus
toms, evidence for the "God fearers" of the book of Acts, and the Jerusalem Talmud. The same situation pertains at
methods of identification of distinctively Jewish symbols, Hippos-Susita on the SE shores of the Sea of Galilee.
grasping more clearly early synagogue architecture, iden- Excavations at Sepphoris have unearthed remains of a
tification of house churches, understanding Herod the robust Roman city of large Jewish population whose topar-
Great and his dynasty, developing the role of numismatics chy surely extended to Nazareth, suggesting a degree of
in historical reconstructions, realizing the dynamics of urbanization of Lower Galilee heretofore only suspected.
Roman-Jewish relations, and disclosing details of Roman Similarly, recent excavations at Bethsaida (Roman Julias)
rule. In addition, scholars have given attention to particu- have disclosed a rather small urban complex of the 1st
lars of archaeological data of the period with a variety of century. Other excavations at Caesarea Philippi-Paneas
goals m mmd, such as determination of subsistence pat- have only begun to show the extent of the ancient city. A
terns, study of regional Roman architecture, investigation similar conclusion is supported by excavations at Caesarea,
of water systems, and deduction of ancient methods of Jerusalem, Antipatris, Azotus (OT Ashdod), and others.
olive and wine production. Other scholars have attempted Probably the most spectacular example of excavations in
to understand early Christian symbols, or to specialize in an urban center of this period are those at Beth Shean. In
Roman Jerusalem and its archaeological history, or to this case a truly striking Roman city of grand proportions
research other "holy places" such as the Tomb of Lazarus. has emerged since 1986. Although most of the finds post-
Others debate the identification of the Emmaus of Luke date the NT period, there are sufficient remains to suggest
PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF (NT) 118 • v
the thoroughly Roman character of this city. For example, evidence for. ded':1cing bilingualism or trilingualism in
various inscriptions and temple architecture suggest that ancient Palestme, smce Greek is the norm within the tomb
paganism in various forms flourished at Beth Shean, in- that is, for the family. Since tombs are often equipped with
cluding the worship of Dionysus and Zeus-Akraios. An a fo.recourt ~nd. other architectural features not required
inscription and Roman temple correlate with the ancient f?r mhumatlon ~tself, there was obviously a well-developed
local tradition that Dionysus founded the city and buried ntual of mourmng, as the noncanonical Mishnaic tractate
his nurse Nysa there. Also town and village planning is "Mourning" ($em.) indicates.
evident in their traces, suggesting a clear governing and The archaeological picture of the architectural culture
planning structure. Excavations at Capernaum have com- to be associated with the dynasty of Herod the Great is
bined to reveal a very large, well-planned town that thrived co~erent a17d striking. Herod and his sons (and grandsons)
from the 2d century B.c. to the Arab period. The same rehed heavily upon developments in Roman engineering
degree of planning is visible at Chorazin, although the and architecture to produce buildings in grand style, as
remains are largely Byzantine. Excavations at Horvat Amu- witness Ramat el-Khalil in Hebron, the city gates of Cae-
dim at the E end of the Beit Netopha valley reveal a large, sarea, Sebaste, and Tiberias, the stunning Temple Plat-
thriving Roman town of unknown name in the 1st century form in Jerusalem, his palaces at Jerusalem, the Herodium,
that continued to the Byzantine period. The accidental Masada, Jericho, and Machaerus in Jordan, his extensive
find of a fishing boat in the mud of the Sea of Galilee has waterworks traced from Bethlehem to Jerusalem, the
revealed the only !st-century boat thus far found from building of Tiberias, Sepphoris, and Bethsaida-Julias by
ancient Palestine. The sophisticated level of shipbuilding his sons, and by many other remains. Herod the Great
revealed in the construction of the boat suggests that an relied upon delicate and expensive media in his decoration
infrastructure of shipbuilders and other artisans likely of the Temple Mount, but he relied upon painted and
formed part of the population of the cities and villages of molded plaster in Masada and Herodium. Nevertheless the
the lake. Interest in !st-century synagogues, though the architecture of the Herods bespeaks the aesthetic and
word is understood less as a dedicated cultic structure and political ascendancy of Rome and the place of the Herods
more as a "gathering place" (synagoges), continues una- as client-kings or client-rulers for Rome.
bated. Probably the best known of these structures are at The evidence from archaeology suggests that the overlay
Masada, the Herodium (though it seems to be 2d-century), of Roman culture provided symbols, architecture, and
Camala, and Magdaia. In the last case, the Franciscans conventions of its own that the underlying Jewish culture
unearthed a likely synagogue of the 1st century situated at might accept or reject. The degree of participation in the
the corner of two paved streets. Also at Capernaum, their overlay varied with the Roman institution and the century
excavations beneath the 4th-century synagogue unearthed under discussion. For example, it is as yet a matter of
what is simplest to identify as a !st-century synagogue. In controversy whether any Roman theaters in ancient Pales-
the Golan Heights, just inside the city wall at Camala, tine so far excavated were built in the lst century A.D.
breached by the Romans in the First Revolt against Rome, apart from the Herodian theaters at Caesarea and Jericho.
was found a rectangular building with interior columna- Other theaters associated with the Roman cultural overlay
tion and benches that is usually interpreted as a syna- have been surveyed or excavated at Abila, Philadelphia
gogue. It went out of use with the destruction of Camala (Amman), Gerasa (Jerash), Botzra (Bosra), Gadara, Pella,
by the Romans in A.D. 67. Identification of house churches, Philipopolis, Hippos-Susitha, Hammath-Gader (el-Ham-
besides the one at Dura-Europos, is an emerging contro- meh) and Petra E of the Jordan, and at Flavia Neapolis
versy. Beneath the 5th-century octagonal church at Caper- (Nablus), Eleutherapolis (Beth Guvrin), Sebaste (Samaria),
naum, one block away from the famous Byzantine syna- Beth Shean-Scythopolis, Dora, Dionysias-Soada (Suweida),
gogue, is an Early Roman house likely converted to a house Legio, Maiumas near Caesarea, and Sepphoris W of the
church, the so-called "House of St. Peter." This was iden- Jordan. The sheer number of theaters suggests that inves-
tified by its continuous history and use as a holy place tigation of the social structures associated with Roman
right up to the 5th century. It is an interesting question theaters in ancient Palestine may be a fruitful line of
how many house churches we may not be able to identify inquiry. Baths also were introduced with Greek culture,
because such structures did not acquire a fixed architec- though the presence of Rome spurred construction of
tural form nor contain a fixed iconography until later baths, since they were apparently somewhat less offensive
centuries. to Jewish culture. The enormous bath complex at Ham-
Excavation of hundreds of tombs of the NT period math-Gader on the E shores of the River Yarmuk and S of
mainly confirms the outline of Jewish burial custom known the Sea of Galilee is almost totally Byzantine, but it raises
from rabbinic sources of the early centuries. Jewish tombs the question of the degree of acceptance of a Roman
are usually of the loculus type and are very sparing in cultural form such as public bathing in the period under
their finds. Artifacts found in tombs of the period are discussion. In any case, it is clear that the architectural and
predominantly lamps and glass phials, perhaps lachrymor- aesthetic norms of Greek and Roman Hellenism, and cer-
taria. Only a few clearly Jewish tombs have had coffins, as tainly the Greek language, penetrated everywhere into
the rule was to bury first in a shroud directly in the loculus ancient Palestine. What is not clear is the extent of pene-
with subsequent reburial in an ossuary. Some tombs have tration of other Hellenistic ideas such as rhetoric, Greco-
burial inscriptions. These inscriptions were intended for Roman notions of the social position of women, or the
the family and are almost always in Greek, though many relation of the human to the divine. Such abstractions are
names and epitaphs in Hebrew, Aramaic, and other lan- a greater challenge to assess archaeologically, though per-
guages are known. This is the most telling archaeological haps it is not impossible.
v• 119 PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF

The future challenge to archaeologists of this period gion, a region which is characterized by two distinct sea-
and to exegetes of the NT and other early Christian and sons per year-a dry one and a wet one (the terms "sum-
Jewish literature is to combine insights from the two disci- mer" and "winter" are sometimes used, but are not really
plines with the hope of achieving clear social-historical descriptive of the seasons in Palestine). Being on the N
reconstructions of ancient Palestinian life. Since historical margin of the subtropical zone, Palestine is situated be-
investigation at the moment is dominated by social history, tween a subtropical arid zone to its S, the great deserts of
and since exegesis of the NT and other ancient texts Arabia and the Sahara, and a subtropical wet zone to its N.
currently bears the same interpretative weight, it is possible Even though Palestine itself is relatively small, this location
to see a fruitful collaboration. For example, research into results in some marked climatic differences between the N
the social structures of Jewish society, of the imperial cult, and S regions of the area. The climatic boundary position
and of the penetration of alternatives to the old Roman refers also to the W-E direction with the proximity of the
Religion, including Mithraism, into the cities of the prov- Mediterranean on the W and the large Asian land mass on
inces is in full swing among historians. Ever since G. the E, with corresponding regional differences within the
Theissen and J. Gager, research into the social histories of area from W to E.
early Christianity (the "Jesus movement") has expanded to
include the social context of ancient Palestine, including A. Factors Influencing Climate
aspects of temple and society or synagogue and society. It 1. Atmospheric Pressure and Winds
has already been suggested that one fruitful avenue of 2. Latitude and Insolation
inquiry has been study of the structures of society relating 3. Relationship to Water and Land Masses
to Roman theaters. This should be expanded to include 4. Regional Topography
study of other forms of Roman entertainment. Since 1931 B. Seasonality in the Palestinian Climate
archaeologists have excavated hippodromes at Bozra I. The Rainy Season
(Bosra), Kanath, Gadara, Gerasa, Caesarea, Jericho, and a. Limits and Development
Beth Shean, with another possibly at Herodium. Josephus b. Variations in Rainfall
mentions one at Magdala-Tarichaeae (Life 132, 138) and at c. Rain Days and Rainfall Intensity
Jerusalem (Ant 17.193), though neither have been found. 2. The Dry Season
Another field of potential worthwhile inquiry is in the a. Limits
social norms of temple worship and cult in Judaism and b. Dew and Humidity
the Roman world as revealed in texts and monuments, and 3. The Transitional Periods
there is no dearth of temple remains in Israel, Egypt, C. The Climate during Biblical Times and the Climate
Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan. Recently considerable archae- Today
ological evidence has been adduced for reconstruction of
the buildings and other remnants of Jewish cult on the S A. Factors Influencing Climate
end of the Temple Mount, including ritual baths. Finally a I. Atmospheric Pressure and Winds. One of the prin-
potentially important area of study for the future is in cipal meteorological factors influencing the Palestinian
theory and method in archaeology, especially the herme- climate is the shifting global system of high- and low-
neutics of monuments, and a comparative study of inter- pressure areas. During the dry season, Palestine sits on the
pretation in archaeology and interpretation in textual Wedge of an extensive low pressure area which is centered
studies. Some initial forays in this direction have been over India (the cause of the Indian monsoons) and which
attempted. extends over the Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia. There is
also a secondary low centered over Cyprus. As the air
Bibliography
circulates in a counterclockwise direction around the In-
Shanks, H., ed. 1984. Recent Archaeology in the Land of Israel. Wash-
ington.
dian low, and is in turn deflected by the Cyprus low, the
resulting airflow over Palestine is from NW to SE, bringing
- - . 1988. Ancient Israel. Washington.
what was known to the ancient Greeks as the "etesian
JAMES F. STRANGE
winds."
The wet season commences when this entire system of
low pressure areas is displaced southward by a shift in the
PA1:-ESTINE, CLIMATE OF. The climate of any path of the jet stream, which brings Palestine into the zone
particular region, by which is meant the general pattern
of the westerlies of the temperate zone, with its cyclonic
of weather which recurs from year to year, is directly storms, units of low barometric pressure with circular,
related to that region's position upon the surface of the counterclockwise airflow. These cyclonic storm systems
globe. Thus, the climate of a region cannot be considered move E toward Palestine following the path of a low-
in isolation from the climates of other neighboring pressure trough in the Mediterranean, which is situated
regions,. but must be observed in relationship to them, between one high pressure area in Central Asia and an-
smce shifts in the distribution of high and low pressure other in the Sahara. See Fig. PAL.03. As these cyclones
s~stems, together with corresponding changes in global (about twenty-five in an average year) travel across the
air-flow, have a profound impact upon regional climatic Mediterranean (in four to six days), they are reinforced by
patterns. the confluence of warm African air with cooler European
Most of Palestine, except for the Jordan Valley and the air, producing unstable conditions in the atmosphere,
area W of the Dead Sea (which is in a steppe climate zone), commonly resulting in precipitation.
falls wnhm the subtropical or Mediterranean climatic re- 2. Latitude and Insolation. A second factor affecting
PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF 120 • v

(
2

3 4
PAL.03. Weather maps showing (in four stages) the movement of a typical cyclonic storm system (L) along a low-pressure trough in the Mediterranean. The arrows
indicate prevailing wind direction during this wet season in Palestine.

Palestinian climate, especially with respect to sunlight in- this means that horizontal surfaces receive illumination of
tensity (insolation) and temperature, is its distance from some 90 kilo-tux-hours at noon in summer, and an area
the equator, since this determines both the amount of perpendicular to the sun's rays receives over 130 klh,
heating from the sun and the moderate seasonal variations nearly the absolute maximum possible. These quantities
in the length of daylight hours. Palestine lies between of klh are reduced by only one-third in the wet season
31°15' and 33°15' N latitude, which is approximately (Ashbel Encjud 10: 184-85).
equivalent to S California. Palestine's general temperature patterns are also a prod-
With the stable conditions of the dry (summer) season, uct of its latitude. While temperatures vary within the area
Palestine is typically sunny and warm, with insolation in- from N to S and depend upon regional topography and
tensified by the extremely low degree of cloud cover. distance from the sea as well, they are generally compara-
There are no completely overcast days in the summer, and tively high owing to the high insolation. Highest tempera-
only a fourth of summer days are partly cloudy, with fair- tures normally occur in August and the lowest are in
weather cumulus and stratocumulus clouds. In most of the January in all four orographic regions of the area. See Fig.
area, cloud cover is less than l 0% in July and August. PAL.04. January averages are 53.5°F in the Coastal Plain,
Summer sunshine hours may approach close to 98% of the 46.5°-50°F in the W Highlands, 53.5°-55°F in the Jordan
possible. Even in the winter season this figure remains at Valley, and 47°F in the Transjordanian Plateau. August
50%, which is higher than either W Europe or E North figures are 75°-79°F in the Coastal Plain, 7 l .5°-79°F in the
America. The latitude also means that the sun strikes the W Highlands, 82°-93°F in the Jordan Valley, and 78°F in
ground at a high angle, as high as 80° during the dry the Transjordanian Plateau (Orni and Efrat 1973: 136).
season. This results in solar radiation at the rate of an 3. Relationship to Water and Land Masses. Palestine's
annual mean of 5 million calories per square meter. On a geographic position-at the SE corner of the Mediterra-
summer day this figure rises to 7.5 million cal.fm2, while nean, where the sea is in close proximity to the desert, and
on a clear winter day it falls to 3 million cal./m.2 Even on a between the Sahara and Arabian deserts on the one hand
cloudy winter day, however, this figure is still l million cal.I and the Russo-Siberian plains on the other-greatly influ-
m2 (Ashbel Encjud 10: 184). Expressed in another way, ences its climate.
v • 121 PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF
show a sharp orographic decrease in precipitation, in what
is known as the rain-shadow effect. The angle of the slope
is also relevant. The steeper the ascending slope, the
smaller is the area where the amount of rain resulting
from the cooling of the air can concentrate. While there is
iO
a general decrease in precipitation in the area from N to S
liO
and there are other variations within each region from N
to S, the general climatic patterns of the four orographic
regions can be described as follows:
The Coast,al Plain, which includes the central section of the
10
Esdraelon Plain, is naturally greatly influenced by the sea.
:10 Throughout the year, the relative humidity is high, averaging
65-70% (see Fig. PAL.05) and the diurnal temperature range
::W

\()

Feb \l.u .\p1. \1.n Ju11t' lulv .\t1g.

70 ()';; ,..-----------..-.------------=---,
-Tel:\\'n ~Jen1...,alen1

PAL.04. Comparative graph of monthly mean temperatures of coastal plain (Tel

Aviv) and hill country (Jerusalem)

Local winds are generated by differences in tempera-

ture at the border of water and land masses. Land warms
more quickly than the sea during the day and cools more
rapidly at night. The land thus becomes cooler than the
sea at night and develops higher atmospheric pressure
over it, with the opposite occurring during the day. There-
fore there are ordinarily offshore winds at night and
onshore winds during the day. The onshore breeze is
S(.·pt. ()(\, '()\. Dn .J:u1. hb . .\1.u :\pr. \la\ .J1t1lt' .Jul~ r\u).{.
stronger and more persistent than the offshore breeze in
the summer, owing to the low over the Persian Gulf. • (:oa~l - llill~ ~Jor-d.111 \' 0Tran~jor.
Rainfall tends to decrease and the temperature range
tends to increase with distance from the sea.
PAL.OS. Comparative graph o1 average monthly relative humidity o1 coastal plain,
The location of Palestine between the deserts and the hill country, Jordan Valley, and Transjordan.
Russo-Siberian plains also affects precipitation. Normally
storms develop over the Mediterranean where the warm
tropical air from N Africa clashes with cold air from Asia.
Should, however, the high pressure systems in these two
areas become linked at their margins instead of clashing, 6 ..~ , . . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
the resulting ridge of high pressure can block the progress fi.O
+
of rain-bearing depressions, bringing drought to Palestine. 5.5
4. Regional Topography. While climatic contrasts be-
5.0
tween the S and N parts of the area are largely explained
4.5
by Palestine's global position, other differences in weather
4.0
within the area are due to the fact that there are four
'.~.5
distinct orographic regions, whose lines of relief run in a
N-S direction, at right angles to the movement of the :l.O

cyclonic storms. Rainfall distribution is decisively influ-

enced by landscape relief because air ascending a slope 2.IJ
cools, while its relative humidity increases. Descending air 1.5
warms and decreases in humidity. Not only do differences 1.0
in elevation affect the flow of air, and thus the develop- 0.5
ment of weather patterns, but also such things as the angle 0.0 L__.:r:.__~----~-------"'-------~
of slope and the direction the slope faces. While the Sept On. Nm [kc Jan Feb. Mar. Apr. \fay Ju1u· July Au~
general rule is that rainfall decreases with distance from
- - - Lyrlrla ----+- Jerusalem ~Jericho
the sea, an increase in elevation changes this. Higher
elevations with seaward slopes show a true orographic PAL.06. Comparative graph of average monthly precipitation of coastal plain
increase in precipitation, while lee slopes of such elevations (Lydda). hill country (Jerusalem). and Jordan Valley (Jericho).
PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF 122 • v
(about 13°F) is considerably less than it is in the W Highlands.
With a January average temperature of 55°F, both snow and
frost are quite rare in this region (Orni and Efrat 1973: 151).
The sirocco (see below) is less frequent here than in other
parts of the country. Rainfall is both heavier and begins
earlier than inland, with some 60% of the season's rain - lsohyet (mm)
coming by the end of January. See Fig. PAL.06. Rainfall also - - - - fsol>yet (assumed)
increases from 10 inches annually in the S to 32 inches in the
N (Orni and Efrat 1973: 152).
TM Wei-tern Highlaruls, including Mount Carmel, have lower
relative humidity than the coast, averaging 60%, and both the
diurnal and annual temperature range is greater (Orni and
Efrat 1973: 153). This area has the highest precipitation W
of the Jordan, even though the onset of the rainy season is
later than on the coast. Owing to considerable variations in
topography, however, the rainfall map in the Highlands
shows significant variability within the region. Both frost and
snowfall are common in the higher elevations.
TM Jordan Rift Valley is both in the rain shadow on the lee
side of the Western Highlands and is below sea level in most
of its length. This results in sharply decreased precipitation
from that in the Highlands and in markedly warmer temper-
atures as well. The general rule of decrease in precipitation
from N to S holds for this region, but there are other
differences as well. In the N part of this region there is a large
annual temperature range, with frost common in the winter,
but long, hot summers. For example, Beth-shan has six
months with average maximum temperatures above 86°F
(GB, 59). To the S, around the Dead Sea, which is both the
lowest spot on earth and is surrounded by mountains on the '100
E and W, there are unique climatic conditions. The relative ,' 'oo
humidity is quite low, averaging 57%, but is modified to some I \

,''
degree owing to the extremely high evaporation rate of water
,'
from the Dead Sea, resulting from the high temperatures. '
The annual mean temperature at the S end of the Dead Sea ''
' ....... - ... '
g'
I
is 78°F, and falls to only 62.5°F in January. The highest
temperature ever recorded in Palestine, 124°F, was recorded
here (Orni and Efrat 1973: 157). Precipitation amounts are
"
,'
I "'0
0 0
'
''
the lowest in Palestine, less than 5 inches annually. I

TM Transjordanian Plateau has a climate which generally I

I

resembles that of the Western Highlands. There are, how-

ever, differences caused by its higher elevation and greater
distance from the sea. The seaward slopes of these higher
elevations see more rainfall than do the Western High-
lands. The annual and diurnal temperature ranges are
0

--
- -
30 km

20
I miles

also greater. Frost and snow are even more common.

PAL.07. Weather map of Palestine showing annual rainfall distribution.
B. Seasonality in the Palestinian Climate
1. The Rainy Season. a. Limits and Development. The
terms "summer" and "winter," which are used to describe Jerusalem. The Greek term cheimon in the NT means both
the seasons in the temperate zone, are not as descriptive "winter" and "storm" (Scott IDB 3: 623).
of the seasons in Palestine as are the terms "dry season" The wet season begins first in the N part of the area,
and "wet season," since, as an indicator of seasonality, usually in mid-October, and ends last there in the spring,
temperature variation is not as marked as is the sharp usually in March. The rainy season starts as the cyclones
bifurcation in the precipitation pattern. In the Bible this of the temperate zone create steep pressure gradients
season (IJ,iirep) is one of rainy, stormy weather (Lev 26:4; which cause more rapid and steeper movement of air
Deut 11: 14; Isa 4:6; 25:4; Job 37:9; Ezra 10:9, 13; Cant masses, cooling them and causing them to gain in relative
2:11; John 10:23; Acts 28:2). The word setiiw, another humidity. When this moist air reaches its saturation point,
meteorological term in Hebrew, occurs only once in the its moisture precipitates in rain or snow.
Bible (Cant 2:11); but its Arabic cognate, sita>, is the About 70% of the rainfall in Palestine falls from Novem-
common word for rain as well as winter in the dialect of ber to February, with January being both the wettest and
v. 123 PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF

coldest month (Orni and Efrat 1973: 146). The~e are Positive deviations of
differences in rainfall patterns as well as .amoun.ts m the 30% or more 0 0
four orographic regions. The Coastal Plam receives ~0% Negative deviations of
of its annual rainfall by early January, the Western High- 30% or more 283 7
lands attain that figure about the end of Janua~y, and the Negative deviations of
Transjordanian plateau only in February (Orm .and Efrat 50% or more 106 2
1973: 146). At the beginning and end of the ramy season
come what the Bible speaks of as "the former and latter Rainy Cycle (1944145-1961162)
rains" (malqos and yoreh). See RAIN. . .
b. Variations in Rainfall. The rainy season m Palestme Total Amount Number of Years
is, however, highly unpredictable-both .in its temporal of Deviation of Occurrence
distribution within a season and in successive seasons. Five Number of years 18
types of seasonal distribution have been observ~d: Positive deviations 85.4 4
(I) normal, with even distribution thro1:1gho.ut the ramy Negative deviations 369 14
season---occurs about one-third of the ume m Jerusalem Positive deviations of
and 42% of the time in Haifa; (2) a wet early season with a 30% or more 79 2
dry second half---occurs about 20% of the time .in J~rusa­ Negative deviations of
lem and the Judean Mountains, only 6% of the ume m the 30% or more 243 5
N; (3) a dry early season with a rainy second h~lf-:-more Negative deviations of
common in the N than in the S; (4) heavy rams m the
50% or more 117 2
middle of the season with a relatively dry beginning and
end-rare, occurring only 2-3% of the time; and (5) twin
or multiple-peaked season with dry spells between the What is most significant in these figures is the fact that
peaks-about 35% of the time in the Judean Mountains even in the eighteen-year rainy cycle five of these years
and 24% of the time in Haifa (Ashbel Enc]ud 10: 185). had negative deviations of 30% or more. Even more critical
These variations in the temporal distribution of rainfall for agriculture, however, is the spacing of these years. A
throughout the season have significant consequences for dry year in a series of more or less normal or wet years
agriculture. Especially important for farming is the date rarely has serious consequences for the farming economy.
of the initial rainfall that marks the end of the dry season But while the farmer can weather a single dry year, a series
and the date of the last rain, since the former is needed to of such years can be disastrous. Amiran (1964: 104) ob-
prepare the soil for plowing and the latter influences the serves that three consecutive dry years, each with a nega-
maturation of crops. Rain at the end of the season, if the tive deviation of 30% or more, are part of the experience
timing is right and not too late, serves to bring cereal crops of every farmer in Palestine. It is perhaps not coincidental
to successful maturation, especially wheat. But such rains, that this same three-year figure is used to describe the
if too late, can easily devastate barley, which is particularly disastrous drought in the time of Elijah (I Kgs 18: l ).
susceptible to rain during harvest. Such rain during the Jerusalem rainfall data for the years 1920/21-1949/50
harvest season is a rare occurrence. In 1 Sam 12: 17 Samuel are represented in Fig. PAL.OB. The left side of the chart
says: "Is it not wheat harvest today? I will call to YHWH
and he will give thunder and rain ... " When the prophet
successfully called for rain in a normally dry period, his
prophetic credentials were confirmed.
In addition to such variations in the temporal distribu-
tion of rainfall in a season, there are significant variations 000 ~--------------------

from year to year. Two parameters come into play here: 900 ........................................................................................... .
(I) the frequency of abnormal ( + or - ) precipitation; and
(2) the extent of deviation from the mean. In assessing HOO
these two variables, Jerusalem can be used as an example, 7011 ................................................................ .
since there exists for Jerusalem the longest series of re-
6110 ......................................... .
corded rainfall for the area, beginning in 1846/47. In the
42-year period 1920-1962, there were two series of years
when there was an average deviation of 30% ( :t) or more
500 .......................... _~-·

400
from the mean annual rainfall, one dry cycle and one
rainy cycle as follows (Amiran 1964: 104): :100

200
Dry Cycle (1920121-1937138)
100
Total Amount Number of Years
of Deviation of Occurrence
Number of years 18 - Rainfall in mm
Positive deviations 26 4
Negative deviations 365 14 PAL.08. Graph of annual rainfall of Jerusalem--1920121-1949150.
PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF 124. v
represents 1920/21 and the right side 1949/50 (Rosenan rainfall, resulting in increased runoff and, consequently,
1955: 151 ). On the basis of this data, it can be observed frequent flooding.
that a cycle of three or more consecutive years with 30% 2. The Dry Season. a. Limits. The dry season typically
or more negative deviation occurs twice within this rela- begins in May-June and lasts until September, with three
tively short span of years. Put in other terms, this means to four completely rainless months. Even though the air
that three years out of ten will experience accumulation of moving into Palestine from the Mediterranean is moisture-
rainfall about 16% less than the mean and that one or two laden during this season, rain cloud formation is inhibited
of these years will experience more than 25% less. by the presence of high pressure in the upper atmosphere,
Perhaps the most meaningful way of assessing the vari- which causes air to subside and creates a thermic invenion
ability of rainfall and its impact on agriculture in Palestine over the E Mediterranean area. As air settles and is com-
is one developed by D. Sharon (1965: 172), who presents pressed, its temperature increases while its relative humid-
rainfall data by calculating the standard deviation (in per- ity declines, thus deferring rain (Hopkins 1985: 80).
cent) of the annual amount of rain, and then plotting b. Dew and Humidity. Although rainfall is not trig-
standard deviation isopleths (1965: 172). On such a plot- gered during the dry season, the steady, moist W winds
ting, Jerusalem, together with much of the central hill do bring dew, the formation and amount of which are
country, falls within the 30%-40% range in the measure dependent both on relative humidity and nighttime cool-
of standard deviation, with most of Galilee in the 20%- ing as well as on the properties of the cooling surfaces of
30% range. The 40% range encompasses Beer-sheba, the soil and vegetation upon which the dew falls. The distri-
Negeb, and the Jordan Valley S of Beth Shean. Sharon bution of the number of dew nights and the amount of
then interprets such standard deviation figures of 20% dewfall, like that of rainfall, varies considerably from one
and 40% by means of the following table ( 1965: 171): area to another. But by comparison with dew amounts, the
number of dew nights is relatively stable, just as the num-
Probable Percentage of Years ber of rainy days varies only slightly in comparison with
with Variation of variations in amounts of rainfall. There are three distinct
~40% ~60%
dew regimes: (I) a coastal type with a summer maximum;
Standard Deviation ~20%
(2) an interior type with a spring maximum; and (3) the
20% 68 96 99.7 hill type with an autumn maximum (Gilead and Rosenan
40% 38 68 87 1954: 121). Dewfall is especially significant in the Coastal
Plain (including the Jezreel Valley) and on the sea-facing
The conclusion to be drawn from this table is that slopes of the Western Highlands, where dew falls heavily
wherever there is a standard deviation of 40%, variations and regularly during the dry season. See Fig. PAL.09. The
of less than 20% from the average annual rainfall can be Central Huleh Basin and the lower Beth-shan Valley also
expected in only 38% of the years, whereas in 32% of the have considerable amounts of dew. Dew falls on nights
years, variations that exceed 40% will occur. Furthermore, when the soil becomes cooler than the air with which it
in 13 % of the years, deviations exceeding 60% can be comes into contact. The incidence of such nights increases
encountered. Sharon concludes: "Thus, the data ... sup- as one travels S in the Coastal Plain, where the moisture-
ply valuable information on the variability of rainfall which laden air from the sea is coupled with the cool nights
might be expected at each specified level. The latter could
also be interpreted in terms of the risk associated with the
relative or absolute deviation of each size, at each station"
(1965: 171).
c. Rain Days and Rainfall Intensity. While the annual
amount of rainfall in farming areas in Palestine roughly
-----....
-·································--·-········· --················· ···········--···---

approximates that of some agricultural areas in temperate :!5.0

zones, the difference between the two lies not in the annual
amount of rain but in the number of rainy days and in the
~0.(1
intensity of rainfall in a given hour or day (Ashbel Enc]ud
10: 185-86). A rain day, in international terminology, is 17.!"l
one on which there is at least 0.1 mm of rainfall (Orni and l:l.O ···---············ ··················-······· -························
Efrat 1973: 147). Thus, while Jerusalem and London have
about the same average annual rainfall (22 inches), Lon-
10.0 .................. .
don has over 300 rain days while Jerusalem has only 50
(Orni and Efrat 1973: 14 7). The number of rain days per 7.:) -········--········ --··················---······---······ -····················
season (like the amount of annual rainfall) decreases from :1.0 ···········-···············-···········-··············--·-·
N to S and from W to E. Rain tends to be concentrated
within a few hours of the day, with sunny intervals between
showers (Karman 1971: 28). The heaviest showers tend to 0.0
occur at the beginning and toward the end of the season
when there are clashing air masses which differ consider- ~ Ra111fall in mm
ably in temperature and moisture (Orni and Efrat 1973:
146). The net result of these patterns is high-intensity PAL.09. Graph of dew nights and amounts of coastal plain--1945--52.
v• 125 PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF

caused by the nearby desert. Studies of dew show that the Baly [GB, 52] prefers to call the sirocco), in which a low
richest month for dew in the Coastal Plain is August. The over eastern North Africa causes warm, dry winds to blow
number of dewfall nights in the Coastal Plain ranges from over Palestine from the E; (2) the sharav proper, where a
J38 in the N to 250 in the S, with an average of 200 (GB, high over the area itself causes subsiding air to be com-
44). In the Western Highlands there are between JOO and pressed and heated; and (3) a situation in which a low
J80 nights of dewfall per year (Orni and Efrat J 973: J55). moves into the area from the direction of the Red Sea,
See Fig. PAL.JO. bringing with it unseasonably warm air (Orni and Efrat
Dewfall is important for agriculture, especially in the S 1973: J4J). Baly (GB, 52) suggests restricting the use of
Coastal Plain, where melons can be grown as a typical dry the term "sirocco," which is limited to the transitional
season crop. Its presence and value are frequently attested periods, to the first of these conditions.
to in the Bible (Gen 27:28; Deut 33:28; Judg 6:38; 2 Sam The sirocco proper (or true khamsin, which occurs spo-
1:2J; J Kgs J7:1; Isa J8:4; Hos J4:5; Mic 5:7; Zech 8:J2; radically during the transitional seasons) is characterized
Hag 1:10; Job 29:J9). by a set of phenomena which includes strong thermal
3. The 'Iransitional Periods. Palestine does not have a inversions which compress, heat, and desiccate trapped
spring and fall as they are known in the temperate zones, stagnant air, and strong dust-carrying E winds blowing
but rather two short, irregular transitional periods which across Palestine from the Arabian desert whence they are
fall between the dry and rainy seasons and which are attracted by a low over Libya or Egypt (Karmon 197 J: 24)
characterized by particular weather patterns. These peri- [cf. Ezek 12:10; 19:12]. During a sirocco, which may last
ods typically last about six weeks, with one occurring from from two or three days to three weeks, temperatures may
early April to mid-June; the second from mid-September rise rapidly by as much as 16-22°F, with a corresponding
to the end of October. These transitional periods are lessening of the diurnal differential. Relative humidity can
clearly demarcated from the dry season and merge into drop by as much as 40%, and the air becomes filled with
the wet season, there being some overlap with the end of very fine dust (GB, 52). Although the mean maximum
the rainy season in April-May and with its beginning in daily temperature typically occurs in August, the record
high temperatures for the area have been recorded in May
September-October.
and June during a sirocco. In such conditions, "People
Two important meteorological phenomena characterize
with a heart condition, nervous complaints, or sinus trou-
these transitional periods: the sirocco and desert storms
ble are particularly affected, but even the mildest-tem-
(Baly, GB, 52). The name "sirocco" is derived from the
pered person is apt to become irritable and to snap at
term sharqiyyeh, meaning an E wind, and is known in Egypt
other people for no apparent reason" (GB, 52). Relief
as khamsin and in modern Israel as sharav, although these from the sirocco comes when the low-pressure area moves
terms do not refer to precisely the same conditions and on eastward, bringing to the area a sudden shift to cooler,
thus are not strictly interchangeable (GB, 52). Israelis moister westerlies. The sirocco is characterized by variable
commonly use the term sharav as a general term for any intensity and duration in different regions of the area.
kind of hot air that moves into the area from the E desert. Intensity increases as one goes from E to W, and becomes
Actually, however, there are three distinct situations which especially oppressive in the Jordan Rift Valley. Since it is a
may give rise to sharav conditions of E and SE winds or a descending wind from the E, the Western Highlands have
rise in barometric pressure: (1) the khamsin proper (which more days of sirocco than the lowlands to their W. Biblical
references to the sirocco are frequent (Isa 27:8; 40:6-8;
Ezek 17:10; Hos 12:1; 13:15; Ps 103:16; Job 37:16-17;
Luke 12:55; Jas 1:1 J).
The second situation, the sharav proper, develops with
rising barometric pressure under anticyclonic conditions,
ID •·· r-
bringing an E wind which blows toward the area from a
center of high pressure over Iraq, and sometimes also
Turkey. This kind of storm is not restricted to the transi-
\.().
tional periods, but may occur during the wet season (Ash-
bel Enc]ud JO: J89). Such a strong E wind in the wet season
I- is referred to in the Bible as a qlldlm (Exod 10:13; Ps 48:8;
Jonah 4:8). Such a situation brings conditions which resem-
ble those of a sirocco, but it is not only as hard to bear as a
l "1.
sirocco, but the high often becomes stationary and thus
]IJ. the sharav can last longer than the sirocco (Ashbel Encjud
10: J90).
0

()()
°) •

~[>!
t:I
Ch I "\n\
n
1)1·1 I.in ~l·b :-.1.u .\p1. '.\ifa,
~ .

]u1u· Jul\
~ ~
·\11~.
C. The Climate during Biblical Times and the
Climate Today
A theoretical comparison of the climate in Palestine in
.(.o.1..,1,ill'l.1111 ~l111t·1io1 Plalll 0Hi~hl.111d ... biblical times and today presents three possibilities: (1) that
the climate during biblical times was more moderate;
PAL.10. Mean monthly dew (in mm) of coastal plain interior plain and hill (2) that the climate was harsher than now; and (3) that the
country-1943-52 ' ' climate was similar to today's. Evidence for significant
PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF 126 • v
climatic variations in the ANE is diverse, multiform, of We can then conclude with Hopkins that the climate of
varying quality and applicability, and above all, widely Palestine in the biblical period has not changed apprecia-
open to competing interpretations. Among the various bly from that of today, but only varied around a mean that
types of evidence that have been marshaled in support of closely resembles present conditions (Hopkins 1985: 107).
significant climatic change are: (I) extrapolation from the
reconstructions of climates of adjacent and climatically Bibliography
related areas (particularly NW Europe); (2) historical Amiran, D. H. K. 1964. Land Use in Israel. Pp. 101-12 in Lana Use
events (migrations, cultural breaks, etc.) purportedly tied in Semi-Arid Mediterranean Climates. UNESCO International
to climatic variations; (3) hydrological evidence, especially Geographic Union. Paris.
regarding the level of the ground water table, the Dead Ben-Yoseph, J. 1985. The Climate in Eretz Israel during Biblical
Sea, and the fluctuation of the Mediterranean Sea coast; Times. HS 26: 225-39.
(4) dendroarchaeological and paleobotanical evidence; Butzer, K. W. 1974. Climate Change. EncBrit 4: 730-41.
(5) palynological evidence; (6) fossil fauna (especially re- Gilead, M., and Rosenan, N. 1954. Ten Years of Dew Observation
covered from cave excavations); (7) pedological and sedi- in Israel. IE] 4: 120-23.
mentary analysis; and (8) paleometeorological deductions Hopkins, D. C. 1985. The Highlanas of Canaan: Agricultural Life in
(Hopkins 1985: 101). While individual pieces of such evi- the Early Iron Age. SWBA 3. Decatur, GA.
dence may prove substantial, there have been no synthetic Karman, Y. 1971. Israel: A Regional Geography. London.
treatments of them with respect to their applicability in Omi, E., and Efrat, E. 1973. Geor;raphy of Israel, 3d Rev. Ed.
assessing climatic change. Philadelphia.
Investigators have, however, established considerable Rosenan, N. 1955. One Hundred Years of Rainfall in Jerusalem.
support for the idea that in prehistoric times there were IE] 5: 137-53.
different climatic conditions in Palestine than exist there Sharon, D. 1965. Variability of Rainfall in Israel: A Map of the
today. Animal bones characteristic of a hot and humid Relative Standard Deviation of the Annual Amounts. IE} 15:
climate, for example, have been discovered in the Tabun F 169-76.
level in the Carmel Caves, which included small mammals FRANK S. FRICK
that have become almost extinct today (Ben-Yoseph 1985:
226). It is thus concluded that archaeological data support
the theory that, at least for some time at the end of the PALESTINE, GEOGRAPHY AND GEOL-
Pleistocene era, the Palestinian climate was similar to that OGY OF. See GEOGRAPHY AND THE BIBLE (GE-
of the tropics. OGRAPHY OF PALESTINE).
But have there been changes in the climate of Palestine
during and since the biblical period? On the one hand, it
seems clear that, in terms of what Butzer calls "third- PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIP-
order" changes profound enough to show up on the TIONS. Palestine can be understood in a restricted sense
astronomical scale of climatic history (Butzer 1974: 730), as the "land of Philistia" but also in the sense intended by
the general pattern of the climate, with the alternation of Greek and Latin authors to designate all the territory
dry and wet seasons, has not seriously changed since 6000 found between Syria-Phoenicia and Egypt, including the
or 7000 B.c. in the Neolithic period. Below such third- two banks of the Jordan. During the Byzantine period the
order changes, paleoclimatologists speak of second-order word "Palestine" took on a still greater range, the area
variations, measured in hundreds of years, and first-order being divided into three provinces: Palestina prima, secunda,
fluctuations which are observable within a lifetime (Butzer and tertia or salutaris. What will be presented here are the
1974: 730). With respect to such second-order variations funerary inscriptions found in Palestine taken as "Cisjor-
and first-order fluctuations, Baly says, "That climate is not dan," from the most ancient times up until the Byzantine
static but rather in a state of constant fluctuation is now period, beginning with the reign of Constantine, and
beyond doubt, and it would be a great mistake to take any divided where possible chronologically by sites according
set of climatic figures as 'normal'" (GB, 65). But having to language and script.
said this, he also adds, "Any attempt to reconstruct theo-
retically the relationship between climatic fluctuations of A. Canaanite Inscriptions
western Europe [where there is more complete data than B. Hebrew Inscriptions
for Palestine] and those of Palestine is fraught with dan- I. Jerusalem
ger" (GB, 67). Ben-Yoseph concludes that the amounts of 2. Jerusalem: Ketef Hinnom
precipitation have not changed in Palestine, but their use- 3. Khirbet el-Qom
fulness has decreased as a result of human land-use pat- 4. Khirbet Beit Lei
terns. Erosion on hillsides, owing to poor land manage- 5. Conclusion
ment, has led to an increase in the water lost to runoff C. Phoenician Inscriptions: Achzib
after rain. Deforestation reduced the fog and the amounts D. "Idumean" Inscriptions: Marissa-Maresha
of water that accumulated in the treetops. Thus the same E. Jewish Inscriptions
amount of water falling on the land lost part of its effec- I. Tomb of Jason
tiveness through an increase and expansion of human 2. Tomb of Bene Hezir
neglect of the land. The gradual decline of the land was 3. Tomb Inscriptions
not caused by a change in climate but rather by the people 4. Inscribed Sarcophagi
living there (Ben-Yoseph 1985: 237). 5. Ossuaries
v. 127 PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS

6. Necropolis of Beth Shearim which exceeds the space to be filled. From the Lachish
7. The Coast ostraca and recently published bullae, other names of royal
8. Conclusion stewards from the end of the 7th century are known. It is
therefore useless to speculate on the name of the owner of
A. Canaanite Inscriptions this tomb. Of the one-line inscription engraved in a rectan-
The short inscriptions from tombs at Lachish are not, gular panel to the right of the preceding one, only the first
strictly speaking, funerary inscriptions, but neither should half is preserved: "(Sepulcral) chamber next to the (funer-
they be set aside too quickly. The "Lachish Dagger" from ary) ch[ amber ... ]"At most three words are missing; they
tomb 1502, dated to the 17th century B.C., carries an could refer to the deceased or to the interdiction against
engraving of a four-letter name, best understood as Tur- opening the tomb (see Avigad 1955; Ussishkin 1969).
anza (Puech 1986-87). The cover of an incense burner These two inscriptions on panels on the W face of the
from tomb 216, from the early 13th century, still shows same monolithic tomb probably refer to two separate se-
traces in red ink of a date and the name of a person, "The pulchral chambers, each probably furnished with a sar-
month of Ziv for Ba'al[x]." On the outside of a bowl from cophagus dug into the rock for different inhumations,
tomb 527 a date is painted in white, "The third of the probably for the same family. The short inscription desig-
month of [ ... ]"and is to be dated in the 13th century nates the interior room on the S side that has no access to
(Puech 1986-87). Do these dates refer to the inhumation the exterior and so it describes the composite aspect of the
of the deceased? Whatever the case, as the oldest alpha- tomb.
betic inscriptions discovered in tombs, they merit being The monolithic tomb to the N known as that of the
mentioned along with the anthropoidal clay sarcophagi "wife of the pharaoh" also carries a one-line inscription in
with hieroglyphic inscriptions, slightly more recent, that a rectangular panel above the entrance, but enlargement
mention proper names also. of the door in the Byzantine period almost completely
destroyed it, with the exception of the last two letters (dalell
B. Hebrew Inscriptions re.Sand re.f; Clermont-Ganneau 1885: 217-18 and pl. IID).
1. Jerusalem. A necropolis from the monarchic period Although the inscription is incomplete, the remaining
was discovered by the Frenchman Clermont-Ganneau in letters date the structure to the end of the monarchic
1870 and 1881 on the slopes of the village of Siloam to the period, contemporary with the two other monolithic
east of the old city of Jerusalem (Clermont-Ganneau 1871: tombs.
103; 1885: 217-18; 1899a: 305-16). He soon suspected its 2. Jerusalem: Ketef Hinnom. Several tombs located on
importance since, despite the poor state of preservation of the SW side of Gehenna between the road toward Bethle-
the two inscribed panels on the walls of the rock-cut tomb hem and the Scottish Hospice, and dating from the end of
that had served as a cell for Byzantine hermits and as a the monarchic period to the Roman period were recently
cistern during the Arab period, he suspected that this brought to light. In tomb 25 two small silver rolls were
could be the tomb of Shebna, the steward of the palace discovered, measuring respectively 2.75 cm long and I.I
(Heb 'aser 'al habbiiyil) mentioned in Isa 22: 15 (Clermont- cm in diameter and l.14 cm long and .55 cm in diameter.
Ganneau l899a: 313). This pioneer of archaeology and These rolls are amulets or charms finely engraved with
Palestinian epigraphy succeeded in removing the two in- more than twenty lines, for which we have presently only a
scribed panels on behalf of the British Museum, where summary publication (Barkay 1986). The clearest passage
they are exhibited. concerns the priestly benedictions of Num 6:24-26 in an
In 1946 a fourth inscription was discovered above the abridged form: ybrk yhwh wysmrk y'r yhwh pnyw 'lyk wysm lk
entrance to a tomb adjoining the one on the N (Reifenberg .flm "May Yahweh bless <you> and keep you. May Yahweh
1948). From the remains of three lines, one can read only make his face to shine upon you and may he bring you
two or three words: (I) "Tomb of ... (2) who will o[pe]n peace!" Num 6:25b-26a adds "and may he be gracious to
(?) [ ... ]," for the more usual "Tomb of PN[ ... Cursed you. May Yahweh lift up his countenance upon you." The
be the person] who will o[pen ... ]." It was evidently the double mention of the tetragrammaton is paired with the
tomb of a person of high rank whose name still eludes a benediction, the peace and the illumination of the face.
more secure interpretation (Ussishkin 1975). The amulets worn by the living accompanied the dead in
It was not until 1953 that the longer inscription above the tomb in order to continue in their favor their protective
the door of the "steward's" tomb was deciphered by Avigad and apotropaic role. In this sense, these inscriptions also
with the help of photographs and a squeeze: interest the world of the dead. They date paleographically
to the end of the 7th century.
(I) "This [is the tomb of x]yahu, steward of the palace. 3. Khirbet el-Qom. Clandestine excavations at Khirbet
There is neither silver nor gold here, (2) only [his bones] el-Qom, located about 11 km E-SE of Lachish (and per-
and the bones of his maidservant with him. Cursed be haps to be identified with MAKKEDAH [Dorsey 1980]),
the man who (3) would open this (tomb)!" brought to light in 1967 two tombs of the Iron II period
with a quantity of ceramic materials and inscriptions on
Only the theophoric name with a Yahwistic element is not the walls. See KOM, KHIRBET EL-. Tomb I to the E of
restorable. Following Clermont-Ganneau, Avigad (Yadin) the site is composed of a central room and three side
(1953) and Gibson (TSSI l: 24) want to restore [Sheban]- rooms with benches, rooms l and 2 to the right and 3
yahu_after Isa 22:15-16, but Katzenstein (1960) proposed facing the entrance. Inscription number l was engraved
[Helqi]yahu, father of Eliakim (2 Kgs 18:18). These two on the W wall of the central room, to the left of the
propositions seem hardly likely because of their length, entrance to room number 3. Inscription number 2 was
PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS 128 • v
painted on the lintel of this same entrance. Tomb II, to the Uriyahu (?)before asherah! Save him (from his enemies!)";
S roughly halfway between the village and the wadi, con- as a kind of doublet of line 2, this sentence was corrected
tains a central room with two lateral rooms on either side to read "and from his adversaries by his asherah ... .'"The
of the entrance. Inscription number 3 was incised on the suffix _pronoun h ("~is") of 'frth ("his asherah," probably
pillar-shaped wall between the two rooms on the right. referring to the culuc pole rather than the deity) does not
The walls of Tombs I and II also bear a certain amount of agree well with a parsing of hwsc lh as an imperative ("save
graffiti. him"), as might be expected in an imprecation. The waw
a. Inscription I. The deeply engraved inscription was of WTl'l$ryh (at the beginning of line 3) could be consecutive:
cut out of the wall by its discoverers. The reading of the "becau:se from his enemies by his Asherah He saved him."
three lines is assured (Dever 1969-70: 151): "To Ophay, !he engraving is the work of Oniyahu (line 4), and line 5,
son of Natanyahu, (belongs) this room." incomplete (but not a graffito), could repeat a precative
b. Inscription 2. The inscription painted on the lintel formula, parallel to lines 2-3.
of the same room posed several problems with its reading Whatever it may be, the sense of this inscription is clear:
(Dever 1969-70: 156-57), but the reading seems to be it is a conjuration-imprecation of an apotropaic character
fairly certain: Ophay, rather than cuzah (Barag 1970), in which the benediction of the deceased Uriyahu before
thus "To Ophay, son of Natanyahu." It thus concerns the Yahweh and his asherah assures him of salvation, and
same personage to whom belonged this burial chamber. serves at the same time as a malediction against encounter
The inscription incised to the left was meant to specify with his adversaries or enemies, perhaps violators of the
and fix through time the property already indicated by tomb and dark forces of the netherworld. The hand in the
the dipinto. These two contemporary inscriptions date shape of an amulet with magic powers reinforces this
probably from the first half of the 7th century or even ca. interpretation. This inscription would date from around
700. 700 B.C.
c. Inscription 3. This inscription, less carefully incised d. Graffiti. Some letters were incised on the left wall,
above a very deeply engraved hand, has been the object of opposite room 2 of Tomb I: >alep (or cayin ?); >aiep, bet, and
considerable research because of its importance, but its mem (not nun-lamed, as read by Dever [1969-70: 157]).
interpretation remains in dispute. The engraved right These letters could represent the initials of the zodiac
hand is hanging in the position of an amulet, as is well signs "lion(-scorpion?)," "lion," "virgo," and "libra," the
known, and it must have an apotropaic meaning (Schroer four consecutive and central signs (five through eight of
1983). The maledictions and benedictions of the inscrip- the zodiac, and for this reason endowed with magic and
tion should logically belong to the same literary genre, apotropaic powers. The graffiti on the pillars and in rooms
something that interpreters have generally not recognized. 3-4 of Tomb II do not make any sense, but the engraved
The inscription is an imprecation in favor of Uriyahu, as hand belongs to the same context as inscription 3. The
the first line says very clearly when correctly read and inscriptions on vases cannot be called funerary inscrip-
interpreted. The verb hqSr is of an assured reading (the tions: a proper name on a pitcher, y~ml, and on a bowl, 'I
letter qop is certain); the word should not be read hqsb "be "El." (The letters of "El" are the first and twelfth letters of
careful" (contra Dever 1969-70), hcfr "the rich," (Lemaire the alphabet, that is to say the beginnings of the two halves,
1977; Miller 1980; Jaro~ 1982; Zevit 1984; Hadley 1987), >a/ep [to kap] and lamed [to taw]. This alphabetic signifi-
hSr "the singer" (Mittmann 1981; Spronk 1986: 307-10), cance is more likely if the inscription had any link with the
hfr "the governor" (Naveh l 979a; Angerstorfer 1982), or burial.)
h'fr "the one who" (Shea 1990). However, hqfr does not 4. Khirbet Beit Lei. On the E side of Khirbet Beit Lei 8
mean "was added" (Garbini 1978; Catastini 1984) but in km E of Lachish, a tomb was discovered dug into the rock
the Hip'il "to conjure," "to bind by conjuration," as in Isa It includes a principal room (2 x 3 m) with two burial
8:12-13 (were one should read *tqsyrw, which has been chambers, one to the NW and the other to the SW, of the
changed into tqdysw by metathesis and the Yahwistic pur- kind with three benches well known before the Exile. 11
ism of a scribe). The entire inscription reads as follows held the remains of eight people, of which two are chil·
(note that line 4 is written to the left of the engraved hand, dren, still in situ at the moment of discovery, and withoul
and line 5 is written below the engraved hand). ceramic vessels in the interior. The small amount of pot·
tery found in the entrance well dates from the Persian
I 'rhyw . hqfr . ktbh "Uriyahu conjured his in- period. The walls are covered with pictures and inscrip·
scription. tions.
2 brk . >ryhw . lyhwh Blessed be 'Uriyahu before a. The Pictures. The pictures incised on the walls rep·
Yahweh, resent three subjects: human figures, ships, and camps.
3 WTrl$ryh . Pfrth . hwsc lh and from his adversaries by (l) The human figures are three in number:
his asherah he saved him/ (a) On the N wall of the central chamber is a crude!)
save him! incised stocky man holding what is perhaps a lyre (Naveh
4 Pnyhw From/by >Qniyahu 1963) or a bow and arrow (Bar-Adon 1975; Lemaire 1976:
5 w/>Irlh and by his asherah." 567).
6 [....... ] ~ [ .... ] (b) On the lower part of the E wall of the entrance tc
the S burial chamber is a lightly engraved person with
The third line is superimposed over another text; certain extended hands on both sides, as in a position of prayer or
letters are repeated or displaced, and it is possible that the surrender. These two figures seem to have been executed
original phrase was a little different, perhaps "Blessed the by the same hand.
v. 129 PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS

(c) On the W wall of the principal chamber to lower part ing is: (1) kl h'r$ h(2)ry yhd(h) l'lhy yrslm (Naveh 1963; TSSI
and to the left of the entrance of the funerary chamber is l: 58; Lemaire 1976; Miller 1980); this reading disregards
another deeply engraved person with a well-drawn robe the dividers between words, traces of letters, and the
thal reaches to the knees and a tall headdress, perhaps a lineation.
crested helmet of the Assyrian kind, the hands at the The fact of oppression inflicted by an enemy and the
height of the face. religious interpretation of oppression as permitted by the
(2) On the S wall of the central chamber are two crudely divine will are both well known in the Bible (Deut 26:7; 2
incised ships with sail and rudder that do not seem t<:' ~ave Kgs 13:4; Pss 42: 10; 44:25), even with respect to Judah
religious significance (Naveh 1963) but rather a military after the Assyrian and Babylonian campaigns. If God was
one (Lemaire 1976). favorable (r$h, line 1) to or permitted this oppression (lw,
(3) On the N wall, facing the ships, two vaguely circular line 2) of Judah (the reading yhwd is also possible in line
incisings represent an encampment: one is divided into 2), he did not allow it to touch the "living" (!iy, or better,
four quarters like the camps of the Assyrian army on <'>!iy "the brethren") of Jerusalem, who were spared this
campaign according to friezes, and the other is divided time. A word perhaps preceded the beginning of the first
into three parts, perhaps a tent. line, to the left of the margin, but no clear trace can be
b. The Inscriptions. At least seven texts are inscribed made out.
on the walls. (7) Below inscription (3), written with the same tool and
( l) Above and to the right of the "camp" can be read above other crisscross patterns that were written earlier,
1{w)rr "cursed" (Naveh 1963 pl. 11 E, F). another line in alignment with (6) seems to be the contin-
(2) Also on the N wall, facing the entrance to the S uation of the preceding inscription. It reads: (h?)bqd yhwh
burial chamber, can be read (1) 'rr !i(2)rpk, "cursed be the y!inn ... nqh yh yhwh, to be understood either as "He ( =
one that challenged you!" (Lemaire 1976); if the kap that Judah) was punished. Yahweh will be gracious; acquit Yah,
precedes is joined to this inscription, its translation is "like Yahweh!" or (with asyndeton) "Yahweh has punished, he
a curse done, be the one that reproached you!" (Naveh will show grace; ... " The translations differ according to
1963 pl. 11 D). whether one reads a he at the beginning of the line; the
(3) On the W wall above and to the left of the person verb bqd (in the orthography attested at Arad; biblical Heb
with the helmet and between the two "long" inscriptions, pqd) is either a Hop'al or (better) a Qal, but with a different
'r "cursed!"; to the right, more deeply incised, is the word subject. There is no question of Moriah (Naveh 1963; TSSI
'tt "signs" (Naveh 1963 pl. 13). 1: 58), nor of "God the merciful" (Cross 1970; Lemaire
(4) On the S wall, between the ships and the entrance to 1976; Miller 1980), but of punishment, a request for grace,
the Schamber, (1) ''rr (2) yfr m!ir, a text capable of being and acquittal.
understood in several ways depending on whether one In conclusion, these inscriptions and graffiti represent a
reads the two lines together. Naveh corrects the reading to coherent and lively description of a catastrophic situation.
suggest "Cursed be the one who pillages the tomb!" Bar- An encamped enemy received reinforcements from the
Adon (1975) and Lemaire (1976) transpose the first 'alep sea, it oppressed Judah but spared Jerusalem, according to
and yod and correct the final res to he to understand 'rr 'fr the will of God. May the one that defied you be cursed!
ym!ih, "Cursed be the one who erases!" This formula is One asks God to save, to absolve, and to show grace, and
found elsewhere in funerary inscriptions, but at the end curses the one who will sing/govern (?) tomorrow. It is a
of the text. One wonders what the reader is adjured not to moment for the survivors to mourn and to realize cause of
erase, because nothing precedes this text and because the punishment (disobedience to the divine will?). The
there is no personal name! Without emending the text, incised figure with extended hands could be a supplicant
one could suggest that it be understood "Cursed be the or someone giving up to the conqueror (Hezekiah capitu-
one who will sing (syr; or 'govern' [Srr]/'behold' [swr]) to- lated in 2 Kgs 18: 14); the one with the "lyre" might be a
morrow!" (The word m!ir "tomorrow" is attested in epi- musician or an archer. The atmosphere is not that of a
graphic Hebrew at Arad.) The passage perhaps alludes to festival but of mourning (Isa 22: 12-13).
the national catastrophe. Even if their literary genre is more varied than normal,
(5) Above, to the left of the same entrance, is incised in view of the particular circumstances these inscriptions
the inscription hws' yhwh, "Yahweh, save!" of national lamentation are appropriate in a tomb in which
(6) On the W wall above (3) is a very lightly engraved were probably inhumed members of the resistance of the
inscription of two lines descending slightly to the left highest rank, victims of this oppression (the seige of La-
under the vein of the rock. The second line, perhaps the chish) for which one lamented and called God to their aid.
longer, is the most difficult to read (Naveh 1963 pl. 13). The texts are not of a prophetic or poetic nature (Miller
One possible reading is the following: 1980). The ships could be Philistine or Phoenician vessels
allied to Sennacherib after the capture of Sidon and the
I !ibrt(?) yhwh >thyk ... h>r$h "Blows of Yahweh, your enthronement of Ittobaal. Because Beit Lei is situated very
God. It is he who favored close to Lachish, and because in the Bible the verb IJ,iirap
2 lw yhdh wt' l<'>!iy yrslm the oppression of Juda, occurs a number of times in the account of the campaign
but not for the brethren of Sennacherib (2 Kgs 19:4, 16, 22, 23; 2 Chr 32: 17; Isa
(?) of Jerusalem." 37 :4, 17, 23, 24), it is very probable that Sennacherib's
campaign in Judea is alluded to here (so Lemaire 1976).
Some have wanted to find biblical expressions in this pas- Jerusalem was not taken (Isa 31 :5) but the strongholds of
sage, and therefore read it differently. One different read- Lachish and Shephelah fell and Juda was oppressed (2 Kgs
PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS 130 • v
18: 13-14). The paleographic dating would lend support B.c. Some of them were reused after the rejudaization of
to association of the inscription with the campaign of 70 l ldumea by the conquests of John Hyrcanus, but no Jewish
B.C. and not 587 (Cross 1970; Naveh 1963). The circum- inscription relative to this period has been found, read, or
stances of these burials doubtless explain the absence of published. Only a short Nabatean inscription above a rein-
pottery on the interior. Whatever the case, this new inter- humation niche (Oren and Rappaport 1984: 146) is to be
pretation corresponds perfectly to the historical situation read perhaps slm(?) qymw "Salam (or Salmay), son of Qay-
as it can be understood with the help of biblical and amu."
extrabiblical texts (discussed by Gon~alves 1986). Conse- These funerary inscriptions are important for the dat-
quently these inscriptions, having come down to us because ing and the sociological milieu of Marissa and its region.
they were hidden in a tomb, are another extrabiblical As elsewhere, it is stressed that the repose of the dead
testimony of contemporary events. should not be disturbed. Did the drawings of the Cerberus
5. Conclusion. The funerary inscriptions from the four and the eagle/phoenix in the tomb perhaps have a religious
sites of the monarchic period are all in keeping with a signification respecting belief in life after death? The
certain concept of life after death. It is prohibited (in the question must at least be asked.
Siloam inscription) to open the sarcophagus and thus to
disturb the rest of the deceased; the conjuration of the E. Jewish Inscriptions
Khirbet el-Qom inscription invokes the blessing of Yahweh By the expression "Jewish inscriptions," one is to under-
and his asherah or the magic hand to assure the salvation stand the inscriptions in Aramaic, Hebrew, and Greek
of the dead; amulets bear priestly benedictions of divine from the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the two great
protection, illumination of the face, and peace upon per- periods of ancient Judaism, since the Persian period has
sons living and dead (Ketef Hinnom); maledictions curse not yet revealed any epigraphic funerary texts.
an enemy who sowed oppression and mourning, and the 1. Tomb of Jason. Discovered in 1956 in the Rehavia
lamentation leads to an act of faith in the just punishment quarter W of Jerusalem, this tomb contains two chambers,
of God and a call for divine pardon so as to be saved (Beit one with a kokh or loculu.s (place of inhumation) and an
Lei). ossilegi,um chamber, and a porch which was also cut into
the rock, with several connecting rooms (a forecourt, outer
C. Phoenician Inscriptions: Achzib court, inner court, and the porch proper surmounted by
In one of the cemeteries from the Phoenician site of a nepef), in part dug into the rock, in part built (Rahmani
Achzib on the Galilean coast, several funerary steles have 1967). Inscriptions, graffiti, and drawings are traced on
been discovered. They bear the name of the deceased and the walls of the porch that gives access to the chambers.
sometimes his profession: "for Zakarmilk," "for 'Am- a. Drawings. On the W wall are traced two warships, a
sakar," "for 'Abdfamas, son of 'Ufay," "for 'Arna, the troop transport ship, and drawings of palm trees. A re-
founder," followed in this case by the )ankh or sign of life cumbent deer is painted on the N wall above the entrance
in Egyptian hieroglyphics. What significance could this to the ossilegi,um. On the plaster of the E wall are engraved
sign have on a funerary stele? In order to draw the most five menorot with seven branches, probably later than the
precise conclusions, one has to take into account all of the preceding paintings. Other graffiti remain difficult to
archaeological evidence of these necropolises and not only identify.
the epigraphic evidence. The writing and name forms are b. Aramaic Inscriptions. Five Aramaic inscriptions are
typically Phoenician, and date the steles to the 7th century. more or less legible in the tomb.
(1) An inscription of four lines was written in charcoal
D. "Idumean" Inscriptions: Marissa-Maresha on the left part of the N wall. Cursive writing and its poor
Some very beautiful tombs from the Idumean capital preservation make the reading of it difficult (Avigad 1967;
Marissa have revealed engraved and painted inscriptions MPAT number 89; Puech l 983a; Beyer 1984). It reads:
in the frieze above the loculi or above the loculi themselves.
The tomb of Appollophanes (no. l) was decorated with a qwlyn) 'lm) 'wbd lyswn br pynl,i.s <)fl,y> slm dy(?) bnt(?) IA
hunting scene with a series of domestic and wild animals, qbwr tlsb) hwh slm
in color, designated by their names in Greek. Also painted 2 /yyr[w]S[l]m
were a Cerberus and an eagle or a phoenix. The long 3 kdyn qw/yn) 'lm) rfl,my) lm'bd) lk zy hwyt SW) h(wh) slm
funerary inscription gives the age of the owner and under- 4 fl,ny br ywsh mfl,y qwlyn) hyk ylyn slm
lines his good reputation during 33 years as the leader of
the Sidonians. The other inscriptions give us the names of (1) This eternal abode was (re)built for Jason, son of
the dead, Phoenicians, Greeks, Idumeans for the most Phinehas, <my brother.> Peace! Because I have recon-
part. One reads twice or three times the phrase "do not structed for you a tomb, o good (man) [or: elder] be in
open," but in one instance (no. 29) the malediction speci- peace (2) in Jerusalem!
fies damnation: "Let no one touch it, or else there will be (3) This eternal abode the friends were obliged to
no salvation for him!" Another Greek inscription of four build [or: built as a monument] for you who were
lines is of uncertain interpretation; it could be a "mono- worthy. Be (in) peace!
logue of a couple separated by death." The other inscrip- (4) Honi, son of Jose, restored this abode so that he
tions are of the more common sort: name of the deceased could rest (there) (in) peace.
(patronymic, age). Several of them mention dates that
probably relate to the reign of a Ptolemy. Thus the tombs The Aramaic word qwn) or qyn) (a medially weak noun)
would date from the 3d to the beginning of the 1st century means "plot, abode," excluding "lamentation" (Avigad
v • 131 PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS

1967; MPAT), but one can hesitate between dy bnt lk and 2. Tomb of Bene Hezir. On the W slope of the Mount
(')ry bnt lk and between _th> and sb). In line 3 for kdyn one of Olives in the Kidron Valley has been excavated a funer-
can hesitate between "to be obliged to" (the normal sense) ary monument (a tomb and its nepef) for the Bene Hezir
and "to do" (sometimes in Syriac). The phrase lm'bd) could family, the Hebrew inscription of which has been known
be nominal or infinitival. for more than a century (de Vogiie 1864); but its exact
(2) On the E wall are two lines of formal writing in black reading was the work of Avigad (1954: 60). The inscription
ink with a date; the numbers are written in figures, repre- would date from the first half of the I st century B.C., about
sented here As arabic numerals: (I) b27 l[false start!) two generations after the completion of the monument. It
(2) b24 l'lwl5nt 22 (?) [... ] "On the 24th (day of the month) mentions the names of the deceased of the priestly family
Elul, year 22 [... ]." buried in the tomb: "This tomb and its nepef (are) those of
(3) On the E wall, one line in black ink that can be read: Eleazar, Oniah, Yo'ezer, Judah, Shim'on, Yohanan sons of
... kwhntl w . .. l/ ybzl ftn yt b . .. , " ... (of) the priesthood Joseph, son of 'Obed, of Joseph and Eleazar sons of Oniah,
and (of his anointed?). Let no adversary destroy the the sons of Hezir."
t(omb!)." 3. Tomb Inscriptions. In the necropolis of Giv'at ha-
(4) On the E wall, an inscription of four lines in black mibtar, an Aramaic inscription engraved in (paleo-)He-
ink. Two lines in closely written formal script probably brew letters, was discovered above a kokh (the niche in
carrying the mention of a "thousand" or a "ship" and which the bones of the deceased are deposited) in a panel
sailors (gbry )nywt), and of the littoral of Kanope. The two divided into seven bands, bands two and five being painted
other texts in cursive script probably mention "Leah, in dark red (Beyer 1984: 347; MPAT, 68). The text reads:
daughter of Joseph, son of Menahem, son of Menahem." "I, Abba, son of the priest Eleazar, son of Aharon the
(5) On the W wall, two lines of crude script in charcoal Elder, it is I, Abba, the oppressed, the persecuted, who
beneath a warship, illegible, reading partly, bnth . ... was born in Jerusalem, exiled in Babylonia, and who
c. Greek Inscription. This text of two or three lines is brought back Mattatia, son of Judah. And I have buried
written in charcoal under the Aramaic inscription (I) and him in the grotto that I acquired by deed."
is aligned to the right of it. The reading is certain (Puech The author of the inscription, recalling his ancestry,
1983b). relates his own story and the act of piety that he accom-
plished in bringing back to Jerusalem the bones of Matta-
I euphraineste (h)oi ziintes tia, deposited in a tomb that he himself had acquired. The
2 adelphoi k(ai) pein (h)o(i) m(akarioi) a(nthropoi). O(udeis) return to Jerusalem of the bones of Jews who died in
ath/ an(atos) foreign lands is now well known from the inscription of
(I) Feast, you living (2) brothers, and drink, y(ou), Jason(?) (Puech 1983a) and an Aramaic inscription on an
h(appy) m(en). N(o one) is immor(tal)! ossuary from the Mount of Olives: "Joseph, son of Elasah,
lrtql, brought the bones of his mother (or our mother;
d. Significance. The inscriptions introduce the person Aram )mk/nh) Amma to Jerusalem" (Puech I 982a). The
for whom the tomb was built, Jason, son of Phinehas. This family may have come from N Mesopotamia. Another
was very likely the grandson of Jason, the high priest of example of this phenomenon is the return of the family of
Jerusalem who was ousted by Menelaus, took refuge in Queen Helena of Adiabene (tomb of the Kings). Even the
Ammon, then in Egypt, and died in Lacedemonia; he was transfer of bones buried within Palestine to Jerusalem is
neither brought back nor mourned in Jerusalem (2 Mace also known. A slab for the closing of a loculus carries an
5: 10). The name and the inscription (3) suggest that this is engraving: "Here were brought the bones of Uzziah, king
a family tomb of (high) priests (note the menorahs) that had of Judah. Do not open" (Beyer 1984; 343; MPAT, 70). The
to be restored after a damnatio memoriae (see ( 1) and the king Uzziah (8th century B.C.) could not be buried with his
archaeological evidence that indicates a first use ca. 200). fathers because of his leprosy, but the transfer was noted
This Jason was a great personage, influential, probably the by this Aramaic inscription of the 1st century c.E. (its
commander of Cleopatra's Ill's fleet (see (4) and the provenance is unknown).
warships). Either he ended his days in Jerusalem, rehabili- An Aramaic dipinto in the Kidron Valley mentions an-
tated, or his remains were brought back to Jerusalem, other loculus (and its dimensions) for the gathering of
ancestors' bones: "This loculus was made for the bones of
where n was hoped he would rest in peace. The dated
our fathers, two cubits long. Do not open!" (Beyer 1984:
mscnpuon (2) refers to the 22d year of a reign, probably
340; MPAT, 67; Cl] 1300; see also 1334).
of Alexander Jannaeus (103-75 B.c.), and thus 81 s.c. but
4. Inscribed Sarcophagi. Despite the number of sar-
the tomb was in use until 31 B.c. (when it was damaged by cophagi found at Jaffa, Azoth, Caesarea, Haifa, Apollonia,
an earthquake) and, after being abandoned, again around Gezer, and Jifna, few carry inscriptions of any interest.
A.D. 30-31. Although it is a property of the Sadducean
The best known is that of Queen Helena of Adiabene,
party, the plans and furnishings of the tomb attest, it discovered in the tomb of the kings N of Jerusalem (now
seems, to the general conception of life after death in the in the Louvre in Paris; Beyer 1984: 343; MPAT, 132; CI],
Judaism of the period. The epicurian tone of the Greek 1388). The name and title of the deceased are engraved in
inscrip~ion reflects moreover the practice of the marzea!i: two scripts, Estranghelo and Palestinian Aramaic, "Saddan/
mourning and rejoicing with and because of the dead (see Saran (or Saddah/Sarah), the queen"; this must be the
Tob 4: 17). Inscription (3), although poorly preserved, car- Semitic name of Helena (Jos. Ant 20.92-96), and allows us
ries a curse against anyone who would destroy the tomb to identify the funerary monument which is dated to ca.
(Puech l 983b). A.D. 50-60.
PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS 132 • v
A sarcophagus cover has recently been discovered in a icance; they indicate the proper position of the cover in
necropolis E of Jerusalem with a unique Aramaic inscrip- order to close it correctly (Smith 1974; Puech 1982b). The
tion. In the absence of the name of the deceased, his last rare injunction "do not open" (MPAT 95) still plays the role
wishes are engraved on the tectiform cover. On one end of of metal seals (se~ ~uech I 98~). as also the chi-rho sign
the sarcophagus and on one triangular side of the tecti- (Colella I 973); a d1vme threat 1s another protection, as in
form cover, above the depression that served as a handle, the (Aramaic) warning, "Whoever will use this ossuary to
the word skr can be read; and on one of the two long sides his own profit, a curse [ = offering] of God on behalf of
of the cover, skr 'mr dy l' lhJnyh wlh ytqbr 'mh b'rnh dnh kwl the one who is [enclosed] within" (Milik 1956-57). To these
'nJ "He (had it) closed. He said to not change it, and that brief formulas can be added indications of consanguinity,
no one should be buried with him in the sarcophagus" "son," "daughter," "wife," "father," "mother," and some-
(Puech 1989). The dead man asked to remain alone for times the place of origin: Alexandria, Cyrenaica, Ptolemais
eternity and did not want to change his place of rest, for (Avigad 1962), Beisan/Scythopolis (CJ] 1372-74), Bethel
example by being placed elsewhere in an ossuary accord- (CI] 1283), Capua (CJ] 1284), Tyre, Sheba (Puech 1983b).
ing to the practice of the period in order to reuse the If these specifications indicate a desire for inhumation
sarcophagus. The cover should be considered as sealed by in Jerusalem, others, perhaps even families of priests orig-
order (skr) and nobody else, not even a member of his inating in Jerusalem, had their tombs at Jericho (Hachlili
family, should join him. Thus neither another inhumation 1978-79): "Ishmael, son of Simeon, son of Paltiya, of
nor a reinhumation was permitted, but only the first in- Jerusalem" (ossuary and inscribed bowl). At other times a
humation of the deceased, probably to avoid all impurity surname may characterize a family (e.g., Goliath), or the
and/or the disturbing of the bones, in anticipation of age of the deceased may be indicated in Greek (Hachlili
general corporeal resurrection. These indications from 1978; Avigad 1962). Finally, an inscribed ossuary found in
the beginning of our era are based in the ancient practice the excavations of the street Midbar Sinai in Jerusalem
"do not open" applied to tombs, sarcophagi, or loculi. The carries the specification sl by dwd "belonging to the house
use of sarcophagi of wood or stone thus did not cease with of David" in Hebrew, but with the Aramaic form by for
the practice of reinhumation in ossuaries. Heb byt (Flusser 1986). As evidence of the survival of
5. Ossuaries. Among the several thousand ossuaries several families claiming to be of the House of David, this
brought to light in Palestine, a fairly large proportion discovery is not without importance for the NT and the
carry signs and inscriptions more or less finely engraved Davidic origins of the Messiah Jesus.
on the coffin or the stone cover. Most of the inscribed The inscriptions on the ossuaries in particular show a
ossuaries come from Jerusalem and its periphery (see CI], surprising diversity of scripts: Aramaic and paleo-Hebrew
MPAT, Beyer 1984) and from Jericho (Hachlili I 978, 1979) (CI] 1264), NE Aramaic (Puech 1982a), Palmyrene (Puech
but a few from Gezer (Macalister I 906; CJ] 1176-84), l 983b), and Greek (Estranghela on Helena's sarcophagus).
Lydda (CJ} 1173), Jaffa (MPAT 135), Ziph (Rahmani 1972), Bilinguals are not rare, but trilinguals exist as well (MPAT
Nazareth (MPAT 109). The major period of their use 145). The Semitic, Greek, and even Latin names allow us
extends from the end of the 1st century s.c. (ca. 40-30) to have a fairly good idea of the population, all the while
up until around A.D. 70 as indicated by the pottery, the aware that the owners of the rock-cut tombs, the sarcoph-
coins, and the paleography of some inscriptions. A He- agi, and ossuaries really represent only the elite and pros-
brew-Aramaic bilingual inscription mentions "Simon, the perous families of the country.
builder of the temple" (Naveh I 970) and another (Greek- A beginning of the Greek alphabet, apparently followed
Aramaic) "the bones of Nicanor of Alexandria who made by the Hebrew letters aleph (perhaps for '[rwr] "cursed"
the doors (of the temple)" (CJ] 1256; Clermont-Ganneau and qop (perhaps for q[dJ] "holy") in paleo-Hebrew, written
1903; see y. Yoma 4la; Acts 3:2). An ossuary contained the in charcoal on the interior face of a cover found at the
remains of the granddaughter of the high priest Theophi- corner of the bench opposite the entrance of a tomb at
lus (to be dated after A.D. 37) (Barag and Flusser I 986), Jericho (Hachlili 1979), must have a magic and apotropaic
and another from Jericho mentions the queen Agrippina, meaning, equivalent to the benedictions and maledictions
spouse of the Emperor Claudius, Empress from 50 to 54 and the engraved hand at Khirbet el-Qom, the Hebrew
(Hachlili I 979). Certain inscriptions advert to the reinhu- alphabet from a tomb at Tell Eitun (unpublished; see E.6
mation of as many as three generations prior to A.D. 68- below), and the amulets of Ketef Hinnom and Emmaus,
70; the loculi of these tombs remained in use. This was the discovered in a tomb (Cl] 1185, Beyer 383). It is not
case for the tombs of four families: Goliath at Jericho impossible that the inverted writing of several proper
(Hachlili 1979), Dositheus (Sukenik I 928), Simeon the names also has such an apotropaic value. Names in Greek
Elder (Savignac 1925), and Qallon of Jerusalem (MPAT script include naduol (for loudan [CI] 1232]), and in He-
90-95). These indications are important cautions against brew script mw/J (for salom [CI] 1258)) and psury (for Yosep
classing these ossuaries as Judeo-Christian without other [Joseph; CI] 1389)). Finally an ossuary cover brought to
evidence. The occasional mention of professions has the light in the tomb of Bethphage carries, inscribed in two
same import: priest (Puech 1983a; Milik 1958: 22; Naveh columns, lists of names and sums paid. This reckoning is
1979b; Barag and Flusser 1986; CJ] 1317), rabbi (CJ] perhaps to be associated with work executed in the necrop-
1266, 1268-69), scribe (Cl] 1308; MPAT 99), artisan (Milik olis or in the workshop that made the ossuaries. By the
1958: 12), potter (MPAT 86), Nazirite (MPAT 121-22), paleography it would date to the last third of the !st
proselyte, and others are mentioned. The signs in the century s.c. (Milik 197 l ). The use of ossuaries may have
form of an X or a cross on the cover correspond normally continued sporadically up until A.D. 135, but epigraphic
to identical signs on the case, and have no religious signif- indications are lacking on this matter. This practice would
v • 133 PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS

have been that of the dominant party, the Pharisees, and Another threatens divine judgment at the resurrection:
the epigraphic evidence does not contradict it. "Whoever would move this one (fem.), he who has prom-
6. Necropolis of Beth Shearim. An important center ised to resurrect the dead will judge him" (no. 162; cf.
for Jewish activity from the second half of the 2d century John 5:21). The only Aramaic inscriptions are in the same
(centered around Rabbi Judah ha-Nasi) up until its de- vein: "Whoever would open this sepulcher above the one it
struction in 352, Beth Shearim became the Jewish capital, encloses, may he die an impious death" (Avigad 1976: 1-
succeeding in some manner to Jerusalem. See JUDAH 2). The Greek inscription (no. 134) stipulates: "No one has
THE PRINCE, RABBI. Thus its necropolis attracted nu- the right to open this, in accordance with divine and
merous rich Jews from abroad who desired to rest in secular law." One cannot help but recall an imperial edict
Palestinian soil. (exhumed in a village in Galilee and dating from the
Most of the inscriptions come from numerous catacombs beginning of the current era) concerning the violation of
dug into the hills. They are engraved or written in charcoal sepulchers and the profanation or transfer of a corpse
or in red paint on the lintels, stones, and walls, or on the (Abel 1930). These unique formulas perfectly reflect Jew-
sarcophagi themselves. Among the several hundred in- ish beliefs of the period: a doctrine of the resurrection of
scriptions found in better and worse states of preservation the dead after the general judgment; the conviction that
and corresponding degrees of legibility, the great majority the wicked will not take part in the future life of the just;
are in Greek; only about a fifth are Semitic, many of these and the consequent opinion that the Jew who did not
in Hebrew, probably because of the influence of the rab- respect the eternal rest of the dead until the day of
binical school. Palestinian Aramaic is scarcely found at all, judgment as impious and merited the reward of the impi-
but Palmyrene is well represented. Thanks to these docu- ous. A pious Jew hoped for the participation of the de-
ments, it is possible to have an idea of the sociocultural ceased in the resurrection of the just: cmydt[n cm h$dyqym],
milieu of the inhabitants of the region and their places of "[their] resurrection [with the just]" (Avigad 1976: 15).
origin, be it from abroad, Tyre, Sidon, Beirut, Byblos, Certain inscriptions express the need for courage to face
Yal:tmur, Beqaca, Phaene, Palmyra, Asia (Ezion Geber), the journey toward eternal life, sometimes adding "and
Himyar, Meishan (Babylonia), Antioch, Pamphylia, or your soul will have immortal life" (no. 130). The use of the
from Palestine itself, Gabara, Havara, Caesarea, Judea, language "soul" and "immortality" translates the Jewish
Macon. Also, it appears that the personal names, princi- idea of eternal life that is not opposed to the resurrection
pally Semitic, come first of all from the biblical world; but of the body. But the Greek influence is perhaps felt more
there are also names identifiable as Palmyrene (e.g., Moki- strongly in the Greek epigram of the mausoleum: " ... I
mos, Sassos, Zenobia, Barazabedia), Nabatean (e.g., Ar- went to Hades ... because the All-Powerful Destiny had
this), and Canaanite (e.g., Enebelos [Hannibal]). The most decided it." If the Greek word "Hades" translates Heb
frequently found Greek names are based on Hebrew Sheol in the LXX, the idea that the goddess Moira (fate)
names (e.g., Theodotos) or phonetic approximations (e.g., cuts the cord of life is not at all Jewish, and the formula
Simon), but others are typically Greek, (e.g., Symmachos, seems surprising in this milieu. The second epigram (cat-
Kyrilos, Korinthis, Seleukos), including even Greek and acomb 18) expresses no Jewish ideas at all in designating
Egyptian theophorics (Diodorus, Dionysius, Eisas, Kal- the tomb as the riches in which a man rejoices after his
liope, Ourania), which is even more surprising in this death, a sentiment evidenced also by the Homeric inspira-
Jewish milieu. A certain number of Latin names are at- tion of the poetic Greek phraseology.
tested (e.g., Sabinus, Severius, Germanicus). The use of a On the arch of chambers II-VI in catacomb I are
second name is not uncommon: Sarah or Maxima, Rael engraved the nine first letters of the Greek alphabet that
Ourania, etc. But even if one does not press the evidence must also have had a magic and apotropaic value (see B.2-
too much, the names, with the language used, reveal a 3 and E.5 above) without having any direct or immediate
cultural and religious milieu and denote certain divisions, relation to pagan influences. In catacomb number 35 an
tolerances, and openness to other cultures. This is con- abecedary completely in Hebrew was discovered (unpub-
firmed by the two epigrams and figurative representations lished). Graffiti represent the Menorah, boats, and ani-
found on the walls and sarcophagi (victories, the god Eros, mals.
amazonomachy). The period of codified interdictions 7. The Coast. A series of tomb inscriptions dating from
seems largely over, at least for the Jews of the Diaspora. It the first centuries of the current era have been discovered
is notable that in catacombs number 14 and 20, where along the Palestinian littoral. in particular at Caesarea,
rabbis were inhumed, the Hebrew inscriptions are more Apollonia, Jaffa, Azotus, Ascalon, Gaza/Maioumas in par-
numerous, and that their names are in Hebrew and those ticular. The contents of these inscriptions can be summa-
of their wives in Greek or Latin. The Greek inscriptions rized in general as an indication of the name and patro-
sometimes give the profession (goldsmith, doctor, banker, nymic of the deceased, sometimes the age, the profession,
dyer) and titles (head of synagogue, rabbi, priest [these and the place of origin. Among this last are Babylonia (Cl]
last also in Hebrew], priestess). 902), Cappadocia (CI] 910), Tarsus (CI] 925, 931), Alex-
Other than the new words to designate a tomb, hapsis, andria (Cl] 918, 928, 934), and Pentapolis (Cl] 950). Most
krepis, osta, nepes, the Greek inscriptions in particular in- often in Greek, they also can be written in Hebrew or
struct us about postmortem beliefs. The interdiction Aramaic or be partially bilingual. The most important
a~ainst opening a sarcophagus in which a husband and group was found at Jaffa. Several names of rabbis known
wife rep_ose is accompanied with a malediction concerning in Jewish literature are found there (Klein 1931), but also
future hfe: "Whoever would dare to open what is above a priest from Egypt (Cl] 930), and a centurion from a
us, may he not have any part in eternal life" (no. 129). Jewish family (Cl] 920). Rarer, some inscriptions indicate
PALESTINIAN FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS 134. v
Roman soldiers from the 5th Macedonian legion at Em- Clermont-Ganneau, C. 1871. Notes on Certain New Discoveries at
maus, in Latin (Landau 1976; Negev 1971) or others in Jerusalem. PEFQS n.s. I: 103-5.
Greek, at Beit Nattif (Savignac 1903), at <Eitun (Tsaferis - - . 1885. Rapports sur une mission en Palestine et en Phenicie
1982a), and elsewhere. emreprise en 1881. Pp. 157-251 in Archivts dr.1 mmwm .<rimti-
8. Conclusion. These "Jewish" funerary inscriptions re- fiques et li/Uraires. Paris.
veal a richness of sociocultural (languages, scripts, per- - - . 1899a. Archaeological Researches in Pale.1tine. Vol. I. London.
sonal names, ethnography, history) and religious infor- - - . 1899b. Jewish Ossuaries and Sepulchres in the Ncighlxiur-
mation (funerary customs of reinhumation, transfer of hood of Jerusalem. Vol. I. Pp. 381-454 in Archaeolol{lcal Rr-
bones, beliefs, Sheol, immortality, resurrection, judgment, searches in Palestine During the Years 1873-74. London.
eternal life). The belief in resurrection seems already - - . 1903. Archaeological and Epigraphic Notes on l~dlestine.
accepted, and is expressed to a certain extent in the PEQ 125-31 (= La "porte de Nicanor" du temple dt• Jerusa-
practice of reinhumation in ossuaries, but not exclusively, lem. RAO 5: 334-40).
because inhumation in sarcophagi or the gathering of Colella, P. 1973. Les abreviations \et :,Y(XP). RB HO: 547-58.
bones in an ossilegium does not contradict that belief in any Cross, F. M. 1970. The Cave Inscriptions from Khirhct Beil Lei.
way. The attraction of Palestinian ground, and Jerusalem Pp. 299-306 in Near Eastern Archaeoloirj in the Twentieth Century,
in particular, as a place of burial during the epoch of ed. J. A. Sanders. Garden City, NY.
messianic effervescence is certainly linked. This attraction Dever, W. G. 1969-70. Iron Age Epigraphic Material from the
does not seem to have disappeared or diminished until the Area of Khirbet el-K<'>m HUCA 40-41: 139-204.
age of Constantine, according to the evidence that has Diringer, D. 1934. Le iscrizioni di Silwa.n. Pp. I 02-10 in Le iscrizioni
been discovered. antico-ebraiche palestinesi. Florence.
Dorsey, D. A. 1980. The Location of Biblical Makkedah. 'Iii 7:
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RB 90: 499-533. Judah at Silwan, Jerusalem. BA 33: 34-46.
- - . 1984. Un emploi meconnu ~ WL' en arameen et en - - . 1975. A Recently Discovered Monolithic Tomb in Siloam.
hebreu. RB 91: 88-101. Pp. 63-65 in Jerusalem Revealed. Jerusalem.
- - . 1986-87. The Canaanite Inscriptions of Lachish and Their Vincent, H. 1900. Hypogeejudeo-grec decouvert au Scopus. RB 9:
Religious Background. TA 13-14: 13-25. 106-12.
- - . 1989. Une inscription arameenne sur un couvercle de - - . 1902. Nouveaux ossuairesjuifs. RB 11: 103-7; 276-77.
sarcophage. EI 20: 161 *-65*. - - . 1907. Ossuairesjuifs. RB 16: 410-14.
- - . fc. Les deux derniers psaumes davidiques du rituel d'exor- - - . 1913. Un hypogeejuifa Djifneh. RB 22: 103-6.
cisme l IQPsAp• IV 4-V 14. In Acts of a Symposium: Forty >ears - - . 1931. Epitaphe pretendue de N.S. Jesus-Christ. Rendiconti
of Research in the Dead Sea Scrolls 20th-24th Mars 1988. Jerusa- delta Pontif. Accademia Romana di Archeologia 7: 215-39.
lem. Vitto, F. 1972. Chronique archeologique: Qiryat Tiv'on. RB 79:
Rahmani, L. Y. 1961. Jewish Rock-cut Tombs in Jerusalem. Atiqiit 3: 575-76.
93-120. Vogiie, M. de. 1864. Le temple de Jerusalem. Paris.
- - . 1967. Jason's Tomb. IE] 17: 61-100 (= 'Atiqiit 4 [1964] l- Weippert, M. 1964. Archaologischer Jahresbericht: hirbet bet Lejj.
32 [in Hebrew). ZDPV 80: 161-64. -
- - . 1972. A Bilingual Ossuary-Inscription from Khirbet Zif. Zevit, Z. 1984. The Khirbet el-Q6m Inscription Mentioning a
IE] 22: 113-16; 235-36. Goddess. BASOR 255: 39-47.
- - . 1986. Some Remarks on R. Hachlili's and A. Killebrew's EMILE PUECH
"Jewish Funerary Customs." PEQ 118: 96-100. Trans. Stephen Rosoff
PALESTINIAN JUDAISM 136 • v
PALESTINIAN JUDAISM. See JUDAISM (PALES- A. History of Palmyra
TINIAN). Disregarding some Paleolithic flint finds and a few
Bronze Age sherds, the earliest remains discovered in
Palmyra date to the 2d century e.c., and consist of burial
PALLU (PERSON) [Heb pallu>]. PALLUITE. The second deposits in the underground family tomb of Yedi'bel. The
of the four sons of Reuben (Gen 46:9; Exod 6:14; l Chr first saf~ly dated inscription, commissioned by the priests
5:3). Pallu was the grandson of Jacob and Leah. His name of Bel m 44 e.c., 1s nearly contemporary with a failed
is included in the list of the seventy people who migrated attempt by troops of Mark Antony to loot the city, which
to Egypt with Jacob and his family at the time of a great had hastily been evacuated by the inhabitants (App., BCiv
famine in Canaan (Gen 46:8-27). Pallu was the father of 5.9). A tiny chapel of the Arab goddess Allat was erected
Eliab (Num 26:8). The redactor of Numbers provided before ca. 50 e.c., but all other extant monuments were
some additional information about the descendants of built around the e.c.IA.D. transition or later.
Pallu through Eliab in order to show that Dathan and The city was self-governed by an assembly composed of
Abiram (Num 26:9) were the leaders of the group that was a number of tribes, four treasurers, and probably other
dissatisfied with Moses' leadership and who had opposed elected officials, but it was at the same time a part of the
Roman province of Syria. Statues of Tiberius and his kin
him in the wilderness (Num 16: l-30). lt is possible that
were erected in the temple of Bel in 17 A.D. Under Nero,
Pallu may be identified with Peleth, a son of Reuben
the Senate was created, and two archonts were placed at
mentioned in Num 16: l. According to the second census the head of the city, which was divided on territorial or
list of Israel mentioned in Numbers, Pallu became the religious criteria between four reformed tribes, in accor-
eponymous ancestor of the Palluites, one of the Reubenite dance with the Hellenistic institutions.
clans (Num 26:5). By the time of Nero, Palmyra had already risen to
CLAUDE F. MARIOTTINI prominence as a major merchant power, with outposts in
Babylon and Seleucia-on-Tigris, and later in Vologesias
and Charax, river ports closer to the Persian Gulf. lts trade
PALM TREES, CITY OF. See CITY OF PALM provided the Roman Empire with oriental luxuries and
TREES. essentials such as frankincense, spices and scents, silk,
cotton, and pearls, brought to the head of the Gulf from
China and India. The Palmyrenes transported these goods
PALMYRA (34°33'N; 38°17'E). An oasis in the Syrian by boat on the Euphrates and on camelback across the
desert halfway between the Phoenician coast and the Eu- desert to the Mediterranean. To accomplish this, it was
phrates. It was an important caravan city in lst-3d centu- essential to maintain secure footholds on the river (such as
ries A.D., then became a Byzantine frontier fortress. Occa- the island of 'Ana) and especially to maintain security of
sional references from the 19th through l l th centuries the desert tracks, which they assured by promoting posi-
e.c. (archives from Kanes, Mari, Emar, and Assyrian an- tive relations with the nomads. The heyday of their trade
nals) indicate limited importance of the site, whose native was between 130-160 A.D.
name, Tadmor, was already in use, going back to an The emperor Hadrian visited Palmyra in 129 A.D. and
Amorite dialect (possible meaning "guarding post"). Bibli- made it a free city (i.e., autonomous in fiscal matters).
cal references that Solomon founded Palmyra are late: 2 Further privileges were granted when it was given the
Chr 8:4 mentions "Tadmor in the wilderness," and appar- status of colony, awarded by Caracalla after 212 A.D. How-
ever, with the mounting danger of Sassanian expansion,
ently derives from 1 Kgs 9: 18, where the ketib reads tamar.
trade came to a standstill and direct rule was introduced.
The context of l Kgs 9: 18 suggests a location for Tamar S
Septimius Odainat, son of Hairan, is known to be the
of the Dead Sea (cf. Gen 14:7; Ezek 47: 18-19; 48:28). If "Head of Tadmor" (Gk exarch) in 252, and then as Roman
the Chronicler understood Tadmor, and adapted the con- governor of the province Syria-Phoenicia in 258. After he
text accordingly, it proves only that the desert station had defeated an attempted invasion by Sapor I in 260, he was
already some renown in the early Hellenistic period. Jose- proclaimed by Emperor Gallienus "corrector of the whole
phus (Ant 8.6.1) abounds in the same sense, as does mod- East" and took for himself the Persian title of "King of
ern Arab folklore. See TADMOR. Kings." Such audacity was too much for the imperial
The Greek name Palmyra remains unexplained; it can government, and he was assassinated in 267/68, apparently
hardly be related to the Latin palma, in spite of Hebrew the result of an official plot. His widow Zenobia, however,
tamar meaning "palm." Latin texts are extremely rare in maintained power for her minor son Wahballat, and con-
Palmyra, but there are about two thousand inscriptions in quered Egypt and Asia Minor, forming a short-lived Ori-
local Aramaic, including the longest known NW Semitic ental empire. The new "empire" was crushed in 272 by
inscription, the Tariff, which is a text of the law passed in Aurelian who, after an uprising in Palmyra the following
137 A.D. to harmonize and complete earlier rules concern- year, captured the city and devastated it.
ing municipal custom duties and taxes. The language is Much reduced in size, Palmyra became then a legionary
practically the same as the contemporary Jewish Aramaic fortress of the limes of Diocletian (about 300 A.D.). It was
of the Dead Sea Scrolls, and is very close to the biblical restored in the 6th century by Justinian, but the caravan
Aramaic. The script is a monumental version of the Achae- trade never revived. Taken by Moslems in 634, P-.ilmyra
menid chancery ductus, but there exists also a cursive continued as a town until the middle of the 8th century,
script. and became a fortress again in the 12th century. After
v. 137 PALSY

being an insignificant village for seve_ral centuries, Palmyra tinct from Yari).ibol, who presided over the source Efqa,
is now an expanding town of over thirty thousand. the main water supply for the oasis. While these gods are
unknown outside the sphere of Palmyra cults, others are
B. Archaeological Remains . more common: Ar~u is an Arab armed godhead equated
The present-day ruins correspond largely _to _the mner with the Greek Ares and proceeding from the Safaitic
city of 2d-3d centuries A.D., as preserved w1thm the re- RU<;la; Herodotus (3.8) identified Orotal as the major god
duced perimeter of the Diocletian's wall. The residential of the Arabs, and also identified Allat with Aphrodite.
areas are practically untouched by research, but the street While Ba'al-famin, "Lord of Heaven," is known in the 10th
grid is clearly visible on the surface. The main thorough- century e.c., he arrived in Palmyra as the supreme deity
fare was shaded, in a way typical of the Roman East, by of a tribe, parallel to, but distinct from Bel. A crowd of
two rows of columns. The road has been partly cleared, lesser gods, often undistinguishable from each other, were
together with the neighboring complex of public build- imported by their nomadic worshipers from the desert.
ings, which include a theater, a square agora, a caravan Characteristically, they are always armed, either in the
entrep6t, etc. A characteristic feature at Palmyra, which is bedouin way or wearing an armor as Roman soldiers did.
found sparingly at other sites, is brackets fixed on columns The forms of cult are known very imperfectly. In addi-
at about two-thirds of their height; these held bronze tion to the traditional holocausts, there were simple frank-
statues of worthy citizens, but only the dedicatory inscrip- incense offerings on altars of which several hundreds
tions remain. survive. Ritual meals, organized by particulars or by asso-
Immediately outside the city is the necropolis, which
ciations (with that of the priests of Bel paramount), con-
includes about 200 partly preserved tombs. The oldest
sisted in solemnly sharing food and wine in the presence
type is the funerary tower, with multistoried loculi opening
on each floor. There are also collective monuments some- of a god. Cult images were most often graven in relief and
times called napJa (i.e., "soul, person"), a term applied also not sculpted in the round, so that some traditional offer-
to individual funerary stones. Other tombs are under- ings and trappings were obviously no longer appropriate,
ground, which consist of long galleries with vertical niches, and a more spiritual understanding of divinity might be
and in the 2d century the so-called funerary temples supposed. Such an understanding is certain in the case of
appeared, which are lavishly decorated mausolea of Clas- the so-called anonymous god, which was apparently Ba'al-
sical inspiration. famin, who was worshipped outside his sanctuary with
The major monument of Palmyra is the sanctuary of ritual consisting of incense burning on votive altars. These
Bel, erected on top of a mound which was the likely site of altars bear formulas expressing the transcendent and eth-
the early settlement and its temples. The present cella, ical character of the god, whom they never call by name.
dedicated in 32 A.D., but completed probably later, is However, in spite of some modern speculation, this cult
outwardly Hellenistic, but contains at its short ends two was not monotheistic.
deep, raised niches where cult images were exposed and In the art of Palmyra the gods and their faithful are
sacred objects kept. The flat roof could accommodate represented in relief, aligned in a strictly frontal view. This
some ceremonies, while other activities took place at the convention is also constant in funerary sculpture, which
slaughtering altar, the lustration basin, and the banqueting consists of plaques with half-figures of men and women in
hall, all set in the huge square courtyard surrounded by high relief; these are applied on grave slits, and larger
porticoes. The much smaller sanctuary of Ba'al-famin plaques with family banquet scenes are placed on sarcoph-
consisted of an irregular temenos divided into several agi. Artists strove to express a vivid presence of the de-
colonnaded courtyards. Founded at the beginning of the ceased and their contact with the beholder via a frontal
!st century A.D., it received a Classical cellajust before 131 posture and large open eyes. While they are keen on
A.D. to enshrine an older cult-relief in a richly adorned details of dress, jewelry, etc., a portrait likeness is seldom
exedra. There was also the temple of Nebo, raised on a attempted. The relation to Byzantine art strikes the eye
high podium in the middle of its courtyard, which appar- though direct links are missing, since the art of Palmyra
ently replaced an older building. The shrine to the god- became extinct in the late 3d century, shortly after those
dess Allat was for a long time a small chapel, but later was of Hatra and Dura, which had shared in the same artistic
preserved within a 2d-century cella. The temple of Ar~u is and religious outlook.
utterly destroyed, while those of Atargatis, 'Aglibol and
Malakbel, and others, are not located yet.
The chief god of Palmyra was Bel, which reflects the Bibliography
Babylonian name of the archaic Bo! (apparently a dialec- Browning, I. 1974. Palmyra. London.
tical rendering of common Semitic ba'al), and was pre- Colledge, M. A. R. 1976. The Art of Palmyra. London.
served only in composite names (e.g., the Moon-god, 'Agli- Drijvers, H.]. W. 1976. The Religion of Palmyra. Leiden.
bol; or the Sun-god, Yari).ibol). These three, in company Starcky,]. 1957. Palmyre. DBSup 6: 1066-1103.
of Ar~u, 'Astart, and others, owned together the great Starcky, J., and Gawlikowski, M. 1985. Palmyre. Paris.
tem_ple and formed a group of planetary gods with Bel, as Teixidor, J. 1974. The Pantheon of Palmyra. Leiden.
Jupiter, governing the Cosmos. They appear, however, in M. GAWLIKOWSKI
d!fferent combinations in other sanctuaries, preserving
disparate tribal traditions; thus 'Aglibol was worshiped in
the "Sacred Grove" together with Malakbel ("Angel of
Bel"), a youthful vegetation god, but also a Sun-god dis- PALSY. See SICKNESS AND DISEASE.
PALTI 138 • v
PALTI (PERSON) [Heb palti]. Var. PALTIEL. 1. Son of produced abundant fruit crops and was renowned for its
Raphu, and a Benjaminite (Num 13:9). J>-alti's name ap- pharmaceutical products.
pears sixth in a list of twelve men sent by Moses to spy out Ac;cording t~ one tradition, J>-amphylia was colonized by
the land (Num 13:1-16). Each man represented a tribe, a mixed multitude of Greeks led by Amphilochus and
Palti representing the tribe of Benjamin. Calchas after the fall of Troy (Herodotus 7.91; Strabo
2. Second husband of Michal, Saul's daughter; and the 14.4.3, 12.3.27, 14.5.23). J>-amphylia literally means "many
son of Laish from Gallim (I Sam 25 :44, 2 Sam 3: 15 ). l'-alti's tribes, or nations," but the region had its own aberrant
name appears in a note about David's wives (1 Sam 25:43- Greek dialect related to the Arcadian Greek (see Ramsay
44) and in the narrative concerning David's negotiations 1880 and Brixhe 1976; the city of Side had its own script
with Abner (2 Samuel 12-21 ). (In the latter he is called and language which persisted until the 2d century B.C.E.
J>-altiel.) Saul gave Michal, David's wife, to J>-alti. No reason and is still essentially undeciphered; cf. Acts 2: 10). Pliny
is stated for this action. After Saul's death, David stipulated (the Elder) reports that the region was once called Mopso-
the return of Michal as a condition of his talks with Abner, pia, after the celebrated soothsayer Mopsus (HN 5.26;
commander of Ishbosheth's army (2 Sam 3: 14). Michal is Strabo 14.4.3; see J>-ausanius 7.3.2; compare with another
taken from J>-alti, as David requested (v 15). J>-alti follows earlier diviner by the same name in Pindar Pyth. 4.191;
her, weeping, all the way to Bahurim. When Abner orders and Apollonius of Rhodes 1.1083, and 4.1502ff.). Mopsus
him to return, however, he obeys (v 16). shared an oracle-shrine with Amphilochus in Cilicia,
LINDA S. SCHEARING where his name occurs in local place names and in 8th-
century bilingual hieroglyph inscriptions from Karatepe.
J>-amphylia was ruled by local kings before being ab-
PALTIEL (PERSON) [Heb paltie{j. 1. Son of Azzan; an sorbed into Croesus' Lydian empire. Pamphylia fell to the
Issacharite (Num 34:26). J>-altiel's name appears eighth in Persians and continued under Persian control until it sub-
a list of twelve tribal representatives designated by Moses mitted to Alexander the Great. Although J>-amphylia was
to divide the land of Canaan (Num 34: 19-29). occupied by Ptolemy I and lII, the district was generally
2. Second husband of Michal; son ofLaish (2 Sam 3: 15). controlled by the Seleucids. The region was surrendered
See PALTI. to the Romans by Antiochus III in 189 B.C.E. The Attalids
LINDA S. SCHEARING of Pergamum gained a small part of the W coastline, where
they founded the city of Attalia.
Pamphylia was part of the province of Cilicia from 102
PALTITE, THE [Heb happal.ti]. Occurs only in 2 Sam B.C.E. to 44 B.C.E. and then was included in the province
23:26 as the gentilic designation of Helez, fifth in the main of Asia. Antony granted Pamphylia to Amyntas in 36 B.C.E.
list of "the Thirty," David's corp of military elite (haggi,b- and it was joined together with Galatia from 25 B.C.E. to
biirim). See DAVID'S CHAMPIONS. It identifies him either 43 C.E. (see Smye 1934) when Claudius formed Lycia-
as a Calebite through Pelet (I Chr 2:47) or as a native of Pamphylia. Pamphylia was reunited to Galatia by Galba,
Beth-Pelet (M.R. 141079), a Judean town near Beer-sheba after the Lycians procurred a temporary independence,
(Josh 15:27). The latter is more likely in view of the and was finally reunited again with Lycia by Vespasian.
context, though the two may be associated. The LXX's Luke's use of a common article bonding "Cilicia" and
pheliithi reflects the confusion found in the Chronicler's "Pamphylia" in Acts 27:5 was probably not to indicate a
parallel and related lists (1 Chr 11 :27; 27: 10), where Helez political entity (which did not exist) but rather a geograph-
is "the Pelonite" (MT happeloni; LXX pheliini). ical unit, both sharing the S coastline of Asia Minor.
It appears that J>-amphylia had a sizable Jewish popula-
Bibliography tion during the Maccabean period, considering that it was
Elliger, K. 1933. Die dreissig Heiden Davids. Pf 31: 29-75. one of the countries notified by the Roman consul in 142
Mazar, B. 1963. The Military Elite of King David. VT 13: 310-20. B.C.E. of a renewed alliance with the Hasmoneans of Judea
DAVID L. THOMPSON (l Mace 15:23). Side was specifically mentioned in the
circular; however, inscriptions relating to Jews in this city
date to a later period (Cll no. 781; Robert 1958: 36-47;
PAMPHYLIA (PLACE) [Gk Pamphylia]. A district in S Lifshitz 1967: nos. 36-37). Philo included it among coun-
Asia Minor bounded on the N by Pisidia and the Taurus tries having a significant Jewish population, and J>-amphy-
Mountains, on the E by Cilicia Tracheia (later called Isau- lian Jews were reported in Jerusalem at Pentecost (Philo
ria), and on the W by Lycia. The district, which bordered Gaium 281-82; Acts 2:10). It is likely that there were Jews
the Mediterranean coast, covered a territory about eighty in the city of Perga during J>-aul's missionary activities there
miles long and thirty miles wide. Several navigable rivers, (Acts 13:13; 14:25).
including the Kestros and the Eurymedon, flowed through Paul, Barnabas, and John Mark visited J>-amphylia during
the region to the S coast of Asia Minor and emptied into their first missionary journey. They sailed from J>-aphos on
the J>-amphylian Sea. The major cities on the coast were Cyprus up the Kestros River to Perga (or an adjoining port
Attalia, Side, and Coracesium and in the interior were town, Acts 13: 13). There is no indication that J>-aul or his
Perga and Aspendus (Strabo 14.4.1-3; see also Bean 1968: companions preached to the J>-amphylians at this time.
1053-81). The coastal towns were used as an operational After an apparent difference of opinion, John Mark left
base for pirates from Pamphylia and Cilicia (Strabo his colleagues and returned to Jerusalem (Acts 13: 13). J>-aul
12.7.2-3, 14.3.2). The climate along the coastal plain was and Barnabas crossed the Taurus Mountains and preached
uncomfortable and malaria was prevalent. The region in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13: 14). A possible explanation of
v. 139 PAPHOS

the unusual course of events is that the three agreed to In the 2d millennium another type of list arose, which
evangelize Pamphylia but for some reason there was a continued to be copied until the 1st millennium, namely
change of venue and John Mark refused to acquiesce. gods' names written in signs which are not self-explanatory
Some scholars have conjectured that Paul, who was proba- and so have the reading indicated in phonetic signs, thus
bly enervated by the intense efforts at Paphos, may have being a philological tool. However, the 3d-millennium type
contracted malaria in the moist Pamphylian climate (cf. continued to be compiled and used, at least for the first
Gal 4:13), forcing a change in itinerary. On their return, few centuries of the 2d millennium, and at least one of
Paul and Barnabas preached in Perga and perhaps Attalia these survived into the 1st millennium. But before 1600
before sailing back to Antioch (Acts 14:24-26). B.c. more systematic lists were being compiled, giving the
major deities of the pantheon in order of rank, each with
Bibliography spouse, children, courtiers, and other related minor gods.
Bean, G. E. 1968. Turkey's Southern Shore. London. Such single-column lists required considerable knowledge
Brixhe, C. 1976. Le dialecte grec de Pamphylie. Paris. to use and understand, so a double-column format was
Lifshitz, B. 1967. Donateurs et fondateurs dans les synagogues juives. introduced ca. 1500 B.c. The names were explained by
Paris. being equated with another name, on the analogy of
Ramsay, W M. 1880. On Some Pamphylian Inscriptions. ]HS I: Sumera-Babylonian word lists, and explanatory notes fol-
242-57. lowed or took the place of the equivalent name, e.g. "Asal-
Robert, L. 1958. Inscriptions grecques de Side en Pamphylie. RP lukhi = Marduk, prime son of Enki." This kind of list is,
32 3d ser.: 15-53. of course, extremely informative for modern scholars,
Smye, R. 1934. Galatia and Pamphylia under Augustus: The Gov- though in need of critical handling, and the longest list of
ernorships of Piso, Quirinius and Sivanus. Klio 27: 122-48. this type is called An = Anum after its first line, and
Scorr T. CARROLL contains not far short of 2000 entries. It was compiled by
expanding older lists in the second half of the 2d millen-
nium. It continued to be copied until at least the period of
PANEL [Heb misgeret; sippun]. A word used to denote the Persian empire.
the sides of the !avers in Solomon's Temple and also the A still more elaborate type of list also appeared in the
wooden (cedar) paneling of houses. The temple texts second half of the 2d millennium, utilizing three subcol-
describe the elaborate stands for the !avers as having umns. As before, the name in the first subcolumn was
framed panels decorated with lions, oxen, and cherubim explained by an equation with another name, and then a
(see I Kgs 7:28, 29, 31, 32, 35, 36). See also LAVER. phrase indicated the special reference of this particular
Otherwise, Jeremiah delivers an oracle against Shallum, name of the god being dealt with, e.g., "An = Anum, of
who is berated (Jer 22: 14) for building such a fancy dwell- mankind." Instead of simple phrases, more elaborate epi-
ing, paneled with cedar. In Hag 1:4, the prophet urges thets are used in some of these lists.
the people to rebuild the desolate Temple since they al- All but one of these lists are Sumerian or Babylonian,
ready live in "paneled" (sepunim) houses. However, the the exception being a single-column Assyrian list, known
Haggai passage may mean "finished" houses in contrast to from !st-millennium copies, but perhaps of 2d-millen-
God's ruined dwelling. An obscure Hebrew word (sa!ifp) is nium origin. For further discussion see RLA 3: 473-79.
rendered "paneled" in Ezek 41: 16.
CAROL MEYERS Bibliography
Mander, P 1986. JI Pantheon di Abu-$alabfkh. Naples.
w. G. LAMBERT
PANTHEONS, MESOPOTAMIAN. In the poly-
theistic world of Sumer, Babylonia, and Assyria thousands
of gods existed, and since the cuneiform scribes made and PANTHER. See ZOOLOGY.
used all kinds of lists of signs, words, and numbers for
various practical and theoretical needs, gods' names were
also compiled in list form. In a restricted sense, the word PAPHOS (PLACE) [Gk Paphos]. A city in the SW of the
"pantheon" can be used to describe these lists. The earliest island of Cyprus (34°45'N; 32°25'E), seat of the island's
such list is ca. 2600 from Ur (UET 2: 105), which consists administrative government during the NT period. The
of only twelve names, and its purpose is not clear. However, Paphos of Acts 13:6-13 is actually the newer of two neigh-
from Fara and Abu Salabikh ca. 2500 B.C. there are lists of boring cities bearing the same name, sometimes differen-
between 600 and 400 names, as well as some shorter ones, tiated by the terms "New Paphos" (paphos nea; Pliny HN,
which are clearly meant as comprehensive statements of 5.130) and "Old Paphos" (pa!aipaphos; Strabo 14.683).
the pantheon. The two longest, one each from Fara and The maiden missionary voyage of Saul and Barnabas
Abu Salabikh, show set principles of arrangement. Both took them to Cyprus at the very outset. They landed in
begm wnh the most senior members of the pantheon by Salamis and made their way to Paphos at the other end of
rank, to express a theological statement, but later in the the island. Here they encountered the Jewish magician
hsts ~nother principle of arrangement appears. For exam- Elymas and the proconsul Sergius Paulus, who was the
ple'. m .the ~1g Fara list there is a long section of names first of many secular authorities to summon Paul to give
begmnmg wnh Nin-, put together only because they share an account of himself. Paul (as Saul is called for the first
the same first .sign, something akin to our alphabetic time in the course of this narrative) successfully curses one
arrangement, wnh no theological significance. with blindness (the apostle's first recorded miracle) and
PAPHOS 140 • v
converts the other. Given some of the external evidence, being "a man of exceedingly small intelligence" (Hist. Eccl.
the references connecting this city to a Sergius Paulus, to 3.39.13). Nevertheless Eusebius' analysis of the preface is
proconsuls in general, and to a Jewish magician are not probably correct; and his further point that Papias' chili-
surprising. Cyprus had recently been made a senatorial asm put him to the same camp as the Revelation of John is
province, and the capital, and therefore proconsular resi- surely relevant. It is notable that Eusebius, in spite of his
dence, was in Paphos. There seems to be evidence for the desire to discredit Papias, still places him as early as the
name "Sergius Paulus" in an inscription found in N Cyprus reign of Trajan (A.D. 98-117); and although later dates
(SEC 20.302, lines 9-11), but the best conjectures at dating (e.g., A.D. 130-140) have often been suggested by modern
make it unlikely that it refers to the same man (cf. now scholars, Bartlet's date for Papias' literary activity of about
Mitford ANRW 21712: 1300, 1330). Josephus (Ant 20.142) A.D. 110 has recently gained support (Schoedel 1967: 91-
mentions a Cypriot Jewish magician named Atomus, again 92; Kortner 1983: 89-94, 167-72, 225-26).
unlikely to be identified with the man in Acts, unless It is also Eusebius who informs us that Papias was
perhaps one regards the Bezan text as preserving his name "bishop of the community in Hierapolis" (Hist. Eccl.
more accurately (et[.]mas for elumas). On all these matters 3.36.2). A somewhat different impression is left by Iren-
see Herner 1989: 108, 109, 166f. aeus, who is interested in the connection between Papias
Cyprus was annexed by Rome in 58 B.C. and, after a and the "presbyters" of Asia Minor. In this context the
very short period as a province with a military governor, term "presbyter" refers not to church officials but to
became a senatorial (proconsular) province in 22 B.C. followers of the disciples (notably John) who handed on
Paphos was well known for its temple and cult of a goddess the orthodox theological tradition. It seems unlikely, as
syncretistically identified as the Greek Aphrodite, who Harnack thought, that Papias was lrenaeus' source for his
became known as the "Paphian goddess." She was allegedly knowledge of the presbyters (Kortner 1983: 36-43). For
born on the foam of the sea, and floated on a shell to the in the crucial passage, Papias is evidently treated by Iren-
shore of Cyprus near Paphos. The city also had a history aeus simply as one who reinforces the authority of the
of earthquakes, and was virtually destroyed by one in the presbyters in handing on the saying of the Lord about the
4th century A.D. It was perhaps as a result of this that wonderful fruitfulness of the earth in the millennium
Paphos lost its title as the capital of the island to Constan- (haer. 5.33.3-4). The likelihood is that the presbyters were
tia, which was the rebuilt city of Salamis. The modern charismatic leaders in Asia Minor who in some quarters
name for Paphos is Baffo, and excavations have revealed were believed to have been followers of the apostles and
parts of several public and private buildings from the sometimes of the Lord himself and who were responsible,
Roman era, including the city walls, an amphitheater, and among other things, for promoting an apocalyptic form of
a luxurious villa which may have been the governor's Christianity; and it seems probable that John the presbyter
palace. and Aristion were the most important of these figures for
Papias (Kortner 1983: 114-32).
Bibliography
Herner, C. J. 1989. Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History. B. Papias' Exposition of the Lord's Logia
WUNT 49. Tiibingen. What has become for many the standard collection of
CONRAD GEMPF fragments of Papias (in Bihlmeyer) contains some thirteen
items, the most important of which are derived from
Irenaeus (haer. 5.33.4-5) and Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 3.39).
PAPIAS (PERSON). The writings of Papias (tradition- Other collections have additional materials, including a
ally, ca. A.D. 60-130) are known to the modern world only number of minor references to Papias from the church
from fragments and would be neglected today if it were fathers. Kortner, for example, numbers twenty-two items
not for certain statements made by him about Mark and in his edition of the fragments. Efforts to enrich the
Matthew that have intrigued NT scholars. This interest has collection from the traditions of the presbyters in lrenaeus
rescued Papias from obscurity but has also distorted his (Loofs 1930: 325-38) or from Armenian sources (Siegert
importance and skewed the significance of his role in the 1981; Kiirzinger 1983) are problematic (Kortner 1983:
early church. 31-43).
Papias' book was entitled "Exposition of the Lord's Lo-
A. Papias the Man gia" (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 3.39.1). Papias uses the term logia also
According to Irenaeus, our earliest witness, Papias was in his discussion of Mark where the words and deeds of
"a hearer of John and a companion of Polycarp, a man of Jesus are under discussion (Hist. Eccl. 3.39.15). To judge
primitive times," who wrote a volume in "five books" (haer. from the fragments, the term "exposition" (exegesis) refers
5.33.4; quoted by Eusebius Hist. Eccl. 3.39.1). Eusebius primarily to the act of collecting and correlating the mate-
already doubted the reality of a connection between Papias rials. We do not know to what extent (if any) the shape of
and the apostle John on the grounds that Papias himself the book was determined by the written sources used by
in the preface to his book distinguished the apostle John Papias (Mark and Matthew). We do not know what the
from John the presbyter and seems to have had significant scope or structure of the book was. We do not k~ow
contact only with John the presbyter and a certain Aristion whether the five divisions of the work represent anythmg
(Hist. Eccl. 3.39.3-7). Eusebius' skepticism was no doubt more than perhaps an imitation of the Pentateuch, the
prompted by his distaste-perhaps a recently acquired Psalms, or some other collection. We cannot specify the
distaste (Grant 1974)--for Papias' chiliasm and his feeling genre of the work with any confidence (though perhaps
that such a theology qualified Papias for the distinction of the relevant parallel is offered by the apomnemoneumata-
v • 141 PAPI AS

the memoirs---of antiquity). It is not known whether any tradition that involves especially the presbyters of Asia
polemical intent informs the writing of the work, although Minor, Montanism, and later enthusiasts for millennialism.
opposition especially in Gnosticism or to Paulinism or to Interest in this tradition may have been reinforced in the
the Gospel of John have often been named in this connec- case of Papias by the use of the NT Apocalypse (Kortner
tion. We do know that the preface of Papias' book and his 1983: 82), but that is not certain (Schoedel 1967: 113-14).
account of the gospels of Mark and Matthew reflect the Papias' own theology left its mark in lrenaeus and else-
horizons of Greco-Roman rhetorical theory and practice. where (notably, it seems, in Victorinus of Pettau, who died
But there is disagreement as to how deep the influence ca. A.D. 304). The background of the famous saying of the
goes (for an extreme statement of the case, see Ktirzinger). Lord about the miraculous fruitfulness of the earth in the
It is possible that Papias was exercising a kind of rhetorical millennium has been found in Jewish apocalyptic literature
criticism on the tradition primarily for historical purposes (Gry 1944, 1946), and there is little in the fragments of
with a view to establishing the credentials of his own Papias that could not be seen as inspired by an apocalypti-
chiliastic theology and thus promoting his work as a re- cally oriented form of Jewish Christianity. But there are
source for the Christianity dominant in his immediate occasional hints of other theological concerns such as
environment or at most (if we are not dealing merely with Papias' account of "a woman reproached for many sins in
rhetorical flourishes) as a response to vaguely defined the Lord's presence" (Hi.st. Eccl. 3.39.17). And the interest
tendencies that involved (as Papias saw it) an openness to in literary and historical questions evidently has intellec-
"those who have much to say" and a receptivity to "alien tual foundations independent of Jewish Christianity.
commandments" (Hi.st. Eccl. 3.39.3). In any event, it is not Moreover, Papias' accounts of miracles--the resurrection
to be taken for granted that the anti-Gnostic use soon to of a dead body (a story "received from the daughters of
be made of such theology necessarily illuminates Papias' Philip," presumably Philip the evangelist and not Philip
own purpose. the apostle as Eusebius asserts), and the drinking of poison
Somewhat similarly, Papias discloses his preference for by Justus without any harmful effects (Hist. Eccl. 3.39.8-
oral tradition in good rhetorical style as a preference for 10; cf. Mark 16: 17-18), or the gruesome account of Judas'
'a living and abiding voice" (Hi.st. Eccl. 3.39.4), yet he death (in a fragment stemming from Apollinaris of Laod-
dearly is also well disposed to his written sources. Thus he icaea)-suggest the atmosphere of the legendary acts of
apparently was a man who within certain limits sought to the apostles. That such events functioned as eschatological
soften rather than to sharpen polarities and apparent signs for Papias is possible, but that is not at all obvious
contradictions. from the fragments themselves. That Papias was in such
instances adapting to his purposes stories that had Gnostic
C. Papias' Sources dimensions (Beyschlag 1961) is even less likely (Schoedel
Papias mentions "the presbyters"--or more precisely, 1967: 111-12, Kortner 1983: 137-44; 148).
those "who had actually attended the presbyters"-as his
oral source and in this connection names seven (presum- E. Papias and the New Testament
ably representative) disciples (Andrew, Peter, Philip, What the fragments have to tell us about Mark and
Thomas, James, John, and Matthew) and two others, "Ar- Matthew is information that Papias himself traces to "the
istion and the elder John," whom he also calls "disciples of presbyter" (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 3.39.15-16). Eusebius separates
the Lord" (Hi.st. Eccl. 3.39.3-4). These lines from Papias' the statements about Mark and Matthew, but they may
preface can be read in a way that identifies the presbyters originally have followed one another and certainly seem
with the disciples. But it is more likely that Papias regarded closely related. Perhaps the simplest reading of the state-
the presbyters as followers of the disciples. If the latter is ment on Mark is that Mark served as Peter's interpreter
correct, Papias claims to have his information from the (possibly in the role of methurgaman, or oral translator) and
disciples at third hand (Schoedel 1967: 98). It is also wrote down what he heard Peter say of the words and
possible to read the passage in a way that identifies the deeds of Jesus and that his writing is defective in "order,"
apostle John with the presbyter John. But this reading also though not in accuracy or fullness of recollection, because
seems very doubtful (Schoedel 1967: 98-99). Presumably, Peter naturally referred to the Lord's logia in a random
then, Aristion and the presbyter John were regarded as manner. Some have suspected that Papias did not have in
personal "disciples" of Jesus who were not among the mind the gospel of Mark that we know, but the arguments
twelve; and presumably John was called "the presbyter" are tenuous. On another point, Ktirzinger has attempted
(whereas Aristion was not) to distinguish him from the to show that Papias was speaking not of translation from
apostle, who had just been named (Munck 1959). In any the native language of Peter but of presentation of the
event, Papias ''often mentions them [Aristion and the pres- reports of Peter (an interpretation which he applies also to
byter John] by name and sets forth their traditions in his Papias' statement about Matthew); but this seems to push
w.ritings"; and the assertion of Eusebius that Papias was a rhetorical approach to Papias' terminology too far
himself a hearer of Aristion and the presbyter John is (Schoedel 1967: 107; Kortner 1983: 203-4). On the other
probably based on nothing more definite than that (Hi.st. hand, an interpretation in rhetorical terms is somewhat
Eccl. 3.39.7). more likely when it comes to the suggestion that Papias
meant to say that Peter spoke "in chria-style" rather than
D. Papias' Theology "as needs (chriai) dictated." But the point that is debated
It is presumably from (followers of) Aristion and the more than any other is what Papias had in mind when he
presbyter John, then, that Papias derived his chiliastic said that Mark did not write "in order." It is perhaps most
doctrine. This connects Papias with a distinctive theological likely that Papias was measuring Mark by Matthew (who is
PAPIAS 142 • v
said by Papias to have made "an ordered arrangement" of various wntmgs attributed to John in the NT and in
the materials)-or perhaps more generally by Papias' own evaluating the tradition concerning the Ephesian ministry
conception of what ought to be included in such an ac- of John the apostle.
count-and that he had in mind completeness of infor- A complex relation obtains between Papias' story of "a
mation as well as "order" in the narrow sense of the term. woman reproached for many sins in the Lord's presence"
In any event, Papias is defending Mark in spite of per- (Hi.st. Eccl. 3.39.17), the pericope adulterae now located in
ceived deficiencies. John 7:53-8: l l, and the Gospel According to the Hebrews that
Perhaps the simplest reading of the much briefer state- Eusebius names as containing the story (cf. Becker). Here
ment of Papias on Matthew is that Matthew organized the it is worth noting only that it is Eusebius (and not necessar-
Lord's logia in Hebrew (Aramaic?) and that people ("each ily Papias himself) who makes reference to the Gospel
one") translated them variously. Some have held that Pa- According to the Hebrews.
pias had in mind something other than the gospel of Finally, Eusebius says that Papias "made use of testimo-
Matthew as we know it (a collection of sayings like Q, for nies from the first letter of John and likewise from that of
example, or a collection of testimonia), but such views enjoy Peter" (Hi.st. Eccl. 3.39.17). If this is accurate, it seems
little support today. Again Kiirzinger thinks that Papias is
unlikely that the theology of either of these two writings
speaking of materials written not in the Hebrew language
influenced Papias deeply. Conceivably an interest in the
but in a Semitic style and of the presentation of such
Semitically colored materials in different ways by Mark figure of Peter prompted by Papias' Jewish Christian ori-
and Matthew ("each one"); but this also seems to push the entation had something to do with his use of I Peter and
terminology unnaturally (Schoedel 1967: 110; Kortner his appeal to what the presbyter had to say about Peter's
1983: 203-4). To be sure, it is unclear what Papias had in role in the formation of the gospel of Mark. But that is
mind when he referred to the variety of translations of obviously tenuous, and it seems unlikely in any event that
Matthew. Conceivably the Jewish model of the translation opposition between Peter and Paul would have been in-
of Scripture orally by a methurgaman lies in the back- volved. Papias' Christianity was evidently non-P.Juline. but
ground, or it may be that Papias was trying to account for it was not necessarily anti-Pauline.
the existence of Jewish Christian gospels (like the Gospel
According to the Hebrews) which rivaled the authority of our Bibliography
Matthew. In any event, it is likely that, in the case of both Annand, R. 1956. Papias and the Four Gospels. SJT 9: 46-62.
Mark and Matthew, Papias was offering an explanation of Becker, U. 1963.Jesus und die Ehebrecherin. BZNW 28. Berlin.
the fact that he possessed Greek versions of what he Beyschlag, K. 1961. Herkunft und Eigenart der Papiasfragmenlc.
assumed must have had Semitic prototypes. In other Pp. 268-80 in Studia Patristica IV. TU 79. Berlin.
words, the concern for the authenticity of the tradition is Bihlmeyer, K. 1956. Die Apostoli.schen Viiter, Neubearbeitung der
once again the main point. Clearly, then, Papias' purpose Funkschen Ausgabe. 2d ed. Ed. W. Schneemelcher. Tu bingen.
must be taken into account before his statements are Bligh, J. F. 1952. The Prologue of Papias. TS 13: 234-40.
scrutinized for clues to the origins of the gospels. For this Deeks, D. G. 1977. Papias Revisited. ExpTim 88: 296-301, 324-29.
and other reasons there is an understandable reluctance Grant, R. M. 1943. Papias and the Gospels. ATR 25: 218-22.
of scholars today to rely heavily on Papias in the unraveling - - . 1974. Papias in Eusebius' Church History. Pp. 209-13 in
of NT problems. Melanges d'hi.stoire des religions offerts a Henri-Charles Puech. l'Jris.
Some scholars have found hints in the fragments that Gry, L. 1944. Le Papias des belles promcsses messianiques. Vwre el
Papias also knew the gospels of Luke and John (and was penser 3: 112-24.
dissatisfied with them or, quite the opposite, used one or - - . 1946. Henoch X, 19 et lcs belles promesses de Papias. RB
the other of them as the standard by which he measured 53: 197-206.
the adequacy of Mark), but the evidence is fragile. In Gryson, R. 1965. Apropos du temoignages de P.dpias sur Mattieu,
particular, the reference to Mark's lack of "order" has le sens du mot logion chez les peres du second siecle. ETL 41:
inevitably suggested a connection (positive or negative)
530-47.
with Luke's claim to have set his materials down "accurately
Gutwenger, E. 1947. Papias, eine chronologische Studic. ZKT 69:
in order" (1:3). And Papias' assertion that he will hand.on
385-416.
only "commandments" given by the Lord and "commg
Kortner, U. H.J. 1983. Papias von Hierapoli.s. FRLANT 133. Gottin-
from the Truth itself" has suggested dependence on the
Gospel of John (14:6, 15). But it is hard to find much to gen.
Kiirzinger, J. 1983. Papias von Hierapolis und die Evangelien des Neuen
support these points. Certainly the evidence o~ the so-
called "anti-Marcionite prologue" that names Pap1as as the Testaments. Eichstatter Materialien 4. Regensburg.
apostle john's amanuensis is not im~ressive (Sch?edel Loofs, F. 1930. TheophilU5 von Antiochien Adversus Marcionem und dit
1967: 121-123). Also highly problematic, however, 1s the anderen theologi.schen Quellen bei lrenaeus. TU 46. Leipzig.
information contained in two interdependent fragments Munck, J. 1959. Presbyters and Disciples of the Lord in P.dpias.
of Papias that links the (relatively early) martyrdom of HTR 223-43.
James (Acts 12:2) with that of John and that has conse- Schoedel, W. R. 1967. Polycarp, Martyrdom of Polycarp, FragmenL1 oj
quently often been used to question the apostolicity o~ the Papias. Vol. 5 in The Apostolic Fathers, ed. R. M. (;rant. Camden,
Gospel of John (Schoedel 1967: 117-21). At the same time,
the distinction apparently made between the disciple John
NJ.
Siegert, F. 1981. Unbeachtete P.dpiaszitate be1
· . h
armenlSl· en -Sc h n"fL-
and the presbyter John in Papias' preface plays a l~gitimate stellern. NTS 27: 605-14.
role in assessing claims made for the authorship of the WILLIAM R. ScttoliDH
v. 143 PAPYRI, EARLY CHRISTIAN

PAPYRI, EARLY CHRISTIAN. "Papyri" is used In the 3d century the number of biblical and theological
as a generic term to refer to texts written on papyrus or texts increases substantially, and there are clear references
similar writing materials (in particular parchment, ostraca, to Christians in official documents. Official reaction to
and wooden tablets) which have emerged through stray Christianity reached a turning point with the Diocletianic
finds or excavation, mainly in Egypt. The word conven- persecutions in the early years of the 4th century and then
iently distinguishes these from the "manuscripts" (mostly the toleration of Christianity under Constantine I, and
on parchment) handed down through the medieval library these developments receive papyrus attestation. By the
tradition. The writing materials of Mediterranean antiqu- mid-4th century the Christianization of Egypt was consid-
ity-of which papyrus was the principal one (Lewis erably advanced, and ecclesiastical and monastic institu-
1974)-in general failed to survive the passage of time. tions were part of the social fabric (Bagnall 1982; 198 7
Arid and desolate conditions along the Nile valley, how- uses the criterion of personal names to quantify the rate
ever, proved especially favorable to their preservation (the of the changes). Papyri reflect this consolidation in their
moister Delta region much less so), and papyri have turned number and range.
up in large numbers from scrap heaps and other sites in The papyri relating to Christianity add to the general
Egypt since late in the I 9th century (comprehensive sur- store of textual data, and give firsthand evidence of the
veys of papyrology, including treatment of Christian ma- spread of Christian beliefs. They contribute to the ques-
terials, are given by Montevecchi I 973; Turner I 980; and tion of defining "Christian," although owing to the limited
there are several standard bibliographies for the field; for evidence there is an inescapable circularity in the identify-
explanations of sigla denoting papyrus editions see Oates ing of Christian elements in texts and the illumination of
et al. 1985). Outside Egypt, papyrus finds have been on a Christianity on the basis of the texts. The papyri bear out
very much smaller scale and the attestation of early Chris- the view that there was a diversity of beliefs and practices,
tianity slight. A parchment fragment of Tatian 's Diatessaron but the low proportion of specifically "unorthodox" mate-
(P. Dura 10) was found at Dura-Europus, where Christi- rial warns against overstating the diversity (Roberts I 979;
anity was practiced alongside other worshipping traditions Samuel I 985). Light is shed, albeit in a scattered and
in this remote Roman outpost, destroyed by the Persians incomplete way, on some of the great developments, such
in A.D. 256/57. as the introduction of Christianity into Egypt, the growth
In filling in some of the considerable gaps presented by of Coptic Christianity, the rise of the monastic movement,
the literary, epigraphic, and archaeological sources, papyri the formulation of liturgy, and the transmission of the
offer a type of documentation of great directness, and textual traditions of the OT (including pre-Hexaplaric and
extend the range of evidence to times and places for which non-LXX material) and of the NT (including texts with
documentation is otherwise unavailable (the full range of "Western" affinities).
source materials for Christianity in Egypt is considered in The bulk of the texts are in Greek (over 300 by the early
Pearson and Goehring 1986). Alexandria, pivotal in the 4th century; in the space available here only a representa-
history of Christianity as in cultural history more gener- tive sample of texts can be cited), a phenomenon reflecting
ally, has itself yielded no papyrus finds, a major gap in the the transplantation of Hellenic culture to Egypt through
documentation scarcely alleviated by the finding elsewhere commerce and conquest and its continuance under the
of texts which emanate from or refer to Christianity there, Roman administration (Lewis 1983, Bowman 1986 provide
and by the assumption that Alexandrian practice had a general perspectives on the period in the light of the
decisive influence on scribal and other aspects of Christian evidence of papyri). Only a handful of texts are in Latin
books in Egypt. Middle Egypt has yielded much, particu- (Cavenaile I 987). Coptic scriptures (Metzger 1977: 99-
larly the Fayum and Oxyrhynchus, as well as Hermopolis, 152; T Orlandi's survey of Coptic literature in Pearson
Antinoopolis, and other places. Finds from Upper Egypt and Goehring 1986: 51-81) begin to appear in the 3d
are fewer but highly significant; from there have come, or century, as well as Coptic glosses to Greek texts (the glosses
may have come, some of the best-preserved texts (notably in a papyrus of Isaiah, P. Chester Beatty VII, being among
the Bodmer and Chester Beatty biblical codices in Greek, the earliest specimens of Coptic). Some codices contain
and the Nag Hammadi Coptic Gnostic codices), with mo- collections of both Greek and Coptic texts (as Hamburg
nastic milieux providing an important role in the transmis- Pap. bil. 1, with several OT books in Greek and Coptic
sion of theological literature. There is evidence of the along with the Acts of Paul in Greek), and there is evidence
spread of Christianity westward to the Great Oasis by the for Greek-Coptic glossaries (British Museum Pap. 10825
3d century, a process stimulated by the flight or banish- verso, for some or all of the Minor Prophets).
ment of persecuted Christians to remote regions (on Papyri illuminate the cultural phenomenon of the form
Christianity in the oases see Wagner 1987: 355-72). Traffic of Christian books, a feature which is of significance for
beyond the First Cataract is likely to have carried Christian questions of attribution and of the use to which texts were
influence into Nubia as early as the 4th century. put, as well as for the cultural attainments of their copyists
The chronology of the Christian texts presents a formi- and readers. Typically lbut not exclusively), Christian bib-
dable problem, owing tu the uncertainties of palaeographic lical papyri are written in informal styles of handwriting,
daung (on handwriting and other aspects of scribal prac- are in codex form (varying in size from large to miniature,
tices, see Metzger 1981, Turner 1987; Turner [1977) gives with one or two columns to the page), and have nomina
some important re-darings). Most darings are very approx- sacra (distinctively Christian contractions of certain sacred
imate. None ol the texts can be safely assigned to the 1st names such as the word for God or Lord, e.g. ks = kyrios)
cemury. The 2d century provides the. first sure glimpses (Turner 1977; Roberts 1979). This general picture of
of the penetration of Christian literature along the Nile. Christian books applies to both OT and NT texts. The
PAPYRI, EARLY CHRISTIAN 144. v
possibility of a Jewish milieu, or at least the influence of of a small number of books frequently occur. There is
Jewish scribal tradition, arises where an OT text is written evidence of varying clarity for collections of the usual
calligraphically, is in roll form, uses the Tetragrammaton subgroupings: the Pentateuch, the Psalms, the Wisdom
(the Hebrew YHWH = Lord, represented by paleo-He- books, the Minor Prophets, some of the Major Prophets,
brew or square Hebrew characters), or carries a non- the Four Gospels, the Johannine books, the Pauline Epis-
Septuagint Hebraizing version (as that of Aquila or Sym- tles, the Catholic Epistles. From this list are absent as a
machus; on the various Greek translations and their attes- group the historical books of the OT, which are weakly
tation [Tov ANRW 2/20/1: 121-89]). A concurrence of ~epresented. The sequences of books within these group-
several such features, suggesting Jewish attribution as un- ings are frequently noteworthy (for example, the Pauline
avoidable, occurs seldom. The Jewish presence in Egypt Epistles appear in descending order of length in P. Chester
declined dramatically as a result of cycles of revolt and Beatty II). There are also some unanticipated groupings
persecution, and Jewish papyri in this period are corre- of biblical works (a striking instance is P. Oxy. VIII 1075
spondingly few. + 1079, from a papyrus roll with Exodus on the recto and
In the 2d and 3d centuries the Christian preference for Revelation on the verso), and combinations of biblical and
the codex for biblical texts (the roll was not infrequent for other (such as patristic) material (where a theme may be
Christian literary works) is in marked contrast with the still discernible, as with the apparently Paschal contents of the
traditional use of the roll for works of classical literature, Savery Coptic codex, which has Melito, On the Pasch, as well
for which the codex did not become standard until the 4th as I Peter, Jonah, and other texts).
century (Turner 1977; Roberts and Skeat 1983). In the Best represented of all are the Psalms (P. Bodmer XXIV
same century parchment came into common use in Egypt; being especially extensive), a reflection of their importance
an increase in the proportion of parchment codices for in worship and also in the schoolroom. Other examples of
biblical texts is part of this wider change. In addition to substantially preserved OT papyri include texts of Genesis
the codex form, Christian scribes used the roll form on (Berlin, Cod. Gr. fol. 66 I, II; P. Chester Beatty IV and V),
exceptional occasions for biblical texts. Some biblical texts Numbers and Deuteronomy (P. Chester Beatty VI), Prov-
appear in the form of individual sheets, including in- erbs, Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus (P. Ant. I 8 + II 2 IO), the
stances (notably of Psalm texts) which are evidently for Minor Prophets (Washington MS. V), Isaiah (P. Chester
liturgical use, and texts used as amulets. Beatty VII + other fragments), Ezekiel, Daniel and Esther
The consistency with which Christian scribes favored the (P. Chester Beatty IX + X + other fragments). P. Chester
codex is matched by the regularity with which they used Beatty I has the remains of the four Gospels and Acts. The
nomina sacra. Like the codex, these are found in use in the Gospels of Matthew and John are particularly well repre-
earliest examples of Christian biblical papyri. The system sented. Strong attestation for the gospel of John (including
shows some variety in its earlier stages, both in the choice the substantially preserved codices of John and Luke-John,
of words abbreviated and in the methods of abbreviation. P. Bodmer II and P. Bodmer XIV-XV), and the occur-
Abbreviations became normal for the following fifteen rence of noncanonical material with Johannine affinities,
words, and could be employed whether in context the lead to the conclusion that Johannine thought had very
words had a "sacred" or "profane" sense: theos, kyrios, considerable influence in early Egyptian Christianity. A
/esous, christos, uios, pneuma, Daueid, stauros (and stauroo), work of similar popularity (to judge by the numbers) was
meter, pater, Israel, siiter, anthropos, lerousalem and ouranos the Shepherd of Hermas, which achieved some canonical
(Paap 1959; Roberts 1979). status for a time; the papyri show it to have circulated in
Biblical papyri (which are augmented by biblical quota- several of its component parts. P. Bodmer VII + VIII has
tions and reminiscences in apocryphal and literary papyri I and 2 Peter and Jude complete. P. Chester Beatty III has
and in some of the letters) provide a core of evidence a third of Revelation. Some casual biblical excerpts appear
(biblical and literary papyri are catalogued in van Haelst in the margins of documents (such as the beginning of the
1976 [including a chronological list of early texts, pp. 409- Lord's Prayer written beside accounts, P. Erl. 105-10).
13), with updates by Treu in his "Christliche Papyri" re- With the canonical books must be considered the extra-
ports [Treu 1969- ]; and Aland 1976 is confined to texts canonical or apocryphal texts, bearing in mind that the
on papyrus specifically, as is the series of text volumes idea and content of the canon were in the process of
begun with Grunewald and Junack 1986). The biblical clarification, and that authentic material, such as new
papyri are more abundant than texts in other categories, sayings of Jesus, may be transmitted independent of the
and provide a useful indicator of the geographical spread canon. The papyri attest several apocryphal gospels not
of Christianity along the Nile (Roberts 1979). They pro- otherwise known, among them one of the earliest Chris-
vide the earliest witnesses to many passages, and offer tian papyri, Greek fragments of an unidentified gospel or
numerous variants. They shed light on scribal practices, gospel harmony (P. Egerton 2 = P. Lond. Christ. I, with
on reading preferences, on the canon of scripture, and on another fragment recently identified in the Cologne collec-
text types current in Egypt. (Aland and Aland 1987 gives tion, P. Koln VI 255). The identified NT apocrypha in-
contents and textual evaluation of NT texts on papyrus clude the Proteuangelium ofJames complete (P. Bodmer V),
and parchment. In these matters it needs to be remem- and Greek fragments of the gospel of Thomas (P. Oxy. I
bered that statistical considerations are affected by the I, IV 654, 655; now reedited in Layton 1989), recognized
accidents of preservation and publication.) after the discovery of a Coptic translation of the work
Evidence for a complete Bible in a single codex is lack- among the tractates of the Nag Hammadi codices.
ing. Most of the papyri survive as leaves or fragments of Literary papyri include identified works of patristic au-
one book, and their original extent is unclear. Groupings thors, works which may be attributed to known authors on
v. 145 PAPYRI, EARLY CHRISTIAN

the grounds of content or style, and works of unknown phraseology appears in greetings, prayers, and salutations.
authorship, among which homiletic literature and works The conveying of Christian sentiments in the body of a
of hagiography are prominent. The variety of writers letter becomes frequent in the 4th century, and some
attested goes beyond specifically Egyptian circles and, in biblical quotations and allusions occur. The correspon-
fact, the Alexandrian theologians are weakly represented dence of churches and monasteries-such as letters of
(some identifications for Origen, uncertain attribution for recommendation-begins to appear in the latter half of
Clement; Alexandrian textual criticism is represented in P. the 3d century. Some light is thrown on Christianity in
Grenf. I 5, a papyrus of Ezekiel in which the Hexaplaric Alexandria; there is, for example, an apparent mention of
system of signs is used). Melito of Sardis is relatively well the late-3d-century bishop of Alexandria Maximus (P.
represented. Other writers found include Aristides, Iren- Amh. I 3 [c]), and a description of conflicts between
aeus, Julius Africanus, Eusebius, and Pachomius. An epis- adherents of Athanasius and supporters of the Meletian
tle against the Manicheans (P. Ryl. III 469) may be a schism (P. Lond. VI 1914). P. Lond. VI 1913-1922 is a
pastoral circular from an Alexandrian bishop. Two ver- series of letters from around A.D. 330-40 from a Melitian
sions of the anonymous Acts of Phileas (P. Bodmer XX, P. monastic milieu (now further illuminated, though with a
Chester Beatty XV) illuminate the development of martyr- slightly later focus, by the archive of Nepheros in Trier
ological compositions based on the form of official reports and Heidelberg). The mutually supportive roles of church
of court proceedings. and military functionaries is documented by the archive
Knowledge of Gnostic and related writings has been (early 340~arly 350s) of Abinnaeus, a cavalry officer
revolutionized by the finding of the Nag Hammadi codices, stationed in the Fayum (P. Abinn.). The papyrus letters
containing over 40 tractates in Coptic (most if not all give evidence of social and cultural levels, norms (such as
translations of Greek originals, reaching back into the the ascetic), and customs (such as the bestowal of Christian
early period). There is a small number of distinctively names). On the whole, in both the 3d and 4th centuries,
gnostic papyri in Greek from our period, including por- the writers are from the higher levels of town or village
tions of the Gospel of Mary (P. Oxy. L. 3525 as well as P. Ryl. society (Judge and Pickering 1977, with a list of letters and
III 463, the latter likewise from Oxyrhynchus), the Sophia documents).
of Jesus Christ (P. Oxy VII I 1081; also found among the Some official and other documents refer to or originate
Nag Hammadi tractates), and a work regarded as probably with Christians, or are concerned with events of relevance
from the school of Valentinus (P. Oxy. I 4). Several Coptic to the history of Christianity. There is a tendency in the
Manichean codices were discovered in the Fayum in 1930 evidence of the documents toward depicting a transition
and the process of their preservation and publication from confrontation to integration in the community, a
continues to the present day. result of the types of circumstances which could lead to
The liturgical texts, prayers, and hymns which survive the appearance of persons in public records (such as the
are for the most part unknown from other sources. As well holding of property) or the public designation of persons
as individual prayers from formal and private milieux (P. as church-related (as when ecclesiastical titles became com-
Oxy. III 407 is a well-preserved example), there are collec- monplace). Documents have the advantage that, in most
tions, one of them conspicuously syncretistic (B.K.T VI 6 instances, they contain specific dates or are susceptible of
1, which includes a hymn from the Poimandres, with dox- reasonably close dating (even here doubts over dating may
ology added). P. Oxy. XV 1786, a hymn to the Trinity with
arise, owing to questions of reading or interpretation).
musical notation, offers the earliest extant specimen of
Christian hymnody. Firmly dated texts begin to emerge in the middle of the
There is a miscellaneous group of "subliterary" papyri, third century. Between A.O. 250 and A.O. 350 the focus of
including biblical oracles, glossaries, onomastica and word the documents changes from the investigation of Chris-
lists, biblical passages used for school exercises, and glosses tians (in the latter half of the 3d century and the first few
and other marginalia. Through the magical genre, pre- years of the 4th) to the role of church institutions in the
served in Greek and Coptic, run crosscurrents of thought social and economic order (particularly from the early
which typify the period, when biblical excerpts could be 320s onwards). At the beginning of that period are certifi-
used as amulets or Christian ideas could be drafted into cates of sacrifice from the Decian persecution (the so-
magical formulations. Some Christian symbols occur in called Decian libelli [P. Oxy. XLI 2990 was the 44th to be
texts of various genres, such as the staurogram worked published), not specifically referring to Christians), and
into. an abbreviated form of the word for "crucify" in soon after (at or near to the time of the persecution of
b1bhcal texts, or the number 99 (the numerical value of Valerian) investigative documents in which the word
the letters of amin) added to a private letter (P. Oxy. XXXI "Christian" occurs (P. Oxy. XLII 3035, XLIII 3119); at the
2601). midpoint, the dismantling of churches under Diocletian is
The private letters, from ca. A.O. 200 onward, show attested (P. Oxy. XXXIII 2673; cf. P. Harr. II 208); toward
~ersons ex_pressing their beliefs, incidentally or more de- the end of the period, ecclesiastics and monks have become
liberately, m the course of everyday affairs (whether some part of the daily scene (e.g. P. Col. VII 171), Sunday is
letters assigned earlier actually refer to Christians is de- referred to as "the Lord's Day" (P. Oxy. LIV 3579), an
bated; this is pa.rt of a general problem of attribution, Egyptian monk is summoned by Constantine to the Synod
smce 1!1onoth~1suc .or other usages may be consistent with of Caesarea (P. Lond. VI 1913, A.O. 334), and bishops are
Chnsua~ behef without being distinctive of it [Naldini found as substantial landowners (P. Herm. Landlisten), a
1968; W1pszycka 1974; Tibiletti 1979]). The standard con- signal of the large role of the church in the politics and
ventions of letter writing were adapted so that Christian economy of Byzantine Egypt.
PAPYRI, EARLY CHRISTIAN 146 • v
Bibliography PAPYRI, PAPYRUS. Articles on individual papyri
Aland, K., ed. 1976. Repertorium der griechischen christlichen Papyri. can be found under the following titles: BODMER PA-
Vol. I, Biblische Papyri. Altes Testament, Neues Testament, Varia, PYRI; CHESTER BEATTY PAPYRI; ELEPHANTINE
Apokryphen. Patristische Texte und Studien 18. Berlin and New PAPYRI; SAMARIA (PAPRYRI); and EGERTON PAPY-
York. RUS. On papyrus as a writing material, see FLORA;
Aland, K., and Aland, B. 1987. The Text of the New Testament. Trans. WRITING AND WRITING MATERIALS.
A. F. Rhodes. Grand Rapids, Ml and Leiden.
Bagnall, R. S. 1982. Religious Conversion and Onomastic Change
in Early Byzantine Egypt. BASP 19: 105-24. PARABLE. An extended metaphor or simile frequently
- - . 1987. Conversion and Onomastics: A Reply. Zeitschrift filr becoming a brief narrative, generally used in biblical times
Papyrologie und Epigraphik 69: 243-50. for didactic purposes.
Bowman, A. K. 1986. Ef(Ypt after the Pharaohs, 332 BC-AD 642.from
Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. London. A. Parabolic Genre
Cavenaile, R. 1987. Le latin dans les milieux chretiens d'Egypte. B. Parabolic Corpus
Pp. 103-10 in Miscell.dnia papirologica Ramon Rocca-Puig en el I. The Hebrew Scriptures
seu uuitanU aniversari, eds. S. Janeras. Barcelona. 2. The Jesus Tradition
Grunewald, M., and Junack, K., eds. 1986. Das Neue Testament auf C. Parabolic Interpretation
Papyrus. Vol. l, Die Katholischen Briefe. ANTF 6. Berlin and New
York. A. Parabolic Genre
Judge, E. A., and Pickering, S. R. 1977. Papyrus Documentation of The Greco-Roman literary tradition took the genre
Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century. "parable" in a fairly restricted manner. In his Rhetoric
}AC 20: 47-71. (2.20) Aristotle distinguished two types of proof used in
Layton, B., ed. 1989. Nag Hammadi Codex //,2-7 Together with all types of rhetoric. First, there is the example (para-
Xlll,2*, Brit. Lib. Or. (4926) 1, and P. Ory. 1, 654, 655. The deigma), which is to be used inductively. This is divided
Coptic Gnostic Library. NHS 20-21. Leiden. into two classes, "one which consists in relating things that
Lewis, N. 1974. Papyrus in Classical Antiquity. Oxford. have happened before, and another in inventing them
- - . 1983. Life in Ef(Ypt under Roman Rule. Oxford. oneself." The former is history, the latter fiction. Those
Metzger, B. M. 1977. The Early Versions of the New Testament. Oxford. fictional examples are again divided into two subclasses:
- - . 1981. Manuscripts of the Greek Bible. New York and Oxford. the fable (logos) and the comparison (parabole). Fables are
Montevecchi, 0. 1973. La Papirologia. Turin. impossible or unrealistic fictions. Aristotle gives an in-
Naldini, M. 1968. fl Cristianesimo in Egitto. Lettere private nei papiri stance from Aesop: The flea-ridden fox refuses the hed-
dei secoli II-IV. Studi e testi di papirologia. Florence. gehog's offer of help because his fleas are now sated.
Oates, J. F.; Bagnall, R. S.; Willis, W. H.; and Worp, K. A. 1985. Parables arc possible or realistic fictions. Aristotle gives an
Checklist of Editions of Greek Papyri and Ostraca, 3d ed. BASPSup instance from Socrates: "If one were to say that magistrates
4. should not be chosen by lot, for this would be the same as
Paap, A. H. R. E. 1959. Nomina Sacra in the Greek Papyri of the First choosing as representative athletes not those component
Five Centuries A.D. The Sources and Some Deductions. Papyrolo- to contend, but those on whom the lot falls; or as choosing
gica Lugduno-Batava. Leiden. any of the sailors as the man who should take the helm, as
if it were right that the choice should be decided by lot,
Pearson, B. A., and Goehring, J. E., eds. 1986. The Roots of Ef(Yptian
not by a man's knowledge" (2.20.4). Second, there is the
Christianity. Studies in Antiquity and Christianity. Philadelphia.
saying (enthymema), which is to be used deductively. Here
Roberts, C. H. 1979. Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian
again there are two classes. One is the maxim (gnome), for
Ef(Ypt. London.
instance: "There is no man who is really free." Another is
Roberts, C. H., and Skeat, T. C. 1983. The Birth of the Codex. London. the proverb (paroimia), for instance: "An Attic [i.e., trouble-
Samuel, A. E. 1985. How Many Gnostics? BASP 22: 297-322. some] neighbor."
Tibiletti, G. 1979. Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo The Hebrew literary tradition gave the genre a much
d.C. Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo. Milan. wider understanding. As we shall see in more detail below,
Treu, K. 1969-. "Christliche Papyri" [surveys in] Archiv fur Papyrus- the word mii!lil, with its most usual Greek translation,
forschung 19: 169-206 [and subsequent volumes]. parabole, meant a similitude or comparison and the expres-
Turner, E.G. 1977. The TypoloftY of the Early Codex. Philadelphia. sion had a very wide range of application. In fact it is
- - . 1980. Greek Papyri: An Introduction. Rev. ed. Oxford. almost synonymous with metaphor.
- - . 1987. Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World. 2d ed. rev. and Contemporary literary criticism agrees with the Greco-
enl., ed. P. J. Parsons. BICS Sup 46. London. Roman tradition in emphasizing the narrative element in
Van Haelst, J. 1976. Catalogue des papyrus littt!raires juifs et chrt!tiens. parable but with the Hebrew tradition in allowing both
Paris. impossible and possible stories into the genre. Three ele-
Wagner, G. 1987. Les Oasis d'E((Ypte a l'lpoque grecque, romaine et ments are stressed in modern parabolic theory. Parables
byzantine, d'apr~s Les documents grecs (Recherches de papyrologie et combine the qualities of narrative, metaphor, and brevity.
d'lpigraphie grecques). Bibliotheque d'Etude, LOO. Cairo. A parable must tell, in as short a space as possible, a story
Wipszycka, E. 1974. Remarques sur les lettres privees chretiennes with a double meaning. One meaning will usually be quite
des II•-IV• siecles (apropos d'un livre de M. Naldini).journal clear on the surface of the narration. Another, and pre-
ofjuristic Papyrolilf(Y 18: 203-21. sumably deeper meaning, or other, and possibly multiple
S. R. PICKERING meanings lie hidden within the complexities of the narra-
v. 147 PARABLE

tive, and these challenge or provoke the recipient to inter- was explicitly used for those parabolic or allegorical stories.
pretation. Parables are lures for interpretation and also But even in Ezekiel there are allegories where the term
revelations of the very process of interpretation itself. does not appear. They are simply called prophetic lamen-
tations. For example, The Young Lions in Ezek 19: 1-9 has
B. Parabolic Corpus Judah as a lioness. Jehoahaz as the "young lion ... brought
1. The Hebrew Scriptures. In the Hebrew scriptures with hooks to the land of Egypt," and Jehoiachin as "an-
the parabolic genre, as miiSal or parabole is not limited to other of her welps ... put ... in a cage and ... brought
narratives but is concentrated around the idea of compar- ... to the king of Babylon." Similarly, The Vine's Branch
ison, of one thing said and another intended. It therefore in Ezek 19: l 0-14 has Judah as a vine, the "strongest stem"
includes everything from proverb to allegory (Boucher is Zedekiah, the "east wind" is Nebuchadrezzar, and the
1977: 86-89). The full continuum of its usage can be seen "transplantation in the wilderness" is the Babylonian Exile.
even in a single book, for example, in Ezekiel. There are several instances elsewhere in the Hebrew
The term can designate what we would call a proverb, scriptures where the specific term masal or parabole is not
and specific examples are italicized in the following cases. used but which should also be considered as parables in
In Ezek 12:22-23 God says to the prophet, "Son of man, the sense of allegories. Here the stories are taken not from
what is this proverb that you have about the land of Israel, natural events but from human actions. The most famous
saying, The days grow long and every vision comes to may well be The Ewe Lamb in 2 Sam 12: 1-4. The "rich
nought'? Tell them therefore, Thus says the Lord God: I man" is David, the "poor man" is Uriah, the "ewe lamb" is
will put an end to this proverb, and they shall no more use Bathsheba, and Nathan traps David in his own indignation.
it as a proverb in Israel.'" In Ezek 16:43l>-45b, God Notice, once again, that even in such parabolic allegories,
accuses Jerusalem, "Have you not committed lewdness in not every narrative element has an extranarratival refer-
addition to all your abominations? Behold, every one who ent. What, for example, in the story of David's adultery
uses proverbs will use this proverb about you, 'Like and murder corresponds to the narrative's "there came a
mother, like daughter' ... Your mother was a Hittite and traveler to the rich man"? Is it part of the allegorical
your father an Amorite." Finally, in Ezek 18:2-3, in a text challenge that the recipient must determine just how far
very similar to the first one in 12:22-23, God again refutes such detailed references are to be passed? A similar alle-
an Israelite proverb. "The word of the Lord came to me gorical trap is sprung on David by The Widow's Sons in 2
again, 'What do you mean by repeating this proverb con- Sam 14:5-7. Here the first son is the murdered Amnon,
cerning the land of Israel, "The fathers have eaten sour and second son is the fugitive Absalom. One final example,
grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge." As I live, which Aristotle would have termed a fable rather than a
says the Lord God, this proverb shall no more be used by parable, is the case of the antimonarchic story in Judg 9:8-
you in Israel.' " 15. The trees sought a king but were turned down by olive,
There is a special instance of parable-as-proverb in the fig, and vine, and had to take in the end the useless and
case of proverbs of warning or bywords of caution. In Ezek dangerous bramble. In that example there are no specific
14:8 God is threatening idolators who seek prophetic referents for olive, fig, and vine, but the bramble clearly
guidance despite their infidelity: "I will set my face against applies to Abimelech.
that man, I will make him a sign and a byword and cut Most of what will follow in this parabolic tradition is
him off from the midst of my people; and you shall know already set up by those preceding examples. Parable ex-
that I am the Lord." tends from nonnarrative proverb to narrative allegory,
At the other end of the continuum are instances of what from fables with possible or impossible natural protago-
we would term allegory. Once again there are very good nists to stories with quite possible and plausible human
examples in Ezekiel. Here the parable designates a narra- protagonists, and with or without the specific title of para-
tive comparison with the hidden meaning carried by both ble being present.
the narrative sequence and details of the story. In Ezek 2. The Jesus Thadition. The Christian tradition was
17:2 God tells the prophet, "Son of man, propound a consciously aware that Jesus spoke both in aphoristic par-
riddle, and speak an allegory to the house of Israel." ables and narrative parables. This is clear in two docu-
There follows in 17 :3-10 the parable-allegory of The Two ments discovered at Nag Hammadi. The aphoristic para-
Eagles, which is explained in detail in 17: 11-21. The first bles are recalled by the comment in Dial. Sav. (NHC lll.5)
or "great eagle" is Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon, the "young 139:8-11, "Mariam said, Thus about "The wickedness of
twig" is Jehoiachin, the "seed of the land" is Zedekiah. The each day," and "The laborer being worthy of his food,"
"second eagle" is Pharaoh Psammeticus II of Egypt. The and "The disciple resembling his teacher." ' " Those three
turning of the vine away from the first eagle which had sayings are known to us also from elsewhere in the Jesus
planted it and toward the second eagle is Zedekiah's pro- tradition. The Wickedness saying is in Matt 6:34b. The
Egypt1an intrigues which will bring the wrath of Babylon Laborer saying is in Matt lO:lOb; Luke 10:7b; 1Cor9:14;
down upon him. There is another parable-allegory in Ezek 1 Tim 5:18b; Did. 13:1-2. The Disciple saying is in Matt
20:45-49 where The Great Fire from the north will de- 10:25a; Luke 6:40. The narrative parables are recalled by
stroy the trees of the south, and Ezekiel protests, "Ah Lord the comment inAp.]as. (NHC l,2) 8:1-10, "It was enough
~d!' ~hey are saying of me, 'Is he not a maker of allego- for some (to listen) to the teaching and understand 'The
ries? It should be noted that not every single element in Shepherds' and 'The Seed' and 'The Building' and 'The
the allegorical story has a specific referent in the allego- Lamps of the Virgins' and 'The Wage of the Workmen'
rized history. and 'The Didrachmae' and 'The Woman.' " Those seven
In those preceding instances the word mMal or parabole parables are also known to us from elsewhere in the Jesus
 PARABLE 148 • v
tradition. The Shepherds (despite the plural) is probably ~ill fall into the pit." The aphoristic metaphor also appears
Matt 18:12-13; Luke 15:4-6. The Seed is Mark 4:3-8; m Gos. Thom. 34 and again without being explicitly called
Matt 13:3b-8; Luke 8:5-8a; Gos. Thom. 9. The Building is a parable. But Luke 6:39 reads, "He also told them a
Matt 7:24-27; Luke 6:47-49. The Lamps is Matt 25:1-13. parable: 'Can a blind man lead a blind man? Will they not
The Wage is Matt 20:1-15. The Didrachmae (despite the both fall into a pit?' "
plural) is Luke 15:8-9. The Woman is either Matt 13:33 It is already evident from some of the above examples
or Gos. Thom. 97. that aphoristic parables often appear in doubled format.
Following from the Hebrew scriptural usage, we would We just saw the doubled aphoristic metaphors of Patches
expect the term "parable" to cover both the aphoristic and and Wineskins. There are also several cases where an
narrative metaphors of Jesus. Thus, when Jesus is accused aphoristic metaphor appears as single in one text but as
of Satanic collusion, Mark 3:23 continues, "And he called double in another. For example, the Dogs and Swine
them to him, and said to them in parables, 'How can Satan saying in Matt 7:6 reads, "Do not give dogs what is holy;
cast out Satan? If a kingdom is divided against itself, that and do not throw your pearls before swine, lest they
kingdom cannot stand. And if a house is divided against trample them under foot and turn to attack you." Gos.
itself, that house will not be able to stand.'" In this case of Thom. 93 also has this saying as a doublet, "(Jesus said,)
Kingdom and House the term "parables" refers to nonnar- "Do not give what is holy to dogs, lest they throw them on
rative or aphoristic metaphors. Later in Mark 12:1, the the dung leap. Do not throw the pearls to swine, lest they
story of The Evil Tenants is introduced with, "And he grind it (to bits)." Yet Did. 9:5 warns with a single aphoristic
began to speak to them in parables," and in 12: 12 it is metaphor, "But let none eat or drink of your Eucharist
concluded with, "And they tried to arrest him, but feared except those who have been baptized in the Lord's Name.
the multitude, for they perceived that he had told the For concerning this also did the Lord say, 'Give not that
parable against them; so they left him and went away." which is holy to the dogs.'" Again, the sayings on Hating
This wide understanding of parable as including both One's Family and Carrying One's Cross appear as a dou-
aphoristic metaphor and narrative metaphor is present blet in Matt 10:37-38; Luke 14:26-27; Gos. Thom. 55. But
even within the same chapter in Mark 4. This opens in 4:2, the latter saying appears alone in Mark 8:34; Matt 16:24;
"And he taught them many things in parables," and con- Luke 9:23; and the former appears alone in Gos. Thom.
cludes in 4:33-34, "With many such parables he spoke the 10 I. Finally, the famous saying about the Prophet's Own
word to them, as they were able to hear it; he did not speak Country appears as follows in Gos. Thom. 31 (P. Oxy 1.30-
to them without a parable, but privately to his own disciples 35), "Jesus said, 'No prophet is accepted in his own village;
he explained everything." Yet inside those emphatic no physician heals those who know him.' " Instead of this
frames, the section includes both parables-as-narratives, double version, with prophet and physician present, there
for example, The Sower in 4:3-8, The Harvest Time in is a single version, with only prophet present, in Mark 6:4;
4:26-29, The Mustard Seed in 4:30b-32, and parables-as- Matt 13:57b; john 4:44.
aphorisms, for example, Lamp and Bushel in 4:21, Mea- In most of these cases it is almost impossible lo decide
sure for Measure in 4:24b. And both types of parable whether a single saying has been doubled by analogous
receive the warning, "He who has ears to hear, let him creation or an originally double saying has been contracted
hear," in 4:9 and, "If any man has ears to hear, let him into single format. In that final instance, the second option
hear" in 4:23. seems more plausible. Prophet could be taken literally and
In general, therefore, the Jesus tradition follows the the metaphorical physician could easily drop away. This is
Hebrew scriptural precedent and places the emphasis on confirmed by Jesus' comment in Luke 4:23, "And he said
comparison or metaphor in applying the term "parable" to them, 'Doubtless you will quote to me this proverb,
to a unit. Whether the unit is aphoristic or a narrative "Physician, heal yourself; what we have heard you did at
metaphor is of no significance. The data of the Jesus Capernaum, do here also in your own country."'" Luke,
tradition necessitates, however, the expansion of that dou- in other words, may have known the double aphorism but
ble into a triple category: aphoristic parables, extended opted, unlike Mark and the rest, for the physician rather
parables, and narrative parables.
than the prophet.
a. Aphoristic Parables. There is a very high incidence There are even some cases where a single or double
of aphoristic metaphors in the Jesus tradition and these
aphorism is moving on to become a triple version. We saw
may be present with or without the explicit term "parable"
already the double saying on Kingdom and House in Mark
being present. For example, Mark 2:21-22 says, "No one
sews a piece of unshrunk cloth on an old garment; if he 3:24-25 and Luke 11: l 7b. In this case Matt I 2:25b almost
does, the patch tears away from it, the new from the old, triples it: "Every kingdom divided against itself is laid
and a worse tear is made. And no one puts new wine into waste, and no city or house divided against itself will
old wineskins; if he does, the wine will burst the skins, and stand." One begins to glimpse a possible third saying about
the wine is lost, and so are the skins; but new wine is for a divided city added to that on kingdom and house.
·fresh skins." Matt 9:16-17 follows Mark in not calling this Similarly the Serving Two Masters saying appears in single
aphoristic metaphor about Patches and Wineskins a para- form in Matt 6:24, "No one can serve two masters; for
ble. And it also occurs without explicit parabolic character- either he will hate the one and love the other, or he will be
ization in Gos. Thom. 47d. But in Luke 5:36a the same unit devoted to one and despise the other." So also in Luke
is introduced by "He told them a parable also." Exactly the 16:13. But this is a triple version in Gos. Thom. 47, "Jesus
same phenomenon occurs in the case of The Blind Guide. said, 'It is impossible for a man to mount two horses or to
Matt 15:14b reads, "And ifa blind man leads a blind, both stretch two bows. And it is impossible for a servant to serve
v. 149 PARABLE

two masters; otherwise he will honor the one and treat the I4:7-I 0, The Two Stewards of Matt 24:45-5 l; Luke
other contemptuously.' " 12:42-46; The Two Reactions of the master in Luke 17:7-
Aphoristic parables, in other words, appear in single, 9, The Two Refusals of the playing children in Matt 11: 16-
double, triple, or even multiple units, and these may either 17; Luke 7:31-32; and The Two Sons of Matt 21:28-32. A
expand or contract as the transmission progresses. And graphic illustration of the difference between an extended
doublets, of course, could be formed either synonymously, parable and a narrative parable may be seen by comparing
with twin positives or twin negatives, or else antithetically, that last instance with the story of the two sons in The
with a balanced positive and negative in whichever order. Prodigal Son of Luke 15: l l-32.
All the preceding doublets were in synonymous parallel- Of course, not all extended parables have this antitheti-
ism. Examples in antithetical parallelism appear in the cal format. Examples without it are the Fig Tree's Lesson
next section. in Mark 13:28 and Matt 24:32, but explicitly called a
b. Extended Parables. The distinction between ex- parable only in Luke 21 :29-30; or Knowing the Danger in
tended and narrative parables may be clarified by an Matt 24:43; Luke 12:39; Gos. Thom. 21,103.
example. The narrative parable of The Treasure appears In the Jesus tradition, extended parables form the cen-
in Matt 13:44: "The kingdom of heaven is like treasure ter of a parabolic continuum with clearly aphoristic para-
hidden in a field, which a man found and covered up; bles at one end and clearly narrative parables at the other.
then in his joy he goes and sells all that he has and buys There are, therefore, extended parables which are ex-
that field." On the one hand, this is much more than a tremely close to aphoristic ones and others extremely close
simple aphoristic parable, as if it had said only, "the to narrative ones.
kingdom of heaven is like a treasure hidden in a field," An example of the former instance is Before the Judg-
and stopped right there. On the other, it is surely a ment. In Matt 5:25-26 and Luke 12:58-59 this reads:
minimal story, with beginning, middle, and end, with the "Make friends quickly with your accuser, while you are
three sequential elements of finding, reburying, and buy- going with him to court, lest your accuser hand you over
ing. Still, despite its brevity or maybe even because of it, to the judge, and the judge to the guard, and you be put
one could certainly not guess from the opening sentence in prison; truly, I say to you, you will never get out till you
how the story would unfold. That is a narrative parable have paid the last penny." But the synoptically dependent
and the application depends on how one reads the entire version in Did. I :5 is much shorter: "He ... shall be tried
story. There is, in other words, some at least minimal ... and being in prison he shall be examined as to his
amount of surprise or unpredictability in narrative para- deeds, and he shall not come out thence until he pay the
bles. last farthing."
Extended parables, however, are but the predictable There are several examples of the latter instance, that
unfolding of what is implicit in aphoristic parables. Con- is, of parables which stand on the exact borderline between
sider The Two Houses in Matt 7:24-27 or Luke 6:47-49, an extended and a narrative parable. Examples are The
"Every one then who hears these words of mine and does Harvest Time in Mark 4:26-29; Gos. Thom. 21; The Mus-
them will be like a wise man who built his house upon tard Seed in Mark 4:30-32; Matt 13:31-32; Luke 13:18-
rock; and the rain fell, and the floods came, and the winds 19; Gos. Thom. 20; The Leaven in Matt 13:33; Luke 13:20-
blew and beat upon the house, but it did not fall, because 21; Gos. Thom. 96; The Midnight Friend in Luke l l :5-8;
it had been founded on the rock. And every one who hears The Tower Builder in Luke 14:28-30; The Warring King
these words of mine and does not do them will be like a in Luke 14:31-32; The Unjust Judge in Luke 18:2-4; and
foolish man who built his house upon the sand; and the all three parables from one of the Nag Hammadi texts,
rains fell, and the floods came, and the winds blew and The Palm Shoot in Ap.jas. 7:22-28; Grain of Wheat in Ap.
beat against that house, and it fell; and great was the fall ]as. 8: 10-23; Ear of Grain in Ap.jas. 12:20-27.
of it." That could be taken as a sequential narrative with Finally, there is one very interesting parable, The Re-
beginning, middle, and end, with building, flooding, turning Master, which might be classified in any of the
standing, or building, flooding, falling. It could be consid- three categories. In Mark 13:34-36 and Luke 12:35-38,
ered a narrative parable, just like The Treasure. But each the combination of parabolic third-person and parenetic
half does no more than unpack the details already quite second-person discourse renders it hard to decide whether
predictable in those opening aphoristic metaphors, "built there might be a full narrative parable behind those units.
on rock" or "built on sand." No doubt, the expanded But in any case, the synoptically independent version in
metaphor is quite suitable as the climactic ending for Did. 16: I is simply an aphoristic parable: "Watch over your
Matthew's "Sermon on the Mount," but it is also a moot life: let your lamps be not quenched and your loins be not
point in aesthetics whether expanded metaphors are not ungirded, but be ready, for ye know not the hour in which
often ruined metaphors. It is sometimes best to leave the our Lord cometh."
unpacking to the recipient's imagination. c. Narrative Parables. The most famous parables in the
In The Two Houses the extended parables were based Jesus tradition are not the extended but the narrative
on an aphoristic doublet but this doublet, unlike the syn- parables. It is those, for example, that gave to our language
onymous ones seen earlier, was an antithetical formation. the images of the prodigal son and the good Samaritan. It
It balanced a positive with a negative rather than having a must be remembered, however, that Jesus was an oral
synonymous formation containing two of either. Several teacher and that those stories may well be no more than
other extended parables contain antithetical parallelism. plot summaries of stories which might have taken hours to
~or example, notice the contrasted options in The Two tell.
Shepherds of John 10: 11-13, The Two Positions of Luke In a famous article of 1909, Axel Olrik spoke of the epic
PARABLE 150 • v
"laws" of folk narrative, and those traditions of oral story- This is probably because the parables were often told
telling are still obvious even in the necessarily summarized concerning the Kingdom of God and that explained a
versions of Jesus' narrative parables. The "Law of Three" symbol by a metaphor. This meant that the first hearers
appears in the path, rocks, and thistles of The Sower in and final writers were themselves forced both to transmit
Mark 4:3-8; Matt 13:3-8; Luke 8:5-8a; Gos. Thom. 9; in and to interpret the parables at the same time. The pre-
the three servants of The Talents in Matt 25: 14-30, in the sumption is that Jesus intended this effect, namely, that
"improved" version in Gos. Naz. 18, and even in Luke the parables would be both provocative and unforgettable
19: 15-26 despite the initial "ten servants" in 19: 13; and in so that the recipient would be forced inevitably to inter-
the Priest, Levite, and Samaritan of The Good Samaritan pret.
in Luke 10:30-35. But those last two cases also follow the The narrative parables of Jesus can receive external and/
"Law of Twins," that is, the first two servants in The Talents or internal interpretation. The most obvious mode of
and the first two travelers in The Good Samaritan form a external interpretation is by commentary. In this usage
twinned situation as contrasted with the third one in each the parable is given a detail-by-detail interpretation, some-
case. The Law of Contrast, of clearly polarized protago- what similar to what was seen already for The Two Eagles
nists, appears in the farmer and his enemy in the Wheat in Ezekiel 17. The classic example is The Sower in Mark
and Weeds in Matt 13:24-30; Gos. Thom. 57; in the Rich 4:3-8; Matt 13:3-8; Luke 8:5-8a. This is interpreted by
Man and Lazarus in Luke 16: 19-31 ; in the Pharisee and Jesus in Mark 4: 13-20; Matt 13: 18-23; Luke 8: 11-15. The
Publican in Luke 18: 10-13; in the former and latter guests seed is the word of God and the earth is the hearers; the
of The Feast in Matt 22: 1-13; Luke 14:15-24; Gos. Thom. birds are Satan; the rocks are persecutions; the thistles are
64a; and in the wise and foolish bridesmaids of The Closed temptations. Similarly, the Wheat and Weeds in Matt
Door in Matt 25:1-12. The "Law of Concentration" on 13:24-30 is interpreted by Jesus in 13:36-43, and The
one leading character explains the emphasis on the master Fishnet in Matt 13:47-48 is interpreted by .Jesus in 13:49-
in The Vineyard Laborers in Matt 20:1-15. The "Law of 50. What is striking, however, is that all three of those
the Single Strand," of unentangled plots, is clear in the parables are also known in Gm. Thom. 9, 57, 8, but they
three successive scenes of The Unmerciful Servant in Matt receive no interpretation at all in that gospel. It must
18:23-35. The "Law of Opening," moving swiftly from therefore be considered quite possible that such commen-
rest to movement, is evident at the start of The Prodigal taries derived not from .Jesus but rather from the tradition
Son in Luke 15: 11-32 or The Unjust Steward in Luke itself. In doing so, the tradition may have placed more
16:1-7. But "The Law of Ending," returning terminally emphasis on the details of the parable than 1hey will
from movement to rest, is quite absent in those two para- plausibly bear. Although one should not distinguish para-
bles. It is as if they are deliberately left hanging to force ble from allegory by saying that the former applies only
the hearer into judgment and commitment. one point from story to referent while the latter applies
Another feature of Jesus' narrative parables, apart from every detail, it is correct that the application of .Jesus'
their oral character, is their normalcy. The realities of stories seems to derive more from their general structure
Galilean life peer out from the everyday actions of peasant than from specific detail.
women, in The Lost Coin of Luke 15:8-9 and The Empty Another mode of external interpretation is from con-
Jar of Gos. Thom. 97; and from the lethal actions of peasant text. Luke 15: 1-2 reads, "Now the tax collectors and sin-
rebels, in The Tenants of Mark 12: 1-11; Matt 21 :33-43; ners were all drawing near to him. And the Pharisees and
Luke 14: 15-24; Gos. Thom. 65-66, and in The Assassin of the scribes murmured, saying, 'This man receives sinners
Gos. Thom. 98. Parables speak of a fish, in The Fishnet of and eats with them.'" Next comes The Last Sheep in 15:'.~-
Matt 13:47-48; Gos. Thom. 8; of a flock, in The Lost Sheep 6, with the conclusion in 15:7, "Just so, I tell you, there
of Matt 18:12-13; Luke 15:4-6; Gos. Thom. 107; and of a will be more joy in heaven over one sinner who repcnls
tree, in the Barren Fig Tree of Luke 13:6-9. One might than over ninety-nine righteous persons who need no
move up in such a world, but it would take luck or even repentance." Then comes The Lost Coin in 15:8-9, with
cunning, for example, in The Treasure of Matt 13:44; Gos. the conclusion in 15: 10, "Just so, I tell you, there is joy
Thom. 109; or The Pearl in Matt 13:45-46; Gos. Thom. 76. before the angels of God over one sinner who repents."
To make a point about riches, a rich farmer is chosen, in Finally, the chapter concludes with The Prodigal [Lost)
The Rich Fool of Luke 12: 16-20; Gos. Thom. 63. Son in 15: 11-32. It is clear that the opening sentence sets
the context for the interpretation of all three parables
C. Parabolic Interpretation which follow it. Yet, on the other hand, The Lost Sheep
In the rabbinical tradition the interpretation of a para- appears in Matt 18:12-13 and Gm. Thom. 107 without the
ble is usually quite clear from the context. The classical same setting. Context, then, like commentary, is from
sequence for rabbinical usage is: ( 1) the problem requiring transmissional process rather than original situation.
a parable; (2) the introduction of the parable, often with a Three different interpretations by three different con-
redundant emphasis, "They parable a parable. Unto what texts are given to The Feast in Matt 22: 1-13; Luke 14: 15-
is the matter like? It is like . . . " but also with several 24; Gos. Thom. 64. First, in the Gospel of Thomas, there are
abbreviated forms all the way down to the simple, "It is three parables in 63-64-65 linked together by their open-
like"; (3) the parable itself; (4) the application, often intro- ings concerning "a man." They are also linked by rnntent.
duced with some word like "thus"; (5) biblical quotation, Gos. Thom. 63 is The Rich Fool, also known from Luke
often introduced with "as it is written" (Johnston 1978: 12: 16-20. Then comes 64 about The Feast. Finally, there
l.164-65, 2.526-38). In the Jesus tradition, however, the is 65, The Tenants, also known from Mark 12: 1-11; Matt
interpretation of the parables is much more problematic. 21:33-43; Luke 20:9-18. All three parables, in other
v • 151 PARABLE

words, involve the dangers and temptations of wealth or guests, the second one is doubly different from the other
greed. This is a first contextual interpretation f?r the three. While they begin with "My master invites you" and
meaning of the middle parable on The Feast. And 1~ case conclude with "I ask to be excused (from the dinner),"
there might still be doubt, that parable as found m the that second one begins with, "My master has invited you"
Gospel of ThomaJ concludes with this explanation from and concludes without any polite request to be excused. It
Jesus: "Businessmen and merchants will not enter the seems most likely that Gos. Thom. is interpreting the para-
places of my Father." ble internally by adding in that second instance to bring
Second, the Lukan version is located within Luke 14:1- the total number up to four. This confirms what was seen
24, which groups a series of Jesus' sayings concerning meal already from external interpretation. The original three
situations within an actual meal situation itself. There are excuses involved claims against merchants, preparing a
four units involved and each one opens with a reminder wedding for a friend, and buying a farm. That is, only two
of the symposium situation. Luke 14:1-6 has a healing out of three involved business. But, since the concluding
"one sabbath when he went to dine at the house of a ruler aphorism turned the parable against "businessmen and
who belonged to the Pharisees." Then in 14:7-10 he merchants," Gos. Thom. added in another commercial en-
discusses The Two Positions "to those who were invited." terprise. Thus, he created his new second excuse, "I have
Next in 14:12-14, "He said also to the man who had just bought a farm" on the model of the old final one, "I
invited him, 'When you give a dinner or a banquet, do not have just bought a farm," and so had three out of four
invite your friends or your brothers or your kinsmen or guests excused for the commercial activities which the
rich neighbors, lest they also invite you in return, and you ascetic Thomas considered an obstacle to heaven.
be repaid. But when you give a feast, invite the poor, the Second, we already saw that Luke had allowed the out-
maimed, the lame, the blind, and you will be blessed, casts of Israel into The Feast instead of the authorities to
because they cannot repay you. You will be repaid at the whom Jesus was speaking. But that was not enough to fill
resurrection of the just." Finally, in 14: 15-24, the parable the banquet. Therefore, besides those outcasts in 14:21,
of The Feast is introduced with this dialogue: "When one from "the streets and lanes of the city," the servant is
of those who sat at table with him heard this, he said to commanded in 14:23 to "Go out to the highways and
him, 'Blessed is he who shall eat bread in the kingdom of hedges, and compel people to come in, that my house may
God.' " All that preceding context serves to interpret the be filled." The new guests from near at hand are the
concluding parable. In it, those first invited are unable to outcasts of Israel but those from afar off are the gentiles.
come, and this reflects on the authorities among whom By these internal details Luke has interpreted the parable
Jesus sits. Instead, their places are taken, in 14:21, by the as an allegory of the history of salvation.
outcasts of Israel, by the same four classes mentioned Third, after setting up The Feast in contextual parallel-
earlier in 14: 13, the poor, maimed, blind, and lame. ism with The Tenants, as seen above, Matthew also inserts
Third, Matthew formed a parabolic diptych of two par- internal details that draw attention to that interpretation.
ables: The Tenants, concerning an owner and his tenants In The Tenants, instead of the single servants of Mark
in 21:33-44, and The Feast, concerning a king and his 12:2-5 and Luke 20: 10-12, the owner in Matt 21 :34 "sent
guests in 22:1-14. He then placed as their interpretive his servants" and in 21:36 "again he sent other servants."
hinge this statement in 21 :45-46: "When the chief priests Then, in parallelism with that plurality, and again in
and the Pharisees heard his parables, they perceived that contrast with the single servants of The Feast in Luke
he was speaking about them. But when they tried to arrest 14:17-23 and Gos. Thom. 64, the king in Matt 22:3 "sent
him they feared the multitudes, because they held him to his servants" and in 22:4 "again he sent other servants."
be a prophet.'' This means that Matthew intends each But by far the most striking interpretation through added
parable to throw contextual light on the other and for internal detail is the incident of the wedding garment
both to be understood against that dangerous situation present in this parable only in Matt 22: 11-14. This is best
noted in the middle. seen as Matthew's own creation and it interprets the para-
Apart from those external interpretations from com- ble as an allegory of Christian history, just as Luke had
mentary and context, there are also manifold possibilities done, but now with a special terminal warning for Chris-
of internal interpretation by the very details imbedded in tians themselves. In Matthew's reading, God has invited
the story as it is told and retold. The same parable of The his people to come to the marriage feast of Jesus. Their
Feast may serve again as paradigmatic instance. First, in refusal has been punished by the destruction of "their
Luke 14:18-20, and despite the fact that in 14:16b the city," presumably of Jerusalem by Titus in 70 c.E. Now the
master had "invited many," only three guests have their gentiles have taken their place at the feast. But, and this is
refusals recorded. One had bought a field, another five characteristically Matthean, even among those actually at
yoke of oxen, and a third had got married. This same the feast, there are "both good and bad" (22: 10). On the
triad, reminiscent of Olrik's "Law of Three," reappears in last day, at the final judgments, God will review the guests,
Matt 22:5-6, although here it is almost totally swallowed and then it will not be enough to be at the feast, it will be
up in the plurality of servants and refusals of that version: necessary to be properly attired as well. Matthew, in other
"But they made light of it and went off, one to his farm, words, thinks certain members of the Church are destined
another to his business, while the rest seized his servants, for eternal condemnation. Possibly their attitude toward
treated them shamefully, and killed them." But in Gos. the Mosaic Law was one of which he disapproved. So also,
Thom. 64 there are four guests and four refusals recorded in the preceding parable of The Tenants, the replacement
and that is surprising within the "Law of Three." When tenants in 21 :41 must make certain to "give him the fruits
you look closely at the four dialogues between servant and in their seasons." It is not enough just to have received the
PARABLE 152 • v
vineyard. And in the Wheat and Weeds, a parable re- popular among scholars, though few would share Sasse's
corded both in Matt 13:24-30 and Gos. Thom. 57 but opinion (1925) that the second of these, chaps. 15-16, is
interpreted only in Matt 13:36-43, Matthew knows that ~ctually the earlier and some would divide chaps. 15-16
there are both wheat and weeds in the kingdom, but "at mto two or even three independent sections. In 1927
the close of the age," in the last judgment, "the Son of man Windisch argued that the Paraclete sayings could be ex-
will send his angels, and they will gather out of his king- cised from the Gospel without loss of continuity and con-
dom all causes of sin and all evildoers, and throw them cluded that they had been inserted into the discourse by
into the furnace of fire; there men will weep and gnash the evangelist from a source in which they were grouped
their teeth" (13:40-41). together. If this were right, then it would be impossible to
All of those differing interpretations, with the differ- recover the source of the tradition by working directly
ence most obvious in the case of The Feast, but actually from the Gospel text as it has been transmitted. Although
present everywhere among the parables, should not be the arguments are inconclusive, the most likely hypothesis
considered as the interpreter's failure but rather as the is that chap. 14 was composed before chaps. 15-16 and
parable's success. It is a parable's destiny to be interpreted consequently that the Paraclete was first seen as Jesus'
and those interpretations will necessarily be diverse. When representative after his death (14: 16) and his successor in
the diversity ceases, the parable is dead and the parabler is his teaching role (14:26). In that case, the other functions
silent. assigned to him, of witnessing (15:26) and of convincing
or convicting the world (16:7) may derive from a source
Bibliography closely affiliated to the synoptic tradition, perhaps even
Boucher, M. 1977. The Mysterious Parable. CBQMS 6. Washington, from that tradition itself.
DC. There are four reasons why it is difficult to recover the
Crossan, J. D. 1973. /n Parables. New York. meaning of the Greek parakletos: (I) Although the form of
Funk, R. W. 1982. Parables and Presence. Philadelphia. the word (a verbal adjective ending in -tos) points to a
Jeremias, J. 1963. The Parables ofJesus, rev. ed. New York. probable passive sense (hence Old Latin ad-vocatus, literally
Johnson, R. M. 1978. Parabolic Interpretations Attributed to Tannaim. 2 "called to the side of"), an active sense "Counselor," "Com-
vols. Ann Arbor. forter") cannot altogether be excluded. (2) None of the
Kissinger, W. S. 1979. The Parables of Jesus. American Theological possible meanings of parakalein, either active or passive,
Library Association Bibliography Series 4. Metuchen, NJ. squares precisely with the various functions attributed to
Olrik, A. 1965. Epic Laws of Folk Narrative, Pp. 129-41 in The the Paraclete in the Gospel. (3) These functions cannot be
Study of Folklore, ed. A. Dundes. Englewood Cliffs, NJ. reduced to or summed up in a single comprehensive term
Perrin, N. 1976. Jesus and the Language of the Kingdom. Philadelphia. that could then be substituted for parakletos. (4) The few
TeSelle, S. McF. 1975. Speaking in Parables: A Study in Metaphor and earlier extant uses have been scrutinized by Grayston, who
Theology. Philadelphia. concludes ( 1981: 75) that "parakletos was a word of general
Tolbert, M.A. 1979. Perspectives on the Parables. Philadelphia. meaning which could appear in legal contexts, and when
Via, D. 0. Jr. 1967. The Parables: Their Literary and Existential it did the parakletos was a supporter or sponsor." This
Dimension. Philadelphia. conclusion is too vague to be of very much use. Since all
Wilder, A. N. 1971. Early Christian Rhetoric, rev. ed. Cambridge, suggested The Feasts ("Advocate," "Counselor," "Com-
MA. forter," etc.) are simply guesses, it is best to stick to the
j. DOMINIC CROSSAN anglicized "Paraclete," which provides a distinct and rec-
ognizable name for the personage identified in the farewell
discourse as "the spirit of truth" (14:17; 15:26; 16:13) or
PARACLETE [Gk parakletos]. Five distinct though re- "the Holy Spirit" (14:26), thus performing for English-
lated questions arise concerning the term parakletos, which speaking readers the same service as parakletos for readers
is found five times in the Johan nine writings (John 14: 16, of the original Greek and Paracletus for the readers of
26; 15:26; 16:7; l John 2: l) and nowhere else in the NT. Jerome's Vulgate.
These are ( l) the significance of the term in the Gospel If the problem of the meaning of parakletos cannot be
(there is no problem about I John 2: I, where it is applied solved linguistically, then can it be solved historically? Is it
to Christ and means "advocate" or "intercessor"); (2) the possible to find a figure in near-contemporary religious
meaning of the word itself; (3) the religious origins of the belief and practice who may plausibly be thought to have
tradition concerning the Paraclete; (4) the functions as- furnished a model for the Johannine Paraclete? Sugges-
signed to him in the Gospel, (5) the relationship between tions are wide-ranging and include the returning Elijah
the Paraclete logia and what is said about the Spirit in the (Spitta); the Mandaean Yawar or helper (Bauer johannes-
body of the Gospel. evangelium HNT; Bultmann); OT and Jewish intercessors,
There is no single obvious meaning of parakletos in the both angelic and prophetic, in particular the angel Michael
Gospel. As Lindars observes (l 981: 63), the evangelist is or the mediator (mel~) in Job 33:23, translated in the
aware that the title is not self-explanatory, since he accom- Targum by the loanword prqlyt' (Mowinckel, Johansson);
panies each of its occurrences with an account of the the fusion of two figures from the Qumran documents,
Paraclete's function. If one of these occurrences could be Michael and "the spirit of truth" (Betz), a fusion which,
shown to be the source of the others, this would prove a according to another scholar (Johnston), the Paraclete was
useful starting point. In 1907 Wellhausen argued that the designed to combat and displace, the second or successor
farewell discourse comprises two variants placed one after figure in a tandem relationship: Joshua/Moses, Elisha/Eli-
the other. This view has subsequently become increasingly jah (Windisch), to which Bornkamm added John the Bap-
v . 153 PARACLETE
tist/Jesus; late Jewish angelology and the figure of person- where in the Gospel: the world's failure to respond to Jesus
ified Wisdom (Brown 1966-67). Muller ( 1974) has (= hamartia, 8:40); Jesus' justification by the Father ( =
supplemented these suggestions by arguing for a properly dikaiosyne); the defeat of the prince of this world ( = krisis,
form-critical investigation into the testament or valedictory 12:30). Bammel admits, however, that this is not how the
form. Another proposal comes from Franck (1985), who editor of the text, who added the three explanatory
thinks that the Paraclete may have been modeled on the clauses, saw the matter.
Methurgeman, who had to translate and (later) preach Few commentators have attempted to link the Paraclete
upon the Scripture readings in Aramaic-speaking syn- sayings with the other references to the Spirit. Exceptions
agogues. Lastly, one may mention Hermann Sasse's pro- are Porsch (1974) and Burge ( 1987). They can appeal to
posal (1925), revived by Culpepper (1975), that the Para- the fact that in many of its occurrences (e.g. 3:34; 6:63)
clete is simply to be identified with the Beloved Disciple. the term pneuma is used in direct connection with the
Of these suggestions two may be singled out as especially words of Jesus. Furthermore, even if the Paraclete passages
fruitful. The first is the comparison between the Paraclete's came from an independent source, the evangelist felt able
role as Jesus' representative and successor with that of to identify him with the Holy Spirit (14:26), thus providing
Joshua, commissioned by Moses on the eve of his death to some justification for attempting an integral exegesis of all
lead his people into the Promised Land. Here the Testament the allusions to the spirit in the Gospel. Additional support
of Moses, itself largely a midrash of Deuteronomy 31-34, comes from the editorial comment interjected at 7:39: "for
repays study along the lines proposed by Muller. The the Spirit did not yet exist (oupo gar en pneuma) because
second is the evocation of the angelus interpres familiar Jesus had not yet been glorified." Some allusions to the
from apocalyptic literature, a suggestion that may be rein- Spirit, however, e.g., 1:32-3; 3:5-8, are aligned with the
forced by de la Potterie's study (1965) of the Greek verb Paraclete passages only with great difficulty and the edito-
anangellein (cf. John 16: 13-15), used by Theodotian to rial gloss in 7:39 cannot altogether disguise the conceptual
render Heb pfr, in Daniel 2. It must be acknowledged, differences.
however, that arguments based on the methods of the
history-of-religions school turn out to be almost as incon- Bibliography
clusive as those based on lexicography. A good up-to-date Bammel, E. 1973. Jesus und der Paraklet in Johannes 16. Pp. 198-
summary of the various theories is to be found in the work 27 in Christ and Spirit in the New Testammt, ed. B. Lindars and S.
of Burge ( 1987). Smalley. Cambridge.
Fortunately the uncertainties concerning meaning and Betz, 0. 1963. Der Paraklet. Leiden.
origin need not stand in the way of the actual exegesis of Bornkamm, G. 1949. Der Paraklet 1m Johannes-Evangelium.
the farewell discourse, which is quite explicit about the Pp. 12-35 in Festschrift fur Rudolf Bultmann. Stuttgart.
roles assigned to the Paraclete. Most of these are straight- Brown, R. E. 1966-67. The Paraclete in the Fourth Gospel. NTS:
forward, since they echo, as Brown (John xii-xxi AB, 1135- 113-32.
44) insists, the teaching and revealing activities of Jesus. Bultmann, R. 1971. The Gospel ofJohn. Trans. G. R. Beasley-Murray.
Two of the terms employed by Windisch to describe the Oxford.
Paraclete's role are particularly suggestive: he is Jesus' Burge, G. M. 1987. The Anointed Ccnnmunity. Grand Rapids.
Doppelganger or alter ego (1927: 129), a term especially
Culpepper, R. A. 1975. Thejohannine School. SBLDS 26. Missoula,
appropriate to the first logion (14:16); he is also Jesus'
MT.
successor, his Kali[ auf Erden (1933: 311), a term reminis-
Franck, E. 1985. Revelation Taught: The Paraclete in the Gospel of john.
cent of Tertullian's vicarius Christi, which well fits the sec-
ConBNT 14. Lund.
ond logion (14:26). The function of reminding (14:26) is
probably to be associated with the passages earlier in the Grayston, K. 1981. The Meaning of PARAKLETOS.]SNT 13: 67-
Gospel where the disciples are assured that they will re- 82.
member Jesus' words (2:22) and actions (12: 16), but only Johansson, N. 1940. Parakletoi: Vorstellungen von Fursprechemfur die
after he has been glorified. The function of witness ( 15: 26) Menschen vor Gott in der alttestamentlichen Religion, im Spiitjuden-
is in all likelihood derived from the Synoptic tradition tum, und Urchristentum. Lund.
(Matt 10:19-20 =Mark 13:11-12; Luke21:16). Johnston, G. 1970. The Spirit-Paraclete in the Gospel of john. Cam-
By far the most difficult saying is John 16:7-11, for it is bridge.
impossible to give a single meaning to the verb elenchein Lindars, B. 1981. The Persecution of Christians in John 15:18-
"convince" (RSV), while at the same time taking the three 16:4a. Pp. 48-69 in Suffering and Martyrdcnn in the NT. ed. W.
words that follow, hamartia, "sin," dikaiosyne, "righteous- Horbury and B. McNeil. Cambridge.
ness," and krisis, 'judgment," in their natural sense, unless Mowinckel, S. 1934. Die Vorstellung des Spatjudentums vom heili-
the phrase elenchein ton kosmon peri, "convince the world gen Geist als Fiirsprecher und der johanneische Paraklet. ZNW
concerning . : . :" is taken to mean simply "to prove the 52: 97-130.
world wrong m its ideas about," a usage which accords ill Muller, U. B. 1974. Die Parakletenvorstellung im Johannesevange-
with the other instance of elenchein peri in 8:46. Windisch lium. ZTK 71: 31-78.
( ~ 927: 120, n:2l suggest~d that the phrase concerning Porsch, F. 1974. Pneuma und Wort: Ein exegetischer Beitrag zur Pneu-
~1ghteousne.ss is a corruption. Worth mentioning, because matologie des johannesevangeliums. Frankfurter Theologische
It h~s ?een ignored by subsequent commentators, is Bam- Studien 16. Frankfurt.
mel s. idea ( 19?3) that the original logion spoke of the la Potterie, I. de. 1965. Le Paraclet. Pp. 85-105 in Le Vie selon
tea~hmg functions of the Paraclete concerning themes /'Esprit, Condition du Chretien. ed. I. de La Potterie and S.
which are the object of christological controversy else- Lyonnet. Unam Sanctam 55. Paris.
PARACLETE 154 • v
Sa.Ilse, H. 1925. Der Paraklet im johannesevangelium. ZNW 24: 32, according to which Enoch journeys to the east and
260-77. "came to the garden of righteousness and saw beyond
Spitta, F. 1910. Das]ohannes-Evangelium a/.s Qµella der Geschichte]tsu. those trees ... the tree of wisdom ... from which (his)
GOttingen. precursors, ate and ... realized that they were naked and
\\ellhausen, J. 1907. Erweiterungen und Anderungen im vinten Evan- (so) ... were expelled from the garden" (I En. 32:3-6).
gelium. Berlin. Ai:iother early ima~e is found in jubilees. Abraham "per-
Windisch, H. 1927. Die fiinf johanneische Parakletspriiche. ceived that from him there would be a righteous planting
Pp. 110-37 in Festgabe fur Ad-Olf]iilicher. Tiibingen = The Spirit- for eternal generations ... " (jub. 17:26). One of the most
Paraclete in the Fourth Gospel. Trans. J. W. Cox. Philadelphia, interesting early examples is found in the sectarian psalms
1968. from Qumran called the Hodayoth. According to column
- - . 1933. Jesus und der Geist im Johannes-Evangelium. 8, the Righteous Teacher probably looks back on his life
Pp. 303-18 in Amicitiae Corolla, ed. H. G. Wood. London. and allegorically forsees his community as the one that will
JOHN ASHTON produce the eternal planting from which shall issue the
shoot for the glorious Eden (lQH 8, cf. IQS 8.4-5; CD
I. 7-8). The image of Paradise is fully developed in 2 Enoch
PARADISE. A loanword from Old Persian (pairi-dai1.a), 8, according to which Enoch is taken "up to the third
which means "enclosure," then "park" or "garden." It heaven, and ... looked downward, and ... saw Paradise.
appears in Late Biblical Hebrew as pardes, only with pro- And that place is inconceivably pleasant. ... And in the
fane meaning (Neh 2:8 [RSV: "forest"]; Cant 4:13 [RSV: midst ... the tree of life, at that place where the LORD
"orchard"]; Eccl 2:5 [RSV: "park")). The profane meaning takes a rest when he goes into paradise" (2 En. 8:1-3 [J]).
continues in Mishnaic Hebrew pardes "park" (e.g., t. Be~a According to the Apocalypse of Moses, Paradise is not only in
l.10) and in Jewish Aramaic pardes(a') "garden" (e.g., B. the third heaven (40:2), it is also on the earth (38:5).
Me~. 103a). Paradise is thus obviously situated in different places ac-
The Old Persian etymon is also the source of the Greek cording to early Jewish documents. It is on the earth either
loanword paradeisos. In the LXX paradeisos denotes God's far to the east (I En. 32:2-3, 2 En. 42:3-4), to the north-
garden (Gen 2:8-10, 16), and the shift from secular to east perhaps (I En. 61:1-13), between the northeast and
religious meaning has been made. The religious mean- the west (I En. 70:3-4), to the north (I En. 77:3-4), to the
ing-God's garden or Paradise-entered Jewish thought far west perhaps (Jos.]W 2.155-56), but never to the south
and vocabulary after the Babylonian Exile, was combined (but see 1 En. 77:1-2). It can be readily seen, from this
with the hope of a blessed eschaton, and appears in the brief list, that the books collected together as 1 Enoch are a
Apocrypha (2 Esdr 4:7; 6:2; 7:36, 123; 8:52) and fre- repository of many diverse Jewish ideas.
quently in other early Jewish writings (Psalms of Solomon Paradise is sometimes perceived as the (post resurrec-
14; Sib. Or. frag. 3.46-48; 2 Enoch 8-9; 3 Baruch 4;]oseph tion) intermediate abode of the righteous (I Enoch 37-70),
and Asenath 18; 4 Baruch 9). In the NT, the religious or as the hidden eschatological place of the righteous (2
meaning "Paradise" alone is evident (Luke 23:43; 2 Cor Enoch 8). Other passages describe the righteous enjoying
12:3; Rev 2:7). life in Paradise or Eden, but provide no indication of their
The biblical Garden of Eden attracted non-Jewish con- duration there (Apocalypse of Abraham 21 ). It is also fre-
ceptions of a paradisiac garden. The development of "Par- quently portrayed as closed (4 Ezra 7), as one would expect
adise" within Judaism was aided by the image of a special from the Genesis account of the expulsion; note 2 En.
garden, Eden, free of any trouble or inconvenience, in 42:3[J], "And I ascended into the east, into the Paradise of
which the human and divine were close and collegial, in Eden, where rest is prepared for the righteous. And it is
which every tree was "pleasant to the sight and good for open as far as the third heaven; but it is closed from this
food" (Gen 2:8), and from which flowed four rivers (Gen world." This passage seems to result from an attempt to
2: 10-14). Mixed with these images were the following resolve the tension arising from placing Paradise on the
concepts: the Isaianic words that Zion will become like earth and also in the third heaven. Jews did not think
Eden and the garden of the Lord (Isa 51:3), that God's about diverse places, but only one and the same Paradise.
people will be as a watered garden (Isa 58: 11), and his In 4 Ezra, Ezra is told, "for you ... Paradise is opened, the
planting (of special trees in the desert [Isa 41:18-19)) for tree of life is planted, the age to come is prepared, plenty
his glory (Isa 60:13); Jeremiah's vision that the righteous is provided, a city is built, rest is appointed ... " (8:52; cf.
are those whom God will plant in the promised land in Apocalypse of Abraham 21 ). The Jewish apocalypses contain
faithfulness (Jer 32:41 ). Related images are Ezekiel's im- the conviction that the final (or second) age will be char-
ages of the garden of God, the trees of Eden, and the trees acterized by the blessed state at creation of the first age,
by the waters (Ezek 31:8-9; cf. 36:35). Equally important but without the possibility of disobedience, disharmony,
for the understanding of the Jewish development of Para- discomfort, and discontinuity. Only in this sense can it be
dise are the Psalmist's words, which were memorized by said that the Paradise of the first age reappears in the
devout Jews: "Blessed is the man who ... delights ... in second (final) age. The Jewish myth of Paradise is so
the Law of the Lord, ... He is like a tree planted by developed by the end of the 1st century c.E. that the
streams of water, that yields its fruit in its season, and its author of Joseph and Aseneth freely borrowed from it in
leaf does not wither" (Ps I: 1-3). describing the garden beneath Aseneth's tower.
This symbolic language, as well as other images and Such creative ideas in early Jewish theology influenced
myths, combined in numerous ways to produce the Jewish Christians. According to Luke 23:43 Jesus tells the repen-
concept of Paradise. One of the earliest passages is 1 Enoch tant thief that he will be with him that day in Paradise.
v • 155 PARALLELISM
Paul reveals that he was taken up into the third heaven, lines. The history of the study of biblical parallelism can
and thus probably into Paradise (2 Cor 12:3). The author be understood as a quest to determine the precise nature
of the Odes of Solomon descripes Paradise; as also in the of the relationship between groups of words which give
Psalms of Solomon but in contrast to many other texts the strong impression of being related in at least one of a
according to which the righteous eat the fruit of the trees number of ways.
(see T. Levi 18: 11; Rev 2:7), the righteous are portraye? as
"blooming and fruit-bearing trees." The poet proclaims, A. The Study of Parallelism, Past and Present
"Blessed, O Lord, are they who are planted in your Land, B. Types and Categories
and who have a place in your Paradise" (Odes Sol. 11: 18; I. Synonymous, Antithetic, and Synthetic Parallelism
cf. Gos. Thom. 19). 2. Additional Types
JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH a. Chiastic Parallelism
b. Staircase Parallelism
c. Emblematic Parallelism
PARAH (PLACE) [Heb para]. A settlement in the E half d. Janus Parallelism
of Benjamin (Josh 18:23). The exact location of the site is 3. Parallel Word Pairs
unknown. z. Kallai (HGB, 401) has recently argued that 4. Linguistic Models
the settlement is likely to be situated near Bethel or a. The Grammatical Aspect
Ophrah on grounds that the names in the list in which it b. The Lexical Aspect
appears are geographically grouped. Long-standing schol- c. The Semantic Aspect
arly opinion has, however, identified the site with the d. The Phonological Aspect
modem Tell Fara some 6 mi (10 km) N of Jerusalem (M.R.
177137). It is possible that this latter site, being located A. The Study of Parallelism, Past and Present
both by a substantial spring (it still provides Old Jerusalem Biblical parallelism became the focus of scholarly atten-
with water) and in close proximity to Anathoth, is also tion as the result of Bishop Robert Lowth's discussion of it
known by the name "Parath," the river to which Jeremiah in his De sacra poesi Hebraeorum (lectures on the Sacred Poetry
went to hide his linen belt (Jeremiah 13). of the Hebrews) in 1753 and his Isaiah: A New Translation with
ELMER H. DYCK a Preliminary Dissertation and Notes Critical, Philolo{fical, and
Explanatory in 1778. To be sure, Lowth was not the first to
notice the phenomenon of parallelism (for the pre-Low-
PARALEIPOMENA IEREMIOU. See BARUCH, thian history of the study of parallelism see Kugel 1981:
BOOKOF4. 96-286), but, due to the then-current trends in biblical
studies and his own prominence in the field, it was his
definition, articulated in the introduction to Isaiah, that
PARALLELISM. Parallelism is the most prominent became the classic definition of parallelism.
rhetorical figure in ancient Near Eastern poetry, and is
also present, although less prominent, in biblical prose. It The correspondence of one Verse, or Line, with another
can be defined as the repetition of the same or related I call Parallelism. When a proposition is delivered, and
semantic content and/or grammatical structure in consec- a second is subjoined to it, or drawn under it, equivalent,
utive lines or verses. For example, in Ps 103: 10 we find or contrasted with it, in Sense; or similar to it in the
that both the sense and the structure of the first line are form of Grammatical Construction; these I call Parallel
echoed, in different words, in the second: Lines; and the words or phrases answering one to an-
other in the corresponding Lines Parallel Terms.
Not according to our sins did he deal with us;
And not according to our transgressions did he requite Lowth spoke of the correspondence of parallel lines and
us. terms. This was generally understood as sameness or iden-
tity by most of Lowth's successors; so the emphasis was put
But, while the definition cited here works well for the most on the synonymity or redundancy in parallelism to the
part, and the example of Ps 103: 10 would be universally neglect of parallelism's other dimension: variation and
a~cepted as a parallelism, there is no consensus on pre- continuity. Studies of parallelism from the late 18th cen-
cisely what parallelism is or how it works, and therefore no tury until the 1980s reiterated, with ever-increasing refine-
absolute criterion for identifying parallelisms. As we move ments, the basic sameness of parallel lines. Not until the
farther away from identity or similarity between the two work of J. Kugel and R. Alter was the balance rectified.
lines, more questions arise and there is more disagreement Kugel rejected the notion of the synonymity of parallel
about the identification of a parallelism. For instance, some lines, replacing it with the notion of continuity: "A, what's
scholars would consider Ps 106:35 to be a parallelism while more, B." In a similar vein, Alter spoke of the "consequen-
others would insist that it is not. tiality" of parallel lines. The views of Kugel and Alter place
the emphasis on the difference between parallel lines. Par-
They intermingled with the nations; allel lines could now be seen as adding new information,
They learned their ways. containing an intensification or a progression, rather than
just going over old material in new words. This shift in
What does seem certain, though, is that parallelism is a perception can be illustrated in Ps 18 :9-Eng 18:8 ( = 2
matter of relationships-between lines and/or parts of Sam 22:9).
PARALLELISM 156 • v
Smoke went up from his nostrils; Notice that the meaning of both lines need not be identical
From his mouth came devouring fire; only "nearly the same," and that terms found in the firs~
Live coals blazed forth from him. line may be lacking in the s~cond (and vice versa). In fact
the.re is cons~d~r~ble latitude in all of Lowth's categories:
Most biblical scholars would view these lines as synony- which later b1bhc1sts sought to constrict.
mous; Kugel and Alter would see in them an intensifica- In antithetic parallelism "two lines correspond with one
tion and/or a progression. Actually, it is not a question of another by an opposition of terms and sentiments." The
either sameness of difference, either synonymity or conti- antithesis may range from "exact contraposition of word
nuity; both dimensions are equally present in parallelism, to word" to "a general disparity." Prov 10: I illustrates:
and it is the creative tension between them that makes this
such a pleasing figure. A wise son makes glad his father;
Both Kugel and Alter came to the study of the Bible But a foolish son is the grief of his mother.
from literary criticism, and both brought their finely
honed skills as readers to parallelistic texts. But literary In synthetic parallelism (also called constructive or for-
criticism often eschews precise analysis in favor of more mal parallelism), according to Lowth,
diffuse observations. So, while achieving a reorientation of
the view of parallelism, Kugel and Alter achieve it only at the parallelism consists only in the similar form of con-
a level of extreme generality. They offer only the vaguest struction; in which word does not answer to word, and
definitions of parallelism and do not provide the criteria sentence to sentence, as equivalent or opposite; but
for deeper analysis of its workings. there is a correspondence and equality between differ-
There are at least two potentially more "scientific" mod- ent propositions, in respect of the shape and turn of the
els for the analysis of parallelism: the mathematical and whole sentence, and of the constructive parts ...
the linguistic. A mathematical approach, stressing the sym-
metries between parallel lines, is espoused half-heartedly Eccl 11 :2 is an example:
by W. G. E. Watson (1984: 114-119), but for the most part
Watson relies either on grammatical models or those pre- Give a portion to seven, and also to eight;
ceding them. Linguistic models have been proposed by For you do not know what evil shall be upon the earth.
S. A. Geller, E. Greenstein, and A. Berlin. All three draw
on modern linguistics, especially transformational gram- This is the loosest of Lowth's categories, and the one
mar and the views of R. Jakobson (see below). that received the most criticism. Some viewed it as a catch-
While there are major differences between 18th and all of miscellaneous, difficult-to-categorize cases, and oth-
19th century studies and the most recent studies of paral- ers did not think that it was a legitimate form of parallelism
lelism, they have some things in common. All attempt to at all.
analyze parallelistic texts with the most current literary 2. Additional Types. As parallelism was studied more
and linguistic tools available; and all seek to define the closely, its many permutations became evident: word order
relationships that pertain between parallel lines. In some might vary from line to line; some terms might be ellipsed
sense, therefore, Lowth's definition remains classic, and and others added (i.e., the parallelism might be termed
his terms like "correspondence," "equivalent," and "con- complete or incomplete; incomplete parallelism might or
trasted," if interpreted in their broadest sense, remain might not have compensation), and so forth. To some
relevant to the study of parallelism. extent, Lowth had allowed for these permutations within
his three types, but, given the scholarly penchant for
8. Types and Categories categorizing and labeling, it was not long before the num-
The preceding section presented a simplified summary ber of types grew. Many of the additional types are not of
of the major approaches to the study of parallelism. But the same order as Lowth's; that is, in one sense they can
most scholars' energy was spent in the detailed analysis of be considered subtypes and in another sense they cut
specific types and subtypes of parallelism. Here, too, across the lines of the original three types. The most well-
Lowth's work served as a guide to his own and later known of these additional types will be presented here.
generations, for in his Isaiah he provided a framework for a. Chiastic Parallelism. The order of the terms in the
the classification of types. first line is reversed in the second line, yielding an AB//BA
I. Synonymous, Antithetic, and Synthetic Parallelism. pattern, as in Jer 4:5a:
Based on the semantic relationship of the parallel lines,
Lowth reduced parallelism to three sorts: synonymous, Proclaim in Judah;
antithetic, and synthetic. In synonymous parallelism the And in Jerusalem announce.
same sense is expressed in different but equivalent terms:
"When a proposition is delivered; and is immediately More than two sets of terms may be involved: ABC//CBA,
repeated, in whole or in part, the expression being varied, etc. Chiastic patterning is not limited to parallelism, but it
but the sense entirely or nearly the same." An example is is often found in parallel lines.
Psll2:1: b. Staircase Parallelism. A steplike pattern in which
some elements from the first line are repeated verbatim in
Happy is the man who fears the Lord; the second and others are added to complete the thought.
Who is greatly devoted to his commandments. Judg 5: 12 provides an illustration:
v. 157 PARALLELISM

Awake, awake, Deborah; Likewise in Ps 20:8-Eng 20:7:

Awake, awake, chant a song.
These (call) on chariots;
(Cf. Greenstein 1974 and 1977; Loewenstamm 1975; Wat- And those on horses.
son 1984: 150-56).
c. Emblematic Parallelism. A parallelism in which a It was also noticed that numbers obey a formula, x //
simile or metaphor forms one of the lines, as in Ps 42:2: x + 1, when they appear in parallelism. Thus "three" par-
allels "four" (Amos l :3); "six" parallels "seven" (Job 5: 19).
As a hind yearns for watercourses; The principle may employ a factor of l 0: "one thousand"
So my soul yearns for you, God. parallels "ten thousand" (Ps 91:7).
Many scholars saw in word pairs the essence of parallel-
d. Janus Parallelism. This type of parallelism hinges on ism, the sine qua non without which parallel lines could not
the use of a single word with two different meanings, one exist. Furthermore, it was suggested, these pairs formed a
of which forms a parallel with what precedes and the other kind of "poet's dictionary"-a poetic substratum on which
with what follows. Thus, by virtue of a double entendre, poets might draw in order to compose parallelisms. These
the parallelism faces in both directions. An example is Gen conclusions reflect the fact that the impetus for the study
49:26: of word pairs was intimately bound up with theories of
oral composition, unproved and unprovable at least for
The blessings of your father biblical poetry. But even when these theories came under
Surpass the blessings of my ancestors/mountains [hwry] criticism, the collecting of word pairs did not cease, for
To the utmost bounds of the eternal hills. word pairs had taken on a life of their own in biblical
studies. As such, this enterprise represents one of the most
(Cf. Watson 1984: 159; Rendsburg 1980). extensive lexical studies of ancient texts. The preoccupa-
3. Parallel Word Pairs. Although 20th-century scholars tion with word pairs focused attention on the similarities
continued to refine the distinctions involving the relation- between Hebrew and Ugaritic poetry, and on certain of
ships between parallel lines as a whole, the major efforts their lexical aspects, but it did so to the neglect of the rest
were placed on the analysis of certain sets of parallel terms, of the parallelism and the pairing of other terms in it
or, as they came to be known, fixed word pairs. Lowth had which did not occur with any notable frequency. More-
mentioned parallel terms ("words or phrases answering over, it threatened to perpetuate certain misunderstand-
one to another in corresponding lines"), but it was the ings about the nature of parallelism and the nature of
discovery and decipherment of Ugaritic poetry, together word pairs. (Cf. Kugel 1981: 27-39; Berlin 1983, 1985:
with the ascendancy of the Parry-Lord theory of oral 64-80.)
composition, that spurred the collection, from biblical and 4. Linguistic Models. By the 1970s the influence of
Ugaritic poetic texts, of sets of terms that recur frequently modern linguistic research, especially structural linguistics
in parallelisms. The emphasis was on recurrence-those and transformational grammar, began to be felt in biblical
terms, like "day" and "night," "heaven" and "earth," which studies. Interest in the grammatical analysis of poetry
were found together frequently. It was thought that such grew, and with it, the grammatical analysis of parallelism.
pairs were the functional equivalents of the formulas in A number of scholars (Berlin, Collins, Geller, Greenstein,
Greek and Yugoslavian poetry that enabled a poet to O'Connor, Pardee, Watson), working independently, of-
compose orally. Lists of these pairs grew long (they num- fered grammatical treatments of parallelism. They varied
ber over 1,000), as did the bibliography on word pairs (See somewhat in type and level of analysis (cf. Berlin 1985:
primarily Dahood Psalms AB, 3.445-56; Dahood 1972, 18-30), but they all signaled a return to the analysis of the
1975, and 1981. See also Avishur 1977; Berlin 1983, 1985: line as a whole, rather than the concentration on word
64-80; Boling 1960; Cassuto 1971; Craigie 1971, 1979a, pairs; and they all showed that linguistics had something
1979b; Culley 1967; Gevim 1963; Held 1953, 1962, 1965; ?ew and important to contribute to the study of parallel-
Kugel 1981: 27-39; Melamed 1961, 1964; O'Connor ism.
1980: 96-109; Watson 1984: 128-43; Watters 1976; Whal- No modern linguist has had more impact on the study
lon 1963, 1969; Yoder 1970, 1971.) Attention was paid to of parallelism, both within and outside of the Bible, than
frequency, to the order in which the members of a pair Roman Jakobson. Jakobson's (1966: 423) most famous
occurred, and to their grammatical form. Inevitably, there dictum on the subject was
were attempts to categorize the semantic relationship be-
tween words in a pair: synonyms, antonyms, a whole and a Pervasive parallelism inevitably activates all the levels of
part, abstract and concrete, common term and rare or language-the distinctive features, inherent and pro-
archaic term, the breakup of stereotyped phrases. In the sodic, the morphological and syntactic categories and
last, ~ conventional phrase is split, one part occurring in forms, the lexical units and their semantic classes in both
one lme and the other in the next line (cf. Melamed 1961, their convergences and divergences acquire an autono-
1964). For instance, the phrase "horses and chariots," a mous poetic value.
conventional combination (cf. Josh 11 :4), is split in Zech
9:10: This was taken by both Stephen Geller ( 1979) and Adele
Berlin (1979, 1985) as a programmatic guide for the
I shall banish chariots from Ephraim; analysis of biblical parallelism. Geller limited his treatment
And horses from Jerusalem. to the grammatical aspect, as did Berlin 1979 (cf. also
PARALLELISM 158 • v
Greenstein 1982), but Berlin's 1985 work offered a more phological, analysis. Parallel terms may be of different
comprehensive linguistic description, including areas and wor~ .classes: e.g., noun II pronoun; noun, adjective, or
issues previously dealt with in word pair studies. Since this participle II verb, etc. The first is illustrated in Ps 33:2:
is the broadest and most recent study, a detailed summary
of it will be presented here. Praise the Lord with a lyre;
Parallel can be viewed as a linguistic phenomenon involv- With the ten-stringed harp sing to him.
ing linguistic equivalences and/or contrasts that may occur
on the level of the word, the line, or larger areas of text. The second can be seen in Ps 145:18:
(For the most part, biblical parallelism operates at the level
of the line.) Equivalence does not mean only identity, but The Lord is near to all his callers;
a word or construction that, linguistically speaking, be- To all who call him in truth.
longs to the same category or paradigm, or to the same
sequence or syntagm. One can discuss four linguistic as- This type of morphological pairing is possible because the
pects which may be activated in parallelism: the grammat- forms paired can be substituted for each other in a sen-
ical aspect, the lexical aspect, the semantic aspect, and the tence. That is, they belong to the same paradigm and are,
phonological aspect. therefore, linguistically equivalent.
a. The Grammatical Aspect. In grammatical parallel- When parallel terms are from the same word class (e.g.,
ism the syntax of the lines is equivalent; i.e., their deep both nouns), there may be other morphological contrasts
structures (and perhaps their surface structures as well) present: the tense or conjugation of verbs may be differ-
are the same. For example, the surface structures are the ent; there may be contrast in the number, gender, or
same in both lines (in the Hebrew) of Ps 103: 10: definiteness of nouns. In fact, to quote P. Kiparsky (1973:
235): "the linguistic sames which are potentially relevant
Not according to our sins did he deal with us; in poetry are just those which are potentially relevant in
And not according to our transgressions did he requite grammar." One could easily substitute the word "parallel-
us. ism" for "poetry" in this statement, for in parallelism any
grammatically equivalent form ("linguistic same") can be
Many parallelisms, however, employ lines of different sur- paired with another. Some examples follow:
face structure which can be related back, using the meth- (a). The tenses contrast (qtl II yqtl) in Ps 26:4:
odology of transformational grammar, to the same under-
lying deep structure. A nominal clause may be paired with I do not [Heb: did not] consort with scoundrels;
a verbal clause, as in Mic 6:2b. And with hypocrites I do not [Heb: will not] associate.

For the Lord has a quarrel with his people; (b) The conjugations contrast (qal II niph'al) in Ps 24:7:
And with Israel will he dispute.
Lift up, 0 gates, your heads;
A positive clause may be paired with a negative clause, as And be lifted up, 0 eternal doors.
in Prov 6:20:
(c) A singular parallels a plural in Prov 14: 12 16:25:
Guard, my son, the commandment of your father;
And do not forsake the teaching of your mother. There is a right path before man;
But its end is paths of death.
The subject of one clause may become the object in the
next clause, as in Gen 27:29: Note that the same word is used in both forms. Often
different words, one in each number, are used, as in Deut
Be a lord over your brothers; 32:7 ("remember" [sing.]// "consider" [pl.]) and Lam 5: 17
Let the sons of your mother bow before you. ("this"// "these").
(d) In Lam 3:47 the terms in the first line lack the
There may be contrast in grammatical mood: an indicative definite article while those in the second line have it.
may parallel an interrogative, an imperative may parallel a
jussive, etc. In Ps 6:6-Eng 6:5 a negative indicative is Panic and pitfall were ours;
paired with an interrogative. The desolation and the destruction.

For in Death there is no mention of you; There are other types of grammatical equivalences and
In Sheol who can acclaim you? contrasts, and numerous examples of each. The benefit of
such a grammatical approach to parallelism is that it can
The seeds of grammatical analysis are present in Lowth's account for the many permutations which earlier ap-
definition ("similar to it in the form of Grammatical Con- proaches were at a loss to explain, and it can relate, un~er
struction"), but Lowth and his successors did not develop one rubric, in a holistic manner, many phenomena wh1Ch
it because their understanding of grammar was quite dif- were previously considered disparate. .
ferent from that of modern linguists and they lacked the b. The Lexical Aspect. Earlier approaches dealt with
tools for this type of analysis. one facet of the lexical aspect of parallelism-fixed word
Parts of lines are also subject to grammatical, or mor- pairs. But actually, there is no reason to limit the discussion
v. 159 PARALLELISM

only to fixed, or frequently recurring, pairs. All parallel- The power of his deeds he told to his people ('mw)
isms involve the pairing of terms, and all lexical pairings In giving to them the inheritance of nations (qurym).
can be better understood through recourse to linguistics.
The process whereby terms are paired in parallelism is The syntactic structure of the lines is not equivalent, but
similar to the process which generates associations in psy- the pair people-nation is a known association. There are
cholinguistic word association games. That is, parallel word other cases in which the lexical pairing occurs in addition
pairs are the product of normal linguistic association. to semantic pairing; a creative tension between the two
Every word has a potential mate, and it does not require may be at play. Job 5: 14 provides an illustration:
any special training or talent to produce one.
Linguists have discovered rules that account for the By day they encounter darkness;
kinds of associations that are made. They have noted that And as in the night they grope at noon.
in word association games a word may elicit itself; and so
in parallelism, a word may be paired with the same word, The semantic and grammatical pair is day-noon, but the
or with a word from the same root (cf. 2 Sam 22:7; Job common lexical associates day-night gives an added dimen-
6: 15). They have also noted that a word may have a sion to the parallelism.
number of different associates, and that some are likely to c. The Semantic Aspect. The semantic aspect pertains
be generated more often than others. to the relationship between the meaning of the parallel
The rules for word association are categorized as para- lines. It was this relationship that Lowth categorized as
digmatic or syntagmatic. In paradigmatic operations, a synonymous, synthetic, or synthetic; and which Kugel
word is chosen from the same category and may substitute described as "A, what's more, B" (see above). From a
for the given word. The most common type of paradig- linguistic perspective, the semantic relationships in parallel
matic choice is one with minimal contrast, which produces lines, like the lexical relationship between word pairs, can
an "opposite," as in good-bad, man-woman. A related type of be viewed as either paradigmatic or syntagmatic.
operation invokes the "Feature Deletion and Addition It is not always so easy, however, to categorize particular
Rule." The features of a word are listed hierarchically by examples as one or the other. Sometimes the relationship
linguists; for example, father = noun, singular, animate, is ambiguous and would be interpreted differently by
human, parent, male. When a feature is deleted it is different readers. Take, for example, Hab 3:3:
usually done from the end of the list, so that father will
more likely generate mother (changing male to female) or His glory covers heaven;
son (changing parent to its reverse) rather than something And the earth is full of his praise
involving a change higher on the list, like ram. The pre-
ferred change is the change of a sign (plus or minus), i.e., It is possible to analyze these lines as paradigmatic-each
+I - male, +I - parent. This yields minimal contrast. If a conveying a similar meaning; on the other hand, the
feature is deleted, the result is a superordinate, as infather- second line may be perceived as a result of the first, in
man. An added feature produces a subordinate, as infruit- which case there would be a semantic sequence, or syn-
apple. If another word is chosen with the same list of tagm.
features, we have a coordinate, as in cat-dog (both are noun, In many case both paradigmatic and syntagmatic ele-
singular, animate, mammal, domesticated, etc.). The ments are present, as in Isa 40:9:
higher on the list a feature is, the less likely that it will be
changed. This accounts, first of all, for the tendency to- Ascend a high hill, herald (to) Zion;
ward paradigmatic responses (i.e., associations involving Lift your voice aloud, herald (to) Jerusalem.
the same class of words). It also explains why certain
responses occur more frequently than others. The actions of the herald are sequential, but the vocatives
Syntagmatic responses involve the choice of an associate ("herald to Zion/Jerusalem") are paradigmatic. It appears
from the same sequence rather than the same class. Often to be in the nature of parallelism to combine these two
this is realized in the completion of idioms. In English the forces, so that the expression advances even as the lines
word cottage will often evoke cheese. This is similar to the are bound firmly together. In this way the second line of a
parallelism often disambiguates, or clarifies, the first; or
phenomenon described by Melamed (1961; 1964) as the
on a more abstract level, parallelism may serve as a meta-
breakup of stereotyped phrases. Conventional coordi-
phor.
nates, like sws-rkb ("horse-chariot/driver"), ft.sd-'mt ("loyalty-
truth"), may be paired in parallel lines. Another type of A thorn comes to the hand of a drunkard;
syntagmatic pairing in the Bible involves the splitting up And a proverb to the mouth of fools. (Prov 26:9)
of the components of a personal or geographic name:
Balak II king of Moab (Num 23:7); Ephrathah II Bethlehem d. The Phonological Aspect. Sound equivalences may
(R~t.h 4: 11 ). There are also other examples of syntagmatic be activated in parallelism just as grammatical and lexical
pamngs such as chair II sit (Isa 16:5; Lam 5: 19) and write II equivalences are. Often this takes the form of sound
book (Job 19:23). pairs-the pairing of terms that are phonologically equiv-
While lexical parallelism, that is, the pairing of associ- alent (i.e., they contain the same or linguistically related
ated words, generally accompanies grammatical parallel- consonants). In some cases the sound pairs are also word
ism, It can occur in lines which are not grammatically pairs: slwm II slwh, "peace II tranquility" in Ps 122:7; bwrk II
parallel (at least paradigmatically). An example is Ps 111 :6: b'rk, "your cistern// your well" in Prov 5: 15; swt II sbt, "whip
PARALLELISM 160 • v
II rod" in Prov 26:3. More often, it seems, sound pairs are - - . 1973-75. Biblical and Oriental Studies. 2 vols. Jerusalem.
not lexical or semantic pairs; they may not even be from Ceresko, A. 1975. The A:B::B:A Word Pattern in Hebrew and
the same word class. Northwest Semitic with Special Reference to the Book of Job.
UF 7: 73-88.
He made the moon for time-markers [mwcdym]: - - . 1976. The Chiastic Word Pattern in Hebrew. CBQ 38: 303-
The sun knaws its setting [yd' mbw>w]. (Ps 104:19) 1l.
I will cut off your horses from your mid.st [mqrbk]; - - . 1978. The Function of Chiasmus in Hebrew Poetry. CBQ
I will destroy your chariots [mrkbtyk]. (Mic 5:9) 40: 1-10.
Clark, H. H. 1970. Word Associations and Linguistic Theory.
(In this last verse the lexical pairs are horses II chariots.) Pp. 271-86 in New Horiwns in Linguistics, ed. J. Lyons. Balti-
Several sound pairs may occur in a parallelism and they more.
may be patterned in different ways: AABB, ABAB, ABBA. Collins, T. 1978. Line-Forms in Hebrew Poetry. Rome.
The effect of sound pairs is to reinforce the bond created Craigie, P. C. 1971. A Note on "Fixed Pairs" in Ugaritic and Early
by the other forms of equivalence between the parts of the Hebrew Poetry.]TS 22: 140-43.
parallelism. Sound pairs provide an added dimension, an - - . I 979a. Parallel Word Pairs in Ugaritic and Early Hebrew
additional type of linguistic equivalence. The more equiv- Poetry.JTS 22: 140-43.
alences there are in a parallelism, the stronger is the sense - - . I 979b. The Problem of Parallel Word Pairs in Ugaritic and
of correspondence between one line and the next. This, in Hebrew Poetry. Semitics 5: 48-58.
turn, promotes the perception of semantic unity. The Culley, R. C. 1967. Oral Formulaic Language in the Biblical Psalms.
various linguistic equivalences may act in concert, or they Toronto.
may produce an artistic tension, creating an interplay that Dahood, M. 1972. Ugaritic-Hebrew Parallel Pairs. Pp. 71-382 in
adds to the interest of the parallelism. Ras Shamra Parallels/, ed. L. Fisher. AnOr 49. Rome.
Because there are infinite possibilities for activating lin- - - . 1975. Pp. 1-39 in Ras Shamra Parallels //, ed. L. Fisher.
guistic equivalences, there are infinite possibilities for con- AnOr 50. Rome.
structing parallelisms. No parallelism is "better" or "more - - . 1981. Pp. 1-206 in Ras Shamra Parallels ll/, ed. S. Rummel.
complete" than any other. Each is constructed for its own AnOr 51. Rome.
purpose and context. The device of parallelism is extraor- Di Marco, A. 1976. Der Chiasmus in der Bibel. LB 36: 21-79; 37:
dinarily flexible, and its expressive capabilities and appeal 49-68.
are enormous, as the poets of the ANE discovered long Driver, G. R. 1953. Hebrew Poetic Diction. VTSup I: 26-39.
ago. Fox, J. 1977. Roman Jakobson and the Comparative Study of
Parallelism. Pp. 59-60 in Roman Jakobson: Echoes of His Schol-
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Alter, R. i 983a. The Dynamics of Parallelism. Hebrew University on Hebrew Poetry. Winona Lake, IN.
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Bronznick, N. 1979. "Metathetic Parallelism"-An Unrecognized ism in Biblical Hebrew and in Ugaritic. Le! 18: 144-60.
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- - . I 980c. Subliminal Verbal Patterning in Poetry. Poetics Today - - . 1984. The Semantic Parallelism of Psalm 89. Pp. 121-37
2: 127-36. in In the Shelter of Elyon, ed. W. B. Barrick and ]. R. Spenser.
Kaddari, M. Z. I 968. On Semantic Parallelism in Biblical Hebrew. JSOTSup 31. Sheffield.
Le! 32: 37-45 (in Hebrew). Parker, S. 1974. Parallelism and Prosody in Ugaritic Narrative
- - . 1973. A Semantic Approach to Biblical Parallelism.j}S 24: Verse. VF 6: 283-94.
167-75. Popper, W. I 918-23. Studies in Biblical Parallelism, Part II: Parallelism
Kiparsky, P. 1973. The Role of Linguistics in a Theory of Poetry. in Isaiah. UCPNES. Berkeley.
Daedal11.l 102.3: 231-44. Rendsburg, G. 1980. Janus Parallelism in Gen 49:26.]BL 99: 291-
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Bib 58: 219-23. Ridderbos, N. H. 1963. The Psalms: Style-Figures and Structure.
Kugel, J. 1981. The Idea of Biblical Poetry, Parallelism and Its History. OTS 13: 43-76.
New Haven. Robinson, T. H. 1953. Hebrew Poetic Form: The English Tradition.
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Style: Addenda lo the Idea of Biblical Poetry.]SOT 28: 107- Sayce, R. A. 1971. The Style of Montaigne: Word-Pairs and Word-
17. Groups. Pp. 383-405 in Literary Style: A Symposium, ed. S.
Landy, F. 1984. Poetics and Parallelism: Some Comments on James Chatman. London.
Kugel's The Idea of Biblical Poetry. ]SOT 28: 61-87. Saydon, P. P. 1955. Assonance in Hebrew as a Means of Expressing
Levin, S. 1962.Lingui.stic Structures in Poetry. The Hague. Emphasis. Bib 36: 36-50, 287-304.
Loewenstamm, S. E. 1975. The Expanded Colon Reconstructed. Schramm, G. M. 1976. Poetic Patterning in Biblical Hebrew.
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Lowth, R. 1753. Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews. London. Cameron, ed. L. Orlin. Ann Arbor.
Repr. 1835. Segert, S. 1960. Problems of Hebrew Prosody. VTSup 7: 283-91.
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89. of Linguistics 12: 21-73.
PARALLELISM 162 • v
Whallon, W. 1963. Formulaic Poetry in the Old Testament. Compar- Num 33:36 has an additional geographical reference
ative Literature 15: l-14. lacking in the MT which equates Paran and Kadesh but
- - . 1969. Formula, Character, and Context: Studies in Homeric, Old this cannot be relied upon, as it could well be an att;mpt
English and Old Testament Poetry. Cambridge, MA. to harmonize the various references to Kadesh and Paran.
Whitley, C. F. 1975. Some Aspects of Hebrew Poetic Diction. UF 7: The other references to Paran are of a different sort.
493-502. Deut 33:2 and Hab 3:3 bear great similarity to each other
Willis, J. T. 1979. The Juxtaposition of Synonymous and Chiastic as both describe in poetic terms the appearance of YHWH
Parallelism in Tricola in Old Testament Hebrew Psalm Poetry. on the path of the Exodus (cf. Exod 15:15, Ps 68:7f, and
VT 29: 465-80. Judg 5:4 for similar descriptions of the Exodus and the
Yoder, P. 1970. Fixed Word Pairs and the Composition of Hebrew Poetry. entry into Canaan as divine appearances).
Ph.D. Diss. University of Pennsylvania. I Sam 25: I should be read as "the Wilderness of Maon"
- - . 1971. A-B pairs and Oral Composition in Hebrew Poetry. with the LXX, since the continuation of this story about
VT21: 470-89. David, Abigail, and Nabal takes place in Maon (see Mc-
ADELE BERLIN Carter 1 Samuel AB, 388).
Bibliography
PARALYSIS. See SICKNESS AND DISEASE. Glueck, N. 1935. Exploratioru in Eastern Palestine II. AASOR 15. New
Haven.
JEFFRIES M. HAMILTON
PARAN (PLACE) [Heb pa'ran]. The name which desig-
nates the wilderness area S of Israel, W of Edom, and N
of the wilderness of Sinai (IDB 3: 657). While this location PARAN, EL-. See EL-PARAN (PLACE).
is not given directly, it can be inferred from the several
OT references to the wilderness of Paran. In particular,
Num 13:3 and 26 report that the spies sent to scout out PARAPET. See TEMPLE, JERUSALEM.
Canaan from the S were sent from and returned to Paran.
Num 13:26 adds the specific note that the spies returned
to Kadesh, apparently a town within the larger area desig- PARAPHRASE OF SHEM. See SHEM, PARA-
nated by the "Wilderness of Paran." In Deut 1:22, the PHRASE OF (NHC VII.J).
location is also given specifically as Kadesh-barnea. The
site of Kadesh-barnea is located at Tell el-Qudeirat in N
Sinai at the juncture of two ancient routes: the Way of Shur PARBAR [Heb parbtir]. An outer building or court
and a branch of the Via Maris (EAEHL, 697). mentioned by the Chronicler as one of the places where
While Deuteronomy names the departure point of the temple gatekeepers were stationed (I Chr 26: 18). The
S reconnaissance of Canaan as Kadesh-barnea at Deut meaning of the Hebrew word is uncertain. It is often
1:22, Deut I: I includes Paran in its list of locales which identified with parwtir in 2 Kgs 23: 11 referring to a struc-
define the wilderness in which Israel encamped and lo- ture attached to the side of the temple. Allegro ( 1960:
cates this wilderness in the Arabah, which lies S of the 117), on the basis of usage in the Copper Scroll from
Dead Sea and N of Sinai. Qumran, suggested that the word refers to a toilet or waste
Additional information about the location of the Wilder- chamber for the high priest or king. Parbtir in 1 Chr 26: 18
ness of Paran can be gleaned from the account of Abra- would, thus, probably refer to a waste chamqer connected
ham's victory over the coalition of kings in Genesis 14. Gen with the temple. The word parwtir is generally supposed to
14:6 states the limit of territory taken by the king Chedor- be a Persian loanword meaning "open pavilion." In an
laomer to be "as far as El-paran on the border of the Aramaic-Lydian scroll from Sardis (Littman 1916: 26-27)
wilderness." N. Glueck (1935: 104) places the route of this parwtir refers to the open anteroom of a tomb. In the
action in the Arabah on the way to Sinai. From thence Mishnah the word often means "suburb" or "adjunct."
Chedorlaomer turned back to Kadesh (Gen 14:7), a note
which strengthens the geographical tie between Paran and Bibliography
Kadesh. Allegro, J.M. 1960. Treasury of the Capper Scroll. Garden City, NY.
Num 12: 16 reinforces this general location for the Wil- Littmann, E. 1916. Sardis. Vol. 6, Lydian /nscriptioru, Part I. Leiden.
derness of Paran as it notes that the people of Israel TOM WAYNE WILLE"IT
travelled there from Hazeroth, which Numbers locates on
the journey from the Wilderness of Sinai to the Wilderness
of Paran. Gen 21: 21 names the Wilderness of Paran as the PARENESIS AND PROTREPTIC. Discourse
place where Ishmael grew up, and the rest of the chapter whose aim is to exhort or persuade the reader or auditor
allows us to infer that this must be placed beyond Beer- to do good.
sheba (cf. Gen 21: 15) on the way to Egypt (cf. Gen 21:21 b);
that is, in the general area S of Israel and N of Sinai. Such A. Background and Definitions
a general picture of the location of the Wilderness of B. Literary Forms
Paran is confirmed in 1 Kgs 11: 18, where Solomon's adver- C. Structure, Devices, and Techniques
sary Hadad the Edomite flees from Edom to Egypt by way D. Traditional and Commonplace Material
of Midian and Paran (that is, W from Edom). E. Parenesis in the Undisputed Pauline Letters
v• 163 PARENESIS AND PROTREPTIC

F. Parenesis in the Pastoral and Catholic Epistles Seneca's letters. Epistle 104, for example, associates ideas,
G. Parenesis and Apocalyptic Literature precepts, and rhetorical devices in a hortatory argument
which parallels the school exercises.
A. Background and Definitions
Dibelius' comparison of the letters of James and Paul B. Literary Forms
with the Mandates in the Shepherd of Hermas, the synoptic Burgess (1902: 186-87, 234-44) finds moralizing pare-
speeches of Jesus, and Greco-Roman parenetic works nesis both in epideictic (displaying praise or blame) ora-
(James Hermeneia, 2-7) disclosed the common character tory, in the prose diatribe (conversational form of teach-
of all of these as diverse collections of older sayings mate- ing), and in the half-dialogue or epistle, especially when
rial arranged in no particular order and not focused on a adopted by rhetorically adept popular philosophers. Prior
particular situation or thought. In the Jewish milieu pare- to the widespread use of the parenetic letter, Isocrates and
nesis appears in the maxims in the didactic poetry of the his successors used parenetic discourses, like the Ad Nico-
Wisdom tradition and Ps-Phocylides, in the properly prose clem, Ad Demonicum, and Nicocles, to effect their parenetic
parenetic of Tob 4:5-19; 12:6-12, and the "Two Ways" ends. These "instruction booklets" for rulers and subjects
teaching (Did.ache 1-6 and Epistle of Barnabas 19-20), in are full not of new but of conventional prescriptive teach-
the sayings of Ps-Menander, and in the legendary and ings, drawn from a variety of sources, arranged in a locally
apocalyptic Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. In form, the unstructured but nonetheless not haphazard order, and
didactic poetry of Hesiod, the prose tractates of Isocrates meant to be perennially valid. Though similar in content
and Plutarch, the letters of Seneca, and the maxim collec- to poetic compendia of maxims and precepts, these dis-
tions of the jlorilegia parallel the Jewish and Christian courses are couched in epistolary terms and carry a
parenesis. In content, too, the Christian authors, like the friendly tone proper to letters of exhortation.
writers of Jewish Wisdom, incorporated into their gener- The "Kingship Treatises" (principis speculum) of Plutarch
ally applicable parenetic guidebooks or guidebook sections and Dio Chrysostom make use of another typical parenetic
a vision of the correct way of life common to their Greco- feature, catalogs of virtues and vices, remarkably alike in
Roman contemporaries. content despite the different authors and contexts.
Hartlich (1889: 328-29) distinguishes protreptic (pro- The parenetic aims in these "epistolary" discourses sur-
trope, protreptikos logos, an exhortation or persuasion to a face in the exhortation section of some actual official
commonly agreed upon good, associated with paraklisis or letter-memoranda prescribing the duties of newly ap-
exhortation) from parenesis (parainesis, proposal by pre- pointed officials. More widespread, however, was the teach-
cept of a debatable good, associated with symboule or coun- ing letter, a development from the philosophical dialogue,
sel, advice). Burgess (1902: 299) finds that the ancient for moral instruction. Indeed, Guillemin (1929: 32) notes
theoreticians are not consistent in distinguishing the two that epistolary parenesis owes it success to the letter's
terms, although many refer to a predominance of precept friendly tone and that the parenesis is a concomitant of
in parenesis. Vetschera (1911-12: 4-9), while agreeing the teacher's friendly relations with the pupils. The letter's
that parenesis is distinguished by its use of precepts ("prin- familiar and quietly persuasive conversational tone makes
ciples by which one should live"), also finds the parenetic the friend present as he acquits himself of the friend's
work to be broader in content than the protreptic one. For hortatory task. The correspondent in turn relies on the
him the protreptic piece, in popular philosophy as well as teacher-friend for guidance. The letter writer's self-pre-
rhetoric, hopes to lead the addressee to obtain a certain sentation, which Ps-Demetrius Eloc. 223 considered the
knowledge and its arete ("virtue"). The parenetic work, on essence of a letter, serves as a surrogate for the actual
the contrary, covers many areas of life, e.g., culture, presence and sharing of life circumstances. Seneca re-
friends, fortune, under the aspect of their usefulness for garded this mutuality in the letter to be the most effective
obtaining a happy and virtuous life. Thus, the distinction method of moral instruction. The letter may even be more
rests on both content and form. Given this mixed verdict effective than actual presence since it can propose an ideal
from antiquity, Vetschera's definition of parenesis is a model unequivocally expressive of the parenetic concepts.
reasonable guide: "a literary work which by its structure The practical situation of geographical distance and the
and aim delineates a collection of precepts which relate theoretical superiority of the letter for parenesis led pop-
unexceptionally to the practical conduct of life, indeed to ular philosophers like Seneca and the Cynics to prefer the
~ro~ote it, as far as it can, and to lead to virtue." Protrep- letter for their moral instruction and exhortation.
uc 1s treated along with parenesis here since, though
different, both apply to a range of hortatory devices to C. Structure, Devices, and Techniques
urge the audience to a virtuous and happy life. While parenetic works have been commonly thought to
A vital, though not yet fully clarified, role in the employ- be random collections of hortatory material, structural
ment and development of the hortatory devices which principles do organize the parenetic texts. In addition to
serve parenesis in popular philosophy and education was the characteristic commands, prohibitions, advice, warn-
pl~yed by the_ progymnatists (teachers of elementary rhet- ings, maxims, and precepts, Cancik ( 1967: 23-24) finds a
o_nc) and the1r handbooks of rhetorical theory and exer- broad array of auxiliary hortatory devices like declara-
me. Cla_rk (1~57: ~86-88) notes a protreptic-apotreptic tions, comparisons, examples, explanations, applications,
(persuas1on-d1ssuas1on) end in the exercises (see Nicolaus and concluding calls to action. Others (Thyen 1955) add
and Aphthonius) on how to develop and apply a chria catalogs of virtues, vices, and sufferings, appeals to com-
("clever saying) and gnomee ("epigram" or "proverb"). Cole- mon knowledge and authority, together with rhetorical
man (1974: 280) finds this put to work in the moralist techniques like hyperbole, antithesis, paradox, and irony,
PARENESIS AND PROTREPTIC 164 • v
which help make the exhortations strike home. Moreover, continue along their chosen path. Beyond the specific
Cancik's (1967: 8-9, 25-26) study of Seneca's moral letters questions and preparations for the parousia, building a
finds them to be carefully structured so as to build persua- life of virtue engaged Paul's efforts. Consequently, the
sive hortatory arguments either by themselves or mixed motivation behind the parenesis is multiform, as in I
with theoretical observations. Before Seneca, Isocrates and Thessalonians which appeals to final judgment, the Chris-
his followers related example, a prime hortatory tool (Eva- tians' call to holiness, and their response to the gift of the
goras 73-81 ), to prescriptions by describing those charac- Holy Spirit.
teristics in the positive and negative exemplars which cor- The parenetic character of a letter section explains the
respond to the precepts. When the examples were only function of its diverse elements. Thus, for example, the
roughly sketched out (Ad Demonicum 11) the loosely orga- hymn in Philippians 2 sets the positive example of self-
nized prescriptive section which follows filled out their sacrificing humility being urged; the vice and virtue lists
parameters. Similarly, when "Kingship Treatises" used cat- in Galatians 5 provide a noncontrovertible reminder of
alogs of virtues and vices from popular philosophical Paul's original message about the Galatians' Spirit-filled
moral teaching, they also delineated exemplary types to be existence; the opponents and exemplars (including Paul)
imitated or avoided. in I Thessalonians alert the correspondents to well-known
Malherbe sees the call to imitate the prescribed virtues figures in and beyond the community whose way of life
embodied in exemplars and, presumably, in the teachers calls for emulation or avoidance. Paul goes beyond his
themselves, as typical. Catalogs of sufferings help establish contemporaries when he calls explicitly for imitation of
the authoritative teacher-exemplar whose experiences himself as a prime example of the Christian life, resting
and progress have shown that the task at hand is possible. this claim not on his own works (unlike some boastful
The difficult task calls for persistent striving, often ex- Cynics) but on the gospel.
pressed in athletic images, and can occasion drastic inter- While some of Paul's material is Christian-specific, like
ventions by the teacher-guides described with medical motivation based on the presence of the Holy Spirit or on
analogies. The teachers, though sometimes harsh, are the eschatological implications of the resurrection, much,
really friends who by frankness rather than flattery seek like the catalogs of virtues, vices, and sufferings, the im-
not to harm but to improve their charges. ages of father, nurse, pedagogue, and disease, the themes
of money- or reputation-seeking teachers, the desire to be
D. Traditional and Commonplace Material with the correspondents, the personal relationship and
To Verner (1983: 15-25) the parenetic material can be mutual concern among the correspondents, is common to
traditional in three ways: borrowed from other sources, Greco-Roman parenesis. The same is true for formal fea-
arranged in typical structures, or inserted as self-contained tures like catalogs, prescriptions, contrasts, threats, re-
units of generalized exhortation (topoi). Its commonplace minders, affirmations of prior knowledge, model figures,
and general character argue against seeing therein reflec- the call the imitation, and expressions of frankness. In
tions of the author's own outlook or a specific situation. Paul, all of this complements his missionary preaching,
He finds, however, that the more developed the structure setting out parameters of the Christian life-style which
of a parenetic section, the more likely does it reflect the pleases God, however similar it is to that of their non-
author's perspective. Thus Romans 12-15 arguably con- Christian neighbors.
tains not generalized topoi but concrete and personal ap-
plications of the gospel exposed theoretically earlier in the F. Parenesis in the Pastoral and Catholic Epistles
letter and even throughout Paul's letters. Similarly, I Cor The Pastoral Epistles, with their catalogs of virtues,
11 :23-34 uses liturgical tradition and parenesis to meet vices, sufferings, and household duties; with the common-
the community's needs. place teachings on riches and women; and with their
prescriptions of what to do and reject, whom to associate
E. Parenesis in the Undisputed Pauline Letters with and avoid, in an epistolary handbook for young
Paul, whose letters stand in for his personal presence in officials from a teacher-friend-model, are unmistakably
support of his parenesis, makes hortatory appeals which parenetic. Their apparently haphazard arrangement ac-
combine authoritative demands with diplomatic sensitivity
tually constitutes a developed hortatory argument, which
and lead into parenetic sections (Rom 12:1-2; 15:30-32;
ultimately rests on the logic of deduction and illustrative
16:17; 1Cor1:10; 4:16; 16:15-16; I Thess4:1, IOb; 5:12,
examples (Donelson 1986: 66-113). Their claim to Pauline
14). While these sections ordinarily appear after the body
of the letter (Romans), they may precede it (I Corinthians, authority and divine sanction for the sound teaching and
actually framing the body) or even constitute the body (I ethical program finds support in a succession of teachers
Thessalonians, prepared for by a long thanksgiving). from Paul to Timothy and Titus to appointed officials in
Paul's written parenesis echoes the traditional and com- the context of the pseudepigraphical letters themselves.
prehensive teaching on moral conduct which accompanied These all illustrate in action the letters' prescriptions and
the missionary preaching. To Collins (1984: 327-32) this outlines of appropriate behavior, virtues, and qualifica-
recalls the Jewish Hellenistic missionary sermon which tions for office, while the vice-laden and quarrelsome false
grounds moral responsibilities in the convenantal relation- teachers demonstrate the ill effects of heresy. The letters
ship. The ethical life, a sign of the Holy Spirit, entails an propose a typical, Greco-Roman, "bourgeois" morality, in
ethic of response and growth. While urgent ("in the Lord a Christianized version (Schwarz 1983). Their insistence
Jesus") what Paul writes is not new but is a reminder of on propriety seems aimed at both innercommunity una-
what his correspondents already know, so that they might nimity and stability (e.g., Titus 1:5-9) and extracommun-
v. 165 PARMENAS

ity reputation of the increasingly well-established church Schwarz, R. 1983. Burgeliches Christentum im Neuen Testament~ OBS
members (e.g., 1 Tim 3:7). 4. Klosterneuburg.
The use of typical Greco-Roman Hau.stafeln (lists of Thyen, H. 1955. Der Stil der jiidisch-hellenistischen Homilie. FRLANT
household duties) in 1Pet2:11-3:12; I Tim 2:1-15; Titus NF 47. Giittingen.
2:1-15 (and see Eph 5:21-6:9; Col 3:18-4:1) touches the Verner, D. C. 1983. The Household of God: The Social World of Pastoral
larger question of the specifically Christian character of Epistles. SBLDS 71. Chico, CA.
the parenesis in the letters. Balch ( 1981: 81-109) argues Vetschera, R. 1911-12. Zur griechischen Pariines. Smichow and
that the lists in 1 Peter are not an instance of de-eschato- Prague.
logized Christianity adopting the ethic of its environment, BENJAMIN FIORE
nor an attempt to suppress social unrest among slaves or
women insisting on their baptismal equality (Gal 3:28), nor
part of the Church's mission to convert by good example. PAREVE. See MEAL CUSTOMS (JEWISH DIETARY
Rather, by maintaining commonplace ethical standards, LAWS).
they seek to quiet the suspicions and ill will of masters and
husbands toward their slaves and wives who have aban-
doned the traditional gods for the new Christian belief. PARMASHTA (PERSON) [Heb parmaJta']. One of the
The lists' traditional parenesis, which serves the apologetic ten sons of Haman (Esth 9:9). On problems surrounding
purpose of giving assurance that traditional values are still this list of names see ADALIA (PERSON). Parmashta (LXX
being maintained, is furnished with properly Christian marmasima) may render the otherwise unattested Old Ira-
motivation of Christ's patient suffering, God's judgment,
nian name *Fra-mathi.sta "preeminent" (Scheftelowitz 1901)
and Christ's guardianship.
or *ParvaJta- "standing before" (Hinz 1975: 183 s.v. *par-
vaJta-).
G. Parenesis and Apocalyptic Literature
The imagery of current or impending crisis in apocalyp- Bibliography
tic literature, which works as motivation for their parene- Hinz, W. 1975. Altiranisches Sprachgut der Nebeniiberlieferungen. Wies-
sis, has led to the search for likely persecution settings, like baden.
a Domitian reign of terror for the book of Revelation. Scheftelowitz, I. 1901. Arisches im Allen Testament. Vol. I. Berlin.
Osiek (1986: 113-21), however, finds that the apocalyptic PETER BEDFORD
visionary myth in the Shepherd of Herrna.s is addressed not
to the historical but to the social reality of the community,
where the demands of religious visionaries either are
losing their appeal or directly threaten the economically
PARMENAS (PERSON) [Gk Parmenas]. One of seven
comfortable and upwardly mobile church members. The gifted leaders, "of good repute, full of the Spirit and of
parenesis function to expand the horizons of the commu- wisdom" (Acts 6:3) who were chosen to look after the
nity and move them in the direction of a faith commitment needs of the Hellenistic Jewish Christian widows who had
explained and shaped by the apocalyptic myth. been neglected in the "daily distribution" (Acts 6: 1, 5 ).
The name Parmenas may be a shortened form of Parmen-
Bibliography ides, which means "steadfast" or "trustworthy." It was a
Balch, D. L. 1981. Let Wives Be Submissive: The Domestic Code in 1 rather uncommon Greek name at the time (Foakes Jackson
Peter. SBLMS 26. Chico, CA. and Lake 1979: 66). Since all seven had Greek names and
Burgess, T C. .1902. Epideictic Literature. Studies in Classical Philol- only one of them, Nicolaus, is explicitly called a Proselyte,
ogy. Chicago. it is probable that the other six, including Parmenas, were
Cancik, H. 1967. Untersuchungen zu Senecas epistulae morales. Spudas- either Jews born in the Diaspora or Palestinian Jews with
mata: Studien zur Klassischen Philologie und ihren Grenzge- Greek names (as would be the case with Jesus' disciples
bieten 18. Hildesheim. Andrew and Philip). The work of two of them, Stephen
Clark, D. L. 1957. Rhetoric in Greco-Roman Education. New York. (Acts 6:8-8:2) and Philip (Acts 8:5-40; 21 :8) makes it
Coleman, R. 1974. The Artful Moralist: A Study of Seneca's clear that the Seven did not limit themselves to "serving
Epistolary Style. CQ n.s. 24: 276-89. tables" (Acts 6:2) but functioned for the Hellenists in the
Collins, R. E 1984. Studies on the First Letter to the Thessalonians. way that the Twelve did for the Hebrew Christians (See
BETL 66. Louvain. Simon 1958: 7). According to later tradition, Parmenas
Donelson, L. W. 1986. Pseudepigraphy and Ethical Argument in the was one of the seventy appointed by Jesus (cf. Luke I 0: 1),
Pastoral Epistles. Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theo- became bishop of Soli on Cyprus (cf. Acts 11: 19, 20) and
logie 22. Tubingen. was martyred at Philippi during the reign of Trajan (Scher-
Fiore, B. 1986. The Use of Personal Example in the Socratic and Pastoral mann 1907: 302-3, 344).
Epistles. AnBib 105. Rome.
Guillemin, A. M. 1929. Pline et la vie littbaire de son temps. Paris. Bibliography
Hartlich, P. 1889. De exhortationum a Graecis Romanisque scrip- Foakes Jackson, F. J., and Lake, K. 1979. The Beginnings of Christi-
tarum historia et indole. LSS 11: 207-336. anity. Vol. 4. Grand Rapids.
Malherbe, A. J. 1983. Exhortation in First Thessalonians. NovT 3: Schermann, T. 1907. Propheten-und Aposullegendm. Leipzig.
238-56. Simon, M. 1958. St. Stephen and the Hellenists in the Primitive Church.
Osiek, C. 1986. The Genre and Function of the Shepherd of HeTTNJS. London.
Semeia 36: 113-21. JoN PAULIEN
PARNACH 166 • v
PARNACH (PERSON) [Heb parnakJ. The father of Eli- (Rev 19:llff; l Cor IS:23ff; Mark 13:26; 14:62) or by use
zapahan, leader of the tribe of Zebulun who was appointed of ot~er terms (e.g., apokalypsis in 1 Cor 1:7; I Pet 1:7).
to help distribute the land to the Israelites (Num 34:25). Even m those books where the person of Christ does not
Parnach is taken to be a name derived from either Elamite loom large (like the letter of James), the Parousia of the
or Persian. It means either "spendor" or "success." A Lord (God or Christ?) is referred to (Jas 5:7).
similar name is found in a Neo-Babylonian text from the A form of the Parousia hope does probably go back to
Achaemenid era. In the LXX, Parnach was rendered as the historical Jesus and represents part of that set of
par(a)nax. convictions most clearly represented in Matt 19:28 and
RAPHAEL I. PANITZ par. in which Jesus uses eschatological imagery to speak of
the future reign with his disciples in the kingdom of God
(Kiimmel 1966). There was probably no coherent Parousia
PAROSH (PERSON) [Heb par'os; Gk phoros]. Head of a doctrine in Second Temple Judaism, though the material
family of Babylonian exiles who are listed as returnees in the Similitudes of Enoch (chaps. 37-71) comes very close
under the leadership of Zerubbabel and others (Ezra 2:3 to it. This material represents an interpretation of Daniel
[= Neh 7:8 = l Esdr 5:9]) and later under Ezra (Ezra 8:3 7 in a direction parallel to what we find in the future Son
[ = l Esdr 8:30)). Some from this family married foreign of Man sayings in the Synoptic Gospels, though, with the
wives and later agreed to divorce them in response to exception of Matt 2S:3 l there is not much evidence to
Ezra's reform (Ezra 10:25 [ = 1 Esdr 9:26]). A member of suggest that the NT was dependent on the Similitudes (or
this family assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the walls of vice versa for that matter). There are hints that the expec-
Jerusalem (Neh 3:25), and the leader of this clan affixed tation of an imminent return of the Messiah may have
the family name to the covenant document of Nehemiah been deeply rooted in the earliest Aramaic-speaking
in Neh l 0: 15-Eng 10: 14. For discussion of the list in Ezra church if 1 Cor 16:22 (cf. Acts 3: l 9ff) is anything to go by.
2, see AKKUB.
That the list of builders in Nehemiah 3 is a partial one A. Revelation and the Jesus Apocalyptic Tradition
is evident from the references to "second portions" in B. Pauline Letters
3: l l, 19, 20, 30 without previous notations of correspond- C. Synoptic Eschatological Discourses
ing first portions (cf. 3:4, 21; 3:5, 27). There is widespread D. Gospel of John
agreement that the list came from independent archives, E. Delay of the Parousia
perhaps in the temple, and was incorporated into the F. Conclusions
Nehemiah Memoirs by Nehemiah himself or by some other
editor. (See Batten Ezra and Nehemiah ICC, 206-7; Clines A. Revelation and the Jesus Apocalyptic Tradition
Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther NCBC, 149; Williamson Ezra, Nehe- In the book of Revelation there is ample evidence of the
miah WBC, 199-202.) belief in the imminent coming of Christ, especially in
Many do not regard the list and covenant of Nehemiah chaps. 1 and 22, and in Rev 19.11 ff (Rissi 1972). This
l 0 as belonging originally in this context. Williamson follows the Divine Warrior myth which is here applied to
(325-30) surveys various views about the origins of this the future conquering messiah. There appears to be evi-
list. He concludes that it was compiled from other lists in dence here of the influence of the Jesus story: the Rider
Ezra and Nehemiah in order to be attached to the terms on the White Horse already bears the marks of his death
of an agreement drawn up by Nehemiah following his (19: 13). In addition, there are explicit links with the vision
reforms of Nehemiah 13. This document was then kept in of the Son of Man in 1: 14 which inaugurates John's vision
the temple archives until being inserted into its present of what is to come.
position. (See also Clines, 199-200; Myers Ezra, Nehemiah This section belongs to a much longer symbolic account
AB, l74-7S; Jepsen l9S4: 87-106.) of the manifestation of the divine righteousness within
human history which culminates in the exaltation of the
Bibliography Lamb and its claiming the right to open the sealed scroll.
Galling, K. 195 l. The Gola-List According to Ezra 2 and Nehemiah This triumph immediately precedes the establishment of
7.]BL 70: 149-58. the messianic kingdom on earth, in which those who have
- - . 1964. Die Liste der aus dem Exil Heimgekehrten. Pp. 89- been slain for the testimony to Jesus reign with the Messiah
108 in Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter. Tii- for a thousand years (v 4). Revelation 19-22 is not too far
bingen. removed from the roughly contemporary eschatological
Jepsen, A. 1954. Nehemia 10. ZAW 66: 87-106. accounts in 2 Bar. 29-30 and 4 Ezra 6: 11 ff and 7 :32ff. A
CHANEY R. BERGDALL scheme of woes, messianic kingdom, resurrection, judg-
ment and new age is clearly discerned in all three works.
Revelation uses much more vivid imagery as compared to
PAROUSIA. The Greek word parousia used in the NT the prosaic prediction found in 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch. The
to speak of the arrival (2 Cor 7 :6f; Phil l :26) or presence role of the redeemer figure is much more obvious in
of someone (2 Cor l 0: I 0). It is also used as a technical Revelation than it is in the other two apocalypses where
term to speak of the arrival or presence of Christ in glory the Messiah's role is hardly touched on; indeed, there is
at a particular point in the eschatological process (e.g., little sign of the warrior role found in the Psalms of Solomon.
Matt 24:3). The belief in the Parousia or presence of Christ A comparison between Revelation and these sections of 2
in glory is firmly rooted in all strands of the NT, though Baruch and 4 Ezra is necessary in order to note the way in
the expectation can be referred to apart from the word which the Parousia passage in Rev 19: l lf is part of a much
v• 167 PAROUSIA

larger complex of hopes for the dissolution of the present of Judaism. While there may well be some kind of connec-
order, the overthrow of the hostile powers, and the estab- tion between the sort of focus of evil which is outlined so
lishment of a messianic kingdom on earth (Rowland I 982). cryptically in Mark 13:I4 and the hubris of lawlessness
mentioned in 2 Thessalonians, nothing is said about the
B. Pauline Letters effects of the coming of the Son of Man on the forces of
1Thess4: 15-17 describes the moment of vindication of evil. Indeed, the description of the coming of the Son of
the elect (Jewett 1986). Paul indicates that it is a word of Man in all three Synoptic Gospels is linked explicitly with
the Lord (v 15), and it has several points of contact with the vindication of the elect, thus focusing on the final
the account of the coming of the son of man in Matt aspect of the messianic drama in the vision of the man
24:30-31. It is, of course, a fragmentary eschatology for a from the sea in 4 Ezra I3. The certainty of vindication is
limited purpose (the encouragement of the community there but the lot of the elect when they have been gathered
dealing with the death of some of their number before the from the four corners of the earth is not touched on at all
coming of the Kingdom). It indicates how closely inter- in Mark. The element of judgment at the Parousia of the
twined the fulfillment of the eschatological hope had be- Son of Man is not entirely absent, however, from the
come with the person of Christ, a significant development Synoptic discourses as the climax of the Matthean version
in emerging Christian eschatology. is the account of the final assize with the Son of Man sitting
A case can be made for supposing that Paul's eschatol- on God's throne separating the sheep from the goats. But
ogy in I Cor 15:22ff follows the general outline of that here as elsewhere in these discourses the focus of attention
found in Revelation 19-21 and presupposes a messianic is on the present response of the elect. It is the recognition
reign on earth, while Christ subjects the enemies of God of the heavenly Son of Man in the brethren who are
to himself (cf. Rev 19: I !ff), though this has been a matter hungry, thirsty, strangers, naked, weak and imprisoned in
of considerable debate (Davies 1965; Schweitzer 1931 ). the present age, who will inherit the kingdom prepared by
Also similar to Revelation 19 is the account of the Parousia God from the foundation of the world.
in 2 Thessalonians 2 (Jewett 1986). Once again this eschat- Similarly in Markan discourse, the preoccupation of the
ological fragment is to be found in a context dealing with bulk of the material is not so much the satisfaction of
a particular pastoral problem. As such, like I Corinthians curiosity about the details of the times and seasons so
15, it offers only a fragment of the eschatological drama, much as dire warnings of the threat of being led astray, of
sufficient to deal with the particular issue confronting the failing at the last and of the need to be ready and watchful
writer: the threat of disturbance to the community because to avoid the worst of the disasters which are to come. In
of an outburst of eschatological enthusiasm prompted by the bleak moments of the last days in Jerusalem there is
the belief that the day of the Lord has already arrived little attempt to dwell on the privileges of discipleship
(2:2). To counteract such enthusiasm, readers are told that (though an eschatological promise is made to the disciples
the rebellion must take place first along with the revelation a little later in the Lukan version in Luke 22:29f. in the
of the man of lawlessness who opposes God and sits in the context of the supper discourse). It is not a future without
temple of God and makes himself God. It is clear that this hope but the thoughts of the hearers are made to dwell on
sign of the coming of Christ has not yet taken place, responsibilities in the short medium term as the essential
because there is something restraining his appearance prerequisite of achieving millennial bliss. These are senti-
(2:5) at his proper time; (whatever that may be: Paul ments which are very much to the fore in 4 Ezra where a
himself; the evangelizing of the gentiles; the Roman Em- convincing theodicy and the minutiae of eschatological
pire, some divine/angelic restraint such as is found in, e.g., destiny are relegated to the need to follow the precepts of
Rev 7: I). Meanwhile the mystery of lawlessness is already the Most High in order to achieve eternal life. In compar-
at work. In other words, the present is in some sense a ison with the more extended accounts of the coming of
time of eschatological fulfillment. In this sense it is similar the new age to be found in other material, both Christian
to Revelation where the exaltation of the Lamb provokes and Jewish, the Synoptic Discourses concentrate on the
the initiation of the whole eschatological drama, in which period of strife and tribulation leading up to the coming
the seer and other prophetic voices have their part to play of the Son of Man, what happens thereafter is not ex-
(chap. 10). Until the Restrainer is removed there cannot be plored. In the Lukan account, however, there is the expec-
the manifestation of the antichrist figure. The coming of tation that the arrival of the Son of Man is but the begin-
the man of lawlessness will be accompanied by signs and ning of the process of liberation, for which the tribulations
wonders which will deceive those who are on the way to and destruction had been the prelude. This point is made
destruction, just as the activity of the beast and the false very clearly in the climax of the discourse in Luke 21 :26ff:
prophet deceive the nations of the earth in Rev I3:7 and "When these things come to pass, stand up right and hold
I 2ff. Finally the Lord Jesus will slay the man of lawlessness your heads high, because your liberation draws near" (v
with the breath of his mouth. 28). It is only when that which has been described in the
series of predictions comes to pass that the kingdom of
C. Synoptic Eschatological Discourses God begins to draw near. The implication is that the
When viewed in the light of Rev 19: 11 f. the synoptic kingdom does not arrive with the coming of the Son of
eschatological discourses (Matthew 24-25; Mark 13; Luke Man; that is only part of the eschatological drama whose
21) show some remarkable omissions (Wenham 1984). It is climax is still to come, when there will be a reversal of
true that they manifest the same kind of preoccupations Jerusalem's fortunes (v 24). Indeed, that is exactly what we
wnh the messianic woes which are so characteristic of would suppose if we followed the account in Revelation
several eschatological passages from writings of this period where the arrival of the Rider on the White Horse is the
PAROUSIA 168 • v
prelude to the struggle which must precede the establish- Christia.ns of the .nonfulfillment of the expectation. This
ment of the messianic kingdom. theory 1s one which has been extraordinarily influential
within biblical exegesis over the last century or so. The
D. Gospel of John classic theory associated with Schweitzer ( 1931) and Wer-
The Johannine Paraclete offered a compensation for the ner ( 1957) which ascribes the emergence of orthodox
return of Jesus. Indeed, there are occasions in the farewell Christian doctrine as part of the response to the problem
discourses (John 14-17) that the coming of Jesus and the caused by the delay has been su~jected to critical scrutiny
coming of the Spirit/Paraclete are closely linked (Johnston over the years (also Grasser 1957). There is little doubt
1970). What is not in doubt is that the Paraclete's function that the explicit evidence for the delay of the Parousia
is to act as a replacement for the departed Jesus (John being a problem within primitive Christianity is not as
14: 15ff cf. John 16:9ff). This would become particularly large as is often suggested; 2 Peter 3 is in fact a rather
appropriate at a time when the living exponent of the link exceptional piece of evidence (Kasemann 1964). Other
with the past (such an important theme in the Johannine passages which are often mentioned in Matthew and Luke,
writings, e.g., John I: 14; I John I: I and John 21) had for example, have to be set alongside other indications
died. The Paraclete comes to the disciples; the world which point in the opposite direction. But while one would
cannot receive him; and it is the Paraclete who enables the want to question the view that the delay of the Parousia
disciples to maintain their connection with the basic reve- must have been a problem, it would be wrong to dismiss
lation of God, the Logos who makes the Father known some of the issues which this particular theory has high-
(John 14: I 7ff; 15:26). The Paraclete thus points back to lighted. Early Christianity may have dealt with nonfulfill-
Jesus, the Word made flesh, and is in some sense at least a ment of its grandiose hopes by intensifying those hopes
successor to Jesus, a compensation by his presence for such as we find, for example, in the vigorous expectation
Jesus' absence with the Father. See also PARACLETE. which is to be found in the pages of Matthew's gospel
The disciples are those to whom Jesus comes. The one (Bornkamm 1963 ). The departure of apostolic hgures may
who loves Jesus and keeps his commandments will be loved have caused a crisis of confidence within nascent Christi-
by him and Jesus will manifest himself to that disciple anity. The apostle Paul's theology and self-understanding
(John 14:21); indeed, to that disciple will both the father cannot be properly understood without reference to his
and the Son come and make their home (14:23). The expectation of the partial presence and imminent expec-
dwellings which Jesus goes to prepare for the disciples with tation of a new age. For example, the mission to the
the father can be enjoyed by the one who loves Jesus and gentiles and probably also the collection for the saints in
is devoted to his words (John 14:2; cf. 14:23). Likewise the Jerusalem may have been linked with the framework of an
manifestation of the divine glory is reserved not for the eschatological drama in which Paul is a crucial actor. Thus
world but for the disciple (John 14: 19). Whereas elsewhere it would be appropriate to consider the effect of Paul's
in both OT and NT all flesh will see the salvation of our departure on that doctrinal construction in which Paul's
God (Isa. 52:3ff) and those who pierced the victorious Son role was so important.
of Man will look upon him in glory (Rev I :9; cf. Mark The issue can be illuminated by reference to Karl Mann-
14:62), the world cannot see the returning Jesus. The goal heim's (1960) discussion of the utopian or, to use Mann-
of the new age in Revelation is that those who bear the heim's terms, "chiliastic mentality." One aspect of this type,
name of God on their foreheads (Rev 22:3f) will see God he argues, is the way in which the present moment be-
face to face. In John this is part of the bliss reserved for comes the Kairos, the moment to take decisive action. The
the disciples in heaven. There they will be with him and utopian then takes it upon himself:
see his glory (17:24).
Whatever hope there may be for the future (and there to "enable the absolute to interfere with the world and
are signs that the Fourth Gospel has not moved entirely to condition actual events" (p. 192) ... the present becomes
a realized eschatology), the focus is on the first coming as the breach through which what was previously inward
the uh.imate moment to which the witness of the commu- bursts out suddenly, takes hold of the outer world and
nity and the Spirit-Paraclete both point. Those who love transforms it (p. 193) ... the chiliast is always on his toes
Jesus and keep his commandments are those to whom the awaiting the propitious moment ... he is not actually
incarnate Son of Man comes and with whom the Father concerned with the millennium to come; what is impor-
and the Son make their abode (John 14:21, 23). The tant for him is that it has happened here and now ...
presence of the eschatological glory among the disciples the chiliastic mentality has no sense for the process o!
who love him has about it a "vertical" dimension in which becoming; it was sensitive only r.o the abrupt moment,
the coming son of man is not primarily a figure who the present pregnant with meaning (p. 195).
appears as a reproach to the nations. The lack of concern
for the future of the world is not because the Johannine That sense of destiny which probably undergirded
community is disappointed because of the nonfulfillment Paul's self-understanding and his activity actually enabled
of the Promise but because of the concentration on those his thinking to cohere as an expression of the outlook o!
who are of the light rather than the children of darkness one who believed himself called to be an agent in the dawn
outside the elect group (Meeks 1972). of the new age, the means by which the gentiles became
fellow heirs of the commonwealth of Israel. Once that
E. Delay of the Parousia sense of being part of the "propitious moment" disap-
A question which always arises when the doctrine of pears, however, the understanding of present activity as an
Parousia is discussed is the issue of the problem caused for integral part of that drama and its relationship with the
v. 169 PAROUSIA

future consummation of the divine purposes gradually role. That has set him apart like Jeremiah before him. He
disappears also. When that happens it does become more is no ordinary mortal sent by the God of Israel but one in
difficult to see that future consummation as anything whom the presence of the Messiah dwelt, as bearer of the
other than an article of faith rather than a goal in which marks of his death (Gal 6.17; 2 Cor 4. l O; 2 Cor IO. IO; Phil
present activity forms an indispensable part in "interfering 3. l 0) (Funk 1967).
with the world and conditioning actual events."
Something similar may be found in the appendix to the F. Conclusions
gospel of John. One issue which is touched on in the We saw in examining the Synoptic discourses that there
closing verses of the chapter is the problem posed by the is in fact very little attempt made to sketch the character
death of the Beloved Disciple. John 21 :23 indicates that of the liberation which draws near. The sketch of the ideal
there was an expectation current among the members of society or the ideal world is lacking, a mark of either a lack
the community that this disciple would not die before the of any political realism or of a merely utopian fixation. But
return of Jesus. Now that he has, a question mark has been we should attempt to assess the significance of such an
placed about the future coming of Jesus; the sense of absence, for it would be wrong to suppose that the early
being part of a "propitious moment," the "present preg- Christian writings are devoid of any hope for a better
nant with meaning" have been replaced by bewilderment world. Rather they prefer to hint at their conviction that
in the face of the departure of a figure who had hitherto one is coming without being too precise about what it will
been the key to the ongoing story of the community. involve. It is the language of myth and metaphor which is
Indeed, the outlook of the community and its view of its to the fore rather than the offering of any detailed political
future have been deprived of their eschatological signifi- manifesto. The point is made by the markers in the book
cance. Accordingly, the basis for that view is questioned of Revelation itself. The reader is reminded at the start of
and the tradition on which it is based is subjected to the vision of the Rider on the White Horse that discourse
scrutiny. of a very different kind is being used here. The reference
Early Christianity had ample resources for dealing with to the open heaven is a sign that we have to do with
the nonfulfillment of their hopes, particularly from within attempts to evoke rather than to describe exhaustively what
precisely that vehicle of expression of that hope. The is to come. It is about what is beyond in the sense that it is
apocalypses are interested in the world above where God's both future and different from the patterns of society
reign is acknowledged by the heavenly host and where the currently offered. To speak of it, therefore, demands a
apocalyptic seer can have access to the repository of those language which is both less precise and yet more potent
purposes of God for the future world (Rowland I 982 and and suggestive, a language which after all is what is appro-
1985 ). Thus the apocalyptic seer can glimpse either in the priate when one sets out to speak of that which is still to
heavenly books about the mysteries of eschatology or be come.
offered a preview of what will happen in human history in The book of Revelation offers a timely reminder in its
the future. In most apocalypses that experience of a disclo- own form about supposing that its preoccupation with
sure of the heavenly mysteries is reserved for the apocalyp- eschatological matters offers an opportunity to avoid the
tic seer, but it was perfectly possible to extend that privi- more challenging preoccupations of the present. Thus,
lege to a wider group. It is that which we find in different the vision of hope inaugurated by the exaltation of the
forms in the Hodayoth (lQH) and the Odes of Solomon both Lamb is set within the framework of the Letters of the
of which offer the elect group a present participation in Seven Churches. Even if we can discern a preponderance
the lot of heaven and a foretaste of the glory which is to of "religious" issues in these letters (warnings against false
come. The identification of the ecclesia of the elect with teaching, suspicion of false prophecy, loss of an initial
Christ in the heavenly places is stressed in the letter to the religious enthusiasm), we should probably regard the is-
Ephesians (1:21; cf. 3:5ff), so that the present life of the sues being touched on here as typical of a complacent
Church becomes a glimpse, a foretaste of the kingdom of second generation religious movement which is making
God, just as the Spirit enables the believers to regard the too many accommodations with the surrounding culture
present as a participation "in the powers of the age to and which needs to be brought back once again to its
come" (Heb 6:5) (Lincoln 1981). countercultural affirmation in the light of its witness to the
. The privilege granted to the apocalyptic seer of glimps- new age. Thus the promise of a part in the New Jerusalem
ing the glory which is to come can be paralleled also in is linked with present behavior. The readers of the Apoc-
aspects of Paul's understanding of apostleship. See APOS- alypse are not allowed to dream about millennial bliss
TLE. The presence of the apostle whether in person, co- without being brought face to face with the obstacles which
worker, or through letter represented the presence of stand in the way of its fulfillment and the costly part to be
Christ confronting his congregations (Rom 15: l 4ff; I Cor played by them in that process: they have to wash their
4:14ff; I Cor 5:3ff; Phil 2:12). When he finally reaches robes and make them white in the blood of the Lamb, and
Rome he promises that his coming will bring blessing (Rom avoid being marked with the mark of The Beast.
15:29). Like the Risen Christ who stands in the midst of Similarly the eschatological discourse in the Synoptic
his churches, in Rev I: l 3ff the apostle of Christ comes as Gospels must not be separated from th narrative of Jesus'
a threat and a promise: a threat to those who have lost proclamation and inauguration of the reign of God. It is
their ?rst love or exclude the Messiah and his apostle; a that context which is necessary to prevent the discourse
promise of blessing at his coming for those who conquer. about the future becoming the goal of the narrative. Dis-
The direct commission from God not from other men to cipleship involves sharing the way of the cross of the Son
be an apostle of Jesus Christ (Gal I: I) is central to Paul's of Man as he goes up to Jerusalem. What is offered to the
PAROUSIA 170 • v
disciple is the sharing of the cup of suffering of the Son Meeks, W. 1972. The Man from Heaven in Johannine Sectarianism.
of Man rather than the promise of sitting at his right hand ]BL 91: 44-72.
and his left when he reigns on earth. It is not that this Moore, A. L. 1966. The Parousia in the New Testament. Leiden.
request is repudiated but, as the eschatological discourse Rissi, M. 1972. The Future of the World. London.
makes plain, there can be no escape from the painful Rowland, C. 1982. The Open Heaven. London.
reality of the present witness with its need to endure the - - . 1985. Christian Origins. London.
tribulations which precede the vindication. That is the Schweitzer, A. 1931. The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle. London.
challenge which faces those who wish to live out the Wenham, D. 1984. The Rediscovery of Jesus' E..chatolo!f1cal Discount.
messianic narrative in their own lives; no short cuts to Sheffield.
the messianic reign are to be found here. Werner, M. 1957. The Formation of Christian Dogma. London.
Within the NT the promise of his coming is found in CHRISTOPHER ROWLAND
different forms and functions in various ways. In 1 Thes-
salonians, that classic proof-text of the rapture of the
saints, the concern is reassurance. However numerous may PARSHANDATHA (PERSON) [Heb parJandt.ita>J. One
have been the words of the Lord known to Paul relating to of the ten sons of Haman (Esth 9:7). On problems sur-
this episode the piece chosen by him is intended to reas- rounding this list of names ADALIA (PERSON). P.arshan-
sure the elect that even those who die before the coming data (LXX pharsannestain) is the same name as Aramaic
of the Messiah will not forfeit the right to share in the prindt attested on a (late Achaemenid?) Mesopotamian seal.
privileges of that messianic period. We are told nothing of It perhaps renders Old Iranian '*Prianta-data- "born to a
what will happen after the rapture; but in 1 Thessalonians multicolored person" (Zadok 1986: 108f).
that is not important, as the point of quoting the word of
the Lord is to reassure rather than to provide information Bibliography
about what will happen hereafter. As such this passage, Zadok, R. 1986. Notes on Esther. ZAW 98: 105-10.
PETER BEDFORD
fragmentary as it is, conveys little of the threat to and
struggle to be undergone by the disciples of Jesus which
we find when we read the parallel passages in the wider
contexts of Mark 13 and Matthew 24-25. Despite the
PARTHIANS [Gk Parthoi]. An Iranian people who
developed an empire (ca. 238 B.C.E.-224 C.E.) second only
similar promise to the elect in Mark 13:26 that they will be
to Rome, a few of whom were present in Jerusalem at the
gathered by the returning Son of Man that deliverance is feast of Pentecost (Acts 2:9). Most P.drthians were polythe-
on the other side of the period of great tribulation from ists but those visiting Jerusalem must have been some of
which they are not exempt and which promises real risks the many Jews or Jewish proselytes who lived within the
of apostasy (cf. Rom 8: l 9ff). Similarly in Rev 19: 11 ff the boundaries of the Parthian Empire (Ant 15.2.2 §14). Ac-
coming of the Messiah is a threat even to the elect. In Rev cording to Acts, the Parthians and people from many
1: l 3ff the Risen Christ may stand among his churches but different nations heard their native languages being mi-
frequently finds himself on the outside knocking at the raculously spoken by Christians who had just been filled
door (Rev 3: 21) and reproving those who have lost their with the Holy Spirit (2:1-13).
first love (2:4f). All the inhabitants of the earth run the While Parthians are not explicitly mentioned anywhere
risk of falling for the illusion of greatness created by the else in the Bible, several of Revelation's apocalyptic scenes
Beast and its agents and finding that the same apocalyptic were almost certainly inspired by the dreaded Parthian
light which lights the way to the wedding feast of the elect cavalry. Caird suggests that the conquering bowman on
shines with anger on the wicked (Jacob Boehme quoted by the white horse in Rev 6:2 was not Christ, but rather an
Bloch 1972: 182). evil figure resembling a Parthian mounted archer (Revela-
tion HNTC, 80). Three features of the terrible cavalry
Bibliography invasion described in 9: 13-19 recalled the P.arthians as
Bloch, E. 1972. Atheism in Christianity. London. well: (1) their origin near the Euphrates River, (2) the
Bomkamm, G. 1963. Tradition and lntnpretation in Matthew's Gospel. cavalry's bright plate armor (Beasley-Murray Revelation
London. NCB, 165), and (3) the horses' ability to wound with their
Davies, W. D. 1965. Paul and Rabbinic Judaism. London. mouths and tails (9: 19), suggesting the P-arthian's tactics of
Funk, R. et al. 1967. Christian History and Jnterpretalion. Cambridge. shooting one volley of arrows as they charged and then
Gager, J. 1975. Kingdum and Community. Englewood Cliffs, NJ. shooting another volley over their horses' tails as they
Glasson, T. F. 1963. The Second Advent. London. withdrew (Caird Revelation HNTC, 122). The threat of a
Grasser, E. 195 7. Das Problem der Parusieverogerung in lhn SyMfJ- Parthian invasion may also lie behind the invasion over the
tischen Evangelien und in der Apostelgeschichte. BZNW 22. Berlin. dried up Euphrates by the kings from the East ( 16: 12).
J~tt. R. 1986. The Thessalonian Correspondnice. Philadelphia. The Parthians first rose to power in the mid-3d century
Johnston, G. 1970. The spirit Paraclete in the Fourth Gospel. Cam- B.C.E. when Arsaces led a successful revolt against the
bridge. Seleucid Empire in what is now NE Iran. Two great kings,
Kasemann, E. 1964. Essays on New Testament Themes. London. Mithradates I (ca. 171-138 B.C.E.) and Mithradates II (ca.
Kiimmel, W. G. 1966. Introduction to the New Testament. Trans. A. J. 124-87 B.C.E.) expanded the Parthian Empire westward,
Mattill, Jr. Nashville. not halting until they met Roman forces at the Euphrates
Lincoln, A. 1981. Paradise Now and Not Yet. Cambridge. River, which became the boundary between the two em-
Mannheim, K. 1960. Ilhology and Utopia. London. pires. The Parthians defeated Roman armies under Cras-
v• 171 PASHHUR

sus at Carrhae (Haran) in 53 B.C.E., Mark Antony in 36 Bibliography

e.c.E., and Paetus in 62 c.E. Trajan finally defeated the Del Medico, H. E. 1963. Zahab parwayim: L'or fructifere dans la
Parthians and permanently ended their threat to Rome in tradition Juive. VT 13: 158-86.
114-16 c.E. Their empire disintegrated in the 220's c.E. Fitzmyer, J. 1971. The Genesis Apocryphon of Qumran Cave /: A
The Parthians were influenced by Iranian, Greek, and Commentary. 2d ed. BibOr 18a. Rome.
Semitic cultures. The chief Zoroastrian god Ahura Mazda Grelot, P. 1961. Parwaim des Chroniques a !'Apocrypha de la
was widely honored as the most powerful of the deities, Genese. VT 11: 30-38.
but Babylonian, Greek, and Hindu gods were also wor- - - . 1964. Retour au Parwaim. VT 14: 155-63.
shipped and the empire at its peak encompassed large Milik, J. T. 1959. Notes d'epigraphie et de topographie palesti-
numbers of Buddhists and Jews. See further CHI 3. nienne: traite des vases. RB 66: 568.
MARK J. OLSON DAVID w. BAKER

PARTITION/DIVIDING WALL. See TEMPLE, PAS-DAMMIM (PLACE) [Heb pas dammim]. The scene
JERUSALEM. of one of David's military victories over the Philistines ( 1
Chr 11: 12-14). The name is a variant form of EPHES-
DAMMIM.
PARTRIDGE. See ZOOLOGY.

PASACH (PERSON) [Heb pasak]. A son of Japhlet listed

PARUAH (PERSON) [Heb parua!i]. The father of Je- in the genealogy of Asher in 1 Chr 7:33. While his grand-
hoshaphat, who was in charge of one of the twelve admin- father Heber is mentioned in the parallel genealogies of
istrative districts in Solomon's kingdom ( l Kgs 4: 17). Je- Asher in Genesis 46 and Numbers 26, Pasach remains an
hoshaphat's territory was Issachar, one of the districts obscure figure. He neither appears elsewhere in the He-
identified by its old tribal name. Other districts are desig- brew Bible nor is attributed with any descendants. While
nated according to cities or geographical regions. This some scholars consider such unique names as fabrications
may have been an attempt to incorporate Canaanite terri- of the Chronicler, Johnson and others suggest that this
tory conquered by David (Anclsr, 135). Each district was genealogy derives from military census lists, themselves
responsible for providing food and supplies to Solomon's arranged in genealogical form (Johnson 1969: 64-66).
court one month of the year (1Kgs4:7, 27-28).
PHILLIP E. McMILLION Bibliography
Johnson, M. D. 1969. The Purpose of The Biblical Genealogies. Cam-
bridge.
PARVAIM (PLACE) [Heb paroayim]. Presumably an area JULIA M. O'BRIEN
from which gold was secured for use in Solomon's con-
struction of the Temple (2 Chr 3:6). This geographical
interpretation is reflected in most early manuscripts and PASEAH (PERSON) [Heb pasea!i]. 1. The father of
in the major English translations. The suggestion of the Joiada, one of those who repaired the wall of Jerusalem
Syriac Peshitta (cf. the Vulgate) that the word is a descrip- following the return from Babylonian exile (Neh 3:6). The
tive category (i.e., "good," "fine") has not generally been LXX has phasek. The name means "lame" (Clines Ezra,
accepted. lt appears implausible since such descriptions Nehemiah, Esther NCBC, 57).
immediately precede this reference (i.e., v 5 "pure"; v 6 2. The forebear of the temple servants who came out
"good"). of Babylon (Ezra 2:49). The LXX has phase; the parallel
Early rabbinic interpretation, however, was open to a listing in 1 Esdras 5:31 has phinoe. Clines (152) points out
descriptive use of the term when they sought an etymology that Joiada could be a descendant of the temple servant
for the word. It is associated with parim, "young bulls," Paseah. On the other hand, it is possible that we are dealing
whose red blood suggested such a hue for the metal (MUir. with two different persons named Paseah. Brockington
Cant. 3:10; Exod. Rab. 35:1; cf. Milik 1959), and with trees (Ezra, Nehemiah and Esther Century Bible, 136) maintains
bearing fruit (para) of gold (B. Yoma 2lb, 39b, 45a; Num. that the Joiada of Neh 3:6 was probably not one of the
Rab. 11 :3; see Del Medico 1963). temple servants because they are said to repair the wall at
An early geographical understanding is evident in another place (Neh 3:26). In that case, the Paseah of Ezra
lQapGen 2:23 where Parvain, a variant of Parvaim, is said 2:49 would be a different person than Joiada's father. It is
to be the home of Enoch (Fitzmyer 1971: 52-53, 94). Here not necessary to conclude, however, that all of the temple
it seems to refer to some far-off, exotic land which might servants would have worked together.
even be understood as mythical (Grelot 1961: 35 ). It is 3. A descendant of Judah (1 Chr 4:12). The LXX has
possibly associated with the apocryphal "Garden of Righ- phi.ssee.
teousness" (Enoch 60:23; 106:8; Grelot 1964). The actual MICHAEL L. RUFFIN
location of the geographical source of the gold is not clear.
Suggestions have been given linking it to Farwa in Yemen
or el-Farwein in NE Arabia (Williamson Chronicles NCBC, PASHHUR (PERSON) [Heb paJ!iur]. Name of five indi-
207). viduals in the Hebrew Bible and the Apocrypha. The name
PASH HUR 172 • v
is derived from Egyptian and means probably either "Son suffering and death of Jesus of Nazareth: Matt 26-27;
of Horus" or "Portion of Horus" (Fowler TPNAH, 64-65). Mark 14-15; Luke 22:23; John 12-19.
1. Son of Malchiah (Jer 21: I; 38:2). In Jeremiah 21, Critical scrutiny of these sections as self-contained nar-
Pashhur the son of Malchiah along with Zephaniah the ratives originated from source-critical considerations.
priest-the latter subsequently executed by Nebuchadnez- Schmidt (1919: 303-9), Dibelius (1935: 178-217), and
zar (Jer 52:24-27)-are sent by King Zedekiah to the Bultmann (1963: 262-84) saw in Mark 14-15 a continuity
prophet Jeremiah. The two are to inquire of the prophet that their atomizing analyis did not find elsewhere in.Mark,
if there is any hope that Yahweh will deliver Judea from and they posited variously a pre-Markan passion narrative
the invading Babylonians (Jer 21 :2). While this text does which had come to Mark in elaborated form. Subsequent
not indicate Pashhur's title or official position, he is pre- form criticism focused on the tradition history of individ-
sented as a person who has close connections with King ual units (see esp. Linnemann 1970). The origin of narra-
Zedekiah. The focus of Jeremiah 21 is upon the message tive details was often ascribed to a process of primitive
of Jeremiah that Judea must surrender to Babylon; the Christian scriptural exegesis.
lives of those who surrender will be spared (Jer 21 :9). The approach here will be literary and generic. The
In Jeremiah 38, Pashhur, son of Malchiah, is among a narratives have a literary shape and serve a function within
group of officials who upon hearing the prophet Jere- the context of the gospels as wholes. Their literary shape
miah's urging to surrender to Babylon (Jer 38:2; cf. Jer originated in an identifiable genre of Jewish stories, and
21:9), appeal to King Zedekiah to be allowed to kill Jere- the narratives developed from pre-canonical sources into
miah. Zedekiah turned Jeremiah over to these princes who the texts of the four canonical gospels and the non-canon-
lower the prophet into a cistern of the king's son, Malchiah. ical Gospel of Peter.
This account suggests that Pashhur would have been a
royal prince, a grandson of Zedekiah. This would explain A. Jewish Stories of Persecution and Vindication
both the close connection to Zedekiah in Jeremiah, chaps. B. Mark 11-15
21 and 38, as well as his association with those who re- C. Matthew 21-27
garded Jeremiah's plea to surrender to Babylon as treason- D. Luke 19-23
ous. E. John 11-19
In I Chr 9:12 and Neh 11:12, a Pashhur, son of Mal- F. The Gospel of Peter
chiah, is identified as the grandfather of Adaiah, one of G. Pre-canonical Passion Narratives
the priests in Jerusalem after the exile. However, it is not
clear if this is the same Pashhur found in Jeremiah, chaps. A. Jewish Stories of Persecution and Vindication
21 and 38. In Jeremiah 21, only Zephaniah-not Pash- The generic model for the passion narratives occurs in
hur-is designated as a priest. However, Chronicles and Jewish stories about the persecution and vindication of a
Nehemiah designate Pashhur as part of the priestly line. wise or righteous protagonist: Genesis 37, 39-4 l; Esther
2. Opponent of the prophet Jeremiah (Jer 20: 1-6). (Mordecai); Daniel 3 and 6; Susanna; and, with modifica-
Hearing Jeremiah's prophesy of doom against Jerusalem tions, 2 Maccabees 7; and Wisdom 2, 4 and 5 (Nickelsburg
in Judea (Jer 19:14-15), the narrative indicates that Pash- 1980). These stories originate as court tales (see also
hur beat Jeremiah and placed him in stocks in the upper Ahiqar) about a wise man who, as the object of a conspiracy,
gate of the temple (Jer 20:2). When released, Jeremiah is persecuted, consigned to death, rescued, vindicated, and
pronounces judgment upon Pashhur. This judgment in- exalted in the royal court. In Daniel 3 and 6 the courtier
cludes a play upon Pashhur's name so he is no longer to is a faithful Jew whose obedience to the Torah and trust in
be known as Pashhur but as miigor missiibib ("Terror on God lead to his condemnation. In Susanna the court
Every Side"). The judgment also included a threat of death setting is dropped and the protagonist is a god-fearing
and exile to Pashhur and his family. woman. In Wisdom 2, 4 and 5 the unnamed hero, a type of
3. Father of Gedeliah, one of the supporters of Zede- the wise and righteous spokesman of the Lord, is identi-
kiah and opponents of Jeremiah (Jer 38: I). It is not clear fied with the Servant of Second Isaiah and the story is
how, if at all, this Pashhur is related either to Pashhur, son recounted in language heavily influenced by Isa 52: 13-
of Immer, the priest in Jer 20: 1-6, or Pashhur, son of
53: 12(Nickelsburg1980: 156, n. 15).
Malchiah, of Jeremiah, chaps. 21 and 38. The plot of these stories is embodied in a series of
4. One of the ancestors of the priests who return from
common narrative elements that depict the actions and
the exile (Ezra 2:38; Neh 7:41; I Esdr 5:25). These descen-
attitudes of the characters. The stories differ from one
dants of Pashhur are among those who leave their foreign
another in their specific settings and characters and the
wives (Ezra 10:22; I Esdr 9:22).
5. One among those who participate in the sealing of particular issues that give the stories their continuity (e.g.,
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh 10:3). It is not clear if Joseph's ability to interpret dreams, Susanna's chastity, the
there is a relationship between this priest and the "sons of righteous man's status as God's son). In 2 Maccabees 7 and
Pashhur" whose return from exile is mentioned elsewhere Wisdom 2, 4, and 5 the vindication does not prevent death,
in Nehemiah (see #4 above). but takes place in spite of it.
JOHN M. BRACKE Three factors distinguish the gospel narratives from
their Jewish prototypes. The protagonist is a historical
figure of the recent past. Unique status is ascribed to him,
PASSION NARRATIVES. This term usually desig- as Messiah, Son of Man, Son of God. His divinity gives the
nates the sections of the canonical gospels that recount the narratives a special nuance: a genre that originally de-
v. 173 PASSION NARRATIVES

scribed the suffering of a righteous man now recounts th~ in a rescue from death. The pair, persecution/vindication,
death of a divine being. recurs in Mark's repeated passion predictions, in language
beholden to the Deutero-Isaianic texts that inform Wis-
B. Mark 11-15 dom 2; 4-5. See SON OF MAN. The function of the
The literary genre of the Markan passion narrative is Sanhedrin's "seeing" the enthroned Son of Man will be to
evident in the many narrative elements typical of the vindicate Jesus' admission of messiahship and divine
Jewish stories. These elements, of which there are more status, which was the immediate cause of his condemnation
than in any single Jewish story of this genre, carry two (Mark 14:62-64). Although the story climaxes christologi-
major themes: Jesus' relationship to the temple and Jesus' cally in the centurion's confession-however defective-
messianic status. the narrative pattern requires Jesus' resurrection and ex-
The temple theme enters the gospel in chap. l l. In a altation, though neither is described in narrative form.
provocation typical of the genre, Jesus "cleanses" the tem- While, from the point of view of genre, the pattern of
ple, explaining his actions by quoting two prophetic pas- persecution and vindication reflects the Jewish stories
sages, one anticipated a new, eschatological temple ( l l: 15- mentioned above, Mark's passion narrative also sounds this
17). This action triggers a conspiracy by the temple au- double motif through allusions to canonical psalms about
thorities (l l: 18; cf. l l :22-33; 12: 1-12). An oracle predict- the suffering and exaltation of the righteous one. Notewor-
ing the destruction of the temple is explicit in Jesus' private thy are: 14:18 (Ps 41:9); 14:34 (Ps 42:5, ll; 43:5); 15:24,
teaching in 13:1-2. The conspiracy reemerges in 14:1-2, 29, 34 (Ps 22:18, 7, l); 15:23, 36 (Ps 69:21). Although
usually designated as the beginning of the Markan passion scripture is not cited in any of these cases (contrast, e.g.,
narrative. Jesus' alleged claim that he would destroy the 14:27), the wording of the psalms is narrativized in a way
temple and build a new one appears in the accusation that was typical of Jewish stories. Through this use of
before the Sanhedrin (14:57-58). Although the charge is Israel's religious traditions, Mark and his source(s) cast the
not substantiated, it is presumed at the crucifixion, where narrative of Jesus' suffering and death in a familiar mold
mocking bystanders challenge the validity of his alleged that others had used to describe the suffering and vindi-
claim (15:29-30). The rending of the temple veil antici- cation of the wise and righteous.
pates the vindication of Jesus' prediction (15:38). Mark's use of a traditional genre and pattern is governed
The set of generic elements that bear the theme of Jesus' and nuanced by his view of Jesus' unique status as the
messiahship make use variously, and usually with irony, of Messiah and God's Son. Jesus' unjust death served a unique
the titles "Christ," "King of the Jews/Israel," "Son of God/ divine purpose. Probably relying on ideas drawn from
the Blessed": Conspiracy (14:3-11, though the title does Isaiah 52-53, understood and nuanced in new ways,
not appear, note the anointing); Accusation and Condem- Mark's Jesus claims that his death initiates a covenant that
nation (14:61-64; 15:1-20); Acclamation (15:26); Ordeal will effect "a ransom for many." The idea is asserted in
(15:31-32); Vindication and Acclamation (15:39). Differ- the climactic announcement that prepares for and inter-
ent from the temple theme, Jesus' identity as a divine prets the passion narrative (I 0:45) and in the account of
being called "Son of God" and his status as Messiah are the Last Supper which was familiar to Mark's readers from
present from the beginning of the gospel. Both God and the liturgical context in which they remembered and cele-
the evil denizens of the supernatural realm identify Jesus brated Jesus' death (14:22-25).
as God's Son and holy one (l:ll, 24; 5:7; 9:7). His status Although Jewish stories of persecution and vindication
as Messiah is suggested in the allusion to Psalm 2 in I: l l provide a model for most of the cast of characters, the
and becomes focal in 8:29. In the latter context, however, plot, and many of the narrative elements of Mark's passion
Jesus interprets Messiah in terms of the "Son of Man" who narrative, the prominence of Jesus' disciples and of epi-
must die (8:31-33). This crucial modification of any idea sodes about them are worthy of special note, particularly
of a triumphant Messiah-King, is repeated three more because of their negative characterization. This Markan
times (9:9-13; 9:31; 10:32-45) in predictions that point motif is introduced in chapter one and unfolded in the
the reader toward a denouement in which Jesus' status as gospel's plot. The disciples' apostasy, recounted in the
Son and Messiah will be validated in his passion and death. passion narrative, is an extension of the ignorance and
Roman irony about "the King of the Jews," ridiculously misunderstanding described in chaps. 3-10. The historical
condemned to die, shadows the truth of his messiahship. setting and literary and theological function of this por-
The crucifixion constitutes an ordeal; Jesus renounces the trait of the disciples continues to be debated. Three facts
temptation that he prove his messiahship by miraculously are noteworthy. (l) In the pericopes about Gethsemane
saving himself (15:31-32), and, by losing his life, he af· and the Sanhedrin trial, in episodes not typical of the
firms his vocation as Messiah (cf. 8:34-35). In the end, in genre, the disciples' apostasy is carefully contrasted with
another unwitting shadowing of the truth, the pagan cen- the faithfulness and obedience of Jesus, the righteous
turion, seeing the proof of "this man's" mortality, becomes sufferer. (2) This faithless shrinking from appropriate and
~he o~ly human being in the gospel to acclaim Jesus' divine necessary suffering is linked to Mark's understanding of
1denuty as God's Son. Thus, in the context of the gospel, messiahship and to the disciples' calling to imitate Jesus'
the passion narrative is the key that unlocks the signifi- suffering service for others (cf. 8:31-38; 9:31-35; 10:32-
cance. o.f _Jesus of Nazareth, revealing kingship in death 45; 13:9-13). (3) Mark's allusions to his own time in chap.
and d1vm1ty m the determination to accept human mortal- 13 suggest a polemic against false teachers who proclaim a
ity. Messiah much like the one wrongly expected by the Twelve.
The passion narrative is inextricably connected to the They also predict that the disciples must suffer like Jesus
story of the empty tomb. The Jewish stories saw vindication and they contain warnings against the kind of careless
PASSION NARRATIVES 174. v
conduct attributed to the disciples in Gethsemane (cf. that vindicate Jesus' status as God's Son (27:51-54). The
13:32-37 with 14:32-42). Thus Mark's christology, which story of the guard at the tomb (27:62-66; 28:2-4, 11-15)
culminates in the narrative about Jesus' unique and saving emphasizes the Jewish leaders' hardheartedness. They at-
death, does not exclude a paradigmatic aspect in the tempt to prevent the disciples from stealing Jesus' body
faithful and obedient suffering depicted in that narrative. and claiming that he is risen. When the resurrection takes
Mark's characterization of the antagonists is of special place, it is they who perpetrate a fraud.
importance. In keeping with the temple motif, Jesus' ene- Matthew moves significantly beyond Mark by ascribing
mies are the members of the Jerusalem establishment- responsibility for Jesus' death to the people as a whole,
the chief priests, scribes, and elders. Although the histori- and he makes the consequences explicit. The elders are
cal fact of the crucifixion presupposes condemnation by "the elders of the people" (26:3, 47; 27:1; cf. Mark 14:1,
the Roman governor, Mark's narrative reflects a double 43; 15: I). In 27:24-25, Mark's "crowd"-here identified
tendency to exculpate Pilate and blame the Jewish author- as "all the people" (/aos, the technical term for the na-
ities. In terms of the genre, Pilate plays the role of the tion)-invokes a curse on themselves and their descen-
friendly helper figure who attempts to deliver the protag- dants, which will be fulfilled in the destruction of Jerusa-
onist, and the centurion's acclamation does not come from lem, and the Jews' disenfranchisement as God's people.
the lips of one who has been portrayed as Jesus' enemy. In Matthew makes this point in 21:28-22:10, where he inter-
contrast to these more or less well-disposed characters, the polates into his Markan source two parables that comple-
Jewish authorities pursue Jesus' destruction. These ten- ment the parable of the vineyard (Mark 12:1-12) and
dencies, which the other evangelists will underscore, are identify Jesus' controversies in Jerusalem as confrontations
noteworthy because, with the exception of I Thess 2: 14- inextricably related to the story of the passion and its
16 and the book of Acts, they are otherwise absent in the consequences.
NT. Their presence in the gospels and Acts reflects 1st Matthew exploits the possibilities of the genre in order
century Jewish-Christian controversy and Christian apolo- to underscore aspects of the christology implicit in Mark's
getic vis-a-vis the Romans. Therefore, historical conclu- narrative. He enhances the theme of Jesus' status as God's
sions about Jewish participation in the arrest, trial, and Son. This title is linked to that of "Christ" in the Sanhedrin
death of Jesus must be drawn with much more caution trial (26:63; cf. Mark 14:61) and in Matthew's addition in
and tentativeness than has been traditional. 16:16 (cf. Mark 8:29). He keeps it in prominence in the
With respect to their genre, contents, and necessary crucifixion scene through a pair of additions to the narra-
placement in the plot, the passion narratives of the other tive element of the ordeal (27:40, 43), which reflect the
canonical gospels evidence many similarities to Mark's ordeal element in Wis 2: 17-18 and its combination of "son
account. At the same time, in keeping with their purposes, of God" language with an allusion to Ps 22:8. Thus, as in
the respective evangelists both emphasize and deemphas- Wis 5:5, the protagonist's vindication as God's Son (Matt
ize aspects of Mark's account and add traditional and 27:54) is a response to the cynical taunt that he prove his
newly constructed material. sonship by escaping death. Moreover, Matt 27:40 parallels
Matt 4:6 and makes explicit that the taunt is a satanic
C. Matthew 21-27 temptation to obstruct God's purpose that Jesus must die
From start to finish, Matthew repeatedly emphasizes that (cf. Matt 16:21-23, par. Mark 8:31-33).
the Jews and their leaders have rejected their Messiah and Matthew elaborates on Jesus' death as a saving event,
that salvation now belongs predominantly to the gentiles. retaining Mark 10:45 at 20:28 and Mark 14:24 at 26:28.
In keeping with this view, Matthew's major changes in the In 26:28 he inserts the motif of "forgiveness of sins,"
passion narrative expand on Mark's tendency to exculpate deleted from his account of John's baptism (contrast Matt
Pilate and blame the Jews. The malevolence of the Jewish 3: 1-2 with Mark 1:4). The eschatological aspects of soteri-
leaders is evident in a number of Matthean editorial ology appear in Matthew's crucifixion account. Cosmic
changes. The chief priests and the Sanhedrin seek false signs, expected on the Day of the Lord, accompany Jesus'
testimony against Jesus (26:59; cf. Mark 14:55). Different death, and the resurrection of the saints anticipates and is
from Jesus' open claim to divine status in Mark 14:62, dependent on Jesus' resurrection (27 :51-53 ).
Matthew's Jesus responds ambiguously, "you say so" Following Mark, and in keeping with his own interest in
(26:64). Nonetheless, he is condemned for blasphemy. the fulfillment of scripture, Matthew ties the passion events
Matthew repeatedly contrasts the Jewish leaders' malevo- to scripture and its traditional interpretation. At 26:24, 54
lence with the protests of Jesus' innocence expressed by he follows or modifies Mark. At 27 :9-10 he uses a typical
other characters. The chief priests and elders pursue their citation formula. He retains the Markan allusions to the
death plot, cynically rejecting Judas' confession of sin and Psalms and adds the language of Psalm 22 and Wisdom of
attestation of Jesus' innocence (27:3-10). In the trial be- Solomon mentioned above.
fore Pilate, the governor raises the issue of amnesty as a
device to rescue Jesus (27: 15-18; contrast the crowd's D. Luke 19-23
initiative in Mark 15:6-10). Following this and Pilate's Although the Lukan passion narrative retains the genre,
wife's divinely prompted attestation of Jesus' innocence, the general order, and the contents of Mark's narrative, its
the leaders incite the crowd to ask for Barabbas (27: 19- omissions, additions, and transpositions have led some
20), and the curse is invoked in response to Pilate's public scholars to conclude that Luke used a traditional passion
handwashing (27:24-25). The scene echoes the Judas story narrative in addition to Mark's (Taylor 1972). While Luke"s
(vv 3-10). Contrast is again implied when only the centu- narrative may well retain unique traditional material, most
rion and the soldiers respond to the visible phenomena of the differences from Mark are understandable as ex-
v. 175 PASSION NARRATIVES

pressions of Luke's literary and theological interests, and divine status. More central-the leaders' lies notwithstand-
an independent passion narrative seems an unnecessary ing-is Jesus' status as the Chosen One, the Christ, who
hypothesis. . . must suffer to enter his glory (23:35, 42; 24:26, 46; cf.
Jesus' negative relationship to the temple 1s recast m Acts 2:36).
Luke's narrative. The motif is present primarily in chaps. Luke deemphasizes the idea of Jesus' death for others.
19-21, where the temple is the setting for a major con- At 18:34 he omits Mark 10 :45 and replaces it at 19: l 0 with
frontation between Jesus and the Jewish authorities. Simi- a logion that ties the Son of Man's saving work not to his
lar confrontations, also between Jesus' followers and the death but to his reclaiming the likes of Zacchaeus. Other
authorities, are a typical feature of Luke-Acts (Petersen parts of Mark 10:35ff appear at the Last Supper, where
1978). In the passion narrative, however, the motif has the exemplary aspects of Jesus' death are stressed (22:24-
disappeared from crucial elements of the genre. The 30) in the context of the institution of the Eucharist-if
conspiracy is tied to Jesus' teaching in general and not to the long reading is accepted. In spite of this interpretation
his "cleansing" of the temple (19:47; cf. Mark 11:18). The of Jesus' death "for you", no statement of its vicarious
accusation that he threatened to destroy the temple is function occurs in the "kerygmatic" formulae in Luke 24
deleted from the Sanhedrin trial (22 :66-71) and the taunts and Acts, though his death is according to God's plan, and
at the crucifixion (23:35; cf. Mark 15:29-30). Only the forgiveness and salvation are tied to his name. Central is
rending of the veil remains, as one of several phenomena the pattern of persecution and vindication/exaltation typi-
that precede his death. Most of the deleted material reap- cal of the Jewish stories.
pears in Acts in the confrontation stories about Stephen Luke's passion narrative portrays Jesus as a model of
and Paul (see below). patient and selfless suffering. At the Last Supper he thinks
Luke's view of Jewish responsibility for Jesus' death is of his disciples (22: 15). In Gethsemane, he heals the high
ambivalent. The leaders' malevolence is emphasized. Their priest's servant (22:51). At the crucifixion the "cry of
plot is a function of wholesale opposition to his teaching desperation" (Mark 15:34) is replaced with a prayer for
(19:47; cf. 4:25-30). The second mention of the conspir- forgiveness, comfort for a fellow sufferer (typically of
acy is juxtaposed to the statement that Judas acts at the Luke, an outcast to be saved), and the confident committal
prompting of Satan (22: 1-3), whose "hour" and "author- of his spirit to the Father (23:34, 42:43, 46). The paradig-
ity" are present when the authorities and their soldiers matic quality of Jesus' passion is evident in Acts. In chaps.
arrive at Gethsemane (22:52-53). Although at the Sanhe- 6-7, Stephen's trial and death are cast in the genre of the
drin trial Jesus twice avoids the Messianic claim explicit in passion narrative. The conspiracy results from his claim
Mark 14:61-62 (cf. 22:67-70), the authorities hear what that Jesus threatened the temple (and Torah) (6:8-14). His
they wish (v 71). Before Pilate they perpetrate a double vision of the glorified Son of Man (6: 15; 7:54-56) parallels
lie: he claims to be Christ, a king; he forbids paying tax the Sanhedrin trial (22:69; Mark 14:62). His final words
(23:2, anticipated in 20:20-26). The contrast between Pi- (7:59-60) parallel Jesus' words at Luke 23:46, 34. His
late's estimation of Jesus and the leaders' accusations is death and the attack on the Christians is a persecution of
also developed by Luke. Pilate becomes Jesus' advocate, Christ (9:4-5), and Saul's confession at 9:20 takes up the
and his threefold formal statement of Jesus' innocence is Markan centurion's acclamation dropped in Luke's passion
underscored by Herod's judgment (23:4, 14-15, 22). The narrative. Moreover, Saul will have to "suffer" for Jesus
condemnation is a capitulation "to their will" (23:25). By (9: 16), and his journey to Jerusalem (20:22ff) parallels
moving the soldiers' mockery to the crucifixion, Luke Jesus' journey in the gospels.
identifies as Jews rather than Romans the "they" who lead This relationship of the fate of master and disciples is
Jesus to Golgotha and crucify him (contrast 23:25ff with enhanced by Luke's systematic expunging of most of the
Mark 15:16ff). negative aspects of Mark's portrait of the disciples. They
Luke's ambivalence about Jewish responsibility appears endure with him in his temptation (22:28). Their careless
in his statements about the "people" and the "crowd(s)." behavior in Gethsemane is minimized, and their sleep is
The "people" react in horror to the parable of the vine- attributed to grief (22:45). They do not apostasize (Mark
yard, while the leaders plot his demise (20:9-19). The 14:27-28, 50-52 are omitted), and they are present at the
death plot in 22:2 is a reaction to Jesus' popular support, cross (23:49).
not in spite of it (cf. Mark 14:2). On the way to Golgotha,
Jesus is followed by a crowd of "the people" and lamenting E. john 11-19
women. At the cross, in contrast to the leaders, who mock The Johannine passion narrative contains the major
Jesus, "the people" watch, and at the end these "crowds" episodes common to the Synoptics: conspiracy ( 11:47-53);
beat their breasts in repentance (23:35, 48). Only in 23:4, anointing (12:1-8); royal entrance (12:12-19); Last Sup-
_13 are "th~ crowds" and "the people" mentioned explicitly per and announcement of betrayal and denial (13:1-30,
m a negative way. In Acts, Luke frequently reasserts the 36-38); Gethsemane (18: 1-12); Jewish trial and Peter's
leaders' responsibility for Jesus' death and attributes Ste- denial (18:13-27); trial before Pilate (18:28-19:16); cru-
phen's death to them, but he describes mass conversions cifixion with a final scene focusing on a Roman soldier's
of the people-though other "Jews" in Asia Minor and action which interprets Jesus' death (19: 17-37); burial
Europe persecute Paul. (l 9:38-42). The major formal difference from the Syn-
The christology in Luke's passion narrative has its own optics is the presence of the typical Johannine discourses,
nua~ces. Although for Luke, Jesus is God's Son, the title is which function as testamentary instruction on the nature
lackm~ at 23 :4 7, where the centurion sees in Jesus' death of Jesus' death and on the disciples' life afterwards (esp.
the evidence of his innocence or righteousness, not his chaps. 13-17).
PASSION NARRATIVES 176 • v
Although John's passion narrative bears many resembl- passages that allude to Jesus as the Passover lamb (19:14,
ances to the Synoptic accounts, its episodes do not function 36;cf.1:29).
as interrelated elements of a consistent and complete story Scholars debate the extent to which John understood
of the genre described above. No single issue is the cause Jesus to be a real human being. However one resolves the
of a conspiracy, the substance of an accusation, the subject question, John's passion narrative lacks the features that
of an ordeal, and the object of a vindicative acclamation. stress Jesus' humanity and suffering in the other gospels
The temple cleansing (John 2: 13-22) has no plot as its (Kasemann 1968), although aspects of Luke's narrative
consequence. In 11 :45-53, the conspiracy, which results approximate John's view. Especially noteworthy is John's
from the raising of Lazarus, alludes to the relationship Gethsemane story, where epiphany replaces agony ( 18: l-
between Jesus' death and the temple's destruction, but the 12; cf. 12:27-28, which takes up the synoptic Gethsemane
issue is never again mentioned. Although Jesus' status as logion and dismisses it). The crucifixion scene depicts a
Christ and Son of God are at issue in the Roman trial Jesus in control. It lacks the desolation suggested by the
(18:28-19:16), they have not been mentioned in the hear- quotation of Ps 22: 1, and it cites Ps 22: 18 and Ps 69:2 l not
ing before the high priest, and in the crucifixion account to attest the righteous one's suffering, but to prove how
the messianic motif appears only in the superscription. events took place to fulfill scripture and how Jesus orches-
Jesus' status as Son and Messiah is not vindicated at Gol- trated them to this end. It is in the citation of these Psalms
gotha. and other scripture that John's passion narrative approxi-
These differences from the Synoptic Gospels are conso- mates the motif of vindication. What Jesus does and what
nant with the context of the gospel. First, the charge that happens to him define him as God's agent, but within a
Jesus claims to be God's Son (l 9:7) reflects hints and open cosmic context. John describes not the vindication of the
claims throughout the gospel (contrast Mark's secrecy mo- righteous one's conduct, but the fulfillment of a grand
tif) and follows through on two episodes in which these divine purpose.
claims trigger charges of blasphemy and attempts to stone The relationship between the Synoptics and John's gos-
Jesus (8:31-58; 10:22-39). The climactic acclamation of pel is debated. Recent discussion favors independence.
Jesus' divinity occurs in Thomas' post-resurrection confes- This position must explain the following parallels with
sion and the Evangelist's conclusion (John 20:28-31), peculiarly Lukan details: John 13:2, Luke 22:3 (Satan and
which links messiahship and divine sonship (cf. also Judas); John 13:4-20, Luke 22:24-27 (servant motif at the
11 :27). supper); John 18:23, Luke 22:67-68 (double conditional
Secondly, different from the Synoptics, Jesus' death is sentence); John 18:38, 19:4, 6; Luke 23:4, 14; 22 (Pilate's
integral and necessary to the plot of the whole gospel. triple response); John 19: 12, Luke 23:2 (kingship and
John describes repeated attempts to capture or kill Jesus Caesar); John 19:25-26, Luke 23:40-43 (Jesus' concern
(5:16-18; 7:10-19, 25, 32; 8:37, 59; 10:22-39). These for others); John 19:30, Luke 23:46 (he commits his spirit).
incidents reflect, in turn, the narrative pattern of John's Collectively, these similarities suggest John's dependence
christology. Jesus, the eternal Son of the heavenly Father, either on Luke or on a substantial parallel narrative.
the Logos who became flesh to reveal God's will, is rejected
by his own, and this rejection climaxes in the crucifixion. F. The Gospel of Peter
The passion narrative describes the death which is also the This work exists in one fragmentary copy. It begins at
Son's departure to the realm from which he came, and the the conclusion of the trial before Pilate and continues with
discourses in the narrative interpret this death as glorifi- the mockery, crucifixion, burial, and setting of the guard
cation and exaltation, employing a paradigm reminiscent at the tomb. After a description of the resurrection and
of the Wisdom of Solomon. See RESURRECTION. the discovery of the empty tomb, the story breaks off with
Through this structurally essential theme of rejection, Peter, Andrew, and Levi setting off for the Sea of Galilee
John raises the anti-Jewish element to high relief. Different (cf. John 21). The common opinion that the gospel con-
from the Synoptics (except Matt 21:45; 27:62), the Phari- tained an account of only the passion and resurrection can
sees play a major role in the death plot (7:32, 45-52; be neither proven nor disproven. Evidently it included an
11:46-47, 57; 18:3). More important, John identifies "the account of a trial before Jewish leaders, where the issues
Jews" as the antagonists who seek Jesus' death (passim). As
may have been a threat against the temple (see Gos. Peter
in Matthew, responsibility for Jesus' death has been gen-
26), and Jesus' status as Son of God (see Gos. Peter 6-9, 45-
eralized from the leaders to the people. Moreover, these
Jews are the historical agents of the primordial mythical 46).
Most scholars believe that the gospel is dependent on
darkness that opposes the heavenly light and salvation.
Although John's primary soteriological pattern depicts the canonical gospels. Especially noteworthy are the paral-
the descent of the Revealer who gives life to those who lels with material unique to Matthew, Luke, and John: the
accept him, and although Jesus' death is the treacherous handwashing and the guard at the tomb (Matthew); the
rejection of the Revealer, John sees positive value in Jesus' presence of Herod, the repentant thief, the lament about
death. This paradox is presented at the introduction to Jerusalem (found in a minor Lukan ms tradition), the
the passion narrative, where unwittingly the high priest people's repentance, the acclamation of Jesus as "right-
rightly interprets the death he is plotting (l l :49-52). In eous" (Luke); the breaking of the bones, and the fear of
passages that correspond to Mark 10:45; 14:24, Jesus the Jews (John). Crossan ( 1988) ascribes many of these
describes himself as the Shepherd, or loving Friend, who elements to a pre-Markan narrative that was supplemented
lays down his life for the sheep, or friends (10:11-18; by other material from the canonical texts. Although this
15:12-15). The motif also occurs, though cryptically, in analysis ascribes too much to primitive tradition, there
v• 177 PATARA

seem to be some early elements in the Gospel of Peter, e.g., Bibliography

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Whatever its relationship to the other gospels, the Gospel Marsh. Oxford.
of Peter attests the tendency to exculpate Pilate and blame Crossan, J. D. 1988. The Cross that Spoke. San Francisco.
the Jewish leaders. The author heaps up and reinforces Denker, J. 1975. Die theowgiegeschichtliche Stellung des Petrusevange-
anti-Jewish material spread through the other gospels and liuins. Europaischen Hochschulschriften 23/26. Bern and
reshapes other pericopes to this end. Details in the Mat- Frankfurt.
thean handwashing scene appear twice (I, 46). The act of Dibelius, M. 1935. from Tradition to Gospel. Trans. B. L. Woolf. New
condemnation is attributed not to Pilate but to the Jewish York.
king. Actions elsewhere ascribed to Rom~n soldiers are Dodd, C. H. 1963. Historical Tradition in the Fourth Gospel. Cam-
attributed to the Jews, the people, or their leaders. The bridge.
request for Jesus' body and the necessity to bury him is Kasemann, E. 1968. The Testament of Jesus According to John Ii.
mentioned three times in connection with a concern to Philadelphia.
obey the Law. The Jewish leaders are ready to commit the Kelber, W. H., ed. 1976. The Passion in Mark. Philadelphia.
"great sin'" of denying the resurrection, lest their admis- Linnemann, E. 1970. Studien zur Passionsgeschichte. FRLANT 102.
sion of wrong lead to their execution by the people. The Gottingen.
element of the miraculous, introduced through the signs Maddox, R. 1982. The Purpose of Luke Acts. FRLANT 126. Gottin-
at Jesus' death and the description of the resurrection, gen.
underscores the wickedness of the leaders, who refuse to Mara, M. G. 1973. Evangile de Pierre. SC 201. Paris.
repent with the people or to make a confession as Pilate Maurer, C. 1963. The Gospel of Peter. NTApocr I: 179-87.
does. Mohr, T. A. 1982. Markus- undJohannespassion. ATANT 70. Zurich.
Although the document's fragmentary state obscures Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 1980. The Genre and Function of the
the author's christology, some tentative conclusions are Markan Passion Narrative. HTR 73: 154-84.
possible. The name "Jesus" never occurs in the extant text. Petersen, N. R. 1978. Literary Criticism for New Testament Critics.
The author's titles for him, "the Lord" and "Son of God," Philadelphia.
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pion, ca. 200 c.E.) is not surprising, but it is not clear that Taylor, V 1972. The Passion Narrative of St. Luke. Ed. 0. E. Evans.
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Vaganay, L. 1930. L'Evangile de Pierre. Paris.
G. Precanonical Passion Narratives GEORGE w. E. NtCKELSBURG
Many questions about the shape of pre-Markan passion
traditions remain unresolved. The earliest textual evidence
is in Paul. The eucharistic text in I Cor 11 :23-26, which PASSOVER MEAL. See UNLEAVENED BREAD
mentions the night, the betrayal, the words over the bread AND PASSOVER, FEASTS OF.
and cup, and an eschatological hope, may reflect a fuller
account similar to the Jong text of Luke 22: 17-22. The
tradition in I Cor 15: 1-5 may indicate knowledge of an PATARA (PLACE) [Gk Patara]. A prominent seaport city
account of the burial and, perhaps, the discovery of the of Lycia, a region of SW Asia Minor (modern Turkey).
empty tomb on the third day. Heb 5:7-10, a later nongos- Patara, which served as the port for the city of Xanthus
pel text, knows either the Gethsemane story, or an account (Xanthus = 36°22'N; 29°20'E), is located just 7 miles E of
of the crucifixion. Form-critical analysis has shown that the mouth of the Xanthus River. The importance of Patara
some of Mark's pericopes have developed from older tra- is indicated by its inclusion in the Lycian League of which
ditions. The generic shape of Mark's narrative supports it was the 6th largest member. The ruins of the city are
the earlier critical opinion about its unity. The presence of situated near the modern village of Gelemish.
doubled narrative elements carrying two motifs may indi- Paul sailed to this city from Rhodes on his last missionary
cate that the material about the temple derives from an journey (Acts 21: 1-2). Most manuscripts record that once
earlier running account (Nickelsburg 1980). The strange at the city he transferred to another ship which was sailing
placement of the story of the resurrection of the holy ones directly to Tyre. The prevailing winds of the area made
in Matt 27:51-54 suggests that the pericope is traditional. the direct sailing route from Asia Minor to Phoenicia
Along with the Gospel of Peter's post-Resurrection acclama- possible. The Codex Bezae and a few other manuscripts
tion of Jesus, it may reflect an earlier narrative with a high add "and Myra" to the phrase "to Patara" which indicates
christology tied to Jesus' miraculous vindication. The pas- that Paul switched ships at the nearby Lycian city of Myra
sion narratives in John and the Gospel of Peter deserve close (Acts 27:5). The former reading, however, is thought by
~crutiny. The literary form in John resembles Mark's (even many scholars to be more reliable than the latter because
if the elements do not function as they do in its generic of the preponderance of textual evidence and the prefer-
prototype), and its parallels to Luke are striking. If it is ence for the Alexandrian over the Western text.
mdep~ndent of these gospels, it attests an extensive early Patara was colonized at an early date by Dorians from
narrative of known generic shape. Even if the Gospel of Peter Crete. It was highly regarded by the Greeks because
is not completely independent of the canonical gospels, it Homer lists it as an ally during the Trojan War (/l. 2.876ff).
seems to contain pre-Markan material. The inhabitants of Patara, however, were not Greek, but
PATARA 178 • v
·spoke the Lycian language until Ptolemaic times. The PATHROS (PLACE) [Heb patros]. PATHRUSIM. Ac-
name of the city is linked with Patarus the son of Apollo cording to the Table of Nations (Gen 10:14) and the
and like Delphi, the city was famous for its oracle of Apollo parallel genealogy in l Chr l: 12, the Pathrusim were
(Hdt. l .182). The oracle was only active during the winter among the descendants of Mizraim (Egypt), the son of
months because Apollo preferred to spend his winter Ham, the son of Noah. The name of this population group
months here instead of his normal home on the island of only occurs here in the Bible, but the name of the geo-
Delos. graphical area Pathros also occurs in the prophets. In each
The city issued its own coinage as early as the 4th occurrence, Pathros is linked to Egypt, just like it was in
century B.c. Alexander the Great captured the city during the genealogies. As part of the messianic kingdom, God
the winter of 334-333 B.C. The city was renamed briefly will not only restore exiles found in Assyria and Elam, to
Asinoe after the wife of Ptolemy II after he appropriated the E of Israel, but also from the SW, from "Mizraim,
the city in 275 B.C. Antiochus III seized the city in 197 Pathros and Cush (Ethiopia)" (Isa 11:11). In Jer 44:1, 15,
B.c., but his control was short-lived because the region God addresses people living in Egypt, including more
came under the control of Rhodes after the Peace of specifically those living in Pathros, but they do not pay
Apameia. attention. Exiles from Egypt will be restored to Pathros
The Lycians were allowed by the Romans to form an (Ezek 29: 14), and judgment upon Egypt and Noph will
autonomous league of cities in 167 B.c. This league devel- effect Pathros, among others (30: 14). All of these refer-
oped a unique style of representative government called ences indicate that Pathros is a subsection of Egypt. The
republican federalism. Twenty-three cities of the league progression of the three Egyptian elements in Isa 11: 11
could indicate a location of Mizraim (Egypt) in Lower (i.e.,
had either one, two, or three seats in the assembly accord-
N) Egypt, Pathros in Upper (i.e., S) Egypt, and Cush
ing to the size (Strabo Geog. 14.3.2-3); Patara controlled (Ethiopia) furthest up the Nile. The same progression is
three seats. Pliny records that there were 32 member cities exhibited in an Assyrian inscription of Esarhaddon (ANET,
in his day (HN 5.101). Except for the brief control of 290; NBD, 883), where Pathros is referred to as Petorisi.
Brutus in 42 B.c., the region enjoyed relative freedom until This location of Pathros between Memphis/Cairo and As-
A.O. 43, during the reign of Claudius, when Lycia was
wan is supported by the Egyptian name for the area, p'-P-
joined with Pamphilia to form a new Roman province. rs(y) "the south land" (NBD, 883).
The legendary Saint Nicholas is thought to have been DAVID W. BAKER
born at Patara, but he became the Bishop of nearby Myra
where he is thought to be buried. Upper Egypt had often formed an administrative unit
Patara was rediscovered in 18 l l by the British survey distinct from Memphis and the Delta in early periods of
team led by Francis Beaufort, but little archaeological work Egyptian history; but the final severance of any direct
has been carried out at the site. The protected harbor of connection between Thebes and the royal house at the
Patara which was well equipped with a lighthouse is now close of the New Kingdom (11th century e.c.) tended to
filled with alluvial deposits. Several travelers of the 19th increase the isolation of the valley. By the 7th century B.c.,
century recorded the ruins visible to them. The remains the term "House of Amun," i.e., the great estate of the
are substantial including: portions of the city wall, a large Theban god who had been chief of the pantheon, was
theater dated to the reign of Tiberius and rebuilt in A.D. often used synonymously with "Upper Egypt." By the time
147 during the administration of Antoninus Pius, and a of Esarhaddon's campaign against Egypt (671 B.C.), Mwru
granary erected by Hadrian. ("Egypt," i.e., the Delta), Paturisi ( = the Southland, Upper
Other information about the site has been gained Egypt), and Kusu (Kush) together signified the totality of
through the discovery of numerous inscriptions. One in- the Egyptian king Taharqa's holdings, from the Mediter-
scription notes that Vespasian built a bath for the city. ranean to the Sudan.
Other inscriptions record the gifts of renowned citizens of The Saite kings of the 26th Dynasty (664-525 e.c.)
the city who had gained power and wealth through their separated off the Southland and treated it as an adminis-
involvement in Roman politics. trative unit once again. It was assigned a governor and a
master of commercial shipping, mainly for purposes of
taxation; while for purposes of cultic continuity, a princess
Bibliography of the royal line was installed at Thebes as "Divine Wor-
Jameson, S. 1966. Two Lycian Families. AnSt 16: 130-37. shipper of Amun." A foreign garrison, including a para-
Jones, A. H. M. 1971. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2d military(?) unit from Judah, was installed at Elephantine
ed. Oxford. on the S border. The Persians continued the Saite practice
Sams, G. K. 1975. Investigations at Patara in Lycia, 74. Archaeology of assigning a single governor to the Southland and main-
28: 202-4. tained the garrison, but did away with the role of the
Yamauchi, E. 1983. Patara. Pp. 356-57 in New International Dictio- Divine Worshipper. "The Southland" survived in Coptic as
nary of Biblical Archaeology, ed. E. M. Blailock and R. K. Harri- Mares, the "Southern Country," the precursor of the mod-
son. Grand Rapids. ern Arabic Sa'id, "the South."
joHN D. WINELAND DONALD B. REDFORD

PATMOS (PLACE) [Gk Patmos]. One of the Sporades

PATHOLOGY. See PALEOPATHOLOGY. Islands in the Aegean Sea located off the coast of Asia
v • 179 PATRIARCHATE
Minor, 37 miles SW of the city of Miletus and 28 miles splendor from the income on extensive landholdings and
SSW of the island of Samos (37°20'N, 26°34'E). The deso- taxes paid by Jews, and the office was hereditary within
late volcanic island is 25 miles in circumference, about IO one family. Let us examine each of these features in turn.
miles long N to S and 6 miles wide at its broadest point The patriarchs had the authority to appoint, supervise,
(the N half). Mt. Elias, the highest point on the island, and depose officials of the local Jewish communities-first
rises more than 800 feet. On the isthmus at the center of in Roman Palestine and by the 4th century elsewhere in
the island a Greek settlement has been excavated. the empire as well. These communities enjoyed considera-
Patmos is mentioned by both Thucydides (3:33) and ble autonomy in matters of personal status, civil litigation,
Strabo (10:5). However, the island is especially important and even minor criminal affairs. The patriarchs also
for its relationship to the history of the early church. judged cases themselves, heard appeals, and issued legal
Patmos is the traditional location of John's visionary expe- rulings. The editing and publishing of a compendium of
riences recorded in the book of Revelation. John begins traditional Jewish law, the Mishnah, by the patriarch Judah
the Apocalypse by stating that he was banished to the I early in the 3d century c.E. also relates to the role of the
island of Patmos (Rev I :9). A cave on a hill in the S part of patriarch as chief magistrate. Since Jewish law did not
the island, below the monastery of St. John the Divine, is distinguish between "religious" and "civil" matters, the
the traditional site of John's visions. patriarchs seem to exercise both types of authority. An
Roman prisoners and dissidents were often banished to example of a "religious" function is the authority of the
islands, and three islands, in particular, in the Sporades patriarchs to regulate the Jewish calendar.
were used for exiles (Pliny HN 4:69-70; Tacitus Ann. 4:30). The patriarchs lived a style befitting a provincial mag-
John was exiled to Patmos, according to early church nate. In carrying out their judicial activities they were
tradition, in the 14th year (95 C.E.) of the emperor Domi- assisted by a consilium of advisors some of whom seem to
tian (Eusebius Hist. Eccl. 3: 18-20; see also Irenaeus haer. have attended on the patriarch at all times. Fourth century
5.30.3; Jerome vir. ill. 9). Legends about John's deeds on sources mention apostoloi, delegates, who were sent abroad
Patmos are preserved in the Acts of john (/ry Prochorus), a to carry out the patriarch's orders and supervise affairs in
5th-century text pseudepigraphically attributed to the the local communities in his name (Epiph. Adv. Haeres.
apostle's scribe. John was probably released during the 30.4-12). They also collected a tax from the local commu-
reign of Nerva (Cassius Dio 68.1) and lived into the reign nities for the maintenance of the patriarchate (Cod. Theod.
of Trajan (lrenaeus haer. 2.22.5), serving as pastor of the XVI, 8: 14; 8:29). Jewish sources describe the levees con-
church at Ephesus. ducted by the patriarchs at which clients paid their re-
The monastery of St. John the Divine was built over spects daily in the manner of the Roman salutatio (y. Sabb.
John's grotto in I 088 by St. Christodoulos. The monastery 12:3, 13c; Tacan. 4:2, 68a; Hor. 3:9, 48c). They also refer
library, which still contains a large collection of biblical to a police force, apparently composed df Gothic troops,
and patristic mss, is one of the major collections of Byzan- which served the patriarchs (y. Sanh. 2: I, l 9d; Hor. 3: I,
tine texts. 47a).
SCOTT T. CARROLL
The patriarchate was hereditary within one family, the
descendants of Gamaliel of Yavneh (Jamnia) who flour-
ished around the end of the !st century. Gamaliel appears
PATRIARCHATE. The office of head of the Jewish to have been the scion of an aristocratic Jerusalemite family
community of Roman Palestine. The incumbent is called
patriarches in Gk sources (occasionally ethnarches) and nasf' affiliated with the Pharisaic party and active in Judean
in Heb ones. The office is fairly well documented in legal, politics. While the exact status of Gamaliel of Yavneh and
literary, and epigraphic materials from the 2d century c.E. of his son Simeon is debated, all agree on the preeminence
till its demise, for reasons not specified by the sources, of his grandson Judah I, referred to in Jewish sources
between 415 and 429 (Cod. Theod. XVI, 8:22; 8:29). The simply as Judah the Patriarch (yihilda hannasf'). It was in
incumbent of the patriarchal office, at its peak, wielded Judah's time that the family of Gamaliel began to claim
considerable power over the Jews of the eastern Roman descent from the ancient Judean royal house of David.
Empire and was granted high honors by the Roman im- The claim of Davidic descent provided a Jewish legitima-
perial authorities. Around 240 Origen noted that as a tion for the kingly prerogatives of the Gamalielan patriar-
result of the great powers granted him by Caesar, the chate.
ethnarch differed in no way from a king. Origen illus-
trated these powers by reference to the ethnarch's de facto Bibliography
competence to try capital cases according to Jewish law The best survey of the patriarchate, broader in scope
(Or. ep. 1, 14). And laws preserved in the Theodosian than its title suggests, is Levine 1979. He includes a bibli-
Code s.how that the patriarchs of the late 4th and early 5th ography of the important literature till 1977. Following
centuries were granted such honorifics as clarissimu.s illu.s- are items published since then. See Linder 1987 for the
tris, and spectabilis, titles used for the holders of the highest Roman legal materials, Stern 1980 for the (possible) cor-
offices in the empire (Cod. Theod. XVI, 8:8; 8: 11; 8: 13; respondence of Julian and Libanius with the patriarchs,
8: 15). It is not clear whether all the patriarchs enjoyed the Rubin 1982 on the account of the patriarchal court in
~ame. degree of power and recognition. Still, for most of Epiphanius, Dothan 1983 on an important epigraphic
Its history the patriarchal office does approximate the reference to the patriarch, and Goodblatt 1978 and 1983
position of a (client) king. The patriarch served as chief on the origins of the patriarchal office and 1984 on the
magistrate of the Jews, maintained a court and lived in title nti.si'.
PATRIARCHATE 180 • v
Alon, G. 1980. The Jews in their land in the Talmudic age, 70-640 C.E., T. Ab. B 9:8, for example, refers to "evenly balanced"
Vol. I. Trans. G. Levi. Jerusalem. deeds, but only A has a. d_escription of the weighing of
Dothan, M. 1983. Hammath Tiberias. Jerusalem. deeds; B here has a rem1mscence of the judgment scene
Gooclblatt, D. 1978. The Origins of Roman Recognition of the of A (so Nickelsburg 1972; for the opposite view see
Palestinian Patriarchate. Studies in the History of the Jewish People Schmidt 1972).
and the Land of Israel 4: 89-102. The provenance, date, and original language of Testa-
- - . 1983. The Jews in the Land of Israel, 70-132. Pp. 155- ment of Abraham are uncertain. The Gk of recension B has
184 in Judea and Rome-The Jewish Rroolts, ed. U. Rappaport. a Semitic cast, which once led some to argue that it was
Jerusalem. earlier than A and that it was written in Hebrew. On
- - . 1984. The Title nasf' and the Ideological Background of examination, however, the Semitisms turn out to be bibli-
the Second Revolt. Pp. 113-32 in The Bar-Kokhva Rroolt-A cal, and they are probably the result of imitation of the
New Approach, ed. A. Oppenheimer and U. Rappaport. Jeru- Bible in its Gk translation. Most scholars now think that
salem. the story was first composed in Greek (Turner 1955; Del-
Levine, L. I. 1979. The Jewish Patriarch (Nasi) in Third Century cor 1973: 32-34; Janssen 1975: 198-99; discussion in
Palestine. ANRW 19/2/2: 649-88. Sanders, OTP I: 873-74 and n. 14).
Linder, A. 1987. The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation. Detroit. The basic story is earlier than the immediate ancestors
Rubin, Z. 1982. Joseph the Comes and the Attempts to Convert the of the surviving recensions. Although A has an earlier
Galilee to Christianity in the Fourth Century C.E. Cathedra 26: form of the story than B, it also contains more late words
105-16. and shows clearer signs of Christian scribal work. As it now
Stern, M. 1980. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews andjudoism. Vol. 2. stands, the slightly Christianized version of A could be as
Jerusalem. late as the 6th century c.E. This only confirms, however,
DAVID GooDBLATT that scribes handled the text freely. The core story, which
depicts a judgment in which Christ plays no role, was not
composed by Christians. Yet it also lacks emphasis on
PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE aspects of the Jewish law which set Jews apart from Gen-
THREE. Around the figures of the three first patriarchs tiles. The judgment falls on all equally, on the basis of the
of the Israelites--Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob-there grew observance of extremely general moral laws, and there is
a small body of apocryphal stories now called "testaments." no reference to specifically Jewish commandments (e.g.,
This title, which was given to them at some time in the circumcision, sabbath, and food laws). This seems to re-
history of their transmission, is not very suitable, since quire a time and place of relative peace between gentiles
drawing up wills and offering advice to future generations and Jews, when Jews were not being forced by pagan
are not central. 'These stories, rather, emphasize the inex- harassment to defend those parts of the law which distin-
orableness of death, depict the fate of souls after death, guished them from gentiles.
and urge the keeping of basic moral laws. The second clue to the date and provenance of the basic
All three works were preserved by Christians, and the story is reference to the weighing of souls in T. Ab. A
Testaments of Isaac and Jacob may be originally Christian. 12:13. Although the idea of weighing or balancing deeds
Although the existing texts of the Testament of Abraham is widespread, the weighing of souls is distinctive of Egyp-
contain Christian elements, it was probably originally a tian religion (Delcor 1973: 67-68, following James 1892).
Jewish work. The other two works are dependent on it, Thirdly, the closest parallels to recension A are found in
and the Testament ofJacob is also dependent on the Testament Testament of job, 3 Baruch, 2 Enoch, and Apocalypse of Moses.
of Isaac (Stinespring, OTP 1: 903-4). Thus they were Of these, Testament of job is probably, and 3 Baruch and 2
composed in the chronological order of the patriarchs Enoch are possibly, from Egypt. It is thus not unreasonable
themselves: Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. to assign T. Ab. to Egypt, before the worst period of
antagonism between Jews and Gentiles, that is, at the latest
A. The Testament of Abraham before 115 c.E. (there were troubles between Jews and
There are two principal recensions, a longer one (A), others in Alexandria in 41, 66, 72, and 115-117 c.E.: see
and a shorter (B). Both are preserved in Gk mss. The Gk Smallwood 1981: 364-68; 393-96; 403-9; Tcherikover
recension A is supported on the whole by a Romanian 1959: 356 and n. 65). It should, however, be borne in mind
version, while B is supported by another Romanian ver- that ideas "floated" around the Mediterranean, and T. Ab.
sion, and also by Slavonic, Coptic, Arabic, and Ethiopic could have been written anywhere that Jewish, Greek, and
versions. There are wide variations at each stage; not only Egyptian ideas came together.
are there two different recensions, there are also fairly Some scholars have attempted to attribute the work to
substantial differences from version to version and from one of the Jewish "sects" known from Josephus and the
manuscript to manuscript. The stories were very freely NT. What is truly distinctive about it, however, is not
handled, and it is not possible to establish "the original sectarian bias of some sort, but its completely common-
text." Despite this, there is a good deal of common mate- place view of God's mercy, the importance of avoiding
rial, and there are even striking agreements between A heinous sins (such as murder and robbery), and the pun-
and B in the Gk mss. There seems to have been a core ishment of those who commit them (OTP 1: 877-78).
story, best preserved in recension A, which was modified The setting of the narrative is the time just before
in various ways as it was copied and translated. B is proba- Abraham's death. The story of recension A is this: The
bly an abbreviation of the longer story now found in A. archangel Michael is sent by God to tell Abraham that his
v. 181 PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE

time has come and that he should prepare a will. (This is church. There are more reminiscences of the NT than
the "testamentary" element in the story.) He resists and there are in T Ab. (e.g., the body is the temple of the Holy
refuses to go with the archangel. Michael then returns to Spirit, T Isaac 4:15, cf. I Cor 6:19; the unrighteous will
God, who instructs him to show Abraham the inhabited not inherit the kingdom, nor will homosexuals, gluttons,
world. Michael conducts him on a tour, during which the or idolaters, TJacob 7: 19f.; cf. 1Cor6:9-10). It is possible,
patriarch sees people engaged in various sins and calls however, that earlier Jewish stories have simply been taken
down death upon them. God orders the tour stopped, over for use in the Coptic church (so Stinespring OTP I:
since he, unlike Abraham, is merciful and wishes to give 904). These two Testaments exist only in Arabic, Coptic,
sinners time to repent. Michael then takes Abraham to the and Ethiopic versions. They are usually dated to the 2d or
place of judgment, where he sees souls being tried. They 3d centuries C.E. although T Isaac 7: 12, which states that
are tried in three ways-by fire, by written record, and by the Arabs have designated the three patriarchs as "the holy
the weighing of deeds. There are also three judgments- fathers," reflects the influence of Islam.
by Abel, by the twelve tribes of Israel, and finally by God Whether these Testaments were originally Jewish or
himself. Abraham sees one soul that is judged to be neither Christian, they add only a few themes to those of T Ab.
righteous nor wicked, and he intercedes on its behalf. He Neither contains elements which distinguish Jew from gen-
then repents of his former harshness and pleads on behalf tile. They have in common with T Ab. emphasis on univer-
of the sinners whose death he had caused. God saves the sally accepted standards of behavior, the need to repent
soul whose fate was in doubt and restores the dead sinners before death, and God's mercy and forgiveness. The sto-
to life. Michael then returns Abraham to his home. The ries are built around the themes of T Ab.: the time of
patriarch, however, still refuses to die. God sends Death, death and a tour of heaven and hell. In addition, both
who terrifies Abraham, so that he becomes faint. Death condemn homosexuality (T Isaac 5:27; T Jacob 5:8). The
tricks Abraham into kissing his hand. The patriarch's soul Testament of Isaac champions asceticism-fasting, praying in
cleaves to the hand of Death, and it is escorted to heaven the middle of the night, abstaining entirely from meat and
by angels. wine, and not sleeping in the comfort of a bed (4: 1-6)-as
The shorter version, B, differs from A in two principal well as the virtue of charity towards the poor (6: 11-13).
ways: (I) Abraham's view of the judgment of souls comes Enmity towards one's neighbor is especially condemned (T
before his tour of the world rather than after; (2) the Isaac 5: 17-20). The Testament ofJacob recommends prayer,
judgment itself is much less fully described. fasting, reading the Torah of Moses, giving alms, and
The story is clearly Jewish: its hero is Abraham; the avoiding immorality. Generosity to strangers and charity
angel Michael is well known in Jewish literature; the first to the poor are urged (T Jae. 7:11, 21-25), especially
judgment is by Abel, who was one of the sons of Adam clothing the poor (7:21; cf. Matt 25:36).
according to Genesis; the twelve tribes of Israel also figure
in the judgment; the God of the story is clearly the God of Bibliography
Israel. Yet apart from these points, Jewishness plays no Delcor, M. 1973. Le Testament d'Abraham. SVTP 2. Leiden.
role. The sinners of Abraham's tour are robbers, murder-
Denis, A. M. 1970. Introduction aux puudepigraphes grecs d'Ancien
ers, adulterers, and thieves (T Ab. A 10; B 12). The first
Testament. SVTP I. Leiden.
judge, Abel, judges "the entire creation" on the same basis,
James, M. R. 1892. The Testament of Abraham. Cambridge.
since "every person has sprung from the first-formed,"
Janssen, E. 1975. Testament Abrahams. Pp. 193-256 in]SHRZ 3.
that is, Adam (A 13). The soteriology of the document is
that one should avoid heinous sins, those regarded as such Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 1972. Eschatology in the Testament of
in all cultures, and repent in the case of disobedience. Abraham: A Study of the Judgment Scene in the Two Recen-
Being Jewish or not seems to be a matter of indifference. sions. Pp. 23-64 in Studies on the Testament of Abraham, ed.
The Christian elements in T Ab. as it now stands are G. W. E. Nickelsburg. SCS 6. Missoula, MT.
these: a concluding prayer refers to the Father and the Schmidt, F. 1972. The Two Recensions of the Testament of Abra-
Son and the Holy Spirit; this is obviously a scribal addition. ham: In Which Way did the Transformation Take Place?
At two points the wording of the NT has been influential: Pp. 65-83 in Studies on the Testament of Abraham.
11:2-.10 reflects Matt 7: 13-14 (the theme of two gates or Smallwood, E. M. 1981. The Jews Under Roman Rule from Pompey to
ways 1s common and need not have been derived from Diocletian. SJLA 20. Leiden.
Matthew, but there are a few striking verbatim agree- Tcherikover, V. 1959. Hellenistic Civilization and the fews. Philadel-
ments); 13: 13 reflects 1 Cor 3: 13-15 (testing by fire is also phia.
common enough, but again there are striking verbatim Turner, N. 1955. The "Testament of Abraham": Problems in
agr~en:ients). The work as a whole has not been revised by Biblical Greek. NTS 1: 219-23.
~hnsuan hands. Its emphasis on common religious E. P. SANDERS
~1ews--God's mercy, avoidance of wickedness, certainty of
Judgment, and efficacy of repentance-did not require
Christianizing. PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE
TWELVE. A book of the Pseudepigrapha that gives the
B. The Testaments of Isaac and Jacob parting words of each of the twelve sons of Jacob, spoken
These are possibly Christian compositions (so Denis immediately before their deaths to their assembled sons
I 970: 34), written to commemorate Isaac and Jacob on the (and grandsons or brothers). For text, see OTP 1: 775-
days set for honoring them in the calendar of the Coptic 828.
PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE 182 • v
old~st are from the 13th century. The date of the version
A. Content and Structure
is d1~puted, but it certainly existed in the 10th century. Of
B. Textual Witnesses less importance are the Slavonic, Serbian, and New Greek
C. Related Hebrew and Aramaic Material versions ..The Latin version known in many mss has served
D. Jewish or Christian? as a basis for a nu.mber of translations into European
E. Ethical Teaching languages. It has no mdependent text-critical value since it
F. Expectations about the Future was translated from the Cambridge ms.
The extant witnesses for~ two families, one consisting
A. Content and Structure of only two mss: the Cambndge ms plus the "extracts-ms"
In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (T. 12 P.) the the latter consisting of all the other witnesses. Here t~o
emphasis is on exhortation: the sons should give heed to subfamilies besides some independent witnesses can be
what their fathers command them and transmit their distinguished. Reconstruction of the oldest attainable text
instructions to their descendants. Each testament deals is oft~n rather difficult, due to the complexity of family 11
with one or more virtues or vices, illustrated by the pa- and, m a. number of cases, the impossibility of making a
triarch's own experiences or by references to the behavior clear choice between the readings of family I and family
of Joseph, the ideal son of Jacob (the exceptions here are I I.
T. Levi, which has very little exhortation, and T. Asher which In principle, the whole surviving ms tradition could
has practically nothing about the patriarch's life). The derive from a single 9th- or 10th-century minuscule codex.
illustrative material is taken from the chapters in Genesis In some instances, however, divergencies between family I
which speak about the sons of Jacob (29:30-31 :24; 34; and family 11 can be traced to different interpretations of
35: 16-26; 37-50) and from related Jewish traditions. The uncial characters. This implies that the last common
sons should follow the good example of their father (and source was a manuscript in uncial script that was earlier
of Joseph) or avoid his sins. Taken together, the exhorta- than the 9th century, how much earlier we do not know.
tory passages in T. 12 P. give a colorful spectrum of virtues The few very short references to T. 12 P. in Origen (Hom.
and vices within the framework of the general admonitions in Joshua 15.6) and in Jerome (Tractatus de Psalmo 15) prove
to obey the law of God and the commandments of the that these authors knew the writing, but they do not enable
patriarch. us to determine the text these two authors had before
In all testaments the exhortatory section is connected them.
with a prediction concerning the future of the tribe of the On the basis of this evidence we may conclude that T. 12
patriarch. It will forget the Lord's commandments and will P. existed in the beginning of the 2d century A.D.; what
be punished with exile, or it will rebel against Levi and happened between A.D. 200 and the archetype of the
Judah (the exception here is T. Joseph). The final note, present manuscript tradition is unknown. How long before
however, is always one of peace and salvation. The sons
A.D. 200 the document was written, and whether it under-
and their descendants are warned beforehand and called
went any substantial changes before it reached Origen (or
to repentance. Only if they obey God's will as expressed by
the patriarchs will there be a future for them. These earlier Christian readers) will have to be determined other-
passages about the future actually speak about events that wise (see below).
have already taken place in the time of the author(s) as There is no reason to assume that T. 12 P. in their
well as of events that are still unfolding. present form (or nearly their present form) were trans-
The closing passages record the patriarch's wish to be lated from Aramaic or Hebrew into Greek. Especially in
buried in Hebron, and his death. The sons are said to have the ethical passages, so many particularly Hellenistic words
done what their father commanded them: they laid him in and phrases are found that it is practically impossible that
a coffin and brought him to Hebron. they could have been written in any other language but
The T. 12 P. are clearly pseudepigraphical. Their open- Greek. It cannot be excluded, however, that parts of the
ing and closing passages are influenced by Gen 49: 1-2, material incorporated in T. 12 P. existed, at one time, in
29-33; 50:24-26, and their opening passages by that of some Aramaic or Hebrew form.
4Q'Amram (see below). This writing constitutes a fine
example of the (in itself very variegated) genre "testa- C. Related Hebrew and Aramaic Material
ment." Testaments of the form found in T. 12 P. are Since the beginning of this century a number of frag-
basically farewell discourses that receive special weight ments of an Aramaic Levi-text from the Cairo-Genizah
because they give the last words uttered by a great man of have been known. They partly correspond with the second
the past. The spiritual legacy of the fathers consists of major addition found in one Greek ms (Athos, Koutlou-
closely connected exhortations and predictions, remaining mous 39, ff. 198•-229•) of the 1 lth century, which is
authoritative to the end of times. inserted after T. Levi 18:2. In 1955 a fragment consisting
of part of one leaf, found in the fourth cave at Qumran,
B. Textual Witnesses was published; it corresponds to the (fuller) Greek text
Fourteen mss of T. 12 P are known; one of these, and found in the Greek ms, as an insertion in the middle of T.
the marginal notes in one other, give only extracts, while a Levi 2:3. The Aramaic fragment belongs to a scroll now
second gives only two fragments. The oldest Greek witness called 4Q213 TestLevia; additional (mostly very small)
(Cambridge Univ. Libr., Ff 1.24, ff. 203•-261 v) dates from fragments of this scroll and of another document (4Q214
the late 10th century. The most important ancient version TestLevib) have been published or announced. Also in the
is the Armenian, over 50 mss of which are known; the first cave a number of fragments were found, most of them
v. 183 PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE

extremely small (IQ21, 1-60). There is also a small Syriac dren, and Tamar in T. jwl. 8, 10-12 (etc.), showing points
fragment. of contacts with jubilees, and numerous haggadic details
A full and comprehensive survey of all the Genizah and scattered all over the Testaments. We can also mention a
Qumran material is urgently needed. Of course, the Greek list of seven spirits inserted in T. Reu. 2:3-3: I (reflecting
additions to ms Koutl. 39 also have to be taken mto Stoic conceptions), and a list of parts of the human body
account. Unfortunately, we do not know how this material and its functions in T. Naph. 2:8 (parallel to Heb T. Naph.
reached the scribe of this ms (or the scribe of an earlier 10:6).
ms copied by him), nor do we know whether he had at his There is a great diversity in the biographical material.
disposal more than he copied. Finally, it is completely The T. 12 P. are clearly a literary composition for which
uncertain at what time the Greek material was translated the author used traditions about the sons of Jacob from
from Aramaic or Hebrew. various sources. He incorporated whatever he could use,
We are able to say, however, that the Greek additions adapting the general pattern followed in each testament
and the Aramaic material of different provenance ulti- wherever this was necessary.
mately go back to a common ancestor. As far as we are
able to reconstruct it, it must have contained a prayer and D. Jewish or Christian?
vision of Levi (cf. T. Levi 2-5), a report on the expedition The T. 12 P. belong to the Jewish pseudepigrapha of the
against Shechem (cf. T. Levi 6, perhaps also 7), a vision like OT, and have found a place in all collections of OT pseud-
the one in T. Levi 8, the instructions of Isaac to Levi in a epigrapha published in the past hundred years. They
very extended form (T. Levi 9) and parallels to T. Levi 11- contain a number of Christian passages, particularly in the
13. We know nothing about the end of the document; only sections dealing with the future, but these have usually
a fragment of an invective against the Levitical priesthood been explained as the result of interpolation or of a more
corresponding to T. Levi 14: 3-4 has been preserved. As thoroughgoing Christian redaction. The remaining docu-
far as we can make out it was not a testament like those ment is regarded by many scholars as Jewish. Even without
found in T. 12 P. There are some links with 4Q'Amram- the Christian passages it does not form a unity. Scholars
and 4QQahat-fragments found at Qumran. Perhaps these differ, however, with regard to the earlier stages of redac-
three complete documents constituted a series of priestly tion.
(final) exhortations and visions of importance for the At the beginning of the 20th century, R. H. Charles
Qumran community. distinguished between a 2d-century B.c. pro-Hasmonean
T. Levi differs in many respects from the other eleven original to which extensive anti-Hasmonean passages (ad-
testaments, and this is clearly due to the fact that its author vocating a Messiah from Judah) were added in the !st
followed a "Vorlage" very similar to the hypothetical ances- century B.c. In 1970 J. Becker assumed a Hellenistic-
tor of the known Levi-material. Whether he consulted it in Jewish "Grundschrift," stemming from Wisdom circles
Aramaic (or Hebrew), or had it already before him in dated around 200-175 B.c. This formed the nucleus of
Greek, we do not know. Comparison in detail between the the present writing that took shape in the subsequent
present T. Levi and Levi-material known to us makes it centuries by the addition of Hellenistic-Jewish homilies,
likely that the author of T. 12 P. abbreviated the text in apocalyptic visions, midrashic expositions, etc. In 1977 A.
many places (sometimes very drastically) and that he re- Hultgard, in an analysis of the apocalyptic passages, found
dacted it thoroughly. first an anti-Hasmonean stage with the expectation of an
A number of tiny fragments from the third and fourth ideal Levi and an ideal Judah; later, in the beginning of
cave at Qumran have been connected with T. Judah and T. the !st century B.c., the emphasis was on intervention by
Joseph, but this connection remains hypothetical. There is, God himself, on the expectation of a Davidic messiah and
however, a genealogy of Bilhah comparable to the one on the hope of the resurrection and the last judgment. In
found in T. Naph. 1:6-12, of which 4QTestNapht. I 114-5 the !st century A.D. there was a new redaction, introducing
(corresponding to T. Naph. I: 12) has been published. It a central eschatological figure called the "priest-savior,"
has no connection with the medieval Heb Testament of the result of the merger of different traditions.
Naphtali. However, this testament has two visions that are A different approach has also been advocated (de Jonge
clearly related to those found in T. Naph. 5-7. Although 1953). There is no doubt that T. 12 P. are Christian in their
the Hebrew text is much later, it helps us to get some idea present form and must have received that form sometime
of the fuller and more consistent account which must have in the second half of the 2d century A.D. One first has to
formed the "Vorlage" of the present heavily redacted text establish the meaning of the present T. 12 P. (allowing, of
of the visions in the present T. Naphtali. course, for possible alterations in the period between their
MUlr. Wayissa'u (found in later collections) gives an ac- origin and the origin of the archetype of our manuscript
count of a war against the Amorites like that described in tradition) for a Christian audience around A.D. 200. Be-
T. ]wl. 3-7 (cf. also jub. 34: 1-9), followed by a description cause the Christian passages cannot be removed without
of the war against Esau and his sons, like that found in T. damaging the fabric of large sections of the work, we must
]wl. 9 (andjub. 37: 1-38: 14). Again, this late midrash does assume at least a thoroughgoing Christian redaction. It is
not provide us with the document used by the author of very difficult, if not impossible, to establish the exact
the present T. Judah, but it shows that he could consult a contents of this "original" (pre-Christian) Jewish docu-
!11ore elaborate account of the wars, selecting and redact- ment, let alone to detect different stages in the redaction
mg material in order to illustrate Judah's heroic deeds. of that document. It is, in fact, uncertain whether one
The author of T. 12 P. had much more material at his should speak of a Christian redaction of an existing Jewish
disposal~.g., traditions about Judah, his wife, his chil- T. 12 P. or of a Christian composition.
PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE 184 • v
It should be kept in mind that early Christians (with serve to.accent1;1ate the ethical .a?vices and warnings. Often
some exceptions) regarded the Jewish Bible as Holy Scrip- (personified) vices and the spmts of those vices are men-
ture and the great figures of the OT as their spiritual tioned ~og:ether and are virtually interchangeable. The
ancestors. They were interested in obtaining more infor- emphasis hes clearly on the struggle of individuals (in their
mation on those they read about in the OT, and took their own pers~nal circumstances) with evil influences coming
exhortations and predictions seriously. Moreover, Helle- from outside but at work within their minds and bodies.
nistic Judaism and early Christianity shared a great num- The exhortations are concerned with ethical matters.
ber of ethical notions derived from Hellenistic popular With regard to Jewish customs it is significant that T. 12 P.
philosophy. Much of the exhortatory and biographical nowhere demand the observance of the sabbath, or of
material contained in T. 12 P. could serve the purpose of circumcision, or of the dietary laws. They assume that the
Jews as well as of Christians; it is the overall context in patriarchs-before the revelation at Sinai-nevertheless
which it functions that determines its present meaning. observed a number of regulations in the Law of Moses; T.
Levi 9:7-14, for instance, records instructions to Levi by
E. Ethical Teaching Isaac concerning the priesthood, though in a very sum-
The exhortatory sections form the kernel of each testa- mary form (we happen to have here very detailed regula-
ment. T. Benj. 10:4-5, at the end of T. 12 P., characterizes tions in the passage in the Greek addition after T. Levi
the many ethical instructions in this and other testaments: 18:2 in ms Koutl. 39). The situation is different with
regard to the direct exhortations to the sons of the pa-
"For I teach you these things instead of any inheritance triarchs. So marriage with gentile women is forbidden to
And do you, also, therefore, give them to your children Levi (T. Levi 9: 10) and predicted among the sins of Levi's
for an everlasting possession; sons (14:6; cf. T. Dan. 5:5). Judah mentions his troubles
for so did Abraham and Isaac and Jacob. when he married the Canaanite Bath-shua (T. Jud. 8: 10-
They gave us all these things for an inheritance, saying: 12), but in the exhortatory sections the warnings are
Keep the commandments of God, against women in general, not against gentile women in
until the Lord will reveal his salvation to all the particular. Joseph, the man who remains faithful to God
nations." in the midst of temptation and oppression, marries the
daughter of his masters (T. Jos. 18:3); no specific conditions
A description of all that will happen at God's final inter- with regard to her are mentioned. The author of T. 12 P.
vention follows, in agreement with the general pattern in obviously concentrates on what he regards as the essentials
T. 12 P.; in this case Israel's negative reaction to Jesus of the law. In T. Levi 16:3 Jesus is introduced as the "man
Christ is emphasized (vv 8-10). Yet the chapter ends in v who renews the law in the power of the Most High" (cf. T.
11 with the words: Levi 14:4; T. Dan. 6:9). As the new priest predicted in T.
Levi 18 he will spread the true knowledge of God over the
"But you, if you walk in holiness before the face of the entire world (see vv 3, 5, 9).
Lord, A very important virtue is haplotes, i.e., simplicity, integ-
you will again dwell safely with me; rity, wholehearted obedience to God's commandments
and all Israel will be gathered together unto the Lord." (against "doubleness" characterized and condemned in T.
Asher). Haplotes is the central virtue in T. /ssachar, and there
The various testaments deal with a great number of it is directly connected with the two great commandments,
vices and virtues. Of the vices we may mention the igno- see 5:1-2:
rance of youth and sexual impurity (T. Reu.), envy (T. Sim.),
arrogance (T. Levi), love of money and impurity (T. Jud.), "Keep, therefore, the law of God, my children
anger and lying (T. Dan.), and hatred (T. Jud.). Among the and acquire simplicity and walk in guilelessness,
virtues are simplicity (T. Iss.), compassion and mercy (T. not meddling with the commandments of the Lord
Zeb.), natural goodness (T. Naph.), chastity and endurance and the affairs of your neighbor.
(T. Jos.), and a pure mind (T. Benj.). T. Asher deals with the But love the Lord and your neighbor,
two faces of vice and virtue, and warns against "double- show mercy to the poor and the weak."
ness" (the opposite of simplicity). The warnings against
vices are more prominent than the disquisitions on virtues. These two commandments are also found together in T.
In many cases biographical examples are used by way of /ss. 7:6-7; T. Dan. 5:2-3 (cf. T. Gad. 4:1-2; T.Jos. 11:1),
illustration. There is no regular pattern in the treatment and especially in T. Benj. 3: 1-5. They also occur separately:
of biography and exhortation; the author was not really for "to love (to fear) the Lord" see T. Levi 13: I; T. Zeb.
interested in following a certain order as long as he made 10:5; T. Dan. 6: I (cf. T. Gad. 3:2; 5:2, 4-5; T. Benj. I 0: JO),
his exhortatory point, told the available stories about the and for "to love one's neighbor" see T. Reu. 6:9; T. Sim.
patriarch, and linked the former with the latter. 4:7; T. Zeb. 8:5; T. Gad. 6:1, 3; 7:7; T.Jos. 17:2.
The exhortations are also clearly connected with warn- An analysis of the ethics of T. 12 P. shows beyond doubt
ings against evil spirits. Behar (Satan, the devil) and his evil that this writing originated in a community wanting to
spirits stand over against God and his angels. T. 12 P. have make clear to anyone interested how one should obey the
no systematic angelology and demonology; in general they God of Israel and of the Gentiles. The author is well
think along dualistic lines; also in T. Asher where all sorts acquainted with distinctions and forms used in the Wis-
of "intermediate" cases are discussed, the emphasis is on a dom books of the LXX and with ideas propagated in
serving God with a single mind. Dualism and demonology Hellenistic popular philosophy. Occasionally there are no-
v. 185 PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE

tions that have only parallels in Christian sources. In there is salvation for them, too (16:5 "he will ... in pity
general, the ethics of T. 12 P. may be ~harac~edzed as receive you through faith and water"). In 17:8-11 we find
Hellenistic-Jewish. If it were not for certam Chnsuan ele- a description of a (final) seventh jubilee-period, according
ments, T. 12 P. could be regarded as a Hellenistic-Jewish to a scheme of Sin-Exile-Return + (new) Sin, and in chap.
document-and in fact many scholars have regarded them 18 there follows a (Christian) description of a new priest
as such, removing Christian "additions." It should be re- as savior. In T. Zeb. 9:5-9 we find two Sin-Exile-Return
marked, however, that exhortatory passages in many writ- passages with a short (Christian) savior passage in between.
ings of the early Church are in line with Hellenistic-Jewish The second passage ends with a reference to the time of
and Hellenistic ethics; there is very little specifically Chris- consummation, according to T. Zeb. 10 the time of the
tian in them, either. resurrection of the patriarch and (the faithful of) his tribe.
In this connection it is important to note that Justin Also, in T. Naph. 4 and T. Asher 7 history repeats itself. In
Martyr in his Dialogue with Trypho distinguishes three peri- the first instance Jesus Christ appears at the end (v 5); in
ods in the history of humanity. First, before Moses, people the second at the end of the first sequence (v 3). We may
were righteous and pleased God without obeying the spe- add that T. Jud. 24, portraying a king as savior, follows
cific commandments of the law-among these were Abel, after the Sin-Exile-Return sequence in T.Jud. (18: I); 23:1-
Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Dial. 19:3-4; 5, and is, in turn, followed by a resurrection passage in
46:3). Then, at the time of Moses, the law was given and chap. 25.
became a temporary legislation for the Jews. However now, In the return element of the Sin-Exile-Return passage-
after the coming of Jesus Christ, this law is no longer as well as in the savior passages (to be supplemented with
necessary: "... as an eternal and final law was Christ given T. Dan. 5: I Ol:r-13 attached to the announcement of the
to us" (Dial. 11 :2). This law is not only eternal but also salvation from Judah and Levi) and the resurrection pas-
universal. Similar ideas are found in Irenaeus (haer. 4:13- sages (also in T. Sim. 6:7, and in T. Benj. 10:6-10 men-
16) and Tertullian (Adv. Jud. 2 and 3). tioned in the previous section)-there is no doubt that in
We may add that Justin, lrenaeus and Tertullian use the the end the descendants of the patriarchs (i.e. Israel) will
word "patriarchs" to denote the "saints" of the pre-Mosaic share in God's salvation for Jews and Gentiles. We should
era, and that Justin includes the righteous Israelites in the note that in T. Sim. 7:2; T. Naph. 4:5; T. Jos. 19:6 and T.
final salvation: "The righteous Gentiles will be saved, with Benj. 3:8b the gentiles are mentioned before Israel.
all the patriarchs, prophets, and the righteous men of Levi-Judah passages are found in all testaments except
Jacob" (Dial. 26:1; 45:2-4; 80:1-2; 130:2). T. 12 P. concen- T. Zeb., T. Ash. and T. Benj. In T. Reu. 6:5-7 and T. Sim.
trate on the essential commandments and put them into 5:4-6, (in testaments without Sin-Exile-Return passages)
the mouths of the twelve sons of Jacob belonging to the we find predictions of rebellion against these two tribes (cf.
pre-\1osaic era. These commandments have to be obeyed T. Dan. 5:4; T. Gad. 8:2). Here and elsewhere, we find
by non-Jews and Jews alike in the period inaugurated by injunctions to obey these two tribes, because Levi will be
Jesus Christ, who is the savior of non-Jews Gnd Jews alike. priest and Judah will be king; in T. Jud. 21: 1-5 the sons of
If the sons of Israel obey their patriarchs and give heed to Judah are told that the priesthood (concerned with heav-
their predictions, including those concerning Jesus Christ, enly things) is superior to the kingship (an earthly matter).
they will share in God's final salvation together with the A few times Levi is said to act as a ruler and as a warrior
believing gentiles (cf. T. Benj. I 0). (T. Reu. 6:7 (11 ); T. Sim. 5:5, cf. T. Levi 5-6).
This idea of a juxtaposition of priesthood and kingship,
F. Expectations about the Future and the supremacy of the priesthood over the kingship, is
Much attention has been devoted to the analysis of the a familiar one, and scholars have tried to establish links
eschatological passages in T. 12 P. It is here that the great with similar ideas in the Qumran Scrolls. See MESSIAH.
majority of the explicitly Christian elements are found; One should note, however, that in T. Levi 4:4; 5:2 (cf. T.
many different attempts have been made to determine the Reu. 6:8) the period of priestly activity of Levi and his sons
extent of the Christian interpolations (or redactions) and is limited. The new eschatological priest in chap. 18 is not
to reconstruct the underlying Jewish passages. They have said to be a Levite. And in the many Levi-Judah passages
also been studied in view of the type(s) of eschatology that announce that salvation or a savior will come out of
reflected, and have been assigned to different redactions these tribes (or out of Judah alone), clearly Jesus is meant
in different periods in Jewish history (see especially the (T. Sim. 7: 1-2; T. Naph. 8:2; T. Gad. 8: I; T. Jos. 19:6; cf. T.
studies of R. H. Charles and A. Hultgard). Levi 2: 11; T. Jud. 22:2; T. Dan. 5: 10).
In all testaments except T. Reuben, T. Simeon, and T. T. 12 P. are clearly concerned with the final destiny of
Joseph we find passages announcing the future sins of the Israel. The descendants of the sons of Jacob should realize
sons of the patriarch, followed by exile, (repentance) and that the savior of the world has come, they should realize
return. They represent an eschatological variant of the "that the Lord will judge Israel first for the unrighteous-
Deuteronomistic view of the history of Israel. It is emi- ness done to him, because they did not believe that God
nently suited to describe the entire period from the pa- appeared in the flesh as deliverer" (T. Benj. 10:8). At the
tna~ch.s to the present time. It also brings out clearly the same time they may be convinced that, if it lives in holiness
mtnns1C connection between the exhortations and the and believes in Jesus Christ, "all Israel will be gathered
predictions of the future. The Sin-Exile-Return pattern unto the Lord" (T. Benj. I 0: 11 ). The Christian group that
allows for repetition. In T. Levi IO; 14-15; 16, where the was responsible for the present T. 12 P. was clearly con-
sms a.re those of Israel's priestly leaders against Jesus, the cerned with the salvation of the Jews; in their thinking
repeuuon serves to stress the hostility of Levi's sons. Yet about and their contacts with their Jewish brethren they
PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE 186 • v
·were certainly guided by the ideas expressed in this writ- PAU (PLACE) [Heb pacu]. Var. PAI. The residence of the
ing. Edomite king Hadar ( = Hadad II?) who was married to
Mehetabel daughter of Matred, daughter of Mezahab (Gen
Bibliography 36: 39; cf. 1 Chr 1:50). Hadad (II) is mentioned as the last
Becker, J. 1970. Untersuchungen zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Testa- of the Edomite kings in the Edomite king list (Gen 36:31-
mente der Zwolf Patriarchen. AGJV 8. Leiden. 39), whose dating is very questionable, and in the parallel
- - . 1974. Die Testamente der Zwolf Patriarchen. JSHRZ 3/1. Gii- text 1 Chr 1:43-50. The place name could be traced back
tersloh. to the Arabic personal or clan name f agw. The LXX
Charles, R. H. I 908a. The Greek Versions of the Testaments of the Twelve transmits it as Phogo(r), the Peshiua as Pe'o or Pacco the
Patriarchs. Oxford. Samaritanus as Fu and the Vg as Phau. The site is localized
- - . I 908b. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs Translated from in the Gebalene or in Edom by Eusebius, Onomast. 168.7;
the Editor's Greek Text. London. 170.13 (Phogor, Phogo) and by Hieronymus, Onoma.st.
Hollander, H. W. 1981.joseph as an Ethical Model in the Testaments of 169.7; 171.10 (Fogo). It is not possible to locate it more
the Twelve Patriarchs. SVTP 6. Leiden. precisely.
Hollander, H. W., and de Jonge, M. 1985. The Testaments of the ULRICH HUBNER
Twelve Patriarchs. A Commentary. SVTP 8. Leiden.
Hultgird, A. 1977. L'eschatologie des Testaments des Douu Patriarches
I. Interpretation des Textes. Acta Universitatis Uppsaliensis, Hist. PAUL (PERSON) [Gk Paulos]. An early Christian apostle
Rel. 6. Uppsala. who was perhaps the most important and creative figure
- - . 1982. L'eschatologie des Testaments des Douu Patriarches II. in the history of the early Church, whose formulations of
Composition de l'ouvrage, textes et traductions. Acta Universitatis Christian faith as expressed in his epistles to fledgling
Uppsaliensis, Hist. Rel. 7. Uppsala. churches have become part of the foundation for ortho-
Jonge, M. de. 1953. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Study of dox Christian theology.
their Text, Composition and Origin. Assen.
- - , ed. 1975. Studies on the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: Text A. Sources
and Interpretation. SVTP 3. Leiden. B. Life
- - , et al. 1978. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical I. Name
Edition of the Greek Text. PVTG 1/2. Leiden. 2. Ancestry
- - . 1984. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. Pp. 505- 3. Education
600 in The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. H.F. D. Sparks. Oxford. 4. Pre-Christian Career
MARJNUS DE ]ONGE 5. Conversion
6. Apostolic Career
C. Paul's Image in Later Sources
PATRIMONY. See FAMILY. D. Chronology
I. Problems
2. Datable Events
PATROBAS (PERSON) [Gk Patroba.s]. A Roman Chris- 3. Dating of the Letters
tian who received greetings from Paul in Rom 16: 14. He 4. Summary
was probably a gentile Christian. See NEREUS. A member E. Theology
of a Roman house-church (Lampe StadtrChr, 301) Asyncri- 1. Methodological Problems
tus, Phlegon, Hermes, and Hermas were quoted by name, 2. Major Phases in the Development of Paul's Theol-
while the other participants were mentioned only gener- ogy
ally as "the brethren who are with them." The five persons 3. Summary
therefore may have played leading roles in the house-
church. Patrobas' name is a short form of "Patrobios." A. Sources
According to the epigraphical and literary sources from The primary sources for the study of the Apostle Paul
the city of Rome, both names occur only very rarely are his authentic letters ( 1 Thessalonians, Galatians, Philip-
("Patrobios" eight times, "Patrobas" never except for one pians, Philemon, I and 2 Corinthians, and Romans). His-
fictitious imperial freedman in Martial 2.32); Patrobas torical information can also be gleaned from the book of
therefore may have been an immigrant in the capital Acts (see D.1 below), the deutero-Pauline epistles (Colos-
(Lampe StadtrChr, 139-41, 148). sians, Ephesians, 2 Thessalonians, 1 and 2 Timothy, and
PETER LAMPE Titus), other NT writings (James, 2 Peter), and later apoc-
ryphal literature (apocryphal Acts [McDonald 1983), intro-
ductory information in NT manuscripts and canon lists,
PATROCLUS (PERSON( [Gk Patroklos]. The father of Pseudo-Clementine literature, Mani Biography (Betz
Nicanor, who in 2 Mace 8:9 is appointed by Ptolemy to 1986b )). These different groups of documents do not have
lead a large force of Seleucid troops "to wipe out the whole clear-cut boundaries, though, since scholars still dispute
race of Judea." Nothing else is known of Patroclus except whether or not some of the deutero-Pauline epistles are
that he was named after the figure from Greek mythology. authentic, and whether the authentic letters contain later
See NICANOR concerning whether his son is also the interpolations (see the articles on the various Pauline let-
villain of the latter portion of 2 Maccabees (14: 12ff.). ters). Whether the apocryphal material provides reliable
JOHN KAMPEN historical evidence independent of the NT presents a
v. 187 PAUL

further problem, which must be decided on a case by case as a Christian m1ss10nary, means that he must have re-
basis (NTApocr 2: 71-74; Schneemelcher 1987-1989; Betz ceived a good Hellenistic education. He gave speeches,
1986b: 215-34). taught, wrote long letters, and was involved in highly
Secondary literature about Paul and his writings is vast; specialized theological debates. His abilities as a founder
no exhaustive bibliography exists. For informative surveys of churches, working with many collaborators on an inter-
see Schweitzer 1912; Bultmann 1929-36; Metzger 1960; national level, make it impossible to conceive of him as an
Rigaux 1968; Merk 1988; ANmV, pt. 2, vol. 25/4: 2649- uneducated and culture-bound Jew from the East. Com-
2840). parative figures of the time, especially Josephus and Philo
show that being well-educated and Jewish did not exclude
B. Life one other.
1. Name. Paul is commonly known by his Greco-Roman Objections to Paul's education as having been Hellenistic
cognomen, Paulos, but we know from Acts that he bore the include recourse to his confession of being a layman in
Jewish name Saul as well (Acts 7:58; 8:1, 3; 9:1, 4, etc.). He rhetoric (2 Cor 11:6; cf. I Cor 2:1-5) and his use of a
himself never mentions his Jewish name in his letters, but secretary (Tertius, Rom 16:22). Such arguments, however,
always identifies himself as Paul (e.g., 1 Thess 1:1; 2:18; miss the fact that 2 Cor 11 :6 is itself a rhetorical topos (see
Rom 1:1; 1Cor1:1, 12-13; etc.). Betz 1972: 47-69; 1986a) and fail to explain how his
2. Ancestry. While his Jewish name corresponds to his letters became literary masterpieces. These letters-with
being a Benjaminite (Phil 3:5; Rom 11:1; cf. Acts 13:21), their skillful rhetoric, careful composition, and elaborate
his Greco-Roman name may have been given to him in theological argumentation-reflect an author who was in
connection with his citizenship in Tarsus, a city in Cilicia every way uniquely equipped to become the "apostle of the
where he was born and raised (Acts 9: 11; 21 :39; 22:3; cf. gentiles" (Rom 11:13; cf. Gal 2:8, 9; Rom 1:5). This much
9:30; 11 :25). While there is some doubt with regard to his is clear also from a comparison with his sometime mentor
Roman citizenship, he certainly was not anti-Roman in his and associate Barnabas, whose abilities fell short of what
politics (Rom 13:1-7). His Roman citizenship plays an was needed. Similarly, Luke regards Paul as well-equipped
important role in Acts (16:37-38; 22:25-29; 23:27; 25:8- to defend himself in court, while the Jewish priests must
12, 21; 26:32; 27:24; 28:19), but there are questions have a professional orator (Acts 24: 1).
prompted by the flogging (Acts 22:25; cf. 2 Cor 11 :25; see 4. Pre-Christian Career. Before his conversion Paul
Bauer 1988, s. v. mastizo) and the appeal to Caesar (Acts actively preserved and protected the religious traditions of
25:8-12, 21; 26:32; 27:24; 28:19; see Conzelmann, Acts his forefathers. Considering himself an "orthodox" Jew,
Hermeneia, 189-90, 203-4). If the author of Acts did have he was zealously committed to eradicating apostasy. Going
reliable information about Paul being a Roman citizen by further than his peers, he became a member of the Phari-
birth (22:28), he certainly made the most of it in explain- saic sect (see Saldarini 1988: 134-43) and took it upon
ing how Paul got out of Jerusalem to Rome. At any rate, himself to persecute the Christian church (Gal l: 13, 23;
the family considered itself religiously "orthodox" (Phil Phil 3:6; 1 Cor 15:9). Exactly why he singled out the
3:5; 2 Cor 11 :22; Rom 11: I). Christians for persecution is not clear, though a clue may
3. Education. What kind of education Paul may have be found in his particular dislike for the Christians in
received growing up in Tarsus (Acts 21:39; 22:3) is entirely Damascus (Gal 1:17, 22-23; 2 Cor 11:32; Acts 9:2-25;
a matter of speculation, although as Acts 22:3 presents it, 22 :5-6, l 0-11; 26: 12, 20) and relative disinterest in those
he had an ideal Jewish education: "I am a Jew, born at of Jerusalem and Judea (cf. Acts 8:3). The reason for
Tarsus in Cilicia, brought up in this city [Jerusalem or persecuting the Christians of Damascus seems to have been
Tarsus?], educated at the feet of Gamaliel, according to that, though Jews, they had discontinued Torah obser-
the strict manner of the law of our fathers." This claim vance, doing so as a matter of principle rather than casual
suggests that Paul's family moved from Tarsus to Jerusa- neglect. But neither Paul nor Acts provides any detailed
lem, where he received his secondary education (26:4). information.
But this claim must be weighed carefully because it corre- 5. Conversion. While Paul was approaching Damascus
sponds with the tendencies in Acts to emphasize the apos- he suddenly experienced a vision of Christ. This experi-
tle's regard for his Jewish heritage (13: l 4ff.; 14: l; 15:23- ence had dramatic consequences, changing his entire life,
29; 16:1-3, 4, 13; etc.) and to link him with Jerusalem self-understanding, theological views, and goals. Whether
(7:58-8:la; 8:lb-3; 9:1-2, 26-29; etc.). This latter ten- this vision occurred in his mind (Gal l: 12, 16) or externally
dency, together with Luke's attendant assumption of Paul's (Acts 9:3-8; 22:6-11; 26:12-19) remains unclear, but it
familiarity with Jerusalem, clashes with Paul's own testi- turned him from a persecutor to a propagator of Christi-
mony about his visits to the city (Gal 1:22). Luke's picture anity. Christ himself commissioned him to proclaim the
of Gamaliel is unclear as well (Acts 5:34; see Acts Herme- gospel among the gentiles (see also l Cor 9: l; 15:8, 9-11;
neia, 186). See also GAMALIEL. A further obstacle to Rom 1:5). Although we customarily label this experience
reconstructing Paul's education arises from our ignorance Paul's "conversion," this can be done only in retrospect,
of the specific content of Jewish education at that time, for at that time Judaism and Christianity were not yet
whether in Tarsus or in Jerusalem, whether elementary or separate religions. In reality, then, Paul changed brands
secondary (see Safrai 1976; HJP2 2: 332-34, 415-22; of Judaism, switching from Pharisaic to Christian Judaism.
Saldarini 1988: 137-39). 6. Apostolic Career. a. The Autobiographical Resume
The fact that Paul acted as an international envoy, first in Galatians. As Paul reports in Gal l: 17-24, the first part
on behalf of Jewish authorities (Acts 8:3; 9: 1-2, 21; 22:4- of his autobiographical resume (see Betz, Galatians Her-
5, 19; 26:10-11; Gal 1:13, 23; l Cor 15:9; Phil 3:6), then meneia, 72-81; also GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE),
PAUL 188 • v
after seeing Christ he left Damascus at once and went to Barnabas and Saul/Paul were sent out together on a mis-
Arabia, that is, the Kingdom of Nabataea, called "Provincia sionary campaign ( 13: 1-3) which first took them to Cyprus
Arabia." See NABATEANS. This mission in Arabia, given (13:4-12), then to Pamphylia and Pisidia (13:13-14:28).
the nature of Christ's commission to him, must have been That ~his campaign is the same as the one mentioned in
among gentiles, not Jews. We may also infer that Paul did Gal 1:21 (Syria and Cilicia) is probable, but not provable.
not initiate this mission butjoined a venture already begun The mission campaigns also brought to the fore a prob-
by the Damascus church, an inference confirmed by the lem which could no longer be left undecided: Must the
fact that Paul afterward returned to Damascus. How suc- new gentile converts be circumcised or not? Is the church
cessful his mission to Arabia was we do not know (see also part of Judaism or a separate Christian religion? After
Gal 4:25; Acts 2: 11; 1 Clem. 25: 1, 3; cf. Rom 15: 19). considerable disagreements (Acts 15: 1-2) and even a reve-
Paul emphasizes that after Christ's appearance and com- lation (Gal 2:2), Paul and Barnabas went up to Jerusalem,
mission he chose not to consult with the other apostles in taking along Titus, an uncircumcised gentile convert, as a
Jerusalem. Why did he avoid this contact with the Christian test case. The Jerusalem conference (Gal 2:1-10; Acts
authorities in Jerusalem? The reason seems to be con- 15:2-29; see Betz Galatians, 81-103) saw three parties, two
nected with the Arabian mission. If Paul had persecuted of which had opposite answers to the main problem, while
the Damascus Christians because of their disregard for the a third group stayed in the middle. After heated debates,
Torah, and if those Christians had begun the mission in Paul and his party (Barnabas and Titus) prevailed, gaining
Arabia among the gentiles which Paul joined, then the recognition of Titus as a Christian without circumcision;
Arabian converts in turn must not have submitted to Torah however, compromises had to be made. The Christian
and circumcision. The Jerusalem church, however, must mission was divided into two thrusts, one to the Jews
have looked at this enterprise with uncertainty or even (under the apostolate of Peter), and the other under the
disapproval, thus rendering plausible Paul's avoidance of leadership of Paul and Barnabas, without official titles (Gal
Jerusalem. 2:8-9). The acknowledged link between the two thrusts
Three years after his conversion Paul finally went to was the shared belief in the one God (2:8; Rom 3:30;
Jerusalem, a visit that he describes in Gal l: 18-24. Analysis 10: 12). The agreement, which also included the pledge to
of this trip to Jerusalem has been complicated since the collect money for the poor in Jerusalem (2:10), was ap-
writing of Acts, whose author assumed that Paul had come proved by the three "pillars" (James, Cephas, and John),
to Jerusalem, preached there, and moved freely in and out and the delegation from Antioch (Paul and Barnabas), but
of the city (9:26-30). If we pay strict attention to Galatians, not by an intransigent third group, called by Paul "false
we realize that Paul had much less visibility during his stay brothers" (2:4). This conference had far-reaching conse-
there. What Paul tells us is that at that time he saw Peter quences not only for the church, but in particular for
for 15 days, an interview which presupposes Peter's sym- Paul's future course of life.
pathy with Paul's activity. The church as a whole, however, One question which had been left undecided was
seems to have been divided, so that when Paul says, "I saw whether the gentile "Christianoi" constituted a new religion,
none of the other apostles, but only James the brother of or whether Jewish and gentile Christians were together
the Lord" (Gal 1:19), he implies that he avoided them still part of Judaism. This indecision laid the seed for
because they did not care for him. James, perhaps because future conflict (see, e.g., the case of Timothy, Acts 16: 1-4,
he was not a (missionary) apostle, was agreeable to a visit. and in general Cohen 1986; Bryan 1988), seed which came
Did the churches of Jerusalem and Judea, when they to fruition at Antioch (Gal 2: I 1-14). Confrontation arose
praised God for Paul without ever having met him (Gal there after Peter came to Antioch and dined with the
l :22-24), know that he preached the Gospel without sub- gentile Christians, signifying their equal participation in
jecting the converts to Torah and circumcision? At least we salvation through Christ. This was subsequently contra-
can say that no clear decision had been made and that dicted by a delegation of "men from James" when they
tensions must have existed with regard to this question. We arrived from Jerusalem. After heated debates, Peter and
may conclude from this report that the tensions between
the other Jewish Christians caved in to their visitors' cen-
Paul and the other apostles issued from their competing
sure and cut off table fellowship with the gentile Chris-
policies on foreign missions. Following his visit, Paul set
tians. Thus they reestablished the borders between clean
out for another mission campaign in his home territory,
and unclean foods (koinophagia), leaving gentile Christian-
Syria and Cilicia (Gal 1:21). It is not clear whether Peter
and James approved of this campaign. ity outside. Paul, however, did not go along with his fellow
When Paul came to Jerusalem the second time "after Jewish Christians but remained with the gentile Christians.
fourteen years" (Gal 2:1), the mission to Syria and Cilicia Confronting Peter in an open debate, he accused him of
had been carried out successfully. Paul names as his main inconsistency ("hypocrisy") in theology and religious prac-
collaborator Barnabas, a Jewish Christian like himself. tice. The result was a complete break between Paul and
According to Acts, Barnabas was Paul's Christian mentor the other Jewish-Christian missionaries, including his for-
(Acts 4:36-37; 9:27). The Jerusalem church had sent him mer mentor Barnabas (see also Acts 15:36-39). Hence-
to Antioch where he became the leading figure among the forth Paul and the gentile churches founded by him were
Jewish Christians from Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Syria/Cili- on their own, though plagued by contrary Jewish-Chris-
cia. He went to Tarsus looking for Saul (Paul) to bring him tian missionaries. To the end, however, Paul never lost
to Antioch (Acts 11 :25-26), where the mission to the hope that a reconciliation with the Jerusalem church might
Greeks was born (Acts 11 :20) and where the name "Chris- be accomplished, pinning this hope to the collection for
tian" (Christianoi) first came into use ( 11 :26). From here the poor (I Cor 16: 1-4; 2 Corinthians 8 and 9; see Betz,
v. 189 PAUL

2 Corinthians 8-9 Hermeneia); and intercession by the Corinth (20:2). These scarce notes, which are based on
church of Rome (Rom 15:30-32). some sources known to Luke, can be correlated only
b. Further Data Concerning the Mission to Galatia. roughly with what we know from Paul's letters, esp. l Cor
The biographical resume in Gal 1:12-2:14 ends with the 16:1-11; 2 Cor 1:8-11, 15-18; 2:12-13; 7:5-7, 13-16;
Antioch episode, but further data can be concluded from Rom 15:22-31. The main differences are (1) that the
the letter. Although details are missing, the letter presup- situation was much more complicated than Acts leads us to
poses the founding of the Galatian churc~es .. Later, anti- believe; (2) that Paul had to change his travel plans several
Pauline agitators appear, the result of which 1s the letter. times; and (3) that he almost lost his Corinthian church
If the founding visit can be correlated with Acts 16:6, it because of internal strife and opposition. See CORINTHI-
can also be coordinated with Gal 4: 13, and Paul's second ANS, SECOND EPISTLE TO THE.
visit would be the one mentioned in Acts 18:23. It is, Although Acts 20: 1-6 also assumes that Paul changed
however, not clear whether Acts is at all informed about his travel plans, these changes concern the final trip to
Galatian churches. Paul's itinerary in Acts appears to be Jerusalem, not the second visit in Corinth. While Rom
based on good information only in some parts, while on 15:22-31 testifies that Paul was then in Corinth and would
the whole it is the creation of the author of Acts who soon depart for Jerusalem, Acts 20: 1-6 tells us that Jewish
attempted to fit pieces of tradition into what he envisioned opponents prevented his going from Corinth to Syria
to be a consistent narrative. There may have been journeys directly. Instead he was forced to return to Macedonia and
that Paul undertook but Acts did not include, just as there Troas. The delegation mentioned in 20:4 eventually assem-
are reports about those that seem unlikely to us. The bled in Troas and left from Assos, sailing S along the coast
Galatian letter at any rate mentions a foundation visit (Gal to Mitylene, Chios, Samos, and Miletus, where Paul said
1:9; 4:13). A second visit that would match up with Acts farewell to the Ephesian elders who met him there (20: 13-
18:23 would depend on a special interpretation of to 38). The voyage to Palestine is described in detail (21: 1-7).
proteron (Gal 4: 13). Following the founding of these Upon arriving in Palestine, the party stayed in Caesarea
churches, rival Jewish-Christian missionaries found a and planned to continue to Jerusalem, although people
hearing among them, and in order to prevent their drift- warned Paul that calamity would be awaiting him there
ing away Paul wrote his letter. The founding of the Gala- (21:8-15, cf. 20:22-24; Rom 15:30-31). At Jerusalem,
tian churches must have preceded 1 Corinthians, since he Paul and his delegation were first greeted in a friendly
mentions the Galatian churches and the collection for manner (21: 17), but when he visited James (21: 18), he was
Jerusalem in 1 Cor 16: 1-4. informed about Jewish animosities. Paul's reports about
c. The Mission to Macedonia and Greece. For infor- the success of the mission among the gentiles (21: l 9-20a)
mation regarding the mission to Macedonia and Greece were held against the fact that large numbers of Christian
we must rely on Paul's letters to the Thessalonians and Jews in the Jewish heartland had remained faithful to the
Corinthians, and on Acts. According to Acts 16:6-10, Paul Torah and regarded Paul's mission among the gentiles as
went through Phrygia, Galatia, and, passing by Mysia, to apostasy because he would not subject the new converts to
Troas. From there he decided to go to Macedonia, re- the Torah of Moses, to circumcision and the Jewish way of
sponding to a vision of a Macedonian asking him to come. life (21:20b-2 l ). Yet, the elders of the church, including
Timothy accompanied him on this trip (Acts 16: 1-4), as James, had a clever proposal ready for Paul, advising him
did Silas (Acts 15:40; 16:19, 25, 29; 17:4, 10, 14, 15; 18:5; to become one of four men who would take it upon
however, according to 15:33 he had already left for Jeru- themselves to complete a Nazirite vow, shave their heads,
salem). Together, these three men (whose affiliation is make the necessary offerings, and thus publicly demon-
verified by Paul's letters, I Thess 1: l (2 Thess l: l ]; cf. also strate their adherence to the Jewish religion (21 :22-26).
1 Thess 3:2, 6; 2 Cor 1: 19) sailed from Troas via Samo- The ploy almost worked, but failed at the last minute when
thrace to Neapolis, the harbor of Philippi. They met their Jews from Asia Minor recognized Paul in the Temple and
first success in Philippi, where they founded the first incited the crowd to seize him (21 :27-30). The Roman
church in Macedonia (16: 11-40). From Philippi they went military intervened, rescuing him from being assassinated
to Thessalonica, establishing a church there as well (17: 1- by the mob, but holding him under arrest (21 :31-36).
9). The next stations were Beroea ( 17: 10-15 ), Athens e. The Dials in Jerusalem. As the narrative in Acts
(17:16-34; I Thess 3:1-2), and Corinth (18:1-17; l Cor proceeds, the descriptions become increasingly dramatic
I: 1-2, 14, 16; 3:5-15; 16: 15, 17); in all these cities, and detailed with a good number of speeches and debates.
churches were established. According to Acts, this con- To what extent these reports are based on reliable infor-
cluded the second missionary journey. The third journey mation is unknown. There appears to be some basic infor-
began with Paul sailing to Ephesus in the company of mation worked in, but the total picture is certainly the
Priscilla and Aquila (18:18-21). Rather confusing is a result of Luke's imaginative history-telling techniques.
strange trip Paul is said to have made from Ephesus From the data available to him, he tried to present a
"down" to Caesarea, then "down" to Antioch, and through plausible picture of how Paul got himself arrested, extri-
Galatia and Phrygia back to Ephesus (18:22; 19:1). cated from the Jewish authorities and the lynch mobs,
d. The Journey to Jerusalem. Another revelation transferred to Roman protective custody, and eventually
caused Paul to plan a second journey to Macedonia and transported to Rome. The total result turns out to be a
Achaia, and then to Jerusalem and Rome (Acts 19:21-22). mixture of local politics, bizarre and fanatical maneuver-
Sending Timothy and Erastus ahead, Paul followed after ings by dangerous mobs, and above all Paul's own strate-
the riots in Ephesus stirred up by Demetrius had subsided gies to escape certain death. Tragically, his final trump
(20: I). He went through Macedonia to Greece, that is card, the appeal to Caesar, while saving him from death in
PAUL 190 • v
Jerusalem, made his transfer to Rome inevitable. Thus, in L~k~ chose t~ end the book in this way (if this is the
the end, J.l-aul must go before Caesar because his own ongmal end) ts unknown, but there are various theories
appeal to Roman law, and the will of God, require it that try to explain it (see Acts Hermeneia, 227-28; Schnei-
(19:21; 21:14; 25:12; 26:31-32; 28:19). der 1980-82, 2:411-13).
The chain of events begins with I'-aul's defense (in He- Paul's le~ters co.nfirm this foregoing narrative only in
brew) to the Jewish crowds (21:40-22:21), which, however, broad outl.mes. Hts plan to lead the delegation going to
led to renewed rioting, necessitating J.l-aul's removal to the Jerusalem ts affirmed by Rom 15:25-28, but Paul's earlier
Roman barracks for protective custody (22:22-24a). Fear- hesitation (I Cor 16:3-4) is not known to Acts, nor does
ing that he would be flogged, he revealed that he was a ~ts seem to know why the delegation went to Jerusalem
Roman citizen, whereupon the Roman officer unfettered m the first place. The entire matter of the collection made
I'-aul and prohibited the soldiers from flogging him by the Pauline churches seems to be unknown to Luke.
(22:24b--29). The next defense occurred before the Jewish Even when he found bits of information in his sources, he
high priests and the fully assembled Synhedrium/Sanhe- did not know what to do with them and therefore mis-
drin, but this attempt also failed and the soldiers had to placed and misinterpreted the data ( 11 :27-30; 21 :24, 26;
rescue I'-aul from another rioting mob (22:30-23: 11 ). 24: 17-18). Paul's self-understanding as the apostle of
Next, Jewish fanatics conspired to murder I'-aul, but were Christ, so preeminent in the letters, is alluded to only in
foiled when his nephew told him of their plan and then Acts 14:4, 14. Paul's mission to lllyricum (Rom 15:19) and
informed the tribune as well (23:12-22). Almost 500 sol- his plan to go to Spain (Rom 15:24, 28) were unknown to
diers were needed to escort J.l-aul safely from Jerusalem to Luke as well (but cf. the Muratorian Canon, for which see
Caesarea, where he was kept under guard in Herod's Acts Hermeneia, xxxii). There can hardly be any doubt
praetorium (23:23-35). that Luke did not know Paul's letters. For him Paul was not
I'-aul's trial before the procurator Felix is narrated in a letter-writer but a powerful speaker, the opposite of what
dramatic detail (24: 1-27). When the next procurator, Fes- his opponents had concluded (cf. 2 Cor 10:10; 11:6). The
tus, wanted to move the trial to Jerusalem, Paul sensed the accounts of Acts do not give any hint that Paul's major
danger and appealed to Caesar (25:1-12). This appeal struggles were with opponents from Christian .Judaism,
created a dilemma for the procurator because there were not simply from Jews. Above all, there is a wide gap
no charges against Paul that could stand up in a Roman between what Acts reports about Paul's theology and what
court of law. When King Agrippa and Queen Berenice we learn at this point from Paul's own letters (see Vielhauer
came to town, Festus brought Paul before them hoping 1966).
that the king might help him dispose of the case (25: 13-
26:32). Indeed, Paul's defense before them is so convinc- C. Paul's Image in Later Sources
ing that Agrippa was ready to set him free, were it not for Paul's death as a martyr is also known to other NT
the appeal to Caesar which he could not overrule (26:32). authors, such as the followers of the apostles who wrote
f. The Journey to Rome. Thus Paul, together with other the epistles to the Colossians (see esp., I :24), Ephesians
prisoners, was dispatched to Rome. Under the protection (see esp., 3: 13), and the Pastoral Epistles (see, esp., 2 Tim
of Julius, a friendly centurion of the Augustan Cohort, 4:6-8; and Wolter 1988). Still later testimonies are I Clem.
they sailed in a ship from Adramyttium via Sidon along 5:5-7 and Ignatius of Antioch (Eph 12:2; Rom 4:3), and
the coast of Asia Minor to Myra in Lycia (27:1-5). From the apocryphal Acl1 of Paul (see esp., 11: 1-7; and NTApucr
Myra they took a ship to Italy (27:6-8). This trip almost 2: 73, 383-87). For further references see Schneider
ended in disaster when they encountered a violent sea- 1980-82, 2: 413; Li.idemann 1988. The historical infor-
storm, suffer shipwreck, and barely made it ashore in mation contained in these sources is extremely limited and
Malta (27:9-44), not realizing where they were (28: I). Paul does not significantly increase the data that can be ob-
stayed for three months and was remembered in Malta for tained from the NT. Almost nothing is known about Paul's
his extraordinary miracles (28:2-10). As the winter season theology outside the Pauline and deutero-Pauline letters.
drew to a close and the travel lanes reopened, Paul, still
accompanied by the officer Julius, now his friend, took D. Chronology
another ship to Syracuse in Sicily, continuing to Rhegium l. Problems. Establishing a chronology for Paul's life
and Puteoli in Italy (28:11-14). Thus he arrived in Rome, and letters is beset by abundant difficulties. Four basic
where Roman Christians met him well outside the city problems should be distinguished: (I) establishing the
(28: 15-16). An attempt by Paul to explain himself before most probable sequence of Paul's letters and letter frag-
the Jewish leaders in Rome failed (28: 17-28). The book of ments, and the events to which they allude; (2) evaluating
Acts then concludes by saying that Paul lived in Rome for the sequence of events narrated in the book of Acts;
two years at his own expense, "preaching the kingdom of (3) connecting the events reported in Acts with those
God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ quite openly mentioned in the letters; and (4) assigning actual dates to
and unhindered" (28:30-31 ). specific events. Two attendant circumstances further com-
g. Death. Strangely, Acts has nothing to say about what plicate matters. First, whereas Acts never refers to 1~.iul's
happened when the two years were over. Coming to Rome letters, some events reported in Acts can be correlated with
fulfilled Paul's plan (and God's will) that he should go to events mentioned in the letters, although a further prob-
Rome, although the way in which it came to pass differed lem then arises since correlations can be made in several
from what he had imagined (19:21; 23:11; 27:24). Proba- ways. Second, while scholars agree that priority of credibil-
bly Luke, the author of Acts, knew that Paul was executed ity should be given to Paul's own leuers, without Acts no
as a martyr in Rome (cf. 20:22-24; 21: 11, 13). The reason extended sequence of events can be determined. But all
v. 191 PAUL
information yielded by Acts rests on the assumption that (Acts 24:27) imprisonment in Caesarea (Acts 23:23-26:32)
its author had access to historically reliable sources and occurred during the governorship of Felix, whose office
that he used them in an historically responsible fashion, lasted from ca. 52-60(?) (see HJ P 2 I: 460-66). The re-
an assumption that is open to criticism. As a result, all placement of Felix by Festus (60-62 [?]), mentioned in
attempts to determine a chronology for Paul's life and Acts 24:27 (see H]P 2 I: 467-68), may have taken place in
letters are hypothetical or even "experimental" (Jewett the year 60, or two years earlier (see H]P2 I: 465). Accord-
1979: 95-104), even though several such hypotheses have ing to Acts, Paul was brought before Felix (Acts 23:33-
been advanced in recent years. 24:26) and then Festus (Acts 25:6-26:32), events which
Among these, notice should be given to the fact that may be dated so as to fall into the years 59/60 (HJP2 I:
Jewett (1979) and Ludemann (1984; building on Knox 467). If we knew precisely how long Paul stayed in Palestine
1950) have agreed that Paul made only three trips to and how long it took to travel from Ephesus to Palestine,
Jerusalem after his conversion. The significance of this his two and one-half years of residence in Ephesus (Acts
point lies in its deviation from the framework of Acts, 20:31) could be dated, but the time spans are a matter of
which presents five such trips. Jewett and Ludemann have guesswork. It may not be far off to put Paul's Ephesian
therefore agreed to a major paradigmatic shift. Still, even residence sometime around A.D. 55. Also uncertain is the
this resembles other recent hypotheses in that all are based year of Paul's death. If he traveled to Rome in the year 60,
on older investigations and offer little in the way of new stayed there for two years (Acts 28:30), and was martyred
evidence (see RGG I: 1693-94, and for surveys and bibli- immediately afterwards, his death would fall into the years
ographies Rigaux 1968; Vielhauer 1975: 70-81; Suh! 63 or 64, a date coinciding with the persecution of Chris-
1975; Dockx 1976; Jewett 1979; Ludemann 1984). tians by Nero after the great fire (A.O. 64).
2. Datable Events. The Gallio inscription enables us to 3. Dating of the Letters. The dating of Paul's authentic
date the reign of Junius Gallio's proconsulship in Achaea letters is a separate and related problem. While there is
to the years 51/52 or 52/53. These dates agree with Paul's some agreement about the sequence of the letters, further
18-month visit in Corimh and the reference to Gallio in complications arise if some of the letters (e.g., 2 Corinthi-
Acts 18: 11-17. This visit would then have occurred in A.D. ans, Philippians) are actually collections of letter frag-
51-53. ments. At a number of points, however, connections can
The conference of church leaders in Jerusalem, the so- be made between the letters and datable events in Acts.
called Apostolic Council described in Gal 2:1-10, presup- Scholars agree that I Thessalonians is Paul's oldest ex-
poses that Peter was still in Jerusalem (his departure is tant letter. This letter appears to have been written not
reported in Acts 12: 17), and that James and John, the sons long after the founding of the church, which according to
of Zebedee, were still alive (their martyrdom is mentioned Acts 17: 1-9 took place during the second missionary jour-
without dating in Mark 10:39). The John who attended ney, perhaps in A.O. 49, when Paul came to Thessalonica
the conference (Gal 2 :9) was most likely one of the sons of from Philippi (I Thess 2:2). Given that Silvanus and Tim-
Zebedee. If James, the brother of John in that text, was othy were with Paul (1Thess1:1; cf. Acts 18:5), the letter
assassinated by Herod Agrippa I (Acts 12:2), and if this may have been sent from Corinth ca. 50/51 (Vielhauer
was also true of his brother John, then the Jerusalem 1975: 88-89).
conference must have occurred before that king's death in
The dating of Galatians is quite uncertain because Acts
A.D. 44 (see H]P 2 I: 442-54); the Jerusalem conference
does not report the founding of any churches in Galatia;
can thus be dated in ca. 43/44, a sequence roughly agree-
nevertheless, the itineraries recorded in Acts do leave open
ing with Acts 11:27-12:1. If there is then the question
about whether the events reported in Acts 12-17 are the possibility that Paul founded these churches during his
sufficient to fill the period from 43 to 51, it should not be second missionary journey (16:6-8) and visited them
assumed that Acts reports everything that happened. If again during the third (18:23). It is unclear whether this
the date of 43/44 for the Jerusalem conference is allowed return visit occurred before or after the Galatian crisis,
to stand, Paul's conversion would have occurred ca. 15 which goes unnoticed in Acts. At any rate, the letter was
years earlier (Gal 1:18; 2:1, counting 14+3 years, with the written in response to the growing threat by anti-Pauline
two beginning years included), that is, ca. 27-29. If so, forces in these churches, perhaps during Paul's residence
Jesus would have been crucified some time earlier under in Ephesus (Acts 20:31), ca. 52-54/55.
Pilate's office as procurator (A.D. 26-36), that is, perhaps I Corinthians may have been written at the same time
A.D. 27. Paul's conversion could then be dated in A.D. 28 that Galatians was, which would explain the reference to
(Vielhauer 1975: 78). These dates are all approximations. Galatia in 1Cor16: I. The Corinthian letters have a history
Other synchronizations are even less certain. When Paul in themselves, made up of a complex series of letters. If
s~ys he was driven out from Damascus three years after the Corinthian church was founded during the second
his conversion mission in Arabia and return to Damascus missionary journey (Acts 18:1-18), ca. 50/51, the possible
(G_al I: 17-18; 2 Cor 11 :32-33), a precise dating within the dates for the letters cover the period between Paul's first
reign of .Aretas IV (ca. 9 s.c.-A.D. 40) seems impossible departure from Corinth and his final return to that city.
(see HJt: 2 I: 581-_83; 2: 129-30; perhaps under Caligula 1 Corinthians was written from Ephesus (I Cor 16:8) near
[37-41 )0. The edict of Claudius mentioned in Acts 18· I- the end of his residence there (ca. 54/55). See CORINTHI-
2 is attested also by Suetonius, but the exact date can~ot ANS, FIRST EPISTLE TO THE.
be ascertained. The date of A.D. 49 given by Orosius (5th The letter fragments in 2 Corinthians were written after
century) would fit with the meeting of Aquila and Priscilla 1 Corinthians and before Paul's third and final visit to
With Paul in Corinth (see HJP2 3: 77-78). Paul's two-year Corinth, perhaps written from Ephesus and various places
PAUL 192 • v
in Asia and Macedonia, ca. 55-56. See CORINTHIANS, letter within the entire discussion of which it is a part, for
SECOND EPISTLE TO THE. Paul's arguments take place within an ongoing dialogue.
The Philippian correspondence seems to have been sent Whatever Paul argues for and against in any given letter
some time after the foundation of that church (Acts 16: 12- represents no more than one "picture" in an entire se-
40), after Jewish Christian opponents had appeared and quence, which includes a previous history, other discussion
threatened Paul's work (Phil 3:2, 17-19), and at a time partners who often hold differing viewpoints, envoys and
when Paul was in prison (in Ephesus? [see Vielhauer 1975: couriers who provide further commentary, and a subse-
170]). Whether Philemon, also a prison letter (Phlm 9), quent history of exchanges, until the point when the
comes from the same time and place cannot be deter- dialogue breaks off. As in any exchange of letters or
mined. The Epistle to the Romans was sent from Corinth dialogue, the same or similar issues may be brought up
shortly before Paul's departure for Palestine, probably A.D. repeatedly, and Paul may respond differently in each case.
56. Depending on the circumstances, Paul can change his
4. Summary. Although efforts to pin precise dates on argumentation, present a revised version of it, or even
events in Paul's life usually fail to convince, the same change his position.
cannot be said in regard to the general parameters of b. Character of His Thought. Although differing cir-
Paul's ministry. Here we find general agreement in assign- cumstances effected change and revision within Paul's
ing the apostolic conference to the 40s and the extant thinking, some balance should be maintained in analyzing
letters to the early and mid-50s. All of these rest within these variations. It would be as wrong to overlook the
the period of Paul's Christian ministry, which at most differences between Paul's letters as it would be to treat
extends from about A.D. 28 to A.D. 64. these differences as substantive self-contradictions, as op-
portunistic accommodations to what is deemed desirable,
E. Theology or as evidence of emotional instability. Raisanen (198 7)
As NT scholars have refined their methods, describing certainly advanced criticism when he pointed out contra-
Paul's theology has become more exacting and complex. dictions between Paul's letters; unfortunately, he largely
The following can provide no more than a sketch. ignored the structure and epistolary nature of P.aul's ar-
1. Methodological Problems. a. Sources. By common guments. Such oversight allows surface-level contradictions
agreement, the primary source for Paul's theology should to obscure consistency of thought at a deeper, presuppo-
be his recognized authentic letters; the deutero-Pauline sitional level (see Boers 1988; Beker 1988). Admittedly,
and, to a lesser degree, the Pastoral Epistles may receive though, if Paul did pursue a consistent theological position
limited consideration, inasmuch as they reflect Pauline throughout his letters, despite the differences between
tradition after his death. However, the speeches attributed them, this consistency remains to be demonstrated.
to him in the book of Acts express the theology of the This situation raises further questions with regard to
author of Luke-Acts, not Paul, and should not be used (see Paul's thought. Did he work with a fixed theological "sys-
Vielhauer 1966). tem" in the back of his mind? Or did he develop his
Having identified the sources, one must decide how to arguments ad hoc, based only on a limited set of assump-
use Paul's letters to arrive at his theology. Clearly, gather- tions? Did Paul have a consistent theology throughout his
ing a mosaic of quotations from the letters and putting apostolic career, or did his theology gradually evolve in the
them together under doctrinal headings will not add up to context of mission and controversy in which he was con-
a theology of Paul, for it fails to account for the origin of stantly involved? If he worked from a fixed theological
Paul's ideas and the dialogical nature of his statements system, was that system pre-Christian (Pharisaic, rabbinic,
through successive letters. On the whole, Paul sets forth or apocalyptic) with his Christian convictions simply over-
his theology not in doxographical abstractions but in con- laid or appended? Or was his theology something alto-
textual letters reflecting ongoing debates. gether new that grew out of his vision of Christ and his
Paul's letters provide access to his theology on two levels: commission to take the gospel to the gentiles? In short,
that of doctrinal presuppositions and that of applications how creative and dynamic a theologian was the apostle
to specific problems within his churches. These occur in Paul? Such questions form the substance of the present
the course of extended arguments in which Paul moves debate in NT scholarship.
from his theological premises to the resolution of specific c. Understanding His Thought. Paul's theology is as
issues, both practical and theoretical. In arguments where difficult to grasp as that of any creative thinker. It is more
Paul actually cites his presuppositions, they often have the than the sum of his extant letters and letter fragments,
form of abbreviated principles or formulae, sometimes and more than a string of surface-level quotations. Rather,
lifted from another context (e.g., hymns or creeds). Such it involves analysis of Paul's arguments as part of an on-
references occur as they are needed from case to case, so going debate, so as to reveal the methods Paul uses to move
that in one sense none of the letters provides a complete from certain principles to the positions he adopts. This
description of his theological "system" (if he ever had a approach places us more in step with the apostle himself,
"system"); in another sense, every argument is itself a because, while he no doubt does hold some non-negotiable
complete theological statement. assumptions, his theology is primarily the result of processes
Not only does Paul's theology lie embedded within ex- of thought.
tended arguments, but his arguments lie within an episto- Paul's thinking also contains development. As a result,
lary context. This first requires that due consideration be positions taken in his last letter, Romans, are considerably
given to the argument of an epistle as a whole. Second, more advanced that those in his first (extant) letter, I
this requires that attention be given to the place of the Thessalonians. This does not mean, however, that he
v • 193 PAUL

would repudiate his earlier letters, for each letter is de- (against Oepke 1933: 444; see ANRW, pt. 2, vol. 25/4:
signed to respond to particular readers and a specific set 2660).
of theological problems. Each letter must therefore be The information given in Acts that Paul came from
judged sufficient in itself theologically, though insufficient Tarsus to Jerusalem to study with Rabbi Gamaliel I (22:3;
to the extent that it calls for future follow-up. cf. 26:4; see GAMALIEL) flatly contradicts Gal 1:22, a
Paul's theology as a whole can be conceived of in differ- discrepancy which raises questions about the historical
ent ways. If conceived of as the totality of all his thinking, reliability of Acts 22:3. Those who nevertheless trust Acts
involving all the letters he ever wrote and all the speeches (Oepke 1933: 440-46; van Unnik 1973: 259-320) draw
and activities he ever undertook, this theology is inaccessi- further conclusions from it, mostly by consulting later
ble to us. As readers of his letters, however, we have access rabbinic sources. If Paul, as Oepke suggested (1933: 412),
to his theology in another way: these letters allow us to was an ordained rabbi and educated in Jerusalem, serious
enter into the apostle's thought processes. By analyzing problems arise. ls it conceivable that a pupil of Gamaliel
Paul's arguments concerning specific issues and the posi- displays no evident knowledge of Hebrew scripture, in-
tions he took throughout an ongoing debate, we as readers stead always citing the LXX? Jeremias ( 1969) even postu-
can learn to think like Paul and in this way gain entrance lated that Paul was a Hillelite because he shared doctrines
into the world of Paul's theological thinking. If this theol- and exegetical methods attributed to Rabbi Hillel. Haacker
ogy always remains incomplete, credit it to the fact that (1972) advanced the opposite hypothesis, labeling Paul a
Paul's thinking was always open-ended. Even Paul's final Shammaite. But the historical evidence concerning the
and theologically most complete letter, Romans, points teachings of Hillel and Shammai is as shaky as the alleged
beyond itself. Such open-endedness encourages the reader connections between their teachings and Paul's theology
to take Paul's theology beyond Paul, which is precisely (see Davies 1955: 1-16). One should, in fact, ask why it is
what happens in the deutero-Pauline letters (2 Thessalo- almost impossible to establish any connections between
nians, Colossians, Ephesians, the Pastorals). Paul and the rabbinic sources. Whatever the answer may
2. Major Phases in the Development of Paul's Theol- be, the accuracy of the information about Gamaliel (Acts
ogy. If analyzed according to their chronological se- 5:34; 22:3) is dubious. Furthermore, one cannot ignore
quence, Paul's letters evidence major phases of his theolog- how perfectly Acts' information about Gamaliel fits Luke's
ical development. Such developments and their ideas (Strecker 1976: 482 n. 10). Still, if what Acts says is
implications for the understanding of the apostle's accurate, Gamaliel's theology was remarkably Hellenistic-
thought are the subject of current scholarly discussions Jewish and very different from the later rabbinic stan-
(see ANRW, pt. 2, vol. 25/4; 2653-54). Traces of develop- dards, a possibility not to be dismissed offhand.
ment include direct references by Paul himself to views At any rate, Paul's testimony leaves no doubt that his
held in the past but now overcome, citations of pre-Pauline primary concern as a Pharisee was Torah and righteous-
traditions taken over by him, or shifts in his thinking ness. A conscientious Jew, with respect to the Torah Paul
observable by critical investigation. stood "blameless" (Phil 3:6; cf. Gal 1:13, 14; Acts 22:4;
a. Pre-Christian Pharisaism. Although reliable sources 26:5). Paul describes in Gal 5:3 what he thought about the
here are extremely scarce, some conclusions can be drawn law, not without polemic poignancy: "I testify again to
from Paul's own references to his pre-Christian past and every man who has become circumcised, that he is obliged
the theology he affirmed at that time (see Gal 1:13-14; 1 to do the whole Law." The concept of "the whole Law" is
Car 15:9; 2 Car 11 :22; Phil 3:5-6; perhaps also Gal 5: 11; presupposed also in Gal 3: 10 (LXX Deut 27:26), where
see also ANRW, pt. 2, vol. 25/4: 2658-67; Saldarini 1988: "everything that is written in the book of the Law" defines
134-43, with bibliography). According to his own witness, quantitatively what is meant by "the whole Law"; anything
Paul was an Israelite from the tribe of Benjamin, a "He- less amounts to being "under the curse." This view does
brew from Hebrews" circumcised on the eighth day of his have an affinity to the rabbinic concept of the Torah as
life (2 Cor 11 :22; Phil 3:5). He was a member of the consisting of 613 prescriptions and prohibitions, as well as
Pharisaic sect (Phil 3:5; Acts 23:6; 26:5) and devoted to to the rigoristic position attributed to Shammai (b. Sabb.
upholding "the traditions of the forefathers" (Gal I: 14). 3la; see Betz Galatians, 260; ANRW, pt. 2, vol. 25/4: 2665).
If this is assumed, he must have been a well-versed If Paul claims to have been "blameless" in terms of the
member of the Pharisaic party. This much can be said, Torah, he went further in his zeal by persecuting the Jewish
although a paucity of sources leaves us unable to say Christians of Damascus, whom he, in agreement with the
anything specific about the education of diaspora Phari- authorities at Jerusalem, regarded as "apostates" (Gal 1: 13;
sees in Asia Minor (see Saldarini 1988: 137-41). The 1Cor15:9; Phil 3:6; Acts 8:3; 9:1-2, 21; 22:4, 19; 26:10-
affirmation that he was "a son of Pharisees" (Acts 23:6) at 11). The main reason for this persecution seems to have
the least assures us that his Pharisaism was genuine. That been that these Jewish Christians did not subject gentile
he was authorized to persecute Christians means that his proselytes to Torah and circumcision, discontinuing "the
aims received official recognition. Although our sources traditions of the forefathers" which Paul so zealously en-
regarding early Pharisaism are scarce, there is reason to forced (cf. perhaps Gal 5:11). At any rate, it seems to be
assume that these Pharisees had educational standards and clear that already the pre-Christian Paul had focused his
theological consciousness, even if their criteria may have theological concerns on the Torah, circumcision, and other
been quite different than later rabbinic orthodoxy. One ancestral traditions. He was, of course, not alone in this, as
should not assume that Pharisaic theological education of demonstrated by his later opponents in Jerusalem, Galatia,
a senous nature could be obtained only at Jerusalem and elsewhere, who (even as Christian Jews) continued to
PAUL 194 • v
hold the same views Paul once held and then rejected. See or disapprove? Or were they already divided over the
GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE. question, as they obviously were later on?
It is not inconceivable that some of Paul's earlier con- (3) The next immediate question to be raised is whether
cerns emerge in a later Christian contexl. Paul's sharp and in what way the new converts from paganism were to
critique of Jewish claims in Rom 2: 1-29 includes a discus- become partakers of the (Sinai?) covenant. See COVE-
sion of Jewish prerogatives: the possession of the Jewish NANT. If they were not circumcised and did not observe
Torah (2: 12-16), the honorific name "Jew" (2: 17-24), and the Mosaic Torah, how could these converts hope to be
the ritual of circumcision (2:25-29). Essentially, the pas- partakers of salvation? Perhaps some conclusions can be
sage involves painful Jewish self-criticism, no doubt in- drawn from Acts, provided of course it reHects the actual
formed by Paul's intimate knowledge of Jewish theology. practices of the Damascus church. Since after his conver-
Does his critique of false Torah observance (2: 12), preten- sion Paul was baptized (Acts 9: I 8; 22: 16), the ritual of
tiousness (2: 18-20), hypocrisy (2:21-22), and mere exter- baptism must have served as an initiation to the Christian
nal ritual (2:25-29) reflect concerns he had felt already as faith. In connection with the gift of the spirit (9: 17), the
a Pharisee? (This critique has close parallels in the Sermon effect of baptism was purification and remission of sins
on the Mount.) See SERMON ON THE MOUNT/PLAIN. (Acts 22: 16: "Rise an<l be baptize<l, and wash away your
Romans 9-11, a discussion of Judaism's eschatological sins, calling on his name."). To be sure, this theology agrees
destiny, may also draw on material coming from an earlier with Luke/Acts (see also Acts 1:5; 2:38; 5:31; 7:60; 10:43;
period of Paul's life. These possibilities, however, raise two 13:38; 26: I H), but it may also reHect views held much
fundamental questions which non-existent sources keep earlier in the Damascus church. If this ritual of baptism
us from answering: Did Paul really believe that his personal was indeed administered to gentile converts in Damascus
"blamelessness" assured his salvation (cf. Sanders 1977: as well, taking the place of circumcision, then the new
442-43)? Or did he harbor some doubts, like the would- gentile Christians would have thereby joine<l the commu-
be disciple of Jesus in Mark 10:20 who, having done all of nity of the sanctified. Christological and soteriological be-
the Torah from his youth on, was still unsure of the way to liefs would have justifie<l this status (cf. I Cor I: 13-17;
eternal life? And did Paul share the view that his individual 6:11; 10:2; 12:13),just as Christian ethics amounted to a
salvation was all he had to be concerned about, or the preservation of sanctity until the Last Judgment (I Thess
other view that his individual salvation was conditional 5:23; 1 Cor I :8; 2 Cor 11 :2). If, broadly speaking, this
upon the salvation of "all Israel" (Rom 11 :25-26)? If these theology was affirme<l by the Damascus church, it rame
questions could be answered positively, we would begin to close to Paul's theology in I Thessalonians [see below,
understand why he was impressed, first negatively, then E.2.c.(l)). In fact, some of the pre-Pauline formulae cite<l
positively, by the Christian gospel. in Paul's letters may go back to traditions taught in Damas-
b. Conversion to Jesus Christ. According to his own cus.
testimony (Gal 1:1, 11-12, 15-16; I Cor 9:1; 15:8; Phil (4) One must keep in mind that when Paul spells out
3:5-6), the greatest change in Paul's thinking was brought the changes in his life and thought, he <loes so retrospec-
about as a consequence of his vision of Christ on the road tively, yet this <loes not necessarily mean that these recol-
to Damascus. Appearing to him in this vision, Christ lections were completely beside the point. As he affirms,
commissioned him to "preach the gospel to the gentiles." the changes brought about by his conversion involve<l his
Paul at once dedicated himself to this task. At this point, entire life and thinking, not only certain aspects. Four of
the accounts in Acts (9:1-19a; 22:1-16; 26:9-18) differ in the most important changes are highlighte<l by Paul him-
that Ananias mediated Paul's commission to him (9: 15- self.
16; 22:10, 14-15; cf. 26:16-18). What were the conse- (a) The most immediate change was Paul's recognition
quences of this event for Paul's theology? Four things and confession of Jesus Christ as "lord," kyrio.1, and "son ot
immediately present themselves. God," hyios tou theou (Gal I: 16; I Cor 9: I; Phil 3:8; cf. Acts
(I) Paul's commitment to Pharisaism came to an abrupt 9:5, 10; 22:8, IO; 26:15). In contrast, the title "messiah,"
end, as he switched from Pharisaic to Christian Judaism. chri.itos, does not seem to play an important role in Paul's
(2) Paul's assignment to preach the Gospel to gentiles conversion (cf. I Cor 15:3; see Bauer 1988: 1768-69). To
first meant that he joined the missionary enterprises of the be sure, it is remembered in his christology, but it was not
Damascus church, from which he must also have received the fulcrum of his conversion (differently Acts 9:22; 17:3;
his first instruction in Christian theology. Unfortunately, 18:5, 28; see Bauer 1988; s.v. Christos). This role was played
our knowledge of this old church is extremely limited, so by kyrio.1. This revelation of Jesus as kyrios, "lord," certainly
that we do not precisely know what kind of instruction and received reinforcement by the confessions made in the
tradition Paul received at that time (see also Betz Galatians, first Christian worship service Paul atten<le<l (cf. e.g., Rom
64-66). What did the Christians of Damascus have in mind 10:9-10; Phil 2:11; I Cor 8:6; 12:3; 2 Cor 4:5). From this
when they converted non-Jews? How did they, as Jews, point, adopting already-existing christological and soteri-
justify it? Clearly, the reason for Paul's persecuting them ological formulae and hymns was a small step, although
was that they failed to subject the new converts to circum- when Paul cites such material in his letters it may not rnme
cision and Torah. What was their theological reason for only from Damascus (see especially, Gal I :4; 4:4-6; Phil
making converts outside of the Torah covenant? Was it in 2:6-11; 3:7-11; Rom I :3-4; I Cor 15:3-5; Phil 3:7-9).
fact done outside of the Torah covenant? At any rate, they (b) An imme<liate consequence of Paul's invocation of
must have had theological reasons, but we do not know Christ was the reevaluation of the fundamental concept of
what they were. Nor do we know what the Jewish-Christian "righteousness," dikaiosyne (see BTNT I: 270-85; Conzd-
church in Jerusalem thought about this: Did they approve mann 1969: 214-20; Galatians, 116-119; 2 Corinthians 8-
v. 195 PAUL

9, 114-116; ANRW, pt. 2, vol. 25/4: 2694-2709, 2721-29; the Law?-Because of the transgressions it was given in
with further bibliography). In retrospect, Paul described addition, till the offspring should come to whom the
the changes in two texts. The first was Gal 2:15-16: "We promise had been made, ordained through angels,
who are Jews by birth and not sinners know from [the] through a mediator" (Gal 3: 19). All Paul is willing to
gentiles that a person is not justified by works of (the] Law concede at this point is the inferior role the Torah has
but [only] through faith in Christ Jesus. So we also have played in the history of salvation (3:23): "Before the faith
come to believe in Christ Jesus, in order that we might be came we were kept in custody under [the] Law, confined
justified by faith in Christ and not by works of the .Law, until the coming faith was to be revealed." This Torah did
since it is not by works of [the] Law that all flesh will be not have the capacity to "make alive" and generate "right-
justified." Paul's new Christian view is that Jesus Christ, by eousness" (3:21).
virtue of his death and resurrection, has acquired right- This does not mean, however, that Paul was an antino-
eousness and that those who believe in him "in obedience mian who rejected the law in any form, or even the Torah.
of faith" (Rom I :5; 6: 12, 16, 17; etc.) are already now and There could be no question that the demands of the Torah
will be at the Last Judgment beneficiaries of that right- had to be fulfilled, if righteousness as the prerequisite for
eousness (Gal 5:5-6; see BTNT I: 274-79). The opposite, entering into the kingdom of God was to be obtained.
as it now appears to his Christian understanding, is a Furthermore, there were not two different Torahs, an
"righteousness based on the works of the Torah" (Gal 2: 16; older one to be rejected and a new one to be approved.
see Betz Galatians, 116, n. 35 ). Rather, there were competing definitions of what the
The second text in which Paul described his reevaluation Torah was.
of the concept of righteousness was Phil 3:7-9: "But what- According to Paul, the Pharisaic Torah was deficient
ever gain l had, I counted as loss because of the surpassing because it summarized the Torah in the wrong way. In this
worth of knowing Christ Jesus my Lord. For his sake I have Pharisaic view, God revealed his will in the form of many
suffered the loss of all things, and count them as refuse, laws, all of which must be obeyed. For the Pharisees, then,
in order that l may gain Christ and be found in him, not fulfilling "the whole law" meant keeping the quantitative
having a righteousness of my own, based on [the] Law, but sum total of all laws (Gal 5:3). This notion is, however, not
that which is through faith in Christ, the righteousness the only possible one.
from God that depends on faith ... " (RSV). This newly Paul called his new concept "the law of Christ" (6:2; cf.
found "righteousness" is "in Christ" (Gal I :22; 2:4, 16, 17; I Cor 7:19; 9:21). This law summarized the many pre-
etc. See Conzelmann 1969: 208-12; Betz Galatians, 119, n. scriptions and prohibitions of Scripture in another way by
60); indeed, Christ is that righteousness (I Cor 1:30), regarding the love command Lev 19: 18 as the common
which is "the righteousness of God" (Rom I: 17), a gift of denominator (kelal): "For the whole Law is fulfilled in one
grace to those who believe in Christ (Gal 5:5-6; 2 Cor word: 'you shall love your neighbor as yourself'" (Gal
5:17; Rom 1:16-17; 3:21-22; etc.). The opposite is de- 5:14; cf. Rom 13:8-10). This concept of Torah as a single
scribed as "my own righteousness" (Phil 3:9), i.e., basing principle was apparently taken over from Jewish Christi-
one's hope for eternal salvation entirely on the individual's anity (see Matt 5:43; 19:19; 22:39; Mark 12:31, 33; Luke
sufficient Torah observance. Paul claims that his reevalua- 10:27; Jas 2:8), coming probably from the historical Jesus
tion of the notion of righteousness is more than a second himself, although it was also attributed to R. Hillel (see
track to accommodate the admission of gentile Christians Betz Galatians, 274-76). The important difference is that
into the church and in salvation. Gal 2: 16 states that Paul this concept of the Torah does not require the specifically
belongs to those Jews who have become Christians because Jewish Torah observance, but it can in principle be fulfilled
they have come to recognize the insufficiency of their pre- by every human being. If the love command is "fulfilled,"
Christian notions concerning eschatological righteousness. the "whole Torah" is fulfilled, and thus righteousness is
Up to this point there seems to have been broad agreement assured. This concept, therefore, permits gentiles to access
in Jewish Christianity. Disagreement arose, however, about salvation without their having to pass through the religion
the consequences. of Judaism. How Christians, whether Jews or gentiles,
(c) The most difficult question to solve was, What im- might then fulfill this Torah is the next question.
pact does the Christian Gospel have on the concept and (d) Since gentiles by definition do not partake of the
observance of the Law (Torah)? This question is still dis- Mosaic covenant, extending salvation to them required a
puted today. The basic problem is that Paul seems to be special act of God in order to extricate them "from the
vacillating between two concepts of law, a Jewish concept present evil aeon" (Gal I :4). Even before Paul, early Chris-
and his own Christian concept. How are the two related to tianity interpreted Jesus' death on the cross as his volun-
one other? (For discussion and bibliography, see BTNT 1: tary self-sacrifice "for our sins" (Gal I :4; I Cor 15:3; cf. I
259-69; Conzelmann 1969: 220-28; Raisanen 1987; San- Thess 5:10). His death was in accordance with God's will,
ders 1977; 1983; Wilckens 1982; Hubner 1984;ANRW, pt. so that it was a manifestation not only of Christ's love (Gal
2, vol. 25/4: 2668-94; TRE 13: 64-72; Westerholm 1986: 2:20) but also of God's (Rom 8:3-4, 32, 39). As a righteous
229-37; 1988.) For Paul, reevaluating his position on the man "without sin" (2 Cor 5:21), Christ took the curse (Gal
Torah meant the rejection of his former Pharisaic concept, 3: 13) and the accumulated burden of human sinfulness
whICh he described in Gal 5:3: "I testify again to every on himself (2 Cor 5:21). His absolute obedience to his
man who has become circumcised, that he is obliged to do Father, manifest in his willingness to be crucified, though
the whole law." As he now sees it, this Torah has come to innocent, was meritorious enough (Phil 2:6-11; Rom 1:3-
a°: end with the coming of Christ (Gal 3:22-25; Rom I 0:4). 4; 5: 19) to provide a ransom from eternal condemnation
His Judgment is therefore rather negative: "What then is for those who believe in him (1 Thess l: IO; Gal 3: 13; 4:5;
PAUL 196 • v
I Cor 6:20; 7:23). Thus achieving "reconciliation" with (3:5; cf. 4:3-8). However, the faith of the Thessalonians
God on behalf of sinful humanity (2 Cor 5: 18-21; Rom was still ym.mg and insecure; deficiencies exist (3: 10) and
5: 10-11), Christ cleared the way (Rom 5: 1) for gentile strengthenmg was needed. For this reason Paul sent the
Christians to become partakers, not of the Mosaic cove- letter, and in keeping with this purpose he included com-
nant, but of the prior promise God had made to Abraham. fort for the unsettling death of some members (4: 13-18;
As believers in Christ they have become "sons of Abraham" 1:10).
(Gal 3:6-18, 29; cf. Rom 4:1-25). (2) While I Thessalonians barely mentions "sin" and
Several christological and soteriological formulae, most "righteousness" (2: 10, 16), the conspicuous role in Gala-
probably going back to pre-Pauline Jewish Christianity and tians of justification by faith in Jesus Christ and related
still somewhat controversial as to their exact meaning, c<;>ncepts ir:idicates that. Paul wrote this letter in a very
describe the two acts initiated by God, through Christ, to different s1tuat1on. Basically, however, Paul's theology in
integrate gentile Christians into the salvation process. this letter is the same as in I Thessalonians, and the
(1) The formulae interpret Christ's death as a voluntary Galatian letter lends confirmation to it, rather than chang-
self-sacrifice and atonement (Gal I :4; 2:20; 3: 13; 4:4-6; ing it. See also GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE.
Phil 2:6-11; I Cor 1:23, 24, 30; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 5:17-21; Accordingly, Christian salvation is based on the death
Rom 3:24-26; 4:25; 5:6-11; 8:3, 32). Its meritoriousness and resurrection of Jesus Christ (1:1, 4; 2:19-20; 3:1, 13;
means the remission of the sins that have accumulated 4:4-6; 5: 11, 24; 6: 12-14), the gift of the spirit (3:2-5, 14;
beforehand (Rom 3:25; 4:25). (2) In formulaic language 4:6; 5:5, 16, 17, 18, 22, 25; 6:1, 8), the "putting on" of
Paul also wrote about the work of the divine spirit which Christ in baptism (3:26-28), and living the new, Christian
enables the believer to "fulfill the demands of the Law" life as "new creation" (6: 15), filled with "the fruit of the
(Rom 8:4). The formula in Gal 4:4-6 contains a summary spirit" (5:22-2:h; cf. 5:16-18, 25). The Christian is "in
of these doctrines: "When, however, the fullness of time Christ," i.e., a member of the "church of God" (I :2, I :1,
had come, God sent his son, born by [a] woman, put under 22; 2:4, 17; 3:26-28; 6:15-16). This church moves for-
[the] Law, in order that he might redeem those who are ward under the guidance of the spirit and awaits the
under [the) Law, in order that we might receive the adop- eschaton (5:5, 10, 21; 6:7-9).
tion as sons. And, since you are sons, God sent the spirit This basic conception has been radically challenged by
of his son into our hearts, crying out 'Abba! Father!'" (for the Jewish-Christian opponents of Paul who invaded the
interpretation, Betz Galatians, 205-11 ). Galatian churches. See GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE.
c. Earlier Phases of Paul's Theology. (I) The letter of As Paul presents the matter, these opponents have al-
I Thessalonians reflects Paul's theology during his early most persuaded the Galatians to circumcise themselves and
mission to the Greeks, a phase prior to the great confron- to accept the Jewish Torah (1:6-7; 5:1-12, 13, 15-16).
tations with his Jewish-Christian opponents. In this epistle, This could only mean the abandonment of the Pauline
Paul looks back at the turbulence surrounding that Gospel and its substitution by another version of the Gos-
church's foundation (1 :5-6; 2: 1-2; cf. Acts 17: 1-9), tur- pel that included observance of the 1<irah (I :6-9; cf. I: 11;
bulence which for the time being (cf. 3:2-5) appears to 2:2, 5, 7, 14). Such a move would reverse Paul's own
have subsided, giving way to "peace" (cf. I: I; 5:3, 13, 23). "conversion" from Pharisaic Tbrah observance to the
Paul recalls how the Thessalonians accepted the "gospel" Christian Gospel without the T<>rah. Speculation about the
(I :5-6; 2:2, 4, 8, 9; 3:2) and cites a summary of it as a reasons for the Galatians' impending switch is difficult, but
reminder (1 :9-10; cf. 4:5). This summary reflects the they must have had serious reasons. The problem they
mission kerygma (i.e., preaching), which includes the turn- seemed to have had to face was the occurrence of serious
ing away from idols to the worship of the living and true moral failure (6: I). With only Gospel and spirit, they
God, and the awaiting of the parousia of Christ (cf. 2:19; probably felt they lacked adequate protection against the
3:13; 4:15; 5:23). The kerygma is based on the christology temptations by the "flesh" (3:3; 4: 13, 14, 23, 29; 5: I :1-~4;
of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ (I: IO; 2: 15; 6:1, 8, 12-13). Under the tutelage of the Mosaic 'forah,
4:14), the "son of God" (1:10) and "Lord" (1:1, 3, 6, 8; they would be given clear directives about what to do and
2:15, 19; 3:8, II, 12, 13; 4:1, 2, 6, 15, 16, 17; 5:2, 9, 12, from what to abstain.
23). Against his adversaries' doctrines the apostle spells out
The church (I: I; 2: 14) consists of those who have been his doctrine of justification by faith in Jesus Christ (2: 15-
called to the kingdom of God (2:12; 4:7; 5:24). They have 21; 3:2-5, 6-18, 19-25, 26-28, 29; 5:5-6; 6:7-10, 14-
been given the holy spirit (1:5, 6; 4:8; 5:19), and have thus 16). This doctrine originated in Jewish Christianity itself
been purified (2:3; 4:7). As believers in the gospel (I :7; and had in fact legitimated the early mission to the non-
2:10, 13; 4:14) they have thereby obtained the status of .Jews (2:1-10, 15-16; see Betz Galatian.1, 115-19). But Paul
"holiness" (3:13; 4:3-7; 5:23) without recourse to the presses the revolutionary contrast between justification by
Torah. They are addressed as "the holy ones" (3:13; 5:27) faith in Jesus Christ and by "works of the Law" (2: 16-21;
and as "the sons of [the] light and the sons of [the] day" 3:2-5, I 0-13, 18, 19-25; 5:4; 6: 13) only when his Jewish-
(5:5). Preserving this state of holiness "unblemished" until Christian competition threatened his entire mission. In his
the parousia (3: 13; 5:23), when they will greet the coming Galatian letter we see how for the first time this doctrine
Christ in mid-air (4:13-18), is the purpose of Christian became the main subject of a theological argument.
ethics. Paul described the desired ethics only in general The doctrine of justification by faith basically affirms
terms as "how you must conduct your lives and please the sufficiency of salvation through Christ. without the
God" (4:1; cf. 2:12, 15; 4:12, 5:12-22), and cited the Torah, for gentile Christians. In fact, P..iul's strongest roun-
temptations of the devil as the primary cause for concern terargument against his opponents contrasts the sufti-
v • 197 PAUL

ciency of Christ with the insufficiency of the Jewish Torah. The letter to Philemon may also have been written
This insufficiency became manifest in Christ's death (2:21; during the Ephesian imprisonment. Regardless, its basic
4:4-5), in the Jewish-Christians' belief in Christ (2: 15-16), theology again resembles the previous letters, although
and in the previous history of the church. As a result of the major subject matter is of course different.
these unmistakable factors the Galatian churches had been d. The Crisis at Corinth. The great crisis in the church
founded without subjection to the Torah (I: 16-2: 14; 3: 1- of Corinth (for details, see CORINTHIANS, FIRST EPIS-
5; 5: 1-4, 18), nor need it ever be, for, as Paul points out, TLE TO THE and CORINTHIANS, SECOND EPISTLE
the Torah was no longer the agent of salvation (2: 19; 3: 11- TO THE) confronted Paul with new, rapidly changing
13, 19-25; 4:4-6; 5:18). Once this was recognized, those situations and challenges. Although the causes that gave
who had been born Jews were free to continue their Jewish rise to the crisis are to some extent confusing, it appears
life. It is, however, a completely different matter for Gen- that, as far as theology is concerned, the problem stemmed
tiles like the Galatians to feel they must accept circumcision neither from disagreement with what Paul taught, nor, in
and Torah, because they thereby concede that faith in the first stages, from outside interference. Apparently,
Christ alone is not sufficient for salvation. Such a conces- some of the Corinthians themselves had developed Paul's
sion, to be sure, means cutting themselves off from the own theology in directions unpalatable to the apostle. As a
benefits of Christ (I :6-7, 8-9; 2:2 I; 3: 1-5; 5:2, 4, 6; 6: 12- result, charismatic experiences and ecstatic prophecy,
16). Ceasing to be partakers in Christ's salvation, they though not unfamiliar to Paul (see I Thess I :5; 5:20; Gal
would in effect become converts to Judaism. 3:5; Phil 3: IO; I Cor 14: 18), played too large a role in this
Therefore, when Paul reaffirms his original message to church: the overwhelming abundance of and superior
them (I :8-9; 6: 14-16), he advises the Galatians to rely on status attributed to their enthusiastic displays went beyond
the spirit, as they have done before (3:I-5; 5:5, 16-18, 25; anything Paul had seen. Based on these experiences, mem-
6: I, 7-9). Such reliance on the spirit is sufficient as a bers of the church apparently created their own theologies
weapon to deal with the temptations of the "flesh." On the and modes of behavior without taking into account that
other hand, abandoning the preciously won "freedom in this new Corinthian diversity posed a threat to the very
Christ" (2:4-5; 3:26-28; 4:21-31; 5:1, 13) and taking up existence of the church. Feeding into the crisis were other
the yoke of the Torah (5:2) can only mean voluntarily factors of social and religious origin, complicated by out-
entering into the confinement and slavery under law, sin, side interference (Apollos? Cephas? [see l Cor 1:12; 3:4-
and flesh (2:4-5; 3:22-24; 4:4-5, 21-31; 5:1-12), that is, 6, 22; 4:6; 9:5; 16:12; Acts 18:24-19:1]). Interacting with
the "elements of this world" (4:3-11). Therefore, Paul's each other, these factors gave the crisis a life of its own
letter ends by affirming a "rule": "Neither circumcision that at times drove Paul to the brink of his own demise.
nor uncircumcision is [worth] anything but [a] new cre- The theological issues Paul confronted are stated suc-
ation [is worth everything]" (6: 15; cf. 5:6; I Cor 7: 19). cinctly in the prooemium of I Corinthians, the thanksgiv-
This reflects the sufficiency of the spirit which he summa- ing prayer (I :4-9). Since much of the language in the
rizes earlier in the letter: "If the spirit is the source of our passage appears to conform to the Corinthians' self-under-
life, let the spirit also direct our course" (5:25). standing, Paul expected the Corinthians to agree when he
(3) Although written after Galatians, Paul's Philippian saw "God's grace (charis) given in Christ Jesus" being man-
correspondence contains a theology in many ways similar ifest among them: "in everything you have been made rich
to that of Galatians. One feature unique to Philippians- through him [sc. Christ], in every form of speech and in
Paul's rumination on his possible, impending death- every form of knowledge" ( 1:5; see Betz l 986a). The
comes as little surprise given that he writes this letter while Corinthian church experienced this spiritual wealth in its
imprisoned, most probably in Ephesus (Phil 1:7, 12-26; abundance of spiritual gifts, charismata, which had become
cf. I Cor 15:32; 2 Cor 1:8-11; Acts 19:32-40). In the a source of pride (1:7; 7:7; 12:4-31). Being Greeks, they
short run this reflection on the proper attitude to take especially cherished, "eloquence and knowledge" (l :5; cf.
when confronted with the threat of one's own death would 2 Cor 8:7). These cherished gifts were all derived from the
prove premature (2 Cor I :8-11; 11 :23); nevertheless, in divine spirit which revealed them through prophecy (see,
the long run it was quite realistic (cf. Rom 15:30-32). esp. l Cor 12:8; 14: 1-40). These experiences also satisfied
Although not entirely new (cf. I Thess I :6; 2: 14; Gal 6: 14, the Greek cultural expectation that they possess "wisdom"
17), another prominent theme in the Philippian letter (sophia [I :22]). But Paul considered the Corinthians' pride
fragments (see Koester 1961; 1982, 2: 132-34) is Paul's to be compromised severely by the fact that they seemed
participation in Christ's suffering, death, and resurrection. unable to cope with cosmopolitan diversity and sophistica-
This partnership provides the logic for the conspicuous tion in the church and that their pride created strife and
role in Philippians that Christ's and Paul's examples play factionalism (see I: I 0-17; 3:3-4; 11: 18-19; 12:25). These
m the apostle's exhortation. Paul bases such imitation deteriorating developments created an intolerable discrep-
chiefly on the Christ hymn cited in 2:6-11 (see Betz 1967). ancy between claim and reality. As Paul put it, the Corin-
This hymn also anchors Paul's main parenetical concern thians' wealth of charismata was still deficient: they lacked
in Philippians, the unity of the church (esp. 1:5-11, 27- mature love among each other and consequently congre-
30; 2:1-4, 17-18; 4:1, 2, 7). A completely different tone gational harmony (1:7-9, 10, 13a; 3:1-2; 8:1; 13:1-13;
appears. in the fragment 3:2-4:3, where Paul sharply at- 16: 14). This discrepancy not only disrupted their congre-
tacks his Jewish-Christian adversaries. On the whore, gational life in a threatening way, but also raised the
though, Paul's theology in Philippians again includes the question whether this church would be able to appear at
doctrine of justification by faith in Jesus Christ (Phil I: 11; the Last Judgment, as it would be required to do, "blame-
3:5-11) and reliance on the spirit (I: 19, 27; 2: I; 3:3). less" (1:8; cf. 15:58).
PAUL 198 • v
Paul's theology in 1 and 2 Corinthians differs markedly gers awaited him in Jerusalem ( 15:30-32), P-aul sent this
from his earlier letters because the crisis in Corinth solic- le~ter t.o Rome, an~ possibly a copy to Ephesus, as some-
ited a new response with a new, special kind of theology. thing hke a theological "testament" (see Bornkamm 1971 a:
Since the Corinthians' ideas were not simply imported 88-96; 1971b).
from the outside but were mostly based on assumptions in Although presented as a defense argument, the main
Paul's own theology, he could not simply repudiate their thesis of which is stated in I: 16-17, Paul's letter contains
ideas, but had to take them up and develop them in a more than merely an apology for views he has always held.
different direction. Thus, Paul agreed with the Corinthi- In comparison with his earlier letters, Paul in Romans
ans that a wealth of eloquence and knowledge is certainly wri~es with i:nuch greater circumspection and complexity.
a laudable blessing; he added, however, that it ought to This letter includes elaborate discussions of theological
add up to "wisdom of God" and not "wisdom of this world" topics previously argued, or at least mentioned, topics that
(l Cor 1:18-3:23). This new theology of wisdom is de- are entirely new, and, most importantly, revisions of ear-
signed to affirm the Corinthian claims on the one hand, lier positions on significant theological doctrines. It is
but correct them on the other by bringing them in line incorrect to think, therefore, that in Romans Paul merely
with Paul's own theology of the cross. presents a fuller version of what he more briefly sets forth
In order to meet the challenge, Paul proceeded from his in other letters.
established positions on theology and christology (see, esp. The point of Paul's argument as a whole is to explain
1:1-3, 4-9, 18-24; 8:6; 12:3; 15:3-5). Dealing not with the reasons why he still refuses to be ashamed of the
Jewish but Greek claims (I :22), he applied the principles gospel as he has been preaching it, and why his gospel is
of his theology of justification by faith in Jesus Christ not indeed God's power achieving salvation for every believer,
to "works of the law" (as in Galatians), but to the claim to Jew or Greek (I: 16-17). If he can successfully demonstrate
possess wisdom (I: 18-31 ). The common denominator was this, he can hope the Romans will not be embarrassed by
the principle of proper and improper "boasting" (I :29- his visit and will support his plans for a mission in Spain
31; 3:21; 4:8; 5:6; 9:15-16; 15:31). In the first part of I (15:22-24).
Corinthians (I: 18-3:23) Paul demonstrated what in his As the opening thesis (I: 16-17) indicates, Paul bases his
eyes really constituted Christian wisdom by critically ana- entire argument on the doctrine of.justification by faith in
lyzing the concept. In the second part he brought these Jesus Christ. This doctrine had, of course, been argued
clarifications to bear on his own role as church leader before in Galatians and Philemon, and with special appli-
(chap. 4) and on the concrete problems which disturbed cation in the Corinthian letters, but its full development in
the church (chaps. 5-15). Since I Corinthians evidently terms of a history of salvation reaching from Adam (5: 12)
did not achieve its goals, the fragments assembled in 2 to the paruusia (2:5, 16; 8:31-39; 13: 11-14) occurs only in
Corinthians provide further insights into Paul's monu- Romans. The application of this pivotal doctrine to history
mental struggle to get the church to understand and has abbreviated parallels in I Cor 15:21-22, 45-49 and
accept his theological viewpoint. Thus, the entire Corinthi- Gal 3:6-29, but the thoroughness and comprehensiveness
ans correspondence, at least to the extent we possess it, of the approach in Romans is a new achievement.
amounts to an education in the apostle's theological think- As Paul begins citing his proofs, he first offers a radical
ing. Within the parameters of the struggle, he worked out critique of paganism (I: 18-32) and Judaism (2: 1-'.~:8); this
positions on a broad range of issues, from legal and ethical approach is new as well, although elements have occurred
issues to those of religion and worship, including even self- in earlier letters (cf. Gal 3: 19-25; 4:8-1 O; Phil '.~:2-9; I
evaluation of his own role and conduct. See CORINTHI- Cor 8-10; 2 Cor 10:1-13:10). While all ancient religions
ANS, FIRST EPISTLE TO THE; CORINTHIANS, SEC- are, according to the apostle, corrupt to the core, divine
OND EPISTLE TO THE. restitution began with Abraham and reaches all the way to
On the whole, the Corinthian crisis subjected Paul's Christ (Rom 4: 1-25; cf. Gal 3:6-25). Abraham and Christ,
theology to the test of fire (l Cor 3:13-15). Apparently, therefore, are the two main pillars on whom the doctrine
he had no time for critical reevaluation of his theological of justification by faith rests (3:9-31 ). Unlike Galatians, in
premises, in particular his doctrines of the spirit, sin, and Romans Paul does not repudiate the 1i>rah (see 7: 12, lli.
the law. It is, however not surprising that after the struggle 21-23; 8:2-8), but instead argues in favor of being <1
was over, Paul took the time to revise his thinking in rather "genuine" .Jew and against being a .Jew by pretense (2: 1-
substantial ways, resulting in his magnum opus, Romans. 29). The prototype of the genuine Jew is Abraham, wh11
e. The Later Paul. When Paul wrote his letter to the was declared righteous by God even though neither "li>rah
Romans, he took the occasion to summarize his theology nor circumcision existed al that time. His righteousnesi
in a more systematic fashion than in his previous letters. was his unconditional faith in God, on account of which
This letter does not, however, present a complete and final he received God's promise. This promise finds fulfilment
statement, but rather a resume of a more mature stage in in Jesus Christ, and is subsequently applied to all who
his theological development. Paul felt the need for this believe in him (4: 1-25); therefore, Christ, not Abraham,
summary for a number of reasons. First, since he did not provides access to God's grace for all believers (5: 1-12).
found the Roman church yet intended to visit it, the letter Jesus Christ, and Jesus Christ alone, the new and sernnd
served as an appropriate way to introduce himself. Second, Adam, has overcome the human corruption endemic in
the apostle also realized that he had to counteract the the race since Adam and now makes possible for humanitv
hostile rumors circulated by his opponents and the carica- a means of deliverance from the domination by sin and
tured versions of his teaching with which they slandered death that resulted from Adam's fall (5: 12-21; cf. I ( :01
him (Rom 3:5-8; 6:1). Third, because he knew that clan- 15:21-22, 4.5-49).
v. 199 PAUL

Chapters 6-8 set forth the benefits of Christ's salvation. terms of individualistic spirit possession. The spirit cannot
Initially Paul refers to the doctrine of baptism into the be divorced from the body because self-sacrifice includes
death and resurrection of Christ (6: 1-11), writing that the whole person. This person also belongs to the corpo-
through baptism the Christian is sacramentally initiated rate body of the church ( 12:3-8; see also I Cor 12: 12-27;
into and made a partaker of Christ's death and resurrec- Gal 3:26-28) and does not exist in isolation. Moreover,
tion as a salvation event (see BTNT 1: 292-314; Conzel- Christian existence is inconceivable without the norms set
mann 1969: 199-212; Wedderburn 1987). Though Paul by the notion of love (agape [12:9-21]). Concretely, Chris-
has mentioned the basic components of this teaching in tian ethics is a matter of obligations toward society at large:
Gal 3:26-28 (cf. 1 Cor 1: 13-17), the comprehensiveness the state (Rom 13:1-7), the law (13:8-14), and the weaker
of what he says here goes beyond anything he previously members of the Church ( 14: 1-15: 18).
wrote about baptism. He has spelled it out here because 3. Summary. The extant letters and letter fragments
baptism links the Christian to Christ's salvation and show an author constantly involved in debates and con-
thereby provides the basis for the Christian's participation flicts, trying to explain, defend, and recommend what he
in the benefits of Christ's salvation about to be discussed. sees to be the implications of Christian life and thought.
The first of Christ's benefits which Paul presents is libera- The urgency to engage in this dialogue grew out of Paul's
tion from the enslaving power of sin (6: 12-23), a doctrine awareness that he and his assistants were taking part in
which seems to be older and already presupposed in the momentous historical developments. This urgency pressed
earlier letters (I Thessalonians, however, does not mention even harder when doom threatened Paul's gentile mission,
it). The second benefit, liberation from the law (7: l-25a), requiring that he provide theological warrant for it. Thus,
expands what Paul had previously said only when refer- through the course of his ministry Paul increasingly found
ring to his own paradigmatic experience (Gal 2: 19-20; that his task was not only to bring the Gospel to the
Phil 3:7-8). The third benefit is liberation from death gentiles, but to bring theological clarification to the Gospel.
(Rom 8:1-30), an idea with antecedents in 1 Thess 4:13- As Paul attempted to make sense of Christian theology,
17 and Gal 2:19-20 (also Phil 1:12-26; I Cor 15:50-57; 2 the Damascus event provided an unexpected answer to an
Cor 1:3-11; 2:14-17; 4:7-5:15; 13:3-4), but not before old Jewish question: "Is God the God of Jews only? Is he
Hated as a part of an overarching salvation doctrine. These not the God of gentiles also?" Because Christ ordered Paul
benefits reach their climax with the fourth, viz. the escha- to preach the gospel to the gentiles, Paul could now answer
tological union with God (Rom 8:31-39; cf. I Cor 15:20- boldly: "Yes, of Gentiles also" (Rom 3:29). Thus the univer-
28). sality of the gospel commission confirmed the unity of
The final section on the history of salvation concerns God. The Damascus event also demonstrated that the
the relationship between Jews and Christians in future Damascus Christians were correct, righteousness was avail-
history (Romans 9-11), a dimension which Paul had never able apart from Torah. Combining this realization with the
before addressed. Recognition of this as an issue presup- unity of God, Paul concluded that the Gospel must provide
poses Paul's concession that the parousia will not be immi- a single, inclusive means of justification: "Since God is one,
nent (cf. 13: 11-14) and that there will be two religions, he will justify the circumcised on the ground of their faith
Judaism and Christianity, existing side by side for some and the uncircumcised through their faith" (Rom 3:30).
time to come. Paul still argues on the premises of his Thus, the doctrine of justification by faith was implicit in
doctrine of justification by faith in Jesus Christ that Jews the Gospel message itself as Paul experienced it: coming
and Christians will have to coexist, stimulating and check- to grips with it and making it explicit in ever greater clarity
ing one another by peaceful competition (11:13-24). The and detail is the thread that runs through Paul's life and
final "mystery" will be disclosed when "the fullness of the letters.
gentiles enter into" the kingdom of God, and "all Israel To raise a basic question yet again, does any continuity
will be saved" (11:25-26). and consistency of thought underlie the shifts and
This entire history of salvation is regarded as a succes- changes, the theological reformulations and revisions evi-
sion of God's merciful deeds (12: 1), beginning with Abra- dent in Paul's letters? From the foregoing, we can say that
ham and ending when no accuser remains for the Last despite changes of position, such as his realization that the
Judgment (8:31-39; 11 :33-36). This grandiose historical parousia would be delayed and that the historical coexis-
and eschatological panoply is yet another new develop- tence of Christian and non-Christian Judaism would per-
ment in Paul's theology. sist for some time, Paul steadily held on to justification by
A further significant shift in Paul's thinking takes place faith. Moreover, if there was anything that established the
in his ethics, for which the apostle finds a new foundation theological identity and legitimacy of Christianity as a new
~Betz 19~8_). Instead of grounding Christian ethics simply religion, it was Paul's discovery and exposition of the God
m the spmt, as he does in his earlier letters, Paul develops who "in Christ" justifies a sinful and godless humanity.
a new concept in Rom 12: 1-15: 13. Paul now conceives of
ethics as the human response to God's merciful deeds in Bibliography
the history of salvation (chaps. 4-11). This response is a Barrett, C. K. 1982. Essays cm Paul. Philadelphia.
matter of obligation and involves the self-dedication and Bauer, W. 1988. Griechisch-deutsches Wiirterbuch zu den Schriflen des
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Beker, J. 1980. Paul the Apostle: The Triumph of God in Life and Hahn, F. 1969. The Titles of Jesus in Christology. Trans. H. Knight
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v • 201 PAUL'S NEPHEW

Schmeller, T. 1987. Paulus und die "Diatribe." NTAbh N.F. 19. 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, and 14 supposedly written by Paul. In letter
Mi.inster. six Paul greets Lucilius along with Seneca; letter seven is
Schneemelcher, W. 1987-89. Neuteslamentliche Apokryphen. 2 vols. addressed to Paul and Theophilus. The letters contain an
5th ed. Ti.ibingen. exchange of compliments between the two writers.
Schneider, G. 1980-82. Die Apostelgeschichte. 2 vols. HTKNT 5. Seneca begins the series by praising the "wonderful
Freiburg, Basel, Vienna. exhortations for the moral life" contained in Paul's letters
Schoeps, H. J. 1961. Paul: The Theology of the Apostle in the Light of (Kurfess NTApocr 2: 135). Paul responds, in letter two, by
Jeuish Relzgious History. Trans. H. Knight. Philadelphia. thanking Seneca for his high praise. Letter three tells of
Schweitzer, A. 1912. Paul and His Interpreters: A Critical History. Seneca's desire to read some scrolls to the emperor. Letter
Trans. W. Montgomery. London. four expresses Paul's desire to meet with Seneca. In letter
Stendahl, K. 1976. Paul among the Jews and Gentiles and Other Essays. five Seneca is distressed that Paul has not come to see him,
Philadelphia. and wonders if it is because he is afraid that the empress is
Strecker, G. 1976. Befreiung und Rechtfertigung. Zur Stellung displeased over his giving up the beliefs of Judaism. Seneca
der Rechtfertigungslehre in der Theologie des Paulus. Pp. says that a visit might enable Paul to explain why he has
4 79-508 of Rechtfertigung. FS filr E. Kii.semann, ed. J. Friedrich given up these beliefs and practices. The sixth letter pro-
et al. Gottingen. vides an opportunity for Paul to encourage Seneca and
Suh I, A. 197 5. Paulus und seine Briefe. SNT 11. Giilersloh. Lucilius to treat all people with respect.
Tht.ising, W. 1986. Per Christum in Deum. Studien zum Verha/tms von In letter seven Seneca reports that he agrees with what
Christozentrik und Theozentnk m den pau/inischen Hauptbriefen. 2 Paul says in his letters to the Galatians, Corinthians, and
vols. 3d ed. NTAbh I. Mi.inster. Achaians ( = 2 Corinthians; see 2 Cor I: I), and that Paul's
Vanhoye, A., ed. 1986. L'Ap6tre Paul: Personnalite, style et conception thoughts have made a positive impression on the emperor.
du ministere. BETL 73. Leuven. Paul uses the eighth letter to tell Seneca that, while show-
Van Unnik, W. C. 1973. Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul's ing love and respect for him, he must take care not to
Youth. Vol. I, pp. 259-320, 321-27 of his Spana Collecta. offend the empress. In letter nine Seneca expresses his
Leiden. new understanding of Paul's concerns and his desire that
Vielhauer, P. 1966. On the "Paulinism" of Acts. Pp. 33-50 of Studies they begin to work afresh. Letter ten concerns Paul's
in Luke-Acts, ed. L. E. Keck and J. L. Marlyn. Nashville. acknowledgement that his name should have been placed
- - . 197 5. Geschiclzte der urchristlichen Literatur. Berlin. last on a letter he previously sent to Seneca. Seneca sends
Wedderburn, A. J. M. 1987. Baptism and Resurrection. WUNT 44. the eleventh letter to indicate his distress and grief over
Ti.ibmgen. the persecution experienced by Paul and other Christians.
Westerholm, S. 1986-87. On Fulfilling the Whole Law (Gal. 5:14). Letter twelve is Seneca's response to the issue, raised in
SEA 51-52: 229-37. letter ten, of the placement of Paul's name. He indicates
- - . 1988. Israel's Law and the Church's Faith. Grand Rapids. that he is not at all offended by the placement and suggests
Wilckens, U. 1982. Zur Entwicklung des paulinischen Gesetzesver- that they are equals. In letter fourteen, Seneca encourages
standnisses. NTS 28: 154-90. Paul to write with refinement. Finally, in letter 14 Paul
Wolter, M. 1988. Die Pastoralbriefe als Paulustraditzon. FRLANT 146. pushes Seneca to write in such a manner as to "make
Goningen. yourself a new herald of Jesus Christ" (Kurfess NTApocr
HANS DIETER BETZ 2:141).

Bibliography
PAUL AND SENECA, EPISTLES OF. A series of James, M. R. 1924. The Apocryphal new Testament. Oxford.
14 Latin letters that comprise an apocryphal correspon- Kurfess, A. 1952. "Zu dem apokryphen Briefwechsel zwichen dem
dence between Paul and the Roman philosopher Seneca. Philosophen Seneca und dem Apostel Paulus" Aevum 26: 42-
They were most likely written in the 3d or 4th century to 48.
commend Seneca to Christians or to recommend Paul's Lienard, E. 1932. Sur La Correspondance Apocryphe De Seneque
letters to members of Roman society. The correspondence et de Saint Paul. Revue beige de philologie et d'historie 11: 5-23.
is attested in numerous corrupt manuscripts, most of Lightfoot, J.B. 1953. "The Letters of Paul and Seneca." Pp. 329-
whICh date from the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries, al- 31 in St. Paul's Epistle to the Philippians. Repr. Grand Rapids.
though a few are as early as the 9th. The letters were Sevenster, J. N. 1961. Paul and Seneca. Leiden.
known to Jerome and Augustine, but scholars disagree DANA ANDREW THOMASON
over whether they regarded them as authentic. Some
scholars suggest that the letters we now possess are not the
ones known to Jerome and Augustine (Lightfoot 1953: PAUL'S NEPHEW. The report about an unnamed
330-31 ). The correspondence remained popular nephew in Acts 23: 16-22 is the only reference we have to
~hroughout the Middle Ages. It is noted by Peter of Cluny Paul's family connections. Naturally, there is the tempta-
m Tractatus adversus Petrobru.sianos (PL 189.737C); by Peter tion to view the incident as a Lukan creation. However,
Abelard m lntroductio ad Theologi,am 1.24 and in Expositio in since Paul as a Roman citizen would in any case have been
eputol.am Pauli ad Romanos I. I; and in the editio princeps of brought to Caesarea as the first stage in any judgment
Erasmus (Kurfess NTApocr 2: 135). English translations are process, Luke would have had no motive for creating the
provided by James and Kurfess. incident (Williams Acts BHNTC, 251). The account must
The correspondence alternates, with letters I, 3, 5, 7, 9, go back to an eyewitness (Hengel 1983: 175); at least,
11, 12, and 13 purportedly written by Seneca, and letters Paul's sister and nephew appear to be historical (Liide-
PAUL'S NEPHEW 202 • v
mann 1987: 254-55). Moreover, Paul's sister's family or ancient translations. Manuscript discoveries in the last cen-
the nephew himself must have had connections in Jewish tury have added considerable additional material. The
circles for him to have heard of the ambush. This story most important of these include a Greek papyrus of the
may belong to a tradition about Paul's family moving from late 3d century, now at Hamburg (10 pages), a Coptic
Tarsus to Jerusalem and about his education there under papyrus of the 4th or 5th century, now at Heidelberg
Gamaliel (cf. Acts 22:3). (about 80 pages), and a Greek papyrus of correspondence
Not unreasonably, scholars infer from Phil 3:8, "For his between Paul and the Corinthians (3 Corinthiam = Testuz
(Christ's) sake I have suffered the loss of all things," that 1959), now at Geneva. These finds have confirmed that the
Paul was disinherited for his acceptance and proclamation Thekla cycle and story of Paul's martyrdom were originally
of Jesus. Such a situation would explain how his sister's part of the larger Acts of Paul (details in Bovon 1981 or
family might still have Jewish connections (Bruce Acts NTApocr.). See also PAUL, MARTYRDOM OF; THEKLA,
NICNT, 457-58). Also, visits to persons in prison were ACTS OF.
possible (e.g., Luke 7:18; Matt 11:2; 25:36; Acts 24:23; The papyrus discoveries have suggested that the story
28:30; Phil 2:25-30). Nonetheless, because there is a min- of the Acts of Paul was organized according to an itinerary
imum of verifiable evidence, much that is said is conjec- of missionary visits to the leading cities of the Roman East
tural. (Schmidt 1905), including at least Antioch of Syria, lcon-
The text reports that Paul's nephew learned of the ium, Antioch of Pisidia, Seleucia, Myra, Sidon, Tyre, Eph-
ambush planned against him and told him about it. Paul esus, Philippi, Corinth, then on to Italy, and finally martyr-
then appears almost to order the centurion to lead his dom at Rome. In each city Paul encounters believers,
nephew to the tribune since he has something to tell him. sometimes already known LO him; whether he has sent
The centurion does this. The tribune takes Paul's nephew fellow workers ahead or is now visiting previously estab-
aside and inquires what he has to say. Paul's nephew tells lished communities is not always clear. A constant theme
him about the Jewish ambush, that they will ask him to is the opposition engendered by Paul's preaching of con-
bring Paul down to the Sanhedrin the next day, and that version to a Christianity marked especially by renunciation
more than 40 individuals have bound themselves by oath of ordinary life and values. Because the work is incomplete
to kill Paul at that time. Paul's nephew urges the tribune and its original sequence of events not entirely recoverable,
not to agree to their request. The tribune tells him to tell however, arguments from silence about its contents or
no one that he has informed him of the plot, and then interests must remain more than usually tentative
dismisses him. (Schmidt 1905 and 1936; Schneemelcher NTApocr., and
In the story, Paul does the reasonable thing, and the 1974; Bovon 1981).
centurion does his duty. Both Paul's nephew and the There are many coincidences of names and places with
tribune demonstrate moral character. The nephew cares the account in the NT Acts of the Apostles, but very little
enough about Paul to risk informing the Romans, and the actual agreement in detail for any particular event or
tribune is well disposed and attentive, yet cautious. The place. There is some diversity in the manner of Paul's
story of Paul's nephew belongs to Luke's theme that the preaching from city to city, but consistency in his message:
Roman officials are well disposed toward the Christians the need for conversion to a life of celibacy in Christ. In
(O'Toole 1984: 160-66). lconium, for example, we see Paul pronouncing beatitudes
that stress the value of a life of renunciation: "Blessed are
Bibliography those who have kept the flesh pure ... Blessed are the
Hengel, M. 1983. Der Historiker Lukas und die Geographie Palas- continent ... Blessed are those who have renounced this
tinas in der Apostelgeschichte. ZDPV 99: 147-183. world ... Blessed are those who have wives as though not
Ludemann, G. 1987. Das fruhe Christentum nach den Traditionen der having them .... Blessed are the bodies of the virgins ... "
Apostelgeschichte: Ein Kommentar. Gottingen. (Acts of Paul and Thekla 5-6). This stress on encratism, that
O'Toole, R. F. 1984. The Unity of Luke's TheoloffY: An Analysis of Luke- is, a life of ascetic renunciation and physical denial, repre-
Acts. GNS 9. Wilmington, DE. sents an important current within earliest Christianity
ROBERT F. OTOOLE (Tisserot in Bovon 1981; Brown 1988).
In several places, following a theme familiar in the
Apocryphal Acts in general, social and legal conflict arises
PAUL, ACTS OF. A 2d-century Christian writing re- because of Paul's success in summoning pagans (especially
counting the missionary career and death of the apostle women) LO the celibate or virginal life. The best-known
Paul and classed among the NT Apocrypha. In this work surviving section was transmitted separately in late antiq-
Paul is pictured traveling from city to city, converting uity and the Middle Ages as the Acts of Paul and Thekla due
gentiles and proclaiming the need for a life of sexual to St. Thekla's importance as a figure of cult in Christian
abstinence and other encratite practices. Though ancient Asia Minor (for the extensive hagiographical tradition see
evidence suggests that the Acts of Paul was a relatively Dagron 1978). This story portrays a young woman, about
lengthy work (3600 lines according to the Stichometry of LO be married to a leading city figure, who upon hearing
Nicephorus), only about two-thirds of that amount still Paul instead adopts the celibate Christian life and auempts
survives. Individual sections were transmitted separately to journey with the apostle and then herself become a
by the medieval manuscript tradition (Lipsius 1891 ), most missionary. Paul is not very encouraging until Thekla
importantly the Acts of Paul and Thekla and the Martyrdom proves her mettle (and her vocation?). Thekla's stubborn
of Paul, both extant in the original Greek and several celibacy twice provokes anger, first in her native Iconium
v • 203 PAUL, APOCALYPSE OF

from her rejected fiance, whereupon she is arrese?, con- authoritative interpretation about Paul's life and theologi-
demned to death in a public beast-fight, but ulumately cal orientation.
rescued by divine intervention. In the second case, in
Seleucia, Thekla is condemned to the beasts by another Bibliography
rejected man, and then baptizes herself when in imminent Bovon, F., ed. 1981. Les Actes apocryphes des Apotres: christianisme et
danger; after her second miraculous rescue, she adopts an monde paien. Publications de la Faculte de Theologie de l'Uni-
apostolic life and finally receives Paul's blessing and ap- versite de Geneve 4. Geneva.
proval for her work. Brown, P. 1988. The Body and Society. New York.
The motifs of travel, frustrated love, and other enter- Burrus, V 1987. Chastity as Autonomy: Women in the Stories of the
taining elements are reminiscent of many aspects of the Apocryphal Acts. Studies in Women and Religion 23. Lewiston.
ancient popular genre of romance novels (Soder 1932; Dagron, G. 1978. Vie et miracles de sainte Thecle. Sudsidia Hagiogra-
Pervo 1987), with the important difference that in these phica 62. Brussels.
ascetic acts the tone is less erotic than anti-erotic. There is Davies, S. L. 1980. The Revolt of the Widows: The Social World of the
very little theological argument or speculation, but instead Apocryphal Acts. Carbondale, IL.
the narrative describes the dangers and successes of those James, M. R. 1924. The Apocryphal New Testament. Oxford.
steadfast in their renunciatory behavior. The early Chris- Lipsius, R. A., and Bonnet, M., eds. 1891. Acta Apostolorum Apocry-
tian communities are portrayed as joyfully united in prayer pha. Leipzig. Repr. Hildesheim, 1959.
and simple communion, looking for the soon and sudden MacDonald, D.R. 1983. The Legend and the Apostle. Philadelphia.
end of the world, portrayed in the traditional apocalyptic - - , ed. 1986. The Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. Semeia 38.
imagery. Atlanta.
The themes, locales, and external evidence all point to a Pervo, R. I. 1987. Profit with Delight: The Literary Genre of the Acts of
composition date sometime in the mid-2d century, some- the Apostles. Philadelphia.
where in Asia Minor. Tertullian claimed to know that the Schmidt, C. 1905. Acta Pauli. 2d ed. Leipzig. Repr. 1965.
work was the product of an Asian presbyter who however Schmidt, C., and Schuban, W. 1936. Praxeis Paulou: Acta Pauli nach
was quickly exposed as a fraud (De baptismo 17). Tertullian's dem Papyrus der Hamburger Staats und Universitiits-Bibliothek.
objection to the work is the leading role, self-baptism, and Gluckstadt.
attitude assigned to Thekla, and his response is a good Schneemelcher, W. 1964. Die Apostelgeschichte des Lukas und die
indication of both the appeal and the threat embodied in Acta Pauli. Pp. 236-50 in Apophoreta: Festschrift fur Earnst
the work. Some modern scholars suggest that the authors Haenchen. BZNW 30. Berlin.
of at least the Thekla cycle, perhaps in an earlier oral - - . 1974. Gesammelte Schriften. Thessaloniki.
form, were women seeking affirmation of their celibate Soder, R. 1932. Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und die romanhafte
way of life and leadership role in Asian Christianity (see Literature der Antike. Wurzburger Studien zur Altcrtumswisscn-
esp. Davies 1980 and Burrus 1987). Certainly the stories schaft 3. Stuttgart.
in the AclJ of Paul reflect the more radically renunciatory Testuz, M., ed. l 959. Papyrus Bodmer X-XI/. Geneva.
side of lst and 2d century Pauline Christianity and uphold Vouaux, L. 1913. Les Actes de Paul et ses lettres apocryphes. Les
the tradition of sexual equality over the subordination of Apocryphes du Nouveau Testament. Paris.
women (cf. e.g., I Corinthians 7 vs. I Timothy 2), but PHILIP SELLEW
specific claims about the gender of the writer(s) go beyond
the evidence available (see MacDonald 1983 and 1986).
The nature of the relationship between the Act.s of Paul PAUL, APOCALYPSE OF. The name of two differ-
and the NT Acts is disputed, though traditionally, as with ent apocryphal works, both inspired by the tradition of
most "apocryphal" literature, scholars suggest that these Paul's "rapture" into the heavens (2 Cor 12:2-4). One, an
stories are intended to supplement the canon (Soder 1932; extensive tour of paradise and hell, composed sometime
Schneemelcher 1964 and 1974). But some have argued in the 4th or 5th century c.E. is preserved in a long Latin
more recently that while the author(s) of the Act.I of Paul version; a Greek abridgment, and in Armenian, Old Rus-
may well have known the NT Acts, that work was not in sian, Syriac, and Coptic versions. It also appears to have
any way decisive for his (or her!-see above) own under- been an important source for later Christian works which
standing of Paul's story (esp. Pervo 1987). For example, described the geography of the fiery punishments in hell
the dominant motif of Jewish hostility to Paul's mission in (see A below). The other, a Christian gnostic work from
the NT Acts, along with at least passive acceptance from the 2d or 3d century c.E. (NHC V,2), emphasizes Paul's
Roman authorities, is entirely missing. In the Act.s of Paul ascent with the twelve apostles through the eight heavens
the Jews and their synagogues are offstage; the apostle of Jewish and Christian traditions into the "tenth," the
preaches to the gentiles and encounters opposition from resting place of the elect (see B below). It survives in a
the social and governmental elite and indeed finishes by single reasonably well-preserved Coptic version found
bemg executed at Rome at Nero's command. Only in this among the gnostic writings at Nag Hammadi. There are
la.st e.pisode it is not Paul's preaching of celibacy that puts some parallels between its vision of the souls being pun-
him m danger-instead !\'era perceives a social, political, ished in the fourth and fifth heavens and the punishments
and perhaps even a military threat from "Christ's army" as reported in the Testament of Abraham IO. Epiphanius alludes
led by Paul. If the NT Acts are known, in sum, they are to an Asceruion of Paul used in some gnostic groups (Pan.
not used as a source either of reliable information or of 38.2). Since that work had only three heavens, it may
PAUL, APOCALYPSE OF 204. v
indicate that yet a third apocalypse of the heavenly journey who appears like a child. Thus the opening appears to
type circulated in early Christian circles. recall Paul's resurrection vision and his going up to Jeru-
salem to visit the apostles (Gal l: 11-17; 2: 1-2). Here he is
A. Latin Version taken into the heavenly Jerusalem where he will meet his
Although Apoc. Paul was originally composed in Greek, "fellow apostles," the Twelve. As they begin the ascent, Paul
the long Latin version represents the best text for this is shown his body and those of the Twelve on the earth
early Christian work. It is first clearly attested in Augustine below. In the shining light of the sixth heaven, Paul must
(In ]oh. Tract. 98.8; Enchir. 112-13). An ancient introduc- utter a formula, "open to me and the [Holy] Spirit, who is
tion to the work claims that is was composed in the late 4th before me," in order to pass by the toll collector (22, 21-
century C.E. Many modern scholars think that the body of 23). Passing into the seventh heaven, he encounters an old
the apocalypse may have been written in the early 3d man on a throne who acknowledges Paul's election in
century, since Origen refers to an Apoc. Paul as accepted terms drawn from Gal l: 15. An extended dialogue in
by the church and also gives a description of the fate of which Paul speaks the gnostic formulas about returning to
the soul similar to that beginning in chap. 13 (Hom. in Pss. the "place from which he came" and leading others from
5). The author praises asceticism (chaps. 9, 24, 26, 39-40) the captivity of the lower world shows that the old man is
and condemns persons who only appear to renounce the the Jewish creator god. Paul goes beyond that god's heaven
world by wearing the garb of the ascetic (chap. 40). But and authority when he gives the "sign" that makes it
unlike later texts it does not refer to the extensive devel- possible for him to enter the next heaven, the Ogdoad.
c:>pment of monastic asceticism. There the Twelve greet Paul, and they continue in the
The so-called "Tarsus introduction" (chaps. 1-2) claims company of the elect to the tenth heaven.
that the manuscript was found in 388 C.E. by a person This Apoc. Paul has clearly used the genre of heavenly
living in a house once owned by Paul. Following instruc- journey to embody the gnostic formulas for the post
tions given by an angel in a dress, the finder discovered in mortem ascent of the soul. This theme along with the
the foundations a marble box containing the revelation. formulaic dialogues necessary for the soul to gain its
Chaps. 3-10 detail creations complaint against the sinful- freedom appears in a number of gnostic writings (Gos.
ness of humanity. God's forebearance is demonstrated in Mary, 1 Apoc. fas., Gos. Thom. Log. 50). On the Coptic
the delay of judgment. Nevertheless all the deeds of hu- version, see Murdock and MacRae 1979; Fallon 1979;
mans are reported by angels every morning and evening. Kasser 1965; Krause 1983; Orbe 1983.
Paul's journey to the third heaven enables him to see how
the wicked and righteous souls depart from the body at Bibliography
death (chaps. 11-18). Journeys in the heavenly regions Duesening, H. 1965. Apocalypse of Paul. NTApoc 2: 755-98.
allow Paul to see Enoch and Elijah in paradise, the land Fallon, F. 1979. The Gnostic Apocalypse. Semeia 14: 123-58.
where the righteous dwell during the millennium and the Himmelfarb, M. 1983. Tours of Hell. Philadelphia.
city of Christ. The righteous ones of the Hebrew Bible and James, M. R. I 893. Apocrypha Anecdota. TextsS 2 3. Cambridge.
the altar where David sings are found in that city (chaps. Kasser, R. 1965. Textes gnostiques: Remarques a propos des edi-
19-30). Then Paul is taken to see the extensive punish- tions recentes du Livre secret de Jean et des Apocalypses de
ments suffered by sinners. At the end of the journey he Paul, Jacques et Adam. Mus 78: 71-98.
and the archangel Michael plead for mercy for sinners. Krause, M. 1983. Die literarischen Gattungen der Apokalypsen
Christ responds by rebuking the sinners but granting them von Nag Hammadi. Pp. 621-37 in Apocalypticism in the Mediter-
rest from punishment on Sunday (chaps. 31-44). The ranean World and the Near Ea.st, ed. D. Hellholm. Tu bingen.
journey ends in paradise where Paul is met by the right- Murdock, W. R., and MacRae, G. W. 1979. Apocalypse of Paul. Nag
eous including the Virgin Mary, the patriarchs, Moses and Hammadi Codices V, 2-5 and VI, ed. D. M. Parrott. NHS 11.
Adam (chaps. 45-51). Adam blesses Paul for the many Leiden.
persons he has brought to faith. On the Latin version, see Orbe, A. 1983. Gli Apocrifi cristiani a Nag Hammadi. Aug 23: 83-
James 1893; Duesning 1965; Himmelfarb 1983. 109.
PHEME PERKINS
B. Coptic (Gnostic) Version
The first of four gnostic apocalypses, in the Achmimic
dialect, from Codex V at Nag Hammadi, this work bears PAUL, MARTYRDOM OF. A document describing
the title Apocalypse of Paul at the beginning and end of the Paul's encounter with the emperor Nero in Rome and his
writing (NHC V,2). It is not related to the Apoc. Paul subsequent trial, execution, and miraculous appearance
preserved in the Latin, though Paul does witness the after death. Originally the Martyrdom of Paul was the con-
judgment of various souls in his ascent through the fourth cluding section of the 2d century apocryphon the Acts o)
and fifth heavens. Reincarnation is presented as the pun- Paul, but it was separated very early and transmitted inde-
ishment extracted by the demonic guardians of the heav- pendently in medieval Christianity in connection with the
ens from those souls which have not obtained true knowl- cult of the holy apostle and martyr. The story tells how
edge (21, 18-22). Paul runs afoul of Nero by resurrecting and converting
The book opens with Paul meeting a small child, his Patroclus, the imperial cupbearer. A search leads to Paul's
guiding angel, also identified with the Holy Spirit on "the arrest and that of many other Christians, all of whom are
mountain in Jericho." The divine figure will lead the condemned to death when Nero hears Paul's threats of
apostle in his ascent to Jerusalem. Gnostic revelations fre- apocalyptic judgment with fire. Paul predicts that the em-
quently picture the risen Christ as a polymorphic figure peror will see him after his death; after his execution b\
v • 205 PAULUS, SERGIUS

beheading, when milk miraculously spurts from his neck Bibliography

rather than blood, the apostle does appear, causing Nero MacRae, G. W. 1987. Prayer and Knowledge of Self in Gnosticism.
to free the remaining Christians. While in jail awaiting Pp. 218-36 in Studies in the New TeJtament and Gnosticism, ed.
execution, Paul had begun to convert the Roman centurion D. J. Harrington and S. B. Marrow. Wilmington, DE.
Cestus and the prefect Longus, who at his instructions visit Mueller, D. 1985. The Prayer of the Apostle Paul. Pp. 5-11 in Nag
his tomb at dawn and receive baptism from Titus and Hammadi Codex I (The Jung Codex), ed. H. W. Attridge. NHS 22.
Luke. The historical value of the story is minimal, as is Leiden.
suggested by its borrowing of many motifs from similar HAROLD W. ATTRIDGE

accounts of the deaths of holy people, and its literary

merits are few; but the Martyrdom of Paul nonetheless
achieved great popularity. See also PAUL, ACTS OF.
PAULUS, SERGIUS (PERSON) [Gk Sergi,os Paulos].
PHILIP SELLEW
The proconsul of Cyprus converted by Paul when he and
Barnabas visited that island on their first missionary jour-
ney (Acts 13:7).
The Roman cognomen "Paulus" is found in two inscrip-
PAUL, PASSION OF. See PETER AND PAUL, PAS- tions which have been thought to identify the proconsul
SION OF; PAUL, MARTYRDOM OF. mentioned in Acts 13 (IGRR III.930 and CIL VI.31545).
The "Paulus" mentioned in the first inscription is too late
be connected with Paul. The second inscription mentions
an L. Sergius Paulus who was curator of the Tiber, but
PAUL, PRAYER OF THE APOSTLE (NHC I,1). does not connect him with Cyprus. He could be the Paulus
Inscribed in the front flyleaf of Codex I of the Nag mentioned in Acts if it is assumed that he was later ap-
Hammadi collection is a brief (2 page) work followed by a pointed to Cyprus in the right time frame. A third inscrip-
title and colophon. Apart from a few lines missing at the tion (IGRR III.935) has been restored to read "Q. Sergius
top of the first page, the work is well preserved. Although Paulus." The identification of this person with the procon-
it survives in Sahidic Coptic, the Prayer of the Apostle Paul sul of Acts is more probable than the other two inscriptions
(NHC 1,1), like most of the other works in the Nag Ham- but conclusive proof is lacking (Van Elderen 1970: l 55f).
madi collection, was probably composed in Greek, the If a definite inscriptional identification of Sergius Paulus
language of the colophon and title. The date of composi- could be made it would be important for establishing the
tion is uncertain, although it was clearly written before the chronology of the Pauline missionary journeys in Acts.
final copying of the collection in the mid-4th centurv and Because Luke fails to mention the baptism of the pro-
probably after the mid-2d century, when the Valen"tinian consul some have thought that he was not actually con-
Gnosticism evidenced in the text emerged. verted. The Lukan emphasis on repentance and baptism
In form, the text resembles prayers and hymns in other as a sign of conversion found in the early chapters of Acts
gnostic, Hermetic, and magical sources. The extant por- is less prominent in the Pauline sections of Acts. But Luke's
tion begins with a series of invocations of the redeemer, use of pistis (faith) and pisteuo (believe) in connection with
"Jesus Christ, the Lord of Lords." He is asked to bestow on Paul is an effort to mimic Pauline language and connotes
the supplicant his blessings, including bodily healing and conversion. In Luke's eyes, Sergius Paulus is a convert.
eternal salvation. Ramsay (1920: 150-72) attempted to use inscriptional
The major motifs of the prayer are gnostic common- evidence mentioning other members of the family to sub-
places. Thus, the invocations identify the redeemer as the stantiate Luke's claim as historically accurate. His results
"source," "mind," "fullness," and "repose" of the suppli- are intriguing but inconclusive.
The portrayal of Sergius Paulus as a convert may be
cant, who asks for the redemption of "my eternal light-
important to the theology of Acts in two ways. First, it has
soul and my spirit." Yet the text also owes some of its motifs
been thought to reflect a pro-Roman apologetic. Luke is
to the Psalms and to the Pauline epistles. A clear example
said to be seeking Roman acceptance of Christianity by
of dependence on Paul, and at the same time another stating that a Roman of the Senatorial Order had found it
indication of gnostic orientation, is the request to be acceptable. But since there are other aspects of Acts which
granted "what no angel-eye has seen and no archon-ear make a Roman apologetic problematic a second explana-
has heard and what has not entered into the human heart" tion may be suggested. From a sociological perspective the
(cf 1. Cor 2:9). The Gnosticism involved is probably Val- story about Sergius Paulus functions to provide social
entm1amsm, which is represented in several other works legitimacy for the Christians who were reading Acts.
contained in the codex, including the Gospel of Truth (NHC Rather than indicating that Luke's community actually had
I,3), The Treatise on Resurrection (NHC 1,4), and The Tripartite such upper-class members, this story of an aristocratic
Tractate (NHC I,5). The invocations of the redeemer would Roman convert would help Christians from marginalized
be at home in Valentinianism, as are the designations of groups or others experiencing status inconsistency to see
the rede~mer as "First-born" and "First begotten." The themselves as on a par with other religions groups in the
d1sparagmg reference to the creation of the human heart Greco-Roman world. See ELYMAS.
"after the image of the psychic God" evokes the common
gnostic reading of Genesis and the Valentinian tripartite Bibliography
schema which consigns the creator God of the OT and all Ramsay, W. M. 1920. The Bearing of &cent Discovery on the Tru.stwor-
his works to the "psychic" realm. thiness of the New Testament. London.
PAULUS, SERGIUS 206 • v
Van Elderen, B. 1970. Some Archaeological Observations on Paul's tionship which is based in some sense on mutually assured
First Missionary Journey. Pp. 151-61 in Apostolic Hi.story and obligations. Though God cannot be said literally to be
the Gospel. Ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin. Grand Rapids. "obliged," there is an implicit contract that attaches tran-
THOMAS W. MARTIN scendent values to ordinary or customary human actions.
It is this association of siilom with berit "covenant" and
also with miSpat 'judgment, justice" that ties together the
PAVILION. See ART AND ARCHITECTURE. nuance of wholeness with the notion of peace as an action.
In Ps 34: 14 the psalmist charges hearers, "Do good, seek
peace, pursue it." Here peace is not something that simply
PEACE. This entry consists of two articles. The first one happens; it is a content-laden thing that one can lay hold
deals with peace in the OT, and the second one covers of. And, further, peace is not seen as a mere product but
peace in the NT. as an end in itself.
In Zech 8: 16-19 the notion of peace is joined with
OLD TESTAMENT miSpat; where the root slm again is used m its meaning of
The principal word used to express the idea of peace in true or complete justice. And siilom is joined with )emel
the Hebrew Bible is siilom. The root of the word is found "truth." Peace, truth, and justice are parallel terms. Their
in many Semitic languages. The Akkadian saliimu comes association in this passage implies that peace has a content
closest to the core meaning of the root, "to be hale, whole, like justice and truth. Peace encompasses a relationship
complete." In one form or another the notions of whole- that is ordered, a relationship of equity. So in Ps 85: I 0
ness, health, and completeness inform all the variants of "righteousness and peace shall kiss"; the two join together
the word. Peace is not, then, simply a negative, the absence as partners in the blessed life. And in Isa 32: 17 the
of war. Peace is a positive notion, a notion with its own prophet avers that "peace is the effect of righteousness,"
content. which in the Vulgate becomes "opus justitiae pax" or "peace
is the work of justice." In this we see a profound theological
Siilom is the daily greeting in Israel; siilom 'alekem "peace
sense to peace which is far beyond the simple idea of the
upon you (pl.)" is a common expression we could translate
cessation of war or the absence of conflict. Indeed, peace
as "good day." But it really is closer to "may you be well."
is not seen as tranquility and order, but rather as the deep
To be well is, of course, to be "whole, to be complete," to
commitment to the work of justice.
have physical and spiritual resources sufficient to one's
Peace also points to the future, because it reconnects an
needs.
ideal of justice that is remembered and expected. That the
Wholeness or completeness can be ascribed to things as
figure of the herald of glad tidings (Nah I: 15 ), whose tas_k
well. Thus Solomon in 1 Kgs 9:25 offers peace offerings
it is to announce a victory, did so to inaugurate peace ts
(seliimfm) in the temple he completed (sillam). A debt is
very important. The herald contrasts with the false
made good (5allem) through payment of money. Vows are
prophet who announces "peace, peace, but there 1s no
completed (5allem) through sacrificial offerings.
peace" (Jer 6:6; 8: 11; 8: 15). Jeremiah's contrast is, like that
Peace is contrasted with war. Qoheleth notes that "there
in Isaiah, between justice and injustice, righteousness and
is a time for peace and a time for war" (Qoh 3:8). In
unrighteousness. Peace is clearly associated with justice
numerous passages peace is negotiated to end or preclude
and often synonymous with justice.
hostilities (Deut 20:10-12; Jos 9:15; 10:1; 10:4; 11:29). R.
The figure, then, of the far siilom "Prince of P~ace" (Isa
de Vaux (Anc/sr, 254) notes that "peace in a political sense
9:5-Eng 9:6) is to be seen as the bringer of Justice, as the
is not only the absence of war in a purely negative sense,
vindicator. He is "in purpose wonderful, in battle God-
but it includes the idea of friendly relations between two like Father of all time, Prince of peace" and his kingdom
peoples" (see Judg 4: 17; Isa 7: 14; I Kgs 5:4, 26; 22:45).
shall be established and sustained with justice and right-
Peace is also synonymous with victory (Judg 8:9; 2 Sam eousness. The same confluence of the peace-bringer with
19:25, 31; 1Kgs22:27-28; Jer 43:12). Peace and prosper- the renewal of justice and righteousness is found in Isaiah
ity are paired (Mic 3:5; Zech 8: 12; Mal 2:5). In this pairing 40.
it would seem that peace is seen as a sort of economic Isa 9:5 should be seen also in the light of Isa 11: l-5,
freedom. where the figure is described who shall inaugurate the
Then there is the idea of dying peaceably. "You shall go peaceable kingdom in which lion and lamb s~all dwell
to your fathers in peace" (Gen 15:15) is a promise to together, while "they shall not hunt or destroy m all my
Abraham; this peace is contrasted to disquiet. The peace holy mountain" (Isa l l :9). This image of peace as . an
of the blessed rest overcomes the natural anxiety about eschatological event manifests the sense of_ complet10n
death and the afterlife. These usages of siilom are "secular" inherent in the idea of peace. Von Rad wntes that the
or "profane," in contrast to the theological understanding anointed one in Isaiah will establish a "paradisal peace ...
of siilom. to bring order over into the world of nature and to resolve
G. von Rad (ROIT, 1: 130) observed that "the relation- its conflicts" (ROTT, 2: 170). Peace is, in fact, the order of
ship guaranteed by a covenant is commonly designated by creation (ibid., 14 7). .
the word slm" (see Gen 26:30ff; 1 Kgs 5:26; Isa 44: IO; Job The theological implications are clear enough. Creation
5:23). The Hebrew Bible speaks of the berit Iii/om "covenant is depicted as an act of divine completion. "On the sixth
of peace" (Num 25: 12; Ezek 34:25; 37:26). This notion of day God completed all the work he had been d<_iing" (Gen
a covenant of peace is particularly useful in developing 2:2). "And God saw all that he had made and It was very
our understanding of siilom. The covenant initiates a rela- good" (Gen l :3 l ). The order of the cosmos created har-
v. 207 PEACE

mony and peace. Justice, righteousness, and peace are all ideal, which presupposes that war will be the arena in
present in this "original state." The parable of Adam and which the truly human virtues can be displayed. The
Eve is one in which sin is unknown and even "good and other, the unheroic ideal, presupposes that human beings
evil" are unknown. The depiction of the dissolution of achieve their true potential in work which produces peace
paradise in j's narrative leads from the serpent's wiles to and justice (Hesiod). The dominant note in the iambic
the murder of Abel, the Flood, and the division of the poets is not exaltation of heroes but using all the resources
peoples of the earth. In brief, creation, once completed, is of art to hold up to ridicule the faults and weaknesses of
now fractured and scattered, disunited and without peace. human nature. Competition in the arts is encouraged
The apocalyptic eschatology of the late kingdoms and (Klassen 1984).
early exile envisioned the restoration of the created order. The Homeric ideal is praised in classical literature (trag-
Deutero- and Trito-lsaiah refer repeatedly to this glorious edy, historical writing, political propaganda) and even
new creation. "I will make your government peace, and dominates the political agenda of the polis. Peace is seen
righteousness rule over you" (Isa 60: 17). "I will send peace as a positive value, even as the highest value, and war is
flowing over her like a river" (Isa 66: 12). This peace is the seen as a necessary stage and the means by which peace is
mark of the new heavens and the new earth which the attained. Si vis pacem, para helium ("if you wish peace,
Lord will make (Isa 66:22). So peace, salom, embraces the prepare for war") went the ancient, widely quoted slogan
notion of the restoration of creation to justice, truth, and (Haase 1977).
righteousness. Peace is a blessing and a sign of the blessed One exception is comedy, especially the comedy of Ar-
life of the new creation just as it was the hallmark of the istophanes whose anti-war position merits further explo-
first creation. Peace is "from the Lord" (I Kgs 2:23) and is ration. The power of Euripides' protest against war in his
"the Lord's own work" (Isa 52:7). Peace is both a restora- plays, The Women of Troy and Medea is felt even to this day.
tion of the divine plan of creation and the harbinger of Prior to Socrates, the adage, "Do good to your friends
the completion of life to come. And to the ears of a weary and harm your enemies" seems to have held the day. With
planet it brings the good news that strife shall cease and his fundamental dictum that "it is never right to repay
that the peoples of the earth "shall beat their swords into anyone evil for evil" (Apo!. 30D) a new approach to the
plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks." resolution of conflict emerged (Dihle 1962). Both Cynics
and Stoics built upon Socrates' insight but forged different
Bibliography concepts of peace. The Cynics praised world citizenship
Blank, S. 1967. Prophetic Faith in Isaiah. Detroit. and used illustrations from animal life to deprecate human
Childs, B. 1986. Old Testament Theology in a Canonical Context. Phila- wars (Malherbe 1977). The Stoics opted for a concept of
delphia. peace as internal control or inner tranquility (ataraxia)
JOSEPH P. HEALEY which ran the risk of becoming insensitive to one's own
feelings as well as to the attacks of others. The Stoics
NEW TESTAMENT however have deeply influenced the later prevailing view
The word eirene (peace) appears in almost every writing of peace through Varro (ca. 40 B.C.E.) whom Augustine
of the NT. It describes an international calm and a rela- copied, and Epictetus (!st century c.E.), whose manual was
tionship of goodwill between God and humans. Most fre- for centuries the handbook of the soldier (Klassen 1977).
quently it describes a social reality, a state of reconciliation The Latin words concordia and pax correspond to the
and wholeness among a group of people. Greek homonoia and eirene respectively. A significant shift
has taken place, however, in that pax commonly refers to
A. Classical Words an enforced pacification program.
B. jJJdaism and Peace
C. Early Christian Views of Peace B. Judaism and Peace
1. Jesus The Jewish concept of salom undergirds the Christian
2. Paul view of peace. For the early Hebrews Yahweh could be
3. Other Early Christian Writings designated Shalom (Judg 6:24) and the word designates the
state of being well. Whereas the Greeks were clearly com-
A. Classical Words fortable applying peace to the inner nature of humans,
the Hebrews tended to use the term primarily for interper-
. In classical Greek three words can be translated "peace":
sonal or social relations where it comes very close to
(1) galene: the calm of nature, specifically at sea; of the
meaning 'justice." When justice is done it is seen as God's
mind or spirit and even of the conscience (Arist.Ep.5); (ii)
gift to the people, and the prosperity (salom) comes to the
homonoia: concord, or the quality of community life which people when they live faithfully under God's covenant
emerges when people think alike or agree; and (iii) eirene; (Ravitsky 1987).
the most frequently used and the most inclusive of the The concept of peace undergoes many changes in the
terms. Plato speaks of the "profound peace" which comes Jewish literature preceding and contemporaneous to the
to older persons when they no longer need to be con- early Christian period. Already in the LXX we perceive
cerned about their passions (Resp.329c). the tendency to interiorize peace as the term eirene begins
The. Greek view of peace has often been portrayed as to be used in connection with the "soul" (Lam 3: 17). Most
cons1stmg primarily in the absence of war: the normal illumin'ating for our time period, however, may be an
human state (Fuch.s 1965 ). More precisely, two contrasting intriguing shift in the tradition as reflected in the Talmud
ideals exist alongside each other: the Homeric, or heroic about the altar made of unhewn stones. As J. Neusner
PEACE 208 • v
(1970) has observed, the lshmaelite version, commenting able ~o ~ssume that J~sus wanted the relationships among
on Deut 27:6 that no iron tools are to be used on the ~1s d1sc1ples to hav~ m.tegrity. What is noteworthy is the
stones of the altar led R. Simon Eleazer to say that the 1mperauve verb which 1s repeated in later Christian texts.
altar was meant to prolong life, iron however shortens it. If peace can be commanded it clearly takes effort and not
"It is not right for that which shortens life to be lifted up just receptivity to divine gifts.
against that which prolongs life." There is of course the disclaimer: "Do not think that I
R. Yohanan b. Zakkai (16-80 c.E.) spells it out specifi- have come to cast peace upon the earth, 1 have not come
cally for peace: "The whole stones are to establish peace, to cast peace but a sword" (Matt 10:34 = Luke 12:51 ). To
although they do not see, hear nor speak, yet they serve to take this to mean that Jesus literally promoted the sword
establish peace between Israel and their Father in heaven or violence contradicts all the other evidence found in the
... How much the more then should the child of peace Gospels. When a disciple used a sword, Jesus firmly re-
who establishes peace between people, between husband buked him and the damage was undone (Luke 22:51 ). The
and wife, between city and city, between nation and nation, saying signifies, rather that Jesus will bring division into
between family and family, between government and gov- the lives of people by his claim to their loyalty and alle-
ernment, be protected from harm." giance. The most sacred of all obligations, that of the
One generation later, Rabbi Aqiba commenting on the family, will be attenuated by his call. Jesus declares that
same text left out all references to peace. The "children of not all that the world terms peace is truly that. Jesus has
peace" became the children of Torah. For the Aqiban party not come to bring a false peace in which outer quietness
during the war of Bar Kokhba, which they endorsed, the rules while storms rage within but rather to cut clean as a
exegesis of Yohanan ben Zakkai was rejected (so Neusner). sword the division between truth and falsehood, between
For Yohanan the atoning function of the altar and the life- idolatry and true service of God.
enhancing role of the altar was displaced by human beings: Closer to the central element in Jesus' work and that of
children of peace. In this respect Yohanan stood very close his disciples is the term of self-designation he suggests for
to his fellow rabbi, Jesus of Nazareth. his disciples: "child of peace" (Luke 10:6). The Jewish
custom of the time was to designate persons in accordance
C. Early Christian Views of Peace with their behavior (sons of light, sons of darkness, suns uf
The NT uses galene once to refer to the calmness of the Beliar, sons of righteousness). Given the central place
Sea of Galilee (Mark 4:39 and parallels). The second, peace holds in Judaism one would expect !st-century Jews
homonoia, meaning concord or harmony among people, is to designate peace-loving people as "children of peace."
never used in the canonical NT although it is frequent One group which could have been called that was the
among the Apostolic Fathers. By far the largest number of "peace party" during the war of 66-74 c.E. But Jesus is the
occurrences are of the word eirene, which appears in every only !st-century Jew to whom this phrase is attributed;
NT author except 1 John and in its various forms about Hillel, his contemporary, preferred to invite: "Be of the
I 00 times in total. disciples of Aaron, loving peace and pursuing peace"
In Christian ethical thought, eirene is deeply influenced (Pirke Aboth I: 12). Little is said about Aaron and his peace-
by the function salom had in Jewish literature. Thus it is making in Jewish sources. One can only conclude that
used most often as a greeting of encounter (John 20: 19, when the figure of Aaron is cited Stoic virtues were in-
21, 26) or as a departing salutation (Mark 5:34). In the voked and that sons of Aaron are those who quietly stand
NT epistles it has clearly become formulaic; joined with by (Rabinowitz 1967; Klassen 1981).
the word "grace" (Rom I :7; I Cor I :3; 2 Cor I :2; Phil I :2; The phrase "child of peace" which appears only here, is
Col I :2; I Thess I: I; 2 Thess 1:2; Titus 1:4; Phlm 3; I Pet most likely a genuine coinage of Jesus. After him, only
I :2; 2 Pet I :2; Rev I :4); and with the word "mercy" as well Luke and Tertullian used it. It did not .emerge as a term
(I Tim 1:2; 2 Tim 1:2; 2 John 3; Jude 2) at the beginning for post-Easler Christians, perhaps because of the pres-
of the letters, sometimes at the end (3 John 15; I Pet 5: 14), ence of the "peace party" in the revolt against Rome in 66-
and occasionally at both (Eph I :2; 6:23; Gal I :3; 6: 16). 70 c.E. The more assertive term: "Peacemaker" (Matt 5:9:
1. Jesus. Behind the emphasis placed by NT writers on noun; Col 1:20 as an aorist participle and Jas 3:18 [noun]
peace lies the teaching and practice of Jesus. With the combined with the verb "to make") upstaged it.
words: "Go in peace" he dismissed both the woman healed The formula "to make peace" is found in the OT (Isa
of her hemorrhaging (Mark 5:34; Luke 8:48) and the 27:5); generally God is the subject of the verb. It appears
sinful woman who came to see him while he was at a meal in such a context in the LXX (Josh 9: 15) but it also is used
(Luke 7:50). In the Fourth Gospel in particular peace of military leaders, as those who pacify the countryside. 1
appears both as a parting gift ( 14:27) and as a greeting by Maccabees prefers its usage for a state of real peace with-
the risen Christ to his disciples (20: 19, 21, 26). out battle ( 11 :51; 13:37; 14: 11) but also once uses it for a
According to Mark the gift of peace is not only to be military action (6:49). In a later Jewish text the term is
granted to people as they leave but is also an action which used for the male organ that makes peace between hus-
can be commanded. He transmits a word that urges the band and wife (Midr. R. Lev. 18:1).
early disciples to share the salt of friendship, i.e., to eat In the NT, the term goes back first of all to Jesus and
together and by doing so to keep the fellowship or com- the beatitude which promises the high calling of being a
munity intact: Mark 9:50c: "Have salt among yourselves child of God to those who are peacemakers (Matt 5:9).
and keep peace with each other" (Lattke 1984). Although The promise of being called a child of God is well known
we cannot be certain Jesus spoke these words, there are no in Jewish circles (Sir 4: 10) and is generally associated with
inherent grounds to deny their genuineness. It is reason- keeping the covenant (Pss. Sol. 13:8; 17:30; Deut. Rab. 7:9),
v • 209 PEACE

observing the law and, in general, remaining faithful to altercation between two people (Acts 7:26), or the end ofa
God. disagreement within the Church (Acts 15:33).
Among the beatitudes of Jesus the term "peacemaker" An early lament over Jerusalem (Luke 13:34) bemoans
is the most assertive. All the rest designate a state or an Jerusalem's treatment of the prophets. Luke, and only he,
attitude while this one describes a concrete act (Windisch depicts most poignantly Jesus' last lament over Jerusalem:
1925). Some of the other occurrences enforce this point: "Seeing the city he wept over her saying: 'If only you had
Jesus is described as "having made peace" (Eph 2: 15) known on this day that which brings peace; but now it is
through the blood of his cross (Col I :20). By interposing hidden from your eyes' " (Luke 19:42). In no other place
himself between the warring parties, Jesus atoned for their is it so movingly stated that Israel's national tragedy is a
sin and made peace by reconciliation. result of her refusal to live according to the covenant with
More problematic is the usage in Jas 3: 18. Various di- God. Even the desire to make Jesus a good Stoic who would
verse renderings of this sentence have been proposed. One not weep yields here to the historical reality. Similar state-
acceptable translation is: "For the (fruit or) harvest of ments are found in Josephus twenty years after the event.
justice has been sown in peace by those who make peace." Finally, the formula: "he gave the good news of peace
A reading of Isaiah 32-33 in the LXX makes it clear that through Jesus Christ, who is Lord of All," (Acts 10:36)
a connection exists between justice and peace and even the indicates that the author of Luke-Acts saw the word
image of sowing is introduced here (Isa 32:20). "peace" as a capsule for that which the good news about
James utilizes the theme of sowing and reaping and Christ contains. It is incorrect to restrict the meaning to
those two terms describe very well the relationship between peace between God and humans (Haenchen Apostelges-
peace and justice. It is an organic relationship-that of chichte MeyerK, 304; Zahn Apostelgeschichte HKNT, 355-
seed and fruit but it is also clear that their sequence can be 56). Especially in this context of the gentile mission-
reversed. In order to receive the gift of God's peace one where the universality of God's love and acceptance is
can do justice, when Yahweh is heeded then peace will flow being proclaimed-it is not irrelevant that one of the
down like a river (Isa 48:18; 66:12). If one makes peace greatest human divisions of ancient society, that between
then justice will grow like a flower (Isa 32: 16-19). Paul too Jew and gentile, is described as overcome. The similarities
sees peace and justice as integrally bound to each other - between this and Ephesians are worthy of note.
(Rom 14:17). The Fourth Gospel affirms that peace is intimately re-
In Mark both the verb "be at peace" (9:50) and the noun lated to Jesus himself. It is a gift related to the commission
(5:34) appear only once. In Luke's gospel the noun ap- to forgive sins (20: 19, 21, 26) and go forth in the power of
pears 13 times and in the Acts another seven times. Luke the Holy Spirit, but also before his death he promises
speaks explicitly of peace more often than Mark, Matthew, them: "Peace I leave to you, my peace I give to you, the
and john combined. He obviously has a particular interest kind of peace the world cannot give" (14:27). The differ-
in the topic of peace (Swartley 1983; Donahue 1982). He ence between the world's peace and that of Jesus is not
reads the Christ event through the eyes of his contempo- explained, but it has to do with John's notion of the world
raries who have heard much of the peace of Augustus. (kosmos). "In the world you will have trouble. But courage!
They have identified the Jews as those who disrupted that The victory is mine; I have conquered the world" (16:33).
peace in the war of 66-74 and with whom the Christians In Christ peace is available to them. The difference must
could be all too easily identified. not be drawn along Stoic lines, as if the peace of Christ
The forerunner of the Messiah in Luke signals that "in "has nothing to do with the absence of warfare nor ...
the tender compassion of our God ... the morning sun with an end to psychological tension, nor with a sentimen-
will rise upon us to shine on those who live in darkness, tal feeling of well-being" (Brown john xiii-xxi AB, 653).
under the cloud of death, and to guide our feet into the Caesar's peace enforced by violence is not the same as the
path of peace" (Luke I :79). The allusions are to Isa 59:9- peace of Christ which derives from his victory over evil
10 and its vivid description of how hard it is to find one's through the absorption of suffering. The two are dramat-
way when there is neither justice nor peace. ically different ways of bringing peace. In general, the
In the infancy narratives "peace is virtually identified Johannine community has little interest in the topic of
with that salvation which will characterize the new age" peace. The word appears only six times in the Fourth
(Donahue). Luke also has the angelic hymn promising Gospel and is christologically determined.
peace on earth to those responding to that event (2: 14). 2. Paul. The matter stands very differently with Paul.
The inverted doublet appears in 19:38 where Luke follows His roots in Judaism are firmly established and yet he lives
Job 25:2 in affirming that God has established "peace" in in the Roman Empire as a Roman citizen. From many
heaven; both have "glory to God in highest heaven." Job's angles he would clearly appreciate the pax Romana. At the
assumption 1s that peace must be brought to heaven before same time he is captivated by the pax Christi. Paul begins
ll can be brought to earth, although the LXX translators with God and not with Christ.
cannot bring themselves to affirm that eirine is needed in We find here the surprising fact that the formula, "the
heaven. They change the meaning to "he made the uni- God of Peace" if not a Pauline construct, was so attractive
verse" (Gk sympasam), from "he established order or peace to him that he avails himself of it more frequently than
m the heavens." any other ancient writer. It is known to appear in only one
Luke, however, can also use the term, eirene, to describe other ancient writer prior to Paul.
the more _secular or mundane security involved in peace: The T Dan boldly pronounces: "Speak the truth each
from theft (11:21), averting war (14:32; Acts 12:20), re- one to their neighbor and you will not fall into anger and
lease from persecution (Acts 9:31 ), reconciliation after an confusion, but will remain in peace and have the God of
PEACE 210 • v
peace and no war will conquer you" (5:2). The author of Christ may serve as an arbitrator or referee in the hearts
promises that if Israel repents they will find mercy and be of those who hear him read (3: 15 ). The author sees peace
given peace, even as the Lord wages war against Beliar. as the purpose of their calling, just as in I Cor 7: 15 Paul
Those who call upon the Lord will have "eternal peace" states that being called to a relationship of peace is more
(5:9-10). The author is convinced that if Israel repents important than maintaining a marriage between a believer
the kingdom of Beliar will come to an end and the "angel and unbeliever.
of Peace himself will strengthen Israel, so that it will not In rabbinic sources it was affirmed that God had lied to
fall into deepest evil" (6:5). retain peac_e between Sarah and Abraham and that peace
The "angel of peace" appears also in the T Asher where was more important than truth (Yebam. 65b, Midr. Rab.
the soul at peace going forth with joy will learn to know Gen. 48, Der. Er. Zut. 9). Paul affirms a similar position:
the angel of peace who will lead him into eternal life (T Peace between husband and wife is a major objective, it is
Asher 6:6). The T Benj. even says that "if you have a good their calling (I Cor 7: 15 ). Peace stands third in the fruit of
attitude, then even evil people with be at peace with you" the spirit (Gal 5:22) and in Rom 14:17 the kingdom of
(5: 1). Here the role of the angel of peace is to lead the soul God is defined as consisting of justice, joy, and peace in
of the good man (T Benj. 6: I), "who loves those who the Holy Spirit. Paul also prays that the God of Hope will
wrong him as he loves his own life" (4:3). He believed fill the Romans with all joy and peace, so that they, while
firmly that good will conquer evil and that the pious man they believe, may abound in hope in the power of the Holy
when attacked will through his mercy bring the wanton Spirit (15:13).
man to repent because he showed mercy and maintains The imperative "be at peace among yourselves" occurs
silence. And a righteous man because he prays, even three times in the Pauline letters: once in Romans urging
though for a brief time he may be humbled, later he will his readers to make peace with all people ( 12: 18) and twice
appear far more illustrious, ... for the angel of peace urging unanimity among the believers (I Thess 5:13; 2
guides his life" (5:4-6: 1). Cor 13: 11). These imperatives, without parallel in Greek
The angel of peace appears also in Ethiopic Enoch as a and Roman literature, have the same impact as the imper-
guide to follow and interpreter. These writers instead of atives to "pursue the things that pertain to peace" (Rom
speaking of the God of Peace envision an angel of peace 14: 19); "send him (Timothy) on ahead in peace" (I Cor
as an intermediary. 16:11) and "Take heed to keep the unity of the spirit in
Paul used the formula, "the God of Peace" a total of six the bond of peace" (Eph 4:3). The impact is strengthened
times. The earliest reference is I Thess 5:23 and the latest when the verb "pursue" is used as in 2 Tim 2:22; Rom
is Phil 4:9. Most often (five times) it appears as a benedic- 14:19; Heb 12:14 (with all people) and I Pet 3:11: "Seek
tion or prayer but also to enforce an ethical admonition: peace and pursue it"; (quoting from Ps. 34: 14). In total
"God is not of chaos but of peace" (I Cor 14:33). Once it there are eleven imperatives "to seek" or "pursue peace"
is combined with the "God of Love" (2 Cor 13: 11) and and several specify to live at peace with all people. The
once changed to "the Lord of Peace," (2 Thess 3: 16). Here cumulative impression of these texts is that for the early
he prays that peace will be given to his readers always and Christian community peace had a very high priority.
in every way. In another text the God of peace will "sanc- Could this stress on the value of harmonious life within
tify" them completely (I Thess 5:23). community and beyond have come from Jesus himself?
In a strikingly unique reference Paul predicts that "the The richest source for understanding peace in the .NT
God of Peace will soon crush Satan under your feet" (Rom is found in the letter to the Ephesians. In part this is true
16:20). In this sole reference to Satan in Romans, Paul because of the affirmation: "Christ is himself our peace"
used traditional apocalyptic language for the defeat of evil (2: 14). Further the term "proclaim good news" of peace is
(Malherbe 1983) and only here is it perhaps possible to used twice, once in a noun phrase ("the gospel of peace"
describe "peace as essentially an eschatological concept 6: 15), and once in a verbal phrase (2: 17). This author is
and not a social-political one" (Furnish 1984), a set of working in a situation where he is not only eager to show
alternatives ordinarily foreign to his thinking. Obviously that Jew and Greek are no longer separated by cultural or
Paul while eschewing the term, "the God of War" (Exod religious differences but he seems also to be dealing with
15:3) does not leave behind conflict terminology when he a Caesar-cult which elevates the contribution Caesar has
develops a new term to describe the God he has learned to made to peace.
know through Jesus Christ (Delling 1975). The morality Against the credit bestowed on Caesar for peace, this
he has described in Romans (esp. 16: 17-19) will be the author credits Jesus for having broken down the wall of
instrument by which Satan is crushed under your feet partition, with "having made peace." He seeks to
(Malherbe 1983). strengthen the Ephesians' devotion to Jesus, who is de-
Paul speaks, moreover, not only of the God of Peace but scribed not only as peacemaker but as peace himself. Later
also of the peace of God (Phil 4:7); and of the peace of Christianity could have avoided individualism, anti-semi-
Christ (Col 3: 15). In the first instance he stresses that the tism, and blind obedience to Caesar if it would have taken
peace of God transcends human reason and comprehen- this view of peace more seriously. For the focus is on
sion. Nevertheless, it is his prayer that it may protect his communities, reconciled in one person.
readers' hearts and minds from wrongful intrusion. Al- Paul's contemporaries excelled in attempts to glorify and
though it may transcend human comprehension, its major even deify peace or the emperor who had been effective
domain of operation is still the human mind as well as the in restoring order to the empire. In an allusion to the
heart. coinage of the empire, Paul warned about the people who
Similarly, the author of Colossians prays that the peace promised "peace and security" (I Thess 5:3). Important as
v. 211 PEACE

these may be, if they are obtained only through repression The sharpest challenge to the Christian concept of peace
they have to be discarded as alien to the manner of came with the ascendance of the Caesar cult and the
peacemaking associated with Jesus (Wengst. 1987). In a attendant persecution. The response was an immersion in
highly militant passage, the author of Ephesians, borrow- the apocalypse, not as a diversion from history but rather
ing freely from other precedents (Isaiah 59; Wis 11 :20ff) as a use of the imagination which allows one to take the
prescribes as part of the armor: "let the boots you wear be enemy seriously and to project the battle against a mightier
the gospel of Peace" (6:15). The trampling boot of the screen. Much of the ancient apocalyptic literature was
soldier has been transformed into good news that peace subversive, and apocalyptic imagery could be used for
has arrived. It is not an accident that in Cynic circles as well communication among the persecuted minority without
one of the profoundest statements in the 1st century about unduly endangering the group. So books like the T. Moses
war and peace is found in a letter attributed to Heraclitus, affirm that Divine sovereignty will be maintained, but they
directed at Ephesus (Malherbe 1977). In any case that also affirm that the role of the faithful is to endure
letter was a brilliant rejection of war rather than a state- suffering without retaliation. For the Christian community
ment on how peace could be achieved. represented by the Revelation, one secure anchor is the
There is only one reference in Paul to peace between assurance that the blood of the martyrs will be vindicated.
God and humans (Rom 5: 1). It forms part of his argument God will rule in history because history's greatest show of
in the first part of Romans that a profound alienation has power came in the Lamb that was slain. History is the
crept into God's relationship with humankind, an aliena- unfolding of the rule of the Lamb. It will end when the
tion from which no one is exempt and from which no one throne of the Lamb becomes also the throne of God
can be humanly extricated. Only God's act of sheer mercy (21 :22; 22:2, 3).
makes peace with God a possibility. Once that peace is Thus the plot of the book is the realization in history of
achieved then a new relationship with life is available. It is that which is perceived as proleptically accomplished in
a new life, "those who live on the level of the spirit have a chaps. 4 and 5. The main purpose of the book is to
spiritual outlook and that is life and peace" (Rom 8:6). encourage those who follow the Lamb to remain faithful
3. Other Early Christian Writings. The letter to the to his manner of dealing with evil and with power; espe-
Hebrews also, used the designation "God of peace" in the cially they must endure suffering patiently and remain
finest prayer found in the NT (13:20). Melchizedek is true to the Lamb (Lampe 1981). By concentrating on the
called "a king of peace" and a parallel is drawn between glory and power of the Lamb and ascribing all honor and
him and Jesus, both of whom were kings of justice and power and glory to him, their loyalty to the emperor is of
peace (7:2). In the hortatory section (12:7-15) sonship, course lessened and they resist the temptation of worship-
peace, justice, and holiness, are joined. ping the beast. At the same time the Lamb overcomes his
There is finally one reference in the NT to peace in enemies through the Word that proceeds out of his mouth,
which eschatology plays a major role. The author of 2 and although that is described as a "sword," what comes
Peter foresees the time when the world will go up in flames out of the mouth can heal as well as hurt (19:15). The
and, as if it is inevitable, urges "since the whole universe difference between the two is decided by the receiver.
will break up in this way, think about what sort of people The apocalyptic persuasion, sometimes seen as hostile
you ought to be, what devout and sanctified lives you to peace in history, "for you shall hear of wars and ru-
should live!" (3: 11-12). Christians look forward to a new mours of wars, do not be alarmed" (Mark 13:7 = Matt
heaven and a new earth, "the home of justice." 24:6 = Luke 21:9), makes no claims about the inevitability
The final advice remains: "With this to look forward to, or necessity of war. It simply affirms that as long as there
do your utmost to be found in a good relationship (eirene) are people who grasp for power and promote violence,
with him, unblemished and above reproach in his sight" war is predictable. Clearly the Lamb does not initiate war,
(14-15). This, like Romans 5, stresses "peace" as a relation- for the beast and the dragon (those committed to war with
ship with God, without however ignoring the human di- the Lamb) use that method (17:14). The Lamb will over-
mension. It shares with other texts concern with justice come, and in that terminology the Apocalypse of John uses
(v 13) and holiness (v 11). It could emerge from a com- conflict terminology in a highly symbolic way. Accordingly
munity influenced by Stoicism which had resigned itself to peace does not become internalized, and the struggle is
the inevitable. Convinced that the course of history cannot public, but it also safeguards early Christianity from join-
be changed the Stoics stress a holy life which is tied to ing in the revolution against Rome from 66-74 c.E. and in
peace with God. The issue of justice is not muted and the subsequent revolts. At least for the first 200 years the early
combination: "Pursue peace with all and holiness without Christian movement followed the understanding of the
which no one will see the Lord" (Heb 12:14) is clearly also relation of peace to war left them by their Teacher. This
evident here. was true even when the basic usage of words for peace
Ever since the days of Augustine, when he dipped into changed (in 1 Clement, Beyschlag 1972; van Unnik 1970)
pre-Christian Stoic thought (Varro) for his definition of and when they adopted Roman ways of thinking about
Christian peace (Fuchs 1965 ), peace as an inner feeling peace.
has had a pervasive influence. This text, however, while it Early Christian views on peace were anchored in theol-
takes eschatology seriously, brings no support for escape ogy and Christology, what members believed about God
from the present world. The next world can be brought and what they believed about Jesus. This had profound
not by .quietism but by repentance (3:9). The prophet's implications for their self-understanding as a community
convJCuon that repentance influences history overrides the and for their convictions about how people could live
apocalyptic tendency to determinism. together. Within the community, openness or freedom of
PEACE 212 • v
speech was practiced. It was believed, following the proverb Levick, B. l 978. Concordia at Rome. Pp. 217-33 in Scripta Num-
that "a frank rebuke leads to peace" (Prov I 0: I 0). It was maria Romana. Essays presented lo Humphrey Sutherland. London.
also united with joy (Rom 14: I 7), just as the Proverb Luz, U. et al. 198 l. Eschatologie und Friedenshandeln Exegel~<che
already predicts that those who seek peace will find joy Beilriige zur Frage christlicher Friedensverantworlung. Stuttgart.
(Prov 12:20). So peace had inner dimensions, but was not Malherbe, A.]. 1977. The Cynic Epistles: A Study Edition. Missoula,
confined to inner attitudes, just as it had theological roots MT.
but profound implications for community living. Beyond - - . 1980. The Cynic Epistles. Missoula, MT.
the inner-personal and the interpersonal community as- - - . 1983. Antisthenes and Odysseus and Paul at War. HTR 76:
pects, the NT views on peace also included a concern for 143-73.
the outsider. They followed Judaism in prescribing the McSorley, R. l 984. New Testament Basis of Peacemaking. Scottsdale,
pursuit of peace with all people and in every way as one of PA.
the highest priorities of Christian conduct (I Pet 3: I I; Heb Meurer, S. 197 l. Das Recht im Dienst der Versiinhnung und des Fnedens.
12:14; Rom 12:18; 14:19). Zurich.
Nestle, W. 1938. Der Friedensqedanke in der antiken Welt. Leipzig.
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Batto, B. F. 1987. The Covenant of Peace: A Neglected Ancient ment. Conseroative Judaism 24: 48-57.
Near Eastern Motif. CBQ 49: 187-21 l. North, R. 1985. Violence and the Bible: The Girard Connection.
Beyschlag, K. 1972. Zur EIRENE BATHEIA (I Clem. 2:2) VC 26: CBQ 47: 1-27.
18-23. Rabinowitz, L. I. 1967. The Study of a Midrash.]QR 58: 143-61.
Bonk, J. 1988. The World at War, The Church al Peace. Winnipeg. Ravitsky, A. 1987. Peace. Pp. 685-702 in Contemporary.Jewish Reli-
Brandenburger, E. 1971. Grundlinien des Friedenverstandnisses gious Thought, ed. A. A. Cohen and P. Mendes-Flohr. New
in NT. WD 11:21-72. York.
- - . 1973. Frieden im Neuen Testamenl. Gutersloh. Schmidt, H. 1969. Frieden. Stuttgart.
Comblin,]. 1963. Theologie de la Pa&c. Paris. Schrey, H. 1981. Funfzig Jahre Besinnung uber Krieg und Frieden.
Delling, G. 1975. Die Bezeichnung 'Gott des Friedens' und ahnliche TRu 46: 58-96; 149-80.
Wendungen in den Paulusbriefen. Pp. 76-84 in Jesus und Sisson, ]. P. 1986. Jeremiah and the Jerusalem Conception of Peace.
Paulus, ed. E. E. Ellis and E. Grasser. Gottingen. ]BL 105: 429-42.
Dihle, A. 1962. Die goldene Regel. Gottingen. Stier, H. E. 1975. Augustusfriede und romische Klassik. ANRW 21
Dinkier, E. 1973. Eirene, der urchristliche Friedensgedanke. Heidel- 2: 4-54.
berg. Stuhlmacher, P. 1970. Der Begriff des Friedens im Neuen Testa-
Donahue,]. R. 1982. The Good News of Peace. The Way 88-99. ment und seine Konsequenzen. Vol. 4, pp. 21-69 in Studien
Fuchs, H. 1965. Augustin und der antike Friedensgedanke. Berlin. zur Friedensforschung.
Furnish, V. 1984. War and Peace in the NT. Int 38: 363-73. Swartley, W. 1983. Politics and Peace in Luke's Gospel. Pp. 18-37
Gnilka,]. 1970. Christus unser Friede--ein Friedens-Erloserlied in in Political Issues in Luke-Acts, ed. R. J. Cassidy and P. J. Schar-
Eph. 2, 14-17. Erwagungen einer neutestamentlichen Frieden- per. Maryknoll, NY.
stheologie. Pp. 190-207 in Die Zeitjesus, Festschriftfilr H. Schlier, Unnik, W. C. van. 1970. "Tiefer Friede" (I Klemens 2.2). VC 24:
ed. G. Bornkamm und K. Rahner. 261-79.
Vogtle, A. 1983. Was isl Frieden? Orientierungshilfen au.1 dem Neuen
Haase, W. 1977. "Si vis pacem, para helium": Zur Beurteilung militar-
Testament. Freiburg.
ischer Starke in der romischen Kaiserzeit. Pp. 721-55 in Akten
Wald, M. 1944. Shalom: Jewish Teaching on Peace. New York.
des XI. Internationalen Limeskongresses. Budapest.
Weigel, R. D., and Matthew, M. 1981. Peace in the Ancient World.
Hanson, P. 1984. War and Peace in the Hebrew Bible. Int 38: 341-
Jefferson, NC.
62.
Wengst, K. 1987. Pax Romana and the Peace ofJesus Christ. Trans. J.
Hastings,]. l 922. The Christian Doctrine of Peace. Edinburgh.
Bowden. Philadelphia.
Hopwood, K. 1986. Peace in the Ancient World. Vol. 2, pp. 197- Windisch, H. 1925. Friedensbringer-Gottessohne. ZNW 24: 240-
208 in World Encyclopedia of Peace, ed. E. Laszlo and Jong You! 60.
Yoo. New York. Yoder, P. B. 1986. SHALOM: The Bible's Word for Salvation, Justice,
Klassen, W. 1977. "Humanitas" as seen by Epictetus and Musonius and Peace. Newton, KS.
Rufus. Studi Storico Religiosi l: 63-82. Zampaglione, G. 1973. The Idea of Peace in Antiquity. Notre Dame.
- - . 1981. A "Child of Peace" (Luke 10:4) in First Century WILLIAM KLASSEN
Context. NTS 27: 484-506.
- - . l 984. Love of Enemies: The Way to Peace. Philadelphia.
- - . l 986. Peace. Pp. 767-69 in Illustrated Dictionary and Concor- PEACEMAKING, PEACEMAKERS. Making
dance of the Bible, ed. G. Wigoder. New York. peace (eirenopoieo) and peacemakers (eirenopoios) occur
Klemm, M. 1977. Eirene im neutestamentlichen Sprachsystem. Bonn. each once in the NT (Col I :20; Matt 5:9). Until now there
Lampe, P. 1981. Die Apokalyptiker-Ihre Situation und ihr Han- has been no consensus among scholars as to who is the
deln. Pp. 61-114 in Eschatologie und Friedenshandeln, ed. U. subject of "peacemaking" in Col I :20. For some it is God
Luz. Stuttgart. or the "fullness" of v 19, for others it is Christ. Most recent
Lattke, M. 1984. Salz der Freundschaft in Mk. 9:50c. ZNW 75: 44- commentators and authors of monographs distinguish two
59. layers in Col I: 15-20: an early Christian (or even pre-
Leipoldt, ]. 1965. Herrscherkult und Friedensidee. Pp. 127-42 in Christian) hymn and a comment on it. Burger (1975: 3-
Umwelt des Urchristentums. Berlin. 79) distinguishes three layers. The oldest was an original
v • 213 PEDAIAH

(Christian) hymn that spoke of Christ as "beginning, first- PEDAHEL (PERSON) [Heb pedah>e[j. The son of Am-
born from the dead, in whom all the fullness dwelt ... mihud, the leader of the tribe of Naphtali who was ap-
whether on earth or in heaven" (vv 181:>-20). A subsequent pointed to help distribute the land to the Israelites (Num
editor made God the subject of the whole strophe vv 181:>- 34:28). Pedahel is a theophoric name, consisting of the
20 (i.e., of the work of atonement and peace among the element pdh, "ransom," "redeem" and the common term
heavenly and the earthly beings through Christ by virtue for the divine, >et. Thus, Pedahel may be translated as
of his resurrection). The final author of Colossians then either "the divine has ransomed" or "the divine has re-
reinterpreted this work of God by reference to the re- deemed." The name has been found, outside of Scripture,
deeming death of Christ. The double "through him" in v in a Phoenician seal from Damascus dated to the 8th
20c still shows the insertion. On this level, the "peacemak- century e.c.~ .. and an Assyrian cognate, Padu-ilu, occurs
ing" refers probably to the reconciliation of heaven and in a text from Nineveh (APNM, 256; JPN, 180).
earth with God. (For the word, cf. Prov IO: IO; for the idea RAPHAEL I. PANITZ
Rom 5: I, IO; 2 Cor 5:20.)
There is an echo of Col I :20 in Eph 2: 15, where "mak-
ing peace" (poion eirenen) is said of Christ. The author of PEDAHZUR (PERSON) [Heb pedahrur]. The father of
Ephesians seems to have used, in addition to Colossians I, the chief (nasi>, Num 2:20) Gamaliel of the tribe of Manas-
a hymnic fragment apparent in Eph 2:14-17. This frag- seh. Each of the five times that Pedahzur is mentioned in
ment speaks in cosmic language of Christ as unifying two the OT occurs in a tribal list where his mark of distinction
divided areas (heaven and earth). It ends with a reference is his status as the father of Gamaliel. Under the leadership
to Isa 57:19 combined with 52:7: the announcement of of Pedahzur's son Gamaliel, the tribe of Manasseh partici-
peace to those distant and near (v 17). Whereas the hymn pated in the census of Israelite fighting men carried out
speaks of the reconciliation of heaven and earth and their by Moses (Num I: I 0, 34-35 ), presented its offerings on
atonement with God, the author of Ephesians seems to the eighth day of the twelve-day celebration of the dedica-
have understood the "atonement" mainly as reconciliation tion of the altar (Num 7:54, 59), took its proper place on
between Jews and gentiles. He took the concept of "peace" the west side of the tabernacle in the Israelite camp (Num
from the quotation of Isaiah, made it the main theme of 2:20), and assumed its position in the order of march at
the whole strophe (v 14), and referred the peace in v 141:>- the Israelites' departure from Mt. Sinai (Num 10:23). The
15 to the unity of Jews and gentiles, and in vv 16-17 to name Pedahzur means "the Rock has rescued," where "the
their common atonement with God (cf. Burger 1975: 117- Rock" is an appellative rather than a proper name and
39.) serves as a metaphor for the Lord (cf. Ps 18:3). Noth (JPN,
To those who "make peace" (same expression), Jas 3: 18 181) speculates that a child would be named Pedahzur
announces a "fruit of righteousness sown in peace" (<lat. because the mother was delivered from danger at the time
commodi rather than auctoris: BDF 188, I; it is sown proba- of childbirth.
bly by God in the sense of a passivum divinum). "Making DALE f. LAUNDERVILLE
peace" refers here to a peaceful attitude in the community
as a sign of divine wisdom, as the preceding vv 13-17
show. PEDAIAH (PERSON) [Heb pedayah]. The name Pedaiah
The beatitude of the "peacemakers" in Matt 5:9 is one was held by seven people in the Hebrew Bible. The name
of a group of passages common to Matthew and Luke is attested more frequently in the postexilic period and
(Matt 5:34; 6: 11-12 par.) going back either to a pre- may have been more popular then. The meaning is "Yah-
Matthean expansion of Q, to tradition, or to the redac- weh has ransomed" with the shortned forms "Yah" or
tional activity of Matthew. The opinion of McE!eney that "Yahu."
it goes back to tradition, together with vv 7 and 8, is well 1. The maternal grandfather of king Jehoiakim of Ju-
founded. In the present context "peacemaking" may refer dah (608-598 B.C.E.). His daughter's name is given in the
to both one's own enemies or to those of the community MT as either Zebiddah (Kethib) or Zebuddah (Qere) (2
(vv 10-12, 21-26, 38-47: cf. Schnackenburg). Kgs 23:36). The latter might mean approximately
"gifted." Pedaiah came from the town of Ru mah which was
Bibliography
in the N near Rimmon. The name occurs in extrabiblical
Burger, C. 1975. Schi5pfung und Versohnung. WMANT 46. Neu-
sources in the Ophal seal (6th century B.C.E.) and in the
kirchen.
Elephantine papyri, AP, 43 (Myers 1 Chronicles AB, 21).
McEleney, N. 1981. The Beatitudes of the Sermon on the Mount/ 2. The third son of Jeconiah/Jehoiakin and, contrary to
Plain. CBQ 43: 1-13.
most other traditions, the father of Zerubbabel ( l Chr
Schnackenburg, R. 1982. Die Seligpreisung der Friedensstifter (Mt 3:16-24). Compare Ezra 3:2, 8; 5:2; Neh 12:1; Hag l:l,
5,9) im mattaischen Kontext. Bl 26: 161-78. 12, 14; 2:2, 23; and in the New Testament Matt 1:12 and
JOHANNES BEUTLER Luke 3:27. Williamson has suggested that since the genea-
logical list in I Chronicles is later than the other materials
and puts Zerubbabel in a less exalted position it is likely to
PEARL, HYMN OF THE. See HYMN OF THE rest on an accurate tradition (Williamson Chronicles NCBC,
PEARL. 57). But it is just as possible that this list reflects Zerubba-
bel's mysterious loss of importance in the postexilic com-
munity after the completion of the temple. Note that the
PEARLS. See DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION. LXX substitutes the name Shealtiel in our text for Pedaiah.
PEDAIAH 214 • v
3. The father of Joel from the half tribe of Manasseh W ceeded to the throne after his assassination of King Peka-
of the Jordan River (1Chr27:20). The list in I Chr 27:16- hiah who had united Israel for two years (2 Kgs 15:23).
22 purports to give the rulers of each tribe under David. The name Pekah is closely related to Pekahiah, the name
The list is, in the opinion of some scholars, integral to vv of the king whom the Bible reports Pekah succeeded.
23-24 which follow and have as their main purpose to Pekahiah in Hebrew means "Yahweh opened (the eyes]"
exonerate David from blame for the census. The list may (TPNAH, 94) or "Yahweh is open-eyed or alert" (JPN, 186).
then give the names of the tribal rulers who were respon- Pekah is a shortened form of the name derived from the
sible in this matter (Williamson Chronicles NCBC, 175- same Hebrew verbal root pqft. This verbal root occurs in
I 76). the Hebrew Bible in a name only in connection with the
4. The son of Parosh in Neh 3:25 (LXX 2 Esdr 13:25). names of these two kings. The similarity of the two names
He helped to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem under Nehe- and the distinctiveness of the verbal root have raised the
miah. possibility that the two kings were actually one and the
5. The man who stood on the left of Ezra when he read same person. However, this is unlikely. The two kings have
the Book of the Law to the people in Jerusalem. This was two different fathers: Remaliah is the father of Pekah (2
probably a place of honor, but we do not know anything Kgs 15:27), Menahem of Pekahiah (2 Kgs 15:23). It is quite
more about him or his position (Neh 8:4 = I Esdr 9:44). possible that Pekah originally had another name. When he
6. The father of Joed and the son of Kolaiah of the murdered King Pekahiah and usurped the throne, he may
tribe of Benjamin (Neh 11 :7 = 2 Esdr 2 I :7). They are have taken the closely related name Pekah for himself as a
listed in chap. 11 along with the other leaders of the means of identifying himself as a legitimate successor.
people dwelling in Jerusalem and in the provinces during Isaiah 7 provides some evidence that the name Pekah may
the time of Nehemiah. have been perceived as a usurped and illegitimate name
7. The Levite who was appointed by Nehemiah to su- for the new king. The prophet Isaiah mentions the name
pervise the distribution of the portions of the Levites from of Rezin king of Syria, but the prophet simply refers to the
the temple storehouses (Neh 13: 13). The appointment of king of Israel as "the son of Remaliah" with no mention of
officers to oversee the distribution of the portions was the his name (Isa 7:4-5, 9; 8:6). Isaiah may thereby signal a
last action in a series which Nehemiah took apparently refusal to acknowledge the legitimacy of Pekah's reign by
following the reading of the "Book of Moses" which is avoiding the name stolen from the previous king Pekahiah.
mentioned in v 1. The room which he caused to be In any case, it seems clear that Pekah and Pekahiah are two
cleansed and used for this purpose was the same one that distinct royal figures.
Tobias the Ammonite had been given the use of by the The second and most troublesome issue connected with
high priest. In reinstituting the distribution of the levitical Pekah is the question of the precise number of years which
he reigned as king of Israel. 2 Kgs 15:27 reports that
portions Nehemiah not only solved the problem of sup-
Pekah "reigned twenty years." The difficulty is that con-
porting the Levites, the skilled help of the Second Temple,
temporary Assyrian records contradict such a lengthy
but also got rid of an antagonist who, being an Ammonite, reign. The extrabiblical evidence indicates that Menahem
was supposed to be barred from the Temple anyway. reigned as king of Israel at least until 738 B.C. and proba-
RUSSELL FULLER
bly a year or two thereafter. Menahem is reported to have
paid tribute to the Assyrian conqueror Tiglath-pileser in
738 e.c. Pekahiah was Menahem's son and reigned after
PEDESTAL [Heb ken]. The Hebrew word is probably a him for two years (2 Kgs 15:23) which places his reign
variant of mekona (cf. I Kgs 7:27; Exod 30:18), and is a somewhere in the years 737-736 B.c. Thus, Pekah's rule
technical designation for part of the base of each of the did not probably begin until 735 B.C.
bronze stands of the temple courtyard (I Kgs 7 :31 ). Moreover, Assyrian records indicate that in 732 e.c.
CAROL MEYERS Tiglath-pileser conquered N Israel and soon replaced
Pekah with another king, Hoshea. This puts the end of
Pekah's reign during either 732 or 731 s.c. Therefore,
PEDIMENT [Heb mar$epet]. A word found in conjunc- Pekah could not have ruled N Israel for more than five
tion with the way in which King Ahaz partly dismantled years and more probably for only four years (735-732
the bronze Sea of the temple courtyard (2 Kgs 16: 17). He s.c.). But what then is the origin of the tradition of a
removed the bronze oxen that held the Sea, which he then twenty-year reign for Pekah?
set upon a stone "pediment." Since this word is related to Three major solutions have been proposed. Thiele
a more common word meaning "pavement," the elevated (1951: 113-14) has argued that Pekah was already a mem-
connotations of "pediment" may make that word a less ber of the inner court during the reigns of King Menahem
appropriate translation. and his son King Pekahiah. In support of this assumption,
CAROL MEYERS Thiele pointed to 2 Kgs 15:25, where Pekah is called a
"captain" (Heb salif), which Thiele understood to be a very
high officer in the royal court. Thus, when Pekah actually
PEGAI. See FEJJA. took over the kingship from Pekahiah, Pekah figured the
years of his reign to include the years he had served in the
court under Menahem and Pekahiah as well as the years
PEKAH (PERSON) [Heb peqaft]. A king of N Israel ca. he actually held the kingship in N Israel.
735-732 e.c., Pekah was the son of Remaliah. He sue- A second solution has been proposed by H. J. Cook
v • 215 PEKAHIAH

(1964: 126-27), who argued that the term "captain" (saliS) and set himself up as king, with no mention of Tiglath-
does not necessarily imply a high rank but may at times pileser's support. 2 Kgs 15:30 reports that Hoshea orga-
designate a class of warriors of lesser rank. Thus, Pekah nized a conspiracy against Pekah and killed him and
may not have been a part of the inner court of Menahem usurped his throne. The two versions of the same event,
and Pekahiah. Rather, Cook argued that the kingdom of one Assyrian and one biblical, simply represent two differ-
N Israel in this period was torn apart into two rival king- ent perspectives. Hoshea was probably designated by the
doms. Menahem and Pekahiah ruled only a portion of the Assyrians as their choice to succeed the rebellious Pekan.
N kingdom of Israel, the district of Samaria. Gilead and But it was Hoshea who had to obtain the support and
some of the N parts of Israel were ruled by the "captain" means by which to overthrow Pekah, thus providing the
Pekah, who moved these areas toward independence from basis for the biblical tradition (Hayes and Hooker 1988:
Samaria during the reign of Menahem (cf. the reference 64-65).
to Gileadites in 2 Kgs 15:25). Thus, Pekah ruled over a
part of N Israel, according to Cook, for twelve years and Bibliography
over all of the N kingdom for eight more years, which Cook, H.J. 1964. Pekah. VT 14: 121-35.
calculates to a total of 20 years. Cook's assignment of eight Hayes, J. H., and Hooker, P. K. 1988. A New Chronolog;y for the Kings
full years for Pekah's rule over all Israel may be questioned of Israel and Judah. Atlanta.
in light of the Assyrian records mentioned above which Na'aman, N. 1986. Historical and Chronological Notes on the
place Menahem as still ruling in 738 B.C. Cook's attempt to Kingdoms of Israel and Judah in the Eighth Century B.C. VT
dissociate Pekah's function as "captain" from a role within 36: 71-92.
Pekahiah's inner court strains the biblical text, which ex- Thiele, E. R. 1951. The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings.
plicitly calls Pekah "his [i.e., Pekahiah's] captain" and thus Chicago.
suggests an internal court revolt. Wiseman, D. J. 1956. A Fragmentary Inscription of Tiglath-pileser
A third proposal advanced by Na'aman (I986: 74-82) III from Nimrud. /raq 18: 117-29.
maintains that Pekah's only tenure as king was his rule DENNIS T. OLSON
over N Israel for five years (736-731 B.c.). Pekah perceived
himself as the only legitimate ruler since the dynasty of
Jehu which had continued until its interruption by Mena- PEK.AHIAH (PERSON) [Heb peqabyah]. A king of N
hem and Pekahiah. These latter two kings had been pro- Israel ca. 737-736 B.c. Pekahiah was the son of Menahem,
Assyrian and had thus forfeited the consistently anti- who had reigned over N Israel for ten years before his
Assyrian tradition of the preceding Jehu dynasty. Pekah son. The name "Pekahiah" in Hebrew means "Yahweh
may have seen himself as resuming this anti-Assyrian tra- opened [the eyes]" or "Yahweh is open-eyed or alert." See
dition. Thus, Pekah rejected the legitimacy of the reigns PEKAH (PERSON). The biblical account of Pekahiah's
of Menahem and Pekahiah and counted their years of reign is brief and couched in the Deuteronomistic intro-
kingship as his own. An early Israelite historian recorded ductory and closing formulas regularly used for the kings
Pekah's reign as twenty years long, including in the total of Israel (2 Kgs 15:23-26). The report of the conspiracy
Pekah's actual reign and the reigns of Menahem and concerning the overthrow of Pekahiah introduces the most
Pekahiah. This tradition was written into the royal records
important dimension of Pekahiah's reign.
and was part of the tradition which was later faithfully
Pekahiah's kingship was overthrown by a man named
recorded but not fully understood by the writer of Kings.
Pekah who was a son of Remaliah; Pekah may have
Another issue associated with Pekah is N Israel's rela-
tionship with the empire of Assyria in this period. The usurped not only Pekahiah's throne but also his name (2
previous kings, Menahem and Pekahiah, had been pro- Kgs 15:25). In this verse, Pekah is called "his [i.e., Peka-
Assyrian and paid tribute to them; this was apparently hiah's] captain" (Heb sali.f), which suggests that Pekahiah
supported in the district of Samaria. The Gilead faction in was the victim of an internal court revolt led by one of the
the N led by Pekah apparently did not support such king's own officers. However, the biblical account also notes
overtures to Assyria and desired independence. When that the rebel Pekah was abided by "fifty men of the
Pekah became king of all N Israel, he joined King Rezin of Gileadites." It seems likely that Pekah was indeed a court
Syria in an anti-Assyrian coalition. Pekah and Rezinjoined officer who also had his origins and an independent base
together in a military expedition to Jerusalem to force of support in the province of Gilead, whence he drew the
Ahaz,_ the S king of Judah, to collaborate with them against core of his fighting force. Thus, Pekahiah's downfall was
Assyna. Ahaz qmckly summoned the aid of Assyria whose the product both of internal court intrigue as well as
army under Tiglath-pileser came and conquered the re- resistance from at least certain areas within the N kingdom
bell_1ous forces of Pekah and Rezin. The Assyrians took the of Israel.
Synan capital of Damascus and killed the Syrian king Rezin What were the reasons for this resistance and revolt?
(2 Kgs 15:37; 16:1-9; cf. Isaiah 6-12). Pekahiah and his father Menahem stand out among the
Finally, two traditions differ about the details of Pekah's kings of N Israel as allies of the Assyrian empire (2 Kgs
ev.entual demise as king of N Israel. In Assyrian records, 15: 19-20). A long line of Israelite kings before them since
T1glath-p1leser himself takes credit for setting up Hoshea King Jehu had been vigorously anti-Assyrian, struggling
as suc~e~sor after the overthrow of Pekah: "they (the to maintain the independence of Israel. Many Israelites
Ephra1m1tes) overthrew their king Pekah and I placed likely perceived the capitulation to Assyria by Menahem
~os_hea as king over them" (ANET, 284). In contrast, the and Pekahiah as a threat to Israel's integrity. While Mena-
b1bhcal tradition indicates that Hoshea overthrew Pekah hem seems to have been an able ruler with a relatively
PEKAHIAH 216 • v
lengthy tenure of ten years, Pekahiah's reign was short- Ezekiel ICC, 253). The Puqudu were a formidable Aramean
lived, indicating some weakness as a ruler. tribe, capable of military might, and enjoyed considerable
Another possible reason for Pekahiah's fall may have prosperity as an agrarian society.
been a popular resistance in the N kingdom of Israel to The Peqod (Puqudu) are referred to twice in the OT.
any notion of a hereditary dynasty. The S kingdom of First, in an extensive taunt song (Jeremiah 50: 1-51 :58), its
Judah had a political tradition and a theological founda- composer mingles imprecations presaging the demise of
tion for the hereditary succession of kingship from father the great Babylonian power, yet here and there are min-
to son in the promise to David of an eternal dynasty in 2 gled promises of hope for the depressed people of Judah.
Samuel 7. The N kingdom of Israel did not have such a The date for the composition may be generally set ca. 545
tradition or theological rationale, and the practice of he- B.C. For this intermingling of woe to the foe but redemp-
reditary succession of kingship seemed to be resisted tion for Judah one may witness such in the passionate
among at least some groups within Israel. This resistance enunciation of woes, incisive mockeries, and vehement
may account for the fact that Menahem's kingship was not taunts hurled upon Babylon in vv 2-3, 9-10, 11-16, 21-
overturned, even though it may not have been popular 33; and, on the other hand, passages of promise for the
among all segments of the population. However, when enslaved Judeans in 50:4-5, 6-7, 17-21.
Pekahiah became king and aroused hostility for both his Now in the midst of this martial excitation the poet bids
pro-Assyrian stance and his role as part of an hereditary the rising military avenger to invade the land of Merathaim
dynasty, popular outcry may have provided the base of and move against the inhabitants of Peqod, to slay, destroy
support necessary for his assassination and the usurpation utterly, and perform all the command of Yahweh (v 21 ).
of his throne by Pekah. That the poet should single out the far flung SE border
One final issue relates to the translation of 2 Kgs 15:25. states of the empire indicates the depth of the enemies'
The RSV notes the place where Pekahiah was killed as "in penetration and suggests the total fragmentation of the
the citadel of the king's house." The Hebrew of the MT glory that once was Babylon.
adds the phrase, "Argob and Arieh," which is problematic The two tribal areas of MERATHAIM and Pekod are in
in meaning. Some scholars have suggested emending the parallelism and have been considered paronomasia. Mera-
Hebrew to render the translation, "and his four hundred thaim is cognate with the Hebrew m-r, m-r-r, "bitter, to be
warriors," indicating the small army who had supported bitter" and/or the derivative m-r-h, "to rebel." On the other
Pekah's revolt. Another scholar has suggested translating hand, it would appear that the name Merathaim was de-
the Hebrew terms as meaning "near the eagle and near rived when the Aramaic tribe settled on the banks of the
the lion," suggesting that Pekahiah was murdered between lagoon of the S Tigris, the mar marratu or "bitter river."
two palace statues of an eagle and a lion which were That this possesses greater verisimilitude than the notion
intended ironically to represent the guardians of the pal- of rebellion is more easily argued from the unlikelihood
ace (Geller 1976: 374-77). Perhaps the most likely sugges- than any nation would call itself "Rebellion," but the term
tion is that "Argob and Arieh" were displaced by a scribal Merathaim is dual so it has been interpreted to mean
error from the list of place names conquered by Tiglath- "Double Rebellion." But this is the paronomasia that the
pileser in 2 Kgs 15:29. Both verses contain a reference to poet uses to indicate the massive breakup of the Aramean
Gilead so that a scribe's eye may have jumped from one to settlements.
the other as the text was copied. See also ARGOB AND The term in parallelism to Merathaim is Pekod which
ARIEH (PERSONS). has as it root meaning "visit," "visitation," or "to visit." The
term is basically a neutral word: visits may be benign (Gen
Bibliography 50:24) or punitive (Exod 32:34; cf. HALAT s.v. piiqad). No
Geller, M. J. 1976. A New Translation for 2 Kings XV 25. VT 26: tribe would call itself "punishment," but the poet seizes
374-77. upon this derivative nuance and selects Pekod as a pun,
DENNIS T. OLSON suggesting that the incursion will be a punishment to the
Aramean tribe of Pekod. That the Hebrew writers often
used paronomasia in regard to geographical terms may be
PEKOD (PLACE) [Heb peqod]. An E Aramean tribe gathered from Mic 1:10-16. Accordingly, two remote ar-
resident in the territory E of the Tigris, centered between eas of the Babylonian Empire will spell out in the day of
the Sealand in the S and the Diyala River to the N (Jer the coming invasion "Double Rebellion" and "Punishment"
50:21; Ezek 23:23). In the migration of the Arameans in for the power of Babylon.
the Fertile Crescent during the 2d millennium B.c. the The second occurrence of Pekod appears in Ezek 23:23,
Puqudu appear to have arrived in their settlement several a verse in a lengthy censorious allegory depicting the sheer
centuries before the reign of Tiglath-pileser III, King of wickedness of Judah under the guise of a loose and sensu-
Assyria (744-727) and King of Babylon (728-727 synchro- ous maiden. The vivid portrayal of the Judean aristocracy
nously). During the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian empires as steeped in religious and moral harlotry climaxes with
the Puqudu were generally subject to the regnant powers, the thundering woes that the Lord Yahweh will make
but repeatedly expressed their rebellious spirit, as the Judah abhorrent in the eyes of her erstwhile friends (lit.
Assyrian royal correspondence indicates (cf. Waterman "lovers"), the great Babylonian Empire, and will gather
1936 s.v.) even in the days of Tiglath-pileser and his together such a military force of Babylonian power even
successors. A similar pattern of refractoriness continued summoning tribal regiments from the extremities of her
into the Babylonian regime, though it appears that they borders: the Chaldeans, Pekod, Shoa, Koa, and the defect-
were politically subservient to this dominant power (Cooke ing(?) Assyrians; and with these Judah will feel the judg-
v . 217 PELEG

ment of God for her multiplied infidelities. This prophecy mous figure Malchiah to whom, according to 1 Chr 24:9,
may be dated shortly before the fall of Jerusalem to the David granted the fifth priestly course. That Pelaliah drops
Babylonians. out in the version presented in 1 Chr 9: 12 simply illus-
trates the primary social function of such genealogies.
Bibliography .
Streck, M. 1918. Assurbampal und die letzten assymchen Kiimge b1J zum Bibliography
Untergang Nmivehs. VAT 7/3. Leipzig. Repr. 1973. Wilson, R. R. 1975. The Old Testament Genealogies in Recent
Waterman, L. 1936. Raya[ Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire. Ann Research.JBL 94: 169-89.
Arbor. Repr. 1972. RoD R. Hu.-roN
EDWARD R. DALGLISH

PELATIAH (PERSON) [Heb pelatyah]. The name Pela-

PELAIAH (PERSON) [Heb pela(')yah]. The name Pe- tiah is held by four persons in the Hebrew Bible. With one
laiah occurs three times in the Hebrew Bible, all three exception the name, which may mean "Yahweh delivers,"
times referring to persons in the postexilic Judean com- is attested only during the Persian period. Pelatiah also
munity. The name may mean "Yahweh is wonderful" or occurs in the Elephantine papyri (Myers 1 Chronicles AB,
"Yahweh has done a wonder." 21).
I. Pelaiah is listed as the third son of Elioenai in the I. The first son of Hananiah in the list of David's
genealogy of postexilic Davidic descendants in I Chr 3: 16- postexilic descendants in 1 Chr 3: 16-24 (I Chr 3:21 ). This
24. Not much is known of these individuals. The Chroni- would make Pelatiah the grandson of Zerubbabel although
cler may have intended to end on a positive note by listing some see no connection between this list and the descen-
the seven sons of Elioenai. dants of Zerubbabel due to textual problems in v 21.
2. In Neh 8:7; 10:10 (cf. I Esdr 9:44) Pelaiah is given as 2. One of the sons of Ishi of the tribe of Simeon. In 1
the name of one of the Levites who attended the reading Chr 4:42 Pelatiah is one of the captains of a group of five
of the Law by Ezra and helped the people to understand hundred Simeonites who destroyed a settlement of Ama-
(Heb mebinim )et ha'tim). In addition in Neh IO: I 0 he is lekites on Mt. Seir during the reign of Hezekiah king of
listed as one of the Levites who affixed his seal (Heb !iatum) Judah (727-698 B.C.E.). This fragment of tribal history
to the covenant which the community made. The passage seems to preserve the justification for the Simeonites pres-
in Nehemiah 8 shows the Levites acting in a teaching ence on Mt. Seir.
capacity which became one of their functions in the post- 3. The son of a certain Benaiah (Ezek 11: 1, 13). He was
exilic period. one of two Judean princes mentioned by the prophet in
RUSSELL FULLER his judgment oracle against the leaders of Jerusalem, they
are termed officers of the people (Heb fore hii'tim) an
expression which occurs elsewhere only in postexilic ma-
PELALIAH (PERSON) [Heb pelalyah]. A person listed terials (Zimmerli Ezekiel Hermeneia, 257). At the end of
in the genealogy of Adaiah, one of the priests who settled Ezekiel's vision Pelatiah falls dead. This may represent the
in Jerusalem upon returning to Judah during the days of fulfillment of the prophet's word in the context of the
Ezra (Neh 11: 12). Pelaliah was the grandfather of Adaiah, judgment oracle.
the third member of a linear genealogy extending seven 4. One of the chiefs of the people (Heb ro)se hti'tim) who
deep (Adaiah < Jeroham < Pelaliah < Amzi < Zechariah affix their seals to the covenant which the postexilic com-
< Pashhur < Malchiah). A parallel genealogy for Adaiah munity entered into under Nehemiah.
is presented in I Chr 9: 12, with the difference that its RUSSELL FULLER
depth is reduced from seven to four members. As a result,
the middle three members of the longer genealogy, in-
cluding Pelaliah, have dropped out, and I Chronicles gives PELEG (PERSON) [Heb peleg]. Son of Eber when he was
the genealogy as Adaiah < Jeroham < Pashhur < Mal- 34, brother of Joktan, and at 30 the father of Reu, in the
chiah. The LXX reading of Neh 11: 12 also abridges the line from Noah to Abraham (Gen 10:25; 11:16-19). Peleg
genealogy to four members, but effects the reduction by lived 239 years. During his life "the earth was divided"
deleting not the three central members but rather the first (10:25); the meaning of this expression and the meaning
three members (i.e., Adaiah, Jeroham, Pelaliah), thereby of Peleg's name are two disputed issues.
beginning with Amzi. Such genealogical variability is not As to the name, there are three related sources. First,
surprising given the nature and function of genealogies. Peleg is composed of the Hebrew root, plg, "to divide;
Because the social function of linear genealogies is to division," which appears only in the Pi'el and Nip'al. Here
legitimate the status of present institutions by linking them it may function as an appellative (Malamat 1968: 166).
to primary ancestors, it is commonly the middle members Second, the Akkadian palgu, "canal," appears as early as
of such genealogies which would cease to function and the Old Akkadian period (Gelb 1957: 214) and throughout
therefore be dropped. This principle accounts for the the later periods. The only known personal name related
shorter form of the genealogy presented in I Chr 9: 12. to this root is found in a 7th century B.C. Akkadian text
~owever, it cannot explain the reading of the LXX, begin- from Ur, pal-gu. Whether it is to be understood as Akka-
nmg as it does with Amzi rather than Adaiah. dian or as Aramaic is uncertain (Zadok 1977: 334). Third,
The function of this genealogy relates to the postexilic the origin of Peleg has been associated with a geographic
need to link the priestly family of Adaiah with the epony- name, known in Hellenistic times as Phalga, which may lie
PELEG 218 • v
where the Upper. Euphrates and the Balikh divide enjoyed among Saul's kinsmen before Saul's death; the
(Thompson 1974: 306; HALAT, 878). In fact, the only twenty-three Benjaminite warriors named here joined Da-
clear example of the geographic name phalga, is quoted in vid while he was at Ziklag, the Philistine city given to David
a Byzantine source as located in Seleucia and Mesopotamia by Achish, King of Gath (1Chr12:1; I Sam 27:6). Ambi-
(PW 19: 1668). In addition, Old Babylonian pulukkum dexterity or left-handedness among Benjaminites is also
(Hallo 1964: 69; Groneberg 1980: 186), New Babylonian noted in Judg 3:15; 20:16.
pallukkatu (Zadok 1985: 245-46 ), and proposed Arabian
place names (Thompson 1974: 306) appear as possible Bibliography
locations for Peleg, but these are no closer phonologically Williamson, H. G. M. 1979. Sources and Redaction in the Chroni-
and farther removed from N Mesopotamia, which appears cler's Genealogy of Judah.]BL 98: 351-59.
to be the origin of a number of the place names associated - - . 19Bl. We Are Yours, 0 David. OTS 21: 164-76.
with figures mentioned in Genesis 11. See also NAHOR RAYMOND B. DILLARD
(PERSON); HARAN (PERSON).
As to the meaning of the "division of the earth" during
the life of Peleg, this may be related to any of the proposed PELETH (PERSON) [Heb pelet]. I. The father of On,
explanations of the name. If Peleg is meant to reflect the one of the conspirators who, alongside Korah, Dathan,
W Semitic root, "to divide," then the division may simply and Abiram, challenged the authority of Moses and Aaron
refer to that between the descendants of Peleg and those in the wilderness (Num 16: I). The MT reading, " ... and
of his brother Joktan. See JOKTAN. If Peleg is suggestive On the son of Peleth, sons of Reuben (i.e., Reubenites)," is
of the Akkadian word for "canal," the division may refer difficult for at least three reasons. First, unlike Korah,
to that between civilized canal builders and nomadic peo- Dathan, and Abiram, On has no further role in the narra-
ples. If Peleg is a geographic name in N Mesopotamia, tive, and the name here seems out of place. Second, the
then the division may suggest the events of Gen 11: 1-9. use of Heb bene re'uben to mean "generic Reubenites" is
unusual, given the use of bene 'eli'iib in the preceding
Bibliography phrase to refer to children of a specific person. Third, the
Gelb, I. J. 1957. Glossary of Old Akkadian. Chicago. text does not correspond to the given genealogies of the
Groneberg, B. I 9BO. Repertoire Geographie des Textes Cuneiformes. Vol. descendants of Reuben. Such confusion has led to differ-
3, Die Orts- und Gewtissemamen der altbabylonischen Zeit. BTAVO
ent emendations. Some would delete the entire reference
B7. Wiesbaden.
to "On the son of Peleth" (Budd Numbers WBC, 179).
Hallo, W.W. 1964. The Road to Emar.}CS lB: 57-BB.
Others reconstruct the genealogy based upon the infor-
Malamat, A. 1966. King Lists of the Old Babylonian Period and
mation given in Gen 46:9 and Num 26:5, 8. There the
Biblical Genealogies.}AOS BB: 163-73.
genealogy is given as follows: Reuben > Pallu > Eliab >
Thompson, T. L. 1974. The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives.
Nemuel/Dathan/Abiram. Accordingly, Peleth is equated
BZAW 133. Berlin.
with the Pallu ben Reuben mentioned in those texts. By
Zadok, R. 1977. On West Semites in Babylonian during the Chaldean
deleting "On" (or emending to read "and he" as in BHS)
and Achaemenian Periods. An Onomastic Study. Jerusalem.
- - . l 9B5. Repertoire Geographie des Textes Cuneiformes. Vol. B,
and by changing Peleth to Pallu, the text is commonly
Geographical Names According to New- and Late-Babylonian Texts.
emended to read " ... and he [i.e., Eliab] was the son of
BTAVO B7. Wiesbaden. Pallu the son of Reuben" (so BHS).
RICHARD S. HESS
2. One of the descendants of Jerahmeel and Judah (I
Chr 2:33). The genealogies of I Chronicles 1-9 function
at a general level to establish the continuity of "all Israel"
PELET (PERSON) [Heb pelet]. I. A Calebite, one of the through the disruptive period of exile. By beginning with
sons of Jahdai (I Chr 2:47). The genealogy of the descen- the genealogy of Judah, however, there is also a claim
dants of Caleb in 2:42-55 balances the earlier list in 2: 18- being made for the priority of this specific tribe, resulting
24. I Chr 2:46-47 report Caleb's descendants through his from the importance of David in the Chronicler's perspec-
concubine Ephah. tive (Braun I Chronicles WBC, 3). The first genealogy to be
2. One of the ambidextrous warriors from the tribe of developed, therefore, is that of Ram, leading as it does to
Benjamin who joined David during the period of his David (2:9-17), even though Jerahmeel has genealogical
fleeing from Saul (I Chr 12:3). He was a brother of Jeziel priority. Peleth appears alongside Zaza as the final mem-
and son of Azmaveth; Azmaveth should perhaps be iden- ber of the genealogy of Jerahmeel. To this base genealogy
tified with David's warrior in 11 :33. The Chronicler has has been added a longer linear genealogy of Sheshan (vv
doubled the list of warriors who supported David (I Chr 34-41 ), which likely functioned to establish the authority
11 :4 l l>-12:40) beyond what was contained in the parallel of the family of Elishama in the postexilic community.
narrative (2 Sam 23 :8-39 = I Chr 11: I0-4 la). The source Peleth, therefore, represents the end point of a truncated
for these additional lists can only be a matter of conjecture, early base genealogy which was later reworked for new
though Williamson has provided a convincing argument purposes in the postexilic period.
for the structure of 1 Chronicles 11-12. The long list
reflects the Chronicler's concern to show "all Israel" united Bibliography
in support for David, a characteristic theme of his history. Johnson, M. D. 1969. The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies. New
Within the immediate context (1Chr12:1-8-Eng 12:1- York.
7) the Chronicler is concerned to show the support David Roo R. HurroN
v. 219 PELLA
PELETHITES [Heb pilitf]. A group of mercenaries in cient to permit abundant spring crops. The rolling hills
David's employ, always mentioned in conjunction with the that surround the site were once forested, but ancient
Cherethites; as a military force distinct from the regular lumbering and continued grazing by sheep and goats have
army, they were under the command of Benaiah (2 Sam left the hillsides largely denuded of trees except where
8:18; 20:23; I Chr 18:17). Their allegiance to David was reforestation has been carried out in recent years.
evidenced by their support of him at the time of his flight Immediately W of the mound is a narrow tableland (Ar
from Absalom (2 Sam 15: 18), by their pursuit of Sheba tabaqah, which appears in the present name of the site,
during his revolt against David (2 Sam 20:7), and by their Tabaqat Fabl), extending about 800 m toward the Jordan
actions in support of the coronation of Solomon as David's valley. N of the mound, across a small valley, is a low
successor in which they were following the political policy outcropping of the marly limestone which underlies the
of their leader Benaiah (I Kgs I :38, 44). Although the entire site. On the E rises a large hill known as Jebel Abu
Cherethites appear in clear ethnic contexts (I Sam 30:14; el Khas. S of the mound, across the Wadi Ji rm, lies a dome-
Ezek 25:16; Zeph 2:5) from which their settlement in S shaped natural hill called Tell el l:lu$n. All of these loca-
Philistia and their Aegean origin can be deduced (see tions show evidence of occupation at various times.
CHERETHITES), similar claims cannot be made with any Pella is mentioned briefly in more than one hundred
certainty for the Pelethites. The most common assumption ancient texts. Fal:tl is a corruption of an earlier Arabic place
regarding the identity of the Pelethites is that they were name FiM, the phonetic equivalent of the Semitic name
Philistines. According to this view, the Heb piletf "Pelethite" Pifiil(um) by which the city was known at least as early as
is derived from pilITti "Philistine" (Montgomery Kings ICC, the 19th century B.C. The language that was spoken was a
86). Evidence for the otherwise unattested assimilation of dialect of NW Semitic related to Ammonite and Moabite.
fzn and taw is sought in the Gk pheleththei, with its doubled The Hellenization of the name to Pella honored the Mace-
theta reflecting the supposed original form of the name. donian birthplace of Alexander the Great, who conquered
The change from pill.St! to pileti would have been occa- of the region in 332 B.C.
sioned by analogy from kiretf. Thus in this view the Heb
hakkereti wehappiletf should be translated as "Cretans and B. Excavations
Philistines." On the basis of an alleged parallel with the Gk Major archaeological research at the site was begun in
pelte "light shield," Albright (CAH3 2/2: 512) surmised that the spring of 1967, the results of which have been pub-
the biblical expression is a hendiadys referring to "light- lished in the first volume of the excavation report series
armed Cretan" mercenaries. Delcor (1978: 421) hinted at (Smith 1973). Field operations at the site were disrupted
a possible connection between the Pelethites and Peleth by the 1967 war, but were resumed in 1979. Preliminary
son of Jonathan from the Jerahmeelite genealogy (1 Chr reports on the individual seasons have been published in
2:33). A possible parallel to the biblical Pelethite has been the ADA} and the BASOR, commencing in 1980. An interim
identified in a Punic inscription, in which a certain Hanni- report on the 1979-81 seasons was published in 1982
bal son of Baalhanun is referred to as hplty, which term (McNicoll, Smith, and Hennessy 1982). In 1989, a second
presumably indicated his place of origin (Schult 1965: 74- volume of the final excavation reports was published
79). Be that as it may, the evidence is insufficient to allow (Smith and Day), and other volumes were in preparation.
us to determine with any measure of certainty a clear
identification of the Pelethites. C. History
Excavations and surface surveys have revealed a very
Bibliography long occupation at Pella and in its vicinity. A broad slope
Delcor, M. 1978. Les Kerethim et les Cretois. VT 28: 409-22. half a mile NE of the mound is littered with Paleolithic
Schult, H. 1965. Ein inschrif\icher Beleg for "Plethi"?. ZDPV 81: chert implements, some of which date from one-half to
74-79.
one million years ago. A short distance beyond are Ke-
CARL s. EHRLICH baran and Natufian sites dating from 20,000-8,000 B.c.
Pre-Pottery Neolithic and Pottery Neolithic artifacts of the
8th-5th millennia B.C. have been found on the mound
PELLA (M.R. 207206) An ancient city situated in the itself and at a number of places near Pella.
foothills of the Transjordanian plateau, a little less than 5 Chalcolithic occupation in the 4th millennium B.c. is
km E of the Jordan river and 32 km S of the Sea of Galilee. attested on the mound, and a small site of the same period
was excavated on a slope to the SE of Tell el 1:1 U$n. The EB
A. The Site.
city has not yet been found, but potsherds excavated on
The central occupational area of Pella is today a flat- the mound attest to a flourishing occupation in EB I, and
tened ovoid mound some 300 m long that rises 30 m above occasional sherds of EB II-III suggest that a settlement
a small valley immediately to the S known as the Wadi continued to exist through much of the 3d millennium
Jirm. Mild .winters and abundant water from a spring B.C. Toward the end of the EB Age occupation may have
wh1Ch flows mto the Wadi Jirm from the base of the mound dwindled.
made Pella one of the most habitable locations in the During the 2d millennium B.C., when the name of the
Jordan valley. Although summer temperatures often ex- city appears in Egyptian lists of foreign conquests, Pella
ceed 100° F, the vicinity has considerably less summer heat stood firmly within the Canaanite cultural milieu. The MB
than localit~es in the S part of the Jordan valley. Unlike period, ca. 1950-1550 B.C., was a time of prosperity.
some sites m the N Jordan valley, Pella remains free of Numerous tombs found on Tell el I:Iu$n reveal the urbanity
frost in the winter. In most years, winter rains are suffi- of the inhabitants in the latter part of this period. During
PELLA 220 • v
much of the LB Age there seems to have been a decrease orie~ted cities in N Transjordan. Its location also placed
in the city's prosperity, but a revival is attested around the city on the N border of Peraea, E of the Jordan river.
1200 B.C. Pompey's actions did not have an immediate impact on
Several centuries during the Iron I and early Iron II Pella, but the city began to revive toward the end of the I st
periods (ca. 1200-600 e.c.) are not well attested at Pella. It century e.c. or early in the following century. Under the
is possible that around 1100-800 e.c. the city underwent aegis of Rome, new patterns of trade were established. As
a decline in population. The relative lack of archaeological Pella regained prosperity, new streets were laid out on the
evidence for these centuries may explain, in part, why mound and more dwellings and commercial buildings
Pella is not mentioned in the OT; there may, however, have began to be constructed. By the time that civic leaders
been other factors that figured in this silence, since Pella decided to embellish the city with some public buildings in
remained outside the sphere of Hebrew cultural influence, Roman style, the mound had apparently become well-filled
clinging to old Canaanite ways. with houses and shops; consequently the builders were
Thick deposits of debris dating from the end of the Iron obliged to construct the larger structures in a new civic
II period show that Pella enjoyed a resurgence around the area located at the SE base of the mound. It is likely that
7th century e.c. The occupational area of the town may, these public buildings were clustered around a forum that
however, have extended across only the E portion of the was constructed in the Wadi Jirm. Most of this burst of
mound. Although pottery from this time is abundant, construction probably took place in the later !st century
there is little to suggest that the city was highly prosperous or the 2d century A.D. The civic pride of the Pellaeans is
or trade-oriented; the culture appears to have been largely reflected in the fact that in A.D. 82, the city issued its first
local, with relatively little trade between Pella and other coinage, consisting of four different bronze types. Among
reg10ns. the civic buildings constructed during the Early Roman
Archaeological evidence for Pella during the Persian Period were a large temple (shown on a coin of Pella, but
period, from the mid-6th century until the late 4th century not yet found at the site), an odeum (excavated in 1979-
e.c., is slight. Persian suzerainty may not have been con- 81), and public baths (partly excavated in 1981-83). Little
ducive to Pella's prosperity, but the specific occasion for of these buildings survived into the 20th century; earth-
the near-abandonment of the site in the 6th century may quakes, to which the Jordan valley is prone, may have
have been the Neo-Babylonian conquest of the region early damaged some of them, but in any case their building
in the 6th century. stones were extensively robbed for use in later structures.
In 332 e.c. Alexander the Great marched near Pella in Pella is not mentioned by name in the NT, but Jesus
his conquest of the East, and was later credited by some certainly would have known of the city, and could have
ancient writers with the refounding of the city. There is at visited it on his travels in the region of the Decapolis and
present, however, little evidence of the Early Hellenistic Peraea (Mk 5:1-20; 7:31-37; 10:1-16 and par.). A few
period at Pella. Whether or not it was ever actually re- decades later Pella played a distinctive part in the history
founded, the city began a gradual revival by the end of the of the nascent church. Around A.D. 67, when the Roman
3d century e.c. It greatly increased in vigor in the 2d army began to threaten Jewish insurgents in Jerusalem
century, when its population grew rapidly and the city during the First Jewish Revolt, the Christians of that city
expanded from the central mound to adjoining areas, are reported to have fled to Pella in obedience to an oracle
delivered by a prophet active in the church. It is possible
including the Wadi Jirm and Tell el I:Iu~n. Participating in
that the apocalyptic passage in Mark 13 :3-3 7 and paral-
international trade, the inhabitants grew sufficiently pros-
lels, which includes Jesus' instruction that when Jerusalem
perous that they could eat on dishes manufactured in Asia
is desecrated his followers in Judea should "Hee to the
Minor, drink wine bottled in Syria or Rhodes, use fish hills" (v 14), is related to the oracle which prompted
sauce prepared in Egypt, and decorate their homes with Jerusalem Christians to seek refuge at Pella. That Pella
figurines that may have been manufactured on the coast would have been considered an appropriate refuge is
of the Levant. Greek came into increasing use as the plausible if one considers that the Christians who fled to
language of both trade and culture. Pella may have been primarily Hellenists, of which there
This comfortable existence was abruptly terminated in were many in the Jerusalem church from the earliest days
the year 83/82 e.c., when Alexander Jannaeus, the Has- (cf. Acts 6: 1). Precisely because Pella was known as a non-
monean ruler of Israel, ordered his troops to cross the Jewish city, it could be presumed to be safe from Roman
Jordan and destroy Pella because the inhabitants refused aggression during the Jewish Revolt.
to practice circumcision and other Jewish customs. Exca- The length of time that these early Christians stayed at
vation has brought to light a thick stratum reflecting that Pella is not recorded. Perhaps some of the refugees chose
destruction, but unfortunately most of the remains were never to return to Jerusalem; in any case, Christianity had
churned up during the rebuilding of the city in the Roman gained a foothold in the city. It would hardly be surprising
Period. if no evidences of earliest Christianity were found at Pella,
When the Roman general Pompey marched through since Christians during the first two centuries used no
Syria and Palestine in 64/63 e.c. and claimed the entire religious symbols, built no churches, and otherwise left no
region for Rome, Pella lay in ruins. Pompey freed a num- material remains that would readily distinguish them from
ber of cities in N Transjordan from Hasmonean domina- others in the population; nevertheless, a late !st- or early
tion, thereby gaining a measure of gratitude from the 2d-century sarcophagus found beneath the floor of the
citizens. At this time, if not before, Pella became part of West Church in 1967 may possibly be a relic of the Jerusa-
the DECAPOLIS, a loose federation of ten commerce- lem Christian community at Pella (Smith 1973: 143-49).
v. 221 PELUSIUM

By the mid-2d century, Christianity was firmly enough Smith, R. H. 1973. PeUa of the Decapoli.s, Volume 1. Wooster, OH.
established at Pella that the city was home to the early - - . 1981. Pella of the Decapolis. Archaeolo15Y 34/5: 46-53.
Christian apologist Aristo. - - . 1985. Excavations at Pella of the Decapolis, 1979-1985.
The Late Roman period and earliest phase of the Byz- National Geographic Research I: 470-89.
antine period, from the middle of the 2d century through Smith, R. H., and Day, L. P. 1989. Pella of the Decapoli.s, Volume 2.
the end of the 4th century, is not adequately known at Wooster, OH.
Pella. It appears to have been a time in which the popula- ROBERT HOUSTON SMITH
tion again declined. Family tombs which had been cut in
the Early Roman period continued to be utili~ed, however,
a fact which suggests that there was continuity of popula- PELONITE [Heb peloni]. A descriptive adjective of
tion and local practices. There was little or no new public Helez, one of David's champions, a select class of warriors
construction, unless the widely-known baths of the city directly attached to the king for special assignments,
(which are mentioned in a 4th-century text) were possibly named in the list of I Chr 11: 10-47 (v 47), a list which, up
remodeled and enlarged. to v 4 la, parallels that of 2 Sam 23:8-39. No such place as
During the Byzantine period, paganism rapidly disap- "Pelon" or group of people as "Pelonites," have been iden-
peared at Pella, as it did elsewhere in the empire, although tified. In the parallel text (2 Sam 23:26) Helez is called a
it continued to survive in indirect ways as pre-Christian Paltite, a designation which has been identified as either a
elements found their way into the local Christianity. Exca- member of the clan of Cale bites who descended from Pe let
vated artifacts show that a former mother goddess was (I Chr 2:47) or an inhabitant of Beth-pelet, a town in S
assimilated to the Virgin Mary, and pagan elements were Judah (Josh 15:27) which might have been associated with
incorporated into amulets that were intended to protect the Calebite clan (McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 497). Therefore,
the wearer from evil. Although possibly attracted by some it has been suggested that "Pelonite" is a corruption of the
E heresies, the Christians of the city continued to affirm original "Paltite" (Rudolph Chronikbucher HAT, 102). How-
orthodox beliefs. The city's major architecture during this ever, the same Helez appears to be mentioned in a list of
period consisted of ecclesiastical structures such as the commanders found in I Chr 27: 1-15 (v 10). Here Helez
West Church, the East Church and the Civic Complex the Pelonite is also said to be "of the sons of Ephraim," a
Church (which was probably the Cathedral), all of which designation which would conflict with the interpretation
have been partly or entirely excavated. that Helez of 2 Sam 23:26 is from Beth-pelet in Judah.
The 6th century saw Pella's population and prosperity "Pelonite" also occurs as a descriptive adjective for Ahi-
reach their maximal extent. Many new houses, ranging jah (I Chr 11 :36); however, this construction, "Ahijah the
from villas to hovels, were built, often with the lower parts Pelonite," seems to have arisen through a corruption of
of walls constructed of hewn stones and the upper parts of the text. The parallel text (2 Sam 23:34b) reads, "Eliam,
mudbricks. Space was at such a premium that houses were son of Ahithophel of Gilo" ('ly'm bn-'~ytpl hglny), who is
built on some of Tell el l:lu$n's steep slopes. The city's also encountered at 2 Sam 15:12 and 31. It is possible that
merchants carried on extensive trade with Syria, Egypt, in one or more stages of translation the eyes of the trans-
the coast of Palestine, and other places in the Byzantine mitter skipped from the first to the second 'alep, omitting
world, and the households of the city were well stocked "Eliam, son of," then jumped from the first to the second
with imported goods. But the secure roads and far-flung l, resulting in '~ytplny, and finally "corrected" the I to h, to
markets of the empire were already beginning to deterio- read in accord with v 27b, '~y(h) hplny, "Ahijah the Pelon-
rate, and the 7th century must have been as grim for the ite" (Rudolph Chronikbucher HAT 102).
inhabitants of the city as the 6th century had been pleas-
RODNEY K. DUKE
ant. The climate may have turned slightly drier, bringing
drought to many parts of Transjordan. Large cisterns
constructed during this century indicate that the water
supply from the spring had dwindled until it no longer PELUSIUM (PLACE) [Heb sin]. A city in the 14th
sufficed for a large population. Lower Egyptian name, 30-40 km E of the Suez Canal, just
Capitulation to Islamic forces in A.D. 635 brought fur- S of the coast and E of the Pelusiac mouth and Lake
ther changes in the city's pattern of life. Byzantine social Manzala (31°02'N; 32°32'E), mentioned in Ezekiel's oracle
a.nd economic institutions weakened or disappeared en- against Egypt (30: 15-16). For general information and
tirely, while caravan trade with regions to the E, made additional references, see Thissen 1982. In both com-
newly accessible because of Muslim conquests, brought merce and warfare it has been a point of entry into Egypt
fresh commerc.ial contacts to the city. These developments at the NE frontier; it served as a "customs-house" for trade
were not sufficient, however, to prevent further decline of in the Hellenistic period (Kees 1961: 210), and it is men-
the city's fortunes during the next hundred years. Severely tioned in the Roman ltinerarium Antonini as the starting
damaged by ~n earthquake in the year 717, Pella virtually point of roads across the Egyptian Delta (Kees 1961: 183 ).
ceased to exist m 747, when a massive earthquake de- Herodotus (2.141) ascribes the Assyrian retreat from Pe-
stroyed most of its surviving buildings. Excavations have lusium under Sennacherib to an onslaught of mice (Gar-
provided vivid pictures of the devastation which brought diner 1961: 345 ); he also notes a garrison at "Daphnae of
the city's existence to an end. Pelusium" (2.30) in the Saite period (Gardiner 1961: 357).
Pelusium was taken by the Persians to usher in both the
Bibliography "first" and "second" Persian dominations of Egypt, in 525
McNicol.l, A.; Smith, R.H.; and Hennessy, B. 1982. Pella in Jordan, and 343 B.C.E. respectively (Gardiner 1961: 364, 343); was
I. Canberra. ordered by the Persian satrap to open its gates to Alexan-
PELUSIUM 222 • v
der in 332 B.C.E. (Bevan 1927: 2f.); was taken by Octavian Elkanah may have married her because his first wife
in 30 B.C.E. (Bevan 1927: 380); and fell to the Arabs after Hannah, was barren. The mother of several children'
a month of fighting in 640 c.E. (Lane-Poole 1925: 2). Peninnah became Hannah's rival and taunted her at ever;
The name Pelusium is first used by Herodotus, and the opportunity ( 1:6-7). In time the Lord honored the prayers
corresponding Demotic form is first attested in Ptolemaic of the pious Hannah, who herself eventually became the
times (Cheshire 1985: 20, 23 n. 21 ). According to Classical mother of four sons and two daughters (I :21; 2:21 ). ln
authors, the town was founded by the eponymous Peleus, her song of thanksgiving and praise, Hannah apparently
father of Achilles (Amm. Marc. 22.16.3) or by Isis in made several references to her tormentor Peninnah
memory of her foster-son Pelusios (Plutarch De Is. et Os. though not by name (2: I, 3, 5-8). '
17), or is named for the region's characteristic mud (pel6s- Unique to 1 Samuel I, the name Peninnah is sometimes
Strabo 17 .1.21 ). This last statement has led most Egyptol- compared to Ar fayniinii, "woman with luxuriant hair," or
ogists to identify it with the toponym Swn, attested since fanan, "tree branch" (in reference to her fecundity). It is
the Old Kingdom, which resembles the word s'in "mud," a perhaps better, however, to assume that peninna is the
position supported by the rendering of Swn as Sinu in feminine singular form of the plural peninim, the meaning
cuneiform, sin in the Hebrew Bible (Ezek 30: 15 ), Sain in of which is uncertain ("coral," "pearls," and "rubies" all
LXX, and Pelusium in the Vulgate (Cheshire 1985: 20; have their advocates) but which denotes a reddish sub-
Kitchen 1973: 393 n. 877). Doubt is cast on this identifica- stance (Lam 4:7).
tion by a demotic onomasticon, P. Cairo 31169, which With the possible exception of Prov 20: 15, all the other
contains a geographical list giving P~-'Pir-'Imn followed attestations of peninim in the OT (Job 28:18; Prov 3:15;
immediately by n-<my "The mud," and, much later in the 8:11; 31:10; Lam 4:7) and Apocrypha (Sir 7:19; 30:15)
text, Swn (Cheshire 1985). describe someone, or something, as being better than
Amun was the preeminent deity of Pelusium (as re- peninim. Especially instructive is Sir 7: 19:
flected in the demotic form of the name), Isis and Harpok-
rates were venerated there, and a temple of Zeus Kasios Do not divorce a prudent wife,
was founded under Hadrian. The veneration (or, some- for her charm/grace (tm) is worth more than rubies
times, abomination) of the onion is ridiculed by Classical (pnynym).
and patristic writers as Religi,o Pelusiaca {thus Jerome, Com-
mentary on Isaiah, 13, 46; cf. Juvenal 15, 9; Thissen 1982; Perhaps Ben Sira was alluding to 1 Sam I :4-5, where it is
Griffiths 1984). In the mid-19th century, Lepsius sug- implied that Hannah (l;nh, "Grace")-at least in Elkanah's
gested that Per-Rameses (biblical "Raamses") was located eyes-was better than Peninnah (pnnh, "Ruby").
in the vicinity of Pelusium, a view first upheld and then RONALD YOUNGBLOOD
abandoned by Gardiner (Rowley 1950: 27-28). Per-Rame-
ses is now agreed to be located in the Khatana-Qantir
region (Van Seters 1966: 127-51; Bietak 1979). Pelusium PENTATEUCH. See TORAH; also SAMARITAN
was renowned as a source of fine wine (Kees 1961: 81-82). PENTATEUCH.
There was another town named Pelusium in the Fayum
(Cheshire 1985: 22 n. 6).
PENTECOST [Gk pentekosti]. The Greek name for the
Bibliography Jewish Feast of Weeks, deriving from its occurrence SO
Bevan, E. 1927. The House of Ptolemy. Chicago. Repr. 1968. days after Passover (Acts 20: 16; I Cor 16:8). Because the
Bietak, M. 1979. Avaris and Piramesse. Proceedings of the Brit1Sh early Christians received the baptism of the Holy Spirit on
Academy 65: 225-90. this day, the term is now more commonly used to refer to
Cheshire, W. 1985. Remarks on the Names of Pelusium. Gottinger that event recounted in Acts 2: 1-13.
Miszellen 84: 19-24. The Feast of Weeks was the second of the three great
Gardiner, A. H. 1961. E[fYpt of the Pharaohs. Oxford. Jewish feasts. Its name signified that it concluded the
Griffiths, j. G. 1984. Religione Pelusiaca. Lf.. 5: 229-30. period of seven weeks which began with the presentation
Kees, H. 1961. AncientE[fYpt. London. of the first sheaf of the barley harvest during the Passover
Kitchen, K. A. 1973. The Third lntennediate Period in E{fYpt. Warmins- celebration (Lev 23: 15-16; Deut 16:9). Thus it was origi-
ter. nally an agricultural feast marking the end of the grain
Lane-Poole, S. 1925. A History of EffYPI in lhe Middle Ages. 4th ed. harvest and was celebrated during the month of Sivan
London. (May/June). Both Josephus (Ant 3.10.6 §252; JW 1.13.3
Rowley, H. H. 1950. From Joseph to Joshua. London. §253) and Jewish intertestamental writings (Tob 2: 1; 2
Thissen, H.J. 1982. Pelusium. Lf.. 4: 925-26. Mace 12:31-32) refer to the feast as Pentecost.
Van Seters, J. 1966. The Hyksos. New Haven. According to Acts, the apostles remained in Jerusalem
EDMUND S. MELTZER after the Resurrection appearances. On the day of Pente-
cost they were gathered in one house when the Holy Spirit
came upon them, sounding like a mighty wind and ap-
PENDANTS. See JEWELRY, ANCIENT ISRAELITE. pearing like tongues of fire upon each of them. Then the
apostles began miraculously to speak in foreign languages,
attracting the attention of foreign Jews who were amazed
PENINNAH (PERSON) [Heb peninna]. The second to hear their native languages spoken by Galileans. This
wife (1 Sam 1:2, 4) of Elkanah, the father of Samuel. set the stage for Peter's sermon which resulted in the
v. 223 PEOR

conversion and baptism of about 3000 people (Acts 2: 1- "Prince of God." So moved by this experience, Jacob names
47). the place Penuel, "the face of God."
Scholarly reaction to Luke's account has ranged from Jacob's name for the ford eventually became the name
Marshall's defense of the basic historicity of the entire for a town built on that site, for the name is mentioned
narrative (1977: 347-69) to Haenchen's conclusion that it again in the period of the Judges. When Gideon was
is essentially Luke's theological attempt to explain the pursuing the Midianite kings, Zebah and Zalmunna, he
coming of the Spirit, not an historical account of actual asked for provisions for his army from the towns of
events (1971: 172-75). Objections to the Pentecost narra- Succoth and Penuel. Fearing reprisals from the Midianites,
tive center on the miraculous elements as well as John's the two towns refused Gideon's request and insulted him.
very different retelling of the giving of the Spirit (20: 19- After Gideon had defeated the Midianites, he returned to
23). Dunn defends the miraculous elements, noting that Penuel and destroyed the tower of the city and every man
the believers expected nothing similar to what occurred in it (Judg 8:8-9, 17). Later Jeroboam rebuilt the town
(1975: 148). He also defends Luke's dating of the gift of fortifying the site to ward off attacks on the E frontier ( 1
the Spirit at Pentecost against John's placing it at Jesus' first Kgs 12:25).
Resurrection appearance to the disciples (1975: 139-41). The site of Penuel is identified with Tell edh-Dhahab
Various passages in OT and Jewish writings have been esh-Sherqiyeh, "the Hill of Gold" (M.R. 215177), on the
suggested as providing the background against which the brook Jabbok, Nahr ez-Zerqa. Some suggest that Pernoual,
Pentecost events might be best understood: Philo Dec 33, number 53 in Pharaoh Shishak's list of conquered cities, is
God created a sound on Sinai and changed it into fire; the same as Penuel. Later Assyrian documents call the city
Exod 19:18, the Lord descended in fire; and Gen 11:1-9, Panili.
the confusion of languages at Babel. More important from
Luke's perspective are the prophecies by Joel (2:28-32, Bibliography
cited in Peter's speech in Acts 2:17-21), John the Baptist Glueck, N. 1968. The River Jordan. New York.
(Luke 3: 16) and Jesus (Acts I :5) regarding the pouring out Gross, H. 1963. Penuel. LTK 8: 266.
or baptism of the Spirit. Luke also closely associates the McKenzie, J. L. I 963. Jacob at Penuel: Gn 32,24-32. CBQ 25: 71-
baptism of the Spirit at Pentecost with the mission and 76.
expansion of the church to people of every nation. Merrill, S. 1881. East ofJordan. New York.
Schmidt, N. 1926. The Numen Penuel.JBL 45: 260-79.
Bibliography JOEL C. SLAYTON
Dunn, J. D. G. 1975.Jesus and the Spirit. London.
Haenchen, E. 1971. The Actl of the Apostles: A Commentary. Trans. B.
Noble et al. Philadelphia.
PEOPLE OF THE EAST. See EAST, PEOPLE OF
Kremer, J. 1973. Pfingstbericht und Pfingstgeschehen. Stuttgarter Bi-
THE.
belstudien 63-64. Stuttgart.
Marshall, I. H. 1977. The Significance of Pentecost. SJT 30: 347-
69.
PEOPLE OF THE LAND. See AM HA' AREZ.
MARK J. OLSON

PENUEL (PERSON) [Heb penu'el]. Two individuals PEOR (PLACE) [Heb pe<or]. I. A mountain in Moab to
mentioned in the OT bear this name. which Balak took Balaam in hopes of securing a curse
1. The son of Hur and grandson of Judah, and listed as against Israel (Num 23:28). After his two previous at-
the father of Gedor ( 1 Chr 4:4). If Gedor is identified with tempts resulted in blessings rather than curses (Num 23:7-
Jedur, a town in the hill country near Jerusalem, then 10, 18-24), Balak led Balaam to the top of Peor for a third
Penuel was a co-founder with Jered (1 Chr 4: 18). and final pronouncement. Once again, a blessing followed.
2. The son of Shashak of the tribe of Benjamin ( 1 Chr According to Num 24:2, the view from Peor enabled Ba-
8:25). The RSV renders the name according to the Qere; laam to see the Israelite camp in the plains of Moab below.
ho"'.ever the Ketib is pny'l, perhaps reflecting a variation As such, it must have been located somewhere in the
~1mt!ar to Gen 32:31-32 (Eng 32:30-31) where both spell- vicinity of Mt. Nebo. See NEBO, MOUNT. Although Eu-
mgs Penuel and Peniel are used for the same location. See sebius situated the mountain just over 6 miles W of Hesh-
PENUEL (PLACE); GKC § 90 k. bon, a precise identification has not been made.
DAVID CHANNING SMITH In addition to the incident involving Balak and Balaam,
Peor appears in connection with Israelite apostasy. Associ-
ated with the site are intermarriages with foreigners as
PENUEL (PLACE) [Heb penu'el]. A city in E Palestine well as the idolatrous worship of BAAL-PEOR, the god of
on the Jabbok river where Jacob wrestled with the angel this particular mountain (Num 25:3, 5, 18; 31:16; Deut
(Gen 32:32). The place is located E of the Jordan river and 4:3; Ps 106:28). Such apostasy later served as a comparison
E of Succoth. According to the Genesis story (Gen 32:24- to the apparently disloyal act of the Reubenites, Gadites,
32), as Jacob was returning home from Paddan-aram he and the half tribe of Manasseh, who built an altar E of the
spent the ':light at the ford of the Jabbok. That nigh~ he Jordan (Josh 22: 17).
wrestled_ with a man (Hos 12:4 calls this "man" an angel) 2. A town in the hill country of Judah, referred to only
who ultimately blessed him and renamed him Israel in an expanded list appearing in the LXX (Josh 15:59).
'
PEOR 224 • v
Peor has been identified with Kh. Faghur (M .R. 164119), Arabia~s after the death of Herod. At the beginning of
located some 5 miles SW of Bethlehem. the .Jewish War 66-70 C.E., Heshbonitis was not pan of
TERRY L. BRENSINGER Jewish hegemony (fW 2.18.1 §458). Eusebius claimed that
Perea bordered on Heshbon (Onomast. 136, 7, 13; IH, 3).
Medeba (Madeba M.R. 225124) was not considered Perean
PERAZIM, MOUNT [Heb perd,!im]. See BAAL-PER- territory. In the N, according to Josephus, the frontier
AZIM (PLACE). reached to Pella (/W 3.3.3 §4 7). According to Eusebius, the
N border was actually located six miles from Jabesh (Tell
el-Maqlub M.R. 214201) on the road leading to Gerasa
PEREA (PLACE) [Gk Peraia]. A territory E of the Jordan (Onomast. 32, 5-7; 33, 5-7). Gersa was to the S of the Wadi
river, described by Josephus as extending "in length from Jabis and Pella (M.R. 207206) was N. At the outbreak of
Machaerus to Pella, in breadth from Philadelphia to the the Jewish War, Jews attacked Pella, an unlikely strike if
Jordan" (JW 3.3.3 §44). the city were within Jewish territory since the Jewish attacks
were directed against Syrian villages and the non-Perea
A. Identity cities of Philadelphia, Heshbon, Gerasa, Sythopolis, Gad-
The name Perea is found in variant readings of Luke ara, Hippos, and Gaulanitis (/W 2.18. I §458-59). It is
6: 17 (Codex Sinaiticus, Freer Gospel; Sinaitic Syriac). Else- probable that the N boundary ran along the Wadi Jabis
where the Gospels refer to the region as "beyond the including the city of Amathus (Tell Amtah M.R. 208182)
Jordan" (Matt 4:15; 4:25 [= Mark 3:8] ; 19:1 [= Mark 18 to 20 miles S of Pella and NE of the Jabbok (Avi-Yon ah
IO:l]; John 1:28; 3:26; 10:40). Alternate readings of Mark 1969: 179-80).
l 0: 1 indicate some confusion over the identity of the
district. The difficulty involves a description of the region C. History
as an extension of Judea. The Alexandrian text reads, (he) In the OT, the Transjordan territory from the .Jabbok to
"went to Judea and beyond the Jordan," while the Western, the Amon was known as Gilead (Josh 12:2). Moses gave
Caesarean, and Antiochian texts have, (he) "went to Judea this land to the tribes of Reuben and Gad and the half
beyond the Jordan." There is great diversity of support tribe of Manesseh (Josh 12:6; 22:9). During the monar-
for the Alexandrian text, but this may reflect an attempt chies of Saul and David, the land was occupied by the
to harmonize Mark 10: 1 with the parallel in Matt 19: I Israelites and the prophetic literature refers to the balsam
(Metzger 1971: 103). A third variant, mainly attested in (Jer 8:22) and pasturage for which the district was known.
later witnesses, reads in translation, "he came into the The Syrians controlled the land from 900 to 780 B.C.E.
territories of Judea via Transjordan." This rendering ap- when Jeroboam I I retook the territory. He held it only
pears to be an attempt at clarification by copyists who were briefly. In 733 B.C.E., the Assyrians conquered the area.
troubled by the geographical difficulties involved in the They carried out a deportation of the local population (2
two readings. Kgs 15:29). There is no further mention of a Jewish
presence in the Transjordan until the Maccabean era.
B. Boundaries During the conquests of Alexander the Great, Greeks
The W boundary of Perea was fixed by the Jordan river immigrated into Perea. By the time of the Maccabees the
and the Dead Sea. In the S the region was bounded by the area was inhabited mainly by gentiles (Hoehner 1972: 54-
land of Moab (fW 3.3.3 §47). N. Glueck's survey of the 55) who threatened the Jewish minority (I Mace 5: I; 45-
Transjordan put the S frontier running E from the Dead 54). Schurer suggested that the opposition of the local
Sea on a line with the fortress of Machaerus (el-Mukawer population to the Jews living beyond the Jordan indicates
M.R. 209108) to the "top of the western edge of the a decline in Jewish inhabitants and the existence of a
Moabite plateau" (1939: 140). Avi-Yonah extended the dispersion among the gentiles (H]P 1 Ill: 192). John Hyr-
border S to the Amon and its confluent Aidonas (Sel canus (135-104 e.c.E.) and his successors concentrated on
Heidan), so as to include the land around Machaerus Judaizing the region. Early in the years of his reign the
(1966: 170-80). To the E Perea was bounded by Philadel- Hasmonean monarch Alexander Jannaeus (104-78 B.C.E.)
phia, Gerasa, Arabia, and Heshbonitis (fW 3.3.3 §47). besieged Gadara and Amathus, the most important for-
Glueck's survey marked the E boundary of Perea by a N- tresses beyond the Jordan (/W 1.4.2 §86). Jannaeus suc-
S line to the W of Gerasa, Philadelphia, Heshbonitis, and ceeded in subduing the greater part of Perea reaching
Medeba. Gerasa (Jerash M.R. 234187) was a city of the from the vicinity of the N city of Pella S to the fortress of
Decapolis and therefore probably not part of Perea. A Machaerus on the E shore of the Dead Sea (/W 7.6.2
bloody boundary dispute between the Pereans and the § 171). Despite the conquest of Perea ca. 88 e.c.E., Jannaeus
inhabitants of the village of Zia (Kh. Zey M.R. 217166), was apparently unable to secure the territory. Around 57
fifteen Roman miles W of Philadelphia (Ant 20.1.1 §1-3), B.C.E., Gabinius, a former legate of Pompey, made Ama-
would seem to confirm the frontier was W of Philadelphia thus (Tell Amtah M.R. 208182) one of five administrative
(Rabbath-ammon M.R. 238151). Josephus included Hesh- districts in Palestine. Each of these regions was governed
bonitis (Heshbon, Esbus, Hesban M.R. 226134), twelve by a sanhedrin under his general direction. The duration
miles E of the N end of the Dead Sea, among the cities of of the administrative districts was probably limited to the
Moab in Ant 13.15.4 §497, while in Ant 15.8.5 §294 he rule of Gabinius, although the sanhedrin continued to
placed Heshbon in Perea. It may be that Heshbon, which function after his time (Smallwood 1976: 31 ).
was part of Jewish territory during the reigns of Alexander During the Roman period, Perea was considered a Jew-
Jannaeus and Herod the Great, fell into the hands of the ish territory. Its capital was Gadara (Gedor, Tell Jedur,
v. 225 PEREZ
Gedora M.R. 220160) eighteen miles N-NW of the N tip Luke 9:9), but attributes the execution to Antipas' fear
of the Dead Sea near es-Salt. This Gadara should not be that John might incite a revolt. Jesus also ministered in
confused with Gadara (Umm Qeis M.R. 214229) in the Perea. He answered the Pharisees concerning divorce (Matt
Decapolis. Herod the Great (37-4 B.c.~.) built ~dditional 19:1-9), blessed children (Matt 19:13-15), taught the dis-
fortresses in the Transjordan and established m1htary col- ciples concerning marriage (Matt 19: l 0-12), withdrew
onies there (Ant 15.8.5 §294). Near the end of his life, from the Jews (John 10:40) and attracted crowds who had
Herod unsuccessfully sought relief in the baths of Callir- heard of his reputation as a healer (Mark 3:8 = Matt
rhoe (Zereth-shahar, ez-Zarat M.R. 203111) on the E shore 4:25).
of the Dead Sea (Ant 17.5.1 § 171-72). In 20 B.C.E. with the Jewish literature assumes that Perea was a land inhabited
permission of Augustus, Herod appointed his brother by Jews (Seb. 9.2; Ketub. 13.10; B. Bat. 3.2; Mena/:i. 8.3). In
Pheroras to the post of tetrarch of Perea with control of its the Talmudic period, Perea did not have as favorable a
revenues (Ant 15.I0.3 §362). After Herod's death, Perea reputation as Judea and Galilee. According to the Aboth
was assigned with Galilee to Herod Antipas' tetrarchy. In of Rabbi Nathan, Judea represented the grain, Galilee the
Perea, Antipas (4 B.C.E.-39 C.E.) fortified a city which he straw and "ha-Yarden" (Perea) the chaff (Neubauer 1868:
named Julias (Livias, Betharamphtha, Tell er-Rame M.R. 241-51).
211137) in honor of the empress Julia. It may be, as
Schurer (H]PI 2: 214-15) and others have suggested, that Bibliography
the city was originally named Livias in honor of Livia, Avi-Yonah, M. 1966. The Holy Land from the Persian to the Arab
Augustus' wife, and later ( 14 c.E.) renamed Julias when Conquests. Grand Rapids.
Livia was adopted into the gens Julia. The name reverted Glueck, N. 1939.ExplorationsinEasternPalestinelll. AASOR 18-19.
to Livias after the 1st century. The boundary dispute New Haven.
between the Jews of Perea and the Philadelphians over the Haefeli, L. 1913. Samaria and Peraa bei Flavius Josephus. BS 18:
frontier of Zia climaxed ca. 44 c.E. Fadus the procurator 66-120.
arrived in Judea and discovered that the Pereans had taken Hoehner, H. W. 1972. Herod Antipas. Cambridge.
arms without the consent of their rulers. He arrested three Metzger, B. M. 1971. A Textual Commentary on the Greek Nnv Testa-
of the revolt leaders, condemning one to death and two to ment. London.
exile (Ant 20.1.1 §2-4). Neubauer, A. 1967. La Giographie du Talmud. Hildesheim.
From this period on, Galilee and Perea were included in Smallwood, E. M. 1976. The Jnvs Under Roman Rule from Pompey to
the provincial designation of Judea, together with districts Diocletian. Leiden.
formerly identified as Judea, Samaria, and Idumea (Small- DIANE 1. TREACY-COLE
wood 1976: I). In 54 c.E., when Nero acceded to the
throne he granted Agrippa II (28-100 c.E.) two-thirds of
Perea, specifically the toparchies of Abila (Abel, Tell Abil PERESH (PERSON) [Heb peresl The Manassite son of
M.R. 231231) and Julias. Agrippa's ambitior:. was to reign Machir and his wife Maacah (l Chr 7:16). According to
over a territory equal to that of his father and grandfather, the genealogy of Manasseh in I Chr 7: 14-19, his brothers
but his dream was brought to an end by the outbreak of included Sheresh and Gilead, and perhaps Huppim and
the Jewish War in 66 C.E. During Vespasians's campaign in Shuppim, too. Peresh is omitted, however, from other
Perea in 68 C.E., many Jews fled to Jericho. The Roman Manassite genealogies and biblical texts.
general captured Gadara, described as a "city of some There are several difficulties in I Chr 7: 14-19 that have
strength" UW 4.7.3 §413), and subsequently subdued the bearing on the identity of Peresh. First, Maacah, the
whole of Perea as far as Machaerus, which he did not take. mother of Peresh, is called the wife of Machir (v 16), as
After Agrippa's death in 100 C.E., Perea became part of well as his sister (v 15). In addition, Gilead appears to be
the Roman province of Syria. the brother of Peresh (v 14), but in v 17, he is included
among the "sons of Gilead." There have been several
D. NT and Rabbinic Sources attempts to resolve these difficulties, but none is com-
In the NT, Perea is the land "beyond the Jordan" (Mark pletely satisfying. Curtis and Madsen (Chronicles ICC, 151-
3:8). Galilean Jews making the trip to Jerusalem traveled 52) emended "Machir" in v 16 to "Gilead." Therefore,
via Perea in order to avoid contact with the Samaritans. Maacah was Machir's sister but Gilead's wife (as well as his
Those making the journey by crossing the Jordan thought aunt), and Gilead, rather than Machir, was the father of
they never left Jewish territory, reinforcement for the Peresh. In addition, the names of Shuppim and Huppim
Jewish character of the population in the 1st century (v 15) should be deleted, since they are glosses from v 12
(Hoehner 1972: 56). John the Baptist was active in the (the genealogy of Naphtali) and so cannot have been the
district. According to the gospel of John, the Baptist re- brothers of Peresh. Rudolf (Chronikbiicher HAT, 68-71),
sponded to priests and Levites who had come from Jeru- however, reconstructs l Chr 7:14-19 extensively on the
sale~ questioning his baptisms (John I :28). Later John's basis of Num 26:29-34. In his arrangement, Maacah be-
d1soples asked him about Jesus "who was with you beyond comes the daughter of Gilead and the mother of Peresh,
the Jordan" (John 3:26)-an indication that John's main but the name of her husband is missing from the text.
activity was in the Transjordan. Around the time of the M. PATRICK GRAHAM
Battle of Actium, Antipas imprisoned and executed John
in the fortress of Machaerus (Ant 18.5.2 § 116-19). Jose-
phus does not record the details of John's arrest as de- PEREZ (PERSON) (Heb pere$]. Var. PHARES. PERE-
scribed in the Gospels (Matt 14:6-12 (= Mark 6:22-28]; ZITES. The son of Judah and Judah's daughter-in-law
PEREZ 226 • v
Tamar (Gen 38:28; 1 Chr 2:4; 4: 1). He was the brother of "Uzza's Breach." The name may originally have referred
Zerah (Gen 38:29) and the father of Hezron and Hamul to a breach in the wall of Jerusalem where the incident
(Gen 46: 12; Num 26:21; 1 Chr 2:5). occurred, with later theological reflection prompted by the
The story of his birth provides a popular etymology for various meanings of pere$ (McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 161,
his name. When the time came for Tamar to give birth 170).
there were twins in her womb. One of them stretched out DAVID L. THOMPSON
his hand and the midwife placed a scarlet thread on it to
indicate that he was the first born. After the hand was
withdrawn, the other brother ca_me bursting forth. At this PERFUMES AND SPICES. A variety of perfumes
the midwife exclaimed: "What a breach you have made for and spices are named in the Bible. Perfumes and spices
yourself." For this reason he was named Perez, a name were important items of trade in the ancient world.
which means "breach" (Gen 38:27-29). The story of Pe-
rez's birth is an attempt to explain the preeminence of the A. Perfumes
younger clan Perez over the older clans of Judah. In the Although the human sense of smell has atrophied over
second census list of the tribes of Israel mentioned in the the millennia as hunting and being hunted became less of
book of Numbers, Perez is listed as the eponymous ances- a pastime, our delight over pleasing smells-especially
tor of the Perezites (Num 26:20). In addition, two other those which function as an aphrodisiac-has grown. Like
Judean clans come from Perez, the Hezronites and the many products desired and manufactured by early cul-
Hamulites (Num 26:21). The superiority of Perez and his tures, individual perfumes were identified by chance or
clan is due to the fact that David descended from Perez experimentation. Most are derivatives of plants, although
through Boaz and Ruth (Ruth 4:18-22). a few are extracted from animals. Some probably were
The reference to Perez in the blessing which the leaders discovered as medicinal potions were concocted, but in
of Bethlehem bestowed upon Boaz, "May your house be many cases their origin is found in the natural smells of
like the house of Perez, whom Tamar bore to Judah," the forest and desert, which attracted humans just as the
(Ruth 4: 12) reflects the belief that Perez enjoyed numerous scent of flowers drew insects.
progeny. Because of Perez's prominence among the clans 1. Biblical Terms. Specific Hebrew terms for perfume
of Judah, the Perezites occupied important positions in or those associated with the perfume industry in the Bible
Judean society. One of his descendants was the com- are roqeab (Exod 30:25, 35; 37:29; Eccl 10:1), raqqab (1
mander of the first division of David's army (l Chr 27:2- Sam 8:13; Neh 3:8), mirqabaf (2 Chr 16:14), riqqilab (Isa
3). Some of the Perezites lived in Jerusalem after the return 57:9), rial! (Exod 30:38), nufl (Prov 7: 17), qetoref (Prov
of the exiles from Babylon ( 1 Chr 9:4), among them there 27:9), mequ.tteref (Cant 3:6), bate hannefle5 (Isa 3:20), bosem
were 468 who were "valiant men" (Neh 11 :4-6). Zerubba- (Isa 3:24).
bel, the son of Shealtiel, who returned to Jerusalem from 2. Sources. Since most of the substances (with the ex-
Babylon, and who was exhorted by Haggai and Zechariah ception of stacte and gum) used as perfumes in the Bible
to rebuild the temple, was from the clan of Perez (RSV are not native to Canaan, they had to be acquired through
and Gk Phares; I Esdr 5:5). In the NT, the ancestral line trade. Caravans carried these precious commodities from
of Jesus is traced through Perez (Matt 1: 13; Luke 3:33). the Arabian desert or from ports along the Red Sea and
the Mediterranean coast where Egyptian, Phoenician, and
Bibliography later Roman ships (Miller 1969: 120) had deposited them.
Emerton, J. A. 1975. Some Problems in Genesis xxxviii. VT 25: The places of origin for the plant-based perfumes men-
338-61. tioned in the biblical narrative include Arabia (bdellium,
Zimmermann, F. 1945. The Births of Perez and Zerah. ]BL 64: frankincense, myrrh-Isa 60:6; Jer 6:20), India (aloes,
377-78. calamus, saffron), Nepal (nard), Sri Lanka (cassia, cinna-
CLAUDE f. MARIOTTINI mon), Iran (galbanum), Somaliland (frankincense, myrrh).
The one perfume derived from animals, Onycha, was
extracted from the muscle of a Red Sea mollusk.
PEREZ-UZZAH (PLACE) [Heb pere$ 'uzuil'uzui']. Ap- The trade in perfumes and spices created an elaborate
pears twice in the Bible (2 Sam 6:8 = 1 Chr 13: 11). A network of land and sea routes from the sources to the
place of uncertain location between Jerusalem and Baalah- markets (Van Beek 1960: 106). One such route used by
Judah (Kiriath-jearim; cf. Josh 15:10), 14 miles to the NW. the Ishmaelite traders, who were carrying "gum, balm,
Here, as the ark of God was being brought from Baalah to and myrrh" from Gilead to Egypt, brought them in contact
the City of David, Uzzah, son of Abinadab, took hold of with Joseph's brothers as they pastured their flocks near
the ark to steady it and died. The name reflects that Dothan (Gen 37:25). The biblical narrative describes how
tragedy. The text explains that "Yahweh broke forth in the monarchical period, Solomon participated in ajoint
against Uzzah" (par().$ yhwh pere$ he'uzui), translating per6$ venture with the Phoenicians. According to this account a
b-as in Exod 19:22, 24 and 1Chr15:13. If the place name fleet of "Tarshish" ships was constructed which plied the
carries that understanding, as the LXX, Vg, Tg and most waters of the Red Sea and the Arabian and East African
modern English versions hold, it means "the breaking coasts for three years at a time (l Kgs 10:22-26: 2 Chr
forth upon Uzzah" (e.g., Hertzberg 1 and 2 Samuel OTL, 9:21 ). The cargoes included luxury items such as "gold.
276). McCarter takes pere$ to mean "an interruption in ... silver, ivory, apes, and peacocks" as well as myrrh and
family line," as in Judg 21:15. He translates the etiology spices (Stieglitz 1984: 141 ).
"Yahweh made a breach in Uzza," and the place name In order to gain a fuller understanding of the extent ot
v • 227 PERFUMES AND SPICES

trade in the ancient world, two accounts are instructive: commercial production of balm in ancient Judah (Zohary
Ezekiel's "lamentation over Tyre" (chap. 27) and the "lam- 1982: 198).
entation over Babylon ( = Rome)" in Revelation 18. A vast 4. Uses. Some of the substances mentioned above have
array of products are listed from metals to jewels to slaves. few uses in antiquity. Frankincense, for example, was pri-
Among the perfumes and spices listed are balm from marily burnt as incense in religious ceremonies (Exod
Judah (Ezek 27: 17), cassia and calamus from Uzal (27: 19), 30:34; Lev 2:2), although it occasionally is mentioned as a
and "the best of all kinds of spices" (27:22) from Sheba perfume or fumigant (Cant 3:6). Myrrh, however, was used
and Ra'amah (all in SW Arabia). The Roman merchants in many ways-for example, as incense (Exod 30:23), as a
are said to have trafficked, among other things, in "cinna- perfume to freshen garments (Ps 45:9), and as a cosmetic
mon, spice, incense, myrrh, and frankincense" (Rev treatment (Esth 2:13). In Mark 15:23 myrrh mixed with
18: 13). Eastern trade routes stretched along the coast of wine was offered as a painkiller to Jesus on the cross, and
Africa down Somaliland and Madagascar, across the In- in John 19:39, a hundredweight of myrrh and aloes was
dian Ocean to Indonesia, and all along the Persian Gulf used to embalm Jesus' corpse and line his linen shroud.
and the W coast of India (Miller 1969: 145-47; Van Beek Of course, perfumes functioned as a cosmetic, providing
1960: 109). pleasing fragrance as well as needed protection for the
3. Manufacture. Raw materials for the manufacture of skin in the hot and dry climate of the ANE (Cant 1:3, 5:5 ).
perfumes in ancient times can be divided into two catego- The more costly fragrances made them the rivals of gold
ries. The first consists of plant materials, including "essen- (Matt 2: 11) for the attention of the wealthy and a remark-
tial oils" (which are obtained through distillation or ex- able gift. The reaction of the disciples over the use of an
pression), flower oils, and gums, resins, and exudations. alabaster jar of nard to anoint Jesus' feet (Mark 14:3-5) is
The second category is made up of a variety of animal thus quite understandable. It was made even more expen-
secretions (Balsam 1972: 600). sive (300 denarii = worker's pay for half a year) by its
Collection of these materials depended upon the form costly container and the distance from which it had come
that they took in nature. In some cases, bark was stripped (Nepal).
from trees (cinnamon), roots dug from the ground (man-
drake, nard) or gathered from flowers (saffron). Anothe1 B. Spices
method consisted of tapping trees (frankincense and In biblical usage, spices [Heb bosem) are associated with
myrrh) and collecting the "tears" of resin once they had aromatic oils, perfumes, incense, and embalming sub-
had time to dry (Van Beek 1960: IOI; IDB 3: 731). Pack- stances. There are no references to their use with food
aging for storage could be as simple as a cloth bag or as except in a cultic context-the placing of frankincense on
elaborate as a finely shaped alabaster jar (Matt 26:7) or the Bread of the Sanctuary (Lev 24:7), which was later
perfume box (Isa 3:20). A large number of these perfume consumed by Aaron and his sons (Van Beek 1960: 113).
jars have been uncovered in excavations throughout the However, cuneiform texts from Mesopotamia contain re-
Near East, some still containing minute amounts of their cipes which include lists of spices used to flavor food
contents. (Bottero 1985: 38), and there is mention of spiced wine in
Some fragrances, like frankincense and myrrh, did not Cant 8:2.
require refining. They were simply transported to buyers Spices, generally in pulverized form and mixed in com-
and then burnt as incense (Exod 30:34; Cant 3: 16). How- bination with each other and oil had many uses. These
ever, myrrh a~ least was also pulverized into a fine powder included anointing oil (Exod 30:23-25-for use on the
and placed in a sachet worn between a woman's breasts tent of meeting and the ark; Cant l :3, 12 and Esth 2: 12-
(Cant l: 13). Recipes also exist for the blending of fra- as a fragrance or cosmetic), sweet smelling incense for the
grances to create sweet smelling incense and perfume. For exclusive use of the priests (Exod 30:34-38; 2 Chr 2:4),
instance, Exod 30:23-25 contains a list of ingredients and a freshener, providing an enticing fragrance to a
(myrrh, cinnamon, aromatic cane, cassia, olive oil) and home (Cant 7:13) or a lover's bed (Prov 7:17-18). They
their proportions for use in the creation of "anointing oil" were also widely used in connection with funerals. In the
to be used. in the tabernacle. The profession of perfumer latter case spices could be applied to the corpse (Luke
is first ascnbed to Bezalel in Exod 37:29. The industry was 23:56; 24:1; John 12:3-7) or used to mask the odors of a
funeral pyre (2 Chr 16: 14).
restncted in part to the priestly community (Exod 30:37-
Since most spices had to be obtained from merchants
38; I Chr 9:30), but there was obviously a large secular
who had traveled great distances, they were prized and
market. For instance Samuel mentions that women will be
displayed as part of a king's treasury (2 Kgs 20: 13). Only
drafted to work for the palace as perfumers (l Sam 8: 13). the kings and the very wealthy could afford to use them
.The utensils and methods for blending, however, are lavishly (Solomon's perfumed litter in Cant 3:6-7; the
missing in these texts. Clues to that process can be found king's robes "fragrant with myrrh and aloes and cassia" in
m Middle Assyrian texts dating to the 13th century e.c.E. Ps 45:7-8) or expect them to be burnt at their funerals
(Ebel~ng 1948: 132-43). They, along with Egyptian tomb (Jer 34:5). They also served as appropriate presents when
paintings from the time of Tuthmosis IV (1397-1384), trying to make a good impression or a peace offering, as
contain evidence of an elaborate series of steps which Jacob does in his gift to Pharaoh in Gen 43: 11.
included steeping and boiling the ingredients while oil and While the medicinal qualities of spices are rarely men-
other items were added until they were properly mixed tioned in the biblical text because Yahweh was considered
(Shelmerdme 1985: 16). Recent excavations at Ein Gedi the source of healing (Zohary 1982: 183; 2 Chr 16: 12-13),
have also revealed the tools and furnaces used for the some were undoubtedly cultivated or obtained for their
PERFUMES AND SPICES 228 • v
pharmaceutical value. For instance, mandrake is men- The Plancius family had great wealth and influence in
tioned twice in connection with its aphrodisiac qualities various pans of Asia Minor and were the leading family in
(Gen 30: 14-15; Cant 7: 13). In Jer 8:22, the "balm of Perga dunng the first two centuries A.D. M. Plancius Varus
Gilead" (Heb ~iiri) is described in medicinal terms. It is had a political career in Rome under Nero and managed
obtained by "wounding" the storax-gum tree and does to survive the intrigues of A.O. 69 to become proconsul of
contain a significant amount of balsamic acid (Zohary Bithynia under Vespasian. He had served as a Roman
1982: 192). senator, and his son was later to achieve the double distinc-
tion of being a successful athlete and also consul during
Bibliography the reign of Hadrian (A.O. 117-38). A descendant of the
Balsam, M. S. 1972. Fragrance. Pp. 599-634 in Cosmetics Science family was to become a celebrated philosopher (Varus).
and Technowf!:Y, ed. M. S. Balsam and E. Sagarin. New York. But it was his daughter, Plancia Magna, who exercised the
Bottero, J. 1985. The Cuisine of Ancient Mesopotamia. BA 48/l: greatest influence in her day. Dozens of texts have been
36-47. found with her name on them, more than in the case of
Ebeling, E. 1948. Mittelassyrische Rezepte zur Herstellung von any other civic personage. She was responsible for the
wohlriechenden Salben. Or 17: 129-45. erection of a magnificent array of statues of the Roman
Miller, J. I. 1969. The spice Trade of the Roman Empire 29 B.C. to A.D. imperial family just inside the S gate, many of which are
641. Oxford. now in the fine museum in Antalya. Plancia herself was
Shelmerdine, C. W. 1985. The Perfume Industry of Mycenaean Pyws. priestess of Artemis and held the highest civic office of
Goteborg. state (demiurgus). Several striking statues of her have also
Stieglitz, R.R. 1984. Long Distance Seafaring in the Ancient Near been uncovered.
East. BA 47/3: 134-42. The city of Perga was a very wealthy and beautifully
Van Beek, G. W. 1960. Frankincense and Myrrh. BAR 2: 99-126. decorated city from Hellenistic times. Its remains today are
Zohary, M. 1982. Plants of the Bible. Cambridge. second only to Ephesus among the cities associated with
VICTOR H. MATTHEWS the apostle Paul. At least three aqueducts supplied water
to the city. The towers of the 3d century B.c. gate are still
standing and are among the most impressive of any city of
PERGA (PLACE) [Gk Perge]. An important Greek city in the period. One of the best preserved stadiums in Asia
Pamphylia, visited by Paul at the beginning and end of his Minor is found just outside the wall of Perga, as is a
first missionary excursion into the interior of Asia Minor moderately well preserved Greek theater that was later
ca. A.D. 47-48 (Acts 13:13; 14:25). converted to the Roman style and which would have been
According to the book of Acts, Paul and his associates, operative when Paul visited the city in ca. A.D. 47-48.
Barnabas and John (Mark), sailed for the mainland follow- Perga's theater could accommodate up to 14,000 specta-
ing their evangelistic excursion across Cyprus ( 13: 13). tors (Bean 1979: 29). There were numerous elaborate
They arrived in Perga, a river port on the S coast of Asia Roman baths in the city and also a very large gymnasium
Minor (36°59'N; 30°46'E), some 7 miles up the river with a palaestra (lit. wrestling place) adorned with statues
Cestrus (modern Aksu). Strabo (Geog. 14.42) says that it and dedicated to the emperor Claudius (A.D. 41-54). At
could be reached directly from the sea, as suggested by the foot of the acropolis was a handsome nymphaeum (foun-
the narrative of Acts; but this would have demanded a tain) adorned with a reclining statue of Kestros [Cestrus]
scala on the river at the nearest point approaching the city (god personifying the local river). Although there was a
(Bean 1979: 25). John Mark left the company of Paul and famous temple to Artemis in Perga that appears on the
Barnabas here and returned to Jerusalem. We are not told coinage of the city from the 2d century onward and served
by the narrator why he left, though many commentators as an "inviolable" sanctuary of refuge from the time of
have offered their creative speculations to remedy our Domitian (A.D. 81-96), its location has not yet been deter-
historical ignorance (e.g., hesitancy with the way Paul was mined. In spite of its Asiatic setting, the culture of Perga
moving in regard to Jewish-Gentile relations; afraid of the was almost entirely Greek and, to a lesser extent, Roman.
rugged journey across the mountains and into Galatia; Only about one or two percent of the names represented
homesick for his mother and friends in Jerusalem, etc.). at Perga are Anatolian; a third of them are Roman. There
We are told, however, that his departure was not regarded was presumably a synagogue, where Paul may have
in a favorable light by Paul and was the source of the break preached on his return visit from Galatia (Acts 14:25), but
of the cooperative missionary venture of Paul and Barna- there is no tradition of any early church having been
bas (Acts 15:36-40). established here.
Perga was founded by a mixed multitude of Greek
immigrants after the Trojan War. Recent excavations have Bibliography
turned up a number of statue bases of "founders" of the Bean, G. E. 1979. Turkey's Southern Shore. London.
city-some of them the legendary leaders of the original w. wARD GASQUE
migration (such as Calchas and Mopsus), but others who
are known to have been prominent historical personages
(such as M. Plancius Varus and his son, C. Plancius Varus, PERGAMUM (PLACE) [GkPergamos]. One of the seven
ft. second half of lst century A.O., who were originally cities whose Christian community was addressed in the
Italians) who were designated "founders" as a result of book of Revelation (l: 11; 2: 12). Also known by the form
their personal philanthropy on behalf of the community "Pergamon," this city had a long history. Pergamon (mod-
(Bean 1979: 31-32). ern Bergama; 39°07'N; 27°1 l 'E) emerged as the center of
v. 229

the most important kingdom in W Asia Minor during the Seleucid power in Asia Minor. In 193 Rome went to war
early 3d century s.c. and remained one of the cultural with the Seleucid king, Antiochus III. In 189 a Roman
and political centers of the region into the 4th century A:D. army, with Pergamene assistance, defeated Antiochus at
The oldest portion of the city 1s the acropolis, which the battle of Magnesia so decisively that in the treaty of
rises steeply to a height of nearly 1,300 feet above th.e Apamea (187) he had to surrender his family's claim to
plain of the Caicus river. This acropolis, powerfully foru- rule any territory north of the Taurus. The Romans re-
fied by the rulers of the Attalid dynasty in the 3d and 2d warded the Pergamenes, who were then ruled by Attalus'
centuries s.c., was the base from which these dynasts could son Eumenes II (214-153), with massive grants of the
extend their power throughout the region and the fortress territory taken from Antiochus throughout Anatolia and
to which they could retire when overmatched in the field. in Thrace. Although Rome's relations with Eumenes were
The portion of the city lying around the base of the strained during the last decade of his life, the kingdom of
acropolis (much of it built over by modern Bergama) Pergamon remained Rome's most important ally in the E
seems to have developed under the protection of the kings Mediterranean for the remainder of his reign and
and to have expanded in the years of peace after Roman throughout the reigns of his brother, Attalus II (153-138),
control was firmly established in Asia Minor in the 2d and and son, Attalus III (138-133) (Hansen 1971: 70-163;
1st centuries s.c. Allen 1983: 76-135; Will 1979-82, 2: 210-38, 285-93,
The earliest record of settlement at Pergamon comes in 379-85, 416-25). This situation came to an end in 133
the course of Xenophon's description of the Spartan cam- when Attalus III died without issue and left the royal lands
paigns of 399 (Hell. 3.1.6). He says that the city was one of to Rome. Rome accepted the bequest in the face of an
several which had been given to the descendants of the effort to seize the throne made by a man named Andron-
Spartan king Demaratus, who had been driven from his icus, who claimed to be the bastard son of Attalus II (for
throne in 490 and became a close adviser to the Persian discussion of the circumstances and earlier bibliography,
king Xerxes. The city itself does not appear to have been see Potter 1988). The Romans suppressed the revolt of
a very important place at this point, and it is possible that Andronicus and created the province of Asia out of the
the Persians discouraged extensive development on a site old Attalid kingdom.
of such great natural strength. It was not until after Alex- The status of the city of Pergamon remained somewhat
ander the Great's conquest of Asia (334-323 s.c.) that ambiguous in the years of Attalid rule. On the one hand it
Pergamon began to emerge, first as a major military cen- functioned as the royal residence; on the other, it contin-
ter, and then as a major political center. By the time of the ued to be administered as a normal Greek city, and royal
battle of Courepedium, fought between Lysimachus and institutions never replaced civic magistracies in the admin-
Seleucus in 281, the last of the diadochoi or "successors" of istration of its daily affairs. While the kings ruled their
Alexander, the acropolis had become one of the most lands and provinces through their appointed offici.tls,
important fortresses in western Asia Minor. It was here Pergamon itself was governed by a council (boule) and
that Lysimachus had deposited a significant portion of his board of ten strategoi (generals). An official known as the
treasury under the care of the eunuch Philetaerus. In the prytanis appears to have been the chief executive officer of
confusion which had preceded Lysimachus' defeat at Cou- the boule, though his duties appear to have been mostly
repedium, Philetaerus had begun to assert his indepen- ceremonial, while the strategoi looked after most matters of
dence from the king (283) (Allen 1983: 11). The years importance. Other important officials were the nomoply-
after the battle were even more confused, because of the lakes and astynomoi (both groups concerned with maintain-
rhaos in the Seleucid court after the murder of Seleucus I ing public order), the tamiai (treasurers) and, after the
shortly after his victory, and because of the Celtic invasion great expansion of the Attalid kingdom in 188, a royal
of Asia Minor in 2781277. Philetaerus took advantage of officer, "the overseer of the city" or "overseer of the sacred
these troubles to begin building up his own kingdom revenues," who looked after the interests of the kings
around Pergamon (283-263). (Allen 1983: 159-77). After the establishment of Roman
Philetaerus was succeeded by his brother, Eumenes I rule, the "overseer" disappeared and was not replaced, but
(263-241 ), who continued the work of expanding Perga- the civic constitution remained essentially unchanged.
mene power. Eumenes I met with considerable success in Aside from these officials, the most important positions
the face of the continued Celtic threat to the Greek states were the various superintendencies of the major civic
off the coast and the C"ndemic military and political crises festivals, the priesthoods of the city's gods, of the royal
of the Seleucids (Will 1979-82, I: 135-52; 234-301). cult, and in the years after Augustus (31 B.C.-A.D. 14) the
Eumenes' son, Attalus I (241-197), made even more im- priesthoods of the cult of the Roman emperors. These
portant contributions in this regard. It was Attalus who offices, as was the case in all classical cities, would have
first claimed the title of basileus or "king" (as opposed to entailed substantial expenditures by the holders.
dynastes or "ruler") for the family after his crushing defeat In the 2d century s.c. Pergamon emerged as one of the
of the Celts early in his reign and it was Attalus who great artistic and intellectual centers of the Greek world.
initiated the alliance between Pergamon and Rome in 212. This was reflected by the construction program of Eu-
It seems that he made it to protect himself from the menes II on the acropolis (for a thorough summary, see
Seleucids, who had reduced his realm on one occasion to Hansen 1971: 234-433 ). When he took the throne there
little more. than th.e acropolis, and from the aggression of were a few sacred buildings, including a temple of Deme-
Kmg Ph1hp V of Macedon as well. The result of this ter, a temple of Athena, a temple to the Magna Mater and
alliance was perhaps more spectacular than anything that a temple to Aphrodite, some royal palaces, a theater and
Attalus could ever have anticipated: the destruction of two monuments which Attalus I had erected to commem-
PERGAMUM 230 • v
orate his victories over the Celts and the Seleucids. Eu- was very slow to adopt the new faith. One reason for this
menes II made the acropolis an architectural marvel. He may have been the importance to the city of the n1lt of
enclosed it with a magnificent new circuit wall and built Asclepius, who was himself a god of healing, and the
imposing monuments: among them a new theater, a new feeling among many pagans that the healing miracles
palace, the great altar, the upper agora and the new which Asclepius was believed to have performed proved
precinct of Athena. Eumenes' temple of Athena stood on that he was a true protector of his people. lt is therefore
the W side of a square above the theater. The N, E, and S not surprising that it was at Pergamon that the future
sides of this square were enclosed by new stoae, and behind emperor Julian first encountered important teachers of
the N stoa he constructed a new library which became one the Neoplatonic school. This was a decisive point in the
of the great centers of learning in the ancient world. The intellectual odyssey which ended in his apostasy from the
patronage of the kings also provided opportunities for the Christian faith and his effort to restore the worship of the
practice of the plastic arts, and the works of sculpture pagan gods during his brief reign (361-363). The contin-
which adorned their monuments remain some of the most uing importance of the cult of Asclepius may also be
magnificent examples of Hellenistic art. illustrated by the fact that one of Julian's closest advisers
The institution of direct Roman rule in Asia Minor did,
was the doctor Oribasius, who was a native of the city
however, result in problems for Pergamon. Although cer-
(Bowersock 1978: 28-29).
tain of her citizens such as the Mithridates (not to be
Pergamon appears to have declined in the centuries
confused with the homonymous Pontic king) who gave
after Julian's visit, and it was never able to recover from
Julius Caesar invaluable assistance in the 40s were clearly
men of great importance, her position declined in relation the damage that it sustained during the Arab invasions of
to other cities in the Roman province, and Ephesus re- 663 and 716. The story that, in the course of the siege of
placed her as the leading city in the region. This may have 716, the defenders of the city cut a pregnant woman to
been due, in part, to Ephesus' location at the mouth of the pieces, and dipped their gauntlets in the pot where they
Cayster river and her superb harbor, but it also may have had boiled the remains of mother and child (Theoph.
resulted from the damage that Pergamon suffered in the 390), suggests that the sophistication of the inhabitants at
wake of the first war between Rome and Mithridates of this point was somewhat less than it had been in the 4th
Pontus in 89-84 B.C. Mithridates swept over the Roman century. These inhabitants had, by this time, largely with-
province, ordered the massacre of all Romans in the area drawn to the acropolis where their humble dwellings were
and established Pergamon as one of his capital cities. The nestled among the monuments of the Attalid monarchy,
Roman general Cornelius Sulla exacted a heavy price from which were torn apart to supply building materials. When
Pergamon after his defeat of Mithridates, and a period of the future emperor Theodore Lascaris visited the site in
relative decline seems to have lasted until the end of the the 12th century he wrote with sadness that the poor
century. It was only in the reign of Augustus that Perga- modern buildings that he saw among the remains of the
mon began to recover, and this recovery seems to have classical city revealed what he felt was the poverty of his
owed a great deal to the efforts of one of her citizens, own age in comparison with that of the ancients (Ep. 80;
Julius Quadratus. This man greatly enhanced the sanctu- Foss 1977: 4 79-81 ).
ary of Asclepius (Asclepeium) just outside the city (Bower-
sock 1969: 19; Habicht 1969: 1-4), and it soon became a Bibliography
major intellectual center. This development may be con- Allen, R. E. 1983. The Atta/id Kingdom. A Constitutional Hi.1tory.
nected with the growth of its medical staff, which appears Oxford.
to have been deeply concerned with both medical and Bowersock, G. W. 1969. Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire. Oxford.
rhetorical studies. - - . 1978. Julian the Apostate. Cambridge.
In the early years of the 2d century, Pergamon was once Foss, C. 1977. Archaeology and the "Twenty Cities" of Byiantinc
again one of the great cities of the region. The vigorous Asia. AJA 81: 469-86.
intellectual life of the city is eloquently reflected by inscrip- Habicht, C. 1969. Alteriimer von Pergamon V/11.3. lmchn/ien df.1
tions; remarks in Philostratus' Lives of the Philosophers; in
Asklepewm. Berlin.
the works of Galen, the greatest doctor of antiquity, who Hansen, E. V. 1971. The Atta/ids of Pergamon. 2d ed. llhaca.
was born in Pergamon in 129 and practiced there in his
Potter, D.S. 1988. Where did Aristonicus' Revolt lkKin? lei(1chnjt
early years; and in the remarkable spiritual autobiogra-
fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 74.
phy, The Sacred Tales, of the professional rhetorician or
Will, E. 1979-82. Histoire politique du monde he/leni.1t1que. 2 vols. 2d
sophist, Aelius Aristides, who lived in the Asclepium for
many years (for the intellectual life of this period, see ed. Nancy, France.
Bowersock 1969; for Galen, see Bowersock 1969: 59-75;
D. s. PO"JTl::R

for the Asclepeium, see Habicht 1969: 6-18). Even though

the city seems to have suffered in the course of the 3d
century-as did the other cities of Asia Minor-the writ- PERIDA (PERSON) [Heb plrida>]. See PERUDA (PER-
ings of the 4th-century historian and biographer Eunapius SON).
of Sardis provide further glimpses of life in the city which
suggest that it retained its importance as an intellectual
center into his own time. His evidence also suggests that,
despite the presence of a Christian community in the city PERIPHRASIS. See BIBLE, EUPHEMISM AND
since the 1st century (Habicht 1969: 19), the city as a whole DYSPHEMISM IN THE.
v • 231 PERSECUTION OF THE EARLY CHURCH

PERIZZITE [Heb perizzi]. Group of pre-Israelite inhab- government, the local civic authorities and the church
itants of Canaan. The term is always used with the definite itself. This makes it possible to review the different con-
article as a collective name for Perizzites. The term Periz- cerns of each and the changes that occurred. Scholars have
zite is found in 21 of the 27 lists of pre-Israelite nations. It had difficulty arriving at a consensus with regard to per-
occurs in ten-name lists (Gen 15:20), seven-name lists (Josh secution because the sources are diffuse and often tenden-
3: I 0), six-name lists (Josh 7: I), five-name lists (I Kgs 9:20), tious. Some account of these sources is therefore necessary
and two-name lists (Gen 34:20). In the most common six- before exploring the causes, effects and changing nature
name lists the Perizzites always occur in the fourth position of the persecutions in more detail.
in the latter half of the lists among other little known
nations including the Jebusites and the Hivites (Exod 3:8; A. The Sources
33:2). B. The Imperial Government
The fact that Canaanites and Perizzites occur together C. Persecution and Local Government
four times in two-name lists suggests that each of these D. Persecution and the Church
groups stands for a larger combination of peoples (Gen
13:7; 34:30; Judg 1:4-5). Some have suggested that Periz- A. The Sources
zites is etymologically linked to perazi "rural country" and The sources for the persecution fall into three catego-
that " 'Canaanites' and 'Perizzites' here stand for 'those ries: statements by the imperial authorities and pagan
living in fortified cities,' and 'those living in unwalled towns writers; Christian apologetic works and other theoretical
or hamlets'" (Ishida 1979: 4 79). Ishida argues, however, discussion of persecution; and the extant Christian martyr
for an ethnic distinction between the terms and suggests acts.
that "Canaanites" refer to Semitic people and "Perizzites" The first of these three categories is the least well rep-
refer to non-Semitic people (1979: 480). resented. All that survives is the correspondence between
According to Josh 11 :3 the Perizzites are located in the Pliny and Trajan on the subject of the Christians when
hill country of Canaan. On the basis of Gen 15: 19-21 and Pliny was governor of the province of Bithynia-Pontus (in
Josh 17: 15 Ishida suggests that the Perizzites and Rephites N Turkey) in 111 or 112; a rescript (a response to a written
can be "positioned in the forest country between Judah inquiry which had the force of law) from the emperor
and Ephraim" (1979: 483; see also GTTOT, 71-72). Hadrian to a governor of the province of Asia (W Turkey)
While the land of the Perizzites was promised to Abra- in 1221123; libelli (certificates of sacrifice) preserved on
ham and his descendants (Gen 15:20) the Israelites found papyri from Egypt from the time of Decius' edict on
it difficult to totally defeat these people. In spite of reports sacrifices in 249/250; the text of Valerian's edict of 258
that they were defeated (Josh 12:8) intermarriage took summarized in a letter of Cyprian and a number of docu-
place between them and the Israelites (Judg 3:5) and the ments connected with the great persecutions of 303-313
Israelites did not totally separate from them (Ezra 9: I). that are either quoted in Christian writers or can be
The descendants of the pre-Israelite nations who still lived reconstructed from their accounts. Finally, there are the
in the land were reportedly reduced to slavery by Solomon fragments of authors such as Celsus (whose On True Doc-
(I Kgs 9:20-21). The Perizzites continued to find their trine is quoted extensively by Origen in his response,
place in the traditional lists of pre-Israelite inhabitants of Against Celsus) and some passing remarks in Suetonius'
Canaan (Neh 9:8; Jdt 5:16; I Esdr 8:69). biographies and Tacitus' Annals. As a whole, these texts
There is no scholarly consensus about the ethnical or reveal the attitude of the state towards the church and the
etymological background of the term Perizzites. Boling steps that the imperial authorities thought would be effec-
and Wright suggest that "The term may be ethnic (Hur- tive against the church.
rian) or appellative (cf. periizot, 'unwalled villages,' Esth The Christian apologetic and historiographic tradition,
9:19; Ezek 38:11; Zech 2:8)" Uoshua AB, 166). Speiser which begins with the Gospels, is extremely complicated.
suggests that the term Perizzites is probably non-Semitic The authors of these works seem to give straightforward
and since its suffix -izzi is also independently attested in explanations for persecution, such as the jealousy of the
Hurrian that it might be a local group of Hurrians (IDB 3: Jews or Nero's edict of A.D. 64 (Nero reigned from A.D.
242). 54-68), but these explanations often fall apart on close
examination. The standard explanation from the 2d cen-
Bibliography tury onwards was that the "Christian name," the nomen
Ishida, T. 1979. The Structure and Historical Implications of the Christianum (membership in the Church) was persecuted
Lists of Pre-Israelite l\ations. Biblica 60: 461-90. as a result of Nero's edict; persecution was an institutum
STEPHEN A. REED Neronianum, a Neronian practice, that was only permitted
by emperors who all agreed were evil. This explanation is
unsatisfactory and was influenced by a tendency of Chris-
PERSECUTION OF THE EARLY CHURCH. tian writers to interpret Roman history in the same terms
There were many reasons for the persecution of the Chris- as Jewish history had been presented in the OT, that "good
tian church in the four centuries preceding the conversion kings" honored Yahweh and "bad" did not. The other
of Constantine. Different reasons predominated at differ- explanation that they offer, that persecution was the result
ent times;. no single reason or simple set of explanations of ignorance of Christian doctrine on the part of ill-
can explain persecution in any given period. As a result, educated pagans, is similarly too simplistic. Nonetheless,
the most promising approach to the subject as a whole is these works often shed valuable light on relations between
an examination of the institutions involved: the imperial the church and the imperial authorities and the most
PERSECUTION OF THE EARLY CHURCH 232 • v
important of them,· Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History, written are to be p_unished or sought out. I have thought about
in the early years of the 4th century, preserves a number these questions a great deal: should some distinction be
of documents which are crucial for an understanding of shown on grounds of age, or should there be no difference
the persecutions. Other works such as Tertullian's To the i~ the treatment of children and adults; should mercy be
Martyrs and Concerning Flight in Persecution or Cyprian's given to the repentant, or should nothing be forgiven to a
Concerning the Lapsed reveal that persecution caused serious person who was once a Christian, should the fact of being
doctrinal problems. The question that they sought to an- a Christian (the nomen Christianum) be punished, even if
swer was "Is persecution the work of the Devil or of God?" there was no other crime, or should only the crimes
A person's behavior in time of persecution would be con- connected with the name be punished?" Thus Pliny knew
ditioned by his answer to this problem. that people had been tried for being Christians, and since
The martyr acts, accounts of the execution of individual we know that he spent most of his adult life in Rome and
martyrs or groups of martyrs, are the most difficult Italy, we may surmise that he means Christians had been
source, but when handled with sufficient care, also the tried at Rome during his mature years. He knew the
most important. Care in their interpretation is essential as charge against these people was that they were members
these acts vary greatly in their content. Some are rhetorical of a religious sect that indulged in criminal activity. This is
fictions which provide, once the gory details of a martyr's an important point. He knew that members of the sect
death are stripped away, no more than the fact of the were punished because of crimes that they were believed
martyrdom and its date-and even these might not be to be committing in his own time, not because of anything
authentic. Others, such as The Passion of Pionius and his that had happened in the reign of Nero. The explanation
Companions contain vivid eyewitness accounts and even for this may have been that the Emperor Domitian (81-
documents composed by martyrs as they lay in prison 96) had taken some action against the cult-though the
awaiting execution. The details which they present are of evidence for this is open to dispute-or it may have been
great value for reconstructing the attitudes of both the that Pliny and all other Roman magistrates were charged
persecutors and the persecuted, and the doctrinal state- with protecting the areas under their administration from
ments which many of them contain shed important light "evil men." Whatever the case, it was membership in the
upon the tensions to which persecution gave rise within cult that was at issue, and whether by being a member of
the church. that cult a person had broken the law. We know from other
sources that the crimes associated with Christianity were
8. The Imperial Government attacks on pagan temples or images of the gods, cannibal-
The Gospels and Acts show that the Jewish communities ism and incest. It is also clear from this letter that Pliny
in Palestine and other cities of the Greek East drew Ro- attempted to discover whether or not the Christians in his
mans into the persecution of the church. Suetonius' ob- area were actively engaged in these crimes. He discovered
scure allusion to problems at Rome in the reign of Clau- that they were not. In the meantime he executed any
dius (A.D. 41-54) between Jews and the "followers of Christians who were not Roman citizens if they refused his
Chrestus" suggests the same thing, although it is debated order to sacrifice to "our gods," the grounds being inso-
whether there "followers of Chrestus" were Christians lence in the face of his authority; and he sent Roman
(Suet. Claud. 25). The executions of Peter and Paul at citizens who were guilty of the same offense to be tried at
Rome, before Nero issued his edict against the Christians Rome. While he awaited Trajan's response he treated the
in 64, may have been the result of complaints about their church as an illegal private association (see de Ste Croix
activity from the Jewish community. But these actions can 1969).
only have had a tangential relationship to that edict. When Pliny's question was whether he should treat Christians
a great fire ravaged Rome in 64, Nero attempted to shift as guilty because of their beliefs or simply because the
the blame for the fire from himself onto another party church was one of a number of the private associations
and ordered the mass arrest and execution of Christians (collegia) that Trajan had banned. Trajan's response made
in Rome. This was the event which led later Christian it clear that the practice of Christianity was defined as a
writers to claim that persecution was a "Neronian institu- religious offense and that, as a cult, it was illegal. A person
tion." In fact, it is not likely that Nero's edict extended to charged with Christianity could be forgiven past member-
Christians who lived outside of the city and it may have ship in the cult if he recanted and offered sacrifice to the
been no more than an extreme version of earlier edicts, of gods. Trajan added the further provision that Pliny, whose
both Republican and imperial date, which banned or re- other duties were onerous enough, should not spend his
stricted the practice of certain cults within Rome or Italy. time seeking out Christians and that he should not inves-
As was the case with these earlier edicts, Nero's edict tigate charges against people which he found in anony-
probably ceased to be enforced after the immediate crisis mous denunciations (Pliny, Ep. 10.97). The implication is
ended. lt is certainly true that Pliny does not seem to be that if someone came to Pliny in person and denounced
aware of the edict when he investigates Christianity in 111/ another, that person could be charged. This decision was
112. restated by Hadrian ( 117-138) in a letter that he sent to
The opening lines of Pliny's letter to the Emperor Trajan Minicius Fundanus in 122/123.
(98-117) reveal that he was not sure of either the specific The practice of the Christian faith was therefore illegal
reasons for the persecution of the church, or of the proper because the Roman authorities thought that it involved the
procedure for deciding the cases before him. He wrote commission of crimes, but it was up to individual gover-
(Ep. 10.96): "I have never been present at investigations of nors and other magistrates to act against Christians as thev
Christians; so I do not know how or to what extent they saw fit. They had a great deal to do: they had to maintain
v • 233 PERSECUTION OF THE EARLY CHURCH

the tranquillity of their provinces, prevent riot and insur- and Christian women (presumably women of the same
rection in the cities under their control, keep the highways social classes) would suffer the confiscation of their prop-
free of brigands, and ensure that cities were able to pay erty and exile. Members of the imperial household who
their taxes. Most if not all governors probably felt that they had been or were Christians would be condemned to work
had more important tasks than dealing with the Christians in chains on the imperial estates. The reasoning behind
and, with the passing of time, some may even have come these edicts is obscure. It is clear that they represented a
to feel that there was nothing wrong with the religion so radical departure from Valerian's earlier policy towards
long as its practitioners did not disturb the peace. In one the church and it may be, as the bishop of Dionysius of
case, a provincial governor even rescued a Christian con- Alexandria suggested (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 7 .10), that court
gregation from brigands after its bishop had led it out into politics had something to do with the decision to attack the
the desert to greet Christ at his second coming. Tertullian church. In any event, the edicts did not remain in force
tells of another governor who let an unrepentant Christian for long. Valerian was captured by the Persians in the
go free after only "moderate torture" and of yet another summer of 260 and his son Gallienus (253-268) issued an
who refused to act when he was confronted by a Christian edict of toleration in the same year. This edict legalized
community asking to be put to death. He suggested that the practice of Christianity and ordered the restoration of
they jump off cliffs or hang themselves instead (Ter. ad church property that had been confiscated under the
Scap. 4.3; 5.1 ). It is a universal literary device of the martyr earlier edicts.
acts that the magistrate presiding at the investigation of In 260, therefore, Christianity was recognized as a legal
Christians always asks the prospective martyrs to recant. cult in the empire and persecution came to an end for a
The authorities seem always to have been more interested generation. We even hear of Christian bishops asking the
in convincing Christians to apostatize than in executing emperor Aurelian (270-275) to intervene in a dispute over
them. To this end the punishments inflicted were more the see of Antioch and to expel the bishop, Paul of Samo-
often flogging, imprisonment, and exile, rather than sata. This state of affairs continued until the very last years
death. of the reign of Diocletian (284-305).
This state of affairs continued until the middle of the Diocletian's decision to issue an edict of persecution is
3d century. In 249, the Emperor Decius (249-251) or- difficult to understand. Up to this point in his reign he
dered all inhabitants of the empire to sacrifice to the had been openly tolerant of the church. Christians held
ancestral gods and to obtain a certificate (libellu.s) proving high positions in his court and a Christian, Lactantius,
that they had done so. Failure to sacrifice could result in held the prestigious chair in Latin rhetoric in his capital
exile, the confiscation of property, prison, or death. The Nicomedia (in NW Turkey). The reason may, in fact, lie in
edict was not aimed at eradicating Christianity, but rather the politics of his reign, for Diocletian's edict seems to have
at ensuring the goodwill of the ancestral gods in a time of come at the end of an elaborate campaign within the court
crisis. Nonetheless, it had a significant impact on some to promote hostility to the church. This campaign appears
Christian communities. In North Africa, Cyprian, the to have been the work of the Caesar Galerius (an important
bishop of Carthage, took a very strong line against mem- feature of Diocletian's reign was the creation of a college
bers of his congregation who either sacrificed (sacrificati) of four emperors, the two senior emperors, or Augusti,
or fraudulently obtained libelli (libellatici). There seems to were Diocletian and Maximian Herculius, the two junior
have been a great number of people who took one or the emperors, or Caesares, were Galerius and Constantius, fa-
other of these options, perhaps believing that under the ther of the future emperor Constantine). In the later years
circumstances such a sacrifice was not a serious sin. We of Diocletian's reign Galerius appears to have exerted a
know of bishops who retained their sees after sacrificing, tremendous amount of influence over the senior emperor,
and obedience to the edict seems to have been so wide- and he appears to have been a fervent anti-Christian
spread in the east that the issue never arose as to the terms (Barnes 1981: 21-27). This also appears to have caused a
under which those who had sacrificed should be re-admit- split in the imperial college, for the persecution edicts-as
ted to communion. was also the case with other measures taken in these
The edicts of Valerian (253-260) in 257 and 258 were years-were not enforced as vigorously by Maximian Her-
very different matters. They represent the first empire- culius and Constantius as they were by Diocletian and
wide efforts to destroy the church. The first edict seems to Galerius.
have included the following provisions: Christians should The first edict was promulgated on February 23, 303.
honor the traditional gods of the empire (this did not Its terms were as follows: Christian churches and houses
mean that they had to cease to honor their own god, but where Christian scripture was discovered were to be de-
only that they had to show respect for the others as well), stroyed, copies of scripture were to be burned, church
clergy who would not obey the edict should be arrested property was to be confiscated, and meetings for Christian
and of church property confiscated. The second edict, worship were forbidden; Christians who persisted in the
which may have been motivated by the recalcitrance of faith would lose the capacity to bring actions in court;
members of the clergy who had been arrested, seems to Christians whose status exempted them from physical
have been concerned entirely with the treatment of unre- coercion in courts (honestiores) would lose the protection of
pentant Christians. According to its terms all members of their status; Christian members of the imperial household
the clergy who persisted in the faith would be executed, would be enslaved. A few months later-in the spring or
male Christians who were members of the highest orders summer of 303-a second edict was issued, ordering the
of soCiety (the equestrian and senatorial) would suffer arrest of Christian clergy. This led to a crisis for the state
confiscation of their property and death if they persisted, as the prisons filled up, and in the autumn of 303 yet
PERSECUTION OF THE EARLY CHURCH 234 • v
another edict was handed down, stating that Christian province~. !hereafter, the governor sentenced unrepen-
prisoners who sacrificed would be released. Finally, in tant Christians before large and enthusiastic crowds (Eus.
January or February, 304, an edict was posted ordering all Hi.st. Eccl. 5.1.7-10). The members of these crowds seem
the inhabitants of the empire to sacrifice. None of this genuinely to have believed that the Christians were danger-
succeeded, in great measure because such measures de- ous "atheists," and also to have believed the charges that
pended upon the willingness of imperial officers to exe- were extracted from the slaves of some of the members of
cute them and there were not many who went beyond the congregation: that the Christians regularly committed
token obedience. In fact, Constantius seems to have re- incest (a misunderstanding of the Christian use of the
fused to act on them in anything more than the most terms "brother/sister") and that their rites involved canni-
cursory way and Maximian did not enforce any edict balism (a misunderstanding of the Eucharist). The charge
except the first. of atheism could move crowds to a great frenzy. It was
Diocletian and Maximian abdicated in favor of Galerius leveled against Polycarp when he was sentenced to death
and Constantius on May 1, 305, and this in effect ended at Smyrna in the 150s, crowds cried, "away with the athe-
what persecution there had been in the W since Constan- ists" during his trial and during an earlier execution (Mart.
tius assumed supreme power there. When Constantine Pol. 3.2; 9.2). Mobs at Alexandria tried to force Christians
succeeded his father on July 25, 306, he issued a general whom they seized to sacrifice to the gods, and Alexander,
edict of toleration in the part of the empire that he priest of an oracular cult of Glycon, is said to have had
controlled (at first only Britain and Gaul). In the E, Gale- Christians cursed as atheists at celebrations of the myster-
rius continued to enforce the edicts until 311, when he too ies of his god.
issued a general edict of toleration a few months before As the church became more familiar to people in gen-
his death. There were only two further outbreaks after eral and Christians were more frequently people of high
that. Maximin Daia (Caesar under Galerius after 305 and social status, such charges became less common, and the
Augustus in his own right after 311), influenced by a pow- local authorities at times appear reluctant to engage in
erful anti-Christian lobby at court, engaged in a brief full-scale persecution. It is clear from the Acts of Pionius,
persecution between 311 and 312/313 when he issued an that Pionius' refusal to recant and the prospect of his
edict of toleration before going to war with Galerius' death at the hands of the governor deeply upset the local
successor, Licinius. In July of 313, Licinius, who had magistrates. It is also clear that the officials charged with
defeated Maximin, issued a general edict restoring Chris- enforcing Valerian's edicts in North Africa made a real
tian property throughout the E (this edict, issued at Nico- effort to convince Christians to apostatize and appear to
media, is often referred to as the "edict of Milan" because have been extremely uncomfortable when they were faced
it was believed that it was the result of a meeting between with the prospect of executing Christians who were mem-
Constantine and Licinius in that city during 312). Al- bers of the highest levels of society. A local magistrate at
though Licinius restricted Christian worship before his Cirta, in North Africa, who was charged with enforcing
final defeat by Constantine in 324, this edict effectively Diocletian's first edict, appears to have been on familiar
marked the end of imperial efforts to act against the terms with the local Christians and averse to the use of
Christian church. It was in the time of Constantine that violence in carrying out his orders. The local Christians
the power of the imperial government came to be directed were equally averse to forcing him to do so (von Soden
instead against Christian heretical sects in defense of what 1913: 28). It seems to be a general rule that in the later
Constantine defined as orthodoxy, as well as, by gradual part of the 3d century and early 4th century, as the state
stages, traditional cult. became more directly involved in the persecution of the
faith, local authorities became less willing to join in and
C. Persecution and Local Government there were fewer anti-Christian riots.
In the first three centuries A.O. most outbreaks of per- The exception to this general rule appears in cases
secution did not begin with the imperial authorities. They where entire communities were Christian. In such cases,
began as local pogroms inspired by a feeling on the part however, it would appear that the local jealousies character-
of the inhabitants of individual cities that the Christians in istic of the cities and towns of the empire were more
their midst were atheists whose presence upset the tradi- important than issues of religion. From the time of Con-
tional gods. It was a reaction that is summed up best by stantine onwards we hear much about towns such as Orcis-
Tertullian's observation (A pol. 40.1) that, "if the Tiber rises tus in Phrygia, which suffered at the hands of their neigh-
to the walls, if the Nile does not rise to the fields; if the sky bors during the persecution of Galerius and Maximin Daia
stands still, if the earth moves, if there is famine, if there and were rewarded for their faith under the new dispen-
is pestilence, the cry goes up, 'Christians to the lion.' " sation. In the 4th century, local pride came to be inter-
It was the dislike of the provincials for the Christians in twined with issues of religion and a new chapter opened
their midst that led Pliny to investigate the sect, and this in the tale of intercity violence in the Roman Empire, as
often seems to have been the case elsewhere. Thus in 177 Christians destroyed temples and pagans fought back.
there was a serious outburst at Lyons which resulted in the The total number of Christians who suffered death or
death of a number of Christians. The incident began when imprisonment for their faith is difficult to estimate. Pliny's
a mob seized a group of Christians and dragged them to letter to Trajan suggests that he killed a number of people
the town forum where the civic authorities asked them in the course of a routine investigation and the records of
about their beliefs. When they confessed their faith, they local pogroms suggest that from time to time individual
were imprisoned to await the governor (who would be Christian communities suffered heavy losses. Even though
coming to the city in the course of his annual tour of the enforcement was erratic, the edicts of Decius, Valerian,
v. 235 PERSECUTION OF THE EARLY CHURCH

Diocletian and his successors caused substantial casualties Mort. Pers. 13.2-3). The problem did not end for the
in some areas. But, the numbers were probably l_l?t enor- orthodox church until the end of the persecutions.
mous in absolute terms: most Christian commumues were The second major problem was that persecution gave
not large and no community is known to have been de- rise to schism. People responded differently to persecu-
stroyed by a persecution. A figure of aroun~ 30,0~0- tion, and while all might agree that "authentic martyrs"
50,000 victims in the centuries before Constantine, ~h1ch should be treated with the highest regard, not all could
would allow for an average of between 75 and 125 victims agree as to what constituted proper behav~or on t~e part
a year throughout the empire, may be roughly correct. of their weaker brethren. Debate over this question be-
came particularly vehement at the time of the Decian edict
on sacrifices and even more so in the time of the Great
D. Persecution and the Church Persecution. The great Donatist and Melitian disputes
As the attitude of the state and local authorities changed
arose directly out of this issue: both sects challenged the
towards the church, so too did the attitude of the church
orthodox church's more moderate treatment of those who
towards persecution. From the earliest period, ~hris~ians were weak in the face of persecution. Such disputes were
who were willing to endure death, torture, and 1mpnson- not easily quelled and were carried on with great vehe-
ment for the faith were greatly honored. The cult of mence, as may be seen in the statement of the schismatic
martyrs quickly came to play an important ~ole in the bishop Majorian of Carthage at the time of his consecra-
church, and some movements, such as Montamsm, placed tion in 31 l. He said, "I am the real vine and my father is
a premium upon martyrdom. For a.ny Christia'.1, persec~­ the gardener. Every barren branch of mine he cuts away;
tion was seen as a time to prove ultimate devotmn, and m and every fruiting branch he cleans (John 15: 1-2). Thus I
facing the authorities a Christian might feel that he was cast off the barren branches which have been cut, thus the
reenacting the Passion. The emotion is summe~ up most incense burners, the traditores, who are hateful to god, may
eloquently by martyrs imprisoned at Carthage m the late not remain in the church of god, unless, confessing their
summer of 250: "what ... could, through God's favor, grief they are reconciled through penance. Hence it is not
befall any man which might bring him greater glory or fitting to have communication with Caecilian, a heretic,
bliss than this: in the very midst of his executioners, ordained by traditores" (von Soden 1913: 6).
undaunted to confess the Lord God ... to become, by It was through the promotion of schism that persecution
confessing 'the name of Christ, a partner of Christ· in his by the imperial authorities caused the most difficulty to
passion; to have become, by God's favor, ajudge of his own the Church. The quarrels which arose in the wake of the
judge (Cyp. Ep. 31, 2, 3)." A number of Christians even Great Persecution did not end with the victory of Constan-
went so far as deliberately to attract the attention of the tine. In fact, they led to the opening of a new chapter in
authorities so that they might suffer for the faith. But this the relationship between the Church and the empire. This
also led to problems within the Church. was the violent persecution of heretical sects by the impe-
One difficulty persecution caused the church (above and rial government in defense of the orthodox faith.
beyond the physical suffering of some of its members and
the intellectual problems it raised about the nature of evil) Bibliography
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hierarchy of the church. Montanists certainly taught that 50.
martyrs were closer to God than the authorities of the - - . 1981. Constantine and Ewebiw. Cambridge, MA.
church, and that attitude was also common in more con- Clarke, G. W. 1984. The Letters of St. Cyprian. ACW 43, 44, 46. New
ventional circles. Cyprian treated the question at length in York.
his Concerning the Lapsed (de Lapsis, 15-21) and argued that Delehaye, H. 1921. Les Passions des martyrs et Les genres litteraires.
the absolution granted by martyrs to those who had sacri- Brussels.
ficed or obtained libelli during the reign of Decius had no Frend, W. H. C. 1965. Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church.
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Gregoire, H. 1964. Les persecutions dans /'empire romain. Academie
stituted officers of the church. But this did not solve the
royale de Beige. Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et
issue, even in Cyprian's own province. At the time of the politiques. Memoires 56.3. Brussels.
great persecution there is a great deal of evidence for Jonkers, E. ]. 1954. Acta et symbola conciliorum quae saeculo quarto
efforts by the church to restrict the title of martyr and habita sunt. Textus minores 19. Leiden.
regulate the celebration of the cult. The early 4th century Knipfing,]. 1923. The libelli of the Decian Persecution. HTR 16:
council at Elvira in Spain ruled that "voluntary martyrs," 345-90.
people who were killed while insulting traditional cult, Lane Fox, R. ]. l 986. Pagans and Christians. New York.
could not be regarded as true martyrs. Mensurius of Musurillo, H. 1972. The Acts of the Christian Martyrs. Oxford.
Carthage refused the title of martyr to people who did not Soden, H. von. 1913. Urkunden zur Enstehungsgeschichte des Donatis-
try to evade the authorities. It would even appear that he mus. KIT 122. Bonn.
forbade members of his congregation to bring food to Ste. Croix, G. E. M. de. 1954. Aspects of the Great Persecution.
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18 n. 60; von Soden 1913: n. 4, 6). But his ruling did not - - . l 963. Why were the Early Christians Persecuted. Past and
go unchallenged; even a Christian, such as Lactantius, who Present 26: 1-38.
subscribed to the doctrine that people should not offer - - . 1969. Christianity's Encounter with the Roman Imperial
themselves to the authorities, could not restrain his admi- Government. Pp. 345-46 in The Crucible of Christianity, ed. A.].
ration for a man who was executed after tearing down a Toynbee. London.
copy of Diocletian's first persecution edict (Lactant. de D.S. POTIER
PERSEPOLIS 236 • v
PERSEPOLIS (PLACE) [Gk Persepolis]. One of the an- Instead they. proj~ct a dynastic image of the glory and
cient capitals of the Achaemenid kings of Iran (the others concept of kmgsh1p, rather than a realistic depiction of a
were Susa, Ecbatana, and Babylon). Now called Takht-i par~i~ular king. Thus the whole of even a complex com-
Jamshid (the Throne of Jamshid), it is located in SW Iran pos1t1on such as the great reliefs on the stairways of the
(29°57'N; 52°52'E) in the province of Fars (the homeland Apadana present a planned, spiritual, abstract, and almost
of the Achaemenids), approximately 32 miles NE of the cosmic composition of static totality.
modern city of Shiraz. The Old Persian name for the site It can be suggested that the ultimate goal of both the
was Parsa. It is mentioned in 2 Mace 9:2 as a city which architecture and the decoration of Persepolis was to pre-
rebelled against and defeated Antiochus. sent to the world the concept of a Pax Persica-a harmoni-
The site is situated on a large platform, partially artifi- ous, peaceful empire ruled by a king who contained within
cial and partially carved from the native rock at the W foot his person and his office the welfare of the empire.
of the Kuh-i Rahmat (Mountain of Mercy). The platform, T. CUYLER YOUNG, JR.
the cistern, an elaborate system of drains, the central part
of the Apadana or large audience hall, and several sections
of the Treasury building were founded and, in the main, PERSEUS (PERSON) [Gk Perseus]. Illegitimate son of
brought to completion by Darius I (522-486 B.c.). Con- Philip V and the last king of Macedonia, whose defeat is
struction probably began shortly after 520 a.c. Late in the mentioned in a list praising Roman accomplishments (I
reign of Darius, and in the early years of Xerxes, the Mace 8:5). In the 180s B.C.E., Perseus helped his father
platform was expanded to the W and Darius' private prepare Macedonia for war against Rome, while his legiti-
palace, a second phase of the Treasury, part of the fortifi- mate half brother, Demetrius, defended Philip in the
cations, the main stair and the Gate of All Nations were Senate against accusations of illegally seizing Thrace. Jeal-
built. Xerxes himself built a new, larger private palace, the ous of Demetrius' success in Rome, Perseus engineered his
central building (Tripylon), and the Harem. He also reor- death in 181 with a forged letter implicating him in trea-
ganized and enlarged the Treasury, and laid the founda- son. Later Philip learned the truth, but he died too sud-
tions for, and perhaps completed, a large new audience denly to prevent Perseus' accession to the throne in 179.
hall, the Hall of a Hundred Columns. All remaining con- Perseus continued to arm Macedonia and make alliances
struction can be dated to the reigns of either Artaxerxes I with Rome's enemies. Seleucus IV married his daughter
or his successors, but any further construction is nothing Laodice to Perseus in 177 to join the Macedonian cause.
more than the completion, or the enlargement, of the After Seleucus' assassination in 175, the pro-Roman King
building plans laid down by Darius and modified by Xer- Eumenes of Pergamum put Antiochus IV on the Seleucid
xes. throne to block a Seleucid alliance with Perseus. Though
The Persepolis platform and the buildings on it are a Antiochus IV negotiated with Perseus, he did so secretly
remarkable artistic and architectural statement. It is prob- so as not to anger Rome.
able, however, that what has been exposed is only the The accusations against Perseus and the fears about his
"fortification," or the citadel, of a far more extensive military buildup led Rome to invade Macedonia in 171. In
complex. There are several palaces on the plain to both the Third Macedonian War, Perseus would neither capital-
sides of the platform, and no doubt more await excavation. ize on his victories by destroying the Romans nor could he
It is, therefore, reasonable to suppose that a much larger get them to surrender. On June 22, 168, the Roman
"City of the Persians" stretched across the plain at the general Aemilius Paulus finally defeated Perseus at Pydma
front and to the sides of the platform. and took him captive to Rome. Perseus lived in a dungeon
The characteristic architectural feature of the Persepolis in Alba until Aemilius convinced the Senate to give him
building complex is the columned hall. Other individual better quarters. However, after two years, Perseus so antag-
elements, such as the Mesopotamian-inspired winged bulls onized his guards that they kept him awake constantly
which guard Xerxes' Gate of All Nations, are clearly bor- until he died from sleeplessness.
rowed from other cultures, but the columned hall is rooted Rome's involvement in the Third Macedonian War per-
in the experiences of the Iranians on the Iranian plateau. mitted Antiochus IV to invade Egypt in 171 and to control
The prototypes of the great halls, such as the Apadana it until 168, when Rome forced him to leave Egypt.
and Hall of a Hundred Columns, can be found in the
columned structures of Hasan Ju V and IV ( 1400-800 a.c.) Bibliography
and in the columned halls of the Median sites of Nush-i Bevan, E. R. 1966. The House of Seleucus. Vol. 2. New York.
Jan and Godin II (8th-7th centuries B.c.). MITCHELL c. PACWA
Another major feature of the site is the relief sculpture
which adorns almost every building. Characteristic of these
reliefs is that they are entirely unhistorical; they tell no PERSIAN ART. See ART AND ARCHITECTURE
developing story, as did many reliefs of the Assyrians and (PERSIAN ART).
the Egyptians. Instead they give a static picture of some-
thing that is already done, that already exists, that is
accomplished (tribute brought, monsters slain, fire hon- PERSIAN EMPIRE. In the third quarter of the 6th
ored, dignitaries received). More important, the king is century a.c., the political geography of the Middle East
everywhere and is the focus, in one way or another, of underwent a profound change. Divided around 550 be-
almost all the reliefs. Yet this king is not an individual; tween powerful contemporary kingdoms (Babylonia,
there are no portraits of Darius, Xerxes, or Artaxerxes. Egypt, Media, Lydia), it would be, in the decades that
v. 237 PERSIAN EMPIRE

followed, unified by the conquests of the Persians, a small I [585-559] and Cyrus ll [the Great] succeeded him). The
group practically absent from historical documentation only evidence pertaining to Cyrus I remains a seal from
until the time when, under Cyrus the Great (560/59-530), Persepolis referring to "Kurash of Anshan, son of
they began their indomitable expansion. Under the reigns Teispes." We are forced to admit that the current state of
of the first three representatives of the new "Achaemenid" the evidence does not allow us to create a picture of Persian
dynasty, the territory controlled by the Persian armies politics and society at the time when Cyrus ll began his
continued to extend in all directions at a very rapid pace. assault on the kingdoms of the Middle East.
2. The Conquests of Cyrus (550-530 s.c.). Cyrus' first
A. The Creation of an Empire target was the Median kingdom of Astyage and its capital
I. The Persian Kingdom Before 550 B.C. Ecbatana (Hamadan). The relationship between the Medes
2. The Conquests of Cyrus and the Persians was ancient: they were both peoples of
3. Cambyses and the Conquest of Egypt Iranian culture. The different versions of the "legend of
4. Uprising, Revolts, and New Conquests the founder" transmitted by classical sources (as well as
5. The Organization of the Empire under Darius from a passage of the Sippar Cylinder) attest to the Persian
B. The Empire in the 5th Century kingdom's status as vassal to Ecbatana. It is probable that
I. The First Retreats on the Mediterranean Front Cyrus was able to benefit from a certain weakening of
2. Imperial Strength and Royal Power Astyage before a group of nobles. Whatever the reason,
C. From Artaxerxes II to Alexander the Median army was defeated and Cyrus seized Ecbatana
I. Dynastic Crisis and Royal Power and imposed himself as successor to the Median kings.
2. The Retaking of Asia Minor Most likely the peoples of Central Asia (Hyrcanians, Par-
3. Egyptian Danger and Satrapic Revolts thians, Sakai, and Bactrians) who had been linked to
D. Alexander and the End of the Persian Empire Ecbatana came to renew their (more or less lax) state of
dependence: Cyrus could certainly demand contingents of
A. The Creation of an Empire them to reinforce his army, which was already swollen with
I. The Persian Kingdom Before 550 s.c. We know very Median troops. The conquest of Ecbatana also allowed
little about the Persians before the appearance of Cyrus. Cyrus to obtain the treasure of Astyage and to remove it
They were an Iranian people who, coming directly from to Persia.
Central Asia or via the Caucasus and the Zagros around His first conquest resulted in his territorial expansion
1000 B.c., settled in the region that would become Persia up to the border of the Lydian kingdom of Croesus, that
(Fars), i.e., the heart of the Persian Empire. The way of extended to the Halys River. Croesus, who had an alliance
life of these Persians is poorly understood. Herodotus with the Babylonian king Nabonidus, himself took the
makes reference to tribes of nomads and tribes of farmers, offensive. He was defeated in pitched battle at Pteria, and
but this text remains too schematic. The Persians settled in the following winter (546?) Cyrus laid seige to Sardis. Most
a region that had traditionally been held by the masters of of the Greek cities, subjects of Croesus, underestimated
Susa, the Elamite kings. It is therefore hardly surprising Cyrus' power and refused to surrender. Only Miletus, a
that the first title held by the Persian kings was that of city traditionally "Medizing," abandoned Croesus' camp.
"king of Anshan," a direct reference to the Fars region After the fall of Sardis, Cyrus was called back to the E
near Maliyan, traditionally under Susa. The expansion of front, while his generals, under the high command of the
the first Persian kingdom was done at the expense of Susa Mede Harpage, continued to assault the recalcitrant Greek
and the Neo-Elamite kings. But the Perso-Elamite contacts cities, which soon had to submit after hard combat. Only
did not take place solely during periods of war. The Fars Miletus was able to strike an advantageous agreement with
was then inhabited by Elamite populations with whom the its new masters.
Persians had established fruitful contacts. The "Acropolis The reasons for Cyrus' rapid departure are thus pre-
Tablets," whose dating is still contested (second half of the sented by Herodotus: "Babylon in effect created difficul-
7th century or the first half of the 6th century), attest to ties for him, the Bactrian people, the Sakai, and the
the presence of a Persian population in Susa during this Egyptians; it is against these adversaries that he proposed
period. All of this explains why Elamite influence was so to march in person" (l.153). After a little-known expedi-
powerful in the institutions of the Persian State: for exam- tion on the Iranian plateau, Cyrus decided to march
ple, the Persepolis tablets that date from the reigns of against the principal power opposing him, the Neo-Baby-
Darius and Xerxes are written in the Elamite language lonian kingdom and its king Nabonidus. The conditions
(sprinkled with Persian terms). and the circumstances of the capture of Babylon in 539
In the absence of indisputable written documents, we are presented by classical sources (Herodotus, Xenophon)
cannot reconstruct with certainty the different stages of and by contemporary Babylonian texts. Cyrus' Cylinder
the history of the Persian kingdom before Cyrus the Great. (ANET, 315-316), drawn up after the Persian victory,
In his genealogy, Darius I affirms that eight kings reigned affirms that Cyrus' victory was facilitated by the Babyloni-
before him. But Darius' pretentions are highly debatable ans themselves, who were eager to get rid of Nabonidus,
(see. below). On the other hand, an inscription by Ashur- whom they considered impious. In reality, the conquest of
bampal (669-630 B.c.) refers to a certain Kurash, "king of Babylonia was not so simple. Nabonidus and the Babylo-
Parsumash.:' who rendered homage to the Assyrian king nian army tried to resist the invaders, but after a Babylo-
and sent him his son as hostage ca. 640 s.c. It is now nian defeat at Opis (October 539) the road to Babylon was
d~ubtful t~.at this was actually Cyrus I: a recent study (de open. One of Cyrus' generals, Gobryas, was able to enter
M1roschedJ1 I 985) places his reign ca. 610-589 (Cambyses the next day, and shortly after, Cyrus himself made his
PERSIAN EMPIRE 238 • v
solemn entrance. The Persian propagandists knew how to pharaoh by the vast majority of the Egyptian population.
present Cyrus as a good king coming to restore order and In fact, Cambyses "pharaonized" himself in Egypt, just as
security and to reconstruct the sacred temples. Cyrus had "Babylonized" himself in Babylon. The attitude
The conquest of Babylonia allowed Cyrus the opportu- taken by the first two kings constituted the basis of a
nity to seize the territories of the Outer-Euphrates. Several flexible policy that the Achaemenids constantly imple-
kings and cities from this region soon submitted to him. mented within the diverse populations of their empire.
There was no doubt that Cyrus intended to march on 4. Uprising, Revolts, and New Conquests (522-500
these regions, but it was not necessary to launch any B.c.). Called back to Persia by an uprising, Cambyses died
military expedition during his reign. However, it was de- on the return road (522). The consequent dynastic strug-
cided to allow the Judeans who had been in exile in gle is known to us not only from Herodotus but also from
Babylon to return to Jerusalem. The text of the edict is Darius, who had the facts engraved on the rock of Behis-
cited twice in the Hebrew Bible (2 Chr 36:23; Ezra 1:2-4; tun after his victory. But Darius' account is hardly ade-
cf. 1 Esdr 2:3-7). The Judeans could resettle in Judea and quate for the historian. According to Darius, the uprising
reconstruct the temple of Jerusalem, taking with them the was the work of a magi, Gaumata, who posed as Cambyses'
objects of the cult that had been taken as booty by the younger brother, Bardiya (called "Smerdis" by Herodo-
Babylonians. The biblical texts present the act of Cyrus as tus). Darius presents himself as the legitimate successor to
being directly inspired by Yahweh (cf. also Isa 45: 1-7). In the eight previous kings, the hero who took control of a
reality, contrary to what has often been said, Cyrus had no conspiracy of nobles, killed the usurper, and immediately
special sympathy for Yahwism. He acted with respect to ascended the throne (the end of September 522). But this
the Yahwist cult as he had acted with respect to the Baby- version of events is questioned by many historians who
lonian temples. Placed in the historical context of the think that Gaumata was indeed Cambyses' brother. In that
ANE, the royal decision takes on its true character: while case, Darius himself would have been the usurper. This
it was a decisive episode for the Judeans themselves, at the dynastic competition was accompanied by a series of re-
same time it was a common and banal event for the Persian volts against the Persian power. Although Darius cites
political establishment. It is probable that, in doing this, Egypt among the rebels, it seems that the most important
Cyrus had political objectives in mind, probably already rebellions took place in the heartland (Persia, Elam, Baby-
anticipating an expedition against Egypt, which was lo- lonia, Media) and to the Eon the Iranian Plateau.
cated on the other side of Judea. With the help of a necessarily reduced army, Darius
3. Cambyses and the Conquest of Egypt (530-522 launched numerous counter-offensives led by generals
B.c.). Cyrus himself was not able to lead the conquest into who remained loyal to him. The different royal armies had
Egypt for reasons that are not exactly known. It is known to fight on several fronts at the same time: in December
that the king disappeared during combat in Central Asia 522, for example, one notes two victories by Darius in
against the Massagetai. The task of leading the Persian Babylonia, the quelling of a rebellion in Elam, a victory in
armies against the pharaoh fell to his son Cambyses, who Arachosia, and another in Assyria. Fortunately for Darius,
had a sizeable fleet at his disposal, thanks to the support two satraps on the Iranian Plateau (in Bactria and in
of the Ionians and the Phoenicians. The new pharaoh, Arachosia) joined him in the fight against the rebels, as
Psamtik III, soon suffered a decisive defeat, and in the did Darius' real father, Hystaspes, in Parthia-Hyrcania.
spring of 525 Cambyses was able to enter Sais, the capital Darius' consolidation of power was, however, long and
of the dynasty. He had less success with his expedition difficult: Elam abandoned the struggle definitively only in
against Ethiopia, which ended in a military disaster. Thus, 520. It is even later still, in 518, that Darius reestablished
the empire had practically attained the dimensions that order in Egypt.
would stand until the arrival of Alexander, reaching from These revolts show a marked dynastic character. The
Central Asia to the Mediterranean. Certainly the next king rebels borrowed the name of a king, thereby attaching
Darius led important expeditions, but one can say that the themselves to a dynasty deposed by the Persians: one of
work of conquering these lands was accomplished essen- the Babylonian rebels presented himself as the son of
tially by the first two kings. By 525 B.C., the Persians had Nabonidus, while a Median chief posed as a member of
no more neighbors in the Middle East: the ancient king- the Cyaxares family. The symbolism is clear-they were
doms of Media, Lydia, Babylonia, and Egypt had been trying to terminate the short period of Persian domination
transformed into satrapies administrated by the Persians. and to link themselves to the history of different preexist-
Contrary to what the Greek tradition (especially Herod- ing kingdoms (Babylonia, Media, Elam, etc.). All the rebel
otus) claims, the conduct of Cambyses with respect to the chiefs succeeded in mobilizing large armies against the
Egyptian temples was not fundamentally different than Persians, as attested by the high number of losses recorded
that of Cyrus in Babylon. Certainly there were depreda- in the Akkadian and Aramaic versions of the Behistun
tions, to which the Judeans of Elephantine would allude a inscription. The danger was greater in Asia Minor, where
century later. But the Egyptian documents attest to the the satrap Oroites tried to profit from the troubles by
respect that the king paid to the sacred bull Apis, and the declaring independence from the central power. Else-
autobiography of Ujahorresne, a newly-conquered Egyp- where, the problems confronting the central power in-
tian noble, indicates that Cambyses protected everything, stilled hope in people who did not directly take part in the
especially the temple of the goddess Neith in Sais. It was, revolts. There exists an echo of this in certain prophetic
moreover, necessary for the new conqueror to mold him- texts (Haggai, Zechariah) documenting Judean hopes for
self in Egyptian traditions: thus he also adopted the phar- a restoration of the Israelite monarchy. Furthermore, the
aonic title, and there is little doubt that he was seen as a Persian people were themselves divided when Darius con-
v. 239 PERSIAN EMPIRE

fronted a native Persian competitor in the person of Vah- able plots of land along with the obligation of leading their
yazdata, who took for himself the name of Bardiya, thus cavalry troops as requisitioned by the satrap. In Babylonia,
indicating clearly that he considered himself to be Cyrus' the land was awarded to the hatru, collectivities of diverse
legitimate successor. This dynastic crisis thus added to the ethnic origin that in return were supposed to provide
imperial crisis. . . soldiers and diverse taxes. The satraps were required to be
Inversely, the victories won by Darius attest to the stabil- diligent in implementing the royal orders that they regu-
ity and sturdiness of the empire established by Cyrus and larly received from royal couriers.
Cambyses. Many satraps remained loyal, and Darius found Within the satrapy the local peoples, dynasties, and
devoted aides among the nobles who had actively partici- other recognized communities continued to enjoy a certain
pated in the elimination of Gaumata-Bardiya. It is with the degTee of autonomy (e.g., the dynasties of Cilicia and of
support of the aristocratic Persians that he was able to put Caria remained in place). It was up to the local chiefs to
an end to the secession of Oroites in Asia Minor without a conduct their contingent of the royal army. By the same
military campaign. He was even able to take strong mea- token, the internal organization of the conquered Greek
sures against the noble intaphernes who had defied his cities was essentially unchanged; in fact the first Persian
authority; no aristocrat would take Intaphernes' side. One kings happily relied on the local tyrants. Darius essentially
thus understands why Darius proudly celebrated his vic- continued his predecessors' policies with respect to con-
tories on the rock of Behistun: under his feet lay Gaumata, quered populations. In Egypt, he continued to present
and before him were drawn the "lying kings" he had himself as pharaoh, as attested by the title engTaved on his
recently vanquished. According to his own declarations, it statue found at Susa. In the same way, he confirmed to the
was the victory of the Truth (arta) over the Lie (drauga), in Judeans the privileges that Cyrus had granted them (Ezra
other words, the triumph of loyalty over the rebellion. The 6). In a general manner, the king also recognized the
strength of the king and the empire would soon be mag- earlier practices of the temples, as is so eloquently attested
nified by the construction of a new capital, Persepolis. by the letter he sent to Gadatas, who was accused of having
Shortly after his victories he led a major expedition into violated the privileges of the temple of Apollo near Mag-
Central Asia and India, whereby the Indus valley was nesia of Meander (in Asia Minor). This policy has been
annexed to the empire. In 513 the expedition into Scythia erroneously labeled "religious tolerance"; actually it was
was less successful, but it still allowed the Persians to settle an attempt to reconcile the central power with the local
in Thrace and to reduce the Macedonian kingdom to subjects, and the fundamental objective remained mainte-
vassalage. The empire had thus reached its largest exten- nance and reinforcement of the Persian Empire. The royal
s10n. policy with respect to Babylonian temples clearly shows
5. The Organization of the Empire under Darius. Ar.- this orientation, since one can find abundant evidence
cording to Herodotus, Darius' victory in 520 was followed attesting to the intervention of the Persian administration
by a reorganization of the empire: "He established in the in the management of the wealth of these temples, while
Persian Empire twenty governments (archai) called satra- at the same time the cults and local temples were not
pies: the various governors were appointed, and each threatened.
nation assessed for tributes (phoroi) that should revert to The entire imperial system was dominated by the king.
him" (3.89). In reality, satraps and tribute already existed While not regarded as a god himself, the Persian king was
during the reigns of Cyrus, Cambyses, and Bardiya, but viewed as the earthly lieutenant of the great deities of the
Darius was the first to unify and systematize the adminis- empire, the first among them being the god Ahura-Mazda.
trative practices. The people (ethne) were reunited from The king was consecrated at Pasargadae during the course
within the large governmental provinces (the satraps) and of a religious ceremony (which is described by Plutarch).
made to pay a tribute each year, probably calculated in But the new king did not take his power only from the
pro-rate of cultivatable lands. Only some people (Arabs, gods: he also held it from filiation. Custom required that
Ethiopians, Colchidians) maintained their status as donors. the eldest son succeed his father, and that he, in turn,
The Persian territory itself was exempted from tribute. designate his heir. This frequently-attested custom did not
Several Achaemenid documents (royal lists, "Gift Carriers" stop the drama of succession, since certain younger broth-
of Persepolis, "Throne Carriers," a statue of Darius, Egyp- ers did not easily accept being bypassed (e.g., Bardiya's
tian steles) refer to lists that have often been considered struggle against his elder brother Cambyses, and also the
lists of satraps. They were actually selective lists of coun- case of the succession after the assassination of Xerxes,
tries (dahyu- ava), upon which one should not base conclu- when Artaxerxes II came to power after eliminating his
sions about an administrative structure. It is also necessary older brother Darius in a bloody struggle).
to underscore the fact that both the number and the The monumental structures built in the large capitals
specific responsibilities of the satraps evolved over time. symbolized the new power attained by Darius' empire.
Each satrapy was given to a high Persian aristocrat, aided During his reign the first improvements were made at the
by administrators. The satrap could call upon garrison site of Susa, improvements attested both archaeologically
and occupation troops. The satrapy had to pay its tribute and from numerous inscriptions of Darius and Xerxes.
every year to the Persian king, who deposited the sum in Darius also had a large palace built in Babylon, and work
the stores and treasuries of the empire. The size of the was continued at Parsagadae, the capital founded by Cy-
stocks of precious metals later found by Alexander the rus. It is probably during the period of Cambyses that
Great is an indication of the viability of the system. In Persepolis was first chosen as a site, but it was up to Darius
order to control the satraps more effectively, large num- to design the plan and to him and his successors to con-
bers of native Persians were installed and were given size- struct it. The style and grandeur of the buildings are
PERSIAN EMPIRE 240 • v
amply documented by archaeological evidence and by a B. The Empire in the 5th Century
group of Elamite tablets, the Treasury Tablets, published 1. The First Retreats on the Mediterranean Front (500-
by G. C. Cameron in 1948. Another group of contempo- 448 B.c.). The first setbacks took place on the W front at
raneous tablets, an important part of which were pub- the very beginning of the 5th century B.C. For reasons still
lished by R. T. Hallock in 1969, attest to productive activi- not completely clear, the tyrant Aristagoras of Miletus led
ties in Persis under Darius. They are also interesting a revolt against the Persians. At the head of these forces
because they shed light on persons such as Artaphernes, he ravaged Sardis (499), initiating the Ionian revolt. Bu~
Mardonios, and Datis, who are mentioned in classical the land and naval superiority of the Persians would soon
sources. The land was worked by laborers from all parts become obvious, despite the fact that the cities of the straits
of the empire, who are often identified in the tablets as (Bosporus) and the Cypriot kingdoms joined the rebellion.
kurtash, a generic term which applied to a wide variety of After 497 or 496, the Persians retook Cyprus and then
persons (prisoners of war, dependent peasants, "free" obtained the submission of the cities to the N. After a
salaried workers). A similar ethnic diversity is found Greek naval defeat at Lade, Miletus was taken in 494. The
among the groups of workers employed at the building Persians destroyed the city and deported part of the popu-
sites at Persepolis. All the buildings and inscriptions there lation. Then the satrap Artaphernes relinquished the of-
function to exalt the vastness and the richness of the fice of tyrant and accepted the democratic regimes, fixing
territory ruled by the Great King. If Susa had become norms for levying tributes on the territories of the cities.
(according to the Greek testimony) the most frequented The Persians profited from their victory by sending an
capital of the court, Pesepolis was always clothed with an army into Thrace in 492 under the command of Mardo-
essentially ideological function. During the course of the nios, son-in-law of the king.
year, the Great King and the court moved from capital to An expedition against Greece was launched in 490; it is
capital: Persepolis, Susa, Babylon, Ecbatana. referred to as the First Persian War. The objective was less
A system of royal roads completed the unification of the the annexation of Greece than domination over the Cycla-
empire. Herodotus (5. 52-53) gives a precise description des. The Persian defeat at Marathon revealed the Persian
of the route and the organization of the Royal Road that vulnerability in the Aegean. Almost immediately Darius
during Dai:ius' reign went from Sardis to Susa. But there began a new expedition, this time directed against the
existed many other royal roads linking the capitals of the Greek cities themselves. His death in 486 and the subse-
empire to the satraps' capitals. A group of tablets from quent revolts in Babylonia and Egypt slowed down his son
Persepolis gives precise descriptions of the roads and the and successor Xerxes, and it was only in 480 that the
rights enjoyed by officially-authorized travelers, including immense land and sea force finally set off (the contingents
the right to travel on the roads and to receive rations at are counted and described by Herodotus). Faced with this
wayside inns. Among other functions, these well-main- threat, Athens and Sparta concluded an alliance of com-
tained and protected roads allowed troop convoys to de- mon action, and Themistocles decided to abandon Attica
ploy to various places where they had been ordered; thus to concentrate his effort on the sea. Although Athens was
the military played an essential role in the survival of the thus taken by the Persians, the Persians then suffered a
road system. major naval defeat at Salamis, which forced Xerxes to
The Persian king had numerous troops at his disposal return to his kingdom. The elite-army left in Greece under
in order to control the territories and populations of the the command of Mardonios suffered a disaster the follow-
ing year at Plataea (4 79). This defeat caused renewed hope
empire. In order to regulate local problems, the satraps
in the Asian cities, so much so that the same year the
could summon the troops of their government. Sometimes
Greek fleet won yet another victory at Mykale. Soon, under
a satrap could be given command of the troops of several the aegis of Athens, a league was formed to which a
satraps: he would thus receive the title of karanos. If the number of Asian cities adhered. The objective was to lead
king decided to mount a large campaign, he convened the reprisal expeditions against the Achaemenid territories
royal army, composed of contingents from all the coun- and to protect the cities against Persian counterattacks.
tries of the empire. Darius assembled them to lead his In three years the strategic situation had thus been
expeditions of conquest. The best known example is the upset. The Persians had lost Thrace (where only a few
army raised by Darius and then by Xerxes to march garrisons still resisted) and no longer enjoyed hegemony
against the Greeks. The royal army is described in detail on their Mediterranean front. Furthermore, Athens
by Herodotus (7. 60-99). Each ethnic contingent kept its emerged from the war strong. The city had access to
own weapons. Each of the large divisions of the army was important resources, a first rate navy, and its leaders had
commanded by a Persian, often a relative of the king; decided to launch a large offensive against the Achaemen-
similarly the naval contingents were given to Persian com- ids' possessions. Around 466, Cimon achieved a double
manders. The diversity of the contingents and the disor- victory over Persian forces in Pamphylia. Several years
dered character of this army (often emphasized by Greek later, the Athenians came to the aid of the Inaros dynasty
authors) should not be misleading. Within this array, sev- in Egypt, which had revolted against the Persians (460).
eral contingents constituted the army of the elite, the real The arrival of a Persian army under the command of
fighting army-the Persians, the Medes, the Bactrians, and Megabyze (Xerxes' son-in-law) resulted in a complete dis-
the Sakai. The components of the royal army thus corre- aster for the Athenians-Egypt came once again under
sponded in effect to the political and ideological motives: Achaemenid domination. Several years later, after an
it visually symbolized the grandeur and the diversity of the Athenian success in Cypriot waters (450), negotiations were
empire. opened that would lead to the Peace of Callias (448), about
v. 241 PERSIAN EMPIRE

which there has been much dispute. The two adversaries, was much more tumultuous. He was assassinated by rebels,
Athens and Persia, wanted to put an end to the hostilities. as was his eldest son Darius. The younger son, Artaxerxes,
Even if the Persian king continued to affirm his dominion came to power only after difficult combat. In 424, the
over. these cities, he still had to concede the Athenian death of Artaxerxes I was soon followed by the assassina-
presence, a notable setback to the Achaemenid power on tion of his son Xerxes II, who reigned only a few weeks.
the Mediterranean front. Peace was renewed later by Da- Fierce competition then ensued between two of his illegiti-
rius II shortly after his accession. mate sons, Sogdianos and Ochos. The latter was finally
2. Imperial Strength and Royal Power. It is often as- recognized as king under the name of Darius (II) at the
sumed that Xerxes' setbacks inaugurated a long period of end of an intense civil war, recounted by Ctesias and
decline in Achaemenid history that would culminate with echoed in Babylonian tablets. At the end of his life, Darius
the conquest of Alexander. This is a very tendentious II followed the Achaemenid custom of designating his
assumption that has no documentary foundation. The eldest son Artaxerxes as his successor. But, his accession
relative importance of Darius' reign and that of Xerxes is in 405/404 precipitated a war of succession instigated by
a misleading result of the unequal division of narrative his younger brother Cyrus and supported by their mother
Greek sources. Herodotus' work ends with the Persian Parysatis, a war (401) of which Xenophon (Anabasis) and
defeats of 4 79 in Greece and Ionia. No author of his Ctesias have left accounts. However, one cannot talk about
stature undertook a record of Persian affairs. Today's a deterioration of the dynasty since such dynastic struggles
historian must go to Diodorus of Sicily and to Ctesius. The occurred from the beginning of Achaemenid history.
latter devoted several books of his Persika to the actions of They never threatened the hegemony of the Achaemenids
the kings after Cyrus up until the year 398 B.C., the 7th with respect to the great aristocratic Persian families.
year of king Artaxerxes II. For the most part, his story On the other hand, existing documentation does not
refers to dynastic problems, to the intrigues of the court, allow for a continuous reconstruction of imperial affairs in
and to the difficulties encountered by the royal power. See the 5th century. Babylonia and Egypt are the best known
CTESIAS. However, his vision of Persian history at the governments, thanks to Babylonian tablets on the one
least must be nuanced because it is at the same time very hand, and Aramaic documents on the other. The archives
biased. The paragraphs that he devotes to the reigns of of the house of Murashu give important information con-
Xerxes (486-465) and Artaxerxes I (464-424) are less cerning economic and social life in Babylonia between 455
centered on royal politics than on the picturesque and and 403. They allow us to have a precise idea as to the
novel-like story of the noble Megabyze. As for the reign of condition of the land and people, in particular the opera-
Darius II (425-405/4), he summarizes the difficulties of tion of the hatru-system and the military and fiscal obliga-
the accession of the king and the revolts that he had to put tions that were levied on the plots of land of the commu-
down. The idea of a Persian decline beginning with Xerxes nities located in this region. Other archives also attest to
is found in other Greek authors of the 4th century (Plato the new place held by the Babylonians in the administra-
and Xenophon in particular), but their interpretations tion. One example is Belshunu who, after having been
arise more from their Greek ideological biases than from "governor of Babylon" between 421 and 404, was named
a reasoned analysis of the course of Persian history. satrap of Syria (i.e., Trans-euphrates) between 407 and
On the Persian side, the documentation is unfortunately 401; he is the Belesys of Xenephon.
very scanty. However, everything leads one to believe that In Egypt, the Aramaic documents furnish information
neither the royal power nor the imperial domination were about the satrapic government of Arshama and about the
ever seriously or profoundly jeopardized by the setbacks management of the large Persian domains in the Nile river
on the Mediterranean front. The tablets from the Treasury valley during the last quarter of the 5th century. A group
of Persepolis recount that the construction work was more of letters (DOTT, 260-69; ANET, 492) refers to the hostili-
active than ever during the reign of Xerxes and the first ties that the Judean garrison of Syene-Elephantine en-
years of Artaxerxes I (486-461). The activities of these countered ca. 410 B.C. from the Egyptians and the Persian
kings are confirmed by royal inscriptions. The importance governor Widranga. After the destruction of the local
of an inscription by Xerxes must also be considered. In it, temple of Yahweh, the dispute was taken before the king
the king recalls first of all that he restored order in the and the satrap, who judged in favor of the Judeans, who
provinces that had rebelled. He also affirms the preemi- were then permitted to reconstruct their temple. The
nence of the god Ahura-Mazda. This has been seen as a Aramaic documents and the Greek sources also point out
modification of the religious policies of the Achaemen- the difficulties encountered by the Persians in Egypt from
id~Xerxes attempting to impose the cult of the supreme the revolt suppressed by Xerxes at the beginning of his
Pernan god by forbidding the cult of local gods. However, reign (485) to the Inaros revolt crushed by Megabyze at
this is not the case. The document makes no reference to the end of Xerxes' reign (456). The defeat of another
any specific measures taken in Babylonia or anywhere else. dynasty, Amyrtaios, had not meant the end of this princi-
Above all, it attests to the strength of the monarchic pality in the Delta. In 445/44, Psamtik still seemed to be a
ideology, still reinforced and codified in a rigorous man- powerful pharaoh. In 404, another Amyrtaios succeeded
ner during Xerxes' reign and fully maintained by his in implanting himself firmly in Upper Egypt then, several
successors. years later (398), in Lower Egypt. That would mark the
o!
The .stre?gth the monarchic ideology did not prevent end of the Persian domination of Egypt until 343 (see C.3
dynastic d1fficult1es, which were numerous and serious below).
during the 5th century. If, as designated heir, Xerxes The Athenian defeat in Sicily in 412 and its repercussion
succeeded his father without difficulty, his own succession in Ionia put Asia Minor in full light in the accounts of
PERSIAN EMPIRE 242 • v
Thucydides (The Peloponnesian War, Book 8) and Xeno- around traditional Persian ideas, and thus around the
phon (Hellenics). This front had practically disappeared in royal person.
the documentation since the middle of the 5th century, 2. The Retaking of Asia Minor. On the Asia Minor
except for Ctesias' reference to a satrapic revolt. In 412, front, the reign of Artaxerxes 11--<mce the danger of
the two principal satraps of Asia Minor-Pharnabazus Cyrus had been eliminated-showt:d a clear consolidation
(Hellespontine Phrygia) and Tissaphernes (Sardis)-tried of power. The years following the defeat of Athens in 404
to ally themselves with Sparta. Both had received from saw a series of expeditions by Sparta, presented as cam-
Darius II the order to force the Greek cities once again to paigns to liberate the Greek cities from Achaemenid rule.
pay the royal tribute. But the Greek sources for the most But even the most ambitious of the Spartan chiefs, Agesi-
part treat the struggles between Athens and Sparta, disre- laus, never threatened Persian domination. Soon the Per-
garding Achaemenid affairs. The nomination of Cyrus in sians supported the Athenian Konon against Sparta. The
407 as commander in chief of the Persian troops allowed Persian king quickly became the arbiter for quarrels be-
the reestablishment of Achaemenid positions, but these tween Greek cities, to such a point that in 386 Artaxerxes
were soon jeopardized by Cyrus' subsequent revolt against II imposed his will on all the Greek cities by unilaterally
his brother Artaxerxes (404-401), the designated succes- enacting a treaty called "the Peace of Antalkidas" (from
sor to the throne. the name of the principal Spartan negotiator). The royal
edict was brought to the attention of the Greek ambassa-
C. From Artaxerxes II to Alexander (404-334 B.c.). dors in the following terms: "The King Artaxerxes consid-
1. Dynastic Crisis and Royal Power. Menaced on the ers the cities of Asia as belonging to him, as well as the
western front, the empire once again experienced serious islands Clazomenes and Cyprus; on the other hand, the
dynastic problems during the course of the 4th century. other cities, large or small, remain autonomous, except for
The succession of Artaxerxes was difficult. His eldest son Lemnos, Imbros, and Skyros, which, as in the past, will
and designated heir, Darius, was put to death for treason. belong to the Athenians." In other words, the Greek cities
His younger son, Ochos, was recognized under the name of Asia Minor reverted to direct domination of the Achae-
of Artaxerxes III (359-358). The succession of the latter menids. The royal decision was, in addition, accompanied
took place in the middle of a bloodbath. He was assassi- by an unambiguous threat: "Those who do not consent to
nated by the chiliarch Bagoas who had Oarses, youngest these conditions of peace, I will personally make war upon
son of Artaxerxes Ill, recognized as king, before making them with the help of all those who accept them, on land,
him disappear and pushing Darius (III) onto the throne. on sea, with my fleet, and with my treasure" (Xen. Hell.
According to Diodorus, the reason for this was that the 5.1.31). The Persians were wise enough to permit some
"Royal House was extinguished and there was no longer internal autonomy for the subjugated cities. An inscription
anyone to whom birth permitted them to inherit the shortly after the Peace of Antalkidas indicates that, after a
power" ( 17 .5.5 )-an excessive judgment, given the fact that territorial conflict between Miletus and Myous, the satrap
Darius was an Achaemenid. His selection is explained by Strouses submitted the decision to a tribunal of Ionians,
the Achaemenid custom of endogamy that had always the king and the satrap confirming the judgment of the
enabled power to be conserved in the "royal line"; Darius tribunal. This document attests to great continuity in Per-
III was in effect married to his own sister Stateira-they sian policy with respect to the Greek cities dating back to
were both born to one of Darius II sons. Thus, dynastic the measures taken by Artaphernes a century earlier.
continuity was maintained. 3. Egyptian Danger and Satrapic Revolts. On the Ae-
The prestige and power of the last Persian kings re- gean front-the only region the Greek sources talk
mained strong, as attested by their inscriptions and by about-the Persians won no victories. For several decades
their continuation of the work at Persepolis. The desire of the central government tried to retake Egypt, which had
the kings to restore and to strengthen their ties with the been independent since 404 B.C. Numerous armies were
different Persian communities located in the different mobilized in Syro-Palestine; all failed. Furthermore, under
regions of the empire also attest to it. Ever since the first the reigns of Hakoris (392-380) and his successors, Egypt
kings, the Persian communities of the diaspora constituted led a political offensive in the E Mediterranean. The
the "backbone" of Persian power in the empire's territories. successive Persian defeats in 385-382, 373, and again in
They were under obligation to continue to live according 360-359 represented serious military failures and cruel
to the Persian way of life, to promote a cult to the Persian losses of prestige for the Great King. The need to amass
gods, and to obey in every way the satrap, lieutenant of the troops against Egypt was one of the reasons that pushed
king in the satrapy. An inscription found at Sardis shows Artaxerxes to the Peace of Antalkidas in 386. In fact, the
that a temple and a statue dedicated to Ahura-Mazda Persian defeats incited other revolts. Thus a two-year long
existed there (named Zeus Baradates: "Legislator"): the war (382-381) was required to suppress the rebellion of
text indicates that a high administrator of Sardis prohib- Evagoras of Salamis, who could rely on the aid of Hakoris.
ited the followers of the cult of Ahura-Mazda from partic- The Persian position was even more precarious because
ipating in the Anatolian mystery cults. One should proba- the central power had to face several satrapic rebellions in
bly link this decision to the order given by Artaxerxes II Asia Minor during the course of the 4th century. The
to the Persians of the large capitals of the empire reinforc- most important was the one traditionally called the Great
ing their devotion to Anahita, one of the three great deities Revolt of the Satraps (360 B.c.) that itself led to individual
of the Persian Empire (along with Ahura-Mazda and revolts, of which the best known is that of Datames in
Mithra). This complemented similar measures aimed at Cappadocia. According to Diodorus, the revolt, directed
identical objectives: regrouping the Persian diaspora by Orantes, covered the entire Aegean front from Asia
v. 243 PERSIAN EMPIRE

Minor to Cyprus; however, it probably did not have the the period of Philip II (359-336). Within several years he
global character that the Greek historian ~as given it. had extended the Macedonian territory to the Straits, had
However, it is clear that it represented an evident danger given his kingdom an army without compare, and had
for the Persian power. Paradoxically, the revolt dissipated defeated the Greek cities at Chaeronea (338). This victory
after the initial successes of the royal armies. Orantes, soon was followed by the founding of the Corinthian League,
followed by other chiefs, submitted to the Persian king by whose proclaimed objective was the liberation of the Greek
betraying his comrades. This alone attests to the solidarity cities of Asia Minor. However, from this date on, a strong
of loyalist sentiment among the Persian chiefs of the prov- Macedonian force operated within Asia Minor. The victo-
mces. ries won by Memnon in 337 and a certain lack of lucidity
One of the first measures taken by Artaxerxes III upon no doubt explain why the central Persian power did not
coming to the throne was to order the satraps to dismiss consider it advantageous to mobilize the royal army in 334
their Greek mercenary troops. The massive enrollment of to oppose the young Alexander, who had succeeded his
mercenaries had become commonplace from Cyrus' expe- father Philip in 336. The task of pushing the Macedonian
dition on. The Persians and also the Egyptian pharaohs forces back to the sea was thus given to the satraps of Asia
used them with increasing frequency. For the Greek au- Minor. The defeat of Graneikos (May 334) would be of
thors of the 4th century, this growing demand for merce- great importance. Alexander would soon capture Sardis,
nary Greeks attested to the military deterioration of the which would give him the Persian Mithrenes as well as the
Achaemenid Empire. Such a polemical view cannot be logistic means that he lacked. In several months (spring-
accepted without reservation. The Persian armies of the winter 334), the Persian king lost Asia Minor. During the
4th century were certainly not composed only of merce- following spring (333), the death of Memnon ended an
naries, and (contrary to an interpretation currently de- enormous naval counterattack by the Persians that might
fended) the Babylonian tablets do not bring indisputable prove capable of pushing Alexander back into Europe.
proof of the decline of the hatru system during the 4th Facing this danger, Darius III decided to mobilize the
century. But faced with enemies that fought like the royal army. Almost all of the contingents of the empire,
Greeks, the satraps of Asia Minor very naturally used except the contingents to the E of Iran, were assembled in
troops for which they themselves did not have the equiva- Babylon and marched to Cilicia to stop the Macedonians.
lent and that they could quickly enroll and mobilize. The The battle of Issos (November 333)--represented on the
existence of an increasingly abundant market in Europe famous mosaics of Neapels-was a severe defeat for Da-
and a growing demand in Asia is sufficient explanation of rius, who had to flee the battleground and to leave royal
the phenomenon. Artaxerxes III himself did not hesitate women and children to fall into the hands of the enemy.
to enroll numerous mercenaries in the army that he would The negotiations initiated by the Great King proved un-
lead to reconquer Egypt, but at the same time he had eventful. Incapable of defending the Syro-Phoenician
understood that it was extremely dangerous to leave the coast and Egypt and abandoned by the Persian forces,
recruitment up to the satraps. Darius decided to raise a new army in which he could this
A new defeat at the hands of Egypt in 351-350 B.C. had time enroll the contingents from E Iran. The troops were
disastrous consequences. The Phoenician cities revolted assembled and trained in Babylonia, then dispersed in the
the following year. Artaxerxes III prepared an immense upper valley of the Tigris, to the W of Arbela, a famous
army and fleet. The campaign was initiated by the satraps stop on the Royal Road. In the beginning of the month of
Belesys and Mazaios in 345. Sidon had to surrender and October 331 Darius was again defeated. He fled toward
suffered terrible reprisals. In 343, the Persian army (con- Ecbatana, leaving open the road toward the great capitals.
taining a large contingent of Greek mercenaries) won a Babylon and then Susa without resistance fell into the
victory in Egypt. Thus, around 340, the Persian Empire hands of the conqueror, who seized the immense royal
recovered the territorial boundaries of 480. Despite the Treasuries. Alexander would soon (end of 331) come to
revolts, the central power had succeeded in maintaining Persepolis, which would be surrendered by the Persian
Persian domination. Even in Asia Minor the regions for- governor before being pillaged in the spring of 330.
merly left in the hands of more or less submissive dynasties During this time, Darius tried to mobilize a new army in
ha.d been transformed into satrapies in their own right: Media. But the rebellions within his entourage and the
this was the case with Cilicia and with Caria (where the speed of the advancing Macedonians prevented him from
satraps were from the family of Hekatomnids, at least until even engaging in battle. The Great King was soon assassi-
340 when a Persian acquired the satrapy). The regions nated by a plot conceived by Bessos, satrap of Bactria (July
that chronically proved difficult to control were thus in- 330). Bessos took the royal title under the name of Arta-
cluded in the satrapies. This was the case of Lycia, now xerxes, hoping to stop Alexander at Bactria; however, he
reunited with the satrapy of Caria, as the inscription of was soon handed over to the conqueror and put to death.
Xanthos shows. The Persian Empire was thus far from Despite some resistance led by the small princes of Sogdia
experiencing the profound decadence to which the Greek and Bactria, Alexander succeeded in imposing his domin-
polemic authors of the 4th century constantly referred. ion over E Iran (329-327), before taking the Indus River
valley (327-325). Two years after his return to Babylonia,
D. Alexander and the End of the Persian Empire he died, at last conquered by malaria (June 323).
(334-330 B.C.) If one considers rightly that the death of Darius III in
Reassured on the interior front, without worrying un- July of 330 marks the end of the Achaemenid Empire
duly about the Greeks, the Persian kings realized too late founded by Cyrus and his successors, one must also em-
the growing power of the kingdom of Macedonia during phasize the imperial structures that remained intact dur-
PERSIAN EMPIRE 244. v
ing Alexander's lifetime. The conqueror left unchanged of three set "inscriptions" in the city of Rome attribute the
the satrapies and the tributary system. On the other hand, nam.e to (freed) slaves (Lampe StadtrChr, 145-46, 153).
one of his concerns had been to call Persian and Iranian Persis was probably a gentile Christian. See NEREUS.
nobles into his service. In 334 he admitted the Persian PETER LAMPE
Mithrenes into his entourage, but in 330 he made a deci-
sion of great importance by giving satrapic governments
to Mithrenes himself and to Mazaios, command posts he PERSONALITY, CORPORATE. See CORPO-
had up until then reserved for Macedonians and Greeks. RATE PERSONALITY.
Without compromise he pursued this policy of Macedono-
Iranian collaboration. Numerous Iranians were named
satraps in the countries of the Iranian plateau, and Iranian PERUDA (PERSON) [Heb penldii']. Var PERIDA. Head
contingents served in the army side by side with Greeks of a family belonging to Solomon's servants who had
and Macedonians. In 327, Alexander married an Iranian returned from the Babylonian Exile (Peruda in Ezra 2:55;
princess, Roxane who, after the death of the young con- Perida in the parallels in Neh 7:57 and I Esdr 5:33). The
queror, gave birth to his son, Alexander IV. In Persia itself, list in Ezra-Nehemiah implies that this return took place
he was careful to name as satrap his companion Peukestas, immediately in response to Cyrus' declaration in 538 s.c.E.
who demonstrated his goodwill by adopting the Persian But I Esdras places this return in its more probable date
way of life. As for the conqueror himself, he put to his at the time of King Darius (ca. 522).
own profit the customs of the Achaemenid court, despite Some have used l Kgs 9:20 to conclude that Solomon's
opposition from within part of his entourage. His ultimate servants were originally enslaved foreigners. Levine
objective was to allow the Persians and the Iranians to (1963), however, suggests that the term denotes Israelite
evolve in a flexible and gradual manner into the ruling officials supervising foreigners. In the postexilic era, when
class of the new empire, that the defeat of Darius III had the family of Peruda appears, the term "servant" typically
allowed him to create on the ruins and on the model of refers to officials. Like the temple servants (Nethinim),
that of Cyrus and his successors. Solomon's servants are temple functionaries. They are
members of the congregation of Israel and separated
Bibliography thereby from ordinary slaves (Ezra 2:65). The name Pe-
Briant, P. 1982. Rois, tributs et paysans. Paris.
ruda could mean "the solitary one." The number, origin,
and specific tasks of the Peruda family are no longer
- - . 1987. Alexandre le Grand. Paris.
discernible. See Blenkinsopp Ezra-Nehemiah OTL; William-
Cook, J. M. 1983. The Persian Empire. London.
son Ezra, Nehemiah WBC.
Dandamaev, M. D. 1976. Persien unter der ersten Achiimeniden. Wies-
baden. Bibliography
Frye, R. N. 1984. The History of Ancient Iran. Munich. Levine, B. A. 1963. The Netinim.JBL 82: 207-212.
Miroschedji, P. de. 1985. La fin du royaume d'Anshan et de Suse Weinberg, J. P 1975. N<tinim und 'Siihne der Sklaven Salomos' im
et la naissance de !'Empire perse. ZA 75: 265-306. 6-4 Jh. v. u. Z. ZAW 87: 355-371.
Olmstead, A. T. 1959. The History of the Persian History. Repr. TAMARA c. ESKENAZI
Chicago.
Sancisi-Weerdenburg, H., and Kuhrt, A., eds. 1987-1988. Achae-
menUl History, 1-111. Leiden. PESACH. The Hebrew name for the festival known as
Walser, G. 1984. Hellas und Iran. Darmstadt. Passover. See UNLEAVENED BREAD AND PASSOVER,
PIERRE BRIANT FEASTS OF.
Trans. Stephen Rosoff

PESHARIM, QUMRAN. The discovery of the

Qumran library has brought to light a hitherto unknown
PERSIAN LANGUAGE. See LANGUAGES (LAN- type of biblical commentary, employed by the Qumran
GUAGES OF ANCIENT IRAN).
community, which has come to be known as "pesher" (pl.
pesharim). This name derives from the frequent use of
the term "pesher" (Heb p.fr-in the OT it occurs only once
PERSIS (PERSON) [Gk Persis]. A Roman Christian who at Qoh 8: 1; Akk piSru, Aram psr') to introduce an interpre-
received greetings from Paul in Rom 16: 12 as "the beloved tation of a biblical text. The word is used in the sense of
Persis." Having been close to Paul in the E of the Roman "interpretation, realization" (Rabinowitz 1973: 226 sug-
Empire, she had immigrated to Rome. This latter fact is gests: "a presaged reality"), akin to the Heb ptr.
confirmed by the epigraphical and literary sources from The term "pesher" is currently used in four different
the city of Rome which show the name "Persis" only six senses: (a) a Qumranic biblical commentary written in
times; the Romans very rarely used the name (Lampe pesher-like form; (b) the formal term used to introduce
StadtrChr, 138-41). Persis had "worked hard in the Lord" the expositionary section of this kind of commentary;
(for discussion of this phrase, see TRYPHAENA AND (c) the literary genre of these commentaries; and (d) the
TRYPHOSA). As with all names recalling a geographical particular exegetical method of these Qumranic commen-
area, "Persis" ("Persian") was a typical slave name; two out taries.
v • 245 PESHARIM, QUMRAN

Qumran Caves I and 4 (editions: Allegro 1968, to be used

A. Form and Content of the Extant Pesharim with Strugnell 1969-7 l; cf. also Horgan 1979). These
I. Continuous Pesharim include:
2. Thematic Pesharim
3. Isolated Pesharim 4Qpisa• ( = 4Q161, on Isa 10:22-27, 33-34; 11: l-5),
4. Other Forms of Pesharim 4Qpisab(= 4QJ62, on Isa 5:5-30),
B. Nature and Structure of the Pesharim 4Qpisac ( = 4QJ63, on Isa 8:7-8; 9: 11-20; 10:24; 14:8,
C. Literary Genre of the Pesharim . 26-30; 29: 10-23 [with a quotation from Zech 11: 11];
D. Exegetical Method Used by the Peshanm 30: 1-2 l ; 31: 1),
4Qpisad ( = 4QJ64, on Isa 54: l l-12),
A. Form and Content of the Extant Pesharim 4Qpisa• (= 4Q165, on Isa 40:11-12; 14:19; 15:4-5;
The importance of the Scriptures in the life and .ideol- 21:10-15; 32:5-7; 11:11-12),
ogy of the Qumran community is expressly stated m the 4QpHos•(= 4QJ66, on Hos 2:8-14),
writings of the Qumranites (CD 6:3-11; IQS 6:6-8; 8:2, 4QpHosb(= 4QJ67, on Hos 5:13-15; 6:4-11; 8:6-14),
15-16; lQpHab 2:8-IO; 7:7-8), from which we learn that !QpZeph (= lQJ5, on Zeph 1:18-2:2),
exposition and interpretation of the Torah and th~ ~roph­ 4QpZeph ( = 4Q170, on Zeph l: 12-13),
ets constituted an important part of the community s ~p~­ lQpMic (= 4Q14, on Mic 1:2-9; 6:15-16),
cial teaching. This is corroborated by the numerous b1bh- 4QpNah (= 4Ql69, on Nah 1:3-6; 2:12-14; 3:1-14),
cal texts and biblical commentaries found among the lQpHab (the Habakkuk pesher, the longest and best
Qumran scrolls. Significantly, most of the surviving c?m- preserved ms, containing a pesher on Hab l: 1-2:20),
mentaries offer expositions of divine discourses, mamly !QpPs (= 1QJ6, on Ps. 68:13, 30),
from the Prophets, but also from the Torah, as well as 4QpPs• (= 4QJ7J, on Pss. 37:2-39; 45:1-2; 60:8-9),
from the Psalms and the book of Daniel (4QPs37 on Ps. and
37; l lQMelch ii.9-12 on Pss. 82: 1-2 and 7:8-:-.9; 4QFlor 4QpPsb(= 4Q173, on Ps. 129:7-8).
1-2.i. l 4 on Ps. I: 1 and elsewhere; 4QFlor 1+3 u.3 on Dan
12: JO; l IQMelch ii.8 on Dan 9:25), since both David and Most of the continuous pesharim have a common struc-
Daniel were considered prophets ( 11 QPs• 27: 11; 4QFlor ture, exegetical method, and subject matter. They all refer
I+ 3 ii.3). The commentaries are identified as belonging in a similar way to a certain community, its leaders and
to the Qumran community by virtue of their terminology, opponents, and its history. Similar references appear also
subject matter, and ideology. These commentaries are the in other Qumran documents. It is generally assumed that
only Qumran texts so far published that refer to historical the pesharim, as well as writings such as IQS and ~D,
persons and events, and they constitute the main evidence refer to a community of Essenes, one of the three Jewish
for dating the Qumran community and understanding its sects that, according to Josephus, flourished in Judaea
history. Some scholars have concluded, bas~d on the fact during the Second Temple era. See also ESSENES.
that the extant pesharim are all single Herodian mss with a. The Pesher on Habakkuk (lQpHab). This pesher,
no copies or overlapping sections, that the pesharim were the first to be published, has received the most attention.
autographs and produced within the community at a later The ms is written in an early Herodian hand (Trever and
stage in its history (Milik 1959: 41; Cross 1980: 114-15). Cross 1972); thirteen columns have been preserved but,
However, some pesharim betray a copyist's hand (e.g., owing to extensive decay, without their lower edge (Cross
4Qpisa 5:5a-5, which has an interlinear addition that 1972: 4). The author expounds the first two chapters of
appears to be a correction; Horgan 1979: 3-4) and there- Habakkuk verse by verse, reading contemporary events
fore may not be autographs. Moreover, the exegetical into the prophecy.
method of the pesharim is to be found already in much The exposition refers repeatedly to three main persons,
older Qumranic works such as IQS, CD, and !QM. It is designated by special sobriquets, and to events connected
possible therefore, that some of these pesharim, or their with them. The first figure, the Teacher of Righteousness
sources, may be attributed to an early stage in the com- (based on Hos 10: 12; Joel 2:23), is the leader of a group
munity's history, or even to the founder of the community whose members are described as "The Men of Truth" and
himself.
"The Doers of the Torah" (7:1, 10-14; 8: l-3). This leader
The extant pesharim appear in several forms: (a) contin- is an inspired teacher of the Torah (5: 11-12) and the
uous pesharim-running commentaries (section by section) Prophets. Being divinely inspired, he is able to decipher
on single biblical books, mainly the Prophets; (b) thematic the hidden historical and eschatological meaning of the
pesharim-exposition of verses from various biblical books, prophetic words (2:7-10; 7:4-5). The Teacher of Righ-
organized around a common theme, such as teousness is involved in a bitter controversy with a second
4QFlorilegium and 11 QMelchizedek; (c) isolated pesharim- person, an ideological opponent, a person referred to ~s
exposition of one or two biblical verses, within a work of a "The Man of Lies" or "The Spouter of Lies" (based on MIC
nonpesher genre (e.g., Isa 40:3 in JQS 8: 13-16; Isa 24: 17 2: 11), who was at one time the Teacher's follower but broke
in CD 4: 13-15; and Num 21: 18 in CD 6:3-10). These first away, together with his adherents, to form his own group
three forms share a common lemmatic structure: a biblical (2:1-3; 5:9-14; 10:9-13). The third person, yet another
citation followed by an exposition, usually introduced by adversary of the Teacher, is a political leader, a rule.r of
the term "pesher." There are also (d) other forms ofpesharim. Israel, who is accorded the sobriquet "The Wicked Pnest"
1. Continuous Pesharim. Most of the extant pesharim (I: 12-15; 11 :4-8). This Wicked Priest is described as one
are of this type. Fragments of 15 mss were discovered in "who was called by the true name at the beginning of his
PESHARIM, QUMRAN 246. v
course" (8:8-9), but who, corrupted by wealth and power, opponents on the other. The Teacher is referred to here
defiled the Temple (12:2-10) and amassed wealth by vio- as "the Priest" (1-10 iii 15). He is persecuted both by the
lent and sinful means (8:8-13; 9:8-12; 11:12-16; 12:10). Wicked Priest (1-10 iv 8) and the "Wicked ones of
He pursued the Teacher of Righteousness to "his place of Ephraim ... who will seek to lay their hands on the Priest
exile," and disturbed his rest on the Day of Atonement and his partisans" (1-10 ii 18). This is seen by the author
( 11 :5-7, which seems to indicate that "The Wicked Priest" as part of the events taking place "at the time of testing
used a different calendar from that of the Teacher and his that is coming upon them" (l-10 ii 19-20). The commu-
followers; Talmon 1965: 166-167; for polemic in matters nity believed that its own salvation by God was imminent,
concerning the calendar and festivals, cf. also CD 3: 12-16; as was the punishment of their enemies. The Man of Lies
4QpPsa 1-10 ii 10-11; 4QpHos• ii 16-17). also figures here. He is the one "who led many astray" with
The external and internal conflicts of the Teacher and false teaching (l-10 i 26-27).
his followers were seen by the pesher as signs of the The sharp contrast between the Teacher (and his follow-
approaching eschatological era and the End of Days (7:7- ers) and their opponents is also reflected by the various
14). The Qumranites believed that the day of final judg- epithets applied to each party. The Teacher and his adher-
ment was imminent, and hoped to see their wicked oppo- ents are variously called "those who practice the Torah"
nents punished and their own faithfulness to the true way (1-10 ii 15, 23), "the Congregation of the Meek" (l-10 ii
oftheTorahrewarded(8:2; 10:3; 12:14; 13:3).0neofthe 10; iii 10), "the congregation of his chosen ones" (1-10 ii
contemporary events which made a deep impression on 5), and "those who returned from the wilderness" (l-10
the author of the pesher was the approach and attack of a iii l; cf. l QM l :2-3; 4Qpisa• 2-6 ii 18). Their adversaries
terrible people, the Kittim, whom he identified with the are referred to as "the Ruthless Opponents of the Cove-
Chaldeans in Habakkuk. The Kittim are depicted as swift, nant" (l-10 ii 14; iv 1-2), "the Wicked of Ephraim and
cruel, mighty, merciless, and invincible (2: 10-4: 16; 6: 1- Manasseh" (l-10 ii 18), and "the Wicked Princes" (1-2 iii
2). Their attack is interpreted by many of the pesharim as 7). The contrast between the community and its opponents
a divine punishment of their wicked adversaries. is seen as part of the cosmic battle between the forces of
There is no reason to believe that all these details are Good and the forces of Evil ( 1-10 ii 7-11 ).
invented. It is generally assumed that they refer to real c. The Pesher on Nahum (4QpNah). Substantial frag-
persons and events. At present, the most plausible identi- ments of five columns of this late Hasmonean or early
fication is that the Kittim are the Romans (note lQpHab Herodian ms have survived (Strugnell 1969-71: 205). Pub-
6: 1-12, which appears to refer to the Roman military lished after lQpHab, this pesher was the first of the
standards. The identification of the Kittim as Romans is Qumran writings to mention historical names. It mentions
corroborated by 4QpNah 3-4 i 3; Milik 1959: 64-65; "[Deme]trius King of Greece" (4QpNah 3-4 i 2), probably
Cross 1980: 123). Similarly plausible is the identification referring to the Seleucid ruler Demetrius Ill Eukerus (95-
of the Wicked Priest as one of the early Hasmonean rulers, 88 e.c.E.; Cross 1980: 124-25; Milik 1959: 72). It also
generally assumed to be either Jonathan (161-142 e.c.E.; mentions "the kings of Greece from Antiochus until the
Milik 1959: 65-71; Vermes 1981: 151; Murphy-O'Connor rise of the rulers of the Kittim" (4QpNah 3-4 i 3). While
1974: 229-33; Delcor, DBSup fasc. 51: 907) or Simon it is difficult to ascertain which specific king this refers to,
(142-134 e.c.E.; Cross 1980: 142-52; Nickelsburg 1976). it is at least clear that the kings of Greece ( = yawan, as in
Both more or less fit the description in lQpHab 9: 1-2 and Dan 8:21; 10:20; 11:2; also referred to in CD 8:11-12),
11: 15. Others identify the Wicked Priest as Alexander namely the Seleucids, are distinct from "the rulers of the
Janneus (103-76 e.c.E.; Delcor 1951; Nitzan 1986: 132- Kittim" (mentioned also in lQpHab 3:5), who must then
33) or Hyrcanus II (Dupont-Sommer 1980: 274). The be the Roman governors. These references, therefore,
identity of the Teacher of Righteousness remains, however, place the events and persons alluded to in the pesharim
an enigma. Initially, it was argued that he was a descendant on a firm historical footing, dating them in the 2d century
of the high priests of the Zadokite lineage who was ousted B.C.E.
from office by the Hasmonean Jonathan (Stegemann The Nahum pesher seems to refer to events dating from
1971: 250-51 ), but this explanation is too conjectural. See Alexander Janneus to the fall of the Hasmonean kingdom
also TEACHER OF RIGHTEOUSNESS. As for the Man of following the conquest of Palestine by Pompey (63 e.c.E.;
Lies, he was sometimes identified as the leader of the cf. 4QpNah 3-4 iv). Perhaps the clearest indication is the
Pharisees. This is based on 4QpNah 3-4 ii 2, 4 (cf. also allusion to Alexander Jannaeus, referred to here as "the
4Qpisac 23 ii 10), in which the community's opponents are Lion of Wrath." This Lion is one "who would hang men
referred to as "the Seekers of Smooth Things," an expres- up alive" (4QpNah 3-4 i 7), apparently alluding to Alex-
sion interpreted as a cryptogram for the Pharisees ander Jannaeus' crucifixion of the Pharisees who had
(Amoussine 1963; Flusser 1970). Others see him as iden- transferred their allegiance to Demetrius III (cf. Josephus
tical with the Wicked Priest (Vermes 1981: 143 ), but the Ant 13.14.2 §§379-83; JW l.4.6 §§96-98). The pesher,
different characteristics of the two men make this identifi- though it may appear to be condemning Jannaeus' act,
cation unacceptable. may in fact be approving it as an appropriate punishment
b. The Pesher on the Psalms (4QpPs•). Substantial for the Pharisees' treachery (thus Yadin 1971, relying on
fragments of four columns of this Herodian ms have been the ruling of l lQTemple 64:6-13 to hang traitors alive
preserved (Stegemann 1963-64; 1967-69). The author [cf. Deut 21:22-23]; also Yadin 1983, 1: 378).
reads the dichotomy of the Righteous and the Wicked, as "The Seekers of Smooth Things" (4QpNah 3-4 i 7,
described in the Psalms, as referring to the Teacher of based on Isa 30: 1O; cf. Ps. 21 :3; Dan 11 :32), namely the
Righteousness and his followers on the one hand and their Pharisees, appear both as the foes of the Lion of Wrath
v. 247 PESHARIM, QUMRAN
and as the adversaries of the Qumranites. Most of the structure similar to the continuous pesharim, but modify
pesher's polemic is directed against them. They are re- it in some ways.
ferred to as "those who lead Ephraim astray; with their a. 4QF1orilegiu.m (4Q174). Several fragments of this
false teaching, their lying tongue, and deceitful lip they ms together preserve most of one column, and parts of
lead many astray" (4QpNah 3-4 ii 8; cf. 4QpPsa 1-10 ii another two columns (editions: Allegro I 968: 53-57;
18-19). A similar charge is leveled by 1QpHab against the Strugnell 1969-71: 220-25; Brooke 1985: 86-91). The
Spouter of Lies and his followers. 4QpNah refers to three ms dates from the end of the 1st century e.c.E. or the
distinct groups within Israel, by means of three biblical beginning of the 1st century c.E. (Brooke 1985: 83-84).
symbols: Ephraim, Manasseh, and Judea. Ephraim stands Organized around citations from 2 Sam 7: 10-14 ( 1 Chr
for the Seekers of Smooth Things, namely the Pharisees 17:9-13); Exod 15:17-18; Amos 9:11; Ps. 1:1; Isa 8:11;
(4QpNah 3-4 ii 2, 8). A second group, represented by Ezek 37:23; and Ps. 2:1; the work expounds various es-
Manasseh, is also condemned by the author (4QpNah 3-4 chatological themes.
iii 9-11, iv 1-7). The third group appears to refer to the The best preserved column contains a pesher on 2
Qumran community itself, and is represented by Judea Samuel 7. It interprets the prophecy of Nathan concerning
and Israel (4QpNah 3-4 iii 4-5). the House of David as alluding to three temples (Schwartz
It had been concluded from other Qumran writings 1979; Dimant 1986): the future eschatological temple
(1QS and CD) that the Qumran community must be iden- (Heb mqdJ 'dny) to be built by God (1-2 i 1-5; also men-
tical with some branch of the Essenes. If the pesher's tioned in 11 QTemple 29: 1O); the Temple of Israel (Heb
tripartite symbolism is equated with the three Jewish sects mqdJ ysr[), which was the temple built by Israel and later
referred to by Josephus-Pharisees, Sadducees, and Es- desecrated (probably to be equated with the contemporary
senes (Ant 13.5.9 §§171-73; 18.1.2-5 §§11-22;]W 2.8.2- temple; 1-2 i 5-6); and the Temple of Men (Heb mqdJ
14 §§ 119-166)-the second group, Manasseh, must be 'dm), that is, the temple created and fashioned by the life
identified with the Sadducees (Amoussine 1963; Flusser and deeds of the Qumran community itself. The pesher
1970; the same tripartite symbolism underlies 4QpPsa 1- accordingly states (1-2 i 6-7) that the sacrifices in this
10 ii 18-19 and other pesharim). However, new evidence third temple are not of animals but of "deeds of Torah"
shows that the members of the Qumran community ad- (Heb m'fy twrh; cf. 4QMMT m'fy ~wh; Qimron and Strug-
hered to a Sadducean halakhah (Qimron and Strugnell nell 1985: 406). The author goes on to interpret 2 Sam
1985, citing the yet unpublished work 4QMMT; see also 7: 11-14 as referring to the Shoot of David, the eschatolog-
MIQSAT MA'ASE HATORAH), so that the identification ical leader of the community (mentioned also in
of the triple symbolism of the pesharim with the three 4QPatrBless 3; cf. 4Qpisaa 7-10 ii 22; CD 7:16), who will
sects of Josephus must be modified. appear together with another leader of the community,
d. The Pesber on Isaiah (4Qplsad). A fragment of this the Interpreter of the Torah (mentioned also in CD 6:7;
pesher offers an interesting insight into the self-image of 7:18).
the Qumran community. The pesher interprets the de- This first section (4QFlor 1-2 i 1-13) does not use the
scription of the eschatological Jerusalem in Isaiah 54 as term "pesher" at all, whereas the second section (4QFlor
symbolic of the eschatological community and its leader- 1-2 i 14-19) does. Moreover, this second section opens
ship: "the council of the community was established with the formula "Midrash of 'happy is the man .. .' " (Ps.
[among the] priests and the p[eople] [in the midst of] the 1: 1) (Heb mdr! m'!ry h'ys). These distinctions were taken to
congregation of his chosen ones, like a stone of lapis lazuli indicate that this second section (4QFlor 1-2 i 14-1-3 ii
in the midst of the stones" (1 2-3). Underlying the equa- 1-6) is a real pesher in the form of a midrash, whereas
tion of the eschatological Jerusalem with the community is 4QF!or 1-2 i 1-13 is not (Brooke 1985: 140-41, 154-55).
also the equation of Jerusalem with the Temple and, con- This view is, however, questionable, since both sections
sequently, the equation of the community with the Temple employ the same exegetical procedures and syntactic pat-
(also in lQS 5:5-6; 8:5-6; 4QFlor 1-2 i 6-7; cf. Dimant terns as other pesharim. The differences of style and
1986: 184-89). The pesher appears also to connect the terminology between the two sections may indicate that
twelve community leaders (cf. the twelve apostles of the 4QFlor was originally a collection of various eschatological
early Christian community) with the twelve precious stones pesharim.
on t.he. breastpiece of the High Priest (Exod 28:4, 15 etc.). b. llQMelchizedek (llQMelch). Parts of three col-
A s1m1lar theme and approach are to be found in the umns of this early Herodian ms have survived (de Jonge
and van der Woude 1965-66; fresh edition Puech 1987:
description of New Jerusalem in Revelation 21. The con-
488-89). The fragments describe the events as taking
cept. of community as temple is applied also to the early
place during the tenth eschatological jubilee, so that origi-
Chnst1an community by several NT writers (e.g., Matt
nally they must have formed part of a larger pesher on ten
16:17-18; Eph 2:19-20; Rev 3:12; cf. Baumgarten 1977; jubilees. But differences of style and subject matter make
Flusser 1965).
it doubtful whether the fragments 4Q180-181 are to be
2. Them:atic Pesbarim. Unlike continuous pesharim, considered as part of this pesher (as Milik 1972 has sug-
the thematic pesharim do not provide a running commen- gested; cf. Dimant's criticism 1979: 89-90).
tary on a single biblical text; they are a collection of In 11 QMelchizedek the author strings together pesher-
pesharim of various biblical verses on a single, or several type expositions of various biblical texts (Lev 25:9-10,
themes. The theme thus dominates the structure and 12: 13; Deut 15:2; Isa 49:8; 52:7; 61: l-3; Pss. 7:8-9; 82: 1-
d~v~lopment of the pesher, and dictates the choice of 2; Dan 9:25). He interprets the freedom accorded in the
b1bhcal texts to be interpreted. These pesharim use a biblical jubilee as the eschatological liberation of the Sons
PESHARIM, QUMRAN 248. v
of Light imprisoned by the evil Belia! (ii l-6). This libera- of the words of His servants the Prophets" to the Teacher
tion will take place at "the End of Days" (ii 4), at the end of Righteousness (lQpHab 7:4-5), and these mysteries
of the tenth jubilee (ii 7), which implies a division of relate to the historical events leading to the eschatological
historical time into ten jubilees (cf. 1 En. 93:1-10; 90:12- ~ra (lQpHab 2:8-10). Biblical prophecies are, therefore,
17; Kobelski 198 l: 49-5 l ). The chief actor in these events mterpreted as enigmatic predictions relating to events of
is Melchizedek, the eschatological judge who figures as a the Last Day, revealed to the Prophets who perhaps did
priest in Gen 14: 18 and Ps. 110:4. In this capacity he acts not understand them (being too far removed in time from
as liberator and expiator of sins for the Sons of Light while the events about which they prophesied). These enigmatic
wreaking vengeance upon Belia! and his hosts (ii 13-14). mysteries (Heb rzym; e.g. lQpHab 7:8; lQS 3:23; lQH
By applying Ps. 82: l to Melchizedek (ii 13), the author of 2: 13; !QM 3:9; CD 3: 18; cf. Dan 2:29 et al) could there-
the pesher treats him as a supernatural figure. fore only be unraveled by an inspired person living close
3. Isolated Pesharim. Most of the isolated pesharim to the time of the actual events. The Teacher of Righteous-
come from the first part (the admonition) of the Cairo ness, according to I QpHab, not only possessed such great
Dama.scu.s Document: 3:20-44 (on Ezek 44:15); 4:13-19 (on visionary powers, but was also inspired and guided by God
Isa 24: 17); 6:3-l l (on Num 21: 18 + Isa 54: 16); 7(B): 10- (Elliger 1953: 154-55; Nitzan 1986: 25-26). We should
21 (on Isa 7:17 + Amos 9:11 + Num 24:7); 8(A):8-15 not conclude from this that all the extant pesharim were
(on Deut 32:33); and 19(B):7-l3 (on Zech 11:11 + Ezek necessarily composed by the Teacher of Righteousness
9:4). Only one isolated pesher is to be found outside this himself, but the pesher-method, as developed within the
document (the Community Rule interprets Isa 40:3; note Qumran community, may ultimately derive from him. The
also 9:20). Significantly, all the isolated pesharim occur in numerous exegetical techniques the pesharim share with
paraenetic sections, where the pesharim serve as proof- other contemporary literary corpora seem to indicate that
texts both for events in the history of the community and the Teacher of Righteousness, like other contemporary
for its ideological tenets. The texts commented upon in Jewish writers, also drew on traditional exegetical modes
this way are mostly prophetic, but a few are taken from and traditions (Fishbane 1988: 340-41; Dimant 1988:
ancient songs found in the Torah (Num 21:18; 24:7; Deut 379-84).
32:33). This means that these songs were considered pro- The character and form of the pesharim are best under-
phetic and were interpreted as such. stood by observing the relationship between their formal
4. Other Forms of Pesharim. Another type of biblical structure and their content. The lemmatic pattern makes
interpretation is the use of various sobriquets in the pesh- for a structural and stylistic distinction between the biblical
arim to refer to historical persons. Most of these sobriquets citation and its exposition, thus differentiating between
serve as cryptograms for pesher-type interpretations of the word of God and man's interpretation of it. The Pesher
biblical passages (cf. above and the examples discussed by of Habakkuk provides the most comprehensive illustration
Nitzan 1986: 43-46). Thus, for instance, the epithet "The of pesher patterns. The work consists of small pesher
Seekers of Smooth Things" for the community's oppo- units. Because the main text expounded is known, each
nents clearly refers to Isa 30: 10, but implies a pesher of unit opens with a biblical citation without any introductory
the entire context of Isa 30:8-14. The epithet "The term. The interpretation which follows is, however, always
Teacher of Righteousness" is based on Hos 10: 12 and Joel introduced by the term "pesher." Such pesher-interpreta-
2:23, but has its source in a pesher of the larger context of tion identifies parts of the biblical citation with contempo-
the two verses (note esp. Joel 2:18-27). Although these rary personages or activities (Rabinowitz 1973: 226), with
sobriquets cannot formally be considered "pesharim," they further explanations (Brooke 1979-80: 498).
are derived by the same exegetical principles. When applied to persons the identification is introduced
Another form of pesher is interpretation of biblical by the formula pfrw <1 ("its interpretation concerns") + a
verses by allusion, that is, without explicit quotation (cf. noun + the relative 'fr ("who"/"which") + verb/s describ-
lQpHab 11:12-14 on Hab 2:16, alluding to Deut 10:16; ing the activities of the persons mentioned. An alternative
Jer 4:4; see other examples cited by Nitzan 1986: 61-78). formula uses pfr hdbr <1 ("the interpretation of it concerns";
These interpretations of alluded vv are also derived by the cf. IQpHab 10:9; 12:2, 12-13). A good illustration is
pesher's exegetical method. The fact that pesher-like char- !QpHab 6:8-10:
acteristics appear in various other literary forms indicates
that continuous or thematic pesharim were not the only THEREFORE HE DRAWS HIS SWORD CONTINUALLY TO
literary forms that employed the pesher-type exegesis. SLAUGHTER NATIONS AND HE HAS NO COMPASSION (Hab
I: 17]. Its interpretation concerns the Kittim, who de-
B. Nature and Structure of the Pesharim stroy many with the sword ...
Besides the pesharim, the members of the Qumran
community employed several other modes of biblical inter- When applied to activities the identification is introduced
pretation (Gabrion, ANRW 2/19/l: 779-848; Fishbane by the formula pirw 'fr ("its interpretation is that") or pfr
1988). However, it is the pesharim which are most typical hdbr '.fr ("the interpretation of it is that") + verb. A good
of the community. Their distinctive historical-eschatologi- illustration of this form is found in IQpHab 7:7-7:
cal subject matter and typical lemma-and-exposition form
reflect in a unique way the doctrines and attitudes of the FOR THERE IS YET A VISION CONCERNING THE APPOINTED
Qumran community. TIME. IT TESTIFIES TO THE END, AND IT WILL NOT DECEIVE
The Pesher on Habakkuk claims that the pesharim are of [Hab 2:3). Its interpretation is that the last end will be
divine origin. It states that "God divulged all the mysteries prolonged ... "
v • 249 PESHARIM, QUMRAN

The pesher unit may be elaborated by repeating a por- a contemporary figure or situation. The subject may be
tion of the citation and giving it a fresh interpretation. located in a noun, a verb, or a pronoun of the biblical text.
The subordinate character of such elaborations is indi- These identifications may appear to the modern reader to
cated by special introductory terms: the quotation is always be very arbitrary, but they are often based on an already
introduced by the formula w,fr ,mr ("and as for what he existing exegetical tradition. Thus, for instance, the equa-
said"; cf. IQpHab 6:2; 7:3; 9:3; 10:1-2) or hw' 'Sr 'mr tion of the Chaldeans with the Kittim goes back to a well-
("this is what he said"; cf. !QpHab 3:2, 14). Such repeated established exegesis (cf. Num 24:24 together with Isa
quotations are followed by additional identifications, again 23:12-13 and Dan 11:30; Brooke 1985: 328-29). Simi-
introduced by the term "pesher" (e.g., !QpHab 5:6-7; larly, the identification of the term "Lebanon" in Hab 2: 17
7:3-4). These identifications are in the form of nominal with the community (lQpHab 4: 12) rests on the traditional
sentences which repeat some terms from the quotation equation of Lebanon with the Temple (in the Targums
itself, and equate them with other, nonbiblical, terms. For tradition; cf. Brownlee 1956; Vermes 1961: 28). It is this
example, !QpHab 12:3-4 (on Hab 2: 17) reads: "for 'Leb- initial step of applying the ancient prophecy to a contem-
anon' is the council of the community, and the 'beasts' are porary situation that is the most difficult. This is often
the simple ones of Judah." done through symbolic or allegorical equations: the lion
The above formal patterns are employed, with slight of Habakkuk stands for a human king (4QpNah 3-4 i 1-
modifications, by all continuous pesharim (Brooke 1979- 6), the eschatological Jerusalem stands for the Qumran
80: 498-500; Horgan 1979: 239-44), with a single excep- community (4Qpisad), a reference to "a town" stands for
tion: 4Qpisac, which omits comment on some passages of "the town of vanity," namely, for a group of opponents led
its main Isaiah text, contains quotations from Jeremiah by the Spouter of Lies ( l QpNah l 0:9-10).
and Zechariah (Horgan 1979: 237-38). Having established the identification, the author sets out
The thematic pesharim also employ the basic patterns to relate the various details in the citation to the identified
of the continuous pesharim, with appropriate modifica- subject (the second step). In order to bridge the gap
tions. But unlike the continuous pesharim, they employ a between the literal meaning of the biblical prophecy and
combination of main text with subordinate ones. Thus, for the sense attributed to it in the pesher, the author will
example, 4QFlorilegium, like the continuous pesharim, indicate the presence of analogy, similarity, or identity
quotes the main text of 2 Samuel 7 without any introduc- between various elements of the two texts.
tory formula (1-2 i 10-11) because the main text had been Finally, the above aims are achieved by the application
cited explicitly in the initial section of the pesher (which of various exegetical techniques (the third step; see D
has not been preserved). As with the continuous pesharim, below).
the interpretation which follows the quotation is identifac- The exegetical steps described above, as well as their
tory, but takes the form of nominal equations (4QFlor 1- eschatological subject matter, though not always explicitly
2 i 2, 11) instead of a "pesher." This is followed by fresh formulated, are essential components of (and underlie all
quotations from other biblical books, considered by the forms of) pesharim. They are the distinctive features of
author to refer to the same exegetical subject. Since these the pesher-commentary. The presence or absence of these
quotations come from biblical books other than that of the constituents is, therefore, sufficient to decide if a work is
main text, their source is explicitly mentioned. These to be defined as a pesher or not. The occurrence of the
quotations are introduced by the term k'Sr ktwb ("as it is term "pesher" is important, but not indispensable, for such
written"; cf. 4QFlor 1-2 i 2, 12), a typical introductory a definition. We may find pesher-type works which do not
formula for scriptural prooftexts (also used in explicit employ the term "pesher," but employ other terminologi-
nonpesher quotations, chiefly in legal sections of Qumran cal equivalents to perform the same task (cf. 4QFlor 1-2 i
works; cf. CD 5:1-2; 11:10; IQS 5:15). These quotations 1-13). Conversely, the pesher exegetical method may be
are in turn interpreted as subordinate units (which repeat employed in a different literary form and with different
a quotation and introduce it with "and as for what he said" structural patterns (compare isolated pesharim and the
[4QFlor 1-2 i 7], or introduce nominal equation [4QFlor sobriquets; cf. also I Mace 7:16-17 commenting on Ps
1-2 i 12-13]). l lQMelch is too fragmentary to permit a 79:2-3; cf. Dimant 1988: 390-91).
full reconstruction of the structural patterns. The surviv- It should be noted, however, that two Qumranic texts
ing quotations are all introduced by formulas used to mark make a different use of the term "pesher": the text known
subordinate elaborations ("and as for what he said"; "this/ as 4Q0rdinances ( = 4Ql 5 9) 5: I, 5 uses the term to
as it is written"). The main quotation appears, therefore, introduce a pesher on a legal passage from the Pentateuch
to be missing. (Lev 16:1?). In another text, 4QJ80, the term "pesher"
introduces abstract themes later to be interpreted by
C. Literary Genre of the Pesharim means of pertinent quotations. This indicates that the use
The fact that the term "pesher" is not always used in the of the term "pesher" may have been wider than what can
pesharim indicates that the use of this term is not consti- be gathered from the evidence of the continuous and
tutive to the genre (Brooke 1979-80: 492). Rather, the thematic pesharim (Brownlee 1979: 28; Dimant 1979: 96).
structure, terminology, and exegetical purpose of the work What is the genre of the pesharim? A heated debate on
are of greater importance. The exegetical procedure un- this question was conducted in the years following their
derlymg each pesher-unit may be reconstructed as follows publication. It was argued that the pesher, serving as it
(similarly Brooke 1979-80: 497). does to disclose contemporary events presaged in ancient
The first step consists in locating within the biblical biblical prophecies, should not be termed "interpretation"
citation the subject of the exposition and identifying it with or "exposition" of scripture, for it does not aim at explain-
PESHARIM, QUMRAN 250. v
ing or clarifying biblical verses, but rather at disclosing all these corpora seems to indicate that the Qumranic
coming events (thus Rabinowitz 1973). Nevertheless, the pesher is not a unique phenomenon, but it must be placed
lemmatic structure and the exegetical techniques used by within the wider framework of Jewish exegesis of the
the pesharim link them firmly with other types of lemmatic Second Temple era.
commentaries, such as the rabbinic midrashim and the
commentaries of Philo. Some scholars have, in fact, classi- Bibliography
fied the pesher as a sort of Qumranic midrash (Brownlee Allegro, J. M. 1968. Qumran Cave 4 I (4Ql58-4QJ86). DJD 5.
1979; Brooke 1985). Other scholars have discovered an Oxford.
affinity between the pesharim and the interpretation of Amoussine, J. D. 1963. Ephraim et Manasse dans le Pesher de
dreams as practiced in the ANE and as evidenced in the Nahum (4Qp Nahum). RQ 4: 389-96.
biblical stories of Joseph (Gen 40-41) and Daniel (chaps. Baumgarten, J. M. 1977. The Duodecimal Courts of Qumran,
2-6). The pesharim, like the interpretation of dreams, aim Revelation and the Sanhendrin. Pp. 145-71 in Studies in Qum-
at revealing future events alluded to in visions, and do so ran Law. Leiden.
by similar exegetical means (Rabinowitz 1973: 230-32; Brooke, G. J. 1979-80. Qumran Pesher: Towards the Redefinition
Finkel 1963-64). of a Genre. RQ 10: 483-503.
But although the pesher has some affinity with all these - - . 1985. Exegesis at Qumran. Sheffield.
literary forms, and especially with the prophetic dreams Brownlee, W. H. 1951. Biblical Interpretation Among the Sectaries
and apocalyptic visions, it has a distinct form, distinct aims, of the Dead Sea Scrolls. BA 14: 54-76.
and a distinct background. The distinctiveness of the - - . 1956. The Habakkuk Midrash and the Targum of Jona-
Qumranic pesharim lies in their peculiar structure and than.j}S 7: 169-86.
terminology, and in their systematic application of the - - . 1979. The Midrash Pesher of Habakkuk. Missoula.
biblical text to the historical circumstances of the commu- Bruce, F. F. 1960. Biblical Exegesis in the Qumran Texts. London.
nity itself. The immediate purpose of the pesharim is to Cross, F. M. 1972. Introduction. Pp. 1-5 in Trever and Cross 1972.
vindicate the Teacher of Righteousness and his followers - - . 1980. The Ancient Library ofQumran. Grand Rapids.
in their struggle against their opponents, to strengthen Delcor, M. 1951. Le Midrash d'Habacuc. RB 58: 521-48.
the adherents' faith and their powers of endurance, and to Dimant, D. 1979. The 'Pesher on the Periods' (4Ql80) and 4Ql81.
inspire them with hope for the future (Brownlee 1979: /OS 9: 77-99.
35-36). The Qumranic pesher should, therefore, be con- - - . 1986. 4QFlorilegium and the Idea of the Community as
sidered as a commentary of a special kind. Temple. Pp. 165-89 in Hellenica etjudaica: Hommage A Valentin
Nikipr(lUJfltzky, ed. A. Caquot et al. Paris.
D. Exegetical Method Used by the Pesharim - - . 1988. Use and Interpretation of Mikra in the Apocrypha
The pesher's strict formal distinction between the bibli- and Pseudepigrapha. Pp. 379-419 in Mikra, ed. M. J. Moulder.
cal lemma and its interpretation indicates the interpreter's CRINT 3/1. Assen.
main task: to extract the desired sense from the biblical Dupont-Sommer, A. 1980. Les Ecrit Esseniens. Paris.
citation by indicating the analogy and similarity between Elliger, K. 1953. Studien zum Habakuk-Kommentar uom Toten Meer.
the text and the community's situation. To accomplish this Tiibingen.
a number of exegetical techniques were used (Elliger 1953: Finkel, A. 1963-64. The Pesher of Dreams and Scriptures. RQ 4:
130-48; Brownlee 1951; Bruce 1960: 11-18; Horgan 357-40.
1979: 244-49; Brooke 1985: 279-352; Nitzan 1986: 39- Fishbane, M. 1988. Use, Authority and Interpretation of Mikra at
79): Qumran. Pp. 339-77 in Mikra, ed. M. J. Moulder. CRINT 2/1.
(I) modeling the interpretation on the syntactic and Assen.
lexical patterns of the citation (cf. 4QFlor 1-2 i 1-13; Flusser, D. 1965. Qumran und die Zwolf. Pp. 134-46 in Initiation,
Dimant 1986: 174); ed. C. J. Bleeker. Supp Numen 10. Leiden.
(2) using, in the pesher, lexical synonyms of words - - . 1970. Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes in Pesher Nahum.
occurring in the biblical citation; Pp. 133-68 in Essays in Jewish History and Philology in Memory of
(3) punning on words of the citation (paranomasia); Gedaliahu Alon, ed. M. Dorman et al. Tel Aviv (in Hebrew).
(4) atomizing; Horgan, M. P. 1979. Pesharim: Qumran Interpretations of Biblical Books.
(5) vocalizing or grouping the consonants of words in
CBQMS B. Washington.
the citation in a different way; and
Jonge, M. de, and van der Woude, A. S. 1965-66. l lQMelchizedek
(6) adducing other biblical quotations which share one
and the New Testament. NTS 12: 301-26.
or more terms with the main citation.
Kobelski, P. J. 1981. Melchizedek and Melchire!ac. CBQMS 10. Wash-
These procedures have close parallels in the rabbinic
midrashim, in early biblical versions, and in early apoca- ington.
Milik, J. T. 1959. Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of ]udaea.
lyptic literature. It is, therefore, often asserted that they
are identical with the techniques used in the rabbinic Trans. J. Strugnell. London.
midrashim (Silberman 1961-62; Slomovic 1969-71; - - . 1972. Milki-$edeq et Milki-refac dans Jes anciens ecrits juifs
Brooke 1985: 154-55, 283-92). These procedures, et chretiens.]JS 23: 95-144.
though similar, are nevertheless not identical; they are Murphy-O'Connor, J. 1974. The Essenes and their History. RB Bl:
used in widely different texts, different in character, pe- 215-44.
riod, and social background. Identity cannot, therefore, Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 1976. Simon-A Priest with a Reputation for
be established until further research is carried out. How- Faithfulness. BASOR 223: 67-68.
ever, the affinity between the exegetical methods used in Nitzan, B. 1986. Pesher Habakkuk. Jerusalem (in Hebrew).
v • 251 PETER

Puech, E. 1987. Notes sur le manuscrit de llQMelkisedeq. RQ 12: the Pauline letters represent the earliest extant literature
483-513. in the canonical NT but they also contain references to
Qimron, E., and Strugnell, J. 1985. An Unpublished Halakhic Peter which predate considerably the time of their writing.
Letter from Qumran. Pp. 400-7 in Biblical ArchMolcp;y Today. However, when Paul relates such meetings with Peter, he
Jerusalem. does so in a context which is intended to reinforce his
Rabinowitz, I. 1973. Pesher/Pittaron. RQ 8: 219-32. apostleship and his understanding of the gospel.
Schwartz, D. R. 1979. The Three Temples of 4QFlorilegium. RQ According to the evidence in Galatians and 1 Corinthi-
10: 83-91. ans, Paul sees Peter serving at least four important func-
Silberman, L. H. 1961-62. Unriddling the Riddle: A Study in the tions: (1) Peter is the first-named witness to whom the
Structure and Language of the Habakkuk Pesher (IQpHab). risen Christ appeared according to the list in 1 Cor 15:5;
RQ 3: 323-64. (2) Peter was a source of tradition about Jesus if one accepts
Slomovic, E. 1969-71. Towards an Understanding of the Exegesis historesai in Gal 1: 18 as meaning that Paul went up to
in the Dead Sea Scrolls. RQ 7: 3-15. Jerusalem "to get information [about Jesus] from Cephas;"
Stegemann, H. 1963-64. Der Pe~er Psalm 37 aus Hohle 4 von (3) Peter served as a leader in Jerusalem during the time
Qumran (4QpPs37). RQ 4: 235-70. of the Christian Paul's first visit (Gal 1: 18) and continued
- - . 1967-69. Weitere Stucke von 4 QpPsalms 37, von 4 Q to have a position of importance during Paul's second visit
Patriarchal Blessing und Hinweis auf eine unedierete Hand- (Gal 2: 1-10); (4) Peter participated in the apostolate to the
schrift aus Hohle 4 Q mit Exzerpten aus dem Deuteronom- circumcised as Paul did in the apostolate to the uncircum-
ium. RQ 6: 193-227. cised (Gal 2:8).
- - . 1971. Die Entstehung der Qumrangemeinde (privately pub- I. Galatians. In order to understand Paul's assertions
lished). about Cephas (Paul uses the name "Cephas" in Gal 1: 18;
Strugnell, J. 1969-71. Notes en marge du volume V des 'Discover- 2:9, 11, 14 and in 1 Cor 1: 12; 3:22; 9:5; 15:5, but the
ies in the Judaean Desert of Jordan.' RQ 7: 163-276. name "Peter" only in Gal 2:7-8) it is necessary to under-
Talmon, S. 1965. The Calendar Reckoning of the Sect from the stand what factors in the Galatian controversy prompted
Judaean Desert. ScrHier 4: 162-99. Paul to include references to him. Since it is unlikely that
Trever, J. C., and Cross, F. M. 1972. Scrolls from Qumran Cave I. Paul believed Peter himself was causing the difficulty in
Jerusalem. Galatia by preaching "a different gospel" ( 1:6) the solution
Vermes, G. 1961. Lebanon. Pp. 26-39 in Scripture and Tradition in must lie elsewhere. According to one explanation Paul's
Judaism. SPB 4. Leiden. primary opponents were Judaizers who were incorrectly
- - . 1981. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Qumran in Perspective. Philadel- invoking the name of Peter in support of their position.
phia. That the Gaiatians understood Peter as an authority fig-
Yadin, Y. 1971. Pesher Nahum (4QpNahum) Reconsidered. IE] 21: ure, either because of his personal apostolate or because
1-12. of the significance of Jerusalem, is suggested by Gal 1: 18.
1983. The Temple Scroll. 3 vols. Jerusalem. However one may wish to define the specific profile of
DEVORAH DIMANT these Judaizers this much is clear: that their "different
gospel" included such Jewish practices as circumcision
(5:1-6) and the celebration of feasts according to the
PESHITTA. See VERSIONS, ANCIENT (SYRIAC); Jewish calendar (4: 10). Thus, on the one hand, Paul refers
CHRISTIANITY (SYRIA). to Cephas in terms of past history: at Jerusalem (Gal 2: 1-
10) and at Antioch (Gal 2: 11-14) Peter had been involved
in two of Paul's prior confrontations with Judaizers, and in
PESTILENCE. See SICKNESS AND DISEASE; PAL- each of them he refused to capitulate to those demands
ESTINE, CLIMATE OF. which would have imposed Jewish practices on gentile
converts. On the other hand, this review of the past serves
to refute the attempt of the Galatian Judaizers in associat-
PETER (PERSON) [Gk Petros]. Var. SIMON PETER; ing their position with that of Peter and those "who were
SIMON; CEPHAS. The most prominent of the 12 disciples men of repute" (2:2) at Jerusalem. Thus, for example, the
of Jesus. fact that "those who were of repute" extended to Paul and
Barnabas "the right hand of fellowship" (2:9) would cer-
A. Pauline Letters tainly weaken the claim of the Galatians. Paul, then, rejects
B. Book of Acts the legalistic mentality common to the groups in Jerusa-
C. Gospel of Mark lem, Antioch, and Galatia.
D. Gospel of Matthew In order to determine Paul's perception of Peter, three
E. Gospel of Luke encounters between the two must be taken into considera-
F. Gospel of John tion: (1) Gal 1:18, Paul's initial visit to Jerusalem and
G. The Petrine Epistles meeting with Peter; (2) Gal 2:1-10, Paul's second visit to
H. The Apocryphal Writings Jerusalem concerning the circumcision issue; and, (3) Gal
2: l lff., Paul's rebuke of Peter at Antioch.
A. Pauline Letters With regard to the first of these meetings, one meaning
There are undisputed references to Peter in 1 Corinthi- of the verb historesai is "to gather information from some-
ans and Galatians; some would hold that there are also one" and it is possible that Paul received information about
veiled references to Peter in 2 Corinthians. Not only do Jesus during this visit, perhaps including the Risen Christ's
PETER 252 • v
appearance to Cephas (I Cor 15:5). Concerning the sec- brothers of the Lord and Cephas?", unfortunately does
ond visit to Jerusalem, P-aul went privately to "those who not help decide this issue since this verse can be used on
were of repute [ ... ] lest somehow I should be running or both sides of the argument. However this matter may be
had run in vain" (2:2). Critical is how one is to understand ~ecide~ there is a likely consensus that the Cephas-party
this latter phrase. Paul may have regarded himself inferior m Cormth does not necessarily reflect the views of Peter
to these Jerusalem authorities, including Peter, and was any more than the Paul-party accurately reflected the
concerned that if Jerusalem did not approve of his policy views of Paul.
in not circumcising gentile converts he might be doctri- In l Cor 15:5 a different set of problems is encountered.
nally "running in vain." Or P-aul may not have been con- Verse 5 is set in a very carefully structured context which
cerned about winning the doctrinal approval of the au- continues through 15:8: "And that he appeared: [l] to
thorities in Jerusalem but rather much more concerned in Cephas, [2] then to the Twelve; [3] and then he appeared
bringing clarity to the political intrigues which had been to more than 500 brethren at one time, and then he
launched against his policies. The degree of authority appared: [4] to James, [5] then to all the apostles; [6] last
which P-aul attached to Peter is conditioned by the inter- of all, as to one irregularly born, he appeared also to me."
pretation of this phrase. At the very least, one may say that Most would agree that these verses contain an early
P-aul took these leaders seriously even if he did not under- tradition that the first appearance of the resurrected
stand them to be his ecclesiastical superiors. With regard Christ was to Cephas, a tradition that is consonant with
to the final encounter at Antioch it is probable that P-aul is that in Luke 24:34; by Paul's own admission the appear-
not challenging the person of Peter but rather the fact that ance to him was the "last of all." Other than these chrono-
Peter acted without principle with regard to the "truth of logical references, few would assert that the entire list as
the gospel." The main issue is that Peter was not drawing we have it before us follows any chronological order. The
consistent consequence from the one and only gospel (1:7; problem is twofold: ( l) Where does the pre-Pauline tradi-
2:14). tion end and where does Pauline redaction begin; (2) how
This incident at Antioch raises another set of interesting do the two groupings of three relate to one another?
questions concerning possible changes in the relationship Concerning the first issue the question arises whether the
between Peter and Paul and between Peter, James, and fact that Jesus appeared originally belonged to a pre-Pauline
John. With regard to the former, does the phrase "I formula or derives from Paul himself. Also, were the
opposed him to his face" mean that P-aul opposed "even names of Cephas and the Twelve already in the pre-Pauline
Peter," in the sense of implying Peter's superiority? Or formula or did Paul add these names? Even if the latter
does P-aul's challenge of Peter face to face suggest an should be the case he was dependent on earlier tradition
increasing self-assurance on Paul's part? Read in this way, for information about those to whom the Risen Jesus
one could understand 1: 18 as suggesting Paul as inferior appeared. Concerning the second problem, several solu-
to Peter; 2:7-8 indicating that both are equal; and 2: 11- tions have been offered-none without difficulty, however.
21 implying Paul's superiority as a result of his ability to Some suggest that the first three appearances (Cephas, the
confront Peter. If such a tentative interpretation is fol- Twelve, more than 500 brethren) represent those who had
lowed, one could argue for a shift in power. With regard been Jesus' followers during his lifetime; the second three
to the latter point (Peter's relation to James and John), it is appearances (James, all the apostles, Paul) were directed to
also possible, more convincingly, to suggest a change in more recent followers of Jesus. Another suggestion under-
this relationship. In 1:18-19, Cephas is named before stands the first group as a "church-founding" appearance
James; in 2:9 James is mentioned before Peter and John. and the second as a "mission-inaugurating" one. Another
Thus, at least by the time Paul writes Galatians, fames, and explanation wishes to see rival lists reflected in these
not Peter as was the case during P-aul's first visit, is recog- groupings, a suggestion that coheres with the thesis of a
nized as the major figure in Jerusalem. shift in power as reviewed in the discussion of Galatians.
2. I Corinthians. Cephas is referred to in l: 12, 3:22, Still others would explain these lists as duplicate reports of
9:5, and 15:5. The first two references involve the ten- the same appearances with James substituted for Cephas
dency toward division in Corinth (those belonging to Paul, and "all the apostles" substituted for the Twelve. Finally, if
to Apollos, and to Cephas) and they raise the question Paul is dependent on tradition it may be that these lists
whether Peter had ever been in Corinth. That he engaged have no functional significance as he uses them in 1 Cur
in missionary activity is made clear by Gal 2:7-8, 11 but 15:5-8. If a functional significance is to be found one
also by Acts 1-12 where Peter is active in Samaria, Lydda, should look to l Cor 15: l I: "Whether then it was l or
Joppa, and Caesarea. That he was in Corinth is possible; they, so we preach and so you believed." Whatever differ-
in that case the existence of a Peter-party in Corinth ences may have existed between Paul and the others,
included those who were converted by him during the whether Christ appeared to them first or last, is irrelevant
time that he preached there. However, other cogent expla- since they all preach the same gospel. By underscoring this
nations have been put forth, viz., that the Corinthians, in harmony in the apostolic preaching Paul wishes to show
an attempt to end the in-fighting decided to appeal to a the absurdity of the party rivalries and tendency toward
higher earthly authority, Cephas. The reference to Christ division present in the Corinthian church.
would then be understood similarly. Or, the Cephas-party 3. 2 Corinthians. Although there are no specific refer-
might have included those baptized by him in Palestine ences to Peter in 2 Corinthians, there are, nevertheless,
and who subsequently migrated to Corinth. Paul's refer- some scholars who detect indirect references in this prob-
ence to Peter in l Cor 15:5, "Do we not have the right to ably composite letter. In 10:7 Paul argues: "If someone is
be accompanied by a wife, as the other apostles and the confident that he is Christ's, let him remind himself that
v • 253 PETER

we are Christ's as much as he is." Again in 11:4-5: "If With regard to the first difficulty, two explanations are
someone comes who proclaims another Jesus, not the Jesus possible. First, that Peter's conversion of the Roman cen-
whom we proclaim [ ... ] you submit to it readily enough. turion Cornelius at Caesarea Maritima is a historical fact
But I think that I am not least inferior to these superlative incorporated by Luke into a theological context and that
apostles." According to the interpretation under consider- this incident was then recalled at the Jerusalem conference
ation, this "someone" is Peter and it is he who is causing where the issue of Paul's large-scale conversion of gentiles
the difficulties in Corinth. Thus it is necessary for Paul to was the subject of discussion. A second explanation is that
refute him in sharp and polemical language. This view is the entire scene is a creation of Lukan theology, viz., that
usually rejected because it is based on a speculative identi- the mission to the gentiles had to have the approval of the
fication of vague references in 2 Corinthians and because Twelve and that Peter's action serves as the legitimation of
it runs counter to the neutral, if not favorable, interpretion the decision recounted in Acts 15 that the gentiles did not
of Peter in I Corinthians. need to be circumcised. Common to both views is that the
editorial hand of Luke is evident in this text and that God
B. Book of Acts intended salvation to be extended to the gentiles ( 10: 18)
This review of Peter in the NT attempts to follow a through Peter's conversion of Cornelius. Not unimportant
chronological sequence with the exception of the books of is that Paul's first missionary journey only takes place after
Acts. There are two primary reasons for departing from this event.
chronological order: first, the book of Acts describes activ- The second difficulty with this text is its relationship to
ities of Peter roughly contemporaneous with those men- Gal 2:7-8. How does Peter's conversion of Cornelius and
tioned by Paul; and second, even though Acts is "volume his statement in Acts 15:7, "God made choice among you
two" of Luke's portrait of primitive Christianity, to have that by my mouth the gentiles should hear the word of the
discussed Acts after Luke's gospel would effectively break gospel and believe," relate to the conclusion found in Gal
the sequence of reviewing the portrait of Peter in all four 2:7 that "Peter had been entrusted with the gospel to the
gospels. However, this treatment of Acts after the Pauline circumcised." One resolution is to acknowledge a contra-
letters does not suggest that Acts is a consistently reliable diction. Another would be to note that Gal 2:9 does not
historical source of the events Luke describes. Luke is a contrast Peter and Paul on a one-to-one basis, but rather
theologian who shapes early traditions for his literary each is part of a larger mission team; this suggests a more
purposes. One of the chief problems in the study of Acts complicated missionary pattern. One also needs to take
is the discrimination between Lukan redaction and Lukan into account the fact that Luke prefaces and modifies the
sources. Even more difficult is to move behind both source Petrine inauguration of the gentile mission by describing
and redaction to the historical level. Despite these prob- that there were missionaries to the gentiles before either
lems an attempt will be made to describe both Luke's Paul or Peter and that Luke records in Acts 8 the mission-
understanding of Peter and, where possible, that of the ary activity of Philip among the Samaritans and Philip's
sources used by Luke. baptism of an Ethiopian eunuch, as well as the fact that in
The following functions of Peter (Luke prefers the name Acts 10:2 it is emphasized that Cornelius was "a devout
"Peter," using "Simon" in Acts only in 10:5, 18, 32, and man who feared God." Thus, as a "God-fearer" he was
"Cephas" not at all) are brought to prominence in Acts: already positively inclined toward Judaism and an obser-
(1) Peter is first mentioned in the post-resurrectional list vant of some Jewish practices. This last view would suggest
of the Eleven in Acts 1: 13; (2) Peter guides the process that Peter's missionary relationship to gentiles might be
leading to the election of Matthias to fill the place left different from that of Paul insofar as it does not involve
vacant by Judas (Acts 1: 15-26); (3) Peter is a preacher both the conversion of large numbers of gentiles who had no
within the Jerusalem church and as a missionary to those previous attachment to Judaism.
outside (Acts 2:14-36; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 10:34- The second significant matter which needs to be exam-
43); (4) Peter is a miracle worker and, as in the case of ined is the relationship of Peter to the Jerusalem church.
Paul, some of these miracles resemble those of Jesus as In Acts 8:14, 9:32, and 15:6-7, 22-23, Peter and the
presented in the gospels (Acts 3: 1-10; 5: 1-11, 15; 9:32- Jerusalem apostles are mentioned at significant points in
42); (5) Peter is the object of miraculous divine care and the development of the Christian missionary strategy. Who
receives visionary or heavenly guidance (Acts 5: 17-21; is supervising this development? Peter? The Jerusalem
10:9-48; 12:6-11); and (6) Peter is a spokesman for the church? If the latter, who is in charge? A review of the
Jerusalem community (Acts 8: 14-25; 11: 1-18 [where Paul evidence in Acts would suggest the following possible mod-
has to defend the actions described in the previous text to els of church leadership involving Jerusalem:
the entire community]; 15:7-11). (I) Peter and the other members of the Twelve were
Three significant matters in Acts need to examined involved with a Christian missionary strategy far more
more closely. The first of these is Acts 10:1-11:18 which extensive than just Jerusalem. Peter was not a local church
discusses the issue of Peter and the conversion of the leader, and once the Jerusalem church grew to the point
gentiles. The problem in this text is twofold: (1) How much of requiring consistent administrative leadership this role
of this account is historical and how much is the result of was assumed by James, the brother of the Lord. He contin-
Luke's theological program? (2) What is the relationship ued in Jerusalem even after Peter and the others were no
of Peter's apparent precedence in, if indeed not his inau- longer present either because of missionary journeys or
guration of, the gentile mission to Paul's statement in Gal death. The authority of James extended only to the Jeru-
2:7-8 that he, Paul, had been entrusted with the gospel to salem church; however, he was more widely known because
the uncircumcised? of his relationship to Jesus. Paul's regard for James would
PETER 254. v
.have been for him as a local church leader and his primary whether such a letter was ever sent by the Jerusalem
loyalty would have been to the Jerusalem church as a whole gath_e~ing. It is likely that Luke had at his disposal a
because of its historical priority as the "mother church." trad1uon that the Jerusalem leaders together with Paul had
(2) Although Peter was widely known because of his reached an agreement and a tradition that from an early
relationship with the ministry of Jesus, he was essentially a period gentiles in mixed Christian communities had to
local church leader in Jerusalem. At some latter point observe certain Jewish regulations concerning impurity so
James took Peter's place as the leader of the Jerusalem that fellowship might exist with the Jewish Christians.
church. Neither had a role as leader in the churches Although what has just been outlined represents a posi-
beyond Jerusalem. tion frequently found in the literature, there are many
(3) Peter was a leader in the universal church centered alternatives. One such alternative, by way of example,
in Jerusalem. This position of universal leadership, with would take seriously the redactional creativity of Luke
the exception of his apostleship, was transferred at some while asserting the essentially reliability of the underlaying
latter point to James. historical data. It suggests that Acts 15 conflates two Jeru-
Whichever hypothesis one finds most convincing, each salem meetings: the one is represented by Peter's address
seems to support the thesis that Galatians 2 suggests a shift in Acts 15:6-l l and that this coheres with Paul's descrip-
in leadership (however narrowly or widely one may wish to tion in Gal 2: 1-l O; the other meeting took place later and
define this) from Peter to James. As one turns to Acts 15 was provoked by controversies about meals jointly shared
this understanding of Galatians 2 also gains support: there by gentile and Jewish Christians. An example of such an
one observes that Peter speaks first (15:7-11) and that the argument can be found in Gal 2: 11-14. As a result of such
final persuasive words are spoken by James ( 15: 12-31 ). unrest, James and the Jerusalem church issued the four
The third and last significant area that needs to be regulations described in Acts 15:20 and 29. Paul was not
reviewed is the important chapter dealing with Peter and present at this second meeting and he may, therefore, not
the gathering in Jerusalem, Acts 15. The problems as well have known of these regulations or, perhaps, they were
as the proposed solutions are myriad. The issue which addressed only to that area for which the Jerusalem church
calls forth the gathering of the apostles and elders is the had jurisdiction. By placing the confrontation between
assertion by certain persons from Judea who insisted that Paul and Peter prior to this second meeting, a number of
"Unless you are circumcised according to the custom of the tensions between Acts 15 and Galatians 2 are resolved.
Moses, you cannot be saved" (15:1). In partial agreement The fact that there are no further references to Peter in
with the position outline in Gal 2:7-9, Peter, James, the the book of Acts, which for the historian is regrettable, is
apostles and the elders take a stand for freedom, not due to Luke's primary interest in portraying the mission-
requiring that gentile Christians be subject to circumcision ary advance of the early church. Luke's literary plan moves
and the whole law, "It has seemed good to the Holy Spirit from Jerusalem and from Peter (Acts l-15) to the gentile
and to us to lay upon you no greater burden than these churches of Asia Minor/Greece/Rome and to Paul (Acts
necessary things" (15:28). Even though Luke stresses the 16-28). This author is also concerned to show the links
theme of "accord" (homthymadon) in 15:25, there are differ- between the late !st-century churches and the early pe-
ences in the position of Peter and James. While Peter riod. Thus Acts begins in Jerusalem with the twelve apos-
recommended to the "council" no circumcision or law tles (Acts 2:37), with particular emphasis on Peter and
based on the precedent of his conversion of Cornelius, John, continues on with "the apostles and the elders" (Acts
James urges a few regulations to be observed by the gen- 15:6, 22; 16:4) and finally to "James and all the elders"
tiles. Not only did James concede less than Peter did on (Acts 21: 18). For the purposes of his theological perspec-
this issue, the apostles and elders followed James in their tive, it is Paul who is the key figure in this latter period,
decision to enforce these regulations in a letter to those and it is he who is the missionary successor to Peter-the
"who are of the gentiles in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia" one who had played such a dominant role in the founda-
(15:23). Thus in Luke's presentation all play a decisive tional period of the early church in Jerusalem.
role: Peter through his witness; James in his judgment;
and, the apostles and elders in their letter of enforcement.
C. Gospel of Mark
One of the difficulties in using chap. 15 as a straightfor- Most contemporary NT scholars assert that Mark was
ward historical account of the events is one we have en- the first gospel written and that Matthew and Luke used it
countered earlier: the difficulty in determining what be- as a source. Further, it is almost universally held that the
longs to Luke's sources and what results from his redaction
Gospels are multidimensional, viz., they contain various
of earlier materials. A few illustrations will suggest the
levels of tradition: (1) materials and redaction stemming
complexity of the issue. If one accepts the dominant schol-
from the gospel writer; (2) written or oral pre-gospel
arly view that Acts 15 corresponds to the events described
by Paul in Gal 2:1-10, how should one understand the sources and traditions; and, (3) material that is derived
four regulations of Acts 15:20-29 (abstention from the from the historical Jesus. Although it is not always possible
pollution of idols, from unchastity, from what is strangled, to distinguish these levels with great certainty, the attempt
and from blood) which are not mentioned by Paul. Fur- is necessary and is bound to affect not only one's under-
ther, how could Paul dispute with Peter at Antioch (Gal standing of Mark's intention and theology but also_ Mark's
2:11-14) if these regulations had been sent to the church interpretation of the role of Peter. For e~ample, 1s Mark
at Antioch with Paul and Barnabas? Such inconsistencies pro-Petrine, and anti-Petrine, both, or neither? In accept-
between the two accounts lead many scholars to question ing these presuppositions of the historical-critical meth?d:
the historical reliability of the Lukan portrait and even contemporary scholarship places little value on Pap1as
v • 255 PETER

statement that Mark was "Peter's interpreter" and that he and John 6:66-71 and have suggested that Mark may have
was dependent on Peter's testimony. altered and adopted a pre-Markan tradition, especially at
In Mark 3: 16 the evangelist refers to "Simon whom he 8:27b.
surnamed Peter." Thereafter Peter is the dominant name If Peter did in fact make a confession that Jesus was
(eighteen times) for this disciple with only one reference Messiah he probably understood that term in a way conso-
to "Simon" thereafter (14:37; prior to 3:16 also in 1:16, nant with that of intertestamental Judaism, viz., as the
29, 30, 36). anointed king of the House of David who would come and
The following general picture of Peter emerges in deliver Israel from its enemies and establish a world em-
Mark's gospel: Simon and his brother Andrew were fish- pire characterized by peace and justice. That some under-
ermen on the Sea of Galilee where Jesus called them as his stood Jesus' role in such a regal way is confirmed by his
first disciples to follow him and become fishers of men crucifixion as a would-be Messiah king.
(1:16-18). At the house of Simon and Andrew in Caper- Jesus' charge to his disciples not to tell anyone about
naum, Jesus healed Simon's mother-in-law (1:29-31). Fol- him (8:30) and the prediction that the Son of Man must
lowing additional healings in Capernaum, Simon, together suffer, be killed, and be raised after three days (8:31) is
with others, report to Jesus that people were seeking him generally thought to stem from Markan redaction al-
(1:35-38). Of the Twelve appointed by Jesus the first of though, especially with regard to the latter, it is quite
these in the list of their names is Simon "whom he sur- possible that Mark was drawing upon an earlier tradition
named Peter" (3:14-16). When Jesus revived the ruler's concerning the passion of Jesus. Further, there is much
daughter he permitted only Peter, James, and John to agreement that Peter's refusal to accept the suffering of
follow him. This is the first of three traditional scenes (cf. the Son of Man, Jesus' rebuke of Peter (8:32-33), and the
9:2-13 and 13:3-8) involving an "inner group" of thtee unfavorable reaction of Peter to Jesus, all in their present
disciples (but in 13:3-8 Andrew is also included in this wording and location stem from the hand of the evangelist.
group) among the Twelve (5:37). Peter's confession on the However, Jesus' rebuke of Peter in 8:33, "Get behind me,
way to Caesarea Philippi that Jesus is the "Messiah" and Satan! For you are not on the side of God, but of men,"
Jesus' subsequent rebuke of Peter referring to him as may well be a traditional saying which contains a historical
"Satan" (8:27-33). The transfiguration of Jesus before reminiscence. In such an understanding, Peter's mis-
Peter, James, and John. Peter "did not know what to say" guided confession and Jesus' rebuke suggest a picture of
and offered to make 3 booths for Jesus, Moses, and Elijah Peter marked by bungling enthusiasm.
(9:2-13). Peter, somewhat perplexed, responds to Jesus, This pericope and the general portrait of Peter outlined
"Lo, we have left everything and followed you," to which above raise the question of Mark's intention. ls his picture
Jesus responds with a word of promise concerning this life of Peter essentially a negative or a positive one? At several
and the age to come (10:28-30). As Peter and the others points Peter serves as a spokesman for others, and there
pass by the fig tree which Jesus had cursed on the previous are three scenes where he appears with James and John as
day ( 11: 12-14) he remarks, "Master, look! The fig tree constituting an "inner group." And yet, there are other
which you cursed has withered" (I I :21). Peter, James, scenes in which Peter is portrayed as the embodiment of
John, and Andrew ask Jesus privately when the temple the disciples failure, as for example in 14:50 where all the
buildings would be destroyed, a question which gives occa- disciples forsake Jesus and flee but only Peter's denial is
sion to Jesus' apocalyptic discourse (13:3-8). Despite Pe- singled out and underscored. ls Mark hostile to Peter and
ter's assertions to the contrary, Jesus predicted that Peter does he seek to highlight his failings? Or, is Mark empha-
would deny him three times that very night (14:27-31). At sizing the prominence of Peter in order to rehabilitate his
Gethsemane, Jesus took Peter, James, and John and shared memory and counter attacks made by a larger anti-Petrine
with them his great distress. Asking them to remain and movement? One popular view suggests that Mark's gospel
watch, he went further to pray. Upon his return he found is an effort to counteract a theios aner christology in Mark's
them sleeping and said to Peter, "Simon, are you asleep? community. In this effort the disciples are portrayed as
Could you not watch one hour?" Twice again Jesus leaves holding the view that Jesus was predominantly a miracle-
only to return to a similar situation (14:32-42). Following worker. Mark has Jesus correct this view by insisting on a
Jesus' arrest, Peter followed him at a distance into the theology of suffering. According to this understanding of
courtyard of the high priest. Having denied Jesus three Mark's theology, Peter is presented by the evangelist as the
times prior to the cock crowing a second time, Peter spokesman of an erroneous christology. This later view of
remembered Jesus' prediction and broke down and wept Mark's theological intention would see Mark 8:27-33 as a
(14:54-72). A young man dressed in a white robe sitting classic example of Peter's role as a spokesman for an
on the right side of the tomb where Jesus had been laid, erroneous christology which must be rejected. However,
announces to the women who had come to anoint him, there are other scholars who would understand Mark's
"But go, tell his disciples and Peter that he is going before insertion of 8:31 not as a rejection of Peter's confession
you to Galilee; there you will see him, as he told you" but as a corrective through the addition of the theme of
(16:7). suffering. Peter's confession is inadequate and must be
I. Peter's Confession of Jesus as Messiah (8:27-33). corrected in this way. Thus, Jesus does not rebuke Peter
The question of the historicity of this pericope is a difficult for his confession of him as Messiah but for tempting Jesus
one and the opinions of scholars vary. Unfortunately, since with an understanding of messiahship that does not rec-
Matthew a.nd. Luke are. dependent on Mark, these gospels ognize the suffering and death of Jesus.
do not assist m evaluating this question. Some have noted 2. A Post-Resurrectional Message to Peter (16:7). A
a general sequential parallel between this Markan account young man sitting in the tomb speaks to the women: "But
PETER 256 • v
.go, tell his disciples and Peter that he is going before you 1. Jesus Rescues Peter (14:28-31). Matthew modifies
to Galilee; there you will see him, as he told you." This Mark 6:45-52 (for example, the omission of Jesus' inten-
verse is paralleled in both Matthew and Luke, although tion of passing by the disciples) and adds the material now
only Mark explicitly refers to Peter. Such a reference to found in Matt 14:28-3 l. As a result, there is a more
Peter can be interpreted either positively or negatively positive picture of the disciples. The Markan scene ends
depending on one's understanding of Mark's overall inten- with words of amazement: "for they did not understand
tion. If, as many scholars agree, 16:7 is a redactional insert about the loaves, but their hearts were hardened." Follow-
(note the tension between verses 7 and 8: in v 7 the women ing Jesus' rescue of Peter, both get into the boat and those
are told to go to the disciples and Peter with a message in the boat worship Jesus saying, "Truly, you are [the] Son
and according to v 8 they said nothing to anyone), it is of God." Since there are no parallels for the Matthean
possible that this verse allows for a post-resurrectional material the question of source and historical value are
appearance and even the fact that Mark was aware of a difficult to evaluate. Certain similarities can be noted with
tradition that the risen Jesus had appeared first to Peter the scene in John 21 :7-8 where Peter rushes from the boat
(according to this interpretation Mark means, "Tell the to Jesus who stands on the shore of the Sea of Tiberias.
disciples, especially Peter"). Obviously such an interpreta- There one finds the same basic pattern of leaving the boat
tion would present Peter in a most positive light: he was in a context of hesitation concerning the identity of Jesus
one of the most important witnesses of the risen Jesus. and the confession of Jesus as "Lord." The suggestion that
However, there are those scholars who insist that 16:7 we may have here a post-resurrectional appearance (mod-
refers not to a post-resurrectional appearance but to the ified and retrojected by Matthew back to a point in the life
parousia. Since such appearances are linked with a theios of the historical Jesus) is a plausible one: the theme of
aner christology Mark wishes to counteract such traditions Peler as a man of little faith who sinks and has to be saved
with an emphasis on the parousia in Galilee when his by Jesus coheres well with an appearance of the risen Jesus
disciples will Jesus return as the Son of Man. Such a to Peter following his denial.
perspective would interpret this specific reference to Peter In this scene Peter is portrayed as a disciple who has
negatively: Mark is attempting to discredit the tradition genuine love for Jesus as he desires to go to him but also
that Jesus had appeared to Peter by emphasizing that they as one who has an insufficient faith during Jesus' earthly
all will see Jesus when the parousia occurs-"Go tell the ministry. When this tension is not held together, widely
disciples, even Peter ... " Once again it is evident that one's differing interpretations as to Matthew's view of Peter can
understanding of Markan theology as a whole influences be given. If only the latter is stressed, then one might be
one's interpretation of specific pericopes. inclined to stress Peter as a man "of little faith," as one
possessed by a presumptuous and misguided enthusiasm.
D. Gospel of Matthew If only the first element is stressed, it results in interpreta-
Matthew's unique contribution to the image of Peter in tions which view this pericope as illustrating the primacy
the NT can be found particularly in three passages: Peter of Peter. Perhaps more nuanced would be the view that
walking on the water, sinking, and being rescued by Jesus Peter is indeed given a prominence among the disciples;
(14:28-31); Peter's confession of Jesus as Messiah and the certainly he had an insufficient faith, but at least there was
Son of the living God and Jesus' response in the form of a the first glimmering of faith. Although Peter is weak, he
blessing and promise concerning the church (16: 16b-19); begins to see with the help of Jesus, and although Peter
and Peter's question about paying the temple tax (17:24- sinks, Jesus rescues him. While there is an element of
27). typical discipleship portrayed in this scene, there is also a
Since Matthew is dependent on Mark, most of the Pe- singular emphasis on Peter; since Peter will soon be de-
trine scenes and pericopes found there also appear in clared the rock on which the church is to be built, it
Matthew, sometimes with insignificant variations. For ex- becomes important for Matthew's congregation to know
ample, where Mark in 1:35-38, 5:37, 11:12-14, l3:3ff., that Jesus saves Peter even when he begins to sink. Before
and 16:7 includes a specific reference to Peter, it is omitted leaving this pericope, one should also note that, contrary
in Matthew. This apparent "lessening" of Peter's impor- to Mark, the disciples confess Jesus as "Son of God." In the
tance is balanced by Matthew's insertion of "first" (protos) structure of Matthew's gospel this confession anticipates
before Matthew's name in the list of the Twelve ( 10:2) and virtually the same confession that Peter will make in Matt
the introduction of Peter in Matt 15:15 and 18:21-22, for 16: 16b and for which Jesus praises him.
which there are, respectively, Markan and Lukan parallels, 2. Peter's Confession and Jesus' Promise (16:16b-19).
and thus to be attributed to Matthean redaction. Matthew has preserved all the key elements of the Markan
Before analyzing in greater detail the three passages account and has expanded it at two points: first, in addi-
where Matthew makes his most important contribution, tion to confessing Jesus as Messiah, Peter also confesses
one should note that all three of these pericopes are found him to be "the Son of the living God" (Matt 16: l 6b); and
in the context of Matthew's fourth book (13:53-18:35), a second, following this confession Matthew has inserted
section which reveals particularly Matthew's ecclesiastical three verses (16:17-19) in which Jesus calls Simon blessed
concerns. It is in this book, for example, where the only and calls him Peter, promises that his church which will be
two occurrences (Matt 16:18; 18:17) of the word ekklesia built on this rock (Peter?; see below) and that the powers
(church) appear in the four gospels, and thus it is likely of death shall not prevail against it, and the promise is
that we shall gain insight into Matthew's perspective about made that the keys of the kingdom shall be given to Peter.
the role of Peter in the 1st-century church from these Also, Matthew expands the rebuke of Peter in M~rk, "Get
texts. behind me, Satan!", by adding: "You are a stumbling block
v. 257 PETER

for me" (16:23). Because of the complexity of this entire tional scene in John 20:29 might suggest that it comes
pericope, it is best to analyze it in several parts. from Jesus himself.
a. Peter's confession of Jesus as "the Son of the living God" c. "And I tell you, you are Peter; and on this rock I will build
(16: 16b). In Matthew, as opposed to Mark, there is no my church, and the gates of Had.es shall not prevail against it"
suggestion that Peter misunderstands the title Messiah, for (16:18). The argument for a pre-Matthean origin for the
Jesus himself praises it (16: 17) as a result of divine revela- basic material contained in this verse is strengthened by
tion. As we noted, this confession is expanded to include the recognition of an Aramaic substratum lying behind
one of the most exalted titles for Jesus in the NT, "Son of Matthew's Greek. In Aramaic the Greek play on the word
God." It is frequently coupled with the title Messiah in the "Peter" is marked by an identity: "You are Kepha and upon
NT as, for example, in John 20:31: "That you may believe this kepha I will build my church." Further, the Semitisms,
that Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God." The Johannine "gates of Hades" (interpreted by the RSV as the "powers
context is certainly post-resurrectional and belongs to an of death") as well as "flesh and blood" and "bind and
appearance of the Risen Jesus to Peter. It could be argued loose," all suggest that 16: 17-19 originated in an Aramaic-
that in Matthew 16 we have a combination of two different speaking environment.
Perrine confessions: one located in the earthly ministry of The setting of this verse is in all probability post-resur-
Jesus and one located in the post-resurrectional context. rectional. While one should not exclude the possibility that
This view gains some support from our previous analysis Jesus might have thought of building a church in the sense
of the confession of Jesus as "Son of God" in Matt 14:33, a of organizing a people in preparation for the imminent
scene which, together with Jesus' promise to Peter that he end, the reference to the "gates of Hades" not prevailing
would be the rock on which the church would be built over the church does seem to suggest a permanence which
(Matt 16: 18) and the giving of the power of binding and would go beyond the supposed intentions of the earthly
loosing (Matt 16: 19) may also be post-resurrectional in Jesus. The intentions expressed here cohere more closely
origin. Thus, while Matthew does not say that Peter was with those post-resurrectional appearances described pre-
the first among the Twelve to see the risen Jesus (as some viously as "church-founding."
interpret Mark 16:7), much of Matthew's special material The identity of "the rock" is an important exegetical
about Peter appears to have had as its original context a question. In view of the Aramaic identity of Kepha/kepha
post-resurrectional setting. there can be no doubt that the rock on which the church
The combination of these two confessions into one scene is to be built is Peter. Even though there is a slight differ-
result in the alteration of Peter's role over against the ence between Petroslpetra in the Greek text of Matthew,
Markan portrayal. Not only is he the spokesman for the most scholars today would hold that this same identity
disciples but he is the recipient of a revelation that is not between the rock and Peter is also the intention of Mat-
shared with the other disciples. For Matthew, Peter's con- thew. However, other views are possible. One such view
fession is no longer the turning point in the gospel: His found in the Church Fathers (e.g., Origen, Ambrose,
messianic origins have been the subject of reflection from Chrysostom) and advocated by some today is that petra is
the very beginning of this gospel (1: 1, cf. 9: 27; 12: 23 and not Peter himself but Peter when he confessed and "thinks
15:22) and all the disciples confessed him as Son of God the things of God" (16:23).
in 14:33. Although Peter's confession no longer has a
If indeed Peter is to be the rock on which the church is
chronological priority in Matthew, it will be given an eccle-
to be founded, how does this relate to the image of Peter
siastic priority in the words that follow.
as the "stumbling block" (skandaion) (16:23) for Jesus, an
b. "And Jesus answered him, 'Blessed are you, Simon Bar-
image which represents a sharpening of the Markan form
Jonah' For flesh and blood has not revealed (this) to you, but my
Father who is in heaven'" (16: 17). This verse adds strength of Jesus' rebuke. Although the issues are complex, one
to the suggestion that we may be dealing with an originally commonly held view would suggest that in response to
post-resurrectional context. The clause, "flesh and blood has Peter's confession "You are the Messiah" (16: 16) he is given
not revealed [apokalyptein] this to you" is remarkably similar a name which will signify his future role as the rock on
to Paul's description of his experience with the resurrected which the church will be built, a role which according to
Jesus in Gal 1:16: when God "was pleased to reveal [apoka- Matthew's presentation Peter would assume after the res-
lyptein] his Son to me [ ... ] I did not confer with flesh and urrection. Further, in response to misunderstanding the
blood." Both Matthew and Galatians contrast a revelation necessity of Jesus' suffering, Peter is referred to as a
from God with mere human information ("flesh and stumbling block for Jesus, as one advocating human rather
blood"). In all likelihood neither is dependent on the than divine values. It is the same kind of weakness which
other; more probably, both have taken up a traditional way Peter will display in his final denial of Jesus, a denial from
of descnbmg post-resurrectional appearances. which Jesus will have to save him so that he can play the
Al_though Matthew received such a post-resurrectional role of the foundation rock.
tradmon there are some signs of Matthean redactional d. The passage that relates Peter to the "pawer of the keys"
elements. "Father who is in heaven" is found in Matthew's (16:19) reads asfollaws:
version of the Lord's Prayer (Matt 6:9) whereas Luke has
the almost _certainly more original "Father" (Luke 11 :2). (a) "I will give you the keys to the kingdom of heaven.
!he macansm "Blessed are you" is not used by Mark and (b) Whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in
is foun_d m Matthew's gospel 13 times. However, the fact heaven;
that It is used in Luke, which may suggest that this repre- (c) whatever you loose on earth shall be loosed m
sents a "Q" pattern, and that it is part of a post-resurrec- heaven."
PETER 258 • v
This division of v 19 not only demonstrates the parallel- didrachma) ask Peter, "Does your [in the plural; Peter
ism between parts (b) and (c), but also raises the question representing the disciples?] teacher not pay the tax?" Peter
about the relationship of parts (a) to (b) and (c). In other answers. in t~e affir~ative and then in the house Jesus,
words is "the power of the keys" defined by that which addressmg him as Simon, asks from whom earthly kings
follows so that they are identical or is the reference to the collect their toll and tribute. Following Peter's response
"keys" a reference to a more general authority of which "From others," Jesus concludes that the sons, therefore,
only a part is further specified in (b) and (c)? A further are free of such tolls. In order not to give offense "to
difficulty is the relationship of these verses in Matthew 61 them" Peter is to go fishing and give "to them" the shekel
to those found in Matt 18:18. Is the power of binding and which he will find in the mouth of the fish.
loosing given to Peter the same in all its aspects to that The central issue in this pericope is whether the Temple
which is given to the disciples in general in Matt 18:18? If tax is to be paid. Which tax is meant? That by which every
the power is the same, then it would follow that all the male Jew above 19 years of age had lo pay, a half-shekel
disciples, not just Peter, received an identical power of the yearly for the maintenance of the temple prior to its
keys. destruction in A.D. 70? Or, the fiscus iudaicus, a poll tax
Much of the uncertainty involved in answering these imposed on the Jews after A.D. 70 for the support of the
questions would be removed if one could with certainty temple of Jupiter Capitolinus? Even if l 7:25lr26 goes back
define the significance of the reference to the "power of to the historical Jesus (note, for example, the reference to
the keys." Some have suggested that the background is "Simon" as in 16: 17), which is possible, no clear answer
that of Isa 2: 15-25 where Eliakim is installed as the new can be given for Matthew's redaction of this traditional
prime minister of King Hezekiah and on whose shoulder saying, although it is likely that he may have been address-
God places "the key of David; he shall open [ ... ] and he ing this later development (jiscus iudaicus). At both levels,
shall shut." The prime minister is given the power to allow viz., during the ministry of Jesus and Matthew's redac-
or refuse entrance to the palace, that is, access to the king. tional level, Peter is able to give the correct answer because
Matthew, then, would be portraying Peter in a similar way Jesus showed him the way. Even if the pre-Matthean ele-
and also giving to him a broad power of the keys, viz., ments of this passage can no longer be described with
allowing or refusing entrance into the kingdom. One part complete accuracy, it is certain that for Matthew's com-
of this broader power would be the specification of binding munity Peter exercises a teaching authority in the name of
and loosing, but others might include baptismal and post- Jesus, an authority already ascribed to him in Matt 16: I 8-
baptismal discipline, excommunication, legislative powers, 19. Not only in terms of this pericope but for Matthew's
and the power of governing. Other interpretations are presentation of Peter as a whole, it can be said that he
possible and one of these would assert that the power of extends Peter's preeminence from the ministry of Jesus
the keys originally referred to the authority to forgive sins into the church situation which Matthew addresses. As in
through baptism and that this authority was then at a later 15:15 (Jewish food regulations) and 18:21-22 (forgive-
time reinterpreted in terms of the rabbinic pattern of ness), so here it is Peter who poses a problem facing the
binding and loosing. Christian community.
What exactly is meant by the power to bind and loose?
These two verbs in combination are found in at least two E. Gospel of Luke
different contexts in rabbinic literature. Most often they As in the case of Matthew, this gospel was written toward
are used in the sense of imposing or removing an obliga- the end of the Isl century and used Mark, Q, and some
tion by an authoritative decision. These verbs are also used other special material as sources. That this author wrote
in the sense of imposing or lifting a ban of excommunica- not only the gospel but Acts as well must be kept in mind
tion. Which meaning is intended in Matt 16:19 and 18:18? as one considers the Lukan portrait of Peter in the gospel.
Are the meanings identical or are they being used in One has in Luke's gospel a portrait of Peter written
different ways? A key issue is to what extent 16: 19 gives about the same time as Matthew's, but directed to a Chris-
Peter a responsibility that is distinguished from that given tian community in a different location and context. In
to the other disciples. Some have understood Matt 16: 19 general it is possible lo make this generalization: Luke is
as representing the first usage; Peter seen as a chief rabbi interested in presenting a positive picture of Peter and he
issuing binding rules in contrast to "the teaching of the effects several changes in his sources to achieve this pur-
Pharisees and Sadducees" (16:12), and Matt 18:18 as rep- pose. Some examples of this intent would include Luke's
resenting the second usage. Such a view presupposes Mat- omission in 9:18-21 of any reference that Peter refuses to
thew's congregation as one which had recently emerged accept Jesus' prediction about the suffering of the Son of
from within Judaism and is now in tension with it. Since Man and to Jesus' rebuke of Peter (Mark 8:31-33). In
other understandings of Matthew's situation are possible, Mark 13:3, Peter, James, John and Andrew ask a question
other solutions to the above questions can be offered. And which could be understood as a misunderstanding on their
yet when all of these options are reviewed one can con- part, viz., when will the Temple be destroyed. In Luke 21 :7
clude that, while for Matthew Peter does function as a this question is asked by an anonymous "they." This Lukan
model of discipleship in general, Matthew does give him a tendency to omit or reduce all that is blameworthy m the
prominence that the others do not receive. See also KEYS life of Peter is also evident in the passion narrative. The
OF THE KINGDOM; BINDING AND LOOSING. !s
prediction of Peter's denials (Mark 14:29-;--3 l) prefaced
3. The Tumple Tux (17:24-27). Matthew interrupts the in Luke's account by Jesus' prayer that Simons faith will
Markan sequence he is using and inserts this unique Pe- not fail and that he will turn again and strengthen his
trine scene. The collectors of the half-shekel tax (the brethren (Luke 22:31-32). Also Peter is not referred to by
v • 259 PETER

name in the Gethsemane scene and therefore does not more appropriate on land-which suggest that it originally
receive any special blame from Jesus for sleeping as is the belonged to a setting other than that of the call of the first
case in Mark 14:32-42. The denials of Jesus in Mark disciples.
(14:66-72) are softened by the Lukan Peter. Not only is There are some striking similarities between this Lukan
the intensity of these denials reduced, it is only in the scene and the account of Simon Peter's catch of fish in
Lukan account that one reads, "The Lord turned and John 21:1-13. Among these many similarities, one should
looked at Peter," an implicit reproach that causes Peter to not overlook the identical use of the name "Simon Peter"
weep bitterly (Luke 22:62). in both accounts. Although this combination of names is
This positive Lukan view of Peter both prepares the way used more frequently by John than any other NT writer,
for his second volume, the Acts of the Apostles, and allows it is found only here in Luke. These similarities have led
the image of Peter to be enhanced even further in Acts. In many scholars to conclude that both Luke and John are
Mark 14:12-17 and Matt 26:17-20, it is the "disciples" using a common source independently of one another and
who prepare the Passover meal; in Luke 22:8 it is "Peter that this source recounted the story as a post-resurrec-
and John" who are asked to prepare this meal for Jesus tional appearance as is the case in John 21. If the sugges-
and his disciples. Not only does Luke give Peter a promi- tion of a post-resurrectional context is valid, one finds
nent and praiseworthy role in Acts, often, in the early Luke employing a literary technique similar to the one
chapters of Acts, this is carried out in association with John used by Matthew in I6:16b--19: the retrojection of post-
(Acts 3: 1-11; 4: 13-22; 8: 14). resurrectional material into the ministry of Jesus.
Even though they are too numerous to describe in detail, Only in Luke 5: 10 do we find these words of promise by
one should be cognizant of numerous other, relatively Jesus to Simon: "Do not be afraid; henceforth you will be
minor, changes which Luke makes in his description of catching men." This redactional intention of Luke is pre-
Peter when contrasted with Mark and Matthew. A few paring for the prominent role that Simon will have among
examples must suffice. Unlike Matthew, Luke 4:42-43 the disciples in Acts. Thus, it is evident that Peter's mission-
reproduces the scene found in Mark 1:35-38 (Simon ary endeavors related in Acts are rooted in the pre-Easter
searching for Jesus) but replacing the reference to Simon intention of Jesus where these endeavors are always
with "the people," probably because he had not yet been grounded in the power of Jesus which alone allows the
called to follow Jesus. In Luke the message of the young sinful Simon to become a fisher of men.
man to the women to the empty tomb (Mark 16:7, "Go, tell 2. Jesus' Prayer for Simon's Faith (22:31-32). Not only
his disciples and Peter") is omitted and replaced with a are these words absent from Mark and Matthew, the entire
tradition that the risen Jesus had appeared to Simon context leading up to Peter's denial (Luke 22:54ff.) is
(24:34). In Luke 8:45 it is Peter who responds to the different in Luke's account. The Lukan tendency to deem-
question, "Who was it that touched me?" in the healing phasize the weakness of the disciples is evident in these
account of Jairus' daughter, information not found in verses in which their falling away is only obliquely hinted.
Mark or Matthew. Where in Matt 18:21 Matthew inserts In order to deal with the question of the origin of these
the name Peter to identify the questioner, it is not found 'words, we need to look at them more closely: "(31) Simon,
in Luke 17:4. On the contrary, in Luke 14:41, Luke inserts Simon, behold, Satan demanded you [pl.] to sift like wheat.
the name of Peter in identifying the questioner, whereas (32) But I have prayed for you [sing.] that your [sing.] faith
in Matt 24:44-45 no name is specified.
may not fail. And you [sing.], when you [sing.] have turned
Three Petrine scenes found in Luke's gospel must be
again, strengthen your [sing.] brothers."
discussed in detail and it will be necessary to ask whether
the striking consistency of the use of the name "Simon" in That part of this text addressed to Simon in the second
these scenes would suggest that they have come to Luke person singular ("Simon, Simon [ ... ] I have prayed for
from pre-Lukan sources. These pericopes include the mi- you that your faith may not fail") is likely to be pre-Lukan.
raculous catch of fish, a scene which serves as the context This proposal is strengthened by the double use of
for the call of Simon (5:1-1 I); Jesus' prayer at the Last "Simon" which contrasts with the prediction of Peter's de-
Supper that Simon's faith will not fall but that he will turn nials which follow. As the use of "to strengthen" suggests,
and strengthen his brethren (22:31-32); and the tradition this pre-Lukan source was modified by Luke and then
that the risen Lord appeared to Simon (22:34). incorporated into the present context where Luke may be
I. The Call of Simon (5:1-11). The call of the first following a source independent of Matthew and Luke.
disciples in Mark (I: 16-20) and Matthew (4: 18-22) is This would help one make sense of the awkward plural-to-
straightforward and to the point: "Follow me and I will singular shift which occurs here.
ma~e you become fishers of men;" they respond by leaving At the level of Lukan redaction Simon is part of the
the1r nets and following him. The story before us in Luke larger apostolic group (the pl. "you") whom Satan de-
5 is considerably more detailed. What is Luke's source for manded so that he might sift them like wheat. For Luke
this information? Does he have a source independent of the disciples are also subject to temptation, and that in-
Mark and Matthew or has he added to the call of the cludes Simon. Although there is no Lukan equivalent to
disciples another narrative about Peter and a miraculous Mark 8:33 ("He rebuked Peter and said, 'Get behind me
catch of fish? There are a number of awkward elements in Satan' "), there is the implication of some kind of failure
the account of Luke 5: I-I I-the transitions between Pe- in the words "turning again" and in the denials themselves.
ter's response, the belated identification of James and Since the phrase "turning again" precedes the period of
John, Jesus' subsequent address only to Simon, as well as Peter's denial of Jesus, it is likely that Luke intends that
the fact that the response "Depart from me" would be through Jesus' prayer the lack of faith implicit in the
PETER 260. v
denials would not become a permanent failure and that even the pre-synoptic sources. As a result there are a
his faith would be revived following the resurrection. number of important scenes involving Peter that are
Jesus also prays that when Simon had turned again that umque to the gospel of John, such as the footwashing
he would strengthen his brothers. Since Luke has never scene ( 13 :6-11) and Simon's cutting off the ear of the
referred to a failure of such magnitude that their faith servant of the high priest at the time of Jesus' arrest
needed to be restored, it is not probable that this is the (18: l 0-11 ). While not frequent, there are several refer-
intended reference. To be preferred is that interpretation ences to Peter in the Fourth Gospel which parallel those
which understands "brothers" in the broader sense of found in the synoptics: Simon Peter is called a disciple; his
strengthening the /,arger Christian community through his name is changed from Simon to Cephas (I :42); he con-
missionary preaching. Such activity is described in Acts fesses Jesus, serving as a type of spokesman for the Twelve
and Acts 15:32 may serve as an example: "Judas and Silas, (6:67-69); Jesus predicts his denial (13:36-38); and he
who were themselves prophets, exhorted the brothers ... denies Jesus three times (18: 17-18, 25-27).
and strengthened them." Thus in Luke 22:31-32 the author The material dealing with Peter in the gospel of John
is preparing for Peter's missionary career and role as the may be placed under the following headings: those pas-
leading spokesman for the faith of the Jerusalem Church sages where he appears without the Beloved Disciple;
as portrayed in the first fifteen chapters of Acts. By calling those where he appears with the Beloved Disciple; and the
special attention to Simon by the use of singular "you" one role of Simon Peter in John 21.
again observes (as was the case in Luke 5: 1-11) how Luke l. Peter Apart From the Beloved Disciple Uohn 1-20).
wishes to prepare for Peter's post-resurrectional promi- There are six references to Simon Peter without mention
nence as described in Acts. of the Beloved Disciple. These include: (I) I :40-42, Jesus
3. The Lord's Appearance to Simon (24:34). When the meets Simon and indicates that he will be called Cephas;
two disciples to whom the Risen Jesus had appeared on (2) 6:67-69, Simon Peter confesses Jesus as the Holy One
the road to Emmaus (24: 13-32) returned to Jerusalem, of God; (3) 13:6-11, Jesus washes Simon Peter's feet;
they immediately told the Eleven gathered there, "The (4) 13:36-38, Jesus predicts Simon Peter's denials;
Lord has been raised indeed and appeared to Simon" (5) 18:10-11, Simon Peter cuts off the servant's ear in the
(24:34). There are several problems involved in Luke's garden; (6) 18:17-18, 25-27, Simon Peter denies Jesus
presentation of all the appearances of the risen Lord on three times.
one day and it is therefore best to understand that this The first two of these passages have certain parallels in
announcement to the Eleven originally belonged to a ker- the Synoptics. In the first of these (I :40-42) Jesus gives to
ygmatic formula that Luke has placed awkwardly into the Simon the name Peter. However, in the Johannine account
present context. This suggestion is supported by the use it is Andrew who announces "We have found the Messiah,"
of the term "Simon" in 24:34, as opposed to the previous and it is he who leads his brother Simon to Jesus. Although
reference in 24: 12 to Peter, and the fact that this formula Jesus' response, "So you are Simon, son of John? You shall
in 24:34 from early Christian proclamation is remarkably be called Cephas (which means Peter)," has certain similar-
similar to the one found in I Cor 15:4-5: "He was raised ities with Matt 16: 17-18--especially that the name change
[ ... ] and appeared to Cephas." Luke probably knew follows the confession of Jesus as the Messiah-here it is
nothing more about the original setting of this announce- Andrew, not Peter, who has made the acknowledgment.
ment than the fact that it was the first appearance of the In the second of these passages (6:67-69), it is Peter who
risen Jesus to a member of the Twelve. By inserting this was the one who spoke for the Twelve in confessing Jesus
piece of kerygmatic tradition, Luke is the only gospel at a critical time. Important as this confession is in the
writer to make explicit reference to a special appearance Fourth Gospel, it does not play the decisive role it did in
of the risen Jesus to Peter. Perhaps this was one more way Mark's gospel, or in a different way in Matthew's gospel,
in which Luke wished to prepare for Peter's post-resurrec- primarily because Simon is portrayed as already having
tional role. Thus, it is not by accident that Peter is the last participated in a similar confession in 1:40-42. In John's
of the Twelve to be referred to by name in the gospel and gospel, Simon Peter is neither rebuked as in Mark and
the first of the Twelve to be mentioned by name in Acts. If Matthew or praised as in Matthew. While cast in the role
for Luke the Twelve are the link between the historical of spokesman for the Twelve, he is given no special promi-
Jesus and the church, Peter is the most prominent example nence because of his confession of Jesus.
of such a link. In John 13:6-11, the third Johannine passage to refer
to Peter, he does not understand the significance of Jesus
F. Gospel of John washing his feet and thus insists, "You shall never wash my
The Fourth Gospel was written about the same time as feet." However, when Jesus points its necessity, Peter over-
the gospels of Matthew and Luke or perhaps slightly later. racts: "Lord, not my feet only, but also my hands and my
It was addressed to a community different from the com- head." While having no exact parallel in the Synoptic
munities addressed by the Synoptic Gospels and one famil- Gospels, this scene is consistent with the image of Peter as
iar with a different gospel tradition. Characteristic of this a somewhat impulsive figure who at times misunderstood
divergent tradition is its emphasis on a certain unknown the intention of Jesus.
"disciple whom Jesus loved" (John 19:35; 21 :24). Given the This same impulsive tendency is found in the fifth scene,
current state of the scholarly discussion, it is impossible to John 18: 10-11. Only in John is Simon Peter identified as
establish with any certainty that John's gospel was depen- the swordsman who cut off the ear of the high priest's
dent on the synoptic tradition. It is possible, however, that servant. Jesus' response to Peter, "Put your sword into its
this writer may have drawn upon sources independent of sheath; shall I not drink the cup which the Father has
v • 261 PETER

given me?" does appear to echo Peter's misunderstanding resurrection faith, a thesis that is strengthened when John
of Jesus as the suffering Son of Man following his confes- 21:7 is examined.
sion at Caesarea Philippi and Jesus' subsequent reprimand That the Beloved Disciple was a basic source of tradition
(Mark 8:31-33; Matt 16:21-23). for this community is obvious (19:35). Thus he had to be
The fourth and the sixth scenes both refer to Peter's depicted as one close to the events surrounding Jesus. Yet
denials of Jesus. In 13:36-38 the reference is the predic- at the same time this community also knew that it was
tion of the denials and in 18:17-18, 25-27 to the three impossible to tell the Jesus story without reference to Peter.
denials themselves. These references are substantially the While the Beloved Disciple was of enormous internal im-
same as those found in the synoptics. In John 13:36 there portance to the Johannine church, Peter was essential to
is indeed a word of Jesus to Simon Peter not found else- an accurate transmission of the Jesus tradition.
where: "Where I am going, you cannot follow me now, but 3. Peter and the Beloved Disciple in john 21. Although
you shall follow afterward." That the reference in John John 21 is usually considered to be an addition by a later
21: 18-19 to Peter's death has some connection to John hand to the materials collected in John 1-20, that ought
13:36 is evident. Either the writer of 13:36 had already not to suggest that it might not contain traditions older
known of P~ter's death and made subtle reference to it or than that found in the preceding chapters. Since the entire
the connection may have been made by the redactor who chapter is constructed around the twin figures of the
wrote 21: 18-19. Beloved Disciple and Simon Peter, it will be well to subdi-
2. Peter and the Beloved Disciple (John 13-20). vide this chapter into three small units: (I) the appearance
Unique to John's gospel is the relationship between the of the risen Jesus and the miraculous catch of fish (21: 1-
Beloved Disciple and Peter. Although there are many 14); (2) the risen Jesus instructing Simon to feed his sheep
unanswered questions concerning the identity of the Be- (21: 15-17); and (3) Jesus referring to the destinies of
loved Disciple, it is reasonable to suggest that for this Simon Peter and the Beloved Disciple (21:18-23).
congregation he was a real person who had been a com- Where the story about the miraculous catch of fish in
panion of Jesus and whose career was dramatized so that John 21: 1-14 is most markedly different from the similar
he could serve as a model for all believers. There are three account in Luke 5 is in the contrast between the Beloved
pericopes which associate Simon Peter and the Beloved Disciple and Peter. Although both see a stranger on the
Disciple that deserve our special attention in John 13-20: shore, it is the Beloved Disciple who recognizes that it is
(1) 13:23-26 at the Last Supper; (2) 18:15-16 in the the Lord and who then relays this information to Peter. As
courtyard of the high priest; (3) 20:2-10 at the empty in 20:8 and elsewhere in John's gospel, Peter is important
tomb of Jesus. to the story, but it is the Beloved Disciple who is most
The "disciple whom Jesus loved" appears for the first closely attuned to Jesus and the events surrounding him.
time in the setting of the Last Supper (13:23-26). In 13:23 Also consistent with 18: 10-11 where Peter rushes to de-
he is "reclining on Jesus' bosom" (13:23), a reference, no fend Jesus with a sword is Peter's impetuosity in jumping
doubt, to Jesus' affection for him. Simon Peter, at some from the boat to rush to Jesus.
distance from Jesus, must ask the Beloved Disciple what Other changes between this Johannine account and the
Jesus meant with regard to his statement that one of those one reviewed previously in Luke 5 would include the fact
eating at table with him would betray him. It is then in that Simon is no longer portrayed as being alone in impor-
response to the Beloved Disciple's question that Jesus an- tance next to Jesus, but now he is in the midst of six other
swers by identifying the traitor. That Simon Peter has at disciples. Nevertheless, Peter still is portrayed as having a
least a secondary part in this story indicates that he too prominent role: he takes the initiative to go out fishing; he
was an important figure in the community's memory of jumps into the sea to go and meet Jesus; and he brings the
the career of the earthly Jesus. The texts which follow will nets from the boat to the shore. One would be able to say
confirm the importance of both these disciples while al- more about the symbolism involved if one could be sure
ways giving the indication that it was the Beloved Disciple that for John, as for Luke, this scene was also referring to
who was closest to Jesus. future missionary work.
In 18: 15-16 there is reference to "another disciple" and In 21: 15-1 7 the Beloved Disciple is absent and full
to "the other disciple." That this refers to the Beloved attention is given to Peter. The threefold question, "Simon,
son of John, do you love me?" is often described as a
Disciple is suggested by John 19:25-27 where he is the
rehabilitation of Peter following his threefold denial. Since
only male disciple who stands at the foot of the cross
the Beloved Disciple never denied Jesus he need not be
together with Jesus' mother. It is to him and not Simon rehabilitated.
Peter that the mcther of Jesus is entrusted. Thus, the Although some elements in 21: 15-17 gain clarity from
Beloved Disciple, in contrast to Peter, is held up as the an examination of the shepherd imagery in John 10, a
faithful one, as the one who neither denied Jesus nor fled more immediate background to the threefold giving of
during the passion.
pastoral authority to Simon may be an OT text such as
In John 20:2-10, Simon Peter and "the other disciple, Ezekiel 34 where the king is described as a shepherd and
the one whom Jesus loved," run to the tomb together. where the shepherd, in turn, is given enormous pastoral
Although the Beloved Disciple arrives first, he waits for authority. Similarly, in John 21, Simon is given a pastoral
Peter to enter before him. When the Beloved Disciple authority rooted in love in which he is instructed to feed
finally enters after Peter, it is reported in 20:8 that he "saw Jesus' sheep.
and believed_,'' a possible indication that for the Johannine This scene may simply attest to Peter's rehabilitation or
community 1t was the Beloved Disciple who first came to it may also reflect the fact that Simon Peter is increasingly
PETER 262 • v
being perceived by some circles in primitive Christianity as point, it is impossible to judge with certitude whether Peter
a symbol of pastoral authority. If the latter is indeed the or his co-workers had missionized in this area some of
case, then there are some partial parallels to Matt 16: 18- which had been evangelized by Paul. If this is n~t the case
19, although john 21 is more concerned to stress the then l Peter would testify to the fact that Peter's authority
theme of Peter's love and obligation to the sheep in con- extended to areas where other apostle's had worked and
trast to Matthew's stronger emphasis on authority and that one would hope to guide such churches by invoking
legal imagery. Perhaps closest to 21:15-17 is a text which Peter's name.
has yet to be discussed, l Peter 5: 1-4. There, Peter ad- Another not unimportant issue is raised by the greetings
dressing his fellow presbyters, urges: "Terid the flock of in 5:13 from "the woman who dwells in Babylon" to these
God that is in your charge, exercising oversight not by churches addressed in Asia Minor. Since "Babylon" is
constraint but willingly [ . . . ] not as domineering over commonly understood to be a symbolic name for Rome it
those in your charge but being examples to the flock. And raises the question of Peter's relationship with Rome. Does
when the Chief Shepherd is manifested, you will obtain this epistle attempt to exercise not only Petrine but also
the unfading crown of glory." Here the good shepherd Roman influence over churches that may originally have
language of john l 0 is incorporated with the themes of an been outside the orbit of Peter's influence? Not unimpor-
authority grounded in love and an obligation to the flock. tant in evaluating this question is the evidence of 1 Clement,
In john l 0 it is stated that the good shepherd protects a document of the lst century, in which the Roman church
his sheep even if it means laying down his life for the sheep writes to the church at Corinth, a church which had been
(10:11-18). The connection between John 10 and John 21 founded by Paul.
is strengthened by the fact that the command to feed the In the description of Peter as shepherd in 5: 1-4, Peter
sheep is followed by the prediction that Peter will die by assumes the title of "fellow presbyter" and addresses the
laying down his life for the sheep. The language used in presbyters of the communities of Asia Minor. His author-
21: 18-23 is reminiscent of martyrdom and the invitation ity is greater than simply being a "fellow presbyter" for in
of Jesus in 21: 19, "Follow me," may well be an invitation to 1: l his authority is defined as apostolic and in 5: 1 he is
martyrdom. identified as a "witness (martys) of the sufferings of Christ,"
In this scene (21: 18-23) one notes both similarities and a reference that may reflect knowledge that he died as a
dissimilarities between Simon Peter and the Beloved Disci- martyr (martys).
ple. Both are witnesses but in quite different ways. It is The relationship between l Peter 5 and John 21 has
only Simon Peter who receives the commission to be a already been touched on and it is quite possible that they
shepherd, a commission that involves a willingness to die. are dependent on a common tradition related to the
Since Jesus willed the Beloved Disciple's witness, it is not Province of Asia (for many the gospel of John is composed
inferior, but of a different type. He "remained" as Jesus in Ephesus). This would explain the relationship between
desired, viz., he lived out a long life in the love of Jesus. Peter's instruction to his fellow presbyters to "tend the
The Johannine community realized that, as they could not flock of God" (poimainein) in 1 Peter and the fact that he
narrate the details about Jesus of Nazareth without refer- had himself been charged to tend (poimainein) the sheep
ence to Simon Peter, so too they could not recount the of Jesus. A similar reference to feeding (poimainein) is
story of the Christian church without mention of Peter's made in Acts 20:28 where Paul instructs the presbyters of
important missionary and pastoral role. And yet the com- Ephesus. Not only had the term "shepherd" taken on
munity made sure to place their model of discipleship, the specific meaning for those who were presbyters in the
Beloved Disciple, alongside Simon Peter and emphasized churches of that area, but also for Peter who is being
his primacy in love. For them such a manifestation of portrayed as the principal presbyter-shepherd.
discipleship was just as authentic as that of the other 2. The Second Epistle of Peter. The strong consensus
traditional apostles. among scholars is that 2 Peter is also pseudonymous and
may well be the last NT book to be composed, perhaps in
G. The Petrine Epistles first decades of the 2d century. Peter is presented as an
I. The First Epistle of Peter. In order to discuss the eyewitness authenticator of tradition about the historical
role and function of Peter in this document, two items Jesus (1: 16-18) and as an authority who can correct mis-
must be discussed: the origin and nature of the epistle; understandings of Paul (3: 14-16). On the basis of the
and the description of Peter as shepherd in 5: 1-4. author's statement in 3: 1 that this is "the second letter that
Both the question of authorship and the destination of I have written to you" one can assume that the same
this epistle are significant for understanding the perspec- audience is intended although such a specific reference is
tive of Peter presented in l Peter. Most NT scholars argue absent.
that l Peter is pseudonymous and written by someone The threat being addressed by this document is that of
invoking Peter's name, authority and memory; a likely false teaching and moral confusion, a situation not dissim-
dating would be late in the 1st century. Pseudonymity does ilar to that addressed in Acts 20:28-30. Peter is being
not lessen the importance of this writing as a witness to presented as the guardian of the orthodox faith and serves
Peter. If anything, it enhances its importance since it to counteract the teachings of the false prophets (2: 1). To
implies that some 20 or 30 years after his death Peter's their assertion that there will be no future coming of Jesus
name could still be thought to carry weight and be invoked in glory (3:1-10), Peter is portrayed as an eyewitness,
to instruct Christian churches, especially if the area of Asia presumably of the Transfiguration, when Jesus received
Minor (Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia) honor and glory from God the Father ( l: 17). Peter is in a
addressed is not Petrine territory. With regard to this latter strong position to refute their false assertions not only as
v. 263 PETER AND PAUL, ACTS OF

one who saw the first coming of Jesus in glory, but also Whereas some of the gnostic writings radically alter Matt
because he was one of those for whom the prophetic word 16:16b-19 in a derogatory way, the Acts of Peter accepts
was made more sure (I: I 9) and who had been given the and amplifies this high Matthean view of Peter and under-
authority to interpret prophecy and Scripture (I :20-21 ). stands Peter as the unquestioned apostolic leader. In the
Peter's apostolic authority does not stop here: he can even Epistle of Peter to Philip, heavily dependent on Luke-Acts,
correct the false interpretations attributed to other apos- the reinterpreted Peter speeches are understood to be
tles and particularly those ignorant and unstable persons models of gnostic teaching. Peter is the apostle who has
who are twisting the letters of Paul (3: 15-16) "to their own true gnostic insight. The Apocalypse of Peter provides several
destruction." In offering such interpretations, I Peter has visions experienced by Peter in which Jesus explains to
presented us with a Petrine teaching office not dissimilar him the true, gnostic teachings, especially with regard to
to the one outlined in Matthew 16 and one to which there the nature of Jesus. It is a docetic view of Jesus in which a
could be authoritative recourse in refuting the appeal of literal crucifixion, preceded by Jesus' suffering, is denied.
his opponents, probably some sort of gnostics, to the Here, too, Peter serves as the transmitter and guarantor of
letters of Paul. the authentic gnostic teaching and here, also, Matt 16: 16b-
l 9 is reinterpreted in a gnostic manner: "But you yourself,
H. The Apocryphal Writings Peter, become perfect in accordance with your name with
This subject is one of several important areas which go myself, the one who chose you, because from you I have
beyond the scope of this essay. Others would include the established a base for the remnant whom I have sum-
role of Peter in the Apostolic Fathers and the archaeologi- moned to knowledge" (Apoc. Pet. 71: 15-21 ). These three
cal evidence for the presence of Peter in Rome. With Nag Hammadi documents confirm Basilides' description
regard to the latter, while it is likely that Peter did get to of a secret, gnostic, Petrine apostolic tradition in which
Rome late in his career and was martyred and buried Peter is viewed most positively. But since both the gnostic
there, the exact results of recent excavations under St. anti- and pro-Petrine tendencies present a view of Peter
Peter's Basilica in Rome continue to be debated. Neverthe- reconstructed through gnostic eyes, both tendencies would
less, a brief indication of the use of the Peter tradition in be rejected by such NT writings as 2 Peter.
some of these apocryphal writings will be useful in under-
standing the variety of ways in which Peter was interpreted Bibliography
in gnostic circles and also as a background to the kind of Brown, R. E.; Donfried, K. P.; and Reumann, J., eds. 1973. Peter in
problems being addressed in 2 Peter and elsewhere in the the New Testament. Minneapolis.
NT. Pesch, R. 1980. Simon-Petrus. Papste und Papsttum 15. Stuttgart.
Several of the church fathers (Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Smith, T. V l 985. Petrine Controversies in Early Christianity. WUNT
Tertullian, and Origen) refer to strong anti-Petrine ten- 2/15. Tiibingen.
dencies in the literature of various gnostic groups. In some KARL P. DoNFRIED
cases (e.g., Carpocratians) this is the result of a denigration
of the wider body of the apostles; in other cases it is due
either to their elevation of Paul into a central position (e.g., PETER AND PAUL, ACTS OF. The Acts of Peter
Valentinians) or to their elevation of some lesser apostle and Paul is a 6th or 7th century Greek expansion of the
(James, Thomas, Mary Magdalene) because he or she
Pseudo-Marcellus Passion of Peter and Paul. It survives in an
received a special revelation. Many of these anti-Peter
Armenian translation as well. Elaborations of Paul's travels
tendencies reflect the gnostic-orthodox controversies of
the period. In the Gospel of Thomas 51: 18-25, for example, and martyrdom give Paul a role more nearly equal to that
Peter appears to represent the orthodox objections against of Peter. The Jews in Rome convince Nero to order Paul's
the role of women in the gnostic groups: "Let Mary leave execution, but believers in Rome express their wish to have
us, for women are not worthy of life." Peter also represents "the two great lights" united in their city. Dioscuros, the
these orthodox objections to the gnostic claim that certain shipmaster who brought Paul from Gaudomelite to Syra-
of their model apostles had experienced a separate and cuse, converts and accompanies him to Italy. Paul ordains
unique vision of the Lord. Thus, groups that venerate a bishop when he stops in Messana. In Puteoli, Dioscurus
Mary, James, and Thomas precisely because of such vision- is mistaken for Paul, since both are bald. He is seized and
ary. experiences would tend to elevate the importance of beheaded. The town later sinks into the sea. Paul, in-
their model over Peter or to polemicize against Peter. In formed by a dream, corrects the behavior of the Roman
the Apocryphon of James, James, not Peter, is consistently bishop Juvenalias, who had been ordained by Peter. From
regarded as the apostolic leader in the early church. In the point of Paul's arrival in Rome, the story follows the
fact, in the Apocryphon ofJames many of the items attributed longer version of the Passion of Peter and Paul. The discus-
to Peter in the NT are reformulated and now attributed to sion of circumcision does not appear. The story of Per-
Peter. Thus in 13:39-14:1, Jesus' response to a question petua is inserted into Paul's martyrdom (cf. Plautilla in the
asked by Peter is given to James, "I have revealed myself to Pseudo-Linus Passion of Paul). Perpetua, who is blind in
you, James." Similar tendencies can be found in the Gospel one eye, gives her handkerchief to Paul as he is led out to
of Thomas and in the Acts of Thomas. execution. Immediately after the apostle's death, the cloth
. As a result of the discovery of the Nag Hammadi texts, is returned to Perpetua and her eye is healed. These events
It is now possible to point to at least three gnostic writings led to the conversion of the soldiers who beheaded Paul.
which are pro-Petrine: the Acts of Peter and the Twelve Apos- Perpetua and the soldiers are eventually martyred for their
tles, the Epzstle of Peter to Philip, and the Apocalypse of Peter. faith. See also PETER AND PAUL, PASSION OF.
PETER AND PAUL, ACTS OF 264. v
Bibliography ties to the attention of Nero. Other additions, drawn from
Amann, E. 1928. Les Actes de Pierre. DBSup I: 499. the Acts of Peter by way of Pseudo-Hegesippus, include the
Charlesocirth, J. H. 1987. Greek Acts of Peter and Paul. Pp. 287- resurrection of a young man, Nero's anger over Simon's
89 in New Testamenl Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. Metuchen, death, the Quo vadii scene in its proper place, and the
NJ. placing of Simon's death in Aricia. The apostles are sen-
Leloir, L. 1986. Ecrits apocryphes sur Les apotres. CChr Series Apocry- tenced by Clement rather than Agrippa. The deaths of
phorum 3. Turnhout. the apostles are not described, so neither Peter's speeches
Lipsius, R. A. 1891. Pp. 178-222 in Acta apostolorum apocrypha. Vol. at the cross nor the disposition of the relics is reported.
Ill. Leipzig. Repr. Darmstadt 1959.
Walker, A. 1951. Acts of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul. ANF 8: Bibliography
477-86. Amann, E. I 928. Les Actes de Pierre. DBSup l: 499.
ROBERT F. STOOPS, jR. Charlesworth, j. 1987. Peter, Passions of Peter and Paul. Pp. 329-
30 in New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. Metuchen,
NJ.
PETER AND PAUL, PASSION OF. The Passion of Cullmann, 0. 1962. Peter: Disciple, Apostle, Martyr. Philadelphia.
Peter and Paul, an account of the martyrdoms of the two Lipsius, R. A. 1883-90. Pp. 207-17, 284-366 in Apokryphe Apostel·
apostles which circulated under the name of Peter's fol- geschichten und Apostellegenden. Brauschweig. Vol. 2/1. Repr.
lower Marcellus, survives in two forms. The longer version Amsterdam 1976.
is extant in Greek, Latin, and Slavonic. Composed perhaps - - . 1891. Pp. 118-77, 223-34 in Acta apostolorum apocrypha.
in the 6th century, it is based loosely on the Acts of Peter, Vol. Iii. Leipzig.
but shows knowledge of the Pseudo-Clementine Romances Vouaux, L. 1922. Les actes de Pierre, introduction, textes, traduction et
and the Acts of Paul as well. One early manuscript incorpo- commentaire. P.dris.
rates material from Pseudo-Hegesippus, De excidio Hiero- Walker, A. 195 l. Acts of the Holy Apostles Peter and l>-dul. ANF H:
solymae 3.2 (Migne, Pl 15.2169-71). The longer version 478-865.
was used in the Acts of Peter and Paul. The briefer version ROBERT F. STOOPS, JR.
of the Passion of Peter and Paul is a 6th or 7th century
compilation of Latin sources. It deletes most of the
speeches and the letter of Pilate, but adds narrative details. PETER AND THE TWELVE APOSTLES,
In both versions Paul's role is minor compared to Peter's. THE ACTS OF (NHC VI,J). This tractate is the tirs1
The longer text of the Passion of Peter and Paul begins in the miscellaneous collection of Sahidic Coptic tractates
with Paul's return to Rome from Spain. Jews who have comprising Nag Hammadi Codex VI. For all its brevity ( 12
opposed Peter's gentile mission seek Paul's help but find pages) it is a remarkably complex document. The first half
that the two apostles agree in their teaching. Simon Magus, consists mainly of an account, with heavy allegorical over-
who claims to be the Christ, takes advantage of the distur- tones, about a pearl merchant who attracts the poor but is
bance to appeal to Nero against the apostles. Simon has shunned by the rich, and who turns out not to have the
demonstrated his divinity by appearing alive three days pearl he is hawking; it is available only to those willing LO
after an illusory decapitation (cf. Martyrdom of Paul 4). journey to his city. The pearl merchant's name is Lithar-
When Peter and Paul come before Nero to dispute with goel, which means, according to the text, a lightweight,
Simon, they produce the letter of Pilate to Claudius. Peter glistening stone (5.16-18) (Wilson and Parrott 215 n.).
demonstrates his ability to read minds by secretly blessing The account takes place in an island city identified simply
bread. When Simon sends a large dog against him (cf. Acts as "Habitation" (the Coptic for which may be a translation
Pet. 7), Peter displays the bread causing the dog to disap- of the Greek word meaning "inhabited world").
pear. Simon is silenced in a debate concerning circumci- The observer of all this is Peter, who, with the other
sion. To prove his divinity, Simon promises to fly from a disciples, was brought to the city by an apparently chance
tower (cf. Acts Pet. 32). At the prayers of Peter and Paul, the wind ( 1.26-28) shortly after setting sail to begin what
demons supporting Simon drop him to his death. seems to be the post-resurrection apostolic ministry (rele-
The apostles are condemned by Nero for having caused vant details at the beginning of the tractate are missing
Simon's death. The prefect Agrippa (Clement in some
due to lacunae).
mss) suggests appropriate modes of execution. Paul is
The transition between the first and second half of the
beheaded on the road to Ostia. Peter is hung upside down
tractate is briefly interrupted by Peter's vision of the waves
from a cross. From that position he reports the Quo vadii
and high walls that surround the city. An old man (angelic
story. Strange men appear from Jerusalem to help Marcel-
lus bury Peter's body on the Vatican hill. Nero is forced to interpreter?) interprets it in such a way that the city is seen
flee the city and dies in the desert. Finally, men from the as a symbol of the community of the faithful who have to
E attempt to steal the bodies of the apostles. The relics are endure in this world in order to enter the kingdom of
given temporary burial on the road to Ostia. Thus, the heaven (6.27-7.19).
Passion of Peter and Paul authenticates the various cult sites The remainder of the tractate recounts the dangerous
for the apostles which had been used in Rome from the journey of Peter and the other disciples to Lithargoel's city
mid-3d century. and their meeting with a physician, who subsequently
In the shorter version of the Passion of Peter and Paul, the reveals himself as Christ (9.8-15 ), and still later makes it
two apostles arrive in Rome together. They lodge there clear indirectly that he is also Lithargoel (I 0.8-13 ). The
with relatives of Pilate, believers who first bring the apos- disciples are instructed about undertaking a ministry of
v • 265 PETER TO PHILIP, LETTER OF

healing in the city from which they had just come. Christ Perkins, P. 1980. The Gnostic Dialogue: The Early Church and the Crisis
ends with a warning against the wealthy in the church. of Gnosticism. New York.
Evidence of editorial activity abounds (Krause 1972; Schenke, H-M. 1973. Die Taten des Petrus und der zw6lf Apostel.
Wilson and Parrott 1979) and leads to the conclusion that TLZ 98: 13-19.
Acts Pet. 12 Apost. is a composite, the earliest level of which Wilson, R. McL., and Parrott, D. M. 1979. Pp. 197-229 in Nag
was probably the allegory of the pearl merchant Lithar- Hammadi Codices V.2-5 and VI with PafrYrus Berolinensis 8502.I
goel. It may be that the story was originally about a god and 4. ed. D. M. Parrott. Leiden.
who bore that name (Krause 1972: 51 ), but in the absence DOUGLAS M. PARROTI
of evidence of a Lithargoel cult in antiquity, it seems better
to assume that the name was originally created as a cover
name for Christ within the context of the allegory. PETER TO PHILIP, LETTER OF (NHC Vlll,2).
Although it has been identified as gnostic (Perkins 1980: The Letter of Peter to Philip is the second and concluding
127), there is in fact nothing within the tractate that tractate within Codex VIII of the Nag Hammadi library.
compels that conclusion, and, furthermore, it stands Situated immediately after the long tractate Zostrianos
within a codex that has a number of tractates that are (NHC VIII,!), Ep. Pet. Phil. fills most of the last nine pages
clearly not gnostic. It seems likely, however, that the trac- of Codex VIII (132, 10-140,27). The tractate opens with a
tate could have been used by gnostics. The allegory may superscribed title ("The letter of Peter which he sent to
well have had a Jewish Christian origin. That is suggested Philip," 132,10-11) that places the text within the tradition
by the name Lithargoel, which has the form of Jewish of letters ascribed to Peter (e.g., 1-2 Peter, and the Epi.stu/,a
angel names, the attraction of the poor (alone) to the pearl Petri at the opening of the Pseudo-Clementines). Ep. Pet.
merchant (the Jewish Christians called themselves Ebio- Phil., however, is not to be identified with any of the
nites, or the Poor), and the similarity of the allegory to previously known letters attributed to Peter, and repre-
some found in the Jewish-Christian Herm. Sim. The dis- sents a newly discovered work in the Petrine corpus.
course of Christ and the disciples, which assumes a minis- The body of Ep. Pet. Phil. may be divided into 2 major
try within a church made up of both rich and poor (10.1- sections: the letter itself ( 132, 12-133,8), and the account
7; 12.8-13), may well have been added by an orthodox of the meetings of the apostles (133,8-140,27). The letter
editor, who felt the church was becoming too worldly. The of Peter describes the separation of Philip and the need
material in which Christ is identified as a physician may for a meeting of all the apostles. At 133,8 the letter
reflect the effort of Christians to counter the widespread concludes, and after the reference to the willing response
attraction of the cult of Asclepius. of Philip to Peter, Philip disappears from the scene, and is
The earliest portion of the tractate-the allegory-prob- only implicitly present as an anonymous member of the
ably should be dated no later than the middle of the 2d apostolic group assembled around Peter.
century, because of the affinity with Herm. Sim., which is The balance of Ep. Pet. Phil. (133,8-140,27) provides an
dated in the mid-century or before. The tractate as a account of the apostolic gatherings, frequently in the form
whole, then, may have been put together in its present of a "dialogue" between the resurrected Christ and the
form toward the end of the 2d century, or early in the 3d. apostles. Peter and the apostles come together for the first
It has been suggested that Acts Pet. 12 Apost. might have meeting on the Mount of Olives and offer prayers to the
been part of the lost first third of the apocryphal Acts of Father and the Son. The risen Christ appears as a light
Peter and perhaps even its introductory section (Krause and voice, and the apostles raise several questions for
1972). Both share encratite characteristics and there are Christ to answer. The voice from the light responds by
some connections to be made with Act of Peter in Papyrus discoursing on the deficiency of the aeons and the fullness
Berolinensis 8502 (BG). On the other hand, the encratism (pleroma), and the detainment and struggle of the apostles.
of Acts Pet. 12 Apost. lacks the sexual element found in Acts At the conclusion of this meeting the apostles return to
of Peter, and the connections with Act of Peter do not clearly Jerusalem, and on the way the discussion about the prob-
lead to the conclusion of a prior literary relationship; lem of suffering prompts a response by Peter as well as by
moreover, there are significant reasons for thinking they the revelatory voice. After the apostles reach Jerusalem,
were not connected (e.g., Act of Peter is set in Jerusalem, they teach and heal, and Peter delivers an exemplary
which was also the setting of the first part of Acts of Peter; sermon. The apostles are filled with holy spirit and part in
Acts of Pet. 12 Apost. is not). It seems best to think of Acts order to preach the gospel. Finally, Jesus appears again to
Pet. 12 Apost. as one of the independent narratives about commission the apostles, and the tractate closes with the
the apostles that began to appear in the 2d century. apostles departing "into four words" (140,25; possibly the
four gospels to be sent to the four directions).
Bibliography As the contents of the tractate indicate, Ep. Pet. Phil.
Haas, Y. 1981. L'exigence du renoncement au monde dans Les Actes bases itself upon a variety of early Christian and gnostic
de Pierre et des Douze Apotres, les Apophtegmes des Peres du Desert, traditions, and interprets these traditions in a Christian
et la Pistis Sophia. Pp. 296-303 in Colloque international sur Les gnostic fashion. Thus, numerous parallels may be noted
text.es de Nag Hammadi, ed. B. Bare. Quebec. between the tractate and portions of the first (Petrine)
Krause, M. 1972. Die Petrusakten in Codex VI van Nag Hammadi. section of the NT Acts of the Apostles (chaps. 1-12),
Pp. 36-58 in Essays on the Nag Hammadi Texts in Honour of including scenes, themes, and terms. The revelatory dis-
Alexander Bohlig, ed. M. Krause. Leiden. course on fullness ( 136,16-137,4) also resembles the hymn
Krause, M., and Labib, P. 1971. Gnostische und hermetische Schriften to the Logos in John l: l-18, and the little "Pentecost" of
aus Codex II und Codex VI. Gluckstadt. Ep. Pet. Phil. (140;1[?]-13) recalls not only Acts 2 but also
PETER TO PHILIP, LETTER OF 266. v
the Johannine "Pentecost" account (John 20: 19-23). Fur- and Early Christianity, ed. C. W. Hedrick and R. Hodgson.
ther, the depiction of the resurrected Christ as a light and Peabody, MA.
voice throughout the text represents a primitive means of Trager, K. W. 1977. Doketistische Christologie in Nag-Hammadi-
describing glorious appearances of Christ in the NT and Texten. Kairos 19: 45-52.
other early Christian literature (e.g., Mark 9:2-8 par.; 2 Wisse, F., and Meyer, M. W. fc. The Letter of Peter to Philip. In
Pet l: 16-19; Acts 9: 1-9; 22:4-ll; 26:9-18; l Corinthians Nag Hammadi Codex VIII. NHS, Coptic Gnostic Library. Leiden.
15; Rev l: 12-16). Conversely, the discourse on the defi- - - . fc. The Letter of Peter to Philip. In The Nag Ham711JUii
ciency of the aeons (135,8-136,15) addresses specifically Library in English, ed. J. M. Robinson. 2d ed. San Francisco.
gnostic issues by providing an abbreviated myth of the MARVIN w. MEYER
mother (cf. Eve/Sophia) which shows no overtly Christian
features whatsoever. This discourse, adopted as a revela-
tory discourse of the risen Christ, reflects a simple version PETER, ACT OF. The apocryphal Act of Peter recounts
of the myth, and is similar to the Sophia myth of the the story of Peter's paralyzed virgin daughter for purposes
Apocryphon of John (NHC II,]; Ill,]; IV,J; Berlin Gnostic of encratite edification. While elements of the story were
Codex 8502,2) and the Barbelognostics of lrenaeus (Adv. previously known through secondary sources, the sole
haer. l.29.1-4). primary text came to light in 1896 with the purchase in
On the basis of such traditions as these, Ep. Pet. Phil. Cairo of a Coptic papyrus codex (P Berol. 8502). Act Pet. is
proclaims its Christian gnostic message. The tractate legit- the last of four tractates preserved in the codex, the other
imates its message by deriving it from Peter and the three of which are decidedly gnostic in character (Gos.
apostles and, ultimately, from Jesus. Now, the tractate Mary, Ap. John, and Soph. Jes. Chr.). Act Pet. itself contains
maintains, the risen Christ must speak again as a light and no clearly gnostic theologumena (Parrott 1979: 475-76).
voice in order to provide a renewed revelation of the The text, written in the Sahidic dialect with a few non-
Christian gnostic message. The tractate thus shows its Sahidic forms, is generally well preserved (Parrott 1979:
concern that the apostles, and the Christian gnostic believ- 473).
ers themselves, be empowered to act as "illuminators in the Act Pet. reports how, while Peter was healing the sick on
midst of mortal people" (137,8-9). They are to gather for the Sabbath, an individual asked him why he did not heal
worship and go forth to preach, "in the power of Jesus, in his own beautiful virgin daughter who lay paralyzed in a
peace" (140,27). corner. Peter, to reveal the power of God, restores her
The evidence of the tractate suggests that Ep. Pet. Phil. body whole, and the crowd rejoices. He then commands
very likely was composed in Greek around the end of the her to return to the corner where her paralysis reaffticts
2d century C.E. or into the 3d, and was translated into her. The crowd weeps.
Coptic some time thereafter. The Coptic dialect of the Peter explains why this is necessary. The girl, when
tractate resembles Sahidic to a considerable extent, al- young, was very beautiful. Her beauty tempted a certain
though dialectical peculiarities, including forms tradition- Ptolemy, who saw her bathing with her mother. He ab-
ally called Subachmimic and Bohairic, are also to be found. ducted the girl when his offer of marriage was rejected.
See LANGUAGES (COPTIC). In addition to the Coptic But before he could seal the relationship through inter-
text of Ep. Pet. Phil. from the Nag Hammadi library, course, the girl was paralyzed in answer to Peter's prayers.
another copy of the Coptic text is reported to have been Ptolemy returned the child with her virginity intact. Smit-
found in a papyrus codex which is not yet published or ten with grief, he became blind and through a vision
available for study. learned that God's vessels were not given for corruption
and pollution.
Bibliography When he narrated these events to Peter, Ptolemy's sight
Bethge, H.-G. 1978. Der sogenannte "Brief des Petrus an Philip- was restored. He died shortly thereafter, leaving a parcel
pus". TLZ 103: 161-70. of land to Peter's daughter for her support. Peter reports
- - . 1984. "Der Brief des Petrus an Philippus": Ein neutesta- that he sold it and gave the proceeds to the poor, since
mentliches Apokryphon aus dem Fund von Nag Hammadi God cares for his own. The story finished, Peter distributes
(NHC Vlll,2). Diss. Humboldt-Universitat, Berlin. bread to the crowd and then returns to his own home.
Koschorke, K. 1977. Eine gnostische Pfingstpredigt. ZTK 74: 323- Act Pet. represents a single act in the genre of the Acts of
43. the Apostles. It belongs to the beginning of the longer Acts
- - . 1979. Eine gnostische Paraphrase des johanneischen Pro- of Peter, though the story is missing in the surviving wit-
logs: Zur Interpretation von "Epistula Petri ad Philippum" nesses (especially the Latin Actu.s Vercellenses) of the longer
(NHC VIIl,2) 136,16-137,4. VC 33: 383-92. work (Schmidt 1903: 21-25; 1924: 321-48; Vouaux 1922:
Luttikhuizen, G. P. 1978. The Letter of Peter to Philip and the New 35-38; Schneemelcher NTApocr, 269-70; Parrott 1979:
Testament. Pp. 96-102 in Nag Hammadi and Gnosi.s, ed. R. Mel. 474-75; contra Ficker 1904: 402-3; 1924: 227-28). The
Wilson. NHS 14. Leiden. content is encratite and serves to warn the reader of the
Menard, j.-E. 1977. La Lettre de Pierre a Philippe. BCNHT I. dangers associated with sexuality. The fact that marriage
Quebec. and sexual relations are not explicitly denounced and that
Meyer, M. W. 1981. The Letter of Peter to Philip: Text, Translation, and Peter remains married to his wife may suggest a less-
Commentary. SBLDS 53. Chico, CA. pronounced encratism (Parrott 1979: 475). However, the
Parrott, D. M. 1986. Gnostic and Orthodox Disciples in the Second idea that beauty entices sin and that paralysis serves as an
and Third Centuries. Pp. 193-219 in Nag Hammadi, Gnosticism, appropriate defense of virginity underscores the author's
v. 267 PETER, ACTS OF

view of human sexuality as corrupting and polluting of where he uses both wonders and arguments to seduce all
the body. but a handful of those who believe in Christ. To counter
Act Pet. was in existence by the end of the 2d century the works of Simon, Christ sends Peter from Jerusalem to
when it appeared in the longer Acts of Peter (NTApocr, 275; Rome. Peter converts the ship's captain during the voyage.
Parrott I 979: 4 76). It is an important witness to a strong Once in Rome, Peter restores many to faith by preaching.
encratite or ascetic presence in early Christianity in gen- Peter confronts Simon, using as intermediaries a dog and
eral and within the Petrine tradition in particular. an infant, both of whom gain the powers of prophetic
speech for the purpose. Marcellus, a senator who had been
Bibliography the patron of believers before he was misled by Simon, is
Ficker, G. 1904. Petrusakten. Pp. 400-4 in Handbuch zu den neutes- restored to faith. He miraculously repairs a statue of the
lamentlichen Apokryphen, ed. E. Hennecke. Tu bingen. emperor which had been shattered during an exorcism
- - . 1924. Actus Vercellenses. Pp. 226-30 in Neuteslamentliche (cf. Philost. VA 24).
Apokryphen. Ed. E. Hennecke. 2d ed. Tiibingen. Further visions, public miracles, and teaching from Pe-
Krause, M. l 972. Die Petrusakten in Codex VI van Nag Hammadi. ter lead up to a public contest with Simon. A brief debate
Pp. 36-58 in Essays on the Nag Hammadi Texts in Honour of about the identity of God and Christ precedes the contest
Alexander Bohlig, ed. M. Krause. NHS 3. Leiden. of miracles during which Peter raises three men from the
Parrott, D. M., and Brashier, J. B. 1977. The Act of Peter (BG dead and exposes Simon's deceptions. When Chryse, a
8502, 4). NHL: Pp. 475-77. wealthy woman of the worst reputation, donates money to
- - . 1979. The Act of Peter. BG, 4: 128,1-141,7. Pp. 473-93 in Peter in response to a vision, he takes it as a demonstration
Nag Hammadi Codices 5. 2-5 and 6 with Papyrus Berolinensis 8502, of Christ's ability to care for believers in material as well as
I and4. NHS 11,ed. D. M. Parrott. Leiden. spiritual matters. Simon tries to regain his influence by
Schmidt, C. 1903. Die alien Petrusaklen im zusammenhang der apokry- flying above the city of Rome, but he is brought down by
pen Apostelliteratur nebst einem neuentdecklen Fragment. Leipzig. Peter's prayer. Simon withdraws to Aricia, where he dies
- - . 1924. Studien zu den alten Petrusakten. ZKG 43: 321-48. from the injuries suffered in his fall.
Till, W., and Schenke, H.-M. 1972. Die Praxis des Petrus. Pp. 8, Peter's martyrdom follows. Agrippa, the prefect, is an-
296-321, 333-34 in Die gnostischen Schriften des koptischen PafJ'j- gered when his concubines decline his advances after
rus Berolinenrn 8502 herausgegeben, ubersetzt und bearbeitet von hearing Peter preach on chastity. Xanthippe, wife of Albi-
Walter C. Till, ed. H.-M. Schenke. 2d. enl. ed. TU 6012. Berlin. nus, is converted and withdraws from her husband's bed.
Vouaux, L. l 922. Les Actes de Pierre. Paris. The two men conspire to kill Peter. Peter is warned and
jAMES E. GOEHRING persuaded to leave the city. At the city gate he encounters
Christ entering Rome "to be crucified again." Peter recog-
nizes his own destiny in these words and returns to be
PETER, ACTS OF. One of the earliest of the apocry- arrested. Peter asks to be crucified upside-down and ex-
phal acts of the apostles, the Acts of Peter reports a miracle plains the soteriological significance of that position in a
contest between Simon Magus and the apostle Peter in lengthy speech from the cross. After his death, Peter
Rome. It concludes with Peter's martyrdom. The Acts of appears to Marcellus to rebuke him for attending to the
Peter was originally composed in Greek during the second apostolic corpse. Meanwhile, Nero, angered at having
half of the 2d century, probably in Asia Minor. The missed the chance to torture Peter, begins to persecute the
majority of the text has survived only in the Latin transla- other believers. Nero is stopped by a vision, and peace
tion of the Vercelli manuscript. The concluding chapters comes to the faithful in Rome.
are preserved separately as the Martyrdom of Peter in three The Acts ofPeter interweaves stories, mostly miracles, and
Greek manuscripts and in Coptic (fragmentary), Syriac, teachings of diverse origins. It is less closely related to
Ethiopic, Arabic, Armenian and Slavonic versions. See romance literature than are other early apocryphal acts of
PETER, MARTYRDOM OF. apostles. Travel plays a small role, because Peter is not
The stichometry of Nicephoros indicates that roughly portrayed as a wandering missionary but as the reestab-
one-third of the original Acts of Peter has disappeared. lisher of the Roman church. The theme of chastity is
Schmidt (1903) suggested that the missing portions re- present but not dominant. Physical persecution is not
counted Peter's activities in Jerusalem, including Simon important except in the martyrdom section; rather Simon
Magus's first confrontation with Peter and Paul (cf. Acts of is called a "persecutor" for uprooting Christians from their
Peter 23). The story of Eubula, now found in Acts of Peter faith. The main concern of the Acts of Peter is the restora-
17, may have originally appeared in this section. Similarly, tion and maintenance of faith in the face of competition
two episodes mentioned by Augustine (Contra Adimantum from other cults. Simon is a composite figure representing
17) probably belonged to this lost section: the story of a number of challenges to the faith of believers rather
Peter's daughter (partially preserved in the Berlin Coptic than a particular heresy. Each side competes for loyalty by
Codex), and the story of the gardener's daughter (sum- claiming to offer superior benefits. The Acts of Peter shows
marized in the Pseudo-Titus Epistle). Krause's suggestion great concern for the newly converted and the possibility
that the Acts of Peter and the Twelve Apostles from Nag of returning to the church after apostasy. Peter's falterings
Hammadi represents lost portions of the Acts of Peter has during the lifetime of Christ are repeatedly mentioned, as
not won acceptance. is Paul's initial role as a persecutor.
The surviving sections of the Acts of Peter describe the Lipsius's identification of the Acts of Peter as gnostic has
end. of Paul's ministry in Rome and his departure for been rejected. The theological stance represented in Pe-
Spam. Soon thereafter, Simon Magus arrives in Rome, ter's speeches and the stories is eclectic. The Acts of Peter
PETER, ACTS OF 268 • v
affirms God's role as creator and the reality of Christ's Ficke'., G. 1903. Die Petrusakten: Beitrage zu ihrem Verstandnis. Leip-
sufferings. It stresses "the polymorphism of Christ, a motif zig.
often associated with docetism, but used here to show that Flamion, J. 1909-11. Les actes apocryphes de Pierre. RHE 9: 233-
Christ takes on whatever form is necessary to aid those in 54, 465-90; 10: 5-29, 215-77; II: 5-28, 223-56, 447-70,
need (Cartlidge). The Acts of Peter reflects the piety of 675-92; 12: 209-30,437-50.
popular Christianity rather than the thoughts of the theo- Grenfell, B., and Hunt, A. 1908. Oxyrhyncus Papyri. Egypt Explora-
logians. tion Fund 6: 6-12. London.
Research on the questions of sources, redaction, and Krause, M. 1972. Die Petrusakten in Codex VI von nag Hammadi.
genre continues (Poupon). Studies of the social world of Pp. 36-58 in Essays on the nag Hammadi Texts in Honour of
the apocryphal acts have included the Acts of Peter. The Alexander Bohlig, ed. M. Krause. NHS 3. Leiden.
stories concerned with chastity have been analyzed as re- Li psi us, R. A. 1883-90. Apoltryphe Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegen-
flections of the roles and concerns of Christian women den. Brauschweig. Repr. Amsterdam 1976.
(Davies 1980, and Burrus 1987). It has been suggested that - - . 1891. Pp. 45-103 in Acta apostolorum apocrypha. Vol. l/l.
patron/client relationships provided a model for both Leipzig.
Christology and propaganda in the Acts of Peter (Stoops Pliimacher, E. 1978. Apokryphe Apostelakten. PWSup 15: 19-24.
1986). Poupon, G. 1988. Les 'Actes de Pierre' et leur remaniement. ANRW
The Acts of Peter mentions a written gospel and may have 25 6; 4363-82.
been intended to supplement the canonical Acts of the Schmidt, C. 1903. Die alien Petrusaltten im Zusammenhang der apokry-
Apostles, although it does not agree with it in detail. The phen Apostelliteratur, nebst einem neuentdeckten Fragment, unter-
Acts of Peter is more clearly related to the Acts of Paul, sucht. TU 24/1. Darmstadt.
although which text has priority is debated. The solution - - . 1924-27. Studien zu den alten Petrusakten. ZNW 43: 321-
depends in part on whether the first three chapters deal- 48; 45: 481-513.
ing with Paul and the final chapter reporting the Neronian Stoops, R. 1986. Patronage in the Acts of Peter. Semeia 38: 91-100.
persecution belong to the original of the Acts of Peter. Turner, C. 1931. The Latin Acts of Peter.JTS 32: 119-33.
General similarities with the Acts of john have been noted, Vouaux, L. 1922. Les acts de Pierre. 1-214. Paris.
but literary dependence cannot be demonstrated. - - . 1922. Les actes de Pierre, introduction, textes, traduction et
The Acts of Peter was not widely circulated (Eus. Hist. commentaire. Paris.
Eccl. 3.3.2), perhaps because of its association with Mani- ROBERT F. STOOPS, JR.
chaeism (cf. Augustine and Manichean Psalm-book). How-
ever, the Acts of Peter did serve as an important source for
much of the later Petrine literature. The Pseudo-Clemen- PETER, APOCALYPSE OF (NHC Vll,3). This
tine Romances show a general familiarity with the Acts of Gnostic tractate bears no relationship to two other apocry-
Peter and may be designed to fit into the period between phal writings of the same name, the one partially pre-
Peter's activity in Jerusalem and his journey to Rome. The served in Greek and fully in Ethiopic translation, the other
Acts of Peter follows the Clementine Recognitiom in the extant only in Arabic. A complete copy of the Gnostic
Vercelli manuscript. The Martyrdom section was ex- Apoc. Pet. in Sahidic Coptic is present in the Nag Hammadi
panded in the Pseudo-Linus Passion of Peter. The Acts of Codex VII, pp. 70:13-84:14. There can be little doubt
Peter also lies behind alternative accounts of Peter's death that the original was written in Greek. The title found at
in Pseudo-Hegesippus and in the Pseudo-Marcellus texts, the beginning and end of the tractate preserves the Greek
the Passion of Peter and Paul, and Acts of Peter and Paul. The case endings and the many serious grammatical and syn-
later currency of these secondary texts is shown by the tactical problems suggest an incompetent translator (as in
Apostolic History of Pseudo-Abdias, which drew on them all the case of NHC Vl,5; Plato Rep. 588b-589b) rather than
in the late 6th or early 7th century. an inept Coptic author or major corruptions in the ms
Stories and speeches from the Acts of Peter were also transmission. These philological problems seriously
incorporated into other works. Elements appear in the 3d hinder the interpretation of the text.
century Carmen apologeticum of Commodian and perhaps Apoc. Pet. was appropriately named, for it confirms well
in the Dida.scalia. In the 4th and 5th centuries, the Life of to the literary genre of the apocalypse. The introductory
Abercius and Acts of Philip used the Acts of Peter. It was used section (70: 14-72: 17) places the two main characters, the
again in the Acts of Xanthippe and Polyxena, the Acts of Saints Savior and Peter, in the temple, apparently shortly before
Nereus and Achilleus, and in the Syriac Teaching of Simon the crucifixion, where they are threatened by the priests
Cephas in Rome and the History of Simon Cephas in Rome. and the people. This leads to a vision (72: 17-73: 10) which,
similar to the experience of Elisha's servant in 2 Kgdms
Bibliography 6:17, opens Peter's eyes to the truth about the opponents.
Amann, E. 1928. Les Actes de Pierre. DBSup I: 496-501. This vision becomes the occasion for a lengthy discourse
Burrus, V. 1987. Chastity as Autonomy: Women in the Stories of the (73: 10-81 :3) in which the Savior reveals to Peter that there
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. Lewiston. will be many who do appear to accept "our teaching" but
Cartlidge, D. 1986. Transfigurations of Metamorphosis Traditions who in reality oppose the truth. In 81:3-82:16 Peter
in the Acts of John, Thomas, and Peter. Semeia 38: 53-66. receives another vision, or perhaps two, during which his
Charlesworth, J. 1987. Peter, Acts of; and Peter Cycle. Pp. 309-14 eyes are opened for the true reality of the crucifixion. The
in New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. Metuchen, NJ. vision is again followed by an explanatory revelation
Davies, S. 1980. The &volt of the Widows: The Social World of the (82: 17-83: 15). The tractate closes by specifying those who
Apocryphal Acts. New York. are worthy to receive the revelation (83: 15-84: 13).
v. 269 PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF

The generally gnostic character of Apoc. Pet. is evident PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF. One of the so-called
from a radical dualism which distinguishes between two Catholic Epistles in the NT; written by, or in the name of,
levels of reality which closely resemble each other but are Peter the apostle to Christians of Pontus, Galatia, Cappa-
opposites. The one is material, mortal and cou~terfeit; the docia, Asia, and Bithynia.
other is spiritual, immortal and true. The teachmg of Apoc.
Pet. focuses on the implication of this dualistic worldview A. Introduction
for ecclesiology and Christology. Thus in the Church there B. Ancient Reception and Modern Reassessment
are those who have only mortal souls and who form an C. Literary Genre and Integrity
imitation sisterhood which stands over against the true D. Literary Relations and Traditional Sources
brotherhood of the immortal ones. These false teachers, I. NT Literary Affinities
who follow the "Father of their error," are blind and deaf 2. The Influence and Use of Common Tradition
in that they are only able to recognize material reality. E. Style, Vocabulary, and Composition
They are unaware that the one who died on the cross was I. Style
only the physical Jesus and not the spiritual, living Christ. 2. Vocabulary
These blind Christians praise Christ in a apokatastasis (74:9) 3. Compositional Devices
which probably refers to their belief in the restoration 0f F. The Transmitted Greek Text
the physical body of Jesus. There is a similar polemic G. Structure
against carnal resurrection in The Testimony of Truth (NHC H. The Addressees and Their Situation
IX,3, pp. 34:26-37:5). Another Nag Hammadi tractate, l. Geographical Location
The Second Treatise of the Great Seth (NHC VIl,J) joins Apoc. 2. Social and Ethnic Composition
Pet. in its denial that the heavenly Christ was crucified and 3. Societal Status and Situation
in portraying Christian opponents as an imitation church. I. Strategy
The polemic of the tractate is directed against several 1. Dignity and Status Conferred by God
groups of Christians. The references, however, are so 2. Demarcation from Non-Christian Outsiders
general or enigmatic that it is impossible to identify them 3. Distinctive Holy Behavior
with positions known from Patristic sources. The main 4. Solidarity in Suffering
opponents appear to be the bishops and deacons of the 5. Christian Community as the Household/Family of
orthodox church (79:5f.). In spite of his heretical Christol- God
ogy, the author does not appear to speak from a sectarian J. Date, Authorship, and Place of Composition
viewpoint. He acts more as a champion of the "little ones" 1. Date
who are temporarily dominated by the counterfeit leaders, 2. Authorship and Provenance: A Petrine Group m
but who will eventually reject their rule (80:8-29). Rome
As in the case of most other gnostic writings, it has not
been possible to assign Apoc. Pet. to any of the sects de- A. Introduction
scribed by the heresiologists. Most likely we are dealing I Peter is a letter of encouragement and exhortation
with an idiosyncratic text and not with sectarian teaching. written in the name of the apostle Peter during the latter
It is quite unnecessary to see Apoc. Pet. as a representative third of the 1st century C.E. to Christian communities
of a pro-Petrine form of Gnosticism. The figure of Peter scattered throughout Asia Minor suffering as an op-
was simply taken from the canonical literature which the pressed minority in an alien society. Its eloquent articula-
author knew and accepted. On the basis of the late 4th tion of the meaning of Christ's death and resurrection for
century date of Codex VII and the nature of the polemic Christian life in society, its rich use of common Christian
in Apoc. Pet., one would guess that the Greek original was tradition, its lofty expression of the divinely conferred
written not earlier than the 3d century and possibly as late dignity and responsibility of the elect and holy people of
the early 4th. Nothing in the tractate betrays the identity God, its courageous summons to brotherly solidarity and
and provenance of the author. hope in the face of social hostility, and its moving pastoral
tone gained for the letter rapid recognition in the early
Bibliography Church and an undisputed place in the biblical canon.
Brashier, J., and Bullard, R. A. 1988. Apocalypse of Peter (VII,3). Though figuring prominently in subsequent centuries of
NHL, pp. 372-78. Christian theology and worship, questions raised by mod-
Koschorke, K. 1978. Die Polem1k der Gnostiker gegen daJ kirchliche ern scholars regarding virtually all features of its compo-
Christentum unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Nag-Hammadi- sition, setting, and aim have made it a continuing "storm-
Traktate "Apokalypse des Petrus" (NHC Vll,3) und "Testimonium centre of New Testament studies" (Neill 1964: 343).
Veritatii" (NHC IX,3). NHS 12. Leiden.
Krause, M. 1973. Die Petrusapokalypse. Vol. 2, pp. 152-79 in B. Ancient Reception and Modem Reassessment
Christentum am Rotm Meer, ed. G. Altheim and R. Stiehl. Berlin. External attestation of 1 Peter was early and widespread.
Schenke, H.-M. 1975. Bemerkungen zur Apokalypse des Petrus. 2 Pet 3: 1 may be among the earliest witnesses to its exis-
Pp. 277-85 in Essays on the Nag Hammadi Texts in Honour of tence, though the precise letter implied is by no means
Pahor Labib, ed. M. Krause. NHS 6. Leiden. certain. Numerous certain echoes of the letter, however,
Smith, T. V 1985. Petrine Controversies in Early Christianity. Attitudes are contained in 1 Clement (Lohse, in Talbert 1986: 53-
Tuwards Peter in Christian Writings of the First Two Centuries. 55), Polycarp's letter to the Philippians (Bigg Epistles of St.
WlJNT 2. Reihe 15. Tilbingen. Peter and St. ]ude 2 ICC) and Justin Martyr (Bigg Peter and
FREDERIK WISSE Jude ICC, 10). lrenaeus (Haer. 4.9.2; 16.5; 5.7.2) was the
PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF 270 • v
first to cite I Peter by name, followed by Tertullian (Scorp. In contrast to the letters of Paul, I Peter was addressed
12), and Clement of Alexandria (Str., Paed., Hypotyp.). t? a much wider audience which was located not in a single
Known in Rome by the end of the first century (I Clement) city but throughout several Roman provinces of Asia Mi-
and recognized in both East and West in succeeding cen- nor ( 1: 1; cf. Jas 1: 1). For this reason it is included among
turies, the letter was ranked by Eusebius in the fourth the "general" or "catholic" epistles of the NT (James, 1-2
century among those canonical writings about which there Peter, 1-3 John, Jude) although it nevertheless remains a
was universal agreement (Hist. Eccl. 3.25.2). "There is no ~articular mes~age for a particular audience facing a par-
book in the New Testament which has earlier, better, or ticular set of circumstances. Included in the address were
stronger attestation" (.Bigg Peter andjude2 ICC, 7). two large provinces (Bithynia-Pontus and Cappodocia)
Centuries later in the Reformation era, it was I Peter with no record of Pauline activity. Thus 1 Peter was not
along with the gospel of John and Paul's letter to the directed to an exclusively "Pauline" mission area. The
Romans, which Luther singled out as "the true kernel and interior of the territory circumscribed in I: 1, moreover,
marrow" of all the NT books. "For in them you ... find was agricultural and grazing land, a predominantly rural
depicted in masterly fashion how faith in Christ overcomes and less urbanized area quite distinct from the urban
sin, death, and hell, and gives life, righteousness, and centers which attracted Paul (Puig Tarrech 1980; Elliott
salvation" (Prefaces to the New Testament, 1522). 1981: 59-65). The size of the total area addressed, more-
Such earlier enthusiasm has waned considerably since over, presupposes a substantial advance of the Christian
the advent of modern biblical criticism. Preoccupation with mission beyond the limits reached by Paul. This strongly
the Gospels and the historical Jesus, Paul, and supposed suggests that 1 Peter was written decades after the Pauline
Petrine-Pauline polarities in the early Church has tended mission to communities some of which had little if any
to reduce I Peter and other neglected NT writings to the contact with Paul.
status of exegetical step-children. Often arbitrarily as- Although the final and present form of 1 Peter is that of
signed to the Pauline orbit of early Christianity, 1 Peter a letter, its original components have been the subject of
has been assessed as an inferior product of a "Paulinist," a sustained debate (surveyed by Martin 1962; Dalton 1989:
dim and deficient reflection of the Pauline legacy. Within 62-71; Elliott 1966: 11-13; Kelly Peter and Jude HNTC,
recent decades, however, the tide has begun to change. 15-20; Goppelt Petrusbrief MeyerK, 37-40). Beginning
Studies of its source and redaction, specific passages with with the influential study of the German scholar Richard
long histories of theological importance (2:4-10: Elliott Perdelwitz in 1911, some commentators have suspected
1966 and 1976: 250; 2:21-25: Osborne 1983; Elliott 1985; hints of the letter's composite character. Claiming a break
3:18-4:6: Reicke 1946; Dalton 1989; Vogels 1976), and in thought between 4:11 (doxology) and 4:12 (new ad-
distinctive social ethic, have led to a renewed appreciation dress) and a shift in situation from potential (l :3-4: 11) to
of this letter's witness to the struggle of the early Christian actual (4: 12-5: 11) suffering, as well as a distinction be-
movement to maintain its mission and cohesion in the face tween the "hortatory" nature of the former section with its
of vigorous social opposition. Goppelt (Der erste Petrusbrief focus on baptism and the "epistolary" character of the
MeyerK, 179) is not alone in the judgment that "the First latter, these scholars have hypothesized that I :3-4: 11 orig-
Epistle of Peter was the NT document that most vigorously inally constituted a "baptismal homily or discourse" ad-
united the witness of the word with the witness of Christian dressed to newly baptized converts. This sermon was sub-
presence in society." (For research trends and literature sequently incorporated into a letter (1:1-2, 4:12-5:14)
since Reicke's 1964 AB commentary, see Beare 1970: 212- intended as a message of consolation for these converts
27; Schelkle Petrusbriefeljudasbrief HKNT 13: 249-55; Elli- when the suffering anticipated in the sermon had become
ott 1976, 1981; Goppelt Petrusbrief MeyerK; Brox 1978; a reality (Reicke]ames, Peter, and Jude AB; Beare 1970; and
Cothenet 1980; Sylva 1986. For an earlier survey, see the scholars listed in Kiimmel 1975: 419-20). Further
Martin 1962.) elaborations of the composite theory and the assumed
cultic setting of I Peter propose that the document con-
C. Literary Genre and Integrity sisted mainly of a baptismal liturgy (Windisch and Preisker
I Peter bears all the essential characteristics of a conven- Katholischen Briefe HNT, 156-61) or even the celebrant's
tional Greek letter. It opens with an epistolary salutation part of a baptismal eucharist occurring on the Paschal vigil
including the name of the chief sender, the apostle Peter of Easter eve (Cross 1954).
(on Peter in the early Church see Cullmann 1958; O'Con- On the whole, such theories based on the purported
nor 1969; Brown et al. 1973), a description of the "elect" composite character of 1 Peter must be judged more
addressees and their location, and a greeting ( 1: 1-2). imaginative than cogent. Externally, there is no manu-
Following the communication proper (1:3-5:11), it con- script evidence of I Peter in any other than in its present
cludes with a commendation of its probable bearer, Silva- form; internally, the consistency and coherence of the
nus, and the personal greetings of the co-senders, includ- letter demonstrate its epistolary integrity. In ch. 4, vv 11
ing Mark and an unnamed sister in the faith (5:12-14). and 12 mark not a sudden break but rather a transition in
The mention of specific names with only minimal intro- the line of thought, similar to the transition at 2: 10/11.
ductory detail ("Peter, apostle of Jesus Christ," 1: 1, cf. 5: 1; The actual suffering of the readers is presumed through-
"Silvanus, faithful brother," "Mark, my son," 5:12, 13) out the letter (1:6; 2:18-20; 3:9, 13-4:6, 12-19; 5:7-10).
implies that the senders were known to the addressees and The frequent use of the verb paschein ("suffer," 12x) ap-
that the former counted on this personal familiarity to pears prompted not by liturgical recollection during the
underscore the common bonds of experience and faith of paschal (pascha) vigil but by the social experience of the
which they wrote. readers. Mention of baptism (3:21) and its related imagen
v • 271 PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF

(rebirth, 1:3, 23; 2:2; sanctification, 1:2, 15-16, 22; 2:5, 9; (Matt 6:9; Luke 11:2); 2:12 (Matt 5:16); 2:19-20 (Luke
3:5, 15; Exodus and redemption, 1:13, 18-19) and exhor- 6:27-36); 3:9, 14; 4:5 (Matt 12:36); 4:13-14 (Matt 5:10-
tation (1:14-16, 22-23; 2:1-3; 4:1) indicates the use of 1 I, 39; Luke 6:22-23, 28); 5:6 (Luke 14: I I); 5:7 (Matt
common Christian liturgical, catechetical and hortatory 6:25-27).
material, but provides no clear evidence that the document From such similarities, earlier scholars concluded that I
itself or any segment thereof was a baptismal homily or Peter manifested direct literary dependence upon much
liturgy. Moreover, comparable contemporary examples of of the NT or at least upon the writings of Paul (e.g. the
Christian homilies or liturgies embodied in letters are representative positions of Forster [I 913] and Beare
completely lacking. Accordingly, the theory that I Peter is [I 970)). More recent form-critical and traditional-critical
the result of the combination of independently composed analysis of the NT and I Peter in particular, however, have
parts is both improbable and unnecessary. The consistei:icy made it evident that similarities between I Peter and other
and coherence of its language, style, arrangement and lme Christian writings were the result not of literary depen-
of argumentation indicate that 1 Peter was, in its origin, dency but of the common use of a wide stream of oral and
an integral letter (Selwyn 1947; van Unnik/DB 3: 758-66; written tradition (Selwyn 1947: 363-466; Lohse 1954;
Dalton 1989; Kelly Peter/jude HNTC; Goppelt Petru.sbrief; Kelly Peter and Ju.de HNTC; Best I Peter NCBC; Elliott
Elliott James, 1-2 Peter, Jude ACNT; Shimada 1985; Brox 1976; Goppelt Petru.sbrief MeyerK; Brox 1978; Petru.sbrief
Erste Petru.sbrief EKKNT2). EKKNT2; Cothenet I 980). I Peter has been aptly labeled
an "Epitre de la Tradition" (Spicq Les ipftres de Saint Pierre
D. Literary Relations and Traditional Sources SB, 15).
Relative to its length, 1 Peter has more affinities to more 2. The Influence and Use of Common Thadition. The
NT writings than any other NT document. Its apocalyptic themes, images, and formulations of the letter reflect the
perspective on the Christian social situation and the immi- influence of a broad range of Jewish, Judaeo-Christian and
nence of final divine judgment, its christological focus on Hellenistic tradition. From the Greek OT (LXX) use was
mffering and its vindication, its stress on the distinctive made of no less than twenty-four texts or combinations of
~orporate identity and responsibility conferred by baptis- texts. Linking the eschatological community with the his-
mal conversion, its image of the Christian community as tory of God's covenant people, this material served to stress
household of God, and the content of its moral exhorta- the social estrangement and oppression of God's people as
tion link I Peter with a majority of the NT writings. resident aliens in diaspora (1:1, 17-18; 2:11; 3:6 [Gen
I. NT Literary Affinities. Particularly noteworthy are I 23:4, cf. Gen 12:1-20, 20:1-18; Isa 52:3, 5); 3:10-12 [Ps
Peter's affinities with Romans, Ephesians, the Pastorals, 33(34)]; 4:14[Isa11:2]; 5:8-9, 13 [Jeremiah 50:51]); their
James, Hebrews, the Synoptic Gospels, and Acts (Forster's election and holiness (1:15-16 [Lev 19:2]; 2:5, 9 [Exod
full listing [1913) is more useful than his analysis). In 19:6; Isa 43:20; Hos 1:6, 9; 2:1, 3, 25)); the rejection,
regard to the Pauline and Deutero-Pauline writings, compare suffering, and exaltation of the Messiah-Servant (2:4-8
1 Pet 1:14-16 (Rom 12:2); 1:21 (Rom 4:24); 1:22, 3:8-9 [Isa 8: I 4, 28: 16; Ps 117(118):22]; 2:22-24 [Isa 53:4, 6, 9));
(Rom 12:9-19); 2:4-10 (Rom 9:25, 32-33); 2:5 (Rom divine redemption of the righteous and oppressed (I: 13
12: I); 2: 13-17 (Rom 13: 1-7); 2:21 (Rom 4: 12); 3:22 (Rom [Exod 12:11); 1:17-19, cf. 1:2 [Exod 12-15; Isa 52:3, 5];
8:34); 4: I (Rom 6:7); 4:7-1 I, 14-16 (Rom 12:3-8, 13:8- examples of Sarah, 3:5-6, and Noah, 3:20); fear of God
10); 4:12-13, 5:1 (Rom 8:17); I Pet 1:3-12 (Eph 1:3-14, rather than man (2: 17 [Prov 24:21); 3:6 [Prov 3:25]; 3: 14-
3:2-6; cf. 2 Cor 1:3-11); 1:14-18, 4:2-3 (Eph 4:17-18, 15 [Isa 8:12-13)); moral conduct (3:10-12 [Ps 33(34):13-
5:8); 1:20 (Eph 1:4); 2:1(Eph4:25, 31); 2:4-6 (Eph 2:20- 17); 4:8 [Prov 10: 12)); the imminence of divine judgment
21); 3: 1 (Eph 5:22); 3:22 (Eph 1:20-21); 5:8-9 (Eph 6: 11- (2:12 [Isa 10:3); 4:17 [Ezek 9:6]; 4:18 [Prov 11:31 LXX]);
13); 1 Pet 1:3-5 (Titus 3:4-7); 2:1 (Titus 3:3); 2:9 (Titus and God's nurture (2:3 [Ps 33(34):9]) and exaltation of the
2:14); 2:13-3:7, 5:1-5 (I Tim 2:8-15, 6:1-2; Titus 2:1- humble (5:5 [Prov 3:34 LXX]; 5:7 [Ps 54(55):23]).
10, 3:1-2; cf. Eph 5:22-6:9, Col 3:18-4:1). Though supplying no direct sources for l Peter, I Enoch
Beyond the Paulines, similarities with James include 1 Pet (6-16, 65-67, 106-8) illuminates the worldview behind
1:1 (Jas 1:1); 1:6-7 (Jas 1:2-3. cf. Wis 3:5-6); 1:23-2:2 3:18-22 (Dalton 1989: 163-76); the Qumran writings
(Jas 1: 18-22); 1Pet5:5 (Jas 4:6); I Pet 5:8-9 (Jas 4:7) and reveal similarities in thought but differences in strategy
the common OT citations of Isa 40:6-8 ( 1 Pet 1:24-25; Jas (Goppelt Petrusbrief MeyerK passim); and works of Philo
1: 10-11), Prov 10: 12 (I Pet 4:8; Jas 5:20), and Prov 3:34 show similar expositions of the Exod 19:6 tradition (Elliott
(I Pet 5:5; Jas 4:6). Affinities with Hebrl!Ws include 1 Pet 1966: 96-101; 1981: 170-74) and similar appropriation
1:1, 2:11(Heb11:13); 1:2 (Heb 12:24); 1:23 (4:12); 2:24 of the Hellenistic household management tradition (Elliott
(Heb 10:10); 2:25, 5:4 (Heb 13:20); 3:9 (Heb 12:17); 3:18 198 I: 208-20).
(Heb 9:28); 4:14 (13:13) and the themes of social aliena- The Christian tradition underlying I Peter, discernible
tion and solidarity with the suffering of Jesus Christ. from its contacts with other early Christian literature, is
Links with Mark and the Synoptic tradition include 1 Pet both parenetic and kerygmatic in character and Palestinian
2:4-8 (Mark 12:1-12 par.); 2:18-3:7, 5:2-5 (Mark 10:2- and Hellenistic in coloration (Lohse 1954). The parenetic
45 par. and domestic instruction for the household of God material, comprising wisdom sayings on conduct (Psalms
[cf. I Pet 2:5, 4: I 7 and Mark 3:20-35, 13:33-37 par.)); 1 and Proverbs), Jewish-Hellenistic traditions (the domestic
Pet 1:19-21, 2:21-25, 3:18 (Mark 14-16 par.); I Pet4:13 code in 2:13-3:7, 5:1-5; "virtues" in 3:8, 4:8-9, 5:5;
(Mark 13:9-13 par.); and I Pet 5:2-5 (Mark 10:35-45 "vices" in 2:1, 4:3, 15), and isolated sayings of the Lord
par.). Affinities with specific dominical sayings include 1 Pet (1:10-11, 13, 17; 2:12, 19-20; 3:9, 14; 4:13-14) was
I: 10-12 (Matt 13: 17; Luke 24:26); 1: I 3 (Luke 12:35); 1: I 7 employed for the purpose of moral instruction and exhor-
PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF 272 • v
talion. The kerygmatic material, embodied in creedal or ali~ns and s~rangers" (1:1, 17; 2:11; cf. "Babylon," 5:13)
hymnic-like formulae (1:18-21, 2:21-25, 3:18-22; cf. which runs hke a golden thread through the epistle.
4: 1), provided a chriswlogical basis for lhis exhortalion . 3. Com:positional Devices. Several types of composi-
(cf. also 1:3, 11; 2:4-10; 4:13; 5:4). Furlher lraces of tional devices were employed to give the lener its structural
lilurgical cuslom may be seen in lhe kiss of love (shared in and thematic coherence (Dalton 1989: 72-86; Combrink
lhe worship assembly, 5:14) and in lhe blessing (1:3) and 1975; Talbert 1986: 141-51). (I) Many terms or images
doxology (5: 10-11; cf. 4: 11) wilh which lhe lelter com- are repeated throughout the several sections of the lelter
mences and concludes. ("elect/chosen," "call," "holy," "grace," "peace," "mercy,"
The liberal use of such a broad range of traditions "believe," "hope," "(brotherly) love," "gospel/proclaim
served several significant ends. The socially estranged yet good news," "test/trial," "suffer," "rejoice," "exhort,"
divinely elecled company of believers was portrayed as lhe "do(be) good versus evil"; and contrasts between righteous
eschatological fulfillment of the covenant people of God. believers and unrighteous non-believers, "will of God" and
Suffering Christians were provided a rationale for endur- "be subordinate," and images of Christian community
ance, hope, and God-pleasing conduct through lheir soli- such as "flock of God" or "household-family-brotherhood
darity with the rejected yet divinely vindicated Lord. And of God." (2) Parallel patterns of arrangement (main state-
communities dispersed throughout Asia Minor were as- ment/negative/positive/conclusion) are evident in I: 13-16,
sured by distant fellow believers at "Babylon" of the 2:13-17, 3:8-9, 4:1-6; 2:18-21, 3:1-6, 13-17, 4:12-19;
breadth of the tradition which united the universal Chris- and 1:17-21, 22-25, 5:1-4. (3) Link-words are used to
tian brolherhood. unite ideas or sources and effect continuity: "salvation" in
1:9/10 linking 1:6-9 with vv 10-12; "living stones[s] link-
E. Style, Vocabulary, and Composition ing 2 :4 and 5 and its different traditions (Elliott 1966);
I. Style. In I Peter this abundance of diverse tradition "evil (do evil, harm)" in 3:12/13 linking 3:10-12 and 13-
has been skillfully integrated in a composition consistent 17; "(be) humble" in 5:5/6 joining 5: 1-5 and 6-11.
in style and coherent in theme. The lener was written in a (4) Chiastic arrangements have been observed (Combrink
polished Greek revealing numerous traces of literary re- 1975 with varying degrees of cogency) in both smaller
finement. The near-classical employment of the article and (1:10-12; 2:7, 17, 19-20; 3:19-22; 4:1-3, 16) and larger
exact use of tenses is coupled with a more semitic appreci- (1:3-12, 13-21[25]; 3:1-7; 4:1-6; 4:12-19; 5:12-14.
ation of rhythm and parallelism (2:14, 22-23; 3:18; 4:6, (5) Some terms serve to mark the beginning ("exhort,
11; 5:2-3); the adept use of prepositions (I :2, 3-5, 21; beseech" in 2:11, 4:12, 5:12) or conclusion ("good news"
2:4; 3:18); and the effective rhetorical use of repetition, in 1:12, 25; 4:6, 17) of sub-sections. (6) The device of
allied terms and contrasts (1:3-5, 7-8, 12, 14, 18-19, 23, inclusion (repetition of terms or motifs to signal the begin-
2:1, 4-10, 3:3-4, 13-17; 4:12-19; 5:2, 6-7). Evidence of ning and end of sections) was employed to integrate nol
the letter's predominantly hortatory tone includes some only smaller units (1:13-21 ["hope"]; 1:3-2:10 ["mercy"]
fifty-one imperatival constructions (including participles but also to unify and frame the letter as a whole. At both
used as imperatives, 1:14; 2:18; 3:1, 7-9; 4:7-10), fre- the outset and close of the letter the paradoxical relation
quent use of the second person plural "you" (51 times), of suffering and glory is stressed ( 1:6-8, 12; 5: l 0), peace
the parenetic "therefore" (2:1, 7; 4:1, 7; 5:1, 6; cf. 1:13), is enjoined (l: 1, 5: 14), the grace of God (l :2) in which the
and the persistent thematic stress on behavior consistent believers are to stand fast (5: 12) is given as a theme
with the will of God. The sequence of imperatives followed encompassing the entire letter (cf. 1:10, 13; 3:7; 4:10;
by supporting indicatives (2: 18-20, 21-25; 3:3-4, 5; 3:13- 5:5), and the common social condition (diaspora, I: I;
17, 18-22; 4:12-16, 17-19; 5:7a, 7b; 8-9, 10) differs Babylon, 5:13), familial unity (l:l, 5:12-14), and divine
markedly from Paul who normally follows the reverse election ( 1: l, 5: 13) of both senders and recipients of the
procedure. letter are emphasized.
2. Vocabulary. The Greek text of I Peter contains a
total of 1,675 words and a vocabulary of 547 terms, sixty- F. The Transmitted Greek Text
one of which occur nowhere else in the NT. Several of The Greek text of I Peter is relatively well preserved.
these so-called hapax legomena express fundamental em- The complete text is contained in Bodmer Papyrus 72 (3d
phases of the letter: the Christian community as a "broth- century), nine chief uncials, and more than 500 minus-
erhood" (adelphotes, 2:17, 5:9; cf. 3:8 and 5:12) and cove- cules. The history of its textual transmission involves no
nant people of God (hierateuma, "body of priests" from the major problems, and only variants of minor significance
covenant formula of Exod 19:6 cited in 2:4, 9); "being (Beare 1970: 1-14; Schelkle Petrusbrief, 16-17; Goppelt
(doing) good" (agathopoios, 2:14; agathopoiia, 4:19) over Petrusbrief, 72-74).
against "being (doing) evil" (kakopoios, 2:12, 14; 4:15) as
characteristic of Christian conduct and holiness (Elliott G. Structure
1966: 179-82). Further distinctive features include the The foregoing evidence of its genre, thematic emphases
frequent and refined use of the comparative particle "like/ and compositional elements indicates the structure of the
as" (hiis, 27x); the highest occurrence (12x) of paschein ("to letter and its general line of argument. Framed by an
suffer") in the NT; identification of the believer as "Chris- epistolary salutation (I: 1-2) and conclusion (5: 12-14), the
tian" (Christianos [4: 12), elsewhere only in Acts 11 :26, body of the letter combines an affirmation of the distinc-
26:28), but no use of the terms ekklesia ("church") or "body tive communal identity and divinely conferred dignity of
of Christ" as so frequently in Paul; and stress upon the Christian believers (I :3-2: 10) with exhortation concerning
believers as "elect/chosen" (1:1, 2:4-10, 5:13) "resident their appropriate collective behavior within a hostile soci-
v • 273 PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF

ety (2: 11-5: 11). Underlying th!s union of affirmati.on and behavior and idolatry typical of gentiles (1:14, 18; 2:11;
exhortation was the basic tension between the soCJal con- 4:2-4) which was to be renounced also points to many
dition of the suffering Christians and their divine vocation, pagan converts among the readers.
their contrast to nonbelievers and their communion in 3. Societal Status and Situation. The vulnerable social
Christ, their "homelessness" in society and their new home standing of the addressees and the conflict in which they
in the family of God. were engaged was due to a combination of factors: their
social status as "strangers and resident aliens" and the
H. The Addressees and Their Situation exclusive form of their religious allegiance. This, in turn,
Information concerning the addressees, their geograph- set the stage for the hostility they encountered and the
ical location, social and religious features, and their prob- suffering this brought.
lematic standing in society provides important indications a. "Visiting Strangers and Resident Aliens." One of
of both the situation which prompted this letter and the the most notable features of I Peter is the identification of
strategy which shaped its response (Elliott 198 l: 59-100). its addressees by a pair of Greek terms best rendered as
I. Geographical Location. The geographical location "visiting strangers" (parepidlmoi, l: l, 2: 11) and "resident
of the addressees is indicated in 1: 1: ". . . to the elect aliens" (paroikoi, 2: 11; cf. paroikia, 1: 17). Translations such
visiting strangers [and "resident aliens," 2:11] of the dis- as "exiles," "pilgrims," or "sojourners" (e.g., KJV, RSV, JB,
persion in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bi- NAB), along with the unwarranted addition (e.g., NEB,
thynia." These Roman provinces of Asia Minor (modern TEV) of "on earth" in 1: 17 (absent in the original Greek),
Turkey) were formerly independent territories which since distort the social and political connotations of these terms.
133 s.c.E. had gradually come under Roman control They likewise have led to the equally unwarranted assump-
through bequest or annexation. Their total population of tion that 1 Peter advocates a spiritual "pilgrimage on
ca. 8.5 million included an estimated I million Jews and earth" for believers whose ultimate goal is a "heavenly
80,000 Christians by the end of the I st century C.E. Apart home." Such a theme underlies the cosmic theology of the
from Syria-Palestine, it was here in Asia Minor that the letter to the Hebrews but hardly the perspective of 1 Peter
Christian movement made its earliest and most extensive with its focus on societal conflict and social rather than
advance. The sequence of provinces in I: I and the un- cosmic contrasts.
usual separation of Bithynia and Pontus (a single unified In the Greco-Roman world of I Peter, as in the Greek
province since 62 B.c.E.) are probable indications of the OT, paroikoi and parepidemoi were regarded and treated as
intended route of this circular letter, commencing in Pon- permanent or temporary "strangers in a strange land"
tus and concluding in Bithynia. Such a route would be (Elliott 1981: 24-37). Literally, paroikoi were foreigners
compatible with a Western (Roman) origin of the letter who lived "alongside" (par-) the "home" (oikos) of others.
and its emissary, arriving and departing by ship at the This condition of geographical and social displacement
northern shores of Bithynia-Pontus. (paroikia and related terms) was the constant and typical
2. Social and Ethnic Composition. In regard to the lot of God's ancient people. As Abraham was a resident
social composition of the audience, the letter specifically alien in Egypt (Gen 12: IO) and Canaan (Gen 23:4, 26:3;
refers to free men (2: 16), household slaves (2: 18-20), Heb 11 :8-9), so Moses in the land of Midian (Exod 2:22;
wives with nonbelieving husbands (3: 1-6), husbands with Acts 7:29), Israel in Egypt (Gen 15:13; Acts 7:6) living in a
Christian wives (3:7), community leaders ("elders," 5: 1-4) foreign "house of bondage" (Exod 20:2; Deut 5:6), Judah
and recent converts ("younger persons" [in the faith], 5:5). in Babylon (l Esdr 5:7), and later the Jewish settlement in
Culturally and religiously, the audience belonged to a Ptolemaic Egypt (3 Mace. 7: 19). Inscriptional evidence
worldwide brotherhood (5:9) originating in a Jewish mes- from Greek secular sources indicates that resident aliens
sianic sect which believed that the life, death and resurrec- formed a specific social stratum of local populaces (ranked
tion of Jesus as the Christ had ushered in the final age and below full citizens and above complete foreigners [xenoi])
the culmination of the history of God's chosen people and slaves. Their cooperation or noncooperation with the
(I: 3-2: 10). Forming a distinctive minority whose members native population could result in their moving up or down
were identified as "Christians" (4:16), this movement was the social ladder. Legally, such aliens were restricted in
engaged in a universal mission (2: 12, 3: 1-2) among the regard to whom they could marry, the holding of land
"gentiles" (nonbelievers including both Jews and pagans). and succession of property, voting, and participation in
The audience comprised an ethnic mix of converts from certain associations and were subjected to higher taxes and
both Judaism and paganism. Indicative of the former is severer forms of civil punishment. Set apart from their
the frequent use of the Jewish scriptures (see 3. below), host society by their lack of local roots, their ethnic origin,
reference to messianic tradition (2:4-8) and venerated language, culture, and political or religious loyalties, such
Hebrew figures (prophets and their search for the Christ, strangers were commonly viewed as threats to established
I: 10-12; Sarah and Abraham, 3:5-6; Noah, 3:20), com- order and native well-being. Constant exposure to local
parative allusion to key events in Jewish history (Abraham fear and suspicion, ignorant slander, discrimination and
as resident alien, 2: 11 [Gen 23:4]; Passover and Exodus of manipulation was the regular lot of these social outsiders.
I~raelite aliens, I: 13, 18-19; alien existence in the disper- In Asia Minor, resident aliens were found among both
SIOn, I: I, and Babylon, 5: 13), and stress on the distinctive the urban and rural populations, working as artisans,
features of Israel's identity (holy, 1:14-16; 3:5; elect, 1:1; traders and dispossessed farmers (Magie 1950: 639-40,
2:4-10; 5:13) which now characterizes the believers in 1503). Because of their marginal status as outsiders, they
Christ. On the other hand, reference to an earlier igno- frequently joined clubs or cults which offered the promise
rance of and alienation from God (I: 14, 2: l 0) and the of social acceptance, mutual support, or even salvation. As
PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF 274. v
the Christian movement expanded beyond Palestine and norant (2: 12, 14-15; 3: 13-17; 4: 15). Subjected to unjust
throughout the Jewish diaspora, it moved along the trade treatment (2:18-20) and fear (3:6, 14), they were also
routes of the empire. Spread by itinerant artisans and abused as a result of their termination of previous social
traders, it enlisted no small number of converts who were associations and modes of behavior (4:3-4). Faced with
strangers and resident aliens in their local communities. grief, sorrow, and suffering (1:6; 2:19-20; 3:14, 17; 4:1,
As the movement grew, it experienced increased resistance 12-19; 5:9-10), the addressees were in danger of doubting
from local populations of Jews and gentiles alike. By the the benefits of their conversion, abandoning hope in God's
time of 1 Peter, the precarious social condition of the mercy, and abdicating their proper responsibilities toward
movement as a whole had begun to mirror that of many both the brotherhood and the society at large.
of its individual adherents. Strangers who had embraced
the Christian faith for the communion, hope, and salvation I. Strategy
it promised were discovering that membership in this sect The expressed aim of 1 Peter was to encourage its
provided no escape from the prejudices and animosities suffering readers to stand fast in the grace of God (5: 12).
of the larger society. To the contrary, membership in this Its literary, theological, and social strategy was to set the
strange and exclusive movement from the East resulted issue of Christian suffering within the context of the
only in an increase in social friction and suspicion of tension between the r.eaders' social estrangement and their
strangers now banded together in a missionizing move- divine vocation, their "homelessness" in society and their
ment. As Israel's history indicated, social alienation and "at-homeness" in the family of God. To counteract the
oppression had been the regular experience of God's divisive and erosive effect of innocent suffering upon the
chosen and estranged people. From this history 1 Peter confidence, cohesion, and commitment of the brother-
drew on models and memories of dispersion and gather- hood and its mission, the letter reassures its readers of
ing, suffering and deliverance, societal rejection and di- their distinctive communal identity as God's favored fam-
vine acceptance so that continuity with the past, along with ily, encourages winsome conduct among the gentiles along
faith in the present, might serve as an effective basis for with love within the brotherhood, and urges continued
hope in the future. trust in God who vindicates the faithful who share the
b. Local Hostility, Not Official Roman Persecution. An suffering and glory of their exalted Lord.
attempt to link 1 Peter and the Christian suffering it I. Dignity and Status Conferred by God. At the outset
describes to a general persecution of Christianity initiated of the letter (1:1-2:10), a rich array of terms, images, and
by Rome (Beare 1970: 28-38; Windisch-Preisker Katho- contrasts serve to underscore the dignity and distinctive-
lischen Briefe HNT, 76-77) has justifiably been rejected by ness of the community to which the readers belonged.
the majority of scholars. 1 Peter speaks of Christians suf- Elected by God (1:1), sanctified by the Spirit (1:2; cf. 1:22),
fering "throughout the world" (5:9) but the first general redeemed by Christ's blood (1:18-19), believers in Jesus
imperial persecution of Christianity did not occur until Christ, God's elect agent of salvation, belong to the elect
251 c.E. under Decius. Earlier anti-Christian actions under and holy covenant people of God, the household in which
Nero in 64-65 (Tac. Annals 15:44; Suet. Ner. 16:2), possibly the Spirit resides (2:4-10; Elliott 1966). In contrast to Jews
Domitian in 93-96 (Suet. Dom. 10-17), and Trajan (Pliny ( 1:4, 10-12), pagans ( 1: 18), and all who reject Jesus as the
Ep. 10:96-97) were limited in scope to Rome or Pontus Christ (2:4-8), those believing the enduring good news
and were the product of sporadic local incidents rather (1:23-25) have a permanent inheritance, a sure salvation,
than of universal legal proscription. Nor is a state perse- and a firm basis for hope (1:3-5, 13, 21). Reborn by God
cution envisioned where respect for the emperor and civil the Father (1:3, 23; 2:2), believers as his obedient children
law is enjoined (2:13-17) and a positive outcome of good are not to conform to the passion of their former igno-
behavior is anticipated (2: 11-12; 3: 13-17). The nature of rance but to the holiness of the Wholly Other in the time
the hostility encountered-verbal abuse and reproach of their alien residence ( 1: 14-17). Through sincere love
(2: 12, 3: 16, 4: 14), curiosity concerning Christian hope of brothers and sisters in the faith and avoidance of divisive
(3:15), anger at the severance of former social ties (4:4)- behavior, they are to maintain the solidarity of the broth-
likewise makes the theory of a state-sponsored persecution erhood (1 :22; 2: 1; 3:8; 4:8).
both improbable and unnecessary. Details of the situation 2. Demarcation from Non-Christian Outsiders. As
point rather to social polarization and conflict which was conversion confers new dignity and status before God, so
local, disorganized and unofficial in character (Selwyn it also demarcates believers from unbelievers and the old
194 7; van Unnik IDB 3: 758-66; Reicke James, Peter, Jude way of life from the new. In addition to the distinctive
AB; Kelly Peter HNTC; Best I Peter NCBC; Goppelt Petrus- union that Christians are said to have with God and Jesus
brief MeyerK; Elliott 1981; Brox Petrusbrief2 EKKNT). As Christ, this point is further accentuated by the numerous
strangers and aliens belonging to a novel cult and exclusive contrasts drawn throughout the letter between past and
minority actively seeking adherents, these Christians were present ( 1: 14-15, 18; 2: 10, 25; 4:2-3), impermanence and
the victims of the harassment and discrimination regularly permanence ( 1:4-5, 23-25; 5:4), nonbelievers and the
experienced by those suspected of posing a disruptive faithful (2:7-10), sinners and the righteous (2:24; 3: 12.
threat to local peace and prosperity. 18; 4:18), human desires and the will of God (2:11. 15;
Branded by pagans with the opprobrious label "Chris- 4:1-3), abuse and innocent suffering (2:11-12, 18-25:
tians" (literally "Christ-lackeys"), and reproached for their 3:13-17; 4:4, 12-19; 5:8-9), devouring devil and broth-
allegiance to Christ (4:14, 16) they were called to account erhood united with God (5:8-9). As children of God's
for their curious hope (3:15), reviled (3:9) and unjustly family, Christians were indeed different and should re-
slandered as immoral or criminal wrongdoers by the ig- main so. Within a society governed by the self-interests of
v. 275 PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF

human passion, futile traditions, hopelessness, and fear, blessing, evidence of divine favor and sign of Christian
Christians formed a distinctive community enlivened by solidarity. In continuity with earlier Jewish and Christian
mercy, faith, hope, and love. tradition emphasizing 'joy in suffering" (Selwyn 194 7:
3. Distinctive Holy Behavior. This difference, however, 439-58), I Peter regards the suffering of God's people as
did not imply a Christian disdain of all societal norms and a sign of the end time, the day of judgment and salvation
values. Although I Peter was hardly written to warn (1:6-9; 4:5-7, 17-19). Suffering, moreover, is an occasion
against Christian involvement in anti-imperial subversive for the divine "testing" of the purity and constancy of faith
activity (as argued by Reickejames, Peter, andjude AB, xv- (I :6-7; 4: 12). Suffering for doing good in obedience to
xxix and refuted by Sleeper 1968), it did stress the impor- God's will has as its reward "praise, glory, and honor" (I :7;
tance which Christians, like gentiles, attached to good 2:7; 5: IO). Through such suffering, believers are united
conduct in both civic and domestic spheres (2:12, 14, 15, with their suffering Lord; his suffering serves as the model
20; 3:6, 10-12, 13-17; 4:15, 19). The ultimate norm of and means for theirs; and his glorification, as the basis for
Christian behavior, however, was fear of God alone (I: 17; their endurance and hope (2:18-25; 3:13-4:6; 4:12-19;
2:17, 18; 3:2, 15) and obedience to his will as exemplified 5: I; Osborne 1983; Elliott 1985; Richard 1986). Righteous
by Jesus Christ (1:2, 14-17; 2:15, 18-25; 3:17; 4:2, 19). suffering is therefore a "blessing" and an opportunity to
Where no conflict existed between conformity to God's will "keep the Christ (as) Lord holy in your hearts" (3: 14-I5).
and submission to human authorities established by God It is a sure sign of the presence of the "glory and the Spirit
(2:13), subordination was appropriate (2:13-3:7, 5:1-5) of God" (4:13-14) and the occasion in which those who
"because of the Lord" (2: 13, 21-25; 3: 18-22; 5:4). Respect bear Christ's name "give glory to God" (4: 16). Through
for public law and domestic harmony was as typical of innocent suffering believers are united not only with God
Christians as it was of gentiles. In the face of ignorant and the Christ but also with the worldwide Christian
popular suspicion to the contrary, believers were urged to brotherhood (5:9). Therefore the suffering which the
set the record straight. readers endure is not a reason for grief or despair but for
On the other hand, the readers were reminded that they "inexpressible and exalted joy" ( l :8; cf. 4: 13).
were ultimately servants of God (2: 16), co-servants with 5. Christian Community as the Household/Family of
the Christ (2:21-25), whose holy conduct was aimed also God. The strategy of l Peter was to mobilize the resources
at gentile conversion and the glorification of God (2: 11- of faith and concerted action which would enable the
12, 3:1-2, 4:11, 5:10). The letter's promotion of good Christian addressees to stand firm and persevere as the
conduct and domestic order is insufficient reason for community of God in a society from which they are es-
concluding that its intention was to advocate Christian tranged. Basic to this strategy, as the stress upon solidarity
acculturation to Roman values (Elliott 1981; 1986 against in suffering illustrates, was an emphasis upon the distinc-
Balch 1981; Stambaugh and Balch 1986). Where Christian tive collective identity and responsibility of the believers.
adherence to gentile values, customs, and moral standards Although the term "church" (ekklesia) is never employed,
would obscure or contradict the distinctive features of in the broader theological sense l Peter is one of the most
Christian community and allegiance, there believers were church-oriented compositions in the NT. Through faith,
to desist (I: I4-l 9; 2: 1, I I; 4: 1-4), resist (5:8-9) and stand believers are one "in Christ" (3: 16; 5: 10, 14). Their inno-
firm in God's grace (5:12). Respect was due the emperor, cent suffering unites them with the suffering Christ and
as to all men; but fear (awe and reverence) was to be suffering Christians everywhere (2: l 8-25; 3: I 3-4:6;
reserved for God alone, and love, to members of the 4:I2-I6; 5:I, 8-9). Christians together constitute the
brotherhood (2: 17). Retaliation sanctioned in society "flock of God" (5:2). Once scattered, this flock is now being
would be inconsistent with the solidarity believers have saved and gathered by its "chief shepherd" and guardian,
with their non-retaliating Lord (2: 18-25; 3:9, I5-16). Jesus Christ (5:4; 2:25). Within this one flock, Christian
Exploitation of role and rank would put the lie to the leaders ("elders"), as "under-shepherds," are to set the
humility, love, and mutual service owed one another by all proper example for the people to follow (5:2-3). In 2:9-
believers (I :22; 2: 17; 3:8; 4:8-9; 5:2-5) as "good house- IO, the culmination of a grand description of the people
hold stewards of God's varied grace" (4: 10-11). Continued of God (I :3-2: 10), a series of traditional communal epi-
association with nonbelievers and their selfish desires and thets is used to depict the eschatological community of
futile ways (I: 18; 2: 11; 4: 1-4) would deny the reality of faith. This community is an "elect race, a royal residence
their conversion, their holy union with God and Jesus [of God the King], a holy body of priests, God's own special
Chnst, and their incorporation into a new brotherhood of people." Once the addressees were, like Hosea's illegiti-
faith and hop~ (I:3-2:IO). Thus the behavior encouraged mate offspring, "Not-my-people" and "Without-mercy."
m I Peter, while superficially consistent with some conven- Through God's mercy (I:3), however, they, like Hosea's
tional standards, is ultimately and distinctively grounded contemporaries, have become the "People-of-God" and the
m God's will for his holy children and their solidarity with "Ones-Shown-Mercy" (2:10; cf. Hosea I:6; 2:1, 23). Those
Jesus Christ, God's suffering servant. once alienated from God are now the very children of God
4. Sol~darity in Suffering. Stress on the readers' special (I: 14).
umon w1th God and Jesus Christ likewise figures promi- Among these various images of community, it is the
nantly m the letter's discussion of their suffering. This identification and exhortation of Christians as members of
mnocem suf~erin~ is seen as a key symptom of their the household or family of God which dominates the letter
paradox1~al slt~auon: their estrangement in society and from beginning to end. In two key passages of the letter,
their umon w1th God. In startling contrast to societal 2 :4-10 and 4: 12-19, the community is explicitly called the
attitudes, suffering is described not as a bane but as a "household (oikos) of the Spirit" (2:5) or the "household
PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF 276 • v
(oikos) of God" (4: 17). In the former passage, this phrase was expressed in several instances of greetings from "our
interprets the covenantal epithet basileion (Exod 19:6) cited house to yours" (Rom 16:5; l Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm
in 2:9, and describes the eschatological community as the 2; l Pet 5:12-14). It was a logical extension of this social
"house(hold) in which God's Spirit dwells" (Elliott 1981: reality when the Christian community as a whole was then
167-69). In the latter passage, "house(hold) of God" like- described as the "household of God" (Gal 6: 10; Eph 2: 19-
wise identifies the community united with Christ and upon 21; l Tim 3:5, 15; Heb 3:1-6, 10:21; l Peter).
which God's Spirit rests. Consistent with this household T~roughout ancient society the household or family was
metaphor are further instances of oikos-related terminol- considered the fundamental form and model of social
ogy. The readers also are assured that they are being political, and religious organization. For Judaism and
"built up" (oikodomeisthe, 2:5) by God and at the letter's Christianity, the house of Abraham, of Jacob, of Israel, of
conclusion this metaphor of construction and confirma- David, and of the new household of Jesus (Mark 3:21-35
tion is repeated (5:10). In the household instruction of par.) reckoned prominently in the history of salvation.
2:18-3:7, the servant-slaves are addressed not with the With its diverse connotations, the reality and symbol of
conventional term for slaves (douloi, Eph 6:5; Col 3:22; "household-family-brotherhood" provided a pregnant
Titus 2:9) but with the word for "household servants" and powerful metaphor for describing a community cre-
(oiketai, 2: 18). In its only NT occurrence, synoikein is used ated and sustained by God as Father, King, and Provider.
to exhort Christian husbands to "live together" with their Finally, with this symbolization of Christian community,
wives in the knowledge that both spouses are co-heirs of the letter addresses most directly the situation of its recipi-
the grace of life (3:7). Similarly, all the addressees are ents, their social condition and their divine vocation. In
encouraged to practice hospitality, love, and mutual ser- society Christians are indeed strangers and strangers they
vice as "household stewards (oikonomoi) of God's varied should remain, as signs of holiness and beacons of hope.
grace" (4:7-11). Endurance of suffering and steadfastness in faith is possi-
In conjunction with this image of household/family, the ble because of their incorporation in the household of
process of salvation and conversion is pictured as a "re- God. In the family of the faithful the homeless of society
birth" (l :3, 23; 2:2) initiated by God, the father of a new (paroikoi) have a home (oikos) with God. The church, ac-
human family (l :2, 3, 17). Those who have been reborn cording to 1 Peter, is a home for the homeless.
have become his "children" (1:14; 2:2) subject to his will
and protected by his power and care (1:14-17; 4:19; 5:6- J. Date, Authorship, Place of Composition
7, 10). This process of "infamilialization" transforms be- I. Date. The ambiguous nature of the letter's internal
lievers into brothers and sisters. The senders (5:12, 13) evidence concerning its date, authorship, and place of
and recipients of the letter belong to a "brotherhood" composition requires a consideration of several interre-
(2: 17; 5:9)-the only NT occurrence of this term-whose lated literary, historical, and social factors. Both a time
cohesion is maintained through the practice of "brotherly frame for the letter's composition and a place of origin is
love" (1:22; 3:8; 4:8) and expressed through the familial suggested by its close links (Forster 1913: 398-411, 424-
"kiss of love" (5:14). The roles, relations, and mutual 42) to two letters of Roman provenance, Romans (ca. 57
responsibilities within this community are therefore ap- c.E.) and 1 Clement (ca. 96). The nature oft.he numerous
propriately defined according to the pattern of household thematic affinities among all three documents, while not
instruction (2:13-3:9; 5:1-5). And the service owed by indicating direct literary dependency, points to the exis-
Christians to one other is compared to that of humble tence and use of a body of tradition common to the
household servants (diakonein, 4:10, 11) and stewards (oi- Christian community at Rome (Lohse, in Talbert 1986:
konomoi, 4:10). 53-55; Best 1 Peter NCBC, 32-36, 64-65; Goppelt Petrus-
The depiction of the universal believing community as brief, 345-55). As Romans contributed to the tradition of
the household or family of God functions as a comprehen- the Roman church upon which l Peter drew, so I Peter
sive metaphor for coordinating the distinctive features of subsequently added traditions and themes which recur in
communal Christian identity and affirming the relation 1 Clement. Accordingly, 1 Peter was written sometime be-
between identity and ethos. In addition to its literary tween the years 57 and 96.
utility, the image of the household constitutes a symbol of Other features of the letter are consistent with this
Christian community closely related to the history of the general time frame and help to reduce its limits. Since the
Christian mission. Most importantly, the psychological, suffering described in l Peter was not the result of impe-
social, and religious connotations of "house and home" rial persecution, scholars convinced of its Petrine author-
make this image of community a compelling response to ship assign the letter to the years preceding the great fire
the problem of social estrangement. in Rome (64 C.E.) and Nero's subsequent anti-Christian
It was the conversion of households which served as the campaign (Bigg St. Peter and St.]ude2 ICC, 87; Selwyn 1947:
focus and springboard of the nascent Christian mission 56-63; van Unnik IDB 3: 765; Reickejames, Peter, and Jude
(Luke 19:9; John 4:46-53; Acts 10-11; 16:15, 31-34; AB 71; Spicq Epitres Pierre SB, 26; Kelly Peter and Jude
18:8; l Cor I: 14, 16; 16: 15). Households provided the HNTC, 30). Further factors, however, including indica-
base of Christian operations, the places of worship and tions of the letter's pseudonymity, indicate the likelihood
centers for support and mutual aid (Acts 2:26; 5 :42; 9: l 0- of a later date of composition in the middle years of the
19; 12:12; Rom 16:1-23; l Cor 16:15; Col 4:15; Phlm 2). Flavian period, ca. 73-92 (Elliott 1981: 84-87; Best 1 Peter
Household hospitality (l Pet 4:9) facilitated the mobility of NCBC, 63-64; Goppelt, 64-65; Brox, 38-47).
missionaries and thus the rapid expansion of the move- The vast scope of the letter's address (four provinces
ment. The unity of this movement of household networks comprising ca. 129,000 sq. mi. and two provinces not
v. 277 PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF

reached by Paul [Bithynia-Pontus and Cappadocia]) re- Acts, Colossians, Ephesians, Hebrews); a "servant" christol-
quires the allowance of sufficient time for ~h~ spread of ogy (Mark, Luke-Acts) which was later abandoned; a chris-
Christianity in this area subsequent to the m1ss1on of Paul. tological motivation of moral conduct (contrast later ap-
Moreover, the s1quence of provinces given in 1: l may peals to apostolic authority in Jude, 2 Peter and Pastorals);
reflect not only lf,e intended route of the letter but also absence of contention over gnosis and heresy; and a still
the alteration of these provincial boundaries undertaken lively apocalyptic eschatological orientation.
by Vespasian in 72 c.E. (Elliott 198 l: 60). Distance from 2. Authorship and Provenance: A Petrine Group in
the Pauline period and the early 60s is also indicated by Rome. This date of composition rules out authorship by
the growth and coalescence of diverse traditions reflected the apostle Peter who, according to the most reliable
in 1 Peter and the shift from an internal Jewish debate evidence (Cullmann 1958: 70-152; O'Connor 1969), suf-
over the Mosaic law to a struggle of believers now labeled fered martyrdom in Rome ca. 65-67. The letter's refined
as "Christians" with an alien and hostile society. An accom- literary style, rich, often rare, vocabulary not occurring
panying shift in political perspective from the positive view elsewhere in the NT; and consistent citation of the Greek
of Roman government expressed in Rom 13 to the neutral OT are also difficult to reconcile with the NT picture of
stance of l Peter (2: 13-17) would be a consequence of Simon Peter as an unschooled (Acts 4: 13) and Aramaic-
Nero's pogrom against the Christians of Rome, including speaking Galilean fisherman (Schrage Katholischen Briefe
Peter (65-67 c.E.), as viewed from the distance of a decade NTD, 62-64; Brox Petrusbrief2 EKKNT 43-47). The hy-
or more. Though no longer under imperial attack, Chris- pothesis that 5: 12 identifies Silvanus as Peter's secretary
tians had learned a sobering lesson about esteeming Ro- and co-author (Selwyn 194 7: 9-17, 241; Reickejames, Peter,
man officials as "ministers of God" (Rom 13:6). Jude AB, 69-71) lacks convincing proof (Beare 1970: 212-
The figurative use of the term "Babylon" to signify the 16). Even less is known of Silvanus and his literary ability
letter's place of origin (5: 13) likewise indicates its post-70 than of Peter and the commendation of Silvanus as "a
date and composition at Rome. The lack of any trace of faithful brother" would then appear a deceptive form of
Petrine activity in the Mesopotamian city of Babylon, or in self-praise. The Greek expression employed in 5:12 (dia
the Roman military outpost in Egypt also known as Baby- Silouanou ... egrapsa) conventionally identifies the emissary
lon, makes it virtually certain that, in accord with later through whom a letter is delivered (cf. Ign. Rom. 10: 1; Ign.
Jewish and Christian usage, "Babylon" referred figura- Phild. 11 :2; lgn. Smyrn. 12: 1; cf. Polyc. Ep. 7:3) and occurs
tively to Rome, the city attested by the unanimous witness also in Acts 15:23 to identify Silas/Silvanus and Judas
of the early church as the location of Peter's final ministry Barsabbas as emissaries of the letter of the Jerusalem
and martyrdom. Rome, like Babylon of old (Isa 13; 43: 14; council to the believers at Antioch (15:22-34).
Jer 50-51; Dan 1-7), was seen as the seat of a godless Additional information from Acts records not only the
empire which also had destroyed Jerusalem and its temple personal association of Peter and Silvanus/Silas in Jerusa-
and now marked an important site of God's dispersed lem and their important role in the promotion of the
people. This designation of Rome as "Babylon," occurring Gentile mission (Acts 15 and Silvanus's subsequent activity
only in literature composed after the fall of Jerusalem in with Paul, 15:40-18:22). It also indicates Jerusalem (Acts
70 c.E. (Sib. Or. 5:143, 159; 2 Bar. ll:l, 67:7, 4 Ezra 3:1, 12:12, 13:13) as the place where both Peter and Silvanus
28, 31; Rev. 14:8, 16: 19, 17 :5, 18:2, IO, 21 ), constitutes also had contact with Mark, probably the same person
further cogent evidence for the post-70 composition of l identified in l Pet 5: 13 as "my [Peter's] son." The absence
Peter. of further introductory information concerning Silvanus
On the other hand, a date of composition no later than and Mark in 1 Peter suggests that they, like Peter, were
the early 90s is also likely. By the time of Revelation (ca. known to the addressees by reputation, if not through
95) the situation of Christianity in Asia, one of the prov- personal contact. In all likelihood, therefore, the Silvanus
inces also addressed in l Peter, had worsened. In contrast and Mark of I Peter were the same persons associated with
to the conditions and political perspective reflected in l Peter in Jerusalem, later co-workers with Paul (Acts 13:4-
Peter, many believers had suffered martyrs' deaths (Rev 13; Col 4:10; Phlm 24; 2 Tim 4:11; 2 Cor 1:19; l Thess
2:13; 6:9-10; 16:6; 18:24; 19:2) and the attitude toward l: l; 2 Thess l: l ), and eventually reunited with Peter in
Rome had changed to a thoroughly negative one (chaps. Rome .
.12-18). Likewise, in Pontus, another province addressed All three of the persons expressly named in I Peter
m 1 Peter, Christian defections had begun by the mid 90s would thus constitute important figures through whom
(Pliny, Ep. 10.96) and in Rome Domitian's "reign of terror" the Palestinian tradition of Jesus' words and the kerygma
(93-96) was underway. l Peter reflects none of these later of his death and resurrection was transmitted from East to
developments; its situation rather presupposes an earlier West. The explicit mention of these three names indicates
Flavian period marked by a relative tranquility which en- that l Peter is the communication not so much of an
compassed imperial-Christian relations as well (Magie individual as of a group, a circle once gathered around the
1950: 566-92). apostle Peter and now writing in his name. Less important
These various factors taken together make it likely that than the question of who actually wrote the letter is the
1 Peter was written from Rome sometime during the years fact that l Peter represents the witness of the apostle Peter,
7.3 to. 92 C.E. Consistent with this period of the Church's the personal networks of a brotherhood reaching from
slluatmn and theological development are further features Jerusalem to Rome, and the rich tradition of the Roman
of the letter such as the rudimentary mode of organization Christian community (Lohse, in Talbert 1986: 53-55; Best,
(4: 10-11) and presbyteral leadership (5: 1-5); the emer- 32-36, 64-65; Goppelt, 37, 65-70, 347-49; Elliott 1981:
gence of the household as ecclesial model (Mark, Luke- 267-95). The letter was ascribed most naturally to this
PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF 278. v
group's apostolic leader, Peter, one who in his own life and Kiimmel, W. G. 1975. Introduction to the New Testament. Rev. ed. New
death bore witness to Christ's suffering (5:1) and who was York and Nashville.
later attested as Mark's associate in Rome (Papias, Iren- Lohse, E. 1954. l"araenese und Kerygma im 1. Petrusbrief. ZNW
aeus, Origen, in Eus. Hi.st. Eccl. 3.39; 5.8.3; 6.25.3-6) and 45: 68-89; Repr. pp. 37-60 in Talbert 1986.
a major figure of the Roman community (1 Clem. 5:4; Jgn. Magie, D. 1950. Roman Rule in Asia Minor. 2 vols. Princeton.
Rom. 4:3). Speaking in the name of their martyred leader, Martin, R. P. 1962. The Composition of I Peter in Recent Study.
this Petrine branch of the family of God in "Babylon" VE I: 29-42.
assured fellow members of the household dispersed Munro, W. 1983. Authority in Paul and Peter. SNTSMS 45. Cam-
throughout Asia Minor of the bonds of suffering, faith, bridge.
and hope which united the worldwide Christian brother- Neill, S. 1964. The Interpretation of the New Testament /861-1961.
hood. In I Peter, accordingly, the ecumenical roots and London.
vision of Christianity at Rome received their first signifi- O'Connor, D. W. 1969. Peter in Rome:. The Literary, Liturgical, and
cant articulation. (See also Michaels 1 Peter WBC; Olsson Archaeological Evidence. New York.
Forsta Petrusbrevet Kommentar till Nya Testament; Schrage Osborne, T. P. 1983. Guide Lines for Christian Suffering: A
and Baiz Katholi.schen Briefe NTD.)
Source-Critical and Theological Study of 1 Peter 2:21-25. Bib
64: 381-408.
Bibliography
Perrot, C. et al. 1979. Eludes sur la premiere Lettre de Pierre. LD I 02.
Adinolfi, M. 1988. La prima lettera di Pietro de/ mondo greco-romano.
l"aris.
Bibliotheca Pontificii Athenaei Antoniani 26. Rome.
Puig Tarrech, A. 1980. Le milieu de la premiere epitre de Pierre.
Balch, D. L. 1981. Let Wives Be Submissive. SBLMS 26. Chico, CA.
RCT 5: 95-129, 331-402.
Beare, F. W. 1970. The First Epistle of Peter. 3d rev. ed. Oxford.
Reicke, B. 1946. The Disobedient Spirits and Christian Baptism. ASNU
Brown, R. E.; Donfried, K. P.; and Reumann, J. 1973. Peter in the
New Testament. Minneapolis. 13. Copenhagen.
Brox, N. 1977. Situation und Sprache der Minderheit im ersten Richard, E. 1986. The Functional Christology of First Peter.
Petrusbrief. Kairos 19: 1-13. Pp. 121-39 in Talbert 1986.
- - . 1978. Der erste Petrusbrief in der literarischen Tradition Selwyn, E. G. 194 7. The First Epistle of SI. Peter. 2d ed. London.
des Urchristentums. Kairos 20: 182-92. Shimada, K. 1985. Is I Peter a Composite Writing? A]BI 11: 95-
Calloud, J., and Genuyt, F. 1982. La premiere ~pUre de Pierre: Analyse 114.
shniotique. LD 109. l"aris. Sleeper, C. F. 1968. Political Responsibility According to 1 Peter.
Combrink, H.J. B. 1975. The Structure of 1 Peter. Neotestamentica NovT 10: 270-86.
9: 34-63. Stambaugh, J. E., and Balch, D. L. 1986. The New Testament in Its
Cothenet, E. 1980. Les orientations actuelles de l'exegese de la Social Environment. Philadelphia.
premiere lettre de Pierre. Pp. 13-42 in Eludes sur la premiere Sylva, D. 1980. A 1 Peter Bibliography. JETS 25: 75-89. Repr.
Lettre de Pierre, ed. C. Perrot et al. l"aris. pp. 17-36 in Talbert 1986.
Cross, F. L. 1954. 1 Peter: A Paschal Liturgy. London. Talbert, C. H., ed. 1986. Perspectives on First Peter. National Associa-
Cullmann, 0. 1958. Peter: Disciple, Apostle, Martyr. Trans. F. V. Filson. tion of the Baptist Professors of Religion Special Study Series
New York. 9. Macon, GA.
Dalton, W. J. 1989. Christ's Proclamation to the Spirits. AnBib 23. 2d Unnik, W. C. van. 1980. Sparsa Collecta. Vol. 2. NovTSup 30. Leiden.
rev. ed. Rome. Vogels, H. J. 1976. Christi Abstieg ins Totenreich und das Laeuterungs-
Elliott, J. H. 1966. The Elect and the Holy. An Exegetical Examination gericht an den Toten. ITS 102. Freiburg.
of 1 Peter and the Phrase basileion hierateuma. NovTSup 12. JOHN H. ELLIOTI
- - . 1976. The Rehabilitation of an Exegetical Step-child: 1
Peter in Recent Research. ]BL 95: 243-54. Repr. pp. 3-16 in
Talbert 1986. PETER, GOSPEL OF. The Gospel of Peter ( = Gos. Pet.)
- - . 1981. A Home for the Homeless: A Sociological Exegesis of 1 was a narrative gospel of the synoptic type which circulated
Peter, Its Situation and Strategy. Philadelphia. in the mid-lst century under the authority of the name
- - . 1985. Backward and Forward "In His Steps": Following
Peter. An earlier form of the gospel probably served as
Jesus from Rome to Raymond and Beyond: The Tradition,
one of the major sources for the canonical gospels. Neither
Redaction, and Reception of 1 Peter 2:18-25. Pp. 184-209 in
quoted nor extensively described by patristic authors, Gos.
Discipleship in the New Testament, ed. F. F. Segovia. Philadelphia.
Pet. is preserved today only in two very fragmentary manu-
- - . 1986. I Peter, Its Situation and Strategy: A Discussion with
David Balch. Pp. 61-78 in Talbert 1986.
scripts. The partially preserved story begins abruptly with
Forster, 0. D. 1913. The Literary Relations of "The First Epistle of
the trial scene where Pilate washes his hands, includes a
Peter" with Their Bearing on Date and Place of Authorship. vol. 17, unique and unusual account of the resurrection, and con-
pp. 363-538 of the Transactions of the Connecticut Academy cludes in mid-sentence with, apparently, the beginning of
of Arts and Sciences. New Haven. a resurrection appearance scene at the Sea of Galilee.
Goppelt, L. 1982. The Responsibility of Christians in Society ac-
cording to the First Epistle of Peter. Vol. 2, pp. 161-78 in A. Patristic Sources and Manuscripts
Theology of the New Testament. 2 vols. Trans. J. E. Alsup. Grand l. Eusebius and Origen
Rapids, Ml. 2. Akhmim Papyrus
Guthrie, D. 1970. New Testament Introduction. 3d rev. ed. Downers 3. Oxyrhynchus Papyrus Fragments
Grove, II. 4. Identifying the Text
v • 279 PETER, GOSPEL OF

B. Debate over Literary Relations text that was available to him from an earlier and fragmen-
I. Overview of the History of Research tary manuscript. As a result, we know nothing of the
2. Crossan's Hypothesis contents and nature of Gos. Pet. in the portions that origi-
C. Contents and Story Line nally preceded the scene of Pilate's handwashing and
D. Supposed Gnostic and Docetic Features originally followed the beginning of the resurrection ap-
pearance scene of the Sea of Galilee.
A. Patristic Sources and Manuscripts 3. Oxyrhynchus Papyrus Fragments. Cambridge Uni-
l. Eusebius and Origen. The church historian Eusebius versity Press published in 1972 an edition of two small and
(ca. 303 c.E.) passes on a tradition about bishop Serapion fragmentary Greek papyri which probably belong to Gos.
of Antioch (ca. 200 c.E.) in W Syria who had received a Pet. (Coles 1972: 15-16 and pl. II). The fragments are
report about a certain Gospel of Peter which was in use at part of the larger sensational find known as the Oxyrhyn-
the church in nearby Rhossus (Hi.st. Eccl. 6.12.2-6). Bishop chus Papyri, first discovered in 1897 in the rubbish heaps
Serapion had no serious objections to the use of the text of the ancient town of Oxyrhynchus (modern el Bahnasa,
but determined that it could be understood by some to north of Akhmim halfway to the delta). The editor of the
promote a docetic Christology. An even more obscure text, R. A. Coles, observes (I) that the two fragments are
reference is made by Origen (ca. 250 c.E.) in his commen- from the same manuscript, (2) that the manuscript was a
tary on Matt 10:17 (PG 13, 876C-877A). The patristic scroll rather than a codex, (3) that the extant, though
authors transmit no quotes from the gospel so that its brief, text has significant affinities with the text of Gos. Pet.
contents and nature remained a mystery until the end of from the Akhmim manuscript, (4) that the text of the
the last century. Oxyrhynchus manuscripts can be identified with Gos. Pet.
2. Akhmim Papyrus. The French archaeological mis- 2:3-5a from the Akhmim manuscript, (5) that the text of
sion in Cairo discovered a Greek manuscript containing Gos. Pet. in the Oxyrhynchus fragments represents a differ-
part of Gos. Pet. in the winter season of 1886-87 while ent recension of the text from what we find in the Akhmim
excavating in the ancient Christian cemetery of the mod- manuscript (cf. Crossan 1988: 6-9), and (6) that the infor-
ern Egyptian town of Akhmim (ancient Panopolis), sixty mal type of scribal hand can be dated to the early 3d or
miles N of Nag Hammadi (Bouriant 1892-93). While the possibly late 2d century (Coles 1972: 15-16).
monk's grave in which the manuscript was found dates Thus, the Oxyrhynchus fragments give us a papyrolog-
from the 8th to 12th century (Bouriant 1892-93: 93-94; ical witness to the Gos. Pet. which predates both to the
Swete 1893: xlv-xlvii), the scribal hand of the Gos. Pet. text patristic allusions to the text and also predates the Akh-
dates from the 7th to 9th century (van Haelst 1976: no. mim manuscript by about 500 to 600 years. Further, it is
598) giving us a tentative date in perhaps the latter half of clear that the early papyrological evidence for Gos. Pet. is
the 8th century for the copying of the Gos. Pet. text (750- now as strong as that for the gospels of Matthew and Luke
800 C.E.). The text has been available for the past century (Liihrmann 1981: 225) and probably better than that for
in a photographic facsimile edition (Lods 1892-93: pis. 1- Mark, Gos. Thom., and Gos. Mary. The 2 Oxyrhynchus
XXXIV, esp. II-VI) accompanied by a critical text edition fragments are generally considered a single manuscript
(Lods 1892-93: 219-24). Today the manuscript is con- and so are given the single inventory number P. Oxy. 2949.
served in the papyrus collection of the Cairo Museum. The papyri are now conserved in the Ashmolean Museum,
The Akhmim manuscript is in the form of a codex Oxford.
(book) which was rather crudely constructed out of pages 4. Identifying the Thxt. Following such analyses as those
from other manuscripts. Following the facsimile edition of of Liihrmann (1981: 216-26) and Crossan (1988: 3-9),
Lods (1892-93: pis. I-XXIV), the codex measures six most scholars today identify the texts on the Oxyrhynchus
inches high by four-and-a-half inches wide and has 33 and Akhmim manuscripts with the Gos. Pet. mentioned by
unpaginated leaves ( = 66 pages). The codex contains four Eusebius. Since none of the surviving fragments contains
separate texts: (I) part of Gos. Pet., (2) part of the Apocalypse the title of gospel, and since none of the patristic authors
of Peter, (3) part of 1 Enoch (I: 1-32:6), and (4) part of the preserved quotes from the Gos. Pet., the gospel text on the
martyrdom of a certain Julian. The texts are copied by two Oxyrhynchus and Akhmim manuscripts is technically
or three different scribes, the two Petrine texts copied by from an unknown gospel. The strongest evidence which
the same scribe. Van Haelst dates the hand of the 1 Enoch equates the gospel text of the papyri with the Gos. Pet.
text from the 4th to 6th centuries and thus as the earliest mentioned by Eusebius and used by western Syrian Chris-
hand in the codex (1976: no. 595). tians in the late 2d century, is that the voice of the text's
For our purposes, it is noteworthy that the Akhmim text narrator-author is identified in the first-person singular as
of Gos. Pet. is surrounded by typical though crude scribal "Simon Peter" ("But I, Simon Peter ... " 14:60; cf. 7:26;
decorations both at the beginning of the texts (where the note the closely related third-person singulars in 7:27 and
scene of Pilate washing his hands abruptly begins) and also 14:59). Another, though weaker, indicator is that the gos-
at the coi:iclusion of the text (where the text suddenly ends pel text of the papyri can be read, without too much
m the middle of a sentence). This means that the earlier trouble, as the same text which Serapion obliquely de-
manuscript containing Gos. Pet. from which the Akhmim scribes (Crossan 1988: 12).
scribe copied was already a broken fragment. There was
certainly enough room on the bottom part of the last page 8. Debate over Literary Relations
contammg the Gos. Pet. text ( = codex page 10) for the 1. Overview of the History of Research. Debate contin-
scnbe to have copied more of that Petrine text onto his ues over the relationship of Gos. Pet. to the canonical
page, verifying that the scribe copied all of the Gos. Pet. gospels. In line with the generally more conservative, and
PETER, GOSPEL OF 280 • v
perhaps less critical approach of an earlier generation, Koester argued for a text which was older than and "inde-
Gos. Pet. was first understood to be a literary pastiche of pendent of the canonical gospels" (1982: 2.163) while
texts borrowed from the canonical gospels and then em- Crossan has gone the distance in isolating those sources
bellished by fanciful oral traditions (esp. Robinson 1892: and demonstrating their place within the development of
11-36, 82-88, and Vaganay 1930: 18-27; cf. also Swete the tradition. One can expect that all future research on
1893 and Zahn 1893). Adolf von Harnack proposed, as Gos. Pet. will need to begin with a serious consideration of
early as his lectures of November 3 and IO, 1892, that Gos. Crossan's work.
Pet. might preserve some independent traditions, but his
discussion is too vague to be anything more than suggestive C. Contents and Story Line
(1893: 32-37, 47). Clearer arguments for independent The standard text in English translation is divided into
traditions in Gos. Pet. were later made by Gardner-Smith 14 short chapters and 60 continuously numbered verses
(l925-26a, b), Denker (1975), and most notably by Hel- (yet it is standard practice to list both the chapter and
mut Koester (1980: 126-30; 1982: 2.162-63). The most verse numbers). The following resume of the story line
useful and fully documented analysis is the recent work of follows the larger text from the Akhmim fragment (NTA-
Crossan (1988: 16-30 and passim), who laments the early pocr, 183-87): 1 :1-2 the conclusion of the trial scene with
years of scholarly analysis with appropriately incisive state- the presence of Jesus, Pilate (who alone washes his hands),
ments: "one cannot help wondering if scholarship would Herod (who proclaims judgment) and his judges, and the
have been better served by everyone taking a little more people; 2:3-5a (also in P. Oxy. 2949) Joseph the friend of
time instead of rushing to judgement.... scholarship is at Pilate asks to bury the body of Jesus before the Sabbath so
an impasse on the Gospel of Peter ... it has accepted that as to keep the law; 2:5b--3:9 Jesus is delivered to the people
impasse much too readily" (1988: 13-14). who mock and beat him; 4:10-14 he is crucified with two
2. Crossan's Hypothesis. A new direction in the study malefactors who suggest he is innocent, only to enrage
of the Gos. Pet. was initiat~d by the publication of Crossan's those who cast lots for his garments and thus refuse to
study in 1988. Rather than rephrase Crossan's statement, break his legs so that his suffering might be extended;
the present author presents here Crossan's own concise 5: 15-20 the sky darkens at noon, the people are thus
description of his hypothesis on the textual history of Gos. afraid that the Sabbath has begun with the body still on
Pet.: the cross, he cries out his last words and is taken up, then
the veil of the Temple is rent in two; 6:21-24 the Jews
I find three major stages in the compositional history of bring Jesus down from the cross, at the ninth hour the sun
the present Gospel of Peter . ... I call the first and earliest shines again and the Jews rejoice, Joseph prepares the
stage the Cross Gospel, a document presently imbedded body for burial and puts it in his own sepulchre; 7:25-27
in the Gospel of Peter, just as Q is in Matthew and Luke. the Jews begin to lament as Peter and his fellows hide with
. . . The second stage is the use of the preceding mourning and weeping; 8:28-9:34 some Jews entreat Pi-
document by all four of the intracanonical Gospels. I late to seal the tomb and set guards to prevent a theft of
hold it to be the only passion and resurrection narrative the body and consequent supposition of a resurrection; a
used by Mark and, along with him, by Matthew and large crowd gathers; 9:35-11 :49 the tomb opens with a
Luke, and, along with them, by John .... all the intraca- voice from heaven, two men (angels) enter the tomb, three
nonical passion and resurrection narratives are depen- men (the two angels and the resurrected Jesus) come out
dent on the Cross Gospel. ... The third and latest stage of the tomb with a walking-talking cross following them,
occurs when this Cross Gospel, like John before it, comes the soldiers report the event to Pilate and confess "in truth
under pressure to adapt itself to the intracanonical he was the Son of God"; then Pilate commands the soldiers
endings with their stories of honorable burial, discovery to be silent about what they had heard and seen; 12:50-
of the empty tomb, and apparition for missionary man- 13:57 Mary Magdalene and some unidentified women
date to the apostles. This expanded composition is at- friends go to the tomb to prepare the body (?), find the
tributed pseudonymously to Peter, but it is already far tomb opened, and speak with a young man who tells them
too late to save it for intracanonical inclusion (Crossan Jesus "is risen and gone thither whence he was sent"; the
1988: xii-xiv). women flee the scene in fear; 14:58-59 after the feast the
people return to their homes; the twelve (!) disciples are
Crossan's interpretation clearly falls into the camp of still weeping and mourning and also return to their
those, like Koester before him, who argue for independent homes; 14:60 "But I, Simon Peter, and my brother An-
traditions in Gos. Pet. Crossan's distinct contribution is drew took our nets and went to the sea. And there was
twofold: (1) the identification of redactional strata within Levi, the son of Alphaeus, whom the Lord ... " [note:
the present text, and (2) the construction of a theory of sudden conclusion of extant text in mid-sentence].
the development of those strata in relation to the develop-
ment of the gospel tradition in general, especially the D. Supposed Gnostic and Docetic Features ..
canonical gospels, Q, Gos. Thom., and numerous related The history of research on Gos. Pet. shows a defimuve
texts. preoccupation with the issue of the supposed gnostic or at
The implications for the Koester-Crossan line of reason- least docetic character of the gospel's christology. The
ing are clear. The sources now incorporated into the supposed gnostic and docetic features of the text are
extant text of Gos. Pet. go back to the preformative stages found in 4:10, where it is said that at the crucifixion Jesus
of the development of the passion narrative and the empty "held his peace as if he felt no pain"; at 5: 19, where it is
tomb story, thus dating them to the mid-1st century. said that at his death he was "taken up"; and at 10:39-42
v. 281 PETER, PASSION OF
where the cross walks out of the tomb behind the resur- Martyrdom of Peter. See PETER, ACTS OF. The Martyrdom
rected Jesus with the two angels, and it then replies "yes" survives in three Greek manuscripts and in the Latin
to the voice from heaven. Such features are hardly repre- translation of the Vercelli Acts of Peter. Versions of varying
sentative of any gnostic or docetic theology, and have been completeness also survive in Arabic, Armenian, Coptic,
given ample consideration by Crossan ( 1988: 10-12) and Ethiopic, Slavic, and Syriac. The text is often found in
Maurer (NTApocr, 100-81). association with the Martyrdom of Paul.
Crossan ( 1988: I 0-12) extends the theological analysis One Greek manuscript from Mt. Athos begins with the
into the Serapion tradition transmitted by Eusebius and story of Chryse in Acts Pet. 30 and so contains the story of
notes that Serapion's concern was not with any gnostic or Simon Magus's final flight. The other versions begin with
docetic features in the text, nor did he consider Gos. Pet. to Peter's preaching of continence and conclude with the end
be an unacceptable text, but rather that some persons (a of Nero's persecution of believers in Rome (cf. Acts Pet. 33-
certain Marcianus) were able to read Gos. Pet. in a docetic 41 ). Attributing persecution to the concupiscence of prom-
manner. Serapion then proceeds to list what he considers inent men is a common motif in early Christian literature.
docetic additions to the text, but at that point Eusebius The prominence of Peter's preaching on chastity in the
moves on to another issue. We have no reason to suppose Martyrdom may have led to an overestimation of its impor-
that the docetic additions to the text which Serapion iden- tance in the Acts Pet. as a whole.
tified were found anywhere in the brief remains of the Interest in Peter's status as a martyr appears by the
story as we have them in the extant text from the Akhmim beginning of the 2d century in both Asia Minor and Rome.
fragment; they could have been found in scenes preceding All traditions which locate Peter's martyrdom place it in
or following the extant story. Rome, often connecting it to Paul's martyrdom. By the end
of the 2d century, the location of Peter's martyrdom was
Bibliography more precisely fixed at the Vatican hill, and soon took on
Bouriant, U. 1892-93. Fragments du texte grec du livre d'Enoch significance in church politics. The failure of the Martyr-
et de quelques ecrits attribues a saint Pierre. Pp. 91-147 in dom of Peter to locate the place of Peter's execution or burial
Mt!moires publies par les membres de la Mission archeologique fran- was corrected in later developments of the tradition, such
(aise au Caire 911, ed. U. Bouriant. Paris. as the Passion of Peter and the Passion of Peter and Paul. See
Coles, R. A. 1972. Oxy P 2949 = Gospel of Peter 2. Vol. 41, pp. PETER, PASSION OF; PETER AND PAUL, PASSION OF.
15-16, pl. II in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. G. M. Browne et al.
Cambridge. Bibliography
Crossan,]. D. l 988. The Cross that Spoke. San Francisco. Burrus, V. 1987. Chastity as Autonomy: Women in the Stories of the
Denker, ]. 1975. Die theologiegeschichtliche Stellung des Petrusevange- Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. Lewiston.
liums. Europaische Hochschulschriften 23/36. Frankfurt am Cullmann, 0. 1962. Peter: Disciple, Apostle, Martyr: A Historical and
Main. Theological Study. Philadelphia.
Gardner-Smith, P. 1925-26a. The Gospel of Peter.]TS 27: 255- Kaestli, J.-D. 1986. Response. Semeia 38: 119-31.
71.
Leloir, L. l 986. Ecrits apocryphes sur les apotres: Traduction de !'edition
- - . l925-26b. The Date of the Gospel of Peter. ]TS 27:
Armenienne de Venise. CChr Series Apocryphorum 3. Turnhout.
401-7.
Li psi us, R. A. 1891. Acta apostolorum apocrypha. 1.1: 45-103. Leip-
Haelst, ]. van. 1976. Catalogue des Papyrus litteraires juifs et Chretiens.
zig.
Serie Papyrologie l. Paris.
Smith, J. Z. 1969. Birth Upside Down or Right Side Up? HR 9:
Harnack, A. von. 1893. Bruchstiicke des Euangeliums und der Apoka-
/ypse des Petrus. Leipzig. 281-303.
Koester, H. 1980. Apocryphal and Canonical Gospels. HTR 73: Vouaux, L. 1922. les acts de Pierre. 1-214.
105-30. - - . l 922. Les actes de Pierre, introduction, textes, traduction et
- - . 1982. Introduction to the New Testament. 2 vols. Philadelphia. commentaire. Paris.
Lads, A. 1892-93. Reproduction in heliogravure du manuscript ROBERT F. STOOPS, JR.
d'Enoch et des ecrits attribues a Saint Pierre. Pp. 217-35, pis.
1-XXXIV in Memoires publies par les membres de la Mission
archt!ologique franraise au Caire, ed. U. Bouriant. Paris. PETER, PASSION OF. The Passion of Peter is a 4th or
Li.ihrmann, D. 198 l. POx 2949: Ev Pt 3-5 in einer Handschrift des 5th century Latin elaboration of the Martyrdom of Peter
2./3. Jahrhunderts. ZNW 72: 216-26. from the Acts of Peter. It is based on the Greek original
Robinson, ]. A. 1892. The Gospel According to Peter. Pp. 11-36 rather than the Vercelli Acts. Although presented as a
[lecture] and 82-88 [Greek text] in The Gospel According to Peter, report to the Eastern churches from Linus, Peter's succes-
and the Revelation of Peter, ed. J. A. Robinson and M. R. James. sor as bishop of Rome, it is attested only in Latin. The
London. Passion of Peter specifies the date and place of Peter's death
Swete, H. B. 1893. Euangellion Kata Petron: The Akhmim Fragment of and seems to have been prepared for use in the June 29
the Apocryphal Gospel of St. Peter. London. commemoration of the apostles Peter and Paul. In the
Vaganay, L. l 930. l'Euangile de Pierre. 2d ed. EBib. Paris. ancient manuscripts, it is frequently followed directly by
Zahn, T. 1893. Das Evangelium des Petrus. Erlangen. the Pseudo-Linus Passion of Paul. The Passion of Peter begins
PAUL ALLAN MIRECKI with Peter's conflict with Simon who is identified as the
anti-Christ. It moves to Peter's preaching of chastity (cf.
Acts Pet. 33). Because the four concubines of the perfect
PETER, MARTYRDOM OF. The final chapters of Agrippa follow his teaching, Peter is arrested. After Xan-
the 2d century Acts of Peter circulated independently as the thippe, the wife of Albinus, visits Peter in prison, she also
PETER, PASSION OF 282 • v
takes up the life of chastity. The jailors, Processus and tions which utilized OT passages in its Christian interpre-
Martinian have been converted and baptized by Peter in a tation of Jesus death and resurrection. Whether the chris-
miraculous spring. They add their urgings to the pleas of tological passages are meant to be discourses of the
Marcellus and other believers to convince Peter to leave the resurrected Christ or further sermons attributed to Peter
city. The Quo vadis scene follows. Peter asks to be crucified is not clear. The emphases on monotheism and paganism,
head downward because he is not worthy of dying in the as well as the negative assessment of Judaism found in the
same manner as the Lord. The location of Peter's execu- Kerygma Petrou connect it to the literature of the early
tion is specified as the Naumachia, near the obelisk of Nero Christian apologists. However, the Kerygma Petrou also man-
on the hill, i.e. the Vatican. Peter's speech at the cross is ifests tendencies of early Christian missionary preaching
retained and slightly expanded. God opens the eyes of the found in the Acts of the Apostles, and is therefore seen as
witnesses so that they are able to see angels crowned with a possible intermediary tradition between Christian Greek
flowers standing near the cross. They also see Peter stand- apologetic literature and early Christian missionary proc-
ing at the top of the cross where he reads the words of his lamation. Although the Kerygma Petrou contains discussions
speech from a book handed to him by Christ (cf. Acts john concerning the attributes of God and comparisons of
97-101). pagan, Jewish, and Christian worship, it is not therefore
surmised that the author of the document was necessarily
Bibliography a Jewish Christian, as such topics were common in Chris-
Amann, E. 1982. Les Al:tes de Pierre. DBSup I: 496-50 I. tian literature of the 2d century.
Charlesworth, J. H. 1987. Peter, Martyrdom of. Pp. 328-29 in New Other less explicit references in early Christian litera-
Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha: A Guide to Publications ture have been suggested as further fragmentary evidence
with Excurses on Apocalypses. Metuchen, NJ. for the Kerygma Petrou, such as a "Doctrine of Peter"
Li psi us, R. A. 1883-90. Apokryphe Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegen- mentioned by Origen (princ praef. 8) or a "Teaching of
den. Brauschweig. Repr. Amsterdam 1976. Peter" quoted by Gregory of Nazianzus (ep. 20; or. 17.5).
- - . 1891. Pp. 45-103 in Acta apostolorum apocrypha. Vol. 1/1. However, the identification of such documents with the
Leipzig. Kerygma Petrou is seen to be questionable.
Vouaux, L. 1922. Les actes de Pierre, introduction, textes, traduction et
commentaire. Paris. Bibliography
ROBERT F. STOOPS, JR.
Mees, M. 1975. Das Petersbild nach ausserkanonischen Zeugnissen.
ZRGG 27: 193-205.
Nautin, P. 1974. Citations de la Predication de Pierre dans Clement
PETER, PREACHING OF. The customary transla- d' Alexandrie, Strom. vi.v.39-41.]TS 25: 98-105.
Quispe!, G. and Grant, R. M. 1952. Note on the Petrine Apocrypha.
tion of the title of the Kerygma Petrou, which is an example
of apocryphal missionary literature attributed to Peter by vc 6:31-32.
KATHLEEN E. CORLEY
various early Christian writers. Not an "Acts of Peter," but
rather a document that was probably made up of a series
of sermons, the primary source for the "Preaching of
Peter" is Clement of Alexandria, who gives a sequence of PETER, SECOND EPISTLE OF. A composition
quotations from the Kerygma Petrou in his Stromateis of the post-apostolic period that claims to be the testament
( 1.29.182; 2.15.68; 6.5.39-41; 6.5.43, 6.6.48; 6. 7.58; of the apostle Peter dispatched as a letter. It is included in
6.15.128, see also eel. 58). Although it is clear that Clement the canonical NT.
of Alexandria considered this work to be genuine, Origen
no longer accepted it as part of legitimate Christian tradi- A. Introduction
tion, possibly because of its use by the gnostic Heracleon B. Reception and Importance
ljo. 13.17). The apologist Aristides as well as Theophilus
C. Literary Genre and Pseudonymity
of Antioch may also have known this work, although nei- D. Sources
ther of them quote the Kerygma Petrou by name. Eusebius, E. Style and Structure
however, clearly lists it under the heading of non-canonical F. Situation
writings (Hist. Eccl. 3.3.2). From the attestation and sur- G. Strategy
mised use of the Kerygma Petrou by early Christian writers, H. Origin, Destination, and Date
it is thought to have been composed sometime in the early
part of 2d century C.E., possibly in Egypt. A. Introduction
Due to the fragmentary nature of the evidence for the The Epistle's words of encouragement, warning, and
Kerygma Petrou little can be said concerning the nature of reminder, supposedly composed shortly before the apos-
the work as a whole or concerning the order of its compo- tle's death (I: 12-15), were actually intended for Christians
sition. What does remain indicates that the Kerygma Petrou of a later generation beset by internal division and doubt
contained supposedly Petrine discourses, the contents of concerning the Lord's final coming.
which are reminiscent of later 2d century apologetic liter- Because its addressees are unnamed (I: I), the letter has
ature. Peter, a likely choice as the authoritative missionary been included among the 7 "Catholic Epistles" (James.
leader of early Christianity, is depicted as preaching on 1-2 Peter, 1-3 John, Jude) whose destinations are les!
such topics as monotheism, the dangers of paganism, as specific than the letters of Paul. Nevertheless, it provides J
well as the falsity of Jewish religion and worship. The specific response to an urgent crisis. Gentile converts had
Kerygma Petrou may also have included christological sec- begun to introduce novel doubts about theological as-
v • 283 PETER, SECOND EPISTLE OF

sumptions long taken for granted along with forms of cultural environment while at the same time remaining
behavior deviating seriously from ancient norms. The let- faithful to its apostolic heritage and underlying worldview.
ter's double aim was to refute these "false teachers" (2: 1),
their theory and praxis, and to reinforce stability and C. Literary Genre and Pseudonymity
commitment among the faithful through reminder of The epistolary salutation (1:1-2) and reference to its
their divine gifts and calling. being a "second letter" (3: 1) show that 2 Peter was dis-
Its rather unique blend of apocalyptic message and patched as a letter. However, its formal character is deter-
Hellenistic expression gives it a culturally catholic charac- mined primarily by 1: 12-15 and the recurrent theme of
ter. Old and new are combined as in a new arrangement prediction and reminder (2: 1-3; 3: 1-4, 17). Accordingly,
of an old song: a jazz improvisation on "Rock of Ages" or, this letter contains the "testament" or farewell address of
more appropriately, "Give Me That Old Time Religion." the apostle Peter intended to forewarn and remind Chris-
To contend effectively in the present and to prepare for tians living after his death.
the future, it is argued, requires a recalling of the past. 2 Peter thus resembles other parting addresses or testa-
Thus 2 Peter outlines an interim ethic for the present ments contained in the NT (of Jesus: Mark 13 par.; John
(l :5-11, 19: 3: 11-18) which is framed and guided by 13-17; of Paul: Acts 20:17-35; 2 Timothy), the OT (of
lessons from the past (prophecy: l: 19-21; 3: 2; world Jacob: Gen 47:29-49:32; Deuteronomy 1-3; 28-31; of
history: 2:4-!0a, 15-16; 3:5-6; apostolic witness: 1:12- Joshua: Joshua 23-24; of Samuel: l Samuel 12), and
18; 3:1-4) and by the prospect of judgment and cosmic especially in the OT Pseudepigrapha (Testament of Abraham,
renewal in the future (3:7, 8-10). Basic to this ethic is the Testament of Moses, Testament of job, and the Testaments of the
assurance of God's continual and consistent action in hu- Twelve Patriarchs). Such testaments typically included notice
man affairs in past (1:3-4; 2:2-8; 3:5-6), present (1:20- of the speaker's impending death, the prediction of "fu-
21; 2:3, 9-!0a; 3:8-9) and future (3:7, 10-12). ture" events, and exhortation regarding the appropriate
behavior of the righteous. Generally pseudepigraphical,
B. Reception and Importance the testament was a literary form employed to address
Together with 1 Peter and a large body of non-canonical current issues as the anticipation or forecast of some
Petrine literature (including the Apocalypse of Peter, Gospel venerable figure of the past and thereby secure for its
of Peter, Preaching of Peter, Acts of Peter, and the pseudo- teaching the authority antiquity confers.
Petrine gnostic writings), 2 Peter illustrates the prominence This appears to have been the chief motive behind the
attributed to the apostle Peter in orthodox and heterodox "Petrine testament" of 2 Peter. The use of this literary
circles. Despite its Petrine pedigree, however, no NT writ- convention here (l:l, 3-11, 12-15; 2:1-3a; 3:1-4, 11-14,
ing was so poorly attested among the Church Fathers or 17), along with arguments based on language and style,
received into the canon with greater hesitation than was 2 sources used, problems addressed, and theological con-
Peter. It left no certain early traces among the churches of tent, points to pseudonymous authorship and a date long
Antioch, Asia Minor, Africa, or Rome. In Egypt, however, after Peter's death (Guthrie 1970: 820-48; Bauckham 2
the Apoc. Pet. (ca. 135) made use of it while Origen (died Peter WBC, 131-35, 158-62 for arguments for and against
ca. 253) is the first extant author to mention it by name Petrine authorship; Metzger 1972 on the issues concerning
(Commentary on john 5:3). Here too it was translated into canonical pseudepigrapha). Moreover, in the shift from
Sahidic and Bohairic versions and also included in p72 (ca. future to present tense verbs (2:1-lOa/lOb-22; 3:2-4/5-
350). Nevertheless doubts concerning its canonicity (Eus., 18) "Peter's" prediction is abandoned altogether and the
Hist. Eccl. 3.3, 3.25) or at least its authenticity (Jer., Epist. real author speaks to his present situation.
120.11; Erasmus, Luther, Calvin, and most modern scho- Aside from his familiarity with Hellenistic rhetoric, Jew-
lars) have persisted down to modern times. For some ish and Christian apocalyptic traditions, the Letter of Jude
contemporary commentators, particularly German Prot- and unidentified letters of Paul, little can be said of 2
estant exegetes (represented by the influential study of E. Peter's actual author. Considering his own identity less
Kaesemann [ 1964 ]), it is the content of 2 Peter which raises weighty than that of an apostle, he wrapped himself fully
serious theological problems. An identification of gospel in Peter's mantle. Through the fiction of a Petrine testa-
with tradition and faith with doctrinal assent, it is claimed, ment and appeal to the apostle's eyewitness of Jesus' trans-
and an ethic based on final retribution rather than on the figuration (1:16-18; cf. Mark 9:2-8 par.), he attempted to
christological kerygma must be seen as a loss of the au- combat powerful opponents and novel ideas with the au-
thentic evangelical spirit of Paul as the Church embarked thority conferred by apostolicity and earlier historical ex-
on the regrettable path of "early catholic" institutionaliza- perience.
tion.
Such a negative assessment, however, has not gone un- D. Sources
challenged (Green 1960; Bauckham Jude, 2 Peter WBC, 2 Peter is replete with anomalies (Elliott ACNT, 120-
151-54) and more recent studies (Fornberg 1977; Neyrey 26). Two of them concern its main source and the Hellenis-
1980~, 1980b; Bauckham Jude, 2 Peter WBC; Elliott and tic stylization of its Jewish-Christian apocalyptic message.
Martmjames, 1-2 Peter/ju.de ACNT) have sought to provide In many respects the letter is an eccentric NT writing,
a_ more comprehensive basis for appreciating the letter's outside the mainstream of early Christian kerygmatic and
s1tuauon and strategy. 2 Peter remains an important NT catechetical tradition. The author knows of a collection of
document for both historical and theological reasons. It Pauline letters (3: 15-16) but is concerned less with their
records. the ~ffort of Christianity in a transitional post- evangelical content than with their distortions by the "ig-
apostohc penod to communicate effectively in a pluralistic norant." Affinities with the Gospels are also few and vague,
PETER, SECOND EPISTLE OF 284. v
deriving from oral rather than from literary sources (com- (2:1) and apostates (2:20-22). The substance of their de-
pare 1:14 and John 21:18; 1:16-18 and Mark 9:1[2)-8 viant teaching was identified and refuted (1:16-21; 2:19;
par.; 2:20 and Matt 12:45 = Luke 11 :26; 3:4 and Mark 3:4-7, 15-16). The theme of appropriate response to
9:1, 13:19; 3:10 and Matt 24:43-44 = Luke 12:39-40). God's benefactions and coming was developed ( 1:3-11,
Not once is the OT cited explicitly though the letter 3:8-18). And the whole of this expanded revision of Jude
abounds with OT allusions (compare I: 19 and Num 24: 17; was presented as the testament and predictive warning of
2:4-5 and Genesis 6-8; 2:6-8 and Genesis 19; 2:15-16 the apostle Peter (I: I, 12-15; 3: 1-2).
and Num 22:21-35; 2:22 and Prov 26:22, Isa 66:3 [dog
and sow]; 3:3 and Isa 3:4 LXX, cf. 66:4; 3:5-6 and Gen E. Style and Structure
1:6-8; 3:7, 10 and Isa 66:15-16; 3:8 and Ps 90[89]:4; 3:9, The letter's vocabulary and style also distinguish it from
12-14 and Hab 2:3; 3:10-13 and Isa 66:15-16, 22). other NT documents. Fifty-eight of its 402 word vocabu-
Among the OT Pseudepigrapha, 2 Peter shows several lary (I, 105 total words) are unique in the NT-the highest
striking similarities with the Syriac apocalypse of 2 Baruch proportion in the NT (14.4 percent). This taste for ob-
(text in OTP I: 615-52) in both form (cf. the letter in scure and grandiose language is matched by a style
chaps. 76-86) and content (delay of God's coming, divine marked by excess rather than economy of expression.
forbearance, judgment of corruption). This late NT writ- Many passages in the Greek original contain verbal repeti-
ing thus shows close ties with Jewish apocalyptic tradition tions and recurrent sounds (1:3-4, 5-7, 12-15, 17-18,
in particular, affinities shared also by 1 and 2 Clement and 19-21; 2:1-3, 7-8, 13; 3:6, 9, 16), pairs of synonym (1:7,
Hermas (Bauckham 2 Peter WBC, 140). IO; 2: 13; 3: 14), and graceful rhythmic formulations ( 1: 16,
The statement in 2 Pet 3: I "This is now the second letter I 7, 19-21; 2 :4-9; 3: 13). The opening section of the letter
that I have written to you," along with other similarities, (1 :3-11), as Danker (l 978; 1982: 453-67) has shown,
would seem to suggest I Peter as a source (Boobyer 1959). mimics the stereotyped diction and style of the omnipres-
The affinities, however, are minor and superficial and ent public inscriptions celebrating the virtues and deeds
derive from common convention and tradition rather than of benefactors and saviors.
from literary dependency. The letters are thoroughly dif- Much of the content also has a pronounced Hellenistic
ferent in form, language and style, sources used, social hue: the conventional Greek virtues encouraged in I :5-7;
situation and issues addressed, and theological message the notion of death as a "putting off of the bodily tent"
(Mayor 1907:lxviii--cv; Bauckham 2 Peter WBC, 285-87). (I: 13-14); identification of the realm of the dead or "hell"
The continuation of 3: I in vv 2-3, however, is virtually (RSV, NEB) as "tartarus" (2:4); dispute about myths (I: 16-
identical with vv 17-18 of the Epistle of Jude. Moreover, 18), prophecy (1:20-21 ), and involvement of the gods in
of the 25 vv of Jude no less than 19, in whole or in part, human history and final judgment (3:3-7); interest in
have parallels in 2 Peter. Of Jude's 460 word vocabulary knowledge as a means of access to God (1:2, 3, 6, 8, 12;
almost one quarter (111) are found in 2 Peter. This ex- 2:20, 21; 3:3, 17, 18); salvation conceived as godliness
traordinary correspondence of vocabulary, phrasing, (1 :3), escape from corruption (I :4, 2:20), and participation
ideas, and sequence argues against the use of common in divine being (1:4); and the conception of God and/or
oral tradition (as suggested by Reicke The Epistles James, Jesus Christ as Benefactor and Savior (1:1, 11; 2:20; 3:2,
Peter, and Jude AB, 190) and for direct literary dependence. 18). The author is quite conversant with popular philoso-
Earlier commentators (Bigg Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude phies, the mystery religions, and especially with the beliefs
ICC2, 216-24; Luther, Spitta, Zahn) considered Jude an and behavior of, as well as arguments directed against,
excerpt of 2 Peter. However, the broad current consensus rationalists and sceptics who disputed divine providence,
is that the longer letter is clearly a later revision and life after death, and post-mortem retribution.
expansion of the shorter one (Mayor 1907: i-lxvii, l-15; All these features indicate an author and audience at
Grundmann Judas and der Zweite Brief des Petrus THKNT, home in a pluralistic Hellenistic society (Fornberg 1977:
102-07; Fornberg 1977:33-59 for detailed comparisons). 111-48). At the same time, the Jewish-Christian scripture
2 Pet 2:1-18 reproduces Jude 4-16 in the same general and apocalyptic traditions employed in the letter's argu-
sequence; 3:2-3 echoes Jude 17-18; 3:13-14, 18 reflect ment reveal that this environment embraced Jewish-Chris-
and modify Jude 24-25, 1:5 and 12; and other parallels tian as well as Greco-Roman cultures. In such environ-
occur in I: 1-2 = Jude l-2; 1:5 = Jude 3; 1: 12 = Jude 5; ments the merging as well as clash of cultures was
3: 13-14, 18 = Jude 24-25. Jude thus constituted the main inevitable. 2 Peter was designed to communicate effectively
source employed in 2 Peter and supplied the latter with across these cultures while at the same time contending
both the material for the polemic of chap. 2 and the for the ancient truth in the face of its novel distortion.
important theme of apostolic prediction and reminder. With a diction that was exceptionally Hellenistic in its
2 Peter revised and expanded upon this material and set makeup, the letter formulates a message that was remark-
it within a larger framework of thought provided by chaps. ably "primitive" and Jewish in its moral and apocalyptic
1 and 3. The OT examples from Jude 5-7 were arranged orientation.
chronologically and references to Noah and Lot were The Greek text and syntax of the letter is uncertain at
added to balance the themes of destruction and deliver- several places and its meaning often obscure. The many
ance (2 Pet 2:4-lOa). Jude's references to the apocryphal textual variants reflect early attempts to make sense of
traditions regarding Michael and Enoch (vv 9, 14-15) were these obscurities (1:4, 10, 15; 2:1, 4, 6, 12-18, 21-22; 3:5,
omitted. The "way" of truth (2:2) and righteousness (2:2 l; 7-12). Bauckham's (2 Peter WBC) discussion is comprehen-
cf. 2:15) was stressed as a Christian moral norm. The sive and is based on the most recent edition of the Greek
disruptive Christians were identified as "false teachers" text (NovTG26).
v. 285 PETER, SECOND EPISTLE OF

A coherent development of themes and line of argu- of divine destruction and deliverance. In sum, these scep-
mentation and a consistency of terminology and style mark tics denied God's past, present, and future involvement in
the integrity of the document as a whole. It is structured the world and human affairs, divine communication
in three major sections. Following the address and saluta- through and control over prophecy, and divine judgment
tion (1: 1-2), a preamble establishes at the outset how the of either sinners or the righteous.
addressees are to respond to the divine gifts and promises Consonant with this theoretical position, they flaunted a
to which they owe their Christian existence and future supposed freedom from judgment as a release from the
hope (I :3-11). Then, 1: 12-3: 13 comprises a double apos- commandment of the Lord (2:21, 3:2) and a license for
tolic and prophetic reminder serving as the basis for the self-indulgence (2:2, lOa, 13, 18), "pleasure" (2:13), and
denunciation and refutation of sceptical false teachers. A personal gain (2:3, 15-16). Over against the common good
concluding exhortation (3: 14-18), paralleling I :3-11, re- and the binding norms of the community they advocated
affirms the gifts and responsibilities of the faithful. pursuit of individual interests and rejections of social
Within these major sections, the units 1:12-15; 16-21; constraints.
2:1-22; 3:1-7; 8-13 are marked off by internal content The repeated stress in 2 Peter upon an authentic
and/or inclusions (1: 12-15 "remind"/"recall;" 2: 1-22 ("way "knowledge" (1:2, 3, 5,6, 8; 2:20; 3:17) as well as upon a
of truth, righteousness") and by the introductory address, correct understanding of the apostolic and prophetic tra-
"beloved" (3:1, 8, 14). Linkwords ("knowledge." 1:2, 3, 8; dition (1:16-21; 3:1-4, 15-16) has led many scholars to
"borne," 1:17, 18, 21; "prophecy," 1:19-22, cf. 2:1; "ig- identify the opponents as Christian Gnostics (from the
nore," 3:5, 8; "forbearance," 3:9, 15; "wait," 3:13, 14), as Greek gnosis meaning "knowledge"). However, interest in
well as frequent demonstratives ("these things," 1:8, 9, 10, knowledge and wisdom as a means to perfection of salva-
12; 2: 20; 3: 11, 14) are used to relate and join smaller units tion was by no means restricted to these heretical Christian
of thought. A major inclusion is evident in the combination groups of the 2d and later centuries. It was rather typical
of "grace and knowledge of our God (Lord) and Savior of the Hellenistic age in general, in secular as well as Jewish
Jesus Christ" in I :2 and 3: 18 (cf. also "stabilized" and and Christian milieux.
"stability" in 1:12 and 3:17) which thereby frames the Since the spread of Greek culture with the advance of
letter as a whole. Alexander's armies (333 B.C.E.), numerous philosophical
and religious movements had competed with one another
F. Situation over the nature and source of knowledge and the means it
2 Peter was directed to a Christian community in which provided for discovering the nature and goal of life, the
converts from paganism (2:20), assuming the mantle of essence of human happiness, and the way to attain it.
teachers (2:1), had begun to challenge traditional Chris- Beside the schools of Plato, Aristotle, the Cynics and Stoics,
tian beliefs and norms of behavior. Their divisive factional the school of Epicurus (341-270 B.C.E.) propounded views
views ("heresies," RSV) had strong appeal apparently for and practices with which the false teachers of 2 Peter seem
members who had grown impatient with the delay of the to have much in common.
Lord's coming (parousia) and had begun to lose faith in its Among its basic tenets, this rationalistic and quasi-reli-
promise (3:4). In his Anchor Bible commentary on this gious philosophy held that: knowledge derives from sense
letter, Reicke (pp. 160-61) imagined a different situation perception of the physical world, the "nature of things"
more political in character. He proposed that the trouble-
(the title of a widely influential didactic poem by Lucretius,
makers were greedy Christian leaders who had accepted
94-55 B.C.E.); this perception teaches that all matter is
bribes from Roman aristocrats intent on gathering support
for a revolt against the Roman emperor Domitian (81-96). composed of atoms and eventually disintegrates; hence
There is no trace of these particulars in the text, however. everything is mortal and there is no "life after death;" the
Here the issue is described as an internal Christian prob- gods are distant from and uninvolved in the affairs of this
lem. Covert introduction of alluring alien ideas was endan- world; hence the notion of post-mortem retribution or
gering the community's cohesion and stability (2: 1-3, 14, divine punishment is absurd and the "myths" concerning
18;cf.1:10and3:17). the gods held by the general populace are ridiculous;
. Thi~ s_itu~tion is further clarified by other explicit and mortals should not be motivated by fear of the gods, death,
1mphcu mdICators of the dissenters' program. They "deny or divine judgment but by pursuit of "pleasure" (hedone in
the Master who bought them" and "despise authority" Greek, whence "hedonist"), i.e., the absence of pain and
~2: .1. 1Oa). They deny the final "coming" (parousia) of God disturbance; such knowledge frees one from fear, guilt,
In Judgment and cosmic renewal, and consider its promise superstition, and involvement in the affairs of social and
empty (3:4, refuted in 3:5-10). On the other hand, they political life.
themselves promise "freedom" (2:19a, refuted in 2:19b- The founder of this philosophy was generally honored
22), a d~viant brand of freedom for self-indulgence prob- for his wisdom and personal morality and was celebrated
ably gamed through an idiosyncratic interpretation of as a "savior." Later adherents, however, came under severe
Paul's writings (3: 15-16). As Neyrey (l 980a; l 980b; fol- censure for their "atheism" (rejection of the gods as pop-
lowed by Bauckham 2 Peter WBC) has shown, the formula ularly worshipped), their exclusiveness and especially for
"not ... but" employed in 1: 16a/16b-18, 1:20/21 and 2:3b/ their alleged immoral conduct, whence the pejorative con-
4-IOa also identifies teaching refuted by the author. This notation of the related labels, "Epicurean" and "hedonist."
~ncluded rejection of the Lord's previous coming (parousia) They were, in fact, compared to pigs wallowing in their
m power ~s a "my~h," individualistic and idiosyncratic self-serving passions. This practical philosophy flourished
mterpretatlon of scripture ("prophecy"), and again denial for half a millennium in the ancient world and attracted
PETER, SECOND EPISTLE OF 286 • v
adherents from all social strata and walks of life (DeWitt but you can trust God's coming. If, like righteous Noah
1954). and Lot of old, you remain faithful, you will be rescued
To the outsider as well as to many a Christian convert, (1:10-11, 3:11-18).
Epicureanism and Christianity appeared to have much in Accompanying this strategy of demarcation was an ar-
common, including their repudiation of popular religion, gument base_d on historical precedence and antiquity. To
their sectarian exclusiveness, and their disengagement allay doubt m God's present and future involvement in
from political life. In the popular mind the two groups human judgment and cosmic renewal, the author recalled
were closely associated and commonly subjected to the scriptural evidence and apostolic eyewitness testimony
same condemnation. The description of those labeled from the past. God's creative and destructive action in the
"false teachers" in 2 Peter includes numerous traits typi- world is recorded in history (2:4-8; 3:5-6). This history
cally associated with Epicureans. In addition to the sub- establishes the certainty of his present and future involve-
stance of their teaching, the reference to their pursuit of ment in human judgment and cosmic renewal (2:9-lOa,
"pleasure" (2: 13) and their comparison with dogs and 12; 3:7, 8-13). As God spoke at creation (3:5), so he also
swine (2:22) is particularly striking. Most significantly, as spoke through the prophets and to his Son (I: 16-21 ).
Neyrey has shown ( l 980a; l 980b), the critique of the This word and coming of God in the past is attested by the
opponents' teaching closely resembles the polemic regu- personal experience of the earliest of the apostles, Symeon
larly leveled by Jews and Gentiles alike against Epicureans Peter. This "coming in power," already experienced in
and those thought tainted by Epicureanism such as the human history, is a model for, and basis for confidence in,
Sadducees. In all likelihood, the Christians censured in 2 the parousia to come at the end of time (3: 1-11).
Peter were perceived as persons under the influence of Over against the novel and alien vagaries of the false
Epicurean thought seeking to attract other members of teachers, 2 Peter thus posed the older, venerable, and
the community to their new amalgamation of Christian more probative testimony of prophetic and apostolic tra-
freedom and rationalistic scepticism. dition. Over against their aberrant and divisive sense of
freedom, he emphasized the unifying way of truth and
G. Strategy righteousness and the holy commandment received from
This serious erosion of the confidence and cohesion of Jesus Christ. Over against scepticism concerning the fu-
the community as well as of its public reputation (2: 1-3) ture, he urged recollection of what the believers had al-
called for a persuasive response. To combat this situation ready received and knew. "Entrance into the eternal king-
the author combined a rebuke and refutation of the scep- dom of our Lord Jesus Christ" would be theirs if they
tics with a reaffirmation of the faithful. The letter of Jude, awaited the day of the Lord in patient confidence and grew
conventional anti-Epicurean polemic, language and motifs in the gifts already granted.
of benefactor commemoration, apocalyptic tradition, and 2 Peter has been faulted for its lack of reference to the
apostolic-prophetic testimony provided the models and heart of the kerygma, the death and resurrection of Jesus
substance of the argument. Christ, and its implications for Christian faith and con-
To isolate and discredit the sceptics, a comprehensive duct. The nature of the error confronted, however, con-
contrast is drawn between their behavior and that of the cerned theological assumptions underlying that kerygma
faithful, their new and alien false teaching and the ancient rather than the kerygma itself: the ancient Jewish and
prophetic and apostolic testimony verified by God. Those primitive Christian belief concerning divine providence
who scoff at the Lord's coming are "false teachers" who and the exercise of divine justice. It was this previously
exploit and entice with "false words" like the "false proph- unquestioned belief which converts from paganism had
ets" of old (2:1-3, 14-16). By contrast, you the faithful begun to challenge. Their scepticism focused not the per-
know the "truth" and its reliable source (I: 12-21, 3: 1-2; son and role of Jesus but rather on the presence and
cf. 1:2-3, 5-8; 3: 17-18). They are "ignorant" (3: 16) like participation of God in human history. In response, the
"irrational animals" (2: 12, 22); they "forget" (l :9) and author marshaled arguments and sources useful for the
"ignore" (3:8) what they once knew (2:20-22). You should reaffirmation of this belief and the refutation of those who
"not ignore" (3:8) but "remember" the testimonies (1: 12- challenged it. Jude and anti-Epicurean polemic supplied
15, 3:1-2) and advance in all the gifts you have received the model and substance for the critique of the false
from God (I :3-11, 3: 14-18). They have followed Balaam's teachers. Apocalyptic tradition likewise was used to reas-
"way" of error (2:15), whereas you adhere to the "way of sert the universal scope of God's reign and to stress the
truth and righteousness" (2:2, 21). They are "unstable" link between present, past and future, protology and es-
apostates who mislead others (2:2, 15, 20-22; 3: 16); you chatology. The fiction of a Petrine testament supplied the
must resist their efforts and remain "stable" (3: 17; I: I 0, letter with apostolic credentials which were older and
12). They distrust God's "promise" (3:3-4; but their own therefore superior to those of Paul and Jude, the author
"promise" of freedom is vacuous (2:17-19). However, the of 2 Peter's chief source. Furthermore, Peter's eyewitness
"promises" you have are reliable for they come from God of Jesus' transfiguration, the foreshadowing of the future
(I :4; 3:9, 13). They are "ungodly," "lawless men" (3: 17; cf. parousia in past time and space, countered the sceptics'
2:6, 8) seeking their own self-serving passions and interests charge that the parousia of God (or the gods) was merely
(1:20, 2:2-3, 10-11, 13-14, 18); they are unholy "slaves of a fanciful "myth." Finally, the testament form itself pro-
corruption" (2: 19-20). But you have "escaped corruption" vided a means for depicting events of the present as
and "passion" and share in God's holy nature (l :3-4; 3: 11, already anticipated and addressed in an authoritative leg-
14). They, like the sinners of old, will be "condemned," acy from the past.
though they doubt God's judgment (2:3, 4-lOa; 3:4-7). Linked to its theological eschatology of the endtime, 2
v. 287 PETHAHIAH

Peter proposed an "interim ethics" for Christians awaiti'_lg position are established by its use of Jude (ca. 70-90) and
the dawning of the final day of the Lord. Between Chns- its probable use by the author of the Apocalypse of Peter (ca.
tian conversion and cosmic consummation believers were 135). This time frame also accords with its concerns,
to grow in the gifts and their stability and salvation by content, and retrospective perspective. The advanced Hel-
resisting the seduction of Christian subversives who devia~e lenistic spirit of the letter, the Christian divisions it de-
from the prophetic and apostolic norms of truth; avmd scribes, the delay of the parousia it must explain and the
the corruption of the world by leading holy, godly and doubts it must dispel, its retrospective appeal to the legacy
peaceful lives in accord with the way of righteousness; and of an apostle no longer alive, the misuse of prophetic and
with patient confidence await the promised day of the Pauline writings it must correct, along with its relatively
Lord. late attestation are all features which indicate that 2 Peter
Despite its marginal status within the course of Christian is, with great likelihood, the latest composition of the NT,
theology, the concerns of this letter retain perennial signif- written sometime in the first quarter of the 2d century.
icance. For when sceptics of any age question the rule of Composed in the name of Peter who had long since died
God in human history, the certainty of afterlife, Christ's (ca. 65-67 C.E.), it nevertheless claims to preserve a testa-
coming in power and judgment, and the implications of ment which provides a formal link with the past and a
this for Christian morality, then this recollection of the guideline for present and future. (See also Chase HDB 3:
ancient apostolic tradition assumes fresh urgency and vi- 779-96; Fuchs and Reymond La dewcieme epitre de Saint
tality. Pierre. La epitre de Saint Jude CNT 2/13b; Kelly The Epistles
of Peter and of Jude HNTC; Schelkle Die Petrusbriefe, Der
H. Origin, Destination, and Date judasbrief HTKNT; Schrage and Baiz Die "Katholischen"
2 Peter contains only implicit information concerning its Briefe NTD 10; Spicq Les Epitres de Saint Pierre SB.)
origin, destination, and date of composition. The letter's
salutation (I: 1-2) does not specify the geographical loca- Bibliography
tion of its intended audience. The situation, style, and Boobyer, G. H. 1959. The Indebtedness of 2 Peter to 1 Peter. Pp.
content of the letter indicate that both author and audi- 34-53 in New Testament Essays, ed. A. J. B. Higgins. Manchester.
ence resided in culturally pluralistic Hellenistic environ- Danker, F. W. 1978. 2 Peter 1: A Solemn Decree. CBQ 40: 64-82.
ments. Both addressees and false teachers are said to have - - . 1982. Benefactor: Epigraphic Study of a Graeco-Roman and New
"escaped from the world's corruption" (I :4, 2:20), a char- Testament Semantic Field. St. Louis.
acterization which is more appropriate to gentile rather DeWitt, N. W. 1954. Epicurus and His Philosophy. Minneapolis.
than Jewish converts. On the other hand, the frequent Fornberg, T. 1977. An Early Church in a Pluralistic Society. A Study of
allusions to the Jewish scriptures, the occasional use of 2 Peter. ConBNT 9. Lund.
Semitic turns of phrase (2: I, 2, 12-14; 3:3), and the strong Green, E. M. B. 1960. 2 Peter Reconsidered. Tyndale New Testament
reliance on Jewish apocalyptic materials, suggest that the Lecture. London.
audience on the whole was familiar with and could be Guthrie, D. 1970. New Testament Introduction. 3d rev. ed. Downers
persuaded by tradition drawn from the Jewish-Christian Grove. IL.
heritage. The addressees were also assumed to have known Kaesemann, E. 1964. An Apologia for Primitive Christian Escha-
of Paul and at least some of his letters (3: 15-16), of a tology. Pp. 169-95 in Essays on New Testament Themes. London.
previous Petrine letter, and possibly of the letter of Jude Mayor, J.B. 1907. The Epistle of St. Jude and the Second Epistle of St.
(3:1-3). Peter. London. Repr. Grand Rapids, Ml.
The location of the audience could have been in any of Metzger, B. M. 1972. Literary Forgeries and Canonical Pseudepig-
the cosmopolitan centers of the Mediterranean world pen- rapha.]BL 91: 3-24.
etrated by Christianity such as Antioch in Syria, Alexan- Neyrey, J. H. 1980a. The Apologetic Use of the Transfiguration in
dria in Egypt, Ephesus in Asia Minor, or Rome. However, 2 Peter I: 16-21. CBQ 42: 504-19.
the cumulative evidence argues most strongly for Asia - - . I 980b. The Form and Background of the Polemic in 2
Minor. Here pagan, Jewish, and Christian cultures coex- Peter. j BL 99: 407-31.
isted and clashed, Epicureans had a firm foothold, Pauline Smith, T. V. 1985. Petrine Controversies in Early Christianity: Attitudes
letters were gathered, and another epistle of Peter was towards Peter in Christian "7-itings of the First Two Centuries.
known. Egypt as a possible, though less likely, place of WUNT 2115. Tubingen.
destination is suggested by the early use of 2 Peter in the JOHN H. ELLIOTT
Egyptian Apocalypse of Peter (ca. 135 C.E.) and its first
explicit citation by Origen of Alexandria (217--ca. 251 ).
Although the letter's place of origin is also unspecified, PETHAHIAH (PERSON) [Heb peta/:iyah). I. A priest
several indications point to Rome. This was the site of who appears in an organizational list associated with David
Peter's death and the location of the Petrine circle from ( 1 Chr 24: 16). According to the genealogical information
which 1 Peter issued. The numerous affinities between 2 in I Chronicles 24, Pethahiah was a descendant of Aaron
Peter and the clearly Roman documents of J and 2 Clement through the family of either Eleazar or Ithamar. When
and the Shepherd. of Hermas suggest dependence on a com- lots were cast in order to organize the various officers of
mon Roman Christian tradition (Bauckham 2 Peter WBC the temple, he was assigned to the nineteenth of twenty-
145-51, 158-62). These documents, along with 1 Peter: four divisions. In light of the postexilic perspective of
also attest the pastoral concern of the Christian groups in Chronicles, Pethahiah is further seen as an ancestor of a
Rome for the churches abroad. later priestly family (Braun 1 Chronicles WBC, 228).
The lower and upper limits of the letter's date of com- 2. A Levite (Neh 9:5) who participated in the ceremo-
PETHAHIAH 288 • v
nies preceding the "sealing" of the new covenant (Neh PETRA (PLACE). See NABATEANS.
9:38). These ceremonies included both communal confes-
sion and worship. According to Neh 9:5, Pethahiah and
other selected Levites called the assembly to join in a PEULLETHAI (PERSON) [Heb pe'ullitay ]. Among the
liturgical blessing of Yahweh prior to Ezra's prayer. In gatekeepers at the temple in Jerusalem, Peullethai (whose
addition, this is most likely the same Pethahiah who, along name means "recompense" or "reward") is named in l
with other Levites, priests, and laymen, listened to Ezra Chr 26:5 as the last of the eight sons of Obed-Edom cited.
and agreed to renounce their foreign wives and children The list in which his name occurs (1 Chr 26:4-8) appears
(Ezra 10:23; 1 Esdr 9:23). to be the contribution of a reviser of the Chronicler's
3. The son of Meshazabel and a descendant of Judah, organization of the gatekeepers (Williamson Chronicles
he appears in a catalog of officials who served the postex- NCBC, 160-70; Rudolph Chronikbucher HAT, 173).
ilic community in and around Jerusalem (Neh 11 :24). J. S. ROGERS
Specifically, Pethahiah "was at the king's hand in all mat-
ters concerning the people." While some have suggested
that such a description indicates a Jewish representative PHALTIEL (PERSON) [Lat Phalthihe[j. A "chief of the
residing in Persia and functioning in a capacity quite people" who came to visit Ezra between Ezra's first and
similar to the one held earlier by Ezra (Ezra 7:12; Brock- second vision, according to 2 Esdr 5: 16. Phaltiel comes to
ington Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther NCBC, 195; Fensham Ezra's residence on the day after the first vision, and urges
Ezra-Nehemiah NICOT, 248), the phrase "at the king's him to revive himself and lead the people. The Codex
hand" can just as well be understood in a figurative sense. Complutensis renders the name as Sal.atiel, which is equiv-
Given the general setting of Jerusalem and the surround- alent to the Heb name Shealtiel (Myers 1 and 2 Esdras AB,
ing towns in this passage, Pethahiah was likely a local 168). Shealtiel is the father of Zerubbabel in Ezra-Nehe-
advisor who reported to the king through regional officials miah (see SHEALTIEL), and so an identification of Phal-
(Blenkinsopp Ezra-Nehemiah OTL, 327). tiel with Shealtiel is both possible and intriguing.
TERRY L. BRENSINGER
PHANUEL (PERSON) [Gk Phanoue[j. Phanuel, whose
PETHOR (PLACE) [Heb petor]. The home of Balaam, name means "the face of God" (cf. Gen 32:32 LXX), is the
the Mesopotamian seer who was summoned by Balak to father of Anna the prophetess and a member of the tribe
curse the Israelites (Num 22:4-6; Deut 23:4). According of Asher (Luke 2:36). Asher was one of the lost northern
to Num 22:5, Pethor was located near the Euphrates River tribes and the reference here indicates that after the exile
in the land of AMAW. Mentioned in occasional extrabibli- some of the lost tribes returned to full membership in the
cal inscriptions, Amaw lay to the W of the Euphrates. Jewish nation.
JoANN FoRo WATSON
Additional information concerning Pethor is provided in
both the book of Numbers as well as the inscription of
Shalmaneser III. In Balaam's first oracle, he mentions that
he had been brought from Aram and the eastern moun-
PHARAKIM (PERSON) [Gk Pharakim]. Forefather of a
family included under the heading the "temple servants,"
tains (Num 23:7). While such descriptions are noticeably which returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esdr 5:31). See also
vague, they suggest the general region that included cen- NETHINIM. However, this family is not included in the
tral Syria and extended to the Euphrates (Budd Numbers parallel lists in Ezra 2 and Nehemiah 7.
WBC, 267; Noth Numbers ET, OTL, 183). Shalmaneser
Ill's inscriptions, however, are a bit more precise. In this Bibliography
case, Pitru (the Hittite name for Pethor and the equivalent Haran, M. 1961. The Gibeonites, the Nethinim and the sons of
of the Assyrian Ana-As5urutir-~bat, meaning "I founded Solomon's Servants. VT 11: 159-69.
[it] again for Assur") is positioned "on the other side of CRAIG D. BOWMAN
the Euphrates, on the river Sagur" (ANET, 278). Insofar as
the Sagur joins the Euphrates some 60 miles NE of
Aleppo, Pethor was situated on the W bank of the Euphra- PHARAOH. Egyptian Pr-'3 (pronounced something
tes in Upper Mesopotamia near the point where the two like *pare6), literally (the) "Great House;" a later designa-
rivers meet. While a specific site defies certain identifica- tion of the king of Egypt.
tion, Tell Al:imar (36°40'N; 38°08'E), located 18 miles S of The monarch who sat on the throne of Egypt was
Carchemish, has been suggested (Snaith Leviticus and Num- traditionally accorded a number of names and titles en-
bers NCBC, 287). compassing his divine and terrestrial roles in the scheme
TERRY L. BRENSINGER of things: "Horus" (the falcon-god incarnate), "Golden
Horus," "Favorite of the Two Ladies" (i.e., the cobra and
vulture, tutelary goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt),
PETHUEL (PERSON) [Heb petu>et]. According to Joel "He-of-the-Sut-plant-and-the-bee" (i.e., King of Upper and
l: 1, the name of the father of the prophet Joel. The name Lower Egypt), "son of Re" (the sun-god) etc. The word
may mean "youth of El" or "a youth belonging to El" "Pharaoh," however, was not initially part of his titularv.
(TPNAH, 116, 123). Attested from the early 3d millennium e.c. as a designa-
RICHARD D. WEIS tion of part of the large palace complex at Memphis
v. 289 PHARISEES

wherein the king and the officers of his administration ing of the overall structure and functioning of society. Bits
lived, the term by extension came to signify the authority of evidence are often taken out of context, harmonized
of the central government. During the 18th Dynasty (ca. with each other, and used as building blocks for very
1560-1320 8.C.), and certainly before the reign of Thut- improbable structures. Because Josephus names the three
mose I II (1504-1451 8.C.), "Great House" was occasionally leading Jewish "schools of thought" as the Pharisees, Sad-
applied to the person of the king himself by metonymy, ducees, and Essenes, and because the Pharisees, scribes,
much as "the Porte" stood for the Turkish sultan, or the and Sadducees appear in the NT as opponents of Jesus,
"White House" betokens the President of the U.S.A. While the importance and roles of these groups in Jewish society
initially this semantic development took place within the is vastly overemphasized. The proliferation of hypotheses
realm of the vernacular, before the close of the New about the Pharisees shows how poorly they are under-
Kingdom (ca. 1070 8.c.) "Pharaoh" had become a polite stood. After a review of previous scholarship, the evidence
circumlocution for the reigning king in official jargon, and from Josephus, the NT, rabbinic literature, and Qumran
as such from the reign of Sheshonk I (last quarter of the will be reviewed and the historically reliable conclusions
10th century 8.C.) is sometimes included within the king's synthesized.
titulary in formal inscriptions. By the 8th century 8.c. it
was an integral part of the royal cartouche itself (i.e., the A. Previous Scholarship and Theories
oval within which the king's name was written in hiero- B. Josephus
glyphs); and from the 7th century on was nothing but a I. Hasmonean Period
synonym of the generic "king," the older word which it 2. Herodian Period
rapidly replaced. Its occurrence in the Bible in Genesis, 3. War against Rome
Exodus, and 2 Kings as synonymous with "king of Egypt" 4. Political Role
:onforms to the final stage of its native evolution. 5. Descriptions
The word did not escape oblivion itself. Although Ptol- 6. Organization
emaic temples (ca. 300-30 8.C.) display "Pharaoh" fre- C. New Testament
~uently and consistently in the context of inscriptions l. Paul
where it means only "king," the termination of the mon- 2. Mark
archy by the Roman emperor Augustus rendered it obso- 3. Matthew
lete. Coptic Christianity (beginning in the late 3d century 4. Luke-Acts
r\.D.) wholly misinterpreted "Pharaoh" (as definite article 5. John
~- followed by -rem, "king"-no such word exists); while D. Rabbinic Literature
classical and Islamic tradition transmogrified it into a I. 1st Century Sages
personal name for a few individual kings (see also LA 4: 2. 1st-Century Laws
1021). 3. Pharisee Texts
E. Qumran Literature
Bibliography F. Syn thesis
Gardiner, A.H. l953. Egyptian Grammar. 3d ed. Oxford.
Poscner, G. 1960. De la divinitli de la Pharaon. Paris.
A. Previous Scholarship and Theories
Vergote,]. l 959.joseph en Egypte. Louvain.
Studies of the Pharisees in the last century have been
DONALD B. REDFORD
beset with a number of political and methodological prob-
lems. Jewish interpretations of the programs of the Phari-
sees and Sadducees have often been covertly influenced by
PHARATHON (PLACE) [Gk Pharathan]. Variant spell- modern conflicts between traditional and progressive Jews.
ing of PIRATHON.
Many Christian accounts of the Pharisees have been viti-
ated by either uncritical acceptance of the anti-Jewish
polemics of the NT or modern anti-Semitism. Apologetic
PHARES (PERSON) [Gk Phares]. See PEREZ. defenses of the Pharisees by both Jewish and Christian
scholars have distorted or romanticized the Pharisees and
separated them from their historical context. Many tradi-
PHARISEES [Gk Pharisaios). Recent research on the tional and historical studies of the Pharisees have been
Pharisees has paradoxically made them and their role in
marred by an uncritical acceptance of some or all of the
Palestinian society more obscure and difficult to describe. sources (Josephus, NT, rabbinic literature) without sophis-
The three ancient sources-Josephus, the NT, and rab- ticated interpretation of the purpose, date, and natures of
binic literature-have very limited information which is each. The fragmentary nature of the texts referring to the
difficult to interpret. Scholars have pictured the Pharisees Pharisees has prompted scholars to harmonize the sources
as a sect within Judaism, a powerful religious leadership with one another, to fill in gaps with very speculative
group, a political leadership group, a learned scholarly hypotheses, and to create historically unproven accounts
group, a lay movement in competition with the priesthood, of their origin, nature, history, teaching, and goals. Lack
a group of middle class urban artisans or some combina- of evidence about the Pharisees and great discord over
tion of these. In most historical recon~tructions of Jewish related issues such as the nature of Second Temple Juda-
sonety the categories used to describe these groups, such ism, its thought, laws, practices, and social structure, have
as sect, school, upper class, lay leadership, etc. are ill joined to produce a welter of unproven theories concern-
defined or misused and not integrated into an understand- ing every aspect of the Pharisees' thought and history.
PHARISEES 290 • v
Only the most influential writers and theories will be c~ose to the people and led Judaism in changing social
reviewed here. Circumstances. H. Loewe, following Lauterbach and oth-
A. Geiger's work on the Pharisees sel the terms for the ers, gave a comprehensive and sympathetic account of the
debate in the 19th and 20th centuries. He interpreted the Pharisees in a famous series of lectures presented to a
Hillelites as more liberal and adaptable to evolving circum- Jewish and Christian audience in Britain.
stances than the more conservative and literalistic Saddu- All these scholars accepted at face value the sources
cees and Pharisaic Shammailes. The contrast between the which speak. of the Pharisees, criticizing them only when
rigidity of the old halakha (condemned in the NT accord- they contradicted one another or seemed very improbable.
ing to Geiger) and the new halakha of the Pharisees (whom The continuity of the Pharisaic and rabbinic movements
Geiger admired) roughly parallels the conflict in 19th and the pertinence of rabbinic literature for describing
century Germany between traditional Judaism and the Pharisaic history and thought was assumed. Most under-
Reform. Geiger's approach was popularized by the histo- stood the Pharisees as a lay movement or sect with scribal
rians H. Graetz and I. H. Weiss and has continued with connections which was based on certain interpretations of
many modifications and variations lo govern most accounts the law. In general the rabbinic view of the Pharisees as a
of the Pharisees until the present. powerful governing force, in competition with and even-
Christian accounts of the Pharisees have been greatly tually dominating the priesthood and other aristocratic
influenced by Wellhausen, Schurer (H]P), Boussel, and leaders, was accepted. Their synthesis of the Pharisees and
Meyer, all of whom interpreted "late" Judaism as a legalis- the rest of early Judaism, derived mainly from rabbinic
tic degeneration of Judaism in comparison with prophetic literature's later understanding of its origins, was accepted
ethics. Wellhausen and other 19th century writers were by a new generation of Christian scholars.
influenced by Hegelian and evolutionary ideas in their R. T. Herford published a number of books which
construction of historical schema and conveniently saw the sought to counteract Christian polemics and anti-Semi-
Pharisees as symptomatic of a legalistic and materialistic tism. In his study of the Pharisees he followed Lauterbach
Judaism, both deteriorating and about to be replaced by and presented a sympathetic portrait of the Pharisees as
Christianity. This type of view, popularized by the influ- teachers of the oral law. He based his account of their
ential histories of Schurer, Boussel, and Meyer has domi- teachings almost wholly on rabbinic literature and turned
nated much of Christian scholarship on the Pharisees and Wellhausen's theory on its head by arguing that the Phari-
Judaism in general. sees continued the ethical tradition of the prophets. Her-
At the turn of the century a number of Jewish scholars ford, and Moore after him, encouraged an appreciation of
had begun to argue against the prevailing Christian inter- the deep religious significance in the Pharisaic/rabbinic
pretation of the Pharisees (see the review of fourteen items way of life and recognition of the vitality of Pharisaism
by Box 1908-9). In the early part of this century, British which was the foundation of rabbinic Judaism and contrib-
and American scholarship was greatly influenced by the uted so much to early Christianity. Herford's approach,
interpretations of the Pharisees by J. Lauterbach, L. Ginz- based on the work of the Jewish apologists, influenced the
berg, L. Finkelstein, L. Baeck, and H. Loewe. Lauterbach presentation of Judaism in Gressmann's third edition of
continued Geiger's tradition of reformed scholarship in a Bousset.
series of essays ( 1913-29) which relate the history of the G. F. Moore's masterful and judicious synthesis of Jewish
Pharisees to the development of midrash and Mishnah in thought in the first two centuries has dominated the En-
Jewish history. He interpreted the Pharisees as progressive glish-speaking world. Moore, who mastered both the pri-
lay leaders opposed to the conservative Sadducean priestly mary and secondary sources, made use of rabbinic and
aristocracy. Ginzberg criticized Geiger's contention that other literature with attention to the problems of dating
the Pharisees changed and adapted the law and affirmed and continuity. His famous synthesis of "normative Juda-
its antiquity. He related differences in the law to social and ism" which he argued formed the inner core of Judaism
historical factors, especially the relationship of the Saddu- in all its manifestations has been decisively refuted by
cees and Shammaite Pharisees to the aristocracy, and the recent finds and research, but his study still retains value
Hillelite Pharisees to the common people. The laws of as a thoughtful summary of major themes in Jewish
these groups focused on different concerns and produced thought. In his account of the Pharisees and their place in
different legal interpretations. Ultimately, Ginzberg's Jewish history Moore followed the main lines sketched out
characterization of the Pharisees resembles that of Geiger. by Geiger, Ginzberg, and others, with special emphasis on
Finkelstein in early articles and studies and finally in his theological disagreement between the Pharisees and Sad-
book, The Pharisees, took the sociological study of the ducees, including a rough analogy between the Pharisees
Pharisees in a different direction, attributing differences and Puritans.
in law and custom, not to liberalism and conservatism but S. Zeitlin, in numerous articles and his history of the
to social class and geographical location, with the Pharisees Second Commonwealth, distinguished various meanings
representing the urban plebians and the Sadducees the of the term "Pharisee" in rabbinic literature so that the
rural patricians. He also attributed to some rabbinic laws historical group opposed to the Sadducees could be distin-
and customs an origin in the monarchic period. Baeck, guished from other groups of "separatists" who were not
defending Judaism against the onslaughts of German anti- Pharisees. The Pharisees according to Zeitlin had their
Semitism in the 1930's, understood the Pharisees as a origin in the 5th century and were not a sect, but emerged
movement which sought the dominance of religion over from a lay scribal movement which was focused on the oral
all of Jewish life and stressed a holiness which did not law. Zeitlin makes critical use of the sources, but his meth-
compromise with a hostile culture. The Pharisees were ods for solving many problems and his exegeses of numer-
v • 291 PHARISEES

ous texts are idiosyncratic; thus his work should be used cerned with civil law and sacrifice in the Temple, though
with care. an argument from silence, indicates that the Pharisees
Ellis Rivkin has taken up Zeitlin's work on the Pharisees were not in control of the Temple cult or the dominant
with numerous modifications. The Pharisees are not a sect force in society. Talmudic stories which depict the Phari-
or movement, but a scholarly class dedicated to the teach- sees as rulers of society are later retrojections of 3d to 6th
ing of the twofold law and interalizin~ J1:1daism th.rough century rabbinic power onto the Pharisees of the 1st cen-
belief in life after death. They revoluuomzed Judaism by tury. It is more likely that the Pharisees had been under
creating new institutions such as the synagogue, the bet din the Hasmoneans, and remained under the Romans, one
(court), the dominance of the scholarly class, the master- of a large number of political-interest groups which com~
disciple relationship, and the formulation of Mishnaic t~pe bined a social-religious reform program with a search for
law. The Pharisees originated in the Hasmonean penod power and influence over Jewish society and government.
and were socially powerful leaders (Rivkin takes Matt 23:2 Though the Pharisees were less successful in the 1st cen-
as historically accurate on this point). Rivkin more consis- tury than in the Hasmonean period, they were still ori-
tently distinguishes the varied uses of Pharisee in rabbinic ented toward power and continued to work for it after the
literature, but in doing so he uncritically combines texts destruction of the Temple. On the whole Neusner's theory
from very diverse documents and periods as if they is much more critical and adequate than those of his
formed one homogenous corpus. He too readily accepts predecessors.
rabbinic texts referring to the Pharisees, as well as the NT Two other overviews of the Pharisees by J. Bowker and
and Josephus, as reliable historical sources without taking H. Mantel are deserving of mention. Bowker thinks that
into account the authors' purposes and historical distance Pharisees was the pejorative name for a movement of
from the Pharisees. In addition, he identifies Pharisaic scholars called luikamim (sages) who sought to make the
teachings with much of rabbinic literature and Pharisees laws fit daily life and extend priestly holiness to the people.
with scribes and sages. With these qualifications Rivkin's They became a sect only when they were expelled from
reconstruction of the Pharisees is the most detailed and the Sanhedrin by John Hyrcanus and finally dominated
critical since World War II, with the exception of that of Judaism after the destruction of the Temple. The hakamic
Jacob Neusner. movement embraced scribes and associates, fiiiberim, of
Jacob Neusner has pioneered the use of rigorous histor- Tractate Demai as part of their larger movement. In order
ical-critical analysis of the full range of rabbinic sources. to create the overarching hakamic movement, Bowker must
The stories of the Second Temple sages, which are usually uncritically meld a number of texts into an artificial whole.
used as the building blocks for reconstruction of the Phar- H. Mantel, who has written extensively on the Sanhedrin,
isees, are found to be generally unreliable. The teachings oral law, and origins of rabbinic Judaism, locates the origi-
of these sages can be accepted as 1st or 2d century only if nal disputes which separated the Pharisees and Sadducees
the substance of the teaching is attested (that is, referred in the time of Ezra, and envisions a scholarly social move-
to or assumed) by a sage of the same or the next genera- ment focused on the study of Torah spanning the centuries
tion. The whole Mishnah also has been subjected to a from the exile to the destruction of the Second Temple.
formal and logical analysis to unravel its earlier and later His focus is on the origin and development of rabbinic
layers. While no certain results can be achieved by these halakha which he sets in the Second Temple period. Man-
methods, some probable conclusions concerning the teach- tel accepts the rabbinic sources as historically accurate and
ings of the Pharisees have been reached and correlated critically assesses the sources only when they contradict
with the evidence in Josephus and the NT. each other or are incoherent. His account of the Pharisees
When the Mishnah and Tosefta are analyzed using is derived from the interpretation of rabbinic literature
Neusner's criteria (the logic of Mishnah's argument and found in the German Jewish scholars of the 19th century.
the attested attributions), by far the largest body of law Truly critical interpretation of the rabbinic sources and
which can be somewhat reliably assigned to the early- and assessment of their contributions to the history of the
mid-1st-century concerns: ritual purity, tithes and other Pharisees and their Second Temple context has only re-
food laws, and Sabbath and festival observance. These laws cently begun. The redactional tendencies of individual
set out an agenda of holiness for the land and people documents must be taken into account, the literary forms
which was a fitting response for a powerless people domi- analyzed, and the antiquity of traditions established by
nated by the Romans because these laws pertain to the comparison among many sources and with datable texts
parts of domestic life-food, sex, and marriage-which and events. As such research progresses (cf. the work of J.
can_ be controlled by people out of power in their own Neusner), hypotheses concerning the Pharisees' organiza-
sooety. Food and reproduction within the household, tion, social type, program, and purposes may be generated
rather than the public cult at the Temple and the gover- and tested. For the present, despite the contribution and
nance of society, are within the grasp of a subject people. theories of past research, much is not known concerning
Neusner argues that the legal agenda of the Pharisees, the inner workings of the Pharisees and their social roles
centered around food laws and festivals, bespeaks a sectar- in society.
ian table fellowship which was not part of the political
struggle or !st-century Palestine. Neusner theorizes that B. Josephus
the Pharisees were an active political party under the In his many volumes Josephus mentions the Pharisees
Hasmoneans (cf. Josephus), but were driven from the less than twenty times, a reflection of their minor role in
political arena by Herod's repression. He has further sug- society. In the Jewish War the Pharisees are mentioned four
gested that the absence of a coherent body of laws con- times. Their great influence on Queen Alexandra and
PHARISEES 292 • v
consequent political power in the early lst century, B.C.E. (103-76). Th_o~gh ~lexande~ expanded Jewish territory,
is recounted disapprovingly. Later in that century, Herod Josephus cnuozes ~1m for his untactful policies and op-
accused his brother Pheroras' wife of subsidizing the Phar- pressive cruelty whICh aroused the people to disturbance
isees against him. After the long, laudatory description of and revolt and filled his -t:eign with conflict UW I §67-69;
the Essenes, the Pharisees are described briefly with the A!lt I~ §85-106). \)n his death bed Alexander bequeathed
Sadducees as one of the three traditional Jewish philoso- his kingdom to his queen, Alexandra, and quieted her
phies. Finally, at the beginning of the Great War the most fears about the hostility of the people with the advice that
notable Pharisees along with other Jewish leaders tried to she win the Pharisees over to her side so that they would
prevent the revolt and the cessation of the sacrifices of- control the people (Ant 13 §399-417). Alexander stresses
fered for Rome. to his wif~ the ab!lity of t_he P_h~risees to harm or help
Pharisees as a group or as individuals are mentioned people by mfluencmg pubhc opm1on, despite the fact that
nine times in the Jewish Antiquities, three of which are they sometimes act out of envy. He also reveals the Phari-
parallel to passages in the Jewish War. Josephus gives a brief sees' political agenda, that is, their desire for power over
description of the Pharisees in Book 13, as he treats the the laws governing domestic Jewish lifr. Alexandra is to
Hasmonean period, and a longer one at the beginning of render them benevolent by conceding to them a certain
Book 18 (which covers the beginning of the 1st century, amount of power. Alexandra followed this advice and also
C.E.), parallel to the description in the ]W He recounts let the Pharisees have control over Alexander's corpse and
their conflict with John Hyrcanus which led to loss of burial, as he advised. The Pharisees, in turn, forgot their
influence, their political power under Alexandra, and their anger and gave speeches praising Alexander as a great
loss of it again at her death. During the Herodian period, and just king, which moved the people to give him a
Samaias and Pollion, who are Pharisees, appear in several splendid burial. Josephus neither praises nor blames the
incidents, including the defense of Herod (in a manner of Pharisees for their actions. He sees them as one of the
speaking) at his trial before the Sanhedrin. Herod showed political interest groups competing for power and influ-
favor to Samaias and Pollion when he took Jerusalem and ence. They are useful for the governing class because of
later exempted them from taking an oath of loyalty to their status and influence among the people. He seems to
him. Near the end of Herod's life the Pharisees formed an approve of Alexander's advice to his wife to win over the
alliance with Pheroras' wife and her faction against Herod, people and end the civil disorder which marked the end
an association which led to the execution of a number of of his reign. The Pharisees are seen here as a force for
Pharisees. order and thus win Josephus' approval. Josephus shows no
In the Life, Josephus says that he tried the Pharisaic way interest in the details of the Pharisaic program, nor in
of life along with the Essenes, Sadducees, and an ascetic their motives. He takes for granted their self-interested
named Bannus; finally he chose the Pharisees. On the eve quest for power and cynical posthumous praise of Alex-
of the revolt, the leading Pharisees, along with the chief ander. Subsequently, however, he criticizes them for caus-
priests and Josephus, appear as a leadership group. Simon ing disorder by trying to take vengeance on their enemies
ben Gamaliel, a Pharisee, is the prime mover in Jerusalem among Alexander's supporters and officials, and he criti-
to have Josephus removed from command in Galilee, and cizes Alexandra for weakness in letting the Pharisees rule.
the delegation finally sent to remove Josephus from com- Under Alexandra the Pharisees had substantial direct bu-
mand has a priest Pharisee and two lay Pharisees along reaucratic power in domestic affairs, recalled exiles, and
with a young chief priest. freed prisoners; but they did not have unlimited power,
I. Hasmonean Period. The nature of the Pharisees can because they could not punish on their own authority
be inferred from their activities during the Second Temple Alexander's old advisors and allies who had crucified eight
period. During the reign of John Hyrcanus (134-104 hundred opponents of Alexander (Ant 13 §379-83).
B.C.E.) the Pharisees were initially very influential on Hyr- In the confusion which followed the death of Alexandra
canus, who was guided by their views of Jewish law and life the Pharisees are not mentioned. It is likely that they had
(Ant 13 §288-98). Hyrcanus gave a banquet for his valued lost influence and popularity with the people because of
supporters, and when he asked them for any criticisms the way they had exercised power over them and thus lost
they might have, the Pharisees, like tactful clients, praised political power to rival interest groups, coalitions, and
their patron. The Pharisees seem to have been allies and factions. Though both of Alexandra's sons, Aristobolus
aids to Hyrcanus, probably as lower officials and function- and Hyrcanus, had supporters within Jewish society, nei-
aries in the newly organized Hasmonean rule. One Phari- ther is said to have turned to the Pharisees for support.
see, Eliezer, did criticize Hyrcanus (a serious political at- The rise and fall of the Pharisees fits the pattern found in
tack is implicit) and was rejected by his fellow Pharisees. many other societies. In times of turmoil many groups and
Nevertheless, a Sadducean friend of Hyrcanus, Jonathan, individuals emerge as partially independent power centers
fanned the flames of the dispute, succeeded in outmaneu- and compete for control and frequent changes of leader-
vering the Pharisees, and broke their influence on Hyr- ship are normal.
canus. This tale of court intrigue and social conflict reflects 2. Herodian Period. Herod (37-4 B.C.E.) kept a tigh1
the struggle for control of Jewish society which endured hold on power, so all other groups receded before him
throughout the Second Temple period. In this complex and his network of spies. Two Pharisaic leaders, Samaias
political, social, and religious competition the Pharisees and his teacher Pollion, protested against the weak leader-
had at different times both major and minor roles. ship of the Sanhedrin by giving Herod backhanded sup-
The conflict between Hyrcanus and the Pharisees contin- port (Ant 14 §163-84; 15 §1-4). Herod responded b~
ued through the reign of his son, Alexander Jannaeus treating them as favored clients. Twenty years later he
v. 293 PHARISEES

exempted the Pharisees from an oath of loyalty because of procurators, and in the complex events at the beginning
his respect for Pollion (Ant 15 §368-72). of the war against Rome, the Pharisees and Sadducees are
That the Pharisees remained a social and political force treated by Josephus as part of the political and social
can be seen at the end of Herod's reign when the Pharisees competition for power and influence.
partiCipated in a factional intrigue over the succession to The Pharisees functioned as a political interest group
Herod with catastrophic results. Herod's brother Pheroras, which had its own goals for society and constantly engaged
the tetrarch of Perea, along with Pheroras' wife, mother, in political activity to achieve them, even though they did
and sister, and Antipater's mother, conspired to have not always succeed. They were not themselves the leaders
Antipater, Herod's son, succeed him (fW 1 §567-71; Ant of the Jewish community, though prominent leaders of the
17 §32-60). Josephus recounts disapprovingly the Phari- Pharisee~ither by their station in the Pharisaic group
sees' long relationship with Pheroras's wife and their role or because of family status-were part of the governing
in the plots. "There was also a group of Jews priding itself class. The Pharisees as a group did not have direct power
on its adherence to ancestral custom and claiming to (except to a limited degree under their loyal patron, Alex-
observe the laws of which the Deity approves, and by these andra) and were not as a whole members of the governing
men, called Pharisees, the women (of the court) were class. They were a literate, organized group which con-
ruled" (Ant 17 §41 ). The Pharisees are here pictured as stantly sought influence with the governing class.
influencing prominent women just as they had Alexandra The Pharisees' precise goals for society and the laws by
in the previous generation. For Josephus, they are just one which they wished society to live are not described by
more group of court retainers surrounding Herod and Josephus, but the traditions which they promoted were
scheming for power. "These men were able to help the popular with the people, especially in the Hasmonean
king greatly because of their foresight [prediction], yet period, according to Josephus. Both their activities in the
they were obviously intent upon combating and injuring Hasmonean period and the description of them at the end
him" (Ant 17 §41 ). If the number of Pharisees, six thou- of Archelaus' reign imply that they were allied with tradi-
sand, is accurate, it suggests that they were an organized tional, nonrevolutionary Judaism. Whatever influence they
group or movement with clear enough boundaries to be achieved, they usually achieved with the help of a powerful
identified and with enough influence to be recruited by patron, and they entered into coalitions with other groups
one faction of the royal family. among the upper classes in order to gain influence and
3. War against Rome. The Pharisees are next active move those who had power.
during the revolt against Rome in 66 C.E. the chief priests, 5. Descriptions. Josephus' descriptions of the Pharisees
leading citizens, and notables (well-known leaders) of the (along with the Sadducees, Essenes, and "Fourth Philoso-
Pharisees tried to persuade the people not to revolt but phy") are generally consistent with his accounts of them in
failed (fW 2 §409-17). Josephus makes a clear distinction action (fW 2 §119-66; Ant 18 §11-25; 13 §171-73, 297-
between these legitimate leaders and the revolutionaries. 98). However, the descriptions are far from complete and
The Pharisees, or at least their leaders, were part of the do not present a coherent picture of the groups' thought
established leadership of Jerusalem during its last days. and organization. The Pharisees were noted for their
Josephus reaffirms their position when he recounts that practice of the law and their ability to interpret the law in
he "consorted with the chief priests and the leading Phar- their own way. This implies that they had particular views
isees" (life 20-23) on the eve of the revolt. During the about how to live Jewish life and probably followed com-
revolt while Josephus was general in Galilee his opponent, munal customs within an organizational structure. How-
John of Gischala, recruited as an ally Simon ben Gamaliel, ever, Josephus does not give us any information about the
a high-born. leader and member of the Pharisees (life inner workings of the Pharisees or their presumably
189-98). Finally, when a delegation of four leaders was learned leadership. The Pharisees' acceptance of life after
sent to remove Josephus from power in Galilee (life 196- death and resurrection as well as reward and punishment
98), it consisted of a young chief priest, a Pharisaic priest, is contrasted with the Sadducees' rejection of these teach-
and two Pharisees from the common people. Clearly the ings. Likewise, their positions on fate (meaning divine
Pharisees were enmeshed in the fabric of Jewish society providence) and on free will and human responsibility are
and governance, but not in control. contrasted. The Pharisees' positions on life after death
4. Political Role. The minor role played by the Phari- and divine providence are consistent with one another and
sees in Josephus is explained by his concentration on the probably derive from their eschatology and apocalyptic
governing class and its political and military fortunes expectations: they picture God and humans as in a close
which were so crucial for Jewish society as a whole. Neither relationship both in this life and the next. The Pharisees
the priesthood, the aristocrats, nor the peasants are are said, both in the Jewish War and in the Antiquities, to be
treated except when they have an impact on the fortunes the leading and most influential school of thought, but
of the nation as a whole. The Pharisees arc mentioned at their social class and status is not specified, except that
times of change, crisis, or transition in government be- most of them were of a lower social station than the
came when power shifted they and many other social and Sadducees. The description of social relations among the
pohucal forces in Jewish society became active in the com- Pharisees and with outsiders is consistent with their place
pe.tition for power and influence. When John Hyrcanus in society. Since the Pharisees lacked direct political power,
shifted his allegiance from the Pharisees to Sadducees, they cultivated harmonious relations with all and sought
when Alexandra struggled to maintain control after her support for their mode of life through respect for tradi-
husband's death, at the beginning and end of Herod's tion and their elders. (The Sadducees, like many who
reign, at the transition from Herodian rule to Roman exercise power, were perceived as competitive, argumen-
PHARISEES 294 • v
tative, and hard to get along with.) The Pharisees, most of In addition, Paul refers to himself as a Pharisee once in
whom did not have hereditary ties to positions of power, his letters.
struggled to influence society as a group by winning influ- 1. Paul. Paul is the only person beside Josephus whose
ence. Consequently, they stressed social relations to build personal claim to be a Pharisee is preserved (Phil 3:5) and
up their own group and win it favor and influence with he is the only diaspora Jew identified as a Pharisee. Paul
others. That their struggle for power and influence was a argues in Philippians against those who propose that
group struggle is shown by the absence of names of Phar- Christians be circumcised that, though he has every reason
isaic leaders in most cases. Only Eleazar who attacked John to have confidence in his Jewish birth and heritage (3:4-
Hyrcanus, Samaias and Pollion who struck up a peculiar 6), he counts all that as loss in comparison with Jesus (3:7-
and ambivilent relationship with Herod, Simon ben Gam- 11). In recounting his Jewish past Paul refers to his circum-
aliel, and the three Pharisees who were part of the delega- cision, his membership in Israel and the tribe of Benjamin,
tion sent to Josephus in Galilee (Jonathan, Ananias, and and his way of life in Judaism: "in relation to law, a
Jozar) are named. Pharisee; in relation to zeal, a persecutor of the church; in
6. Organization. Josephus says nothing about the Phar- relation to righteousness in law, being blameless." Paul's
isees' internal organization. The beliefs which they es- single allusion to his having been a Pharisee is related to
poused concerning afterlife, divine activity in history, and living Jewish life according to the Pharisaic interpretation
human freedom were most probably different enough of Torah. The two characteristics of his Jewish way of life
from the traditional Jewish teachings and attitudes to which follow his claim to be a Pharisee seem to derive from
require some positive commitment and explicit organiza- his Pharisaism. First, his adherence to the Pharisaic mode
tion. However, their leadership structure, educational sys- of interpreting the law led him zealously to attack the
tem, and criteria for membership are not described. Jose- followers of Jesus, a group which had mounted a major
phus calls them a hairesis, a term often translated as "sect" challenge to the Pharisaic way of life. Second, he kept the
or "school" (of thought). A hairesis was a coherent and law as one was supposed to and achieved the righteousness
principled choice of a way of life, that is, of a particular from law which was proper to it. Paul is not referring to a
school of thought (Simon 1979: 110, 104). In the view of highly complex doctrine of work righteousness vs. grace
the ancients and most importantly Josephus, once a few righteousness, but simply saying that he live a good life
basic principles of a tradition were accepted one could according to Pharisaic standards. Paul's casual reference
then expect some diversity, that is, some choice of partic- to Pharisaism in Philippians implies that it is well known
ular ways of life and thought. Greek philosophical schools and accepted as a legitimate and strict mode of living
were usually ways of life based on a certain understanding Jewish life.
of the universe and of moral law. Thus, Josephus uses Paul's very brief description of his Jewish way of life as a
hairesis to describe the great currents of thought and Pharisee partly fits the view of the Pharisees found in
practice in Judaism-espoused by the Pharisees, Saddu- Josephus. Both Josephus and Paul say that the Pharisees
cees, Essenes, and "Fourth Philosophy" revolutionaries- had an interpretation of the law, though neither says what
in such a way as to bring respectability to Judaism and it is, and both refer to the Pharisees as a well-known group
attest to the antiquity and value of its traditions. The which does not need detailed identification. Like Josephus,
translation "sect" may be used if it does not imply with- Paul does not tell us of the inner organization of the
drawal from political and social action. (Sect in classical Pharisees. Both Paul and Josephus say that they were once
sociological usage refers to a religious group which is in Pharisees, but never again refer to Pharisaism as part of
reaction to the main religious tradition and which sees their Jewish identities. Perhaps both habitually thought of
itself as the true religion and an exclusive replacement for themselves as Jews against the larger horizon of the Greco-
the dominant tradition.) With their distinctive interpreta- Roman world where inner Jewish distinctions, such as
tion of Jewish life and desire for political influence and membership in the Pharisees, were important.
power the Pharisees may be understood as a reformist sect. Paul never says where he made contact with Pharisaism
School of thought as a translation of hairesis may be closer to (Tarsus, Syria, or Jerusalem?). Since he never refers to
what Josephus meant, though not necessarily to what the Pharisees as his opponents nor as leaders in the Jewish
Pharisees were. Josephus is certainly comparing the Phari- community in any of the letters addressed to communities
sees, Sadducees, and Essenes to the Greek schools of in Asia Minor and Greece, it is very probable that Pharisees
philosophy in order to show that Jews are a respectable, were not found in those communities. Since Paul lived and
civilized people with its own wisdom. The comparison is at worked in greater Syria as a Pharisee, it is possible that
least partially appropriate because Greek schools of philos- Pharisaism had some influence there and that some Phar-
ophy did not just engage in the academic study of a group isees lived outside Jerusalem and Judea.
of doctrines, but urged on their members and students a Paul does not say how he came to know about Pharisa-
way of life. That the Pharisees actually were similar to a ism, why he was attracted to it, and what the Pharisaic life
philosophical school is likely because the formation of entailed. Pharisaism, as depicted as Josephus, the New
voluntary associations and social groups was a characteris- Testament and rabbinic writings, concerned itself with
tic of Hellenistic society. Palestinian Jewish political and social issues and with a
certain style of Jewish life which included tithing and ritual
C. New Testament preparation of foods. It was especially suited to life in
The Pharisees appear in the gospels and Acts, mostly as Jewish villages and towns. Since Paul used purity language
opponents of Jesus and his followers. Different roles and metaphorically to describe and maintain the new bounda-
characteristics are assigned to the Pharisees in each source. ries of the Christian community, he was familiar with
v • 295 PHARISEES

Jewish and perhaps Pharisaic purity rules. Paul cons~iously Jerusalem only once, but this is probably due to the literary
created a new community with a new understanding of arrangement of Mark. In chap. 12, just before his arrest,
purity.just as the Pharisees had for Judaism: . . . Jesus meets a series of opponents: the Pharisees and Her-
In the diaspora it is unclear what the Phansa1c hfe might odians (12:13), the Sadducees (12:18), and a friendly
have meant. Both Josephus and Paul claimed to be Phari- scribe (12 :28). It is likely that Mark brings the Pharisees
sees while living in the larger world of the Roman Empi~e. into this Jerusalem context as a dramatic device to create a
Perhaps they found the Pharisaic _view of how to l_iv_e complete roster of Jesus' opponents just before the arrest
Judaism as a viable response to the intellectual and spm- and crucifixion.
tual challenge of Hellenism. Pharisaism probably brought The Pharisees dispute with Jesus over fasting (2: 18),
Jewish practices into daily life and created a conscious way sabbath observance (2:24; 3:2), and divorce (10:2). The
of life which answered the questions and crises felt by scribes and Pharisees dispute with Jesus over purification
some Jews when confronted with the Greco-Roman cul- of hands (7: 1), and the scribes of the Pharisees question
ture. his eating with sinners (2: 16 ). This agenda resembles the
Paul's social class and status as a Pharisee is imperfectly pre-70 C.E. legal agenda isolated from the Mishnah by ].
transmitted. Though Paul's letters present him as an arti- Neusner. The Pharisees also question Jesus authority by
san (I Thes 2:9; I Cor 9:6) and so a member of the lower demanding a sign (8: 11). In concert with the Herodians,
classes, some facts about Paul's life suggest that he had the Pharisees try to trap Jesus in a political matter-the
connections with the upper classes and was more than an question of Roman taxes (12:13)-and they enter into a
uneducated and powerless artisan. That he was a city plot with the Herodians against Jesus.
dweller does not mean that he was educated or influential, Because the Pharisees in Mark have relationships with
though the city offered opportunities usually lacking in other groups in society, enter into a political alliance with
rural areas. His letters, written in good but not highly the Herodians against Jesus (3:6), and put Jesus to the test
literate Greek, testify that Paul received basic education in with the Herodians at the instigation of the Jerusalem
grammar. His familiarity with and interpretations of the leaders (12:13), they appear to be a well-connected politi-
Bible show that he had received a solid Jewish education cal interest group, of which the "scribes of the Pharisees"
(Luke's claim [Acts 22:3] that he studied with Gamaliel is (2: 16) may be the Jerusalem representatives. Since their
not verified by his letters). It is likely that he spoke and religious views are integral to the way Jews live in Palestine,
read Hebrew and Aramaic. Paul travelled, like many arti- they sought to control or influence the political, legal, and
sans in antiquity, and as an artisan he could find employ- social factors which might determine the social practices
ment in urban centers. In the account of his life in Gala- and views of the community. The Pharisees were the
tians, he says he persecuted the church of God. Acts locates defenders of a certain kind of community and Jesus chal-
this activity in Jerusalem, Judea, Palestine, and S Syria, but lenged the Pharisees' vision of community by attacking
Paul's own letters leave this vague. Nor do the letters say their purity regulations concerning washing and food, as
why Paul had left his home in the first place or what his well as Sabbath practice. The effect of Jesus' teaching was
relationship to Jewish authorities in Jerusalem and else- to widen the community boundaries and loosen the norms
where was before he followed Jesus. for membership in his community. Jesus thus created a
2. Mark. The gospels and Acts do not easily provide new community outside the Pharisees' control and quite
information for the historical understanding of the Phari- naturally provoked their protest and hostility.
sees because they date from the last third of the !st century Mark differs from Josephus in placing the Pharisees and
and thus do not give firsthand witness to the period before their allies, the scribes, in Galilee as potent political and
the destruction of the Temple in 70 c.E. they project onto religious forces. Since Mark writes just before or after the
the life of Jesus later controversies between the Christian war against Rome, he is not anachronistically reading the
and Jewish communities and reflect later authors' misun- later rabbis back into Jesus' life as Pharisees. His traditions
derstandings of tradition and of Palestinian society. In all reflect the mid-1st century experience of the early Chris-
cases the gospel authors have woven Jesus' opponents as tian community if not the experience of Jesus himself.
characters into a dramatic narrative which is controlled by Galilee was ruled by Herod Antipas during Jesus' life and
their purposes in writing the story rather than by a desire was not under the direct control of the Temple authorities.
or ability to reproduce faithfully the historical events of It was divided into upper and lower Galilee by topography
Jesus' life. Thus the Pharisees undergo mutation for dra- and tradition and had several major towns (such as Sep-
matic and theological purposes and are often attacked as phoris and Tiberias) which served as regional centers for
Jesus' opponents. tax collection and security. In view of the complex social
Mark places the Pharisees in Galilee on all occasions and political structure of Galilee, Jesus and his opponents
except one (2:16, 18, 24; 3:2, 6; 7:1, 5; 8:11; 10:2; in a in Galilee, the Pharisees, scribes, and Herodians, must be
Galilean setting in 7:3; 8:15). The Pharisees meet Jesus at seen as minor actors in the larger political struggle for
Capernaum and other rural towns (3:2, 6; 7: I, 5) and in control during the 1st century. The Pharisees, one of
many often indeterminate places (2: 18, 24; 8: 11; 10:2). In many political and religious interest groups seeking power
c.ontrast _with Josephus, who shows the Pharisees closely and influence over Jewish society, exercise influence on the
lmked with the leadership in Jerusalem. Mark sees them people and compete with Jesus for social and political
as active only in Galilee. They do not lack alliances, for control. They enter into political alliances with the Hero-
t~ey plot with the allies of Herod Antipas, the ruler of dians and are associated with the scribes, who have some
Galilee (3:6), join the scribes in conflict with Jesus, and political control and a presence in Jerusalem. Though we
have some scribes in their midst (2: 16). They appear in cannot be certain that Mark and his sources give us a
PHARISEES 296 • v
completely accurate picture of the Pharisees as a strong Judea and Jerusalem, in contrast to Mark's Pharisees. The
community force in Galilee in the early and mid-1st cen- hostility of the Pharisees brackets the crucifixion in which
tury, such a role in Galilean society for the Pharisees is they take no direct part. A lawyer of the Pharisees asks the
intrinsically probable. last hostile question (22:34-35), and the Pharisees join the
3. Matthew. Matthew tends to insert the Pharisees into chief priests in requesting a guard for Jesus' tomb (27:62-
more narrative situations than Mark, but less than Luke. 65). Th~ Pharisees are not only part of the local leadership
He also pairs them differently from Mark. The Pharisees whose mftuence over the people and power over social
and Sadducees appear together in two contexts (3:7; 16: 1- norms are being challenged and diminished by Jesus, but
12). The formulaic pair scribes and Pharisees, not found they are also in direct contact with the more powerful
in precisely that form in Mark, appears in a large number forces of the Jerusalem leadership.
of places (5:20; 12:38; 23:2, 13, [14], 15, 23, 25, 27, 29; in These peculiar Matthean characteristics, which are gen-
15: I the order is reversed to conform to Mark). In several erally but not exclusively attributed to his redaction of
passages Matthew eliminates Mark's scribes when they are Mark and other traditional materials, prompt questions
opponents of Jesus and replaces them with Pharisees (9: 11, concerning Matthew's purposes in writing. Recent work on
34; 12:24; 21:45) whom he considers to be Jesus' oppo- the role of the Jewish leaders in Matthew has been domi-
nents par excellance. nated by a redactional perspective which has emphasized
The scribes and Pharisees are presented as the pious the dramatic and theological use to which Matthew has put
and zealous official representatives of Judaism whose prac- these leaders and doubted that either Matthew or the
tice and interpretation of the Bible are contrasted with traditions he passes on provide any accurate, recoverable
Jesus' interpretation of biblical law and with Matthew's knowledge of these groups (Tilborg typifies this view).
interpretation of how Christians and especially Christian Some see Matthew's characterization of the Jewish leaders
leaders should function in the second generation of Chris- as a literary and theological device for identifying the
tianity. In the background of Matthew's polemic against Christian community in contrast to Judaism and explain-
the scribes and Pharisees are the Jewish and Christian ing the rejection of Jesus by Judaism. In Matthew's narra-
communities in Matthew's day. The Pharisees and Jesus' tive the leaders form a united front against Jesus and need
followers are competing groups, each with their own teach- not be precisely distinguished from one another in them-
ings, practice, and identity, a situation similar to that of selves or by specific function in the community. But,
the Matthean and Jewish communities a generation later. though the lines which distinguished the scribes and Phar-
The polemic against the "scribes and Pharisees, hypo- isees from other groups and from each other have become
crites" (23:13, 15, 16, 23, 25, 27, 29) is noteworthy. The somewhat blurred, the groups are not simply identified
scribes and Pharisees are attacked for their failure to with one another. Some argue that Matthew's view of
practice Judaism sincerely, guide others to live Judaism Jewish leaders, especially the prominence given to the
correctly, interpret the Bible correctly, and attend to the Pharisees, reflects the polemical confrontation between the
major principles of the law and Jewish way of life. They Matthean community and the post-70 c.E. Jewish commu-
are used as negative examples for how a community leader nity which was dominated by the Pharisees-become-rabbis
should act (23:4-7) and are contrasted with Christian (Davies 1963). This position has been overstated as the
leaders, who should not use titles and should be character- social positions and functions assigned to the scribes and
ized by lowliness (23:8-12). Matthew pairs the Pharisees Pharisees fit !st-century Jewish society as we know it from
and scribes without regard for any differences in their Josephus, other NT books, and later rabbinic sources.
interests and functions (chap. 23), in contrast to Luke who 4. Luke-Acts. Luke is notable for adding references to
carefully separates the woes against the Pharisees and the Pharisees a number of times (alone 7:36; 13:31; 14: I:
lawyers so that they are condemned for failings appropri- 16:14; 17:20; 18: 10-14; with scribes 11 :53; with lawyers
ate to their respective activities in society (I I :37-52). Mat- or teachers of the law 5: 17; 7:30; 14:3). Many have claimed
thew has provided a traditional list of improper attitudes that the author has a less-hostile attitude toward the Phar-
and activities of which he accuses both the opponents of isees both in the gospel and especially in Acts (Ziesler).
Jesus and the adversaries of his own community, both The situation is not simple, however, for in the gospel
internal and external. The list is so polemical and the Luke inserts hostile Pharisees into several situations but
Pharisees and scribes so identified with one another that removes them from some places where Mark and Matthew
little reliable historical information can be gleaned from it. portray them as hostile (Sanders 1985: 149-54). It is clear
Matthew, in comparison with Mark, expands the role of that Luke is not unreservedly friendly toward the Pharisees
the Pharisees as opponents of Jesus. The Pharisees com- and has his own specific and limited complaints about
prise the most constant opposition to Jesus in Galilee and them.
are concerned with the same agenda as Mark's Pharisees: Some aspects of the Pharisees in Luke-Acts are unique.
Sabbath observance, food rules, and purity (9:6-13, 14- Three times Jesus dines with Pharisees (17:36; 11:37:
17; 12: 1-14). The Pharisees in Matthew have a wider role 14: 1). The Pharisees are community leaders (14: I) in-
and are less distinct from the scribes than in Mark. They volved with wealth ( 16: 14) and are politically active and
challenge Jesus' authority as a religious and social leader informed (13:31). Though Luke follows Mark in locating
by assaulting its divine source (9:32-34; 12:22-30) and the Pharisees in Galilee and not in Jerusalem, they are
argue with him concerning divorce ( 19:3-9 in Judea). more ubiquitous and powerful than in Mark or Matthew.
After Jesus attacks the Pharisees with a series of parables Along with the scribes they are a leadership group with
which they perceive as directed against them (21 :45-46), power and wealth in the Galilean villages (5: 17-26, 30-32:
they plot against Jesus (22:15). Thus they are active in 6:7-11; 11 :37-53; 14: 1-3; 15:2). Finally, the Pharisees
v. 297 PHARISEES

seem sympathetic to Jesus and Christians on several occa- phus, Luke presents Pharisaism as a political force noted
sions (Luke 13:31; Acts 5:34-39; 23:6-9). Acts especially for its renewal of Jewish life. Acts also agrees with Paul's
treats the Pharisees well because the Pharisees accept res- own characterization of Pharisaism where he implies that
urrection. Also in Acts, Jesus' followers are seen (along the Pharisaic way of life is a recognized, demanding, and
with Judaism) as a small part of the larger and more accepted way of living Jewish life (Phil. 3:5).
diverse Greco-Roman world. Finally, the positive view of A word must be said about the historicity of Luke's
some Pharisees toward Christianity and one reference to account of the Pharisees. That some were members of the
Christian Pharisees (Acts 15:5) fit Luke's theme of conti- Sanhedrin and competed for power in Jerusalem is likely
nuity between Judaism and the church. on the basis of Josephus' account. However, Luke's idea
Luke's presentation of the Pharisees and other Jewish that Paul could be a Pharisee and a Christian and that
leaders is part of a theologically motivated literary inver- there were Christians who remained Pharisees is very
sion of ordinary society. The leaders of the Jews, the rich, unlikely, especially granted all the conflicts with Jewish
the other established citizens, and sometimes Israel itself authorities recounted in Acts and alluded to in Paul's
are pictured as rejecting Jesus and thus rejecting God and letters. Since the Pharisees were a political interest group
ultimately any hope of salvation. By contrast, the poor, the with a program for living Judaism and a sect-like organi-
sinners, the non-Jews, and the outcasts like tax collectors zation, any interpretation of Christianity, no matter how
accept Jesus and salvation from God and "become" Israel. Jewish, would have found itself in conflict with them. In
This new community is gradually outlined and formed in trying to establish the continuity between Christianity and
the narrative and the Pharisees, scribes, and other leaders Judaism, Luke maximizes their agreements and common
serve this overarching narrative theme. Luke objects that interests. He associates the Jews who were strict in obser-
the Pharisees and other leaders do not care for the poor vance of the law (Pharisees) with the Jewish Christians who
who depend on them and have a claim on their generosity wished to remain faithful to the Mosaic law. Luke correctly
(14:1-24; 17:14; 18:9-14). Luke also complains that the perceives many things about the Pharisees, but he proba-
Pharisees' use of purity regulations to maintain social bly overemphasizes their positive relations with the early
order leads to unjust relationships in which the poor are followers of Jesus.
deprived of justice because they are judged to be unclean 5. John. The Pharisees in John function both as govern-
and outside of the social order (14:15-24). In response ment officials and as the learned doctors of the law who
Luke defines true uncleanness as a moral, not ritual, are interested in Jesus' teaching and dispute its truth.
deficiency and thus opens Christianity's group boundaries (Scribes do not appear in John, except in 8:3 (the woman
to the outcasts, Gentiles, and sinners. caught in adultery], a non-Johannine pericope.) The pres-
New aspects of the Pharisees, scribes, and Sadducees entation of the Pharisees in John differs greatly from that
appear in Acts. Pharisees appear as members of the San- in the Synoptic Gospels though a few common features
hedrin twice. Gamaliel, a Pharisee and a member of the remain. In both Galilee and Jerusalem the Pharisees are
Sanhedrin, had enough wisdom, respect, and influence to an ominous presence, ever-watchful and suspicious adver-
be able to overcome the Sanhedrin's rage and to counsel saries of Jesus who keep the people under surveillance and
prudent caution in dealing with the apostles (5:33-40). influence it with their propaganda. They compete with
Luke's attitude toward Gamaliel was positive because Gam- Jesus for influence with the people and attempt to under-
aliel helped the apostles and because he was open to the mine his teaching. All through the gospel the Pharisees
possibility that their teaching might come from God. Luke are allied with the chief priests in taking official action
has Paul cite his study with Gamaliel as a warrant for his against Jesus, especially on his trips to Jerusalem. In addi-
respectability as a Jew (Acts 22:3) and thus testify to Gam- tion, the Pharisees, either alone or with other officials,
aliel's importance and honored place in both Judaism and control the synagogue and the judicial processes for re-
Christianity. Whether the presentation of Gamaliel in Acts moving those whom they oppose. This picture of the
is historical can be questioned because as a literary figure Pharisees as an officially powerful group has significant
he serves Luke's purpose of showing Christianity's conti- features in common with Josephus' presentation of them
nuity with Judaism. When Paul appeared before the San- during the Hasmonean period. According to both ac-
hedrin, he declared that he was a Pharisee and the son of counts they attained real political power even though it was
a Pharisee, and thus garnered the support of the Pharisees derived from the governing class which they served. That
in the Sanhedrin (Acts 23). they are not the highest authorities is clear in the account
Some Jerusalem Christians are identified as Pharisees by of Jesus' condemnation to death, during which the Phari-
Luke. At the meeting of the Jerusalem community with sees drop from view. Thus, John follows the Synoptic
Paul "some believers of those from the school (hairesis) of Gospels in the passion account in assigning the highest
the Pharisees" claimed that gentile believers had to be leadership and contact with the Romans to the chief
circumcised and instructed to keep the law of Moses (15:5). priests.
This zeal for the law of Moses fits Luke's idea of the The Pharisees are first mentioned in connection with a
Pharisees in both the gospel and Acts, and it is consistent delegation sent from Jerusalem to the Jordan to investigate
with his picture of Paul when Paul later claims that he lived John the Baptist (I: 19-28). The Pharisees in the incident
Judai_sm according to the strictest school (hairesis), the are located in Jerusalem, engage in official inquiry of John,
Pharisees (26:5). The author of Acts uses the same word and are interested in his precise teaching and the authority
as Josephus to describe the Pharisaic group and identifies for it. Here and elsewhere John locates the Pharisees in
them by the strict way of life they lead according to their Jerusalem, contrary to the synoptic tradition but in agree-
interpretation of the biblical law. In a way similar to Jose- ment with Josephus. The supervisory role of the Pharisees
PHARISEES 298 • v
in society is further attested when Jesus' trip to Galilee nity. They kept watch over Jesus and how people reacted
from Judea (4: l) is said to be motivated by his hearing that to Jesus. They were the ones the people consulted or
the Pharisees know that he is making more disciples than reported to when they were disturbed or confused by
John the Baptist. The implication is that the Pharisees will Jesus. They discu~sed Jesus' teachings and authority to
disapprove of Jesus and be a threat to him in some tangible teach, but except m one case, they did not directly chal-
way. The characterization of Nicodemus as a Pharisee and lenge Jesus. Rather, they acted as established leaders
a "ruler" (archOn) of the Jews confirm this picture (3: I). He should; they kept their distance from the newcomer and
has an official capacity in Jerusalem, knows about Jesus, schemed to blunt his influence and preserve their own.
has a learned and positive interest in his teaching, and When they took official action it was with the cooperation
feels the threat of disapproval from his fellow Pharisees of the chief priests and other officials. They were not the
(7:52). main political leaders, for the chief priests took over as the
The Pharisees are threatened by Jesus' teaching and main opponents of Jesus in the passion narrative just as in
reject him because none of the authorities (archontes) or the Synoptic Gospels. John has undoubtedly merged many
Pharisees have believed in him, and the people who have forces which opposed Jesus into one figure: the Pharisees.
do not know the law (7 :48-49). Only once do the Pharisees However, John, who partly reflects mid-1st century tradi-
directly debate with Jesus (8: 13-20); usually they maintain tions, agrees in some particulars with Josephus in his
a superior position based on social recognition of their presentation of the Pharisees and may be critically appro-
learning, their influence with the people, and their politi- priated into a synthetic presentation of the Pharisees.
cal power in conjunction with the chief priests-and so
refuse to treat Jesus as an equal. D. Rabbinic Literature
The story of the healing of the man born blind (9: l-39) Most studies and textbook treatments of the Pharisees
and the controversy following it reveal much about John's cite the rabbinic sources extensively because they provide
view of the Pharisees' place in the community. When the much more information than Josephus and the NT and
man born blind had been cured and returned to his are assumed to be less biased. But such reconstructions of
neighborhood in Jerusalem, those who knew him sought Pharisaism have been based on an uncritical reading of a
an explanation for his cure and took him to the guardians diverse body of later Jewish sources, including the Mish-
of community order and custom, the Pharisees, for an nah (ca. 200 C.E.), Talmuds (5th-6th centuries), and early
evaluation of the situation. The Pharisees questioned the medieval midrashic collections. These texts have usually
man and upon discovering that Jesus had mixed clay on been culled for the few passages which spoke of Pharisees;
the Sabbath dismissed him as a sinner who broke the for the more numerous laws, sayings, and stories aurib-
Sabbath rest (9: 13-17). In this narrative the Pharisees are uted to the sages who dated from before the destruction
leaders concerned with teaching, order, and the exercise of the Temple; and for anonymous passages which seem
of power in the community. They use their socially ac- to refer to pre-destruction society. Such materials, taken
cepted role as accurate interpreters of the tradition to out of context, have been treated as historically accurate
condemn Jesus according to the laws and customs which lst century traditions and patched together into a narra-
give the community its identity and shape. What is espe- tive. Rabbinic literature must be read with the same kind
cially noteworthy is that the people turn to them as the of critical methodology used on Josephus and the NT,
local officials concerned with public order and community because each of the rabbinic sources tells stories of earlier
norms. Similarly, when Lazarus had been raised from the times and records laws to accomplish its own religious
dead, some went and reported to the Pharisees what Jesus purposes. With these cautions in mind, three bodies of
had done. They then met in council with the chief priests evidence will be evaluated: (I) sayings and stories about
to decide how to prevent disruption of the social order 1st-century c.E. sages; (2) 1st-century c.E. laws; and
and loss of power (11:46-47; also 12: l 9). The Pharisees (3) texts which mention the Pharisees by name.
are presented as having either direct power or decisive 1. 1st-Century Sages. Stories and sayings auributed to
influence in determining who is recognized as a Jew in sages of the 2d and lst centuries, B.C.E. are very few in
good standing. This function is made clear in the summary number and almost impossible to evaluate historically. Of
which ends the first half of the gospel (12:36-50). Many all the pre-70 sages, only Hillel has a large body of sayings
believed, including leaders (archontes), but did not admit it and stories attributed to him (33 traditions in 89 pericopae
because of fear of the Pharisees who might put them out according to Neusner 1971, 2: 185-302; 3:255-72). Be-
of the synagogue (12:42-43). cause the talmudic rabbis conceived of Hillel as their
As presented by John, the Pharisees were a learned founder and major teacher, they consistently depicted him
group who had influence with the people because they as an appealing, wise, and patient person and surrounded
were accepted by them as guides in Jewish behavior and his legal teachings with an array of wise sayings, stories of
belief. As such they were community leaders, perhaps with his origin and status, and accounts of his disciples. Hillel is
some direct power in both the synagogue and government even made the ancestor of Gamaliel and Simon ben Gam-
council in Jerusalem, and certainly with great influence in aliel and thus a founder of the patriarchal house, though
conjunction with the chief priests and other community there is no evidence for this in either m. 'Abot or the
leaders ("the Jews"). Like Josephus, John emphasizes those Babylonian Talmud. The search for legitimacy through
Pharisees (probably only a small leadership core) who were descent reaches it speak in the later claim of the patriar-
in Jerusalem and participated in the direct leadership of chal house that Hillel was a descendent of David (j. 1chm.
the nation. In contrast with the Synoptic Gospels, John 4:2). The stories about Hillel in the later rabbinic sources
emphasizes the Pharisees' leadership role in the commu- serve to legitimize the patriarchal house of the 2d to 5th
v. 299 PHARISEES

centuries. Hillel's rise to power, wisdom, moral teaching, 189-98). After the destruction of the Temple, Simon's
and dominance on matters of law make him (and implicitly son, Gamaliel II, gained power over the fledgling rabbinic
his successors) a leader of great influence and power in all movement which owed much to Second Temple Pharisa-
areas of life. ism. Little more can be reliably known about their teach-
The Hillel of these rabbinic sources is not simply histor- ings and activities.
ical any more than the Jesus of the gospels is. The rabbinic The Second Temple sages and the Houses of Hillel and
sources show with relative certainty only that he was a Shammai have usually been understood as scholarly rab-
dominant Pharisaic teacher at the turn of the era whose binic groups. But this view, fostered by the Talmuds, is a
influence was felt after his death. When he was adopted as retrojection of later rabbinic schools onto the 1st century.
the originator of the Pharisaic and later rabbinic patriar- Given the interpenetration of religion with politics and the
chate, he was turned into a larger-than-life figure and even rest of society, it is doubtful that the picture of the Houses
compared to Moses (Sipre Deut 357). Most of the stories of Hillel and Shammai as sectarian debating societies is
about Hillel come from the mid-2d century and later and accurate. Since the two groups identify themselves by the
attest to the rabbis' self-understanding rather than to the name of a leader or founder, they can best be understood
history of Hillel. as factions, that is temporary associations of disparate
Shammai, Hillel's opponent, appears almost exclusively people grouped around a leader. Later after the deaths of
within the Hillel materials. The rabbis claimed Hillel as the leaders, these factions became institutionalized into
their own and did not independently preserve Shammaite formal, corporate groups as part of 1st century society.
material nor did they present a fair picture of him and his Factions thrive when society's central authority is weak,
teachings. The Mishnah and Tosefta show Shammai disorganized, or unaccepted by much of the population,
accepting the dominance of Hillelite positions and thus co- exactly the sociological conditions in !st century Palestine.
opt him for one of their purposes, convincing all Jews to Judea was subordinate to Rome, and many popular move-
accept the mishnaic interpretation of Jewish life. The ments, both violent and nonviolent, arose in response to
Palestinian Talmud and midrashim are less hostile to this situation, as Josephus attests. The priests and leading
Shammai than the Babylonian Talmud, which totally families strove to keep the populace quiet, but ultimately
stereotypes him. they failed, with catastrophic results for the Jewish nation.
The materials attributed to the Houses of Hillel and Amid this maelstrom of activity many groups carved out
Shammai outnumber all materials attributed to pre-70 their own ways of living Judaism to preserve their identities
sages, even those of Hillel. The houses' materials are as Jews. Generally speaking, factions which persist for a
highly stylized and reflect a large measure of redaction long time and outlive their leaders become a formal group
during the 2d century. Since the attributions of materials with an organized, self-perpetuating leadership and de-
to particular rabbis cannot be presumed to be accurate, fined social identity. The late !st century and early 2d
rules and disputes can only be reliably dated if they are century accounts of the Houses suggest that they were this
assumed or referred to in materials attributed to sages in type of group, and as such, two of many organizations of
a later generation (Neusner 1971, 3: 180-83). For exam- zealous Jews which provided a program for defending and
ple, if the Jamnian (70-130) or Ushan (140-170) sages reforming Judaism in the face of Roman and Hellenistic
know of a teaching or dispute, then it existed at that time pressure. Hillel, Shammai, Judas the founder of the
and probably came from the previous generation. The Fourth Philosophy, Jesus the preacher of the kingdom of
rules attributed to the houses mostly concern tithes, purity, God, Simon bar Giora the messianic pretender, and others
and Sabbath observance and not other wider concerns were very common in 1st century Judaism and easily
characteristic of the late 2d century. Thus, the 2d century gathered modest groups of enthusiastic followers who
sages seem to have had a group of disputes which came strove to convince other Jews to join them in seeking
from the !st century and which they preserved as part of influence and power over social policy.
their teaching. However, the houses' disputes do not give a 2. 1st-Century Laws. When the Mishnah and Tosefta
full or first hand view of the !st century Pharisees. The are analyzed using Neusner's method (the logic of Mish-
formulation of the legal materials attributed to the Houses nah's argument and the attested attributions), by far the
of Hillel and Shammai is so stereotyped and pithy that largest body of law which can be somewhat reliably as-
they are surely literary constructions and neither the rec- signed to the early and mid- I st century concerns ritual
ord of lively debate from the middle of the !st century nor purity, tithes, food laws, and Sabbath and festival obser-
the verbally exact repetition of teachings from that period. vance (1981: 45-75). These laws set out an agenda of
. Litt~e more is known about the I st century sages follow- holiness for the land and people. We do not know for
mg Hillel. A number of named authorities are mentioned certain who developed these laws dating from before the
but not many traditions are assigned to them. The majo; destruction, but the usual hypothesis, that it was the Phar-
fi~ures of the !st century are Gamaliel I (the elder); Simon isees who bequeathed these laws to the first generation of
his son; and, after the destruction of the Temple, Gamaliel rabbis after the destruction of the Temple, is most proba-
II. The materials which mention these leaders are mostly ble. The gospel evidence of Pharisaic interest in purity and
stones, rather than the standard legal rulings assigned to food and Josephus' claim that the Pharisees had their own
later sages. The agenda of Gamaliel the Elder is broader interpretation of some Jewish laws converge with Neusner's
than that of earlier sages and its scope is consistent with analysis of early mishnaic law.
the station and duties of a member of the Sanhedrin (Acts The stress on strict tithing, on observance of ritual
5:3_4-4_1). Simon is known from Josephus where he was purity by non-priests, and on strict observance of Sabbath
acuve m the Jerusalem leadership during the war (Life and other festivals probably reflects the Pharisees' internal
PHARISEES 300. v
rules and program· for a renewed Judaism. The articula- erature, use tt m different and sometimes pejorative
tion of the group's program and the recounting of dis- senses. The etymology of the term "Pharisees" is disputed.
putes among various factions is common in the literature The name seems to come from the Hebrew and Aramaic
of political and religious social groups. Rules concerning root prs which means "separate, interpret." The most
food, purity, and group practices are typical boundary- common etymological understanding of Pharisees is "sep-
building mechanisms. Ethnic groups in the Roman empire arate ones," though separate from whom or what is dis-
needed to maintain strong boundaries in order to keep puted. In a good sense it would mean people who sepa-
the larger Hellenistic-Roman society and culture from rated themselves from normal Jewish society or from
absorbing them. Internal rules, such as food rules, kept gentile society in order to observe Jewish law (purity,
the intimates of Jewish groups united to one another and tithing?) more rigorously. In a negative sense it would
distinct from gentiles and even from other Jews with whom mean sectarians or heretics, that is, people who separated
they constantly had to interact and with whom they com- themselves illegitimately from society at large because of
peted. While the precise mode of living Judaism is distinc- beliefs and practices judged illegitimate. Rabbinic litera-
tive in these laws, the Pharisees drew on an old tradition ture uses the term in both senses. Another possible mean-
of using priestly laws concerning purity, food, and mar- ing of their name is "interpreters"; this meaning would fit
riage in order to separate, protect, and identify Judaism. with the observations in Josephus and the New Testament
The development of the priestly tradition in the Exile and that the Pharisees had their own interpretation of Jewish
the regulations for Judaism championed by Ezra and Ne- law and were considered accurate interpreters of the law.
hemiah in the restoration period were forerunners of the The two senses of the root could imply that the Pharisees
type of regulations adopted by the Pharisees in the Greco- separated themselves from the priestly or dominant inter-
Roman period. pretation of Jewish law. No decisive evidence or arguments
Associations or fellowships, mentioned a number of have solved this issue.
places in rabbinic literature, have often been identified No Jewish group refers to itself as Pharisees. The au-
with or compared to the Pharisees. The associates in thors of rabbinic literature referred to themselves and
Tractate Demai who were devoted to maintaining the rules their forbearers as "sages" ((uI.klimim) and after the destruc-
of ritual purity and tithing are the best known. Other tion of the Temple, used the title "rabbi" for sages. They
associations in Jerusalem seem to have been devoted to had no name for their movement, but called themselves
good works of various types, especially burial rites (t. Meg. Israel because they considered themselves to be simply
4:15). What is unclear in all these cases is what exactly is proper Jews. The name Pharisees is a name used by
meant by the term "associate," how the texts differ from outsiders, such as Josephus (taking the stance of a Helle-
one another in their use of the term, and whether it is nistic historian) and the New Testament. The sages do not
even a technical term at all. The Hebrew words }µ'ibura customarily identify themselves or their predecessors as
(association, fellowship) and }µ'iberim (associates) are com- Pharisees, except when they implicitly ally themselves with
mon words which simply refer to one's fellows, that is, the Pharisees in disputes with the Sadducees.
one's townsfolk or social familiars, with no technical mean- The Babylonian Talmud quotes the well-known list of
ing or special organization implied. Thus, the tendency of seven types of Pharisees as a comment on m. So.ta 3:4 (b.
scholars to gather together all the citations of l;aber and So.ta 22b): "There are seven types of Pharisee, the sykmy
}µ'ibUra and create a single historical group is misguided. Pharisee, the nyqpy Pharisee, the qwz>y Pharisee, the mdwky>
The Pharisees have often been identified with the associ- Pharisee, the Pharisee (who says) Let me know my duty
ates who appear in m. Dem. 2:2-3 because both groups are and I will do it, the Pharisee from love, the Pharisee from
associated with tithing and ritual purity. The associates fear." The transliterated words are all obscure, but all are
promised one another to tithe their food and to observe meant pejoratively. The Babylonian Talmud explains all
certain kinds of ritual purity. This means that the associ- five etymologically, but the Palestinian Talmud, which cites
ates could confidently buy and sell to one another and also the list in two places (j. Sota 5:7 [20c]; j. Ber. 9:5 [13b]),
eat together without fear of breaking any of the laws they gives different explanations. In Sota both Talmuds are
wished to keep. By contrast, they had to take great care in discussing motives for studying Torah and avoiding hypoc-
their dealings with the "people of the land," the 'am risy. Several of the names are made to refer to hypocritical
hii>are~. because the "people of the land" did not keep the behavior or obedience to the law from imperfect motives.
special priestly laws of purity and did not tithe properly The Babylonian Talmud even rejects the last two-those
and fully. Their food was not properly sanctified and who have motives of love and fear-in favor of the study
could not be eaten by associates. It had to be tithed if it of Torah for its own sake. It ends this section with a saying
was acquired by an associate. The Tosefta (2:2-3:9) sets of King Yannai (Alexander Jannaeus) who warns his wife
out rules for accepting a person as an associate and stages against those "painted ones" who pretend to be Pharisees.
of initiation (which are unclear and have provoked numer- Since these lists are found for the first time in Talmudic
ous disputes among scholars). It also discusses doubtful sources, they probably do not give accurate information
cases of reliability within the family and marginal cases in about lst century Pharisaism. By the 5th and 6th centuries
relations with the 'am ha>are~. Though the associates have Christianity had attained a position of power in the empire
been linkled to numerous historical periods and groups, and since both the New Testament and early Christian
no certain identification can be made. writings contained attacks on the Pharisees as hypocrites,
3. Pharisee Texts. The designation Pharisee is relatively these lists may be a response to Christian polemics in which
infrequent in rabbinic literature and the texts using that the talmudic authors defuse Christian criticism by agree-
term, which derive from several centuries of rabbinic lit- ing with their attack on hypocritical Pharisees and bv
v. 301 PHARISEES

separating some Pharisees and themselves from those be- limited group, such as the Pharisees (Ant 13 §372-76; JW
ing attacked. . .. . 1 §90-92). After six years of civil disturbances in which
Some texts refer to Pharisees m a pos1uve way, with the 6,000 were killed by Alexander, this broadly based anti-
assumption that they keep ritually pure (I. Sabb 1: 15; m. Jannaeus movement asked Demetrius to intervene. After
Tohar. 4:15; m. !fag. 2:7). A number of Mishnah and Demetrius had Alexander Jannaeus on the run, some
T~sefta passages polemically contrast the Pharisees and people switched sides to give Alexar'-ier the victory. He
Sadducees (e.g., Yad. 4:6-7; m. Nid. 4:2; m. Para 3:7; t. lfag. then defeated and besieged his opponents and crucified
3:35). Most of the disputes between the Sadducees and the 800 survivors. Nowhere does Josephus identify this
Pharisees (and others) concern interpretations of the laws broad coalition with the Pharisees, though it is likely that
of ritual purity. If the Pharisees based much of their they were partners in it.
program for Jewish life on a revised understanding of the According to Pesher Nahum, the seekers after smooth
purity laws and an application of them to all Israel, as has things called on Demetrius to intervene (4QpNah 3-4.1.2)
been argued above, then the conflict between the Saddu- and then were crucified by Alexander Jannaeus, an act
cees and Pharisees on this issue is comprehensible and which the Qumran community probably approved
probably historical in its general content. The application (4QpNah 3-4.1. 7). If the identification of events is correct,
of purity laws to the people at large was a new mode of the seekers after smooth things would be the coalition
understanding Jewish life, law, and Scripture and it is opposing Alexander Jannaeus. The metaphoric character-
reasonable and even inevitable that the Sadducees or some- ization of Alexander's and the community's opponents as
one else should oppose them. Other texts contrasting "seekers after smooth things" (dorse /:uilaqot), found a num-
Pharisees or sages with the Sadducees or Boethusians can ber of times in Qumran literature (4QpNah 3-4.1.2, 7;
be found in the Talmuds and midrashic collections. De- 2.2, 4; 3.3, 6-7; 4Qplsac 23.2.10; lQH 2: 15, 32; CD I: 18)
spite the claims of Rivkin ( 1969-70) that many of the is derived from the Bible. The word /:uilaqot means "smooth
Pharisees-Sadducees texts in the Talmud and other later things, flattery, and falsehood." Isa. 30: I 0 contrasts true
sources are historically reliable, most of these passages prophecy with the smooth things (/:uilaqot) and delusions
reveal the assumptions of their rabbinic authors rather desired by rebelious Israelites who will not listen to the
than the nature of the Second Temple Pharisees. Tocah of the Lord. Daniel 11 :32 says that Antiochus Epi-
phanes will seduce by flatteries (/:uilaqot) those who act
E. Qumran Literature wickedly against the covenant. Thus the term "seekers
Many commentators have claimed that certain polemical after smooth things" suggests that the Qumran community
Qumran texts which mention the "seekers after smooth found their opponents too accommodating to changes in
things" refer to the Pharisees. Qumran literature is filled Jewish society, either because they twisted the meaning of
with polemics and invective which bear witness to the the law (Isa 30: I 0) or allied themselves too closely with
social, political, and religious strife among Jewish groups non-Jewish authorities and practices. The use of various
during the Hasmonean period. The wicked priest, the epithets connected to "lie" and "falsehood" suggests that
man of lies, the man of scorn, the spouter of lies, the lion the community disagreed with its opponents on many
of wrath, and the seekers after smooth things are only points of interpretation and practice. Since the Qumran
some of the adversaries condemned for a variety of crimes group had left Jerusalem, the seekers after smooth things
by the Qumran literature. Though the allusions to the were probably still there and active in Palestinian political
Qumran community's opponents, which are contained in struggles in a way the Qumran community did not ap-
the pesharim to Habakkuk, Nahum, Psalm 37, and other prove. The Qumran polemics against their opponents
documents, are very difficult to correlate with history, they testify to the diversity and conflicts in Jewish society. Thus
testify to the political and religious strife at the inception their opponents, the seekers after smooth things, were
of the Qumran community in the 2d century B.C.E. (prob- probably a broad coalition of groups which included the
ably under Jonathan or Simon) and also under Alexander Pharisees.
Jannaeus. Pesher Nahum certainly refers to events in the
reign of Alexander Jannaeus. It names two Greek kings, F. Synthesis
Antiochus and Demetrius, who have been convincingly The Pharisees in Josephus' narrative function as a polit-
identified with Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-164 B.C.E.) ical interest group which had its own goals for society and
and Demetrius III Eukairos (95-88 B.C.E.). The lion of constantly engaged in political activity to achieve them,
wrath who opposed these kings and crucified his oppo- even though it did not always succeed. They generally did
nents is almost certainly Alexander Jannaeus (Ant 13 not have direct power as a group and were not as a whole
§379-83). members of the governing class. They were members of a
1:"he identity of the "seekers after smooth things" re- literate, corporate, voluntary association which constantly
mains a problem. The crucified opponents of Alexander sought influence with the governing class. As such they
and the seekers after smooth things are usually said to be were above the peasants and other lower classes but de-
the Pharisees because when they attained power under pendent on the governing class and ruler for their place
Alexandra (after Alexander's death), they sought to take in society. They were found in Jerusalem, and they proba-
veng.ea~ce on Alexander's allies who had supported the bly fulfilled administrative or bureaucratic functions in
cruc1fix1ons (Ant 13 §410-15; JW I §96-98). However, society at certain times. They appear in each era of Jewish
Joseph does not identify Jannaeus' opponents as Pharisees. history from the Hasmonean period until the destruction
He says that Alexander's Jewish opposition came from of the Temple struggling to gain access to power and to
many of the people and their leaders, not from one, influence society.
 PHARISEES 302 • v
The Pharisaic association probably functioned as a social munity (most recently, Rivkin 1978: 211-51 ), is likewise
movement organization seeking to change society. The very unlikely. Though some Pharisees were part of the
social, political, and economic situation of Palestinian Jews governing class, most Pharisees were subordinate officials
underwent a number of upheavals in the Greco-Roman bureaucrats, judges, and educators. They are best under'.
period which demanded adaptation of Jewish customs and stood as retainers, that is, literate servants of the governing
a reinterpretation of the Jewish identity fashioned by the class, who had a program for Jewish society and influence
biblical tradition. The Hasmoneans and the governing wit~ both the people and their patrons. When the oppor-
class changed Israel into a small, militarily active Hellenis- tunity arose, they sought power over society. This means
tic kingdom and took control of political and economic that their organizations cannot be viewed as a monastic-
resources in order to control society. The Pharisees prob- like community or withdrawn sect which demands primary
ably sought a new, communal commitment to a strict and total commitment from every member. It is most likely
Jewish way of life based on adherence to the covenant. If that Pharisees were active in a number of occupations and
they did so, they sought to capitalize on popular sentiment roles in society and were bound together by certain beliefs
for rededication to or reform of Judaism. Such popular and practices and by endeavors to influence social change.
sentiment can produce a social movement which seeks Concretely, a person was not primarily a Pharisee. A
reform, but a long-lasting, complex campaign for reform member of the Pharisees retained his family and territorial
or renewal requires the formation of a social movement allegiances, his roles in society and occupation, his friends
organization which aims at promoting or resisting change and network of associates. In some way not revealed in
in society at large. reliable first-century sources he committed himself to be a
If the Pharisees are called a sect, they are of the reform- Pharisee, and this commitment with its particular under-
ist type which seeks gradual, divinely revealed alterations standing of the Jewish covenant and Jewish life guided
in the world (Wilson 1973: 23-26; 38-49). This type of many of his endeavors and claimed a part of his time,
sect engages in political and social activities similar to those energy, and resources. The Pharisaic movement has some
of the Pharisees. Wilson characterizes reformist sects as characteristics in common with Greek schools of thought
"objectivist" because they seek change in the world, not and must have educated its members to some degree. This
just in individuals or in a person's relations with the world. view of the Pharisees, admittedly hypothetical due to lack
A reformist sect differs from the three other objectivist of evidence, is consistent with what the sources tell us of
types of sect: the revolutionist, which awaits destruction of the Pharisees, including the information given by Saul the
the social order by divine forces (apocalyptic groups); the Pharisee.
introversionist, which withdraws from the world into a The accounts of the Pharisees' beliefs in Josephus and
purified community (the Qumran community); and the the gleanings available in rabbinic literature and the NT
utopian, which seeks to reconstruct the world according to provide incomplete information which is difficult to inter-
divine principles without revolution. However, these types pret. According to Josephus, who sought to relate the
are not hermetically sealed off from one another. A group Jewish schools of thought to Greek philosophy, they af-
may have more than one response to the world at the same firmed the influence of divine activity on human life, the
time, that is, it may overlap two or three of these categories. joint effect of human freedom and fate, and reward and
It may also change over time and even cease to be a sect if punishment in the afterlife. Josephus' contrast of the po-
social conditions change. Consequently, if the Pharisees sitions of the three schools of thought probably derives
are understood as a sect, they may have had introversionist from their eschatology and apocalyptic expectations. The
tendencies, manifested in their purity regulations, without Pharisees probably held positions on eschatology, divine
losing their involvement or desire for involvement in polit- providence, and human responsibility which were differ-
ical society. ent enough from traditional Jewish teachings and attitudes
The Pharisees may also be compared to Hellenistic phil- to require some positive commitment and explicit defense.
osophical schools or schools of thought if the analogy is In this the Pharisees were not unusual, as the great diver-
cautiously and loosely applied. They had a program of sity of outlook in Second Temple apocryphal and pseud-
reform for Jewish life, a particular interpretation of Jewish epigraphical literature shows.
tradition and a definable and sometimes controversial out- The rabbinic laws and stories which can be somewhat
look on fundamental matters crucial to Judaism. Since the reliably dated to the 1st century show that the Pharisees
Pharisees as depicted by Josephus acted as a political had a strong interest in tithing, ritual purity, and Sabbath
interest group, they went beyond the activities of many observance and not much of an interest in civil laws and
Greek schools. The designation school (of thought) is regulations for the Temple worship. The New Testament
appropriate as long as this expression is not understood to also shows that the Pharisees had unique interpretations
refer to an exclusively academic and theoretical associa- of these matters and sought to promote their observance
tion. and defend their validity against challenge by other estab-
A major question unanswered by the sources concerns lishment and reform groups, including the priests, Qum·
the daily activities of the Pharisees and the source of their ran community, and Jesus and his early followers. Serious
livelihood. The older theory that they were urban artisans differences in the understanding of Jewish covenant and
is very unlikely because artisans were poor, uneducated, commitment to God, people, and land separated these
and uninftuential. The more common theory that the groups and factions within Judaism. Implicit in these pro-
Pharisees were a lay scribal movement, that is, a group of grams for living Judaism were profound judgments con-
religious scholars and intellectuals who displaced the tra- cerning the meaning of Judaism and its place in the larger
ditional leaders and gained great authority over the com- world where it was politically subordinate.
v. 303 PHARPAR

The purity rules, which seem so arcane to ~odern - - . 1981. Judaism: The Evidence of the M ishnnh. Chicago.
westerners, regularized life and separated that which was - - . 1983. Formative Judaism. 3d Series. Torah, Pharisees, and
normal and life-giving from that which was abnormal or Rabbis. BJS 46. Chico, CA.
ambiguous, and so was a threat to norma_i !if~. Sue~ a set - - . 1986. Formative Judaism. 5th Series. Revisioning the Written
of categories and rules excluded that which 1s foreign or Records of a Nascent Religion. BJS 91. Chico, CA.
strange; their usefulness against the attraction and influ- Rivkin, E. 1969-70. Defining the Pharisees: The Tannaitic Sources.
ence of the Romans and Hellenistic culture is obvious. HUCA 40-41: 205-49.
Purity and tithing rules separated the Pharisees, Saddu- - - . 1978. The Hidden Revolution: The Pharisees' Search for the
cees, and Essenes, all of whom affirmed the biblical rules Kingdom Within. Nashville.
and had a distinctive interpretation of them in daily life, Saldarini, A. J. 1988. Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian
from one another and from the followers of Jesus as well Society. Wilmington, DE.
as from numerous other messianic, apocalyptic, political, Sanders, J. T. 1985. The Pharisees in Luke-Acts. Pp. 141-88 in The
and reformist groups. Living Text: Essays in Honor of Ernest W Saunders, eds. D. Groh
and R. Jewett. New York.
Bibliography Schwartz, D. R. 1983. Josephus and Nicolaus on the Pharisees. ]SJ
Baeck, L. 1927. Die Pharisaer.jahresbericht der Hochschule. Berlin = 14: 157-71.
The Pharisees. Pp. 3-50 in The Pharisees and Other Essays. New Simon, M. 1979. From Greek Hairesis to Christian Heresy. Pp.
York. 1947. 101-16 in Early Christian Literature and the Classical Intellectual
Baumgarten, A. I. 1983. The Name of the Pharisees. ]BL 102: Tradition, eds. W. R. Schoedel and R. L. Wilken. ThH 53. Paris.
411-28. Smith, M. 1956. Palestinian Judaism in the First Century. Pp. 67-
Bousset, W. 1903. Die Religion des judentums im neutestamentlichen 81 in Israel: Its Role in Civilization, ed. M. Davis. New York.
Zeitalter. Berlin. Stowers, S. 1984. Social Status, Public Speaking and Private Teach-
Bowker,]. 1973.jesus and the Phan.sees. Cambridge. ing: The Circumstances of Paul's Preaching Activity. NovT 26:
Box, G. H. 1908-9. Survey of Recent Literature on the Pharisees 59-82.
and Sadducees. Review of Theology and Philosophy 4: 129-51. Tilborg, S. van. 1972. The Jewish Leaders in Matthew. Leiden.
Carroll, ]. T. 1988. Luke's Portrayal of the Pharisees. CBQ 50: 603- Weiss, H. 1871. Dor Dor Ve-Dorshav. Vienna.
21. Wellhausen, J. 1874. Die Pharisiier und sadduciier. Greifswald.
Cohen, S. J. D. 1979. Josephus in Galilee and Rome: His Vita and Wilson, B. 1973. Magic and the Millennium. London.
Development as a Historian. Leiden. Zeitlin, S. 1962-67. The Rise and Fall of the judean State. 2 vols.
- - . 1986. Parallel Historical Traditions in Josephus and Rab- Philadelphia.
binic Literature. Vol. 1, pp. 7-15 in Proceedings of the Ninth - - . 1974. Solomon Zeitlin's Studies in the Early History ofJudaism.
World Congress ofJewish Studies B. Jerusalem. New York.
Davies, W. D. 1963. The Setting of the Sermon on the Mount. Cam- Ziesler, J. A. 1978-79. Luke and the Pharisees. NTS 25: 146-57.
bridge. ANTHONY J. SALDARINI
Finkelstein, L. 1938. The Pharisees. 2 vols. Philadelphia.
Geiger, A. 1857. Urschrift und Vbersetzung der Bibel. Breslau.
- - . 1863. Sadducaer und Pharisaer.judische Zeitschriftfur Wis- PHARISON (PERSON) [Gk Pharison]. I Maccabees
senschaft und Leben 2: 11-54. 9:66 relates that Jewish forces under Jonathan the Has-
- - . 1910. KebuzatM.a'amarim. 2d ed. Warsaw. monean killed the sons of Pharison along with Odomera
Ginzberg, L. 1928. The Religion of the Pharisees. Pp. 88-108 in and his brothers near Bethbasi S of Jerusalem (ca. 160
Students, Scholars and Saints. Philadelphia. B.C.E.). On the sons of Pharison see ODOMERA.
- - . 1955. The Significance of the Halachah for Jewish History. MICHAEL E. HARDWICK
Pp. 77-124 in On Jewish Law and Lore. Philadelphia.
Graetz, H. 1891-98. History of the Jews. Philadelphia.
Herford, R. T. 1924. The Phan.sees. New York. PHARPAR (PLACE) [Heb parpar]. A river in Syria near
Klijn, A. F. J. 1959. Scribes, Pharisees, Highpriests and Elders in Damascus. 2 Kgs 5: I records that Naaman, the com-
the New Testament. NovT 3: 259-67. mander of the Syrian army, had leprosy. An Israelite
Lauterbach, ]. Z. 195 l. Rabbinic Essays. Cincinnati. captive girl informed him that a prophet in Samaria could
Loewe, H. 1937. Pharisaism. Vol. 1, pp. 105-90, and The Ideas of cure him. So he went to Elisha (v 9) who did not bother to
Pharisaism. Vol. 2, pp. 3-58 in Judaism and Christianity, ed. come out of the house to see him but simply told him to
W. 0. E. Oesterley and H. Loewe. London. go wash in the Jordan. Naaman became angry and argued:
Mantel, H. 1977. The Sadducees and the Pharisees. Vol. 8, pp. 99- "Are not Abana and Pharpar, the rivers of Damascus,
123 in WH]P. better than all the waters of Israel?" (v 12). The Abana is
Marcus, R. 1952. The Pharisees in the Light of Modern Scholar- the modern Nahr el-Barada which flows through the mid-
ship.JR 32: 153-64. dle of Damascus, dividing the city in half.
Meyer, E. 1921-23. Ursprung und Anfiinge des Christentums. 3 vols. The Pharpar is probably the 40-mi-long Nahr el-Awaj,
Stuttgart. "the crooked river." It is formed by two small brooks at
Moore, G. F. 1927-30. Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Sasa on Mt. Hermon where the waters form in a valley
Era. 3 vols. Cambridge, MA. below a sheer wall of 6,000 feet. It runs NE ca. 6 mi. and
Neusner, J. 1971. The Rabbinic Traditions about the Pharisees Before then E in a deep tortuous channel to Kiswe. In this first
70. 3 Vols. Leiden. section, it is called the Sabirany. Several canals which
- - . 1973. From Politics lo Piety. Englewood Cliffs. irrigate southern parts of the Damascus oasis tap into
PHARPAR 304. v
either side of Kiswe. The Awaj passes between Jebel Maani with the Phoenician coast (Thuc. Peloponnesian Wars 2.69).
and Jebel Aswad and then turns SE. In the rainy season, Phaselis as indicated by the minting of its own coinage, was
surplus water empties into Lake Hijaneh (Bahrat el-Hija- relatively independent during the 4th and 3d centuries
neh), a salt lake or swamp ca. l 0 mi. S of Lake Ateibeh. B.C.
The river runs ca. l 0 mi. S of Damascus. As such, it is not The city first came under the control of the Ptolemies in
a river of Damascus, the city, but of a river of the larger 276 e.c., who were replaced by the Seleucids from 204-
oasis of Damascus, the Ghouta. The oasis, at an altitude of 190 e.c. When Phaselis regained independence in 190
2,650 feet, slopes slightly eastward. It owes its fertility to B.C., it began to mint coins once again. The city may have
the Barada/Abana, Awaj, Wadi Mnin, and other small joined the Lycian League by 168 e.c., because it began
streams with sources in Hermon and Jebel Kalamun. The minting coins that were typical of that confederation.
Awaj roughly separates the limestone region of the Damas- The inclusion of Phaselis separately on the city list of
cus oasis from the basalt formation of the Hauran (Syria the Roman consul Lucius (l Mace 15:23) dated to ca. 139
1943: 23, 32, 50). The amount of water varies greatly. In e.c., may indicate that the city had separated from the
the spring, when snows are melting, there is a good supply. league at that time. The Roman consul Servilius Isauricus
During the summer, there is much less. The productivity seized the city in 77 e.c. because it had become the base of
of the S part of the Damascus oasis depends on the Awaj/ the leader of the Cilician pirates, Zenicetes. The city de-
Pharpar. Its cool, fresh waters, particularly in the early clined in importance in later times, however it was the
spring, could provide a favorable contrast to waters of the home of a Byzantine bishopric.
lower Jordan (Bowling 1975: 752). A tributary of the Awaj The site of the ruins of the city is near the modern
is called the Wadi Barbar which would preserve the biblical village of Tekrova. The remains of the city include a
name. The Arabic for Pharpar isfarfara, "move," "shake." stadium, a Roman aqueduct, and two temples, one con-
Gehman (1970: 742) notes that local tradition, traced back structed during the reign of Trajan and the other dating
to the 16th century, identifies the Pharpar as the Nahr from the Greek era.
Taura, one of seven canals drawn off from the Barada as it ]OHN D. WINELAND
nears Damascus.
Bibliography PHICOL (PERSON) [Heb piko{j. An army commander
Bowling, A. 1975. Pharpar. Pp. 752 in Vol. 4 of Zondervan Pictorial who accompanied the king Abimelech when covenants
Encyclopedia of the Bible, ed. M. C. Tenney and S. Barabas. were made with Abraham (Gen 21 :22, 32) and Isaac (Gen
Grand Rapids. 26:26). It is not likely that Phicol and Abimelech were
Gehman, H. S. 1970. New Westminster Dictionary of the Bible. Phila- involved with both covenants since a period of some 70 to
delphia. 80 years lies between the two events. In this light, scholars
Syria. 1943. Geographical Handbook Series. Naval Intelligence have generally taken one of two positions. One the one
Division. hand, some assert that there never were two separate
HENRY 0. THOMPSON covenants. According to Speiser (Genesis AB, 203), for
example, behind the accounts is "a single incident which
was differently reported in two independent sources."
PHASELIS (PLACE) [Gk Phaselis]. A city on the S coast Noth (HPT, 102) asserts as a general rule that elements of
of Asia Minor (modern Turkey) in the region of Lycia near tradition which appear in duplicate belong originally to
the region of Pamphylia. Located on a headland, Phaselis Isaac rather than to Abraham, a position with which de
controlled three harbors and thereby became an impor- Vaux (EHi, 167) concurs. On the other hand, some scho-
tant point linking E and W trade. lars feel that "Abimelech" and "Phicol" were titles or family
Phaselis is mentioned in a list of cities receiving a letter names (Kidner Genesis TOTC, 154). In this view, both
circulated by the Roman consul Lucius (l Mace 15:23). patriarchs could have made a covenant with an "Abime-
This letter, which was to circulate to several rulers and lech" and a "Phicol." See also AHUZZATH.
municipalities instructed those who received it to treat the DAVID SALTER WILLIAMS
Jews in their region with favor. This request was prompted
by the gift of a shield made from 1,000 minas ( 1 mina
equals about 1.25 pounds) of gold which the Jewish ambas- PHILADELPHIA (PLACE) [Gk Philadelpheia]. A city
sadors brought to the Roman ruler. of the Roman province of Asia addressed by the risen
The city may have been first settled by Dorian colonist Jesus in the book of Revelation (3:7-13).
and soon became an important center for trade. The Located in ancient Lydia, in the W of what is today
geographical setting of the city isolated it from the sur- Asiatic Turkey, Philadelphia was founded by Eumenes II,
rounding region and this may have contributed to its King of Pergamum (197-159 B.C.) or possibly his brother,
independent nature. Settlers from Rhodes established the Attalus II (159-138 e.c.), whose loyalty had earned for
city as a trade center in the 7th century. Soon other him the epithet "Philadelphus," hence the city's name. It is
colonists from Naucratus, the Greek outpost in Egypt, located near the upper end of the very fertile plateau in
established trade routes between the two cities. the Cogamus River (today Koca Cay) valley, a tributary of
The city struck its own coins while under the control of the Hermus River, E of Sardis and on the route into the
the Persian Empire in the 6th and early 5th centuries. interior from Smyrna on the coast (38°22'N; 28°32'E). It
Phaselis joined the Athenian League in 466 B.C. and soon is in the midst of a very prosperous agricultural region,
established important trade contacts linking Greek cities though it was (and is) notoriously subject to frequent
v. 305 PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO

earthquakes. A severe one in A.D. 17 destroyed the city, Bibliography

and this was followed by a series of intermittent shocks Calder, W M. 1923. Philadelphia and Montanism. B]RL 7: 309-
which led the people to continue living outside the city for 54.
some years because of the structural instability of many of Finegan, J. 1981. The Arcluuology of the New Testament. Boulder, CO.
the city buildings and walls (Strabo, Geog. 12.8.18; 13.4.10; Herner, C. J. 1986. The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia in Their
cf. Herner 1986: 156-57). This disaster made an indelible Local Setting. JSNTSup 11. Sheffield.
impact on the contemporary world as the greatest in Yamauchi, E. 1987. New Testament Cities in Western Asia Minor. Grand
human history (Pliny HN 2.86.200). The nearby city of Rapids.
Sardis was equally badly hurt (Tacitus Ann. 2.47.3-4), but W. WARD GASQUE
Philadelphia was among the cities whose tribute was remit-
ted for five years to allow the people to have the resources
to rebuild. Herner (1986: 157) finds an historical allusion PHI LEMON, EPISTLE TO. One of the epistles of
to this situation in the promise of Rev 3: l 2a: "He who St. Paul that now stands as the 18th book of the NT
conquers, I will make him a pillar in the temple of my (between Titus and Hebrews).
God; never shall he go out of it. ... " The citizens of
Philadelphia subsequently expressed warm gratitude on A. Orientation to the Letter and Its Interpretation
inscriptions and coins to the emperor Tiberius for his B. Authorship and Rhetoric
assistance in the process of rebuilding their city, and they C. Legal Context and Obligations
later took the name "Neocaesarea." Still later, under Ves- D. The Letter's Story
pasian, it took another imperial name, Flavia (BMC, 60
and 60 of Vespasian; 62 of Domitian). Herner suggests that A. Orientation to the Letter and Its Interpretation.
this adoption of the name of the divine emperor is refer- While under arrest for his activities as a Christian, Paul
enced and contrasted with the offer of a better and more of Tarsus with his "brother" Timothy wrote a personal but
lasting name in Rev 3: 12b: "And I will write on him the not private letter to his "beloved fellow worker" Philemon,
name of my God, and the name of the city of my God, the to Apphia and Archippus (family members?), and to the
new Jerusalem which comes down from my God out of congregation meeting in Philemon's house. The letter has
heaven." a single theme: the future of the relationships among at
Another negative event that burned itself upon the least three persons: Paul, who identified himself as "a
collective memory of the people of Philadelphia was an prisoner for Christ Jesus" and a "brother"; Philemon, a
edict from the emperor Domitian in A.D. 92 (practically slave owner, who had become a Christian directly or indi-
contemporary with the probable date of the Apocalypse). rectly in response to Paul's work sometime before he
In the interest of protecting the vine growers of Italy (or received this letter; and Onesimus, a male slave owned by
perhaps to encourage the production of grain at the Philemon, who was with Paul at the time of the writing
expense of grapes), Domitian required at least half the and who had become a Christian directly under Paul's
vineyards in the provinces to be cut down and no new ones influence since leaving Philemon's household without per-
planted (Suet. Dom. 7,2; 14.2; Philostr. VA 6.42; VS 1.21). mission. Paul seems to have intended also to put in ques-
As can be imagined, this edict was bitterly unpopular in tion Philemon's future relationship to the Christians who
Asia and the source of severe hardship in a city like met in his house (note the plural "you" in vv 22b, 25) and
Philadelphia, which was so dependent on viticulture (cf. to "all God's people" (vv 5, 7).
Rev 6:6) and where Dionysius was the chief deity. Thus The letter is correspondingly brief: 335 words encom-
the contrast between the character of Christ, who will passing an occasionally specialized vocabulary of 143
never betray his people who have continued to confess his words. As such, it is the shortest extant Pauline letter in
name even when they are weak and rejected (Rev 3:8, 10, the NT canon. In its form, Paul followed more closely than
11), and that of the imperial god who had disappointed in any of his other writings the pattern of Hellenistic letters
them so severely. known to us, particularly letters of intercession (see Stow-
Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch on the Orontes, visited ers 1986). See also LETTERS (GREEK AND LATIN). In
the city on his way to his martyrdom in Rome (A.D. 107) the context of Greek rhetoric (see below), the book of
and also sent a letter from Troas to the church at Philadel- Philemon (hereafter Plmn) divides readily into five para-
graphs:
phia. Some of the members of the church of this city were
manyred c_a. A.D. 155 along with Polycarp (Mart. Polyc. I). Vv 1-3 Opening Greetings
Ph1ladelph1a was a center of prophecy in the post-apostolic 4-7 Thanksgiving, Intercession, and Praise for Phi-
age, a place where Christians tended to be fearless and lemon (the exordium)
aggressive in their witness for the faith, and possibly the 8-16 Appeal on behalf of Onesimus (the body or
birthplace of Montanism (Calder 1923: 309-54; cf. Herner proof)
1986: 170-74). Today, the Hellenistic and Roman remains 17-22 Reiteration and expansion of the appeal (the
are located underneath the modern Turkish town of Ala- peroration)
~ehir. There is an ancient acropolis with a few minor 23-25 Concluding Greetings
excavations, an ancient church (with traces of 11th century
frescoes), and a .rather .extensive portion of the city wall This brief document has attracted a large amount of
from Byza~tme limes. Fmds from Philadelphia are located scholarly attention during the past forty years (Schenk
m the Mamsa museum, some distance away. 1987), much of which has continued earlier efforts to
PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO 306. v
explain the perplexing legal context and the extraordinary an Onesimus (4:9), and Archippus (4: 17), and an Epa-
rhetorical aspects of this succinct, winsome, yet apparently phras (4: 12-see Plmn 23) whose home is Colossae? For
slight document. Of particular importance is Petersen's example, could Plmn be the letter to nearby Laodicea
attempt (1985) to embrace and move beyond these con- mentioned in Col 4:16?
cerns in order to clarify the larger story (including the Was Archippus, rather than Philemon, the real ad-
"social structures" and the "symbolic universe") within dressee of Paul's appeals (see S. Winter 1986, following J.
which Plmn first made sense. This story is grounded in Knox)?
profound theological convictions, even though Paul did What role should Paul's direct advice to Christians in
not treat in the letter itself any of the obvious doctrinal or slavery in l Cor 7 :2 l play in interpreting Paul's letter to
ecclesiastical issues that characterize all his other letters. Philemon?
To be sure, even without focusing on the larger story as What circumstances in the subsequent lives of Paul and
such, every scholar of Plmn has felt obliged in some way to Onesimus contributed to the preservation of Plmn in the
propose as the context for exegesis a reconstruction of at NT canon?
least some of the circumstances which provoked the writ-
ing and preserving of this letter. Chief among the ques- B. Authorship and Rhetoric
tions energizing these reconstructions and explanations Although a few scholars seriously questioned Pauline
have been: authorship of Plmn in the 4th and 5th centuries (because
Why did Onesimus decide to leave Philemon's house- the content seemed too slight) and again in the 19th
hold, and by doing so did he make himself a fugitive slave? century (because the situation presupposed by Plmn ap-
Did Onesimus then come into contact with Paul because peared too novelistic), the language, style, and structure of
he searched for him and found him under arrest, or argumentation found in Plmn are unmistakably Paul's
rather as an unintended result of being arrested himself (Schenk 1987: 3142-3145). Many exegetes have concluded
as a lawbreaker? Or had his owner sent him to help Paul that Paul did not dictate these words but wrote the entire
(see Winter 1987)? letter in his own hand (see Stuhlmacher 1975: 50).
Did the prohibition of Deut 23: 16-17 (-Eng 23: 15-16: Some of the many distinctively Pauline features are his
"You shall not give up to his master a slave who has escaped self-designations in combination with "Christ Jesus" in vv
from his master to you. He shall dwell with you ... ") play l and 9, his use in vv l and 24 of the term synergos ("co-
a role in Paul's keeping Onesimus with him during the worker"), the phrase en kyrio ("in the Lord") without the
period in which he became a Christian? And did it influ- definite article in Gk (vv 16, 20), participles as transitions
ence his choice of words in vv 13-14? to new clauses (vv 4, 5, 21 ), and the intensifying phrase
To what extent was Paul constrained by Roman law in hina me Lego ("to say nothing of") in v I 9b, which suggests
his relationships with Philemon (not a Roman citizen) and that he could indeed overlook a matter that by mentioning
Onesimus? In any case, was Paul's eventual urging of he especially emphasizes (see 2 Cor 9:4). Even the sentence
Onesimus to return to Philemon (with Plmn as a "cover that has provoked the greatest disagreements among
letter") motivated primarily by his respect for Roman or translators (v 6) contains characteristic Pauline features
local laws applying to the harboring and returning of (see Riesenfeld 1982).
fugitive slaves, or by his respect for Philemon's rights and Paul's artistry in crafting such a carefully woven argu-
feelings (see Getty 1987), or by his theology which re- ment and appeal has been widely recognized. Only re-
quired him to encourage reconciliation among estranged cently, however, have scholars shown the strong influence
Christians (see 1 Cor 6:7)? of Greek rhetorical conventions on Paul's masterful argu-
Exactly which actions was Paul urging Philemon to take mentation in Plmn, in particular the genre of deliberative
with respect to Onesimus (vv 14, 16-18, 20-21)? For rhetoric (Church 1978; see White 197 l; Schenk 1987). By
example, would Philemon have concluded from v 16 that use of skillful appeals to the reason, the emotions, and the
Paul wanted him to change Onesimus's legal and social character of their hearers, rhetoricians sought to establish
status from that of his slave to being his freedman (see two motives for action: maintaining honor and gaining
SLAVERY) because of Onesimus' new status as a Christian advantage (Quint. Inst. 3.8.1-15, 6.2.9-14). According to
"brother" (see Daube 1986: 41)? Did Paul hope that his Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian, such a deliberative state-
new "father/child" relationship with Onesimus (with impli- ment was divided into three parts: (I) the exordium: for
cations of ownership--vv 10, 12) would strike Philemon as setting up the fitting mood and winning the favor of the
a prevailing counterweight to his own claims on his slave, hearer through praise and then linking that praise to the
leading to new perceptions of who was whose patron (v subject at hand; (2) the main body or proof: for making
ll, 13, 15-17)? In any case, was Paul appealing to Phile- the aforementioned appeals to honor and advantage; and
mon's honor (see vv 4-7) with the implication (vv 13-14, (3) the peroration: for restating the request, appealing
21) that Philemon's "goodness" should lead him not only again to the hearer's goodwill, expanding the argument.
to restrain himself from punishing Onesimus and to rec- and placing the reader in an emotional frame of mind
oncile with him but also to send him back to help Paul in (Arist. Rh. 3.14-19).
prison or in the Christian mission (see Ollrog 1979: 101- Whether by training or observation, Paul used delibera-
6)? tive rhetoric when he appealed to Philemon, adapting this
Where and when was Paul imprisoned when he wrote genre to his particular style and structure for letter writ-
(vv l, 9-10, 13, 23)? Rome? Ephesus? Caesarea? And what ing. Following his characteristic salutatory format in vv l-
should be concluded about the relation of Plmn to the 3, vv 4-7 function as Paul's exordium. With tact and
Letter to the Colossians which includes references to both succinctness, he first sought favor by praising Philemon
v • 307 PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO

for his Jove and faith (vv 4-5), then he focused the praise and "genuine repentance" as well as the harm Sabinianus
on those practical qualities especially pertinent to Phile- was causing himself with his understandable anger.
mon's positive response to the appeal (v 6), and then he
referred to particulars (Philemon's loving care for God's C. Legal Context and Obligations
people resulting in Paul's own joy and comf?rt) that he Recent investigations have shown that a number of legal
later developed in the body and underscored m the pero- assumptions essential to the generally accepted reading of
ration (Church 1978: 20-24). Plmn must be questioned: that Onesimus was a fugitive
The body or proof is expressed in vv 8-16, opening slave, that Paul in relation to Philemon was obligated to
with a perfectly balanced appeal to Philemon's character obey Roman laws regarding slavery, and that Onesimus
and feelings (vv 8-!0a). Paul first applied the rhetorical would probably not ever have been made a freedman if
convention of openly abandoning an apparently strong Paul had not intervened on his behalf (if indeed that was
line of argument by referring to himself as an "ambassa- included in Paul's request).
dor" and a "prisoner" for Christ, and then for love's sake Until quite recently, leading exegetes of Plmn (e.g.,
waiving that authority in order to make his first appeal to Stuhlmacher 1975: 17-23; Suhl 1981: 21-23; O'Brien,
the free expression of Philemon's honor and love. In a Colossians, Philemon WBC, 266-67) have generally presup-
further rhetorical move focused on Philemon's feelings, posed that according to Roman or Greek law Onesimus
Paul duplicated the expression of his appeal (vv 9-!0a) became a fugitive slave (Lat: fugi,tivu.s) when he left Phile-
before finally mentioning its object-Onesimus-and pun- mon's household (Winter 1987 and Schenk 1987 argue
ning effectively on the name's meaning: "profitable/use- that Philemon sent Onesimus to help Paul in prison). They
ful." By doing so, Paul appealed to the second motive for have assumed that Onesimus belonged to the category of
action: Philemon's gaining advantage. those slaves who ran away from their owners in order to
In vv 12-14 Paul returned to the first motive: maintain- find a life of freedom-by going underground in a large
ing honor. Not only has Onesimus become far more prof- city, or in a faraway country, or in an outlaw band. Also
itable to Philemon by becoming a Christian, but also Phi- noted is the possibility, respected particularly in the east-
lemon has been presented with a further opportunity to ern Roman provinces, for such fugitives to seek asylum in
express his true character, his "goodness." Paul empha- a temple, such as the one dedicated to Artemis in Ephesus,
sized the decisive character of this opportunity by stressing or at a statue of the emperor, in order to beg the priests
how important Onesimus was to him. While with Paul, or attendants to broker their sale to a more humane
Onesimus not only became his "son," but his "very heart," owner.
his own self (v 12). Thus Paul would regard Philemon's Against this background, scholars have noted their vary-
manner of dealing with Onesimus as treatment of himself ing degrees of surprise that the fugitive Onesimus chose
(see v 17). Furthermore, by urging Onesimus to return none of these options but rather seems to have sought out
home and depriving himself of his "son's" comfort and the assistance of a person respected by his owner. Or they
service, Paul set an example of selfless love for Philemon have suggested that Onesimus did not seek out Paul but
and established the basis for true reciprocity among the rather unintentionally met up with him in prison after
three men. By these means Paul was able to force a point having been caught as a fugitive in a large city such as
of honor while ostensibly restraining himself from pres- Rome or Ephesus, thus assuming (or concluding) that
suring Philemon, who thus retained the freedom to re- Onesimus only decided to return to Philemon because of
spond honorably on his own. Paul's urging. With Onesimus' putative fugitive status in
Paul concluded his proof with reasoning that went be- mind, exegetes have discussed the range of punishments
yond conventional rhetoric: it may have been necessary, such a captured fugitivus could anticipate-beatings,
i.e., providential, for Philemon to lose Onesimus as a slave chains, branding, in some cases even crucifixion-and con-
in order to gain him as a "beloved brother" (vv 15-16). cluded that part of Paul's intent in writing to Philemon
Paul's words in vv 17-22 fulfilled all four requirements was to persuade him to restrain himself from castigating
of a peroration with a fitting invoking of feelings: ( l) Verse Onesimus for running away.
17 restated his request. (2) Verses 18-19 expanded the In contrast to these longstanding assumptions, the Ro-
argument with two strong rhetorical devices: anticipating man legal evidence presents as a common case a triangular
a potential objection (by promising to compensate Phile- situation in which a slave who got into some difficulty with
mon for any loss Onesimus had caused him), and empha- his or her owner sought out a third party for the purpose
sizing a point by claiming that it does not have to be made of persuading that person to become the slave's advocate
(Philemon owed 1'-aul his life). (3) Verse 20 attempted to before the angry owner. The slave's goal was not to run
put Philemon in an emotional state of mind. (4) Verses 21- away successfully but rather to return to the owner's house-
22 further sought Philemon's favor (Church 1978: 28-30). hold under improved conditions. According to Proculus,
Paul poignantly concluded this rhetorical section with re- the foremost Roman jurist in the early !st century C.E.,
quests for hospitality (thus announcing his intention to such a slave emphatically did not become a fugitivus (Dig.
follow the letter with a personal visit) and prayers for his 21.1.17.4). This opinion was echoed by such jurists as
release from imprisonment. Vivianus during Trajan's reign, who mentioned the slave's
Rhetorical analysis of Paul's use of deliberative rhetoric mother as a natural advocate (Dig. 21. l. l 7 .5 ), and by
in Plmn highlights its contrast to Pliny's Letter to Sabini- Paulus at the end of the 2d century, who specifically
anus (Ep. 9.21) about an errant freedman to which Plmn mentioned a slave who sought refuge and assistance from
is often compared. Pliny used a contra~ting rhetorical a friend of his owner (Dig. 21.1.43. l ).
model, the plea for pardon, stressing the freedman's youth Among Roman models, this unexceptional triangular
PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO 308 • v
scenario provides the most adequate context for explain- .What role, then, did Roman law as such play in this
ing the relationship among Onesimus, Paul, and Philemon triangular relationship? There is no evidence that Phile-
in juristic terms (Lampe 1985: 135-37). Onesimus, then, mon, a Phrygian, was a Roman citizen; therefore Paul was
was not a fugitive slave, nor had Paul been harboring a not obligated to extend to him the protections of Roman
fugitive slave. If Onesimus had indeed intended to run private law (see Derrett 1988: 73). And in any case, scho-
away, there were surely much more promising and less lars must beware of accounting for any of Paul's actions
risky places in which to "disappear" than at the side of a solely in terms of Roman or Greek or even Jewish laws; at
friend of his owner. But in this scenario, after causing his the least, matters depended on the respective civic statuses
owner some serious loss (v 18), Onesimus sought out a of the persons with whom he was involved. Nevertheless,
respected friend of Philemon precisely in order to appeal general Roman principles regarding treatment of slaves,
for help in smoothing things out at home. This means that especially those who had left their owners for any reason,
Onesimus' wrongdoing was neither running away nor seem to have been broadly respected in the empire.
stealing from household funds in order to finance his Among the options known from Greek and Jewish law,
travel. Rather, something that he had done wrong led this Roman model does seem to account best for the story
Onesimus to decide to seek out Paul as his advocate. in Plmn.
Lampe (1985: 137) acutely observes that this decision
created a delicate situation: Onesimus, who was not yet a D. The Letter's Story
Christian, hoped to gain advantage by persuading one Every letter is a part of a story, arising out of some form
honored Christian teacher to put pressure on another of previous relationship between the writer and the reader,
Christian. Onesimus' initial trust in his owner's friend and then itself creating a new dimension in the relationship,
"partner" (v 17) clearly bore surprising fruit: Paul led him and finally implying at least one future event: the response
to become a Christian (v 10), a "usefulness" (v 11) that of the reader(s). The writers, readers, and persons men-
Philemon had been unable to achieve in his own house- tioned in letters are related to each other as superiors,
hold. And Paul himself offered to make good whatever equals, and inferiors, and the fact that Paul, Philemon,
loss Onesimus had caused Philemon (vv 18-19). With and Onesimus play multiple roles has made interpreting
these results in view, Paul appealed to Philemon to receive Plmn particularly difficult (see Petersen 1985: 63-64).
Onesimus back into the household as he would Paul him- Thus every interpretation of Plmn has been based on
self, without mentioning directly the anger that had to be some explicit or implied reconstruction of the personal
put aside and the forgiveness that was needed. Did Paul stories of which it is a part. The most adequate interpre-
also anticipate that Philemon would make the new Chris- tation of Plmn will integrate those stories into the letter's
tian Onesimus his freedman? own story, a brief version of which follows.
Innumerable former slaves throughout the Empire were Such a story begins, to be sure, prior to the writing of
living proof that neither Greek nor Roman slavery was Plmn-with Paul's activities as a Christian evangelist in
usually a permanent state. Most commonly, an owner Asia Minor and his attempts in various cities to gather
granted manumission to a serous fidelis as the due reward household-based communities of Christians characterized
for faithful work and loyalty; this was frequently done by by their exclusive faith in the God of Israel, their merciful
the owner's will at death. On the other hand, owners could love for each other, and their hope in the future mercy of
punish disloyal slaves by including in their wills a clause Jesus Christ (see l Thess 1:2-10). Paul's God was seeking
prohibiting the heirs from ever manumitting them (Wie- to create a new social reality and solidarity among people
demann 1985: 165). Yet there is also much evidence that long separated by religious, ethnic, and class barriers.
owners while living had a variety of reasons for choosing Before having to consider the relations among Philemon,
to manumit some of their slaves (Bartchy 1973: 88-91), Onesimus, and himself, Paul had become well practiced in
many of whom had reason to anticipate being set free stimulating reconciliation and developing social cohesive-
about the age of thirty (see Alfoldy 1972, opposed by ness among his surprisingly heterogeneous groups. And
Wiedemann 1985). (This is the appropriate context for his other letters suggest that he sensed well how to use
resolving the famous disagreement about Paul's advice in patron-client relationships to further his goals (see Elliott
l Cor 7:21 to Christians in slavery.) See SLAVERY (NEW 1987).
TESTAMENT). Plmn's story becomes more focused with Paul's encoun-
In this social-legal context the question regarding man- tering Philemon somewhere along the way (Ephesus seems
umitting Onesimus was most likely when, not if, Philemon quite likely) and persuading him to become a Christian.
planned to set Onesimus free. Paul's climactic appeal in v This established Paul as Philemon's patron, as v 19 espe-
16 (receive him "no longer as a slave but ... as a beloved cially emphasizes: "you owe me even your own self." Prob-
brother") seems best understood as Paul's request that ably the next step was Philemon's own evangelistic work,
Onesimus' manumission not be delayed because of any most likely in Colossae, resulting at the least in the com-
wrongdoing (see v 18) and that Philemon forgive his slave munity of Christians who met in his house, including
and manumit him very soon. By this appeal Paul con- Apphia and Archippus (v 2). In any case, Philemon had
fronted Philemon with the choice either of continuing to opened his household (see Elliott 1984) to this group of
regard himself as Onesimus' owner or of becoming his Christians and gained a glowing reputation as their patron
"brother" and "partner" (v 17) in a new social reality. Paul (vv 5-7).
may well have hoped that Onesimus would then be sent During this period Paul was taken prisoner either in
back to help him, in the status of Philemon's freedman (v Ephesus (ca. 54-56) or Rome (ca. 60-62). (In view of Acts
13). 24:26-27, Caesarea has been proposed for more than a
v . 309 PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO

century, but this seems unlikely.) Ephesus was the closest 22), Philemon may well have waited for this visit to decide
large city to Onesimus' home, less than 100 miles distant, if he would encourage Onesimus to join Paul's group of
and many scholars have suggested that one of the impris- "fellow workers" in the gospel. In any case, the return of
onments mentioned by Paul in 2 Cor 11 :23 (see also his Onesimus as a Christian, with Paul's strong support, pre-
"affliction in Asia," 2 Cor l :8) was there. In addition, sented Philemon with a major and pressing decision:
Paul's request for hospitality (Plmn 22) has seemed to would he deny his Christian identity by acting first of all
many to fit most easily with an arrest in Ephesus. This part with the prerogatives of an angry slave owner, or would he
of the story has been complicated by the traditional asso- strengthen it by doing all in his power as Onesimus' patron
ciation of Plmn with the Letter to the Colossians and a to make him his "beloved brother" (see Petersen, HBC,
Roman imprisonment, in which Onesimus is mentioned 1245-48)? His house-church was watching, and Paul
with Tychicus (4:9) as the bearer of the letter. In any case, hoped to be there soon to see for himself.
because of his public activities as a Christian, Paul was
under arrest in a kind of imprisonment that permitted Bibliography
him sufficient freedom to have personal contact with One- (For additional bibliography, see SLAVERY (NEW TES-
simus and to write to Philemon. TAMENT).
At this point the scenario described above (in C) enters
the story. A slave of Philemon named Onesimus, who had Alfoldy, G. 1972. Die Freilassung von Sklaven und die Struktur der
not become a Christian, caused his owner some serious Sklaverei in der romischen Kaiserzeit. Rivista Storica
loss (v 18). He then decided to leave his troubles behind dell'Antichita 2: 97-129.
and to seek out a respected friend of his owner in order to Bartchy, S. S. 1973. MALLON CHRESAI: First Century Slavery and
appeal for help in assuaging Philemon (v 15), probably the Interpretation of I Cor. 7 :21. SBLDS 11. Missoula, MT. (Repr.
hoping to use the Christian bond between these two men 1985).
to his own advantage. Onesimus found Paul under arrest Church, F. F. 1978. Rhetorical Structure and Design in Paul's Letter
(v 13), and while visiting and assisting him was himself to Philemon. HTR 71: 17-33.
persuaded to become a Christian (v 10). He thereby won Daube, D. 1986. Onesimos. HTR 79: 40-43.
Paul as his own patron and "father" and successfully per- Derrett, J. D. M. 1988. The Functions of the Epistle to Philemon.
suaded him to become his advocate before his wronged ZNW 79: 63-91.
owner. Elliott, j. H. 1984. Philemon and House Churches. BToday 22: 145-
At some point along the way Paul had heard about 50.
Philemon's great faith and love (vv 4-7), perhaps from - - . 1987. Patronage and Clientism in Early Christian Society.
Onesimus himself. Paul then built on that knowledge, on Forum 3/4: 39-48.
his friendship (v 17) and on his patron-client relationship Feeley-Harnik, G. 1982. Is Historical Anthropology Possible? The
with Philemon (vv 19-21 ), on Onesimus' personal service Case of the Runaway Slave. Pp. 95-126 in Humanizing Ameri-
to him (v 13), and on the fact that Onesimus had become can's Iconic Book, SBL Centennial Addresses 1980, eds. G. M.
a Christian "brother" (v 16) and his own very dear "son" (v Tucker and D. A. Knight. Chico, CA.
I 0) by "pulling out all the stops" in a rhetorically crafted Getty, M.A. I 987. The Theology of Philemon. Pp. 503-8 in SBLSP,
letter to Philemon on Onesimus' behalf. He even offered ed. K. H. Richards. Atlanta.
to pay from his own account for any damages done or Gnilka, J. 1982. Der Philemonbrief HTK 10/4. Freiburg.
debts Onesimus owed to Philemon, an amount Philemon Hahn, F. 1977. Paulus und der Sklave Onesimus. EvT 37: 179-85
may well have been able to cover from Onesimus' personal (review of Stuhlmacher 197 5).
funds. See SLAVERY (NEW TESTAMENT). Lampe, P. 1985. Keine "Sklavenflucht" des Onesimus. ZNW 76:
Ones1mus then returned to Philemon with Paul's strong, 135-37.
wnt~en appeal. If Philemon was moved by Paul's appeals Ollrog, W.-H. 1979. Paulus und seine Mitarbeiter. WMANT 50.
to his advantage and his honor and then did all that Paul Neukirchen-Vluyn.
requested, he put aside his anger, forgave Onesimus, be- Petersen, N. R. 1985. Rediscovering Paul: Philemon and the Sociology
gan to treat him with honor as a "brother," and smoothed of Paul's Narrative World. Philadelphia.
out any remaining difficulties within the household (as he Riesenfeld, H. 1982. Faith and Love Promoting Hope: A Interpre-
would have done for Paul, if needed). By these deeds he tation of Philemon v. 6. Pp. 251-57 in Paul and Paulinism:
woul.d h~ve maintained his honor as a generous patron Essays in Honour of C. K. Barrett, ed. M. D. Hooker and S. G.
w1thm his Chnst1an community and before his own pa- Wilson. London.
tron, Paul. Schenk, W. 1987. Der Brief des Paulus an Philemon in der neueren
Moreover, the most direct way for Philemon to have Forschung (1945-87) ANRW 2/25/4: 3135-55.
stopped treating Onesimus as a slave (v 16) would have Stowers, S. K. 1986. Letter-Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity. Phila-
been to ma~umit him, probably well ahead of previous delphia.
plans for domg so, especially in view of his wrongdoing. Stuhlmacher, P. 1975. Der Brief an Philemon. EKKNT 18. Neu-
By makmg Onesimus his freedman he would have created kirchen-Vluyn.
a fa~. more c~~dible ?asis for functioning as his "brother" Suhl, A. 1973. Der Philemonbrief als Beispiel paulinischer Par-
and pan_n~r (v 17) m the new kinship group they shared, aenese. Kairos 15: 267-79.
their Chnst1an community. - - . I 981. Der Brief an Philemon. ZB. Zurich.
If Philemon, A_pphia, Archippus, Onesimus, and the White, J. I 971. The Structural Analysis of Philemon. A Point of
other Chnsuans m their house-church accepted Paul's Departure in the Formal Analysis of the Pauline Letter. Pp. 1-
request that they pray for his anticipated stay with them (v 47 in SBLSP. Missoula, MT.
PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO 310 • v
Wiedemann, T. 1981. Greek and Roman Slavery. Baltimore. ~elp against the rising P?we~ o~ Judas Maccabeus. (Accord-
- - . 1985. The Regularity of Manumission at Rome. Classical mg ~o 1 Mace 3:38, which 1s hkely more accurate, Lysias
Qµarterly 35: 162-75. was m charge, not ~tolemy, and dispatched Ptolemy, Do-
Winter, S. C. 1987. Paul's Letter to Philemon. NTS 33: 1-15. rymenes, and Gorgias to meet Judas.)
S. Scon BARTCHY 4. Fos.ter brother of Antioch us Epiphanes ( 1 Mace 6: 14).
Upon his deat?be.d in Persia, Antiochus IV named Philip
reg~nt over his kmgdom (6: 14) and guardian of his son
PHIL~TUS (PERSON) [Gk Philitos]. A Christian who, Anuochus V ~upator (6:55), roles he had previously en-
alon~ with Hymenaeus, ~ad ."swerved from the truth by trusted to Lys1u~. See LYSIAS. Philip apparently carried
holdmg that the resurrection 1s past already" (2 Tim 2: 18). the body of Anuochus back to Antioch (2 Mace 9:29) but
Because Hymenaeus can be linked with Ephesus (1 Tim the .assertion that Philip fled to Egypt out of fe;r of
1:3), it can be assumed that that area was also the sphere Ant1i;ichus seen;i~ wrong. For one thing Antiochus was but
of Philetus' activity. For further discussion on Philetus and a child, so Ph1hp would have feared Lysias, if anyone.
related issues, see HYMENAEUS. Second, 1 Mace 6:63 says that Lysias returned to Antioch
FLORENCE MORGAN GILLMAN found Philip in control of the city, and defeated him'
apparently contradicting 2 Mace 9:29. Goldstein (2 Macca~
bees AB, 372-73) argues that I Maccabees is incorrect and
PHILIP (PERSON) [Gk Philippos]. I. Philip II, King of that 2 Mace 9:29 is correct that Philip fled to Egypt, not,
Macedonia (359-336 B.C.) and father of Alexander the however, at the death of Antiochus in November or Decem-
Great (l Mace 1:1, 6:2). Philip began his political career as ber, 164 B.c., but after April of 163. In the absence of
the regent for the infant son of his dead brother Perdiccas better data, one should approach Goldstein's reconstruc-
III, but he soon displaced his nephew and became king tion with caution. If Philip did indeed flee to Egypt,
instead. Five other contenders for the throne opposed perhaps he was retreating before the advance of Lysias on
him, but Philip captured coastal towns and the Chalcidian Antioch.
league, securing control over Macedon in the process. He
founded new cities, beautified the Macedonian capital of Bibliography
Pella, and poured heavy resources into armaments. Then Sealey, R. 1976. A History of the Greek City States ca. 700-338 B.C.
~e t1;1rned his attention W toward Greece itself, conquering
Berkeley.
its city states and leagues in turn, ending with the defeat Starr, C. G. 1974. A History of the Ancient World. New York.
of Thebes and Athens in 338 and the formation of a PAUL L. REDDl'IT

league with all the cities except Sparta in 337. Philip next
opened war on the Persian Empire, but was murdered by 5. The son of Herod the Great and Cleopatra of Jerusa-
a Macedonian noble in 336 at the wedding of his daughter. lem. Josephus reports that he spent part of his youth in
2. Philip V, ruler of Macedonia 221-179 B.c. mentioned Rome, during which time Antipater made accusations
(1 Mace 8:5) along with his son Perseus, the last Macedo- against him to Herod: Antipater alleged that Philip had
nian king, as a foe defeated by the Romans. As a young denounced Herod as the murderer of Aristobulus and
king he joined with Hannibal and waged the First Mace- Alexander and had said that he, Philip, would be Herod's
donian War (215-205) against Rome. Rome won, but at next victim (Ant 17.80). These allegations caused Herod to
great cost. Hence, Philip V began attacking neighbors in hate Philip (Ant 17 .146). But, discovering that Anti pater's
the Agaean, while Antiochus III (Seleucid ruler 223-187) allegations were false, Herod was reconciled to Philip and
asse~ted Seleucid ambitions in Palestine and Asia Minor,
made him a beneficiary under his last will, allotting to him
causmg Rome to attack Philip. After Antiochus took Pal- Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, Batanaea, and Panias, with the title
estine from the Egyptians at the outset of the reign of the of tetrarch (Ant 17.189).
child-king Ptolemy V (198), Philip V was able to secure Philip played a part in the disputes which followed
land in Thrace and Asia Minor formerly held by Egypt. Herod's death. When Archelaus visited Rome to press his
Rome, however, defeated Philip at the Battle of Cynosce- own case with Augustus, Philip remained in Judaea as his
phalae in 197. Philip was stripped of much of his territory viceroy (Ant 17 .219). But Varus, the Roman governor of
and weapons, but left in power in Macedonia as a buffer Syria, soon persuaded Philip that he, too, should travel to
against the ambitions of Antiochus III. Rome in order to support Archelaus there and to ensure
3. Phrygian governor of Jerusalem appointed by Antio- that he would also receive a share if Augustus decided to
chus IV Epiphanes (2 Mace 5:22) in 169 e.c. to complete partition Herod's kingdom (Ant 17.303). Under Augustus'
the punishment of Jerusalem begun by Antiochus. Antio- final settlement, Philip received Batanaea, Trachonitis, Au-
chus had attacked the city because he had been thwarted ranitis, Gaulonitis, and portions of the "domain of Zeno-
in his second campaign against Egypt in 169, causing a dorus" in the vicinity of Panias. Our sources are imprecise
rumor to spread in Judea that he was dead and a battle to as to the full extent of his territories: the Panias region is
break out. Antiochus thought that Jerusalem had revolted presumably the lturaea of Luke 3: 1 (cf. HjP2 1: 336).
and came to the city to take vengeance, ultimately robbing Philip ruled these territories as tetrarch, and received from
the Temple. He then appointed Philip to finish the task them an annual income of 100 talents (Ant 17 .319; JW
while he returned to Antioch. Philip proved more ruthless 2.95).
even than Antiochus, killing pious Jews who had assembled Philip is known primarily as a builder. He re-founded
in caves to worship secretly (2 Mace 6: 11). This Philip is the city of Panias and named it Caesarea-the Caesarea
mentioned once more (8:8), when he wrote to Ptolemy for Philippi (literally, "Philip's Caesarea") of the New Testa-
v • 311 PHILIP

ment (Matt 16: 13; Mark 5:27). He also refounded the town him (14:8-9). Philip was present among the disciples in
of Bethsaida: he supplemented its population, strength- the Upper Room who were waiting for the coming of Holy
ened its fortifications, and named it Julias after Julia, Spirit (Acts I: J 3 ). According to one tradition, Philip is the
Augustus' daughter. The refoundation will therefore have disciple who asked to go bury his father before following
taken place early, presumably before Julia's exile in 2 B.c. Jesus (Matt 8:2 I; Luke 9:56; Clem. Str. 3.4.25; 4.9. 73).
(Ant 18.27-8). The foundation and refoundation of cities 7. One of the Seven chosen by the Jerusalem Church
named after the emperor and his family was characteristic chosen to be an almoner to serve at table, administrate,
of client rulers under the Principate (Suet. Aug. 60 with and care for the poor and widows. The Seven were ap-
Braund 1984: 107-11). Such cities tended to be centers of pointed as a response to the growing tension between the
imperial cult: Herod the Great had already built a splendid Hellenistic Jewish Christians and the Hebrew Christians of
temple near Panias for Augustus (Ant 15.363-64; ]W the Jerusalem Church. They served to relieve the disciples
1.404-6). Philip's subjects were predominantly non-Jewish. of such duties and permit them full time evangelism (Acts
Thus Philip's coinage bears images, most notably the heads 6:I-7).
of Augustus and Tiberius respectively. They also depict a After the martyrdom of Stephen, Philip was forced to
temple, probably the temple which Herod had built near leave Jerusalem. As part of Luke's account of the spread
Panias. These coins indicate that Philip called himself of the Gospel to all the nations as a response to the Great
simply "Philip, tetrarch" (HJ p2 I: 340 n. 9). Commission, an account of Philip relays his missionary
Philip reigned as tetrarch from 4 e.c. until his death in work as an evangelist (Acts 8). He is noted for the conver-
A.D. 33/4. According to Josephus, he was a good ruler. His sion of non-Jewish believers. He made many converts, cast
reign was mild and he avoided external entanglements. He out demons, and healed the lame in the city of Samaria,
traveled about his territories with only a small, select en- even thwarting the influence and eventually converting the
tourage, which would not be a burden upon his subjects. magician Simon Magus. Upon hearing of Philip's work, the
He dispensed justice promptly and fairly from a throne apostles at Jerusalem sent Peter and John to Samaria to
which he took with him in his travels around his tetrarchy. sanction officially the work and baptize the new converts
He died at Julias, where, after a costly funeral, his body in the Holy Spirit (vv 4-25).
was consigned to a tomb which he had built in preparation In an episode on the road between Jerusalem and Gaza,
for his death (Ant 18.106-8). Philip met a eunuch, the treasurer to the Candace, Queen
Philip had married Salome, daughter of Antipas and of Ethiopia. Philip interpreted the Servant Song of Isa
Herodias, whose dancing had cost the head of John the 53:7-8, identifying Jesus as the Servant. The eunuch was
Baptist (Mark 6:22) and who survived Philip to marry subsequently converted and baptized (vv 26-39). Philip
again (Ant 18.137). But Philip had no children: Tiberius then evangelized Azotus, the old Philistine city of Ashdod,
annexed his territories upon his death (Ant 18.108). Philip about 20 miles N of Gaza, and proceeded to preach to
the tetrarch is probably to be distinguished from another cities along the coastal road until settling in Caesarea. Paul
son of Herod named Philip (Mark 6: 17 has the best mss later stayed there with Philip and his four prophesying
authority; cf. also Matt 14:3; Luke 3:19; Josephus Ant. daughters (see below) on his last journey to Jerusalem (Acts
18.5. l § 109). It is possible, however, that this second Philip 21:8-9).
is the product of confusion in our sources. See HEROD
PHILIP. Later tradition confuses Philip the Apostle and Philip
the Evangelist. Confusion may have occurred as early as
Bibliography Papias (60-130 C.E.), for he refers to Philip the Apostle as
Braund, D. 1984. Rome and the Friendly King. New York. living in Hierapolis with his daughters (Eus. Hist. Eccl.
DAVID C. BRAUND 3.39.8-IO), but it was Philip the Evangelist who had nota-
ble daughters (see below). Also, Polycrates identified Philip
6. One of the twelve disciples of Jesus. In the Synoptic the Apostle as buried at Hierapolis with his two aged virgin
Gospels, he is only mentioned in the list of the disciples daughters and having another daughter buried at Ephesus
(Matt 10:3 = Mark 3:18 = Luke 6:14). More is known of (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 3.31.3). Eusebius does not catch Poly-
him from the gospel of John where Jesus called Philip to crates's mistake for he then quotes the Dialogue of Gaius to
be one of the Twelve (I :43-44). Philip may have been a claim that Philip and his four prophetess daughters were
d1sc1ple of John the Baptist because his call took place near buried at Hierapolis and goes on to quote Acts 2 I :8-9
Bethany beyond the Jordan where John was baptizing (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 3.31.2-5 ).
(I :28). Philip is central in bringing Nathanael to Christ as The four virgin daughters of Philip the Evangelist are
one of the Twelve (I :45-46). Jesus tested Philip regarding mentioned in Acts 2 I :8-9. Philip's daughters were Jewish-
how to feed the 5,000 in the wilderness, and Philip looks Christians who lived with their father in his home in
only to the expense of the matter (6:5-7). He acts as Caesarea in Judea. They possessed the gift of prophecy
intermediary between Christ and Greeks who had come to and are literally called "virgin (parthenos) prophesying
worship at the Passover. They wanted to be introduced to daughters." They are evidence that the gift of prophecy
Jesus and they sought out Philip to help them (12:20-26). was the privilege of women in the early Church (cf. I Cor
~e may have been chosen because he spoke Greek, had a I I :5; Rev 2:20) and that the practice of prophecy among
Greek name, and came from Bethsaida, a predominantly women evident in the OT was again manifested (e.g. 2 Kgs
Greek area ( 12 :21 ). Within the confines of the Farewell 22:I4; Neh 6:I4). Within Acts, these four prophetesses
Discourse, Philip asks Jesus for a vision of the Father, only demonstrate the fulfillment of Joel's prophecy that in the
to be told by Jesus that he already had seen the Father in latter days the spirit of God would be poured out on the
PHILIP 312 • v
daughters of Israel (Joel 2:28-29; Acts 2:14-21; cf. Eus. young girl); Acts Phil. V-VII (the controversy with a Jew, a
Hist. Eccl. 5.17.2-3). successful miracle, and the construction of a church).
Luke may have received information about persons and Certain of these episodes, as the proper names Azotus and
events of the early years of Christianity in Judea from the Candankians suggest (Acts Phil. 33), must have originally
daughters of Philip. Papias received information about been about Philip the Deacon (Acts 8) and not about the
Joseph Barsabbas (Acts 1:23) from the daughters of Philip apostle. Different indices (2d century sources which were
(he confuses him with Philip the Apostle) (Eus. Hist. Eccl. used as well as the mention of the Acts Phil. in the Decree
3.39.9-10). Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, mentions that of Ps-Gelatus 5.2.5, line 268, 5th-6th century) suggest that
Philip, one of the twelve apostles, and two virgin daughters these different documents were grouped together into a
who grew quite old were buried in a tomb at Hierapolis single work by a 4th century author. This author or the
(Eus. Hist. Eccl. 3.31.2-3). Eusebius understands this ref- editors of the sources relied on information relative to
erence to be to Philip the Evangelist, for he goes on to Philip which began circulating from the 2d century (the
quote Proclus from the Dialogue of Caius that the four sepulcher at Hierapolis, the resurrection of a dead man;
daughters of Philip were prophetesses who worked and cf. Eus., Hist. Eccl. 3.31.1-4 and 39.9, as well as on a few
were buried in Hierapolis along with their father Philip. legends [cf. the Manichean Psalm, "There were ten vir-
In support, Eusebius cites Acts 21 :8 as the biblical refer- gins," Allberry 1938: 192]). These also adapted passages
ence to the family (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 3.31.4-5). from the other apocryphal Acts transferring them to
Philip (cf. Acts Phil. VI, the joust between Peter and Simon,
Bibliography Acts Pet. 23-28), as well as different prayers of uncertain
Strobel, A. 1972. Armenpfteger "um des Friedens willen·· (Zurn origin. The presence of this archaic material confers an
Verstandnis von Act 6,1-6). ZNW 63: 271-76. importance on the Acts Phil. unsuspected until now.
Swindler, L. 1979. Biblical Affirmations of Women. Philadelphia. In order to define the author's religious conceptions,
JoANN FORD WATSON one has to rely on the least normalized form of the Acts
Phil., i.e., Xenophontos 32. The work is encratic, hostile to
marriage, favorable to sexual continence and abstention
PHILIP, ACTS OF. A text which chronicles the adven- from meat, as is evident in such passages as "Purity (hag-
tures and martrydom of Philip at Hierapolis. About 50 enia) communicates with God" (Acts Phil. V, 46). Mariamne
Greek manuscripts, menologia for the most part, transmit is saved and fulfills a ministry, but only insofar as she is
the Martyrdom of Philip. This tale, which circulated in three dressed as a man and inwardly has adopted a masculine
divergent forms, was extracted from a larger work, the dispostion. God and Christ generously offer salvation and
Peregrinations or Acts of Philip the Apostle. The remainder of confer on the believer a power capable of exorcism and
the work-long lost-has been progressively recovered. healing. In addition, the apostles received from Christ a
This is especially so in the following manuscripts: Vatican, special dress (Acts Phil. l, 6) and a small coffer or case (Acts
gr. 824 for Acts Phil. I-IX; Athos, Xenophontos 32 for the Phil. XIII). Coming in Christ's wake, they are healers of
overall work in its long form less the essential of Acts Phil. the soul; they settle in an abandoned dispensary.
II and VIII; the totality of Acts Phil. IX-X and the begin- The Acts of Philip is not hostile to the OT which is quoted
ning of XI, folios having been mislaid or torn away; Ath- in the dispute between Philip and Aristarchus (Acts Phil.
ens, B.N. gr. 346 which gives a long form of the beginning VI, 77-79). Moreover the work transmits previously un-
of Acts Phil. VIII; and, if it really is the original end, published sentences of Jesus of a synoptic type, doubtlessly
Oxford, Bod. Baroccianus 180, which relates the transla- coming from a document of the same type as the source
tion of the apostle's relics from Ophiorymos to Hierapolis. of the Logia (Q; Acts Phil-Mart. Phil. 135).
The work was either dismantled for liturgical reasons
(extraction of the Martyrdom as the reading for the Feast of Bibliography
St. Philip, 14 November) or else expurgated for doctrinal Allberry, C. R. C. 1938. A Manichean Psalm Book, Part 2. Stull·
reasons (especially encratism). gart.
The overall work was not, moreover, a single aggregate. Bovon, F. fc. Les Actes de Philippe. ANRW 2/25/4.
Acts Phil. VIII and what follows until the end constitute a Lipsius, R. A. 1884-1890. Die apocryphen Apostelgeschicltten uTUJ
homogenous work and relate the journey of Philip the Aspostellegenden, 2. Braunschweig re pr. 1976.
Apostle, accompanied by his sister Marian and his friend FRANl;:OIS BovoN
Bartholomew, to the city of Ophiorymos where he
preached an encratic message, converted Nikanora the PHILIP, GOSPEL OF (NHC 11,J). A Valentinia11
governor's wife, and Stachys the Blind, before being mar- Christian document included among the Nag Hammad
tyred by order of Tyrannognophos the governor. If Bar- Coptic codices discovered in Egypt in 1945. The text i!
occianus 180 is followed, the tale finishes by the translation extant only in this ms (Codex 11,J; pp. 51-29-86:19), ver)
of the apostle's relics from Ophiorymos to Hierapolis likely a translation of an original Greek work. A Synar
where the tomb of Philip was venerated since the 2d provenance for the Greek text is suggested in part by thf
century (Eus., Hist. Eccl. 3.31.1-4). On the other hand, Acts interest shown in the meaning of Syriac words (63:21-23:
Phil. I-VII is a composite: Acts Phil. II, an independent 56:7-9). Our Coptic copy is dated ca. A.D. 350.
episode (the confrontation at Athens between Philip, some
Greek philosophers, and the High Priest of Jerusalem, A. Title
inspired by Acts 17), Acts Phil. III-IV, a whole (the divine The text is anonymous and may bear Philip's namf
confirmation of Philip in his ministry and the healing of a merely because he is the only apostle referred to by namf
v • 313 PHILIPPI

(73:9-14). Among gnostics, however, Philip was consid- Only "free men and virgins" may enter the bridal cham-
ered a privileged recipient and caretaker of the Lord'.s ber; "animals, slaves, and defiled women" are excluded
revelation (Pi.sti.s Sophia I :42). The apocryphal Acts of Philip (69: 1-4). A "virgin" is one never defiled by sexual inter-
portrays its protagonist as an ascetic who taught chastity course (55:27-28), a "free man" does not sin (77: 15-18);
and continence in marriage and who overcame heavenly together they are called "Christians" (74:13-16), who pos-
demons by sacramental means. sess "the resurrection, the light, the cross, the Holy Spirit"
(74:18-21). Since "Christian" in the gnostic glossary nor-
B. Composition mally designates the psychic rather than the pneumatic,
Gos. Phil. is not like one of the NT Gospels. It is a Gos. Phil. is offering the psychic the chance to rise to the
compilation of statements in a variety of literary types: pneumatic level-by sacramental means (64:22-31; 74: 12-
parable, paraenesis, narrative dialogue, dominical saying, 15; 67:26-31). Even "a slave" can advance to a higher level
aphorism, and analogy, along with samples of biblical (79:13-18).
exegesis, dogma, and polemics. These statements, how- Gos. Phil. summarizes: "The lord did everything in a
ever, are not placed into a narrative framework but are mystery, a baptism and a chrism and a eucharist and a
arranged in a sequence that is neither strictly topical nor redemption and a bridal chamber" (67:27-30). This is
predictable. Efforts to analyze the scheme of arrangement probably the complete initiation sequence for a gnostic
are hampered by inconvenient lacunae in the ms. Christian. Initiation in the Church at the time of Gos. Phil.
Some continuity of thought can be observed in the normally included baptism in water, chrism, and eucharist,
linkage of similar materials (e.g., 51 :29-52:35, series of set against a nuptial background. "Bridal chamber" in Gos.
contrasts) or in the use of catchwords (e.g., 77: 15-78:24, Phil. may be a covering term for the whole initiation, since
"love"). Abrupt changes of thought are frequent. Certain a benefit of a particular sacrament (cf. 67:5-6; 69:12-14;
themes recur at unequal intervals (e.g., the need to rise 57:27-28) may also be associated with "bridal chamber"
before one dies, 56: 15-20; 56:26-57:22; 66: 16-23; 73: 1- (86:4-11; cf. 70:5-9; 74: 12-24). The converse is also the
8), but with no obvious intervening development. There is case (58:10-14; 69:4-14; 73:1-19; 75:14-24).
a possibility that the compiler has broken coherent para- What the mystery of "redemption" accomplished is not
graphs into pieces (e.g., read in this order 70:5-9; 76:22- explained. It is associated with both baptism and bridal
77: l; 66:7-29; or 75:13-14 followed by 61:36-62:5; or chamber (69:25-27). Both lrenaeus (Haer. 1.21.2) and
63:5-11 prefixing 70:22-29). Hippolytus (Haer. 6.41) say that a second baptism called
"redemption" was in use among Valentinians. The ritual
C. Content action in the sacramental bridal chamber has been vari-
Gos. Phil. contains eight brief, enigmatic "new" sayings ously estimated: an act of sexual intercourse by married
of Jesus (55:37-56:3; 58:10-14; 59:25-27; 63:29-30; couples (cf. 65: 1-26), or a holy kiss shared by celibates
64:2-9; 64:10-12; 67:30-35; and 74:25-27). In addition (69: 1-4; 59:2-6; 63:32-64:9; 82:4-7).
it quotes five sayings of Jesus from Matthew (3: 15; 6:6;
15:13; 16:17; and 27:46 [=Mark 15:34]) and three from Bibliography
John (6:53; 8:32, 34). The only other NT passages cited Buckley,].]. 1980. A Cult-Mystery in The Gospel of Philip. ]BL 99:
are Matt 3:10; I Cor 8:1; 15:50; and 1Pet4:8. There are 569-81.
many allusions to NT contexts and expressions, and the Grant, R. M. 1961. The Mystery of Marriage in the Gospel of
early chapters of Genesis receive an ongoing exegesis. Philip. VC 15: 129-40.
There is no disparagement of the OT in Gos. Phil., and the Isenberg, W.W. 1988. The Gospel of Philip. Pp. 131-51 in NHL.
citation of Matt 3: 10 is said to be as "the word says" (83: 11 ). Isenberg, W. W., and Layton, B. fc. The Gospel of Philip: Introduc-
Gos. Phil. tells several extracanonical stories about Jesus. tion, Translation, Coptic Text, and Notes. In Nag Hammadi
He changed his appearance to suit the nature of those to Codex II,2-7, ed. B. Layton. NHS. Leiden.
whom he was revealing himself (57:28-58: 10). His three Segelberg, E. 1960. The Coptic-Gnostic Gospel According to Philip
female companions were each named Mary (59:6-11), and its Sacramental System. Numen 7: 189-200.
t~ough Mary Magdalene alone received many kisses from Wilson, R. M. 1962. The Gospel of Philip. London.
him (63:32-64:2). The result of mixing 72 colors together WESLEY W ISENBERG
was a vat of white (63:25-30).
Gos. Phil. is very short on speculation about Sophia, the
nature of the Pleroma, or the myth of creation. The PHILIPPI (PLACE) [Gk Philippoi]. Situated in N Greece
trip~rtit.e division of humanity-fleshly, psychic, pneu- at the border of E Macedonia and Thrace, ancient Philippi
mauc-1s not emphasized. Gos. Phil. speaks rather of being was the site of Paul's earliest extensive missionary activity
"a Hebrew," or "a Christian," or "a Christ." in Europe (Acts 16:11-40; Philippians). The city (41°00'N;
The primary interest of Gos. Phil. is the restoration of 24°l6'E) stood about 16 km NNW of the port city Neapolis
Adam's original androgynous nature. Christ came ex- (modern Kavalla) and originally bore the name Krenides
pressly "to repair the separation" (70: 12-17), which has (from the Greek for "spring") in recognition of the abun-
brought death (68:22-26). The reunion is also spoken of dance of streams in the area.
as "the resurrection" (67:9-18) and must be attained b~­
fore ~me dies, as pioneered by "the lord" (56: 15-19). The A. Historical Overview
reunion can be effected in the sacramental bridal chamber B. Krenides, Philippi, and the Thracians
(70: 17-22), where "the mysteries of truth" are revealed in C. Hellenistic Philippi
type and image (84:20-21; 85: 14-19). D. Early Roman Philippi
PHILIPPI 314 • v
E. Later Roman Philippi ing to_ Ph_ilippi's dramatic ascendancy as an episcopal and
F. Sanctuaries and Rock Reliefs ec~les1asucal ~e~ter a_nd. perhaps also as an important
G. Early Christian Philippi object of Chnsuan pilgrimage. Taking their toll in this
pe~iod ~as a series of ext:emely destructive earthquakes
A. Historical Overview which disrupted construction and repair activity at some
Greek colonists from the nearby island of Thasos of the ecclesiastical sites and may have resulted in the city's
founded Krenides in 360-59 B.C.E. under the leadership general depopulation. In medieval times, there is evidence
of the exiled Athenian politician Kallistratos. In 356, King of a castle fortification at Philippi (mid-10th century c.E.)
Philip II of Macedon brought the city under Macedonian and of Christian burials (10th and 11th centuries c.E.), but
dominion and renamed it after himself. It is likely that the by the 16th century only a small and scattered settlement
financial resources which propelled Philip's hegemonic occupied the site.
policies in Greece derived in large part from the precious (Reports of the Greek Archaeological Service excava-
metals mined at Mt. Pangaion overlooking the plain of tions at Philippi are included in the "Chronika" of Archaio-
Datos in which Philippi was located. logikon Deltion [in Greek]. Excavations of the Archaeologi-
Rome's successful campaigns against Macedonian dy- cal Society of Athens were reported in Ergon, I 958-69 [in
nasts and dynastic pretenders in the 2d century B.C.E. led Greek], and in Pratika Archaiologikes Hetaireia.s, 1958-67 [in
to the establishment of a Roman province of Macedonia. Greek].)
Over the course of the next century (mid-2d to mid-1st
B.C.E.), Philippi served as a provincial outpost on the Via B. Krenides, Philippi, and the Thracians
Egnatia, the main overland artery linking Rome to the Of the Thasian settlement of Krenides little is known.
East. Two battles fought near the city in 42 B.C.E. resulted Herodotus reports (7 .112) that Thracian tribes were active
in the defeat of the "liberators" Cassius and Brutus who in the Pangaion area at the time of Xerxes' invasion of
had been instrumental in the assassination of Julius Cae- Greece and that they held gold and silver mines in the
sar. The victors at Philippi, Octavian (later titled Augustus) region. According to Diodorus Siculus (16.3.7; 16.8.6-7),
and Antony, emerged as the dominant powers of the Philip ll's takeover of Krenides came after the original
Roman Mediterranean basin. Following the battles, Phi- Thasian settlers requested assistance in curbing Thracian
lippi became a Roman colony and discharged veterans hostilities. The impact of the native Thracians was durable
receiving land allotments settled permanently in the area. throughout Philippi's early history, especially in local mili-
Within a few years after Augustus' defeat of Antony at the tary, political, and religious matters. Thracian military
battle of Actium (30 B.C.E.), as many as 500 more Roman contingents guided both Antony's and Octavian's forces as
soldiers-mostly veterans of Antony's praetorian guard well as those of Cassius and Brutus before the first battle
who had lost their claims to land in Italy-received allot- of Philippi-this, apparently, to insure that Thracian in-
ments and accompanying privileges in Philippi. Renamed terests would be served whatever the battle's outcome.
Colonia Julia Augusta Philippensis, in honor of Augustus' Inscriptions provide evidence of high civic honors be-
daughter, the colony of Philippi embraced an area of more stowed by the Roman colony on Thracian dynasts who
than 700 square miles extending from the P.angaion served as Roman client-rulers in the early Imperial period.
mountain range in the north to the colony's seaport of Thracian royalty occupied the highest civic priesthoods
Neapolis in the S and from the Nestos river in the E to the even in the Roman province's capital, Thessalonica. Partic-
Strymon in the W. The city of Philippi was the urban ularly acute was Thracian influence in Philippi's local
political center of the colony and with its proximity to the religions. Herodotus reports a Thracian oracle of Dionysos
Via Egnatia also dominated the colony's commercial life. at nearby Mt. Pangaion (7 .111 ). The Thracian Bacchus,
Epigraphic evidence from Philippi indicates that the Bendis (associated with Artemis and Diana), and the rider
Egnatia in E Macedonia and Thrace was in a state of hero are prominent features of Philippi's religious envi-
disrepair in the early Roman Imperial period. During the ronment and their influence may explain certain peculiar-
reigns of Augustus' immediate successors (Tiberius, Gaius, ties in the city's religious history.
and Claudius) the colony may have been dependent largely
on its access to the sea via Neapolis for commerce and C. Hellenistic Philippi
communication. It was by the sea route-Alexandria Troas Few archaeological remains of the Hellenistic city have
in Asia Minor to Neapolis and overland to Philippi-that survived. A dedicatory inscription from the late 4th cen-
the apostle Paul traveled to the city in 49 c.E. during the tury B.C.E. provides some evidence for a temple of Apollo
reign of the Emperor Claudius (41-54 c.E.). Trajan's (97- Komaios and Artemis. Foundations of fortification walls
117 c.E.) and Hadrian's (l 17-138 c.E.) activities in the East enclosing the acropolis and habitable area below date
occasioned the repair and upkeep of the Egnatia, and it is probably from Philip II's reign. Below the acropolis on t~e
from this period and the time of their successors, Antoni- E within the city walls was an early theater of the Hellems-
nus Pius (138-61 C.E.) and Marcus Aurelius (161-80 c.E.), tic period which was transformed on at least two occasions
that most of the Roman buildings now visible at the site in Roman times.
originated. At the SW base of the acropolis was a small Ionic prostyle
Excavations at Philippi have revealed further building structure (3d or 2d century B.C.E.) which may have served
activity in the 3d and 4th centuries c.E. including the as a hero's shrine. Philippi's largest Christian basilica was
construction of one of the earliest known Christian to be built immediately adjacent to the sanctuary, and the
churches in Greece. At least six more churches were built church's outermost structures expanded to incorporate it
at or near the city during the 5th-7th centuries c.E. attest- into the ecclesiastical complex. Another heroon dating
v • 315 PHILIPPI

from the 2d century B.C.E. has been excavated in the veterans and their descendants; Greeks descended from
Hellenistic city's center. A monumental temple-like struc- the inhabitants of the earlier Hellenistic cities (Krenides
ture was built above an earlier Macedonian tomb contain- and Philippi) and from other Greek settlements in the
ing the remains of a young man thought .to be associated area (e.g., Amphipolis, Maroneia, and Neapolis); Greeks
with one of the city's or region's cults (as mferred from a involved in commerce who had migrated from Asia Minor
religious relief on a pendant worn by the deceased). An (exemplified by the figure of Lydia of Thyatira mentioned
inscription identifies the youth as Euephenes son of Exe- in Acts 16: 14); and native Thracians. Most of the colony's
kestos a name known from lists of initiates into the Samo- inhabitants probably lived in agrarian rural settlements,
thraci~n cult of the "Great Gods." The earliest known including those Roman veterans who established agricul-
Christian church at Philippi abutted the heroon which was tural estates with slave work forces in the countryside.
later built over by an ecclesiastical establishment. Although there is little archaeological evidence of such
estates from the colony of Philippi, an excellent example
D. Early Roman Philippi of such villas from the later Roman period has been
In the early !st century c.E., a marble arch (no longer excavated at the site of Tsoukalario on nearby Thasos.
extant) was located two kilometers W of the city and The presence of villages in the colony is attested by burial
marked the limit of Philippi's pomerium-an area which, sites, inscriptions from which designate the deceased per-
according to Roman convention, was left uninhabited and son as "villager" (vicanu.s). Epigraphic data indicate that
uncultivated. Dating also from the early Roman colonial Romans dominated the city's and colony's administration
settlement are the foundations of a sanctuary of the Egyp- which was typically Roman (duumviri, aediles, and quaes-
tian gods, a cult which enjoyed considerable popularity in tors are in evidence). While Latin predominates in the
Roman Macedonia. Judging from the use of expensive inscriptions from the period, traces of the continued use
imported marble in the sanctuary's construction, Philippi's of Greek and Thracian are apparent especially in cultic
Egyptian cult establishment appears to have enjoyed the contexts. Half of the inscriptions pertaining to the Egyp-
support of at least some wealthy adherents. The sanctuary tian cult, for example, are in Greek-a number out of all
commanded a prominent location on a central ledge at the proportion to the preponderance of Latin inscriptions in
base of the acropolis overlooking the Hellenistic Ionic Philippi's epigraphic record. The Greek-speaking Paul was
prostyle herobn. understood sufficiently well to have undertaken an ex-
About 400 meters S of the Egnatia, a small structure was tended stay at the city.
identified beneath a later Roman bath complex. Five in-
scriptions recovered in the bath's excavation suggest that E. Later Roman Philippi
the building was an early Roman Imperial period sanctu- With the repair of the Egnatia during Trajan's reign
ary of Bacchus and other gods and goddesses associated (97-117 c.E.) and the increasingly eastward-oriented poli-
with him at Philippi. Three of the inscriptions are dedi- cies of his successors, Hadrian (117-138 c.E.) and Antoni-
cated to Liber, Libera, and Hercules, and the other two to nus Pius (138-61 c.E.), Philippi enjoyed a period of exten-
Liber Pater, the Roman religious analogue of the Greek sive building activity. In the south-central part of the city,
Dionysos. A predominance of female dedicants in the excavations have revealed a palaestra dating from the
inscriptions is striking. Dedicating a water system at the Antonine period. It included an exercise field, a compact
sanctuary to Liber, Libera, and Hercules was a thiasus of amphitheater, a cavernous underground latrine complex,
maenads, a cultic association of women distinctive to Dio- and various rooms for users of the facility. About 200
nysos religion. Three of the other inscriptions record meters S of the palaestra were ornate public baths with
devotional activity by individual women: one involved an richly decorated mosaic floors (no longer extant). Dating
offering to Liber Pater of a sestertia ( 1,000 denarii); an- from the 2d century C.E., the baths were built over the
other apparently the dedication of a statue directed to earlier structure associated with dedications to Liber, Lib-
Liber, Libera, and Hercules. The fifth inscription was era, and Hercules.
dedicated by a husband and wife to the divine triad. In The palaestra's northern entrance issued onto a large
addition to attesting to the financial well-being and inde- street running parallel to the Via Egnatia which inter-
pendence of the female dedicants, the inscriptions reflect sected the city as the decumanus maximus some forty
the participation of women in cultic activity involving Her- meters to the N. Lying just off the large street immediately
cules. Such participation was unusual in Greek and Roman east of the palaestra was a market complex with a facade
environments. At Thasos and Rome, for example, women of Corinthian columns. A row of shops lined the other (N)
could not take part in sacrificial activity for Hercules. Since side of the street across from the palaestra and market.
Dionysos and Hercules were patron deities of Thasos, the Abutting the rear of the shops was the S wall of the forum.
origin of the site's original settlers, it is possible that the Most of the remains of the forum presently visible date
cult of Liber, Libera, and Hercules at Philippi stems from to the period of Marcus Aurelius' reign (161-80 c.E.). The
e.arly Thasian devotions. In view of the cult's peculiarities forum is a clearly defined rectangle which encloses a
(mvolvement of women and the additional attention to marble-paved court measuring 100 meters from E to W
Libera), the influence of Thracian attachment to Bacchus, and 50 meters N to S. Its N side is parallel and immediately
Bendis, and the rider hero also may have had an impact adjacent to the Via Egnatia and features an imposing
on the cult of Liber (in association with Libera and Her- speaker's rostrum in the center, flanked by two shrine-like
cules) at Philippi. structures and two large fountains on either side.
At the time of Paul's visit, the population of the colony Located along the forum's N axis in its E and W corners
would have included a relatively privileged core of Roman are two small temples very similar in size and ground plan.
PHILIPPI
:ns · v
The two buildings frame i:he N forum complex and are as being associated through funerary iconography with
aligned with stoas to ·the S which run along the forum's E the protectiv_e powers of the goddess. Although the ceme-
and W sides. The structure in the W corner consisted of a tery conventionally was located outside the city, the reliefs
pronaos in antis and a rectangular room within which a may have been religious memorials celebrating the de-
bench lined the side and back walls. A dedicatory archi- ceased's assumption of immortal status. An analogous
trave inscription suggests that the building may have been phenomenon occurs in mortuary iconography depicting
the scene of banquets held in honor of the divine Antoni- deceased males as the Thracian rider hero.
nus Pius([ ... ex] voluntate sua a divo [A]ntonino ex epulis . . .). Another set of reliefs depicting women and/or god-
The corresponding temple on the E side of the forum had desses in a fairly remote area above the theater reflects
a pronaos with two Corinthian columns in antis with a naos perhaps the devotions and memorial activity of a group of
characteristic of a temple cella and not furnished with women cult officials (priestesses of the Augustae) or asso-
benches. Although there is an architrave inscription which ciated adherents of Libera or Bacchus. However one un-
appears to be quite similar to that of the W building, the derstands the reliefs on the Philippian acropolis, it is
central block presumably bearing the honored deity's unwise to attribute them to a single underlying religious
name has not been recovered. An inscription on a small motivation. They appear to be monuments to a rich variety
statue base recovered inside the cella refers in dedicatory of religious and honorific perspectives which were ex-
style to Faustina Augusta, probably Marcus Aurelius' wife pressed in very different styles over a period of two or
Faustina the Younger whose tenure as "Augusta" spanned three centuries.
the years 14 7 to 17 5 c.E. The presence of the statue of an
emperor's wife suggests that the temple was the site of G. Early Christian Philippi
honors for the Roman imperial house as was its twin The earliest Christian building identified at Philippi is a
temple on the forum's E side. That the emperor's wife small rectangular structure in the area just E of the Roman
received divine honors at the colony is affirmed by inscrip- forum. Dedicated to Paul, the church was built in the
tions mentioning a priesthood of the divine Augusta recov- second quarter of the 4th century c.E. (a floor inscription
ered at Philippi and Neapolis. records donations by a bishop at Philippi who from inde-
Behind the stoa defining the forum's E side are a row of pendent testimony is known to have attended the Council
rooms some of which were occupied by the city's library. 2 of Serdica in 342 c.E.). While the church was immediately
Timothy 4: 13 reflects the importance of popular literary adjacent to the heroon built over the Macedonian tomb,
culture in the period: Paul is portrayed as requesting the there is no indication of a cultic relationship between the
return of a cloak together with his books and parchments. two establishments. It is noteworthy, however, that the
Government buildings appear to have dominated the W earliest large basilica at Philippi (5th century c.E.) was
side of the stoa in the center of which stood the curia constructed in immediate proximity to the heroon just
chamber. Along the forum's S side was a large double- above the Egnatia. This church complex, known as Basilica
aisled stoa probably for the general use of the city's inhab- A, spread over an area almost as large as the Roman
itants and visitors. forum. The two-storied basilica with its apse oriented
typically to the E, featured elegant frescoes in its various
F. Sanctuaries and Rock Reliefs chambers, a long, broad nave, and an expansive narthex
North of the Via Egnatia along the base of the acropolis and exonarthex to the W. Excavations have revealed an-
were a number of sanctuaries situated in a quarry which other basilica N of the Egnatia, to the W of and below
had been used in the Hellenistic period. A well-executed Basilica A, which was carefully built and richly appointed
inscription in Latin records devotees of Silvanus, a Roman with fine marble materials.
god of woods and forests. The quarried-out rock face on An even more grandiose church building (the so-called
which the inscription was carved served apparently as the "Direkler Basilica" or Basilica B) was begun S of the forum
back wall of a sanctuary otherwise constructed of semiper- adjacent to the palaestra. It was to have been crowned by
manent materials. Shrines dedicated to Magna Mater and an enormous free-standing dome which collapsed prior to
Diana also are in evidence and if enclosed at all, would completion of the church. A church of more modest
have been made of wood and other less durable materials. dimensions later was built at the site.
Though extremely difficult to date, the sanctuaries prob- East of the forum and incorporating the earlier church
ably originated in the 1st or 2d centuries c.E. dedicated to Paul was an ecclesiastical complex designated
The acropolis at Philippi bears 187 rock-cut reliefs. by excavators as an "episkopeion" (installations associated
While a variety of deities are associated with the carvings with a bishop's residence). A monumental entryway to the
(the Thracian rider, Magna Mater, Jupiter, Minerva, Isis), complex consisted of a double-colonnaded stoa leading S
the vast majority of them represent a hunting goddess from the Egnatia. Through the stoa, one gained access to
Diana, related to the Greek Artemis and Thracian Bendis. a large octagonal chapel with a stepped apse to the E.
Some of the reliefs depicting Diana are in proximity to Before reaching the octagon, one would have passed a
carvings of what appear to be human women accompa- number of rooms off the stoa's E edge: a pyramidal-
nied, in some instances, with typically domestic parapher- shaped fountain (Phiale), a room of uncertain identity just
nalia. Interpreters of the reliefs have suggested that the above the heroon, a Diakonikon with a table or bench on
women may have been worshippers of the goddess, as its E wall, and a Prothesis which communicates with the
clearly was the case in certain ex votos with female dedi- chapel. Suggestions that an early Christi~n saint's cult
cants and representations of a deity. It also is possible that involving water rituals continued the earlier cult at the
human women depicted in the carvings were understood heroon cannot be confirmed. Over 1,500 coins have been
v • 317 PHILIPPIAN ]AILOR

recovered in the area above the heroon, but these date - - . 193 7. Philippes. Ville de Macedoin£ depui.s us origin£s jusqu' a
only from the 4th to 6th centuries C.E. and not bef~re. la fin de la l'epoque romain£. Paris.
There are no architectural or other archaeologJCal - - . 1938. Inscriptions de Philippes. BCH 72: 409-32.
grounds for presuming cultic continuity between the two Collart, P., and Ducrey, P. 1975. Philippes I. Les reliefs rupestres.
establishments. BCHSup 2. Paris.
North of the Phiale is an ensemble of elegantly executed Daux, G. 1962. Excavation Report 1961. BCH 86: 826.
rooms clustered around a baptistery which probably was - - . 1965. Excavation Report 1964. BCH 89: 832·.
covered with a dome, decorated on its walls and ceilings Elliger, W. 1978. Paulus in Griechenland: Philippi, Thessaloniki, Athen,
with mosaics. Hot water for the baptistery came from an Korinth. SBS 91192. Stuttgart.
adjacent thermae (bath) complex complete with caldar- Heuzey, L., and Daumet, H. 1876. Mission archeof.ogique de Mace-
ium, tepidarium, frigidarium, swimming pool, toilets, and doine. Paris.
perhaps a shower. The intimate proximity of such an Hoddinott, R. 1963. Early Byzantin£ Churches in Macedonia and
extensive bath complex communicating with the ecclesias- Southern Serbia. New York.
tical installation is a distinctive feature of the episcopal - - . 1981. The Thracians. New York.
establishment at Philippi. Extensive storage areas which Jones, A. H. M. 1971. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces.
served the complex have been excavated as has a small Oxford.
burial site for infants located N and E of the octagon's Kanatsoulis, D. 1964. History of Macedonia. Thessaloniki (in Greek).
apse. Lazarides, D. 1976. Philippi (Krenides). Pp. 704-5 in Princeton
Outside the city walls in the modern village of Krenides Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, ed. R. Stillwell. Princeton, NJ
is another basilica from the early Christian period (the Lemerle, P 1935. Inscriptions latines et greques de Philippes. BCH
"Extra-muros Basilica"). Originally constructed in the 5th 59: 126-64.
century C.E. in an area containing tombs, the "Extra-muros - - . 1937. Nouvelles inscriptions latines de Philippes. BCH 61:
Basilica" was the site of later Christian burials some of 410-20.
whose epitaphs may include sectarian distinctions applied - - . 1945. Philippes et la Macedoine orientale a Npoque Chretienne
to the deceased. A series of earthquakes in the 6th and 7th et Byzantine. Paris.
centuries c.E. damaged the church, apparently beyond Pandermalis, D., and Papazoglou, F. 1983. Macedonia under the
repair since a small Byzantine chapel was built on the site _Romans. Pp. 192-221 in Macedonia: 4,000 Years of Greek History
using remains from the earlier basilica. In the 10th and and Civilization, ed. M. Sakellariou. Athens.
11th centuries c.E., the area around the chapel served as a Papazoglou, F. 1979. Quelques aspects de l'Histoire de la province
Christian cemetery. de Macedoine. ANRW 217/1: 302-69.
In the immediate vicinity of the "Extra-muros Basilica" - - . 1982. Le territoire de la colonie de Philippes. BCH 106:
excavations have uncovered the apse of a much larger 89-106.
basilica dating from the 4th century C.E. At the site, a large Pelekanidis, S. 1955. The extra muros early Christian Basilica of
funerary mosaic of the 6th century c.E. has come to light Philippi [in Greek]. Archaiologike Ephemeris (1961): 114-79.
which indicates the titles of the deceased and the names of - - . 1967. Excavations in Philippi. Balkan Stwiies 8: 123-26.
the bishops who had served during his lifetime. The mo- - - . 1978. Kultprobleme in Apostel-Paulus-Oktogon von Phi-
saic is an important source in the reconstruction of Philip- lippi im Zusammenhang mit einem aelteren Heroenkult. Pp.
pi's officialdom in the early Byzantine period. A possible 393-97 in Stwii di antichita cristiana 32. Alli del IX Congresso
explanation for the large number of imposing churches at Internazionale di Archeof.ogia Cristiana. Vol. 2. Vatican City.
Philippi is that in addition to its episcopal importance, the Perdrizet, P. 1898. Voyage clans la Macedoine premiere (I). Un
city enjoyed a special status as the site of early Christian tombeau du type "macedonien" au N.0. du Pangee. BCH 22:
pilgrimages focusing on Paul or other unknown saints. To 335-53.
establish whether or not this evolve<l out of regional attrac- - - . 1900. Inscriptions de Philippes. BCH 24: 299-323.
tion to Philippi's hero and/or healing cults of an earlier Picard, C. 1922. Les dieux de la colonie de Philippes vers le ler
period will require further investigation. siecle de notre ere, d'apres les ex-voto rupestres. RHR 117-
Recovered near the "Neapolis Gate" SE of the theater 201.
were fragments of an inscription containing a version of Portefaix, L. 1988. Sisters Rejoice: Paul's Letter to the Philippians and
the apocryphal correspondence between Abgar of Edessa Luke-Acts as Seen Ir; First-century Philippian Women. ConBNT 20.
and Jesus. The inscription has been dated from the mid- Stockholm.
4th to mid-5th centuries and probably served as a device Salac, A. 1923. Inscriptions du Pangee, de la region Drama-Cavalla
intended to protect the city. et de Philippes. BCH 47: 49-96.
Witt, R. 1977. The Egyptian Cults in Ancient Macedonia. Pp. 324-
Bibliography 33 in Ancient Macedonia II. Thessaloniki.
Abrahamsen, V. 1986. The Rock Reliefs and the Cult of Diana at HOLLAND L HENDRIX
Philippi. Th.D. Thesis, Harvard.
- - . 1987. Women at Philippi: The Pagan and Christian Evi-
dence. ]FSR 3: 17-30. PHILIPPIAN JAILOR. Not named in Acts 16, al-
Colian, P 1929. Le sanctuaire des <lieux egyptiens a Philippes. though two late mmisucle manuscripts, 214 7 of the 11th
BCH 53: 70-100. century and 614 of the 13th, call him Stephanas (Metzger
- - . 1933. Inscriptions de Philippes. BCH 57: 313-79. 1980: 41). Acts 16:23, 27, 36 are the only places in which
1935. Une refection de la "Via Egnatia" sous Trajan. BCH desmophylax, '1ailor," appears in the NT. According to
59: 395-415. Haenchen Acts (MeyerK, 501), Acts 16:25-34 contain so
PHILIPPIAN JAILOR 318 • v
many improbabilities that these verses cannot be historical. book of the NT canon. It is traditionally referred to as one
However, vv 25-29 very likely contain a historical kernel, of_ Paul's four "Prison" or "Captivity" Epistles, because in
because according to 1 Thess 2:2, Paul had suffered and this letter as well as in Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon
been shamefully treated in Philippi. This narrative would the author indicates that he is incarcerated at the time of
have also contained miraculous elements (Giesekke 1989: writ~ng. The contents of Philippians may be briefly sum-
348-51): the earthquake, opened doors, being freed from marized_ ~s follows: After a salutation (Phil l: 1-2) and
the stocks, and Paul's seeing through walls. In parallel thanksgivmg (I :3-11 ), Paul discusses his imprisonment
fashion, Luke writes of the apostles (5: 17-26) and Peter and its effects on the progress of the gospel (I: 12-26).
(12:3-17) being freed from prison (Ludemann 1987: 187- ~~xt, he gives exhortations to the church (1:27-2:18),
91). c1tmg a famous hymn from the early Christian liturgy
The jailor was instructed to guard Paul and Silas care- (2:6-11). After indicating his plans to send Timothy and
fully, and he did. They were put in the inner prison and Epaphroditus to Philippi (2: 19-30), Paul warns the Philip-
their feet were placed in stocks. Later, after the earthquake pians about false teachers who would thwart their spiritual
had opened the doors of the prison and the prisoners progress (3: 1-21 ). Finally, he concludes the letter with
appeared to be gone, the jailor wanted to kill himself. But various exhortations (4: 1-9), an expression of gratitude
Paul prevented him and assured him that all the prisoners for a gift sent to him by the Philippians (4: I 0-20), greet-
were still there. The jailor demanded a light and rushed ings (4:21-22), and a benediction (4:23).
and fell at Paul's and Silas' feet. He then led them outside
and asked the question, "Men, what must I do to be saved?" A. Establishment of the Church
Their answer was that he should believe in the Lord Jesus B. Paul's Continuing Contact with Philippi
and he and his household would be saved, and then they C. Analysis of the Letter to Philippi
spoke the word of the Lord to them. The jailor washed I. Authenticity
their wounds and was at once baptized with all of his 2. Character and Contents
family. He brought Paul and Silas into his household and 3. Integrity and Purpose
set food before them and rejoiced with all his household 4. Place and Date of Composition
that he had believed in God. The next day, the jailor D. Opponents
delivered to Paul and Silas the magistrates' instruction that E. The Christ Hymn
they were to be freed, and let them go in peace. F. Text and Early Versions
To show an appropriate equality, Luke draws parallels
between men and women. Both Lydia (vv 13-15) and the A. Establishment of the Church
jailor convert, and with their households believe and are According to Acts 16, Paul established the church in
baptized. Both show Paul hospitality. In addition, God Philippi on his so-called second missionary journey. He
protects the Christians. The security measures taken by was accompanied by Silas, Timothy, and possibly a third,
the jailor are to no avail. Actually, Paul's calm confidence anonymous individual whose presence may be implied by
is contrasted with the agitated state of the jailor, who later the use of "we" in the narrative of Acts (16: 10-17; cf. also
humbly recognizes the importance of Paul and Silas. Con- 20:5-15; 21:1-18; 27:1-28:16). Withthefoundingofthe
sequently, through the Philippianjailor, Luke develops his church in Philippi, Christianity made its first appearance
themes of salvation, belief with one's whole household in in Europe, a development that Luke attributed to divine
the Lord Jesus, recognition of Jesus as "Lord," the word of intervention (Acts 16:6-10). Paul also attached special sig-
the Lord, baptism, sexual equality, hospitality, and rejoic- nificance to his activity in and from this Macedonian city
ing in these things (O'Toole 1984: 33-61, 86-92, 125, and referred to it as constituting "the beginning of the
206-10, 225-47). gospel" (Phil 4: 15). It is appropriate that the first convert
is identified in Acts as a woman, Lydia of Thyatira, for
Bibliography women played an important role not only in Macedonian
Giesekke, F. 1989. Zur Glaubwiirdigkeit von Apg. 16, 25-34. TSK social life but also in the church at Philippi (Phil 4:2-3; cf.
71: 348-51. Thomas 1972; Portefaix 1988). Paul's work in the city was
Liidemann, G. 1987. Dasfriihe Christen/um nach den Traditionen der marked by conflict and persecution (Phil l :29-30). Ac-
Apostelgeschichte: Ein Kommentar. Gottingen. cording to his own testimony, he was shamelessly mis-
Metzger, B. M. 1980. New Testament Studies: Philologi.cal, Versional, treated there ( 1 Thess 2:2), and suffered abuse of the sort
and Patristic. NITS I 0. Leiden. instanced by the account in Acts, in which he is seized,
O'Toole, R. F. 1984. The Unity of Luke's Theology: An Analysis of Luke- dragged into the marketplace, accused of crimes, publicly
Acts. GNS 9. Wilmington, DE. beaten with rods, and incarcerated, with his feet fastened
ROBERT F. OTOOLE in stocks (16: 19-40). After a stay of uncertain length in
Philippi (Acts 16: 12, 18) and the conversion of a jailer
(Acts 16:27-34) along with an unspecified number of
PHILIPPIAN SLAVE GIRL. See SLAVE GIRL AT others (Acts 16:40), Paul departed and went to Thessalon-
PHILIPPI. ica (l Thess 2:1-2; Acts 16:40-17:1). The preceding de-
piction, which incorporates the evidence of Acts, suggests
a date of approximately 49 or 50 c.E. for Paul's ministry in
PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE. Written by Philippi (cf. Bruce 1977: 475; Schenke and Fischer 1978:
the apostle Paul to the church in the NE Macedonian city 124; Lohse 1981: 80; Koester 1982: 103). For a different
of Philippi, the letter to the Philippians is the eleventh reconstruction, based on Phil 4: 15 and the rejection of
v • 319 PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE

Acts as a reliable source for the dating and description of I. Authenticity. Four basic positions have been taken by
Paul's Macedonian ministry, see Luedemann (1984: 262), NT scholars during the last two centuries in regard to the
who places Paul at Philippi in either 36 or 39 c.E. authenticity of the letter to the Philippians. First, a number
of scholars in the 19th century denied the authenticity of
B. Paul's Continuing Contact with Philippi the letter. The most important to do so was Ferdinand
Paul's departure from Philippi did not end his contact Christian Baur (1875: 2.45-79), who regarded Romans, I
with the church there. The narrative of Acts may suggest and 2 Corinthians, and Galatians as the only genuine
that he left behind one of his associates (compare Acts Pauline letters. Baur argued that the letter used Gnostic
17:14-15), viz., the anonymous eyewitness of the "we" ideas in 2:6-11, was dependent on the Corinthian corre-
sections who is traditionally identified as Luke. Similarly, spondence (esp. 2 Corinthians), contained monotonous
the resumption of first person plural language in Acts repetitions, and lacked anything distinctly Pauline, includ-
20:5-6 in connection with another visit of Paul to Philippi ing a concrete historical occasion and purpose (cf. Mengel
may imply that this anonymous associate either remained 1982: 119-27). He viewed Philippians as a 2d century
in the city until that time or returned there to rejoin Paul. document that was intended to glorify Paul's success in
These suggestions, however, cannot be confirmed by Paul, Rome and to lessen the conflict between the Jewish Chris-
who never mentions Luke in connection with the Philippi- tian and the gentile Christian parties in the church. His
ans, and the use of "we" may be simply a stylistic device by rejection of Philippians was shared by most scholars of the
the author of Acts (Robbins 1978). By his own account, early Tiibingen School (e.g., Schwegler 1846: l.168-69,
Paul had a unique relationship with the church in Philippi. 298; 2.133-35) as well as the later radical skeptics, who
Departing from his usual practice of refusing compensa- regarded all letters in the Pauline corpus as inauthentic
tion from his converts (I Corinthians 9), Paul accepted (e.g., van Manen [Philippians EncBib, 3703-13]). Although
financial support from the Philippian church while he was the strongest arguments for the inauthenticity of Philippi-
in Thessalonica, and he did so on more than one occasion ans were marshalled by Carl Holsten (1875; 1876), not
(Phil 4: 15-16). Funds were also supplied to him later when many scholars found his interpretation of the evidence
he was in Corinth (2 Cor l l :7-9), and Paul's receipt of still persuasive. Consequently, this extreme position had few
another monetary gift occasioned at least part of his cor- advocates by the end of the century and has little support
respondence with the Philippians (Phil 4: 10-20). Since the today (cf., however, Morton and McLeman 1966).
Philippians shared in the Macedonians' abject poverty (2 The second position, a compromise adopted by some
Cor 8:2), such largess was not a sign of their affluence, but scholars, is that Philippians contains both authentic and
of their genuine affection for the apostle and of their inauthentic material. A few interpreters (e.g., Volter 1892;
support of his labors (Phil 1:5; 4: 10; cf. also Rom 15:26). 1905: 286-323) have discerned large blocks of non-Pau-
These gifts served to solidify the bond between Paul and line material in the letter, whereas several others (e.g.,
the Philippians and to nurture their special relationship. Barnikol 1932) have limited the inauthentic parts to glosses
But communication was maintained not simply by the added by a later redactor. Critics frequently have viewed
Philippians sending their envoys (such as Epaphroditus the reference to "bishops and deacons" (1:1), for instance,
[Phil 2:25]) with gifts and probably letters to Paul (so Zahn as an ecclesiastical anachronism and dismissed it as an
1909: l.526; Moffatt 1923: 168). Paul, for his part, sent ancient gloss (so, e.g., Riddle and Hutson 1946: 123;
his co-workers to Macedonia and Achaia with messages for Schmithals 1971: 89-90 n. 14; Schenke and Fischer 1978:
churches in those provinces (Acts 19:22). Timothy, who 126; Schenk 1984: 78-82, 334). Many older scholars who
had played a part in the founding of the church at Phi- rejected Philippians as completely inauthentic naturally
lippi, probably traveled through that city on his way to used this same reference as part of their case against
Corinth (1 Cor 4: 17; 16: 10). In writing to the Philippians, Pauline authorship. (For discussions of the first two posi-
Paul not only mentioned Timothy in the prescript (l:l) tions and bibliography, cf. esp. Lipsius Philippen HKNT,
but also announced his intention once again to send him 211-15; Vincent Philippians ICC, xxvi-xxx; and Mengel
to Philippi (2: 19, 23). Silas may also have been sent back to l 982: 317-24).
Philippi (cf. Milligan 1908: xxx; Lake 1919: 74). Paul was The third position, the traditional view that Paul wrote
not content, however, to send his companions with oral or all the material contained in Philippians, was maintained
written messages; he had a long-standing desire to return by the majority of 19th- and early-20th-century scholars
to Macedonia in person (I Cor 16:5; 2 Cor 1:15). This and still has numerous adherents. Current advocates in-
hope was finally realized after he paid a painful visit to clude those who believe that Paul is the composer of the
Corinth and wrote a severe letter to the church there (2 hymn found in 2:6-11; they view the hymn as either
C~r 2:13; 7:5; Acts 20:1-2). According to Acts, he paid a written by Paul at the time of the letter or, as is more
th1rd and final visit to the city on his way to Troas (Acts likely, composed on a prior occasion and incorporated in
20:5-6; cf., however, 1 Tim I :3). How these visits are to be the letter as part of his exhortation (so, e.g., Scott IDB I:
related to the expectations and plans expressed in Philip- 46-47; Furness 1959: 240-43; Kim 1981: 147-49; Wright
pians (1:19, 26; 2:24) depends on the date and place of 1986: 352; cf. also the discussion by Martin l 983: 55-61 ).
the letter's composition (see below). The fourth position on the authenticity of Philippians,
a variation of the traditional view, is held by the majority
C. Analysis of the Letter to Philippi of contemporary interpreters. Paul's authorship of Philip-
Four _matters especially germane to the interpretation of pians is affirmed, but his use of traditional Christian
Ph1hpp1ans are its authenticity, character and contents, material is also recognized (cf. Schenk 1984: 336-38).
mtegnty and purpose, and place and date. Some, for example, see in Phil 3:20-21 either Paul's ere-
PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 320 • v
ative use of traditional motifs (so Siber 1971: 122-34; Fitzgerald 1988: 45, 205), he thanks them for their gift
Collange 1979: 139; Martin Philippians NCBC, 146-51) or (4:10-20) and encourages them to be a community that is
his citation of a non-Pauline hymn (so Strecker 1964: 75- characterized by friendship ( l :27-2: l l; 4:2-9) and is ac-
78; Giittgemanns 1966: 240-47; Becker 1971; 1976: 106- tive in the proclamation of the gospel (2: 12-18), neither
16; Reumann 1984; for a different view, cf. Kim 1981: stampeded by opposition (I :27-30) nor deluded into be-
150-56). Again, the hymn in 2:6-11 is viewed as pre- lieving that their spiritual goals already have been attained
Pauline by a wide spectrum of scholars, who usually affirm (3: 12-16).
that Paul has redacted the hymn by adding one or more 3. Integrity and Purpose. Serious doubts about the
glosses, such as "even death on a cross" (2:8; cf., e.g., unity of Philippians began to be expressed during the 19th
Lohmeyer 1928; 1964: 91, 96; Bonnard Philippians CNT, century (Clemen 1894: 133-41) and have increased
42, 47-49; Jeremias 1953: 152-54; Gnilka Philipperbrief, greatly in the last 30 years. At the current time, three basic
HTKNT, 131-47; Ernst 1974: 65-79; Barth Philipper ZB, positions are held concerning the question of the letter's
40-48; Martin 1983: xviii, 42-54, 297-305; Egger 1985: literary integrity. Given the importance of this subject in
59-60; compare Hofius 1976: 1-17). It is this fourth recent scholarly literature, each of these three positions
position that is adopted in this article. will be presented in some detail, with a judgment on this
2. Character and Contents. Paul's letter to the Philippi- question deferred until the end of the discussion.
ans is essentially a letter of friendship. Addressed to a First, the traditional view that canonical Philippians is a
church which had supported him financially and with unity is defended by a number of scholars (Mackay 196 l;
which he had a deeply personal relationship, the letter is Furnish 1963; Pollard 1966; Jewett l970a; Ernst 1974: 27-
replete with language and concerns drawn from the an- 31; Kiimmel 1975: 332-35; Dalton 1979; Lindemann
cient topic of friendship. These include the idea that 1979: 23-25; Garland 1985). According to this One-Letter
friends are of "one soul" (Phil 1:27; 2:2) and "one mind" Hypothesis, the epistle was prompted by a gift from Philippi
(2:3) and thus think the same (2:2; 4:2). Friendship is a brought to Paul by Epaphroditus, who at some point fell
fellowship (2:1) or partnership (Gk koinonia: 1:5) that seriously ill and nearly died. It is debated whether Epa-
necessitates mutuality and reciprocity, the sharing of feel- phroditus fell ill on his way to Paul or after his arrival. A
ings (2:17-18) and hardships (4:14) as well as giving and possible reconstruction of events based on the former of
receiving (4:15). Certain attitudes and actions are condu- these options is as follows (cf. Bruce Philippians GNC, xxv,
cive to friendship (4:8), while others are inimical to it 71):
(1:15, 17; 2:3; 3:2). Because friendship often involves
finances and patronage, the issue of its relationship to 1. The Philippians learn of Paul's imprisonment;
other ideals, such as self-sufficiency [Gk autarkeia], fre- 2. they send Epaphroditus with a gift to deliver to Paul;
quently needs to be addressed (4: 10-20). The meaning of 3. Epaphroditus falls seriously ill on his way to Paul and
friendship is often clarified by a discussion of its antithesis, nearly dies;
viz., enmity; the use of invective (3:2) and ridicule (3:2, 19) 4. the Philippians learn of Epaphroditus' illness and
to castigate one's enemies (3: 18) is as natural as it is become concerned;
conventional in Greco-Roman society (cf. Marshall 1987: 5. Epaphroditus recovers, completes his journey to
1-129, esp. 35-69). Paul, and delivers the gift;
Letters play an important role in the maintenance of 6. Epaphroditus learns of the Philippians' anxiety for
friendship and serve during a time of absence (2:12) as him and becomes distressed;
effective substitutes for personal presence. In friendly 7. Paul sends Epaphroditus back to Philippi with a letter
letters such as Philippians, it is natural for writers to in which he commends Epaphroditus, thanks the
employ the vocabulary of gratitude (1 :3-5) and affection Philippians for their gift, warns them about false
(4:1), to recall past and current experiences (1:30; 2:22; teachers, and informs them about his own circum-
4:15-16), to express both yearning for the friends from stances and plans.
whom they are separated (1:7-8) and an anticipation of
seeing them in the future (2:24), to provide information Next, numerous contemporary scholars are convinced
about their own situation (1: 12-26), to offer the advice that canonical Philippians is a composite work. In support
and exhortation that is appropriate to their relationship of this possibility in general, appeal is made to the follow-
(1:27-2:18; 4:2-7), to commend friends (2:19-30) and ing four considerations: (a) Paul wrote letters that either
ideals (4:8-9) shared in common, and to give warnings have not been preserved (1Cor5:9; cf. also Col 4:16) or
about enemies whose values are alien to the basis of their have been partially preserved in other letters (possibly 2
friendship (3:1-21). Philippians is written at a time when Cor 10-13); (b) Phil 3:la suggests previous correspon-
Paul is in prison and thus involuntarily separated from the dence with the Philippians (cf. NEB: "To repeat what I
church at Philippi. He is fairly sanguine that he will be have written to you before is no trouble to me"); (c) one of
released from prison and see his friends again, though he the Apostolic Fathers of the 2d century c.E., Polycarp of
must reckon with the possibility that his imprisonment will Smyrna (Phil. 3:2), uses the plural (epistol.a.s) to refer to
be followed by his execution rather than his acquittal and Paul's correspondence with Philippi; and (d) Polycarp's
release (1:19-26). The correspondence with the Philippi- own Letter to the Philippians seems to preserve two originally
ans is ultimately occasioned by the arrival of a gift from independent letters to the church at Philippi (so Harrison
them, which Paul accepts as an expression of their friend- 1936).
ship and support. Using traditional literary devices such as Critics who posit redactional activity in regard to Philip-
lists of virtues (4:8) and peristasis catalogues (4: 11-12; cf. pians differ, however, as to the number of leuers or frag-
v. 321 PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE

ments of letters contained in the document and the con- tails, but 4: 10-20 is usually assigned to Letter A, l: l-3: la
tent that originally belonged to each piece of to Letter B, and 3:2-4: l to Letter C. Advocates of this
correspondence. Some scholars adopt a second basic posi- hypothesis include Miiller-Bardorff (1958), Beare (Philip-
tion and divide the canonical letter into two separate pians HNTC l-5), Rathjen (1960), Bornkamm (1962),
letters, whereas others hold a third distinct position and Koester (1962; IDBSup, 666; 1982: 132-34), Fuller (1965:
divide it into three originally independent pieces. The 34-37), Fitzmyer (]BC, 248), Marxsen (1970: 61-62, 66-
basis of the division into two letters is primarily fourfold: 68), Schmithals (1972: 65-122), Vielhauer (1975: 159-
(a) Paul's use of "finally" (i.e., "in conclusion") in 3:la 66), Collange (1979: 3-15), Barth (Philipper ZB, 10-11)
seems to suggest he is about to close the letter (cf. 2 Cor and Lohse (1981: 81-82). Of the various sequences of
13: 11); (b) a sharp change in tone and content occurs after events reconstructed by defenders of this position, that
3: la; the invective that follows is out of harmony with the offered by Schenke and Fischer (1978: 125-29) is one of
overall tone of the letter and interrupts the exhortation to the most detailed and suggestive:
rejoice (3: la; 4:4); (c) the discussion of travel plans (2:23-
24, 28-29) normally occurs toward the end of Paul's let- I. Epaphroditus is sent by the Philippians with a two-
ters; and (d) different dangers face the church in chaps. I fold mission: to deliver the church's monetary gift
and 3; in I :27-30 the church is threatened from without, to Paul and to serve Paul for a certain period of
whereas in chap. three the threat comes at least in part time; the purpose in both cases is to provide support
from those within the church. A two-letter hypothesis is seen for Paul, who has not yet been arrested;
by many scholars (e.g., Keck 1971: 846; Friedrich Philipper 2. Paul accepts this gift from the Philippians, just as he
NTD, 126-28) as the best explanation of these peculiari- had previously at Thessalonica and Corinth; in grat-
ties. itude he writes Letter A (4: 10-20);
An early supporter of this hypothesis was Goodspeed 3. soon thereafter Paul is arrested and placed in
(1937: 90-96), who argued that 3: lb--4:20 was originally prison;
part of the letter that Paul wrote upon receipt of the gift 4. while Paul is in prison, Epaphroditus falls ill and
brought by Epaphroditus. The latter fell sick only after nearly dies;
this first letter was sent. Upon his recovery he was sent 5. when Epaphroditus finally recovers, Paul sends him
back to Philippi with the letter that is preserved in 1: 1- back to Philippi with Letter B ( 1: 1-3: 1; 4 :4-7, 21-
3: la; 4:21-23. These two letters were later combined by 23), which is ultimately a letter of recommendation
an editor who placed the earlier letter at the end. and certificate of good conduct for Epaphroditus;
A more recent advocate of the two-letter hypothesis is 6. in keeping with his expectations ( 1: 19), Paul is soon
Gnilka (6-18), who divides the material into Letter A: l: 1- thereafter released from prison;
3: la; 4:2-7, 10-23 and Letter B: 3:lb--4:1, 8-9. Letter A 7. Paul sends Timothy to Philippi (2:23; Acts 19:22)
is sent following the receipt of the Philippians' gift and and Corinth (1 Cor 4: 17; 16: 10-11);
Epaphroditus' recovery. While Paul expresses thanks for 8. Timothy returns to Paul (l Cor 16: 11);
the gift, his primary purpose is to discuss the impact of his 9. instead of going himself, Paul once again sends
imprisonment and possible execution on the progress of Timothy back to Philippi and somewhat later sends
the gospel. The letter is pastoral rather than polemical; Titus to Corinth;
false teachers have not yet appeared in Philippi, and the 10. Paul learns that his opponents have invaded Philippi
church's chief internal problem is lack of love. Letter B is and sends Letter C (3:2-4:3; 4:8-9) to the Philip-
writter later, after Paul has been released from prison and pians and Timothy, who not only is to defend the
after false teachers have invaded Philippi. Hence, Paul is church against these false teachers but also, as the
no longer concerned with the fettering of the gospel, but "true yokefellow" of Phil 4:3, is to help solve the
with its endangerment. The purpose of this passionate, dispute between Euodia and Syntyche.
polemical piece is to protect his beloved community from
the pernicious propaganda of his opponents. Each of the three positions presented here has its
The three-letter hypothesis is usually distinguished from strengths and weaknesses, but the presumption of the
the two-letter hypothesis by the isolation of 4: I 0-20 as an letter's literary integrity is probably correct. Defenders of
independent letter of thanks for the Philippians' gift. This the unity of Philippians correctly point to thematic ele-
letter's existence is predicated on four considerations: ments that link the sections of the letter and structural
(a) it is likely that Paul acknowledged the receipt of the considerations that favor the one-letter hypothesis. The
Philipprans' gift soon after it arrived, and the statement in extensive use of friendship language throughout the letter
4: I 0-20 appears to be his first expression of thanks for it; points toward the same conclusion. When viewed from the
that is, it is improbable that he waited so long to do so as perspective of ancient discussions of friendship and en-
the one-letter or two-letter hypotheses usually require mity, the sharp change of tone at 3:2 and the strong use
(contrast Michael Philippians MNTC, xxi-xxii, 208-27; (b) of invective in 3:2-19 are not even surprising; the ridicul-
!n 4: 18, Epaphroditus seems to have just arrived, whereas ing of one's enemies is but the natural antithesis to the
m 2:25-30 he has clearly been with Paul for some time· praising of one's friends. Furthermore, Paul's strong de-
(c) the introduction of a new subject in 4: 10 following th~ sire to have both Timothy and Epaphroditus in Philippi
use of "fi~ally". and a benediction in 4:8-9 is abrupt; and (2: 19-30) is related to the danger of the "dogs" of chap.
(d) the d1scussmn of the gift is a self-contained unit that 3. Indeed, the discussion of the opponents and of the
concludes with a doxology. Particular reconstructions of strife between Euodia and Syntyche (3:1-4:3) is framed by
the three proposed letters differ widely in regard to de- the commendation of Timothy and Epaphroditus (2: 19-
PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 322 • v
30) and Paul's other co-workers (4:3), and it is followed by posed and three more are contemplated prior to Paul's
the apostle's parenesis (4:4-8) and presentation of him- anticipated visit. Supporters of Rome (e.g., Dodd 1953:
self-along with the others (3: 17)-as a proper model for 85-108; Cullmann 1953: 104-6; Buchanan 1964; Reicke
the church's imitation (4:9). Such framing of a discussion 1970: 282-86) usually stress the relative speed of travel in
is rhetorically proper, as is the combination of parenesis this period and seek to reduce the number of communi-
and the presentation of both positive and negative models cations between Paul and the Philippians as well as the
of conduct. length of time required for these to take place. If all or
Finally, many of the peculiarities of Philippians listed part of Philippians emanates from Rome, it would come
above can be adequately if not convincingly explained from ca. 58-60 or 60-62 c.E., either early in Paul's impris-
without recourse to a partition theory. The postponement onment (so Lightfoot 1891: 30-46) or, as is far more
of the discussion of the gift until the end of the letter, for likely, toward its end (so J. Weiss 1959: 1.389). In that case,
example, may well be part of a strategy that reserves until it would be the last of his authentic letters (so Moffatt
the end of a communication the treatment of the most 1923: 166, 168, 170).
important matters. In that case, 4:10-20 will be no post- Advocates of Caesarea (Johnson 1957; Lohmeyer 1964:
script, but the climax to Paul's whole discussion of his 3-4; Hawthorne Philippians WBC, xxxvi-xliv) typically
partnership with the Philippians in the gospel. The pri- assert that Paul's description of his situation corresponds
mary purpose of 4: 10-20 is certainly not to thank the more closely to Acts' account of the imprisonment there
Philippians for their gift. The gift provides the ultimate (23:33-26:32) than it does to the one in Rome. Paul is kept
occasion for the letter, but not its immediate purpose. Paul under guard in the praetorium of Herod (23:35; cf. Phil
here uses the gift as the occasion for commenting on their 1:13), but his friends are permitted access to him to attend
long-standing partnership in the gospel. Their recent gift to his needs (24:23; cf. Phil 2:25, 30). His incarceration is
is proof of their continuing friendship, and Paul discusses of sufficient duration (24:27) to accommodate the number
it so as to strengthen his special bond with them. Similarly, of communications with Philippi, and during this period
the emphasis on "thinking the same" in 2:2 is probably Paul is called upon several times to offer an apologia (24: 10;
foundational for his appeal to Euodia and Syntyche in 4:2- 25:8, 16; 26:1-2, 24; cf. Phil 1:7, 16) for his activities. lf
3; their harmony is likely to be the key for the harmony of the opponents of chap. 3 are non-Christian Jews (see
the church as a whole (cf. also Garland 1985: 171-73). below), a connection can be posited between Paul's philip-
This makes it unlikely that 4:4 was originally the resump- pic against the "mutilators" (3:2) and the Jewish opponents
tion of 3: I, as many partition theories suggest. Such theo- of Acts 21-26, who were responsible for his incarceration
ries would have much greater probability if some traces of (compare I Thess 2: 14-16). Finally, Paul could also antic-
editorial activity were evident in the textual tradition (cf. ipate, if released at Caesarea, a trip to Philippi on his way
Gamble 1975: 418), but this is not so in the case of through Rome to Spain; no change in his travel plans of
Philippians. For these and other reasons, the one-letter Rom 15:28 would have to be assumed. Support for this
hypothesis seems preferable, but Philippians' literary in- theory must rely entirely on Acts, for the Pauline corpus is
tegrity will doubtless remain a greatly disputed issue for silent as to an imprisonment in Caesarea. Yet Acts' depic-
the foreseeable future. tion of Paul's Caesarean imprisonment does not suggest
4. Place and Date of Composition. Another highly that death was an imminent possibility in that locale. Free-
contested issue involves the place and date of the letter's dom could always be purchased (24:26), or an appeal made
composition. The dating of the correspondence is deter- to Caesar (25: 10-12). Furthermore, Paul is depicted, even
mined by the decision made in regard to both the letter's prior to his arrival in Caesarea, as knowing by divine
integrity and the place of Paul's imprisonment. If Philip- revelation that his final place of witness will be Rome
pians is indeed a composite of 2 or 3 Pauline letters, the (23: 11); execution in Caesarea is simply not an option
possibility of more than one place and date of origin must entertained by Acts. Finally, in view of the great distance
be considered. The choices as to Paul's place of imprison- from Philippi to Caesarea, travel considerations also mili-
ment are essentially three: Rome, Caesarea, and Ephesus. tate against this option. But if Caesarea is nevertheless
Other locations, such as Corinth (Dockx 1973), have been accepted as the place of origin, correspondence would
proposed but are not likely. derive from ca. 56/57-58/59 c.E.
In favor of Rome are the following considerations: Suggested as an option only at the turn of the 20th
(a) Paul was both imprisoned and executed there, facts century, Ephesus has been adopted by an increasing num-
which are consonant with the references to Paul's bonds ber of scholars and now rivals or even surpasses Rome as
(Phil I :7, 13-14, 17) and his contemplation of martyrdom the imprisonment site favored by most (cf. Feine 1916;
(1:19-26; 2:17) (see also SUICIDE); (b) the references in Deissmann 1923; Duncan 1929; Michaelis 1933; An die
Philippians to the praetorium (l: 13) and Caesar's house- Philipper THKNT, 2-6; 1961: 204-10). The great argu-
hold (4:22), though applicable to other cities, are most ment in its favor is its close proximity to Philippi, a location
appropriate for Rome; (c) of the imprisonments described that would have facilitated numerous communications with
by Acts, the one in Rome (Acts 28:14-31) most closely that city. ln addition, the parallels in subject matter, vo~ab­
matches the circumstances described by Paul in his letter; ulary, and tone with 2 Corinthians 10-12 and Galauans
and (d) the early Church was virtually unanimous in suggest to many that all three were written about the same
assigning Philippians to Rome. The major argument time, that is, during the three-year period that Paul was m
against Rome is its great distance from Philippi (ca. 800 Ephesus. This would be ca. 52/53-55/56 c.E., and .s1:1ch a
miles) and the consequent length of time necessary for the dating allows the identification of the proposed v1s1ts of
occurrence of the number of communications presup- Timothy and Paul (Phil 1:26; 2: 19, 23-24) with the ones
v • 323 PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE

recorded by the apostle (l Cor 16: I 0; 2 Cor 2: 13; 7 :5) and scribe them. Moreover, to the extent that they are equated
Acts ( 19:22; 20: 1-6). Finally, nowhere in Philippians does with opponents mentioned in Galatians, 2 Corinthians,
Paul indicate that he has returned to the city since he and Romans, material from those letters is employed to
founded the church there (Phil 1:26, 30; 2:12, 22; 4:15; elaborate their portrait. As a consequence of all these
contrast 2 Cor 2: I; 13: l); if that is the case (and he has not factors, a plethora of portraits has been offered, but no
simply failed to mention the trips of Acts 20: 1-6), both broad consensus has yet emerged. Indeed, no fewer than
Caesarea and Rome are excluded as possibilities. The 18 different descriptions of the opponents of chap. 3 have
major difficulty of this option is that neither Paul nor Acts been offered (Gunther 1973: 2).
mentions an imprisonment in Ephesus. One can only be Even when only one group in Philippi is presupposed,
inferred on the basis of such passages as 2 Cor 1: 8-1 O; assessments as to their identity differ widely. For example,
6:5; and 11:23 (but not 1 Cor 15:32, which refers instead Schmithals (1972: 58-122) sees them as Jewish Christian
to the Heraclean contest with hedonistic opponents; cf. Gnostics with libertine tendencies, Collange (1979: 10-14,
Malherbe 1968). Yet only on the basis of this hypothesis 75) as Jewish Christian itinerants with a "divine-man"
can Philippians (or at least 1:1-3:1) be assigned to Ephe- Christology and self-understanding similar to that es-
sus. On the other hand, Phil 3: 1b--4:9 does not mention poused by the opponents whom Paul confronts in 2 Cor-
imprisonment. Those who regard this passage as part of inthians, and Hawthorne (xliv-xlvii, 58, 125, 163) as non-
another letter can assign it to Ephesus without necessarily Christian Jewish missionaries who were punctilious in their
postulating an imprisonment there. Thus one could, for observance of the law (cf. also Klijn 1965). Many interpre-
example, assign Phil l:l-3:la to Rome and 3:Ib--4:9 to ters agree that the adversaries of 1:28 are non-Christian
Ephesus (compare Bruce, xxviii). But, in that case, 3: I b-- opponents (so, e.g., Vielhauer 1975: 160, 163) but view
4:9 might just as easily be assigned to Corinth (so, e.g., them as Gentile persecutors rather than Jewish agitators
Gnilka, 25). (cf. Martin Philippians NCBC, 22, 83; Friedrich, 147; com-
In view of the uncertainty involved, all reconstructions pare 1 Thess 2: 14). The opponents of 3:2, on the other
of the historical setting of Philippians necessarily remain hand, are clearly Jewish, though the conjecture is occasion-
highly tentative. Those that presuppose an imprisonment ally made that they are proselytes (so, e.g., }Ulicher and
in either Ephesus or Rome are the most persuasive, and a Fascher 1931: 119), in which case Paul's emphasis on being
decision between them is difficult. In the final analysis, "a Hebrew born of Hebrews" who was "circumcised on the
however, Meeks ( 1983: 63) is probably correct when he eighth day" (3:5) would have special point. The debate
says that "Rome still seems the most likely" place of com- historically has centered on the question of whether these
position for the letter. people are Jewish propagandists (so, e.g., Benoit 1969: 31;
Caird 1976: 133; Houlden 1977: 95-105) or Jewish Chris-
D. Opponents tian Judaizers (so, e.g., Vincent, 92; Jewett l 970b: 382-89;
Two key issues have dominated the discussion of the Bruce, 79, 81).
opponents mentioned by Paul in the letter. The first has Sharply debated also is the question of whether Paul
to do with the number of groups presupposed. As many discusses one or two (or even three) groups in 3:2-19.
as five are possible: the partisan proclaimers of Christ Dibelius (An die Philipper HNT, 93), for instance, identifies
(I: 15-18), the adversaries destined for destruction (I :28), two groups (Jewish agitators in 3:2-4 and immoral Chris-
the dogs and evil workers (3:2-4), the "perfectionists" tians in 3: 18-19), whereas Koester (1962) discerns a single
(3:12-16), and the enemies of the cross of Christ (3:18- group of Jewish Christian missionaries with gnostic ten-
19). The partisan proclaimers of Christ, whose relation- dencies. Crucial to the decision is often the interpretation
ship to the group spoken of in 2:21 is disputed, were active of Paul's damning indictment of his opponents in 3: 19:
in the city of Paul's imprisonment, not in Philippi, though "their god is the belly, and they glory in their shame."
the claim is sometimes made that they were itinerant Some interpret "belly" and "shame" in terms of Judaizers'
Christian missionaries whose presence in Philippi was not values. Thus Fitzmyer (252) sees in them a reference to
desired by Paul (so Jewett 1970b: 363-71). The adversaries the Judaizers' dietary observances and their advocacy of
of I :28 were located in Philippi, but it is debated whether circumcision, and Mearns (1987: 198) sees both terms as
the opponents of chap. 3 were already active in the city "euphemisms for the circumcised male organ." Paul's
and thus posed an actual threat for the Philippians or were words could easily suggest, however, a devotion to sensual
active elsewhere (perhaps in the city of Paul's imprison- and sexual pleasures, so that other scholars view them as
ment) and were only potentially dangerous. Whether pres- libertines (so, e.g., Delling RGG 3 5: 334; Beare, 136). It
ent or imminent, however, the urgency of Paul's warning was common in rhetorical circles to accuse one's enemies
(3:2) suggests the danger was real. The opponents in I :28 of immorality (cf. Marshall 1987: 62-63), and Paul may be
and 3:2-19 occasionally are identified as four separate doing that here. Indeed, the group he has in mind could
groups (so, e.g., Michael, 69, 133, 160, 172); often three be the hedonistic opponents ("wild beasts") against whom
groups are detected (so, e.g., Hock HBD, 1223-24); fre- he struggled at Ephesus (I Cor 15:32; cf. Malherbe 1968:
qu~nt.ly only two groups are identified, with those in chap. 79). Whoever they were, however, they seem to have been
I d1sungu1shed from those denounced in chap. 3 (so, e.g., Christians whose perfectionist tendencies had a basis in a
Barth, 37, 67); and sometimes a single group is inferred radically realized eschatology (cf. Holladay 1969).
(so, e.g., Mearns 1987).
The second issue concerns the identification of these E. The Christ Hymn
opponents, and the decision as to the number of groups As was indicated previously, most modern interpreters
involved obviously determines the material used to de- regard the hymn in Phil 2:6-11 as pre-Pauline (see above).
PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 324 • v
The discussion has therefore centered on questions con- (01), Codex Vaticanus (03), and Codex Alexandrinus (02).
cerning the hymn's original literary form, authorship, These five mss, plus three minuscules containing Philippi-
background, setting, and meaning, as well as its use and ans (33, 1739, and 2427), belong to the text critical "Cate-
redaction by Paul. Of the various proposals in regard to gory I," which indicates that they are "of a very special
the hymn's structure, those of Lohmeyer (1928: 5-6) and quality" and "should always be considered in establishing
Jeremias (1953: 152-54) deserve mention. The former the original text" (Aland and Aland 1987: 105 ). There are
divides the hymn into six strophes (A-F) of three lines ten additional manuscripts of Philippians that are of gen-
each (A: v 6; B: v 7a-c; C: vv 7d-8b; D: v 9; E: v 10; F: v erally high quality and belong to the next class, "Category
l l), with v Sc treated as a Pauline gloss. The latter divides II" (Schenk 1984: 33 l ). They include three 5th-century
it into three strophes (A-C) of four lines each (A: vv 6-7b; fragmentary uncials (04, 016, 048), the bilingual Codex
B: vv 7c-8b; C: vv 9-l l), with vv 8c, lOc, and I le viewed Claromontanus (06, 6th century), P6 1 (ca. c.E. 700) and 5
as Pauline additions. Proposed sources for the hymn in- minuscules (81, 1175, 1881, 2127, and 2464). On the basis
clude the gnostic scheme of the Primal Man myth (Kase- of these and other witnesses, a fairly reliable text of Philip-
mann 1968); the Genesis story of Adam as well as later pians which involves no major textual problems can be
Jewish speculation about two Adams (Hering 1936; 1959); reconstructed.
the Deutero-Isaianic figure of the Suffering Servant (Cer- Philippians, along with the other letters in the Pauline
faux 1954; 1959: 374-401); and the figure of divine corpus, was translated into a number of ancient languages.
Wisdom in Hellenistic Judaism (Georgi 1964). Sometimes It was almost certainly translated into Old Syriac, though
only one source is recognized in the hymn, but more often no copy of any of Paul's letters is extant in this early
the confluence of motifs from several sources, both Helle- version. It is, however, preserved in the later Syriac ver-
nistic and Jewish, is detected (Sanders 1971: 58-74). The sions, esp. the Peshitta. Other extant eastern versions that
author of the hymn has been sought in Jewish gnostic contain Philippians include Coptic, Armenian, Georgian,
circles (Bonnard, 49), the early Palestinian church (Loh- and Ethiopic. Of the Western versions, it is extant in Old
meyer 1928: 9, 66), and the Hellenistic Jewish mission Latin (Frede 1971), the Vulgate, Gothic, and Slavonic (cf.,
represented by Stephen (Martin 1983: 304-5, 318-19; cf. in general, Metzger 1977).
also Fuller 1965: 204-6). Early Christians used the hymn
in a cultic setting, either at the Eucharist or during bap- Bibliography
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uses the hymn here in service of his parenesis. It is usually E. F. Rhodes. Grand Rapids and Leiden.
assumed that the beginning of the hymn (2:6-8) refers to Barnikol, E. 1932. Philipper 2: Der marcionitische Ursprung des Mythos-
Christ prior to the Incarnation, so that his preexistence is Satus Phil. 2,6-7. Forschungen zur Entstehung des Urchristen-
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however, this interpretation has been attacked by a number Bartsch, H.-W. 1974. Die konkrete Wahrheit und die Liige der Spekuln-
of scholars who insist that the hymn speaks only of the tion. Theologie und Wirklichkeit l. Frankfurt.
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meaning of the term harpagmos (RSV: "a thing to be gart.
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Moule 1970; Wright 1986) indicate that the hymn will aux Colossiens, aux Ephesiens. SB]. 4th ed. Paris.
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25/4: 3314-26; Schenk ANRW 2/25/4: 3299-303). An ex- sammlung. Pages 192-202 in Neotestamentica et Patristica.
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the study of the hymn is provided by Martin ( 1983; cf. also - - . 1969. On Understanding the Christ-Hymn: Philippians
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Hammer. New York.
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Cerfaux, L. 1954. L'hymne au Christ-Serviteur de Dieu (Phil.,
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(cf. Gnilka, 25-27). The earliest is P4 6 , one of the three Lucien Cerfaux. BETL 6-7. Gembloux.
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17 and 4:2-8. The three earliest parchment uncials that Collange, J.-F. 1979. The Epistle of Saint Paul to the Philippians. Trans
contain the entire text of Philippians are Codex Sinaiticus A. W. Heathcote. London.
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Miligan, G. 1908. St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians. London. PHILISTINE~. This entry consists of two articles. The
Moffatt, J. 1923. An Introduction to the Literature of the New Testaml!nl. ~rst s':'rveys .the ~1story of the Philistines as it is presented
International Theological Library. 3d ed. New York. m vanous ~1.stc;incal sou~ces. The second focuses particu-
Morton, A. Q., and McLeman, J. 1966. Paul, the Man and the Myth. larly on Ph1hstme matenal culture as it has been revealed
New York. through archaeological work.
Moule, C. F. D. 1970. further Reflections on Philippians 2:5-11.
Pp. 264-76 in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque HISTORY
and R. P. Martin. Grand Rapids.
Miiller-Bardorff, J. 1958. Zur Frage der literarischen Einheit des The Philistines (Eg P-r-s-t-w; Heb peliJtim) whose coun-
Phil. Wissenschaflliche Zeitschrift der Friedrich v. Schiller Universitiit try of origin is still unknown, must have co~e to Canaan
Jena 7: 591-604. th;ough t~~ .Ae~ean basin, destroying the Mycenaean and
Murphy-O'Connor, J. 1976. Christological Anthropology in Phil., M1!1oan c1V1hzauons. They came partly overland via Ana-
II, 6-11. RB 83: 25-50. tolia, destroying the Hittite empire, Ugarit, and Amurru,
Pollard, T. E. 1966. The Integrity of Philippians. NTS 13: 57-66. and partly by ship via Crete (Caphtor of the Bible, cf.
Portefaix, L. 1988. Sisters Rejoice: Paul's Letter to the Philippians and Amos 9:7 and Jer 47:4; Keftiu of the Egyptians) and
Luke-Acts as Received by First-Century Philippian Women. ConBNT
Cyprus ("Ships come from the quarter of Kittim," i.e.
20. Uppsala.
Cyprus [Num 24:24] probably alludes to the first waves of
Rathjen, B. D. 1960. The Three Letters of Paul to the Philippians. the Sea ~eopl~s). They were allied with other Sea Peoples,
NTS 6: 167-73.
and their ultimate goal was to settle in Egypt. In about
Reicke, B. 1970. Caesarea, Rome, and the Captivity Epistles. Pp.
1190, Rameses III clashed with them and defeated them.
~ameses settle? th~ conquered Philistines, mostly as Egyp-
277-86 in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and
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R. P. Martin. Grand Rapids.
and Ashdod (cf. Deut 2:23, where "Caphtorim" refers to
Reumann, J. 1984. Philippians 3.20-21-A Hymnic Fragment?
NTS 30: 593-609.
the. P~ilistines). T.he connection between Egypt and Caph-
tonm 1s reflected m Gen 10: 13-14 (cf. Speiser, Genesis AB).
Riddle, D. W., and Hutson, H. H. 1946. New Testament Life and
The term "the Negeb of the Cherethites" (I Sam 30: 14)
Literature. Chicago.
may reflect Philistine occupation of that part of the Negeb
Robbins, V. K. 1978. By Land and By Sea: The We-Passages and
(for the identification of Cherethites as Philistines, cf. Ezek
Ancient Sea Voyages. Pp. 215-42 in Perspective on Luke-Acts, ed.
C. H. Talbert. Edinburgh.
25:16).
The references to the Philistines in Gen 21: 32-34; 26: I,
Robinson, J. A. T. 1973. The Human Face of God. Philadelphia.
Sampley, J. P. 1980. Pauline Partnership in Christ. Philadelphia. 8, 14-15; and in Exod 13:17; 15:14; 23:31) are all anach-
Sanders, J. T. 1971. The New Testament Christolo~cal Hymns. SNTSMS ronisms, although the expression "the Sea of the Philis-
15. Cambridge. tines" may reflect Philistine naval supremacy in the 12th
Schenk, W. 1984. Die Philipperbriefe des Paulus. Stuttgart. and 11th centuries.
Schenke, H.-M., and Fischer, K. M. 1978. Einleitung in die Schriften The signs of destruction in Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Gaza
des Neuen Teltaml!nts. Vol. I. Giitersloh. suggest that sometime after the reign of Rameses VI (ca.
Schmithals, W. 1971. Gnosticism in Corinth. Trans. J. E. Steely. 1965. 1150 B.C.E.), the Philistines drove out their Egyptian over-
Nashville. lords by force. The Philistine Pentapolis was formed, a
- - . 1972. Paul and the Gnostics. Trans. J.E. Steely. Nashville. confederation of Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ashdod, together
Schwegler, A. 1846. Das nachapostolische Zeitalter in den Hauptmomen- with two towns in the Shephelah which had already been
ten sein£T Entwicklung. 2 vols. Tiibingen. settled by Philistines: Ekron and Gath. Each of these towns
Siber, P. 1971. Mit Christus Leben: Eine Studie zur paulinischen Auferste- was a city-state, consisting of a "royal city" ruling a number
hungshoffnung. ATANT 61. Zurich. of "country towns" (I Sam 27 :5, cf. I Sam 6: 18). The
Strecker, G. 1964. Redaktion und Tradition im Christushymnus rulers of these city-states were called seranfm (singular,
Phil 2,6-11. ZNW 55: 63-78. *seren), a title whose etymology has not yet been satisfac-
Talbert, C.H. 1967. The Problem of Pre-Existence in Philippians torily explained; it may be from the Hittite word for
2:6-11.}BL 86: 141-53. 'judge." For the next 150 years, until about 1000 B.C.E.,
Thomas, W. D. 1972. The Place of Women in the Church at the Philistine confederation was the most powerful entity
Philippi. ExpTim 83: 117-20. in this corner of the world, occupying the land strip from
Vielhauer, P. 1975. Geschichte der urchristlichen Literatur. Berlin and Raphia in the S to Joppa, spreading gradually N (they
New York. founded Tell Qasile) and E through the Jezreel Valley to
Voller, D. 1892. Zwei Briefe an die Philipper. TT 26: 10-44, 117- Beth-shan, and even establishing their hegemony over the
46. Israelite tribes in the hill country (cf. I Sam 10:5; 13:23-
- - . 1905. Paulus und seine Briefe. Strassburg.
14: 16, and also 2 Sam 23: 13-17). The source of Philistine
Wanamaker, C. A. 1987. Philippians 2.6-11: Son of God or Adamic
power was apparently in the jealously defended monopoly
Christology? NTS 33: 179-93.
Weiss, J. 1959. Earliest Christianity. 2 vols. Trans. F. C. Grant. New
of iron wares and the art of forging iron (I Sam 13: 19-
York. 2 l ).
Wright, N. T. 1986. Harpagmos and the Meaning of Philippians Very early the Philistines accepted the local Canaanite
2:5-11.JTS n.s. 37: 321-52. deities, dedicating temples to Dagon in Gaza (Judg 16:21-
Zahn, T. 1909. Introduction to the New Testaml!nt. 3 vols. Trans. M. W. 23), Ashdod (I Sam 5:2-3), and Beth-shan (I Chr 10:10-
Jacobus et al. New York. 12), and to Astarte (I Sam 31: I 0).
jOHN T. FITZGERALD The clashes between the Philistines and the Israelites are
v. 327 PHILISTINES

vividly reflected in the book of Judges. Despite the heroic paign against Philistia began; its main object was the con-
exploits of Samson (Judges 13-16) and Shamgar son of quest of Gaza (the sequence of events is very fully
Anath (Judg 3: 31), the pressure of the Philistines was expressed in Zech 9:5-6). The king of Gaza, Hanno, Red
relentless, as seen in the tales of the migration of part of to Egypt, but later returned and was reinstated as a vassal
the tribe of Dan, who traveled N in their search for a safe of Assyria. The Assyrians were not interested in incorpo-
refuge. rating the Philistine territories into the Assyrian empire.
Further evidence of the advance of the Philistines can They preferred to leave the towns as more or less autono-
be found in the defeat of the Israelites at Ebenezer (the mous tribute-bearing states. In the long list of kings bear-
Philistines had already reached Aphek), resulting in the ing tribute are Mitinti of Ashkelon, Hanno of Gaza, and
loss of the ark of the covenant and the destruction of the Mu-Ie-l]u-( . .. ) of Ashdod or Ekron. It appears that Mitinti
holy precinct Shiloh (I Sam 4; cf. Jer 7:12, 14). of Ashkelon was allied with Rezon of Damascus, because
Samuel's victory over the Philistines (I Sam 7:5-14), when the latter was defeated by Tiglath-pileser, Mitinti
even if it is historical, did not appreciably reduce the "disappeared," and his son Rukibtu became king in his
pressure of the Philistines. The people demanded a king place. Because of the heavy hand of Tiglath-pileser, all
to lead them in war. The king chosen was Saul, whose wars these petty states breathed a sigh of relief when he died in
with the Philistines can be traced from the beginning of 727 e.c.E., but their rejoicing was premature (cf. Isa 14:29,
his reign (I Sam 13) until its tragic end on Mount Gilboa 31).
(1 Samuel 31). The eventual victor, however, was David, About five years later, when Sargon ascended the throne
whose triumphs over the Philistines (I Samuel 17; 18:6-9, of Assyria, Hanno joined the Syro-Palestinian rebellion
25-27, 30; 19:8) had gained him such renown as to arouse headed by the king of Hamath, which was also supported
the jealousy and hatred of Saul. David was forced to Ree, by Egypt. In 720, Sargon, having crushed the rebels near
and eventually to become a vassal to his former foes the Qarqar, attacked Philistia. Hanno called on the Egyptian
Philistines (I Samuel 27, 29). army for help. The Assyrians met the Egyptians near
After the death of Saul, David was crowned king of Raphiah, defeated them, captured Hanno and took him
Judah in Hebron (2 Sam 2: 1-4), apparently with the con- captive to Assyria. Gaza subsequently remained a loyal
sent of the Philistines. When David was chosen king over vassal until the end of the Assyrian empire.
all lsrael, however, and moved his capital to Jerusalem, the In 713 or the beginning of 712 e.C.E., Ashdod rebelled
Philistines realized their danger and attacked. David's vic- against Assyria, and in 712 Sargon sent an army to crush
tories over the Philistines made Israel the leading power in the rebellion (cf. Isa 20: I). This campaign is well docu-
the land of Canaan. We may assume that Gath became a mented in the annals, and two reliefs from Khorsabad,
vassal state to Israel. This change is suggested by David's which depict the sieges of Gibbethon and Ekron. Sargon's
mercenaries from Gath, who were under the command of victory is also attested on a stela, pieces of which have been
Ittai the Gittite (cf. 2 Sam 15:18-22), and by his body- found in the excavations in Ashdod. Ashdod was made a
guard, the Cherethites and the Pelethites (2 Sam 8:18; province, but the political arrangement is problematic
15:18; 20:7, 23; I Kgs 1:38, 44; I Chr 18:17). The crush- since we also hear of kings in Ashdod, Mitinti in 70 I and
ing defeat inflicted by David appears to have put an end to Ahimilki in 677 and 667.
the Philistine Pentapolis; henceforward each city-state The death of Sargon in battle in 705 set off a wave of
acted independently in its own selfish interest. It seems rebellions in nearly all the vassal states in W Asia, who
likely that the Philistines made a defensive alliance with were apparently supported by Egypt. The loyal king of
Pharaoh to protect them against David; otherwise it is Ashkelon was replaced by his brother. In Ekron the local
difficult to explain how Pharaoh was able to capture Gezer nobility deposed their king Padi and sent him to Jerusalem
and give it as a dowry to his daughter, the wife of Solomon for safekeeping. Probably it is to this time that we must
(I Kgs 9: 16). Forty years later apparently the same geopo- ascribe the notice in 2 Kgs 18:8 that Hezekiah "overran
litical situation enabled Shishak to invade Judah and Israel Philistia as far as Gaza and its border areas." In 701, after
(I Kgs 14:25), because no Philistine city, except Gaza, his having suppressed the revolt in Babylon, Sennacherib ap-
starting point, is mentioned in his list of conquered towns. peared in the W Near Tyre he received tribute from the
After. the death of Shishak, Egypt was no longer a power vassal kings of Amurru, but of the Philistine kings, only
m Asia. In the constant struggles between the Philistines Mitinti of Ashdod is mentioned. The king of Gaza does
and Israel (cf. I Kgs 15:27; 16: 15) and the Philistines and not appear on the list, perhaps because he had not re-
Judah, in which the Philistines turned to the Edomites and belled. The rebel king of Ashkelon, Sidqia, was deported
the Arabs as allies (cf. Amos 1:6-8; 2 Chr 21:16-17), to Assyria and replaced with a new king with a typically
Judah sometimes prevailed (2 Chr 17: 11; 26:6), and some- Assyrian name, Sharruludari. When Ekron was besieged,
times the Philistines (2 Chr 21: 16-17; 28: 18, until a new the Egyptian army came to the support of the rebels but
factor appeared on the scene, Assyria. was defeated at Eltekeh. Ekron was conquered and its loyal
Philistia (Akk Pa-la-af-tu) appears in Assyrian records king, Padi, restored to kingship as part of Hezekiah's
for the first time in the inscriptions of Adad-nirari III submission. The loyal Philistine kings (Mitinti of Ashdod,
(81?-783 B.c.~.;. ANET, 28lb, 282a), but Assyrian domi- Padi of Ekron, and Sillibel of Gaza) were rewarded with
natmn of Ph~hsua started only after the conquest of Syria towns that had formerly belonged to the kingdom of Judah
by T1glat_h-p1leser III, when the Assyrian empire reached (cf. Isa l :7). Philistia was thus both enriched and more
the '."fednerranean, and the Assyrians began to try to firmly established as a buffer region between Assyria and
dominate the maritime trade of the coastal towns of Phoe- Egypt.
nicia and Philistia. In 734 B.C.E., the first Assyrian cam- The more belligerent policy toward Egypt which Sen-
PHILISTINES 328 • v
nacherib's successor, Esarhaddon, pursued involved a firm settled them in the vicinity of Nippur, although our evi-
grip on Philistia, too. In his first campaign (679) Esarhad- dence comes from later times. The kings of Gaza and
don plundered Arza, apparently a town on the Egyptian Ashdod appear (together with several other kings from W
border, and took its king captive. Four Philistine kings, Asia) at the end of a list of high court officials from ca.
Sillibel of Gaza, Mitinti of Ashkelon, Ikausu (a Philistine 570 B.C.E. During the reign of Nabonidus, there existed a
name!) of Ekron, and Ahimilki of Ashdod, appear among place named Gaza (lja-za-tu), which must have been
"the kings of the country Hatti" who were required to do founded by exiles from Gaza although the people men-
corvee work for Esarhaddon in Nineveh, apparently in tioned all had Babylonian names. The archives of the
677176. Esarhaddon conducted. three campaigns against Murasu family from Nippur (455-403 B.C.E.), also men-
Egypt, and we may assume that in all these campaigns the tion settlements near Nippur named "Ashkelon," "Bit
Philistine towns served as depots and secured the long line Arsa," and "Gaza."
of communication, although they are never mentioned, By the time the Persians became masters of Philistia (in
except for indications that in the second campaign Ashke- 539 B.C.E.), the Philistine element in the language and
lon supported Egypt, which was defeated. culture had disappeared. ("Ashdodite" [Neh 13:24] was
All the vassal kings in W Asia, among them the four probably an Aramaic dialect). The towns became Persian
Philistine kings, Sillibel, Mitinti, Ikausu, and Ahimilki, towns, some belonging to Sidon or Tyre, some autono-
were called upon to be auxiliary troops when Esarhaddon's mous. Gaza became the base for Persian military opera-
successor, Assurbanipal, resumed the campaign against tions against Egypt.
Egypt, which this time proved successful. About ten years After the conquest by Alexander the Great in 332 B.C.E.,
later, however, Psammetichus I (656-610), prince of Sais Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Gaza became Greek poleis in every
and founder of the 26th Dyn., was able to establish his respect. The only trace of the Philistines that remained
independence. was the name Palestine, which was first used in Greek by
As the Assyrian empire declined, Egypt seized dominion Herodotus (l.105; 2.104) and in Latin by Pliny (HN 5.12),
over the Philistine city-states. Herodotus (2.157) records and which Hadrian made the name of the region for
that Psammetichus besieged Ashdod for twenty-nine years nearly two thousand years.
before he could conquer it. Psammetichus' invasion may
be reflected in Zephaniah's prophecy against Philistia Bibliography
(Zeph 2:4), which describes events from the S (Egypt) to Albright, W. F. 1975. Syria, the Philistines, and Phoenicia. CAH 3 2/
the N, Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod, and Ekron. Jeremiah's 2: 507-16.
phrase "what is left of Ashdod" (Jer 25:20) may also reflect Barnett, R. D. 1975. The Sea Peoples. CAH 3 2/2: 371-78.
the conquests of Psammetichus I. A witness to Egypt's Eph'al, I. 1978. The Western Minorities in Babylonia in the 6th-
dominion over Philistia is the statuette of Padese "the 5th Centuries B.C. Or 47: 80-83.
king's envoy to The Canaan (Gaza?) and Philistia." The Kitchen, K. A. 1973. The Philistines. Pp. 53-78 in POTT
fact that the Philistine cities were vassals of Psammetichus Macalister, R. A. S. 1965. Philistines, Their History and Civilization.
I and his son Neco II enabled these kings to come to the Chicago. Repr.
aid of a failing Assyria against the rising power of Babylo- Mitchell, T. C. 1967. Philistia. Pp. 404-27 in Archaeology and Old
nia. Nebuchadnezzar's great victory over Neco at Carche- Testament Study, ed. D. W. Thomas. Oxford.
mish in 605 (cf. Jer 46:22-26) changed the whole situation, Sandars, N. K. 1985. The Sea Peoples. Rev. ed. London.
and in the following years the Babylonian armies swept Strange, J. 1980. Caphtorl&ftiu. Leiden.
through Philistia. The Aramaic letter found in Saqqara, in Tadmor, H. 1966. Philistia under Assyrian Rule. BA 29: 86-102.
which a Philistine king asks urgent help from Pharaoh Wainwright, G. A. 1959. Some Early Philistine History. VT 9: 73-
against the Babylonian king, probably belongs to this time. 84.
Only Ashkelon made any opposition, and it was turned Weidner, E. F. 1939. Jojachin, Konig von Juda. Vol. 2, pp. 928 in
into a heap of ruins for its temerity (cf. Jer 47). Some years Melanges Syriens offert:; a M. Rene Dussand. Paris.
later (592/l), the sons of Aga king of Ashkelon became H.J. KATZENSTEIN
hostages and they along with other exiles from Ashkelon
are mentioned in a provisions list of the Babylonian court. ARCHAEOLOGY
In 6011600 Neco II defeated Nebuchadnezzar decisively
The Philistines were among the Sea Peoples, probably
at Migdol, and occupied Gaza (Hdt. 2.159; cf. Jer 47:1).
Three years later, Nebuchadnezzar returned and con- of Aegean origin, who first appeared in the E Mediterra-
quered Jerusalem (cf. Jer 52:28; 2 Kgs 24: 12). It is proba- nean at the end of the 13th century B.C. These peoples
ble that Gaza profited by Jerusalem's revolt in 598, sharing were displaced from their original homelands as part of
with Edom, the Negeb that had been lost by Judah (cf. Jer the extensive population movements characteristic of the
13: 19 and also Ezek 25: 15-17). end of the LB Age. During this period, the Egyptians and
When Pharaoh Hophra (Apries) succeeded to the the Hittites ruled in the Levant, but both powers were in a
throne of Egypt in 589 B.C.E., he persuaded Zedekiah to general state of decline. The Sea Peoples exploited this
revolt and even came to the aid of Zedekiah against Nebu- power vacuum by invading areas previously subject to
chadnezzar, but the Egyptian army retreated as soon as Egyptian and Hittite control, launching land and sea at-
the main Babylonian forces left Jerusalem to fight them tacks on Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, to which various
(cf. Jer 37:7). It is likely that the Philistine cities joined in Egyptian sources attest.
the revolt, and it was probably at this time that Nebuchad- The various translations of the name Philistine in the
nezzar deported people from the Philistine towns and different versions of the Bible reveal that even in early
v. 329 PHILISTINES

times translators and exegetes were unsure of their iden- tions the areas settled by the Sea Peoples in Palestine, as
tity. In the LXX, for example, the .name is usually tram- part of the sphere of Egyptian influence. It records a
lated as allopsyloi ("strangers"), but 1t occurs also as phylzs- number of peoples, lands, and cities. Three ethnic groups,
tieim in the Pentateuch and Joshua. In the Hebrew Bible, the Sherden (srhn), the Tjekker (tkr), and the Philistines
the Philistines are called peliStim, a term defining them as (prst) are listed, together with Ashkelon, Ashdod, and
the inhabitants of peleiet, i.e., the coastal plain of S Pales- Gaza, cities situated in the territory controlled by the
tine. Assyrian sources call them both Pilisti and Palastu. Philistines.
The Philistines appear as prst in Egyptian sources. Philistia, "The land of the Philistines," consisted of five
Encountering the descendants of the Philistines on the major cities-Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron-
coast of S Palestine, the historian Herodotus, along with which were united in a confederation. In addition to the
sailors and travelers from the Persian period onward called Pentapolis, several smaller Philistine cities, called tu"4erim
them palastinoi and their country palastium. The use of ("villages") or banal ("daughters"), are mentioned in the
these names in the works of Josephus, where they are Bible. These include Ziklag, Timna, and Jabneh. The role
common translations for Philistines and Philistia and, in of these smaller cities was as secondary, nearly autono-
some cases, for the entire land of Palestine, indicates the mous centers under the control of the capitals of the city-
extent to which the names had gained acceptance by states.
Roman times. The emperor Hadrian officially designated The territory of the Philistines as defined in Josh 13:2-
the province of Judaea Provincia Palaestine, and by the 4th 3 designates the Brook of Egypt (Wadi el-Arish) and the
century c.E., the shortened name Palaestina had become Sihor as the S border, the N boundary as defined by the
the general term for the whole of Palestine. region N of Ekron, Judah as the E border, and the Medi-
The biblical references to Philistine origins are few and terranean Sea as the W boundary. This region, as corrob-
enigmatic. The first appears in the "Table of Nations" in orated by archaeological evidence, was occupied by the
Gen 10: 14. The probable meaning of this verse, insofar as Philistines for several generations after their arrival in
it relates to the Philistines, is" ... and the Caphtorim, out Palestine and before their expansion in the 11th century.
of whom came the Philistines." The homeland of the Major excavations have established a clear stratigraphic
Philistines, Caphtor (cf. Amos 9:7, Jer 47:4, Deut 2:23), is sequence by which the initial appearance, then the flour-
generally recognized by scholars as Crete, although some ishing, and subsequently the assimilation of the Philistines
believe Caphtor to be located in Cilicia in Asia Minor. In can be traced, a process spanning most of the Iron I period
other biblical references, the Philistines are synonymous (c. 1200-1000 B.C.E.). The discovery of archaeological
with the Cherethites, that is Cretans (cf. Zeph 2:5, Ezek remains of unmistakably Philistine character at sites quite
25: 16). Various biblical traditions, then, suggest that the distant from this area has raised the question of how
Caphtorim are to be identified with the Cherethites, thus Philistine culture spread beyond the confines of Philistia-
linking the Philistines with a Cretan homeland. The evi- through military conquest, through the establishment of
dence supplied by the architectural remains. material cul- military outposts, or through peaceful trade and com-
ture and pottery from archaeological sites in Israel, merce.
strongly suggests that the Philistines originated in the Four of the cities of the Philistine Pentapolis have been
Aegean. positively identified-Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod, and Ek-
Several key references to the Sea Peoples have been ron. The location of the fifth, Gath, remains an open
identified in Egyptian sources. According to inscriptions question. At Gaza, the ancient tel lies beneath the modern
of Pharaoh Merneptah (ca. 1236-1223 B.c.), the Sea Peo- city and as a result, large-scale excavations have not been
ples attempted to invade Egypt from the direction of undertaken. Excavations at Ashkelon have revealed that
Libya. The attack was led by Libyans joined by "foreigners the last Canaanite stratum was destroyed, followed by a
from the Sea"-the Sherden, Sheklesh, Lukka, Tursha Philistine settlement. The most extensive evidence of Phil-
(Teresh), and Akawasha. This list of Sea Peoples does not, istine settlement and expansion is provided by excavations
however, include references to the Philistines and Tjekker, at Ashdod, Ekron, and Tell Qasile on the N border of
who are first mentioned as invaders during the reign of Philistia. These sites provide complementary data on the
Rameses III (ca. 1198-1166 B.c.). The reliefs and inscrip- nature of Philistine urban settlement, facets of their mate-
tions at his mortuary temple at Medinet Habu in Thebes rial culture, and cultic structures and practices.
desc.ribe fierce naval and land battles with the Sea Peoples. Philistine occupation at Ashdod began in the early 12th
An mscnptlon under the land battle scene indicates that century B.C.E. The first indication of the arrival of a new
the Egyptian army fought the Sea Peoples in the "land of population was the partial destruction of the Egyptian-
Djahi," i.e., the Phoenician coast and hinterland down to Canaanite fortress over which was built an open-air cultic
Palestine. installation. Adjacent to this installation was a potter's
This i~formation is supplemented by the Harris Papyrus workshop in which was found a rich assemblage of locally
I, m which Rameses' decisive defeat of the Sea Peoples, made Mycenaean IIIC:lb pottery, Aegean in style and a
mcludmg the Philistines, is described. Subsequently, Ram- precursor of the earliest Philistine bichrome pottery. In
eses gave the Philistines permission to settle on the S the following occupational phases, Ashdod was a well-
coastal plain of Palestine. There they vied with the disu- planned, fortified city. Two building complexes were un-
nited Canaanite city-states and the newly arrived Israelites covered, one of which included an apsidal structure with
for cultural and political domination of the country. adjacent rooms and a courtyard. The last phase of Philis-
The Onomasticon of Amenope, which dates from the tine settlement (ca. 1050 B.C.E.) at Ashdod was the largest
end of the 12th or beginning of the I Ith century, men- and most prosperous. At that time, the lower city outside
PHILISTINES 330 • v
the acropolis area was occupied for the first time and d~corated with i:notifs taken from the Mycenaean reper-
massive mudbrick walls and a gate were built to protect the toire, .these moufs were rearranged and integrated with
enlarged city. While the Philistine population had grown other influences to create the distinctive "signature" known
and flourished, the pottery and material culture reflect as Philistine.
assimilation of local tradition and new Phoenician influ- Excavations at Ekron (Tel Miqne) have revealed a LB
ences. Canaanite city-state which was transformed by the Philis-
A clear understanding of the ceramic repertoire within tines in the 12th century B.C.E. into a large, well-planned,
the stratigraphic sequence is one of the keys to defining fortified city which included industrial and elite quarters.
the settlement pattern of the Philistines, both within the A monumental building, possibly a palace with shrines,
borders of Philistia and beyond. The initial phase of Phil- was discovered at the heart of the city in the elite quarter.
istine settlement has been recognized at Ashdod and Ek- See Fig. PHI.02. This building, probably part of a larger
ron by virtue of the appearance of locally made Myce- complex, included rooms which contained mudbrick altars
naean IIIC:lb pottery (see Fig. PHI.01), while the second and a number of bronze and iron artifacts of cultic signif-
phase of Philistine settlement and expansion is associated icance. These rooms opened onto a hall in which was
with the Philistine bichrome wares. The shapes and deco- constructed a circular hearth flanked by two pillar bases.
rative motifs of Philistine pottery were a blend of four Hearths are an important feature in the Aegean and
distinct ceramic styles: Mycenaean, Cypriot, Egyptian, and Cyprus where they are the central architectural element in
the plan of the megaron. Mudbrick altars, a continuation
local Canaanite. The dominant traits in shape and almost
of local Canaanite tradition, are also well-known in Cyprus
all the decorative elements were derived from the Myce-
and the Aegean at such sites as Enkomi, Kition, Phylakopi,
naean repertoire and point to the Aegean background of and Mycenae.
Philistine pottery. Philistine shapes of Mycenaean origin The city at Tell Qasile was founded by the Philistines in
include bell-shaped bowls, large kraters with elaborate the first half of the 12th century B.C.E. on the N bank of
decoration, stirrup jars for oils and unquents, and the Yarkon River. The site was obviously chosen because it
strainer-spout "beer jugs." A few of many decorative mo- was a perfect inland port site. Established on virgin soil,
tifs are stylized birds, spiral loops, concentric half-circles, Tell Qasile was undoubtedly part of the Philistine expan-
and scale patterns. Although Philistine vessels were richly sion which followed their initial phase of settlement. In
addition to industrial and residential structures found in
other quarters of the city, three superimposed temples
dating from the end of the 12th to the beginning of the
10th century B.C.E. were uncovered in the sacred precinct.
These structures in their various phases included raised
mudbrick platforms, mudbrick benches, pillars, and small
chambers at the back of the temples interpreted variously
as holy-of-holies or treasuries. A related building adjacent
to the earliest temple (12th century B.C.E.) contained a
hearth and two pillars, similar in plan and conception to
the hearth and pillars found at Ekron.
There is both agreement and discrepancy between the
Bible and the archaeological record with respect to Philis-
tine religious organization and beliefs. The Aegean back-
ground of Philistine religion, which is not disclosed in the
Bible, is evident through cultic architectural features such
as the hearth mentioned above, as well as through small
finds such as the "Ashdoda," a ceramic figurine found at
Ashdod. See Fig. PHI.03. The Ashdoda is most likely a
schematic representation of a female deity and throne,
and is evidently a variant of the Mycenaean female figure
seated on a throne, sometimes holding a child. These
figurines are usually associated with the worship of the
"Great Mother" or "Great Goddess." Several figurine frag-
ments of the "Ashdoda" type have also been discovered at
Ekron and Tell Qasile. At Ekron, head fragments with
spreading headdress and birdlike features resemble the
Ashdoda, while at Qasile the torso of a fiat figurine of the
Ashdoda type was found.
Archaeological evidence has revealed that in the Aegean,
female, not male deities were primarily worshipped. Ap-
parently by the 11th century this predominantly female
PHl.01. Philistine pottery with stylized bird motif from Gezer-Mycenaean pantheon was replaced by a male Canaanite pantheon
lllC:1b. (Redrawn from J. G. Duncan, Corpus of Dated Palestinian Pottery, reflecting the Philistines' more recent cultural m1heu. The
Publications of the British School of Archaeology in Egypt 49 [London: British
School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1930), pl 64. G, fig. 339) head of the Philistine pantheon appears to have been the
v • 331 PHILISTINES

TEL MIONE-EKRON
Field IV
Building 350
Stratum V

----. 7

I //JI

D A
7

·~ 2

0 4m

PHl.02. Schematic reconstruction of the monumental building (with find spots) at Tel Miqne-Ekron--Stratum V: (1) Bronze wheels and a bronze corner of a stand;
(2) ivory handle of an iron knife; (3) iron knife with ivory handle; (4) an iron object; (5) bronze peg with two laces; (6) bronze horizontal handle; (7) bronze plug 1n the
shape of a pome9ranate. (Drawing, by permission, Tel Miqne-Ekron Project)

Canaanite god, Dagon (l Chr 10: 10), to whom the temples A distinctive Philistine cult vessel is the one-handled
of Gaza and Ashdod, and possibly also at Beth-shan, were lion-headed rhyton, a ritual or drinking cup. Similar rhyta
dedicated. Another god, Baal-zebub (Baal-zebu!), has his have been found at Tell Jerishe, Tell Zeror, Megiddo, Tell
oracular temple in Ekron. The goddess Ashtoreth appar- es-Safi, Tell Qasile, and Ekron. The Philistine rhyton is a
ently also had a temple at Beth-shan ( l Sam 31 :8-13). ceramic adaptation of animal-headed rhyta in metal and
Philistine priests appear only once in the Bible, when the stone of Mycenaean-Minoan tradition.
Ark was captured and taken to Ashdod (l Samuel 5). The Three high cylindrical cult stands from Tell Qasile were
Bible also refers to the Philistine custom of carrying idols found in the Philistine temple. Each had a bowl topped
into battle (2 Sam 5:21) and to "Houses of Images," appar- with a bird's head. Another cult stand found at Ashdod
ently a reference to temples in which images of the gods features five musicians around its base. Each of the five
were kept. Among the few specifically Philistine religious figures plays a musical instrument: cymbals, double pipe,
beliefs that appear in t!Je Bible are the golden images of frame drum, and stringed instrument that is probably a
mice and boils that were sent as a guilt ea.Sam) offering to lyre. These musicians represented on the stand were prob-
God (l Sam 6:4-16). ably part of a Philistine cult, their role similar to that of
. Philistine cult vessels also provide insights into Philistine the "Levites who were singers" in the temple of Jerusalem
rituals and beliefs. The kemm, reflecting Aegean influ- (2 Chr 5:12-13).
ences, is a hollow ceramic ring on which objects such as Other facets of Philistine life, such as mourning customs
birds, bulls' or rams' heads, or pomegranates are set. See and burial practices, may be understood through several
Fig .. PHL04. It was apparently used for the pouring of interesting types of finds. For example, terra-cotta female
hbauons m some religious ritual. Examples of kemoi deco- mourning figurines from Philistine burials at Tell 'Aitun
rated in Philistine style are known from Ashdod, Ekron, and Azor show women with both hands on their heads, or
Gezer, and Megiddo. with one hand on their heads and one on their breasts.
PHILISTINES
332 • v

PHl.04. Kernos, cultic libation vessel with Philistine style decorations from
Meg1ddo-lron I. Vanous hollow forms are attached to the hollow kernos ring .
The gazelle's head was flanked by two jars (one of which has broken off). and
these 1n turn are flanked by two pomegranates. Opposite the gazelle's head is a
cup flanked by two doves. (Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of
Chicago)

shan "grotesque" lids is the applique headdress. However,

one lid portrays a headdress crowned by vertical fluting,
identical to the "feathered" cap worn by the Peleset (Phil-
istines), Tjekker, and Denyen on the Medinet Habu reliefs
of Rameses III. This headgear provides decisive evidence
that the bodies buried in these coffins were Sea Peoples,
quite possibly Philistines.
Several stamp seals found in 12th-century strata at Ash-
dod may provide the only extant examples of Philistine
language and writing. Used to imprint a lump of clay
affixed to a letter, the text is apparently related to the
Linear A and B scripts and the Cypro-Minoan syllabary
utilized in the Aegean during the LB Age. Philistine words
and personal names as they are preserved in the Bible are
another possible key to the enigma of the origins of the
Philistines and their language. The word seren, the head of
PHl.03. Philistine "Ashdoda" figurine from Ashdod-Stratum XII, 12th Century each Philistine city-state, seems to be linguistically related
e.c.E. (Redrawn from BA 5014 {1987]: 203) to the Greek tyrannos ("tyrant"), likely a proto-Greek Illyr-
ian or Lydian word that later entered the Greek language.
Similar mourning figures are closely associa~ed with the The name Achish, Agchous in the LXX and Homer, which
burial customs and the cult of the dead found in the closely resembles the name lkusu, king of Ekron in the
Aegean world at the end of the Mycenaean period. Essarhadon annals, is sometimes compared with Agchises
Burial customs are generally a sensitive indicator of (Homer, fl. 2.189). Agchises, in Greek tradition, was related
cultural affinities, and Philistine burial customs reflect the to the Dardanians, one of the Illyrian tribes that later
same fusion of Aegean background with Egyptian and migrated to Asia Minor and Greece. Scholarly opinion is
local Canaanite elements that distinguishes every other divided on Goliath, which is som~times compared to the
aspect of their culture.. The use of anthropoid clay coffins Lydian Alyattes.
(an Egyptian custom) and interment in rock-cut chamber Archaeological finds illuminating Philistine material cul-
tombs (of Mycenaean affinities) are two such indicators. ture are not limited to the ceramic medium. Though it is
Anthropoid coffins are built roughly in the outline of a the latter that appears in greater quantities at excavations,
body. The lids are ineptly modeled with faces in what has no less significant is the Philistine contribution in the area
been termed the "grotesque" style, with only a schematic of metallurgy. A key biblical reference in 1 Sam 13:19
outlining of facial features and arms. Five such coffins reads: "Now there was no smith found throughout all the
dating from the 12th-11th centuries B.C.E. were discov- land of Israel; for the Philistines said, 'Lest the Hebrews
ered at Beth-shan. The distinctive feature of the Beth- make them swords and spears.' " Here it is clear that a
v • 333 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA

worker in metal, without specifying whether the material Affinities. Pp. 187-88 and 3 76 in .4.ct.5 of the International
was bronze or iron or both, is intended. Material evidence Archaeological SympoJium: The Mycenaearu in the EaJtern Medil.eT-
for bronze-working has been found at numerous sites ranean. Nicosia.
associated with the Philistines, including Ekron, Tel Mor - - . 1982. The PhiliJtineJ and Their Mal.eTial Culture. Jerusalem.
(harbor of Ashdod), and Tell Qasile. Significant small fin~s - - . 1983. Some Aspects of the Appearance of the Sea Peoples
in bronze from the city of Ekron include wheels of a culuc and Philistines in Canaan. Pp. 99-120 in Griechenland, die
stand similar to the type found at Cypriot sites of the same Agii.iJ, und die Lroante wii.hrend der "Dark AgeJ," ed. S. Deger-
period, and a double-headed peg with suspension hole Jalkotzy. Vienna.
which may have parallels in Crete. - - . 1989. The Arrival of the Sea Peoples: Cultural Diversity in
The discovery of various iron artifacts, including several Early Iron Age Canaan. Pp. 1-14 in Recent Excavatioru in ]Jrael,
bimetallic knives from 12th century strata at Philistine ed. S. Gitin and W. G. Dever. AASOR 49. Winona Lake, IN.
sites, raises the question of the role of the Philistines in the - - . 1990. Part I: Where They Came From, How They Settled
introduction of iron-working technology to Israel. Though Down and the Place They Worshiped In. BARro 16/1: 26-36.
it cannot be demonstrated with certainty that it was they Dothan, T., and Gitin, S. 1990. Ekron of the Philistines. BARro 161
who introduced this new technology, it is very likely that 1: 20-25.
these new settlers brought with them a knowledge of iron- Gitin, S. 1990. Part II: Olive-Oil Suppliers to the World. BARev 161
working which acted as a stimulus to local industry. 2: 33-42, 59.
A superior knowledge of metal-working, whether in Gunneweg, j.; Perlman, I.; Dothan, T.; and Gitin, S. 1986. On the
bronze or iron, may have given the Philistines a military Origin of Pottery from Tel Miqne-Ekron. BASOR 264: 17-27.
advantage in their early conflicts with the Israelites. The Mazar, A. 1980. Excavatioru at Tell QaJile, I. Qedem 12. Jerusalem.
well-known biblical account in I Samuel 17 of the duel - - . I 985a. Excavatioru at Tell QaJile, 2. Qedem 20. Jerusalem.
between David and Goliath provides a detailed description - - . l 985b. The Emergence of the Philistine Material Culture.
of Philistine armaments. Unlike the Philistines in the Med- IE] 35: 95-107.
inet Habu reliefs, which depict an earlier period, Goliath Sandars, N. K. 1978. The Sea PeopleJ. London.
of Gath wears a bronze helmet rather than a "feathered" TRUDE DOTHAN
headdress. Nevertheless, Goliath's spear, helmet, coat of
mail, and bronze greaves, as well as the duel itself, are all
features of Aegean arms and warfare. The Bible compares PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA. A Hellenistic Jewish
Goliath's spear to a "weaver's beam" because this type of philosopher of !st-century Alexandria.
weapon was new to Canaan and had no Hebrew name.
Mycenaean warriors are depicted very similarly equipped A. The Man and His Family
on the 12th century Warriors' Vase from Mycenae. B. Philo's Writings
Philistine material culture is a syncretistic blend of Ae- 1. Exposition of the Laws of Moses
gean, Egyptian, and Canaanite elements. The dominant 2. Exegetical Commentaries
element is Aegean, as demonstrated by decorative motifs 3. Remaining Writings
on pottery, cult practices, burial customs and funerary C. Philo and the Jewish Community in Alexandria
rites, and architectural styles. The same period which D. Philo as Biblical Exegete
witnessed the collapse of empires in the Levant with the E. Central Ideas and Perspectives
resulting cessation or reduction of trade (13th century F. The Significance of Philo
B.C.E.), also produced migrations of populations, among
them the Sea Peoples. When they settled, as they did on A. The Man and His Family
the coastal plain of Israel~ these peoples introduced by Philo was a prominent member of the Jewish community
means of material culture. cultic practices, and architec- of Alexandria, the largest Jewish settlement outside Pales-
ture a new ethnic element which reflected their origins in tine. The only certain date known from his life comes
the Aegean. This period, from the beginning of the 12th from his account of the great pogrom in Alexandria which
century to the end of the 1 lth century B.C.E. was the started in A.D. 38 under the prefect Flaccus, during the
Philistines' most flourishing era, both historically and cul- reign of the Roman emperor Gaius Caligula. Philo was
turally. From the early 10th century on, the Philistines then chosen to head a delegation (Gaium 370) sent in A.D.
gradually lost their cultural distinctiveness and assimilated 39/40 by the Jewish community to Gaius Caligula in Rome.
into the Canaanite population, steadily declining in impor- A few other datable events are found in his writings. In
tance until they played no more than a minor role in the Alexander, or Whether the Animals Have Reason (Anim) 27,
history of Palestine. Philo speaks of the celebrations in various places given by
Germanicus Iulius Caesar, probably in A.D. 12, when he
Bibliography entered on his first term of consulship. The horse race
Dothan, M. 1972. The Relation Between Cyprus and the Philistine account in Anim 58 is found also in Pliny HN 8:160-61,
Coast in the Late Bronze Age (Tel Mor, Ashdod). Praktiko. 1: where the event is said to have occurred during the games
51-56. of Claudius Caesar in A.D. 47. Philo was aged already at
Dothan, M., and Freedman, D. N. 1967. AJhdod J. 'Atiqot. Jerusa- the time of the embassy. On the basis of these observations,
lem. the time of Philo's death should probably be set around
Dothan, M., et al. 1971. AJhdod II-Ill. 'Atiqot 9-10. Jerusalem. A.D. 50, and his birth to around 20-15 a.c.
Dothan, M., and Porath, Y. 1982. AJhdod JV. 'Atiqot 15. Jerusalem. Philo belonged to one of the wealthiest Jewish families
Dothan, T. 1973. Philistine Material Culture and itJ Mycenaean in Alexandria. His brother, Alexander, was probably chief
PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA 334 • v
·of customs (alabarch) of the Eastern border of Egypt and was a religious person, loyal to Judaism and its institutions.
guardian of the Emperor Tiberius' mother's properties in His engagement in philosophy had its setting in the activi-
Egypt. Alexander was rich enough to lend money to the ties of the synagogues, which according to Philo were
Jewish king Agrippa I, and to plate the gates of the Temple schools of philosophy. His writings prove that his philo-
of Jerusalem in gold and silver. Alexander's apostate son, sophical interest largely was expressed in exegesis of the
Tiberius Iulius Alexander, born ca. A.D. 15, had a public laws of Moses. At times (Spec Leg Ill:lff; Cher 27) Philo
career which took him to the highest post of a Roman indicates that he had mystical experiences in connection
official in Egypt, that of prefect (A.D. 66-70). He had then with his exegetical activity. At least once in his life he made
already served as procurator of Judaea (A.D. 46-48) and a pilgrimage to the Temple of Jerusalem to offer up
served as chief of staff under Titus during the siege of prayers and sacrifices. He was so strict in his emphasis on
Jerusalem A.D. 70. loyalty to the Jewish ethnic community and its cause, that
On the basis of information from Philo and Josephus, he advocated immediate execution of apostates without
A. Terian has set up the following tables (ANRW 2/21/1: any formal trial (Spec Leg I :54-56; 315-18).
282-83):
8. Philo's Writings
There has long been general agreement among scholars
on the classification of Philo's expository writing. These
fall into two main groups:
1. Exposition of the Laws of Moses (Op; Abr; jos; Dec;
Philo Alexander the Alabarch Spec Leg All; Virt; Praem). These writings are but parts of
one comprehensive rewriting of the law of Moses. On the
basis of Philo's own terminology and outline, the "Exposi-
Berenice = Marcus Tiberius lulius daughter tion" can be divided in three parts: the story of creation,
(daughter Alexander the historical part, and the legislative part. The Life of
Moses was formerly classed in a group of miscellaneous
of
Agrippa I)
daughter =
I
Lysimachus
writings, but Goodenough has shown that this and the
"Exposition" were companion works. In these exegetical
works, Philo paraphrases and expands the biblical text and
PHl.05. Genealogical chart of Philo. so gives his own views. A similar method may be found in
the book of jubilees, the Genesis Apocryphon, and the Biblical
Although direct and datable information about Philo is Antiquities of Pseudo-Philo.
scanty, it is possible to give a picture of him. His role as 2. Exegetical Commentaries. These fall into two sub-
political leader is mentioned above. He was the head of the ordinate series:
Jewish delegation sent to Caius Caligula in Rome. A com- (a) Questions and Answers on Genesis and Exodus,
peting legation was sent by the Greek citizens of Alexan- which is a brief commentary in the form of questions and
dria, headed by Apion. Philo's mission turned into failure. answers on parts of the first two books of the Pentateuch.
The Jews thought they should meet a judge and get their Most of the Greek original has been lost; modern editions
rights, but discovered that Caius Caligula was their foe. depend mainly on the ancient Armenian version. The
Caius Caligula died in A.D. 41, and his successor, Claudius, original work may have included other books of the Penta-
issued an edict to normalize conditions in Alexandria. teuch, but Eusebius knew only the section on Genesis and
Claudius confirmed the particular religious and judicial Exodus. Greek fragments preserved by Byzantine writers
rights of the Jews, but denied them equal rights with the deal only with Genesis or Exod.us with two doubtful excep-
Greek citizens. tions. Therefore we probably have the whole of the work.
Also apart from this legation to Caius Caligula, Philo (b) Allegorical Interpretations of Genesis, which con-
had political responsibilities. He tells in Spec Leg III: 1-5 sists of Leg All I-Ill; Cher; Sacr; Qµ.od Det; Post; Gig; Qµ.od
that circumstances forced him to leave philosophy and Deus; Agr; Plant; Ehr; Sobr; Conf; Migr; Heres; Congr; Fuga;
contemplation because envy had plunged him into the Mut; Somn; Deo. This series covers the main parts of
ocean of civil cares. By envy, Philo seems to allude to the Genesis 2-41. They have the form of a verse-by-verse
tensions which existed between the Jews and other ethnic commentary on the biblical texts. These commentaries
groups in Alexandria. vary in length and are more complex in form than Ques-
Philo was a learned person. In his youth he received the tions and Answers, though the question-and-answer fo~m
Greek general education of the encyclia. This general is also used. In this respect they are closer to the M1d-
education consisted of literature, rhetoric, mathematics, rashim than to the commentaries found at Qumran. Orig-
music, and logic. Philo's writings show that he had a broad inally the title of all these commentaries seems to have
education also beyond the encyclia. He not only had excel- been Legum Allegoriae. This name is now given only to the
lent command of Greek language and literary style, but first work, on Gen 2: 1-3: 19. The others have different
was well acquainted both with Greek authors and philoso- titles.
phers. The commentary is mostly on two levels: the literal and
Although Philo was clearly conscious of being a Jew, he the allegorical. The relationship between Question~ and
took an active part in the social life of Alexandria. He Answers ar.d the Allegorical Interpretation of Genesis 2-3
attended banquets, frequented the theatre, watched box- is much discussed. Both works have the form of a commen-
ing matches, and attended horse races. Nevertheless, he tary on verses or passages from the Pentateuch. Some
v • 335 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA

scholars have suggested that "Questions" is catechetical, can be combined with ideas which he puts forward in
while "Allegorical Interpretation" is more scholarly. other writings: the animals know nothing of God, cosmos,
Against this is the fact that in general, where Qµaes over- law, ancestral customs, state and political life. These attri-
laps with sections of questions and answers i? the ."Allegor- butes are exclusive to man. Some of these Stoic ideas are
ical Interpretation," there is no substantial difference. part of Philo's Exposition of the Laws of Moses. Thus, in
Moreover, the question-and-answer form also occurs in the saying that the animals know nothing about man's con-
"Exposition of the Laws of Moses," where it does not serve scious and purposeful art, Philo in Congr 141 gives the full
a catechetical aim. Scholars have observed that the ques- Stoic definition of art in the course of his exposition of
tion-and-answer form is also found in Greek commentar- Gen 16:5. Notwithstanding the Stoic influence, the Mosaic
ies on Homer. But it equally occurs in Palestinian exegeti- treatment of animals must be considered as the determin-
cal tradition, and Philo may therefore share this influence ing factor in moulding his thought. And the philosophical
from Greek exegetical forms with Jewish tradition. ideas of God, cosmos, ancestral customs, state and political
3. Remaining Writings. There has been more uncer- life are points which in several places are central to Philo's
tainty in the classification of the remaining writings. In interpretation of the Pentateuch. The conclusion is that
general they have been divided into purely philosophical Philo's views stated in Anim, as elsewhere, are influenced
writings (Aet; Provid; Anim; Qµod Omn) and historical and by his attitudes and views as a Jew in the sense in which he
apologetic treatises (Flacc; 118 Gaium; Vita Cont; Apo/ Jud; himself defines Jewish ideas in his other writings.
Vita Mos). E. R. Goodenough (1933: 109-25) has rightly When Philo draws on Pentateuchal passages and princi-
challenged the placement of De vita Mosis among the ples in his philosophical writings, he presupposes the kind
historical and apologetic writings. He has shown that this of exegesis which he has developed in his various exposi-
treatise and the Exposition of the Laws of Moses were tory works. They therefore presuppose Philo's work as an
companion pieces. exegete, and do not belong to a period of his life before
Apart from the questions related to Vita Mos, the classi- he had settled down to interpret the laws of Moses.
fication of other writings as historical and apologetic is also The hypothesis that Philo's philosophical writings were
rather unsatisfactory. The main weakness of this heading written prior to his expository works is built on the doubt-
is that it fails to integrate these treatises with the other ful assumption that Philo had less interest in philosophy
works of Philo. It therefore also seems pertinent here to after he began to interpret the Pentateuch. But his expo-
start from the fact that Philo was an exegete. Against this sitions show that he was continually drawing on Greek
background, the classification of these writings should be philosophy and philosophical works. Some of the philo-
given the heading: Pentateuchal principles applied to con- sophical writings point rather to a later period than to
temporary issues and events. youth: Alexander, or Whether the Animals have Reason, for
These writings fall into three groups: (l) Writings in example, must have been written some time after the year
which Pentateuchal material, considered as literal narra- A.D. 12, and in it there is also probably a reference to the
tive or as an adumbration of deeper principles, is applied Jewish Alexandrian embassy to Rome in A.D. 39/40 of
to socioreligious factors in the Jewish community. Apo/Jud which Philo himself was the head. And if, as it seems, his
and Vita Cont fall into this category. (2) Writings in which own nephew Alexander was old enough to be his dialogue
Pentateuchal principles are applied to, or are developed in partner, Philo was most probably of advanced age.
dialogue with contemporary philosophical issues and reli- It is, therefore, doubtful whether Philo's life should be
gious phenomena: Qµod Omn, Aet, Provid, and Anim. divided into his philosophical period as a young man and
(3) Writings in which Pentateuchal principles are applied his exegetical period as a mature and old man. He lived all
to specific historical events and persons: Flacc and Gaium. his life in the double context of the Jewish community and
The preserved fragments of Apo/ Jud deal with events the Alexandrian Greek community. Philosophy was Philo's
and laws which cover parts of the Pentateuch from Jacob life interest. The dialogues seem to be apologetic writings
(Genesis 25) to the conquest of Palestine in the books of and thus to fall in line with the rest of his works.
Joshua and Judges. The emphasis in Apo/Jud is placed on The third group, the writings on contemporary matters,
a characterization of Judaism in Philo's own time, and it deals with the historical events connected with the pogrom
can therefore be listed among Philo's writings on contem- in Alexandria in A.D. 38. The situation is portrayed as a
porary issues. conflict between the Jewish belief that they were the elected
In Vita Cont, Philo tells about the religious community people of the one God, the Creator, and the usurpatory
of the Therapeutae to illustrate the aspect of heavenly claim of power and of divine prerogatives of the Greek
ascent (Vita Cont 11). They are citizens of Heaven even in polis and the Roman emperor.
this life in the world (Vita Cont 90). They are in this way The connection between the historical writings Flacc and
model Jews, since to be a true Jew is to be a citizen of Gaium and Philo's expository writings can be quite closely
Heaven; a proselyte receives a place in Heaven when he drawn. In his exegetical works also Philo at times applies
becomes a Jew (see for instance Praem 152). Pentateuchal principles to historical events and persons.
. The second group of treatises deals with philosophical Thus as an example of persons who (as seen in Gen 37:9-
issues. In these writings Philo uses his interpretation of 11) exalt themselves above men and the world of nature,
the laws of Moses in evaluating and developing philosoph- he lists Xerxes, who was punished with insanity. Another
ical notions (see especially Qµod Omn 42ff.; 53-57; 75-91; example was a governor over Egypt who attempted to
Aet 13-19; Provid I:22; 35; 84). disturb the ancestral customs of the Jews (Somn II: 123ff.).
Even the view expressed by Philo in the treatise Anim In Flacc and Gaium the same approach is followed, in
seems to be selected on the basis of his Jewish attitude, and such a way that the Pentateuchal principles-as under-
PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA 336 • v
stood by Philo-are used as an interpretative key, and the on written documents or on oral traditions in the Syn-
actual biblical passages are presupposed as background. agogues. Philo's broad knowledge and his role and place
Of particular interest is Gaium 3-7, where Philo gives a in the Jewish community suggest that he used both kinds
summary of the main points of his interpretations of the of sources.
laws of Moses and thus of the Jewish religion. He places
emphasis here as elsewhere on God's creative, kingly, and C. Philo and the Jewish Community in Alexandria
providential powers, and on such of the other powers The situation of the strong Jewish community in Alex-
which serve both beneficial and punitive purposes (Qµod andria from the Roman takeover in 30 B.c. to the settle-
Deu.s 77-78; Plant 50). This nation, whose God is the ment of the increasing unrest by the Emperor r:laudius in
Creator, is according to Philo the race of suppliants (§3) in A.D. 41 has been subject to thorough examination.
the sense that they serve as link between God and man. The general conclusion can be summed up in this way:
God's care for all men is in a sense the outcome of His the Romans made a distinction between, on the one hand,
care for the Jews (cf. Praem 44). Philo then tells how Flaccus the citizens of the Greek cities and the Hellenes of the
and Gaius Caligula proved to be enemies of the Jews (Flacc provincial towns and villages, and on the other, the native
24 Gaium 373), but were in reality enemies of God himself: Egyptian population. The first group was either exempted
Flaccus was puffed up with arrogance (Flacc 124; 152), from the poll tax, in the case of the Greek citizens, or paid
and Gaius even overstepped the bounds of human nature a lower rate, as did the Hellenes, while the native Egyptians
and claimed to be god (Gaium 75; 367£.). paid the tax in full. For the Jews in Alexandria, therefore,
Philo here narrates theologically interpreted history. In the question of their legal status was a burning issue, and
this respect these treatises show a similarity to history they pressed for equal status with the Greek citizens of the
writing in the Old Testament, in Judaism, and in the New city. The Greek citizens, on the other hand, tried to
Testament. In the New Testament especially, the Passion deprive the Jews of the privileges granted them by the
narrative in the Gospels and the persecutions of the early Emperor Augustus and wished the Jews to be classified
church according to the Acts of the Apostles describe together with the native Egyptians.
historical events and interpret them on the basis of the Old After Gaius Caligula became emperor in A.D. 37, this
Testament. As for Philo's specific point about rulers being state of cultural, judicial, and religious strife led to anti-
punished for their blasphemous arrogance, the brief story Jewish riots which grew into a pogrom. A military uprising
in Acts 12:20-23 applies this principle to the same King by the Jews against the Greeks followed in A.D. 41 on the
Herod who aided the Alexandrian Jews: "And the people death of Caius Caligula and the accession of Claudius to
shouted, 'The voice of a god, and not of a man!' Immedi- the throne. Jews from Palestine and Egypt took part in the
ately an angel of the Lord smote him, because he did not armed revolt, as can be seen from the fact that Claudius
give God the glory; and he was eaten by worms and died." forbade the Alexandrian Jews to permit Jews from Syria
Philo's works are based on the interpretation of the and Egypt to enter the city. The emperor, furthermore,
Pentateuch, although also other LXX books are used. The would not permit Jews to participate in the various activi-
predominance of his use of the Pentateuch probably re- ties connected with the gymnasium.
flects the reading practice in the Alexandrian synagogues. From these observations the following hypcthesis can be
In this case, Pentateuchal pericopes were read in the syna- formulated: It is probable that some Jews in Alexandria
gogal gatherings, and other writings would have been were content with the status quo under which they were
drawn upon only in expositions or in other parts of the permitted to live according to their own laws and customs
services. It should also be added here that the Pentateuchal as a separate politeuma of its own. Furthermore, it is certain
books would be of special interest to the Jewish community that others coveted Greek citizenship for the sake of
in Egypt, since Egypt and the Exodus are central geo- higher social and political prestige and greater economic
graphical and theological elements in these books. advantages.
Since Philo builds his exegesis on the Greek text of the Strong forces among the Alexandrian Jews, however,
LXX, he develops a theological understanding of this seem to have entertained the (eschatological) expectations
translation: the LXX is an exact and inspired translation that other nations would acknowledge the law of Moses,
of the Hebrew original. Moreover, it has a central role, and the people of God, the Jews, as the center of th~ world.
since it serves as a revelation of the sacred writings to the Among these Jews there seem to have been two different
Greek-speaking part of mankind. In spite of this fact,
perspectives as to methods which should be used. Some
many details of the textual affinities of Philo's LXX text
were in favor of using force, even arms, if necessary. The
are uncertain, particularly because he sometimes departs
armed revolt by the Jews in Alexandria in 41 seems to have
from the LXX readings. The reason is that in the para-
been inspired by such convictions, since the rebels were
phrasing expositions Philo deals with the text as an active
exegete; moreover, he works exegetical traditions into his able to motivate even Jews from Syria and Egypt to come
paraphrase. Thus, it is impossible to reconstruct an origi- and join them. Others among the Alexandrian Jews advo-
nal LXX text on the basis of his exegesis. cated that the Jews were to conquer their surroundings by
The question whether Philo knew Hebrew has been peaceful means; i.e., by their religion, bas.ed on the laws
much discussed, but no consensus has been reached. The given by the Creator, and by their growing prosperity.
question is not of decisive importance, however. He under- Philo was of this opinion. In Vita Mos Il:44, he expresses
takes etymological interpretations based on Hebrew, and the conviction that increased prosperity and progress
he employs some traditions which were common to Greek- among the Jews will lead other nations to accept the laws
speaking and Hebrew-speaking Jews. He may have relied of Moses; and Philo's writings serve the general aim of
v • 337 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA

interpreting these laws to the surrounding world and leisurely comfort discussing at length your ancestral phi-
preparing the Jews for their univ~rsal ta_sk. . losophy." Unfortunately, he does not provide any definite
Accordingly, in Somn II:83, Philo advises his fellow Jews information about Jewish education or his own part in it.
to be cautious and not to use revolutionary provocations in With regard to the LXX Philo refers to an old custom "to
their dealings with the non-Jewish political authorities: hold every year a feast and general assembly in the island
"... Surely then they are all lunatics and madmen who of Pharos, whither not only Jews but multitudes of others
take pains to display untimely frankness, and sometimes cross the water, to do honour to the place in which the
dare to oppose kings and tyrants in words and deeds. light of that version shone out."
They do not perceive that not only are their necks under Philo's writings show that he had a wide Greek educa-
the yoke like cattle, but that the harness also extends to tion. He has an excellent command of Greek, a good
their whole bodies and souls, their wives and children and literary style, and knows many Greek philosophers and
parents, and the wide circle of friends and kinsfolk .... " writers. Some conclusion about Philo's knowledge of
The conclusion drawn from this evidence is that Philo Greek philosophy may be drawn from explicit quotations,
supported the policy that Jews should participate actively and the philosophical ideas he uses. Stoicism, Pythagore-
in the social life of Alexandria. He therefore belonged anism, and Platonic traditions predominate. Philo's view
himself to those who infiltrated the Greek milieu centered that general education prepares for philosophy and his
around the gymnasium. At the same time, however, he definition of philosophy as "the practice or study of wis-
attacked and passionately criticized pagan worships and dom, which is the knowledge of things divine and human
pagan life-standards. in their causes." (Congr 79) are Stoic, as is also his division
Among the burning issues are mentioned the paying of of philosophy into logic, ethics, and physics. From the
fees and participation in the life of the clubs. Reluctantly, Platonic tradition he takes over the distinction between the
Philo says: " ... when the object is the share in the best of "forms" or ideas and the visible world, and between soul
possessions, prudence, such payments are praiseworthy and body. From the Pythagoreans come speculations on
and profitable; but when they are paid to obtain that numbers. Philo also shows familiarity with other philo-
supreme evil, folly, the practice is unprofitable" (Ebr 20ff.), sophical schools and with Greek literature in general.
and it can lead to Egyptian animal worship (Ebr 95). Non-Jewish sources have been incorporated in such a
Another issue is participation in the triennial festivals of way that on the whole little identification of authors seems
athletic contests, which were organized by the cities. To possible, but in some cases names of philosophers and
Philo, these festivals are examples of contests in rivalry, authors are given.
lust, anger, and licentiousness. A Jew should try to avoid
participation in these, but if compelled to take part, he D. Philo as Biblical Exegete
should not hesitate to be defeated (Agr 110-21). In b. With regard to Philo's exegetical aims and methods,
Gi.t.tin 47a we find an example of this attitude. According some scholars see him as the main representative of Hel-
to this text, Simeon S. Lakish at one period of his life was lenistic Diaspora Judaism, in contrast to Palestinian Juda-
a professional gladiator. He justified this on the ground of ism as represented in the rabbinic sources. This distinction
grim necessity. does not do justice to Philo's own view of the situation.
The treatise De Josepha reflects problems related to sex- While he is involved in debates with fellow Jews in Alexan-
ual ethics and to table fellowship. In jos 42ff. and in 56- dria, their views may, from this perspective, reflect debates
57 the difference is pointed out between the Hebrew in Judaism in general, Palestine included. Philo is primarily
nation and other nations in sexual ethics and marriage an exegete. Sometimes he agrees with other exegetes,
laws. The Hebrews have strict customs and strict laws on sometimes he supplements them, and often he repudiates
marital matters, while licentiousness has destroyed the them; but he does not reveal the identity, whereabouts, or
youth of the Greek race and the barbarians. In Egypt it is social status of his partners in debate. Indeed, more re-
easy for Jewish youth to leave the ancestral way of life and search is needed to examine whether his interlocutors
change to alien ways, because the Egyptians deify things represent specific schools. Tentatively, the following obser-
created and mortal and are blind to the true God (]os 254). vations can be made.
Another area of tension was that of table fellowship. Philo seems to refer to two different varieties of exegetes
Joseph gave a feast both for his own family and for Egyp- who championed literal exegesis. One was faithful to Ju-
tians. Joseph feasted each party according to its ancestral daism, while the other used literal exegesis to attack and
practice, but Philo adds that the Egyptians followed the ridicule the Pentateuch and Judaism. Some of the views of
same seating order as the Hebrews. The Egyptians indi- the "faithful literalists" are: in Deut 34:4 God humiliates
cated that in other times the style of life in their country Moses by not permitting him to enter the promised land;
was less civilized, until Joseph introduced good order (]os in Gen 11 :7-8 the confusion of tongues refers to the origin
202-6). of the Greek and barbarian languages; Gen 26: 19-32 tells
Philo speaks of Jewish institutions in Alexandria. He about actual digging of wells; in Exod 22:26-27 material
refers to the Jewish council of elders. There were many return of garment is meant; the consistency of the rules
synagogues in each section of the town, and one synagogue about leprosy in Lev 14:34-36 is a matter of discussion. In
was very large and notable. He often describes how the arguing with the other group, Philo reflects disputes be-
synagogues function, stressing the reading and explana- tween non-Jews or Jewish apostates and Jews. The treatise
t10n of the Bible: "And will you sit in your convent'.cles On the Change of Names serves as defense against the liter-
and assemble your regular company and read in security alism of a jester whom Philo himself had heard. and who
your holy books, expounding any obscure point and in committed suicide as a punishment from God (Mut 60-
PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA 338. v
· 62). The change of one letter in Abram/Abraham and tionally ~oes Philo_ d~scard the literal meaning altogether
Sarai/Sarah is ridiculed by this group, as is the story of or allow It only a hm1ted role.) Philo combines literal and
Jacob and Esau and their food; some of them maintain a_ll~gorica~ met?ods _of exegesis, stressing allegorical expo-
that the Bible contains myths (such as the story about the s1uon agamst hterahsts and the literal sense against over-
tower of Babel) similar to those which Jews themselves spiritualization.
ridicule when recited by others. On the Confusion of Tongues . Philo discusses ?ther views which do not readily sort
serves also as defense against such mockery. mto the classes of literal and allegorical exegesis, although
Philo also tells of Jews who used allegory to such an they may be combined with such an approach. As an
extent that valid Jewish custom was undermined. The example, we quote the following: "There are some whose
central passage is Migr 89-93: definition of reverence is that it consists in saying that all
things were made by God, both beautiful things and their
There are some who, regarding laws in their literal sense opposites. We would say to these, one part of your opinion
in the light of symbols of matters belonging to the is praiseworthy, the other part on the contrary is faulty ... "
intellect, are overpunctilious about the latter, while The sources of Philo's allegorical method have been
treating the former with easygoing neglect. Such men I much discussed. Did he draw on Greek allegorical meth-
for my part should blame for handling the matter in too ods (especially as employed by the Stoics on Homer) or on
easy and off-hand a manner: they ought to have given Jewish traditions? He undoubtedly followed the Stoics, who
careful attention to both aims, to a more full and exact read natural phenomena and ethical norms into Homer,
investigation of what is not seen and what is seen, to be though Philo emphasized the ethical, which he based on
stewards without reproach. As it is as though they were his concept of God. But other parallels are found in the
living alone by themselves in a wilderness, or as though Haggadah, especially as regards the idealization of the
they had become disembodied souls, and knew neither patriarchs and other biblical persons, often by means of
city nor village nor household nor any company of etymologies.
human beings at all, overlooking all that the mass of It may be maintained that Philo attempts to make the
men regard, they explore reality in its naked absolute- allegorical method serve his aims as a Jewish exegete. In
ness. These men are taught by the sacred word to have this respect, his allegorical interpretation shows affinities
thought for good repute, and to let go nothing that is with the hermeneutical concept of prophecy and fulfill-
part of the customs fixed by divinely empowered men ment. He spells out abstract principles which he sees in the
greater than those of our time. It is quite true that the biblical text, and these in turn can be applied to individuals
Seventh Day to meant to teach the power of the Unori- and the Jewish community, serving to interpret specific
ginate and the non-action of created beings. But let us events. Philo also adapts allegorical interpretation to the
not for this reason abrogate the laws laid down for its Jewish notion of election, which he uses to claim for the
observance, and light fires or till the ground or carry Jews and their sacred writings elements from Greek phi-
loads or institute proceedings in court or act as jurors or losophy, education, ethics, and religion. Conversely, to
demand the restoration of deposits or recover loans, or Philo, allegorical interpretation is a way in which the wis-
do all else that we are permitted to do as well on days dom of the laws of Moses and Jewish religious institutions
that are not festival seasons. It is true also that the Feast can be disclosed to the world.
is a symbol of gladness of soul and of thankfulness to Philo often indicates that he uses other Jewish sources as
God, but we should not for this reason turn our backs well as the Bible. He refers to these sources in On the Life
on the general gatherings of the year's seasons. It is true of Moses: "But I will ... tell the story of Moses as I have
that receiving circumcision does indeed portray the ex- learned it, both from the sacred books ... and from some
cision of pleasure and all passions, and the putting away of the elders of the nation; for I always interwove what I
of the impious conceit, under which the mind supposed was told with what I read." The question arises here
that it was capable of begetting by its own power: but let whether Philo depended only on local Jewish tradition, or
us not on this account repeal the law laid down for also on wider ones, including Palestinian Haggadah and
circumcising. Why, we shall be ignoring the sanctity of Halakah. Philo's own visit to Jerusalem, his knowledge of
the Temple and a thousand other things, if we are going conditions and events in Palestine, the frequent contacts
to pay heed to nothing except what is shown us by the between Alexandrian and Palestinian Jews, and the fact
inner meaning of things. Nay we should look on all these that both groups recognized the Temple of Jerusalem as
outward observances as resembling the body, and their their center, at least strongly indicate that Philo knew and
inner meanings as resembling the soul. It follows that, followed Palestinian traditions. This conclusion is con-
exactly as we have to take thought for the body because firmed by a comparison of Philo with the rabbinic writings.
it is the abode of the soul, so we must pay heed to the Philo practiced the common Halakah with regards to
letter of the laws. If we keep and observe these, we shall worship in the Temple of Jerusalem, the Temple ta'.', a~?
gain a clearer conception of those things of which these pictures and statues in Temple and synagogues. His visit
are symbols; and besides that we shall not incur the to the Temple may indicate that he recognized its rules
censure of the many and the charges they are sure to about calendar and sacrifices. Philo knew of the conflicts
bring against us (Loeb ed.). between Pilate and the Jewish authorities in Palestine aris-
ing from the Halakah. In some cases where Philo's views
In this passage, Philo summarizes his attitude as an are in conflict with the rabbinic Halakah, it can be proved
exegete. The allegorical, though higher and more impor- that they represent an earlier stage of common pract_ice
tant, practically never invalidates the literal. (Only excep- (Alon 1977). Examples of haggadic views in Philo whKh
v. 339 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA

have parallels in the rabbinic writings are: the rivalry heavenly beings, the laws of Moses and Platonic and Stoic
among the stars as to precedence, the angel who appeared elements. In some places Philo uses the related concept of
to Moses in the burning bush being the image of God; wisdom, Sophia. When Sarah is a cosmic and heavenly
Moses growing extraordinarily fast; why Adam was last to figure she can be named Sophia, following Jewish Wisdom
be created; the manna and the well not conforming to the tradition.
regular sequence of rain from heaven and bread from Philo sometimes uses sexual imagery to describe the
earth. relationship between God and the world. The contrast
between male and female means the contrast between the
E. Central Ideas and Perspectives spiritual and the irrational or between the eternal and the
At times Philo maintains that God is unknowable, tran· transitory. Matter is female, while form and logos is male.
scending virtue and the good and the beautiful. He is "that The highest Logos and God himself are essentially asex-
which exists" (to on), or "he who exists" (ho on). But, ual.
although God himself is unknowable, his activities, which In Philo's anthropology, humans consist of soul and
are called his powers (dynameis) can be known. Central body, but Philo utilizes a variety of concepts such as soul,
powers are: God's activity in creating the world, repre- mind, and spirit. He distinguishes between the lower mind
sented by the name "God" (Theos), and his continued and soul, which operate within the context of sense per-
activity in governing the world, indicated by the name ception and are mortal, and the higher mind and soul,
"Lord" (Kyrios). The universe consists of the intelligible which are indestructible and immortal. In Philo the higher
and the sensible world, both created and governed by God. soul does not have primarily an individualistic sense. In On
God's powers are in the intelligible sphere, but reach into Drunkenness 36-37 Philo writes: "He (Moses) in his wisdom
this world and are knowable by man. was recalling the whole people of the soul to piety and to
Philo's technical use of the term Logos connotes God's honouring God and was teaching them commandments
mental activity during the act of creating. The parable of and holy laws." Thus "the soul" is associated with piety,
the architect in Op 15-25 illustrates this point: Philo tells the honoring of God, the commandments and holy laws,
about an architect who made a model of the various parts the very characteristics of the Jewish people, in contrast
of the city he was to build. Similarly, Pirqe R. El. 3, portrays with "a city of commonwealth :-ieopled by a promiscuous
a king who wanted to build a palace, and first modeled on horde, who swing to and fro as their idle opinions carry
the ground its foundations, entrances, and exits. Accord- them."
ing to Philo, the architect thought out in his mind how he Philo's dualism must also be connected with the distinc-
should build. Similarly, in an anonymous midrash, it is tion made between the chosen people, the Jews, and other
stressed that the man first sat and calculated how he nations. Philo combines an ethical dualism between heaven
wanted the building (Urbach 1975: 1.200-1). Philo applies and earth and between soul and body with the dualism
this picture to the creation of the world; and he identifies between Judaism and the pagan world. For example, the
the intellectual planning of the architect with Logos, Jews who make education, wealth, and office serve the
meaning God's mental activity during the act of creating. heavenly values, as manifested in the laws of Moses, bring
Similarly, the parable of the architect in the anonymous heaven to rule over earth. If, on the other hand, the Jews
midrash is supported by Ps 33:6: "By the word of the Lord have luxurious living, political careers, and licentiousness
the heavens were made." In his use of the parable of the as their objectives, they join with the earthly, pagan disor-
architect, Philo thus to a large degree stays within the der. Accordingly, when Philo interprets references to
context of Jewish exegesis of the creation story. Neverthe- Egypt and Egyptians allegorically to mean the body, pas-
less, Philo develops a philosophical exegesis on this basis. sions, moral values, etc., he combines these two aspects of
He focuses the attention on the intellectual activity of the his dualism: Egypt and Egyptian represent the pagans in
architect, and in this way the model is not an "empirical" contrast to the Jewish nation, and at the same time they
sketch or model, but the image of the city in the mind of represent evil body over against the Jewish nation which
the architect. Thus, the parable expresses the idea that the has the heavenly quality of the soul. When Jews yield to
model of the world is the intelligible world (of ideas) the somatic passions and other evils, they then join with
conceived by God before he created the world perceived the Egyptians in their vices.
by the senses. Here Jewish exegetical tradition about God Looking for a dominant feature in Philo's thought, some
as architect and Stoic and Platonic terminology and scholars have pointed to the tendency to bridge the gap
thought categories are brought together in a synthesis. between the transcendent God and man by intermediaries,
The Logos, as one of the powers of the intelligible world, such as Logos, the powers, etc. This is not enough. To
reaches mto our world, mainly through the mediators Philo, it is specifically the Jewish people which intermedi-
Moses and Aaron, both called Logos. The plural logoi can ates between God and man. The notion of the cosmic and
md1Cate the heavenly principles which are embodied in the universal significance of Israel dominates in this thought.
laws and precepts given to the Jews through Moses. The center of Jewish existence is Jerusalem and its
In another sense, the Logos and the logoi may be con- Temple. All Jews see Jerusalem as mother city, their me-
ceived as heavenly figures such as angels and archangels. tropolis. Its earthly buildings are not its totality, but essen-
Th~ Logos 1s also called a "second god," or God's firstborn. tially represent God's cosmos. Surprisingly, the Logos is
This Logos has many names: "the beginning," "the name equally characterized as a "metropolis," and Philo regards
of God," "the man after his image," and "he that sees" Jerusalem as a manifestation of the divine Logos spoken
(Israel). The meaning of Philo's Logos is therefore com- by God when he created the world. Indeed the chief,
plex: It embraces the scriptural "word," biblical figures, surest, and best mother city-which is more than just a
PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA 340. v
city-is the Divine Logos, and to take refuge in it is Moses. By introducing his laws into the story of creation,
supremely advantageous. Furthermore, Philo seems to Moses implies that the universe is in harmony with the Law
expect that all Jews of the Diaspora would be brought back and the Law with the world. Thus the man who observes
to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the eschatological age. the Law is constituted a loyal citizen of the world. Primar-
Equally, the Temple in Jerusalem is an earthly counter- ily, this is Moses, a true cosmopolitan, in accordance with
part of the cosmic heavenly Temple: the development of that idea. In the second place, the
people of Israel is meant.
The highest and in the truest sense the holy, temple of Like Aaron the high priest, Moses is a messenger and
God is, as we must believe, the whole cosmos, having for mediator between God and man. As such, he is identified
its sanctuary the most sacred part of all existence, even with an archangel, or with the Logos and in this capacity
heven, for its votive ornaments the stars, for its priests says: "and I stood between the Lord and you" (Deut 5:5),
the angels who are servitors to His powers ... There is that is neither uncreated as God, nor created as you, but
also the temple made by hands; for it was right that no midway between the two extremes, a surety to both sides,
check should be given to the forwardness of those who ... For I am the harbinger of peace to creation from that
pay their tribute to piety and desire by means of sacri- God whose will is to bring wars to an end, who is ever the
fices either to give thanks for the blessings that befall guardian of peace. Similarly, Moses was one among the
them or to ask for pardon and forgiveness for their sins. many angels when he mediated at Sinai and spoke on
But he provided that there should not be temples built God's behalf to the people. He served as one of the logoi.
either in many places or many in the same place, for he Philo can even say that God sent Moses as a loan to the
judged that since God is one there should be also only earthly sphere.
one temple (Loeb ed.). In Vita Mos I: 158 Philo interprets Moses' ascent of
Mount Sinai to mean that he ascended into the realm of
Of the Levitic priests, Philo says that their perfection of God. In rabbinic writings the same interpretation is found,
body and soul makes them the image of God. This requi- and both Philo and the rabbis see Moses as god and king
site perfection of body is a token of the perfection of the (cf. Exod 7:1). This explains Moses' authority: Though a
immortal soul, fashioned after the image of God, i.e. of figure of the past, he still is to determine the lives of Jews
the Logos through whom the whole universe was created. in the time after him. In his ascent and vision of the divine
So, the high priest in the Jerusalem Temple is the true world they are to imitate him. They are Moses' disciples.
portrait of man. It was Moses who communicated the basic self-revelation
Again, the biblical picture of Aaron as a mediator and of God as "I am He that is." This means that "God alone
as Moses' interpreter is developed into the high priest as has veritable being," and that God's nature is to be, not to
the sacred Logos who separates and walls off holy thoughts be spoken. Yet, so that the human race should not lack a
from the unholy. Aaron was Logos in utterance, and the title to give to the supreme goodness, he allows them to
perfect interpreter. Along the lines of Jewish tradition, use the title of "Lord God."
Philo attributes cosmic significance to the high priest. His In his references to examples and persons outside Ju-
vestments symbolize the whole cosmos, he is consecrated daism, Philo can use various lines of argumentation. In his
to the Father of the world, and thus is invested with discussion of the free men (in: Qy,od Omn) he says that the
universal meaning for the service of the Creator. The various levels of freedom of the worthy man receives their
worship of the One God is seen in contrast to the errone- full dimension and true expression in Moses and in those
ous polytheism of other nations. Therefore, it is worship who follow him in worshipping the Self-existent only. Al
on behalf of all mankind: through the Levites, the Jewish several places Philo maintains that the Greek philosophen
nation is the priesthood of all nations. drew their thought from Moses and his Laws, Heres 214.
Philo's explanation of the feasts, of which only the Leg All I: 108, Spec Leg IV:61, Post 133, Qy,aes Gen IV: 152
Sabbath can be mentioned here, is illuminating. Jews, he Qy,od Omn 53-57, Congr 176. In agreement with this, Philc
says, regard the Sabbath with great reverence and will not pictures Moses as the embodiment of all knowledge anc
yield to political authorities who want to abolish it. Already wisdom. Although Moses had Egyptian and Greek teach·
in the Pentateuch, the celebration of the Sabbath is ers, he was independent in his apprehension so that ht
founded on creation (Gen 2:2-3), and Philo is fertile in
seemed a case rather of recollection than of learning.
his interpretation of the Sabbath and its cosmic role. For
Abraham, the ancestor of the Jewish race, is at the samt
instance, he elaborates in Pythagorean fashion on the
time the prototype of proselytes, since he left his nativt
number seven. One example out of many may be given:
Moses recognized in the seventh day the birth of the world, country and its polytheism to discover the One God. Ir
celebrated in heaven and on earth, as all things rejoice in doing so he gained all the other virtues. Philo distinguishe~
the full harmony of the sacred number seven. Hence, the three types of men: the earth-born, the heaven-born, anc
Hebrew people, who follow the laws of nature, must cele- the true men of God. Abraham began as a man born ol
brate this festival too. Basically, feasts and joy belong to heaven, searching into the nature of the ethereal region
God alone, for God alone is entirely blessed, exempt from Later, he became a man of God, and the God of tht
all evil. But from this joy of God the joy of man flows, as a Universe was his God in a special sense and by a specia
mixed stream. grace. The sons of earth are those who follow the pleasure~
The above illustrates how Philo gives a cosmic and uni- of the body. By combining these notions, we see that tht
versal relevance to Jerusalem, the Temple and the Sabbath, sons of earth are in fact pagans or apostates. The men oJ
as also to the laws of the Jewish nation and the role of heaven are pagans who, like young Abraham, seek heaver
v. 341 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA

and the Creator. The men of God then are the Jews, who lines can be drawn from Aristobulus' allegorical and phil-
like the older Abraham are wholly owned by God. osophical exegesis and the philosophical language of the
Philo's concept of revelation can now be better under- Wisdom of Solomon to Philo. Philo was literally the culmi-
stood. According to some scholars, he distinguishes in a nation of a literary tradition within Alexandrian Judaism:
gene~al way between the lesser mystery of .know~ng God apparently, no significant works were produced after him
through creation and the greater mystery m whKh man by Alexandrian Jews.
experiences the vision of God himself. This distinction Philo remained almost unknown in Jewish tradition until
should be understood more specifically on the basis of the the 16th century. It was the Christian Church which pre-
difference between Jews and other men: the chosen people served and adopted Philo; Byzantine anthologies even cite
received the revelation of God. Although other men share excerpts of Philo under the heading "of Philo the Bishop."
in a certain knowledge of God through creation and rea- Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Ambrose were influ-
son, it is only through the revelation received by the Jews enced by Philo in their allegorical exegesis and their use
that man is truly known by God. of such concepts as wisdom, Logos, and faith.
In modern historical research, Philo is studied as a
F. The Significance of Philo source for Greek philosophy, as a representative of Second
Scholars have interpreted Philo in a variety of ways. He Temple Judaism and as a forerunner of early Christian
has been seen as a great (Pharisaic) system builder and thought. As for the latter, Philo has especially been studied
philosopher (Wolfson); as a representative of anti-norma- to throw light on the concept of Logos in the Gospel of
tive Hellenistic Judaism, a Jewish mystery religion (Good- John, on Platonisms in the Epistle to the Hebrews, and on
enough); as a representative of gnosticism (Jonas, Klein, exegetical techniques and forms used in the New Testa-
Kasemann, etc.); or as a representative of Middle Plato- ment. Philo's writings reflect a variety of movements within
nism (Theiler, Fruchtel, Dillon, Pearson). Since Philo com- Judaism in the time of the beginnings of Christianity, and
bines motifs of Platonic/Pythagorean and Stoic nature, he this observation has thrown light on some of its conflicts
shows obvious kinship with Middle Platonism. These and debates, particularly in relation to Judaism and the
Greek elements of Middle Platonic background are woven Hellenistic world.
together with biblical and Jewish notions. His writings
reflect the fact that different streams and traditions were Bibliography
present in Alexandrian Judaism. Philo's own emphasis on
Texts and Translations
heavenly ascent and the complementary roles of ruler
(Moses) and law-abiding person suggests that he draws on Machine-readable Greek Text of Philo's Works. (The Cohn-Wendland
traditions from early Jewish mysticism. Furthermore, Philo Text and the Greek Fragments). Ed. P. Borgen and R. Skarsten.
Trondheim and Bergen, 1972. Magnetic Tape.
and mystical Judaism share the idea of a heavenly being or
angel, Israel, understood by means of a pseudo-etymology Les Oeuvres de Philon d'Alexandrie. Ed. R. Arnaldez; L. Pouilloux;
to mean "the one who sees God." and C. Mondesert. 35 Vols. Paris, 1961-79.
Was Philo then fundamentally Greek or Jewish? His Philo, with an English Translation. Ed. F. H. Colson; G. H. Whittaker;
loyalty to the Jewish institutions, the laws of Moses, the role and R. Marcus. 10 Vols and 2 Supplementary Vols. LCL.
of Israel as the priesthood of the world, and his harshness Cambridge, MA, and London. 1929-62.
against renegades (even to the point of advocating lynch- Philonis Alexandrini de Animalibu.s. The Armenian Text with an
ing) shows that he was fundamentally a Jew. When Philo Introduction, Translation and Commentary by A. Terian.
draws on Greek philosophy and various notions from Chico, CA. 1981.
pagan religions, his intention was not to compromise Jew- Philonis Alexandrini opera quae supersunt. Ed. L. Cohn and P. Wend-
ish convictions and aims. He was such an extreme Jew that land. 7 Vols in 8. Berlin, 1896-1930. Repr. Berlin, 1962. Editio
he referred all ideas and phenomena of value, also includ- Maior.
ing those outside Judaism. to Moses as their origin and/or Die Werke Philos von Alexandria in deutscher Ubersetzung. Ed. L. Cohn;
authentic formulation. Whatever good there was had its I. Heinemann; M. Adler; H. Lewy; J. Cohn; and W. Theiler. 7
source in Scripture and thus belonged to the Jewish nation vols. Breslau and Berlin, 1909-1964.
and its heritage. Consequently, being so extreme in his Bibliographies. Surveys of Research. Concordances
claims, he.was on the verge of ending at the other extreme, Borgen, P 1984. Philo of Alexandria. A Critical and Synthetical
that ~f bemg o~ercome by the ideas he wished to conquer. Survey of Research since World War II. ANRW 2/21/1: 97-154.
In this way, Philo's extreme form of particularism risked Borgen, P., and Skarsten, R. 1973. Complete KWIC-Concordance of
ending up in a universalism where Jewish distinctiveness Phi/o's Writings. Trondheim/Bergen. Magnetic Tape.
was in danger of being lost. Feldman, L. H. 1963. Scholarship on Philo and Josephus (1937-1962).
Philo may have belonged to an elite group, small in New York.
number within the Jewish community of Alexandria. Nev- Goodhart, H. L., and Goodenough, E. R. 1938. A General Bibli-
ertheless, his place is clearly within the community in such ography of Philo. Pp. 125-348 in Goodenough 1938.
a. way that he took part in debates and conflicts among Hilgert, E. 1984. Bibliographia Philoniana 1935-1981. ANRW 21
different Je.w1sh strearr_is, and understood himself to rep- 2111:27-97.
resent tradJtJons and mterpretations of the synagogues, Marcus, R. 1935. Recent Literature on Philo (1924-1934). Pp. 463-
the Jewish schools of philosophy. 91 in]ewish Studies in Memory of George A. Kohut, ed. S. W. Baron
Philo. reflects more firsthand knowledge of Hellenistic and A. Marx. New York.
culture m general and Greek philosophy in particular than Mayer, G. 1974. lndex Philoneus. Berlin.
earlier Alexandrian Jewish writers, though direct historical Nazzaro, A. V. 1973. Recenti Studi Philoniani (1963-1970). Naples.
 PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA
342 • v
Radice, R. 1983. Fikme di Alessandria: Bibliografia Generate 1937- Urbach, E. I 975. The Sages: Their Concepts and Beliefs. 2 vols.
1982. Naples. Jerusalem.
Radice, R., and Runia, D. T. 1988. Philo of Alexandria: An Annotated Williamson, R. 1970. Philo and the Epistle to the Hebrews. Leiden.
Bibliography 1937-1986. Leiden. Wilson, R. McL. 1972. Philo of Alexandria and Gnosticism. Kairos
Thyen, H. 1955. Die Probleme der neueren Philo-Forschung. TRro 14: 213-19.
n.s. 23: 230-46. Winston, D., and Dillon, J. 1983. Two Treatises of Philo of Alexandria.
Volker, W. 1938. Fortschritt und Vollendung bei Philo von Alexandrien. BJS 25. Chico, CA.
TU 49. Leipzig. Wolfson, H. A. 1947. Philo. Vols. 1-2. Cambridge, MA.
Other Works PEDER BORGEN
Alon, G. 1977. On Philo's Halakha. Pp. 89-137 in]ews,]udaism and
the Classical World, ed. G. Alon. Jerusalem.
Amir, Y. 1983. Die hellenistische Gestalt des ]udentums bei Phi/on von PHILO OF BYBLOS. One of a number of learned
Alexandrien. Neukirchen-Vluyn. scholars of Near Eastern origin active in the Roman em-
Belkin, S. 1984. Philo and the Oral Law. Cambridge, MA. pire. He was born ca. A.D. 70 and died in 160· we have no
Borgen, P.1965.BreadfromHeaven. Leiden. Repr.1981. information where he lived, although Byblo~ and Rome
- - . 1984. Philo of Alexandria. Vol. 2/2, pp. 233-82 in Jewish are the obvious possibilities. His circle of friends centered
Writingl of the Second Temple Period, ed. M. Stone. CRINT 2 around the ex-consul Herennius Severus, and included
Philadelphia. men such as Hermippos of Beirut, an exceedingly learned
- - . 1986. Philo, john, Paul. Brown Judaica Series. Atlanta. slave, who wrote Concerning Dreams. Philo himself was the
Borgen, P., and Skarsten, R. 1976-77. Quaestiones et solutiones: author of several works. Worthy of particular notice is his
Some Observations on the Form of Philo's Exegesis. StPhilon encyclopedic compilation Concerning Cities and the Jllustrious
4: 1-15. Men Each of Them Produced. This book was eventually
Brehier, E. 1908. Les ldees Philosophiques et Religieuses de Philon abridged, and while it has not survived either whole or in
d'Alexandrie. Paris. abridgement, numerous citations from it can be found in
Chadwick, H. 1966. St. Paul and Philo of Alexandria. B]RL 48: the writings of Stephanus of Byzantium (who lived in the
286-307. 7th century A.D.).
Christiansen, I. 1969. Die Technik der allegorischen Auslegungswissen- Philo is, however, best known for his Phoenician History
schaft bei Phi/on von Alexandrien. Tiibingen. (PH). The PH has not been preserved intact, and we know
Cohn, L. 1899. Einteilung und Chronologie der Schriften Philos. it only through the mediation of Eusebius of Caesarea (ca.
Phil.ologus Sup 7: 385-435. 260-340), who quoted extensively from it in his Praeparatio
Danielou, J. 1958. Philon d'Alexandrie. Paris. Evangelica. The PH suited Eusebius's apologetic and po-
Dillon, J. 1977. The Middle Platonists. London. lemical interests almost perfectly. The principal pagan
Friichtel, U. 1968. Die kosmologischen Vorstellungen bei Philo von competitors of Christianity in his day were mystery cults,
Alexandrien. Leiden. often based on allegorizing or physiologizing interpreta-
Goodenough, E. 1929. The jurisprudence of the Jewish Courts in EfjYpt. tions of myths. Philo opposed mystery cults as humbug-
New Haven. Repr. Amsterdam, 1968. gery, and strongly rejected allegorizing and physiologizing
- - . I 933. Philo's Exposition of the Law and his De Vita Mosis. interpretations. Philo argued for a Euhemeristic interpre-
HTR 26: 109-25. tation of mythology, maintaining that the gods of myth
- - . I 935. By Light, Light. New Haven. were either immortal forces of nature or humans deified
- - . 1938. The Politics of Philo ]udaeus. New Haven. Repr. Hilde- for their contribution to culture by a grateful posterity. As
sheim, 1967. such, Philo provided Eusebius with a pagan witness whom
- - . I 940. An Introduction to Philo ]udaeus. New Haven. he could employ to attack pagan opponents.
Heinemann, I. 1932. Phil.ans griechische und jii.dische Bildung. Bres- The excerpts preserved by Eusebius do not read as a
lau. Repr. Hildesheim, 1962. smooth whole. Transitions are abrupt, and there are rarely
Kasemann, E. 1939. Das wandernde Gottesvolk. Gottingen. more than two sentences devoted to any topic; hence
Klein, F. -N. 1962. Die Lichtterminol.ogie bei Philon von Alexandrien Philo's comments are often difficult to understand. This
und in den Hermetischen Schriften. Leiden. obscurity may explain part of the fascination Philo has
Meeks, W. 1967. The Prophet-King. Leiden. held for scholars over the centuries. More substantial rea-
Mendelsohn, A. 1982. Secul.ar Education in Philo of Alexandria. sons for scholarly interest in Philo are the obvious impor-
Cincinnati. tance of the Phoenicians for understanding the back-
Nikiprowetzky, V. 1977. Le commentaire de l'Ecriture chez Philon ground of the biblical world, and the desire to evaluate the
d'Alexandrie. Leiden. material preserved by Philo in the light of our growing
Otte, I. 1968. Das Sprachverstiindnis bei Philo von Alexandrien. Tii- knowledge of the ANE. Indeed, for the past century, work
bingen. on Philo has usually been undertaken under the influence
Pearson, B. 1984. Philo and Gnosticism. ANRW 2/2111: 295-342. of the latest discoveries from the Near East: there was a
Runia, D. 1986. Philo of Alexandria and the Timaeus of Philo. Vols. 1- new impetus to read Philo at the time of the discovery of
2. Leiden. ancient Babylonian literature, and a similar wave in the
Sandmel, S. 1979. Philo of Alexandria: An Introduction. New York. aftermath of the publication of Ugaritic and Hittite myths.
Smallwood, E. M. 1976. The Jews under Roman Rule. Leiden. The latest scholarly tendency, however, has been to em-
Tcherikover, V. A. 1963. The Decline of the Jewish Diaspora in the phasize that Philo was an author in the Hellenistic-Roman
Roman Period.j]S 14: 1-32. world, and to balance interpretations of his work in ANE
v • 343 PHILO OF BYBLOS

terms against those that employ the culture Philo himself on the nature of snakes. Snakes played an important role
knew as a frame of reference. in some mystery cults (such as the rites created by Alexan-
Philo's work has a strong polemical quality. It is Euhe- der of Abonuteichos, described by Lucian). Philo is there-
meristic to the core, and it agrees on a relatively large fore anxious to explain the true nature of snakes lest we
number of small points with the little we know of the be misled and accept the interpretation of them offered in
writings of other Euhemeristic historians. In this sense, the mysteries he hated.
the PH conforms to the canons of Euhemeristic historiog- Philo's work raises a number of questions around which
raphy. As noted above, Philo opposed mystery cults which scholarly interest has focused. What sources did Philo use
were growing popular in his day (cf. Lucian of Samosata) in composing the PH? Did he have any very ancient docu-
and violently attacked allegorizers and physiologizers (Plu- ment(s) from which he worked directly? What is the true
tarch may be a convenient example of the sort of opponent relationship between Philo and Hesiod? Finally, was San-
Philo had in mind). The antipathy between allegorizers chuniathon a historical personality, a legendary hero, a
and physiologizers on the one hand, and Euhemerists on religious authority, or a fiction created by Philo or some
the other, was mutual: thus Plutarch presented a "critical" prior forger?
attack against Euhemerus, while Philo argued at length As noted above, there have been several cycles in the
against the interpretations of myths proposed by allegoriz- answers proposed to these questions. Philo's claims are
ers and physiologizers. now, however, regarded with considerable skepticism. His
Philo was also a strong Phoenician nationalist. He writes cosmogony was written in the verse technique typical of
as if everything important happened first in Phoenicia, or Ugaritic, Phoenician and biblical poetry, but the contents
was discovered by a Phoenician. He displayed a deep stress a scientific explanation of meteorological phenom-
dislike of Greeks typical of learned Near Easterners of his ena difficult to conceive before the rise of rationalism in
day. For all these reasons, we should not expect objectivity 6th-century Greece. In the Wars of Kronos, Philo tells a
of the PH. Philo was not a dispassionate historian, but an Byblian version of the common Mediterranean myth of
author determined to make a case with important contem- "Kingship in Heaven," also known in Babylonian, Hittite,
porary implications, concerning which he felt intensely. and Greek forms, but Philo knows these Byblian myths in
All of this, as noted above, made Philo especially useful to their classical or Hellenistic versions; they have been
Eusebius, but should be a constant source of caution in touched up to look more like Hesiod. Moreover, Philo has
reading and evaluating the fragments of the PH. exploited the similarities with Hesiod for his polemical
The surviving extracts of the PH fall into a number of purposes: to attack the Greeks as being inferior to the
distinct sections. Eusebius has preserved part of Philo's great ancient cultures of the Near East.
introduction in which he discussed the purpose of the Philo does present Phoenician traditions-this is indis-
work and described Sanchuniathon, his supposed source, putable-but he has not discovered and somehow pre-
whom he claimed to be translating from Phoenician to served unaltered texts from hoary antiquity. Rather he
Greek. Sanchuniathon was also known to Porphyry (232/ has retold contemporary versions of Phoenician myths,
3-ca. 305), and Eusebius cited a passage from the latter's modified them to suit his pet theories, and presented the
polemic against the Christians in which Sanchuniathon results as the true ancient versions. We therefore do not
was described and praised. According to both Porphyry read relatively unaltered Bronze Age or early Iron Age
and Philo, Sanchuniathon was a learned man of great sources in Philo.
stature and antiquity, antedating Hesiod, and either prior As for Sanchuniathon, his name is a good Phoenician
to or contemporary with the Trojan War. one, attested in inscriptions. He may have been a venerable
Eusebius then presented passages from Philo's supposed figure of Phoenician religion, and Philo's sources must
translation of Sanchuniathon, beginning with a verse cos- have been connected in some. way with this outstanding
mogony, and continuing with a section on discoverers of authority. Unfortunately, the Sanchuniathon strata in Phi-
essentials of civilized life. The latter are regularly gods, lo's work are beyond recovery. That material was part of a
who have been turned into mortals by Philo (in accordance living tradition and was further modified by Philo as part
with his Euhemeristic beliefs) and whose area of divine of his reworking the stories to fit his personal hypotheses.
function has become a discovery or invention. Philo contin- What little we arc told of Sanchuniathon is of dubious
ued ~ith. a long section on Kronos and his wars, describing value: he supposedly dedicated his book to Abibalos, king
the d1v1smn of the world by the victorious party at the end of Beirut; but book dedication did not become widespread
of the battles. One of the major events of the conflict until the Hellenistic period. The early date claimed for
between Kronos and Ouranos is the castration of the latter him is typical of the desire of barbarian historians to make
by the former. Philo concluded this discussion with harsh their authorities equal in age with or older than Homer.
criticism of the Greeks, foremost of whom was Hesiod, Sanchuniathon therefore remains a shadowy figure of
who misappropriated this Phoenician material and fash- antiquity.
ioned theogonies, gigantomachies, and castration stories The PH and the Bible illuminate each other on a large
of their own. Philo commented that we have become so number of points. For example, the verse cosmogony has
accustomed to these distortions of the truth that it has the seeming anomaly of having the first stages of animal
become difficult lo give up the incorrect versions and to life preceding the blazing forth of the sun and moon. This
recognize the authentic story-as he has presented it from seems so contrary to the logic of our expectations that one
Sanchuniathon-for its true worth. scholar proposed reorganizing the text of the PH so that
Eusebius cited two additional sections from Philo's work animal life would commence after the sun and moon
one explaining the origins of child sacrifice, and anothe; shone forth. Such drastic measures are, however, unneces-
PHILO OF BYBLOS 344. v
sary, particularly in the light of Genesis 1, where the Ebach, J. H. 1979. WeltentJtehung und Kulturentwicklung bei Philon
heavenly luminaries are created after the plants-another von Byblos. BWANT 6/8. Stuttgart.
sequence jarring to the modern mind. Oden, R. A., and Attridge, H. W. 198 I. Philo of Byblos: the Phoenician
Philo's entire section on discoverers is reminiscent of History: Introduction. CBQMS 9. Washington, DC.
Gen 4: 19-22, where the Bible mentions several people ALRERT I. BAUMGARTEN
who were the first to invent crafts or skills. Philo tells of
mortal giants who gave their names to mountains which
they conquered: to the Kassios, Lebanon, Anti-lebanon ~H;ILO, PSEUDO-. Pseudo-Philo's retelling of the
and Brathys(?). Their descendants were called after their b1bhcal story from Adam to David is known by its Latin
mothers, because the women of the time had sexual rela- title Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum (L.A.B.) and its English
tions with anyone upon whom they chanced. Philo is equivalent Biblical Antiquities. But the title is late, and the
clearly writing about the Baals of these mountains, of text itself makes no claim to have been written by Philo of
whom the Baals of Kassios, Lebanon, and Anti-lebanon Alexandria. The Latin title appeared first in the 1552
are known from other sources. The enigmatic Brathys may printing of the work, though one I 4th-century manuscript
be an error for Itaburion, the usual name for Mt. Tabor in bore the heading Liber Antiquitatum. The term "Antiqui-
Greek. If this suggestion is correct, it would fit well with ties" suggests that some analogy was perceived with Jose-
biblical evidence for the worship of Baal Tabor (Hos 5: I, phus' Antiquities, and thus the work was attributed to Philo
Deut 33:18-19). of Alexandria as the other great Jewish writer of antiquity
The entire section on these giants and their mountains known to Christian scribes. Manuscripts of Biblical Antiqui-
is connected with the enigmatic passage in Gen 6: 1-4. The ties were transmitted along with the Latin translations of
Bible tells a fragment of myth about the union of divine Philo's writings. Nevertheless, the nonallegorical approach
beings or minor gods with human women. This story is to the biblical text, the likelihood that it was composed in
further expanded in Jewish legend. Two hundred angels, Hebrew in Palestine, and the conflicts with Philo's genuine
under the leadership of Shemhazai, were attracted by the works indicate that the ascription to Philo has no historical
lewd practices, beauty, and sensual charm of human foundation.
women. They descended on Mt. Hermon ( = Anti-leba- Biblical Antiquities exists in 18 complete and three frag-
non) and swore to cooperate in choosing wives. Giants mentary Latin manuscripts (Harrington and Cazeaux
resulted from these unions and the fallen angels then 1976: 15-57), all of German or Austrian origin, from
taught mankind all sorts of evil practices, from weapons between the 11th and 15th centuries. All break off
and cosmetics to exorcism, magic, and divination. The abruptly in the midst of Saul's speech in chap. 65 and have
version in Jewish legend is a relic of Canaanite myth: Dane! gaps in content between 36:4 and 37:2 and between 37:5
(the hero of Ugaritic epic) appears among the fallen an- and 38: I. The most important Latin manuscripts are
gels, and one of the skills humans learn is that of dyeing Fulda-Cassel Theo!. 4°, 3 (11th cent.) and Phillipps 461
cloth-a reference to the chief industry of Phoenicia. Both (12th cent.). The Hebrew sections of L.A.B. in the medieval
the similarities and differences between Philo's story and Chronicles ofJerahmeel appear to have been translated from
the Jewish legend are clear. The original story, if there Latin (Harrington 1974).
ever was one common source behind Philo and Jewish Pseudo-Philo retold the biblical story from Adam to
legend, would have spoken of gods or heroes. Philo has David by selecting material from Genesis (I: 1-8: 14), Exo-
turned these into mortals, while Jewish legend would have dus (9:1-13:2), Leviticus (13:3-10), Numbers (14:1-
transformed them into angels. 18:14), Deuteronomy (19:1-15), Joshua (20:1-24:6),
Deuteronomy 32:8 contains an account of the division Judges (25: 1-48:5), and 1 and 2 Samuel (49: 1-65:5).
of the world by 'elyon, the "Most High" one. As the text Some biblical material was greatly expanded (especially
now stands, this 'elyon is the God of the Bible, who as the the Kenaz story in chaps. 25-28 [see Judg 3:9, 11 )), and
senior deity assigning shares could have taken any nation other sections were severely abbreviated or bypassed al-
for his own, but chose to take Israel. In earlier versions of most completely (e.g., Genesis 1-3, Leviticus). Particular
the text things might not have been so clear, as is suggested attention is given to the leaders of ancient Israel: Abra-
by fragments of Deuteronomy found at Qumran, in which ham, Moses, Joshua, Kenaz, Zebu!, Deborah, Ehud, Gid-
the God of the Bible might have had a subsidiary role, with eon, Abimelech, Jair, Jephthah, Abdon and Elon, Samson,
the main part assigned to El. On this understanding, Micah, Phinehas, Samuel, Saul, and David (Nickelsburg
Philo's account of the division of the world by the victori- 1980: 49-65).
ous El-Kronos is especially important. While incorporating various literary forms (genealogies,
In summary, there was extensive contact between the dream visions, apocalypses, prayers, speeches, poems,
world of the Bible and the Phoenicians. Philo's sources go etc.), L.A.B. is best described as an example of the "rewrit-
back to good Phoenician tradition, even if that material ten Bible" (Vermes 1961) comparable to jubilees, Genesis
has changed with time and been modified by Philo to suit Apocryphon, and Josephus' Antiquities. It treats the biblical
his polemical purposes. It is therefore appropriate that a texts more freely than the Targums and is not as directly
number of points of contact between the PH and the Bible concerned with the exposition of the biblical texts as the
remain visible. midrashim. It may reflect popular biblical interpretation
as practiced in the ancient Palestinian synagogues.
Bibliography Even though Latin is the language of the most important
Baumgarten, A. I. 1981. The Phoenician History of Philo of Byblos: A extant manuscripts, several passages are best explained by
Cummentary. EPRO 89. Leiden. assuming a Greek stage in the transmission of the work
v. 345 PHILOLOGUS

and by supposing mistranslation from Hebrew to Greek sion from important modern collections of Jewish writings
(Harrington 1970). Therefore it seems likely that L.A.B. has prevented it from being taken as seriously as it de-
was composed in Hebrew, translated into Greek, translated serves. The Latin text was edited by Kisch ( 1949) and
into Latin, and partly retroverted into Hebrew (Chronicles Harrington (1976). It has been translated into English by
ofjerahmeel). . . James (1917) and Harrington (OTP 2: 297-377), German
A Palestinian origin is indicated by its original composi- by Riessler (1966) and Dietzfelbinger (1975), Modern He-
tion in Hebrew, use of a Palestinian biblical text, knowledge brew by Hartom ( 1967), French by Cazeaux ( 1976), and
of Palestinian geography, literary parallels to 4 Ezra and 2 Spanish by de la Fuente Adanez (1984).
Baruch, and theological interests. A date at the turn of the
era is suggested by the silence about the destruction of the Bibliography
Second Temple, the assumption that worship continued at Cohn, L. 1898. A Apocryphal Work Ascribed to Philo of Alexan-
the Jerusalem Temple, and the use of a Hebrew biblical dria.JQR 10: 277-332.
text-type that was suppressed around 100 c.E. (Perrot and Dietzfelbinger, C. 1975. Pseudo-Philo: Antiquitates Biblicae (Liber
Bogaert 1976: 22-74). Those who argue for a late lst- or Antiquitatum Biblicarum).JSHRZ 2: 91-271.
early 2d-century c.E. dating (James 1917) appeal to the Feldman, L. 1971. Prolegomenon to M. R. James's The Biblical Antiqui-
parallels with 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch (both post-70 c.E.), the ties of Philo. New York.
great interest in Jewish leaders, and the possible allusion Fuente Adanez, A. de la. 1984. Antiguedades Biblicas (Pseudo-
to the fall of the Second Temple in 19:7. Filon). Vol. 2 pp. 195-316 in Apocrifos del Antiguo Testamento,
Attempts at relating L.A.B. to specific Jewish groups ed. A. Diez Macho et al. Madrid.
(e.g., Essenes, Pharisees, Samaritans, anti-Samaritans) are Ginzberg, L. 1909-38. The Legends of the Jews. Vols. 1-7. Repr.
not convincing. Rather the work appears to reflect the 1946. Philadelphia.
general spirit of the Palestinian synagogues. It illustrates Harrington, D. J. 1970. The Original Language of Pseudo-Philo's
how Jews read the Bible, tells us about the popular theol- Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum. HTR 63: 503-14.
ogy of the day, and contains some legends and motifs not - - . 1971. The Biblical Text of Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum
found elsewhere in ancient Jewish literature. It may have Biblicarum. CBQ33: 1-17.
been intended as a complement to the canonical books of - - . 1974. The Hebrew Fragments of Pseudo-Phi/o's Liber Antiqui-
Chronicles, though its theological interests were different. tatum Biblicarum Preserved in the Chronicles of Jerahmeel.
Biblical Antiquities is the earliest witness to some popular SBLTT 3. Cambridge, MA.
Jewish motifs (Ginzberg 1909-38; Feldman 1971): Abra- Harrington, D. J., and Cazeaux, J. 1976. Pseudo-Phi/on: Les Anti-
ham's escape from Ur (6), Israel's being spared from the quitlls Bibliques. Vol. I. SC 229. Paris.
Flood (7:4), Job as Dinah's husband (8:8), Moses' being Hartom, A. S. 1967. Seper Qadm6ni6t Hammiqrd. Tel-Aviv.
born circumcised (9: 13), etc. It also contains some unique James, M. R. 1917. The Biblical Antiquities of Philo. Translations of
motifs and material: e.g., the connection between the tower Early Documents I: Palestinian Jewish Texts. London and New
of Babel and casting Abraham into the fire (6:3-18), the York. Repr. 1971.
long section on Kenaz (25-28), and the idols of Micah Kisch, G. 1949. Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum. Publi-
(44:5). The focus of Pseudo-Philo's eschatological teaching cations in Mediaeval Studies 10. Notre Dame.
was what happens after death (33:2-5; 44:10) and what Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 1980. Good and Bad Leaders in Pseudo-
will happen during and after God's eschatological inter- Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum. Pp. 49-65 in Ideal Figures
vention. He looked on idolatry and intermarriage of Jews in Ancient Judaism. Profiles and Paradigms, ed. J. J. Collins and
with gentiles as especially reprehensible offenses against G. W. E. Nickelsburg. Chico, CA.
God's covenant with Israel. Other special interests in- Perrot, C., and Bogaert, P.-M. 1976. Pseudo-Phi/on: Les Antiquitlls
cluded prophecy, the "holy spirit," good and bad leaders, Bibliques. Vol. 2. SC 230. Paris.
angels, and the Deuteronomic interpretation of history Riessler, P. 1966. Philo: Das Buch der Biblischen Alterttimer.
(sin, punishment, salvation). Pp. 735-861 in Altjiidisches Schrifttum ausserhalb der Bibel. Darm-
L.A.B. provides important evidence about the text and stadt.
interpretation of the Hebrew Bible from Genesis to I and Vermes, G. 1961. Scripture and Tradition inJudaism: Haggadic Studies.
2 Samuel around the turn of the era. It also contains SPB 4. Leiden.
references to Psalms, Isaiah, and Jeremiah. It shares many DANIEL J. HARRINGTON
apocalyptic motifs with 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch, though it
~acks their four-empire scheme of history and any interest
m the messiah. In addition to some verbal parallels with PHILOLOGUS (PERSON) [Gk Philologos]. A Roman
the NT, its stories about the birth of Moses (9:9-16) and Christian who received greetings from Paul in Rom 16: 15.
Samson (42:1-10) share features with the Matthean and He was probably a gentile Christian. See NEREUS. That
Lukan infancy narratives. Its treatment of Abraham's sac- Philologus was the husband (or brother) of Julia, being
rifice of Isaac according to Genesis 22 (see 18:5; 32:2-4; coupled with her in v 15, is only a possibility. According to
40:2) may have influenced early Christian ideas about the literary sources and to more than 37,000 Roman
Jesus' sacrificial death. inscriptions, the name "Philologus" occurs only twenty-
Medieval Christian writers (Rhabanus Maurus, Rupert three times (whereas "Julia" appears more than l ,400
of Deutz, Peter Comestor) referred to the work. The times; Lampe StadtrChr, 139-41). Since the name was not
earliest explicit Jewish reference was by Azariah dei Rossi very common in the city, it probably indicates that Philo-
m the 16th century. Leopold Cohn's 1898 article revived logus had immigrated there.
modern scholarly interest in the document, but its omis- PETER LAMPE
PHILOMETOR 346. v
PHILOMETOR (PERSON) [Gk Philometoros]. The cor- Sadducees, and Essenes constitute the philosophies of the
onation of Philometor as king of Egypt and his antipathy Jews (Ant 18. l.2. § 11; cf.]W 2.8.2 § 119).
for the Seleucid king Antiochus IV are mentioned in 2 "Philosophy" appears only once in the NT (Col 2:8). In
Mace 4:21. Philometor was Ptolemy VI Philometor, son of that context, the writer combats a threat to the Christian
Ptolemy V Epiphanes and Cleopatra, daughter of Antio- community at Colossae, disparaging the threat there as
chus III. Philometor was born ca. 184 B.C.E. and ruled empty deceit and philosophy, specifically, a philosophy
from ca. 180-145. Philometor ruled under the regency of according to human tradition and the elements of the
his mother until her death in 176 B.C.E. during which time world, and not according to Christ. The label "philoso-
relations between Ptolemaic Egypt and Seleucid Syria were phy," by itself, says nothing certain about what the letter
cordial. Upon Cleopatra's death in 176 B.C.E., the regency writer opposes. The term's lack of any pejorative connota-
was assumed by Eulaios and Lenaios, who were opposed to tion may indicate that "philosophy" is the self-designation
Seleucid control of Coele-Syria. The deterioration of rela- of a group at Colossae, but the semantic breadth of the
tions between Egypt and Syria, due to the regents, and not word precludes any further deductions. (See Lohse Colos-
Philometor's personal opposition, led to Antiochus' hostile sians Hermeneia, 127-31.)
actions in Coele-Syria described in 2 Mace 4:21-22. The Since contemporary Jewish writers describe Judaism as
reference in 2 Mace 4:21 to Philometor's "coronation" a philosophy, and both dietary regulations and Sabbath
(RSV; Gk protoklisia) may be erroneous. Protoklesia is found observances belong to the practices of the Colossian phi-
in Codex Alexandrinus but protoklisia, "first reclining" losophers (2: 16), the Colossian philosophy may have been
from the Gk roots for "first" (prot-) and "recline" (klin-), a form of Judaism. On the other hand, philosophical
appears in numerous other authorities. As eta (e) and schools of the period, particularly Middle Platonism and
ipsilon (i) were pronounced alike by the time of Codex Neo-Pythagoreanism, exhibited a markedly religious hue.
Alexandrinus (Goldstein II Maccabees AB, 234), scribal The letter writer may have applied the term "philosophy"
error is possible. This "first reclining" or taking the place to a brand of pagan philosophy in Colossae that had
of honor at a banquet would possibly indicate a coming of adopted certain Jewish practices.
age ceremony for Ptolemy VI Philometor rather than a
coronation (Otto 1934: 16 and Robert 1969: 13). Polybius Bibliography
(xxvii 12.8-13.4) mentions Ptolemy Philometor's anakli- Brehier, E. 1965. The Hellenistic and Roman Age. Vol. 2 of The History
teria which is described as a coming of age ceremony. of Philosophy. Chicago.
However, although the practice was known in Hellenistic RICHARD E. DEMARIS
Egypt, no such royal ceremony is known from the Ptole-
maic period.
PHINEHAS (PERSON) [Heb pineluis]. Var. PHINEAS.
Bibliography The name most likely derives from Eg nl,l.sj which meant
Otto, W. 1934. Zur Geschichte tkr Zeit tks 6. Ptolemii.ers. ABAW phil.- "southerner" (the preformative p> adds the definite article
hist. Kl. n.s. 11. Berlin. "the"). "The southerner" was a term which referred to
Robert, L. 1969. Inscriptions d'Athenes et de la Grece Centrale. those people from south of ancient Egypt, such as the
Archaiolop;iki ephemeris, l-58. Nubians, and hence it implied those of "dark skin." The
MICHAEL E. HARDWICK association of Phinehas #2 with Hophni, another name of
Egyptian origin, supports the contention of the Egyptian
origin of Phinehas.
PHILOSOPHY [Gk philoso-phia]. Referring most obvi- 1. Phinehas was the son of Eleazar and Putiel, the
ously to the classical Greek schools of thought and their grandson of Aaron and a descendant of Levi (Exod 6:25;
investigation of nature and truth, "philosophy" could de- Num 25:7; Judg 20:28; 1Chr5:30-Eng 6:4; 1Chr6:35-
note the study and scientific treatment of, or speculation Eng 6:50; Ezra 7:5; 4 Ezra 1:2b; Ps-Philo 28:1, 3). He was
about, diverse subjects. Besides the intellectual disciplines, a priest (Num 25:7) and, as demonstrated by several pas-
it could signify prescribed training or, even more broadly, sages, he was known for his strong and sometimes violent
a way of life. Thus, Diodorus of Sicily (lst century B.C.E.) defense of the Israelite worship of Yahweh.
calls the priestly discipline and the study of astrology and When the Israelites began to worship Baal-peor instead
divination undertaken by the Chaldeans of Babylon "phi- of Yahweh, Phinehas stood against them (Num 25:1-13;
losophy" (2.29.1-4). (See TDNT 9: 172-88.) see also Ps 106:28-31; Sir 45:23-24; 1 Mace 2:26, 54; 4
In the LXX, "philosophy" occurs only in 4 Maccabees, Mace. 18:12; Hel. Syn. Pr. 8:4-5, where Phinehas' actions
where it has a broad meaning. Countering the charge that are seen as exemplary). In particular, when an Israelite
the religion (threskeia) of the Jews is foolish philosophy brought a Midianite woman into his family, Phinehas slew
(5:7-11), the author defends obedience to the Law as the man and woman with a spear (Num 25:6-8). Phinehas'
sound philosophy because it enables one to achieve the action brought forth four reactions by Yahweh: ( 1) Yah-
cardinal Greek philosophical virtues (5:22-24). Philo, too, weh's anger toward the people was tempered and, as a
characterizes Judaism as a philosophy. In a discussion of result, only 24,000 people died by a plague (Num 25:8-
Sabbath, he notes that the day of rest prescribed by Jewish 9); (2) Yahweh praised Phinehas for his action in abating
law allows for the pursuit of wisdom and the study of the the wrath of God against the people (Num 25:11); (3)
ancestral philosophy (Mos. 2.39. §211, 216). Josephus uses Yahweh rewarded Phinehas with a "covenant of peace"
the term more narrowly, applying it to each of the reli- (bent Ialam) (Num 25:12); and (4) Yahweh conferred on
gious parties in pre-70 c.E. Jewish Palestine; the Pharisees, Phinehas and his descendants the "covenant of priesthood
v. 347 PHOCYLIDES, PSEUDO·

forever" (blrit kehunnat 'olam) (Num 25: 13; I Mace 2:54). comes a model for subsequent generations. Finally, Phi-
This last point refers to the fact that this passage is one in nehas' defense of Yahweh, like that of other priests and
which the Israelite priesthood is established. Another such priestly groups, clearly takes on militaristic characteristics.
text is Exod 32:25-29, where the Levites "ordain" them- The descendants of Phinehas are prominently men-
selves to the service Yahweh as a result of their violent tioned among those who returned from Exile at the time
killing of the unfaithful; it is another account where mili- of Zerubbabel and Ezra (Ezra 8:2; I Esdr 5:5). In I Esdr
taristic actions lead to priesthood. A third passage is Exod 8:29, the RSV form is Phineas (Gk Phinees), though the
28: I, where Aaron and his descendants become priests; same Greek spelling appears throughout the LXX for
however in this instance it is not as a consequence of any Phinehas, including the parallel passage in Ezra 8:2.
violent action on their part (see also Num I :4 7-54; 8:5- 2. Phinehas was the brother of Hophni, the son of Eli
26; Deut 33:8-11). the priest (I Samuel I). These priestly brothers began as
A second incident where Phinehas was involved with the good priests, but they quickly turned into bad priests who
defense of the worship of Yahweh was in the holy war abused their sacred trust (I Sam 2: 12-17). This deteriora-
against Midian (Num 31: 1-54). Phinehas, as priest, accom- tion is in sharp contrast to Samuel who was portrayed as a
panied 12,000 people into battle at Peor (Num 31:6). The model priest. These incidents in I Samuel 1-4 thus pro-
battle concluded with the slaying of all males and females, vide reason for the later elimination of the Elide priest-
except the young women who were virgins (Num 31: 17- hood (see I Kgs 2:27). The story also asserts that ritual
18), and a long instruction, in part by Phinehas' father, cleanliness was essential for participation in holy war. See
Eleazar, on the proper handling of the spoils of war (Num HOPHNI for a more detailed discussion of the brothers
31:21-54). Hophni and Phinehas.
In Joshua 22, when the Reubenites, Gadites, and the At the end of 1 Samuel 4, Phinehas' wife had a child (I
half-tribe of Manasseh returned to the Transjordanian Sam 4: 19). She named the child Ichabod ("no glory") since
region, they built an altar near the Jordan River (Josh Eli, Hophni, and her husband Phinehas were dead and the
22: 10). The priest Phinehas and 10 leaders of Israel took ark of the covenant was in the hands of the Philistines (I
offense at this construction, claiming it indicated a turning Sam 4:21-22). She died almost immediately after naming
away from Yahweh (Josh 22: 11-20). The situation was her son (I Sam 4:20).
resolved only when the Reubenites, Gadites, and half-tribe According to 1 Sam 14:3, Phinehas had a brother, Ahi-
of Manasseh asserted that the altar was an "altar of wit- tub, whose son was Ahijah the priest. Abiathar, the priest
ness" (Josh 22:26-27) to remind their children of their Solomon banished when he assumed the throne, is appar-
relationship with the 10 tribes of Israel, not an altar of ently the son of Ahimelech, who was the brother of Ahijah
sacrifice (Josh 22:28). This story not only reflects the (I Sam 22:20). Thus, the genealogical connection between
defense of the worship of Yahweh, but it also introduces Phinehas and Abiathar is established, the guilt of Phinehas
and defends the concept of a single central sanctuary, as and Hophni was visited upon Abiathar, and the line of Eli
is advocated in Deuteronomy 12. was at an end (I Kgs 2:27).
A fourth episode which indicates Phinehas' defense of 3. Phinehas was the father of Eleazar (Ezra 8:33; 1 Esdr
Yahweh is found in Judges 20. Here, the tribes of Israel 8:63). Eleazar was one of the people, along with Meremoth
are seeking revenge upon the Benjaminites in retaliation the priest and Jozabad and Noadiah the Levites, who
for their atrocities against the concubine of a Levite received the temple vessels and gold when they were
(Joshua 19). Just before the battle at Gibeah, Phinehas returned from their captivity in Babylon. See ELEAZAR
stood ('md) before the ark of the covenant, consulting #5.
Yahweh and seeking his blessing prior to commencing the ]OHN R. SPENCER
battle. Phinehas' role is again to defend the mainline
Israelite tradition against those who would violate or turn
away from that tradition. PHLEGON (PERSON) [Gk Phlegon]. A Roman Chris-
Finally, Phinehas appears in the midst of a genealogy in tian who received greetings from Paul in Rom 16: 14. See
1 C_hronicles 9. In this late genealogy, various priests, PATROBAS. He was probably a gentile Christian. See NE-
Le\"ltes, and temple servants are mentioned, and in the list REUS. According to the epigraphical and literary sources
of Levites who were gatekeepers at the temple, Phinehas, from Rome, the name "Phlegon" occurs only nine times
the son of Eleazar, is named as the one who rules over (Lampe StadtrChr, 139-41 ). Because the name was not
these gatekeepers ( 1 Chr 9:20). This relationship indicates common there, it probably indicates the Phlegon had
the tension and rivalry between the Aaronite priesthood immigrated to Rome. It has been proposed that he was a
represented by Phinehas and the Levitical priesthood rep- (freed) slave, but the inscriptions do not support the argu-
resented by the gatekeepers. Furthermore, these gate- ment that the name was one commonly held by slaves (see
kee~ers act as guard_s for the temple and temple treasury Lampe StadtrChr, 150, 152-53; three out of seven inscrip-
(I Chr 9:26-27) which again reflects the military nature tions show slaves or freedman).
of the priesthood. PETER LAMPE
Three factors of significance can be derived from ex-
amining the activities of this Phinehas. Yahweh bestows the
priesthood on Phinehas and his descendants and all PHOCYLIDES, PSEUDO-. A gnomic poet who
priestly factions (Aaronites, Levites, and Zadokites) must lived in Milete in the 6th century B.C.E. Only a very few
somehow be related to Phinehas. Secondly, Phinehas is a lines of his poetry are still extant, but ancient testimonies
pnest of Yahweh whose zealous defense of Yahweh be- make abundantly clear that throughout antiquity he was
PHOCYLIDES, PSEUDO- 348. v
regarded as a great authority in matters of ethics and biblical and Greek ethics are not incompatible; (2) that
correct behavior in daily life (van der Horst l 978a: 59- even the. f~mous p.agan Wisdom poet Phocylides promul-
63). Under his mask a Jewish Wisdom poet, who probably gated b1bhcal ethICs; and (3) that their attachment to
lived in the second half of the 1st century e.c.E., or in the Judaism should be reinforced instead of slackened because
first half of the 1st century c.E., wrote a gnomic poem of it is perfectly possible to reconcile the Jewish religion with
230 hexameters in the old Ionic dialect. It is a skillful the surrounding Greco-Roman culture (Goodman HjP2 3:
forgery that remained unrecognized as such until the end 687-92; van der Horst 1988).
of the 16th century. Up to that time this poem enjoyed an The poem shares the characteristics of both Greek
enormous popularity as a schoolbook; hence it is extant in gnomologies and Jewish Wisdom literature and is as such
over 150 mss (Derron 1980). From the early 17th to the a typical example of cross-cultural didactic poetry. In spite
middle of the 19th centuries it was often regarded as a of its use of the old Ionic dialect, its origin in the late
Christian forgery because of its biblical resonances, until Hellenistic or early Imperial period is betrayed by its
Jacob Bernays demonstrated its undeniably Jewish origin vocabulary, meter, and syntax (van der Horst 1978a: 55-
(Bernays 1856). In recent times there have been new 58; Derron 1986: LXVI-LXXXII). Its place of origin is
critical editions (Young 1971; Derron 1986), translations unknown but Alexandria is a good possibility since v 102
and commentaries (van der Horst I 978a; Walter 1983), prohibits dissection of the deceased which was practiced in
and several important studies on the poem (e.g., Kuchler Alexandrian medical circles; but other possibilities cannot
1979 and Niebuhr 1987; further details in van der Horst be excluded. The poem is an important source for our
1988). knowledge of popular morality in diaspora Judaism and as
One of the striking characteristics of the poem is that on such it sheds light on several parenetic passages in the NT
the one hand it draws heavily upon the Pentateuch (esp. (van der Horst 1978b). See also OTP 2: 565-82.
Leviticus 18-20 and the Decalogue) and on the other hand
it consistently avoids references to specifically Jewish pre- Bibliography
cepts like sabbath observance, circumcision, and dietary Bernays, J. I 856. Uber das phokylideische Gedicht. Berlin.
rules. All cultic precepts are passed over in silence, only Crouch, J. E. 1972. The Origin and Intention of the Colossian Haustafel
"moral" precepts for conduct in daily life are presented, Goitingen.
with a very heavy emphasis on sexual matters and on Derron, P. 1980. Inventaire des manuscrits du Pseudo-Phocylide.
avarice, an emphasis to be found in other Jewish writings Revue d'histoire des textes 10: 237-47.
as well. Much of his material is also found in the "summa- - - . 1986. Pseudo-Phocylide. Paris.
ries of the Law" as presented in Philo's Hypothetica (in Eus. Horst, P. W. van der. I 978a. The Sentences of Pseudo-Phocylides. SVTP
P.E. 8: 7, 1-9) and in Jos. AgAp 2 §190-219. They draw 4. Leiden.
upon a common source in which the essentials of the Torah - - . l 978b. Pseudo-Phocylides and the New Testament. ZNW
are summarized in the form of a short catechism. These 69: 187-202.
catechism-like summaries (more examples in Neibuhr - - . 1988. Pseudo-Phocylides Revisited.JSP 3: 3-30.
1987) do not give any or only a minimum of cultic rules, Kuchler, M. 1979. Frnhjii.dische Weisheitstraditionen. Freiburg.
but all of them emphasize strict sexual ethics, the vicious- Niebuhr, K.-W. 1987. Gesetz und Pariinese: Katechismusarlige Weis-
ness of greed, the duty to care for the poor and the needy, ungsreihen in der frnhjii.dischen Literatur. T ubingen.
honesty, modesty, and moderation. Mixed with these bib- Rossbroich, M. 1910. De Pseudo-Phocylideis. Munster.
lical and early Jewish rules one finds, both in Ps.-Phoc. and Young, D. 1971. Theognis, Pseudo-Pythagoras, Pseudo-Phocylzdes,
in Philo and Josephus, precepts of originally pagan Greek Chares, Anonymi Aulodia, Fragmentum Teleiambicum. Leipzig.
provenance, which are also presented as God's Law. Al- Walter, N. 1983. Pseudo-Phokylides.JSHRZ 4/3: 182-216.
though not deriving from the Torah, this material is pre- PIETER W. VAN DER HORST
sented as God's commandments since it can be derived
from the Torah and is in essential accordance with its
intentions. Hence there are a great many lines in Ps.-Phoc. PHOEBE (PERSON) [Gk Phoibe]. A woman from Cen-
that have only pagan parallels (van der Horst l 978a: I 05- chreae (near Corinth) commended by Paul in Rom 16: 1-2
262; Derron 1986: 35-54). to the recipients of that letter, evidently because she was
A much debated question is that of the author's pur- delivering it to them. Paul's reference to Phoebe uses three
pose. Why did a Jew write a summary of the Torah, mixed titles to describe her: adelphe, "sister"; diakonos, "deacon";
with non-biblical ethical rules, under a heathen pseud- and proslatis, "patroness." The first term indicates that she
onym? It has often been thought that he had a pagan was a Christian; the second and third denote various roles
audience in mind and wanted (not to make converts to she had as a believer and each has inspired much discus-
Judaism but) to bring pagans to a kind of "ethical mono- sion.
theism" (Crouch 1972: 89, 97); one scholar even asserted While some translations such as the RSV render diakonos
that this author cannot have been a Jew but must have been as "deaconess," this is not an appropriate translation of
a "sympathizer" or "God-fearer" who wished to win over the Greek. From the term Paul uses, Phoebe must be called
others to his way of life on the fringes of the synagogue a "deacon." For, to say Phoebe was a deaconess implies
(Rossbroich 1910). But there is a growing consensus now that Paul used the term diakonissa, which in fact is not
that the author's intended audience was Jewish and that known to have been used in 1st century c.E. Greek. Fur-
what he hoped to achieve was to make clear to Hellenized thermore, it also suggests, in view of later deaconess move-
Jews who were fascinated by the dominant Greek culture ments, that Phoebe's role was subordinate to male deacons
and were in danger of dropping Jewish values: (1) that or that it primarily involved ministry to other women. But
v. 349 PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF

Paul's description of her implies no such restrictions. In Bibliography

his eyes she was a deacon in the same sense as he applied Gibson, M. 1911-12. "Phoebe," ExpTim 23: 281.
the term to himself (e.g., I Cor 3:5; 2 Cor 3:6; 6:4; 11 :23) Gillman, F. M. 1989. Women Who Knew Paul. Wilmington.
and to various co-workers (e.g., Apollos in 1 Cor 3:5; Jewett, R. 1988. Paul, Phoebe and the Spanish Mission. Pp. 142-61
Timothy in I Thess 3:2). Since in these texts Paul por- in The Social World of Formative Christianity and Judaism: Essays in
trayed himself and his co-workers as missionaries who Tribute to Huward Clark Kee, ed. J. Neusner et al. Philadelphia.
preached and ministered within churches, the same role Kasemann, E. 1980. Commentary on Romans. Trans. and ed. G. W.
must be attributed to Phoebe. Apparently she was a min- Bromiley. Grand Rapids.
isterial leader in the church at Cenchreae. The possessive Lohfink, G. 1980. Weibliche Diakone im Neuen Testament. Dia-
expression "deacon of the church" (16:1) makes it proba- konia 11: 385-400.
ble that, unlike Paul and some others, hers was a local Schussler Fiorenza, E. 1986. Missionaries, Apostles, Coworkers:
function rather than an itinerant one. Romans 16 and the Reconstruction of Women's Early Christian
In describing Phoebe as prostatis to himself and to many History. WW 6: 420-33.
others (16:2), Paul uses the feminine form of a term not FLORENCE MORGAN GILLMAN
found in either the feminine or masculine elsewhere in
the NT While in wider Greek usage the masculine prostates
definitely has the technical sense of a legal patron, it has PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF. Phoenicia was the
been argued by Kasemann, for example, that in Phoebe's Greek name for the Syrian littoral north of Palestine. The
case the term "cannot in the context have the juridical name meant "dark red" and was applied first to the people
sense of the masculine form, i.e., the leader or represen- and region renowned for dyes of this color, and then to
tative of fellowship," since women could not take on legal some of the natural products that became associated with
functions ( 1980: 4 I I). Rather, in this scholar's view, "the them in international trade. Phoenicia was neither a coun-
idea is that of the personal care which Paul and others try nor a nation but a conglomerate of city-states that was
have received" at Phoebe's hands ( 1980: 41 I). Schussler distinguished from adjacent areas by its habitual outreach
Fiorenza has assessed this interpretation as "an androcen- into the Mediterranean world and by its preferred dealings
tric model of historical reconstruction [which] cannot with Indo-Europeans and Greeks. Its history consists in
imagine or conceptualize that women such as Phoebe the contribution of these individual cities and their domin-
could have had leadership equal to and sometimes even ions to the civilization and gradual maturation of the
superior to men in early Christian beginnings" ( 1986: Mediterranean world.
425). Also, Jewett has argued that recently published data
indicates that women actually did function in many in- A. Sources
stances in a legal role as a prostatis ( 1988: I 49). I. Judean
Paul's statement that Phoebe was a prostatis, i.e., patron- 2. Phoenician
ess, to many as well as to himself suggests she was prosper- 3. Egyptian
ous and thus assumably had a high social standing. Proba- 4. Greek
bly Phoebe's house was large enough to accommodate the 5. Assyrian and Babylonian
Cenchreaen Christian gatherings. She would have been B. Chronology
not only hostess but also a leader in her role as deacon, In
Jewett's judgment, with respect to Phoebe as such a key A. Sources
member of the church of Cenchreae, specifically as bene- The Phoenician cities are known from their own records
factress, Paul would have had a "relatively subordinate and from Egyptian, Greek, Assyrian, Babylonian, and
social position as her client" ( 1988: 150). Judean sources. Their own records are inscriptions and
Paul's commendation of Phoebe asks the Romans to artifacts that attest their influence on art and culture,
'.'receive her in the Lord as befits the saints, and help her religion, politics, international trade, and commerce in the
m whatever she may require from you" (I6:2). This has !st millennium B.C. The main Egyptian sources are the
invited some speculation concerning the purpose of Amarna letters and the mid- I I th-century story of Wen-
Phoebe's trip to Rome (or Ephesus, according to those who Amon. The Greek sources include references in Myce-
defend that city as the destination of Romans 16). Several naean texts but begin coherently with Homer and continue
commentators have thought that perhaps business or fam- through Herodotus and later historians and in scattered
epigraphic materials. The Assyrian and Babylonian
ily matters occasioned her travel, and thus she could also
sources are the intermittent records of subjugation and
conveniently deliver Paul's letter. Recently Jewett has ad-
conquest in the annals and chronicles of the kings. The
vanced the provocative theory that Phoebe actually went to Judean sources include some 7th-century geographical
Rome to persuade the church there to support Paul's references, a few inscriptions, a 6th-century encomium of
planned evangelization of Spain (cf. Rom 15:24, 28). In his Phoenician economic and cultural superiority, and some
Judgment Phoebe "had agreed to cooperate with Paul as contemporary allusions to the grandeur of the past and to
t~e patroness [prostatis] of the Spanish mission" ( 1988: the gradual deterioration of Israelite-Phoenician relations.
bl). A problem with the theory, however, is that when I. Judean. The earliest biblical reference to the Phoe-
Paul refers to his Spanish plans and his desired support nicians includes them in the world of the Greeks. In the
from the Roman church in Rom 15:24, he does not imme- 7th-century geography composed by P the Kittim (Gen
diately mention Phoebe as one would expect were she such 10:4) are listed as descendants of Japheth, children of
an mtegral link in his plans. Ionia, and brothers of Cyprus, Tarshish, and Rhodes (Wes-
PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF 350 • v
termann Genesis BKAT, 673-81). But they were, in fact, great cosmopolitan city, unrestricted in its foreign rela-
the Phoenician inhabitants of Kition in Cyprus, a city tions, the convener of the Mediterranean world.
founded in Mycenaean times, resettled by the Phoenicians The contrast that Ezekiel draws is between Tyre, la-
early in the lst millennium and continuing as the center mented by the whole world, and Jerusalem whose destruc-
of Phoenician expansion in the Mediterranean untif the tion did not matter to anyone else. For Tyre, in particular,
4th century e.c. (Karageorghis 1976). Jeremiah, later in the fall of Jerusalem was an opportunity to trade with
the 7th century, still thought of the Kittim as inhabitants Judah's neighbors to the E ("So Jerusalem is broken, the
of the far W islands (Jer 2: 10; 31: 10). In early 6th-century gate to the nations has swung open to me, I will get my fill
letters from Arad (Al) they are mentioned as recipients of from her destruction" [Ezek 26:2]). Ezekiel eulogized
rations and seem to have been agents or mercenaries Tyre's worldliness but castigated its insouciance and its
stationed in S Judah. Later in the 6th century Ezekiel sense that life goes on by depicting Tyre as a royal city that
included them in the Tyrian fleet (Ezek 27:6), the Dtr thinks it will live forever like a god (Ezek 28: 1-5) but will
historian thought of them as pirates (Num 24:24), and die, he protests, and will not return from the dead (Ezek
2 Isaiah described them as inhabitants of an island, trading 28:6-10; cp. 26:19-21; 32:17-32; 37:1-14).
partners with Sidon, and adventurers on the high seas (Isa The Dtr historian, writing in the mid-6th century, was
23: I, 12). Still they retained their mysterious character, familiar with Tyre's preeminence in the Mediterranean
and as late as Daniel and Maccabees the Kittim symbolized world but was also interested in Phoenician geography and
the power that lurked on the far shores of the Mediterra- ethnography. The Phoenicians are Canaanites who live in
nean (Dan 11:30; l Mace 1:1; 8:5). the E and in the W, along the coast and in the Jordan valley
The earliest biblical reference to particular Phoenician (Gen 10:19; Num 13:29; Deut 1:8; 11:30; Josh 11:3; Judg
cities is in Ezekiel's lamentation for Tyre (Ezekiel 26-28; 18:7, 28). They are called Sidonians (Gen 10: 15; Judg 3:3;
Zimmerli Ezechiel BKAT, 600-96). He describes an imag- 10:11-12; 18:7; 1 Kgs 5:20; 11:1, 5, 33; 16:31; 2 Kgs
ined capture and destruction of the city (Ezekiel 26), its 23: 13). Their land is N of Philistia and S of Amurru, and
effect on Mediterranean trade (Ezekiel 27), and its conse- includes both the littoral and the possessions of Byblos in
quences for the Phoenician way of life (Ezekiel 28). The Mt. Lebanon as far as Lebo Hamat in the interior (Deut
Phoenician cities are mentioned by name but are included 3:9; Josh 13:2-6). Some of their towns, such as 'Akko and
indiscriminately with Greece, Cilicia, and Anatolia in a 'Akzib, belonged theoretically to Asher (Judg 1:31), other
catalogue of the nations of the world. towns such as 'Arqa, Siyannu, Arvad, and Sumur were N
Tyre is described as a fortified island city with mainland of Canaan in Amurru (Gen 10: 17-18; Westermann Genesis
dominions and an interest in the overland trade routes BKAT, 694-99) but Phoenicia was not part of the land of
(Ezek 26: l-6). The supposed destruction of the city by Canaan that had been allotted to the tribes of Israel (Gen
Nebuchadnezzar (Ezek 26:7-14) is portrayed in detail: the 10: 15-19; 49: 13; Josh 11 :8; 19:28; 2 Sam 24:6-7).
invasion, the capture of its mainland possessions, construc- Tyre is mentioned in the Dtr history only in connection
tion of siege mounds and redoubts, attacks with battering with David and Solomon and the building of the temple.
rams on the walls and towers, the taking of the city, This history ascribes to Solomon the wealth, wisdom, and
execution of its inhabitants, demolition of its pillars, plun- world renown that Ezekiel admired in the king of Tyre ( 1
Kgs 3: 1-15; 5: 1-14; Ezek 28: 1-5). Solomon, like Ezekiel's
der and total destruction-leaving Tyre a bare rock in the
king of Tyre, achieved world dominion (I Kgs 5: l; I 0:23-
water, a place for drying nets. Tyre had been settled by
24; Ezek 26:17-18; 27:1-36) and acquired his wealth from
seafarers (Ezek 26: 17 nosebet miyyammfm) and the repercus- international trade (I Kgs 10:14-15; Ezek 28:1-5). They
sions of its sudden collapse were felt throughout the Med- both had ships ofTarshish (I Kgs 10:22; Ezek 27:12, 25),
iterranean by the people and princes who enjoyed its traded with Sheba (I Kgs 10:1-13; Ezek 27:22) and all the
renown and relied on its naval power (Ezek 26:15-18). But countries from Cilicia and Anatolia to Egypt (I Kgs 10: 26-
its destruction was by divine decree and Tyre had de- 29; Ezek 27:7, 12-16), and sent their fleets on joint expe-
scended into the netherworld never to rise again (Ezek ditions to Ophir ( l Kgs 9:26-28; I 0: 11, 22). For both,
26:19-21). their grandeur and the richness of their foreign relations
The effect of Tyre's symbolic demise on Mediterranean was ultimately their downfall (I Kgs 11: 1-3; Ezek 28: 1-
trade and economic stability is the topic of a lament (Eze- 10).
kiel 27) that compares Tyre to a ship and describes how it The Dtr historian portrayed Solomon as a Phoenician
was built and why it foundered (Ezek 27: 1-7, 31-36), king, made him the contemporary and friend of Hiram of
where its crew was hired and how they were stunned by its Tyre, and gave them joint responsibility for building the
loss (Ezek 27:8-11, 25-30), where it loaded cargo and temple. Israel exchanged ambassadors with Tyre and
where it traded (Ezek 27: 12-16, 20-24), and where it got made a treaty (2 Sam 5:11-12; I Kgs 5:15-20, 26). The
the provisions it carried on its long voyages (Ezek 27: I 7- Tyrians, following the pattern described by Ezekiel, ?ar-
19). Provisions were gathered from its overland trade with tered their materials and expertise for wheat and oil ( l
Judah, Israel, and Damascus. Its cargo came from Ionia Kgs 5:21-25; Ezek 27: 17), summoned the Byblians to help
and Rhodes, Cilicia, Anatolia, and the Arameans of N them with the timber and masonry (I Kgs 5:27-32; Ezek
Syria, and was traded to Arabia and N Mesopotamia. But 27:9), imported all the wood and gold and precious s~ones
its crew was Phoenician from Sidon, Arvad, Tyre, and needed for the construction of the temple ( l Kgs 9:26-28;
Byblos; its troops were mercenaries from Persia, Lydia and 10:11-22; Ezek 27:22; Lemaire 1977: 253-55), supplied
Libya; its garrison was recruited from Arvad and her the bronze for the temple vessels and for the two pillars
dependencies in the North. Tyre, in this portrayal, is a that stood before it (I Kgs 7:13-47; Ezek 26:11; 27:13).
v . 351 PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF

and acquired the right to settle by the coast in ret~un for principalities of the N (Ezek 27:8; 32:30) but the revision
their wares (I Kgs 9:10-14; Ezek 27:3). The magnificence of his book made Sidon an accomplice of Tyre in the
of the temple matched the splendor of its founder. To- economic repression of Judah (Ezek 28:20-26). The
gether they represented the wonder of new beginnings psalms reminisce about Tyre's grandeur and great wealth
and the innocence of primordial times. The temple was (Ps 45:13) and perpetuate the idea that Tyre belonged
the replica of the created order, a place like sky and ea~th with Philistia among Israel's enemies on the seacoast (Ps
where Yahweh might dwell (I Kgs 8:12-13, 27-30), with 83:8; 87:4). Second Isaiah reviewed Ezekiel's lamentation
pillars to sustain the heavens (I Kgs 7: 15-22; cp. Ps 75:4) on Tyre but included Sidon as an equal partner and
and a bronze sea to contain the mighty waters (I Kgs 7:23- predicted that the wealth of the two cities eventually would
26). The king, like God and Adam, had the knowledge of belong to the people of Yahweh (Isaiah 23). The book of
good and evil (I Kgs 3:9; Gen 3:22) and, like Adam, was Jeremiah mentioned Tyre and Sidon among the tradi-
led astray by his wives to worship other gods (I Kgs 11: 1- tional enemies of Judah (Jer 25:22), observed in passing
3; Gen 3:8-13). He was like the king of Tyre in the book that Jerusalem was a negotiant in their trade with Judah's
of Ezekiel who was created in the garden of Eden but neighbors to the E (Jer 27:3), and condemned Philistia in
sinned and defiled his temples and was removed from the the Sas an accessory after the fact (Jer 47:4; cp. Zeph 2:5).
mountain of God (Ezek 28: 11-19). Zechariah was familiar with the geography of the coast,
This Tyrian interlude in the Dtr history makes the condemned Philistia for its alignment with Tyre and Si-
beginning of the Davidic dynasty coincide with the origin don, and rebuked Ionia for its participation in the slave
of right worship in the distant and idyllic past. But it trade (Zechariah 9). But at the end of the 6th century the
differs from the usual Dtr interpretation of Israel's deal- Chronicler interpreted Solomon's dealings with Hiram of
ings with the Phoenicians and Sidonians. The Dtr historian Tyre as trade relations with both Tyre and Sidon (I Chr
included them among the nations left in the land to test 22:4; cp. 1 Kgs 5: 15-26), and these relations evidently had
Israel (Josh 13:2-6; Judg 3:3). They were mentioned with withstood the test of time and theological tradition and
the Philistines in a list of Israel's oppressors (Judg 10: 11- persisted through the era of the restoration to the building
12). Their women lured Solomon into the worship of of the second Temple (Ezra 3:7; Neh 13:16).
Astarte (I Kgs 11: I, 5; 2 Kgs 23: 13). The worship of Ba'al The Tyrians and Sidonians were famous and successful
was introduced into Israel in the early 9th century when merchants living in coastal Canaan (cf. Obad 20) and the
Ahab married Jezebel the daughter of >1tt6ba'al the "king geographical designation, consequently, acquired a com-
of the Sidonians" (mlk $dnm, 1 Kgs 16:31; Katzenstein mercial connotation. Hosea criticized Ephraim for its de-
1973: 129-192). This critical attitude toward the Sidonians ceitfulness and dealings with the powerful nations of the
and Phoenicians was governed by the Dtr interpretation world (Hos 12: 1-3) and then illustrated his point by com-
of Israel's distinctiveness that required its separation from paring Ephraim to a wealthy and arrogant Canaanite
all the nations of the world. But Tyre's exemption from merchant with no sense of allegiance (Hos 12:8-9). In the
criticism was based on the Dtr reconstruction of history mid-6th century the book of Zephaniah blamed the lead-
that reflected 2 distinct phases in Phoenician expansion. ing people of Jerusalem for the downfall of the city and
The inveterate conflict with the Phoenicians or Sidonians included among them the merchants ('am kena'an) who
corresponds to the era of Sidonian expansion that began, made their money at the Fish Gate and in the marketplace
as the Dtr writer affirmed, at the time of Israel's struggle (Zeph 1: 11). But at the end of the century the book of
for independence and that lasted, as the Dtr author sug- Proverbs compared a good wife to a shrewd dealer in
gested, almost until the fall of the Northern Kingdom. purple garments trading with the Phoenicians (kena'anf,
The following era of Tyrian supremacy that continued to Prov 31 :24). The attitude of biblical writers to the Phoeni-
the fall of Judah and beyond inspired Ezekiel's eulogy and cians of Tyre and Sidon reflected diverse historical situa-
lament and was the paradigm of prosperity and good tions but was dictated by theological theory and often
relations that the Dtr historian used to describe the time conflicted with an implicit admiration for the relentless
of Solomon. adventurers who had discovered the Mediterranean world
The works of Ezekiel and the Dtr historian were known and given the East a new role in the history of civilization.
to all the later biblical authors who wrote about Tyre or 2. Phoenician. The Phoenician discovery of the Medi-
Sidon. The revision of the book of Amos, for instance, terranean world proceeded initially from the mainland via
includes an oracle against Tyre (Amos 1:9-10) that is Cyprus to N Syria, Cilicia, Anatolia, through the Aegean
copied from its context (Amos I :6-8) but also refers to to Greece and W to Italy, North Africa, and Spain (Cold-
the treaty .between Hiram and Solomon recorded by the stream, PhonWes, 261-75; Riis, PhiinWes, 237-60). It was
Dtr h1stonan (Amos I :9; I Kgs 5:26), and to the Tyrian primarily a Sidonian venture with some collaboration or
slave trade and commerce with Judah's neighbors to the E competition from Byblos. A later series of expeditions was
that were exposed and condemned by Ezekiel (Amos I :9; conducted mainly by Tyre and led through Philistia and
Ezek 26:2; 27: 13). Joel considered the same topics, criticiz- Egypt, along the Libyan coast past Malta and North Africa
ing Tyre and Sidon for their slave trade with the Greeks to the Atlantic (Breglia 1955 ). Both directions of discovery
and for dedicating in their temples the silver and gold they are marked by inscriptions and artifacts that delineate the
took from. trade with Judah (Joel 4:4-8). Joel was also features of Phoenician culture and civilization and confirm
familiar with the Dtr geography, which associated Philistia the evidence of the biblical sources.
with the Phoenician cities (Joel 4:4) and put Sheba at the The northward expansion of the Phoenician cities was a
ends of the earth (Joel 4:8; I Kgs 10; cf. Gen 10:7; Ezek reflex of the invasion of the Philistines and the other Sea
27:22). Ezekiel had connected Sidon with Arvad and the Peoples. The earliest distinctive Phoenician pottery was a
PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF 352 • v
·derivative of Cypro-Aegean fashions of the 11th century physic~l .app~arance in the tomb, people were eager to
B.C. (Culican, PhiinWes, 45-82). The earliest E Phoenician ~ake hvmg likenesses of themselves before they died, and
inscriptions are from Crete and Cyprus from the end of kmgs and commoners alike celebrated the annual death
the 11th century and later (Cross 1979a: 105; 1980: 15- and resurrection of the gods. Hosea, Ezekiel, the Dtr
17). Inscriptions of the 9th and 8th centuries from Zinjirli history and 2 Isaiah were familiar with the rituals of death
and Karatepe attest the continuing coexistence of Phoeni- and resurrection (Hos 6: 1-4; Ezek 28: 1-10; 37: l-14; 1
cians with the Danunian Sea People (dnnym, KAI 24. 7; 26 Sam 28:3-19; I Kgs 18:20-29; Isa 14:12-21), but the
A I 2, 3, 4 [etc.]). A 9th-century inscription from Nora in principles of physical representation that they entailed
Sardinia shows that the Phoenicians knew the Sherden Sea were excluded by the biblical tradition (e.g., Deut 4: 15-
People (srdn) and had learned from them the navigation 24).
of the W seas (Cross 1972). Sidon was most active in international trade and estab-
From the time of their earliest voyages the Phoenicians lished colonies all around the Mediterranean. Its earliest
were in immediate contact with the Greek cities and permanent settlement was at Kition in Cyprus in the wake
emerging Greek civilization. The Greeks borrowed the of Mycenaean and Achaean colonists (Karageorghis 1976).
alphabet from them and finally developed their own in the From this seaport its power radiated NW across the island:
9th century, but they knew the Phoenician scripts and the earliest Phoenician inscription from Cyprus, the Hon-
scribal traditions of the I Ith century and later (Cross eyman tomb text, is probably from one of its domains in
l 979a: I 05-11 ). Ninth-century ivories in the N Syrian style the interior (Masson and Sznycer I 972: 13-20); another
still betray an early Mycenaean influence (Winter 1976: 9- inscription just like it from the early 7th century was found
10). The Phoenicians had settled in Spain by the early 8th at Chytroi to the NW (Masson and Sznycer 1972: 104-7);
century B.c. (Aubet Semmler 1985) but their products in the 5th century Kition extended its boundaries to in-
were Greek and their business was the transport of Greek clude Idalion, and in the 4th century it took control of the
goods (Shefton 1982). One of the first Phoenician inscrip- kingdom of Tamassos (Peckham 1968: 18-20). But the
tions from Carthage is on a gold pendant from the early settlers lived among Cypriots and Greeks, maintained their
7th century and it is dedicated to Phoenician Astarte and own traditions in symbiosis with the native population, and
her Greek associate Pygmalion (KAI 73). had little influence on the cultural or political history of
Byblos was the most ancient and renowned of the Phoe- the island (Moscati 1968: 103-IO). Typically, the Sidonians
nician cities and maintained the strictest ties with its tradi- in Cyprus were merchants and seafarers who exported
tions. The earliest mainland inscriptions are from the 11th Cypriot products rather than their own goods to the rest
century, one a commercial agreement (McCarter and of the Mediterranean world (Coldstream 1979).
Coote 1973), two others with personal names illustrating Sidon's Anatolian interests are represented by its settle-
familial ('tz>J, "My brother has given") and cosmological ment in the region of Zinjirli. It began at least in the early
('bd!imn, "Servant of [Ba'al] I:Iamon") aspects of the local 9th century with the installation of a local Phoenician
Phoenician religion (Cross and McCarter 1973). Royal dynasty (TSSI 3: 30-41). At the end of the century it could
inscriptions from the 10th century and again from the 5th still produce a literary Phoenician inscription (Fales 1979),
manifest a similar concern, in the same language and style, but its king Kilamuwa had an Anatolian name. In the 8th
for the long life and welfare of the king, and attest the century the whole region was Aramean, and the dynasty
constant devotion of the city to Ba'al the king (b'l, mlk) and became a Phoenician-Aramean hybrid (TSS/ 2: 60-93).
to the "Mistress of Byblos" (b'lt gbl KAI l-10; Bordreuil The inscriptions record the difficulty the kings encoun-
1977). Two other royal inscriptions from the early 5th tered in maintaining their authority and the Kilamuwa
century (Cross I 979b; KAI 9) have lexical and ideological inscription in particular mentions internal conflicts be-
connections with contemporary texts from Sidon and sug- tween the natives and the Phoenician settlers and external
gest a change in Byblian foreign policy during the Persian pressures from the surrounding Danunians (KAI 24.5-8).
wars (cp. Dunand 1969), but Byblian adherence to tradi- The king makes no territorial claims, but describes the
tion is evident in a 1st-century offering to Ba'al that benefits that trade has brought to the region-the wealth,
continues to petition for the long life and welfare of its fine clothing, and good food. His description anticipates
donor (KAI 12). the fuller catalogue in Ezekiel's lamentation over Tyre by
Byblos and its dominions were distinguished from the mentioning an excess of silver and gold (cf. Ezek 28:4) and
other Phoenician cities by their language (Lane 1969), the fine linen (b$) that Ezekiel says was imported from the
script (Peckham 1968: 42-63), politics, and belief, but they Arameans (Ezek 27: 16). It also makes the king the bene-
shared some religious traditions with Israel. The kings of factor of the people, much as Yahweh was to Israel (cf.
Byblos expected long life ('rk ymm) and blessing (brk) from Deut 8:3-4; 10: 18) and attributes to him the sort of
their gods, things that the Dtr historian promised to Israel fatherly role that the Dtr historian assigned to Yahweh
(e.g., Deut 6:2-3; 22:7) and, exceptionally, to Solomon (Deut 8:5; cf. Hos 11: 1-4; Jer 3:4).
(Deut 17:20; 1 Kgs 3: 10-14). They and their subjects In the neighboring kingdom of Karatepe in Cilicia the
looked to the gods for life (!iwh) and based this hope on inscription of Azitawada evinces a similar settlement pat-
their justice and observance of the laws ($dq, mIP!. yfr), in tern in the 8th century (KAI 26; TSSI 3: 41-64). Arna-
substantial agreement with the correlations established by wada, as his father before him, was the ruler of Adana in
the Dtr historian between life, justice, and obedience to the Cilician plains, the territory that had belonged to the
Yahweh (e.g., Deut 6:24-25; 8: 1; 9:4-6; 30: 15-20). From Greek house of Mopsos and that he held as an ally of
the 5th century onward, at Byblos, at Lapethos in Cyprus Urikki of Que, king of the Danunians. In his inscription
and at Pyrgi in Italy, kings were concerned with their he is accommodating to both indigeneous population
v. 353 PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF

groups, explaining how he enlarged the. borders of the and Sznycer 1972: 91-94). They founded another Car-
Danunians, and how he subdued the bngands that the thage in North Africa from this base in Cyprus and an
house of Mopsos could not control. He was a foreigner, in early 7th-century dedication to Astarte and Pygmalion still
an area traditionally aligned with Sidon, whose scribes attests the Cyprian origin of the colony (Ferron 1958-59).
wrote elegant and contrived Phoenician, b.ut he ~ad assim- There are ivories in the S Phoenician style from 8th and
ilated to the region, his name was Luw1an, his subjects 7th-century sites in Cyprus, Palestine, North Africa, Etru-
were natives, and his inscription was translated into Hiero- ria, and Spain, and exceptionally from Khorsabad and
glyphic Luwian. He was a merchant prince who claims to Arslan Tash (Winter 1976). In the 7th and 6th centuries
have secured the trade routes and rid the country of Phoenicians from Tyre settled at Sarepta and 'Akzib
bandits. His region's exports were horses, weapons, and (Prausnitz, PhiinWes, 34-44; Pritchard, PhiinWes, 83-92;
mercenaries; Ezekiel and the Dtr historian mention such Peckham 1968: 130), with Judeans at 'Azor and 'Arad
exports from this area (Ezek 27:10-11, 13-14; 1 Kgs (Peckham 1968: 125-27; Cross 1979c), in Egypt at Daphne
10:26-29). He was a king in the Sidonian tradition, attrib- and Abu-Simbel (KAI 48-52; Peckham 1968: 127-29), and
uting to himself qualities that the Dtr historian ascribed to in Malta (KAI 61-62; Ciasca, PhiinWes, 133-54). In the 5th
Yahweh and the people or, exceptionally, to Solomon: he and 4th centuries they could still be located on the coast of
was wise and just (ftkm, ~dq; cf. Deut 4:6-8; I Kgs 5:9-14; Palestine at Shiqmona, Nebi Yunus and Bat Yam, with
Ezek 28:1-5), a father to kings ('b; cf. 2 Sam 7:14), the Edomites at Elath, and with Judeans in the colony at
benefactor of his people (f.b'; cf. Deut 8:1-20; 10:18; Elephantine (Peckham 1966; Cross 1968; Delavault and
11:15), the enlarger of their land (r/:ib; cf. Exod 34:24; Lemaire 1976).
Deut 12:20), the source of rest and tranquillity (nw/:i, cf. The Tyrians were more cosmopolitan than the Sidoni-
Deut 12:9), the inaugurator of the annual and seasonal ans and in religious matters remarkably eclectic. Their
festivals (zb/:i ymm, b't /:irS, b't q~r; cf. Exod 23: 14-17; 34: 18- artistic inspiration was Egyptian (Gubel, StudPhoen I-II:
22; Deut 16: 1-17, I Kgs 9:25). He is representative of the 23-52) and at Tyre until the end of the 1st millennium
Sidonian spirit of cooperation that brought cohesion, sta- they worshipped Egyptian gods (Dunand and Duru 1962:
bility, and prosperity to the Mediterranean world. 181-96). At Arslan Tash, if the texts are genuine (Teixidor
The Phoenicians who traveled the Aegean to Greece and 1983), they invoked indigeneous gods like 'Ata', a provin-
the West were mostly from Sidon, from Kition and its cial antecedent of Atargatis (Pope 1970), and the genius
colonies in Cyprus, or from Arvad and other Sidonian Sasam, whom they identified as the son of a local god, or
satellites in N Syria (KAI 53-60; Rollig 1972). They trav- they worshipped their own chthonic gods like Baal the
eled with foreign wares and adapted thoroughly to the lord of the earth and Horon the lord of death, or they
culture of strange places, but they brought with them appealed to the great god Asshur of Assyria and included
settlers and skilled artisans trained in the artistic traditions him in their pantheon with all the sons of El and the
of their own cities (Moscati 1968: 42-81, 145-74). They assembly of the holy gods (Cross and Saley 1970; Cross
arrived in Sardinia by the end of the 9th century (Cross 1974). At Carthage they venerated Astarte's Greek consort
1972), in Italy and in Spain by the early 8th century Pygmalion, at Daphne they worshipped both Ba'al Saphon
(Buchner, PhiinWes, 277-306; Niemeyer, PhiinWes, 185- and the local pantheon (wkl 'l tf:ipnfl.s; KAI 50.3), and
206; Schubart, PhiinWes, 207-34). They maintained rela- elsewhere in Egypt they paid reverence to Harpocrates
tions with their home cities and preserved the religious (KAI 52; Rollig 1969). On the mainland they had particu-
traditions of the mainland that are known from other lar devotion to derivative gods like Mlk'strt and Tanit (Yadin
Phoenician and from Hebrew sources. An 8th-century 1970; CMHE 28-35) but persisted as well in the worship
inscription from Spain was dedicated to the Astarte wor- of ancient gods like El and Baalshamem. Tyrians in Malta
shipped in Sidon (Cross 1971 ). A 7th-century text from in the 2d-century thought of Melqart or Heracles as their
Kition preserves a ritual in her honor that resembles the tutelary god (b'l ~r; KAI 4 7 .1 ), and the god is mentioned in
ritual of the nazirite vow (Num 6: 1-20; Dupont-Sommer contemporary texts from Tyre (Bordreuil l 986a), their
1972). An early 5th-century inscription from the same own names reveal them to be worshippers of the Egyptian
place has details of a celebration in her honor that is also Osiris.
mentioned in contemporary biblical texts (TSSI 3: 123- 3. Egyptian. The Egyptian sources mark the transition
31; Jer 7: 16-34; 44: 15-30). Fifth-century inscriptions from Canaanite to Phoenician times in the coastal cities.
from Sidon confirm her veneration as queen of heaven The Amarna letters (EA) depict relations between Canaan
and tutelary goddess of the city and substantiate the Dtr and Egypt in the early 14th century and indicate the
contention that Astarte was the goddess of the Sidonians various political alignments of Tyre, Sidon, and Byblos.
(TSSJ 3: 101-18; 1 Kgs 11 :5; 2 Kgs 23: 13). The Report of Wen-Amon from the early 11th century
The Phoenicians of Tyre were influential in the S coun- (Albright 1975; Goedicke 1975) portrays the new regimes
tries and voyaged later than the Sidonians to the western that prevailed in these cities after the Philistines had settled
Mediterranean (Bunnens, StudPhoen 1-11: 7-21). They along the coast. Together they suggest continuity rather
h.ad separate jurisdiction in Cyprus and founded a new than great change (Sasson 1966) and anticipate the char-
C1ty, Carthage, at Limassol on the SE coast (Lipinski, acteristic features of the principal Phoenician cities in the
StudPhoen l-ll: 209-34). In the latter part of the 8th 1st millennium.
century Cypriot Carthage was still governed by a viceroy In the Amarna letters Sidon is mentioned mainly in
and_ was under the protection of Ba'al Lebanon, the god complaints to the Pharaoh from the kings of Tyre and
of Carmel (KAI 31; I Kgs 18:20-40); in the 5th century it Byblos. The king of Sidon in one of his own letters agreed
was an independent city with its own royal house (Masson to give the Pharaoh all the information that he received
PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF 354 • v
about Amurru, but the contemporary king of Byblos reg- 9.132-39) but used the Tyrian king-list to correct the Dtr
ularly complained that Sidon was allied with Amurru and historian (I Kgs 16:31) and called Jezebel's father 'Ittoba'al
Arvad. In his other letter he mentioned problems with the king of the Tyrians, or king of the Tyrians and Sidonians
local insurgents, but at the same time the king of Tyre rather than simply king of the Sidonians. He recounted
protested that Sidon was interfering in his territory and the fall of Samaria and related it to Shalmaneser V's
restricting his essential supplies from the mainland. Tyre invasion of Phoenicia in the reign of Elulaios (Ant 9.283-
considered itself a great city (Akk iilu rabftu) and was 87). He elaborated on the destruction of the temple with
effusive in its declarations of loyalty to Egypt. It sent ships an account of Nebuchadnezzar's contemporary siege of
to transport Egyptian troops and informed on Sidon and Tyre and another excerpt from the Tyrian king-list (AgAp
its allies in the N: it reported that the king of the Danuni- 1.156-60). He followed the biblical precedent that situated
ans had died but had been succeeded by his brother, that Israel in world history by magnifying the significance of its
Ugarit had been partly destroyed by fire, that Amurru was association with Tyre, but he neglected the other cities and
encouraging rebellion, that Sidon and Arvad had gathered was a partial witness to the history of Phoenicia.
ships and chariots against Tyre. A cosmopolitan city, Tyre Although Josephus duplicates the biblical narrative, his
demonstrated its eclectic taste in religion by adopting the synchronisms and system of parallel accounts preserve
new Egyptian devotion to Aton and assimilating it to the items of interest for the history of Tyre. His Tyrian king-
local cult of Baalshamem. Byblos was equally loyal to Egypt list is fairly accurate and has been corrected and completed
and, as a buffer against Amurru, more dependent on her by Phoenician and Assyrian sources (Cross 1972: 17; Katz-
military aid. It was isolated from the other cities, under enstein 1973: 349). His story of Hiram's religious reforms
attack by Sidon, and rebuffed by Tyre when it offered includes an oblique reference to the famous pillars of Tyre
assistance against the local insurgents. Byblian territory (AgAp l.ll8) that are mentioned by Ezekiel (26:11) and
along the coast and dependent cities in the mountains and Herodotus (2.44) and depicted on Assyrian reliefs (Barnett
in the interior were gradually lost to the incessant attacks 1969). The invasion of Phoenicia in the time of Elulaios
of Amurru. Byblos was bound by a tradition of good ('Ilu'ili) is also recorded in the Assyrian annals but is
relations with Egypt. It was tenacious in its fidelity to assigned by them to the reign of Sennacherib rather than
religious tradition, acceding to the divine pretensions of Shalmaneser V (Pritchard ANET 287-88) and is described
the Pharaoh, but simultaneously invoking in all its corre- as an attack on Sidon rather than Tyre (Katzenstein 1973:
spondence with Egypt the protection of the Mistress of 220-58). The Babylonian siege of Tyre lasted thirteen
Byblos (b'lt gbl). years (Ant 10.228), and the city's resistance, combined with
The Report of Wen-Amon gives the impressions of an the earlier Assyrian conquest of Sidon, seems to have
emissary from Egypt, confirms the relative autonomy of inspired Ezekiel's eulogy of the island fastness and lamen-
Tyre, Sidon and Byblos, and alludes to their separate tation for the Mediterranean world (Ezekiel 27).
dealings with the Sea Peoples. Tyre was in alliance with Herodotus had heard of early contacts between the
the Tjekker of Dor. Sidon was conspicuous for its large Phoenicians and Greece. He knew of Phoenicians particu-
fleet and had formed a syndicate with the Sea Peoples larly as sailors and mercenaries in the service of Egypt and
from Cilicia and Anatolia. Byblos was a small independent Persia. He recalled that Phoenicians in the time of Cadmus
port that maintained friendly relations with Egypt but had brought the alphabet to Boeotia and Attica, where it
could not compete either with Sidon or with Dor and the was learned and adapted by Ionian residents (2.57-59).
Tyrians. Coastal Canaan was no longer an Egyptian prov- He recorded that Phoenicians in the service of Pharaoh
ince but a conglomerate of maritime powers on the verge Necho (610-595 s.c.) sailed around Africa from the Red
of discovering a new world. Sea to the Mediterranean, anticipating and p~rtly duplicat-
4. Greek. The Greek writings confirm or elaborate what ing Hanno's circumnavigation of.the continent in the op-
is known from other sources and are often derivative. In posite direction (Harden 1962: 170-77). Among the ex-
Linear B texts the word "Phoenician" (po-ni-ki-yo) may ploits of Pharaoh Apries (589-570 s.c.) he included an
mean purple or crimson. Homer sometimes mentions expedition against Tyre and Sidon (2.161) that was meant
Phoenicians, but means the Sidonian merchants and to deter them from cooperating with the Babylonians in
craftsmen who had traveled N and W through the Aegean the siege of Jerusalem (Freedy and Redford 1970: 481-
and were still renowned in his own time (Muhly 1970). 84). He knew that the Phoenician fleet gave the Persians
Herodotus in his history of the Babylonian and Persian naval supremacy ( 1.143) and he noted that they refused to
periods was more familiar with Tyre and almost ignored obey Cambyses' orders to attack their own colony in North
Sidon, although he knew the geography of Phoenicia and African Carthage (3.19; Elayi 1981 ). He observed that the
was aware that Phoenicians had sailed in search of Europe Phoenician ships, and especially those of Sidon, were the
(3.44, 49; 5.58) before they settled in Egypt and along the best in the Persian navy and that their kings sailed with the
Libyan coast (2.32, 112). fleet, notably Tetramnestos the son of Anysos of Sidon.
Josephus elaborated on the biblical text with information Mattan the son of Hiram of Tyre, and Maharbaal the son
from other historians of the Hellenistic era and naturally of'Abibaal of Arvad (7.96-98).
ascribed to Tyre preeminence among the Phoenician cities In the Persian and Hellenistic periods, the coastal citie~
(Katzenstein 1973). He embellished the biblical account of were drawn progressively further into the Gr~ek world
the building of the temple with a parallel account of the and their political history is known almost exclusively from
reign of Hiram and a chronology of Tyrian kings up to Greek literary and epigraphic sources (Bengston 1962:
the founding of Carthage (AgAp 1.112-27; Ant 8.141-47). Peckham 1968; Katzenstein 1973; Elayi 1980; 1982; 1987).
He retold the story of Ahab and Jezebel (Ant 8.316-24; But in the 5th century, under Persian administration, the>
v • 355 PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF

also acquired territory in Palestine and showed some inter- defeated at the same time and eventually became the
est in Judean affairs (Ezra 3:7; Neh 13:16; Barag 1966; province of Dor, Tyre retained its independence and
Peckham 1968: 78-87; Muller 1971; Stern 1982a; 1982b). continued to pay tribute (Oded 1974). This contravened
Sidon, in particular, seems to have profited from the Assyrian policy in the West (Weippert 1982) and, with
exchange and its inscriptions from the middle of the Sidon's isolation from its northern resources, it assured
century demonstrate familiarity with Hebrew literature Tyre's supremacy in the E Mediterranean (Oded 1974).
and religious practice (Greenfield 1971: 258-65). A simi- Tyre became the leading city of Phoenicia, and its kings,
lar but more developed familiarity with biblical traditions earlier entitled "King of the Tyrians" (mlk $Tm; Bordreuil
is evident in the later work of Philo of Byblos (Attridge and l 986b: 298-305) assumed the title "King of the Sidonians"
Oden 1981) who synthesized the religious practice of the (mlk $dnm [KAI 31.1 )).
coastal cities in an eclectic system derived from Greek At the end of the 8th century 'Ilu'ili (Gk Elu/,aios Akk
theogony and oriental, specifically biblical, cosmology. The Luli) of Sidon attempted to restore the city's control of
speculation of the Phoenician History is in striking contrast Kition in Cyprus and regain its former stature in Mediter-
to Lucian's descriptive account of practices in Tyre, Sidon, ranean affairs, but he was defeated by Sennacherib and
Byblos, and Hierapolis (Oden 1977) but shares with it, (704-681 B.c.) escaped to Cyprus, where he was assassi-
despite his use of Phoenician sources, a disparagement of nated (Elayi 1985). He was succeeded by 'Ittoba'al (Katz-
native Semitic elements and a naive exaltation of their enstein 1973: 220-58). In the reign of Esarhaddon (680-
Greek equivalents. 669 a.c.) 'Abdimilkut of Sidon made another attempt to
5. Assyrian and Babylonian. Assyrian intervention on escape Assyrian domination but he and his Cilician allies
the Phoenician coast followed the era of Sidonian expan- were defeated, the kings of Cyprus submitted to Assyria,
sion to the N and W and coincided with the beginning of and Sidon was destroyed (ANET, 290-91). Tyre remained
Tyrian predominance in the S states. This period of great- the only naval power in the East, and the treaty with
ness lasted as long as Tyre could rely on Egyptian support Esarhaddon that gave it access to harbors in Philistia and
but dwindled after the Babylonian siege of the city and Phoenicia invoked all the gods of the coast including the
ended with the Persian conquest of Egypt (525 B.c.). seafaring Baals of Tyre, Eshmun of Sidon, and Melqart.
Sidonian expansion N did not go unnoticed by the world The treaty gave Esarhaddon control of Mediterranean
powers. In the years just before the voyage of Wen-Amon, trade and restricted Tyre's local autonomy. Tyre rebelled,
Tiglath-pileser I (1114-1076 e.c.) went to Mount Lebanon was besieged, captured, and put under Assyrian adminis-
where he erected a stele and received tribute from Sidon tration; Egypt, on which it had relied for support, was
and Byblos, then marched against Amurru where he re- invaded and conquered (671 B.c.; Spalinger 1974). In its
ceived tribute from Arvad and sailed in an Arvadian ship expansion southward Tyre cooperated with Phoenician
(ANET, 275; Katzenstein 1973: 175). In the 9th century, kings in the coastal cities of Philistia, but all of these cities
Asshurnasirpal II (883-859 e.c.) made a similar expedi- paid tribute to Ashurbanipal (668-633 B.c.) and were
tion to Mount Lebanon and the seacoast, but he also listed forced to accompany him on his first campaign against
the merchandise that he received as tribute and was the Egypt (ANET, 294). Tyre revolted again but was recon-
first to include Tyre among the tributary cities (ANET, quered and incorporated into the Assyrian provincial sys-
276). Shalmaneser III (858-824 B.c.) also mentioned Tyre tem (Katzenstein 1973: 288-94). It may have prospered in
among the coastal cities that brought him tribute, but his the lull before the Babylonian invasions, but Tyre was
campaigns were directed mainly against the Arameans and besieged again by Nebuchadnezzar (605-562 B.c.) and its
the N coalition on whom Sidon depended for trade king, with the kings of Gaza and Ashdod, of Sidon and
(Pritchard ANET 276-81; Katzenstein 1973: 173-82). Arvad, was taken captive to Babylon (Katzenstein 1973:
Hayanu (hy' [KAI 24. l ]), the father of Kilamuwa, was 319). When the Phoenician cities were restored and re-
among the rulers of northern Syria, Cilicia, and Anatolia gained their power in the Persian period, the Mediterra-
defeated in his first campaign; at the battle of Qarqar (853 nean world they helped create had fallen to the emerging
B.c.) his opponents included Arvad, 'Arqa, and Siyannu, world powers.
the P?oenician cities in Amurru mentioned by the Dtr
h1stonan (Gen 10:17-18), as well as Damascus, Arabia, and B. Chronology
the othe.r regions that Ezekiel included in his catalogue of The king-lists of the principal Phoenician cities are
Phoenician trade centers (Ezekiel 27). reconstructed from Hebrew (*), Greek ( + ), Assyrian (-),
From the early 8th century Palestine was included Egyptian ( =) and Phoenician sources (Albright 194 7;
am_ong the regions subject to Assyria (ANET, 281; Katzen- Cross 1972: 17; Katzenstein 1973: 349; Mullen 1974). The
stem 1973:_ 200) and in the second half of the century the dates are approximate and often conjectural.
Assynan kmgs began their policy of total conquest. Tig-
lath-p1leser III (744-727 B.c.) conquered 'Arqa, Siyannu, BYBL OS
and the northern coastal towns and incorporated them,
and_a few years later Arvad, into the Assyrian province of = Zakarba'al 1050
S•mirra (= Sumur [Gen 10:18]; Kessler 1975-76). This 'Abiram 1000
ended the era of Sidonian supremacy and allowed Tiglath- 'Ittoba'al 975
pileser to concentrate on Tyre and its Philistine allies. He Yabimilk 950
received tribute from 'Ittoba'al of Tyre before 738 a.c. 'Abiba'al 930
(Levme 1972; Cogan 1973) and defeated Hiram of Tyre a 'Eliba'al 920
few years later (734-732 B.c.). Although Philistia was -Si ptiba 'al I 740
PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF .v
356
->Urimilk I 701 Ba'alsillem II 380
-Milk>asap 670 +Straton I 375
Siptiba'al II 500 + Mazaeus 360
>Urimilk II 480 +Tannit 357
Yil:iarba'al 460 + Evagoras 345
Yal:iawmilk 440 +Straton II 343
>Elpa'al 420
'Oziba'al 400 Bibliography
Zakarba'al II 380 Albright, W. F. 1947. The Phoenician Inscriptions of the Tenth
Century B.C.]AOS 67: 153-60.
>Addirmilk 360
'Ayyin>et 340 - - . 1975. Syria, the Philistines and Phoenicia. Pp. 507-36 in
CAH1 212.
TYRE Attridge, H. W., and Oden, R. A., Jr. 1981. Philo of Byblo.1.· The
Phoenician History. Washington.
+>Abiba'al 1000 Aubet Semmler, M. E. 1985. Los fenicios en Espana: estado de la
*+ I:Iiram I 980 cuesti6n y perspectivas. AulaOr 3: 9-38.
+ Ba'al'azor I 950 Barag, D. 1966. The Effects of the Tennes Rebellion on Palestine.
+ 'Abd'astart 930 BASOR 183: 6-12.
+'Astart 920 Barnett, R. D. 1969. Ezekiel and Tyre. EI 9: 6-13.
+ Dalay'astart 900 Bengston, H. 1962. Die Staatsvertriige des Altertu'fll.I. Vol. 2, Die
+ 'Astartram 890 Vertriige der griechisch-riimischer Welt von 700 bis 338 v. Chr.
+Pities 880 Munich.
+ >rttoba'al I 880 Bordreuil, P. 1977. Une inscription phenicienne champlevee des
- + Ba'al'azor II 850 environs de Byblos. Sem 27: 23-27.
+Mattan I 840 - - . I 986a. Attestations int'dites de Melqart, Baal l:lamon et
+Pygmalion 830 Baal Saphon a Tyr. StudPhoen IV, 77-86.
- - . 1986b. Charges et fonctions en Syrie-Palestine d'apres
_>Ittoba'al II 760
quelques sceaux ouest-semitiques du second et du premier
-l:liram II 738 millenaire. CRAJBL 290-308.
-Mattan II 734 Borger, R. 1956. Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Kiinigs von As.ryrien.
-Ba'al I 680 Graz.
Breglia, L. 1955. Le antiche rotte de! Mediterraneo documentate
+ >Ittoba'al III 590 da monete e pesi. AANLR 30: 211-326.
+ Ba'al II 575 Cogan, M. 1973. Tyre and Tiglath-Pileser III.JCS 25: 96-99.
+ Yakinba'al 565 Coldstream, J. N. 1979. Some Cypriote Traits in Cretan Pottery ca.
+Kalbay 564 950-700 B.C. Pp. 257-263 in Acts of the International Archaeolog-
+>Abiba'al 563 ical Symposium 'The Relations between Cyprus and Crete, ca. 2000-
+Mattan III 562 500 B.C. '. Nicosia.
+ Ba'al'azor III 555 Cross, F. M. 1967. The Origin and Early Evolution of the Alphabet.
' + Maharba'al 554 EI B: 8*-24*.
+ l:liram III 551 - - . 1968. Jar Inscriptions from Shiqmona. IE] 18: 226-33.
+ l:liram IV 500 - - . 1971. The Old Phoenician Inscription from Spain Dedi-
+Mattan IV 480 cated to Hurrian Astarte. HTR 64: 189-95.
- - . 1972. An Interpretation of the Nora Stone. BASOR 208:
+'Ozimilk 350 13-19.
- - . 1974. A Second Phoenician Incantation Text from Arslan
5/DON
Tash. CBQ 36: 486-90.
*>Itt<'iba'al I 880 - - . 1979a. Early Alphabetic Scripts. Pp. 97-123 in Symposia
Celebrating the Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of the Founding of the
_>uu>iJi 720 American Schools of Oriental Research (1900-75), ed. F. M. Cross.
->Iu<'iba'al II 700 Cambridge.
-'Abdimilkut 680 - - . I 979b. A Recently Published Phoenician Inscription of the
+Anysos 520 Persian Period from Byblos. IE] 29: 40-44.
+ Tetramnestos 500 - - . 1979c. Two Offering Dishes with Phoenician Inscriptions
>ESmun'azor I 480 from the Sanctuary of 'Arad. BASOR 235: 75-78.
Tab nit 470 - - . 1980. Newly Found Inscriptions in Old Canaanite and
>[smun'azor II 465 Early Phoenician Scripts. BASOR 238: 1-20.
Yatonmilk 450 Cross, F. M., and McCarter, P. K., Jr. 1973. Two Archaic lnscrip-
Bod'astart 440 tions on Clay Objects from Byblus. RSF I: 3-8.
Ba'amllem I 430 Cross, F. M., and Saley, R. ]. 1970. Phoenician Incantations on a
'Abd>dmun 420 Plaque of the Seventh Century B.C. from Arslan Tash in
Ba'na> 400 Upper Syria. BASOR 197: 42-49.
v. 357 PHOENICIAN RELIGION

Delavault, B., and Lemaire, A. 1976. Une stele 'molk' de Palestine Peckham, B. 1966. An Inscribed Jar from Bat-Yam./£] 16: 11-17.
dediee a Eshmoun? RES 367 reconsidere, RB 83: 569-83. - - . 1968. The Development of the Late Phoenician Scripts. Cam-
Donner, H., and Rollig, W. 1968. Kanaaniiische und aramiiische bridge.
Jnschriften. 3 vols., Wiesbaden. Pope, M. H. 1970. The Saltier of Atargatis Reconsidered. Pp. I 79-
Dunand, M. 1969. Byblos, Sidon, Jerusalem: Monuments appar- 95 in Near Eastern Archaeology in the Twentieth Century: Essays in
entes des temps achemenides. VTSup 17: 64-70. Honor of Nelson Glueck, ed. J. A. Sanders. Garden City.
Dunand, M., and Duru, R. 1962. Oumm el-'amed: Une ville de l'epoque Rollig, W. 1969. Eine neue Harpokrates-Statuette mil phonizischer
hellenistique aux echelles de Tyr. 2 vols. Eludes et documents Inschrift. WO 5: 118-20.
d'archeologie 4. Paris. - - . 1972. Alte und neue phonizische Inschriften aus dem
Dupont-Sommer, A. 1972. Une inscription phenicienne archaique agaischen Raum. Vol. 1, pp. 1-8 in Neue Ephemeris fur Semitische
recemment trouvee a Kition (Chypre). Memoires de l'lnstitut Epigraphik, eds. R. Degen, W. W. Muller, and W. Rollig. Wies-
National de France, Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 44/2: baden.
273-94. Sasson, J. M. 1966. Canaanite Maritime Involvement in the Second
Elayi, J. 1980. The Phoenician Cities in the Persian Period. JANES Millennium B.C.JAOS 86: 126-38.
12: 13-28. Shefton, B. B. 1982. Greeks and Greek Imports in the South of
- - . 1981. The Relations between Tyre and Carthage during the Iberian Peninsula: The Archaeological Evidence. Pp. 337-
the Persian Period.JANES 13: 15-29. 70 in PhonWest.
- - . 1982. Studies in Phoenician Geography during the Persian Spalinger, A. 197 4. Esarhaddon and Egypt: An Analysis of the
Period.]NES41: 83-110. First Invasion of Egypt. Or 43: 295-326.
- - . 1985. Les relations entre les cites pheniciennes et !'empire Stern, E. l 982a. Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian
assyrien sous le regne de Sennacherib. Sem 35: 19-26. Period 538-332 B.C. Warminster.
- - . 1987. Recherches sur les ates phtiniciennes a l'tipoque perse. - - . I 982b. A Favissa of a Phoenician Sanctuary from Tel Dor.
Naples. ]JS 33: 35-54.
Fales, F. M. 1979. Kilamuwa and the Foreign Kings: Propaganda Teixidor, J. 1983. Les tablettes d'Arslan Tash au Musee d'Alep.
vs. Power. WO 10: 6-22. AulaOr 1: 105-9.
Ferron, J. 1958-59. Le medaillon de Carthage. CaByr 8: 45-59. Weippert, M. 1982. Zur Syrienpolitik Tiglathpilesers III. Pp. 395-
Freedy, K. S., and Redford, D. B. 1970. The Dates in Ezekiel in 408 in Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn. 25th Renconere Assyriol-
Relation to Biblical, Babylonian and Egyptian Sources. ]AOS ogique Internationale. Berlin.
90: 462-85. Winter, I. J. 1976. Phoenician and North Syrian Ivory Carving in
Goedicke, H. 1975. The Report of Wenamun. Baltimore. Historical Context: Questions of Style and Distribution. Iraq
Greenfield, J. C. 1971. Scripture and Inscription: The Literary 38: 1-22.
and Rhetorical Element in Some Early Phoenician Inscrip- - - . 1981. Is There a South Syrian Style of I vary Carving in the
tions. Pp. 253-68 in Near Eastern Studies in Honor of W F. Early First Millennium B.c.? Iraq 43: 101-30.
Albright, ed. H. Goedicke. Baltimore. Yadin, Y. 1970. Symbols of Deities at Zinjirli, Carthage and Nazar.
Harden, D. 1962. The Phoenicians. New York. Pp. 199-23 I in Near Eastern Archaeology in the Twentieth Century.
Karageorghis, V. 1976. Kition: Mycenaean and Phoenician Discoveries Essays in Honor of Nelson Glueck, ed. J. A. Sanders. Garden City.
m Cyprus. London. BRIAN PECKHAM
Katzenstein, H.J. 1973. The History of Tyre. Jerusalem.
Kessler, K. 1975-76. Die Anzahl der assyrischen Provinzen des
Jahres 738 v. Chr. in Nordsyrien. WO 8: 49-63. PHOENICIAN LANGUAGE. See LANGUAGES
Lane, W.R. 1969. The Phoenician Dialect of Lamax tes Lapethou. (PHOENICIAN).
BASOR 194: 39-45.
Lemaire, A. 1977. lnscriptions He/Jraiques. Vol. 1, Les Ostraca. Paris.
Levine, L. 1972. Menahem and Tiglath-Pileser: A New Synchro- PHOENICIAN RELIGION. The eastern littoral of
nism. BASOR 206: 40-42. the Mediterranean sea S of the Amanus mountains and N
McCarter, P. K., Jr., and Coote, R. B. 1973. The Spatula Inscription of Mt. Carmel was occupied in historic times by people
from Byblos. BASOR 212: 16-22. whose language and culture were sufficiently uniform in
Masson, 0., and Sznycer, M. 1972. Recherches sur Les Phtiniciens a antiquity to be recognized as distinct. The land was called
Chypre. Paris. CANAAN by its inhabitants, fn}jw by Egyptians (see Van-
Moscati, S. 1968. The World of the Phoenicians. Trans. A. Hamilton. dersleyen 1987), phoinike by Greeks. The name "Phoeni-
London. cia" is properly applied to this area, and "Phoenician" to
Muhly, J. D. 1970. Homer and the Phoenicians: The Relations its inhabitants, from about 1200 B.C.E. onward. See PHOE-
between Greece and the Near East in the Late Bronze and NICIA, HISTORY OF. The beliefs and activities of the
Early Iron Ages. Berytus 19: 19-64. ancient Phoenicians that can be designated "religion" in
Mullen, E.T., Jr. 1974. A New Royal Sidon Inscription. BASOR 2I6: modern usage are of interest to readers of the Bible
25-30. principally with respect to the religion of ancient Israel
Muller, H. P. 1971. Phdnizien und Juda in exilisch-nachexilischer and Judah as depicted in the Hebrew canon. Less readily
Zeit. WO 6: 189-204. perceived is the contribution of Phoenician mythology to
Oded, B. 1974. The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in Jewish thought as set down in the Apocrypha of the Greek
the Time of Tiglath-Pileser III. ZDPV 90: 38-49. canon and in the writings known as Pseudepigrapha (on
Oden, R. A., Jr. 1977. Studies in Lucian's De Syria Dea. HSM 15. Phoenician traditions of secret writings, see Ribichini
Missoula, MT. I 987b). Even more obscure is the degree to which elements
PHOENICIAN RELIGION
358 • v
of early Christian the.ology incorporated motifs associated Hannib~I of Ca.rthage a?d Philip V of Macedon is pre-
with Phoenician religion (for an example, see HERA- served m the history written by Polybius (7.9). See HIS-
KLES). TORIOGRAPHY (GRECO-ROMAN). It has been plausibly
argued_ (mos.t recently and thoroughly in Barre 1983) that
A. Sources the d1~me witnesses listed in the text of the treaty, in spite
I. Textual of their Greek names, are to be understood as their Phoe-
2. Artifactual nician or Punic "equivalents," and that the list represents
3. Condition and Utility of Sources t~e pantheon of C:arthage at the time of Hannibal. (For a
B. Scope different perspective, see Huss 1986.) The historian Pau-
1. Geographical sanias and the geographer Strabo preserve details of Phoe-
2. Historical nician religion as observed by Greeks.
C. Cult A narrative description of religious practices of Phoeni-
1. Sacrifice cian derivation is found in the Greek work Concerning the
2. Gifts Syrian Goddess attributed to Lucian of Samosata, a satirist
3. Prayer who wrote in the 2d century C.E. (Oden 1977). The 4th-
4. Purity century Christian historiographer Eusebius presented
D. Cult Sites Phoenician mythology as an example.of the sort of non-
1. Natural sense from which his own church had liberated the theo-
2. Constructed logical intellect. Eusebius cited generous portions of a work
E. Cult Personnel entitled Phoenician History, said to be translated by PHILO
1. Priesthoods OF BYBLOS from an older work in the Phoenician lan-
2. Other Functionaries guage compiled by Sanchuniaton (Hist. Eccl. 1.10.23-
F. Festivals 1.10.53; see Attridge and Oden 1981; Baumgarten 1981;
1. Seasonal Celebrations Schiffmann 1986).
2. Sports Among texts in the Latin language, the epitome or
G. Revelatory Institutions summary compiled by Justin from the (now lost) world
1. Prophecy history of Pompeius Trogus includes a section on the
2. Other Mantic Activities history of Carthage (chaps. 18 and 19 of Justin; the stan-
H. Divinities dard edition of the text is by Seel [ 1972]). The accurate
1. Phoenician Polytheism historical details of Trogus' compilation can be traced to
2. Dynamics of Pantheons Timaeus; of Phoenician religion there is nothing of sub-
I. The Dead stance.
The principal epigraphic sources are those in cuneiform
A. Sources and others in the linear Phoenician alphabet. A vassal
I. Textual. Literary and epigraphic texts are the written treaty imposed by the Neo-Assyrian ruler Esarhaddon on
sources of information about Phoenician religion. Literary Baal, king of Tyre about 675 B.C.E. (ANET, 533-34) lists
texts include the Hebrew Bible; portions of the Apocrypha among its divine witnesses deities that must be Tyrian (on
and Pseudepigrapha; Greek texts by classical, Hellenistic, the list, Barre 1983: 45-50). See also BETHEL. Other
and Christian writers; and Latin works. Epigraphic texts documents in cuneiform provide incidental details perti-
include cuneiform texts in the Akkadian language and nent to a reconstruction of Phoenician religion.
inscriptions in the Phoenician language; the form of Phoe- A small corpus of inscriptions in the Phoenician lan-
nician used at Carthage and elsewhere in the W Mediter- guage has survived (CIS I 1-121; KAI 1-60; additional
ranean is called Punic (Lat PoeniJ.S, "Phoenician"), and the texts published in a variety of journals remain uncol-
form used after the fall of Carthage is known as Neo- lected); a larger corpus of Punic and Neo-Punic inscrip-
Punic. See LANGUAGES (PHOENICIAN). tions (CIS I 122-6068; KAI 61-173, 277) is comprised
Evidence derived from the biblical traditions will be almost entirely of votive texts which repeat stereotyped
discussed separately. Among Greek writers, Homer pro- formulas. Less than half a percent of the surviving corpus
vides no substantive information about Phoenician reli- is non-dedicatory, and again these offer only glimpses of
gion, though the Phoenicians figure in the verse epics Phoenician religious thought and practice.
attributed to him. Herodotus, whose history explores re- 2. Artifactual. Architecture, sculpture, glyptics (includ-
lations between Greek and Phoenician societies, nonethe- ing coins), and other craft products constitute a fragmen-
less provides no sustained discussion of religious beliefs tary record of the social manifestations of Phoenician
and practices among the latter. Works of the Greek histo- religion. See LEBANON; PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY
rians Ephorus and Timaeus survive only in the fragments OF.
cited by other Greek writers. Details of the military and 3. Condition and Utility of Sources. With the exception
political history of Carthage, founded as a Phoenician of Phoenician inscriptions, all sources of information
colony in N Africa, were preserved with these fragments, about the religion of Phoenicia are secondary. Any infor-
chiefly in the Library of History compiled by Diodorus mation derived from them must become part of a modern
Siculus (Pearson 1984); but Phoenician and Punic religion narrative whose major components are deduction, infer-
is represented only episodically, and with tendentious hos- ence, and speculation. The quality of the resulting recon-
tility (Simonetti 1983). struction is inherently dependent on the organizing
The text of a treaty concluded in 215 B.C.E. between scheme according to which fragments of fact have been
v. 359 PHOENICIAN RELIGION

related to one another. Any reconstruction of Phoenician staged by the Israelite prophet Elijah at Mt. Carmel, a site
religion must necessarily be tentative. that, according to one writer, was "sacred above all moun-
tains" to the Phoenicians and of restricted access (Iamb.
Vit. Pyth. 3: 15). The sacrifice is performed by "prophets of
B. Scope .. ,, . . Baal" convened for the purpose by Elijah (1 Kgs 18:25);
1. Geographical. "Phoemc1a was spatially dispersed ..A the victim is a bull, which is killed, butchered, and ar-
series of coastal cities and villages from Mynandos m ranged in pieces on wood placed on an altar. Fire to
Cilicia (modern Turkey) to Gaza were Phoenician in lan- consume the sacrifice is sought (unsuccessfully) from
guage and religion. Cypr~s support~~ a Phoeni~ian P?PU- "Baal" in shouted invocations while the sacrificers dance
lation in its E and S poruon. Phoemc1an was written m W around the altar and lacerate themselves (I Kgs 18:26-
Cilicia, and Phoenicians settled on the Aegean islands, on 28).
the Italian peninsula, on Sardinia, in N Africa, in W Sicily, One of the goals of this story is to make Phoenician
on other islands of the W Mediterranean, and extensively sacrifice appear ridiculous, and it is possible that in such a
in Spain. See PHOENICIA, HISTORY OF. .. distorting context the details of sacrificial procedure are
2. Historical. While it has been argued (Garb1m 1980) not accurately representative. But the implicit assumption
that the term "Phoenician" is appropriate to the Bronze of the narrative that identical sacrificial procedures are
Age culture of the E Mediterranean littoral, most scholars appropriate for both "Baal" and Yahweh may be an indi-
accept the chronological constraints for which Moscati cation of a perceived common derivation of Israelite and
( 1968: xxii) has made a case, and reserve the word "Phoe- Phoenician sacrifice.
nician" for the Iron Age, i.e., the period following the The narrative of Jehu's bloody suppression of a Phoeni-
invasions of "Sea Peoples," and later. cian cult in Samaria (2 Kgs 10: 18-27) indicates that the
"great sacrifice" which Jehu convened consisted in part of
C. Cult holocausts (vv 24-25; Heb 'olot). Jehu himself, as king,
1. Sacrifice. The Phoenician words for sacrifice and may have performed the sacrifices (the pronominal refer-
related activity derive in large part from the common ence of these sentences is ambiguous).
Semitic lexical stock (Fronzaroli 1965: 252-56) traceable As a social institution, sacrifice in Phoenicia probably
to a very early period. From this and other evidence it can shared structural features with Israelite sacrifice. Presum-
be deduced that sacrifice is a practice of great antiquity ably it operated in a system of male bonding and genealog-
among Semitic-speaking societies. The procedures and ical legitimation (Jay 1988) in which women were marginal
perceived significance of particular sacrificial types, how· participants (Winter 1983: 1-69). Phoenician and Punic
ever, undoubtedly changed and varied over time. texts commemorating sacrifices generally include a gene-
Both fauna! and floral sacrifices were made by Phoeni- alogy of the offerer which lists male ancestors; this is true
cians. Mammalian victims were oxen, bulls, sheep, goats, in the case of women as well as men (Amadasi Guzzo
and varieties of deer. Among birds, columbine species 1988).
(doves and pigeons) seem to have been preferred as vic- The Phoenician inscription from Karatepe in Anatolia
tims. Pools of sacred fish are mentioned by classical writers, (ANET, 653-55; TSS/ 3: 41-64) claims for its author
but there is no evidence of piscatory sacrifice. Azatiwata. Significant military and diplomatic achieve-
Fauna! sacrifices necessitated the death and (in cases ments which culminate in the refoundation of the city bear
involving larger animals) partial consumption of the vic- his name. The climax of Azatiwata's narrative is the estab-
tim. ~othing is known about the method of dispatching lishment of the cult of the god b'l krntrys (the second half
the victim, although it is reasonable to suppose that a of the name is not Phoenician) with seasonal sacrifices of
variety of procedures were employed. In certain categories oxen and sheep (KAI 26 A ii 19-A iii 2). It is apparent
of sacrifices all or part of the victim was incinerated on an from the benedictions which follow the narrative that not
altar. Other sacrifices may have involved suspending the only Azatiwata himself but the entire city anticipated life,
victim from a sacred tree or post. health, political prowess, reliable food supplies, and repro-
Floral sacrifices included offerings of cereal grains and ductive success to follow from their assiduous maintenance
plant derivatives such as oil. There is no evidence that of the sacrificial cult.
floral offerings were consumed. Insofar as the sacrificial cult in Phoenician cities oper-
The most detailed documentary evidence concerning ated within a centralized palatine economy exploiting out-
sacrifice of Phoeni.cian derivation is late (after 350 B.C.E.) lying villages for agricultural produce and redistributing
and Western. The Carthage tariffs (among which is in- goods and services within a stratified urban social struc-
cluded the Marseilles Tariff [KAI 69]) were temple docu- ture, expectations such as those expressed in the Karatepe
ments regulating payments due priests for a variety of inscription may have been more than wishful thinking
sacrifices. and (in cases of fauna! sacrifices) specifying the (Liverani 1974). In the Persian period the construction of
d1stnbuuon of portions of the victim not destroyed in the cultic installations remains among the chief accomplish-
sacrificial procedure. A limited continuity can be traced in ments of kings (ANET, 656 [Yehawmilk of Byblos]; ANET,
the names of sacrifices found in Ugaritic ritual texts (see 662 [Eshmunazar of Sidon)).
UGARIT), biblical legislation (see SACRIFICE), and the The inscribed base of a statue erected by Yatonbaal, a
Carthage tariffs (Guzzo Amadasi 1967: 169-82). local official in the Ptolemaic administration of Cyprus (see
The most vivid biblical narrative concerning a sacrifice Parmentier 1987), records the building of altars and the
performed by Phoenicians is legendary and highly polem- institution of daily sacrifices on behalf of the dedicator's
1Cal (1 Kgs 18:20-40). It concerns a sacrificial contest immediate family in conjunction with monthly sacrifices
PHOENICIAN RELIGION 360 • v
for the reigning Ptolemy and dependents (TSSI 3: 133- revelation to the vower (biblical parallels have been drawn
41). out by O'Brien 1987).
2. Gifts. In common with the practices of other Semitic Phoenician ~nd. Punic inscriptions provide examples of
cultures, Phoenician religion included offerings of objects prayerful ded1Ca.uon. He~e can be seen truly touching
specially dedicated to a deity. Agricultural and industrial examples of manta) devot10n (KAI 48) and filial piety (KAI
products were equally presentable gifts. Carved work (such 34). The ~~.nedictory section of the Karatepe inscription
as the ivory casket dedicated to Astarte by a Phoenician (K~/ 26 A 11~ 2-l l ! ~as the characteristics of prayer in spite
woman [TSS/ 3: 71-74]); metal objects (of which an elegant of its rhetoncal ongms and propagandistic purpose.
silver bowl found in 1876 at Praeneste, Italy, is a fine A. Punic prayer is incorporated in a soliloquy spoken in
example [TSSI 3: 7 l ]), sculpture, ceramics, and terra- Punic by the character Hanno at the beginning of the fifth
cottas were all offered in dedication. Spoils of war were act of the Poenul11.1, a play in Latin by the playwright Plautus
frequently dedicated, and the presentation of gifts in (d. 184 B.C.E.). The Punic text is genuine but corrupt. The
temples was an important element of interstate relations opening line can be translated "I invoke the gods and
linking colonies (or former colonies) to their mother cities goddesses ... of this city" (l. 930), but the remainder of
(Diod. 13.108.4; 17.41.8) and vassals to their suzerains. the text is replete with difficulty (see Sznycer 1967; Krah-
Dedications were commonly made in fulfillment of a vow malkov l 970; l 988: 55-62). Also, the Carthaginian gen-
(Phoen ndr). Phoenician and Punic inscriptions on steles eral Hannibal prayed for his troops before battle (Polyb.
set up to record the fulfillment of a vow (ndr) by means of 3.44.13).
a gift (Phoen mtt, Pun mtnt) comprise more than 95 percent Maledictions are amply attested in Phoenician sources
of the textual remains of these languages. The relative (Gevirtz l 961; IDB l: 749-50). Blasphemy was attached to
abundance of votive texts witnesses to the importance of a famous Carthaginian commander: Himilco, returning in
vows and their fulfillment in Phoenician religion. shame from defeat in Sicily, is said by Trogus to have
Certain categories of vows may have been fulfilled by the accused his gods of perfidy before finally committing
immolation of neonatal or prepubescent children of either suicide (Justin 19.3.3 [Seel 1972: 166]).
sex. Evidence for human sacrifice..._as an institution of 4. Purity. Systems of sacrifice and ritual express concep-
Phoenician religion is, however, limited and ambiguous. A tual analyses of the world in related taxonomies of purity
few passages from the Hebrew Bible have been understood and impurity, benefit, and danger (Douglas l 966). The
as referring to the sacrifice of children in connection with conceptualization of purity in Phoenician religion and the
the cult of a divinity called Molech (a god whose very rules according to which Phoenicians maintained ritual
existence has been doubted; see Heider 1985). Archaeo- purity have been largely lost. Surviving details do not imply
logical evidence of human sacrifice among Levantine any particular system.
Phoenicians is lacking (a point stressed by Ribichini l 987a; Classical writers mention Phoenician abstention from
l 988). Sites of Phoenician origin in the W Mediterranean pork (Herodian 5.6.9; Porph. Abst. 1.14); archaeological
have provided considerably more artifactual and osteolog- confirmation has been inferred from the absence of pig
ical evidence, but the interpretation of these remains is bones from the earliest levels of Phoenician settlements in
controversial. Excavations of the topheth at Carthage have the W Mediterranean, even at sites where pig bones are
led certain archaeologists and historians to conclude that found in pre-Phoenician levels (Whittaker 1974: 71 ).
an institution of ritual infanticide was maintained for at Endogamy also knew exceptions among the Phoeni-
least five centuries (ca. 700-200 B.C.E.) among the Car- cians. The notorious Jezebel was a daughter of the Phoe-
thaginians (Stager 1980; 1982; Stager and Wolff 1984; nician Ethbaal, "king of the Sidonians" (I Kgs 16:31 ), given
Lipinski 1982; l 988; Heider 1985; S. Brown l 987). Moscati in marriage to Ahab, king of Israel. Psalm 45 envisions
( l 987) has denied the existence of such an institution. such a royal wedding between an Israelite king and a
Other scholars have remained agnostic on the subject Phoenician princess. Sallust (Jug. 78.4) says that Tyrians
(Benichou-Safar 1988). But an analysis of the osteological intermarried with Libyans at Lepcis Magna in N Africa.
remains from the tophet of Tharros in Sardinia, where Intermarriage of Phoenicians with Judeans took place near
controlled excavation and interpretation have been possi- Larnaca, Cyprus (ancient Kition) early in the Persian pe-
ble, indicates that neonatal and prepubescent humans riod, to judge from Judean names in the genealogies on
probably were sacrificial victims (Fedele and Foster l 988). Phoenician gravestones there (Hadjisavvas, Dupont-Som-
Certain passages from Greek and Latin writers purport mer, and Lozachmeur 1984; Hadjisavvas 1986). Hamilcar,
to describe the sacrifice of children as carried out at a 5th-century Carthaginian general (d. 480 s.c.E.), was the
Carthage and other Punic sites. These are all highly po- son of a Carthaginian father and a Syracusan Greek
lemical, histrionic, and perhaps interdependent. They mother (Herod. 7.167).
thus invite proper scepticism in their interpretation (as A late and fragmentary Punic inscription (KAI 76) ap-
Simonetti l 983 as shown). pears to be a calendar of purificatory rituals. 1:'he word qdJ
3. Prayer. Prayer is intimately related to the taking and "holy" occurs three times, and there is mention of fr.un,
fulfillment of vows. Numerous Phoenician and Punic in- bread, incense, and (perhaps) naphtha. The text gives
scriptions make the association explicit. Most votive texts directions for the cultic manipulation of these items on
end with a formulaic statement that the divinity or divini- specified days. Also associated with Carthage is a legend
ties to whom the dedication has been made "heard the that a sacred oil-spring in a Carthaginian sanctuary would
sound" of the voice of the dedicator. Presumably vows not flow except for persons who were ceremonially pure
were most often made in the context of prayer, and the (Pseud. Arist. Mir. A11.1c. 113).
necessity of their fulfillment was communicated through The violation of a deity's prerogatives with respect to
v. 361 PHOENICIAN RELIGION

purity or custom might result in death, illness, or madness. tures of a Phoenician temple in Kition (TSSI, 123-31) lists
A case of sacrilege is the subject of a recently discovered payments to builders, assistants, bakers, and barbers. An-
Akkadian letter from the king of Sidon to the king of other term listed there--klbm "dogs"-has been inter-
Ugarit (Arnaud 1986-87: 189-90; the date appears to be preted as a variety of male sex worker (TWAT 4: 163;
ca. 1225 s.c.E.). Plague resulting from sacrilege is a motif Margalith 1983; Brunet 1985).
seized upon by Greek historians recounting Carthaginian Among biblical scholars it has unfortunately become a
military losses (e.g., Diod. 13.85-86). It is in the context of truism that male and female sex workers were cultic func-
sacrilege, plague, and military defeat that narratives of tionaries in the religions of Canaan, and that considerable
human sacrifice are to be found (Diod. 13.86.3; 20.13.5- polemic was exerted against this practice by the classical
5). prophets. The marriage of Hosea, for example, is regu-
larly interpreted against the background of a fertility cult
D. Cult Sites in which unrestricted sex is the religious obligation (or
1. Natural. Any distinctive feature of the topography privilege) of certain women (Wolff Hosea Hermeneia; An-
might be a sacred site among the Phoenicians, as among dersen and Freedman Hosea AB). Partial illumination of
Mediterranean peoples generally. Caves, peaks, stone out- the modern fascination with sacred prostitution is to be
:roppings, springs, rivers, and lakes were sacred, and had from the sociology of biblical studies as a discipline
frequently the sites of cults. Natural and cultivated groves (Schussler Fiorenza 1988). Cross-cultural studies of the
of trees were centers of worship. The sacred grove and prostitution calumny itself and of the economics of ancient
pool of Afqa at the source of the river Adonis (modern religions have raised new questions.
Nahr Ibrahim in Lebanon) was the most celebrated holy All of the classical accounts of ritual sex among Semites
place in Phoenicia (Emeb. Vita Const. 3.55; Ribichini 1981: appear to derive from Herodotus (Oden 1987: 140-47).
159-65). The words in all Semitic languages alleged to be designa-
2. Constructed. Altars, chapels, images, and temples tions of ritual sex workers are euphemistic and polyvalent.
were constructed at sacred sites. See HIGH PLACE. The And the very existence of a "fertility cult" has never been
foundation or refurbishing of cultic installations is a recur- convincingly demonstrated, although fertility, both hu-
ring subject of Phoenician and Punic inscriptions (e.g., man and agricultural, was certainly a concern of all ancient
KAI 19; 277). Maintenance of temples was an obligation of societies. Incidents of female prostitution in ancient Israel
kings in the E Phoenician cities; among colonies of Phoeni- and elsewhere are perhaps better accounted for in terms
cians in the W, such obligations might fall to private indi- of economic marginalization (see PROSTITUTION, CUL-
viduals (as did leiturgia among the Greeks). Private expen- TIC; van der Toorn 1989).
ditures on cultic service could be lavishly rewarded (KAI
50). F. Festivals
The temple of Yahweh in Jerusalem, which was built for 1. Seasonal Celebrations. It is reasonable to assume that
Solomon by Tyrian architects and laborers (I Kings 5-6), religious festivals marked the New Year, the vernal equi-
was an elegant example of Phoenician temple design. See nox, the summer solstice, and the autumnal equinox in
TEMPLE, JERUSALEM. A Phoenician temple of Astarte Phoenicia, but evidence of festivals tied to the solar cycle is
in Kition, Cyprus, datable to the 8th century B.C.E., pro- tenuous. Such evidence as is available suggests that sea-
vides a parallel. sonal festivals combined elements of agricultural and
mythopoeic origin. A Tyrian celebration of the resurrec-
E. Cult Personnel tion of the god Melqart may have coincided with the vernal
1. Priesthoods. Two priesthoods, khn and kmr, existed equinox (Lipinski 1970). The festival of Adonis in Byblos,
among the Phoenicians. The former is the only class of known from Greek sources, probably was held in early
priesthood recognized as legitimate in the Hebrew Bible, summer (Ribichini 1981: 150-51 ). Other festivals are
where it is restricted to men and, at least in the divided known only as names. The ym qbr 'lm lit. "day of the god's
monarchy, not a royal prerogative. The Phoenicians, in burial" is mentioned in the Phoenician inscription from
contrast, admitted male khnm and female khnt, who might Pyrgi in Italy (lines 8-9; see TSSI 3: 151-59). The phrase
also be king and queen, or queen mother (DJSO, 116). As zbl,! smJ "sun sacrifices" designated a month, perhaps the
in Israelite religion, Phoenician khn priests were organized month of the winter solstice (TSSI 3:156; cf. KAI 43.4).
in colleges presided over by a rb khnm "high priest." 2. Sports. Athletic contests and paramilitary maneuvers
The kmr priesthood is little known either in the Hebrew were part of the ritual activities of Phoenicians. The for-
Bible (BOB, 485) or in Phoenicia (D/SO, 122). Both in the mer has been linked to the origins of the Olympic games
Bible (2 Kgs 23:5) and at Carthage (KAI 76.6 [restored]), (Boutros 1981 ).
kmr priests are associated with the offering of incense in
rituals of Tyrian origin. (Aramaic inscriptions mention G. Revelatory Institutions
kmrt "kmr-priestesses.") 1. Prophecy. The Elijah narrative refers to "the four
2.. Oth_er Functionaries. The names of extra-priestly hundred and fifty prophets of Baal and the four hundred
culuc offices are known, but little can be said about the and fifty prophets of Asherah who eat at Jezebel's table"
specifics of these. The 'zr (CIS I 6000bis_3) was probably a (I Kgs 18:20). In this biblical narrative, the prophets of
temple administrator; the zbl,! presided over bloody sacri- Baal perform the priestly function of animal sacrifice.
fices. Specific to the cult of Melqart were the offices mqm Priests and prophets were bearers of religious tradition
>tm "waker of the god" and (probably) mtrl,! 'stmy, variously according to one source of Phoenician origin. The Phoeni-
interpreted (see Lipinski 1970). The record of expendi- cian History of Philo of Byblos relates that the first Phoeni-
PHOENICIAN RELIGION 362 • v
cian hierophant, a certain Thabion, transmitted his alle- onward (CIS I 5510 is probably the earliest textual evi-
gorical interpretations of myths and of natural and cosmic dence).
phenomena "to the priests and to the prophets who led The phylogeny of divine beings was expressed in theo-
the rites" (Euseb. Praep. Evang. 1.10.39 [Attridge and Oden ~onic myths. Apart from Ugaritic texts with theogonic
1981: 61)). interests (see CANAAN, RELIGION OF), the only extant
Traces of prophetic activities remain in the epigraphic Phoenician theogony is from the Phoenician Hi.story of
record, as well. An Etruscan ruler declares in the Phoeni- PHILO OF BYBLOS (the detailed investigation of this text
cian-Etruscan bilingual text he commissioned at Pyrgi in by Movers ( 1848] still repays close reading; the most exten-
Italy that he built a sanctuary for Astarte because she sive recent analysis is by Schiffmann 1986).
requested it of him (TSSJ 3: 157). Presumably the request 2. Dynamics of Pantheons. It is a commonplace that
was made through prophets or oracles. Responsibility for the ranking and grouping of divinities in pantheons mir-
the erection of an Astarte shrine at Hammon, S of Tyre, rors the social and political relations of human society.
is attributed jointly to the mPk (traditionally "angel") of the The occupational specializations of urban society are like-
god Milk-Astarot (KAI 19.2) and the citizens of the city. It wise represented in the restricted ambit of any single deity.
can be inferred from the rhetoric of the inscription that The pantheons of Phoenician cities were dynamic: new
prophetic agency may have been involved in the decision deities were assimilated or invested; old deities waxed or
to undertake the project. waned in prominence; some became senescent.
2. Other Mantle Activities. In recounting the Cartha- The dynamism of Phoenician polytheism accounts for
ginian siege of Akragas in Sicily, Diodorus ( 13.86.2) alleges the considerable discontinuity between Bronze Age and
that soothsayers (Gk manteis) warned the Carthaginian Iron Age pantheons of the same regions (noted by Xella
general against dismantling Greek tombs for the siege- 1981: 12-13). The historical development of Phoenician
works. The Periplu.s attributed to Hanno the Navigator, religion involved innovation, openness to elements of non-
probably a Greek translation of a 5th-century Punic docu- Phoenician origin, and periodic divestment of innovative
ment, describes a fearful night passed by a shore crew on elements (Garbini 198 l). First-millennium Phoenician
an island in a lake near the W African coast. Soothsayers pantheons, for example, show the emergence of guardian
(Gk manteis) commanded them to leave the dreadful place deities, such as Shadrapa, Horon, Sid, and Bes, to a new
(line 77; Oikonomides 1977: 29). prominence (Garbini 1981: 33-36). Two-element divine
names are widely diffused in the lst millennium: Milk-
H. Divinities Astarot (see Pardee l 988 on this name), Tinnit-Astarot,
1. Phoenician Polytheism. The very concept of divinity and Baal Hammon are examples; "double-gods," e.g.,
in NW Semitic religion is fuzzy. Divinities achieve defini- Eshmun-Milqart, also show a renewed prominence in the
tion relatively: in relation to one another and in relation late Iron Age.
to human beings. The mutual relations of divinities are
expressed in the schematic associations called pantheons. I. The Dead
The organizing principles of pantheons are analogical. On Phoenician cults of the dead, see DEAD, CULT OF
Human structures organizing power, generative and coer- THE.
cive, provide the lines of analogy. Thus divinities may
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Phoenix 28: 51-84. Toorn, K. van der. 1989. Female Prostitution in Payment of Vows
- - . 1988. Sacrifices d'enfants a Carthage et dans le monde in Ancient lsrael.]BL 108: 193-205.
semitique oriental. StudPhoen VI: 151-62. Vandersleyen, C. 1987. L'etymologie de Phoinix, "Phenicien."
Liverani, M. 1974. La royaute syrienne de !'age du bronze recent. StudPhoen V: 19-22.
Pp. 329-56 in Le Palais et la rayaute, ed. P. Garelli. Paris. Whittaker, C. R. 1974. The Western Phoenicians. Proceedings of the
Margalith, 0. 1983. Keleb: Homonym or Metaphor? VT 33: 491- Cambridge Philological Society 200: 58-79.
95. Winter, U. 1983. Frau und Giittin. OBO 53. Freiburg and Gottingen.
Moscati, S. 1968. The World of the Phoenicians. Trans. A. Hamilton. Xella, P. 1981. Aspetti e problemi dell'indagine storico-religiosa.
New York. Pp. 7-25 in La religione fenicia. SS 53. Rome.
- - . 1987. Ii sacrificio punico dei fanciulli: Realta o invenzione? - - - . 1986. Le polytheism phenicien. StudPhoen IV: 29-40.
Problemi attuali di scienza e di cultura, Quaderno 261. Rome. PHILIP C. SCHMITZ

Movers, F. C. 1848. Phoenizien, Phoenizier. Vol. 24, pp. 319-443

in Allgemeine Encyklopii.die der Wissenschaften und Kiinste, ed. J. S.
Ersch and J. G. Gruber. Leipzig.
PHOENIX (BIRD AND POEM). In the ancient world,
the phoenix was a bird whose symbolic power proved
O'Brien, J. 1987. Because God Heard My Voice: The Individual
international and durable. Although its long history, in-
Thanksgiving Psalm and Vow-fulfillment. Pp. 281-98 in The
cluding occurrences in Egypt, Greece, and Rome, exhibits
Li.stening Heart, ed. K. G. Hoglund, et al. JSOTSup 58. Shef-
field.
significant and interesting variety, several constant factors
define the boundaries and establish the identity of the
Oden, R. 1977. Studies in Lucian's De Syria Dea. HSM 15. Missoula, phoenix: bird of the sun, an immensely long life, the
MT.
capacity for self-renewal or self-regeneration after its
- - . 1987. The Bible Without Theology. New Voices in Biblical death, and a sign of the human soul and its destiny.
Studies. San Francisco.
In Egypt, the phoenix is early (2500 B.C.E.) attested in
Oikonomides, A. N. 1977. Hanno the Carthaginian: Periplus. Chi- the Heliopolitan mythology of Atum/Re. The creation ac-
cago.
count portrays the emergence of land and life from the
Pardee, D. 1988. A New Datum for the Meaning of the Divine primeval waters, with Atum a self-generating deity whose
PHOENIX 364. v
shape became definite as a mound or hill in the waters and matic, but van den Broek (76-97) has demonstrated that
whose spirit was a light sending the rays of the sun into the life of the bird was 540 years and that it appeared at
the world from the temple in Heliopolis. In the very the end of one and the beginning of another historical
beginning, the Phoenix perched on the Benben stone, cycle. Herodotus, in the 5th century B.C.E., gives an exten-
located in the temple of Atum, marking the origin of the sive description and interpretation based on pictures and
inhabited world and the reign of Atum: Egyptian myths:

0 Atum! When you came into being you rose up as a Another bird also is sacred; it is called the phoenix. l
High Hill. myself have never seen it, but only pictures of it; for the
You shone as the Benben Stone in the temple of the bird comes but seldom into Egypt, once in five hundred
phoenix in Heliopolis years, as the people of Heliopolis says. It is said that the
(Pyramid Text 600, in Rundle-Clark 37) phoenix comes when his father dies. If the picture truly
shows his size and appearance, his plumage is partly
The self-emergent Atum and the self-emergent phoenix golden but mostly red. He is most like an eagle in shape
received the adoration befitting their status: and bigness. The Egyptians tell a tale of this bird's
devices which I do not believe. He comes, they say, from
Hail to you, 0 Atum! Arabia bringing his father to the Sun's temple enclosed
Hail to you, 0 Becoming One who came into being of in myrrh, and there buries him. His manner of bringing
himself! is this: first he moulds an egg of myrrh as heavy as he
You rose up in this your name of High Hill, can carry, and when he has proved its weight by lifting
You came into being in this your name of "Becoming it he then hollows out the egg and puts his father in it,
One." covering over with more myrrh the hollow in which the
(Pyramid Text 587, in Rundle-Clark 38) body lies; so the egg being with his father in it of the
same weight as before, the phoenix, after enclosing him,
Creating the world was not the only time when the carries him to the temple of the Sun in Egypt. Such is
phoenix was active, for the daily and monthly ritual were the tale of what is done by this bird.
performed in the temple of the Benben stone, suggesting (Histories 2.73, trans. Godley 359-61)
that important moments in social life were assimilated to
the activity of Atum and the bird and noted in the liturgi- Here we have considerable information which was to
cal calendar. The Book of the Dead 17 extends the influence become standard for much Greek and Roman thought
of the phoenix to the journey of the soul from the under- about the bird: its origin in Arabia and appearances in
world to the sun. As the bird was a manifestation of Atum Heliopolis and its burial of its dead father in the temple of
at the beginning, so it aids the dead who return to Atum the Sun in Egypt. A fragment of the 4th century e.c.E.
at the end. The pervasive character of the phoenix is poet Antiphanes, preserved in Athenaeus (Deipnosophists
underscored in the words of Atum: 14.655) also connects the Greek phoenix with Egypt. An-
other fragment, from the 2d-century-B.C.E. Hellenistic
The Word came into being. Jewish writer Ezekiel the Dramatist and preserved in Eu-
All things were mine when I was alone. sebius (P.E. 9.29.16), says that this bird, king of all birds,
I was Re in his manifestations: sang beautifully. And from a fragment of Aenesidemus,
I was the great one who came into being of himself ... preserved by Diogenes Laerteius (9.79) we learn that the
I was that great Phoenix who is in Heliopolis, phoenix reproduces asexually, a theme that Christians will
who looks after the decision of all that is develop into a symbol for life after death. But the most
(Rundle-Clark 79) complete account of the phoenix comes from a Roman
senator, Manilius, who indicates that a new bird is reborn
Yet another feature of the phoenix is seen in the ancient from the decaying remains of its own body, with each
Egyptian view of time as cyclical and composed of seg- death-birth occurring every 540 years to mark political,
ments of the day, the week of ten days, the year, and social, and religious renewals (Pliny 10.4-5), with which
longer periods of 400 and l ,460 years. Since the bird was Ovid (Met. l.108-10 and 15.392-407) and Seneca (Ep.
present when the world emerged from the waters, it initi- 42. l) agTee. Tacitus provides an account with several char-
ated the cycles as well as the world; it also began each new a~teristic themes belonging to the symbolism of the phoe-
period in the flux and flow of the world. The recurring nix:
appearance of the phoenix is a corollary of the meaning
the bird occupied in ancient Egypt: the presence of Atum/ . the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt ... 1
Re and his word which became the destiny of the world propose to state the points on which they [the tales]
and humans. coincide, together with the larger number that are du-
When we move from the Egyptian to the Greco-Roman bious .... That the creature is sacred to the sun and
world, we meet new developments in the symbol of the distinguished from other birds by its head and the
phoenix. The earliest reference is found in a fragment of variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have
Hesiod (ca. 700 B.C.E.), preserved in Plutarch (De def or. depicted its form: as to its terms of years, the tradition
415), from which we learn that Hesiod thought that time varies. The generally received number is five hundred
is divided into periods or cycles which are the lives of nine ... phoenixes flew to ... Heliopolis .... When its sum
ravens. Even in ancient times, Hesiod's statement was enig- of years is complete and death is drawing on, it builds a
v • 365 PHRYGIA

nest in its own country and sheds on it a procreative PHOENIX (PLACE) [Gk Phoinix]. A harbor of Crete
influence, from which springs a young one, whose first near the W end of its S shore (Acts 27: 12). The Greek
care on reaching maturity is to bury his sire ... he lifts designates both the date palm (from which the harbor
up his father's corpse, conveys him to the Altar of the name probably arose) and the mythical bird of Egypt (see
Sun, and consigns him to the flames. van den Broek [1972: 51-66] for the common origin of
(Ann. 6.28, trans. Jackson 201-3) these). The harbor and nearby town were W of Fair Havens
(Strabo 10.4.3; Ptolemy Geog. 3.17.3.) and offered a secure
winter haven for the grain ship from Alexandria on which
Several Christian texts contain copious references to the P-aul was traveling to Rome (Acts 27). The deep harbor of
phoenix. Two invite discussion, for they demonstrate ~ow modern Loutro E of Cape Mourns would fit the classical
Christians adopted and utilized a pagan symbol as a vehicle references but the description in Acts that the harbor
for expressing new religious content. The first is the 3d- faced SW and NW (bleponta kata liba kai kata chOron) has
century c.E. poem of Lactantius, De ave phoenices. Here .we caused some debate since the Loutro harbor faces E.
are told that the bird dwells in a far-off land from which Three main theories exist: (I) Since Luke had not visited
the Sun sends its spring rays, a place higher than any Phoenix and his knowledge of the discussion in vv 9-12
known mountaintop and where vegetation is always green, was secondhand, he mistakenly identified the orientation
water from a fresh spring ever sweet, and life is eternal. of the harbor; (2) the Gk phrase may mean "looking down
Indeed the bird dwells in Paradise where the sun shines the SW and NW wind" (Smith 1880: 87-89; 251-53) so
with et~rnal brightness as the place to which the soul that the harbor actually "looked NE and SE" as in the
ascends and where it is nourished by food reminiscent of RSV; (3) a shallow open bay just to the W of Cape Mouros
the sacraments. Lactantius exhibits continuity between called locally Phineka was the harbor of Acts 27: 12 not
Christian and pagan culture, and thus shows that his Loutro harbor. Ogilvie ( 1958: 308-14) argues that the
conversion to Christianity did not prevent him from using classical references actually favor the E facing harbor of
a Greco-Roman symbol as a means to express Christian Cape Mouros which was deeper and well protected in
ideals and beliefs. The phoenix became a symbol of life P-aul's day. He suggests earthquakes in the 6th century A.O.
after death, of "gaining eternal life by the boon of death" raised the ocean floor, closed an inlet facing NW, and
(trans. in Duff and Duff665). caused the remaining SW inlet and W facing bay to be
A Coptic Christian text dating to the first half of the 6th abandoned in favor of the E bay of Loutro.
century c.E., the Sermon on Maria, is among the symboli-
cally richest descriptions of the phoenix (van den Broek Bibliography
33-47 for translation and discussion). According to this Broek, R. van den. 1972. The Myth of the Phoenix. Leiden.
sermon, the bird appeared at crucial junctures in the Ogilvie, R. M. 1958. Phoenix.JTS 9: 308-14.
divine efforts to redeem humans-at Abel's sacrifice, when Smith, J. 1880. The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul. 4th ed. London.
DANIEL L. HOFFMAN
God delivered the Israelites from Egypt, and for the tenth
and last time, when the Virgin sacrificed in the temple at
the birth of Jesus. In addition to mentioning the death
and rebirth of the phoenix, the preacher alludes to the
PHRYGIA (PLACE) [Gk Phrygia]. The land of the
Phrygians, a territory of W central Asia Minor, between
resurrection of Jesus and explicitly refers to the bird as a
the N Aegean and the river Halys (modern Kizil lrmak).
symbol of the general resurrection and of life after death.
The phoenix was an unusually powerful symbol in the A. History of Phrygia
ancient world. Because the myth moved across cultures, it
B. Phrygia in the Bible
could gain or lose a particular meaning. Whereas in Egypt C. Pbrygia and Early Christianity
it served as a manifestation of deity, in the Greco-Roman
world it came to express a view of history as periodical A. History of Phrygia
and, in Christianity as well, as a symbol for existence in a I. The Early Period. The Phrygians migrated to Asia
paradisal state presaged by living as a Christian. Minor in the 12th century B.C. Herodotus (6.45; 7.73)
refers to an ethnic group in Thrace and Macedonia called
Bibliography Brygoi or Briges (Macedonian b replaces common Gk ph, as
Athenaeus. Deipnosophi.sts. 7 vols. Trans. C. B. Gulick. LCL. Cam- in Berenice/Pherenice). What is known of the Phrygian
bridge, MA. 1961. and Thracian languages indicates that they belong to the
Broek, R. van den. 1972. The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical same Indo-European group, called Thraco-Phrygian. A
and Early Christian Traditions. Leiden. legend recorded by Herodotus (2.2) makes the Phrygians
Herodotus. Hi.stories. 2 vols. Trans. A. D. Godley. LCL. Cambridge, the most ancient of all nations-a claim with no substance
MA, 1946. to it.
Lactamius. Phoenix. Trans. ]. W. Duff and A. M. Duff in Minor In Homer (ll. 2.862, etc.) the Phrygians are closely
Latin Poets. LCL. Cambridge, MA, 1961. associated with the Trojans. They displaced the Hittites as
Morenz, S. 1960. Egyptian Religion. Trans. A. E. Keep. London. the dominant power in central Asia Minor. Their kings
Plutarch. De defectu oraculorum. Trans. F. C. Babbitt. Vol. 5 in bore the alternate dynastic names Midas and Gordios, the
Plu.iarch's Moralia. LCL. Cambridge, MA, 1957. latter being linked with the name of the capital of Phrygia,
Rundle-Clark, R. T. 1959. Myth and Symbol in Ancient Egypt. London. Gordian (about 50 miles WSW of Ankara). The situation
LARRY J. ALDERINK of Gordian, commanding the trade routes between the
PHRYGIA

Hellespont and the Cilician gates, was symbolized in the Cassander of Macedonia, combined against him and killed
Gordian knot: whoever untied it would control all Asia hi~ at the battle o~ lpsus in central Phrygia (301 s.c.).
Minor. Lys1machus then gamed control of Asia Minor, but soon
The Phrygian kings were proverbial for their wealth, lost most of it, including Phrygia, to Seleucus.
derived perhaps from gold mines and commemorated in Seleucus I is said to have granted citizenship to Jewish
the legend of Midas and the golden touch. Midas' name settlers in cities which he founded in "Asia and Lower
appears (in the form "Mita") in Assyrian records of 710 Syria" (Ant 12.119); among these Antioch-near-Pisidia is
B.C. The power of Phrygia was broken by the Cimmerian probably to be included.
invaders from the Russian steppes; during their invasion In 278/277 B.C. three tribes of migrant Celts or Galatians
Midas, the last Phrygian king, committed suicide (693 crossed the Hellespont into Asia Minor at the instance of
B.C.). the king of Bithynia, who hoped to use them as mercenar-
When the Cimmerian invasion receded, Lydia, with its ies against his enemies. For a generation and more the
capital at Sardis, emerged as the leading Anatolian power, Galatians menaced their neighbors in Asia Minor, until a
extending its dominion over Phrygia as far east as the series of defeats at the hands of Attalus I, king of Perga-
Halys. From then on Phrygia was subject to one imperial mum, confined them within strict limits, in territory which
power after another-to the Persians after Cyrus' over- had formerly been NE Phrygia (232 s.c.). This territory
throw of the Lydian Croesus in 546 B.C. and to the Mace- became the kingdom of Galatia, which expanded until by
donians after Alexander's conquest of Asia Minor in 333 the reign of its last king, Amyntas, it bordered on Cappa-
B.C. docia to the E, Pamphylia to the S, and the Roman prov-
Under the Persian Empire Phrygia was divided into two ince of Asia (formerly the kingdom of Pergamum) to the
satrapies, Greater Phrygia and Lesser or Hellespontine W. When Amyntas fell in battle in 25 B.c., his expanded
Phrygia, which were separated from each other by the kingdom became the Roman province of Galatia.
Mysians, Bithynians, and other immigrants from Europe. When Antiochus III succeeded to the Seleucid throne
With Hellespontine Phrygia may be associated the tradi- in 221 B.c., he had to win back Lydia and Phrygia from his
tional Phrygian thalassocracy from 905 to 880 B.C. (Diod. rebellious kinsman Achaeus, who seized those regions and
Sic. 7.11; cf. Hom. fl. 24.545). had himself crowned king at Laodicea (220 B.C.). When
On his westward march against Greece in 480 s.c. (Hdt. Antiochus recovered those regions, he settled two thou-
7.27) Xerxes traversed Phrygia, after crossing the Halys, sand Jewish families from Babylonia in them to ensure
until he reached the city of Celaenae (the later Apamea, their continued allegiance (Ant 12.149). The Jewish popu-
modern Dinar in the Maeander valley). A Phrygian contin- lation flourished in the Lycus valley and other parts of
gent marched in his army (Hdt. 7.73). Other Phrygian Phrygia: in 62 B.C., for example, the annual half-shekel
cities through which the army passed were Anaua and tax for the maintenance of the Jerusalem temple
Colossae in the Lycus valley. On the Phrygian-Lydian bor- amounted to nearly l 00 gold librae ("pounds") at Apamea
der it came to Cydrara (Hdt. 7.30), later known as Hier- and just over 20 at Laodicea, which points to a population
apolis. of well over 50,000 male Jews between 20 and 60 years of
When Cyrus the younger led his army of Greeks east age in the areas of which these cities were the centers (Cic.
from Sardis in his bid to seize the Persian throne from his Flac. 68). An often-quoted Talmudic saying to the effect
brother Artaxerxes II (401 s.c.), they crossed the Maean- that "the baths and wines of Prugitha separated the ten
der from Lydia into Phrygia; then one day's march of 24 tribes from their brethren" (b. Sab. 14 7b) has been thought
miles took them through Phrygia to Colossae, "a large and to refer to the assimilationist tendencies of Phrygian Jews;
prosperous city." From there a three days' march of 60 but Prugitha may not be Phrygia.
miles took them to Celaenae, where Cyrus was joined by In 204 B.c., during the Hannibalian war, the Romans
reinforcements from other parts of the Greek world. From sent a deputation to Pessinus in Phrygia to acquire, by the
there they advanced to Peltae (a two days' march of 30 good offices of Attalus I of Pergamum, the black stone in
miles) and then on to Potters' Market (a two days' march which the ancient Anatolian mother goddess (Mater Deum
of 36 miles) and then again to Cayster plain (a three days' Magna /daea) was believed to reside (Livy 29.10); her cult-
march of 60 miles). Two days' march from there (30 miles) so unlike any traditional Roman cult-was from then on
took them to Thymbrion, where there was a fountain established in Rome. Other Phrygian divinities whose wor-
named after Midas. Another two days' march of 30 miles ship persisted into Roman times were the moon god Men,
took them to Tyriaion, from which a three days' march of who had important cult centers at Pisidian Antioch (Men
60 miles took them to "lconium, the last city of Phrygia." Askainos) and near Laodicea (Men Karau), and the nature
On leaving lconium they crossed from Phrygia into Ly- god Sebazios (identified with Dionysus).
caonia (Xen. An. 1.2.6-19). Later in the reign of Antiochus III the Romans com-
2. After Alexander. Alexander the Great also passed pelled him to hand over southwestern Phrygia to their allv
through Phrygia on his way from the Granicus (which the king of Pergamum. (Attalus I of Pergamum had al-
flows into the Sea of Marmara) to lssus in SW Cilicia (334- ready annexed part of northwestern Phrygia. called
333 B.c.); it was at Gordian, the former Phrygian capital, thenceforth Phrygia Epiktetos, "Acquired Phrygia.")
that he is said to have ensured his mastery of Asia by When in 133 s.c. the last king of Pergamum bequeathed
"cutting the Gordian knot." his kingdom to the senate and people of Rome, it was
After Alexander's death (323 s.c.), Antigonus, his gov- reconstituted as the Roman province of Asia, which in-
ernor of Phrygia, was proclaimed king by his army; but cluded a good part of Phrygian territory. Over a centun
Ptolemy and Seleucus, with Lysimachus of Thrace and later, when the Romans reconstituted the kingdom of
v. 367 PH RY GIA

Galatia in turn as an imperial province, the remainder of Barnabas are said lo have fled from Iconium "to Lystra
Phrygia came under their direct control. and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia."
Phrygia was thus divided between the provinces of Asia In Acts 16:6 (RSV) Paul, with Silas and Timothy, is said
and Galatia, its western part being known as Asian Phrygia to have gone "through the region of Phrygia and Galatia"
(Gal. De aliment. facultat. 1.13.10), and its E part probably on a westward journey through Asia Minor. The phrase is
as Galatic Phrygia (cf. Calder 1956). The territory between best translated "through the Phrygian and Galatic region"
Emir Dag and Sultan Dag was called Phrygia Paroreios, (Gk dia tes Phrygias kai Galatikes choras). For the high prob-
"Phrygia near the mountain(s)"; the extreme SE part of ability that the genitive Phrygias is an adjective here and
Phrygia was called Phrygia-near-Pisidia (Strab. 12.8.13 ), not a noun see Herner ( 1976; 1977). The region traversed
having Pisidian Antioch as its chief city (cf. Acts 13: 14). was that which was both Phrygian and Galatic, i.e., that
In A.D. 295 the provincial system in central Asia Minor conveniently called Phrygia Galatica (the part of Phrygia
was reorganized: a new, enlarged province of Pisidia was included in the province of Galatia).
created with Pisidian Antioch as its capital-a situation When in Acts 18:23 Paul is described as going "from
reflected in the later texts of Acts 13:14, which change place to place through the region of Galatia and Phrygia"
"Pisidian Antioch," i.e., Antioch-near-Pisidia (Strab. (Gk tin Galatiken ch6ran kai Phrygian), the wording is differ-
12.3.31, etc.), to "Antioch of Pisidia" (cf. KJV). At the same ent and may denote the Galatic region of Lycaonia (in
time Phrygia became a provincial title for the first time which Lystra and Derbe lay) together with Phrygia, both
under the Roman Empire; two new provinces were called Galatic and Asian (Ramsay 1896).
Phrygia Prima (Phrygia Pacatiana), to the W, with its capi- The churches of Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis, in
tal at Laodicea (cf. the appended note to l Timothy, KJV), the Lycus valley in the SW part of Asian Phrygia, were
and Phrygia Secunda (Phrygia Salutaris), to the E, with its planted evidently by Epaphras during Paul's Ephesian
capital at Synnada. ministry, A.O. 52-55 (Col 1:7; 4:12-13). The church of
The Phrygians were apparently an unwarlike people, Laodicea is the only Phrygian one included in the seven
subject for centuries to other races; hence perhaps the churches of Asia addressed in Rev I: 11; 3: 14-22.
disparaging use of "Phrygian" (Gk Phryx) as a slave name
(e.g., Ar. Vesp. 433); cf. the proverb "as timid as a Phrygian C. Phrygia and Early Christianity
hare" quoted by Strabo (1.2.30). Phrygia was one of the most important centers of Chris-
In ancient Greek music the Phrygian scale (Pl. Resp. tian life and activity in the generations following the apos-
3.399A; Arist. Pol. 4.3.4; 8.7.89; cf. Eur. Or. 1426; Tro. tolic age. This may have been partly due, but was by no
545), commonly associated with the flute, was a mode of means entirely due, to the immigration of outstanding
two tetrachords with a semitone in the middle of each and Palestinian Christians in the later part of the lst century,
a whole tone between the two. such as "John the disciple of the Lord" and Philip of
Caesarea and his family. From Phrygia comes a greater
B. Phrygia in the Bible concentration of Christian inscriptions in the 2d and 3d
1. In the Greek OT. There is no reference to Phrygia in centuries than from any other place except Rome. Three
the Hebrew Bible, although the Moschi (Assyrian Mu.Ski), main lines of Christian penetration have been traced:
who occupied part of the Phrygian territory, appear as (I) up the Lycus and Maeander valleys and radiating out
"'.'Jeshech" in Gen 10:2 = l Chr 1:5; Ezek 27:13; 32:26; to Eumeneia and Akmonia, (2) southeastern Phrygia and
38:2, 3; 39: I. In the Greek OT the only relevant instance Lycaonia, (3) NW Phrygia, especially the Tembris valley
is the mention of "Philip, by birth a Phrygian (Gk Phryx)," (Ramsay 1897: 511, 715).
whom Antiochus IV appointed governor of Jerusalem in Among outstanding Phrygian bishops were Papias and
168 s.c. (2 Mace 5:22). Claudius Apollinaris of Hierapolis and (toward the end of
2. In the NT. According to Acts 2: 10, a contingent of the 2d century) Abercius (Avircius) Marcellus of Hierapolis
Phrygian Jews was present in Jerusalem at the first Chris- in Phrygia Salutaris. In Phrygia the Montanist movement
tian Pentecost; they are possibly mentioned because the arose in the middle of the 2d century; it was sometimes
evangelization of Phrygia is to be related later in the book. referred to as the Cataphrygian heresy. The 60 canons
Pisidian Antioch and Iconium, cities of Phrygia, were traditionally promulgated by the Council of Laodicea (ca.
363) were treated by later Church councils as a basis of
evangelized by Paul and Barnabas during their missionary
canon law.
tour of central Asia Minor (Acts 13:14-14:4). Pisidian
Phrygian Christianity suffered severely during the last
Antioch lay in "Phrygia near Pisidia." While Iconium is
imperial persecution. One Phrygian city, said to have been
referred to as a. city of Lycaonia by Cicero (Fam. 15.4.2)
entirely Christian (possibly Eumeneia), was destroyed by
and the elder Plmy (HN 5.25), Phrygian was spoken there fire with its inhabitants (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 8.1 I. I).
from Xenophon's time to the end of the 2d century A.O.,
as. mscnpt1ons show (Calder 1911: 188-94). In A.O. 165 Bibliography
H_1erax, an associate of Justin Martyr, when put on trial Anderson, J. G. C. 1897-98. A Summer in Phrygia. ]HS 17: 396-
w1th .. h1m at Rome, tells the examining magistrate that he 424; 18: 81-128.
was dragged away from Iconium in Phrygia" (M. Just. 4). Calder, W. M. 1911. Corpus lnscriptionum Neophrygiarum. ]HS
Indeed, as late as 232 a Church council is described as 31: 159-215.
bemg ~eld at "konium, a place in Phrygia" (Cyprian Ep. - - . 1956. The Boundary of Galatic Phrygia. Pp. ix-xvi in
75.7). I hat Icomum was reckoned to be in Phrygia and Monumenta Asiae Minori.s AntU,ua 7, ed. W. M. Calder. Manches-
not m Lycaonia is implied in Acts 14:6, where Paul and ter.
PHRYGIA 368 • v
Friedrich, J. 1932. Kleino.riatische Sprachdenkmaler. Kleine Texte 163. partment containing all four passages on one parchment.
Berlin. The boxes of the phylacteries must be exactly square, and
Gabriel, A., and Haspels, C.H. E. 1941-65. Phryr;ia, 4 Vols. Paris. both the boxes and the straps which hold them firm must
Haas, 0. 1966. Die phrygi.schen Sprachdenkmaler. Linguistique Balka- be painted black. The head phylactery is imprinted twice
nique 10. Sofia. with the Hebrew letter sin: once on the side which is to the
Herner, C. J. 1976. The Adjective "Phrygia." ]TS n.s. 27: 122-26. left of the wearer, and once on the opposite side. The sin
- - . 1977. Phrygia: A Further Note.JTS n.s. 28: 99-101. on the right has four rather than the usual three prongs,
Jones, A. H. M. 1971. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2d as a reminder of the four scriptural passages contained in
ed. Oxford. the phylacteries (b. Mena/:t. 35a). Each box is sewn to a base
Ramsay, W. M. 1890. The Historical Geography of Asia Minor. London. of thick leather with twelve stitches, one for each of the
- - . 1895-97. The Cities and Bishoprics of Phryr;ia. Part l, Vols. 1 twelve tribes of Israel (b. Sabb. 8b). The phylacteries are
and 2. Oxford. not worn at night, nor on festivals or the Sabbath (b. Mena/:t.
- - . 1896. The "Galatia" of St. Paul and the "Galatic Territory" 36a-b). The hand phylactery is donned first: the box is
of Acts. Pp. 15-57 in Stud111 Biblica et Ecclesiastica 4. Oxford. placed on the inner side of the upper arm (facing the
Young, R. S. 1958. The Gordion Campaign of 1957. AJA 62: 147- heart) and the strap is wound seven times around the arm.
54. The head phylactery is placed in the middle of the fore-
F. F. BRUCE head, with the two ends of the strap hanging over the
shoulders. The placing of each phylactery is accompanied
by certain blessings and by the recitation of Hos 3: 2 l-22.
PHRYGIAN LANGUAGE. See LANGUAGES (IN- They are worn during the morning prayer and removed
TRODUCTORY SURVEY). in the reverse order in which they were placed on the
body.
While the classical Jewish commentators on the Bible
PHYGELUS (PERSON) [Gk Phygelos]. Phygelus, along take the verses in Exodus and Deuteronomy as literally
with Hermogenes, is named in 2 Tim l: l 5 as being one of commanding the wearing of the phylacteries (see, however,
those from Asia who had "turned away" from Paul during Samuel ben Meir on Exod 13: 19), the rabbis of the Talmud
his imprisonment in Rome. Unlike Hermogenes, who ap- were aware that the Bible gives absolutely no description
pears also in the apocryphal Acts of Paul, Phygelus is not of the phylacteries or the laws concerning them. These
known apart from his mention in 2 Timothy. On the basis laws were understood as the classic example of a biblical
of what can be pieced together about Hermogenes, it is precept whose details are elaborated only in the oral law
reasonable to conjecture that he and Phygelus were at (m. Sanh. 11 :3), and almost all of the details of their
odds with Paul due to their understanding of the resurrec- construction are attributed to those oral laws which God
tion. See the fuller discussion and bibliography under purportedly taught Moses at Sinai (b. Menal,t. 34b-37a).
HERMOGENES. Given the tenuous relationship between the laws of phylac-
FLORENCE MORGAN GILLMAN teries described in the Talmud and the alleged scriptural
basis for them, it is far from apparent at exactly what point
in the history of the Israelite religion phylacteries were
PHYLACTERIES [Gk phylakterion]. This term ap- introduced.
pears once in the NT in Matt 25:3, where Jesus is said to The first question is thus whether the "signs" and "front-
accuse the scribes and Pharisees of ostentatiousness for lets" of Exodus and Deuteronomy were intended to de-
"they do all their deeds to be seen by men; for they make scribe objects in some way similar to phylacteries, or if they
their phylacteries broad and their fringes long." The were figurative terms. Some interpreters have taken the
Greek word passed to the Vulgate and entered English Exodus passage literally, based on the facts that the word
Bibles through the Geneva Bible, 1557. It is universally for "memorial" almost always has a literal reference and
accepted that by "phylactery" Matthew meant the Aramaic that Exodus 13 consists primarily of ritual injunctions
word tepillin, the name given in rabbinic sources to two which were obviously intended to be performed as com-
black leather boxes containing scriptural passages which manded (IDB 3: 809). However, the referent of Exod 13:9,
are worn by Jews on the forehead and left arm. "it shall be for a sign unto you on your hand and for a
The Mishnah, Sebu. 3.8, l l, requires Jewish males thir- memorial between your eyes," is the Feast of Unleavened
teen years and older to wear tepillin each day. Women are Bread, and the "it" of Exod 13: 16 which was to serve as a
explicitly exempt from this religious obligation (m. Ber. "sign" and "frontlet" is the dedication of the firstborn.
3.3). The basis for wearing phylacteries was derived by the Neither of these two ceremonies can be understood to be
rabbis from four biblical verses: Exod 13:9, 16; Deut 6:8; literally bound upon the body of the Israelite; rather, they
11: 18. These four verses require the Jew to put "these are to serve as perpetual reminders of how God redeemed
words" as "a sign upon your hand and a frontlet (Heb Israel from the hands of the Egyptians. The passage in
totapot) between your eyes" (Exod 13:9 has zikkilron, "me- Deuteronomy also must be read figuratively, because
morial," instead of "frontlets"). Thus both the head and "these words" (Deut 6:6 and 11 :8) must refer at least to
hand phylacteries contain four passages from Scripture Deuteronomy chaps. 5-11, if not to the entire book (Ken-
which include these verses: Exod 13:1-10, 11-16; Deut nedy HDB 3: 871). Thus it would seem likely that origi-
6:4-9; 11: 13-21. The head phylactery worn on the head nally the expressions "sign," "frontlet," and "memorial"
consists of four compartments, each containing one sec- were intended figuratively, as were other expressions in
tion of Scripture, while the hand phylactery has one com- these same passages ("The Law of the Lord shall be in
v • 369 PHYLACTERIES

your mouth," Exod 13:9; "You shall place My words in tural passages were still in their original compartments
your heart and in your soul," Deut ~I: 18): . (Yadin 1969: 9), thus providing new evidence for the
One reason for supposing the literal mtenuon of the manner in which the passages had been folded and tied.
passages in question is alleged evidence for a widespread The form of the phylacteries, the material used for the
custom among ANE religions of tattooing or branding parchment and the tying, all conform to the regulations
various parts of the body with the name of a deity, partic- given in the Talmud. Most surprisingly, the difference of
ularly the forehead and hands, as a prophylactic measure. opinion between two 12th-century Talmudists as to the
Hints of such a practice can be found in the Bible, such as proper order of arranging the four scriptural passages in
the sign r>otJ on Cain's forehead (Gen 4:15) which placed the head compartments is reflected in the Qumran frag-
him under divine protection (see also Ezekiel's cross, Ezek ments. Thus we know that the dispute did not originate
9:4, 6; cf. Rev 7:3; 14:1). Thus while arguing that the during the medieval period, as some scholars had previ-
intention of the scriptural passages in question is figura- ously thought, but rather reflected divergent traditions
tive, it is important to note that the language chosen is which go back at least to the !st century.
borrowed from actual customs familiar to the author of Another stage in the development of phylacteries was
these passages (HDB 3: 871). revealed when it was discovered that the Qumran phylac-
At what date, then, did Jews begin to wear phylacteries teries contained the Decalog. According to m. Ta.mid 5: 1,
and to interpret the passages from Scripture literally? the Decalog was recited daily in the temple along with
Hirsch (]Enc 10: 26) claimed that phylacteries were used Deut 6:4-9 and 11: 13-21. A statement in y. Ber. 3c implies
as early as the 4th century B.C.E., but there is no support that these same texts were also recited outside the temple.
for this view. Josephus (Ant 4.213) regards the phylacteries The custom of reciting the Decalog along with Deut 6:4-
as dating from the time of Moses, though he makes this 9 is reflected in the Nash Papyrus, a 2d-century-e.c.E.
claim of all of the daily customs that he mentions which papyrus allegedly from the Fayyum region of Egypt.
revolve around prayer, many of which are known to be Therefore it appears that the Decalog was at one time part
later innovations. The LXX translates the word totiipiit as of the daily liturgy in both Palestine and Egypt (Vermes
rz.saleuton, "that which is fixed, immovable." This implies 1959: 69). According to both Palestinian and Babylonian
that in Egypt in the middle of the 3d century B.C.E. the traditions, the practice of daily recital of the Decalog was
institution of phylacteries was not yet known. Rather, the suspended because the sectarians claimed "these alone
four scriptural passages were interpreted as meaning that were given to Moses at Sinai" (y Ber. 3c; b. Ber. l 2a).
the laws and rituals of Exodus 13 and Deuteronomy 6 and As early as 1927, Mann (291) claimed that pre-rabbinic
11 should remain the unchanging subjects of one's tepillin contained the Decalog. This would explain the
thoughts. The earliest explicit reference to phylacteries in comments of Jerome on Ezek 24: 16 that the Babylonian
a literary work is the Letter of Aristeas, sec. 159, where only magistrates who observe the law surround their heads with
the phylactery of the hand is mentioned. Scholars differ the Decalog written on leather. Mann also points out that
as to the dating of this text. Most place it in the 2d century m. Sanh. 11.3 expressly forbids the use of five rather than
B.C.E. (Shutt OTP 2: 9-10), though some claim that parts four passages in the phylacteries. Since Sipre to Deuteron-
of it, including secs. 128-71, date from the 1st century omy, secs. 34-35, uses two exegetical interpretations to
c.E. (Andrews APOT 2: 87). See also ARISTEAS, LETTER justify the exclusion of the Decalog from phylacteries, it
OF. It therefore seems prudent to attribute the introduc- seemed logical to Mann that the fifth forbidden passage is
tion of the phylacteries to the period between 250 and 100 the Decalog. Mann's hypothesis was confirmed by the
B.C.E. evidence at Qumran. Since those phylacteries found at
Yet the literary evidence can only suggest the existence Qumran contain the Decalog while those at Murabba'at do
of some object worn on the head and the arm: it cannot not, it is clear that the Mishnaic reform mentioned above
tell us to what extent these objects were similar to the had taken effect by 135 C.E. Thus we see that while the
tipillin as they are described in rabbinic sources. All state- physical elements of the phylacteries, i.e., the case, the
ments as to the nature of phylacteries in pre-Mishnaic parchment, the ties, etc., were already fixed by the lst
times were mere conjecture until the discovery forty years century, the final uniformity of the text was not established
ago of the remains of phylacteries at the caves of Mur- until the 2d century, and even then, two traditions re-
abba'at, which were occupied by refugees at the time of mained as to the ordering of the four passages.
the Bar Kokhba revolt ( 135 c.E.), and at the caves at While the laws concerning phylacteries were fixed by the
Qumran. While the exact dating of the material from middle of the 2d century, it is not clear how widespread
Qumran remains uncertain, all agree that it reflects the the custom of wearing phylacteries was in the first two
lat.e Second Temple period, and thus provides us with centuries of the Common Era. The majority of those who
evidence on the nature of phylacteries which predates the wore phylacteries did not wear them all day; to do so was
earliest material in the Mishnah by one if not two centuries seen as a special act of piety (b. Sukk. 28a; b. Ta'an. 20b).
(see D}D 2: 80-85). According to b. Ber. 47b and b. Sota 22a, the wearing of
Prior to I 967, the only fragments discovered came from phylacteries was seen as one of the criteria distinguishing
the hand phylacteries, and while some of the boxes which a ?uJber (member of the rabbinic "society") from an 'am
housed the biblical passages were found, all the parch- hii'iire$ (one not observing rabbinic customs). Possibly the
ments were without their original containers. Then, on requirement of ritual purity while wearing phylacteries (y.
January 31, I 968, Y. Yadin acquired the only known cap- Ber. 4c) prevented many from wearing them. A tannaitic
su~e o~ head p~yla~teries, together with four parchments. statement found in the Babylonian Talmud suggests an-
Sc1enufic exammauon revealed that three of the four scrip- other reason why the masses did not embrace this custom.
PHYLACTERIES 370 • v
During the Hadrianic persecutions the wearing of phylac- Mann, J. 1927. Changes in the Divine Service of the Synagogue
teries was banned on pain of death (y. Ber. 4c; m. <£rub. due to Religious Persecution. HUCA 4: 2BB-99.
10.l; m. Meg. 4.8). According to b. Sabb. 130b, because the Vermes, G. l 959. Pre-Mishnaic Jewish Worship and the Phylacteries
people were not willing to martyr themselves for the wear- from the Dead Sea. VT 9: 65-72.
ing of phylacteries, this precept remained "weak in their Yadin, Y. 1969. Tefillinfrom Qumran. Jerusalem.
hands" even after the persecution. RUTH SATINOVER FAGEN
Most scholars assume that the origin of the custom of
wearing phylacteries was connected with their use as amu-
lets or charms. The Greek word phyl.actirion means "safe- Pl-BESETH (PLACE) [Heb pi-beset]. One of the Egyp-
guard," "that which protects"; hence, an amulet. However tian cities mentioned in Ezekiel's oracle of doom against
since the term "phylactery" is never attested in Jewish Egypt (Ezek 30: 17). The Hebrew represents Egyptian Pr-
sources even as a foreign word, this etymology (underlying b3stt, "house of Baste," which was rendered "Bubastis" in
the word's use in Matt 25:3) at best reflects the view of the Greek. The city is associated with extensive ruins of Tel
Christian community in 70 to 90 c.E., and sheds no light Basta on the SE limits of modern Zagazig in the E Delta,
on the origin of the institution. As mentioned above, the 39 miles NNE of Cairo. The ancient city lay on the right
biblical verses undoubtedly adopted the language of con- bank of the easternmost of the three major Nile branches,
temporaneous magical and apotropaic charms. in the Delta. Undoubtedly of prehistoric foundation, Bu-
The meaning of the MT's Heb tottipot is unclear. It bastis was originally a metropolis of the thirteenth town-
probably should be vocalized as a singular noun, to.tepet. ship of Lower Egypt and came to prominence during the
Some scholars derive it from the root .tpp, meaning "to tap Old Kingdom due to its strategic location at the junction
or strike," "make an incision," with implicit reference to between the river route to the NE frontier and the land
an actual sign or mark made in the flesh. Others prefer route through the Wadi Tumilat into Sinai. Old Kingdom
the root tilP, from Akk .ta.tapu, meaning "to encircle," pharaohs built extensively at the site, and blocks have been
"surround," thus "headband" for .totepet (BDB, 377). How- found of Khufu and Khafre (Dyn. 4) (Naville 1891: pl.
ever, this does not fit the descriptive expression "between 32); both Tety (Dyn. 5) and Pepy I (Dyn. 6) built chapels
your eyes." Most scholars prefer to connect the word with there (Bietak 1975: 99 n. 365; Habachi 1957: 11-43). The
ne.tipot (Judg 8: 26; Isa 3: 19) meaning "round jewel." This Middle Kingdom kings lavished building projects on the
opinion is supported by m. Sabb. 6: 1, where .tOtapot is used site, refurbishing older buildings and adding new ones,
to describe a jewel worn by a woman on her forehead. including palaces (Gomaa 1987: 2-8, 215).
Thus the word .to.tiipot does not necessarily indicate a sign While the fate of the site under the Hyksos is unknown
with magical properties. (See also the discussion in TDOT (although blocks of Khiyan and Apophis have been found
5: 320, with additional bibliography.) there; Naville 1981: pl. 35), the 18th Dynasty renewed its
The derivation of the nonbiblical Hebrew word tepillin is interest in Bubastis, and the temples were rebuilt under
likewise unclear (see TWAT 6: 608-9). The singular tepilla Thutmose Ill and Amenhotep II (Urk. IV: 1443; Naville
is identical with the Hebrew word for "prayer," but it may 1891: pl. 35). Thutmose IV left an important historical
be a homonym, deriving not from pll, "to intercede," but inscription at the site (ibid.), and Amenhotep Ill built a
from plh, "to separate, distinguish," indicating that which new temple (Habachi 195 7: 102-7). After the vandalism
attendant upon the Amarna heresy, Sety I restored in-
distinguishes the Jew from the non-Jew. The word tepillin
scriptions (cf. Naville 1891: pl. 35), and his son Rameses II
appears a number of times in lists with qiimea<, "an amulet"
contributed extensively to rebuilding an expansion of all
(m. Miqw. 10.2; m. Kelim 23.1; m. Sabb. 6.2), but no connec-
structures and temples.
tion is suggested between them. While there is no evidence Bubastis enjoyed its greatest prosperity from about 900-
in rabbinic literature that phylacteries were ever regarded 711 B.C., when it was closely associated with the Libyan
as amulets, it is possible that at the time they were first 22d and 23d dynasties, the latter in fact using it as a
adopted, the masses regarded them as possessing magical residence (Gomaa 1974: 126-37). It is from this period
properties similar to those of the qiimea<, which were also (ca. 850 B.C.) that the great festival hall of Osarkon II
written on parchment by a professional scribe or exorcist dates (Naville 1892). Bubastis, which under the Libyans
and worn on one's body. Indeed, the very custom of had been the chief principality of the district Ranofer
wearing phylacteries might have emerged as a popular (stretching from the Nile to the NE frontier), was, at the
superstition, one which was then made normative by the end of the 23d Dynasty, made into the metropolis of a new
leaders of the Jewish community, who stripped the symbol nome, the Eighteenth of Lower Egypt (Heick 1974: 196).
of its original magical overtones and infused it with a more Though deprived of its political primacy, the city re-
"legitimate" religious significance. The choice of the term mained prosperous and favored, and one of the promi-
tipillin, seen as the plural of "prayer," would thus be part nent cities of the kingdom (cf. Ezek 30: 17). Herodotus
of the rabbinic polemic to replace the original prophylactic describes its breathtaking temples in glowing terms (ii.
nature of phylacteries with the liturgical nature of tepillin. 137-38), and claims that in his day the local festival was
the largest in Egypt (ii. 67-69). Bubastis was the site of a
Bibliography decisive battle in the attempt of Artaxerxes Ill to recap-
Goren, S. l 962. The Phylacteries of the Judean Desert in Light of ture Egypt (343 B.C.; Diod. xvi. 49-51 ), but retained its
the Halacha. Mahanayim 62: 5-15. prominence throughout Ptolemaic times (Strabo xvii, 1.
Kuhn, K. G. 1957. Phylaltterien aw Hiihle 4 von Qumran. AHAW 27; Sauneron 1957), and its cults continued to operate in
Phil.-hist. Kl. l. Heidelberg. the 3d century A.D. (Aelian xii. 29).
v • 371 PILATE, ACTS OF

The principal deity at the site was the lioness goddess PILATE, ACTS OF. An ancient and extended account
Bast later associated with the cat (KG, 373 n. 3; te Velde of the trial, crucifixion, and resurrection of Jesus. The
I 982), a feline type of deity associated variously wi~h initial episode of the narrative, which is dependent in part
Sekhmet, the Eye of Re (Habachi 1957: 118), Hathor, ISIS, upon the canonical Gospels, centers around the activities
and others (RAR 80-82). Bast's son was Miusis, the "fierce- of Pontius Pilate during the trial. It is this episode that
eyed lion," and she herself was identified by the Greeks provides the inspiration for the title of the work.
with Artemis. In many medieval manuscripts a text that is known as
"Christ's Descent into Hell" has been appended to the
Bibliography Acts. The two writings often were circulated together in
Bietak, M. 1975. Tell el-Dab'a. Vol. 2. Vienna. this form under the title of the "Gospel of Nicodemus."
Gomaa, F. 1974. Die libyschen Fii.rstentilmer des Deltas. Wiesbaden. The Descent itself is a report upon the activities and the
- - . 1987. Die Besiedlung Agyptens wiihrend des Mittleren Reiches. ministry of Christ while in hell, after the crucifixion and
Wiesbaden. before the resurrection. It embodies a purportedly first-
Habachi, L. 1957. Tell Basta. Cairo. hand account of Christ's activities, as they are told by the
Heick, W. 1974. Die altiigypti.schen Gaue. Wiesbaden. aged Symeon and his two sons.
Kees, H. 1958. Bubastis. OLZ 53: 309ff. A firm date for the original composition of the Acts
Naville, E. 1891. Bubasti.s. London. cannot be established with certainty. The canonical Gos-
- - . 1892. The Festival Hall of Osorkon II in the Great Temple of pels already reveal a concern among the authors of late-
Bubasti.s. London.
lst-century Christianity for the participation of Pilate in
Sauneron, S. 1957. Un cinquieme exemplaire du decret de Can-
the judgment and execution of Jesus. This general concern
ope: la stele de Boubastis. BIFAO 56: 67ff.
for Pilate's role was not resolved by the gospel accounts,
however, as is evident from the reappearance of the Pilate
Velde, H. te. 1982. The Cat as Sacred Animal of the Goddess Mut.
theme in the 2d-century Gospel of Peter. See PETER, GOS-
Pp. 127-37 in Studies in Egyptian Religion. Leiden.
PEL OF.
DONALD B. REDFORD
The first possible reference to the Acts comes through
Justin Martyr, who twice makes a specific appeal to a
writing that he calls the "Acts of Pontius Pilate" (Apol. 1.35,
Pl-HAHIROTH (PLACE) [Heb pi haltirot]. A stopping 48). He cites this document as evidence for his own inter-
place on the itinerary of the Israelites from Goshen to the pretation of the passion episode, but, unfortunately, he
wilderness (Exod 14:2, 9; Num 33:7-8). In Exod 14:2 the does not quote directly from the text. This silence concern-
place is reached after "turning back" from Ethan, and in v ing the specific wording of the Acts may suggest either that
9 and Num 33:7 it is said to be "in front of" or E of Baal- Justin lacked any intimate familiarity with the writing or
zephon. Neither of these passages, however, is of much perhaps that he only presumed that such a text existed
assistance in locating the place, and they seem to betray a (NTApocr. I: 444).
flawed knowledge of delta geography. As transcribed the Though probably a separate document and therefore
word resembles a Hebraized form of Akkadian origin, Pi- not a reference to our Acts, Tertullian (A pol. 5 and 21)
hiriti, "the mouth of the canal," which would be an appro- knows of a tradition in which Pilate was believed to have
priate toponym for the E edge of the heavily canalized E sent letters to Tiberius that contained detailed accounts of
delta. the wonderful deeds which were performed by Jesus.
No Egyptian toponym of this form has yet been found, Tertullian is convinced by the tone of this correspondence
the closest approximation being Pa-Kherta, a town dedi- that Pilate himself could be regarded as a Christian based
cated to the goddess Tefnut, somewhere on the E edge of upon the strength of his personal conviction. Additional
the delta (El Arish naos, rev., 6: 5th-4th centuries B.c.), or support for the tradition that is attested by Tertullian is
(the variant of the letter) "the Pond of Ta-Kherta" (P. Dem. offered by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 2.2.1-2). But Eusebius also
Cairo 31169 iii, no. 18: Ptolemaic). It is conceivable that records that a "forgery" of the Acts text itself was circu-
these could be garblings of the earlier Akkadian geograph- lated during the reign of Daia Maximinus (ca. 311-12)
ical terms postulated above. Other candidates, such as Per- with the intent of engendering animosity against the
Hathor ("House [of the Goddess] Hathor"), between Tanis Christians (Hist. Eccl. 1.9.3; 9.5.1). Despite the attestation
and Bubastis ("Hyksos" to post-Saite attestations), or Pa- of Eusebius, it is impossible to know with certainty whether
Hiret (Ramesside), near Qantir, are disqualified for both any extant copies of the Acts actually reflect a text that
linguistic and geographical reasons. predated the late 3d century. While it is possible that the
forgery to which Eusebius refers was in fact a perversion
Bibliography of some earlier form of the Acts, the prevailing scholarly
Redford, D. B. 1987. An Egyptian Perspective on the Exodus view is that the "Christian Acts" were written only subse-
Narrative. In Egypt, Israel, Sinai, ed. A. F. Rainey. Tel Aviv. quently to any such forgery and that they were considered
DONALD B. REDFORD in order to diffuse the effect of its damage.
Two basic editions of the Acts have been identified
among the many copies of the text that are available. The
PIG. See WOLOGY. older edition (Recension A), which is attested in Greek,
Latin, Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic translations,
also appears as the basis of a 12th-century Greek manu-
PIGEON. See WOLOGY. script which stands as the oldest copy of the Acts that is
PILATE, ACTS OF 372 • v
known to modern scholars. A second edition of the Acts personal one. If it is also a tribal name, the location is
(Recension B), which has been preserved only in Greek, unknown but is perhaps to be sought in N Arabia with
reveals numerous alterations from the first edition. These other Nahorites. Some surmise that all the Aramaean
obvious additions and expansions indicate that this edition tribes descended from Nahor and his twelve sons (vv 20-
is a secondary construction of the Acts. Included among 24). The Israelites knew that they were related to this
the changes in Recension B are the introduction of addi- other people, and links uniting the ancestors of Israel to
tional biblical materials and the insertion of lamentations other groups of people were always expressed genealogi-
over Jesus by his mother, Mary Magdalene, and Joseph of cally (EH/, 212, 240). The etymology and meaning of the
Arimathaea. A pronounced concern for the mother of name are uncertain. The first of two leading candidates
Jesus as theotokos suggests that the earliest form of this would have it originate from an animal term, piddiH (Ar
second and more recent edition probably should not be fuds, "spider"). The second main view proposes a relation-
dated prior to the Council of Ephesus. ship to Ar fandal, "to conquer," and a comparison with the
Many versions of the Acts contain a prologue that is Nabataean personal name pndJw. Moritz ( 1926: 93) sup-
attributed to a certain Ananias (Coptic: Aeneas; Latin: plies evidence for the permissible interchange of the letters
Emaus), who claims to have received the text in Hebrew land n-viz., in Nabataean tntnw parallels tntlw. A couple
and to have copied it into Greek during the 5th century of other equally valid speculations could be, similar to the
(425). This prologue specifies that the passion of Christ first, a connection with Ar faddiiJ, "shatterer" (from the
occurred on the eighth day before the calends of April. base fadaf), and, similar to the second, one with fandas, "to
Epiphanius (Haer. 50.1.5) observes that the heretical Quar- run."
todecimans claimed a knowledge of this date which was
based upon information that could be found in the Acts. Bibliography
It therefore is probable that the Quartodecimans already Moritz, B. 1926. Edomitische Genealogien. I. ZAW 44: 81-93.
had some form of the Acts, with this prologue attached, EDWIN C. HOSTETTER

by the time of Epiphanius in the late 4th century.

The narrative of the Acts is ordered according to the
passion sequence of Jesus as it is preserved within the PILHA (PERSON) [Heb pilfui'J. A leader of the people
canonical gospel record. The author, however, has added and a signatory to the covenant established by Ezra (Neh
substantial detail to the accounts in order to complete the 10:24). The name means "millstone," but nothing else is
panorama of events. At the insistence of the Jewish author- known about Pilha, who is mentioned only here.
ities, Pilate summons Jesus for examination, but upon the FREDERICK W. SCHMIDT

entrance of Jesus, the Roman standards bow to the amaze-

ment of all those who are present (chap. 1). After testi-
mony is offered by twelve men that he was not "born of PILLAR OF FIRE AND CLOUD. The theophany
fornication" (chap. 2), Jesus is examined and released to of cloud and glory that guided Israel during the wilder-
the will of the Jews, who assume the responsibility for his ness journey. The phrase "pillar of fire and cloud" only
death (chaps. 3-4). Further testimony on behalf of Jesus occurs once (Exod 14:24), but there are a number of
instances when the separate phrases "pillar of fire" (Exod
then is offered by Nicodemus, by numerous persons whom
13:21, 22; Num 14: 14; Neh 9: 12, 19) and "pillar of cloud"
Jesus healed (including the woman with the "issue of
(Exod 13:21, 22; 14:19; Num 14:14; Neh 9:12, 19; Ps
blood," who here is named Bernice [Latin text: Veronica];
99:7) occur. Each phrase describes the same manifestation
Mark 5:25-34), and by another unspecified group of
persons who witnessed the teachings and miracles that of divine presence.
The Exodus text does not introduce the theophany by
were performed during his ministry (chaps. 5-8). After
description. The title itself became the description. When
the crucifixion and the burial by Joseph of Arimathaea
Israel left the bonds of Pharaoh, departing from Succoth
(chaps. 9-11), a series of miracles and proofs of the
(Tell el-Mashkutah), and reached the edge of the wilder-
resurrection are provided as evidence that the deeds of
ness, the divine presence went before them as a pillar of
the Jewish authorities were undertaken in error (chaps.
cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night (Exod 13:21).
12-16). God's presence not only guided them, but protected them;
for the cloud moved to the rear of the Israelite host when
Bibliography the Egyptians approached. The pillar of cloud also repre-
Cameron, R. 1982. The Other Gospels. Philadelphia.
sented divine presence when Moses entered the tent of the
Finegan, J. 1969. Hidden Records of the Life ofjesus. Philadelphia.
Lord and conversed with God (Exod 33:7-9), again when
James, M. R. l 924. The Apocryphal New Testament. Oxford.
the authority and leadership of Moses was confirmed after
Tischendorf, C. 1876. Evangelia Apocrypha. Leipzig.
CLAYTON N. JEFFORD
Aaron and Miriam murmured against him (Numbers 12:
5 ff.), and a third time when Joshua was appointed succes-
sor to Moses (Deut 31: 15).
PILATE, PONTIUS. See PONTIUS PILATE. God is often represented in the OT by fire and cloud.
The symbol of the cloud both reveals and conceals the
divine presence (Mendenhall 1973: 32-66) ..The cloud
PILDASH (PERSON) [Heb pildasl The sixth son borne would indeed reveal truth but, at the same lime. would
by Milcah to her husband Nahor, Abraham's brother (Gen limit that revelation. On the other hand, fire svmbolized
22:22). The name Pildash seems to be used here as a the power of the one leading them.
v. 373 PISGAH

Any natural explanation of these phenomena seems to PIRAM (PERSON) [Heb pii'am]. The Amorite king of
be strained. Some have suggested that a large fire on a Jarmuth at the time of Joshua, according to biblical tradi-
pole was placed at the head of the host. Though this tion (Josh 10:3). His name, which occurs only once, ap-
practice was common in festivals (1 Kgs 7: I 5) and military pears to be a form of the Hebrew term pere', "wild ass,"
campaigns, it does not appear the case here. Others have with the ending -am. A similar construction may be attested
proposed the cloud and fire to be the embers of an active in the name Balaam (Heb bil'am = bela' ["confusion,"
volcano in the area. This theory is difficult to prove geolog- "slander"] + -am). Piram joined with Adoni-zedek of Je-
rusalem, Hoham of Hebron, Debir of Eglon, and Japhni
ically.
The pillar of fire and cloud according to OT tradition of Lachish to oppose Joshua and the Gibeonites. This
represented God's miraculous provision and protection coalition was defeated by Joshua and its five kings fled to
for the Hebrews during a time marked by many supernat- the cave of Makkedah, from which Joshua took them and
hanged them on five trees nearby.
ural phenomena.
D. G. SCHLEY
Bibliography
Davies, G. H. 1962. Pillar of Fire and Cloud. IB 3: 817.
Mann, T W. l 971. The Pillar of Cloud in the Reed Sea Narrative. PIRATHON (PLACE) [Heb pir'aton]. Var. PHARA-
]BL 90: 15-30. THON. PI RAT HON ITE. A town in the central hill country
Mendenhall, G. 1973. The Tenth Generation. Baltimore. of Ephraim that was controlled by Amalekites prior to
JoEL C. SLAYTON Israelite domination (Judg 12:15). It was the home of
Abdon, the judge who led Israel for eight years (Judg
12: 13-14), and of Benaiah, one of David's thirty mighty
men (2 Sam 23:30; I Chr 11:31; 27:14). A location bearing
PILLARS, HALL OF (PLACE) [Heb 'ulam the same name along with other sites in Judea was later
ha'ammudim]. See JUDGMENT, HALL OF. reportedly fortified by the Seleucid general Bacchides ca.
160 B.c. as a means of controlling the rebellious forces of
Jonathan and Simon Maccabeus (Josephus Ant I 3.1.3
PILTAI (PERSON) [Heb pif.tay]. The head of the priestly (§14-16); 1 Mace 9:50). The Pharathon (RSV var. of
family of Moadiah in the time of the high priest Joiakim "Pirathon") reported by the author of Maccabees may not
(Neh 12: 17). The name is an abbreviated form (KB; cf. be the same as that attested earlier in the OT. Goldstein (J
Pelatiah, Heb peta.tyahu, "Yahweh has saved"). Maccabees AB) contends that the author of Maccabees
NORA A. WILLIAMS purposely attempted to compare the exploits of the Mac-
cabees with the venerated heroes of the conquest under
Joshua. The reference to Pharathon could then be a case
PIN. See DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION. where the name was used as an allusion to places that had
been captured by the Jews in antiquity. Textual difficulties
in the account of I Maccabees have caused some to believe
that "Pharathon" was the second half of a compound
PINE TREE. See FLORA. name, Timnath-pharathon, rather than the name of sepa-
rate fortified towns. Some doubt concerning the equation
of the town in Ephraim mentioned in Judges and Samuel
PINNACLE. See TEMPLE, JERUSALEM. with that fortified by Bacchides has arisen because I Mace
9:50 and Josephus Ant 13.1.3 (§14-16) locate the town in
Judea as opposed to Ephraim. Clearly the author of Mac-
PINON (PERSON) [Heb pinon]. One of the persons cabees understood Judea as Jewish-occupied territories,
mentioned among the eleven names in the list of Edomite including land N of Jerusalem in the ancient tribal allot-
"tribal chiefs" ('allupim) in Gen 36:40-43, an addition ment of Ephraim. The sites of Bethel and Beth-horon
probably originating from the Priestly Source. The name which were listed along with Pharathon as being fortified
also recurs in 1 Chr 1:51 b-54, an addition which repre- by Bacchides were also located in the traditional territory
sents a shortened version of Gen 36:40-43. Although of Ephraim.
~ome of the names cannot be classified with any certainty, The location of Pirathon is widely accepted as modern
'_I'mon" and "Mibzar" are likely place names. The original Farata (M.R. 165177), which is six miles SW of Shechem.
(0 place name was obviously understood as a tribal or a Attempts to locate the site in the territory of Benjamin are
d_1stnct name. The name Pinon/Punon (Num 33:42-43)- based upon the mistaken identification of the judge Abdon
Greek Phman, Phino, Phaino-is identical with Arabic with other Abdons, one who was a Benjaminite tribal chief
Fenan and probably with Egyptian pwnw, the mining col- (I Chr 8:23) and another who was an ancestor of King
ony Kh. Fenan (M.R. I 97004) in the Wadi 'Araba. See also Saul (1 Chr 8:30; 9:36).
FEINAN, WADI. ROBERT w SMITH
ULRICH HOBNER

PISGAH (PLACE) [Heb pisga]. A mountain in the

Abarim range of NW Moab, dose to Mt. Nebo. The
PIPE. See MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. "mountains" in this region are actually narrow extensions
PISGAH 374 • v
of the Transjordanian tableland that has been deeply likewise is to be localized in that region. See HAVILAH
eroded by scarp streams, mostly running E-W. These pla- (PLACE). A second biblical reference is found in Sir 24:25,
teau remnants tower above the floor of the Jordan Rift where a parallel is drawn between wisdom, of which the
valley, but they are no higher than the tableland to which d_ivine law is full, and the plenteous waters of the Pishon
the mountains are attached on the W. nver.
Both Mt. Nebo and Mt. Pisgah are in this region (cf. A. Sprenger (1875: 49) was the first one who compared
Deut 34:1). Whereas Nebo is mentioned only twice in the the biblical pi!6n with the Wadi Bais in the SW of the
Bible, Pisgah is named eight times, always with the definite Arabian peninsula. Al-Hamdani (1884: 73) nevertheless
article and always in combination with one of two terms writes that the Wadi Bais is fed from tributaries from the
that highlight features of the mountain. In four passages, N of the land of ijaulan before it flows into the Red Sea.
"the top of Pisgah" occurs: (1) Num 21 :20, where it is As was probable already in antiquity, in the 10th century
mentioned as a station on the Hebrew migration through the Wadi Bais, abounding in water, formed the N bound-
Moab and as a peak "which looks down upon the desert"; ary of the densely populated and terraced mountainous
(2) Num 23: 14, where it is named as one of the peaks on region of ijaulan (and until 1934 it was the border be-
which Balak made sacrifices in an effort to induce Ba- tween the kingdom of Yemen and Saudi Arabia). More-
laam's curse on Israel; (3) Deut 3:27, where it is identified over, it is quite possible that the names of the rivers Bais
as a peak from which Moses viewed the promised land; and Bifa are contained in the name "Pishon," since both
and (4) Deut 34:1, where it is named as the point from rise not far from each other in the mountains of 'Asir.
which Moses again saw the territory which the Hebrews However, while the Wadi Bais flows SW toward the coastal
would occupy and on which Moses died. plain, the Wadi Bifa flows N into the Wadi Dawasir, which
In four OT passages, "the slopes of Pisgah" are named: discharges itself into the central Arabian desert. For an-
(1) Deut 3:17, in which they are referred to as being E of other southern tributary of the Wadi Dawasir, al-Hamdani
the Salt Sea, one of the boundaries of Reuben and Gad; ( 1884: 141) furthermore records the name Faisan. Since
(2) Deut 4:49, in which they are named again as towering the Wadi Bais offers the best access to the upper course of
above the Sea of the Arabah, a boundary of Israel's con- the Wadi Bifa, the two valleys were possibly regarded to be
quests; (3) Josh 12:3, in which they are identified as a one single river, ignoring the real geographic facts. Ptole-
border of Sihon's kingdom; and (4) Josh 13:20, in which maios, too, fell into the same error when he designated
they are mentioned again as one of the borders of Sihon's not only the small Wadi Bai<,! to the N of Wadi Bais but
realm and of the tribe of Reuben. Contrary to these RSV also the Wadi BiSa as Baitios potamos (Geog. 6.7.5).
uses of the phrase "slopes of Pisgah," the KJV has "springs However, one must admit that neither the name Bais,
of Pisgah" in Deut 4:49 and "Ashdoth-pisgah" in Deut BiSa, nor Faisan corresponds correctly to the Heb piSon;
3: 17; Josh 12:3; 13:20. one would rather expect a form *Ff.siin. Sprenger (1875:
Eusebius located Phasgo (Pisgah) along the way from 49) wanted to see in the ending -on the rendering of the
Livias in the Arabah to Esbus on the tableland, in the same Arabic nunation -un suffixed to the name Bail. Hommel
vicinity as Mt. Peor. Most interesting is Jerome's translation (1926: 564ff.) believed that the first element of the name
of "Fasge" (Pisgah) by the Lat abscisum, meaning "steep" or was the Hebrew word pi, "mouth (of a river)." M. Gorg
"broken off." This corresponds to the LXX's translation ( 1977) derived the name from the Egyptian because the
of Heb pisga with Gk laxeui.i. Thus, LaSor (ISBE 3: 873) initial pi- corresponds to the Egyptian masculine article;
notes that the name Pisgah, which derives from Heb pa.sag according to him, piS6n designates simply "the river," i.e.,
("split," "cut off"), means "cleft." It is suggested that Pis- the Nile. The name Pishon has also been repeatedly com-
gah's projection from the plateau had this appearance bined with the Heb root pus, "to jump, skip," and it is quite
when viewed from the E. possible that the vocalization of the form pi!on resulted
Most scholars identify Mt. Nebo and Mt. Pisgah as the from an assimilation to the name of the river mentioned
two peaks on Jebel Shayhan, with Pisgah (M.R. 218130)
in the following verse (Gen 2:13): Gihon.
located ca. 1.5 miles W-NW of Nebo, beyond a small
saddle. Jebel en-Nebu (2,739 feet above sea level) is located
ca. 4 miles NW of Medeba, and Ras es-Siyagha (2,329 feet Bibliography
Al-Hamdani. 1884. Sifat Gazirat al-'Arab, ed. D. H. Muller. Leiden.
above sea level) is located ca. 5.5 miles NW of Medeba.
GOrg, M. 1977. Wo lage das Paradies? BN 2: 23-32.
Though this widely accepted location of Pisgah is slightly
Hommel, F. 1926. Eth11()/ogie und Geographie des Allen Orients. HAW
lower than Jebel en-Nebu, Siyagha's projection from the
tableland affords magnificent views of the Rift valley and 3/1/1. Munich.
points beyond. Sprenger, A. 1875. Die alte Geographie Arabiens. Bern.
GERALD L. MATIINGLY Wissmann, H. von. 1975. Uber die frUhe Geschichte Arabiens und des
Entstehen des Sabiierreichs. SOAW 301/5. Vienna.
W.W. MOLLER
PISHON (PLACE) [Heb pi.Mn]. The first of the four
rivers into which the stream that springs from the Garden
of Eden is divided (Gen 2:11). The Pishon surrounds the PISIDIA (PLACE) [Gk Pisidia]. A mountainous area in
land of Havilah, where there is gold. Several proposals the southernmost part of the Roman province of Galatia,
have been made to identify this country and its river. If, bordered by Phrygia to the N, Lycaonia to the E, Pamphy-
however, Havilah is to be equated with the large and old lia to the S, and Lycia to the W. Pisidia is mentioned twice
tribal federation of ijaulan in SW Arabia, the Pishon in the Acts of the Apostles (13:14 and 14:24), where Paul
v. 375 PISTIS SOPHIA

passes through the area on his way to and from his mission when the province of Pisidia was formed and Antioch
in S Galatia. named the capital. The whole of the S part of the province
Although the majority textual reading in Acts l 3: l 4 is of Galatia, including the region of the four cities visited by
"Antioch of Pisidia" (Gk Antiocheian tes Pisidias, genitive Paul (Pisidian Antioch, lconium, Lystra, and Derbe [Acts
case), "Pisidian Antioch" (Gk Antiocheian ten Pisidian, accu- 13 and 14], probably home of the churches addressed in
sative case; supported by numerous manuscripts) is prob- Paul's letter to the Galatians), was co-opted into the new
ably the best reading (Metzger TCGNT, 404-5; Herner province. From this time onward it became technically
1989: 228). In the first instance, the reading would suggest correct to speak of "Antioch of Pisidia," though because of
that Antioch was in Pisidia; in the second, "Pisidia" func- the close link of the city with the region, the designation
tions as an adjective, meaning "Antioch [of Phrygia] to- may have been in use at an earlier period.
ward (sc. facing or near] Pisidia" (Strabo has the more Like the N part of the province of Galatia, the interior
complete phrase, 12.6.4; cf. Bruce Galatians NIGTC, 6, n. of Pisidia was little affected by either Hellenic or Roman
17). At the time of Paul and earlier, only the latter would culture. The Roman presence was primarily military, and
be correct. Thus the majority mss tradition reflects the the countryside was largely rural. There are few evidences
situation following the reorganization of the E provinces that Christianity made very deep inroads into Pisidia until
under Diocletian when this Antioch was assigned to the it was legally recognized under Constantine. There is also
extended province of Pisidia and made its capital (A.D. little evidence for the presence of Jews, except at Antioch,
295). This descriptive title served to distinguish it from the which, as has been noted, was not strictly in Pisidia.
many other cities of the same name founded by the Seleu-
cids throughout Asia Minor. Bibliography
There were three possible routes for Paul as he jour- Broughton, T R. S. 1937. Three Notes on St. Paul's Journeys in
neyed from Perga, in Pamphylia near the coast, through Asia Minor. Pp. 131-38 in ~ntulacumque: Studies Presented to
Pisidia to Pisidian Antioch (Finegan l 98 l: 90). There was Kirsopp Lake, ed. R. P. Casey and A. K. Lake. London.
a Roman road that traversed the W side of the region. Finegan, J. 1981. The Archaeology of the Nf!W Testament. Boulder, CO.
Another route would have been to go straight N up the Herner, C. J. 1989. The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History,
Kestros river and past Lake Limnae (modern Egridir), ed. C. Gempf. WUNT 49. Ttibingen.
following the SE shore to the Anthios valley and on to Ramsay, W. M. 1920. St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen.
Pisidian Antioch (Broughton 1937: 131-33). It is possible London.
that Paul would have chosen this second route, but it is w. wARD GASQUE
more likely that he would have followed the Roman road
to Side and from there traveled N along the E shore of
Lake Beysehir. It would have involved a steep climb over PISPA (PERSON) [Heb pispa]. A descendant of Asher,
very rugged mountains to the inner plateau of some 3,000 listed in 1 Chr 7:38. Pispa is recorded as the son of Jether,
feet or more and a distance of at least 80 miles. The time who perhaps is to be identified with Ithran (7:37). If this
required would have been about 6 days. It would have identification is correct, then Pispa stands within the last
taken much longer if Ramsay is correct in his speculative listed generation of Asher. Nothing is known of this figure:
suggestion (l 920: 94-97; followed, apparently, by Finegan he is not mentioned elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible, and
l 981: 90), on the basis of Gal 4: 13, that Paul moved from none of his descendants are given. According to Johnson
the hot, mosquito-infested coastal region to recover from (I 969: 64-66) and others, the Chronicler's unique gene-
malaria. alogies may draw from military census lists, themselves
It was not merely the rugged terrain of Pisidia that was arranged in genealogical form.
treacherous, but its native people also had a fierce reputa-
tio~. _Alexander the Great had great difficulty in subduing Bibliography
P1SJd1a, and throughout the Hellenistic and Roman periods Johnson, M. D. 1969. The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies. Cam-
the area is described as the home of marauding bandits. It bridge.
has been frequently observed that the words of 2 Cor JULIA M. O'BRIEN
11 :26 ("on frequent journeys, in danger from rivers, in
da~ger fro~ ro~bers") would have been especially appro-
priate to his tnp across Pisidia. To secure the region, PISTACHIO. See FLORA.
Augus~us had established a series of military colonies,
mcludms: the garrisons of Lystra (Acts 14:8-21) and Pisi-
d1an Antioch (Acts 13:14-50; 14:21) visited by Paul. The PISTIS SOPHIA (CODEX ASKEWIANUS). Coptic
latter was t~e chief colony and the center of the military (Sahidic) parchment codex of l 78 leaves inscribed in dou-
admm1strat1on of the region. An inscription indicates that ble columns on both sides. This codex contains gnostic
P. Sulp_ici':1s Quirinius, mentioned in Luke 2:2 as governor treatises known by the title given in a later hand in the
of Syna m the y_ear of Christ's birth, was an honorary manuscript, Pistis Sophia. The original title, which appears
magistrate of Ant10ch during the time of his campaign (ca. at the end of books 2 and 3, appears to have been Books of
8 B.~:) ~gainst. the Homonades (Frend ISBE 3: 874). the Savior. The provenance of this codex is unknown. It
P~s1d1a contmued to be a part of the province of Galatia was acquired by a London doctor, named Askew, around
until A.D. 74,_ when the _S part was assigned to the newly l 772 and purchased by the British Museum in l 785. The
created provmce of Lycia-Pamphylia. The N part contin- first editions of the complete text and translations did not
ued to be a part of Galatia until the end of the 3d century, appear until the mid-19th century. The standard edition
PISTIS SOPHIA 376 • v
was published by C. Schmidt for the Griechischen christlichen Bibliography
Schriftsteller series in I 905 with a second edition in I 925; Amelineau, E. 1895. La Pistis Sophia: ouvrage r;nostique ck Valentin.
that edition was revised by W. Till in I 954 and I 959 (see Paris.
this publication history in Schmidt I 98 I, the 4th edition Carmignac, J. 1964. Le genre litteraire du peshere dans la Pistis
edited by H. M. Schenke). It forms the basis for the text, Sophia. RQ 4: 497-552.
notes, and English translation by V. MacDermot in the Nag Kragerud, A. I 967. Die Hymnen der Pistis Sophia. Oslo.
Hammadi Studies series (Schmidt and MacDermot I 978). Ludin, J. H. 1960. Gnostic Interpretation in Pistis Sophia. Pp. 106-
Modern editors have divided the codex into a continuous 11 in Proceedings of the /Xth International Congress for the History
series of chapters. of Religions. Tokyo.
In its present form, Pistis Sophia is divided into four - - . 1967. Er Sofia-teksten en mysterieliturgi? NorIT 68: 92-
books. Books 2 and 3 conclude with a title in the original 93.
hand. A later scribe separated books I and 2 by introduc- Schmidt, C. 1981. Die Pi.stis Sophia. Vol. I of Kopti.sch-r;nostische
ing a title, "The Second Book of the Pistis Sophia." Book Schriften. 4th ed., ed. H. M. Schenke. Berlin.
4 is clearly a different work from the earlier books. It Schmidt, C., and MacDermot, V. 1978. Pistis Sophia. NHS 9. Leiden.
contains a new setting, on Easter rather than after eleven Trautmann, C. 1979. La citation du Psaume 85 (84), 11-12 et ses
years of instruction by the risen Jesus as in Book 1. The commentaires dans la Pistis Sophia. RHPR 59: 551-57.
disciples are shown the zodiac as they stand in the "Midst." Unnik, W. C. van. 1963. Die "Zahl der vollkommenen Seelen" in
They receive revelations about the punishment of the evil der Pistis Sophia. Pp. 467-77 in Festschrift fur Otto Michel, ed.
archons, who are bound by the zodiac in the regions of 0. Betz; M. Hengel; and P. Schmidt. AGSU 5. Leiden.
fate and the various punishments there. They are prom- Widengren, G. 1969. Die Hymnen der Pistis Sophia und die
ised forgiveness and access to the divine mysteries by gnostische Schriftauslegung. Pp. 269-81 in Liber Amicorum.
which they can escape judgment. These mysteries include SHR 18. Leiden.
magical words recited by Jesus and rituals of offering wine, Worrell, W. H. 1912. The Odes of Solomon and the Pistis Sophia.
water, and loaves while sacred words are pronounced ]TS 13: 29-46.
(chap. I42). PHEME PERKINS
Book I and Book 2 through chap. 82 are primarily
concerned with the repentance of the fallen Sophia, Pistis
Sophia. She is the mother of the gnostic seed. Chaps. 30- PIT. See DEAD, ABODE OF THE.
58 detail her wanderings in darkness and her lamentation.
Jesus, acting in the power of light, serves as Savior to bring
her out of chaos, and she sings hymns of gratitude to the PITHOM (PLACE) [Heb pitom]. One of the two storage
"First Mystery" (chaps. 58-62). These hymns are then cities built by the Hebrews while in Egypt (Exod I: I I)
interpreted by the disciples with reference to the Sophia laboring under an oppressive pharaoh. The city also
story (chaps. 63-82). The rest of Book 2 (chaps. 83-IOI) served as a fortress to help guard Egypt from invasion
details the mysteries of various ranks and types of souls, from the east.
including the origins of the passions which destroy the The Hebrew pitom has been shown to be a transcription
soul. It concludes with the promise that the person who of the Egyptian phrase pr 'itm (see Redford I 963: 403).
discovers the truth of these mysteries will be equal to the The Egyptian expression means "house of Atum." The
"First One" (God), having gained knowledge (gnosis) of word pr means "abode," "temple," or "house," while 'itm is
the Ineffable. the name of the god Atum, personifying the sun. From
Book 3 elaborates on the standard conclusion of gnostic Egyptian texts such as the Abu Simbel stele (AEL 2: 57-
revelation dialogues, the command to the disciples to 78), Papyrus Harris, and Wadjhoresne's inscription, it is
preach gnosis either to the world (as here) or to the elect. evident that pr 'itm was also used in reference to temple
Humanity is to be summoned to renounce sin, to be saved estates. From the end of the Saite period (that is, after 525
from the various regions of punishment and become wor- B.C.E.), the phrase appears to name a city.
thy of the mysteries (chap. I02). Dialogue between Jesus The city is only once directly mentioned as "Pithom" in
and the disciples concerning the mysteries of repentance the Bible (Exod I: I I). However, some scholars suggest that
and the punishments of those who do not receive them Gen 46:28 may also refer to the same place. Although the
includes application of Matthew I 0 to the gnostic mission- MT reads "Goshen," the LXX reads heroon polin, which
ary (chap. I07). has been linked to Pithom through the equivalency of
Pistis Sophia is a late compendium of gnostic lore com- Atum to the god Ero. Moreover, the Bohairic Coptic Ver-
plied from earlier writings. It contains Coptic versions of sion reads "Pithom" in place of hiroon polin.
five Odes of Solomon and refers by name to the two Books of The question which continues to linger concerning Pi-
Jeu found in the Bruce Codex. Elaborate exposition of the thom is: where is the location of the city? One may ascer-
Psalms, the hymns of Pistis Sophia, magical formulas, tain certain clues from the biblical account in Exod I: I I,
variants of the Sophia story, and various allusions to sacred such as (l) Pithom is probably located close to the city of
formulas and ritual suggest that the work has drawn on Rameses, a city which is located in the Wadi Tumilat,
extensive gnostic lore. Therefore most would suggest that historically renowned as a route between Egypt and the
it was composed sometime in the late 3d or early 4th East, and (2) Egyptian architecture should remain from
century. For Pistis Sophia, gnosis is clearly an extensive the time of the Exodus in the LB Age. The evidence from
body of esoteric Christian wisdom, not a dynamic system archaeology is consequently of utmost significance in the
of speculation. identification of this site.
v • 377 PLANE TREE

Excavations in Egypt have resulted in three major assess- ably Pithom, others claim that Tell el-Ratabah was the city
ments of the archaeological evidence for the location of Rameses. About the only existing consensus among schol-
Pithom. The first location was proposed by Edouard Na- ars is that more archaeological evidence is needed to make
ville in 1888. After excavating Tell el-Maskhuta in the E a definite conclusion.
delta, he concluded that the site was biblical Pithom. Alan
Gardiner, later challenging Naville's theory in 1918, pro- Bibliography
posed another site at Tell el-Ratabah. Finally, in 1968 E. P. Bleiberg, E. L. 1983. The Location of Pithom and Succoth. AW 6:
Uphill suggested a third location at th~ site of th~ ancient 21-27.
capital city Heliopolis (Egyptian Innu) JUSt one mile north Gardiner, A.H. 1918. The Delta Residence of the Ramessides.]EA
of Matariyeh. 5: 267-69.
Edouard Naville's proposal has received the most atten- Heick, W 1965. I.kw und die Ramses-stadt. VT 15: 35-48.
tion by subsequent scholars. See MASKHUTA, TELL EL-. Naville, E. 1903. The Store City of Pithom and the Route of the Exodus.
After his archaeological expedition began in 1883, he 3d ed. Egypt Exploration Fund, Memoir No. I. London.
reported his findings which led him to conclude that Tell Peet, E. T. 1924. Egypt and the OUl Testament. Liverpool.
el-Maskhuta ("mound of idols/images") was Pithom. First, Redford, D. B. 1963. Exodus I, 11. VT 13: 401-18.
he found the toponym pr >itm used of this site, along with Uphill, E. P. 1968. Pithom and Raamses: Their Location and
tkw(t) (identified also with Succoth). He argued that pr >itm Significance l.]NES 27: 291-316.
~as the religious name given to the site, while {kw(I) was
- - . 1969. Pithom and Raamses: Their Location and Signifi-
the civil name. Second, Naville concludes that the remains
cance Il.]NES 28: 15-39.
of the tell evidence a construction which was both a for-
tress and a storage building. Third, a Latin inscription TOM F. WEI

found at the site mentions Ero (or Gk Hero), commonly

associated with heroon polis. Hero is the Greek equivalent
for At um (see Gardiner 1918: 267-69), hence making PITHON (PERSON) [Heb piton]. A Benjaminite, son of
heroon polis connected with pr >itm. Finally, a parallel is Micah, great-great-grandson of King Saul (I Chr 8:35;
drawn between bricks found at Tell el-Maskhuta without 9:41). The etymology of the name is unclear, but it might
straw and the bricks of Exod 5:6-10, which were made by be related to Hebrew peten, "an adder" (Noth JPN, 254).
the Hebrews without straw. The section that lists Micah's children is segmented, listing
Alan Gardiner disagreed with Naville's finds and conclu- four children; it is unclear why this segmented section
sions. In particular, he translated one of the Latin markers appears in what is a generally linear genealogy. Pithon's
differently, concluding that the message identified the line is not the main line, which derives instead from his
present site (Tell el-Maskhuta) as nine miles away from brother Ahaz. The name appears in the two nearly identi-
Ero. Consequently, Tell el-Maskhuta could not be Pithom. cal genealogies of Saul's family in I Chr 8:33-40 and l
A site identified as Tell el-Ratabah was his choice for the Chr 9:39-44. This list is from the end of the First Temple
city of Pithom. period (Demsky 197 l: 20), and was preserved by Benja-
The third option appeared as E. Uphill, disagreeing minite families that survived the Babylonian Exile (Wil-
with Naville, proposed the site of Heliopolis as Pithom. liamson 1979: 356). The existence and preservation of the
Uphill's approach posed the question of how the Egyptians Saulide genealogy probably reflects the continued promi-
would have understood pr >itm. His assumption was that nence of Saul's family, and perhaps even their hope that
the Egyptians' understanding of pr >itm would also be the they would return to power (Ackroyd Chronicles, Ezra,
Hebrew writer's understanding. He observed that contem- Nehemiah TBC, 42; Flanagan 1982: 25). See MELECH.
poraries would view the phrase as designating the national On the repetition of the genealogy in l Chronicles 8
shrine located at Heliopolis. In support of his view, Uphill and 9, and its structure within the genealogies in Chroni-
observed that Sir Flinders Petrie discovered a temple, cles, see AHAZ.
possibly for the god Atum, at Heliopolis. Gardiner objects
to this proposal, as no definite proof exists that the temple
Bibliography
was so dedicated (the temple has been typically viewed as
Demsky, A. 1971. The Genealogy of Gibeon (I Chronicles 9:35-
dedicated to the diety Rr-Harakhti). However, Uphill points
44): Biblical and Epigraphic Considerations. BASOR 202: 16-
out that Innu was closely related to Atum. Hence the
possibility of the temple for Atum cannot be ruled out 23.
absolutely. Flanagan, J. 1982. Genealogy and Dynasty in the Early Monarchy
An important addition to the three ideas proposed is of Israel and Judah. PWC]S 8: 23-28.
the evidence given by John S. Holladay in 1983. Speaking Williamson, H. G. M. 1979. Sources and Redaction in the Chroni-
on the ongoing excavations concerning the Wadi Tumilat, cler's Genealogy of Judah.]BL 98: 351-59.
he remarks that many statues of Rameses II have been MARC z. BREllLER
discovered since Naville (1883) at Maskhuta, but the pot-
tery and the habitation found are not pre-7th century.
With three different assessments of the archaeological PLAGUES. See SICKNESS AND DISEASE; EGYPT,
evidence available, scholars find no unanimity in identify- PLAGUES IN.
ing the location of Pithom. While some scholars view
Pithom as probably Tell el-Maskhuta, others view the tell
as Succoth ({kw(t). While some see Tell el-Ratabah as prob- I PLANE TREE. See FLORA.
PLANK 378 • v
PLANK [Heb lt2a{l]. A construction term designating the detail m~merous examples of leonine imagery in a variety
planking of a Tyrian ship (Ezek 27:2; cf. Acts 27:44). This of gnosuc sources. In gnostic circles, the lion becomes a
Hebrew term is sometimes rendered "board," as in the ~owerful symbol o_f sexual passion or the "beastly" dimen-
tabernacle text of Exodus in reference to wooden (acacia) sion of human existence that the ascetic gnostic strives to
"boards" used for the altar (Exod 27:8; 38:7; cf. Cant 8:9). subdue and control. If P/,ato Rep. has been consciously
The Heb $idirot is translated "planks" in the temple texts shaped with these various gnostic concerns in mind then
in l Kings, where it designates, together with "beams," the the Coptic author can be viewed as a probable Ch;istian
components of the cedar ceiling of the Jerusalem temple gnostic in touch with Sethian cosmogonic notions and
(l Kgs 7:9). These words are part of a nuanced terminol- Valentinian ideas of salvation. Otherwise, the gnostic affin-
ogy for building materials with the distinctions among the ities of the author, if any, cannot be determined.
various terms being difficult to ascertain. The date of the Coptic translation is toward the middle
CAROL MEYERS of the 4th century C.E., or the approximate date of the
copying of Codex VI. The Greek original can be dated in
either the 2d or 3d century c.E. The locale cannot be
PLANTS. See FLORA. determined, but Alexandria is a reasonable hypothesis
because the author is clearly an Egyptian living in an
eclectic milieu with only superficial Greek contacts (Poirer
PLATO: REPUBLIC 588B-589B (NHC VI,5). and Painchaud 1983: 122-23).
This brief fragment is a very poor translation of a section
from Plato's Republic (588B-589B) on the theme of justice. Bibliography
The poor quality of the translation reveals that the Coptic Brashier, j. 1979. Plato, Republic 588B-589B: Vl,5:48,16-51,23.
author had no knowledge of classical Greek nor of Plato's Pp. 325-39 in Nag Hammadi Codices V,2-5 and VI with Paf!yru.!
writings. The Coptic dialect of the fragment is Sahidic with Berolinensis, I and 4. NHS 11. Leiden.
Subachmimic influence. See LANGUAGES (COPTIC). The Jackson, H. M. 1985. The Lion Becomes Man: The Gnostic Leonto-
Greek original was most likely circulated in a school hand- morphic Creator and the Platonic 1radition. SBLDS 81. Atlanta.
book of similar quotations because the fragment is either Krause, M., and Labib, P. 1971. Gnostische und Hermetische Schriften
alluded to or cited by a number of ancient authors. In the aus Codex II und Codex VI. Gliickstadt.
context of the Nag Hammadi Library, the fragment is Matsagouras, E.G. 1976. Plato Copticus, Republic 5881>-589b. M.A.
included in a codex containing several hermetic writings: diss., Dalhousie University.
The Discourse on the Eighth and the Ninth (NHC Vl,6); The - - . 1977. Plato Copticus. Platon 29: 191-99.
Prayer of Thanksgi,ving (NHC Vl,7); Asclepius 21-29 (NHC Orlandi, T. 1977. La traduzione copta di Platone, Resp. IX, 588B-
VI,8). The belief among hermeticists that Hermes was the 589B: problemi critici ed esegetici. AANLR 32 fasc. 1-2: 45-
teacher of Plato best explains its inclusion among these 62.
particular texts. However, the fragment was not identified Poirer, P.-H., and Painchaud, L. 1983. Les Sentences de Sextus (NH
as a quotation from Plato for some twenty years after its XII, I)/Fragments (NH X/1,3) et Fragment de la Republique de Platon
discovery because of the distorted nature of the transla- (NH Vl,5). BCNHT 11. Quebec.
tion. Some scholars argue that the fragment is not gnostic Schenke, H. M. 1974. Zur Faksimile-Ausgabe der Nag-Hammadi-
in any special sense, but that it was included in the Nag Schriften: Nag-Hammadi-Codex VI. OLZ 69: 235-42.
Hammadi Library because of its strong ethical appeal. RUTH MAJERCIK
Others argue, however, that the Coptic text has been
consciously reworked by its author and is thus a true
redaction and not simply a paraphrase or bad translation. PLATONISM. Platonism, as understood here, is to be
A final point of view opts for a middle position, viz. the distinguished from the philosophizing of Plato himself,
author is a bad translator who has interpreted the text in although it is very largely a formalization of his teachings.
a gnostic direction but is not a true redactor. To date, there Ever since the beginning of the last century (Schleierma-
is no scholarly consensus on these various opinions. cher), it has been customary to distinguish the philosophy
In general, the text deals with the problem of justice in of Plato's dialogues from the later Platonic tradition, and
relation to three "images" within the individual: a many- that procedure is a sound one. Platonism· marks its rise
headed beast, a lion, and an inner human. The just person from Plato, certainly, but it was a lively philosophic tradi-
tramples the beast and lion, the unjust or weak person tion in its own right, which developed in various ways over
does not. In a Platonic context, the three images relate to the 800 years or so which are the subject of this survey.
the tripartite nature of the soul: appetitive, spirited, ra- Historically, Platonism may be regarded as progressing
tional. In a gnostic context, however, the three images through four chief periods in ancient times: the Old Acad-
would allude to the three races of humankind: hylics, emy (34 7-267 B.C.E.), the "New" (Skeptical) Academv
psychics, pneumatics. Additional gnostic themes would be (267--ca. 80 B.C.E.), Middle Platonism (ca. 80 B.C.E.-250
a probable allusion to the archontic creation of the world c.E.), and Neoplatonism (ca. 250 B.C.E.).
(49,4-50, l 9) as well as an implied reference to the eschato-
logical choice the psychic race must make between a just A. The Old Academy
life and one of archontic or "beastly" domination (50,4- After Plato's death in 347 B.C.E., the school was taken
51,23). Jackson ( 1985: 204-13) now cites logion 7 of The over by his nephew Speusippus (ca. 407-339), an idiosyn-
Gospel of Thomas (NHC 11,2) as another example of gnostic cratic thinker but not one who had much influence on
usage of this Platonic parable and, in doing so, explores in later Platonism. Platonism as a formalized philosophical
v • 379 PLATONISM

movement is best seen as beginning with his successor, C. Middle Platonism

Xenocrates (396-314). He put out a comprehensive series Antiochus, who established a Platonic school in Athens
of works covering all areas of philosophy (_the t~ree in the 70s B.C.E., was actually too much influenced by Stoic
branches of which, physics, ethics, and logic, he 1s credited materialism to be the true founder of the later "Middle
with being the first to distinguish _fo,~ma~l~). He is als~ Platonic" synthesis of doctrine, but he turned the Platonic
probably responsible for the "official ed1uon of Plato s movement back from Skepticism to a belief in the possibil-
works. Xenocrates' successor, Polemon (ca. 350-267), was ity of certain knowledge, paving the way for further devel-
chiefly concerned with ethics (indeed, with practical mo- opments. He also gave the movement a view of its own
rality), and seems to have been prepared to accept. the history, which proved influential (though controversial),
taking Aristotle and his followers back into the fold and
ethical theories of Aristotle and Theophrastus back mto
designating the Stoics as the true heirs of the Old A~ad­
the school, thus completing what later came to be seen as
emy, thus rejecting the New Academy as an aberration.
the Old Academic synthesis of Plato's doctrines.
Only with Eudorus of Alexandria (fl. ca. 25 8.C.E.), how-
The chief features of this are the following: (I) a strong
ever, do we find a clear reinstatement of belief in a tran-
distinction between two levels of reality, the intelligible scendent first principle, and the beginnings of a hierarchy
world (God, and the Ideas-transcendent models, mathe- of levels of being, together with an interest in Pythagore-
matical in form, of which the things of this world are anism and number theory, which are characteristic of the
images and constitute the contents of the Divine Mind!, renewed Platonist movement.
and the sense-perceptible world. In the former, all 1s In the generation after Eudorus, we find the same type
eternal, unchanging, perfect. Its first principles are the of Middle Platonism represented by the Jewish philoso-
Monad (which for Xenocrates is God, and an Intellect), pher Philo of Alexandria (ca. 30 8.C.E.-45 c.E.). For Philo,
and the Dyad, a principle of plurality, on which the Monad the (previously Stoic) concept of the Logos as the active,
acts to produce first the Ideas and the World-Soul, and immanent aspect of God in the world, the unifying princi-
then the physical world; (2) a belief in the immortality of ple and transmitter of the Forms (seen as logoi), comes to
the soul (or at least of the rational part; what became of be of central importance, as does a creative adaptation of
the irrational is less than clear), and in reincarnation the Pythagorean-Platonic dyad to the late Jewish concept
(possibly into animals as well as other human bodies, of God's Wisdom (Sophia).
though that is never quite settled in the tradition); (3) a Both these developments, together with a pronounced
moderately ascetic ethics, which had the aim of separating dualism (belief in a disorderly, "evil" World Soul) are
the soul as far as possible from the influences of the body characteristic of Plutarch in the next century (ca. 45-120
(though Aristotelian ethics was generally accepted by the c.E.). Plutarch, though not a great philosopher, is well
end of the period, as has been said); (4) in epistemology, a known as an essayist and biographer. More obscure Plato-
prejudice against the evidence of the senses, in favor of nists of the age are Albin us (fl. 150), author of a handbook
the processes of pure reason (episteme, noesis); (5) in logic, of Platonism, the Didaskalikos, on the "Peripatetic" wing of
an acceptance of the substance of Aristotle's great discov- the movement, and Atticus (fl. 175), who was hostile to
eries (though some traces of a more primitive "Old Aca- Aristotle, maintaining a "purified" Platonism and agreeing
demic" system of diaeresis ["division"], based more closely with Plutarch on the creation of the world. A distinct
on Plato, can still be discerned). It is this system that movement within Middle Platonism is constituted by the
constitutes the basis of the philosophical koine with which Neo-Pythagoreans, notably Moderatus of Gades (ft. ca.
Christianity was later confronted. JOO), Nichomachus of Gerasa (fl. ca. 145), and Numenius,
who even more than Plutarch is a strong dualist. He had
B. The New Academy considerable influence on Neoplatonism, through Plotinus
Before that, however, much was to happen. After Pole- and Porphyry, but they modified his dualism.
mon, the headship of the school passed to Arcesilaus, who A number of basic themes of Middle Platonism should
inaugurated a period of Skepticism, the so-called New be given special mention, as they are of concern to Chris-
Academy, where the academy, in opposition to the new tianity.
dogmatism of the Stoics, returned to what Arcesilaus saw 1. A basic tenet of ethical theory was the so-called "end
as its "Socratic" roots, the position of challenging all as- of goods," the telos or summum bonum, at which all rational
sumptions without necessarily asserting anything positive. activity should aim. Antiochus of Ascalon seems to be the
Arcesilaus denied that there was any sure criterion of first Platonist to formulate this as such. He was under Stoic
knowledge, and exercised himself largely in demolishing influence and adopted the Stoic telos of "Life in agreement
the claims of the Stoics in this area. About a century after with Nature," though he attributed this back to the Old
his time, the school found another distinguished leader in Academy and specifically to Polemon. When we turn to
Carneades (head ca. 160-128 B.C.E.), who appears to have Alexandrian Platonism in the next generation, however,
entertained slightly more positive views in that he distin- with Eudorus, we find the ideal of "Likeness to God" (taken
guished levels of"probability" in our perceptions, his high- from Plato's Theaetetus, I 76a) propounded as the telos, and
est level being in the nature of a Skeptical "answer" to the so it remained for the rest of antiquity. This ideal was
Stoic doctrine of certainty. Under a successor of his, Philo taken in a "strong" sense-in Plotinus' striking phrase,
of Larissa, (fl. ca. 110-80 8.C.E.), the Skeptical position was "Our concern is not to be free of sin, but to be god (Enn.
undermined still further, leading to a return to dogmatism 1.2.6)." A certain degree of asceticism, though not neces-
under Antiochus of Ascalon. sarily of a world-negating type, is inseparable from Plato-
PLATONISM 380. v
nist ethics, ranging from Plutarch's genial Peripateticism became formalized (and further elaborated) in the philos-
to the dualistic pessimism of Numenius. ophy of Plotinus and his successors.
2. A subject of major concern in later Platonism, arising
out of the challenge posed by Stoic determinism and thus D. Neoplatonism
not a concern for Plato himself (in its starker form, at This is a term coined in modern times to denote the
least), is that of free will and necessity, and thus of God's type of Platonism inaugurated by Plotinus (204-70 c.E.)
providence. If one accepted, as Platonists generally did, and continued by his successors Porphyry (ca. 232-305)
the Stoic argument that nothing takes place without an and Iamblichus (ca. 245-320), and later by the Athenian
antecedent cause, and indeed as the culmination of a chain and Alexandrian schools of the 5th and 6th centuries. The
of causes running back to the beginning of the world, it term has sometimes even been used to characterize the
became difficult to maintain another tenet which Platonists whole Platonist movement after Plato. Plotinus would have
held dear (and felt they had a text for in the myth of indignantly repudiated any such name. He saw himself
Plato's Resp. 10), the autonomy of the rational soul. It was (Enn. V I) as, if anything, restoring the true teachings of
also difficult to see how God's knowledge of the totality of Plato after centuries of distortion. But, in fact, a number
causes was reconcilable with the concept of our free will, of new elements enter at this stage. Most notable is the
and thus of an element of contingency. These problems demoting of Intellect (nous) from the position of first
were wrestled with by Platonists (Albinus Dida.sk, 26; Ps.- principle: Plotinus argued that the concept of Intellect
Plutarch On Fate; Plotinus Enneads 3.2-3 "On Providence") involves a certain duality--<Jf thinking element and object
without any very satisfactory solutions and bequeathed by of thought-which the first principle should not include.
them to contemporary Christianity. His principle, the One, is therefore prior to Intellect,
3. A further issue of concern to Christianity, on which though Plotinus allows it a certain self-awareness. It pro-
there were differing views among the Platonists of the first duces by "overflowing," and thus all subsequent entities,
two Christian centuries, was that of the creation of the Intellect, Soul, Nature, World, even Matter, are generated
world. The Greek philosophical tradition in general re- by a constant dynamic tension of procession and return
jected the concept of creation from nothing, but creation (this latter process producing consciousness and self-defi-
of an ordered world (kosmos) from preexistent chaotic nition in the entities concerned). Matter and Evil are sim-
matter was a recognized possibility. Here, for Platonists, ply negativities, the dark at the edges of the light radiated
the interpretation of Plato's Timaeus (a dialogue of great by the One. All other Neoplatonic elaborations (and, be-
significance throughout our period) becomes crucial. On ginning with lamblichus and continuing with Syrianus [d.
the whole, from Speusippus and Xenocrates on, the ten- 437 C.E.], Proclus [412-485], and Damascius [ft. 520], these
dency was to deny that the account of creation presented became increasingly complex) stem from Plotinus' new
there (and therefore the Creator God, or Demiurge, who vision of reality, though his successors' views were very
figures in it) was to be taken literally. The creation is an different from his.
eternal process and the Demiurge is the incessantly active
cosmic Mind. In later times, an elaborate list of senses in E. Christian Platonism
which the world could be said to be "created" was drawn A word should be said of the phenomenon, which can
up (the most favored being "dependent upon a cause be divided broadly into two phrases, that dependent on
outside itself"), but two influential Platonists of the 2d Philo and Middle Platonism, and that dependent on Neo-
century C.E., Plutarch and Atticus, maintained the literal platonism. All Christian theology is dependent, to an ex-
interpretation of the Timaeus, and held that the world was tent at least, on contemporary Greek philosophy, primar-
created from precosmic disorderly matter. Plutarch, at ily Platonism, but some Christian thinkers fall particularly
least, saw this matter animated by a disorderly, "evil" soul strongly under Platonic influence, and properly merit the
(which he saw described by Plato in Laws X), and thus title of Christian Platonists.
introduced a strongly dualist element into Platonism, also Earlier Christian Platonism is represented, in a rudi-
shared by the Neo-Pythagorean Numenius, but decisively mentary way, by Justin Martyr (ft. ca. 150 C.E.), but in a
rejected by mainstream Platonism after Plotinus. developed form by the Alexandrians Clement (ca. 150-
4. Of concern to Christians also, since it bears on the 215) and Origen (ca. 176-254). Clement is overtly hospi-
vexed question of the relation of the Father to the Son, table to Platonism, Origen covertly, though he is the more
and later, the mutual relations of all three persons of the deeply influenced of the two. Doctrines that especially got
Trinity, is the gradual development of a hierarchy of being, him into trouble were his view of the Son as a Logos or
arising out of the ambiguity of the relationship between Demiurge figure, his belief in a sequence of incarnations
the Good of Plato's Republic and the Demiurge of the and worlds, and his denial of eternal punishment, all
Timaeus. Eudorus postulated a supreme One above a pair profoundly non-Christian ideas, arising from a creative
of Monad and Dyad; Plutarch seems to envisage a supreme interpretation of both Stoicism and Platonism.
God, a Logos, and an essentially irrational World Soul; In the next century, the Cappadocian Fathers, Basil ol
Albinus, a supreme God, and a Mind and Soul of the Caesarea (ca. 330-379 c.E.), Gregory of Nazianzus (329-
World. On the Pythagorean wing, Moderatus postulated a ca. 390), and Gregory of Nyssa (d. 394), are influenced,
sequence of three "Ones," derived from a metaphysical despite their overt hostility, by the Platonism of Plotinus
interpretation of the Parmenides and of a passage in the and Porphyry (though also, even more, by Origen) and
Second Letter, (312 E), while Numenius recognized a se- later again, in the 6th century, the mysterious figure of
quence of God the Father (the Good), Demiurge, and "Dionysius the Areopagite" is deeply influenced by Proclus
World Soul. Gradually a triadic sequence emerged, which and Damascius. In the Latin West, Marius Victorinus (ft.
v • 381 PLINY THE YOUNGER

350 c.E.) is a thoroughgoing Platonist, deeply influenced posts, including the command of the fleet at Misenum,
by Porphyry, and of course Augustine is p~ofoundly, from where he sailed to observe and inspect the eruption
though not slavishly, under the spell of Platonism. Later of Mt. Vesuvius and perished in the fumes (August 29,
again, Boethius (490-525) shows he is knowledgeable 79). Under the terms of his will, his nephew inherited his
about contemporary Platonism. property, was posthumously adopted, and thereby ac-
Platonism is thus the single greatest outside intellectual quired the name Caius Plinius Caecilius Secundus.
influence on Christianity in its formative stages. This influ- In Titus' reign, Pliny the Younger (as he now was) began
ence continues through the Middle Ages (the School of a legal career, specializing in inheritance cases. He pros-
Chartres) and the Renaissance (the Florentine Academy) pered under Domitian, holding a number of official posts,
to the Cambridge Platonists of the 17th century (chiefly including the praetorship (93) and the prefecture of the
More and Cudworth) and modern times, but that is be- military treasury (ca. 94-96). Later, however, he asserted
yond the scope of the present article. Unlike Aristotelian- that his life had been in danger at the time: "I stood amidst
ism, Platonism was fated always, despite its influence, to be the flames of thunderbolts dropping all round me and
in opposition to Christianity, since Platonism was always there were certain clear indications that a like end was
something more than a philosophical system; it was, like awaiting me" (Ep. 3.11.3). This was untrue, and, despite
Christianity, a religion, and religions tend to brook no his friendship with members of the "Stoic Opposition," his
rivals. political and legal career proceeded unhindered. With the
accession of Nerva and Trajan (96 and 98), he continued
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Clo.ssical and Early Mediaeval Philosophy. Cambridge. known, early in Trajan's reign, for his defense of Julius
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Christian Literature. Leiden. thynia. In 104, he accepted a senior position in Rome
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- - . 1987-. Der Platonismus in der Antike. Stuttgart and Bad Thanks to his letters and to four inscriptions, Pliny's is
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Festugiere, A.-j. 1950-54. La Revelation d'Hermes Trismigiste. 4 vols. was remarkable in many ways. The legal minimum age for
F"aris. the consulship was 42 and very few were appointed at that
Glucker, j. 1978. Antwchus and the Late Academy. Gottingen. age; yet, with imperial favor, Pliny gained the honor at 39,
Lilla, S. 1971. Clement of Alexandna: A Study in Christian Platonism while his consular colleague was almost 60 on his appoint-
and Gnosticism. Oxford. ment. Again, it was almost unparalleled for an ex-consul
O'Meara, D., ed. 1964. Neoplatonism and Christian Thought. Albany. to govern a province when he had not had similar experi-
Rist, j. M. 1964. Eros and Psyche: Studies in Plato, Plotinus and Origen. ence at a lower level. Equally unusual was his appointment
Toronto. to a second treasury post. Thus he emerges as a highly
- - . 1985. Platonism and Its Christian Heritage. London. competent administrator and lawyer, trusted by every re-
Theiler, W. 1930. Die Vorbereitung des Neuplatonismus. Berlin. gime. He was also extremely wealthy, investing most of his
Whittaker, j. 1984. Studies m Platonism and Patristic Thought. Lon- funds in property (Ep. 3.29.8), with a house in Rome on
don. the Esquiline, another near Ostia, at least three on the
Zeller, E. 1923. Die Philosophie der Griechen. Vol. 3/2. 7th ed. Leipzig. shores of Lake Como, and a villa on his estates at Tifer-
JOHN M. DILLON num.
His fame, however, is based on his letters. Unlike those
of Cicero, written a century and a half previously, Pliny's
PLEDGE. See DEBTS. were intended for publication, carefully composed and
subsequently edited. The first nine books, consisting of
247 personal letters, were published at intervals between
PLINY THE YOUNGER. Born Publius Caecilius ca. 100 and 109, while the tenth appeared posthumously
Secundus in A.D. 61 or 62, Pliny the Younger belonged to and contained 121 official letters written during his term
a prosperous landowning family of northern Italy. In in Pontus-Bithynia. The former are polished essays, pro-
Rome, he attended the lectures of the illustrious Quintil- viding an elegant portrait of contemporary upper-class
ian, who had been appointed professor of Latin rhetoric activities and attitudes both in the capital and elsewhere,
by Vespasian. The most influential member of the family particularly in northern Italy. The topics are varied: do-
was his mother's brother, Gaius Plinius Secundus (Pliny mestic and social issues (treatment of slaves, public enter-
the .Elder), whose monumental Naturalis Historia, a type of tainment), events in politics and the law courts, descrip-
ano~nt encyclopedia surviving in 37 books, was dedicated tions of a villa, scenery, interpretation of a dream, eulogies
to Tttus; he had served in the army with Titus and had of famous writers (Silius Italicus and Martial), a murder,
been appointed by Vespasian to various senior equestrian ghost stories, and letters of recommendation or advice.
PLINY THE YOUNGER 382 • v
Some are addressed to literary friends such as Suetonius of which is the Conso/,atio ad uxorem ("Consolation to my
and Tacitus (perhaps the most famous is 6.16, written to wife"), the letter he wrote to his wife, Timoxena, after the
Tacitus and describing the death of Pliny the Elder follow- death of their two-year-old daughter. Timoxena also bore
ing the eruption of Vesuvius), others to young men under- Plutarch four sons, only two of whom survived into man-
taking a political career, others to people from the area of hood. Both she and her husband were at some time
Lake Como, his birthplace, others to eminent senators initiated into the Dionysiac mysteries. The experiences of
(Arrius Antoninus, Vestricius Spurinna), generals (Sosius Plutarch's own happy marriage are perhaps reflected in
Senecio, Licinius Sura), and equestrians (Septicius Clarus, the Conjugalia praecepta ("Advice about marriage"), which
later Hadrian's Praetorian Prefect). he sent to a bride and groom, and in the respect for the
The tenth book is different. Written in a simpler and moral and intellectual qualities of women he evinces in the
less mannered style, it is a unique record of a Roman Mulierum virlutes ("Courage of women"), the Amatorius
province's administrative problems and the solutions pro- ("Conversation about Eros"), and elsewhere.
posed or implemented. Pliny is revealed as a thorough, Plutarch himself, his teacher Ammonius, his friends,
painstaking administrator with an apparent tendency to and members of his family regularly appear as speakers in
refer to the emperor even the most mundane of problems. his dialogues, among which the nine books of Quaestiones
But Pliny's was not an ordinary province. Pontus-Bithynia convivales ("Table talk") constitute a mine of incidental
faced a political and financial crisis, and it is impossible to information about the concerns and habits of Plutarch and
assess the extent to which strict imperial guidelines limited his circle. As a man of wealth and political influence and
Pliny's freedom of action. Trajan's replies are briefer and of literary and philosophical prominence, Plutarch en-
more concise, revealing his concern for consistency and joyed the society of a large number of important individ-
equity. Of particular interest is Pliny's request to Trajan uals throughout the Greek world and in Rome, those in
for guidance on the treatment of Christians (Ep. 10.96) the latter category including the consulars L. Mestrius
and Trajan's reply (Ep. I 0. 97). Pliny had, so he told the Florus, whose gens name, Mestrius, he bore as a Roman
emperor, executed those who had admitted that they were citizen and who was probably responsible for his receiving
Christians but had freed any who denied the charge and the citizenship, and Q. Sosius Senecio, to whom Plutarch
who were prepared to sacrifice to the gods (and to an dedicated the Parallel Lives, the Quaestiones convivales ("Ta-
image of the emperor). Pliny's problem, however, was ble talk"), and an anti-Stoic essay on making progress in
twofold: anonymous accusations and lapsed Christians. virtue. It may be, though the evidence is disputable, that
Trajan indignantly rejected the former as being "out of Plutarch attained equestrian rank, was awarded consular
keeping with the spirit of the age" and, perhaps inconsis- dignities by Trajan, and was appointed procurator of
tently, pardoned the latter "however suspect their past Greece by Hadrian.
conduct (might have been)." What the letters do not make Plutarch's social and intellectual life as well as his diplo-
clear is precisely why those who confessed to being Chris- matic and religious duties took him abroad frequently. He
tians were executed, a point still debated by scholars. was often in Athens, where he was honored with Athenian
However, they do provide crucial evidence on the problem citizenship, and at Delphi, the oracular center near Chaer-
of Christianity's legal status at the end of the 1st century onea where he served for many years as priest of Apollo
and until the time of Decius' persecution (ca. 250). For and the scene of his four theological dialogues. In addi-
further discussion see ANRW 2/2. tion, Plutarch traveled throughout the Greek mainland, to
Alexandria in Egypt (his treatise on Isis and Osiris is an
Bibliography important source for our knowledge of Egyptian religion),
Sherwin-White, A. N. 1966. The Letters of Pliny. Oxford. probably to Asia Minor-and at least twice to Italy, where
Syme, R. 1958. Tacitw. Oxford. in Rome he was sought out as a teacher and delivered
BRIAN w ]ONES lectures, presumably in Greek.
Plutarch was a polymath and undoubtedly one of the
most learned men of his day. His general education would
PLOW, PLOUGH. See ZOOLOGY. have included the standard training in rhetoric, and math-
ematics was a significant component in his philosophical
studies. He was, moreover, steeped in the literature of his
PLUTARCH. Greek biographer, essayist, Platonist, Hellenic past, its poets as well as its prose writers, and his
priest of Apollo, and Roman citizen (ca. A.D. 50-120). He reading included virtually every genre. He also kept hypom-
was born into a well-to-do family of the Boeotian town of nemata, notebooks of a sort in which he recorded material
Chaeronea, located approximately eighty miles NW of suitable for incorporation into his own writings. Beyond
Athens, during the reign of the Roman emperor Claudius. this, there is every indication that he worked quickly and
At the time of Nero's visit to Greece in 66/67, Plutarch was composed with ease. All of these factors are reflected in
in Athens studying philosophy under Ammonius, then the large and varied corpus of his surviving works, fifty
head of the Platonic Academy. After completing his stud- biographies and over seventy miscellaneous pieces tradi-
ies he returned to Chaeronea, where he continued to live tionally grouped under the heading Moralia, and even in
until his death in the time of Hadrian, taking a leading the mere titles of the many additional works listed in the
part in the public life of his city and directing a philosoph- so-called Lamprias Catalogue, an ancient compilation of
ical academy of his own. 227 works attributed to Plutarch. Many of Plutarch's writ-
What we know of Plutarch and his family is derived ings, including the Lives, appear to belong to a later part
principally from his own writings, a very personal example of his life, but their order of composition is generally
v. 383 PLUTARCH

impossible to determine. Plutarch's Greek. is a literary over, is substantial that Plutarch himself, not some hypo-
Attic, his style learned yet relaxed, and his vocabulary, thetical intermediary, is mainly responsible for the collec-
developed from the entire sweep of a literature extending tion and synthesis of the biographical and historical
seven centuries into the past, immense. information on which each Life is based; nor did Plutarch's
The Moralia, traditionally cited by Latin translations of imperfect knowledge of Latin (Demosthenes 2) prevent him
their Greek titles, with rare exception take the form of from making an ample use of Latin sources in the Roman
essays, dialogues, and collections, although many of the Lives.
essays were originally delivered as lectures; the dialogues Plutarch insists that he is writing "lives," not "histories"
frequently have the tone and purpose of essays, and their (Alexander 1), and that he is doing so for the moral edifi-
historicity appears to be generally limited to a reflection of cation of himself as well as others (Aemilius Paulus 1). He
the interests and conduct of Plutarch and his society. In has, therefore, chosen as his subjects personages whose
total substance, the Moralia offer a survey of virtually every life and character merit and inspire emulation, and whose
topic that was subjected to inquiry and discussion in classi- moral failures are entirely attributable to humanity's inca-
cal antiquity. Extant treatises concern, among other sub- pacity for absolute virtue (Cimon 2); the only clear excep-
jects, ethics (De cupiditate divitiarum ["On love of wealth"]), tion is the pair Demetrius and Antony, who serve expressly
psychology (De tranquillitate animi ["On peace of mind"]), as negative examples and a foil to the subjects of the other
medicine (De tuenda sanitate praecepta ("Advice about keep- Lives (Demetrius 1). But Plutarch the moralist and biogra-
ing well"]), politics (Praecepta gerendae reipublicae ["Advice pher is also Plutarch the storyteller, and the Lives contain
about public life"]), religion (De genio Socratis ["On the sign many narrative passages which go beyond what is required
of Socrates"], De sera numinis vindicta ["On the slowness of merely for the illustration of character. The Demosthenes-
divine punishment"]), animal psychology (De sollertia ani- Cicero gives full and exact expression to Plutarch's bio-
malium ["On the intelligence of animals"]), natural science graphical concepts and purposes.
(De facie quae in orbe lunae apparel ["On the face that Plutarch's grand literary achievement is that the Lives
appears in the orb of the moon"]), and literary criticism and Moralia together constitute a synthesis and interpre-
(De Herodoti malignitate ["On the malice of Herodotus"]). tation of the thought and events of all antecedent classical
Rhetorical features permeate the Moralia, as does the antiquity. In the Greek East, he continued to be read
influence of Aristotle and the Peripatetics the ethical and throughout later antiquity and the Middle Ages; and when
psychological treatises, which are usually popular and Greek literature was restored to the West with the Renais-
practical in purpose and approach. Nevertheless, Plutarch sance, Plutarch came to occupy a central place in Western
was fundamentally a Platonist, as is evident both in numer- letters, particularly in France and England, which he held
ous treatises and from two technical works, the Platonicae until the 19th century, when changing literary, historical,
quaestiones ("Platonic questions") and the commentary on a and educational values began their steady erosion of his
section of Plato's Timaeus entitled De animae procreatione in influence and popularity. The last prominent literary fig-
Timaeo ("On the creation of the soul in the Timaeus"); he ure to be significantly influenced by Plutarch was Emerson,
was also firm in his opposition to the Epicureans (in but he was preceded by a host of major and minor authors
Adversus Colotem ["Against Colotes"]) and the Stoics (in De that included Erasmus, Rabelais, Montaigne, Corneille,
Stoicorum repugnantiis ["On the contradictions of the Rousseau, Shakespeare, Bacon, Dryden, and Schiller. Im-
Stoics"]), though he sometimes treated the latter as adver- petus was given to Plutarch's growing literary and educa-
saires privilegilis. (The titles of all the surviving Moralia are tional influence by Jacques Amyot, who translated both
listed in both Latin and Greek at the beginning of each of the Lives (1559) and Moralia (1572) into French, and by Sir
the 15 Moralia volumes in the Loeb Classical Library.) Thomas North, who rendered Amyot's version of the Lives
The extant Lives are of political and military personages into English (1579). It was principally through the agency
and, with four exceptions. are "parallel" in that they are of Amyot's translations that Plutarch had such a profound
arranged in pairs consisting of a Greek and a Roman effect on Montaigne, and it was North's version of the Lives
biography; the pairing is based on similarities of character that Shakespeare used as the source for his Roman plays.
and career, and all but four of the pairs are followed by a Since World War II, there has been a resurgence of schol-
syncrisis, a short comparison, primarily ethical, in which arly interest in Plutarch, which led to the establishment of
Plutarch tends to emphasize the differences between the the International Plutarch Society in 1983.
two individuals. Several of the Lives take us in varying
degrees into the realm of myth and legend (most notably, Bibliography
those of the pairs Theseus and Romulus and Lycurgus and
Numa, and that of Coriolanus, who is paired with the General Works:
historical Alcibiades), but the large majority are of men Babut, D. 1969. Plutarque et le Stoi'cisme. Paris.
who were fully historical (Pericles and Fabius Maximus Barrow, R.H. 1967. Plutarch and His Times. Bloomington, IN.
Nicias and Crassus, Alexander and Caesar). Plutarch i~ Dihle, A. 1956. Studien zur gnechischen Biographie. Gotlingen.
not, however, oblivious to a distinction between myth and Dillon, J. l 977. Plutarch of Chaeroneia and the Origins of Second-
history (Theseus l), although he makes abundant use of Century Platonism. Pp. 184-230 in The Middle Platonists. Ith-
anecdote and does not hesitate to include material he aca, NY.
judges possibly apocryphal, especially when it is useful for Jones, C. P. 1971. Plutarch and Rome. Oxford.
1llustraung character (Solon 27 .1 ). While Plutarchan biog- Russell, D. A. 1973. Plutarch. New York.
raphy is grounded in Peripatetic ethics, it is, nevertheless, Theander, C. 1950-51. Plutarch und die Geschichte. Bulletin de la
without precise literary antecedents. The evidence, more- Societe Royale des Lettres de Lund. Lund.
PLUTARCH 384. v
Texts and Translations: sional guild or family of Solomon's servants. See William-
Moralia son Ezra, Nehemiah OTL.
Babbitt, F. C., et al., eds. and trans. 1927-76. Plutarch's Moralia. 15 Bibliography
vols. LCL. Cambridge, MA. Levine, B. A. 1963. The Netinim.]BL 82: 207-12.
Betz, H. D., ed. 1975. Plularch's Theological Writings and Early Weinberg, J.P. 1975. N'tinim und 'Sohne der Sklaven Salomos' im
Christian Literature. SCH NT 3. Leiden. 6-4 Jh. v. u. Z. ZAW 87: 355-71.
- - . , ed. 1978. Plutarch's Ethical Writings and Early Christian
TAMARA C. ESKENAZI
Literature. SCHNT 4. Leiden.
Flaceliere, R., et al., eds. and trans. 1972-. Plutarque: Oeuvres
morales. Paris. ·
POETRY, HEBREW. See PSALMS, BOOK OF; PAR-
Hubert, C., et al., eds. 1925-. Plutarchus: Moralia. Leipzig. ALLELISM; BUDDE HYPOTHESIS.
Warner, R., trans. 1971. Plutarch: Moral Essays. Baltimore.
Lives
Flaceliere, R., et al., eds. and trans. 1957-79. Plutarque. Vies. 15 POLIS. See CITIES (GRECO-ROMAN).
vols. Paris.
Perrin, B., ed. and trans. 1914-26. Plutarch's Lives. 11 vols. LCL.
Cambridge, MA. POLITARCHS. The politarchate was a senior, annual
Scott-Kilvert, I., trans. 1960. The Rise and Fall of Athens. New York. magistracy attested predominantly in cities of Macedonia
- - . 1965. Makers of Rome. New York. after Roman intervention in the 2d century e.c. The
- - . 1973. The Age of Alexander. New York. geographical spread of attestations of the word "politarch"
Warner, R., trans. 1958. The Fall of the Roman Republic. New York. includes Egypt, Bithynia, the Bosporan Kingdom, Thrace,
Ziegler, K., ed. 1957-73. Plutarchus. Vitae Parallelae. 3 vols. Leipzig. Illyria, and (in a dialectically distinct form) Thessaly, as
HUBERT M. MARTIN, JR. well as Macedonia. Chronological witness to the office
stretches from the late 3d century e.c. to the last quarter
of the 3d century A.D. While they are best known from the
POCHERETH-HAZZEBAIM (PERSON) [Heb po- reference to them at Thessalonike in Acts (l 7:6-8), most
keret ~$ebayim]. Head of a family belonging to Solomon's of our information about politarchs comes from documen-
servants who had returned from the Babylonian Exile tary texts.
(Ezra 2:57 [ = Neh 7:59; I Esdr 5:34)). The list in Ezra- Much of the writing on this subject from the late 19th
Nehemiah implies that this return took place immediately and early 20th centuries is now superseded. Dimitsas'
edition of Macedonian inscriptions ( 1896) is still of some
in response to Cyrus' declaration in 538 e.c.E. But 1 Esdras
use, and is now accessible again as a reprint; but a consid-
places this return in its more probable date at the time of
erable number of his texts either have been improved or
King Darius (ca. 522).
are in need of reediting. Burton's article was a particular
Some have used I Kgs 9:20 to conclude that Solomon's landmark for NT studies, and is still ofter. referred to in
servants were originally enslaved foreigners. Levine, how- modern discussion; but his research was published in
ever, suggests that the term denotes Israelite officials su- 1898, and our knowledge of the subject has advanced
pervising foreigners (l 963). In the postexilic era, when considerably since then. The score of texts he examines as
the family of Pochereth-hazzebaim appears, the term "ser- evidence for politarchs has more than tripled. Neverthe-
vant" typically refers to officials. Like the temple servants less, his article continues to provide the most accessible,
(Nethinim), Solomon's servants are temple functionaries. complete (if not most reliable) version of some of the
They are members of the congregation of Israel and inscriptions. Ferguson's dissertation has only a couple of
separated thereby from slaves (Ezra 2). pages on politarchs ( 1913: 65-66), and hence contributes
The feminine form of the name Pochereth-hazzebaim little. Greek scholars have continued to show an interest in
has been taken to refer to an occupation (cf. Qohelet, the this subject: reference should be made particularly to
so-called "Preacher" of Ecclesiastes). The name has been Pelekides ( 1934) and Kanatzoulis ( 1956). In fact, it is
translated as "gazelle hunter" (e.g., Blenkinsopp Ezra- Schuler's 1960 article, which, although focusing upon the
Nehemiah OTL, 91) or "gazelle binder," since the word Macedonian evidence alone, has provided the benchmark
$lbayim can mean "gazelles." It is plausible, however, that for subsequent research because of his valuable tabulation
the word here means "beauty" or "decorations," a usage of known inscriptions from there (note, however, that his
frequently found in the singular in Ezekiel (20:6) and no. 16 must now be deleted because it does not refer to a
Daniel (l l :45). Hence, the name could suggest a guild of politarch; the latest version of this text is published as /G
temple functionaries, which Solomon's servants clearly 10/2: 1.181). Schuler's list of politarchs is now superseded
were, whose specific task centered on beautification or by Hatzopoulos (1984: 147-49), whose tabulation includes
decoration. The feminine form may also suggest that 50 items from Macedonia (49 inscriptions and the refer-
either the founder of the guild or its members were ence in the book of Acts). The tally in the present article is
females. The designation of a clan by the name of its somewhat higher, reflecting both new discoveries and the
mother is attested in Ezra 2:61 (and the parallels in Nehe- decision to incorporate evidence from a broader geo-
miah 7 and I Esdras) where the Barzillai family is specifi- graphical area. Since 1970, the number of significant con-
cally named after the wife because the man has taken her tributions which focus on the office of politarch has in-
name. Possibly a similar process has shaped this profes- creased markedly: Gschnitzer (PWSup 13: 483-500); Hellv
v. 385 POLITARCHS

( 1977); Koukouli-Chrysanthaki (1981 ); Hatzopoulos Thrace, respectively), they have demonstrated that the
( 1984); and Papazoglou (1986). Edson's publication of the politarchate existed in the Roman period in areas which
TC volume (I 0/2) covering Thessalonike has made many of had been under the Antigonids but which were still not
the texts far more accessible, although the JG volumes subsumed by the Romans before mid-2d century B.c.
covering Beroia and certain other Macedonian cities are Papazoglou has clinched this with her argument ( 1986:
yet to appear. 448) concerning the sole instance from Illyria (Table I, no.
By 1988 there were possibly as many as 64 known I), that the institution of the politarchate in this lone polis
nonliterary references to the politarchate, all but one among the Illyrian cities can be accounted for only by an
occurring in inscriptions. Over three quarters of them are alliance or dependent state relationship having been estab-
from Macedonia, and nearly half of all the attestations are lished between Olympe and Macedonia under Philip V
from Thessalonike alone. Literary attestation is rarer: before the Second Macedonian War (200-197 B.c.). This
apart from the two occurrences in Acts 17, Chrysostom most recently published of the attestations is thus also the
mentions politarchs five times in allusions to the Acts earliest (3d century B.c. fin.). Another attestation (no. 3)
incident (PG 60.263.26, 34; 60.677.41; 62.394.26; originally was held to be pre-Roman, being dated to 179-
52.395.35). The epitome to the 5th-century Acts of Philip 171 B.C., during the reign of Perseus (Koukouli-Chrysan-
mentions a politarch named Iron (Lipsius and Bonnet thaki 1981), but doubt has been raised subsequently
1903: 2.1. 46-50). The word occurs once in one of the whether that stone may actually carry two separately in-
works attributed to Macarius, the late 4th-century ascetic scribed texts of different date (Papazoglou 1986: 442-43,
from Egypt. Finally, a politarch is referred to in the 7th- n. 19).
century vita Cyri et ]oannis by Sophronios (PG 87 .340 ID). The fact that the politarchate can now be shown to
The onlv other mention in literary texts is much earlier: predate 167 B.c. does not resolve the issue whether this
the 4th-~entury-a.c. writer Aeneas Tacticus uses the form office underwent changes of function over time. It would
tJolitarchos (26.12). not be surprising if there were alterations; and some of
The known documentary references to politarchs are these may well have been introduced by the Romans.
listed in Table I. Each item includes the provenance, date, Combining the evidence from the inscriptions, certain of
details of the most accessible/reliable complete text, and, the functions of the Macedonian politarchate in the Ro-
where appropriate, brief remarks. Not included in this list man period emerge clearly. It was an annual magistracy
are texts with wording like protos archOn, although such (ton kata etos geinomenon poleitarchen, Table I, no. 9) which
terminology has been suggested as indicating politarchs in could be held more than once (no. 35). That politarchs
Macedonian inscriptions (Hatzopoulos 1984: 139). Very had an administrative/executive function is attested by no.
little information is known about no. 64. 16, where they are responsible for introducing motions to
Until the 1970s, the dominant view of the politarchate- the boule, and for effecting its decisions. (nos. 9, I 0). That
most clearly formulated by Schuler ( 1960)-was that it was politarchs possessed judicial authority is clearest from the
introduced into Macedonia by the Romans, either after incident at Thessalonike (Acts 17): they were responsible
167 B.c., when democratic institutions were imposed by L. for maintaining the peace in their city (Gschnitzer, PWSup
Aemilius Paullus after the Third Macedonian War (171- 13: 491). Although the magistrates at Beroia are not
168 B.c.), or after 146 B.c., when Macedonia was accorded mentioned in the following section of Acts (17: I 0-14), the
provincial status. Certainly, the great bulk of attestations analogous situation there to what occurred at Thessalo-
of politarchs from Macedonia belong to the 2d century nike, together with the firm attestation of the politarchate
B.c.-2d century A.D. Yet Schuler did not exclude absolutely at Beroia (Table I, nos. 6-8), suggests that it may have
the possibility of pre-Roman politarchs in Macedonia. been these officials who had to quell the disturbances in
Pointing to an inscription of 243/42 B.C., the last year of that city as well (ND/EC 2: 35).
the reign of Antigonos II Gonatas, in which archontes are There are only two certain instances of a community
mentioned (SEC 12.373, line 32), he raises the possibility having a single politarch per year (Table 1, nos. 9, 59).
(1960: 93) that politarchs may have been among the mag- Where the evidence is clear elsewhere, a collegial arrange-
istrates alluded to in this more general term. Hatzopoulos, ment was used. Sometimes one of the politarchs in such a
too, has suggested (1984: 139) that the politarchate is group is specified (or at least implied) as the eponymous
reflected in phraseology such as protos archon, protarchOn, magistrate by the phrase politarchOn ton peri NN, vel sim.
and arxas ten proten archen, occurring in inscriptions from (nos. 10, 12, 19, 53; cf. archittoliarchentos in no. 56). He may
Thracian Philippopolis. Such terminology is indubitably be inferred to have functioned as president of the council
attested once of a politarch at Thessalonike (see Table I, and of the citizen assembly. The number forming a college
nu. 50). Acceptance of this argument leads to the conse- varied both from city to city and from time to time. Two
quential one (Hatzopoulos 1984: 144, n. 39) that the Thessalonikan inscriptions of similar date (nos. 24 and 25)
politarchate is attested in a larger number of Thracian attest five and two politarchs respectively. The regular
cities than merely Philippopolis, where alone the actual number of politarchs in the late !st century B.c. was five
word occurs (Table I, nos. 57-58). (nos. 26-29). In the mid-2d century A.D. the size of the
Contrary to Schuler, Gschnitzer (PWSup 13: 493) and college appears to vary from three to perhaps seven (nos.
~atzopoulos (1984: 139) have more recently advanced 35-38). By the early 3d century A.D. their number had
different strands of the same argument which now place reached nine (no. 44). The three Amphipolitan inscrip-
beyond doubt the pre-Roman institution of the politar- tions attest five, two, and perhaps three politarchs respec-
chate. Studying the presence of the magistracy in separate tively (nos. 2-4). No convincing reason for such fluctuation
regions (Table I, no. 9 in Macedonia, nos. 57-58 in can be suggested on the basis of the present evidence. To
POLITARCHS 386 • v
Table l
Documentary References to Politarchs

MOST ACCESSIBLE/
NO. PROVENANCE DATE RELIABLE TEXT REMARKS
ILLYRIA
1. Olympe III B.C. fin. Historia 35 (1986): 438 Politarch and 4 others called
hoi synarchontes

MACEDONIA
2. Am phi polis 167 B.C. Schuler 1960: 94-95 5 politarchs
3. Am phi polis Roman period? SEC 31.614 2 politarchs
4. Amphipolis Roman period SEC 27.248 3(?) politarchs
5. Apollonia in I A.D. unpublished cf. Hatzopoulos 1984: 14 7,
Mygdonia no.4
6. Beroia mid-II B.C. SEC 28.261 140-120 e.c. (Helly 1977:
544, n. 32)
7. Beroia 40-50 A.D. SEC 27.263 5 politarchs, if stem of
participle is correctly
restored
8. Beroia I A.D. Kanatzoulis 1955: 20, n. 6 5 politarchs
9. Community of the 143/44 A.D. ]HS 33 (1913): 337-46, no. I politarch chosen annually
Battynaioi 17; re-ed. of lines 1-42 in
SEC 30.568
10. Derriopos 95 A.O. Burton 1898: 615-18, no. 9 I eponymous politarch and
colleagues implied by ton peri
NN politarchon
11. Dry mos 69-79 A.O. SEC 29.579 2(?) politarchs(?)-verb stem
almost entirely restored
12. Edessa 129/30 or 245/46 A.O. Burton 1898: 614-18, no. 8 I eponymous politarch and
colleagues implied by
politarchounton ton peri NN;
Hatzopoulos 1984: 149, no.
44, for reference to
improvement to part of text
13. Gortynna(?) after 180 A.D. Spomenik 98 (1941-48): no. non vidi; cf. Schuler 1960: 97,
101 no.25
14. Herakleia II A.O. Burton 1898: 618-19, no. 11 Schuler 1960: 98, no. 30
Lynkestis
15. Herakleia II A.O. G. Tomasevic, Herakleia, vol. non vidi; cf. Hatzopoulos
Lynkestis II (Bitola, 1965 ): 15-23 1984: 149, no. 48
16. Lete 118e.c. Syll.l 700 politarchs responsible for
introducing motion to boule
and for effecting its decisions
17. Lete 121/22 A.O. SEC 1.276 apo politarchias used to refer
to former politarch
18. Lyke II A.O. SEC 24.489
19. Parthicopolis(?) 158 A.D. /CBulg. 4: 2263 3(?) politarchs; 1 eponymous
and colleagues implied by p.
ton peri NN
20. Pella I e.c. or I A.D. Pella, vol. I (Athens, 1971): non vidi; Hatzopoulos 1984:
144 149,no.39
21. Pella 44/45 A.D. Burton 1898: 611, no. 6 2 politarchs
22. Serrai n.d. SEC 30.616 [hoi p]ol[it](lrchoi or [ton
p ]ol[ it](lrchon
v. 387 POLITARCHS
Table 1 (continued)
Documentary References to Politarchs
MOST ACCESSIBLE/
NO. PROVENANCE DATE RELIABLE TEXT REMARKS
23. Styberra imperial period Burton 1898: 618, no. 10
24. Thessalonike before end II B.C. JG10/2 1.27 5 politarchs
25. Thessalonike II or I B.c. JG10/2 1.28 2 politarchs
26. Thessalonike 39/38 B.C.? JG10/2 1.30 5 politarchs
27. Thessalonike 39/38 B.C.? JG10/2 I.SO same 5 politarchs as in no. 26
28. Thessalonike 39/38 B.C.? JG10/2 1.109 same 5 politarchs as in no. 26
29. Thessalonike 27 B.C.-14 A.D. JG10/2 1.31 5 politarchs
30. Thessa!onike I B.C. or I A.D. JGI 0/2 1.86 verb stem largely restored
31. Thessalonike I B.C. or I A.D. JG10/2 1.129 5(?) politarchs(?)-verb
entirely restored
32. Thessalonike ca. I A.O. JG I 0/2 1.848 funerary epigram; ptoliarchos;
I-II A.o.-Helly 1977: 537
33. Thessalonike before end I A.O. JG 10/2 1.32 verb stem entirely restored
34. Thessalonike I-III A.O. JG 10/2 1.128
35. Thessalonike 137-61 A.O. Makedonika 9 (1969): 143-44, 3 politarchs; non vidi; cf. BE
no.45 (1970): 367
36. Thessalonike March 16, 141 A.O. JG 10/2 1.137 4(?) politarchs
37. Thessalonike after 153/54 A.O. JG 10/2 1.133 5 politarchs; first third of I
A.o.-RPh 48 (1974): 210-15
38. Thessalonike mid-II A.O. JG 10/2 1.126 6 or 7 politarchs; I-late II
A.o.-RPh 48 (1974): 208-10
39. Thessalonike II A.O. JG 10/2 1.226 5(?) politarchs
40. Thessalonike end II A.O. JG 10/2 1.252 adjectival stem mostly
restored
41. Thessalonike II or III A.O. JG 10/2 1.37
42. Thessalonike II or III A.O. JG 10/2 1.228 adjectival stem mostly
restored
43. Thessalonike 200-40 A.O. JG 10/2 1.20 I politarch referred to as
arxanta dis ten proten archen
44. Thessalonike shortly before 212 A.O. JG 10/2 1.127 9 politarchs; verb entirely
restored
45. Thessalonike 240/41 A.O. or slightly later JG 10/2 1.214 politarchate accorded as
honorific title
46. Thessalonike 246/47 A.O. JG 10/2 1.162
4 7. Thessalonike after 246/47 A.O. JG 10/2 1.197
48. Thessalonike 248/49 A.O. JG 10/2 1.163 politarchate possibly
accorded as honorific title
49. Thessalonike ca. mid-III A.O. JG 10/2 1.199
50. Thessalonike III A.O. JG 10/2 1.181 politarch described as
protarchesanta
51. Thessalonike undatable JG 10/2 1.962
52. Thessalonike undatable CIC 2.1967 7 politarchs; not in JG 10/2 I
53. unknown provenance 136/37 or 137/38 unpublished letter of Hadrian to
within Macedonia A.O. Macedonian koinon. One
eponymous politarch and
colleagues implied by
politarchounton ton peri NN
POLITARCHS 388 • v
Table l (continued)
Documentary References to Politarchs

MOST ACCESSIBLE/
NO. PROVENANCE DATE RELIABLE TEXT REMARKS
THESSALY
54. Krannon lll2 B.C. SEG 23.437 4 ttoliarchoi; cf. BE (1965) 216
55. Krannon IIF B.C. REA 66 (1964): 314, n. 4 5 ttoliarchoi; most of verb stem
restored by analogy with SEC
23.437; re-ed. of JG 9/2. 459
56. Phalanna III B.C. JG 912. 1233 5 ttoliarchoi one of whom is
chief politarch (archittoli-
archentos)
THRACE
57. Philippopolis Fl avian JG Bulg. 3: 1.913
58. Philippopolis Flavian IGBulg. 3: 1.1023 most of noun stem restored
BOSPORAN KINGDOM
59. Pantikapaion 276-79 A.O. CIRB 36 l politarch
60. Phanagoreia 179 A.D. CIRB 1000

BITHYNIA
61. Kios 109 A.D. Ath. Mitt. 24 (1899): 415-21,
no. 14

EGYPT
62. Leontopolis I A.D. CP] III, App. I, inscr. 1530A metrical epitaph
63. Oxyrhynchos ca. l A.D. P. Oxy. 4.745 private letter

GREEK ISLANDS
64. Paras cf. Burton 1898: 625-26

the extent that we can infer the size of the college in Illyria the politarchs convene the boule which decides to honor a
(no. 1), Thessaly (nos. 55-56), and Macedonian Beroia Roman citizen. Again, in no. 9 we see the politarch conven-
(nos. 7, 8), five is again the regular number. ing the ekklesia not of a city but of a tribal community in
This range of information leads to the legitimate infer- the SW Macedonian canton of Orestis (Hammond and
ence that the politarchs were the chief magistrates in their Griffith 1972 I: 114-15). The resolution concerning a
cities. Yet it is possible that by about the mid-3d century land dispute is passed by the politarch and citizens to-
the title was becoming merely honorific (nos. 45 and 48, gether.
though these two texts do not indicate such a change as The second qualification to be made is that most of our
certainly as has sometimes been supposed; cf. Schuler evidence relates to Macedonia; whether the functions of
1960: 99, n. 14; Gschnitzer, PWSup 13 489). Another politarchs elsewhere were identical is unclear. There is a
reasonable conclusion to draw from the evidence is that natural presumption in favor of a similar role in those
the politarchs came from the wealthier families (Schuler regions which came under Macedonian influence (Table I,
1960: 90, cf. 98, n. 9), who will also have comprised the nos. 1, 57-58). In the sole papyrological example (no. 63),
social elite of their city. however, it is quite uncertain what duties the politarch
Two caveats should be mentioned. First, it is not only Theophilos performs, from the passing comment included
within urban centers that politarchs exercise their position. in this private letter. In fact, this is our only instance from
Hammond and Griffith note ( 1972 l: 87) that in Table 1, Egypt where the term may be used in a technical sense.
no. 10, Derriopos is not a city but a district inhabited by The usage in the metrical epitaph for Abramos from
the Derripes, and the politarchs of Derriopus are officials Leontopolis (no. 62) is clearly more fluid, probably to
of the tribal state he polis ton Derriopon. In this inscription indicate his leadership of two Jewish communities (disso11
v • 389 POLYCARP

gar te topon politarchOn autos i;teimo). The so~e ~ext from POLITICAL IDENTITY. See NATIONALITY
Bithynia which mentions a pohtarch (.no. 61) s1m~larly does AND POLITICAL IDENTITY.
not clarify the function for that city. Accordmgly, the
politarch at Kios has been seen as both a minor official
(Schuler 1960: 99, n. 21; Hatzopoulos 1984: 143, n. 20) POLYCARP (PERSON). Bishop of Smyrna in Asia Mi-
and also as one holding a post similar to that of censor/ nor, born ca. 70 c.E. and martyred in Smyrna ca. 156 c.E.
timites (Vidman 1960: 70: Ameling 1984: 27-28, and n. Our sources for the life of Polycarp include Ignatius' letter
70). to Polycarp, lrenaeus' Adversus Haereses, Eusebius' Historia
This possibility of the term being employed for officials Ecclesiastica, and most importantly, the anonymous Martyr-
exercising different responsibilities in different locations dom of Polycarp. Irenaeus, quoted by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl.
leads to the question whether the Macedonian politarchs 5:20:6), states that Polycarp was a disciple of John the
and the Thessalian politarchs are in fact to be identified. Apostle. Some scholars doubt the accuracy of this asser-
Generally, they have been differentiated (Schuler 1960: tion, especially considering Eusebius' preoccupation with
92; Gschnitzer, PWSup 11: esp. 1112; PWSup 13:483- demonstrating apostolic succession. Neither Ignatius nor
500); but Belly (1977) has shown that these and related Polycarp himself mentions any connection with John. Ac-
terms are essentially the same. The difference is one of cording to a scribal addition to the Martyrdom of Polycarp
dialect. No. 32 in Table I may help to reinforce this (22:2), lrenaeus was a disciple of Polycarp.
conclusion: it is a metrical text from Thessalonike, but Polycarp was the author of one extant writing, a letter
with the spelling ptoliarchos, one of the forms which occurs to the Philippians. Harrison (I 936) has argued persua-
in the Thessalian inscriptions (for three Classical and sively that Polycarp's Philippians is actually two letters (1-
Hellenistic literary verse occurrences of poliarchos-all non- 12 and 13-14). Chief evidence for this theory is the pre-
technical uses-see Gschnitzer, PWSup 11: 1112). supposition in 1-12 that Ignatius of Antioch has already
died (9: I), whereas in 13-14 Ignatius clearly is still living
Bibliography (13:2). Since Ignatius was martyred ca. 108-15, the two
Ameling, W. 1984. Das Archontat in Bithynien und die lex provin- letters were probably written shortly after and shortly
ciae des Pompeius. Epigraphica Anatolica 3: 19-31. before this time.
Burton, E. D. 1898. The Politarchs. AJT 2: 598-632. Moral exhortation dominates Polycarp's Philippians. He
Dimitsas, M. G. 1896. He Makedonia en lithois phtheggomenois kai exhorts the Philippians to the highest standards of per-
mni!meiois sozomenois. Athens. Repr. as Sylloge mscriptwnum Grae- sonal morality in forgiveness (2:2-3), righteousness (3:1-
carum et Latinarum Macedoniae. 2 vols; Chicago, 1980. 2), avoidance of love of money (4: I, 3; 11: 1-2), chastity
Edson, C. 1972. Imcriptiones Graecae. Vol. 10/2/l. Berlin. (4:2), compassion (6: 1), and endurance under persecution
Ferguson, W. D. 1913. The Legal and Governmental Terms Com- (8:2-9:2). The predominant theological emphasis of the
mon to the Macedonian Greek Inscriptions and the New letter is anti-Docetism (7: I; 8: l). Polycarp's writing is thor-
Testament. Diss., Chicago. oughly infused with brief quotations and allusions to lst-
Hammond, N. G. L., and Griffith, G. T. 1972, 1979. A History of century Christian writings, indicating his familiarity with
Macedonia. 2 vols. Oxford. Matthew, Acts, Romans, I and 2 Corinthians, Galatians,
Hatzopoulos, M. 1984. Les politarques de Philippopolis: Un ele- Ephesians, Philippians, l and 2 Timothy, l Peter, I John,
ment meconnu pour la datation d'une magistrature macedon- and l Clement. The thought and literary style of Poly-
ienne. Pp. 137-49 in Driller internationaler Thrakologischer Kon- carp's Philippians so closely resembles that of the Pastoral
gress zu Ehren W Tomascheks, 2.-6.juni 1980. Sofia. Epistles in the NT that von Campenhausen (1963) has
Helly, B. 1977. Politarques, Poliarques, et Politophylaques. Vol. 2, even proposed Polycarp as the author of the Pastorals,
pp. 531-44 in Ancient Macedonia. Thessaloniki. although this hypothesis has not gained widespread schol-
Kanatzoulis, D. 1955. Makedrmika Meleti!mata. Thessaloniki. arly acceptance.
- - . l 956. Peri ton politarchon ton Make<lonikon poleon. Epis- The Martyrdom of Polycarp was written not long after the
ti!momki epeteris Philosophikes scholes (Thessaloniki) 7: 157-79. time of the event (ca. 156) and was known to Irenaeus
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, C. 198 l. Politarchs in a New Inscription around 180. It describes the events of Polycarp's martyr-
from Amphipolis. Pp. 229-4 l in Ancient Macedonian Studies in dom as follows. During a persecution at Smyrna he was
Honor of Charles F Edson, ed. H. Dell. Thessaloniki. found, arrested, and brought to the stadium by a police
Lipsius, R. A., and Bonnet, M. 1903. Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha. chief named Herod (6: 1-2). When asked by the proconsul
Vol. 2/2. Leipzig. to "swear by the Genius of Caesar" (9:2), Polycarp replied,
Oliver, j. H. 1963. Civic Constitutions for Macedonian Communi- "For eighty-six years I have served [Christ], and he has
ties. CP 58: 164-65. done me no wrong. How can I blaspheme my king who
Papazoglou, F. 1986. Politarques en Illyrie. Historia 35: 438-48. saved me?" (9:3). He was soon afterward executed by
Pelekides, S. l 934. Apo ten Politeia kai ten koinonia tis archaias Thessa- burning, but when the flames would not consume his body,
lonikes. Thessaloniki. the executioner plunged a dagger into him. A mass of
Schuler, C. 1960. The Macedonian Politarchs. CP 55: 90-100. blood spurted forth from the wound, quenching the fire
Touratsoglou, J. P. 1977. Apo ten politeia kai ten koinonia tes and amazing the crowd (16:1).
archaias Beroias: epigraphikes semeioseis. Vol. 2, pp. 481-93 The Martyrdom of Polycarp holds a special place in Chris-
in Ancient Macedonia. Thessaloniki (in Greek). tian literature as the first example of the literary genre,
Vielman, L. 1960. Etude sur la corresprmdence de Pliny le Jeune avec acts of Christian martyrs. Scores of such acts of martyrs
Tra1an. Prague. would be written in subsequent centuries. Although some
G. H. R. HORSLEY of the miraculous elements in the Martyrdom of Polycarp
POLYCARP 390 • v
appear to be legendary (15:2; 16:1), the work claims to 14 (o~ 13 alone) was written as a covering letter for the
have been written by an eyewitness (15:1). See also POLY- l~~ua~ corpus soon after Ignatius had passed through
CARP, EPISTLE OF; POLYCARP, MARTYRDOM OF. Ph1hpp1, whereas Phil. 1-12 (or 1-12 + 14) was composed
later (~a. 135 A.n.). to meet other problems. Among these,
Bibliography according to Harrison, was the desire to combat the Mar-
Bihlmeyer, K. 1956. Die Apostolischen Viiter. Sammlung Ausgewahl- cion~te h~resy. implied by the polemics of Phil. 7 and by
ter Kirchen und Dogmengeschichtliche Quellenschriften. Til- the 1dent1ficat1on there of the docetic opponent of the
bingen. truth as "the firstborn of Satan" (Phil. 7.2). For according
Campenhausen, H. F. van. 1963. Aus der Friihzeit des Christentums. to Irenaeus, precisely this phrase was applied to Marcion
Tiibingen. by Polycarp during a famous encounter between them
Harrison, P. N. 1936. Polycarp's Two Epistles to the Philippians. Cam- (Adv. haer. 3.3.4; Eus. Hist. Eccl. 4.14.7). It remains very
bridge. doubtful, however, that Phil. 7 has Marcion's teaching in
Koster, H. 195 7. Synoptische uberlieferung bei den Apostolischen V atern. view (Schoedel 1967: 23-26); and it is surely possible that
TU 65. Berlin. Polycarp used the expression "firstborn of Satan" on more
Lake, K. 1912. The Apostolic Fathers. LCL. Cambridge. Repr. 1965. than one occasion or that the story reported by Irenaeus
Lightfoot, J. B. 1890. The Apostolic Fathers, Pt. 2, vols. 2-3. Grand grew up around Polycarp's bon mot later. In any event,
Rapids. Repr. 1981. the allusion to the martyrs in Phil. 1, suggesting as it does
Schoedel, W. R. 1967. The Apostolic Fathers: A New Translation and a fresh memory of the martyrs, indicates that the diver-
Commentary. Vol. 5, Polycarp, Martyrdom of Polycarp, Fragments of gence between Phil. 13-14 and Phil. 1-12 cannot be
Papias. Camden, NJ. pressed. Either the two letters were close to one another in
J. CHRISTIAN WILSON time, or there was in fact but one letter. To be sure, those
who regard the references to Ignatius in Polycarp as inter-
polations point to a grammatical inconsistency in Phil. 1
POLYCARP, EPISTLE OF. The primary source of that they take as evidence of the inauthenticity of the
our knowledge of Polycarp of Smyrna (traditionally ca. reference to the martyrs in that passage. There are indi-
A.D. 69-155) is a letter which he wrote to the Church at cations, however, that the peculiarities of the text arise
Philippi early in the 2d century. See also POLYCARP, from an unusual manipulation of a standard transitional
MARTYRDOM OF. The letter is not a distinguished doc- device (a 'joy expression") often found at the beginning of
ument from a literary or theological point of view, but it the body of ancient letters (Schoedel l 987).
reveals a man who could be relied on for a sane and It should be noted that those who regard Polycarp's
cautious approach to religious and administrative prob- references to Ignatius as interpolations are primarily con-
lems. The importance of the letter is enhanced by the fact cerned to deny the authenticity of the letters of Ignatius
that Polycarp's career intersected that of others who left a (i.e., the "middle recension" generally considered authen-
deeper impression on the early Church than Polycarp tic since the research of Zahn [ 1873] and Lightfoot [ 1885]).
himself. A form of the argument presented by Joly ( 1979: 17-3 7)
has it that the interpolator built on an authentic reference
A. Polycarp and Ignatius to an otherwise unknown Ignatius in Phil. 9, added Phil.
Of first importance in this regard is Ignatius of Antioch, 13 to turn the communication into a covering letter for
who was allowed by his guards to meet with the Christians the lgnatian corpus, and inserted the allusion to the mar-
of Smyrna while en route to Rome and who subsequently tyrs in Phil. l to set the stage for the new picture of
dispatched two letters to the Smyrnaeans and their leader, Ignatius that was being created. Here, however, too much
Polycarp, from Troas (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 3.36). Polycarp was depends on the prior conviction that the middle recension
evidently stirred by the intense spirituality of his visitor of Ignatius is inauthentic; and again too much is probably
from Antioch and proved to be his most enthusiastic made of the grammatical inconsistency in Phil. 1.
advocate. In the end, he agreed to help organize the flow
of representatives and congratulatory notes to Antioch B. Polycarp and Apostolic Tradition
requested by Ignatius (lgn. Phld 1O; Smyrn 11; Pol. 7-8; Our assessment of the place of Polycarp in the early
Pol. Phil. 13.1). He also indicates that he had made a church is further complicated by the fact that he was soon
collection of Ignatius' letters at the request of the Philip- appealed to by lrenaeus (and Eusebius after him) as an
pians (Phil. 13.2), perhaps on the model of a corpus of important link in a line of orthodox tradition stretching
Pauline letters. back to the apostles, especially John. In one passage Ire-
Ignatius is mentioned again along with two other Chris- naeus claims to have known Polycarp personally "in my
tian martyrs in Phil. 9. These same "patterns of true love" early youth" (Adv. haer. 3.3.4; Eus. Hist. Eccl. 4.14); and he
are alluded to at the beginning of the letter in a statement goes on to make the following points about him: Polycarp
that seems to presuppose their presence in Philippi not visited Rome in the time of Anicetus, whose accession to
long before (Phil. 1.1). Polycarp's references to Ignatius do the episcopal office took place perhaps no earlier than A.D.
not, however, harmonize easily: in Phil. 9 our author seems 155, and Polycarp opposed heresy there; Polycarp related
to speak of Ignatius' martyrdom, presumably in Rome, as a story about John, the disciple of the Lord, who "going to
a past event, whereas in Phil. 13 he asks to be informed if bathe at Ephesus and seeing Cerinthus within, rushed out
the Philippians have learned "anything more certain" of the bathhouse without bathing, saying, 'Let us flee lest
about Ignatius and those with him. This apparent contra- the bathhouse fall down because Cerinthus the enemy of
diction led P. N. Harrison (l 936) to suggest that Phil. 13- the truth is within'"; and when Polycarp encountered
v • 391 POLYCARP, EPISTLE OF

Marcion, he identified him as "the firstborn of Satan." In an appeal from Corinth to help deal with internal difficul-
this connection, Irenaeus also refers to Polycarp's "very ties there.
able" letter to the Philippians. But when he speaks else- Polycarp's references to the martyrs (Phil. 1; 9; 13), to
where of Polycarp's letters in the plural (Eus. Hist. Eccl. Docetism (Phil. 7), and to Valens' love of money (Phil. 11)
5.20.8), he was probably going on much less. In yet an- are embedded in a theology that emphasizes the preser-
other passage, lrenaeus links Polycarp and Papias, calling vation of the blessings of salvation (especially the resurrec-
the latter "the hearer of John, and a companion of Poly- tion) through a faith that bears fruit in sober living and a
carp" (Adv. haer. 5.33.4). The importance of Polycarp to forgiving attitude (Phil. 1-2; 8; 10; 12) and that recognizes
Irenaeus also emerges from a fragment of his letter to responsibilities articulated in tables of duties for wives,
Florinus: "When I was still a boy," says Irenaeus, "I saw children, widows, deacons, young men, virgins, and elders
you [Florinus] in lower Asia in the company of Polycarp, (Phil. 4-6). Again, there is no mention of a bishop or
faring brilliantly in the imperial court and endeavoring to bishops. Special attention to the Pauline theme of "right-
secure his favor." Irenaeus also claims to have remembered eousness" (Phil. 3) suggests that Polycarp was reacting to
what Polycarp did and said and "how he would tell of his an exegesis of Romans and Galatians by gnosticizing en-
intercourse with John and with the others who had seen thusiasts for the apostle. Polycarp himself emphasizes the
the Lord" (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 5.20.4-8). Finally, a letter of settled spiritual and ethical attitudes that the term implies.
Polycrates of Ephesus (ca. A.D. 190) to Victor, bishop of Similarly, he works with a moralized version of the eschato-
Rome (A.D. 189-98), on the paschal controversy names logical outlook of the early Christian movement (Bovon-
Polycarp, among others, as preserving Quartodeciman Thurneyson 1973). Indeed, the theology of the letter is so
practice from the time of the apostle John (Eus. Hist. Eccl. close to that of the Pastorals that von Campenhausen
5.24.2-7). Irenaeus also wrote to the Roman bishop on ( 1951) argued for Polycarp's authorship of them as well.
this matter, reminding him that when Polycarp visited The theory is not fully persuasive, but the affinities are
Anicetus in Rome, there was mutual respect in spite of striking.
disagreement on the date of the celebration of Easter (Eus. Although the letter to the Philippians to all appearance
Hist. Eccl. 5.24.14-17). consists of a collection of disconnected points, it is likely
In spite of all this, a link between Polycarp and John is that Polycarp saw a relation between them (Meinhold PW
not assured. Irenaeus was young when he heard Polycarp 21/2: 1662-93; Schoedel 1967; Steinmetz 1972). Thus it
and may well have taken references to John the elder (Eus. may be said that Polycarp opposes Docetism and the mis-
Hist. Eccl. 3.39.3-7) as references to John the apostle. interpretation of righteousness by appealing to the witness
Polycarp himself certainly makes no appeal to having that martyrdom gives to a life of endurance and love and
known any of the disciples of the Lord, and he does not to the reality of the cross of Christ. And it seems that he
claim to have been appointed by one of them over the deals with Valens' love of money as a symptom of hidden
Church in Smyrna. He does not even lay claim to the title impulses at work in the congregation as a whole and that
of bishop. And although it was no doubt appropriate for he deepens its significance for the Philippians by treating
Ignatius to refer to Polycarp as bishop in Smyrna (lgn. greed as the moral corollary of heresy.
Magn 15; Pol. 6.1), it is also evident that the title meant
more to Ignatius than to his host. Yet even Ignatius makes D. Polycarp and the New Testament
no use of the idea of apostolic succession in this connec- An extraordinary feature of the letter is the extent to
tion. And when he writes against Docetism on Polycarp's which Polycarp pieces together words, phrases, and sen-
behalf (lgn. Smyrn. 1-9), he never appeals to the special tences from the Christian literature of the lst century to
authority of John. A link between Polycarp and John, then, say what he does. There are strong echoes of Matthew
seems just about as unlikely as a link between Papias and along with hints of Luke. And there may also be depen-
John. In any event, Irenaeus evidently remembered very dence on Acts in one passage (Phil. 1.2). As regards Paul,
little of what Polycarp may have said concerning his men- language reminiscent especially of Romans, l-2 Corinthi-
tor John. For it is significant that he presents the story of ans, Galatians, Philippians, and Ephesians is found. Simi-
the encounter between the apostle and Cerinthus-a high larities with the Pastorals may depend on the use of tradi-
point of his account of the bishop of Smyrna-as derived tional themes in pagan and Christian moralists. At the
from others. same time, there is the possibility that I Tim 6:7, IO was
before Polycarp in Phil. 4.1 and 2 Tim 4:10 in Phil. 9.2.
C. Polycarp and the Philippians There seem to be numerous clear reflections of l Peter in
The authority that Polycarp exercised beyond the Smyr- the letter. But the fact that Polycarp and the First Letter
naean Christian community can be judged by the task that of John have anti-Docetic themes in common (Phil. 7) does
he was asked to assume by the Philippians. They requested not necessarily point to a literary relation between them.
that he give his opinion on what should be done about the In view of the presumed connection between Polycarp and
elder Valens and his wife in the Philippian congregation, "John," it is striking that echoes of neither the gospel of
who had misused funds of the Church. Polycarp's advice John nor of the Apocalypse are to be found. On the other
was to '_'bring them back as weak and erring members" hand, Polycarp appears to have known 1 Clement fairly well.
(Pol. Phil. 11.4). The incident serves to illustrate the infor- And the allusions to Synoptic materials seem clearly to
mal authority enjoyed by prestigious outsiders who could presuppose the use of written documents-perhaps atypi-
be trusted to give an unbiased judgment. The situation is cally for the Apostolic Fathers (Koester 1957)-with the
comparable to that presupposed in 1 Clement, which was exception of a collection of items in Phil. 2.3 that appar-
wntten by a leader of the Roman Church in response to ently depends on 1 Clem. 13.2 or on traditional materials
POLYCARP, EPISTLE OF 392 • v
somehow related to 1 Clem. 13.2 (Hagner 1973: 279). None those wh? ~receded Polycarp (2-4), including especially
of the material discussed above seems to have been re- the descnpuon of the courage of "the most noble German-
garded as Scripture by Polycarp, though there is a prob- icus" i!1 M_Pol 3 and the rueful reflections on Quintus the
lematic passage in Phil. 12.1. Yet Polycarp makes relatively Phrygtan m MPol 4 (who at first forced himself and some
little use of the OT and professes inferiority to the Philip- oth.ers to come forward and then lost his nerve); a lengthy
pians in the knowledge of Scripture (Phil. 12. l ). Neverthe- recital of.the martyrdom of Polycarp himself (5-18); and
less, traces of language derived directly or indirectly from a _conclusion (19-~0). There follows a number of appen-
the Psalms, Proverbs, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Tobit, and dixes: ~ ~hron_ologtcal note that may or may not be part of
other biblical books are found. the ongmal letter (MPol 21 ); a conclusion that echoes
vocabulary and themes from the beginning of the letter
Bibliography and that also may or may not be part of the original letter
Bovon-Thurneyson, A. 1973. Ethik und Eschatologie im Philipper- (22.1); a note on the transmission of the manuscript of
brief des Polycarps von Smyrna. Tl 29: 241-56. MPol, quite possibly reformulated by the same copyist who
Campenhausen, H. F. von. 1951. Polykarp von Smyrna und die Pastor- identifies himself in the last section (22.2); and the last
albriefe. SHAW Phil.-hist. Kl. 36/2. Heidelberg. section, a note by Pionius-probably a 4th-century writer
Damme, D. van. 1985. Polycarpe de Smyrne. Dictionnaire de spiritu- masquerading as the 3d-century martyr Pionius-who ex-
alitt 12: 1902-8. plains the circumstances under which he copied MPol and
Hagner, D. A. 1973. The Use of the 01.d and New Testaments in Clement who suggests that MPol was to be part of a collection of
of Rome. NovTSup 34. Leiden. materials devoted to Polycarp (22.3). Also note that the
Harrison, P. N. 1936. Polycarp's Two Epistles to the Philippians. Cam- Moscow ms of MPol breaks off before the doxology at the
bridge. end of MPol 21 and adds at that point its own elaborate
Joly, R. 1979. Le dossier d'Ignace d'Antioche. Universite libre de version of MPol 22.2-3. The recital of Polycarp's martyr-
Bruxelles, faculte de philosophie et lettres 69. Brussels. dom is the heart of the document and includes the follow-
Koester, H. 1957. Synoptische Vberlieferung bei den Apostolischen Vii- ing elements: Polycarp's preliminary withdrawal to safety
tern. TU 65. Berlin. (MPol 5); his arrest (6-8); his summary trial before the
Lightfoot, J. B. 1885. S. Ignatius, S. Polycarp. Vol. 2 of The Apostolic proconsul in the stadium (9-11 ); the martyrdom itself
Fathers. London. Repr. Grand Rapids, 1981. (12-18). The martyrdom itself recounts the reactions of
Paulsen, H. 1985. Die Briefe des Ignatius von Antiochia und der Brief the crowd (12-13), Polycarp's prayer of thanksgiving,
des Polykarp von Smyrna. 2d rev. ed. HNT 18. Die Apostolischen modeled to a certain extent on early eucharistic materials
Vater 2. Tiibingen. (14), the burning of Polycarp (15-16), and the treatment
Schoedel, W. R. 1967. Polycarp, Martyrdom of Polycarp, Fragments of of his remains (17-18).
Papias. Vol. 5 of Apostolic Fathers, ed. Robert M. Grant. Camden, The authenticity of the letter was proved to the satisfac-
NJ. tion of most by Lightfoot. Skepticism on this point has not
- - . 1987. Polycarp's Witness to Ignatius of Antioch. Vig Christ been entirely banished (Schwartz 1972), but far more
41: 1-10. significant has been the challenge of Gregoire and Orgels
Steinmetz, P. 1972. Polykarp von Smyrna und die Gerechtigkeit. (1951) to the long-accepted dating of MPol and the ques-
Hermes 100: 63-75. tions raised by von Campenhausen (1957) about the integ-
Zahn, T. 1873. Ignatius von Antiochien. Gotha. rity of the document. To understand the debate it is
WILLIAM R. ScHOEDEL necessary to recall that MPol is known to us not only in an
independent form from Greek mss and early versions but
also from Eusebius' discussion of it (Hist. Eccl. 4.15). The
POLYCARP, MARTYRDOM OF. The account of historian represents MPol by quoting the address, para-
the martyrdom of Polycarp (MPol) is contained in a letter phrasing MPol 1-6, and then returning to the text itself of
written by the Church in Smyrna to the Church in Philo- MPol 7-19. To be more precise, he breaks off shortly after
melium (a small but reasonably important city in Phrygia) the beginning of MPol 19 (at the words "so that he is
and beyond that "to all the communities of the holy and spoken of in every place even by the heathen"); and thus
catholic church sojourning in every place." The conclusion Eusebius either did not know the chronological note in
indicates that a certain Marcion was responsible for the MPol 21 or did not see fit to deal with it. Eusebius' para-
composition of the letter (MPol 20.1) and that a person phrase of MPol 1-6 is noteworthy for the absence of the
named Evarestus served as scribe (MPol 20.2), although the theme of the imitation of Christ prominent in the mss of
text may also be taken to mean that Marcion was "the MPol. And his form of the text of MPol 7-19 stands out
authoritative witness" and Evaristus the author (Dehand- for its omission of the reference to the dove in MPol 16.1
schutter 1979: 280). The connection between the episto- which was said to fly from the wound inflicted on the
lary framework and the account of the martyrdom is martyr by the executioner.
purely ad hoc, however, and does not justify the identifi- The older scholarship is dominated by the date of A.D.
cation of a separate category for Christian martyria in February 23, 155, or A.D. February 22, 156, for the martyr-
epistolary form (Dehandschutter 1979: 157-89). Thus dom of Polycarp. These suggestions rest on complex ar-
MPol is the first of the narrative martyria from the early guments brought to bear on the chronological note in
Church. MPol 21. The surprisingly late date of A.D. 177 for the
The contents of the document may be outlined as fol- martyrdom of Polycarp proposed by Gregoire and Orgels
lows: an introduction concerning "martyrdom in accord ( 1951) depends on regarding the chronological note in
with the gospel" (MPol l); an account of the martyrdom of MPol 21 as a late addition to the text, offering a fresh
v. 393 POLYCARP, MARTYRDOM OF

analysis of the data provided by Eusebiu~, both i~ his or less factual account devoid of elements of the miracu-
Church history and his chronicle, and treating the discus- lous and of explicit theological reflection. Indeed, we now
sion of Quintus in MPol 4 as a response to Montanism. The have a theory of the textual transmission of MPol that calls
arguments against this interpretation of t~e evidence are into question any tendency to favor the evidence of Euse-
strong, however, and it is likely that an earlier date should bius and that also sees no reason to follow him in eliminat-
be preferred. Some have defended A.D. 167 (the date that ing the reference to the dove which is said to fly from the
Eusebius actually gives in his chronicle) or thereabouts wound inflicted on Polycarp by the executioner in MPol
(Marrou 1953; Brind'Amour 1980). Others have been will- 16.1 (Dehandschutter 1979: 27-129).
ing to give greater credit to the chronological note in MPol It has not proved easy to describe with clarity the idea of
21 (partially supported by the reference to the As1arch martyrdom that comes to expression in the letter. MPol
Philip in MPol 12.2) and to suggest a date of ca. A.D. 155- naturally shares with postbiblical Judaism and early Chris-
60 (Schoedel 1967: 58, 68, 78-79; Barnes 1967; 1968; tianity an emphasis on the importance of affirming a way
Dehandschutter 1979: 191-219). This approach to the of life in obedience to the will of God and of being
data supplied by the chronological note involves setting committed to it, if need be, to the point of death. MPol also
aside the mention of "a great Sabbath" (the day on which naturally shares with Judaism and early Christianity the
Polycarp was martyred) as helpful in being any more confidence that God will reward those who endure to the
precise. The uncertainty about the meaning of this much- end with a "crown of incorruption" (MPol 17 .1 ). In the
discussed expression is well illustrated by the effort of early Church, however, new horizons were opened up by
Rordorf ( 1980) to take it as a reference to a celebration of the fact that the requirement of loyalty to the law was
the pagan Terminalia that happened to coincide with a replaced by the experience of communion with Jesus
Sabbath. Rordorf notes that MPol pictures pagans and Jews Christ. In working out the implications of this difference,
as equally free to attend the festivities. Any earlier date it is still useful to view the martyr as the antecedent of the
for the martyrdom of Polycarp than those suggested above saint in the later technical sense of the term. Thus in MPol,
is ruled out by the fact that Polycarp is said by Irenaeus martyrs show themselves, by their endurance in suffering,
(Eus. Hist. Eccl. 5.24.16) to have visited Anicetus in Rome; to be people who are no longer human but already "an-
for it is generally thought that Anicetus became bishop of gelic" (2.3), and the martyrdom of Polycarp is marked by
Rome about A.D. 155 (perhaps A.D. 155 at the earliest). a display of miracles (5.2; 9.1; 15.2; 16.l). Moreover, the
Another approach to the problems presented by MPol faithful, who had treated Polycarp when alive with such
has led to theories of interpolation. This line of argument reverence that they constantly sought to "touch his flesh"
was pursued most persuasively by von Campenhausen (13.2), also attempt to recover his body "to have fellowship
(1957). He called into question not only elements absent with his holy flesh" ( 17. l ). When that is denied them, they
from Eusebius' paraphrase of MPol 1-6 (notably the theme gather up his bones, set them in a "suitable" place ( 18.2),
of the imitation of Christ), but also certain materials al- and plan to celebrate "the birthday of his martyrdom" on
ready present in the text known to Eusebius. Among the the anniversary of his death (18.3). Such acts seem to
latter are the discussion about Quintus in MPol 4, elements presuppose an established cultic pattern (Rordorf 1972);
of the miraculous in the account, and the points in MPol and though the careful distinction here between the "wor-
17-18 that seem to reflect a veneration of martyrs and a ship" due Christ and the "love" due martyrs (l 7.3) evi-
theological assessment of such veneration too highly devel- dently reflects a developing debate concerning the venera-
oped for the 2d century. The chronological note in MPol tion of martyrs, the author is prepared to come to terms
21 is regarded as a later addition, and the conclusion in with popular attitudes on this point (Saxer 1982: 992-99).
MPol 22.1 is seen as the work of the same redactor who Some scholars, however, deal with such elements in MPol
developed the theme of "martyrdom in accord with the merely as naive anticipations of later developments and
gospel" (MPol I.I) and who presumably drew out the stress the extent to which the annual celebration was
parallels between the death of the martyrs and the passion intended, as MPol 18.3 itself says, "in memory of those
of Jesus. who have already contested and for the training and
Von Campenhausen's view of the matter has been devel- preparation of those whose lot it will be." Dehandschutter
oped and refined by Conzelmann ( 1978), significantly (1982), for example, presents MPol as focused on obedi-
modified by Schoedel (1967: 47-82), and now more or less ence to the will of God (2 .1; 7. I) and concerned about the
abandoned by Barnard ( 1970), Dehandschutter ( 1979: salvation of "all the brethren" rather than of "oneself
131-55), and Saxer (1982). A fundamental error of von alone" (l.2). From this point of view, the rule to withdraw
Campenhausen was his failure to examine more carefully and not to thrust oneself forward for martyrdom (l.2; 4)
how Eusebius dealt with his sources. Moreover, most of the not only reflects an awareness of the dangers of enthusi-
parallels drawn in MPol between the death of the martyrs asm for institutional stability and social respectability, it
and the passion of Jesus are, as Barnard observed, also also suggests that the theological center of MPol is to be
found in Eusebius' report. And von Campenhausen's rea- found less in an emphasis on individual salvation and the
sons for judging certain items as anachronistic were not achievement of a special sanctity than in a call to obey God
al~ays clear. But it is perhaps not yet certain that he was and to attend to the Church's mission.
mistaken on every point, including especially the highly The problem of the theological outlook of MPol comes
developed martyrological themes in MPol 17-18. In any to a head in the interpretation of the theme of the "imita-
event, one general result of recent criticism of MPol is the tion of Christ" ( l.l; 17 .3; 19. l) and the assessment of the
vi~t~al elimination from scholarship of the notion that role of the parallels drawn between the martyr's lot and
ongmally the letter would naturally have contained a more the passion of Christ. These features of MPol have been
POLYCARP, MARTYRDOM OF 394. v
regarded as too highly developed for the 2d century by had an impact on Christianity in the 2d century and
those who see them as setting the martyr apart from other beyond, primarily through 2 Maccabees (6-7) and 4 Mac-
Christians and establishing him as an independent focus cabees, and that 4 Maccabees in particular presents the
for piety alongside of Christ (von Campenhausen 1957). Jewi~~ martyrs as S_Piritual "athletes" who embody the
More particularly, a distinction has been drawn between traditional Greek virtues. Echoes of this literature are
Nachfolge in the NT (a following after Christ in terms of frequent in MPol (Baumeister 1980: 295-99), and this
obedience and faith) and Nachahmung in MPol (an imitation backgrnund partly accounts for the emphasis here on the
of Christ that implies an emphasis on the martyr's special spiritual qualities of those who contend for Christ in the
sanctity). The imitation theme in MPol, however, is not arena. New dimensions are added to the conception of
carried through with great consistency and, in the opinion such qualities in the Christian context where there is the
of many, is compatible with the treatment of Stephen in possibility of "becoming a partaker of Christ" (MPol 6.2;
Acts 7 (lrenaeus, Adv. haer. 3.12. l 0-13) or with James in cf. Phil 3: 10) and of being "no longer people but already
Hegesippus (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 2.23.4-18). Thus it may be angels" (MPol 2.3; cf. John 17). Such a heightening of the
correct to say that MPol does not intend so much to imitate virtues of the martyr seems likely to be linked with a
the passion as to show that Polycarp's behavior was in growing enthusiasm for miracles inspired by popular con-
harmony with the will of God and in conformity with the ceptions of the preternaturally endowed "divine man"
gospel (Schoedel 1967: 51-82; Dehandschutter 1982). (Baumeister 1980: 302-6). MPol, however, still stands at
The effort of Kretschmar ( 1972) to read MPol from a the beginning of this transformation of the martyr into a
quite different angle against the background of a popular saint. The theology and spirituality of the document be-
Christian Passover tradition and to see martyrdom as a long fundamentally to the world of postbiblical Judaism
quasi-Eucharistic event (MPol 14) is both highly suggestive and NT Christianity.
and highly problematic.
The theology of MPol is clearly directed against a mis- Bibliography
understanding of martyrdom. A number of scholars have Barnard, L. W. 1970. In Defense of Pseudo-Pionius' Account of
thought that Montanism, with its home in Phrygia and its Saint Polycarp's Martyrdom. Vol. l, pp. 192-204, in Kyriakon.
special enthusiasm for martyrdom, is represented by 2 vols. Munster.
Quintus (MPol 4). This interpretation is connected with Barnes, T. D. 1967. A Note on Polycarp.]TS 18: 433-37.
the problems of dating and the possibility of interpolations - - . 1968. Pre-Decian Acta Martyrum.JTS 19: 509-31.
outlined above. Another suggestion is that MPol represents Baumeister, T. 1980. Die Anfiinge der Theologie des Martyriums. Mun-
a response to Gnosticism which in some forms opposed sterische Beitrage zur Theologie 45. Munster.
martyrdom and in other forms (notably in the Apocryphon Brind'Amour, P. 1980. La date du martyr de saint Polycarpe (le 23
ofJames) encouraged self-willed martyrdom (Dehandschut- fevrier 167). AnBoll 98: 456-62.
ter 1982: 665-67). It seems more likely, however, that Campenhausen, H. F. von. 1957. Bearbeitungen und Interpolationen
MPol is confronting difficulties that could arise in any des Polykarpmartyriums. SHAW Phil.-hist. Kl. 3. Heidelberg.
Christian community from inordinate caution or excessive Conzelmann, H. 1978. Bemerkungen zum Martyrium Polykarps. NAWG
zeal in meeting hostile challenges from the social environ- Phil.-hist. Kl. 2. GOttingen.
ment of the churches. Thus MPol provides a balanced Damme, D. van. 1985. Polycarpe de Smyrne. Dictionnaire de spiritu-
outlook that would presumably have helped to preserve alite 12: 1902-8.
the stability of the group and to have made measured Dehandschutter, B. 1979. Martyrium Polycarpi: Een literair-kritische
responses to outside pressure possible. At the same time, studie. BETL 52. Louvain.
it seems likely that MPol was also taking into account an - - . 1982. Le martyre de Polycarpe et le developpement de la
incipient tendency within the churches to honor the mar- conception du martyre au deuxieme siecle. Vol. 2, pp. 659-
tyr too highly. For if the distinction between the worship 68, in Studia Patri.rtica, Vol. XVII, ed. E. A. Livingstone. New
of Christ and the love of martyrs in MPol 17.3 does not York.
serve as evidence of interpolation, the author of the docu- Gregoire, H., and Orgels, P. 1951. La veritable date du martyre de
ment is surely reacting against what he regarded as an Polycarpe (23 fevrier 177) et le "Corpus Polycarpianum" An-
exaggerated veneration of these figures. Boll 69: 1-38.
The foundation for such an exaggerated veneration was Klauser, T. 1974. Christlicher Martyrerkult, heidnischer Heroen-
likely to have been laid in the popular culture of the Greco- kult und spatjiidische Heiligenverehrung: Neue Einsichten
Roman world with the piety that surrounded heroes and und neue Probleme. Pp. 221-29 in Gesammelte Arbeiten zur
their relics. Even Klauser (1974), who had contested such Liturgiegeschichte, Kirchengeschichte und christlichen Archiiologie,
influence, withdrew his arguments for the purely Jewish ed. E. Dassmann. JACSup 3. Munster.
roots of the Christian idea of martyrdom in a note ap- Kretschmar, G. 1972. Christliches Passa im 2. Jahrhundert und die
pended to the reprinting of his much-cited essay on the Ausbildung der christlichen Theologie. RSR 60: 287-323.
subject. In this connection, it may be relevant to note that Llghtfoot, J. B. 1885. S. Ignatius, S. Polycarp. Vol. 2 of The Apostclic
the cult of martyrs and the common cult of the dead are Fathers. London. Repr. Grand Rapids, MI 1981.
not sharply distinguished from each other (Saxer 1982: Marrou, H.-1. 1953. La date du martyre de S. Polycarpe. An.Boll
995), and that consequently the normal treatment of the 71: 5-20.
dead may have paved the way in some communities for Rordorf, W. 1972. Aux origines du culte des martyres. /renilum 45:
more highly developed practices. Influences from Helle- 315-31.
nism are also to be found, however, at another level in - - . 1980. Zurn Problem des "grossen Sabbats" im Polkarp-und
MPol. It may be recalled that Jewish ideas of martyrdom Pioniusmartyrium. Pp. 245-49 in Pietas. JACSup 8. Miinster.
v • 395 PONTIUS PILATE

Saxer, V. 1982. L'authenticite du "Martyre de Polycarpe": Bilan de ate, who were happy to use him to quell the increasing
25 ans de critique. Milo:nges de l'ecole francaise de /Wme, Antiquiti political chaos and against the rising power of Caesar
94: 979-1001. (whom they feared more). This alignment culminated in
Schoedel, W. R. 1967. Polycarp, Martyrdom of Polycarp, Fragments of Pompey being made sole consul in 52, which made him
Papias. Vol. 5 of The Apostolic Fathers, ed. R. M. Grant. Camden, now the acknowledged leader of the conservative senators.
NJ. Civil war now appeared inevitable. When Caesar in-
Schwartz, J. 1972. Note sur le martyre de Polycarpe de Smyrne. vaded in 49, Pompey sacrificed the advantages he had in
RHPR 52: 331-35. Italy by leaving for Greece. Though he outmaneuvered
WILLIAM R. SCHOEDEL Caesar on a number of occasions in the subsequent cam-
paign and had a numerical superiority, he lost the final
battle at Pharsalus in August 48. Pompey fled to Egypt,
POMEGRANATE. See FLORA. but was murdered on landing by the local ruling dynasty.
Pompey's sons and supporters carried on the republican
cause, but they were eventually overcome by Caesar.
POMPEY (PERSON). Gnaeus Pompeius, later sur- Pompey does not appear to have been cultured or affa-
named Magnus, or "Pompey the Great," is mentioned ble; he had spent most of his life on military campaigns.
mainly in Plutarch's Life of Pompey, though he is frequently These had given him enormous wealth, which was the
mentioned in other ancient sources, especially the contem- basis of his great popularity and later political influence.
porary speeches and letters of Cicero, and the relevant His success as a general resulted more from his ability to
books of Appian's Civil Wars and Cassius Dio's History of organize and to ensure numerical superiority. He had a
Rome. Born in 106 B.C., Pompey developed his early career tendency to take over command of campaigns when the
through abnormal military commands, first in the service hard work had already been done by others, to abandon
of the dictator Sulla from 83-80, and subsequently as the
those who had previously helped him, and to change sides
senate's commander against Lepidus in Italy in 78 and the
frequently to suit his own political purposes. He also
rebel Senorius in Spain from 76-71. In 71 he assisted in
tended not to make his wishes clear, leading to the view
mopping up the slave insurrection led by Spartacus, and
that he was not politically astute, but it may have been a
in 70 pressured the senate into allowing him to become
consul (with Crassus as his colleague), even though he was deliberate policy to foment uncertainty, which he could
too young and had held none of the necessary prior then be called upon to sort out. Despite his abnormal and
magistracies. Then followed extensive commands to clear extensive military powers and commissions, Pompey was
the Mediterranean of pirates in 67 and to complete the essentially a constitutionalist and never used them to take
campaign against Mithridates in the east from 66-62. over the state.
Toward the end of this campaign (63), Pompey inter-
Bibliography
vened in a civil war in Judea between Hyrcanus and Aris-
Greenhalgh, P. A. L. 1980. Pompey, the Roman Alexander. London.
tobulus; his brief campaign against the latter culminated
- - . 1981. Pompey, the Republican Prince. London.
in a three-month siege of the temple in Jerusalem and its
capture. Though he entered the holy of holies, Pompey BRUCE A. MARSHALL

did not take any temple treasure; he installed Hyrcanus as

high priest and made Judea tributary to Rome, but did not
annex the country, placing it instead under the supervi- PONTIUS PILATE (PERSON) [Gk Pontios Pilatos].
sion of the Roman governor of Syria. He returned to Rome The fifth Roman governor of Judea, during whose tenure
soon after, taking Aristobulus and his children with him Jesus of Nazareth was executed. Pilate is known primarily
as hostages. from Josephus and the Gospels. Philo reports in some
On returning to Italy, Pompey found that his opponents detail an incident during Pilate's service in Judea, Tacitus
in the senate were able to refuse grants of land to reward mentions him in passing in connection with Christian
his veterans and to block ratification of the massive reor- origins, some of Pilate's coins have survived, and an in-
ganization which he had carried out in the east. This scription discovered in Caesarea Maritima in 1961 com-
unexpected opposition led Pompey to form a private polit- pletes the primary evidence. This dossier is larger and
ical alliance with Crassus and Caesar, known as the "First more detailed than that of any other Roman governor of
Triumvirate," to push through the legislation which each Judea, a circumstance which is probably to be explained
desired. To cement the alliance Pompey married Caesar's by the special Christian interest in him. Such an interest
daughter Julia (all of Pompey's five marriages were made explains not only the data in the Gospels and Tacitus'
for political purposes). reference, but also the availability to Josephus, in Rome, of
. In the following years, with Caesar away campaigning in so much information about this governor. Nevertheless, we
Gaul, Pompey appeared to be losing political ground grad- are totally in the dark about Pilate's life before and after
ually: the senators were suspicious of him, and the people his Judean governorship, and much remains unclear about
deserted their military hero for others. As Caesar's repu- that period as well.
tauon increased with his victor~es, Pompey grew more
Jealous. The breach was widened by the death of Julia in A. Chronology
ch1Mb1rth in 54, and increased by the death of Crassus, B. Title and Responsibilities
fighting ag.ainst the Parthians in 53. To regain his standing, C. Pilate and Rome
Pompey aligned himself with the conservatives in the sen- D. Pilate and the Jews
PONTIUS PILATE 396. v
E. The Events of Pilate's Governorship Gratus and Pilate, are the only governors of Judea for
F. Aftermath and Afterlife whom Josephus states the duration of their tenure (eleven
ai:i~ ten _yea!s, respectively). This oddity may become sus-
A. Chronology p1C1ous m hght of a number of indications that Gratus'
The year of Pilate's appointment to office is commonly ~erm was in fact much shorter, and Pilate's correspond-
given as 26 or 27 C.E. This results without difficulty from mgly longer. The following are the main indications that
Josephus' statements that Pilate's predecessor, Valerius this was the case.
Gratus, was appointed after the death of Augustus (August Josephus reports the end of Gratus' term and Pilate's
of 14 c.E.) and served eleven years before being replaced appointment in his stead (Ant 19.2.2 §35) just before the
by Pilate (Ant 18.2.2 §§33, 35). One should probably sup- founding of the city of Tiberias in ca. 19-21 c.E. (18.2.3
pose that a few months passed, perhaps until the spring of §§36-38), and the latter is followed by a long account of
15 c.E., before Gratus was dispatched to Judea. Similarly, eastern events culminating ( 18.2.5 §§53-54) in Germani-
an appointment of Pilate in 26 or 27 c.E. is corroborated cus' mission to the East and his death there in 19 C.E. Only
by Josephus' notice (Ant 18.4.2 §89) that Pilate served for thereafter does Josephus begin his account of Pilate's term
ten years before being suspended from office shortly be- ( 18.3. l §35). The implication is that the latter began ca. 19
fore the death of Tiberius, which came in March of 37 c.E. C.E.
Over against this usual dating of Pilate's term, to ca. 26- Similarly, Josephus interrupts his account of Pilate's
37 c.E., there has been some major argumentation about term in Judea with an account of scandals concerned with
its beginning and some minor uncertainties about its end. Jews and Isis worshipers in Rome, which occurred, he says,
The difficulties associated with the end of his term result "about the same time" (18.3.4-5 §§65-84); thereafter, he
from the data Josephus supp1ies in Ant 18.4.2-3 §§89-90, reverts to Pilate and Judea. The events in Rome are also
on the one hand, and in 18.5.3 §§ 122-24, on the other. recounted by Tacitus, who clearly dates them to 19 c.E.
According to §§89-90, after L. Vitellius, the Roman gov- (Ann. 2.85). Here too, then, as in the preceding paragraph,
ernor of Syria, suspended Pilate from office the latter the implication is that Pilate's term had begun by ca. 19
hurried to Rome but arrived only after Tiberius died; C.E.
Vitellius, in the meantime, went on to visit Jerusalem All that Josephus recounts of Gratus' term as governor
during a Passover festival. Given Tiberius' death in mid- of Judea (18.2.2 §§33-35) is the removal and appointment
March of 37 c.E. and Passover in April, these data clearly of high priests. Gratus is said to have deposed one and
indicate that Pilate was suspended from office ca. March appointed another, "not long thereafter" appointed a
of 37 C.E. However, in §§ 122-24 we read of a visit by third, and "after a year" a fourth, who also served "for not
Vitellius to Jerusalem during a Jewish festival, at which more than a year" before he was replaced by a fifth, Joseph
time news reached him of Tiberius' death. It seems most Caiaphas. At this point Josephus concludes his account of
likely that this news would have reached Judea within a Gratus by saying that "having done these things Gratus
month, and that this account is therefore referring to returned to Rome." While Josephus goes on to say that
Passover of 37 C.E. However, such a conclusion would seem Gratus had spent eleven years in Judea, the impression
to push the visit mentioned in §90 back to Passover of 36 given by his narrative is of a term lasting more like four or
C.E., but it seems most unlikely that Pilate, if suspended five years.
prior to April of 36 c.E. would not have reached Rome (to According to Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 1.9), anti-Christian
which he is said to have hurried; §89) until March of 37 Acta Pilati circulated in the early 4th century were obvi-
C.E. ously false since they were dated to 21 c.E., several years
To resolve this conundrum, some would move the first before Pilate was appointed, according to Josephus' chron-
visit (§90) to Tabernacles in the fall of 36 C.E. (Holzmeister ological data. As Eisler ( 1931: 13-20) has argued, however,
1932: 228-32) or even ignore Josephus' reference to a it is unlikely that falsifiers would have been so stupid as to
festival and place it between December of 36 C.E. and have misdated Pilate, and it could well be that their copies
January of 37 c.E. (Smallwood 1954: 12-2 l ). Others (Blinz- of Josephus did not contain the data regarding his and
ler 1959: 180, n. 8) would move the second visit (§§122- Gratus' lengths of service.
24) back to Pentecost (ca. May-June) of 37 c.E., leaving the It seems that coins were minted in Judea for 15, 16, 17,
first one, as Josephus says, on Passover. It seems preferable, and 18 c.E., but thereafter only in 24 c.E. (Meshorer 1982:
however, to assume with Otto (1913: 192-94, n. *) that 177). An obvious explanation is that there was some ad-
both accounts in Josephus in fact refer to one and the ministrative change in ca. 19 C.E., and such might well have
same visit, during Passover of 37 c.E. The fact that each been accompanied by a change of governors.
account focuses on different events reflects the fact that Moreover, while it is often argued, in this connection,
they are based on sources which were interested, respec- that Josephus' account is in chronological disorder (and
tively, in the high priesthood and in Herodian affairs that little weight, therefore, may be ascribed to arguments
(Schwartz 1981-82: 383-98). Thus, we may maintain the from context and order), such a generalization should be
plain implication of §§89-90, namely that Pilate was sus- applied with caution in any particular case. Furthermore,
pended and sent to Rome ca. March of 37. it seems that Josephus in fact ordered his material quite
The issue concerning the beginning of his term is much well. One need only realize that he generally brings events
more complicated. As we have noted, Josephus clearly of marginal importance to his story (such as affairs in
states (Ant 18.2.2 §§33-35) that Pilate's predecessor (Grat- Parthia and in Rome) after the narration of events in Judea
us) was appointed after Augustus' death (14 c.E.) and during the same period. This procedure at times results in
served eleven years. It is odd, however, that these two, Josephus placing such "marginal" events-which actuallv
v • 397 PONTIUS PILATE

occurred earlier than the "main" events of a given period

(e.g., term of a governor of Judea)-after his narration of
the "main events," which actually occurred later (for a
detailed analysis of Ant 18-20 which demonstrates Jose-
phus' practice, see Schwartz 1982-83). In our case, Jose-
phus' narrative seems to indicate the following: the fact
that the account of the "main events" in Ant 18.2.2 (Judean
governors and their administration of the province) is
followed by accounts of "marginal events" in Galilee ca.
19-2 l c.E. and in Parthia and Commagene ca. 2 B.C.E.-19
c.E. (i.e., before the beginning of Pilate's affairs) indicates
that Josephus viewed the period before Pilate as one cov-
ering the years up to ca. 19 c.E. Similarly, the fact that
Josephus narrates events in Rome in 19 c.E. after his
central narrative on Pilate's affairs in Judea (18.3.4-5 §65-
84), before returning to relate Pilate's final adventure,
which led to his suspension from office (18.4.l-2 §§85-
89), again indicates that Josephus viewed Pilate's term as
one which began ca. 19 c.E.
That Pilate was appointed in that year is all the more
likely in view of the fact that the years 17-19 c.E. saw
Germanicus' mission to the East, a mission inspired, in
part, by complaints from Syria and Judea over the tax
burden (Tac. Ann. 2.42 .5). It is not difficult to imagine
Germanicus' efforts to appease the overburdened popula-
tion including the replacement of Gratus with Pilate. In
this connection we may note, finally, that Gratus' frequent
firing and appointment of high priests contrasts sharply
with Pilate's retention of Joseph Caiaphas, Gratus' last
appointee, throughout his entire term . It may well be that
Germanicus, as part of an attempt to assuage irate Judeans
PON.01. Building inscription of Pontius Pilate at Caesarea. (Courtesy of Israel
whose religious sensitivities had surely been wounded by Department of Antiquities and Museums)
Gratus' high-handed approach to their highest religious
authority, denied Pilate the power to exercise further such
control of the high priesthood . tor," it does not seem that this should guide our character-
ization of Pilate's responsibilities. While there certainly
B. Title and Responsibilities were troops at Pilate's disposal-auxiliary units of infantry
While Josephus and Philo call Pilate epitropos (JW 2.9.2 and cavalry (Ant 18.4.2 §87)-they functioned more as
§169; Gaium 299) and Tacitus uses its Latin equivalent, police than as military forces. For more serious military
procurator (Ann. 15.44), various scholars early on sug- endeavors responsibility rested with the legate of Syria,
gested, on the basis of various comparable data from who had four legions at his disposal. In 37 C.E. we find one
elsewhere in the empire, that pre-Claudian provincial gov- of those legates assisting Herod Antipas, and in 39-4 l c.E.
ernors were in fact known as "prefects," the later term another was charged with enforcing Gaius' order to erect
"procu rator" thus being anachronistic with regard to Pilate a statue in the temple of Jerusalem . But we hear of no
(Hirschfeld 1905: 382-85; Jones 1960: I 15-25). Indeed, involvement of the legate of Syria in Palestine during
alongside epitropos Josephus uses eparchos, the Greek equiv- Pilate's tenure, a fact which might indicate that the period
alent of "prefect," for several of Pilate's predecessors and was generally quiet.
s~ccessors (Lemonon 198 l: 46-4 7), thus indicating that As governor of Judea, Pilate was responsible for all
his usage of the latter for Pilate is probably not to be aspects of the Roman administration of the province. First
pressed. And the building inscription discovered in Cae- of all, this meant he was at the head of its judicial system:
s~rea in 1961 (Lemonon 198 l: 23-32), which refers to note that when Josephus uses a shorthand phrase to indi-
him as "Pontius Pilatus Praefectus Iudaeae," would seem cate the governor's authority, that phrase is "with power
to settle the q~estion . See Fig. PON .0 I. The NT uses only even to execute" (JW2.8.l §117; in the parallel Ant 18.1.11
the nontechnical term higemon (ruler) for him as for oth- §2, he says simply "with full power"). The only details
e:s, a usage paralleled in Josephus both with regard to regarding Pilate as judge come from the NT with regard
Pilate (A~t _18.3.l §55) and others (Lemonon 1981: 43- to the trial of Jesus. Pilate's other main responsibilities
44). A s1m_ilar popular insouciance concerning the fine were fiscal: he was responsible for the collection of tributes
points of ~1tula'.y hes behind Luke's willingness (Acts 4: and taxes, for the proper disbursement of funds for pro-
26-27) to 1denufy Pilate as an "archon" referred to in Ps vincial needs, and for the forwarding to Rome of revenues
2:2 (LXX) . and reports. However, we have no evidence regarding
However, while "prefect" is a term with connotations Pilate's activities in these fields, apart from his construction
more military than those of the administrative "procura- of an aqueduct-for wl\ich he is said to have used Jewish
PONTIUS PILATE 398. v
sacred monies (Ant 18.3.2 §2). Similarly, among the hun- so~), it was nevertheless clear that when a nearby represen-
dreds of Roman milestones testifying to Roman road build- tative of Rome was needed, Rome's senior official in the
ing in Palestine, none so far indicates any such activity by East and governor of the large province adjacent to Judea
Pilate. At best, one might note his coins (Meshorer 1982: headquartered at Antioch, was the natural address fo;
177-80) as evidence of care for the proper functioning of both the governor of Judea and its population (Lemonon
the marketplace. 1981: 59-71).
C. Pilate and Rome D. Pilate and the Jews
We have no information about any special background Apart from the Samaritan episode mentioned in the
for Pilate's appointment to office. The governorship of preceding paragraph, wherein everything but the unfor-
Judea was not a very prestigious post and all of Pilate's tunate bloody end is unclear, all of the known episodes of
predecessors in the position, as most of his successors as Pilate's term of office concern his clashes with his Jewish
well, are otherwise unknown. While it has been speculated subjects. The result is an impression of a very turbulent
that Pilate may have had close ties to L. Aelius Seianus, the period characterized by hostility and violence between the
praetorian prefect who came to be the real ruler of Rome governor and his subjects. Josephus created this impres-
until his execution in 31 c.E. due to Tiberius' retirement sion by using thorybos, "tumult," as the leitmotiv of his
to Capir, this hypothesis seems to lack any reasonable pages on Pilate (Ant 18 §§58, 62, 65, 85, 88; Norden 1913:
basis. Its main prop, Philo's claim that Seianus plotted 638-44). Similarly, Philo generally describes Pilate's ad-
against the Jews (Gaium 159-60), is unsupported and so ministration as one characterized by "his venality, his vio-
difficult to square with the other known data that is better lence, his thefts, his assaults, his abusive behavior, his
attributed to Philonian rhetoric, namely the need to have frequent executions of untried prisoners, and his endless
a dark backdrop against which Tiberius' benevolence to savage ferocity" (Gaium 302, trans. Smallwood 1954).
the Jews-which Philo presents before Caius as an exam- However, both of these Jewish historians should be taken
ple-<:an shine out clearly (Hennig 1975: 160-79). On the here with more than a grain of salt. Philo's characterization
other hand, John 19: 12 need not mean that Pilate had of Pilate is part of his exaltation of Tiberius, and we may
specifically been awarded the title philos tou kaisaros ("friend now add that it is so reminiscent of his general characteri-
of Caesar"). John's use of the title might only reflect his zation of corrupt governors (Flac 105), even to the point
knowledge, or that of the Jews he "quotes," that such a title of several cases of verbal identity, that it cannot be taken
existed, a fact which they could have learned, for example, as being particularly applicable to Pilate (Schwartz 1987:
from the titulary of Agrippa I and II. 213-14). Josephus' implication that the word ethorybei,
Pilate seems to have been given a free hand in governing "outrage" (Ant 18.3.5 §65) properly characterizes the exe-
his province. It is true, however, that on two occasions cution of Jesus and the scandal in Rome (18.3.5 §§81-84)
Pilate's Jewish subjects exerted pressure upon him by is misleading. Neither event in fact seems to have been
threatening to complain to Rome about him, and in one associated with a "tumult," although there has been much
instance, we are told, they actually did so. But neither case speculation about the original text of the Testimonium Fla-
appears to be historical. Namely, John 19:12 is part of that vianum. Moreover, the Roman affair had nothing to do
gospel's attempt (similar to that of other gospels) to por- with Pilate. Josephus' narrative thus leaves us with only two
tray a Pilate desirous of freeing Jesus; the Jewish threat to clashes between Pilate and the Jews: the issues of the
appeal to Caesar is therefore introduced in order to ex- military ensigns (18.3. l §§55-59) and the aqueduct (18.3.2
plain why the governor yielded to Jewish pressure. And §§60-62). Of these, only the latter (perhaps to be identi-
Philo's claim (Gaium 301-5) that the Jews threatened to fied with the enigmatic episode mentioned in Luke 13: 1)
send an embassy to Tiberius, and in fact sent a letter which ended with bloodshed. This is not a bad record for a term
brought Tiberius' wrath down upon Pilate, is all only a as long as Pilate's; later governors, who served for much
part of this apologetic historian's attempt to portray Tibe- shorter periods, would do much worse. Similarly, we may
rius as beneficent to the Jews and therefore a proper recall here the fact that Pilate, as opposed to his predeces-
model for Caius. Only at the end of Pilate's governorship sor, left the same high priest in office throughout his term,
do we see imperial intervention, and it is interesting to something which probably contributed to maintaining Jew-
note that this was in response to complaints not of Jews ish acceptance of Roman rule. And while it is true that
but rather of Samaritans (although some witnesses incon- some of Pilate's coins included Roman cultic symbols, we
gruously read "Jews" instead of "Samaritans" in Ant 18.4.2 hear of no opposition on this ground. Indeed, only a few
§89). After Pilate had used violence to stop an armed years after Pilate's suspension Agrippa I, a Jewish king,
demonstration by Samaritans near Mt. Gerizim, and had was minting coins showing human figures and cultic scenes
executed a number of their leaders, a Samaritan delega- potentially more abrasive to Jewish religious sensitivities
tion complained to Vitellius, the legate of Syria. As we have than Pilate's (Burnett 1987: 35-37). Apparently most Jews,
already seen in our discussion of Pilate's chronology, Vi- being practical with regard to Roman and Herodian rule,
tellius responded by suspending Pilate from office and were willing to let Caesarea be Caesarea as long as Jerusa-
sending him off to the emperor Tiberius (who died before lem-where Agrippa minted only aniconic coins (Burnett
Pilate arrived). This is a good example of the ambiguous 1987: 25; Meshorer 1982: 57-60)---<:ould remain Jerusa-
relationship between the Roman governors of Judea and lem. Just as Pilate learned this lesson through the episode
the legates of Syria: while the former were responsible to of the military ensigns, he may well have applied it with
Rome and not to Antioch (for which reason Vitellius could regard to his coins as well.
neither remove Pilate from office nor appoint his succes- Thus, the impression that Pilate's tenure was stormv is
v • 399 PONTIUS PILATE

probably misleading. This impressio~, cultivated by Jos~­ similarly, if Tiberius defended the sanctity of Jerusalem,
phus, should be viewed as part of his general apologetic how much more should Caius respect the sanctity of the
attempt to portray Roman governors as incompetent and very Holy of Holies of the temple. In any case, it is quite
cruel, thereby helping to explain the eventual rebellion difficult to understand why the Jews protested Pilate's act
against Rome. Pilate's tenure was probably one of contm- if, as Philo claims, the shields were aniconic; for other
ued underlying friction between governor and governed, cases of Philonic denials which patently contradict the rest
now and then breaking out in brief incidents (note "the of his story, see Gaium 261, Flac 27-28 (Schwartz 1987:
riot" of Mark 15:7), but not so much as to stop him from 86-87, n. 37). As for the discrepancy between Philo's
becoming, apparently, the longest-serving Roman gover- shields and Josephus' standards, note that in Ant 18.3.1
nor of Judea. While Rome would be happy to seek a form §§55-56 (as in 18.5.3 § 121) Josephus refers to the offend-
of government for Judea which, after Pilate, would insert ing objects as images attached to the military standards and
a Jewish, not Roman, middleman between Rome and the not as the standards themselves. There is ample evidence
Jews, we need not assume that the grounds for the friction for such attached images being embossed upon shields
were to be found in the particular characteristics of Pilate's (Schwartz 1983: 33). It is thus easier to assume that the two
personality, policies, or administration. Rather, the fric- historians are referring to the same event.
tion was inherent in the very phenomenon of Roman rule After reporting the incident associated with the military
in the land many Jews considered to be God's. standards, Josephus, in both of his works, goes on to report
that Pilate used Jewish sacred funds to construct an aque-
E. The Events of Pilate's Governorship duct and that he encountered Jewish opposition which his
We read of several discrete incidents during Pilate's term troops put down bloodily. While it may be that the Jewish
of office, but in a few cases it is difficult to decide whether protestors were upset by the use of sacred funds for
different references allude to the same events. Such is secular purposes (Feldman,josephw IX LCL, 46-47 N.B.),
especially the case for two of the events mentioned in the insufficient attention has been paid to Josephus' statement
NT: "the Galileans whose blood Pilate had mixed with that the Jews' complaint had to do with "what was done
their sacrifices" (Luke 13:1) and the "riot" (Mark 15:7; regarding the water" (not "the money," Ant 18.3.2 §60).
Luke 23: 19). It may well be that these two references refer This being the case, and given the fact that one of the
to the same event, and it may be that one or both of them aqueducts which brought water to Jerusalem in the Roman
allude to the event reported in Ant 18.3.2 §§60-62, but period ran through a cemetery (a fact which aroused the
there still appears to be no way of proving or eliminating opposition of some if not all Jews; Patrich 1982: 25-39), it
any of these possibilities. may be that the issue was not so much the use of sacred
This type of question can be considered, however, with funds as a lack of concern for the water's ritual purity. As
regard to an incident described by Josephus (JW 2.9.2 for the precise identification of Pilate's aqueduct, the mat-
§§169-74 and Ant 18.3.I §§55-59) and one reported by ter is complicated by the conflict between Josephus' works
Philo (Gaium 299-305). The incidents reported are strik- regarding its length: 400 furlongs according to Jewish War,
ingly similar: both report that Pilate introduced into Jeru- but only 200 according to Antiquities (corresponding to
salem items in honor of Tiberius which aroused Jewish approximately 46 and 23 miles, respectively; for the rem-
protests on religious grounds; eventually, Pilate removed nants of aqueducts to the S of Jerusalem and their possible
the offending items to Caesarea. So great is the similarity attribution to Pilate, see Lemonon 1981: 168-70).
of the two accounts that it was formerly common to assume Apart from the clash with the Samaritans, about which
that both refer to the same event. Since the 19th century, little may be said with certainty except that it led directly
however, it has become much more common to emphasize to Pilate's suspension from office (Ant 18.4.1-2 §§85-89),
the differences between the two accounts. These are, es- the only other notable event was the trial and execution of
pecially, the fact that Philo refers to aniconic shields while Jesus of Nazareth. See TRIAL OF JESUS. Here we are
Josephus refers to busts of Tiberius, and the fact that concerned only with Pilate's role. Tacitus simply states that
Josephus portrays Pilate backing down in the face of the Pilate had Jesus executed (Ann. 15.44), and Josephus, in
Jews' obdurate willingness to suffer martyrdom rather the Testimonium Flavianum as we have it (Ant 18.3.3 §§63-
than tolerate the iconic ensigns while Philo describes how 64), adds only that Pilate did so upon Jesus' being accused
the Jews brought Tiberius into the picture, and it is only by prominent Jews. See also JOSEPHUS (PERSON). Nei-
at his orders that Pilate removes the offending shields ther historian tells us what charge(s), if any, was brought
from Jerusalem. against Jesus. Nevertheless, the Gospels make it abundantly
It seems that the earlier view (that the two authors clear that the charge was one of rebellion, one which was
describe the same event) is to be preferred (Schwartz eminently in the domain of the Roman prefect. As for the
1983). Both of the above-mentioned differences in Philo's Gospels' claim that Pilate was in fact unconvinced of Jesus'
account must be seen as part of his attempt to portray guilt and was forced by the Jewish mob to execute Jesus
T1benus as a role model for Caius. Namely, such a motive against his own better judgment, this appears to be part of
explams not only the introduction of Tiberius into the the apologetics of the early Church. The Gospels' por-
~tory, but also the transformation of the offending object trayal of a Jesus who posed no threat to Roman order is to
mto something aniconic. This allows for a striking argu- be classed along with Josephus' many portrayals of lst-
mentum ~ mmori ad maiw, which Philo makes quite explicit century charismatics who were, it would seem, uninvolved
(§306):. •f T1bem~s .was upset over the attempt to bring in anything political but nevertheless executed by the
somethmg amcomc mto Jerusalem, how much the more so Romans. They all reflect the situation of apologists for
should Caius refrain from bringing in a statue. And, religious groups which had learned how to get along in
PONTIUS PILATE 400. v
the Roman Empire: by worshipping deities whose kingship Pilate's troubles were due to his execution of Jesus or to
was not of this world, and therefore did not compete with r~morse ove.r that act; the complaints which brought about
the emperor's kingship. Indeed, we may well believe Luke's his suspension from office could well have resulted in
report (23: 12) that after Jesus' trial Pilate and Herod proceedings in Rome which became unbearable (Brunt
Antipas became friends, since only recently Herod too had 1961).
executed someone very similar to Jesus, John the Baptist, The general thrust of Church tradition about Pilate
whose teachings had won him popularity. We may assume consisted of a continuation of the Gospels' tendency to
that the reasoning Josephus gives for Antipas' move-"it exonerate Pilate and put all the onus for the death of Jesus
would be much better to strike first and be rid of him upon the Jews. In various Acta Pilati and related early
before his (John's) work led to an uprising, than to wait for Christian literature we find the repeated emphasis that
an upheaval, get involved in a difficult situation and see Pilate had recognized Jesus' innocence and that Jesus was
his mistake" (Ant 18.5.2 § 118, trans. Feldman)-was good in fact executed by the Jews; and from portraying Pilate as
enough for Pilate vis-a-vis Jesus; for a similar "nipping in recognizing Jesus' innocence it was a short step to present
the bud," see JW 2.13.4 §260. As for the "prior enmity" Pilate actually recognizing Jesus' divinity as well. See PI-
between Pilate and Antipas which Luke mentions, one may LATE, ACTS OF. Thus, already Tertullian (ca. 200) could
only speculate (Otto 1913: 182-83; Hoehner 1972: 175- state that Pilate was a believer in the truth of Christianity.
83). This was a very necessary and functional procedure, given
the threatened status of the missionary religion in the
F. Aftermath and Afterlife empire: its spokesmen had to be able to argue that the
After Vitellius suspended Pilate from his post in the empire's representative who had actually had the closest
spring of 37, we hear of no governors in Judea until the contact with Jesus, far from considering him a criminal
appointment of Cuspius Fadus in ca. 44 c.E., after the worthy of condemnation, in fact thought him innocent or
death of Agrippa I (Ant 19.9.2 §363). Fadus was appointed, even more. Thus, what Paul could not do to Agrippa (Acts
according to Josephus, in order to avoid the attachment of 26:28), the Church in fact did do to Pilate (Lemonon
Judea to the province of Syria, whose governor at the time 1981: 249-71). As Winter points out (1974: 88-89), it was
had been hostile to Agrippa. The obvious implication of only the Christianization of the empire which removed the
this explanation is that the province of Judea had been need for such apologetics: "Constantine eventually became
abolished, so that the end of the Jewish monarchy would converted-and Pilate missed canonization." But not to-
lead to the land being part of Syria. This makes sense only tally--in the Ethiopic and Coptic churches he is indeed
if Judea had been attached to Syria during the years 37- counted among the saints (Volkoff 1969-70).
41, that is, between Pilate's suspension from office and
Agrippa's enthronement as king of Judea; indeed, the Bibliography
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nius, the Syrian legate in 39/40 c.E., as "the governor of all Blinzler, J. l 959. The Trial of Jesus. Trans. I. and F. McHugh.
Syria" (Gaium 207), but also by other considerations as well Westminster, MD.
(Schwartz 1987: 72-77). In other words, after Pilate was Brunt, P.A. 1961. Charges of Provincial Maladministration under
suspended Caligula seems to have annexed Judea tempo- the Early Principate. Historia 10: 189-227.
rarily to Syria, just as Tiberius had done a few years Burnett, A. l 987. The Coinage of King Agrippa I of Judaea and a
previously with regard to Philip's territories (Ant 18.4.6 New Coin of King Herod of Chalcis. Pp. 25-38 in Melanges de
§ 108). And just as the latter were passed on to Agrippa in numismatique offerl.s a Pierre Bastien a /'occasion de son 75• anniv-
37 c.E. (Ant 18.6.10 §237), so too was he to be given Judea ersaire, ed. H. Huvelin; M. Christon; and G. Gautier. Wetteren,
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with the system of direct rule, which all too frequently Shields.]TS n.s. 37: 109-14.
resulted in friction between the governor and the gov- Eisler, R. l 93 l. The Messiah Jesus and john the Baptist according to
erned. Thus, Pilate's term of service played an important Flavius Josephus' Recently Rediscovered "Capture ofJerusalem" and
role in paving the way for the establishment of the last the Other Jewish and Christian Sources. Trans. and ed. A. H.
attempt at Jewish rule of Judea under Roman auspices. Krappe. New York.
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life. Claiming a basis in ancient historical sources, Eusebius Tiberius. Vestigia 21. Munich.
reports that Pilate came to be afflicted with such calamities Hirschfeld, 0. 1905. Die kaiserlichen Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Dio-
that he committed suicide in 39 C.E. (Chron., Helm, 178; cletian. 2d ed. Berlin.
Hist. Eccl. 2. 7. l ). The reliability of this notice has been Hoehner, H. W. 1972. Herod Antipas. SNTSMS 17. London.
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Meier, P. L. 1971. The Fate of Pontius Pilate. Hermes 99: 362-71. then his brother. Early on he determined to expand his
Meshorer, Y. 1982. Ancientjewlih Coinage, II: Herod the Great through ancestral kingdom into an empire, gradually extending his
Bar Cochba. Dix Hills, NY. power over the Black Sea coast, Colchis, and northward
Muller, G. A. 1888. Pontius Pilatus, der filnfte Prokurator vonjudaiia into the Crimea. Then he turned S and conquered Pa.ph-
und Richter jesu von NaZllreth. Stuttgart. lagonia, Phrygia Major, Armenia Minor, and subsequently
Norden, E. 1913. Josephus und Tacitus iiber Jesus Christus und Cappadocia.
eine messianische Prophetie. Neue jahrbuecher fur das klrusische This led him toward conflict with Rome, which regarded
Alter/um, Geschichte und deutsche Literatur 31: 637-66. Cappadocia as an essential constituent of its own nascent
Otto, W. 1913. Herodes: Beitriige zur Geschichte des letzen judischen empire in Asia Minor. To prepare himself for the inevita-
Konigshauses. Stuttgart. ble struggle, Mithradates sought alliance with Pa.rthia and
Patrich, j. 1982. A Sadducean Halakha and the Jerusalem Acque- with Armenia, marrying his daughter to Tigranes the
duct. The Jerusalem Cathedm 2: 25-39. Great of Armenia.
Scheidweiler, F. 1963. The Gospel of Nicodemus, Acts of Pilate and The hereditary claims of Mithradates to portions of his
Christ's Descent into Hell. NTApocr 1: 444-84. new holdings did not offset in Roman eyes their treaties,
Schwartz, D.R. 1981-82. Pontius Pilate's Suspension from Office: especially with Pa.phlagonia and Cappadocia. Nicomedes
Chronology and Sources. Tarbiz 51: 383-98 (in Hebrew). Ill of Bithynia at first cooperated with Mithradates, but
- - . 1982-83. Pontius Pilate's Appointment to Office and the soon perceived his danger. After marrying Laodice, the
Chronology of Josephus' Jewish Antiquitites, Books 18-20. Zion daughter of Mithradates who had entered the Cappado-
48: 325-345 (in Hebrew). cian royal line, Nicomedes Ill boldly invaded Cappadocia
- - . 1983. Josephus and Philo on Pontius Pilate. The Jerusalem himself. This failed, but Mithradates had to abandon plans
Cathedm. 3: 26-45. to control Cappadocia through his sister, instead installing
- - . 1987. Agrippa/: The Last King of Judaea. Monographs in there his son as King Ariarathes IX.
Jewish History. Jerusalem (in Hebrew). The Cappadocians preferred to avoid rule by Pontus,
Smallwood, E. M. 1954. The Date of the Dismissal of Pontius Pilate however disguised, and appealed to Rome. The famous
from Judaea.JJS 5: 12-21. election of a new dynasty under Ariobarzanes I merely
Volkoff, 0. V 1969-70. Un Saint oublie: Ponce Pilate. Bulletin de la shifted the strategy of Mithradates to a series of invasions,
Societl d'archtologie copte 20: 167-75. expelling the new king five or six times in the following 30
Winter, P. 1974. On the Trial ofjesus. 2d ed. Studia Judaica I. Berlin years. This policy led Mithradates into three wars with
and New York. Rome, precipitated in 89/88 s.c. by his slaughter of thou-
DANIEL R. SCHWARTZ sands of Romans then resident in Asia Minor and adjacent
islands.
The dynastic policy of holding territory through the
PONTUS (PLACE) [Gk Pontos]. The name of a kingdom installation of relatives as rulers helped Mithradates dur-
which occupied much of the S seaboard of the Black Sea ing this long period of warfare. In this way, he held a
(Gk Pontus), after which it was named. Residents of this considerable block of territory. His armies ranged
region are referred to in several NT passages (Acts 2:9; throughout Asia Minor and parts of the Balkan peninsula,
18:2; I Pet 1:1). The Spart of this region contained a penetrating as far S as Athens. Control of these forces
series of mountain ranges running E-W which collectively usually lay in the hands of close relatives of Mithradates.
constituted the Paryadres range. Two large river systems
Though regarded initially as a savior, Mithradates grad-
(Halys and Iris) ran N through the mountains and pro-
ually lost favor among the Greeks. His measures seldom
vided both water and routes for communication. The
accorded with the aspirations of free cities; his Persian
kingd.o.m's .Iarg~ Iranian population constructed relatively
few ot1es, m this resembling its S neighbor, Cappadocia. satrapal system entailed, rather, a governor for most cities,
Settle~e~t remaine.d m.ainly rural throughout antiquity,
directly responsible to himself, and the Greek cities came
to resent this. For example, Ephesus openly turned from
the pri_nc1pal. pursm.t bemg the growing of widely varying
crops, mcludmg grams, fruits, and nuts. Rich pasturelands support for him to an alliance with Rome.
and an ample supply of timber, metals, and salt added to As the years of warfare wore on, his commanders in-
the considerable wealth of Pontus. creasingly defected. The rise of a Pantie empire to take its
Pontus displayed the typical Iranian pattern of a power- place alongside those of Armenia, Pa.rthia, and Rome
ful no?ility with rich estates, controlling society under the began to lose momentum by 69 e.c., when Lucullus won a
s~zeramty of a monarch who normally descended from a great victory for Rome at Tigranocerta. Tigranes retired
s~ngle r.oyal family. The Hellenistic practice of intermar- to his own kingdom of Armenia, and Mithradates spent
riage with other dynasties also prevailed in Pontus; Seleu- six largely fruitless years trying to hold his own empire
ods, ~appadoci~ns, and Ptolemies appeared prominently together. At the end of his life, in 63 B.c., he succumbed
~n various marriages. The ruling house of Pontus prided to the treachery of a faithless son.
Itself on descent from the Achaemenid Persian Darius the This man, Pharnaces II, now succeeded, but found it
Great. necessary to submit to Pompey. In return for recognition
The dominant figure in Pontic history of the late 2d and as king of Bosporus, he watched while Rome began to
early !st centuries before Christ was Mithradates VI, subdue Pontus and convert it into a province.
k~own to _the Greeks as Mithradates Eupator. Soon after The mixture of royal precincts, temple estates, Greek
his acce.ss1on. m 120 B.c., he revealed his ambitions by states on the coast, and a rural hinterland made it difficult
murdenng his mother, Queen Laodice (a Seleucid), and for Romans to organize. In any case, a large part of the
PONTUS 402 • v
former kingdom of Pontus lay outside the new province; Polemo's marriage to Julia Bernice of Judea, a great-
these regions were held by neighboring kings. granddaughter of Herod the Great, failed early. However,
About a dozen years after the death of Mithradates, he apparently married a princess from Emesa who became
Pharnaces II felt strong enough to begin recovering por- Queen Julia Mamaea; a joint coinage with her calls him
tions of the ancestral kingdom. The civil war between "Great King," possibly referring to his brief rule in a part
Pompey and Caesar seemed to him an opportunity to of Armenia.
accelerate this movement, and he regained much of Pon- The Parthians took over Armenia in A.D. 66, but by then
tus. The arrival of Caesar in 47, who "came, saw, and Polemo had lost Pontus. He was said to have abdicated
conquered" Pharnaces, ended this phase. voluntarily, about A.D. 63 (Suetonius, Nero 18). He appar-
A branch of the family now took up rule in the Bospo- ently retained his responsibilities in Cilicia and issued coins
rus, and from it descended a long line of rulers there. there for several years more. One type can be dated to the
A son of Pharnaces II named Darius reigned in Pontus reign of Galba in A.D. 68 (Sullivan 1979: 6-20).
from 39 to 37 e.c., but this ended rule by the ancient royal Pontus earned its prominence in NT times. Two dynas-
line. In his arrangements for the East, Antony put forward ties, the ancient house to which Mithradates Eupator be-
several new kings, loyal to himself, including Archelaus of longed and the "Zenonid" house from which both Polemos
Cappadocia. He found as well a new king for Pontus. arose, conferred stability on Pontus during the 1st century
Polemo I, the son of an aristocrat from the Greek city of B.c. and most of the !st century after. After 63, the land
Laodiceia on the Lycus in Asia Minor, proceeded to the entered the Roman system of provinces. For centuries
rule of Pontus in 37. He bore no relation to any royal longer, ecclesiastical lists and the general Church councils
family in Asia Minor, so far as presently known. If that continued to note some of its cities under the descriptive
was his situation, Antony chose him to ensure that his rubric, "Pontus Polemoniacus" (Jones 1971: Appendix IV,
loyalty would remain undivided. Table xxiii).
Polemo served vigorously, soon gaining full control of
Pontus and then assisting Antony against Parthia. He ex- Bibliography
tended his control into Colchis and later into Armenia Gutschmid, A. von. 1892. Untersur.hungen iiber die Geschichte des
Minor. pontischen Reichs. Leipzig.
At Actium, Polemo was represented by an army, but did Hoben, W. 1969. Untersuchungen zur Stellung klei=iatischer Dy=ten
not attend in person. At least by 26 B.C., he received the in den Machtkiimpfen der ausgehenden Romischen Republik. Mainz.
recognition of Augustus, and became a "friend and ally" Jones, A. H. M. 1971. Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2d ed.
of the Roman people. Polemo moved to reestablish the Oxford.
claims of Pontus to Bosporus, where he married its queen Reinach, T. 1890. Mithridate Eupator, Roi de Pont. Paris.
Dynamis, granddaughter of Mithradates Eupator. Sullivan, R. D. 1979. King Marcus Antonius Polemo. Numumattc
The marriage may not have lasted: she is later recorded Chronicle (ser. 7) 19: 6-20.
ruling apparently alone, and he eventually had another 1989. Near Eastern Rayalty and Rome, 100-30 B.C. Toronto.
wife, Queen Pythodoris, probably a granddaughter of RICHARD D. SULLIVAN
Marc Antony by an eastern woman (ANRW 217: 913-30).
She, like Polemo, came from W Asia Minor, in her case
the town of Tralles near the Maeander river, lying some 60 POOL OF SHELAH. See SHELAH, POOL OF.
miles W of his ancestral town, Laodiceia.
From this marriage, Polemo had three children, one of
whom later served as queen of Thrace and one as king of POOL OF SILOAM. See SILOAM, POOL OF.
Armenia. His five grandchildren included another queen
of Thrace and a king of Thrace, a king of Armenia Minor,
a queen of Bosporus, and King Polemo II of Pontus. POOR, POVERTY. This entry consists of two articles,
Polemo met his death fighting in the Bosporus, perhaps one surveying how the subjects of poverty and poor people
about 8 s.c. Queen Pythodoris succeeded to the throne of are treated in the Hebrew Bible, and the other surveying
Pontus, where her coins mount to "Year 60." Estimates of how these subjects are handled in the New Testament.
her regal span run as high as A.D. 35. She survived a
second husband, King Archelaus of Cappadocia; he died OLD TESTAMENT
in Rome in A.D. 17.
Poverty in the Hebrew Bible denotes (I) a lack of eco-
The last king of Pontus, Polemo II, the grandson of
Pythodoris and Polemo I, came to the throne in A.D. 38, nomic resources and material goods; and (2) political and
recognized by Caligula, with whom he had been "raised legal powerlessness and oppression. Neither a social class
together." Polemo ruled during the demanding times nor a political party in ancient Israel, the poor constituted
when the Julio-Claudians sought to solve "the Armenian a diverse body of social actors: small farmers, day laborers,
question" by force; under Nero, he occupied a portion of construction workers, beggars, debt slaves, village dwellers.
Armenia. He also ruled part of Cilicia. Various strands of the biblical text discuss the plight of
Polemo attended an important meeting of allied kings the poor, offering diverging analyses of their situation.
held by Agrippa I, grandson of Herod the Great, in A.D. Legal texts regulate the treatment of the poor; in particular.
44. Josephus (Ant 19 §338-42) records this assembly of six the legal codes seek to ensure the social well-being of the
kings and notes that it alarmed the Roman governor of poor through the redistribution of goods and food, and
Syria. through the establishment of restrictions regarding slave
v • 403 POOR, POVERTY

ownership (i.e., the system of debt servitude) and the words are treated in Hebrew alphabetical order, with the
treatment of wage laborers. Prophetic texts concern them- exception of raJ, which has been moved forward to high-
selves with the poor who are economically exploited by the light its connection with other wisdom words for "poor.")
large landowners and ruling members of ancient ls~aelite
society. The wisdom tradition divides over the question of A. The Beggarly Poor: 'ebyon
poverty: Proverbs, in a somewhat condesce!l?ing an? pos- B. The Poor Peasant Farmer: dal
sibly censorious tone, promotes the trad1t1onal wisdom C. The Lazy Poor: mab.sor
view that poverty is the undesirable consequence of lazi- D. Poverty ls Better: mi.skin
ness, whereas Job, and to a lesser extent Ecclesiastes, E. Political and Economic Inferiority: nil
understand poverty to be the result of political and eco- F. The Injustice of Oppression: 'ani
nomic exploitation. The Psalms display a rich language for G. A Political Movement of the Pious Poor?: 'aniiwim
poverty and many texts discuss God's concern for the poor H. Conclusion
at least in general terms. However, though much scholarly
work has been devoted to characterizing the ideas of pov- A. The Beggarly Poor: 'ebyon
erty found in the Psalter, it is difficult to determine to The term 'ebyon ("economically or legally distressed;
what extent the language has moved away from concrete destitute; beggar") occurs 61 times in the Hebrew Bible.
cases of poverty to a more spiritualized level of worship 1. In the Prophetic Corpus. The word appears 17 times
discourse. Outside of these blocks of literature, the topic in the prophetic literature, where it can connote (I) gen-
of poverty is treated only occasionally. The narrative litera- eral physical insecurity and homelessness (Isa 14:30; 25:4;
ture of the Pentateuch is unconcerned with the issue; Amos 8:4); (2) hunger and thirst (Isa 32:6-7; 41:7; Ezek
likewise, the Deuteronomistic History does not take up the 16:49); (3) mistreatment by the rulers of society and other
topic. Ruth (3: 10), Esther (9:22), and Daniel (4:24-Eng evildoers (Isa 29:19; Jer 2:34; 20:13; Ezek 18:12; 22:29;
27) only touch on poverty in an ancillary way. More signif- Amos 4:1); (4) unfair handling of legal cases (Isa 32:7; Jer
icantly, the question of poverty emerges as an issue in the 5:28; 22:16; Amos 5:12); and (5) economic exploitation
reforms of Nehemiah (5: l-13). (Amos 2:6; 8:6). Humbert characterizes the occurrences
When investigating the meaning of these words, it is of this term in the prophetic literature as "sporadic" ( 1952:
important to keep in mind that context and usage, not 3). However, it seems more correct to suggest that 'eby6n
etymology, are decisive in determining the meaning of a appears in a particular strain of the prophetic material,
word. While this observation may seem obvious, too many and, when used in tandem with 'ani and dal, represents a
of the studies of the Hebrew terms for "poor," particularly stylized mode of expression for speaking of poverty (cf.
of the vocabulary in the Psalms (e.g., Rahlfs 1892; Birke- van Leeuwen 1955: 16; see further under F.I below). It is
land 1932), have mistakenly become enmeshed in a discus- noteworthy that Micah chose not to use 'ebyon or any of
sion of Hebrew verbal roots or the Semitic cognate back- the other terms for "poor," even though his oracles ad-
ground of the term, rather than on a word's actual usage. dressed the subject of poverty in stark detail. (The diver-
It is far more important to explicate the semantic field of gence in word choice may lend additional support to
these words as they actually appear in the biblical text (cf. Wolff's thesis that Micah stems from a rural background;
Wittenberg 1986). 1978; 1981: 17-25).
It is also important to note the distribution of the vocab- 2. In the Psalms. The word 'eby6n appears 23 times in
ulary throughout the Hebrew Bible: no one biblical writer the Psalms, most often in Psalms of Lament. The situation
or text uses all the Hebrew terms for "poor"/"poverty." In of the 'ebyon is described rather vaguely by such terms as
fact, the distribution reveals a selectivity on the part of the "robbed" (Ps 35:10; Heb gz/) or "suffering" (107:41; Heb
biblical authors: riiJ, for example, is a wisdom word and 'oni). They are the victims of the "wicked" (Heb rasii'), an
not a prophetic word. This selectivity should also alert us otherwise undefined group (109: 16). Only two psalms give
to the fact that even when the various blocks of the biblical more specific data. In one (Ps 37:14), the poor are de-
text make use of the same Hebrew term, the writers may picted as the victims of the swords and bows of the wicked;
not mean the same thing by that term: in Proverbs, for perhaps the writer intends us to understand this con-
example, the dal is a lazy person; whereas for the prophets, cretely, though it is also possible that it is metaphorical for
the dal is an object of exploitation. By way of a contempo- any kind of suffering. From the other text (Ps 132:15)-
rary illustration, we would say that a future historian with its statement that God gives food to the 'ebyon-we
investigating religious and political movements of the late can infer that the poor are those who lack nourishment, a
20th century would need to be aware that groups using concrete understanding of the term that is consistent with
the word "liberty" and groups using the word "liberation" the word's usage in the prophetic (see above) and legal
diverge from one another in terms of their social analysis materials (described below). The notion that God assists
~nd often in terms of their sociological background. This the poor ('ebyon) is expressed in a number of psalms: some
is the case, even though the terms "liberty" and "libera- portray God as the one who rescues the poor (Pss 35: 10;
tion" share a common etymology. The same considera- 40:18-Eng 17; 69:34-Eng 33; 70:6-Eng 5; 72:12, 13;
tions apply where these political movements make use of 109:31; 113:7; 140:13-Eng 12), while others are prayers
the same term, such as "poor," since they mean radically calling on God to help the 'ebyon (Pss 72:4; 82:4; 86:1;
different things by this word. 109: 22).
There are a number of Hebrew words for "poor"/"pov- Humbert maintains that since the Psalms were cultic
erty": 'ebyon, dal, dallti, mab.sor, mi.skin, miskenilt, 'iini, 'ana- texts, they were infused with royal ideology and governed
wim, and riiJ. (The reader may wish to note that these by foreign influence (1952: 3). However, the high propor-
POOR, POVERTY 404. v
tion of instances of 'ebyon in the Psalter contrasts markedly historians were reluctant to take up the topic of poverty
with the rarity of the term in Proverbs and the complete (see further E.3 b~low). For the DH, this means a rejection
absence of 'ebyon in the narrative literature of the Penta- (or at least an avmdance) of the prophetic contention that
teuch and Deuteronomistic History (DH)-texts that cer- b~th Israel and Judah were destroyed in part because they
tainly reflect royal literary traditions. The Psalms' diverse mistreated the poor. This historian instead attributed the
vocabulary for poverty requires an explanation other than collapse of the kingdoms to the failure of kingship and to
Humbert's view that they are imbued with royal ideology. cultic abuses.
The diverging vocabulary distribution between the Psalter In the course of the DH, the word 'ebyon occurs only in
and the narrative literature would seem to favor the view the Song of Hannah (I Sam 2:8), a poetic text inserted
that the Psalms embody a variety of cultural influences, into the larger block of narrative materials. This solitary
not simply royal tradition, and reflect a diverse set of ideas appearance casts in sharp relief the historian's preference
regarding matters of social justice, though with a less to avoid the topic of poverty. Clearly, the radical senti-
sharply defined agenda than the prophets. ments regarding poverty expressed in the Song of Hannah
3. In Wisdom Texts. The term 'ebyon occurs in the have little to do with the overall agenda of the Deuteron-
wisdom texts of Proverbs (4 times) and Job (6 times). In omistic Historian, who has selected the poetic text mainly
Proverbs, the word only occurs once in all of the sentential because it enhanced the writer's support of the establish-
literature of Proverbs 10-29, and there it is linked with ment of the rule of David through the agency of Samuel.
the word dal; the text states that helping the 'ebyon is one The only other occurrence of 'ebyon in historical narra-
way to honor God (Prov 14:31). (When discussing poverty, tives is in the later text of Esther (9:22), where the term
Proverbs 10-29 typically uses dal, ma/:Lsor, and ras; see appears to refer to those to whom alms are given, that is,
below.) The other three occurrences of the term are found to beggars (cf. BLe, 500; Humbert l 952: 6). This reference
in chaps. 30-31 of Proverbs, and there it is always paired lends support to the view that 'ebyon refers to the beggarly
with 'ani. In the words of Agur (Prov 30: 1-33), it is said poor.
that there are some who devour the poor (Prov 30: 14), 5. In the Legal Materials. When 'ebyon does appear in
though the precise meaning of this statement is not speci- the Pentateuch, it occurs (9 times) only in restricted sec-
fied. In the sayings of Lemuel's mother, the hearer is tions of the legal materials in Exodus and Deuteronomy
enjoined to assist the poor (Prov 31 :20) and speak out for (Exodus 23; Deuteronomy 15; 24). In Exodus, one is
them in their legal cases (Prov 31 :9). The rarity of the enjoined not to subvert the legal judgments made on
term 'ebyon in Proverbs is significant: it was definitely a behalf of the 'ebyon (Exod 23:6); elsewhere they are per-
prophetic (see above) and legal term (see below) and not mitted to eat the food that grows on land that has been
the preferred word for Israel's "wise" to describe poverty left fallow (23: 11 ). Humbert's observation that the legal
(for wisdom terms, see dal, ma/:Lsor, misken, and ras below). material envisions the 'ebyonim (plural) as those who are
In Job, the 'ebyon are victims, whether of economic deprived of a proper diet (I 952: 4-5; cf. Exod 23: 11) is
injustice (Job 24:4) or murder (Job 24: 14). The book consistent with other instances of 'ebyon in the Hebrew
explores Job's relation to the poor, tracing Job's efforts to Bible (Isa 32:6-7, 41:7; Ezek 16:49; Ps 132:15). Deuter-
assist and defend them: he assisted them as a father would onomy 15 picks up on this latter Exodus text and expands
(Job 29: 16); he grieved for them in their misfortune (Job on the topic of the fallow year by taking up the knotty
30:25); and he clothed them (Job 31:19). The book em- issue of lending to the poor as the Sabbatical Year ap-
phasizes these concrete deeds as the basis of Job's inno- proaches, which is repeatedly encouraged throughout the
cence before his friends (and to God). Job's actions match passage (vv 4, 7, 9, 11). The term occurs only one other
those of the God who saves the poor ('ebyon) from the time in Deuteronomy, where it is legislated that poor
strong (Heb /Jiiz.iiq), a theme set out early in the book (5: 15) laborers, whether natives or foreigners, must receive their
and to which the book inexorably works as it seeks a wages (Deut 24: 14). From these legal texts we obtain the
solution to the problem of the suffering of the innocent. picture that the 'ebyon are landless wage laborers living on
The term 'ebyon occurs more times in Job than it does in the edge of existence. Certainly this is consistent with the
Proverbs, and while it is difficult to know precisely what notion that this level of poverty includes begging as a way
significance to accord such a small sampling, this slightly of life.
larger number of instances in Job does seem to fit a curious 6. Meaning, History, and Etymology. There seems lo
distribution pattern for the words for "poor" in the He- be no evidence for the view that the term 'ebyon has a
brew Bible: the terms for "poor" in Job ('ebyon, dal, 'ani) religious connotation of patient, pious endurance amid
are those also found in the prophetic writings, while the misery as some have maintained (Kuschke I 939: 53; GesB,
most distinctive wisdom words for "poor" (ma/:Lsor, misken, 4; van Leeuwen 1955: 16). The term simply points out
ras) are conspicuously absent from Job. This gives the book severe economic deprivation. This condition may evoke the
of Job its "prophetic" character. Likewise, the book's de- concern of God and the community, but the poverty of
fense of the poor and its concrete understanding of their the 'ebyon in and of itself is not considered a virtue or a
situation mirrors the prophetic analysis of poverty (see way of life to be pursued for religious reasons.
Pleins 1987). On the basis of the use of 'ebyon in Exodus 23 and in
4. In Historical Narratives. It is striking that the term Amos, Humbert argues that the word came into play
'ebyon is missing from the narrative materials of the DH during the royal period; he further maintains that it did
and of the Pentateuch. Indeed, the overall scarcity of any so under foreign influence, as evidenced by its appearance
of the terms for "poor" in these extensive bodies of narra- in such literature as the Psalms and the wisdom writings-
tive material is noteworthy, suggesting that ancient Israel's texts which have "royal" connections (Humbert 1952: 3-
v. 405 POOR, POVERTY

4). However, it is terribly difficult to date the psalmic and Isaiah, God's liberation of the poor will lead to their
wisdom materials; furthermore, the Covenant Code of trampling those who are in power (Isa 26:5-6). For Jere-
Exodus 23 doubtless reflects premonarchic (not royal) miah, the dal stand in contrast to society's political and
legal traditions. Likewise, it is very difficu.lt to agree with religious authorities (Jer 5:4-5; Heb gedolim). One text in
Humbert that the word >ebyon held a more important place Jeremiah explicitly defines dal as one "who has nothing"
in the time of the monarchy but fell into disuse in later (Jer 39: 10), meaning people who lack vineyards and fields.
periods (Humbert 1952: 3). The term is found throughout In the prophetic texts, therefore, the term dal depicts the
the Psalms-texts that are difficult to date, but which politically and economically marginalized elements of so-
surely stem from both preexilic and postexilic times. Fi- ciety. The mention of severe grain taxes (Amos 5: 11) and
nally, it is hard to know how to assess the possible effects lack of sufficient grazing and farmland (Isa 14:30; Jer
of foreign influence on Israel's literature as mediated 39: l 0) suggests an agricultural background for this
through monarchic institutions. word-a background that is confirmed by uses of the word
As an adjective, the word >ebyon has been commonly dal elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible (see below).
linked with and derived from the verb >a.M, "be willing, 2. In Narrative and Legal Texts. The term dal appears
consent" (RDB, 2) and its Semitic counterparts (cf. Birke- only 5 times in the Pentateuch. It is found twice in legal
land 1932: 21; TDOT I: 27-41; THAT I: 20-25; Kuschke contexts where the exhortation is made not to show favor-
1939: 53; van Leeuwen 1955: 15; von Soden 1969). One itism toward persons, whether rich or poor, when making
problem with the linkage between >ebyon and >a.M is that legal decisions (Exod 23:3; Lev 19: 15). The word appears
many of the analyses tend to confuse English "want" in the twice in ritual contexts, once where the dal is enjoined to
popular and active sense of "to be willing" with "want" in pay the same census tax as the "rich" (Heb 'ii.Sir), and once
the older and passive sense of "to be lacking something"; where the poor are permitted to bring less costly offerings
>a.ha appears only to mean "to be willing; to desire" and because of their status as people of lesser means (Exod
not "to be in need" (von Soden 1969: 324). This interpre- 30:15; Lev 14:21). It is difficult to know why in the one
tation finds support in the Old Aramaic Barrakab inscrip- case the rich and poor are not distinguished, whereas in
tion from Zinjirli (THAT 1: 20; Barrakab line 14; KAI no. the other, the poor are treated according to their financial
216; cf. TSSI 2: 90), which reads: "And my brothers, the circumstances (cf. Lev 5:11; 12:8). It may be that the
kings, desired [htn>bw] all the richness of my house." Yet, principle of not showing favoritism to the poor had its
this would argue in favor of linking >ebyon with the verb limits, or it may be that the dal was not the poorest of the
y>b/t>b, "long for," attested only in Psalm 119 and possibly poor, that is, a person entirely without property, but was
representing Aramaic influence (Ps 119:40, 131, 17 4; cf. someone of modest means who stood somewhat above the
THAT I: 21; Honeyman 1944: 81 ). This suggestion finds >ebyon on the social ladder (cf. TDOT 3: 219; Kennedy
some support from Leviticus Rabbah, which states, "He is 1898: 84-86). Because of the agricultural nature of the
called 'ebyon' because he longs [mfb] for everything" (Lev. passages (TDOT 3: 219), the texts may have in mind the
Rab. 34:6, Soncino edition). On the whole. however, the "small farmer" (cf. the discussion on dalla below). The only
precise relation between >ebyon and >a.M remains difficult other occurrence of dal in the Pentateuch is in a narrative
to specify, and in any event does not clarify the meaning context where the subject is not poverty but a description
of 'eby6n. The problems associated with the search for a of the emaciated condition of the cows in Pharaoh's
Semitic background for >ebyon have led some to postulate dreams (Gen 41: 19). This most vividly captures something
an Egyptian origin for the term in the Coptic EBIHN "a of the image that must have come to mind when an
poor, wretched person" (Crum 1939: 53; cf. TDOT I: 28- Israelite thought of the condition of the dal. Note that the
29; Lambdin 1953: 146). However, since counterparts to distribution of the word dal follows the same pattern as
>eby6n crop up in Ugaritic ('abynt; Aqhat I: 17) and Amo rite other words for "poor" in the Pentateuch: it occurs almost
(von Soden 1969), there seems to be no need to seek a exclusively in legal texts and is only rarely found in the
Coptic derivation for the term. Ward, in fact, suggests that narrative materials, and when found in the narrative ma-
the Coptic was borrowed from a Semitic original (1960: terials, the terms are rarely used to discuss poverty per se.
32). The term appears incidentally three times in the DH,
not surprisingly in contexts focusing on issues other than
B. The Poor Peasant Farmer: dal poverty. Twice the word is used to indicate the political
The term dal ("poor; weak, inferior; lacking") is used 48 weakness of one group in relation to another (Judg 6:15;
times in the Hebrew Bible, and half of these occur in 2 Sam 3: 1), and once it is used to speak of Amnon's
prophetic and proverbial texts. In many cases it seems to dejected and haggard appearance-the result of his frus-
allude to the plight of the beleaguered peasant farmer. trated sexual desires for Tamar (2 Sam 13:4). Thus,
. l. l_n the Prophetic Corpus. The term dal appears 12 though rare in the DH, the use of the word in this narrative
times m the prophetic literature, less frequently than the material gives us two layers of meaning that illuminate the
words >ebyon or 'ani. It can connote (I) unfair treatment in notion of dal elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible: (I) political
legal cases (Isa 10:2; 11 :4); (2) unfair grain taxes paid to weakness; (2) physically worn out. However, none of the
the large landowners (Amos 5: 11 ); (3) abuses in the debt- occurrences of the term dal in the DH carries with it the
slavery system (Amos 8:6); and (4) a lack of grazing land notion of "poverty," which does set its usage apart from
(Isa 14:30). Elsewhere, the term is used of those who suffer usage elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. Finally, we may note
exploitation and oppression of an undefined character that in the course of the DH, the word dal also turns up in
(Isa 26:6; Amos 2:7; 4:1). On two occasions God is de- a poetic context (I Sam 2:8), the Song of Hannah (see
picted as the protector of the dal (Isa 25:4; Zeph 3: 12). For A.4).
POOR, POVERTY 406. v
Elsewhere in the narrative texts, dal appears only in treat_ment of the poor-a theme that is pursued in greater
Ruth (3: 10), where it stands opposite 'Mfr, "rich," and detail after chap. 20. Zophar speaks of the dal, and in true
means simply "poor": Boaz praises Ruth for not turning proverbial fashion he notes that the wicked who profit off
to younger men, whether poor or rich. Considering the the poor will lose their wealth (Job 20: I 0, 19). Zophar's use
agricultural context of the book of Ruth, it is perhaps no of the word dal is the first use of a term for "poor" since
coincidence that the narrator chose to use a word for Eliphaz's challenge in chap. 5; we should see in this a
"poor" that applies to poor peasant farmers. conscious effort on the writer's part to reassert the accu-
3. In the Psalms. Notably, the word dal is quite rare in sation against Job regarding his treatment of the poor. In
the Psalter, occurring only 5 times in 4 psalms. Most of the so doing, the writer uses this word to mark a significant
occurrences concern God's care of the poor (Pss 72:13; turning point in the discussion: from this chapter on, the
82:3, 4; 113:7), though the situations are largely left un- treatment of the poor becomes a major motif in the book
defined. One text alludes to injustices in matters of law, and for Job's friends it is a central issue in assessing Job's
for God calls on the divine assembly to judge the poor integrity. Twice Elihu mentions the dal and speaks of God's
justly (Ps 82:3). While most of the texts concern God's attitude toward the poor. On the one hand, God is impar-
attitude toward the dal, only one text deals with a person's tial toward both poor and nobles (Heb sarim; 34: 19); on
relation to the poor, where a blessing is pronounced on the other hand, God is said to strike down the wicked, and
those who are considerate toward them (Ps 41 :2). The thus the cry of the poor comes to God (34:28; the state-
Psalms are thus even more vague about the dal than they ments of Elihu have notable counterparts in the Penta-
are about the 'ebyon, making it difficult to know how teuch, see above; cf. the later Sir 35:12-14, also in the
explicit these texts intend to be about physical poverty. wisdom tradition). All of these uses of dal in accusatory
4. In Wisdom Texts. In contrast with these rather spo- contexts render Job's own use of dal most poignant: he
radic occurrences throughout the biblical corpus, the fre- claims to have met the needs of the poor (31: 16). In each
quent use of dal in Proverbs (15 times) and in Job (6 times) occurrence, it is clear that the writer has in mind the very
suggests at least in part that this was a wisdom term. This concrete suffering of the poor-suffering that is not ex-
is particularly the case for Proverbs: when one considers perienced by the well-to-do. Unfortunately, the text does
the statistics for those words for "poor"/"poverty" that not seek to further specify the nature of the deprivation
Proverbs shares with other blocks of biblical material- experienced by the dal.
namely 'ebyon, dal, and 'ani-the word dal is definitely the 5. A Ugaritic Tuxt. The ancient and widespread con-
preferred proverbial word for expressing the wisdom tra- cern for the dal is strikingly confirmed in the Keret Epic
dition's understanding of poverty. The statistical differ- (14th century B.C.E.). In one passage, King Keret is de-
ence between the frequent use of dal in Proverbs and its nounced by his son Yassib, who accuses his father of failing
rare occurrence in the Psalms is thus primarily a syn- to execute the duties of the royal office, blaming this
chronic matter of conscious word choice (reAecting diverg- failure on his father's weakness and illness. In the course
ing ideological perspectives) rather than a diachronic mat- of his diatribe, Yassib sustains his critique of the king by
ter of the Psalms being later than Proverbs (when dal pointing out how the poor, specifically the dl, have been
supposedly fell into disuse in the postexilic period, as treated: "You do not banish the extortioners of the poor
Fabry [TDOT 3: 215] suggests; cf. Donald 1964: 29). The [dl]" (Gibson 1977: 102). Interestingly, this passage groups
fact that dal appears 11 times in Sirach confirms the notion together the mistreatment of the dl with the failure to feed
that dal is a favorite word of wisdom writers, even in very the orphan (ytm) and the widow ('almnt)-a word grouping
late periods. that directly parallels the biblical vocabulary concerning
In Proverbs, the term dal, like ma/.isor and rii! (see C. and the disenfranchised (cf. Isa 10:2; Ps 82:3-4; Job 31:16-
E. below), is used only in chaps. 10-29, i.e. the sentential 17).
literature (contrast 'ebyon above). This type of poverty is 6. dalki, pl. dal16t. A related term, daUa, occurs twice in
contrasted with wealth: it shatters the poor (I 0: 15 ); it is a 2 Kings and three times in Jeremiah. In all these passages,
friendless circumstance (19:4); however, it may produce the term refers to a social grouping or class at the time of
insight that the rich can fail to grasp (28: 11). Charity the Exile, a group generally thought to represent the
toward the poor is elevated as a virtue of the wise person, lowest orders of society (2 Kgs 24: 14; 25: 12; Jer 40:7;
though the motivation for such benevolence is to reap the 52: 15, 16). The dallat 'am hii?ares, "poor of the people of
rewards that come from having a reputation for magna- the land," dallatldallot hii'iire$, "poor of the land," and the
nimity (19: 17; 22:9; 29:9). Although the life of poverty is dallot hii'am, "poor of the people," are those who remained
certainly no virtue to the proverbial writers, the pursuit of in Judah after the Babylonian invasion of 587 B.C.E. They
wealth should not involve mistreating the poor. Frequently are explicitly depicted as people who were forced to work
wisdom warns of the dangers inherent in attempting to for the Babylonian conquerors as agricultural laborers,
profit off the dal (14:31; 21: 13; 22: 16; 28:3, 8, 15). suggesting that this phrase may refer to "poor farm labor-
In Job, the word dal, like 'ebyon, becomes the measure of ers" (cf. CAD 3: 173). Curiously, the narrative in Jeremiah
Job's innocence. However, unlike 'ebyon, which is nearly (39: I 0) diverges significantly from its counterpart in
always on the lips of Job, the word dal is almost always used 2 Kings (25:12). Whereas in 2 Kings the Babylonian com-
by one of Job's accusers. This is appropriate if we consider mander 1s said to force the dalM to be vineyard workers
that Job's friends are caricatures of wisdom teachers-the and field laborers for the conqueror, the reading in Jere-
word dal is supposed to be on their lips. In the first instance miah is altered to produce a radically different picture:
(5: 16), Eliphaz uses the term dal (along with 'ebyon) to there the dal are not forced laborers, but simply people to
frame the book's challenge against Job concerning his whom vineyards and fields are given. It would seem that
v . 407 POOR, POVERTY

the writer of Jeremiah has toned down the depiction of bread, and wine ( Judg 19: 19). And in reply the Ephraimite
the Babylonians to cast the conqueror in the best possible man tells them that "all you need [mab.sor] I will take care
light-a view that is consistent with other sections of Jere- of" (Judg 19:20). In both cases, mab.sor denotes a lack of
miah (e.g., chaps. 27 and 29). In any case, these passages material goods.
link the terms dallti and dal to agricultural vocations, and
their usage in 2 Kings and Jeremiah lends support to the D. Poverty Is Better: miskin
view developed in this section that these terms refer to The word miskin, "poor," is a late Hebrew term for
poor peasant farmers. "poor," appearing only in the wisdom text of Ecclesiastes
(4 times).
C. The Lazy Poor: ma/as6r One text in Ecclesiastes (4: 13) advises that it is better to
The word mafl.sor ("lack of, or need for, material goods") be a poor (miskin) youth than an old, foolish king who fails
occurs 13 times in the Hebrew Bible, mainly in Proverbs. to heed warnings. The youth can rise out of the prison of
Its rarity throughout the rest of the Hebrew Bible would poverty (Heb bet ha.surim), but the king is in danger of
seem to mark off mahsor as a wisdom term. collapsing into poverty (riil). Another text (9: 14-16), ele-
I. Io Wisdom Te~ts. Of the 8 occurrences in Proverbs, vates the wisdom of a poor but wise man, who could have
only one (6: 11) is outside chaps. 10-29. Similarly, dal and saved the town in time of siege if only the people would
riil only occur in Proverbs 10-29. This vocabulary distri- have heeded the poor man's advice. Such comparative
bution serves to bind together chaps. 10-29 and isolate statements about wisdom amid poverty are also found in
them from chaps. 1-9 and 30-31. Proverbs 1-9 is instruc- Proverbs ( 19: l, 22; 28:6). While Ecclesiastes reflects the
tion that is largely unconcerned with the topic of poverty; typical wisdom teaching on this point, the writer also
chaps. 30-31 use a different terminology, namely the acknowledges the systemic nature of poverty (see E. l be-
combination 'ani and 'ebyon (see A.3). In Proverbs, mafl.sor low).
connotes (I) poverty that results from laziness (6: 11; A related term denoting scarcity of material goods,
14:23; 21:5; 24:34), and (2) poverty that results from miskinut, appears once in Deuteronomy (8:9).
excessive living (21: 17). Since the ethic of Proverbs is the
ethic of the bureaucratic elite (cf. Pleins 1987), the text E. Political and Economic Inferiority: ral
tends to stress hard work and moderation. As a result, the The word ras ("economically poor, of modest means;
wise are terribly concerned about the dangers of laziness. beggar, bum") occurs 22 times in the Hebrew Bible, mainly
And yet, the wisdom teachers do not completely denigrate in wisdom texts, and should be viewed as a wisdom term
those who are poor: generosity toward the poor is a virtue (it does not appear at all in the Pentateuch or the prophetic
in the wisdom tradition, and the wise warn that a lack of writings); the word r<i.S refers to someone who is politically
generosity can lead one into poverty (11 :24; 22: 16; 24:34). and economically inferior, frequently referring to some-
Significantly, the word does not appear at all in Job or one who is lazy.
Ecclesiastes. The absence of this term and several others 1. In Wisdom Thxts. The majority of occurrences are
from Job is one line of argument for separating the social in Proverbs (15 times), all restricted to the sentential liter-
agenda of Job from that of Proverbs. ature of chaps. I 0-29 (cf. the usage of dal and mab.sor in
2. In Legal Texts. The term appears only once in the this regard). In Proverbs, this term connotes (1) poverty
Pentateuch in the legal materials of Deuteronomy, where
that results from laziness (10:4); and (2) want that arises
the community is enjoined to lend to the poor what they
from disordered living (13:23). This type of poverty is
lack in material goods (mafl.sor) as the Sabbatical Year
seen to be a friendless condition (14:20; 19:7; 28:3). The
approaches (Deut 15:8). The context implies concrete
items, though they are not specified. The rarity of the wisdom analysis of the origins of poverty in personal
term in the Pentateuch is one indication that the mahsor laziness diverges radically from other streams of biblical
had particular importance in the wisdom sphere. . tradition, such as the prophetic and legal, which see the
3. Io the Psalms. The word mab.sor appears only once problem of poverty in terms of social structures and power
in the Psalter, in a supposed Thanksgiving Hymn (Psalm arrangements. The wisdom analysis is to be explained by
34). However, the particular verse in question (v 10) is pan the fact that sociologically it finds its home in the educa-
of a section that looks more like a Wisdom Psalm (viz. tional circles of the social elite of ancient Israel (see Pleins
34:9-15). The text states that those who fear God lack 1987). Thus the term riil often stands in contrast to "rich"
(mafl.sor) nothing, and by implication appears to mean they (Heb 'Mir in 13:8; 14:20; 18:23; 22:7; 28:6; verb 'iilar in
?o not lack food (cf. 34: 11), though this may be metaphor- 10:4). In one of these texts (18:23), the word rM would
JCal. seem to be best translated as "beggar" or "bum," for the
4. Io Historical Narrative. Elsewhere, the word is text depicts this person imploring the rich for assistance.
found only in Judges (3 times). One occurrence is in the Consistent with the proverbial philosophy, this type of
story of the Danite spies (Judg 18: 1-31), who investigate poor person is not to be mocked because God creates all
the town of Laish and find it a prosperous place like Sidon people (17:5; 22:2; 28:27; 29: 13). The term raJ is used on
(cf. Judg 18:7), a town where nothing is lacking (mab.s6r; several occasions to teach that there are worse things than
Judg 18: 10). Clearly, material goods are meant here. Twice poverty, namely perverse speech and stupidity (19:1), ly-
the term mab.sor occurs in the story of the Levite's concu- ing (19:22), and evil deeds (28:6). Obviously, the use of
bine (Judg 19:1-30). The Levite and his concubine report this teaching device does not mean that the wise cultivated
tha_t they do not lack (mab.s6r) any necessary supplies, poverty as a virtue; rather, they drew on these proverbs to
hstmg m their possession such items as animal fodder, help their students grasp how one acts if one embodies
POOR, POVERTY 408. v
wisdom. Wisdom is more than knowing how to respect Deuteronomistic writers are actually quite consistent in
wealth and poverty. their use of riiJ and dal: these words are used to stress
The word ras is used twice in Ecclesiastes. One text (4: 14) p~l~tical wea~nes~ and are not drawn on to analyze or
concerns the contrast between the poor but wise youth and cnuque the snuauon of the poor in their society. The topic
an old, foolish king who does not heed warnings and of poverty is not on the agenda of DH.
collapses into poverty (see D. above). In another passage,
the word ras is used in the context of structural economic F. The Injustice of Oppression: 'ani
exploitation, a usage that is unusual for ras. The writer The term 'iini ("economically poor; oppressed, ex-
says that one must not be surprised by the "exploitation of ploited; suffering") is the most common term in the He-
the poor [rtiS]" in a province, for society is structured in brew Bible for "poverty," occurring 80 times in the biblical
such a way that those above exploit those who are below corpus.
them on the social ladder (Eccl 5:7). Though the writer's I. In the Prophetic Literature. The word 'ani is the
sentiment is rather cynical about the situation of the poor, most prominent of the terms for "poor" in the prophetic
the author turns the meaning of the word ras on its head literature, where it appears 25 times and connotes
by suggesting that rtiS is not a poverty that results from (I) economic oppression (Isa 3:I5; Ezek I8:I2; cf. Deut
laziness as the writers of Proverbs maintained; this inver- 24: 12; Ezek 22:29; Amos 8:4); (2) unjust treatment in legal
sion of categories moves Ecclesiastes in the direction of Job decisions (Isa I0:2); and (3) victimization through decep-
and the prophets, who also emphasize the structural ori- tion (Isa 32:7). Concretely, the society's leaders are said to
gins of poverty. have robbed the poor of their possessions (Isa 3:14; cf.
The word ras does not appear at all in Job; this lack is Second Isaiah below). In another case, Ezekiel actually
yet another factor that sets Job apart from Proverbs, even transforms the story of the destruction of Sodom by apply-
though both are generally regarded as wisdom texts (see ing an economic interpretation: Sodom was destroyed
C. l above). That the book of Job avoids the term rtiS because it withheld food from the poor (Ezek 16:49; cf.
strengthens the view we have argued for above that the Gen 18: I 6-19:29). For First Isaiah and Jeremiah, the
book of Job is more akin to the prophetic materials in liberator of the poor is the king (Isa 14:32; Jer 22:I6). In
terms of language and social analysis than it is to the other prophetic texts, Yahweh alone is portrayed as the
wisdom tradition, at least insofar as Proverbs is a typical champion of the oppressed (Hab 3:14; Zeph 3:12; cf.
representative of this tradition (a comparison with Egyp- Second Isaiah below).
tian wisdom materials shows Proverbs to be quite typical of The term 'iini is used in two characteristic ways in the
the international wisdom tradition with regard to its un- prophetic literature. First, it is frequently paired with
derstanding of poverty; see Pleins 1987). 'elryon (Isa 14:30-32; 32:7; 41:17; Jer 22:I6; Ezek 18:12;
2. In the Psalms. The word ras appears only once in 22:29; Amos 8:4), a grouping found frequently in the
the Psalter, in a so-called prophetic oracle, where God calls Psalms (15 times), and to a lesser extent in Proverbs 30-
on the divine assembly to bring about just legal decisions 3I (3 times), Job (3 times), and Deuteronomy (2 times).
for the poor (Ps 82:3). This passage is rich in its use of The pair represents a somewhat stylized rhetorical device
terms for the "poor" (dal, 'ani, ras, 'elryon, and yiitom ["fa- for speaking of poverty, and is the product of either
therless"] all occur in 82:3-4). All are victims of the ill- prophetic or cultic influence, though which is difficult to
defined resii'im, "wicked, guilty" (cf. Baudissin 1912: 216- determine. If the pair represents prophetic influence, this
17; Munch 1936: 19). would lend further weight to the thesis that Job is adapting
3. In Historical Narrative. Like the word dal, the word prophetic rhetoric. Secondly, on several occasions in the
ras is unusual among the words for "poor" in that it crops prophetic literature, the term 'ani is linked with the word
up at least a few times (4 times) in the course of the DH. "people" (Heb 'am; Isa 3:15; 10:2; 14:32; Zeph 3:12).
The first instance concerns the rising figure of David in Curiously, the only other uses of 'ani with "people" occur
the court of Saul; David sees himself as an insignificant in Exodus (22:24) and in two psalms (18; 72). The Exodus
individual when compared to the importance of the ruling text represents premonarchic legal traditions and is prob-
king, Saul (1 Sam 18:23). This use of riiJ is comparable to ably the precursor to the other uses of 'ani plus "people."
DH's use of the term dal: the word is not used to bring up This may put into context Micah's appeals on behalf of the
the topic of poverty; rather, it specifies political inferiority. "my people" (Mic 3:3, et al.), indicating that the prophet is
The other uses of rtiS in 2 Samuel all occur in the context in touch with ancient, possibly village, legal traditions.
of Nathan's parable addressed against the adulterous af- However, the Psalms use the combination of 'iini and
fair and murder perpetrated by King David. In the im- "people" in royal contexts (18:28; 72: 12), which indicates
mediate context of the parable, the rtiS is depicted as one a shift from a village to an urban context. It seems,
who owns only one small sheep in contrast to the rich therefore, appropriate that Isaiah, whose teachings are
person who owns many flocks and herds (2 Sam 12: 1-4). preoccupied with a royal ideology, should use this combi-
Clearly the term has a strong economic flavor to it, and the nation as well.
text tacitly recognizes the cruelty of the rich when they Perhaps the most significant use of 'ani in the prophets
steal what little the poor possess. However, the purpose of occurs in Isaiah 40-66. The writer(s) of these chapters
the text is not to critique economic relations in the manner makes exclusive use of 'iini in all but one passage, and even
of the prophetic texts or the book of Job (the term riiJ is there 'ani is combined with 'elryon (41: 17). This nearly
not prophetic and is the wrong word to put in the mouth exclusive emphasis on 'iini' represents a deliberate word
of a prophet); rather, the text seeks to make explicit the choice as the writer reshapes the prophetic notion of the
political miscalculations of King David. In this way, the "oppressed poor" to apply it to the sufferings of the exiles
v. 409 POOR, POVERTY

in Babylon. According to the earl.ier ,rrophets, Isr~el and the champion of the poor (Psalm 72). The poet calls on
!or
Judah were judged for their expl01tat.1on of othe~s, 1.e., God to give the king the ability to judge justly (72:2), which
making others cani. With Second Isaiah, the. entire .n~u~n translates into upholding the legal claims of the poor
has endured divine judgment, and through ltS capt1V1ty m (72:4, 12). The rarity of the connection between the king
Babylon, Israel as a whole has become cani. The pr?phet and the poor in the Psalms would seem to indicate that the
seeks to explain the implications of this new phase m the Psalms do not intend to work out a theology detailing the
community's historical experience. To this end, the state's responsibilities toward the poor or one that chal-
prophet develops two main themes around .the term canf. lenges the rulers for their failure to face societal injustices;
The first theme is that the wrath of God agamst Jerusalem this contrasts sharply with the social burden of the proph-
is temporary (51:21; 54: l l; cf. 48:9-10). The community ets.
will not remain in captivity forever as if abandoned by 3. In Wisdom Texts. The word cani finds frequent us-
God. Judgment will give way to a new exodus and libera- age (16 times) throughout the wisdom literature, appear-
tion (cf., e.g., 43:16-20; 63:9-13). The prophet's second ing 8 times in Proverbs, 7 times in Job, and once in
theme is that the people should, therefore, continue to Ecclesiastes.
hope amid the debilitating circumstances of exile, standing In Proverbs, the word is scattered through the major
firm in the face of the oppressor, namely Babylon (49:17; blocks of the text. The term appears once in the instruc-
cf. 51:12-14, 22-23). Second Isaiah's view is that God tional texts of Proverbs l-9. This is unusual since none of
takes note of and will assist the nation that has suffered the other words for poverty except ma/:tsor (6: 11) occur in
political and economic oppression at the hands of one of this part of the book. The passage (3:34) relates the
the major political powers of the day. God is particularly attitude of God who scorns the scoffer but favors the
concerned about this kind of suffering (66:2); and it would righteous and the cani. In the sentential literature of
seem that the traditional translation of this text, that God Proverbs 10-22, the term cani occurs four times. Three of
looks to the "humble," seriously weakens the creative force these occurrences reflect themes that are developed in
of Second Isaiah's understanding of Israel as cani, "politi- greater detail through the use of other words for "poor"
cally oppressed." in Proverbs: ( 1) showing favor to the cani brings fortune to
This prophet's notion of cani, while somewhat more the giver (14:21); (2) the lot of the cani is terrible (15:15);
abstract than previous prophetic usage, continues to con- and (3) it is better to be among the poor than to share the
tain concrete aspects. The <ani are those who search for plunder of the arrogant ( 16: 19). The most unique use of
water, but have none (41: 17), though this may be a some- cani in the sentential literature occurs in a section that is
what metaphorical statement concerning the general known as the "Sayings of the Wise" (Prov 22: 17-24:34), a
yearnings of the exiles for liberation. The cani are also text which has clear connections to the Egyptian instruc-
depicted as homeless (58:7), though this passage is more tion of Amenemope (Bryce 1979: chaps. 1-3). The writer
in the spirit of the earlier prophets since it seems to apply exhorts the student not to rob the dal or "crush the
to a portion of the people and not the people as a whole. afflicted [cani] at the gate" (22:22). While it is true that the
Admittedly, the prophet has expanded the concrete char- wise often oppose the abuse of the poor, this is the only
acter of the term in most instances; nevertheless, the text that speaks of the gate, i.e., the mistreatment of the
general and terribly concrete situation of political and poor in legal cases. The atypical nature of the text must be
economic oppression indelibly stamps Second Isaiah's con- taken as a sign that there is legal or prophetic influence at
cept of poverty. This is not a theology of humility in the work here, strongly suggesting that the wise exerted little
more detached or spiritualized sense. direct influence on the direction of the legal system in
2. In the Psalms. The word <ani occurs 31 times in the ancient Israel. The only other points where the wisdom,
Psalter (30 Kethib; l Qere) and represents the preferred prophetic, and legal traditions really meet concern false
term for "poor" among the cultic writers. The term ap- weights and measures (Prov 11: I; 16: 11; 20: 10, 23) and
pears most often in Psalms of Lament. As with the Major property lines (Prov 23: 10-11). In any case, the Proverbial
Prophets and Amos, the Psalms frequently pair up )e/ryon tradition lacks the comprehensive and rather concrete
and canf ( 15 times; see A. I and F. l above). The poets social justice vision for the cani that we find in the legal
utilize the term canf when characterizing God's relation to and prophetic materials (contra Malchow 1982).
the poor: they call on God not to ignore or forget the cani Chaps. 30-31 of Proverbs make use of the pair )e/ryon
(9:13-Eng 12; 9:19; 10:12 [= 9:33); 70:6-Eng 5; and cani (see A. I and F. l above)-one fact among several
74: 19). In many cases, this is a self-reference to the one considerations that sets these chapters off from the rest of
who sings the Psalms (25:16; 40:18-Eng 17; 69:30; 86:1; the text of Proverbs. All three occurrences in these chap-
88:16; 102:1; 109:22). It is God who rescues or provides ters reveal an awareness of the concrete suffering of the
for the <ani (12:6-Eng 5; 18:28; 22:25; 34:7; 35:10; <ani that is unique in Proverbs. The cani are devoured by
68:11; 82:3; 140:13-Eng 12). the power-holders of society (30:14). In chapter 31, King
Rarely do the Psalms give specific details about the Lemuel is exhorted to defend the legal case of the cani
sufferings of the <ani. The poor are depicted generally as (31 :9). The wise and capable wife shows her compassion
bemg hounded and seized by the wicked and strong (10:2, by opening her hand to assist the canf (31 :20). The mean-
9; 14:6; 35: 10; 37: 14; 106: 16) or being plundered (12:6- ing of cani that we gain from these texts is one of concrete
Eng 5). Most concretely, the cani are homeless (25: 16; Heb suffering and exploitation, though it must be observed
yaMd); murdered with bows and swords (37:14; unless this that the specific situations of the 'ani are not detailed by
ts metaphorical); and in physical pain (69:30). the sages.
Only one royal psalm expressly depicts the king to be A comparison of the various terms for "poor" in the
POOR, POVERTY 410 • v
Psalms and Proverbs makes it clear that while both use the passage, lending is likewise the topic, but here the concern
term <ani, the difference in the distribution of the terms is to forbid the lender from keeping and sleeping in the
reflects the differing social visions of the writers. On the garment a poor person has given in pledge (24: 12). The
one hand, for the psalmists, the term is of distinctive use of the term <ani in this passage causes the editor to
importance in the context of worship and liturgy. By mention another law related to the <uni, in this case the
contrast, the divergent social agenda of Proverbs is under- poor laborer. Such laborers, whether foreigners or nation-
scored by the fact that Proverbs proportionately uses the als, are not to be mistreated; they should receive their
cultidprophetic term <ani less and the wisdom-nuanced wages the same day (24:14-15). The priestly material on
term dal more than the Psalter. To put this another way, the <ani is likewise very concrete: these poor are reduced
the cultic social agenda, however ill-defined it may seem, to gleaning the edges of harvest fields and vineyards for
did not exert great influence on wisdom views about food (19:9-10; 23:22). The <ani is someone who has no
poverty; likewise, whatever wisdom influence there may be real estate (cf. Rahlfs 1892: 74-75) and little to eat. All the
in the Psalms (especially the so-called "wisdom" Psalms), legal and priestly texts clearly focus on the economic
that influence did not extend to the shaping of the Psalter's deprivation of the <ani, as do the prophetic texts. Yet,
understanding of the poor. unlike the prophetic texts, the pentateuchal materials try
The book of Job again yields a vocabulary that diverges to spell out the specifics of society's obligations toward
from Proverbs, a rhetorical feature that also serves to those who are economically deprived.
distance Job from the ideology of traditional wisdom 5. In Historical Narrative. As with other terms for
thought. In the discussions between Job and his friends, it poverty, the word <ani does not appear in the narrative
is only Job that uses the term <ani. The sufferings of the portions of the Pentateuch or the DH. In fact, the only
'ani are very concrete: they are forced into hiding (24:4); appearance of the term in the DH is in the poetic text of 2
their children are seized as a pledge (24:9; cf. 2 Kgs 4: 1- Samuel 22, which actually represents the transferral of a
7); and they are murdered (24:14). Once again, the sub- liturgical text (roughly parallel to Psalm 18) into the nar-
stance of Job's language is prophetic in character: he rative material. The contrast between the overwhelming
speaks quite concretely about the suffering of the <ani. number of occurrences of this word throughout large
Job's wise friends scrupulously avoid the term, as one tracts of the Hebrew Bible and its striking absence from
would expect from the distribution in Proverbs. Job finds the Pentateuchal narrative and DH shows us how relatively
the solution to the question of suffering in his posture unimportant the issue of poverty was for Israel's early
toward the poor: he rescued those who cried out (29: 12). "historians." This has direct implications for our under-
Curiously, the other uses of <anf in Job are on the lips of standing of the contrast between the philosophies of his-
Elihu (who twice uses the term dal). This is rather anoma- tory held by the prophets and by the "historians" (see
lous and may lend support to the view that the Elihu further E.3 and H).
chapters are a later addition to the text. In many ways, 6. Semitic Cognates. Discussion of the word <ani cannot
Elihu speaks like a psalmist, for he stresses God's action in be entirely separated from a discussion of the related
coming to the aid of the 'anf (34:28; 36:6, 15). Perhaps verbal form 'ana, often defined as "be bowed down, af-
then we should see Elihu not as a "wisdom character" but flicted" (BDB, 776). The Pi'el or transitive form of the
as a representative of the cultic community. verb, which constitutes the bulk of the verb's occurrences
For the writer of Ecclesiastes, the 'ani find no benefit in (57 out of 80), has a very concrete sense, namely "to
this world, even when they may acquire the ability to oppress, abuse, rape." In a major study of the terms for
manage their own affairs. Pondering the fact that God oppression in the Hebrew Bible, Pons (1981: 103) con-
gives wealth only to deny its enjoyment (Eccl 6: 1-7), the cluded that 'ana "never has as its object something inani-
writer asks, "What advantage then has the wise man over mate, but always persons, and, in particular, the body" (cf.
the fool, what advantage has the pauper [<ani] who knows THAT 6: 247-70; TDNT 6: 885-915; contrast Delekat
how to get on in life" (Eccl 6:8, JPS). The writer focuses 1964). A vivid cognate example appears in the famous
on the negative side of the ancient wisdom view that the Moabite stele: "Omri, the king of Israel, oppressed [wy'nw]
gods or fate bring both prosperity and misfortune (cf. Moab for a long time because Chemosh was angry with his
Ptahhotep #IO; Amenemope VIl:l-6, XXI:I5-16; Ank- land. Then his [Omri's] son [Ahab] succeeded him and he
sheshonq 12:3; 22:25; 26:8; 26: 14; P. Insinger 7: 18; 17:2; also said, 'I will oppress [xnw] Moab'" (lines 4-6; cf. TSSJ
28:4; 30:15). l: 74; KAI no. 181). As in biblical Hebrew, the Moabite
4. In Legal Tuxts. The term <ani finds its way only into text confirms that the verb denotes political oppression. A
restricted sections of the Pentateuch 7 times: 5 times in the possibly related example occurs in the Baal Cycle (14th
legal materials (Exodus 22; Deuteronomy 15; 24) and century B.C.E.). Tsumura (1982) suggests that the text
twice in the priestly writings of Leviticus. The legal texts reads: "Give up Baal, and I will humble ['nn] him/ Dagan·s
are keyed to the Covenant Code's (Exodus 21-23) concern son, that I may dispossess his gold" (KTU 1.2:1:35; cf. OTA
for lending to "my people," i.e., the <ani among the people. 1983: 246-47). This interpretation of the passage, while
One cannot exact interest when lending to the poor. State- not certain, is possible, and the pairing of 'nn with the
ments concerning the <ani in Deuteronomy 15 and 24 rather concrete phrase "dispossess his gold" suggests that
simply represent a later commentary on the text in Exo- "to humble" must also be understood as some sort of
dus. Both chapters elaborate on lending to the poor. In concrete suffering or deprivation, not simply as personal
one passage, provision is made to ensure that the poor humiliation.
continue to receive loans even as the time of loan suspen- The experience of poverty is brought out in a related
sion, the Sabbatical Year, approaches (15: 11). In the other Aramaic example from the text of Ahiqar (line 105): "I
v. 411 POOR, POVERTY

have tasted even the bitter medlar and have eaten endives term 'iiniiwim, is simply a plural form for 'ani, and that the
but there is nothing more bitter than poverty ['nwh ]" two actually should be treated together.
(Lindenberger 1983: 89). Another cognate occurs in bibli- 2. In the Prophetic Corpus. The word 'iiniiwim occurs
cal Aramaic, where Daniel (Belteshazzar) calls on Nebu- in a few scattered places in the prophetic literature (7
chadnezzar to "do away with your sins through righteous- times). The poor are victims of social injustice (Isa 32:7;
ness and [get rid of] your offenses by showing kindness to Amos 2:7; 8:4). Several texts in Isaiah lay emphasis on
the poor ['nyn]" (Dan 4:24-Eng 27). hope for the poor: they will find a just judge in a future
Some treat 'iini and 'iinaw as products of the same root king (11 :4); they will rejoice before God when God topples
with no differentiation in meaning (Hupfeld 1867; van the tyrants (29: 19); and they are the exiles to whom the
den Berghe 1962; Aartun 1971 ). Rahlfs derives them both announcement of release is presented (61: I; on Second
from the same root meaning, "the lower position that a Isaiah see F. I above). These texts all have a concrete
servant takes toward a master," but he suggests that 'ani socioeconomic or political flavor to them. This is less clear
denotes the condition of suffering, whereas 'iinaw bears a for Zephaniah, where the text treats the 'iiniiwim as those
more religious sense, that of humbling oneself before God who follow God's laws and who seek 'anawa, a word that in
(1892: 70, 73-80). Rahlfs' view has tended to dominate this context appears to mean "humility" (Zeph 2:3). This
the discussion. Some argue that the two terms have sepa- is the only passage in the entire Hebrew Bible where the
rate origins, but not necessarily distinct meanings: Birke- term 'iiniiwfm seems to have the less concrete meaning of
land ( 1932: 19-20) held that 'iinaw may not have existed "humble," although even here this is not altogether certain
in early biblical Hebrew but entered at a later point under (see below).
the influence of Aramaic, a position advocated by George 3. In Wisdom Texts. The term 'iiniiwfm occurs only 3
(DBSup 7: 387). Birkeland denied the view that 'aniiw is times in Proverbs and once in Job. The occurrences in
more religious or that 'iini is more secular in tone (1932: Proverbs all represent the spoken form (Qere) for the
15), though by this he meant that 'iini at times may mean written (Kethib) plural of 'iini (3:34; 14:21; 16: 19); as such,
"humble" (Birkeland 1932: 16)-a view that is difficult to these are all discussed above under F.3. The only occur-
sustain in light of its usage throughout the biblical corpus. rence in Job is a Kethib form for the Qere plural for 'ani
and is likewise treated above.
G. A Political Movement of the Pious Poor?: 4. Semantic Meaning. The word 'iiniiwim falls into the
'anawim same general semantic field as other words for poverty,
The term 'iiniiwim ("poor; pious, humble[?]") is a plural although there has been tremendous debate over the links
form for a supposed singular 'iiniiw and occurs 24 times in between "poverty" and "humility" (another possible mean-
the Hebrew Bible. The word appears in the prophetic ing of the term 'iiniiwim).
literature, in the Psalms, and in wisdom texts. Although For Baudissin, the key issue is how the psalmists' more
this is not the most common word for "poor" in the positive view of poverty (expressed in the 'iiniiwim pas-
Hebrew Bible, it is one of the most frequently discussed sages) arose given the negative depiction of poverty in the
among scholars because many see in 'iiniiwim a merger rest of the Hebrew Bible, where poverty is an evil that has
between poverty and piety, possibly marking a political no inherent spiritual value and must be uprooted from
movement among the pious poor (see Lohfink 1986). A the community of God (1912: 202, 209). Baudissin sug-
problematic singular form that appears in Num 12:3 is gests that Israel's experience of the Exile brought about a
discussed below. reevaluation of the nature and value of poverty, and he
1. In the Psalms. The word 'iiniiwim appears 13 times credits Second Isaiah as the first to characterize Judah as
in the Psalms, where it appears mainly in Psalms of La- God's "poor people" in a positive sense: through repeated
ment. As with the term 'iini, the poets draw on 'iiniiwim to invasions by the Babylonians, deportation, and plundered
characterize God's relation to the poor. In the psalmists' cities, Judah, as a nation, joined the ranks of the poor and
vision, God actively relates to the 'iiniiwim by rescuing and came to understand the Exile as an act of humbling by
guiding them, though precisely what this entails is difficult God (1912: 211-12). Poverty and humility eventually dove-
to determine from the texts (25:9; 34:3-Eng v 2; 69:33- tail as theological concepts: they are the precondition for
Eng v 32; 76:10-Eng v 9; 147:6; 149:4). The poets experiencing the compassion of God, a more positive
observe that God does not forget the poor (9: 13, 19-Eng assessment of humble poverty that comes to fruition in the
vv 12, 18), and they call on God not to ignore the poor Psalms (Baudissin 1912: 213-14, 216).
(10:12; 10:17-Eng v 16). As with the term 'ani, few Baudissin's view is open to several lines of criticism. His
passages allude to the concrete circumstances of the 'ii- hypothesis rests in part on the probably faulty linguistic
niiwim, but what we do find is quite revealing. They lack food analysis that the word 'iinawim, "humble," came to color
~22:27-Eng v 26); they are landless (37: 11); and they are the meaning of 'ani, which originally characterized the
m pam (69:33-Eng v 32; cf. 69:30-Eng v 29). One text socioeconomic plight of one who is poor (Baudissin 1912:
makes it clear that the opponents of the 'iiniiwim are the 195). Moreover, it is not clear that 'iiniiwim means "hum-
wicked (Heb reiii'im; 147:6), though again, as with so many ble." Baudissin is correct in suspecting that Second Isaiah
of the Psalms texts, the precise sociological setting presup- shifts prophetic thinking about poverty, but this develop-
posed by "wicked" is difficult to determine. When we ment occurs along different lines than Baudissin outlines
consider. the usa~e of the term 'anawim throughout the and involves the term 'ani (see F. l above).
Psalms, 1t 1s stnkmg to notice that this word matches 'ani Another issue in the interpretation of 'iinawim concerns
i~ its range_ of meaning and usage. This is one important the possible sociological background of the people who
piece of evidence for the theory pursued below that the are characterized as 'iinawfm. Loeb (1892) and Rahlfs
POOR, POVERTY 412 • v
(1892) held that especially in the Psalms they represented The word 'anaw occurs in its plural form ('anawim) in all
a party of the pious in ancient Israel. Munch (1936: 21), but o~e (problem~tic) case (Num 12:3); consequently,
under the influence of Lurje's class analysis (1927), modi- the~e 1s some question whether or not the word is simply a
fied the notion of party from a spiritual movement to that vanant plural form for 'ani. It is difficult to know how to
of "the class of the oppressed," although Munch's analysis settle this debate: on the one hand, the LXX renders
is, in part, dependent on a reassessment of the socioeco- 'anawim as praiis (Gk "mild, soft, gentle, meek") in 9 of its
nomic dimension of the term 'ani and not on a reading of ~4 occurrences, w~ere~s it renders 'ani as praiis in only 4
'anawim itself (Munch 1936: 26). Kittel (1914), Causse mstances, preferrmg mstead to render it in numerous
(1922; 1937), and Birkeland (1932) denied the party the- instances by ptoch6s (Gk "one who crouches or cringes; a
sis, preferring instead to characterize the 'anawim as a beggar"; cf. Hands 1968: 62-76; Martin-Achard 1965:
religious movement or tendency within the population (cf. 355; van den Berghe 1962: 275). On the basis of this
van der Ploeg 1950: 237-40), though Birkeland was forced evidence, it would seem reasonable to suggest that some
to revise his ideas in light of a reevaluation of the socioeco- sort of differentiation in meaning between 'ani and 'anaw-
nomic dimension behind the term 'ani (1933: 317-20). A im is warranted, and hence to maintain that these are
variant of this position goes back to Renan (1891: 37-50), indeed two different words (Rahlfs 1892: 56-60; contrast
who saw in the 'anawim a religious movement of the Birkeland 1932: 20).
preexilic period. However, in no case does the plural form 'anawim occur
Bruppacher (1924) and van der Ploeg ( 1950) have side by side with the plural of 'ani in such a way that would
sharply criticized the attempted link between "poverty" lead us to think that specific authors used these as two
and "piety." In the first place, Bruppacher contends that different words (cf. Delekat 1964: 45). The only excep-
there is no ideal of poverty in the Bible, nor is it the case tions are in the Psalms (9-10; 22; 25; 34; 37; 69), where
that poverty is exalted (1924: xi). Secondly, he maintains 'aniyyim and 'anawim are mixed, though because these texts
that the evidence for a religious or political movement do represent the exceptions, we must remain open to the
built around the pious poor is weak. In particular, he possibility of scribal error in these instances (Birkeland
criticizes Loeb's view (1892: 147) that the poor of the 1932: 14-15; cf. Gillingham 1988-89: 17). Furthermore,
Psalms are the pious Israelites of the postexilic period who many of the plurals represent Kethib (written) and Qere
had come together as "the party of the poor" (1924: xii, (spoken) variations in the scribal editorial tradition of the
89). Bruppacher denies the party thesis, contending that Hebrew text (on 5 occasions the term 'anawim is used as
the biblical text provides no clear sociological picture for the Qere for a Kethib 'aniyyim: Pss 9: 13; 10: 12; Prov 3:34;
an organized movement of poor people in ancient Israel; 14:21; 16:19; while 'iiniyyim on 4 occasions is the Qere for
like the "wicked" of the Psalms, it is not certain who the a Kethib 'anawim: Isa 32:7; Amos 8:4; Ps 9:19; Job 24:4;
"poor" of the Psalms actually are (1924: 90-91). cf. Orlinsky and Weinberg 1983).
Van der Ploeg's critique ( 1950) seeks to separate the Those who argue that 'iinawim and 'ani are different
term 'anawim, "religious humility," from the terms 'ani, words would have to see in this state of affairs scribal
>ebyan, and dal, which mean "socioeconomic poverty." confusion over the two words. However, it is much more
Working from the prophets, van der Ploeg maintains that likely (from our knowledge of ancient scribal practices)
the descriptions of the poor are so concrete that the that the variation simply reflects the differences between
poverty the prophets were concerned about was not some historic spellings and spoken dialect. It is preferable to see
spiritual phenomenon; rather, it was social and economic in 'ani (whether singular or plural) and 'anaw (almost
oppression (1950: 244, 250). In the prophets and else- exclusively plural) linguistic variants of the same word. It
where in the Hebrew Bible, there is no positive evaluation may be the case that by the time of the LXX, the translators
of poverty; the poor are 'just" only insofar as they are the thought that 'anawim and 'aniyyim carried different mean-
innocent victims of injustice, and poverty does not trans- ings (a distinction maintained in postbiblical Hebrew), but
late automatically into piety, even if God displays a special a comparison of their usage in the Hebrew Bible shows
concern for the situation of the poor ( 1950: 245-46). this is not the case. We may finally note that since the
Nowhere does the Hebrew Bible romanticize poverty; it is plural forms 'aniyyim and 'anawim go back to at least the
not a voluntary condition but the product of oppressive 8th-century prophets (Isaiah uses 'aniyyim; Amos uses
practices in society. Having disconnected poverty from a 'anawim), this Hebrew dialectical and spelling variant is
religious ideal such as humility, van der Ploeg then sug- quite old and should not be explained as a product of
gests that the term 'anawim must refer to plain humility (a Aramaic influence, as Birkeland seeks to do ( 1932: 15-16.
character trait) and must not be confused with the poverty 19-20).
of the 'ani (a socioeconomic condition). Van der Ploeg A problematic singular form 'anaw occurs in Num 12:3.
understands 'anawim as the general attitude of submission The word is commonly translated "humble," pointing to
before God on the part of believers no matter what their Moses as the most humble person in the world. Rashi
social status or economic condition may be, and poverty sustains this interpretation in his commentary on Numbers
does not necessarily predispose one to this virtue (l 950: when he says that 'aniiw means "humble" (Jiipiil) and "pa-
263-65). tient" (sabet.an). If this is true, this would be one case where
5. 'anaw and 'ani. Since the analyses of van der Ploeg 'ani and 'anaw clearly diverge from one another as sepa-
and Baudissin hinge in part on a particular understanding rate words. However, while the Kethib is 'iinaw, the Qere is
of the relationship between 'ani and 'anaw, it is necessary the unusual anyw. Gray explains the yod in the Qere as "a
to sort out the issues behind this linguistic debate. mater Lectionis to indicate that the last syllable is to be
v. 413 POOR, POVERTY

pronounced as in debiiriiw" (Numbers ICC, 1~4; cf. Rahlfs derive and explain their social visions in light of their
1892: 95-100). If this is the case, the Qere 1s comparable confrontation with the realities of poverty in ancient Isra-
to that for stw (Cant 2: l l), which has a yod inserted before elite society. Poverty is a decisive issue in the prophetic and
the waw in the Qere to indicate that the word is to be read legal traditions. It is in these traditions that we are brought
setiiw (cf. Rahlfs 1892: 98-99). This reading for 'anaw is face-to-face with the harsh living conditions of the poor:
known from Qumran and later rabbinic writings, although hunger and thirst, homelessness, economic exploitation,
curiously it does not appear at all in the Mishnah •. whic~ legal injustices, lack of sufficient farmland. All these form
knows only 'anf and 'ii.niyyfm (Kandler 1957). While this the web of poverty in ancient Israel. The prophets protest
analysis is possible, there are other equally plausible inter- what they see to be the oppression of the poor at the hands
pretations for this scribal notation (cf. Birkeland 1932: of the society's rulers, while the legal tradents offer some
18-20). The consonantal form of the Qere appears to limited provisions to ease the burdens of those who suffer
combine both 'ani and 'aniiw, perhaps to indicate scribal in this situation. The liturgical tradition, as represented in
uncertainty over this word, or to note dialectical variation, the Psalms, presents a God who assists the poor in their
or to indicate that 'anaw is to be read as 'anf. This latter distress, and the psalmists offer many prayers on their
suggestion is supported by the Samaritan Pentateuch, behalf. However, as we have seen, the Psalter's use of terms
which may read 'ani in Num 12:3 and not 'anaw (cf. THAT for the poor tends to be rather vague with regard to their
6: 259). In light of the ambiguity of this situation, it is specific circumstances, causing us to wonder if the text is
quite possible that the 'anaw in Num 12:3 should be more metaphorical in its use of the terms and therefore
treated as 'anf and translated: "Moses had suffered more/ more spiritualized in its approach to the topic. The wis-
was more oppressed than any other person in the world." dom tradition offers divergent positions. Proverbs, in part
If 'ii.nawim, then, is nothing more than a plural form of by drawing on a different vocabulary for poverty, develops
'ani, the meaning of 'aniiwim must be sought in conjunc- a markedly different view of poverty: to the wise, poverty
tion with all the 'ani texts. Three things will follow from is either the result of laziness or represents the judgment
this. (I) The term 'ii.nawim will be understood to denote of God. By contrast, the book of Job moves in the direction
concrete socioeconomic forms of poverty: it cannot be of the language and analysis of the prophets. In this book,
viewed as a condition that occurs by chance or by not being the poor are victims of economic and legal injustices.
upright; rather, it is the product of oppression (Kuschke Furthermore, poverty becomes one of the book's major
1939: 48-51). (2) The religious connotation of "humble- issues: Job has to defend himself against the charge that
ness" will be rejected, although it will not be necessary to he has exploited the poor. One of the arguments for his
lay aside the biblical idea that God is concerned for the innocence is built around the fact that he has defended
oppressed, and we can still see that the poor are depicted the cause of the poor.
as those who do call on God in their oppression (cf. THAT One unexpected conclusion we have arrived at through
2: 345); in other words, the relation between God and the this study is that the plight of the poor was not a vital issue
poor is a matter of justice, not based on piety (THAT 2: for ancient Israel's "historians," material that in this article
352-55). (3) The statistics for word distribution will be has been termed the "narrative literature." A notable lack
combined, making 'anil'ii.nawim the predominant word for of poverty language distances the pentateuchal and Deu-
poverty in the Hebrew Bible. teronomistic historical writers from the issues of socioeco-
For another noteworthy discussion of the semantic nomic injustice; one must press the text to have these
meaning of 'iiniiwim, see Kraus 1986: 150-54. Other im- chroniclers address the topic of oppression. It is true that
portant discussions on poverty in the Psalms include the narratives about Solomon's use of forced labor (1 Kgs
Bolkestein 1939: 23-32; and Stamm 1955: 55-60. 5:27-32; 9: 15-22; 12: 1-17), the text of Samuel's critique
of kingship (1Samuel8), and the story of Ahab's taking of
H. Conclusion Naboth's vineyard (1 Kings 21) are potentially useful for
This survey of the various terms for "poor" in the developing sociological perspectives on the treatment of
Hebrew Bible vindicates the context-oriented method out- the poor in ancient Israelite society; likewise, one may
lined at the beginning of this article. Close attention to the choose to read the Exodus events as God's intervention on
precise usage and statistical distribution of these terms behalf of the poor (cf. Gutierrez 1973: 155, 157). But in
makes us aware of the diverging notions about poverty each case, the language of poverty is not present, and it
that infuse the biblical text. The classic discussions of the would seem that this is deliberately the case, for in the few
etymologies of the terms, while certainly important exer- cases these "historians" do make use of the words for
cises, are generally unhelpful as guides to the meaning of "poor," these terms either take on different nuances or
these terms. Furthermore, the etymological approach fails are used to discuss matters that have nothing to do with
to grapple with the diverging ideologies that exist in the the situation of the poor. It would seem, then, that the
text, and that are brought to the surface in a contextual writers of the pentateuchal and Deuteronomistic narra-
analysis of the terms for "poor." tives are not concerned with a critique of poverty and
Some streams of the biblical tradition are clearly con- injustice, even in the case of the Exodus text. An alterna-
cerned about poverty, although their theologies and anal- tive analysis of these texts would argue that the writers of
yses of .pov~rty differ radically. Nevertheless, the legal, Exodus and Samuel-Kings are concerned with developing
prophetic, wisdom, and liturgical traditions all see poverty a critique of kingship and foreign domination, but not
as ~ matt~r of grave significance to the community. The with an analysis of the structures of poverty in their
philosophies that drive these streams of tradition, in part, society. This latter conclusion, though somewhat negative,
POOR, POVERTY 414 • v
reveals an important insight into the diverse character of in Amos 2.1. Pp. 25-36 in Estudios Masoreticos (V Congreso de
social thought in the Hebrew Bible. la IOMS), ed. E. Tejera. Madrid.
Pleins, J. D. 1987. Poverty in the Social World of the Wise. ]SOT
Bibliography 37: 61-78.
Aartun, K. 1971. Hebraisch 'anf und 'anaw. BiOr 28: 125-26. Ploeg, J. van der. 1950. Les Pauvres d'lsrael et Leur Piete. OTS 7:
Baudissin, W. 1912. Die alttestamentliche Religion und die Armen. 236-70.
Preussische]ahrbii.cher 149: 193-231. Pons, J. 1981. L'Oppression dans l'ancien Testament. Paris.
Berghe, P. van den. 1962. 'Anf et 'anaw dans Jes Psaumes. Pp. 273- Rahlfs, A. 1892. 'Ani und 'antiw in den Psalmen. Gottingen.
95 in Le Psautier (Orientalia et Biblica Lovaneinsia IV), ed. R. Renan, E. 1887-93. Histoire du Peuple d'lsrael. 5 volumes. Paris.
De Langhe. Louvain. Soden, W. van. 1969. Zur Herkunft van hebr. >ebjon "arm." MIO
Birkeland, H. 1932. 'Ani und 'anaw in den Psalmen. SNVAO 4. Oslo. 15: 322-26.
- - . 1933. Die Feinde des ftuiividuums in der Israelitischen Psalmen- Stamm, J. 1955. Ein Vierteljahrhundert Psalmenforschung. TRu
literatur. Oslo. 23: 1-68.
Bolkestein, H. 1939. Wohltiitigkeit und Armenpfiege im Vorchristlichen Tsumura, D. 1982. Sandhi in the Ugaritic Language. Bungei-Gengo
Altertum. Utrecht. Kenyu 7: 111-26.
Bruppacher, H. 1924. Die Beurteilung der Armut im Alten Testament. Ward, W. 1960. Comparative Studies in Egyptian and Ugaritic.
Zurich. ]NES 19: 31-40.
Bryce, G. 1979. A Legacy of Wisdom. Lewisburg, PA. Wittenberg, G. 1986. The Lexical Context of the Terminology for
Causse, A. 1922. Les "Pauvres" d'lsrael. Paris. "Poor" in the book of Proverbs. Scriptura: Tydskrif vir l!ybelkunde
- - . 1937. Du Groupe Ethnique a la Communaute Religieuse. Paris. (Stellenbosch) 2: 40-85.
Crum, W. 1939. A Coptic Dictionary. Oxford. Wolff, H. 1978. Micah the Moreshite-The Prophet and His Back-
Delekat, L. 1964. Zurn Hebraischen Worterbuch. VT 14: 7-66. ground. Pages 77-85 in Israelite Wisdom: Theological and Literary
Donald, T. 1964. The Semantic Field of Rich and Poor in the Essays in Honor of Samuel Terrien, eds. J. G. Gammie, et al.
Wisdom Literature of Hebrew and Accadian. OrAnt 2: 27-41. Missoula, MT.
Gibson, J. 1977. Canaanite Myths and Legends. Edinburgh. - - . 198 I. Micah the Prophet. Trans. R. D. Gehrke. Philadelphia.
Gillingham, S. 1988-89. The Poor in the Psalms. ExpTim 100: 15- J. DAVID Pt.EINS
19.
Gutierrez, G. 1973. A Theology of Liberation. Maryknoll. NEW TESTAMENT
Hands, A. 1968. Charities and Social Aid in Greece and Rome. Ithaca,
NY. A. Methodology
H'meyman, A. 1944. Some Developments of the Semitic Root )Uy. B. Terminology
]AOS 64: 81-82. C. Epistle of James
Humbert, P. 1952. Le mot biblique el!yon. RHPR 32: 1-6. D. Gospel Source "Q"
Hupfeld, H. 1867-71. Die Psalmen: Obersetzt und Ausgelegt, 2d ed. 4 E. Mark
vols. Gotha. F. Matthew
Kandler, H.-J. 1957. Die Bedeutung der Armut im Schrifttum van G. Luke-Acts
Chirbet Qumran.]udaica 13: 193-209.
H. The Pauline Letters
I. Deutero-Pauline Letters
Kennedy, J. 1898. Studies in Hebrew Synonyms. London.
Kittel, R. 1914. Exkurs: Die Armen und Elenden im Psalter.
J. The Pastoral Letters
K. 1-2 Peter, Jude
Pp. 314-18 in Die Psalmen. Leipzig.
L. Revelation
Kraus, H.-J. 1986. Theology of the Psalms. Trans. K. Crim. Minneap-
M. Gospel and Letters of John
olis. N. Hebrews
Kuschke, A. 1939. Arm und Reich im Alten Testament mit beson-
0. Conclusion
derer Beriicksichtigung der nachexilischen Zeit. ZAW 57: 31-
57.
A. Methodology . . .
Lambdin, T. 1953. Egyptian Loan Words in the OT.]AOS 73: 145- Despite much excellent work on countless md1v1dual
55. texts (and even authors such as James and Luke), and
Leeuwen, C. van. 1955. Le Developpement du Sens Social en Israel innumerable general studies following the classical word-
avant l'ere Chretienne. Studia Semitica Neerlandica, I. Assen. study methodology, we still lack a solid, thorough overview
Lindenberger, J. 1983. The Aramaic Proverbs of Ahiqar. Baltimore. of NT teaching on the poor/poverty. The utter inadequacy
Loeb, I. 1892. La Litterature des Pauvres dans la Bible. Paris. of word-study approaches may be seen in the common
Lohfink, N. 1986. Von der "Anawim-Partei" zur "Kirche der Ar- omission of such theologically fundamental texts as Matt
men." Biblica 67: 153-76. 25:31-46, where poverty is concretely described ("I was
Lurje, M. 1927. Studien zur Geschichte der Wirtschaftlichen und Sozialen hungry ... thirsty ... naked") but without a general word
Verhiiltnisse im lsraelitisch-]udischen Reiche. BZAW 45. Giessen. for poor/poverty. Sweeping theological conclusions dra~n
Malchow, B. 1982. Social Justice in the Wisdom Literature. BTB from highly selective word studies have tended to be mis-
12: 120-24. leading. While much of homiletical value can be found in
Martin-Achard, R. 1965. Yahwe et Jes 'anawim. Tl 21: 349-57. existing works, the common tendency to systematize (with
Munch, P. 1936. Einige Bemerkungen zu den 'anawim und den forced ideological harmonization) makes clear the ne.ed
rlJa'im in den Psalmen. Le Monde Oriental 30: 13-26. for further interdisciplinary and integrative study. Contm-
Orlinsky, H. M., and Weinberg, M. 1983. The Masorah on 'anawim ual disagreement about socioeconomic background, date.
v • 415 POOR, POVERTY

and authorship of many NT documents makes any effort C. Epistle of James

at comprehensive overview tentative, but growing sensitiv- James is the NT writing that stands closest to the OT
ity to NT diversity, ideological pitfalls, and new anthropo- prophets in its perspective on poverty and oppression
logical perspectives are making possible considerable ad- (Hanks 1983: 45-50), not surprising if it be the earliest
vances on previous studies in an area that undoubtedly NT writing (45-50 A.o.?) and written by Jesus' brother
will involve much debate for years to come. In the Gospels, (Davids, James NIGTC, 21-22; Maynard-Reid 1987: 8).
in addition to texts that refer explicitly to the poor, debate The Jewish-Christian recipients are not for the most part
continues regarding the socioeconomic level of Jesus, his destitute beggars (2:2), but neither are they wealthy (2:6;
disciples, the author of each gospel, and the ecclesiastical 5: 1-6). As a minority group ("Diaspora," 1: 1) they appear
situation addressed. Anthropological and feminist studies to consist mainly of small farmers and artisans-those who
often broaden definitions and concerns to include groups have little and must live frugally (Stegemann 1984: 40-
socially weak, marginated, and despised: women, the sick 41).
and handicapped, tax collectors, sexual minorities, etc. In addition to the term for the beggarly poor (4 times
ptoch6s, 2:2-5), related terms James employs include the
B. Terminology "humble" (tapein6s, 1:9; cf. 4:6, 10); "orphans and widows"
Classic word-study approaches (TDNT 6: 885-915; (I :27); "workers and harvesters ... the just" (5:4, 6). The
NJDNTT 2: 820-28) focused especially on ptoch6s ("poor, beggarly poor are characterized by shabby clothing (2:2);
oppressed," lit. "beggar"), by far the most common term being naked or lacking in daily food (2: 15-16); the weak,
for the utterly destitute in the NT (34 times). However, in needy, and marginated also include women (2: 15), sexual
ancient Greece the most common term was penis, describ- minorities (widows; the prostitute Rahab, 2:25), and the
ing one who has little and must live frugally (used only in sick (5: 14-15).
2 Cor 8:9 in the NT). Other terms include penichr6s In continuity with the OT (Exodus paradigm; prophets)
("poor," Luke 21:2; cf. hysterematos, v 4, "want") and endees James never blames the victims (for sloth, vice, genetic
("needy," Acts 4:34). Terms for need and want tend to be inferiority, etc.); rather he focuses on oppression as the
neglected in vocabulary surveys (see chreia 49 times in the basic cause of poverty (cf. Luke 4: 18-19; Hanks 1983: 38-
NT; Acts 2:45; 4:35; Phil 4:16, 19; Titus 3:14; l John 39). The "affliction" (thlipsis) suffered by orphans and
3: 17). The words for "poor" cannot be "defined" exhaus- widows may refer explicitly to oppression (Hanks 1983:
tively and statically, but generally designate persons and 4 7; Tamez 1989: 17).
groups lacking (totally or in some degree) the necessitites The oppression of the poor and weak appears to func-
of life: food, drink, clothing, shelter, health, land/employ- tion basically in three ways in James (Davids James NIGTC;
ment, freedom, dignity and honor, etc. (cf. Job 24:1-12). Maynard-Reid 1987; Tamez 1989): (1) financial-legal
While poverty may be concretely indicated by specific mechanisms, especially against poor debtors (2: 1-12); (2)
manifestations (hungry, thirsty, naked, homeless, unem- greedy and boastful merchants (4:13-17; cf. "covet"); (3)
ployed, despised}, the presence of specific manifestations wealthy landowners withholding wages, a common mecha-
cannot simply be equated with a socioeconomic condition nism of oppression (5:4). The rich "oppress" (katadynas-
of poverty (Peter became hungry, Acts 10: 10). In addition, teuo, 2:6) James' recipients, dragging them to court. Such
various texts speak of poor/poverty metaphorically (Rev "injustice/oppression" (adikia) is basically what character-
3: 17), though in certain cases exegetes continue to debate izes the entire worldly system (2:6; Pons 1971: 166; cf. 4:4;
whether the usage is literal or metaphorical (2 Cor 8:9; "trials," I :2, 12).
Stegemann 1984: 14-15). James, like Jesus, seems not to know Paul's doctrine of
Malina (1986: 156) has argued from anthropology that the fall; rather he espouses a more typical Jewish doctrine
in biblical cultures (as in modern Latin America) econom- of creation (3:9) and individual sin (l: 13-15; everyone is
ics, politics, and religion commonly are embedded in kin- "Adam"; 2 Bar. 54: 19). He appears to place little stress on
ship institutions, with the result that "wealthy 'sonless' evangelism as popularly defined. However, such limited
women whose husbands have died are referred to as 'poor categories may fail to recognize that the prophetic denun-
widows.' " Poverty in such contexts refers to "the inade- ciation of oppression is an essential part of evangelism,
quacy of life without honor, with consequent social and conceived as the proclamation of good news-preferen-
personal inability to participate in the activities of the tially-to the poor (Luke 3:10-14; 4:18-19; 6:20-26;
Hanks 1983: 109-19). James envisions a community of
community, the inability to maintain self-respect as de-
disciples whose new lifestyle (stressing above all a loving
fined by community social standards." While this inclusion
response to the destitute, weak, and marginated) embodies
of dimensions of kinship and honor is helpful, the NT
the "word" proclaimed in a "world" characterized by
often 1s quite specific about the economic condition of greed, domination, and oppression of the poor and weak
"poor widows" (Luke 21 :4-5) and those in need of healing (1:18, 21; 4:6; 5:19-20; Tamez 1989: 56-69).
(Hanks 1983: 111). The socioeconomic dimension of Paul- James is concerned especially with the kinds of sins of
ine teaching on justification (as "good news to the poor") the tongue that create a false sense of importance and
is best understood against the kind of background de- security for the affluent, but which deny dignity, honor,
scribed ~y Malina (Rom 5:1-11; Hanks 1986a: 14-16), and and justice to the poor and weak (2:6-7). His understand-
t?e Paulme preoccupation with empowering the weak (2 ing of justification (cf. "condemnation," 2: 12-13; 3:8-9;
Cor .12:9-10) 1s closely related to the Synoptic concern for 4:11-12; 5:6) dignifies the poor (Hanks 1986a: 14-16),
healmg the sICk, empowering the poor, and accepting the focusing on the paired examples of Abraham, an immi-
margmated and "unclean" (Countryman 1988). grant (like James' recipients), and Rahab, the woman who
POOR, POVERTY
416 • v
showed hospitality to Israel's migrant ancestors. As else- incorporate? into social structures (Mark 10:29-30; cf.
where in the NT, becoming "doers of the word," the Stege~a~n m Sch?ttro~fand Stegemann 1984: 158). In Q
performance of "good works," involves above all respond- the pnon.ty at.tenllon gwen to the poor and evangelism of
ing in practical ways to the material needs of destitute the poor 1s evident from the first beatitude (Luke 6:20 =
brothers, sisters, and neighbors ( 1:22-25; 4: 17; cf. "for- Matt 5:3; cf. Luke 7:22 = Matt 11:55; Luke 4:18-19).
giveness" in 5: 14-16). Failure to be a doer of the word in In the history of NT stu~ies the apostle Paul repeatedly
helping the poor, oppressed, and marginated is to become has been portrayed as a kmd of "conservative" who be-
guilty of murdering the poor (5:6) and committing "adul- trayed Jesus' more radical teaching (on slavery, women, the
tery" with the world (4:4-6; cf. 1 John 3: 17). poor, social outcasts, etc.). Surprisingly, however, Paul is
Although James commends the peaceful nonresistance "the only person really known to us from early Christianity
of oppressed harvesters, he is not passive in the face of who might be called a 'wandering radical' or a 'radical
such injustice and oppression. Rather, he vigorously de- wanderer'" (Liihrmann 1989: 70). Paul was a homeless
nounces the cruel oppression and violence that impoverish prophet who wandered through the world without wife or
and kill (2: 11; 3:8; 5:5-6). For his recipients he commends family ties (l Cor 9:5). Contrary to Jesus' mission instruc-
a wise response (cf. Q and wisdom; Adamson 1989: 363- tion, Paul often earned his livelihood as a tentmaker (1
90) of "militant patience" (Tamez 1989: 52-56; James 1:3- Cor 9: 14-15). This need not be viewed, however, as "rela-
4, 19; 5:7-11), nonresistance (5:6), peace (4:17-18), and tivizing" Jesus' more radical teaching (pace Liihrmann
prayer (1:5-7; 5:13-17; Tamez 1989: 69-72). The Parou- 1989: 70-71) but as an alternative expression of radical
sia hope continues to function vigorously as the focus of Christian freedom not so dependent upon the hospitality
an expectation of direct divine intervention (5:7-9), which and donations-and ideological control-of established
consummates the promise of a kingdom characterized by communities (1Cor9:1). For in fact, the homeless proph-
liberation.justice, peace, and love (1:12, "life"; 2:5, "king- ets portrayed in Q could only exist in dependence upon
dom"; Tamez 1989: 33-50). communities already existing or established by them. Paul,
Although closest to the OT, James already is at a distance with his synagogue contacts and church planting, only
from the earliest NT traditions about poverty (see D be- applied to the gentile world the dialectic between homeless
low): the Jewish Christians addressed are in exile (l: 1), but prophets and hospitable Palestinian Jewish communities
are not itinerant prophets. They live in a settled commu- implicit in Q's portrayal of the prophet Jesus and his
nity of "brothers" and "sisters" (2:6-7, 15; cf. 1:27; 2:25- homeless followers.
26), but one which is racked with (class?) conflict (4: 1-3).
While James is one of the three NT authors explicitly said E. Mark
to be married ( 1 Cor 9:5; cf. Peter and Jude), his exaltation Mark employs ptoch6s only five times in three contexts
of a single woman and prostitute, and his neglect of (10:21, the rich man; 12:42-43, the widow's mite; 14:5, 7,
specific family virtues and responsibilities, are closer to Q's the anointing in Bethany), but a careful reading reveals
ideal (see below) than to the teaching of some later NT abundant indirect references to poverty: the lifestyle of
writings ( 1 Peter, Deutero-Pauline letters and pastorals). John the Baptist (1:6; 6:17, 27) and of Jesus (6:3; 11:12;
See also HAUSTAFELN; HOUSEHOLD CODES. James 14:65; 15: 15, 19; Pallares 1986: 176); the voluntary depri-
prophetically denounces oppression and abuse of wealth, vations of the disciples (1: 18, 20; 2:23-25; 6:8-9, 36-37;
but does not advocate total abandonment of home, family, 9:41; 10:28-31); the socioeconomic level of the "crowds"
possessions, and trade. (Myers 1988: 120) and their environment as reflected in
Jesus' teaching (2:21, the use of old, mended clothes; 5:2-
D. Gospel Source "Q" 3, 5; 7:11-13; 8:1-2; 12:1-2).
Scholarly studies suggest that the very earliest NT tra- Such evidence leads Stegemann ( 1984: 23) to conclude:
ditions, which are reflected in the Q source (non-Markan "The movement within Judaism in Palestine associated
material common to Luke and Matthew), also provide us with the name of Jesus was a movement of the poor for the
with the most radical presentation of NT teaching on the poor." Jesus' identification as a "carpenter" (Mark 6:3) in
poor and poverty (Lilhrmann 1989: 70). Q materials re- an insignificant Galilean hamlet suggests the situation of a
flect the teaching of charismatic itinerant prophets who wage-earning day laborer: "Probably neither Jesus nor his
still took the instruction of Jesus' mission discourse liter- first disciples were professed beggars, yet they shared the
ally: homelessness (Luke 9:57-58 = Matt 8: 19-20), and a desperate situation of many of their fellow country folk-
radical separation from family (Luke 9:59-60 = Matt particularl y in Galilee-barely avoiding utter poverty"
8:21-22) and from property, possessions, and trade (Luke (Stegemann 1984: 24; see Waetjen 1989: 10-11). Mark's
10:2-12 = Matt 9:37-38; 10:7-16; Luke 12:33-34 = Matt gospel may be directed to a similarly poor church in
6:20-21; Luke 11:2-4 = Matt 6:9-14). This Wanderradi- Roman-occupied Syria (Waetjen 1989: 4, 15) at a time of
kalismus, attributed by Gerd Thiessen to the Jesus move- persecution (A.D. 67-70) and before significant numbers
ment in general, is now more commonly understood to of more affluent members were added. The paucity of
reflect the teaching of Jesus as preserved by the Q group. explicit references to the beggarly poor (ptoch6s) in Mark
For the Q group, Jesus is viewed primarily as the prophet, (5 times; cf. 10 times in Luke) is quite compatible with the
and his homeless followers are also prophets (Lilhrmann indications of pervasive poverty (in the broader sense of
1989: 64, 71). The final redaction ofQ is commonly dated the classical term penis). Numerous comments about water
around 60 A.D., while Mark, writing around 69 A.D., speaks need not be expected from the fish that swim therein (pace
not of homelessness as an inalterable condition of disciple- Bammel in TDNT 6: 903).
ship, but of settled communities of Christians who are If tradition is correct in ascribing the gospel to the
v • 417 POOR, POVERTY

unmarried young rebel (from a well-to-do Jerusalem fam- in Acts 13-28. Paul is characterized as exemplary in his
ily) who agreed to share the deprivations and rigors of freedom from love of money (20:33-34), but his strategic
Paul's itinerant missionary lifestyle (Acts 12:13-14; 13:5, gift to the poor saints in Jerusalem (which looms so impor-
13; 15:37-40; 2 Tim 4:11; 1Pet5:13), we can understand tant in his epistles) receives the barest mention in Acts
the proximity of his gospel to the Q source. (24: 17). What recent studies have tended to overlook is the
anthropological perspective, according to which the gen·
F. Matthew tiles in Acts 13-28-although traditionally Israel's oppres-
Paradoxically, Matthew begins his account of Jesus' sors-were excluded and marginated from Jewish life and
teaching with an apparent "spiritualizing" reference to the worship because of their uncleanness (Countryman 1988).
poor (5:3 = Luke 6:20); however, his version of Jesus' final Acts 13-28 may be criticized for concentrating too much
discourse closes with what may be the most radical text on on the quantitative aspect of church growth, but the kind
poverty in the NT (certainly, along with Luke 4:18-19 it and quality of community life had already been amply
has served as one of two pillar texts for liberation theology established in Luke and Acts l-12, and the purpose in
(Gutierrez 1973: 254-65; Pikaza 1984). Probably, then, we Acts 13-28 involves concentration on the miraculous incor-
should not understand Matt 5:3 as a species of Neoplatonic poration of gentiles who are "cleansed by faith" without
"spiritualizing" long dominant in church tradition, but as submission to circumcision and the law.
a call to high-risk solidarity with poorer disciples at a time While older studies tended to view Luke as the "social
of persecution (Hanks l 986b; Pantelis 1989). radical" among the gospel writers, recent studies tend to
Despite the length of his gospel and his inclusion of five view the Q source and/or Mark as reflecting more radical
lengthy discourses of Jesus' teaching, Matthew contains no perspectives on the poor. Little attention has been paid to
more explicit references to the poor (ptoch6s) than Mark (5 Luke's concern for the "immoral minorities" commonly
times each). Three of Matthew's references ( 19: 21; 26:9, marginated from society: tax collectors, prostitutes, etc.
II) are taken from Mark (10:21; 14:5, 7); the other two (7:2, 34, 37, 39; Hanks 1986a: 12; Countryman 1988: 66-
(5:3; 11:5) are from Q (= Luke 6:20; 7:22). However, 74). Luke's heavy concentration on the economic dimen-
Matthew's option for the poor is also evident in the impor· sion of the gospel (only partly reflected in word-study
tance he attaches to almsgiving (6: 1-4) and in his fierce data; cf. 1:51-53; 3:10-14; 6:34-36; 9:58; 11:41; 12:33;
denunciation of oppression (23: l-36; cf. Luke 6:24-26). 14: 12-14, 33) is now commonly understood to respond to
In 25:31-46, writing in a conflictive situation, Matthew sets a situation of a relatively poor church (Caesaria/Antioch?)
forth this option (good works) for the poor, weak, and ca. A.D. 70-85 faced with an unprecedented influx of more
oppressed as the only criterion for the final judgment-a affluent members and in danger of succumbing to the
truly radical conclusion (Miranda 1974: ll8; NIDNTT 2: "love of money" characteristic of certain Pharisees (16: 14;
826; Hanks 1986a: 18). Moxnes 1988: l-21). Luke addresses such an economically
If "Matthew" was in fact the unmarried tax collector of upwardly-mobile Christian community, drawing on an ex-
tradition, his inclusion of sexual minorities in his geneal· tensive store of Jesus' teaching appropriate to the crisis. W
ogy is consistent with his praxis (9:9-ll; cf. l9:ll-l2), the Pilgrim (198 l) analyzed Luke's teaching on wealth and
option he advocates not only for those poor economically, poverty as involving three basic categories: (l) total renun-
but also for despised, marginated classes (poor in terms of ciation of wealth; (2) warnings against the dangers of
honor). His predominantly Jewish readership and the con· wealth; and (3) right use of wealth. Zaccheus' example ("I
text of severe persecution may largely explain the necessity give half of my possessions to the poor," 19:8; cf. 3: 10-14)
of his more subversive strategy (7:6). is now commonly viewed as Luke's preferred paradigm for
the influx of recently converted "wealthy disciples" (a
G. Luke-Acts contradiction in terms for Q and Mark). Johnson (1977)
Uncritical readings and word-study approaches easily argues that money in Luke often has a symbolic function
established Luke's special concern for the beggarly poor linked to the acceptance or rejection of Jesus.
(ptoch6s I 0 times plus penichr6s, 21: 2; cf. ptoch6s 5 times If the author of Luke-Acts is the traditional unmarried
each in Mark and Matthew); however, the total absence of "beloved physician" and sometime companion of Paul in
these words in Acts has raised questions. Of the six uses of his apostolic deprivations, Luke's missionary praxis, cul-
ptoch6s in Luke which are not dependent on Mark or Q, minating in his literary effort, undoubtedly has been cor-
five occur in the travel narrative of9:5l-l9:27: 14:13, 21; rectly understood as an impressive testimony to solidarity
16:20, 22; 19:8. Also unique to Luke is 4:18, which stands with the poor, weak, and marginated-but perhaps a more
as a programmatic introduction to Jesus' ministry (Ringe moderate response than that epitomized by Jesus and his
1985; Hanks 1983: 97-119; cf. 6:20 = Matt 5:3). disciples according to Q and Mark.
Within Acts another problem posed is the relative con-
centration on the needs of the poor in the first half of the H. The Pauline Letters
~ok: having all things in common (2:42-47; 4:32-37), The seven unquestioned letters of Paul constitute docu-
with the poor described as those having "need" (chreia, ments that largely predate Q and the four Gospels. Paul's
2:45; 4:35); the appointment of seven deacons to correct proximity to Jesus' praxis and teaching on poverty is best
injustice in the church's ministry to Hellenistic widows; the perceived by attention to the apostolic praxis as reflected
exemplary ministries of Dorcas (9:36-43) and Cornelius in the "catalogs of affliction/oppression" in I Cor 4: IO-
(10:2, 4, 31) in providing alms, etc. (Moxnes 1988: 159- l 3a; 2 Cor 4:8-10; 6:4b-10; 11 :23b-29; 12: 10; Rom 8:35;
62). Such explicit concern for the poor, however, is almost Phil 4: 12 (Hodgson 1983).
totally lacking in the narrative of Paul's missionary travels Linguistically, all seven uses of the more explicit vocab-
POOR, POVERTY 418 • v
ulary for poor/poverty occur in the unquestioned Paulines. theologically), we may ask whether specifically this is true
In Gal 2: 10 "contin·uing to remember the destitute" (pto- regarding their perspective on poverty.
ch6s) is viewed as a nonnegotiable element in Christian Despite questions about authorship and date, 2 Thessa-
praxis common to both Petrine and Pauline circles; cf. the lonians has much in common with I Thessalonians in
weak elements (stoicheia), also metaphorically described as perspectives on ~ove~ty. Both stress the Church's experi-
"beggarly" (ptoch6s) in Gal 4:9. In 2 Cor 6: 10 the apostle ence of oppression m the form of persecution, which
concludes the catalog of affliction, describing his own inevitably impoverished the artisan class and manual la-
lifestyle as "poor [ptoch6s] but enriching many; having borers addressed (Hanks 1983: 49; Meeks 1983: 64-65).
nothing, and yet possessing all things." These seven "cata- In 2 Thessalonians particularly, distorted eschatological
logs of affliction" might just as well be described as "cata- speculation, resulting in idleness, only augmented the
logs of oppression" (Hanks 1983: 48-49). Concrete ex- problem (2: 1-12; 3:3-12; cf. I Thess 4: 13-5: 11; 4: 11-12
pressions of injustices suffered, with poverty and ("need," chreia). Paul's apocalyptic gospel, however, created
deprivation often consequent, dominate the lists. viable community (Meeks 1983: 174) and instilled a more
The remaining four uses are to be found in Rom 15:26 sober hope. Elitist Greek prejudices against manual labor
(ptoch6s) and 2 Corinthians 8-9, where Paul deals with the were aggressively corrected by strong exhortation to work
offering for the destitute among the saints in Jerusalem and by Church discipline (2 Thess 4: 10, 14-15).
(Nickle 1966). The only NT use of penes (the more com- In Colossians no explicit language for poverty occurs.
mon word for "poor" in classical Greek) comes in 2 Cor However, as in the unquestioned Paulines, oppression ...
9:9 in the LXX-based citation of Ps 112:9 ("He scatters and persecution directed against Paul and certain
abroad, he gives to the poor; his justice endures forever"). churches may be viewed as the basic cause of suffering,
Still greatly disputed is the interpretation of Paul's refer- imprisonment, and poverty (thlipsis, 1:24; cf. 4: I 0, 18;
ence to the incarnational paradigm for the offering: "For Hanks 1983: 47-50; adikia, 3:25, Hanks 1983: 128).
you know the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, that though In the Hau.stafeln (Col 3: 18-4: I), the inclusion of hus-
he was rich, yet for your sake he became poor (verb ptocheo, bands, fathers, and lords (3:19, 21; 4:1) may indicate an
only here in NT), so that you through his poverty (ptocheia) upward penetration of the gospel in the social structure
might become rich." Commentaries commonly have sug- (cf. I Peter), but the priority given to women (3:15) and
gested Neoplatonic and metaphorical interpretations, but children (3:20), plus the more detailed treatment of slaves
cf. Stegemann (1984: 15) and many liberation theologians; (3:22-25) suggests that the weaker and poorer classes
also the reference to the "poverty" (ptocheia) of the Mace- continue to dominate in the Church membership. Note-
donian churches (2 Cor 8:2). worthy is the explicit stress on 'justice" for slaves, in the
Much recent study has focused on the socioeconomic explicit sense of equality (is6tes), demanded of converted
level of the Pauline churches (Theissen 1982; Meeks 1983). lords (4: !)-especially radical if lords and slaves together
Stegemann (1984: 31-38) speaks of a new consensus ac- are regarded as "brothers" with equal rights (4:7, 9), and
cording to which most of the early Christian communities if the lords were formerly characterized by covetousness
were made up predominantly of "the little people" (penes), rationalized by idolatrous religion (3:5) and particularly
including neither the destitute (ptoch6s) nor the wealthy. oppressive practices (1:21; 3:8; 3:25 adikeo, 2 times).
However, the interpretation of texts such as 1 Cor 1:26-29 Colossians places special emphasis on a false philosoph-
(stressing lack of honor) continue to be disputed (Stege- ical teaching (proto-Gnosticism?) that "robs" the church,
mann 1984: 35-36). Since more spacious houses and and on the true "riches" and "treasures" (2:2-3) of Christ's
leadership for house churches tended to come from the wisdom (undoubtedly metaphorical language), which may
more affluent and educated sectors, situations arose ( 1 reflect certain literal economic effects of the authentic
Cor 11: 17-32) in which a kind of conflict could flare up good news to the poor, contrasted with rapacious itinerant
between some who became drunk ( 11 :21) and others who philosophers (2:8). Proper teaching on the positive good-
"hungered" and "had nothing" (11 :22)-even in the Lord's ness of creation (I: 15-1 7) would counteract oppressive
Supper. Theological elements so basic as the Eucharist ideological tendencies in proto-Gnosticism.
("For I received . . . , 1 Cor 11 :23-33; cf. 11: 17-22), In addition to authentic wisdom (2:2-3), which may
variations in spiritual gifts (1 Corinthians 12; 14) and the reflect traditional Hebrew concerns for universal literacy,
urgency of agape love (chap. 13) are best understood in immediate solutions for poverty may be indicated in the
the context of the socioeconomic conflict or "class strug- kind of evangelization that implants a hope for radical
gle" between more affluent and poorer members. social change (1:5, 12-13), in agape-love solidarity with
However, despite such conflicts and Paul's deprivations, the saints of all social classes (1:4; 2:2, 13; 3:12-14),
a degree of accumulated wealth (capital) was to be ex- forgiveness that probably includes debts (3:13), and good
pected in the house churches he founded: more affluent works to meet the needs of the more destitute members
churches are expected to save up and share with poorer (1:6, 10; 4:10; cf. 1:7, 25; 4:2).
ones, and parents are expected to save for their children Analysis of Ephesians reveals a perspective that is similar
(2 Cor 12:14). Such provisions provide continuity with the to Colossians, but not identical. Direct reference to poorer
teaching in the Deutero-Pauline letters. classes may be seen in the former unemployed "thieves"
and the one having "need" (chreia, 4:28) who is to be aided
I. Deutero-Pauline Letters by "sharing" (metadidomi). "Good works" directed to the
Since 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, and Ephesians gen- needy are seen (as in Titus) as the immediate goal of
erally occupy a place between the seven unquestioned "salvation" (2:8-10). Paul suffers imprisonment (3: I; 4: 1;
Pauline letters and the Pastorals (both stylistically and 6:20), a result of oppression-persecution (thlipsis, 3: 13),
v • 419 POOR, POVERTY

producing deprivation. Slaves (6:5-8) precede lords (6;9) minimize socioeconomic differences by their simple dress
in the Haustafeln, but husbands (5:25-33a) now receive style (l Tim 2:9; cf. 1 Pet 3:3). The good works, so central
more attention than wives (5:22-24, 33b). The concern in in Titus (1:6; 2:7, 14; 3:1, 13-14; cf. 1 Tim 2:10; 5:25; 2
the Haustafeln to strengthen the family structure (which Tim 2:21), represent the chief aim of redemption (Tit
included household servants) may reflect not only a shift 2: 14) and the second great purpose of inspired Scripture
in evangelistic strategy (husbands, lords) but an adaptation (2 Tim 3:14-17; Hanks 1986a: 19). These are works
to bureaucratic realities in the churches' ministry to the particularly defined as undertaken on behalf of those who
poor (cf. 1 Timothy 5). Evangelism is now directed aggres- lack the essentials of life (Tit 3:14; cf. Matt 25:31-46;
sively toward the oppressive ruling classes ("boldness ... Miranda 1974: 18).
ambassador") and not just to the little people (6: 19-20). Often cited without reference to the above contexts and
Hence prophetic denunciation of oppression and injustice teaching are two texts in l Timothy commonly said to
("darkness," 5: 11), fervent intercession, and the practice represent a bourgeois adjustment--or contradiction--of
of liberating justice (6: 14; cf. Job 29: 11-17; Isa 59: 17) are Jesus' radical teaching in Luke. The first, 6:6-10, counsels
advocated in the face of demonic structures of evil (6: 1- those like Timothy, who have only the bare necessities of
18). Many perspectives similar to Colossians are repeated existence, to be content and avoid the love of money ("a
(love, inheritance, covetousness, God's universal Father- root of all kinds of evil," 6:10). The second, 6:17-19,
hood, deacon ministry, forgiveness). instructs Timothy how to reform the lives of the rich.
Whereas Jesus in Luke often called for total renunciation
J. The Pastoral Letters of wealth, the "Paul" of the Pastorals would have his emis-
The focus of the Pastorals on the poor must take into sary in Ephesus simply advocate generosity and good
account the socioeconomic status of the purported author works. Undoubtedly a certain diversity of historical con-
(Paul), the recipients (Timothy and Titus) and the texts and teaching is found here. However, the generosity
churches in Ephesus (1 Tim 1:3) and Crete (Tit 1:5) where and good works that would be demanded of the rich in an
they minister, as well as their explicit teaching about wealth impoverished church undoubtedly would involve some-
and poverty. thing far more stringent than in a modern affluent neigh-
Basically we find "P.aul" in the same conflictive, op- borhood-especially when backed up by the radical ex-
pressed, impoverished status of the apostle in the "tribu- amples of Jesus and Paul (cf. Zaccheus under Luke). The
lation lists" of 1-2 Corinthians and Romans. He who once "generosity" to be demanded ("koiniinik6s," 6: 18) may in-
persecuted the infant Church, even supporting violence (1 volve a kind of solidarity or pooling of resources and
Tim 1: 13) is now the victim of continual persecution and sharing that really has no limits (cf. Acts 2; 4). Another
oppression (2 Tim 1:12; 4:14-15), unjust imprisonment factor is that the Jesus of Luke's gospel often confronts the
(2 Tim 1:15-18; 2:9-13; 3:10-12), deserted by friends unconverted rich directly (6:20-23), while in the Pastorals,
and colleagues (2 Tim 4:9-12, 16), facing the death pen- "Paul" speaks to wealthy converts-and then only indi-
alty (though innocent of all wrongdoing; 2 Tim 4:6-8, rectly through his emissary ("command them ... ," 6: 18).
17-18), fearful of entering into a cold winter without his Factors that produce poverty indicated in the Pastorals
cloak (2 Tim 4:13, 21). Both Timothy and Titus are include especially persecution, oppression, and injustice (2
expected to continue the conflictive, impoverished apos- Tim 2:19; 1Tim1:19); idolatry and the false teaching of
tolic lifestyle (1Tim1: 18; 6: 12; 2 Tim 1:6-8; 2:3-6; 3: 10- the pseudoprophets (2 Tim 2: 16); and coveting (2 Tim
14; 4:5) as originally exemplified by Jesus in the gospel 2:22; 3:6; 4:3; l Tim 3:3-8; 6:9; Tit l :7-l l; 2: 12). As in
(Tit 2:11-14; 1Tim1:11-12; 2:5-6; 2 Tim 1:10-12; 3:8- the early Paulines, the consummation of God's kingdom in
10, 13), who similarly suffered oppression and violence the Parousia stands as the ultimate solution, but is no
(2:5-6; 3: 11-12), yet loved even his oppressors and perse- longer expected to occur within Paul's lifetime (cf. 1 Tim
cutors (I Tim 1:13-14, 16; 3:16-17), and was vindicated 6:14; 2 Tim 4:8; Tit 2:13).
by his resurrection (3: 16-17). The evangelization of the world with the gospel remains
Analysis of the Pastorals' controverted teaching ("bour- (at least implicitly) as good news that gives special hope to
geois"? see below) to the churches in Ephesus and Crete the poor, as evidenced by the ready response of widows
should not be carried out in isolation from the above- and slaves. Salvation is never limited to a Platonic heavenly
mentioned elements of continuity with the Jesus of the sphere (2 Tim 4: 18), but includes material relief in this
Gospels and the Paul of the seven unquestioned Pauline life (2 Tim 4: 18).
letters. Significant elements of discontinuity are discerni- The church is the "pillar and ground of truth," particu-
ble, but many studies oversimplify or exaggerate them. larly because it represents the new alternative community
Th~ lowly soci~economic status of the churches in Eph- where God's just and loving purpose for all humanity
esus 1s reflected m 1 Timothy, especially in the detailed begins to be realized. Prophetic denunciation of persecu-
instructions given to counteract ecclesiastical bureaucratic tion and oppression may be seen in the remarks on Alex-
paternalism in the care for "real" (impoverished) widows ander the coppersmith (2 Tim 4: 14; cf. 1 Tim 6: 13), but
(5:3-16) and the maintenance of social responsibility in the false teachers condemned held numerous tenets that
the extended family; in the qualifications for deacons (and would be detrimental especially to the poorer members
deaconesses? 3:8-13) who minister primarily to the poor· (see food prohibitions, 1 Tim 4:3). Thus, even proper
and in the instructions to slaves (household servants, 6: l_.'. church government (so central a concern in l Timothy
2; cf. Tit 2:9-10; note the omission of parallel instructions and Titus) becomes a means for ensuring that the
for slave owners; cf. Philemon). churches, like their apostle, "remember the poor" (Gal
Women of means are frequent converts, but exhorted to 2: l 0). It might even be argued that historically, these most
POOR, POVERTY 420 • v
"conservative" epistles have contributed most to economic hoi;>e (1 :3, 21) that included life in the new people of God,
development and the liberation of oppressed classes in which was to b~ consumm~ted at the Parousia (2: 12; 4: 13),
those countries which early extended the Calvinistic inter- seen as the ulumate solution to all persecution, homeless-
pretation of their teaching on church government to the ness, oppression, poverty, and suffering.
national political level (L6pez Michelson 194 7). . Altho~gh .Jude purports to be the brother of James (I),
his und1sgmsed fury against false teachers (4-19) seems
K. 1-2 Peter,Jude far removed from James' indignation against the rich who
I Peter, probably a baptismal homily/tract proceeding oppress the poor. Conceivably Jude attacks the kind of
from the Petrine circle (1:1; 5:12-13) in Rome (ca. 80 ideology that evolves to rationalize injustice, oppression,
A.D.?), addresses churches in five provinces of Asia Minor and indifference to the material needs of the poor, whose
(I: I; modern Turkey). Although the general technical needs should be ministered to in the "love feasts" (12,
terms for poor/poverty are absent, the relatively impover- "feed themselves"; cf. "coveting" in 16, 18). The "impiety"
ished situation of the churches is clearly represented in (a.sebeia 6 times 4, 15, 18), which appears to be the keynote
various ways. of the epistle (Bauckham,jude, 2 Peter WBC, 37) commonly
First, the Jewish and gentile believers are described as translates the Heb Q,amas ("violence") in the LXX (Pons
homeless, either "visiting strangers" (1: 1), "resident aliens" 1971: 166), and may be understood as reflecting the kind
(l: 17), or both (2: 11), sharing the Diaspora exile experi- of violence the poor suffer at the hands of the wealthy and
ence of non-Christian Jews in Asia Minor (I: I). Whether powerful. Even the sexual excesses Jude so vigorously
these terms be limited to a literal sense (Elliott 1981), or condemns (a.selgeia, 4; cf. 8, 10) may also involve oppres-
begin to include the (neo)Platonic cosmology explicit in sion and force against the weaker elements in society.
the book of Hebrews, a large measure of socioeconomic While Jude made no reference to the common cause of
content is increasingly recognized. poverty signified by adikia (injustice, oppression), 2 Peter
Second, the paradigmatic and major subgroup within makes this concept basic to the epistle (2:9, 13, 15) and
the churches addressed is that of "household servants" juxtaposes the injustice-oppression of the world (I :4; 2 :20)
(2: 18-25) working in mainly non-Christian manors. The with the justice of the kingdom of God and the promised
second major subgroup is that of the wives of unbelieving new heavens and earth (I: I, 11, 13; 2:5, 7-8, 21; 3: 13). As
husbands in households whose economic means (2:2) ob- in Jer 22: 16, "knowing God" involves doing justice (I :2, 8;
viously exceed those of the house servants. Recent converts 2:20-21; 3:18; Miranda 1974: 44-53). The use of asebeia
include especially younger men of uncertain economic strengthens the case for a reference to the violence com-
means (5:7). monly suffered by the poorer and weaker sectors of society
Analysis of the causes for poverty may begin by studying (2:5; cf. Q,amas in Gen 6:11, 13). Traditional elitist Greek
the socioeconomic situation of the five provinces, of Dias- virtues (1 :5b-6) are placed in a radical Christian frame-
pora Jews in the area (Elliott), and of gentile converts work, beginning with faith (I :5a) and culminating in the
(largely former God-fearing proselytes) in the new sect. brotherly friendship and agape love that characteristically
Particularly, the Diaspora experience of homeless aliens maintained the solidarity of the socioeconomically diverse
and separation from official Judaism resulted in frequent Christian communities (1:7; cf. 18; 3:1, 8, 14-15, 17; cf.
oppression and persecution (1:6; 2:12, 18-21; 3:14-17; 2: 13).
4:1, 12-19; 5:8-10).
The suffering and deprivations of uprooted "homeless" L. Revelation
is countered in I Peter by incorporation into the new Word-study approaches on poverty gave rather meager
community of the church as the "household of God" (2:5; results for the book of Revelation. The poverty (ptocheia)
4: 17). In this new home (cf. "heaven" in the book of of the church in Smyrna is attributed to the oppression-
Hebrews), God is the gracious Father (1 :2-3). The few persecution proceeding from certain "Jews" (2:9; Hanks
affluent male converts (3:7; 2: 13-17) are encouraged not 1983: 48). The reference (3: 17) to the "poor" (ptoch6s)
to withdraw from public life, but to set examples as public Laodicean church, although metaphorical, has been found
benefactors (2:14; cf. Rom 13:3), a function which often particularly helpful in delineating the literal sense: having
included political and structural economic measures in "need" (chreia) = wretched, pitiable ... blind and naked
times of scarcity and famine (Winter l988a; 1988b). The ... shame. Rich and "poor" alike succumb to the idolatrous
proclamation of the gospel as "good news to the homeless" economic demands of the second beast in 13: 16 (ptoch6s,
(1:12, 25; 2:9-10) thus imparted to uprooted recipients a parallel to small and great ... free and slaves; cf. the
sense of dignity and status (I :5, 9; 2:9-10). Tendencies denunciation of the slave traffic in the "bodies and souls of
toward unhealthy paternalism (see I Timothy 5) were thus men," 18:13; "slaves and small," 19:18). Such skimpy lin-
vigorously counteracted. guistic data, coupled with the current popular escapist
The identification of imperial Rome with the name eschatological "interpretations," ill prepare us to under-
"Babylon" (5:13) suggests not only the resort to pseudo- stand why F. Engels in 1883 should select Revelation as the
nymity common in times of persecution (cf. book of Dan- subject of his only article on a biblical book (Engels 1974).
iel), but also the kind of prophetic denunciation against However, recent Latin American studies (Stamm 1978;
oppressors elaborated in Revelation and James. I Peter is Foulkes 1989) and sociological approaches (Schussler Fior-
realistic in recognizing that such oppression may continue enza l 985b) make clear the truly radical character of
to occur even within the household of God (5:2-3), where apocalyptic and utopian genres, which commonly proceed
all such behavior is subjected to divine judgment (4:17). from poor, oppressed, and persecuted groups (see the
The newly baptized converts were born again to a living exiled author's description of his situation, I :9). Stamm
v. 421 POOR, POVERTY

called attention to the severe denunciation of imperial Above all, the Johannine substitution of (eternal) life for
oppression and obscene luxury, rationalized by idolatrous the Synoptic stress on the kingdom must be understood
religious claims (1978, chaps. 13, 17-18). Schussler Fior- dialectically (Barrett 1972) and polemically in the context
enza writes: "To those who are poor, harassed, and perse- of excommunication, persecution, and violence. Tradi-
cuted, the promises to the 'victor' pledge the essentials of tional Platonizing interpretations of John radically distort
life for the eschatological future: food, clothing, house, the original meaning and seek to elude the painful "bite"
citizenship, security, honor ... " (1985b: 196; cf. 124-25). of the polemic. The "abundant life" John offers (10:10)
The perspective on sexual minorities in Revelation is avoids extremes of nondialectical Pentecostal-charismatic
paradoxical. Prostitutes undoubtedly would have felt much "prosperity theology," but is not limited to a Platonically
more comfortable sitting at Jesus' feet by the Sea of Galilee spiritualized (nonmaterial) realm (3 John 2). Miranda
than in the seven churches in Asia Minor, listening to ( 1977) may have erred by succumbing to Bultmann's elim-
John's description of imperial idolatry with all the lurid ination of futuristic eschatology, but not in delineating the
references to the "Great Harlot" (chaps. 17-18). On the radical character of the Johannine perspective on the poor,
other hand, the seer's declaration that sexual relations justice, injustice/oppression (adikia, I John I :9; 5: 17), sac-
with woman are "defiling" ( 14 :4) brought unspeakable joy rificial love, and life.
for centuries of medieval monks, who delighted to see In synthesis the gospel of John may be viewed as outlin-
themselves as the "virgins" espoused to the Lamb (Boswell ing the causes of poverty in the persecution, oppression,
1980: 216-18). Post-Reformation heterosexist Protestant and violence suffered by the community; I John points
exegesis commonly confesses the text to be one of the most explicitly to the poverty commonly resulting (I John 2:17,
"difficult" in the NT (Schussler Fiorenza 1985b: 181-92; "need"; cf. 3 John 5-8), and the appropriate response of
Countryman 1988: 137-38). agape love in the context of Christian communities char-
acterized by koinonia sharing. "John's love is love of the
M. Gospel and Letters of John deprived, the poor, the needy" (Miranda 1977: 95). De-
The gospel and letters of John may appear singularly spised and marginated sexual minorities are treated with
deficient in specific ethical contenl. Jesus reveals only that concern and given special honor (4: 1-42; cf. 8: 1-11).
he is the Revealer and in another apparent tautology
commands a love, which keeps his commandment, which N. Hebrews
is to "love one another." The four references to the ever- Paradoxically, Hebrews makes unprecedented use of the
present beggarly poor (ptoch6s, John 12:5-6, 8; 13:29) OT (particularly in the radical Exodus-Wilderness-Con-
hardly are such as to inspire great concern (TDNT 6: 907). quest traditions), yet also is commonly believed to repre-
Hence First World Johannine scholarship has focused on sent an extreme in the NT writings in the degree of (neo)-
other areas, largely ignoring significant questions raised Platonizing evident in its language and theology. In its
by Miranda (1977; see below) and a few other liberation perception of poverty and its causes, Hebrews is basically
theologians (Herzog 1972) and Third World exegetes. continuous with the Exodus paradigm. The question still
However, a growing minority of theologians interpret the debated is whether the solution is conceived of in
Johannine writings as representing a unique, radical per- (neo)Platonic terms: an Exodus-type escape, but to a spir-
spective. Just as they have opposed traditional "feudaliz- itualized, nonmaterial heaven; or whether the eschatology
ing" of the kingdom in the Synoptics, so they reject the
of Hebrews is basically consistent with the apocalyptic-
"Platonizing" of (eternal) life in the Johannine writings.
utopian perspective common to the rest of the NT. The
John's prologue speaks of the Word become "flesh,"
which if not .explicitly designating an option for a human- author obviously represents an educational elite and ad-
ity that is "intrinsically poor" (Pixley and Boff 1986: 69), dresses well-educated readers who seem more impover-
at least points to characteristic weakness (6:63), of which ished from persecution than originally poor (ca. 67-70
human poverty was a dominant expression. The homeless- A.o.?). The two leading candidates, Apollos and Barnabas,
ness and margination of the incarnate Word (I: 11, 46; cf. each shared Paul's itinerant lifestyle (cf. 13:2-3 on hospi-
14:2-3) is another Johannine motif that expresses a pain- tality and imprisonment).
ful dimension of poverty (Pixley and Boff 1986: 72-74; The key passages are few but eloquent and significant
Fraijo 1985: 62). Mainline scholarship stresses persecution for the NT teaching on the poor. The most explicit text
and excommunication as dominant formative experiences climaxes the great faith chapter, countering the militarism
m the history of the Johannine communities, but has not and political triumphalism of 11 :32-34a with reference to
comm.only recognized the deadly economic deprivation "others ... of whom the world was not worthy," whose
and vJOlence mvolved. As in the Synoptics, Jesus' healing poverty (v 37, hystereomenoi) is exemplified in their lack of
miracles are usually directed toward the poor (e.g., John adequate clothing (37a), and accompanied by brutal vio-
9:8, "beggar") and the weak (5:1-13; 4:43-54), and the lence (35, 37a), ridicule and torture (36a), and unjust
same 1s true for the provision miracles (2:1-11; 6:1-15). imprisonment (36b). Such impoverished, brutalized souls,
The forward placement of the temple cleansing (2: 13-22, like the elect in James (2:5), are particularly rich in faith
followmg. the provision of wine for an obviously poor (Heb 11 :39-40). Related but less explicit references to
f~m1ly) ~1ves .prominence to John's critique of the oppres- impoverished saints may be observed in the mention of
sive Jewish oligarchy, for "it is precisely in the limits of the new converts whose possessions were plundered (10:32-
Temple wh.ere Jesus opts for the marginated: the sick, 34), and of the poor Israelite slaves in Egypt (11 :24-26; cf.
poor, publicans, women, children, foreigners" (Zorrilla Exodus). Women and sexual minorities receive special
1988: 71). attention (Rahab 11 :31; Melchizedek 7:3 with Isa 56:3-5),
POOR, POVERTY 422 • v
but family integrity is defended against some who despised explicit NT paradigm of this element so basic to contem-
marriage (13:4). · porary liberation theologies (strangely ignored by Boff
Since Hebrews begins by stressing that God spoke and Pixley 1989, the Eng trans. of Pixley and Boff 1986).
through the prophets (I: l ), it is not surprising that the Hebrews' educated, eloquent author undoubtedly identi-
prophetic emphasis on oppression and persecution as the fies with that picture.
fundamental cause of poverty dominates (10:33; 11:25,
37; Hanks 1983: 38-39). Such oppression impoverishes
not only the original targets of persecution and discrimi- 0. Conclusion
nation but those who demonstrate solidarity with them as Just as the OT presents considerable diversity of per-
well (10:33, koinonia; 11:25; cf. Matt 5:3; 25:31-46). spectives regarding the poor/poverty (see the 8th-century
Hebrews shares with the rest of the NT an emphasis on prophets and Proverbs), so considerable diversity must be
the Church's ministry as a provisional and partial solution recognized in the NT. Attempts to synthesize and harmo-
to the suffering of the poor. The "meeting together" is for nize biblical teaching and to draw general theological con-
providing for material needs as well as for spiritual edifi- clusions tend not to pay sufficient attention to this diver-
cation (10:24-25). The Church's present ministry may be sity. Heavily ideological and propagandistic works exalting
viewed theologically as the internalization of God's just law the "Christian virtues of capitalism"--0r socialism/com-
in the new covenant (8:8-12, note adikia, "oppression," v. munism-abound, usually highly selective in their use of
12; cf. 6: l O; IO: 17; Jer 22: 16) or externally in the good "control texts" and often lacking in careful exegesis.
works to the needy, agape solidarity, and ministry (diako- Liberation theology, with its emphasis on the Exodus
nio) to the saints (6: I 0). Brotherly love (philadelphia) is to paradigm of oppression and liberation, has planted fun-
be manifest in hospitality to homeless visitors (13:2, itin- damental challenges to traditional nee-Platonic interpre-
erant prophets and evangelists like Apollos?); ministry to tation of the NT. Certain liberation theologians and exe-
those unjustly suffering imprisonment (13:3, 23), physical getes have made extreme statements regarding the poor/
solidarity with the "excommunicated" (13:12-13), good poverty in the NT. However, their perception that some
works and sacrificial sharing (koinonia; 13:15-16, 21). A kind of "option for the poor" is represented in most if not
life free from "the love of money" is prerequisite to such all the NT literature (far transcending occasional refer-
sacrificial external measures (13:5). ences to the "beggar poor") marks a major advance in NT
More "structural" approaches to the elimination of op- interpretation, as is now widely recognized (/SBE 3: 609-
pression and poverty may be seen in the new covenant 11, 905-8, 921-26; Sugden 1988; cf. Adie 1984). Socio-
provision (which internalizes Torah as a whole, not just its economic and anthropological studies of the NT continue
reformist and merciful elements; cf. the Exodus-Wilder- to debate and refine theological perceptions of the various
ness-Conquest traditions in 3: 1-4: 11) and in the military- documents regarding the poor.
political triumphalism of 11 :32-35 (all of which are past, However, Third World liberation theologians have only
not contemporary realities). While not so explicit as Luke begun to take into account feminist perspectives, and
in presenting the gospel as good news to the poor, He- feminist theology itself often has been somewhat elitist in
brews does stress evangelism involving an integral salva- its concerns. The socioeconomic polarization of women in
tion-liberation. the NT (poor widows or wealthy converts) has received
A more (neo)Platonist reading of the book would lead little attention in studies on poverty and wealth. And
us to perceive a conflict between the utopian apocalyptic liberation theologians have scarcely even raised any ques-
of other NT writings (Revelation 20-22; 2 Pet 3: 13). How- tions about NT perspectives on despised sexual minorities
ever, despite some tendentious English translations, it is and uncleanness (Countryman 1988). Medieval monks as-
possible to read even the apparently (neo)Platonic texts in sumed the NT to represent the perspective of continent
ways more consistent with materialist Hebrew thought and bachelors; Protestantism has tended to assume that every-
other NT books. Above all, "Mount Zion, the Heavenly
one except Paul must have had a wife and children. The
Jerusalem" (12:22-24; cf. 11:10, 16) need not be inter-
failure to challenge sexual and family ideological assump-
preted as a nonmaterial realm eternally removed from the
earthly scene, but as "coming" in space as well as time tions has been a glaring weakness in theological efforts to
(13: 14), like the new Jerusalem of Revelation, which finally delineate NT perspectives on oppression and poverty
descends to earth to consummate the kingdom of God (Greenberg 1988).
(Heb 12:26-28 "receive"; Matt 6: 10). Whichever reading is Basic continuity between OT and NT perspectives on
correct (neo-Platonic or materialist Hebrew), the consum- poverty and oppression is evident. However, for analysis of
mation of the kingdom of God is viewed as elsewhere in the factors in oppression, evaluation of the experience of
the NT as the final glorious solution to the sufferings of poverty, and understanding of authentic liberation and
the poor and oppressed. Certainly the book's teaching on integral salvation, the NT makes contributions of funda-
creation (l:l-14) and resurrection (11:35; 13:20) is more mental importance to biblical theology. Contemporary
consistent with a materialist reading. Even if an interme- theological use of these perceptions, of course, must in-
diate state and heavenly sphere receive more development volve careful recourse to hermeneutics. The fact that pov-
and emphasis here than in other NT books, this reading erty basically was caused by oppression at the time of the
need not contradict an ultimate apocalyptic, earthly-mate- Exodus or in the NT does not prove that such is the case
rial resolution. The portrayal of Moses' decisive option for today, nor that biblical paradigms of liberation for the
the poor and oppressed ( 11 :24-26) is the most vivid and poor can now be slavishly imitated.
v • 423 POOR, POVERTY

Bibliography Malina, B. J. 1986. Interpreting the Bible with Anthropology: The

Adamson, J. B. 1989. James: The Man and His Message. Grand Case of the Poor and the Rich. Listening: journal of Religion and
Rapids. Culture 21: 148-59.
Adie, D. K. 1984. Christian View of Wealth. Pp. 1159-63 in Maynard-Reid, PU. 1987. Poverty and Wealth in fames. Maryknoll,
Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, ed. W. A. Elwell. Grand Rap- NY.
ids. Meeks, W. A. 1983. The First Urban Christians: The Social Word of the
Barrett, C. K. 1972. The Dialectical Theology of St. John. Pp. 49- Apostle Paul. Binghamton, NY.
69 in New Testament Essays. London. Miranda,]. 1974. Marx and the Bible. Trans. ]. Eagleson. Maryknoll,
Beals, A.; with Libby, L. 1985. Beyond Hunger: A Biblical Mandate NY.
for Social Responsibility. Portland, OR. - - . 1977. Being and the Messiah: The Message of St. john. Trans. J.
Belo, F. 1981. A Materialist Reading of the Gospel of Mark. Trans. M. J. Eagleson. Maryknoll, NY.
O'Connell. Maryknoll, NY. Moxnes, H. 1988. The Economy of the Kingdom: Social Conflict and
Berguist, J. A. 1986. "Good News to the Poor"-Why Does This Economic Relations in Luke's Gospel. Philadelphia.
Lucan Motif Appear to Run Dry in the Book of Acts? BTF 181 Mullin, R. 1983. The Wealth of Christians. Exeter, UK.
1: 1-16. Myers, C. 1988. Binding the Strong Man: A Political Reading of Mark's
Boff, C., and Pixley, G. V. 1989. The Bible, the Church and the Poor. Story ofJesus. Mary knoll, NY.
Maryknoll, NY. Neyrey, ]. H. 1988. An Ideology of Revolt: john's Christology in Social
Boswell, J. 1980. Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality. Science Perspective. Philadelphia.
Chicago. Nickle, K. 1966. The Collection: A Study in Paul's Strategy. SBT 48.
Brummel, L; Valle, C. A.; and Rios, R. E., eds. 1978. Los Pobres: London.
Encuentro y compromiso. Buenos Aires. Pallares, ]. C. 1986. A Poor Man Called Jesus: Reflections on the Gospel
Burge, G. M. 1984. Alms, Almsgiving. Pp. 34-35 in Evangelical of Mark. Trans. R. Barr. Maryknoll, NY.
Dictionary of Theology, ed. W. A. Elwell. Grand Rapids. Pantelis, ]. 1989. Los Pobres en Espiritu Bienaventurados en el
Cassidy, R. J. l 978.]esus, Politics and Society. Maryknoll, NY. Reino de Dios. RevistB 1: 1-9.
- - . 1987. Society and Politics in the Acts of the Apostles. Mary knoll, Peterson, N. R. 1985. Rediscovering Paul. Philadelphia.
NY. Pikaza, X. 1984. Hermanos de Jesus y Servidores de Los mas Pequenos (Mt
Cassidy, R. J., and Scharper, J.P., eds. 1983. Political Issues in Luke- 25, 31-46). Salamanca.
Acts. Maryknoll, NY. Pilgrim, W. 1981. Good News to the Poor: Wealth and Poverty in Luke-
Countryman, L. W. 1988. Dirt, Greed, and Sex: Sexual Ethics in the Acts. Minneapolis.
NT and Their Implications for Today. Philadelphia. Pixley, J., and Boff, C. 1986. Dpcion por Los pobres. Buenos Aires.
Elliot, ]. H. 1981. A Home for the Homeless: A Sociological Exegesis of Pons,]. 1971. L'Oppression dans l'Ancien Testament. Paris.
I Peter, Its Situation and Strategy. Philadelphia. Ringe, S. H. 1985.]esus, Liberation, and the Biblical jubilee. Philadel-
Ellul, J. 1977. Apocalypse: The Book of Revelation. Trans. G. Schreiner. phia.
New York. Schmidt, T. E. 1987. Hostility to Wealth in the Synoptic Gospeli. Shef-
- - . 1988. Jesus and Marx: From Gospel to Ideology. Trans. J. M. field.
Hanks. Grand Rapids. Schottroff, L.; and Stegemann, W. 1986. Jesus and the Hope of the
Engels, F. 1974. El Libra del Apocalipsis. Pp. 323-28 in Sobre la Poor. Maryknoll, NY.
Religion, eds. H. Assmann and R. Mate. Salamanca. Schottroff, W.; and Stegemann, W., eds. 1984. God of the Lawly:
Foulkes, R. 1989. El Apocalipsis de Sanjuan. Buenos Aires. Socio-Historical Interpretations of the Bible. Maryknoll, NY.
Fraijo, M. 1985. Jesus y las Marinados: Utopia y esperanza cristiana. Schussler Fiorenza, E. l 985a. In Memory of Her. New York.
Madrid. - - . l 985b. The Book of Revelation. Philadelphia.
Greenberg, D. F. 1988. The Construction of Homosexuality. Chicago. Stamm, ]. B. I 978. El Apocalipsis y el imperialismo. Pp. 359-94 in
Gutierrez, G. 1973. A Theology of Liberation. Maryknoll, NY. Capitalismo, Violencia y Antivida vol. 1, eds. E. Tamex and S.
Hanks, T. D. 1983. God So Loved the Third World. Trans. J.C. Dekker. Trinidad. San Jose, Costa Rica.
Maryknoll, NY. Stegemann, W. 1984. The Gospel and the Poor. Trans. D. Elliot.
- - . l 986a. The Evangelical Witness to the Poor and Oppressed. Philadelphia.
TSF Bulletin (Sept.--Oct.): 11-20. Sugden, C. M. N. 1988. Poverty and Wealth. Pp. 523-34 in New
- - . 1986b. La Navidad segun San Mateo. Mision 18: 94-IOI. Dictionary of Theology, ed. S. Ferguson, et al. Downers Grove,
Herzog, F. 1972. Liberation Theology: Liberation in the Light of the IL.
Fourth Gospel. New York. Tamez, E. 1989. Faith without Works Is Dead: The Scandalous Message
Hodgson, R. 1983. Paul the Apostle and First Century Tribulation offames. Bloomington, IN.
Lists. ZNW 74: 59-80. Theissen, G. 1978. Sociology of Early Palestinian Christianity. Trans. ].
Johnson, L. T. 1977. The Literary Function of Possessions in Luke-Acts. Bowden. Philadelphia.
SBLDS 39. Missoula, MT. - - . 1982. The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity. Trans. ]. H.
Koenig, J. 1985. New Testament Hospitality. Philadelphia. Schutz. Philadelphia.
Lee, P. 1986. Poor Man, Rich Man: The Priorities of Jesus and the Via, D. 0., Jr. 1985. The Ethics of Mark's Gospel in the Middle of Time.
Agenda of the Church. London. Philadelphia.
l..6pez Michelson, A. 1947. La estirpe calvinista de nuestras institu- Waetjen, H. C. 1989. A Reordering of Power: A Socio-Political Reading
ciones. Bogota. of Mark's Gospel. Minneapolis.
Luhrmann, D. 1989. The Gospel of Mark and the Sayings Collec- Winter, B. ! 988a. "Seek the Welfare of the City": Social Ethics
tion Q.]BL 108: 51-71. According to 1 Peter. Themelios 13/3: 91-94.
POOR, POVERTY 424. v
- - . I 988b. The Public Honouring of Christian Benefactors. POSTSTRUCTURAL ANALYSIS. Structuralist
JSNT 34: 87-103. studies, which have influenced literary criticism during the
Zorrilla, C. H. 1980. La Fiesta de Liberacion de Los Ofrrimidos: Relectura last twenty years, represent a rejection of two earlier, time-
rkjn. 7.1-10.21. San Jose, Costa Rica. honored philosophical proposals about how it is that texts
- - . I 988. La Fiestas rk yave. Buenos Aires. communicate their meanings to readers. They reject the
THOMAS D. HANKS view that texts are meaningful because they refer in a
straightforward and simple way to the world we all inhabit.
Language, it used to be supposed, is, or at least should be,
POPLAR. See FLORA. a clear window on the world. Such a view of most language
was always recognized as problematic, and a distinction
was made between an "ideal" language which would ex-
PORATHA (PERSON) [Heb porata']. One of the ten actly picture the world and other forms, like those of
poetry and fiction, which were considered to be merely
sons of Haman (Esth 9:8). On problems surrounding this
"emotive." But even in plain discourse, this picture theory
list of names, see ADALIA (PERSON). Poratha (LXX phar-
of language is unhelpful. If I write that "l am sitting at a
adatha; A gagaphardatha) perhaps renders the otherwise desk," the reader may have a picture of a desk, but not
unattested Old Iranian name *Paru-ra0a, "having many because "desk" has come to have a meaning for the reader
chariots" (Zadok 1986: 109) or *Paurata-, a short form of from his or her observation of desks, but because "desk" is
a name such as *Paurubata (Hinz 1975: 191). distinguished in the English language from "table," and
Bibliography other furniture, and the reader has learned how to make
Hinz, W. I 975. Altiranisches Sprachgut der Nebeniiberlieferungen. Wies- that distinction. We can easily imagine a language in which
baden.
the distinction does not exist. Structuralism insists that
words have a relational, rather than an essential, meaning.
Zadok, R. 1986. Notes on Esther. ZAW 98: 105-10.
Each word fits into a complex pattern of binary opposi-
PETER BEDFORD
tions, contraries, and contradictories, and it is this struc-
ture which gives it meaning.
Similarly, in literature, longer units of text are related
PORCH. One of several words used to designate archi- to one another through binary oppositions like parallelism
tectural spaces that are transitional between the closed and inversion. Structuralism has therefore tended to treat
interior of a building and the courtyards that are clearly languages and literatures as autonomous and has exam-
external. Some of these spaces are roofed; others are open ined their internal structures. It has highlighted the dis-
to the sky. RSV "porch" denotes the space in front of the tance between language about the world and the world
Hall of Pillars of Solomon's palace (l Kgs 7:6). The He- itself, and has seen languages and literatures as cultural
brew 'ulam is elsewhere rendered "nave" or "vestibule," in rather than natural phenomena.
reference to the forecourt of the temple. In the RSV, that Structuralism also rejects a second account of how texts
feature is denoted by "porch" only in Ezek 8:16 (cf. Matt become meaningful for readers. In our Western tradition,
26:71, where pulon may mean the entrance to a courtyard). it is often assumed that texts convey meanings because the
The term 'uliim is discussed in TEMPLE, JERUSALEM. author intends a meaning and readers are able to look
CAROL MEYERS through the text into the mind of the author, who is
conceived as a transcendent, disembodied, thinking self
behind the text. Writing is thus understood as a kind of
PORCIUS FESTUS (PERSON). See FESTUS, POR- second-order speech, in which one person directly com-
CIUS. municates his or her intention to another. In one-to-one
conversation, however, the intention of the speaker is per-
ceived by the recipient not only through the spoken utter-
ance but also through the context. If I say "Please close
PORCUPINE. See ZOOLOGY. the door," the listener is likely to understand my command
in a context in which the door to the room is open, but to
be puzzled if the only door visible is already closed. He or
PORTICO, SOLOMON'S. See SOLOMON'S POR- she may also understand my command to suggest that I
TICO. am intending to go on and say something private, if, for
example, I have just broken off my previous remarks. But
if I have just shivered, he or she will think my intention is
POSIDONIUS (PERSON) [Gk Posidonios ]. One of three to exclude the draft. Again, if there is a noise in the
members of a delegation sent by Nicanor, according to 2 corridor which makes communication difficult, the listener
Mace 14: 19, to work out the terms of a peace with Judas will suppose I am intending to muffle the noise. Moreover,
Maccabeus and his followers. This envoy, bearing a familiar if the recipient fails to understand, clarification can. be
Greek appellation, was named after Poseidon, the Greek requested. Even so, in present one-to-one conver~au~:m,
god primarily of earthquake and water who in cult was misunderstanding is not always avoided. Commumcauon
viewed as the sea god. For the other members of the depends on speaker and hearer sharing the same compe-
delegation, see THEODOTUS and MATTATHIAS. tence and this cannot invariably be guaranteed. Nor are
JOHN KAMPEN ambiifuities in language and context always sufficiently
v. 425 POSTSTRUCTURAL ANALYSIS

recognized to ensure against misun~erstanding._ H~w ways in which they dissolve into an exchange which can
much more problematic is the concept10n of meaning m give precision or preference to neither.
terms of an author's intention when it is applied to texts, Moreover, the supposed "presence" of the speaker in his
written, published, and read in quite different contexts, or her speech is just as illusory as the writer's "presence"
with the reader unable to cross-question the author to in writing. Speech is no more a spiritual reality than
discover whether the supposed interpretation is the right writing is. Speech is not innocent, not an unmediated
one? Even when a writer and author share a common expression of the self. As soon as sensations are trans-
culture and language, and live at the same time, the reader formed into utterances about human experiences, they
can discover different plausible interpretations of the same become entangled in the web of differential terms and
text, and difficulties are increased when author and reader relations. Both speaking and writing are attempts to make
are separated by time and language. Structuralism there- the inchoate coherent, but their achievements are only
fore abandons the search for the intentions of the author partial, open-ended approximations, which are suggestive
and acknowledges a text's multiplicity of possible mean- rather than definitive.
mgs. The same logocentrism is present in biblical texts. God's
The work of the French philosopher Jacques Derrida (b. creative and self-authorizing word brings creation into
1930) has focused and intensified structuralism's question- being and inspires the law and the prophets. In Christian-
ing of common-sense attitudes to meaning. His books and ity there is a similar mistrust of writing ("the letter kills but
essays examine philosophical literature in the Western the spirit makes alive" [2 Cor 3:6]; cf. 2 John 12) but the
tradition, from Plato to the present day; his method has same contradiction: the Bible indicates the priority of
sometimes occasioned superficial misunderstandings, so it speech over writing in a written text. And when speech's
will be useful to begin by clearing these out of the way. superiority is described, use is made of a metaphor from
Derrida's writings encapsulate a very careful reading of writing: "I will put my law within them, and I will write it
philosophical texts, drawing attention not only to the main upon their hearts" (Jer 31 :31 ).
lines of argument which they contain, but also to the It is just this privileging of speech and presence as
metaphors in which the argument is expressed, and which, somehow more original, a view which is fundamental to
as it transpires, undermine the argument itself. This en- Western perceptions, that Derrida calls into question. The
deavor has sometimes been characterized as the triumph relation cannot simply be inverted to make writing privi-
of literary criticism over philosophy, and has been taken leged, but the interplay of the two must acknowledge the
to warrant a completely free interpretive game with texts, absence of an authoritarian presence prescribing meaning.
irrespective of subject matter, genre, or any rational con- To capture this sense of the opaqueness of language,
straints. That such an understanding is superficial will Derrida invents a new French word, differance, which both
become clear by examining an example of Derrida's work. expresses the insights of structuralism, that meaning is
Plato's Phaedrus contains a discussion by Socrates about relational rather than essential, and conveys the further
the dangers of writing and the superiority of direct speech insight that meaning is indefinitely deferred, never com-
(LCL, 275b-78). Commentators on the Phaedrus have usu- pletely captured and defined by an utterance.
ally bypassed this section because they have found it pe- Not only Derrida, but many modern philosophers have
ripheral to their main interest. Derrida not only insists on argued that language does not give us a clear picture of
treating the text seriously in the sense of refusing to omit the world. Language is rather an expression of cultural
sections from consideration, but also draws out its impli- and institutional ways of life. Pragmatists have been con-
cations for Plato's philosophy and for the Western philo- tent to accept that language is useful in affording com-
sophical tradition which has been influenced by it. Socrates munication within social systems, without searching for a
is depicted as favoring speech over writing because in metalanguage which would allow escape from this relativist
speech the speaker is present and able to authorize where, prison. Such a stance involves a conservative attitude to-
how, by whom, and to whom his philosophy is taught. ward the institutions which give language its sense and
Once philosophy is written down, the text seems to open significance. In biblical studies, too, we cannot always be
its wisdom to anyone who has access to a copy at any time. unaware of cultural and institutional influences on reli-
It allows people to repeat what is written without under- gious language, even when presented in the form of com-
standing it. The preference for speech, in which the mentaries on the Bible. Commentaries from the Middle
speaker is present, over writing, in which the speaker is Ages seem alien in their interests and concepts to people
absent, is what Derrida calls logocentrism. But in reading living in the 20th century, but even commentaries written
the Phaedrus, Derrida draws attention to two important by contemporaries in English betray their sectarian bias.
contradictions (Derrida 1981 ). The first and most obvious Derrida offers no solution to this relativist dilemma, but
is that _Plato has written this account of Socrates' castigation he is neither content to ignore it, nor accept it.
of wntmg. The second is that when Socrates tries to We may not be able to escape from the limitations that
indicate the superiority of speech, metaphors from writing language imposes on thought, but we can at least become
are used to describe speech. For example, speech is the aware of the limits and of the ways in which those limits
word wr_itten_in the mind of the speaker (LCL, 276a) or is are undermined by the very language which expresses
wntmg mscnbed on the soul (278b). The binary opposi- them. Deconstruction questions not only the definitive
uon of speech/writing, which the Phaedrus explores, is meanings of texts, but the societies and institutions which
undermined by this interplay between the two. Deconstruc- validate their use.
tion is the name given to this detailed elucidation of a text One feature of Derrida's writings which has given rise
which takes account both of explicit oppositions and of th~ to interpretations that take no account of the text's form
POSTSTRUCTURAL ANALYSIS 426. v
or genre is the practice of setting one text alongside that the end is imminent and in its confidence in its own
another so that each is illuminated (for example, texts by ability to reveal the truth about the end (Derrida 1982:
Plato and Mallarme in "The Double Session," Derrida 84-85).
1981). It is common for interpreters to confine their dis- But the Revelation is not an unmediated perception of
cussions of literature to a single book, or to the books of a the present and the future, nor is its delivery to the seven
single author, or to books within the same genre. But churches straightforward. There is rather a whole series
Derrida's concern encompasses a whole cultural tradition of speakings, hearings, writings, and readings, as the
and its intertextual influences. While recognizing that opening verses of the book (Rev l: 1-3) show. Jesus indeed
some insights can be gained by restricting the range of commands that john "write what you see, what is, and
examples, Derrida also explores the interrelatedness of what is to take place hereafter" ( l: 19), and goes on to
texts from quite different genres to gain new insights. dictate letters to the angels of the seven churches. But this
Specialization in universities and colleges often serves to form soon gives way to descriptions of heavenly visions of
obscure links between different areas of discourse. Biblical a scroll written on both sides and sealed with seven seals
studies could be enriched by examining some of the con- (Rev 5: l); in the shift of images, seeing and hearing merge
nections. with reading. There are more confessions, more messages,
For example, scholarly English commentaries on the NT more envoys to be dispatched, and a scroll to be eaten.
resurrection narratives could usefully be read alongside The concluding words of Jesus in the book verify the
john Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689), dispatch of a messenger: "I, Jesus, have sent my angel to
chap. 27, to discern their mutual influences and blind you with this testimony for the churches" (22:16); warn-
spots. A commentary which marginalizes the accounts of ings are given against altering the words of the prophecy
the empty tomb by calling them late legends or secondary of the book (22:18-19). Derrida observes (1982: 87) that
traditions allows an interpretation of resurrection in terms the imagistic structure of the Revelation-"dispatches
of the binary opposition of soul and body in john Locke's [that] always refer to other dispatches without decidable
anthropology. On the other hand, Locke's dualism and destination"-is an image of writing itself.
individualism owes something to the problematic presen- Kant's essay lampooned mystagogues whose writings
tation of the gospels' stories. Moreover, "soul," which is failed the criteria of rational philosophy. Derrida discovers
privileged in Locke's account, is distinguished from "body" that the opposition between philosopher and mystagogue,
by regarding it as a kind of body: "one person in two between rational philosophy and mystification, begins to
distinct bodies" is like "one man in two distinct clothings." dissolve on examination (1982: 88-89).
Locke's essay uses metaphors in spite of empiricism's sus- The Revelation has one other important lesson to teach
picion of metaphorical language. those who suppose that the author owns the book's mes-
In one respect at least, biblical texts encourage their own sage or determines its meaning with any finality:
deconstruction. As Schneidau has argued, "the biblical
insistence on our understanding ourselves in relation to It is said at the very end (22: 10): Do not seal this: "Do
an historical past, rather than in terms of a static cosmic not seal the words of the inspiration of this book .... "
system, breaks with the tendencies of logocentrism and "Do not seal," that is to say, do not close, but also do not
allows us to align Derrida and the Bible" (1982: 5). He sign (Derrida 1982: 95).
quotes Derrida on the relation of history to writing and
Judaism: "The painful folding of itself which permits Bibliography
history to reflect itself as it ciphers itself. This reflection is Derrida, J. 1978. Writing and Difference. Trans. A. Bass. London.
its beginning. The only thing that begins by reflecting - - . 1981. Dissemination. Trans. B. Johnson. London.
itself is history. And this fold, this furrow, is the Jew. The - - . 1982. Of an Apocalyptic Tone Recently Adopted in Philos-
Jew who elects writing which elects the Jew" (Schneidau ophy [trans. J.P. Leavey, Jr.]. Semeia 23: 63-97.
1982: 9). Derrida does not encourage us to ignore history Detweiler, R. 1978. Story, Sign, and Self Missoula, MT, and Phila-
in our readings of texts, but, on the contrary, to take our delphia.
readings and our history all the more seriously by noticing Norris, C. 1982. Deconstruction: Theory and Practice. New York.
that we have not arrived at a final meaning. Schneidau, H. N. 1982. The Word against the Word: Derrida on
Since Derrida insists that meaning is always deferred, Textuality. Semeia 23: 5-28.
never finally closed, it is interesting that one of his essays MARGARET DAVIES
should include readings of the Revelation of John, which
concludes the NT. Derrida's essay "Of an Apocalyptic Tone
Recently Adopted in Philosophy" ( 1982) takes its title from POTIPHAR (PERSON) [Heb potipar]. The name of the
Kant's "Of an Overlordly Tone Recently Adopted in Philos- first master of Joseph (Gen 37:36; 39:1). The name be-
ophy" to explore both old and new apocalyptic predictions longs to a common Egyptian type attested from the I Ot.h
of the imminence of the end of philosophy, of Western century e.c. through Roman times (although sporadic
culture, and of the world. Kant offered a truce to his examples may be found in the I Ith century e.c.), and
opponents, to the mystagogues who predicted the immi- means "He-whom-(the sun god)-Re-gives." Several exam-
nent demise of philosophy because they thought they ples of this very name occur, ranging from the 7th through
perceived the truth for which it was searching. Derrida the 3d centuries B.C. The similar name of Joseph's father-
seeks to comprehend this apocalyptic tone. He observes in-law, Potiphera, is closer to the Egyptian original. The
that the revelation is precisely a revelation of truth; the Potiphar of Joseph's first employment in Egypt is described
tone of apocalyptic is self-assured, both in its conviction as "a eunuch of Pharaoh and the captain of the butchers
v • 427 POTTER'S WHEEL

(guard)" (Gen 39:1). The former designation is derived 2:13; 3:13, 14; and 12:31. An alternate translation is Gate
from an Assyrian title and only occurs in Egypt during the of Earthenware (BDB, 360) or Gate of Potters (Simons
Persian domination (in the 5th century B.c.); the latter has 1952: 230, n. I), which is erroneously translated in the AV
no obvious Egyptian original. as the East Gate. The Potsherd Gate should be identified
with the wall and gate found by Bliss and Dickie ( 1894-
Bibliography 1897) in the Tyropoeon or Central valley (Bliss and Dickie
Kadish, G. E. 1969. Eunuchs in Ancient Egypt. Pp. 55-62 in Studies 1898: 116-26). Jeremiah's illustrated sermon at this gate,
in Honor of john A. Wilson. Chicago. where broken pottery was discarded, was situated adjacent
Redford, D. B. 1970. A Study of the Biblical Joseph Story. Leiden. to the Hinnom valley where Israelites were participating
Schulman, A. R. 1975. On the Egyptian Name of Joseph: A New in pagan liturgies (Jer 19:4-5). The Dung Gate may also
Approach. SAK 2: 235-43. be translated "Gate of the Refuse Pile" (BDB, 1046), a great
Vergote, J. 1959.joseph en Egypt. Louvain. deal of which would have been broken and discarded
- - . 1985. Joseph en Egypt: 25 ans apres. Pp. 289-306 in pottery, particularly if (as suggested by Simons 1952: 230)
Pharaonic Egypt, the Bible, and Christianity, ed. S. Groll. Jerusa- the gate adjoined an installation for the manufacturing of
lem. pottery. It has been suggested that this may be related to
DONALD B. REDFORD the name Topheth (another name used for the Hinnom
valley, Jer 19:6).
Nehemiah's inspection tour took him S from the Valley
POTIPHERA (PERSON) [Heb P6.li pera']. The father- Gate past the Jackal's Well to the Dung Gate or the Pot-
in-law of Joseph. His daughter Asenath was given by sherd Gate (of Jeremiah's time) just before he rounded the
Pharaoh as a wife to Joseph (Gen 41 :45 ). Out of their S tip of the City of David. This gate was repaired by
marriage two children were born: Manasseh, the fo:stborn, Malchijah son of Rechab, the ruler of the district of Beth-
and Ephraim (Gen 41 :50-52; 46:20). haccherem, and is the first landmark noted in the dedica-
"Potiphera" is a longer version of the name Potiphar, tory procession (Neh 12:31) that went Sand counterclock-
borne by the captain of the guard who bought Joseph as a wise from the Valley Gate.
slave from the Midianites (or according to the Yahwist,
from the Ishmaelites, cf. Gen 37:25-28). The name in Bibliography
Egyptian is p~- dl-p~R', and it means "He whom Re [the sun Avi-Yonah, M. 1954. The Walls of Nehemiah-A Minimalist View.
god] has given." The LXX treats the two names as identical IE] 4: 245.
and transliterates both names as Petephres. Potiphera was a Bliss, F.]., and Dickie, A. C. 1898. Excavation al Jerusalem, 1894-
priest of On, a city NW of modern Cairo. The city was 1897. London.
later renamed Heliopolis by the Greeks. On was the center Simons, j. 1952.jerusalem in the Old Testament. Leiden.
of sun worship in ancient Egypt, and the temple of Re had DALE C. Luo
become the most important place in the city as early as the
5th Dynasty. When the worship of the sun god came into
greater prominence in early Egyptian history, the priests POTTER'S WHEEL. Pottery was made and used
who ministered at the temple gained more power and throughout the ancient world. Special wheels for fashion-
prestige in Egyptian society (Wilson 1951: 88). The high ing pottery came into use at an early period, and were
priest of On was a very influential and important figure in used throughout Palestine and neighboring areas. The
Egyptian religious life. There is no way of knowing if Hebrew word designating a potter's wheel, )obniiyim, occurs
Pouphera was the high priest or only one of the many only once in the OT (Jer 18:3). The word's literal meaning,
priests who ministered at On. However, because the nar- "pair of stones," is indicative of the configuration of the
rative presents Joseph as a prominent officer of Pharaoh, device itself.
answerable only to him, it is highly probable that Potiphera From the MB I period (ca. 2000 a.c.) onward, pottery in
was to be regarded in the story as the high priest of On Palestine was generally "thrown" on a fast wheel; i.e., it
~Ward 1.957: 51)_. The name does not appear in Egyptian was made on a wheel spinning fast enough so that the
mscnpuons unul the middle of the 10th century a.c., centrifugal force formed the vessel, with the potter merely
dunng the 22d Dynasty. This may provide some indication guiding the clay with his hands to attain the desired shape.
of the time when the Joseph narratives were written. Prior to the MB I period, pottery vessels were formed on
a simple tournette. The Hebrew name for the potter's
Bibliography wheel may derive from the fact that the earliest potter's
Ward, W. 1957. Egyptian Titles in Genesis 39-50. BSac 114: 40- wheel, the tournette, was no doubt comprised of a pair of
59. stone disks.
Wilson, J. A. 1951. The Burden of Egypt. Chicago. Stone bearings from "fast" potters' wheels have been
CLAUDE F. MARIOlTINI found in abundance in excavations in Palestine. Usually
made of basalt, but occasionally of limestone, they consist
of one or both of two components: a lower whorl with a
POTSHERD GATE (PLACE) [Heb Ia'ar ha1iarsit]. A cavity, or socket, in the center, and an upper whorl with a
gate of Jerus_alem at _the S tip of the City of David (Jer projection, or tenon, in the center. See Fig. POT.OJ. The
19:2), adJa,mmg the Juncture of the Hinnom and Tyro- two whorls fit together, with the tenon mating the socket.
poeon or Central valleys, which is considered by most (Avi- From the wear marks on such whorls, it is evident that the
Yonah 1954: 245) to be identical to the Dung Gate of Neh upper whorl (sometimes called a pivot) rotated on the
POTI'ER'S WHEEL 428. v
workbench made of fieldstones was found (Yadin et al.
1960: 101-3). On top of the platform was a complete
thrust-bearing assembly. The bearing assembly undoubt-
edly belonged to a single-wheel type of potter's wheel since
a double wheel would not have been placed on such a
bench.
The second type of fast wheel is the double or com-
pound wheel (also called a combined wheel, foot wheel or
kick wheel). In this type a wooden disk (the flywheel) is
attached to the upper bearing as with the simple wheel,
but now a vertical shaft is attached to the center of the
wooden disk. See Fig. POT.03. At the end of the shaft is a
second, smaller, wooden disk (the wheel head, working
platform or table) where the vessel is fashioned. The shaft
is steadied by a horizontal wooden bar with a hole in it,
through which the shaft passes. Since the potter can now

---
o 10cm

POT.01. Upper and lower thrust bearings for a potter's wheel from Jericho-MB.
(Drawing by 8. G. Wood from Garstang 1934: pl. 19.2)
rotate the wheel by kicking the lower disk with his foot, an
assistant is no longer needed (Foster 1959: 104; Childe
1965: 201; Nicklin 1971: 35-38; Holthoer 1977: 31). In
an early Iron I (12th century B.c.) potters' cave at Lachish,
two shallow pits (Pits C and D; Tufnell et al. 1958: 91, 292,
pl. 92) appear to be emplacements for double potters'
wheels. Similarly, Pit H in Cave 37 at Megiddo (Iron II
period, 9th-7th centuries B.c.), with a worn stone socket
found in situ (Guy 1938: 80, fig. 84), was most likely an
installation for a double potter's wheel.

Bibliography
Childe, V. G. 1965. Rotary Motion, Vol. I, pp. 187-215 in A Hi.story
of Technology, ed. C. Singer, E. J. Holmyard, and A. R. Hall.
Repr. London.
Davies, N. G. 1930. The Tomb of Ken-amun at Thebes. The Metropoli-
tan Museum of Art Expedition, Vol. 11. New York.
Foster, G. M. 1959. The Potter's Wheel: An Analysis of Idea and
Artifact in Invention. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 15:
99-117.
Garstang, J. 1934. Jericho: City and Necropolis, Fourth Report.
POT.02. Representation of potter's wheel from tomb of Kenamun at Thebes-- Annals of Archaeology and Anthropolo!fY 21: 99-136.
18th Dynasty. Potter fashions a vessel from a conical lump of clay on a single
potter's wheel, while an assistant turns the wheel. (Drawing by 8. G. Wood from Guy, P. L. 0. 1938. Megiddo Tombs. OIP 33. Chicago.
Davies 1930: pl. 59) Holthoer, R. 1977. New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites: The Pottery. The
Scandinavian Joint Expedition to Sudanese Nubia, Vol. 5/1.
Stockholm.
lower whorl. In reality, these stone whorls are thrust bear-
Nicklin, K. 1971. Stability and Innovation in Pottery Manufacture.
ings from a more elaborate apparatus made of wood. From
WoAr 3: 13-48.
archaeological evidence and ethnographic analogy it is Tufnell, 0., et al. 1958. Lacki.sh 4: The Bronze Age. London.
possible to reconstruct the "fast" potter's wheel of ancient Yadin, Y., et al. 1960. Hawr 2: An Account of the Second Season of
Palestine. Two types were in use, the single wheel and the Excavations, 1956. Jerusalem.
double wheel. BRYANT G. Wooo
In the single or simple wheel (also called a hand wheel),
the lower bearing is secured in the ground or on a plat-
form or bench. A wooden disk (called a flywheel, wheel POTTERY. Pottery can be defined as utensils or other
head, table, or platform) is attached to the upper bearing artifacts made of clay and hardened by fire. Ever since the
and the assembly is placed on the lower bearing with the 6th millennium B.C. pottery has played an important role
tenon inserted in the socket. The wooden disk is then in the material culture of the ANE. Palestine was not a
rotated by hand by an assistant while the potter fashions country particularly rich in artistic forms of expression or
his vessels. The tenon in the upper bearing acts to keep literary accomplishments. Material remains from biblical
the wooden disk centered and running true. An l8th- times are generally common and ordinary during most
Dynasty Egyptian potter is seen using such a single wheel. periods, and even poor and fragmentary at times. But
See Fig. POT.02. The lower portion of the potter's wheel pottery is always found. This entry consists of two articles
(shown in Fig. POT.02 without the shaft or upper wheel) pertinent to ancient Palestinian pottery. The first sur~eys
is, in effect, a single potter's wheel. In a LB IIA (14th the technology of producing pottery in ancient Palestme.
century B.C.) potter's workshop at Hazor a platform or The second surveys the role that pottery artifacts play in
v. 429 POTTERY

\ \ '''

' .
THRUST BEARING ASSEMBLY

POT.03. Reconstruction of a double potter's wheel. (Drawing by 8. G. Wood)

helping the archaeologist establish a chronological date for and they knew how to make clay mixtures which could be
strata and other excavated artifacts. shaped into a bowl by exercising pressure on the inside of
a clay ball, and counterpressure from the outside. They
POTTERY TECHNOLOGY IN ANCIENT PALESTINE knew that the shape had to dry, and that during the drying
process the bowl shape would shrink and crack unless
The study of pottery technology of antiquity seeks to
special care was taken to prevent it. They also knew that
find an explanation for the observable features of exca-
during firing the temperature had to be high enough to
vated pottery. It is normal practice in archaeology to
create a dark red glow in the clay, and that this tempera-
describe the shapes and other features of excavated pot-
ture had to be maintained for some time. They knew how
tery on the basis of visual examination. The aim of tech-
to do this because the technology for lime burning had
nological studies is to add another dimension to these already been invented. There were even experiments with
studies. For instance, one can identify Neolithic pottery making "pottery" from lime. In the case of the Neolithic
from the visual descriptions, but how this pottery was pottery from ancient Jericho, it has been demonstrated
invented cannot be deduced; only a technological study that the potters used kilns and not open fires for pot
can help in solving this problem. But there are also other
making. . . . .
questions which cannot be solved without the aid of tech- Thus it can be shown that people m Neohth1c umes
nological research, as will be shown in this article. experimented with different earths bec~use they were
One can only speak about the invention of pottery seeking a substitute for the stone bowls which took a great
making from the moment the process of manufacture was deal of effort to make. However, once they had succeeded
repeated with success and became a regular feature of in producing fired clay vessels and .could repeat this p:o-
Neolithic culture. The fact that pottery making had be- cess, they continued with the expe~1m~nts, some of w~1c.h
come a routine demonstrates that the makers understood are mentioned here. Since the begmnmg of the NeohthJC
what was happening, and that the invention was not a period people had known that to make sun-dri.ed. bricks,
chance discovery. The first potters had acquired certain one had to mix the clay with chopped straw or similar dry
kinds of knowledge before they achieved regular produc- materials. This gave cohesion to the brick and prevented it
tion. They could distinguish between clays and other soils, from flaking during the drying period. Similarly one finds
POTTERY 430. v
very fine organic matter in pottery, or rather, the holes it in the potters' production. In Chalcolithic times there were
left after firing. The potters probably used animal dung, some technical developments; one of them may have been
but they also experimented with other materials, and they that the very large storage jars were no longer fired in
discovered that it made a difference to the fired product kilns but in open fires in which they became buried in hot
whether one used quartz sand or lime sand, coarse or fine ashes, preserving the heat for long hours and keeping
sand. They discovered that calcite would render a vessel oxygen out. The effect of this was that the iron and lime
more heat-shock resistant, and that "sand" made of fired present in the local clay acted as fluxes, which caused
clay such as pounded potsherds, which can be compared vitrification or the development of a glassy phase in the
with our chamotte, had some distinct advantages when clay at a comparatively low temperature. This produced a
shaping pottery. They also invented the decoration of very hard ware, but this technique was abandoned in later
vessels with different clays which, after firing, would show times; the reason may have been that it took too much
up in different colors. Such clays were applied as a thin fuel. By the end of the Chalcolithic period, much of the
slip to the surface in certain patterns, and as some of these natural forest had already been consumed by the village
slips would tend to peel off after drying or firing, the cultures.
potters would rub them into the surface, which resulted in Although the technical background remained the same
so-called burnished pottery or pottery with a surface during the first few millennia of potting, both in its pro-
sheen. duction and in its means of decoration, different regions
It seems that there was not very much left to be discov- developed their own traditions and characteristics. While
ered in later times, since the Neolithic potters had also knowledge of the craft spread over the whole of the Near
experimented with turning the pot in the making. They East and beyond, knowledge of the varied properties of
even knew the advantages of firing pottery in a kiln instead the clays used also expanded, and potters who had to work
of in open fires. The discoveries made during the Pottery with "difficult" clays were often forced to experiment anew
Neolithic period have indeed dominated the world of pot- with the raw materials. The rewards of their struggle can
ting in the Near East, except for some comparatively short be seen in their results. Bronze Age potters in Cyprus
periods, until this century. New inventions were, in chron- produced beautifully shaped and decorated pottery which
ological order: (I) the production of what comes very close points to a far more advanced knowledge of potting than
to stoneware in the Chalcolithic period; (2) the use of a is found among their fellow craftsmen in Palestine. Clearly
"kick wheel" in the MB Age (followed by the loss of this the reason for this difference is not that potters E of the
device during the LB Age); (3) its reintroduction sometime Mediterranean were backward people, but that they did
during the Iron Age; (4) the slow perfection of the use of not have the right soils for making really fine ware, and
the wheel in the period after the Exile, culminating in an consequently did not have the chance to develop better
unrivaled mastery of potting techniques in Roman times; understanding and skill. The history of potting in the
and (5) the introduction of what had been invented long Bronze Age and Iron Age confirms this explanation.
before, but had never been taken into regular production: Near the beginning of the Bronze Age the first walled
the application of glazes to pottery, and the many ways of settlements appeared, and with them probably pottery
manipulating the effects of glazes and metal oxides to markets. The villages of the previous age may also have
obtain the magnificent effects of Islamic glazed wares. had such markets, but the tradition that families made
What could not have been invented was porcelain. Kaolin, their own pottery must already have existed. One might
which is the basic ingredient in the production of porce- speculate that the inhabitants of the first towns were sup-
lain, is not found in any quantity anywhere in the entire plied with pottery partly by professional potters and partly
area. by villagers. This is inferred, for instance, from study of
It is necessary to consider an aspect of pot making which the pottery excavated at EB Jericho. Small jugs and bowls
is not generally understood. One common impression is were often made by hand, exactly as in the Neolithic.
that potters can make any shape when asked to do so. This Embellishment often consisted of a dark red slip applied
is by no means true. The shapes potters can make depend over the entire body, which was sometimes polished. Simi-
largely on two aspects: the type of clay which the potter is larly one finds the use of a slow wheel which was turned
accustomed to using, and the traditional knowledge accu- by hand, besides the use of little woven mats on which a
mulating over generations of potters who knew how to pot was built up and which could also be turned by hand.
work that clay. Clays resemble wood in that different kinds There were apparently professional potters working in the
must be used for different purposes. The traditional neighborhood, since the production of such classes as
knowledge is often so attached to the special properties of storage jars of the hole-mouth type required efficient mass
the clay which the potter knows and uses, that he cannot production. One striking aspect of the pottery found at
imagine other shapes being made from it. The Neolithic such sites is the care which was taken to make pleasant
potters have been depicted here as people who were very shapes, and to give them a strong and shiny color. Another
busy inventing and experimenting, as one does in a labo- striking feature is the occurrence of jars which had a
ratory. The other side of the picture is, however, that whitewash applied to the surface, which was then deco-
traditional potters belong to that group of very conserva- rated with red painted bands. This could only be done as
tive people who will not readily accept innovations and long as firing temperatures were kept well below 825° C,
rationalizations in their crafts. And as far as they can, they the temperature at which lime turns into quicklime. Much
work according to the traditional rules or "laws" passed of this pottery was fired in kilns with maximum tempera-
down through the generations. After the Neolithic Age tures of between 700° and 900° C. The firing method
there were long periods in which little seemed to change probably being practiced in this period was to fire quickly
v • 431 POTTERY

and briefly at probably over 900°C, so that the temperature a red slip, in order to create a good surface for a painted
in the lower levels of the kiln would be sufficient to produce decoration.
fairly hard pottery, whereas in the upper part of the kiln During the LB there was a slow but distinct decline in
the temperature would be enough to fire the pots but not every respect. At first production continued with many
enough to make them really hard. Another aspect of kiln decorated pieces, but in LB II the problems seem to have
firing was that the relation between the influx of oxygen begun. Less slip was used to cover the pot surface, which
and the escape of hot gases from the kiln was not well gave scum more chance to influence the decoration. Then
balanced. The oxygen flow was often hampered, and as a the sand used as a filler, which sometimes consisted en-
result the colors of the pottery are often dull or-in tirely of lime rolk, was no longer sieved, so that coarse
technical terms--either neutral or reduced. It was only particles were introduced in the clay. This tended to break
after the Exile that this aspect of kiln firing was mastered. up the surface of the pot after it had been fired. The
Pottery in use in small villages was still produced by the presence of coarse lime sand indicates that potters re-
families. turned to the use of slow wheels and less plastic clays.
In the EB IV, the pottery acquired more uniformity of Perhaps the return to simpler production methods was
shape and technique. Much of the pottery had flat bases provoked by two aspects of daily life. The mass-produced
that were made on flat stone slabs that could be turned, thin-walled thrown pottery of the MB was fragile, and it
and molds were used to make the walls of jars from two became expensive, so it was replaced by pottery with much
parts that were later fitted together. Due to this device thicker walls which lasted longer. Since the production
walls could be made very thin. In the E parts of the country process no longer had to be carefully watched, the potters
these potters did not use a wheel, and even the regularly seem to have become careless. In LB lib a low point was
shaped, flaring rims of storage jars were handmade. reached. The pots were very heavy and most had cracks in
In the MB Age pottery was made on a heavy and rapidly the bases, which the potters had to mend with lime or
turning wheel. This brought with it other new develop- bitumen before the pots could be used. Decorations fell
ments. The fast wheel was in use in Mesopotamia from the victim to the same lack of understanding of basic princi-
3d millennium B.c. When a fast wheel is used, pottery can ples in potting, and practically disappeared by the end of
be made with elegant profiles, but rather plastic clays must the period. By the end of the 13th century the potters had
be used which may contain only very fine sand. The wheel begun to experiment again and find solutions to their
creates centrifugal force in the clay on the wheel head by problems.
turning at 50 r.p.m. or more. It is rather difficult to attach The transition from the 13th to the 12th century B.C.,
other parts such as handles to the pots. Finished shapes or from the LB Age to the Iron Age, has attracted much
must dry evenly and slowly to prevent cracking, and firing attention, because the question is thought to be related to
the pots requires much skill. This complex of new technol- the appearance of the Israelites in Canaan. When seen in
ogy was almost certainly introduced from the N. It had this light, the question is: can pottery be used to indicate
some revolutionary results. The use of a fast wheel could the presence of the Israelites? Unrealistically high expec-
speed up production tenfold or more, and slow methods tations have been raised by earlier pottery studies. The
of pot making soon disappeared. A uniformity in shapes question of what is exclusively Israelite pottery in the 12th
developed, and geometrically painted decoration disap- and l lth centuries B.C. cannot be answered satisfactorily.
peared simultaneously because the production was linked Amiran thought that the Israelites took over the craft of
to speed. Light or dark red firing slips were used to cover potting from the Canaanites, and very soon developed the
the entire surface of bowls and dippers, and it is only late craft in their own way. If this were so, then pottery could
in the period that potters again turned to painting deco- indicate an Israelite presence. However, the end of the
ration on their wares. This new technique of painting (with 13th century B.C. marks the absolute nadir of the craft,
a red or "black" firing paint made of iron oxides mixed and there was not much to be learned from it; moreover,
with fine clay slips) was successful because great care was why should Israelites not have known how to make pot-
taken that the body of the vessel was well covered with a tery? To take the problem out of the realm of pure
clay slip that would be nearly white after firing, regardless speculation, we need more evidence about the technical
of the atmosphere in the kiln, which through lack of development of the craft, and it is hard to obtain such
oxygen could turn a red firing body into a dark gray. The evidence. What is clear, however, is that early in the 12th
thick slip would also reduce the chance of scum forming century B.C. potting was tackled in a fresh spirit of deter-
on the red paint. In potting in the Near East, scum has mination to overcome the problems of production, and
always spoiled the potters' attempts to use contrasting this process was crowned with success. Since we know about
surface colors as decoration. Scum forms during kiln firing the problems of decoration we do not expect developments
when there 1s excessive salt in the clay; it turns the surface in painted pottery, yet the potters invented a strong red
color pale greenish yellow, which also affects the painted slip which was applied to small items and burnished.
parts. Potters made better use of the raw materials, and coarse
An additional problem in the production of painted lime sand was no longer used. Potters from Jerusalem
pottery was that clays containing a large amount of lime preferred to use fine quartz sand, even though it had to
(as do most clays in Palestine) will cause iron oxide paints be brought from a considerable distance. Late in the 8th
to become volatik at temperatures above 925° C. White century B.C., after the Assyrians had taken Samaria and
firing slips that did not contain iron or lime were ideal as a many people took refuge in or near Jerusalem, pottery
basis for decoration, but sources for such were probably production had to be greatly expanded. Lime sand re-
rare. Some potters applied a white slip first, as a basis for placed quartz sand; it was available in abundance locally,
POTTERY 432 • v
but it did not improve the quality of the product. The 6th centuries B.C. resulted in a fairly clear definition of the
improvements consisted of the production of pottery that various classes of pottery, and a distinction could be made
was lightweight in relation to its size; potters again made betw~en some of t~e potters producing them. When pro-
thin-walled pottery which was nevertheless not so fragile duction of the various classes was worked out statistically
as that of the MB (less elegant but more shock resistant). it was found that cooking pots formed only a small part of
Problems such as inferior bases to the pots no longer total production during the 7th century B.C., roughly 5-8
occurred. percent. These were produced to replace broken ones-
What happened in the course of the Iron Age can be cooking pots had a short life. They were not only more
characterized as the rationalization of production. It was vulnerable than most other shapes, but the base burnt
not a matter of mechanization, but a thoughtful develop- through after some use. Masses of broken bases are always
ment of means and methods of production, resulting in a excavated together with fragments of other parts of the
useful and fairly cheap product, adapted to changing pottery, but bases of cooking pots are rare. They crumble
demands. Potters used a slow wheel which was probably away when burnt. If a cooking pot had been used every
hand operated. Small items such as drinking bowls, lamps, day, it would have lasted between four and six months.
small plates, and small jugs were shaped from a cone of According to the percentages of broken pottery from the
clay, which allowed the potter to make a number of pots different classes, it appears that over the same period in
one after the other. The upper part of the wall was made which three cooking pots were broken in a family's daily
to the required thickness, but the lower part and the base life, nine rather strong deep storage bowls, twenty-seven
were made rather thick because, as long as the clay was small bowls used for drinking and eating, four storage
wet, a thin lower section could collapse under the weight jars, four plates, one lamp, four cylindrical storage jars,
of the upper part. When the rough shape was finished, and one small jug were broken. This is far too much, and
the potter cut it loose from the clay cone with a string and a more realistic estimate would start with the assumption
put it aside to dry for a while. When the upper part (the that one cooking pot would last three years, in which case
thin part) was stiff enough, the unfinished shape was put the average family would replace one deep storage bowl,
back on the wheel upside down, and the potter scraped three small bowls, one water jar, one plate, and one cylin-
clay from the still-wet area to make the lower part and the drical jar in a year, but the lamp and the small jug would
base as thin as possible. At the same time he would give last for nine years. The cooking pot, the lamp and the
the base its required shape, such as a ring to stand on. To (perfume?) jug were not for daily use but for festivals.
make larger pots such as storage kraters and water jars, When the sun went down people sat in the dark or enjoyed
the potter started by making a base and a small part of the the moonlight, and they did not normally cook a meal.
wall. This then had to dry because from then on the potter They baked their daily bread in a small bread oven, and if
added clay coils to build up the wall to the required height, they had two meals a day, they ate their bread with thick
while at the same time widening the shape. To prevent the milk probably prepared in several different ways, with
wet shape from collapsing under its own weight, he tied cheese, olives, various fresh or dried herbs, dried fruits,
string around the belly of the pot, which was removed and some honey if they could afford it. People ate and
when the shape had dried but left impressions in the clay drank from small bowls, which represented more than 50
wall. The potter scraped away as much surplus clay as percent of the pottery in daily use through the Iron Age.
possible from the inside near the base. The potters were Meat could be roasted in the bread oven, but it was cer-
aware of the need to give walls and base equal thickness. tainly not part of the daily diet for the average family. The
To make a rim shock-resistant it had to be thicker than the diet of the Israelite family must have changed during the
wall. The local clays were not sufficiently plastic to fold the Iron Age, since in the early days there were no real
top of the neck of a jar down, either to the inside or the cooking pots, but only very wide and rather shallow frying
outside, as can be done with plastic clays. Instead it had to pans without handles. When people in the 7th century
be pressed down to the outside while the pot was rotated used pots for cooking during festivals, they were probably
several times, as too much pressure would spoil the pot. boiling lentils or preparing special meals.
A fair degree of uniformity was largely due to the After the Exile, pottery production did not change until
customers' behavior. Taking the cooking pot as an exam- the country revived economically, and then we find a
ple, one can notice that in the beginning every potter had rationalized production. In Hellenistic and Roman times
his own way of finishing the rim, making it somewhat pottery was turned out in large quantities as a result of the
longer or more flaring, or bending it down or up, and so throwing technique. The traditional clays were no longer
forth. The customers noticed that rims with a certain used, being unsuitable for this technique. Pottery firms
profile resisted being struck by accident much better than used fine plastic clays and mixed clays in order to adapt
rims with other profiles. Thus they became conscious of the properties to the shaping techniques. Mass production
differences in quality, and when buying pots they began had become the only way to survive. Jars were thrown in
to look for the better-constructed ones. Slowly the potters two halves which were luted together, and the lower half
followed this trend, and all began to give the same sturdy was made upside down on the wheel, as were deep bowls
rim to their pots. On the other hand, cooking pots were and cooking pots. The percentages of cooking pots are
not in daily use. They were probably only used on the not known for this period, but from finds at the Amman
occasion of religious festivals and at large family gather- Citadel it can be concluded that people used them every
ings. day. The pottery became much lighter than it had been in
This can be demonstrated in the following way. A tech- the Iron Age; it had very thin walls and was seldom
nological study of the pottery from Jerusalem in the 9th- decorated. People who could afford to buy a good dinner
v • 433 POTTERY

service used terra sigillata or pottery of comparable qual- form and texture, style and decoration--developed differ-
ity, which was imported from overseas. There was ~o ently in different places and cultures and changed over
large-scale trade in fine pottery, such as that produced m time. Standard types were developed according to the
Petra in New Testament times, but the potters at Qumran needs of a particular people, and there was general con-
were very fine craftsmen who made high-quality utility formity in form and design, but over a period of time the
wares, as did other potters in the country. This was the needs and styles would change as vessels had to be re-
time in which, technically speaking, potters had reached placed. Although styles were conservative by today's stan-
the limits of what could be done with the local clays. Petra dards, materials, decorations, and particularly forms
clays are of a totally different nature to those found in the changed. For example, Cypriot bilbils and Attic black-
mountainous areas of Palestine, and this is clearly shown figured wares are associated with particular times and
in the products of the potters' workshop. places. Wherever they are found they imply manufacture,
H. J. FRANKEN trade, and cultural exchange during a specific time in
history. Neolithic pottery of the Jordan valley indicates
POITERY CHRONOLOGY OF PALESTINE contacts with Anatolia, Syria, Egypt, and Mesopotamia.
Even the common household wares have become known
Because pottery is almost always found in excavations for their typical forms during a particular period and their
from biblical sites in Palestine, and because pottery shapes changes of style over time. The symmetry and construction
and forms tended to change and develop over time, the techniques of pottery manufacture make it possible to
historian, and particularly the archaeologist, turns to pot- determine the whole form of vessels from "diagnostic"
tery remains for cultural and chronological information. fragments-i.e., parts of vessels that are characteristic of a
form such as typical rims, handles, bases, or decorated
A. Importance of Pottery sherds. The occasional unbroken pot, the restorable ves-
B. As Chronological Indicators sels, and abundant potsherds found on Palestinian sites
C. In Survey Work are thus invaluable when collected and studied in accord-
D. Other Clay Artifacts ance with advanced archaeological techniques.
E. As Cultural Artifacts
F. In Excavation, Study, and Publication
B. As Chronological Indicators
G. Biblical References
Pottery has had a particular historical importance in
H. Characteristics by Period
Palestine because of the lack of written material and rich
I. Neolithic
2. Chalcolithic architectural finds. Thus far the archival collections of
3. Early Bronze tablets and texts known from Mesopotamia, Antolia, and
4. Middle Bronze Syria have yet to be found in Palestine and Transjordan.
5. Late Bronze Monumental palaces, pyramids, and tombs have not been
6. Iron Age I uncovered. Many times it has been the lowly potsherd that
7. Iron Age II has revealed a story. The chronological factor reaches
8. Exilic and Persian beyond dating the pottery for its own sake. Pottery has
9. Hellenistic become the chronological indicator for other artifacts,
LO. Roman architecture, and cultural features. This is possible
11. Byzantine through two principles which go hand in hand: stratigra-
phy and typology.
A. Importance of Pottery The first to realize the potential of pottery dating in
Pottery's importance as an artifact of antiquity is due in Palestine was Sir Flinders Petrie in his excavations at Tell
part to its durability. Once a clay object is fired at a high el-Hesi in 1890. As he isolated individual layers of occu-
degree it will harden and although it will break, it will not pation he noted the distinctive pottery types, their disap-
decay or disappear. Except for those of stone, other an- pearance after a time, and the appearance of new forms.
cient artifacts of wood, cloth, reed, or vegetable matter, or He developed what became known as sequence dating,
even metal, have a limited life span and disintegrate on assigning numbers to types, noting the levels in which they
exposure to air and humidity. Pottery does not disinte- first appeared (lower levels) and then disappeared or be-
grate, but it breaks rather easily on impact and has to be came infrequent (at a higher level). His division of pottery
replaced. Once the art of pottery making was mastered, into groups, such as bowls, jars, jugs, and cooking pots,
clay vessels were cheap and easy to replace. Clay beds are was the beginning of pottery typology in Palestine. By
plentiful in the Near East, and artisans learned to seek out relating his typology to the stratigraphy he was able to
the superior sources of clay. Pottery vessels became the develop a relative chronology. When he found pottery
main type of containers in most Near Eastern cultures. Yet types he recognized from similar finds in Egyptian tombs
the vessels were fragile and their life spans were probably which were datable by scarabs and inscriptions, he was able
a few years at the most. The broken pieces of pottery, i.e., to introduce some absolute dates. Pottery was on the way
potsherds, would be discarded, but since they do not to becoming Palestine's main chronological indicator.
disappear they remain as evidence of the ancient peoples The latest pottery dates the particular layer of earth or
who first made them. debris in which the pottery was found. Pottery can then be
A complementary factor has made pottery important as used to date the other finds found with it, artifacts which
an interpreter of history. Pottery types-their variety in did not change in style as rapidly or for which typologies
POTTERY 434 • v
are not yet known .. It becomes possible to date buildings, hav~ impr~ved, older identifications have been many times
fortifications, and other cultural remains. revised. With new surveys, theories such as those of Nelson
Petrie used the knowledge he gained at Tell el-Hesi in Glueck after his explorations in Transjordan and the
the following years as he excavated other sites, and his Negeb have had to be reexamined.
ideas were adopted by other Palestinian explorers. As
archaeological methods developed, with emphasis on D. Other Clay Artifacts
trained staff, detailed records, plans, photographs, and an Although the principal efforts of the potter went toward
understanding of the complex nature of the tell (the manufacture of vessels, other clay artifacts are also found
Reisner-Fisher method of the early 20th century), pottery in exc°:vations. Loom weights, sometimes of unbaked clay,
took on corresponding significance. Ceramic chronology and spmdle whorls are common at some sites which seem
took a major step forward with the publication of W. F. to be dyeing and weaving centers. Clay figurines are un-
Albright's excavations at Tell Beit Mirsim ( 1926-32) and baked in the EB. In the LB, they are made in molds. In
his pottery studies from the EB through the Iron Age. By the Iron Age they are partly formed by hand and partly
emphasizing the sorting and dating of the pottery which in the mold. Ceramic animal figures and small pots, which
was found in a room, on a floor, or beside a wall, he may be toys, also appear.
distinguished building periods as comparative ceramic Even broken pots were often reused in other ways. They
groups were assigned a particular stratum. In other words, were formed into lids or stoppers, or used as scrapers.
the evidence of contemporary pottery types determined Occasionally bowls were mended, as holes along broken
the stratum. It was the Wheeler-Kenyon method, devel- edges testify. At Bethel a sherd was found with a piece of
oped principally in Palestine at Jericho ( 1952-58), that put a drill through it, apparently broken off in attempting to
emphasis on observable layers of debris and the use of mend the vessel.
vertical sections to examine, correlate, and record the Pottery occasionally provides written material. Some-
layers of soil, particularly in relation to walls. Structures times vessels were impressed with seals or scratched with
and artifacts, including pottery, are recorded in relation letters that marked ownership or destination. LMLK ("be-
to the observed debris. Applications of these methods, longing to the king")-stamped handles are frequently
along with modifications such as larger horizontal areas of found on Judean sites in Iron II. Rhodian jars were
excavation, more elaborate systems for saving and record- stamped for export. Records and messages were written
ing pottery, and wider ecological and environmental stud- on potsherds. These are known as ostraca and important
ies, are now generally used. historical evidence has been provided by such collections
Because of comparative studies between sites excavated found at Samaria, Lachish, and Arad.
stratigraphically, it is now possible to date pottery within
50 to 100 years for many periods of Palestinian history. E. As Cultural Artifacts
Although pottery dating is still the most helpful method Pottery's importance as a cultural artifact may first de-
for the Palestinian archaeologist, he must use it in coordi- pend upon its date, that is the particular place and people
nation with more recently developed scientific methods. with which it was associated. But along with its chronolog-
Radiocarbon, thermoluminescence, tree rings, magnetic ical value, pottery needs to be studied as a cultural artifact
measurements, must all be used, but as yet none of these in its own right. Its style and decoration, its technique and
are as refined and available as the ordinary potsherd. But care in making, its form and the possible use to which it
the ceramic specialist is always open to new advancements was put-all can reveal something about its maker and the
in methods and scientific discovery. culture of those who used it. Its distribution over space
and sources of manufacture tell something about the trade
C. In Survey Work and economy of the ancient world. Complex economic,
Pottery plays a significant role in archaeological surveys. political, and social factors contribute to the movements of
When one desires to learn the history of a particular area, peoples, and the distribution of pottery is part of the
one unexplored or when more thorough or detailed infor- evidence.
mation is desired about a previously explored area, an Renewed effort has been directed toward technical stud-
archaeological survey may be undertaken. Although meth- ies of pottery. See also the preceding article, POTTERY
ods may differ, the collection of artifacts found on the (TECHNOLOGY IN ANCIENT PALESTINE); POT-
surface is the primary activity. From these finds, sugges- TER'S WHEEL Research concerning manufacturing
tions can be made as to the occupational history of a site methods and the kinds, sources, and qualities of clays
or area. The most likely artifacts to be on the surface are indicate levels of skills, knowledge of environment, trade,
stone tools or flints for pre-Chalcolithic sites, and pottery and intergroup relations. Application of scientific tech-
for sites occupied thereafter. Although there is always the niques have served to determine clay composition and its
possibility that the evidence may be lacking, in most cases sources. X-ray fluorescence spectrometry, neutron activa-
sherds from every period of occupation have worked their tion, and examination of thin sections under a petrulogic
way to the surface. The ability to date groups of diagnostic microscope have helped to understand pottery manufac-
sherds means tentative conclusions can be reached con- ture and the raw materials.
cerning historical problems and the desirability of excava- Observations of modern potters disclose knowledge of
tion and further study. clays and tempers, use of the wheel, and firing techniques
The ability to date sherds found on the surface has that can be applied to the understanding of ancient cul-
played a part in site identification ever since Petrie's work tures. Ethnological studies reveal information about the
at the end of the 19th century. As knowledge and methods social setting of the makers and users. Pots and potters of
v. 435 POTTERY

a society are important vehicles for the understanding of it is evident that the most luxurious and valuable vessels
that society. were of metals-bronze, gold, and silver (Exod 27:3;
37:24). However, clay pots were also used (Lev 14:5, 50;
F. In Excavation, Study, and Publication Num 5: 17), perhaps so they could be destroyed if they
It is obvious that the method of handling pottery on an became ritually unclean (Lev 6:28). In contrast, the Lord
excavation is very important. Every sherd must be col- ordered Jeremiah to preserve his land deed in a clay jar
lected, and the debris and locus from which it has come (keli-l;ares; Jer 32: 14) a practice well known from Qumran
must be recorded. The usual method is to place each and the caves of the Dead Sea. A piece of pottery, a
sherd in a bucket or container that is identified by locus. It potsherd (fteres), was used by Job to scrape his sores (Job
is important that those that come from the same floor, 2:8).
room, or fill be kept in relation to each other so that the Metaphoric use of clay vessels and their makers is the
possibility of reconstructing vessels may be facilitated. As most usual reference to pottery in the Hebrew Bible. An
the sherds are brought in from the field they need to be ordinary household item and a necessary and flourishing
carefully washed or dipped so that wash, paint, or ink is industry was a natural way to express deeper truths for
not removed. As soon as possible the ceramic specialist on the biblical writers. The potter (yoser) as maker of the pot
the excavation will examine the pottery with the field (ftiimer) is a metaphor for God, the creator of man (Isa
supervisor of the area excavated so that tentative conclu- 45:9; 64:7 [-Eng 64:8]; Job 10:9). Jeremiah used the
sions can be made as to date and the kind of debris being figure of the potter (yosir) reforming his imperfect objects
excavated. Incongruous results may send them back to the of clay (ftiimer) into other forms as what the Lord might do
field to reexamine their work. A decision must be reached to Israel (Jer 18:1-6), and Jeremiah's breaking a clay jar
as to what sherds will be saved. If there are possibilities of symbolized the breaking up of the kingdom (Jeremiah 19).
reconstructing vessels everything is kept. Particularly im- In Daniel's vision, the wild beast (Dan 2:31-45) had feet
portant loci may demand that all pottery be saved. Some which were part iron and part clay (Aramaic ftesap), sym-
recent excavations have attempted to save every sherd, but bolizing the empire as partly strong and partly weak.
on a large excavation sheer volume may make it impossible Figurative and vivid uses of clay as a simile appear in the
to handle all the material and storage itself may be impos- Psalms: "You will shatter them in pieces like a clay pot"
sible. In any case diagnostic sherds (rims, handles, bases, (keli yoser, Ps 2:9); "My throat is as dry as clay" (fteres, Ps
and decorated ware) will be labeled in indelible ink so that 22: 16-Eng 22: 15). In the poetry of Isaiah, "He tramples
any individual piece may be identified. The sherds may be over rulers as if they were mud, like a potter (yoser) tram-
bagged or boxed at this point, but hopefully not long after ples clay (!i!)" (Isa 41:25), and in Proverbs (26:23) your
the conclusion of the fieldwork the field supervisor and fine talk covers what you really are like, "the fine glaze on
ceramist who is responsible for the publication of the a cheap clay pot (fteres)."
material will examine it again. The pottery then serves at In the NT, Paul compares God's control to the potter's
least two important purposes. The sherds themselves will (kerameu.s) over the clay (pelos; Rom 9:20-2 l ), and our
be used to date or corroborate the debris, constructions, treasure as being in "earthen vessels" (ostrakinos skeuos), i.e.,
and other finds from which the material came. This may power is of God, not our own (2 Cor 4:7).
take much comparative study, depending upon the famil- The metaphoric use of clay in the Bible is perhaps the
iarity of the material. Further, this pottery will also have a best commentary on the properties of clay and its use in
contribution to make to further ceramic studies and exca- antiquity: its form is at the mercy of the potter, in its
vation, as it becomes a part of the total corpus of datable hardened form it breaks easily, and the household pot is
excavated pottery. simple and ordinary.
The publication of the pottery may include groups pub-
lished by loci in order to show how particular areas and H. Characteristics by Period
constructions are dated; it may include publication by type, 1. Neolithic (ca. 5500-4300 B.c.) Pottery is first known
as the dated pottery makes its contributions to archaeolog- in Palestine toward the end of the Neolithic period. At
ical data. Pottery may be published by photograph, but Jericho, it was preceded by plastered floors and walls, vats
data is generally best presented visually by drawings in and basins, clay figurines and plastered decorated skulls.
section and in profile. This takes a person skilled in draw- Although the intermediate steps are not known, these
ing, and consistent methods must be followed in showing activities could have led directly to the first use of fired
form and decoration. Plate layout must be meaningful and pottery. Immediately new levels of civilization were possi-
~ttractive. Ware descriptions should accompany each pub- ble: food could be cooked and preserved as never before.
hshed sherd. The use of the Munsell Soil Color Charts is This was a major step toward a food-production economy.
the usual standard to describe the hue, lightness value, The first pottery probably appeared about 5500 B.C.
and chroma of the ware. If further technical studies have Handmade methods included forming "pinch pots" from
been undertaken (see above), they will also be fully pub- a lump of clay held in one's hand, molding in or around a
lished. basket or stone vessel, slabs joined by slip (a more liquid
clay), or building up by coils. Technical developments were
G. Biblical References rapid, as pottery from the Jordan valley shows evidence of
. The material remains of the Iron Age demonstrate the firing in kilns to 800° C or higher. Various tempers were
importance of pottery and the potter in Israelite society. used before the end of the Neolithic period, including
However, specific biblical references are rather few. In the fine-ground pottery (grog). Decoration includes fine slips,
elaborate descriptions of the temple vessels and offerings, and experiments were made with various methods of turn-
POTTERY 436 • v
ing pottery. The usual forms include cuplike bowls, me- Typical of the N are red- and gray-burnished wares in-
dium and large bowls with sloping or curved sides, and cluding various kinds of teapots, small bowls with co~ical
globular jars with flat bases. Rims are very simple, and omphali, bowls with molded decorations or projecting
handles may be simple loop handles, small pierced lugs, or knobs below .the .rim (P~T.04:b), high loop-handled jug-
incipient ledges. There are both fine and coarse wares. lets, amphonsko1, large Jars, and wide-mouthed jars. In
The coarse is very crude; it had considerable temper and the S the typical decoration late in EB I is a painted ware
was fired at a low temperature, making it soft and crumbly. called "line group," usually straight or wavy lines in groups
The fine wares are of cleaner clay and considerably better crossed by diagonal lines. Plain bowls often have a row of
fired. The finish is especially attractive; in cream and red- impressed dots or slashes below the rim. Juglets, amphor-
burnished slips a reserved portion is left in various pat- iskoi, and bowls are common, but most of the N shapes
terns of zigzags, chevrons, or triangles. There are also are present and there was undoubtedly intermingling be-
decorations with incisions, and sometimes a combination tween the two regions. To these forms, which are best
of incisions and slip or paint. known from tombs, platters and hole-mouth cooking pots
At Jericho the Pottery Neolithic B people improved on found at stratified sites should be added.
the Pottery Neolithic A pottery: it is much better fired, the Most of these forms of EB I continue to appear in EB
ware is thinner and contains less straw as temper. The II. Platters become plentiful, and amphoriskoi, particu-
forms include jar rims which are concave on the interior, larly with the "line group" decoration, are less common.
and the loop handle is common. The red-on-cream slips Combing as a finishing makes its appearance. Most typical
of the earlier fine wares is succeeded by a deep red slip, of EB II are the Abydos wares, called such because they
sometimes burnished. Characteristic is a band of herring- were found in the Egyptian tombs at Abydos and this was
bone incisions, sometimes covered by a cream slip. the first Palestinian type pegged to Egyptian chronology.
2. Chalcolithic (ca. 4300-3200 e.c.). The transition The most typical characteristic is a symmetrical oval-
from Neolithic to Chalcolithic is not sudden but gradual, shaped jug with a loop handle, red-slipped and hard-
and it is not yet clear whether some cultures are transi- baked to a metallic quality. Sometimes they have one or
tional, contemporary, or continuous. The Yarmukian and two degenerate loop handles on the side in addition to the
Jericho Pottery Neolithic B are transitional and may fit best regular loop handle, and a form wiih a stump base devel-
into the early part of the Chalcolithic period. In any case, ops. There are also jugs with a brown- or red-painted
the Ghassulian-Beer-sheba cultures are widespread by decoration-rows of triangles filled with incisions and sep-
Late Chalcolithic times. Wares are more advanced- arated by bands. The jug forms and types also appear as
harder, thinner, and better fired. Pots are still handmade, juglets.
but there is some evidence of a slow wheel or tournette. In EB III many of the EB II forms continue. Platters
New varied forms include V-shaped bowls, goblets and and bowls, some of them deep, continue with more elabo-
chalices, churns, and cornets. Ear handles are common, rate rims developing. Wavy ledge handles on jars are
sometimes in such excess that they must be merely deco- common (POT.04:i). Pattern combing is characteristic on
rative. Other forms of decoration include impressing, plas- jars and bowls. The unique feature of EB III, however, is
tic, and paint. Large coil-made pithoi had elaborate rope- the introduction of KHIRBET KERAK WARE. Known
like clay bands, most likely in imitation of the rope which first from Khirbet Kerak in Galilee, it seems to be intro-
was necessary to hold them together as the pots were duced into Palestine from the N. The ware itself is brittle
made. Holemouth jars (POT.04:a), which became so pop- and poor and the pots are entirely handmade, showing no
ular in the EB, began to appear. In addition to the house- knowledge of the wheel. However, the vessel is covered
hold vessels the typical clay ossuaries of the Chalcolithic with a heavy slip which is polished or burnished to a high
period should be mentioned; most were shaped like gloss. The method of firing produces vessels partly black
houses or animals, but jars were adapted also for this and partly red, witnessing to a sophisticated knowledge of
purpose. smoke blackening. The usual Palestinian pot sits on a base
3. Early Bronze (ca. 3200-2200 e.c.). The transition as wide or almost as wide as its mouth and gently curves
and degree of interruption between the Chalcolithic and up to its rim. Khirbet Kerak vessels have small bases,
EB ages has yet to be settled. Kenyon has called the early sometimes appearing top-heavy, and the profile often
period of EB I the Proto-Urban period, beginning EB I curves up in an S-form. Most common are bowl forms, but
with what others call EB IC. It was with the EB that the there are also jugs, stands, and lids. New rim and handle
first correlations with Egypt were made, and the absolute types are introduced, and decoration includes incisions
chronology of the Bronze Age depends on correlation and reliefs, unlike any previously known Palestinian pot-
with predynastic and dynastic material of Egypt. Canaanite tery.
pottery found in Egyptian tombs and Egyptian artifacts Unique vessels sometimes found at EB sites are incense
found at EB sites in Palestine, along with local stratified stands and kernoi (three or more small bowls or cups on a
Palestinian pottery, serve as the basis for EB chronology. ring, probably also cultic in use). EB lamps are hardly
The periods of the EB Age are best delimited by the more than shallow bowls with a slight pinch blackened by
introduction of new pottery forms. Typical throughout a burnt wick.
the age is the ledge handle (POT.04:h). It apparently The next period sometimes is considered the final pe-
originated in Canaan, and from there spread N as far as riod of the EB and is known as EB IV (Dever). Others
Upper Galilee, and Canaanite jars with ledge handles have prefer an "Intermediate EB-MB" designation (Kenyon,
been found in Egyptian tombs. The plain (or duckbill) Kochavi), emphasizing possible relations with the following
handle and indented ledge handles were probably the first. period as well as the EB. It was formerly known as MB I
v. 437 POTTERY

\t) c

e
~17 k

POT.04. Pottery of Palestine--Chalcolithic and Bronze Age: (a) holemouth jar from Ghassue--level IVA, Late Chalcolithic; (b) bowl from el-'Attula-:-EB I; (c) carinated
bowl from Meg1ddo---level XIV, M.B I; (d) carinated bowl from Megiddo---level XII, MB II; (e) carinated bowl from Megiddo---level VIII, LB II; (f) chalice from Meg1ddo---
level XI, MB 11-111.: (g) Canaanite 1ar from Abu Hawam---level V, LB; (h) ledge handles from Deir sa'aneh Mahladeih/Ras Abu Lo1eh-EB I; (1) wavy ledge handle from
Tell es-Sa1d1yeh; (J) storage jar from Tell Beit Mirsim---level E, MB II; (k) bowl from Megiddo---level VIII, LB II.
POTI'ERY 438. v
(Albright), and this is still preferred by some (Amiran). form, and cylindrical jugs and juglets begin in MB 1 and
The urban life of EB 11-111 as known from large sites in branch out into many variations. The double and triple
Palestine and Transjordan largely disappears, and in some handles are common. Narrow necks with small mouths
respects the pottery of the final EB phase is similar to that an~ m~ttur~ed rims are typical of both pyriform and
of EB I. As a rule, types of pottery are very localized and cyhndncal Juglets. The button base on pyriform juglets
attempts have been made to find many migrations or appears in MB II. Variations with flat, concave, or pointed
influences coming into the country and to set up chrono- bases may be MB III variations of the typical form. Tell el-
logical frameworks. It is likely, however, that changes are Yahudiyeh juglets with their dark clay and slip, and punc-
as much due to the breakup of the city-state system as to tured design filled with white chalk, follow the develop-
new peoples coming into the land, and many of the varied ment of the common pyriform juglets. Cylindrical juglets
groups may be contemporary. appear as early as MB I in the coastal region and Jezreel
Wide bases and gently curving sides in jars, jugs, and plain, but they appear infrequently in more central
bowls continue. A profiled rim is typical of many large regions until late in MB II and then largely replace the
bowls. Teapots are particularly common. Lamps are open pyriformjuglet in MB Ill.
bowls with four wide-pinched spouts (POT.06:a). The classic MB II jar is ovoid in shape, tapering to a
Toward the end of the period or in MB I, "caliciform" small flat base (POT.04:j). Two handles are smoothly at-
ware appears. Probably introduced from Syria, the typical tached on opposite sides at its widest girth, hardly interfer-
decorations are incised wavy lines between straight lines ing with the contour of the vessel. The neck is relatively
below the rim of the vessel. The jars usually have hand- short. Rims may be plain or profiled externally, internally,
made bodies with necks and rims finished on a wheel. or both, with rounded, flattened, or tapered edges. Elabo-
4. Middle Bronze (1900-1550 B.c.). In the MB, techni- rate profiles seem to be more popular as the MB pro-
cal advancements from the widespread use of the potters' gresses. Bases may be slightly convex and also rounded.
wheel resulted in improvements in form and decoration. Four handles are found as well as two. Combed incised
A heavy and fast-turning wheel required a fine temper in decoration and brownish-red-painted alternating wavy and
the clays and additional care in drying and firing. There straight lines over a white slip are also found.
were new possibilities in delicate rim and base forms and Cypriot imports, so typical of the next period, began to
pleasing shapes. The pottery and other material finds be imported into Palestine in the MB. White-painted and
indicate a prosperous society with time for luxury items. white-slipped wares are found.
Improvements in technology probably helped bring this 5. Late Bronze (ca. 1550-1200 B.c.). The LB is largely
about. contemporary with the New Kingdom of Egypt, and dur-
The MB is easily distinguished from the earlier periods, ing most of this period Canaan was dominated by Egypt.
although the beginning of the technical improvements It is generally divided into LB I, II A, and II B. Most
were already emerging. Similar types occur throughout pottery forms are a direct development or degeneration
the MB, but some distinctions can be made between MB I, of MB forms. There are many Mediterranean imports and
II, and Ill. A deep red burnished slip is common in MB local painted wares, but especially toward the end of the
I, and there are also cream-slip burnished vessels. Painted period the local ware becomes cruder and heavier. Analy-
decoration is found. In MB II, burnishing continues but sis at Deir Alla in Jordan has shown that there was a return
many vessels are plain, and painted decoration is less often to the slow wheel and coil-made pottery. The area of this
found. However, Tell el-Yahudiyeh ware, dark-burnished decline and its duration needs to be further tested.
with white-filled punctured holes, is characteristic. Carinated bowls continued to be made, but by LB II the
Open, rounded bowls had gently curved sides in MB I. carination had become not much more than a ridge
The bases were flat or low disk, and a shallow ring base (POT.04:e). Concave disk bases are more usual than the
was beginning to appear (POT.04:c). In MB II the bowl ring base. By LB II the more usual open bowl has rounded
walls are less rounded and sometimes almost straight. or straight sides (POT.04:k). Chalices and decorated gob-
Platters or large shallow bowls with a plain, slightly in- lets are characteristic throughout LB.
verted rim are common. Bases are higher, often with a Kraters are also characteristic LB forms. There are two
ring, but a concave disk base is also characteristic. The handles, either vertical or horizontal. In LB II they are
carinated bowls (POT.04:d) are small and closed in MB I usually painted, and the metope style is the most popular.
with both sharp and rounded carinations. In MB 11-111, The rounded-body cooking pot continues the MB tradi-
they are much more varied; they are often flared and vary tion, and the evened rounded rim continues into LB I. A
the place and angle of the carination. The base is better triangular rim also develops and became the most common
formed and the trumpet base and chalice (POT.04:f) have type in LB II. Late in the period (LB II B) an elongated
made their appearance. White or pale-colored thin wares triangle is typical.
are popular. Occasionally attractive bowls with three han- A distinction can be made between the "Canaanite" jars
dles as bases appear. (POT.04:g), used for export in the flourishing inter.na-
Cooking pots are of two types. The Hat-based, straight- tional exchange of the LB, and the decorated store Jars
sided pot has a molded band with thumb impressions and for domestic consumption. Thejar for export was heavier,
a row of punctures or holes below the rim. In MB II-III, with thicker walls, slanting from a pronounced shoulder,
the predominant type is round-based with carinated sides, and a botton or stub base. The domestic jars were usually
usually handleless, with the rim rolled or folded outward. decorated (a custom begun in the MB) and had thinner
Jugs and juglets take many forms and MB II-III types walls, an oviod body and a round base (POT.05:a). Large
are generally a continuation of the MB I. Dipper, pyri- pithoi are also known from N Canaan.
 POTTERY
v. 439

••

~
}!Y
(~
g

\ )

c d

POT.05. Pottery of Palestine-LB and Iron Age. (a) domestic jar from Megiddo---level VIII, LB: (b) Cypriot milkbowl from Lachish---LB; (c) base ring II bilbil from
Jerusalem-LB; (d) base nng I bilbil from Jerusalem-LB; (e) collar rim storage 1ar from Shiloh-Iron I; (1) pilgrim flask from Hazer-level 1B, LB; (g) beer JUQ from
Meg1ddo-level VIA, Iron I; (h) chalice from Beth-shemesh---level Ill, Iron I; (i) decanter from Lachish---level II, Iron II.
 POTTERY
440. v

co a

~db

~.
<M--~·
" ' - • • \'I
\ 11 I
I
I
II

,,,,..,.. _____,,,,'
\~ 11 I
,,' I

' -- _,,
g

POT.06. Pottery of Palestine. (a) lamp from Lachish---EB IV; (b) lamp from Megiddo-level XIII. MB; (c) lamp from Megiddo-le1el VIII. LB; (d) lamp from Hazor-
level IX, Iron I; (e) lamp from Tell Beit Mirsim-level A, late Iron II; (f) lamp from Gezer, level llA. Hellenistic; (g) lamp from Gezer-Hellenistic; (h) sausage 1ar from
Hazor-level VA, Iron II; (i) fishplate from Gezer-level Ill, Hellenistic; (j) amphora (site unknown)-Persian.
v • 441 POTTERY

Jugs and juglets continue the ceramic tradition o~ the can be easily recognized because they were wheel-made of
MB. Zones of painted metopes are common decorations. poorer ware.
Biconical jugs, where the upper part of the vessel is about Mycenaean vessels of excellent workmanship are im-
equal in height to the lower, have a sh?uld~r handle and ported all over the E Mediterranean. They are wheel-
the metope design on the upper part. B1comcal craters are made, and the glossy black paint of the design was also
similar but have two shoulder handles. Juglets tend to lose largely done by wheel. Typical forms are the pyxis, stirrup
their shoulders and their necks become shorter and wider. jar, and kylix. These were imported throughout the LB;
Dipper juglets are not as elongated as MB forms. they were also imitated locally, but lesser skill in craftsman-
A new form in the LB is the pilgrim flask (POT.OS:[). It ship is evident.
differs from other closed vessels in that its lentoid form 6. Iron Age I (ca. 1200-918 a.c.). This is the time when
cannot be thrown on the wheel all at once, but must be the Israelites came into the land of Palestine and formed
thrown as two plates and molded together. Development is an independent kingdom under Saul, David, and Solo-
seen in the handle attachments, and by the Iron Age they mon. Iron Age II begins with the division into the N and
are smaller. S kingdoms and lasts until the fall of Jerusalem in 587 a.c.
At the beginning of the LB, lamps are not too different However, the assumed distinctions between Canaanite and
from those of the MB, which had slight single spouts Israelite pottery beginning around 1200 a.c. can no longer
(POT.06:b). In LB II they become larger with a pinch that be made with the assurance once assumed, since the Isra-
almost meets, and a rim develops (POT.06:c). As some- elites slowly took over the land and pockets of Canaanite
times in the MB, and later in the Iron Age, full-body culture remained.
female figurines, known commonly as "Astarte" plaques, Another element, the Philistines and Sea Peoples, also
are found with varying frequency at LB Palestinian sites. settled in the land during Iron I. Their pottery is more
Their varied arm postures, hairstyles, and decoration show distinctive, and where it is found gives some indication of
some affinities with curvaceous female representations of their settlement, influence, or trade. But again, conclu-
deities on Egyptian wall reliefs. sions must be drawn carefully.
An important and characteristic part of the LB reper- Albright made his first division of Iron I on the appear-
toire is the amount of painted and imported ware, found ance of this "Philistine" ware at Tell Beit Mirsim in the
more often at this time than in any other period of second period, about 1150 a.c., but pottery of the Sea
antiquity in Palestine. Perhaps this accounts for the crude- Peoples is now known earlier at other sites. Although the
ness of much of the ordinary household pottery. Luxury pottery was made locally, connections with the Aegean are
items were made by specialists or imported. obvious in the decorated Philistine ware. The black and
The bichrome ware seems to be the result of a school of red paint appears usually over a white slip, covering the
artisans working in the coastal area of Canaan. The wheel- upper and central zone of the vessel. The central zone is
made pottery is of high quality, of fine light-colored clay divided into metopes containing geometric patterns such
and well burnished before painting. The decoration is on as spirals or circles with crosses, or more characteristically,
the shoulder zone of the vessel in a frieze divided into large-feathered birds. Some of the forms are also Myce-
patterned metopes enclosing ibex, birds, and fish. Vessel naean: kraters with tilted handles, stirrup jars, and pyxi-
forms are those of the plain ware as well as some unique des. However, local forms are also introduced, most typi-
bichrome types. The "chocolate on white" ware is distinc- cally the "beer jug" (POT.05:g), as well as various jugs,
tive particularly because of its finish-a creamy-white- juglets, and pilgrim flasks.
burnished slip on which the thick chocolate or reddish Local painted wares continued to some extent into Iron
brown paint has been applied. The patterns are largely I, but often in a debased LB style. A bichrome style is
geometric. Both these wares appear at the end of MB III introduced which may be of local Phoenician-Palestinian
and flourish during LB I. In addition to these two wares, origin. The decoration is typically red and black with
the palm tree and ibex motifs in a frieze, typically in concentric circles on the sides of jugs or inside bowls.
metopes between triglyphs, occur on all kinds of closed No sharp division occurs between the pottery forms of
vessels throughout the LB. Sometimes it appears to have the Iron and LB ages. Carinated bowls, decorated
disintegrated in LB II B specimens. rounded bowls, and small bar handles develop from LB
The typical imported wares, present in almost any LB forms. In addition, irregular hand burnishing has its be-
Palestinian site or tomb, include Cypriot, Mycenaean, and ginning in this period. The chalice (POT.05:h) reaches the
some Egyptian wares. Well known of the Cypriot wares are height of its popularity in Iron I, whereas a low-footed
the white-slipped "milk bowls" with "wishbone" handles vase or goblet is dying out. The krater continues earlier
and brown or reddish-brown ladder-painted designs traditions in form and painted decoration. There are
(POT.05:b). The delicate patterns become more schematic sometimes four or more handles, as well as the horizontal
in LB I_I. The other common Cypriot imports are jugs and handles known from the earlier period. A typical Iron Age
JUglets m Base Ring ware, known as "bilbils" (POT.05:c, d). thickened rim develops.
They are <?fa well-fired clay, with a dark burnished slip, The cooking pot continues the LB shape: relatively
and are thm, hard metallic ware in appearance and reso- shallow and carinated body with rounded base, usually
nance. Handmade, they may appear skewed in stance. Base without handles. The triangular rim is elongated in vari-
Ring I is characterized by plastic decoration around its ous forms.
neck. Base Ring II is usually white-painted, and often The first pithoi are largely transitional from the LB, but
more squat and considerably larger than Base Ring I. the body becomes more elliptical and the neck narrower
These vessels were imitated locally, and the local vessels and shorter. A ridge develops at the base of the neck, and
POTTERY 442. v
Albright was first to recognize the "collar rim" store jar St?rage j~rs "."ith pronounced shoulders are typical.
(POT.05:e). He identified this jar with the early Israelite Ovoid Jars with ndged necks and "sausage jars" (POT.06:h)
settlers, but the history is probably much more compli- are popular in the N. The ovoid jar with a wide rounded
cated. Other Iron I store jars have ovoid bodies, and a shoulder, tapering neck, and four handles is the type on
painted jar with a spout appears. Amphoriskoi continue which the lmlk ("belonging to the king") seal impressions
their Canaanite form. Typical jugs have globular bodies have been found in the S. See STAMPS, ROYAL JAR
and trefoil mouths. Painted jugs and jugs with strainer HANDLE. Jar handles with personal stamps, a few with
spouts also appear. The popular juglet types are those names found in the Bible, are found fairly frequently. A
with an ovoid body, trefoil mouth, and a slightly pointed popular S form was the hole-mouth jar of two types: a
base, and the small black-burnished juglet, more graceful rather small cylindrical and a large heavy, sometimes more
and with a longer neck than in Iron II. In Iron I the r~unded or barrel-shaped with sloping shoulders. Jars
upper handle attachment is below the rim. A "Cypro- with three handles and a spout are found in both the N
Phoenician" imported juglet appears in the I I th century and the S. Amphoriskoi appear in both large and smaller
in black-on-red wares. variants, and a particular type with painted bands has been
The lamps are relatively small with a fl.at base or larger found in Jordan and suggests Assyrian influence.
with a rounded base (POT.06:d). Distinctive cultic vessels Wide-mouthed jugs often with pinched lips continue
are frequently found in Iron I contexts, particularly in- Iron I types. Variants of jugs with strainer spouts also
cense burners and kernoi. Figurines and spouted animal continue. The characteristic new form of Iron II is the
bases also appear. well-made and often beautiful decanter (POT.05:i). There
7. Iron Age II (ca. 918-587 B.C.). Iron II begins with are some variations between the N and S forms. The
the division into the N and S kingdoms and lasts until the dipper juglet is typically cylindrical with a plain rim and
fall of Jerusalem in 587 B.c. The pottery at present can appears in a range of sizes. Likewise the black-burnished
generally be divided into an early and late phase. Tell Beit juglet is found, some very tiny in size, others up to ten cm
Mirsim A should now be recognized as belonging mainly or more in height. Its handle is now attached to the rim.
to the early phase along with Lachish Ill, Beer-sheba II, The pilgrim fl.ask continues to appear to the end of the
Samaria, and other N sites. To the later period ending in Iron Age. The pyxis has almost completely disappeared.
the fall of the kingdom belong Lachish II, Ramet Rahel V, Imported Cypro-Phoenician ware is found in small quan-
most of the Tell el-Fu! and Beth-zur Iron II occupations, tities to the end of Iron II. Lamps have rounded or flat
and En-gedi V. Also important during Iron II are the bases, sometimes with a wider lip and pronounced rim.
regional differences between the N and S, more apparent Late in the Iron Age in the S a high-based lamp appears
than earlier in the Iron Age. This probably reflects the and continues into the next period (POT.06:e). Figurines
political situation, the division of Solomon's kingdom into with molded heads and handmade bodies are frequently
N (Israel) and S (Judah) entities. found on Judean sites.
The technical advances should also be recognized. Most 8. Exilic and Persian (ca. 587-332 s.c.). Iron II ends
pottery is wheel-made, and it is well fired. Many different with the fall of Jerusalem in 587 B.C. and is followed by
forms and types are found, but large quantities of similar what is usually called the Persian period. Before the Per-
forms, often in varied sizes, indicate mass production. sian occupation, though, there is the period of the Baby-
Every clan and family unit must have had their ceramic lonian Exile, ca. 587-532 B.C., and at some sites, particu-
wares. Imported and painted pottery is not so common. larly in Judah, pottery types have been distinguished that
Much of the local ware is slipped, often in red but in other belong to this period. Apparently small colonies of Israel-
colors also, and then burnished. This finish seems to be ites continued to live in towns outside Jerusalem.
preferred over, or perhaps easier produced than, painted Typical of this exilic period are heavy high-based lamps,
wares. rather deep round cooking pots with ridged rims which
Improved workmanship is easily recognized in the first appeared late in Iron II and are a development of
bowls. Many are red-burnished. Irregular hand burnish- Iron II shallow pots, elongatedjuglets, wide-mouthed jugs,
ing came in at the end of Iron I. By the latter part of Iron and large bowls, still sometimes irregularly burnished but
II the typical bowl has a thickened rim, is slightly cari- more often not. An impressed chevron design sometimes
nated, and has a wheel-burnished reddish-brown slip on appears on the shoulders of high straight-rim kraters.
the interior and rim. It is made in a variety of sizes. There During the Persian period, 532-331 B.c., some differ-
are also rounded, slightly flaring, and shallow platelike ences have been distinguished between the pottery in the
bowls, some plain-rimmed and some with different pat- highlands and that of the coastal plain and Galilee. The
terns of burnishing, but similar features are repeated over coastal regions were more influenced by the E Mediterra-
and over. A type of bowl found at many N sites with a nean-Cyprus, the Aegean, Anatolia, and Egypt. However,
high-quality red slip and burnish has been called Samaria most of the influences also reached inland as seen in the
ware. rich imported wares which have been found at Shechem,
The shallow Iron I cooking pot continues into Iron II, Samaria, and Jerusalem.
usually with a lower carination and a shorter triangular It is the imported Greek wares which were the first and
section in the rim. Later in Iron II the pot becomes more the most easily recognized and often the d'etermining
squat and rounded and has two handles, and the rim chronological factor for this period. Though often frag-
becomes ridged and appears in many variations. In the S mentary, imported black-figured ware of the late 6th c~n­
a deep type appears with a rather high, narrow neck, often tury and early 5th, red-figured ware of the 5th, lecythm of
rilled, and two handles from the rim to the shoulder. the 4th, and the black-glazed wares of the 4th have assisted
v. 443 POTIERY

in giving absolute dates to strata and in developing typol- guentarium. The early ones, sometimes known as "spindle
ogies for local wares. bottles," are elongated at both ends and rather long and
Local wares are sometimes developments of Iron Age heavy. They become lighter and more delicate in the !st
types and other times are influence~ from th~ W. T_he century B.C. Later a pyriformjuglet replaces them and this
shallow mortaria with wide thickened nms, sometimes with lives on into the Roman period.
ribbed sides, and with flat, ring, or high-footed bases are Nabatean pottery first appears in the Hellenistic period
characteristic. Typical particularly of coastal areas, as it and its typical forms and ware continue well into the
was used for international trade in the Mediterranean Roman period. It is mainly found in S Transjordan, with
world, is the flat-shouldered jar with cylindrical body ta- its center at Petra, but there are also Nabatean sites in the
pering to a pointed base. Sometimes the _handle is twisted Negeb and evidence of trade as far N as Damascus. This is
and ugly or the rim and handles have thick black-pamted the finest and most attractive pottery in the history of
lines. An amphora with "basket handles" (two loop handles Palestine and Transjordan. It is red- or orange-colored,
attached horizontally and extending high above the rim) is thin, hard-fired, and often beautifully decorated. The
characteristic in both Cyprus and Palestine (POT.06:j). finest of clays and excellent firing techniques were used.
Rounded and elongated juglets have characteristic Most forms are small compared with other Palestinian
forms. Cooking pots tend to be deep with necks develop- pottery: small bowls and plates, small jugs and cooking
ing, predecessors of Hellenistic deep cooking pots. Lamps pots, juglets and unguentaria. Fine bowls and painted
take a very characteristic form, with a wide rim and more decorations developed sometime after 100 B.c. and for the
flattened profile than in any other period. Molded and next two centuries the painted ware is common. Initially
glazed imported lamps are also found and will soon be the decoration is of a flowing, naturalistic style, executed
copied locally. in bright orange or light red paint with a delicate brush
9. Hellenistic (ca. 332-63 B.C.). During the Hellenistic technique. Late in the 1st century B.C. another style ap-
period, 332-63 B.C., influence from the E Mediterranean pears-heavier and more formal, in a solid purplish-red
and the Greek world continues, but in many cases local pigment. This type seems to span the 1st century A.D.
attempts at imitation take the place of actual imports. Other vessels are impressed, usually with rouletted de-
Increased trade and contact point to similar pottery forms signs. Jugs,juglets, and cooking pots are sometimes ribbed.
throughout the Hellenistic world. In Palestine Attic bowls 10. Roman (63 B.c.-324 A.D.). Terra sigillata, a red-
are copied in form, and a poor paint or wash imitate the glazed ware, is one of the best recognized wares of the
glazed wares. In time even the paint is omitted and round Early Roman period. Besides the red glaze, rouletting on
bowls with incurved rims and flat straight-sided bowls, the interior or rim is common. Roman red wares of various
descendants of "fish plates," are characteristic. The Attic kinds are imported from the W Mediterranean through-
fish plate (POT.06:i) had a depression in the center, some- out the Roman period. Large amphorae with stamps in
times stamped with a fish impression, and the oil could Greek and Latin continue to be found in Palestine as the
run down in the bottom of the dish. The pottery as a containers for imports.
whole is hard-fired, but sometimes quite carelessly, and Local Early Roman forms are direct developments from
disfigured forms result. Hellenistic wares. Rims on storage jars become long collars
Storage jars are elongated to bag-shaped with sloppily with a characteristic ridge below. A cylinder-type jar is
attached handles. Rims with undercuts develop into typical known from Qumran. The concave base on Hellenistic jugs
rounded rims, then are more flattened until an elongated becomes sharper. Narrow-necked jugs are common. Pyri-
flattened rim is typically late Hellenistic. Imported Rho- form juglets replace the fusiform unguentaria. Asymmet-
dian jar fragments are easily recognized by their finely rical pot-bellied flasks develop exaggerated, twisted han-
levigated orange or buff ware, high necks with rounded dles. Cooking pots have shorter necks and flat, ribbonlike
rims, stump bases, and angular handles with stamps. The handles. Ribbing becomes more common and extensive
inscriptions have been thoroughly studied and can be ribbing is typical of the following Byzantine period. Small
accurately dated. On one handle the name of the potter incurved rim bowls continue for some time. In Jerusalem
will be given and on the other, the priest in whose tenure thin-walled bowls with red, brown, or black stylized floral
of office the vessel was manufactured. patterns have been found in recent excavations. At first
Wide-mouthed globular jugs with smoothly concave ba- they were called "Pseudo-Nabatean," but they are different
ses are characteristic. Flasks are varied and develop longer in motif and ware.
necks and become smaller as the Hellenistic period pro- The "Herodian" lamp is typified by its bow spout and
gresses. Cooking pots are deep with rather long necks and plain body, made in a mold as all lamps are by this time.
two strap handles from the rim to the shoulders. The ware Many elaborately designed lamps are imported from Italy
is often quite thin. Late in the Hellenistic period there is and other places to the W by the 2d century A.D. Besides
also a shallow type with a ridge to accept a lid. floral designs, some have mythological scenes.
Except for a small folded lamp whose sides are folded 11. Byzantine (A.D. 324-630). The Byzantine period is
over to meet (POT.06:f), lamps are now made in molds beyond the scope of biblical times, but archaeology of this
(POT.06:g). They are imitations of Greek forms, but the period, as well as of later Islamic and Crusader times, is
local ones are generally rather plain with a ridge or incised receiving more attention in Palestine and Transjordan in
orcle around the small oil hole and sometimes a small relation to early Christianity as well as the history and
knob or vestigial handle. Ray, floral, and other motifs culture of the land.
become common in the 1st century B.C. Pottery characteristics include pronounced ribbing on
A unique and characteristic Hellenistic form is the un- jugs, juglets, jars, and cooking pots. Decoration includes
 POTIERY

straight and wavy incised lines on jugs and bowls. "Frying the bondage of death, the dominion of Satan and the
pans" are shallow· cooking pots sometimes with hollow compelling influences of "sin" and "the flesh." '
handles. There are slipper and channel nozzle lamps, and The most common word for power in the NT is dynamis
"candlestick" lamps with six, seven, or eight branches (and its cogn~tes), occurring some 375 times and used by
around the spout and occasionally a cross or Greek inscrip- every NT wnter. Less common are the terms ischus and
tion. kratos, which are probably not to be distinguished sharply
in meaning from dynamis. All three terms denote the
Bibliography inherent or derived ability to accomplish a given end. The
Albright, W. F. 1932. The Excavation of Tell Beil Mirsim in Palestine, I. plural form of dynamis is used frequently in the NT to
AASOR 12. New Haven. describe powerful supernatural acts such as heatings or
- - . 1933. The Excavation of Tell Beil Minim, IA. Pp. 55-127 in exorcisms, and is normally translated "miracle." The effec-
AASOR 13. New Haven. tual exercise of power is indicated by the term energeia and
- - . 1938. The Excavation of Tell Beit Minim, II. AASOR 17. New its forms. It is only used of supernatural beings in the NT
Haven. and is often used to describe God's manifestation of power
- - . 1943. The Excavation of Tell Beil Minim, Ill. AASOR 21-22. in raising Christ from the dead. The term exou.sia, usually
New Haven. translated "authority," has primary reference to one's
- - . 1960. The Archaeology of Palestine. Baltimore. right to exercise power but implies an ability to exercise
Amiran, R. 1969. Ancient l'Dttery of the Holy Land. Jerusalem. that right. The concept of power is also conveyed in many
Avigad, N. 1983. Discovering Jeru.!alem. Nashville. other terms and units of thought (grace, light, fullness,
Cole, D. P. 1984. Shechernl. Winona Lake, IN. glory, word, spirit).
Homes-Fredericq, D., and Franken, H. J., eds. 1986. l'Dttery and In the Judaism of the NT era, the OT idea of a powerful
l'Dtters-Past and Present. Tiibingen. personal God involved in history was prominent. A future
Kenyon, K. 1960. Excavations at Jericho, I. London. direct intervention of God in history to exercise judgment,
- - . 1965. Excavations at Jericho, II. London. overthrow evil, and bring salvation was integral to the
- - . 1970. Archaeology in the Holy Land. 3d ed. New York. Jewish hope. Just as God powerfully wrought deliverance
- - . 198 I. Excavations at Jericho, Ill. London. in the past, the Qumran community envisioned a future
Kenyon, K., and Holland, T. A. 1982. Excavations at Jericho, TV. triumph over "the children of darkness" (lQM 1:14; 6:6;
London. 11 :4, 9; 13: 13-14). This victory would take place not only
- - . 1983. Excavations at Jericho, V. London. on the physical battlefield but, more importantly, in the
Lapp, N. L., ed. 1981. The Third Campaign at Tell el-Fut. AASOR 45. heavens against the supernatural forces of evil. Through-
Cambridge, MA. out the Qumran documents, the manifestation of divine
Lapp, P. W. 1961. Palestinian Ceramic Chronology, 200 B.C.-A.D. 70. power is conceived of primarily in a salvation-historical
New Haven. sense (lQH 1:34; 4:28-29; 13:9; 14:13). Future deliver-
- - . 1970. The Pottery of Palestine in the Persian Period. Pp. ance was also expected to come through a divinely empow-
179-97 in Archi:iologi,e und Altes Testamenl, ed. A. Kuschke and ered Messiah as seen most clearly in the Psalms of Solomon
E. Kutsch. Tiibingen. (17:21-44): "Undergird him with strength to destroy the
- - . 1975. The Tale of the Tell, ed. N. L. Lapp. Pittsburgh. unrighteous rulers ... and he will not weaken in his days,
Matson, F. R., ed. 1965. Ceramics and Man. Chicago. relying upon his God, for God made him powerful in the
Moorey, R. 1981. Excavation in Palestine. Grand Rapids, Ml. Holy Spirit" (vv 22, 37). God's saving events of the past,
Sauer. J. A. 1973. Hesbon l'Dttery 1971. Berrien Springs, Ml. particularly the deliverance from Egypt, also become the
Stern, E. 1982. Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian basis for an expectation for military victory in the Macca-
Period 538-322 B.C. Warminster. bean wars (1 Mace 4:9-11; 3 Mace 2 :6). Josephus' use of
Wright, G. E. 1937. The l'Dttery of Palestine from the Earliest Times to power terminology is almost exclusively tied to military
the End of the Early Bronze Age. New Haven. activity. For Josephus, the Greek term dynamis has become
- - . 1965. The Archaeology of Palestine. Pp. 85-139 in BANE. a technical term for an "army" (e.g.]W 7 §252, 275).
NANCY L. LAPP In the 2 centuries leading up to the time of Christ,
Judaism shows an increasing interest in supernatural
power, especially the invisible realm of the angelic and
POUND. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. demonic (see, for example, Jubilees, 1-2 Enoch, and Testa-
ment of Solomon). This appears to correspond to the height-
ened interest in divine power in the Greco-Roman reli-
POVERTY. See POOR, POVERTY. gions. In Hellenistic religion, the gods were seen less as
personalities and more as powerful beings needing p~~pi­
tiation or capable of manipulation. People sought d1vme
POWER, NT CONCEPT OF. The message of sal- power through invoking a deity (or a series of gods), by
vation in the NT is a message of power: God raised Jesus participating in the bloodbaths of a god ~e.g .. t~~ Taur~bol­
from the dead. The cross-resurrection event not only ium of Cybele and Mithras), through bem~ 1muated mto
demonstrated God's power over death, but also marked the mystery of a god, or by employing magical arts, which
the defeat of the opposing sphere of power and its forces were well known to the masses of the Roman world. Askle-
(Satan and his demons). Just as God delivered his people pios could be praised because "every place has been pene-
from bondage in Egypt "by his mighty right hand," the trated by the saving power of the god" (POxy. 1381.215),
NT proclaims that he has now delivered his people from especially for physical healing and rescue from dangers at
v. 445 POWER, NT CONCEPT OF

sea. The moon god Men received adulation for his power: evangelists agree that Jesus was aware of his need to
"There is one great god in heaven, the heavenly Men, the experience the passion in order for God's plan of salvation
great power (dynamis) of the invisi.ble god" (see _Moul~on to be consummated. Jesus indicates that his followers could
and Milligan 1930: 172). The magical texts of this penod also expect to suffer, particularly as a result of their
are filled with recipes for the attainment of supernatural witness for him (Mark 13:9). At the same time, Jesus
power. PCM 4.1024-25 is representative of the request for bestowed his power and authority on his followers (first on
power: "You who break apart rocks and change the i:iames the Twelve: Mark 3:15; 6:7; Luke 9:1; Matt 10:1; then on
of gods, enter in, appear to me, lord, you who have m fire the seventy-[two]: Luke 10:17-20, esp. v 19, probably
your power and strength." William Ramsay observed that prefiguring the mission of the Church in this context).
"power" (dynamis) was one of the most common and char- This access to the power of God would assist Jesus' follow-
acteristic terms in the language of pagan devotion (Moul- ers in their mission and in gaining victory over the influ-
ton and Milligan 1930: 172). ence of the realm of evil. Jesus realized that his earthly
In the Jewish writings of the Hellenistic era, the primary ministry was not the time for a glorious display of divine
Greek term for power (dynamis) came to be used as a omnipotence, but he did anticipate exaltation (Luke 22:69)
technical expression for angelic and demonic forces- and a glorious and powerful return (Matt 24:30; 26:64;
perhaps due to the LXX expression "Lord of Hosts." Mark 13:26; 14:62; Luke 21 :27).
These beings are seen as having widespread control over In comparison to the Synoptics, John emphasizes the
human existence and over all aspects of nature (Jub. 2:2). world as under the authority of Satan, who is described as
Philo comments: "The air He allotted to winged visible "the prince (archon) of this world" (John 12:31; 14:30;
beings, and to other forces (dynameis) which cannot be 16: 11). Unbelievers belong to his realm; the devil is their
perceived at all; these are the host of incorporeal spirits "father" (8:42-47). Jesus, however, drives out the devil and
ordered according to differences in rank ... We are told condemns him (12:31; 16: 11). The strongly dualistic flavor
that some enter into mortal bodies . . . while others, of John's gospel (above versus below; light versus darkness)
endowed with a diviner constitution, have no regard for highlights the human isolation from God's realm and thus
any earthly quarter, but exist on high next to the ethereal an inability to enter the kingdom of God (8:21-24; cf. also
region itself" (Plant. 14). The Jewish literature of this 7:34, 36; 14:17); the Father, however, extends the power
period frequently depicts human existence as the battle- and authority for one to come to Christ (6:44, 65). Those
field between angels and demons, between God and Satan who would enter the kingdom must exercise faith (l: 12;
(TDNT 2: 296). 8:24). The Nicodemus account illustrates the powerful
When we approach the NT, the person of Christ sur- divine work enabling a person to enter the kingdom, a
faces as decisive in understanding the NT concept of process summarized by the metaphor of rebirth (3:1-16;
power. According to the Synoptic Gospels, Jesus conducted note the usage of the six occurrences of dynamai). In John's
his ministry on the basis of the divine power imparted to gospel, it is the Father who comes into prominence as the
him through the Holy Spirit (Luke 4:14). After resisting immediate source of Jesus' power (5: 19, 27; 10:18; 17:2).
the temptations of the devil (Luke 4: 1-13), Jesus waged a In the programmatic statement of the book of Acts,
powerful confrontation with the realm of Satan. The ex- divine power through the agency of the spirit is promised
orcism in the synagogue at Capernaum led many to rec- to the disciples to enable them to give effective witness
ognize the authority of Jesus over the dominion of Satan throughout the world about Christ (Acts 1:8). Luke sum-
(Mark 1:21-28; Luke 4:31-36). It was necessary for Jesus marizes the early manner of the apostles' preaching by
to wage a powerful assault on the dominion of the "strong stating, "With great power the apostles gave their testi-
man" (Satan) in order for salvation to be procured (Mark mony to the resurrection of the Lord Jesus" (Acts 4:33).
3:27; Luke 11 :21-22). In the incident with the Gerasene He then further illustrates the fulfillment of this promise
demoniac, Mark indicates that no one had been strong by giving an account of the establishment of the church
enough to bind the man (Mark 5:4), yet Jesus displayed his throughout Palestine and the Mediterranean region.
power by driving out the entire legion of demons. Jesus' Throughout the book of Acts, Luke clearly interprets the
manifestation of divine power in exorcisms signifies that rise of the church as a powerful work of the Holy Spirit
the salvation of God has finally come in the person of Jesus (note the usage of the 70 occurrences of "spirit" in Acts).
(Luke 11 :20; Matt 12:28). For Paul, the apostle to the gentiles, the message of the
The miracles of Jesus, or his "works of power" (dynameis), gospel was the power of God (Rom l: 16; 1 Cor I: 18). The
are seen by the evangelists as an indication that God gospel encapsulated the message of the crucified Christ
himself was at work (Acts 2:22). Mark, for instance, records who was raised from the dead by the power of God ( 1 Cor
that the healing of the paralytic demonstrates that Jesus is 6: 14; 15:43). This was a message of deliverance and salva-
the Son of Man and, as such, has authority to forgive sins tion. God had acted through Christ to destroy the influ-
(Mark 2: 1-12). These works of power should produce ence of the realm of Satan (Col 2: 15) and the bondage of
repentance and incite faith (Matt 11 :20-23; 13:54, 58; death, sin, flesh, and the law (Rom 5: 12-8:39).
Luke 10:13; Mark6:2, 5). Paul conducted his ministry by the enabling power of
The power of God was manifest in the life of the histor- God (Eph 3:7; Col 1:29). In spite of the fact that he was
ical Jesus in the context of the weakness and limitation of painfully aware of his inherent weaknesses by virtue of his
his human flesh. As such, the example of his dependence humanity, his preaching was a demonstration of the power
upon the power of God through the spirit becomes para- of the spirit (l Cor 2:3-5; l Thess 1:5). Paul thus endeav-
d1gmauc for the Church. For Jesus, his access to divine ored to insure that the faith of his converts was based on
power did not circumvent his need to suffer and die. The the power of God rather than on human wisdom and
POWER, NT CONCEPT OF

rhetorical prowess. Paul believed that the limitations of Nock, A. D. 1925. Studies in the Graeco-Rornan Beliefs of the
human flesh provided an opportunity to display the ena- Empire. ]HS 48: 84-101. Repr. 1972. Vol. l, pp. 176-94 in
bling power of God (2 Cor 4:7). To the Corinthians, who Arthur Darb-y Nock: Essays on Religion and the Ancient World.
entertained inflated notions about their access to the power Oxford.
of God, Paul stressed his own weakness and suffering in Schmitz, 0. 1927. Der Begriff Dunamis bei Paulus. Pp. 136-67 in
the carrying out of his ministry. In fact, he claimed that Festgabe fiir Adolf Deissmann. Tiibingen.
the Lord allowed a messenger of Satan to harass him in CLINTON E. ARNOLD
order that he might be even more cognizant of his weak-
ness (2 Cor 12:7). Paul concludes, "I am content with
weaknesses ... for when I am weak, then I am strong" (2 PRAETOR. See CITY AUTHORITIES.
Cor 12: 10; 13:4). Nevertheless, Paul believed that by virtue
of his union with the resurrected and exalted Lord, he was
capable of doing great things (Phil 4: 13). In doxological PRAETORIAN GUARD. This is the name regularly
praise, he exclaims, "Now to him who by the power at work applied to the substantial bodyguard maintained at Rome
within us is able to do far more than all that we ask or by the emperors. Under the Roman Republic a magistrate
think, to him be the glory ... " (Eph 3:20). on campaign often formed a cohors praetoria ("headquar-
Paul sought to gain an increasingly deeper awareness of ters" or "household" cohort) which was his combined staff
the power of God (Phil 3: I 0). He also prayed earnestly that and bodyguard. During the civil wars which brought the
Republic to a close, various generals each formed more
his converts might grow in their knowledge of God's power
than a single cohort as the threats to their security became
(Eph 1:15-23) and that they would be divinely strength-
more severe. After the defeat of Antony and Cleopatra
ened in their innermost beings (Eph 3:14-19) for the (31 B.c.), Octavian (soon to be the emperor Augustus)
purpose of resisting the "powers" of the devil (see PRIN- retained his own cohorts as a peacetime bodyguard. This
CIPALITIES AND POWERS) and for manifesting love in was a force of nine cohorts, each probably 480 men strong.
the life of the early Christian communities. Paul highlights At first they had no single camp at Rome, but were billeted
the role of God's power as the ethical enablement for the in private homes in small groups; some cohorts were
Christian. Life by the spirit enables the Christian to eradi- outstationed in nearby towns. It is evident that Augustus
cate vices and appropriate virtues, the foremost of which wished to avoid flaunting republican tradition, which
is love (Gal 5: 13-26; Rom 8: 13). Furthermore, Paul also frowned on the presence of troops in the capital. No
stresses the need for dependence on the power of God for separate commander or commanders were appointed until
the fulfillment of the mission of the Church in the spread 2 B.C. when Augustus chose two prefects of equestrian
of the gospel (Rom 15:19; Eph 6:15-20). status, with the title praefectu.s praetorio ("prefects for the
Faith is the necessary human response to God in order headquarters").
for his power to be manifest. The writer of Hebrews, for The influence of the Praetorian Cohorts (or Praetorian
example, stresses the pattern of the saints of the past who Guard as they are generally known in English) grew under
appropriated the power of God in difficult circumstances Tiberius, when their number was increased to 12, and they
by exercising faith (Heb 11: 11, 34; Rom 4: 18-25). Faith is were concentrated in a newly built fortress on the eastern
commonly expressed by God's people in the context of outskirts of Rome, named the castra Praetoria. Both devel-
prayer. Paul models this to his congregations (Eph 3:14- opments can be ascribed to the initiative of L. Aelius
19; cf. Eph 6:18-20). Sejanus, sole prefect from 14 to 31 A.D. Sejanus' influence
The Apocalypse anticipates the coming of one like a son became even more preeminent after Tiberius went into
of man endued with power (Rev 1: 16). Through him, God virtual retirement on the island of Capri from A.D. 26
Almighty (pantokrator) will vanquish evil and reign by his onward; the prefect controlled the flow of information to
power (Rev. 11: 15-17; 12: 10). This end-time triumph will the emperor and access to him. The influence of some
entail the ultimate defeat of the dragon, Satan, and his later prefects also (Afranius Burrus [A.D. 51-62] and
powers (Rev 12:7-9). Both God and "the lamb" will receive Ofonius Tigellinus [A.D. 62-68]) was considerable.
eternal praise, with continual ascriptions of power and During the civil wars of the Late Republic praetorian
glory to their names (Rev 1:5-6; 4:11; 5:12-13; 7:12; cohorts were recruited from among serving legionaries;
19: 1). they were thus a corps of elite, experienced troops. But
Augustus and subsequent emperors drew recruits directly
from the civil population. They served 16 years, in contrast
Bibliography to the 25 years expected of legionaries. Their splendid
Arnold, C. E. 1989. Ephesians: Puwer and Magic. The Concept of Power uniforms, much higher pay, and pampered lifestyle made
in Ephesians in the Light of Its Historical Setting. SNTSMS 63. them the envy of the legions, and while the latter came to
Cambridge. be recruited increasingly from provincials, the Praetorians
Grundman, W. 1932. Der Begriff der Kraft in der Neutestamentilichen remained predominantly Italians. The guard thus 1,>ro-
Gedankenwelt. Stuttgart. vided an outlet for the military aspirations of Italians
Moulton, J. H., and Milligan, G. 1930. The Vocabulary of the Greek unwilling to contemplate long service far from home. Ea.ch
Testament. Grand Rapids. cohort was commanded by a tribune, normally an ex-chief
Nielsen, H. 1980. Paulus' Verwendung des Begriffes Dunamis. Pp. centurion of a legion; the cohort was divided into six
137-58 in Die Paulinische Litemtur und Theologie, ed. S. Peder- centuries led by a centurion who was normally pron_ioted
son. Arhus. from the ranks. The guard contained numerous spec1ahsts
v • 447 PRAETORIUM

in artillery, surveying, and engineering who could be region. The praetorium was usually, but not necessarily,
seconded to the armies on the frontiers. also the living quarters (Gk oikia) of the prefect or gover-
During the Julio-Claudian age the Praetorians saw little nor.
active service, though several cohorts are likely to have Several praetoriums are mentioned in the NT. Acts
accompanied Claudius to Britain in A.O. 43. Their chief 23:25 refers to a praetorium in Caesarea Maritima, built
duties were ceremonial: a guard for the emperor at his by Herod the Great (37-4 B.c.), in which Paul was kept
palace in Rome, and on state occasions. The Praetorians prisoner. No remains of this building have yet been discov-
retained for ceremonial wear the military equipment of ered. If one dates Paul's letter to the Philippians to the
the Late Republic (e.g., the oval shield), which was no time of this imprisonment, then this praetorium is also
longer used by the legions. referred to in Phil l: 13. The Gospels refer to a praetorium
In A.O. 69 Vitellius, briefly victorious in a period of civil in Jerusalem where Jesus was tried by Pontius Pilate (Matt
war, added many of his own legionaries to the guard by 27:27; Mark 15:16; John 18:28, 33; 19:9). In Mark 15:16
way of reward, boosting its numbers to 16 cohorts of 1,000 it is also called a "palace" (Gk aule), suggesting an identifi-
men. But his successor, Vespasian, who made his son Titus cation with an Herodian royal residence. Opinions about
prefect of the Guard to keep it under tight control, re- the location of this praetorium/royal residence differ, and
duced the total of cohorts to nine. Some time later Domi- several possible candidates have been considered.
tian increased the strength to 10 cohorts, which became One possible candidate has been the fortress Antonia,
the standard total. The guard thus constituted a military which stood on a rock escarpment in the NW corner of
force of some 10,000 men in Rome, a sort of "household the Temple Mount. For a long time this was the most
division" equivalent in size to two legions. From the Flavian popular candidate for the Jerusalem praetorium (Vincent
period of the later I st century the cohorts frequently went 1954; Finegan 1969: 156-62; van Elderen ISBE 3: 929;
on campaign with the emperor, as the latter was compelled Mare 1987: 189) The current Via Dolorosa (the route
actively to defend the empire's frontiers. along which Jesus is supposed to have carried the cross to
In the 2d century the guard had a lower profile in the Golgotha) begins at this site. Some earlier scholars (Vin-
face of strong political leadership. Often the prefect func- cent and Steve 1954: 193-221; de Sion 1956) believed that
tioned as a senior military adviser to the emperors; at the Antonia was a large fortress including in its inner
other times, by virtue of the prefect's increasingly impor- court the pavement (thought to be the lithostroton of John
tant judicial role in the hearing of court cases, prominent 19:13) found in the Ecce Homo Convent of Notre Dame
lawyers were appointed. de Sion. However, this position is no longer tenable (Benoit
In A.O. 193 the guard was bribed by the senator Didius 1971 ): the pavement in question was evidently built over
Julianus, in a notorious auction for power, to support his the Strouthion Pool, which had been kept open until the
brief tenure of the purple. Soon after, Septimius Severus destruction of Jerusalem in A.O. 70 (JW 5 §467). After the
disbanded the existing guard, which he replaced with 1985-86 excavations even the Sisters of Zion (proprietors
legionaries from his own victorious armies. The guard of the site) abandoned the identification of this pavement
continued thereafter to be recruited chiefly from serving with the lithostroton of John's gospel. Furthermore, the
legionaries so that it became again a corps d'elite to which historical sources, especially Josephus (Ant 15 §292), prove
ordinary soldiers could aspire. In October 312, after the decisively that the Antonia was never used as a royal
battle of the Milvian Bridge, in which the Praetorians had residence either by Herod or by his successors. Indeed,
fought for the emperor Mexentius, the guard was abol- the traditions of the Antonia as Pilate's praetorium started
ished by the victor, Constantine. only with the Crusaders late in the 12th century (see below;
In about A.O. 65, when the apostle Paul, having appealed Baldi 1982: 588ff).
directly to Caesar, was brought to Rome, he was placed Another possible candidate is Herod's Upper Palace. In
under house arrest, with a soldier to watch him (Acts the year 23 B.c., around the middle of his reign, Herod
28: 16). Often the Praetorians were entrusted with the the Great built a luxurious palace in the area of today's
guarding of such prisoners and the prefect might sit in Citadel (near the Jaffa Gate) and the area to the S of it
judgment on them. Paul wrote to the Philippians, appar- (Armenian Garden). He resided there with his many wives
ently from Rome, that he had made the gospel known not and children (JW 5 §§161-83; Ant 15 §318). Most modern
only in the praetorium but to the population at large (Phil scholars have so far held this site to be the most probable
I: 13 ). "Praetorium" was the term used at Rome to describe candidate for Pilate's praetorium (Mommert 1903; Dal-
the emperor's military headquarters, to which the Praeto- man 1924: 355-63; Benoit 1952; Blinzler 1959: 173-76;
rians were attached. Maier 1968: 215-40; Vane) DBSup 8: 513-54; Murphy-
O'Connor 1986: 23). The main argument which speaks
Bibliography against this possibility is the complete lack of any Christian
Durry, M. 1938. Les cohoms pretoriennes. BEFAR 146. Paris. tradition regarding such a location (Bagatti 1973).
Passerini, A. 1939. Le comi pret&rie. lstituto italiano per la storia Earliest Christian tradition held that the praetorium of
antica, fasc. I. Rome. the Gospels stood somewhere on the W slope of the
LAWRENCE KEPPIE Tyropoeon valley, just opposite the SW corner of the
temple enclosure (Pixner 1979: 57-72). The oldest pilgrim
report, the Anonymous of Bordeaux in A.O. 333 (Baldi
PRAETORIUM [Gkpraitiirion]. The name given to the 1982: 583), described the remaining walls of the praeto-
headquarters of the praefectus praetorii, a Roman official rium as situated somewhere toward the valley (i.e., facing
who resided as the supreme administrator and judge of a the Tyropoeon). The ruins of the judgment house of Pilate
PRAETORIUM 448. v
were known to Bishop Cyrill of Jerusalem in A.D. 348 (Baldi the itinerar~ of the Way of the Cross, whose end point has
1982: 583), and in ·the first part of the 5th century it was always remamed the Golgotha rock (inside today's Church
(according to the old Armenian Lectionary) used as a of the ~oly Sepulchre). However, the starting point (the
station during the Good Friday procession (Renoux 1969- praetonum) ha.s undergone curious alterations through-
71). out the centunes. This can be seen from the different
Around A.D. 450 a church was built on the site (Wilkin- routes followed by the Good Friday processions of the
son 1977: 58), which later was called Hagia Sophia, i.e., Jerusalem Church recorded in the ancient liturgical lec-
"Holy Wisdom," because Jesus as God's Wisdom stood tion~ries .<~ixner l 9'.9-80). From earliest times, this pro-
there before a human judge (Baldi 1982: 585). This cession v1s1ted the different sites of the passion of Jesus,
church is always mentioned in close proximity to the Nea beginning at the Mount of Olives, passing through Geth-
(New) Church, the large Marian shrine built by Emperor semane, and crossing the Kidron valley to the "House of
Justinian (A.D. 483-565). Recent archaeology has identi- the High Priest" (i.e., Caiaphas) on the E slope of Mt.
fied the remains of this magnificent church in the S section Zion. It then continued by passing through a city gate to
of today's Jewish Quarter (Avigad 1983: 229-46). Follow- the "Palace of the Judge" (Praetorium of Pilate, later
ing the itinerary described by an anonymous pilgrim of Church of Sophia), finally winding its way to Golgotha
Piacenza in A.D. 580 (Baldi 1982: 584f) and the represen- (Church of the Holy Sepulchre). On this last leg of the
tation of the contemporary Mosaic Map of Madaba (Avi- route (the original Via Dolorosa), Luke's gospel account of
Yonah 1954: 55; Donner and Clippers 1977: l l2f.) show- the carrying of the cross (23:26ff.) was read.
ing another church NE of the Nea, the approximate loca- The Sophia Church and the neighboring Nea Church
tion of the Sophia Church can be established. This is the were destroyed during the Persian invasion in A.D. 614.
region where today stand both the ruins of the Crusader After the subsequent Muslim conquest, permission to re-
Church St. Mary of the Teutonic Knights and the Jewish build these churches was withheld; consequently a surro-
Yeshiva Porat Joseph, next to the steps leading from the gate station for the Good Friday procession had to be
"Wailing Wall" to the Jewish Quarter. Indeed the ruins of found. A small church with its pavement just N of Mt.
an important Byzantine church were discovered beneath Zion's Hagia Sion Basilica temporarily served as a Lithostro-
this modern yeshiva (Vincent 1914: 429-36). All the ves- ton (Baldi 1982: 586f.). For some reason even the station
tiges of this church, however, were destroyed, but there is of Caiaphas' house moved to this locale in the 9th century,
now a general agreement that the Byzantine praetorium according to Epiphanius Hagiopolita (Baldi 1982: 586).
must have been in this vicinity (Otto 1980: l52f.; Benoit The Crusaders inherited this tradition, but since they felt
1984). uncomfortable with so many stations of the passion being
If early Christian tradition had remembered the correct situated on such an unlikely spot, they relocated Pilate's
site of Pilate's praetorium, the only palace that could have judgment house to the ruins of the Antonia (Baldi 1982:
stood in this vicinity was the ancient royal palace built by 588ff). Thus began the tradition of equating Pilate's prae-
the Hasmoneans. According to Josephus, the Hasmonean torium with the Antonia Fortress, an idea that was adopted
Palace was located "at the very edge of the Upper City" by the Franciscan friars and developed over the following
(]W 2 §344) and gave one a rooftop view of the sacrificial centuries into the modern Via Dolorosa with its traditional
altar in the temple compound (Ant 20 § l89ff.). This seems fourteen stations.
generally to fit the area where ancient Christian tradition
located Pilate's praetorium (Pixner 1979: 78-85). Some Bibliography
scholars (Jaros 1980; Riesner 1986; Pixner 1987; Kroll Avigad, N. 1983. Discoveri11g]erusalem. Nashville.
1988: 335-49) believe that the magnificent ruins called Avi-Yonah, M. 1954. The Madaba Mosaic Map. Jerusalem.
"the Herodian Palatial Mansion," with its splendid mosaics Bagatti, B. 1973. La tradizione della chiesa di Gersaleme sul
similar to those in Masada (Avigad 1983: 95-120), could Pretorio. RBI 21: 429-32.
very well have been a part of the Hasmonean Palace that Baldi, D. 1982. Enchiridi011 locorum sanctorum. 3d ed. Jerusalem.
was rebuilt by Herod and renovated by Agrippa II (cf. Ant Benoit, P. 1952. Pretoire, Lithostroton et Gabbatha. RB 52: 531-
20 §222). Unfortunately, its E wing (with the Sophia 50. Repr. vol. I, pp. 316-39 in Exegese et theologie. Paris.
Church) and N section have completely disappeared. - - . 1971. L'Antonia d'Herode le Grand et le Forum Oriental
From 37 to 23 e.c. Herod the Great used the Hasmo- d'Aelia Capitolina. HTR 54: 135-67. Rev. repr. vol. 4, pp.
nean Palace for administrative and judicial purposes (]W 311-46 in Exegese et theologie. Paris.
I §443; Ant 15 §229, 247f., 286). It probably continued to - - . 1984. Le Pretoire de Pilate a !'ere byzantine. RB 91: 161-
serve the same purpose after he moved (for safety reasons) 77.
to the new Upper Palace (see above), which was fortified Blinzler, J. 1959. The Trial ofJesus. Westminster, MD.
by three mighty towers. In A.D. 6, when his son Archelaus Dalman, G. 1924. Orte und Wege]esu. 3d ed. BFCT 2/1. Gutersloh.
was banished by imperial decree, the Roman prefects took Donner, H., and Cuppers, H. 1977. Die Mosaikluirte V01l Mcukba.
over all the Herodian palaces and the Antonia fortress (cf. Vol. I. Wiesbaden.
]W 2 § l l l; Ant l 7 §344). After the untimely death of Finegan, J. 1969. Archaeology of the New Testamem. Princeton.
Agrippa I in A.D. 44, the Hasmonean Palace was not Jaros, K. 1980. Ein neuer Lokalisierungsversuch des Pratoriums.
handed back to the subsequent Roman governors (Ant 20 BLit 53: 13-22.
§l89f) but remained in the hands of the Hasmonean- Kroll, G. 1988. Auf den Spuren ]esu. 10th ed. Leipzig.
Herodian family (Herod of Chalcis; Agrippa II), who from Maier, P. L. 1968. Pontius Pilate. New York.
then on were put in charge of temple affairs (Ant 20§16). Mare, W. H. 1987. The Archaeology of the ]erusalnn Area. Grand
Closely related to the question of Pilate's praetorium is Rapids.
v. 449 PRAYER IN EARLY JUDAISM

Mommert, C. 1903. Das Priitorium des Pilatus oder der Ort der Verur- During the Second Temple period the Hebrew Bible or
teilung Jesu. Leipzig. OT evolved through a refined script-and an authoritative
Murphy-O'Connor, J. 1986. The Holy Land: An Archaeological Guide. order, content, and form for each book-to a closed canon
Rev. ed. Oxford. of books. See CANON. At the same time an equally impor-
Otto, E. 1980. Jerusalem--<lie Geschicht,e der Heiligen Stadt. Urban- tant development was taking place: the basic themes in
Taschenbiicher 308. Stuttgart. Jewish liturgy were being normalized (Hoffman 1979).
Pixner, B. 1979. Noch einmal <las Pratorium: Versuch einer Lo- While spontaneous prayers were preferred by some rabbis,
sung. ZDPV 95: 65-86. set prayers with varying wording appeared in Judaism
- - . 1979-80. Where Was the Original Via Dolorosa? Christian before the destruction of 70 c.E. (Heinemann 1977; Tal-
News from Israel 27: 7-10; 51-53. man 1978; Reif 1982).
- - . 1987. Was the Trial of Jesus in the Hasmonean Palace? Pp. Jewish prayers were not, like in many of the cultures
66-80 in Jerusalem: City of Ages, ed. A. L. Eckardt. Lanham, contiguous with Palestine, pleas for material possessions
MD. or rewards, or magical manipulations of a deity who could
Renoux, A. 1969-71. Le codes anninienJerusalem I 21. 2 vols. PO 35/ be controlled by special deeds or words. The author of
I and 36/6. Turnhout. Daniel has Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego confess that
Reisner, R. 1986. Das Pratorium des Pilatus. BK 41: 34-37. even if God would not deliver them, he was their God (Dan
Sion, M. A. de. 1956. La forteresse Antonia d Jerusalem et la question 3:16-18). As is well known, Palestinian Jews resisted the
du Prttoire. Jerusalem. Romans, notably Pilate, and offered their lives in the
Vincent, L. H. 1914. Vestiges antiques dans J:iaret el-Mogharbeh. refusal to compromise their law and liturgical customs (see
RB I I: 429-36. Jos. ]W). Even in the apocalypses, which tend to describe
- - . 1954. L'Antonia, palais primitive d'Herode. RB 61: 87- God's abode as far removed from the earth, the accent
107. falls heavily on the claim that the angels, who link humans
Vincent, L. H., and Steve, M. A. 1954. Jerusalem de l'Ancien Testa- with God, receive the prayers of the faithful ones:
ment. Vol. I. Paris.
Wilkinson, J. 1977. Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades. Jerusalem. And there was a great sound like thunder, and I said,
BARGIL (VIRGIL) PIXNER "Lord, what is this sound?" And he said to me, "The
Commander-in-Chief Michael is descending to receive
the prayers of humans."
PRAYER IN EARLY JUDAISM. The great hymn- (3 Bar. 11 :3-4; all translations are those of the author)
book of the Second Temple was the Davidic Psalter, al-
though it was not closed and defined before 70 c.E. Prior Jews lived out the conviction, expressed throughout early
to that, the Psalter often contained additions, growing in Jewish literature, that God does hear and answer prayers
some circles to 151 psalms, 153 psalms, and even 155 (4 Ezra 8:40). Note the 15th Blessing in the Amid.ah or
psalms, and with psalms later categorized as apocryphal Tefilah (18 Benedictions) according to the Palestinian (Cairo
within it (see l lQPsAp). It was not so much rivaled as Geniza) Version:
complemented by other psalmbooks, like the Hodayoth
(the Qumran Thanksgiving Hymns) in the late 2d century Hear, 0 Lord our God, the voice of our prayers,
B.C.E. and the Psalms of Solomon in the late 1st century And have compassion upon us,
B.C.E., and by the hundreds of psalms and prayers used to For you are a gracious and compassionate God.
illustrate the narratives in early Jewish literatures-the Blessed are you, 0 Lord, who hears prayer.
apocalypses, testaments, and expansions of the Hebrew
Bible or Old Testament-and especially by the earliest The author of 1 Enoch 83-90, long before the destruc-
statutory prayers used in the places of worship, notably tion, prays to God, asking him "to sustain" the righteous
the synagogue (Heinemann 1977). and upright. This .book of Enoch concludes with a dream
The beginning and end of the day were celebrated by in which the prayer is answered and fulfilled: "All the
special prayers (see in addition to the old rabbinic liturgies sheep were invited to that house ( = the temple) but it
the Qumran Daily Prayers = 4Q503). The end of the week could not contain all of them ... I noticed that the house
was heralded by Sabbath services in the home, synagogue, was large, wide, and exceedingly full" (I En. 90:34-36).
temple, and other religious gatherings (e.g., the Qumran Paradigmatic for this constant theme is the Psalter itself,
Angelic Liturgy). The year began, at Rosh Hashanah and especially Psalm 116:
Yorn Kippur (see the rabbinic prayers and the Qumran ·
P~ayer fo~ the Day of the Atonement Fragment = l Q35b), I love the Lord
with spec.1al prayers and psalms, and was divided by the for he hears my voice, my pleas;
great festivals-notably Passover (Pesal;z), the Feast of Weeks for he inclines his ear to me whenever I call.
(Pentecost), and the Feast of Booths (Sukkoth)-and their (Ps 116: 1)
liturgies (which were often transferred from the temple to
t~e sy.n~gogue [Safrai]). Jewish time was hence liturgical Today the sources for the study of Jewish prayers before
lime; It is easy to understand such specific clarifications as the cessation of sacrifices in the temple are abundant.
"at the hour of prayer" (Acts 3: 1). Foundational for Jewish Many of the Dead Sea Scrolls are hymns and prayers. The
prayer were the daily prayers in the home (esp. grace after Apocrypha and pseudepigrapha are replete with prayers,
meals) and the frequent spontaneous prayers of the indi- both as collections, individual works, and poetic composi-
vidual. tions to illustrate apocalypes, testaments, and narrative
PRAYER IN EARLY JUDAISM 450. v
expansions of biblical stories (see MANASSEH, PRAYER summarizes what scholars such as K. Kohler, W. Bousset,
OF, also Pr. Jae., Pr. Jos., Pr. Mos.). The present state of and E. R. Goodenough have concluded regarding certain
research is preoccupied with textual and analytical studies; prayers in the Greek language scattered throughout the
it is not possible yet to attempt a synthesis of the hundreds Christian Apostolic Constitutions (Apos. Con.). Historians
of early Jewish prayers. When that time comes sensitivity had for a long while known that the eight volumes of the
must be given to the variations among groups within early Apos. Con. were a 4th-century compilation from a multi-
Judaism (ca. 250 B.C.E. to 200 c.E.). It can be said, however, tude of sources, including the 3d-century Didascalia (Apos.
that no other period in the history of Jewish liturgy is so Con. volumes 1-6), the 2d-century Didache (Apos. Con. 7.1-
important as the first two centuries c.E. See also FORGIVE- 32), the 3d-century Apostolic Tradition (dispersed through-
NESS (EARLY JUDAISM). out vol. 8), and the Clementine Liturgy of uncertain date
(Apos. Con. 8.5-15). Kohler (1924), Bousset (1915), and
Bibliography Goodenough ( 1935) suggested that a prayer collection
Charlesworth, J. H., ed. 1982. A Prolegomenon to a New Study of from the Greek synagogues of the Diaspora was a fifth
the Jewish Background of the Hymns and Prayers in the New source and stood behind the following prayers in the Apos.
Testament.J]S 33: 265-285. Con.:
- - . 1986. Hymns, Odes and Prayers (ca. 167 B.C.E.-135 c.E.).
Pp. 411-36 in Early Judaism and/ts Modern Interpreters, ed. R. A. Kohler's List Bousset's List Goodenough's List
Kraft and G. W. E. Nickelsburg. Philadelphia and Atlanta.
Elbogen, I. 1931. Der jiidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen 7.26.3 7.26.l-3
Entwicklung. 3d ed. Frankfurt.
7.33 7.33 7.33
Flusser, D. 1984. Psalms, Hymns and Prayers. Pp. 551-77 in Jewish 7.34 7.34 7.34
"7-itings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M. E. Stone. CRINT 2/
7.35 7.35 7.35
2. Philadelphia. 7.36 7.36 7.36
Gaster, T. H. 1952. Festivals of the Jewish ~ar. New York. Repr. 1978. 7.37 7.37 7.37
7.38 7.38 7.38
Grant, F. C. 1953. Modem Study of the Jewish Liturgy. ZAW 65:
59-77. 7.39.2-4 7.39.2-4
Heinemann, J. 1977. Prayer in the Talmud. Trans. R. S. Sarason. 8.5.1-4 8.5.1-4
Studia Judaica 9. New York. 8.6.5 8.6.5-8
Heinemann, J., and Petuchowski, J. J., eds. 1975. Literature of the 8.9.8f 8.9.8f
Synagogue. New York.
8.12.6-27 8.12.6-27
8.15.7-9 8.15.7-9
Henrix, H., ed. 1979.Jiidische Liturgie. QD 86. Freiburg.
Hoffman, L. A. 1979. The Canonization of the Synagogue Service. 8.16.3
Notre Dame. 8.37.l-4 8.37.1-4
8.37.5-7 8.37.5-7
Jeremias, J. 1966. Abba: Studien zur neutestamentlichen Theologie und
Zeitgeschichte. GOttingen.
8.38.4f 8.38.4f
8.39.3f 8.39.3f
- - . 1967. The Prayers ofJesus. Trans. J. Bowden; Burchard; and
8.40.2-4
J. Reumann. SBT n.s. 6. London. Repr. Philadelphia, 1979. 8.4 l .4f 8.41.2-5
Neusner, J. 1979. from Politics to Piety: The Emergence of Pharisaic
Judaism. 2d ed. New York.
Petuchowski, J. J., and Brocke, M., eds. 1978. The Lord's Prayer and A host of liturgical scholars, Church historians, and spe-
Jewish Liturgy. New York. cialists in Talmudic-era Judaism have accepted this conclu-
Reif, S. C. 1982. Some Liturgical Issues in the Talmudic Sources. sion with only a few raising voices of dissent.
Studia Liturgica 15: 188-206. Such a conclusion yielded important results when ap-
Safrai, S. 1987. The Temple and the Synagogue. Pp. 31-51 in plied to the study of Judaism and Christian origins. If the
Synagogues in Antiquity, ed. A. Kasher et al. Jerusalem. (In prayers are a good example of the liturgy of the Diaspora
Hebrew). synagogues, then writers such as Philo are not isolated
Talmon, S. 1978. The Emergence of Institutionalized Prayer in phenomena in Judaism and do not express an a~errational
Israel in the Light of the Qumran Literature. Pp. 265-84 in theology. Rather, Philo is a true representative of the
Qumran: Sa piite, sa theologie et son milieu, ed. M. Delcor. BETL theology and piety of non-Palestinian Jews generally, for
46. Paris and Louvain. the religious concepts of the prayers are virtually identical
JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH with Philo. The prayers then, it was believed, give us a
glimpse into the typical Greek synagogue. Goodenou~h
( 1935) went so far as to divide all Judaism into normative
PRAYER OF AZARIAH. See DANIEL, ADDI- and mystic (i.e. Hellenistic) segments and to claim that the
TIONS TO. Jewish prayers embedded in the Apos. Con. were the "mys-
tic liturgy." .
A more probable view of the prayers, however, 1s that
PRAYER, LORD'S. See LORD'S PRAYER. only some of them originate from a Jewish substratum and
that even those bear the theological imprint of the 4th-
century compiler/redactor of the Apos. Con. This com-
PRAYERS, HELLENISTIC SYNAGOGAL. piler-who may or may not have been the se1m-Anan
The title "Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers" (Hel. Syn. Pr.) Pseudo-Ignatius who interpolated the writings of lgna-
v • 451 PREACHING

tius-was certainly profoundly influenced by "Alexan- Bibliography

drian theology." A redactional analysis based on a compar- Baumstark, A., and Bolte, B. l 958. Comparative Lilurgy. lrans. F. L.
ison of the Apos. Con with the existing sources reveals Cross. Westminster, MD.
certain linguistic traits and theological ~endencies wi~h Bousset, W. 1915. Einejiidische Gebetssamlung im siebenten Buch
unmistakable similarities to Philo and Ongen. Such traits der apostolischen Konstitutionen. Pp. 438-85 in NachrichUn
and tendencies abound in the prayers of books 7-8. von der Kiiniglichen Gmllschaft der Wissenschaften zu Giiuingm
The redactional analysis of the prayers leads to the Phil.-hist. Kl. Gottingen.
conclusion that the methodology of many of the scholars Bouyer, L. 1966. Eucharistie. Tournai, Belgium.
working on these "Jewish" prayers was ftaw~d. They ba.sed Brightman, F. E. 1896. Liturgies, Eastern and Western. Oxford.
their identification of the prayers as Jewish on Jew1sh- Fiensy, D. A. l 985. Prayers Alleged to be Jewish. Chico, CA.
sounding phrases or concepts found in the p~ayers. But Funk, F. X. 1905. Didascalia et Constilutiones Apostolorum. Paderborn,
many of these expressions appear to be redacuonal. One Germany.
must then reject not only the theological analysis of the Gavin, F. l 969. The Jewish Antecedents of the Christian Sacrammts. New
prayers since the analysis does not take note of redactional York.
elements, but also the argument that the prayers are Jewish Goodenough, E. R. 1935. By Light, Light. New Haven.
at all. Heinemann, J. 1977. Prayer in the Talmud. Trans. R. S. Sarason.
Only the argument of Kohler ( 1924) with respect to Berlin.
Apos. Con. 7.33-38 is valid. Kohler discovered that these Kohler, K. 1924. The Essene Version of the Seven Benedictions as
six prayers correspond exactly to the first six of the He- Preserved in the vii Book of the Apostolic Constitutions. HUCA
brew Seven Benedictions for Sabbaths and holidays. The l: 410-25.
prayers (minus the redactional elements) have many of the Lietzman, H. 1953'. Mass and the Lord's Supper. Trans. D. H. G.
same themes as the Seven Benedictions and even some of Reeve. Leiden.
the same wording. What is even more important is that the Simon, M. 1948. Verus Israel. Paris.
prayers are in the same order as the Seven Benedictions. DAVID A. FIENSY
The first prayer (7 .33) praises the God of the patriarchs,
as does the first benediction. The second prayer (7.34)
extols God's power and ends with a reference to God as PREEXISTENCE OF SOULS. See SOULS,
the "reviver of the dead," as does the second benediction. PREEXISTENCE OF.
The third prayer (7.35) concerns the hallowing of the
name and the fourth (7.36) the hallowing of the Sabbath
day, both of which correspond to the third and fourth PREACHER, THE. See ECCLESIASTES, BOOK OF.
benedictions. The fifth prayer (7.37) corresponds to the
fifth benediction on temple service and the sixth prayer
(7.38) is quite similar to the thanksgiving prayer of the PREACHING. To preach is to proclaim, to announce,
sixth benediction. In addition, some of the prayers contain to declare a word from God, to present publicly the good
other portions of the Hebrew prayer book such as the news, to deliver a religious discourse related directly or
Kedusa (7.35) and the NiJmat (7.38). Nothing in Apos. Con. indirectly to a text of Scripture. Apart from a specific
7 .33-38 or following is reminiscent of the seventh benedic- context, preaching is difficult to define. Even though
tion, the priests' blessing. Perhaps this omission is because preaching has long been significantly linked to the life and
the prayer was supposed to be recited only in the Hebrew activity of both Jewish and Christian communities, it is so
language (M. Sota 7.2), and the prayers in the Apos. Con. varied in content, mode, audience, and purpose that it
are in Greek. resists the constraints of a dictionary, even a Bible diction-
The Jewish prayers of Apos. Con. 7.33-38 are evidently ary.
the product of the Syrian synagogues. The Apos. Con. itself
was compiled in Syria and most of its other sources origi- A. Preaching as Mode
nated in Syria. Also, Syrian Christianity always maintained 1. Terminology in Hebrew Scriptures
close contacts with Judaism, which would facilitate the 2. Terminology in the NT
inclusion of a Jewish prayer collection into the Apos. Con. B. Preaching as Content
The date of the form of the Seven Benedictions as found 1. John the Baptist
in the Apos. Con. 7.33-38 is probably between 150 c.E. and 2. Jesus
300 C.E. The earliest possible date is when the form of the 3. The Early Church
Kedusa as found in Apos. Con. 7.35 (a combination of Isa C. Preaching as Distinguished from Teaching
6:30 and Ezek 3: 12) first appeared. The latest date is a few
years before the compilation of the Apos. Con. A. Preaching as Mode
No particular Jewish milieu is evident for the prayers In the histories of both synagogue and church, preach-
except perhaps post-Jamnia Pharisaism. The prayers cer- ing as a mode of communication has ranged from an
tainly betray no origin in mysticism, Samaritanism, or informal discussion called homily (from homilein, trans-
Essenism, contrary to what has been suggested. The pray- lated in the RSV as "talking," Luke 24: 14, 15, and as
ers m the Apos. Con. without the redactional elements are "conversing," Acts 20: 11) to a carefully constructed speech
very similar theologically to the Hebrew benedictions. For following the instructions of ancient rhetoric. The words
text see OTP 2:671-97. which can be translated "preaching" in the biblical texts,
PREACHING 452. v
however, do not yie_ld much clear information on the mode one of bearing witness to Jesus as the Christ (I :7, 15, 19,
or modes of communication. 30, 34).
I. Turminology in Hebrew Scriptures. The Hebrew 2. Jesus. That which Jesus preached is variously called
Scriptures contain few clear references to that which we the gospel of God (Mark I: 14), the gospel of the kingdom
term "preaching." However, two activities seem clearly to (Matt 4:23) and the gospel of the kingdom of God (Luke
fall in this category: prophetic proclamation and the teach- 4:43). Mark summarizes Jesus' preaching as threefold:
ing of Torah. The word ba5er, containing 'joy" in its stem, "The time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of God is at hand;
refers to bringing or announcing good news or a message repent, and believe in the gospel" (I: 15). Luke's summary
of joy, as in 2 Sam 4: 10; Ps 40:9; Isa 40:9; 61: 1. The other draws on Isa 61: l-2: good news to the poor, release to the
term meaning "to proclaim or to call," qera' (Jer 11 :6; Mic captives, sight to the blind, liberty to the oppressed, and
3:5; Jonah 1:2; 3:2), can also be translated "to read aloud," for all the year of God's favor (4:18-19). Although the
as in the public reading of the Torah in Neh 8:8-9. In the continuities between the preaching of John and of Jesus
Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible these two words are evident, it is also clear that in the person, work, and
were rendered most often by euangelizo and kerusso, the words of Jesus a new era begins. The reign of God has
two most common terms for preaching in the NT. See broken in and continues to do so. Scholars continue to
below. And finally, the NT refers to certain persons in the debate Jesus' own expectations concerning the kingdom's
Hebrew Scriptures as preachers: Jonah (Luke 11 :32), Noah coming: how soon, how completely, how radically. The
(2 Pet 2:5), and Enoch (Jude 14, 15). debate is sustained by the fact that in the records of Jesus'
2. Turminology in the NT. In the NT, terms which refer preaching the kingdom of God is both present and future.
to preaching are basically of two types. 3. The Early Church. The tradition of preaching from
a. Terms Which by Definition Refer to Preaching. the prophets, John the Baptist, and Jesus continued with
These are primarily kerusso, meaning, first of all, "to an- the apostles (Acts 5:42). In addition, other persons shared
nounce or to proclaim publicly," a word used approxi- in gospel proclamation (Acts 21:8; Eph 4:11); in fact, the
mately sixty times (Mark 1:14; I Cor 1:23; Acts 10:42), whole Church at times became involved in forms of
and euangelizo, meaning "to announce good news" (Acts preaching (Acts 8:4). In its preaching the Church under-
5:42). The stem word angellii, from which we get "angel" stood itself as continuing the message of Jesus, but there
or "messenger," appears in the NT with a variety of was one major difference: Jesus the messenger of the
prefixes and in the RSV is variously translated: "to pro- kingdom was now the central feature of the message itself.
claim" (Acts 17:23); "to declare" (I Pet 2:9); "to command" From the beginning, preaching seems to have been varied
(Acts 17:30); "to preach" (Acts 5:42). in both mode and content. The Epistle to the Hebrews, for
b. Terms Which by Context Refer to Preaching. These example, is a sermon (13:22), representing a style of
are words which do not intrinsically specify such activity preaching (citing, interpreting, and applying a text) which
but which by reason of context clearly indicate a public later became popular and widespread. But it does not
telling of the Christian message. There are many such stand alone in the NT. Most investigators of early Christian
terms. The more common among them are: "to cry out" preaching look to Acts and the epistles of Paul.
(Acts 23:6; Rom 9:7); "to speak" (Rom 15:19; 2 Cor 2:12); Acts contains a number of sermons and portions of
"to talk" (Mark 2:2); "to make known" (Eph 6: 19); "to sermons (2:14-36; 3:12-26; 13:16-41; 17:22-31), most
prophesy" (l Cor 14:1-4; I Pet 1:10); "to speak boldly" of them delivered by Peter and Paul. One should keep in
(Acts 13:46; 18:26); "to exhort" (Acts 2:40; 15:32); "to mind that all the preaching reported in Acts comes to us
bear witness, to testify" (Acts 2:40; 20:24; John 1: 15). from Luke, whose own fingerprints are on the reports. In
fact, Luke had earlier stated the content of the proclama-
B. Preaching as Content tion as "repentance and forgiveness of sins" (Luke 24:47),
The NT employs a number of nouns to designate that and the sermons in Acts convey those two themes regu-
which is preached. The most commonly used are kerygma larly. While it may remain an open question as to how
(that which is proclaimed), Matt 12:41; Rom 16:25; 1 Cor broadly representative of the whole Church Luke's sermon
I :21; Titus 1:3; euangelion (the good news, the gospel), reports are, it has long been the practice of historians to
Matt 4:23; Mark 14:9; Acts 15:7; Rom 15:19; logos (the draw upon Acts to provide summary sketches of early
word), Acts 6:2; 1 Tim 5: 17; akoe (report; that which is Christian preaching. The most influential of these digests
heard), John 12:38; Gal 3:2, 5; Rom 10:16. In each case, is that of C. H. Dodd (1937), whose reading of Acts (and
specificity as to content must be supplied by context. Paul, but sermons are fragmentary in the letters) rendered
I. John the Baptist. According to the Synoptics, John the following: prophecies are fulfilled and the new age is
preached "a baptism of repentance for the forgiveness of launched by the coming of Christ; Christ was born of the
sins" (Mark 1:4; Luke 3:3). He called upon his listeners to seed of David, died according to the Scriptures to deliver
prepare for the advent of one stronger than he who would us from this present evil age, was buried, and rose on the
come baptizing with the Holy Spirit (Mark l :8) and with third day according to the Scriptures; Christ is exalted at
fire (Matt 3:11; Luke 3:16). Luke says John gave specific the right hand of God as Son of God and Lord of all;
ethical instructions to those who came (3:10-14). None of Christ will come again as Judge and Savior. In short, God
the Synoptics indicate that John publicly pointed specifi- has in Jesus Christ done the promised work of salvation
cally to Jesus as the one who was to come. In John, however, and all persons are now invited to turn from their former
that Jesus was the Son of God was divinely revealed to the ways and believe the good news. In the above summary.
Baptist (I :33-34), and therefore, his entire message was the expression "according to the Scriptures" should alert
v. 453 PREACHING

the reader of Acts to the clear differences in the preaching illustrative material for elaborating on the meaning of the
of the Church to those who knew and believed the Hebrew death and resurrection. In the Roman Catholic Church
Scriptures (2:16-36; 3:12-26; 1~_:16-41) and th~ mes- and associated traditions, the gospel readings have pro-
sages to audiences totally unfam1har with the Scnptures vided the center for interpreting all other texts in the
( 14:8-17; 17 :22-31 ). The points of contact with the listen- proclamation of the gospel. As one can see readily, this
ers are quite different. Before moving to preaching as treatment of Paul's letters and the Gospels as distinctly
reflected in Paul's letters, it should be remembered that different raises not only the question of content (what is
quite a number of NT scholars believe that the four the kerygma?) but also the question of the mode of preach-
Gospels are our primary sources for getting at the content ing. This is to say, is preaching most properly narrative or
of early Christian preaching. That these narratives repre- direct address, recital or confrontation? The canon of the
sent Christian preaching is not a position in direct conflict NT affirms both.
with the preaching reflected in Acts. There is a difference
in form, to be sure, but it is hardly reasonable to suppose C. Preaching as Distinguished from Teaching
that the Church's preaching would be silent about "all that Given the difficulties in arriving at a specific and com-
Jesus began to do and teach until the day when he was plete definition of preaching, both as mode and as content,
taken up" (Acts I: 1-2). some have sought clarity by distinguishing between
That Paul understood his mission to be that of a preaching and teaching. C. H. Dodd ( 1937) again has been
preacher is quite clear from Paul himself: "For Christ did most influential in separating kerygma and didache (teach-
not send me to baptize but to preach the gospel" (I Cor ing). He argued his case from the NT, and there is to be
I: 17); "Woe to me if I do not preach the gospel!" (I Cor found there textual support for his thesis. Matthew de-
9: 16). However, his letters, usually occupied with issues scribes Jesus' ministry as threefold: teaching, preaching,
within the young congregations, do not offer the reader and healing (9:35). Paul lists separately the gifts of proph-
samples of his preaching. Instead there are reminders to ecy and teaching (Rom 12:6-7; Eph 4: 11). And in Acts 2,
the churches of what he preached when he was present following the preaching which resulted in a large ingath-
with them. "Now I would remind you, brethren, in what ering of converts, Luke says the new Christians attended
terms 1 preached to you the gospel" (I Cor 15:1). This to the apostles' teaching (2:42). There is a clear good sense
statement is followed by a summary: Jesus died for our to the arrangement that those who respond to the procla-
sins according to the Scriptures, was buried, was raised on mation of the gospel be taught what it means to be a
the third day according to the Scriptures, and has ap- disciple among other disciples and in the world. Much of
peared to his followers, including Paul ( 1 Cor 15: 3-8). the NT consists of such instruction.
Sometimes Paul was more brief: he preached Christ cruci- However, such a sharp distinction cannot be maintained
fied (Gal 3: I). What is of special importance, however, is on the basis of either biblical texts or careful thought. For
that Paul says his message was what he received, the tradi- example, the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5-7) is a
tion which had been given to him and which he passed body of teaching (5:2; 7:29) about life and relationships in
along to the churches (I Cor 15:3; 11 :23). This says not the kingdom, and yet the audience consisted not only of
only that Paul had predecessors but that there was strong Jesus' disciples but also "the crowds" (5:1; 7:28). Docu-
continuity between his preaching and that done by others. ments describing synagogue activity of the period refer to
Whatever the distances he experienced, and at other times preaching and teaching interchangeably. Israel gathered
helped create between himself and other apostles, Paul did on occasions to be renewed and reconstituted by the recital
not preach a new or different gospel. So strongly did Paul of the Exodus, the narrative which created the community.
feel about his message that he called it a revelation of Jesus It seems unreasonable to suppose that the early Christian
Christ (Gal 1: 12) and pronounced anathema upon anyone Church, created by the proclamation of the gospel, did
offering a different gospel (Gal I :8-9). not gather again and again to be renewed and reconsti-
Much has been made of the scarcity of stories about and tuted by the preaching which first called it into being. In
sayings of Jesus (such as we have in the Gospels) in the fact, many of the words cited above which in some contexts
letters of Paul. Did he not know them? Did he not regard clearly refer to preaching are the same words ("speak,"
them as ingredient to the kerygma? Or is it simply the case "say," "exhort," "state boldly," etc.) which elsewhere indi-
that his letters, in form, purpose, and focus, did not cate instruction to Christians. Modes of communication do
provide the vehicle for such recitals? Whatever one's con- not always distinguish preaching and teaching, and neither
clusion, the evidence is clear that the governing center of does audience. As to content, preaching without instruc-
Paul's preaching was the death and resurrection of Christ. tion lacks substance; teaching without kerygma lacks iden-
This was the basic paradigm both for his message and his tity.
lifestyle (Gal 6: 14-17; 2 Cor 4: 10-11). The Roman letter,
Paul's most complete statement of his preaching, focuses Bibliography
not on Jesus' life or preaching but on his death and Baird, W. 1957. What Is the Kerygma? ]BL 76: 184-87.
resurrection as the demonstration of God's righteous Dodd, C. H. 1937. The Apostolic Preaching and Its Develt>pment.
grace. Chicago.
In those Christian communities in which Paul is the Filson, F. V. 1963. Three Crucial Decades. Richmond.
canon for preaching, there has been a tendency to treat Keck, L. E. 1979. Paul and His Letters. Philadelphia.
the Gospel stories of Jesus as background to the passion, Patte, D. 1984. Preaching Paul. Philadelphia.
as prolegomena to the gospel, functioning homiletically as Smith, D. 1980. Interpreting the Gospels for Preaching. Philadelphia.
PREACHING

Wilder, A. N. 1964 .. The Word as Address and the Word as 1913). The modifications which have subsequently been
Meaning. Pp. 198-218 in The New Henneneulic. Vol. 2 of New proposed have proven slight (see below). A greater chal-
Frontiers in Theology, ed. j. M. Robinson and J. B. Cobb. New lenge has been generated by the proposition that the p
York. ?arrative (in Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers) is not an
W:Jrley, R. C. 1967. Preaching and Teaching in the Earliest Church. mdependent source but a redaction (e.g., Cross CMHE
Philadelphia. 293-325). The recognition that the purity texts are the
FRED B. CRADDOCK products of two distinct schools, designated by the sigla p
and H, helps to resolve this problem.

PRECINCT. See PARBAR. B. P and H: Distinctions in Terminology and Style

The vocabulary of the priestly writings is so markedly
different from the other pentateuchal sources (JED) that
PREFECT. See PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF introductions to the Bible or Pentateuch take pains to
(ROMAN); PRAETORIUM; PROCURATOR. sui;>ply lists of their distinctive words and idioms (e.g.,
Dnver 1913: 131-35). The problem with these lists is that
they do not distinguish between P and H. The best way to
PREHISTORY. Articles concerning the prehistory of gauge the differences between P and H is to identify words
selected regions and nations of the ANE will be found or idioms in one source that are consistently altered or
under the name of the region or nation. See especially synonymized in the other. This is precisely what I. Knohl
ANATOLIA; ARABIA; EGYPT; IRAN; MESOPOTA- has done in his study of the priestly texts. He enumerates
MIA; PALESTINE, ARCHAEOLOGY OF; and SYRIA. 44 priestly terms, nine of which are worded differently in
P and H (Knohl 1988: 97-99). This list can be supple-
mented by employing another criterion: terms carrying a
PRESENCE, BREAD OF THE. See BREAD OF precise meaning in P lose their precision in H. The study
THE PRESENCE. of the priestly style has also been immeasurably advanced
by the finely honed investigation of M. Paran (1983 ),
though-like his predecessor and probable pioneer (Mc-
PRIDE. See VIRTUE/VICE LISTS. Evenue 1971)-he unfortunately fails to distinguish be-
tween P and H. Paran singles out the following priestly
literary devices: circular inclusions, poetic elements, re-
PRIESTLY ("P") SOURCE. The composite mate- frains, and closing deviations ( 1983: 28-173 ). All these,
rial of two schools of redactors, which reformulates the however, are commonly shared by P and H. There exists
message of the Pentateuch according to a theology of another literary artifice that holds better promise of yield-
monotheistic holiness and the importance of the cult. The ing a distinction between P and H-structure, in particu-
Priestly Source, or "P," is distinguished by its use of partic- lar, the chiastic form, alternately called introversion (Ki-
ular terms and its theological perspective(s), both of which kawada 1974) or palistrophe (McEvenue 1971: 29, n. 18).
reflect a preexilic provenience.
C. The Priestly Theology
A. TheText I. Polemic against Paganism and the Evisceration of
B. P and H: Distinctions in Terminology and Style the Demonic. When it comes to theology, P and H mostly
C. The Priestly Theology form a single continuum; H articulates and develops what
1. Polemic against Paganism and the Evisceration of is incipient and even latent in P.
the Demonic The basic premises of pagan religion are ( l) that its
2. A Gradual "Revolution" deities are themselves dependent on and influenced by a
3. Holiness Contagion metadivine realm, (2) that this realm spawns a multitude
4. A Symbolic System: Life versus Death of malevolent and benevolent entities, and (3) that if hu-
5. The Universal Blood Prohibition mans can tap into this realm they can acquire the magical
6. Theological Distinctions between P and H power to coerce the gods to do their will (Kaufmann 1937-
7. The Theology of Sacrifice 47 1: 297-350; 1960: 21-59). The priestly theology ne-
8. The Ethical Basis of the Priestly Theology gates these premises. It posits the existence of one su-
D. Preexilic Provenience of the Priestly Source: Termino- preme God who contends neither with a higher realm nor
logical Testimony with competing peers. The world of demons is abolished;
1. The Evidence there is no struggle with autonomous foes because there
2. Refutation of Archaizing are none. With the demise of the demons, only one crea-
3. Summary ture remains with "demonic" power-the human being.
E. Relative Proveniences of P and H Endowed with free will, his power is greater than any
1. P and the Sanctuary at Shilo attributed to him by pagan society. Not only can he defy
2. The Shilo Tradition Reworked God but, in priestly imagery, he can drive God out of his
sanctuary. In this respect, humans have replaced the de-
A. TheTe:x:t mons.
Scholarly consensus holds that the Priestly Source pre- a. Sanctuary Pollution and Purification. The pagans
vails throughout the Pentateuch and Joshua (see Driver secured the perpetual aid of a benevolent deity by building
v • 455 PRIESTLY ("P") SOURCE

a temple residence in which the god was housed, fed, and defiled only that which was beneath her. Touching such
worshiped in exchange for his protective care. ~bo~e all, objects, however, incurred greater impurity than touching
his temple had to be inoculated b~ ~potropa1c nt~s­ her directly (Lev 15: l 9b, 21-22). As illogical as it seems, it
utilizing magic drawn from the metad1vme realm-agamst makes perfect sense when viewed from the larger perspec-
incursions by malevolent forces from the supernal and tive of the primary priestly objective to root out the preva-
infernal world. The priestly theologians make use of the lent notion that the menstruant is possessed by demonic
same imagery, except that the demons are replaced by powers.
humans. Humans can drive God out of the sanctuary by c. The Cult. The parade example of the evisceration of
polluting it with their moral and ritual sins. All that t?e the demonic from Israel's cult is provided by Azazel (Lev
priests can do is periodically purge the sanctuary of 1~s 16: 10). Though Azazel seems to have been the name of a
impurities and influence the people to atone for their demon, the goat sent to him is not a sacrifice requiring
wrongs. slaughter and blood manipulation; nor does it have the
b. Nondemonic Conception of Impurity. This thor- effect of a sacrifice in providing purification, expiation,
oughgoing evisceration of the demonic also transformed etc. The goat is simply the symbolic vehicle for dispatching
the concept of impurity. In Israel, impurity is harmless, Israel's sins to the wilderness (Lev 16:21-22). The analo-
retaining potency only with regard to sanctums. Layper- gous elimination rites in the pagan world stand in sharp
sons-but not priests-may contract impurity with impu- contrast. The purification of the corpse-contaminated per-
nity; they must not, however, delay their purificatory rites son with the lustral ashes of the red cow (Numbers 19) can
lest their impurity affect the sanctuary. The retention of also claim pride of place among Israel's victories over
impurity's dynamic (but not demonic) power in regard to pagan beliefs. The hitherto demonic impurity of the
sanctums serves a theological function. The sanctuary corpse has been devitalized, first by denying its autono-
symbolizes the presence of God; impurity represents the mous power to pollute the sanctuary and then by denying
wrongdoing of persons. If persons unremittingly pollute that the corpse-contaminated person must be banished
the sanctuary, they force God out of his sanctuary and out from his community during his purificatory period (Mil-
of their lives. grom 1976).
The priestly texts on scale disease (Leviticus 13-14) and 2. A Gradual "Revolution." Israel's battle against de-
chronic genital flows (Leviticus 15) give ample witness to monic beliefs was not won in one stroke. Scripture indi-
the priestly polemic against the idea that physical impurity cates that it was a gradual process. The cultic sphere attests
arises from the activity of demons who must be either a progressive reduction of contagious impurity in all three
exorcised or appeased. Purification is neither healing nor primary human sources: scale disease, pathological flux,
theurgy. The afflicted person undergoes purification only and corpse contamination. The earliest priestly tradition
after being cured. Ablutions are wordless rites; they are calls for their banishment (Num 5:2-4) because the pres-
unaccompanied by incantation or gesticulation-the quin- ence of God is coextensive with the entire camp, but later
tessential ingredients in pagan healing rites. The Heb strata show that banishment is prescribed only for scale
adjective used in Leviticus 13-15 (.tiiher) means "purified" disease (Lev 13:46). The fact that genital flux and corpse
not "cured," whereas the verb riipa>, "cure," never appears contamination permit their bearers to remain at home
in the ritual. A moldy garment or a fungous house (Lev indicates that the divine presence is now viewed as con-
13:47-58; 14:33-53) does not reflect on the character of fined to the sanctuary. Henceforth in P, the only fear
its owner, for he brings no sacrifice and performs no rite evoked by impurity is its potential impact on the sanctuary.
that might indicate his culpability. Even though the scale- The driving force behind this impurity reduction is Israel's
diseased person does bring sacrifices for possible wrong- monotheism. The baneful still inheres in things but it
doing, the only determinable "wrong" is that his impurity spreads only under special conditions, for example, car-
has polluted the sanctuary. Especially noteworthy is the rion when consumed and genital discharges when con-
bird rite at the beginning of his purification process (Lev tacted. But note that impurity springs to life resuming its
14 :4-7) which, in spite of its clear exorcistic origins, carries virulent character only in regard to the sphere of the
only a symbolic function in Israel. Above all, it seems likely sacred, and that these impurities are not to be confused
that most, if not all, of the varieties of scale disease de- with evils.
scribed in Leviticus 13 are not even contagious, supporting 3. Holiness Contagion. A similar gradation in the con-
the conclusion that scale disease is only a part of a larger tagion of holiness is also exhibited in Scripture, but for
symbolic system (explained below). different reasons. In the earliest traditions of the Bible,
Another example of how the priestly legists excised the the sanctums communicate holiness to persons, the sanc-
demonic from impurity is the case of the person afflicted tuary's inner sanctums more powerfully so-directly by
w.ith chronic genital flux (Lev 15: l-15, 25-30). It is the sight (if uncovered) and indirectly by touch (if covered),
discharge that contaminates, not the person. Hence, ob- even when the contact is accidental. According to the early
jects that are underneath him: bed, seat, saddle-but no narratives this power can be deadly; note the stories about
o~her-are considered impure. In Mesopotamia, however, the ark (l Sam 6: 19; 2 Sam 6:6-7), Mt. Sinai (Exod 19: 12-
~1s table and cup transmit impurity. The difference is that 13), and the divine fire (Lev lO:l-2). In Pa major change
m Israel the afflicted person does not contaminate by has occurred. This fatal power is restricted to the rare
touch as long as he washes his hands. Consequently, he moment when the tabernacle is dismantled (Num 4: 15,
was not banished or isolated but allowed to remain at 20), but otherwise the sanctums can no longer infect
home. The same concessions were extended to the men- persons, even by touch (Milgrom 1981). Clearly, this dras-
struant, who was otherwise universally ostracized. She, too, tic reduction in the contagious power of the sanctums was
PRIESTLY ("P") SOURCE 456. v
not accepted by all priestly schools. Ezekiel holds out for like a corpse" (Num 12:12; cf. also Job 16:13). The wasting
the older view that sanctums (in his example, the priestly o~. the ~o~y, th_e common characteristic of the highly
clothing, 44: 19; 46:20) are contagious to persons (contrary v1S1ble, b1bhcally impure scale disease, symbolizes the death
to P). process as much as the loss of blood and semen.
The texts are silent concerning the motivation behind It is of no small significance that the dietary laws (Leviti·
this priestly reform. Undoubtedly, the priests were dis- cus 11), which are contiguous to and form a continuum
turbed by the superstitious fears of the fatal power of the with the bo~ily_ impurities (chaps. 12-15), are also gov-
sanctums that might keep the masses from the sanctuary ern:ed by cntena, such as cud chewing and split hooves,
(cf. Num 17:27-28). To the contrary, they taught the whJCh are equally arbitrary and meaningless in themselves,
people that God's holiness stood for the forces of life, and but serve a larger, extrinsic purpose. This purpose can be
only when approached in an unauthorized way (e.g., Lev deduced both from the explicit rationale of holiness (Lev
10: 1-2) would it bring death. Contact with the sanctums 11 :43-45) and the implicit assumption of relevant texts
would be fatal to the nonpriest who dared officiate with (Gen 9:4; Lev 17:3-5, 10-14), to wit: animal life is invio-
the sanctums (e.g., Num 16:35; 18:3) but not to the Isra- lable except for a few edible animals provided they are
elites who worshipped God in their midst. There is also a slaughtered properly (i.e., painlessly) and their blood (i.e.,
more realistic, historically grounded reason that would their life) is drained and thereby returned to God (Mil-
have moved the priests in this direction-the anarchic grom 1963). To be sure, the rationale of holiness and the
institution of altar asylum. Precisely because the altar equation of blood and life are first fully articulated in H
sanctified those who touched it, it thereby automatically (Lev 11:43-45; 17:10-14), but they are already adum-
gave them asylum regardless of whether they were mur- brated in P (e.g., Gen 9:4).
derers, bandits, or other assorted criminals. By taking the Since impurity and holiness are antonyms, the identifi-
radical step of declaring that the sanctums, in particular cation of impurity with death must then mean that holi-
the altar, were no longer contagious to persons, the priests ness stands for life. No wonder that reddish substances,
ended, once and for all, the institution of altar asylum. In the surrogates of blood, are among the ingredients of the
this matter they were undoubtedly abetted by the king and purificatory rites for scale-diseased and corpse-contami-
his bureaucracy, who earnestly wanted to terminate the nated persons (Lev 14:4; Num 19:6). They symbolize the
veto power of the sanctuary over their jurisdiction (details victory of the forces of life over death. A further example:
in Milgrom 1981 ). the blood of the purification offering symbolically purges
4. A Symbolic System: Life versus Death. Obviously, the sanctuary by symbolically absorbing its impurities (see
the ritual complexes of Leviticus 1-16 make sense only as below)-another victory of life over death. Moreover, the
aspects of a symbolic system. As noted, only a few types of priest is commanded to eat the flesh of the purification
scale disease (many clearly noncontagious) were declared offering (Lev 6:19, 22; 10:17; Milgrom 1976), and the
impure. Yet, to judge by the plethora of Mesopotamian high priest dispatches the sanctuary's impurities together
texts dealing with the diagnosis and treatment of virulent with the people's sins (Lev 16:21). In neither case is the
diseases, it is fair to assume that Israel knew them as well priest affected. Again, holiness-life has triumphed over
(see Leviticus 1-16 AB, Introduction) but did not classify impurity-death. Impurity does not pollute the priest as
them as impure. The same situation obtains with genital long as he serves God in His sanctuary. Israel, too, as long as
discharges. Why are secretions from other orifices of the it serves God by obeying His commandments can over-
body not impure: mucus, perspiration, and, above all, come the forces of impurity-death.
urine and feces? This leads to a larger question: why are Since the quintessential source of holiness resides with
there only these three sources of impurity-corpse/carcass, God, Israel is enjoined to control the occurrence of impu-
scale disease, and genital discharges? There must be a rity lest it impinge on His realm (see below). The forces
comprehensive theory that can explain all of the cases. pitted against each other in a cosmic struggle are no longer
Moreover, since the phenomena declared impure are the the benevolent and the demonic deities who populate the
precipitates of a filtering process initiated by the priests, mythologies of Israel's neighbors but the forces of life and
the "filter" must be their invention. In other words, the death set loose by man himself through his obedience to
impurity laws form a system governed by a priestly ration- or defiance of God's commandments. Despite all the
ale. changes that are manifested in the evolution of Israel's
This rationale comes to light once it is perceived that impurity laws, the objective remains the same: to sever
there is a common denominator to the three above-men- impurity from the demonic and to reinterpret it as a
tioned sources of impurity-death. Genital discharge from symbolic system reminding Israel of the divine imperative
the male is semen; from the female, blood. They represent to reject death and choose life.
the life force and their loss represents death. The case of 5. The Universal Blood Prohibition. It would be well to
scale disease also becomes comprehensible with the reali· point out that the blood prohibition is an index of P's
zation that the priestly legists have not focused on disease concern for the welfare of humanity. In Leviticus, to be
per se but only upon the appearance of disease. Moldy sure, all of P is directed to Israel. But one need only turn
fabrics and fungous houses (Lev 13:47-58; 14:35-53) are to the P stratum in Genesis to realize that it has not
singled out not because they are struck with scale disease neglected the rest of humankind. P's blood prohibition in
but because they give that appearance. So too the few Genesis appears in the bipartite Noachian law which states
varieties of scale disease afflicting the human body: their that human society is viable only if it desists from the
appearance is that of approaching death. When Miriam is shedding of human blood and the ingestion of animal
stricken with scale disease, Moses prays: "Let her not be blood (Gen 9:4-6). Thus it declares its fundamental prem-
v. 457 PRIESTLY ("P") SOURCE

ise that human beings can curb their violent nature 19:31) and by the fact that the polluted land cannot be
through ritual means, specifically, a dietary discipline that expiated by ritual, and, hence, the expulsion of its inhabi-
will necessarily drive home the point that all life (Heb tants is inexorable (Lev 18:24-29; 20:2).
nepef), including animals, is inviolable, except-in the case 7. The Theology of Sacrifice. The sacrificial system is
of meat-when conceded by God (Milgrom 1963). intimately connected with the impurity system. Nonethe-
The P strand in Genesis also indicts the human race for less, it possesses a distinctive theology (rather, theologies)
its Heb (uimii.s ("violence," Gen 6: 11). Since the Noachian of its own. No single theory embraces the entire complex
law of Genesis 9 is the legal remedy for fuimas (Frymer- of sacrifices (Milgrom 1976). All that can be said by way of
Kensky 1977), it probably denotes murder (as in Ezek generalization is that the sacrifices cover the gamut of the
7:23), though in subsequent usage, especially under pro- psychological, emotional, and religious needs of the peo-
phetic influence, it takes on a wide range of ethical viola- ple. We therefore seek the specific rationale that underlies
tions (Haag TDOT 4: 478-86). Thus, the blood prohibition each kind of sacrifice. Even with this limited aim in mind,
proves that P is of the opinion that a universal God the texts are not always helpful. However, hints gleaned
imposed a basic ritual code upon humanity. Israel, on the from the terminology and the descriptions of the rites
other hand. bound by its covenantal relationship with the themselves will occasionally illumine our path. The com-
deity, is enjoined to follow a stricter code of conduct. prehensive rationales for two sacrifices, the burnt and
6. Theological Distinctions between P and H. One cereal offerings, remain unclear, whereas the three re-
would expect a sharp cleavage separating the theology of maining sacrifices, the well-being, purification, and repa-
P from the non priestly strands of the Pentateuch. However, ration offerings, can be satisfactorily explained.
it may come as a shock to realize that even the two priestly a. The Well-Being Offering. The well-being offering is
sources, P and H, sharply diverge on many theological associated with the blood prohibition, although this con-
fundamentals. The most important ideological distinction nection was not present from the beginning. In the P
between P and H rests in their contrasting concepts of stratum, the well-being offering is brought solely out of
holiness. For P, spatial holiness is limited to the sanctuary; joyous motivations: thanksgiving, vow fulfillment, or spon-
for H, it is coextensive with the promised land. Holiness of taneous free will (Lev 7: 11-17). The meat of the offering
persons is restricted in P to priests and Nazirites (Num is shared by the offerer with his family and invited guests
6:5-8); H extends it to all Israel. This expansion follows (I Sam 1:4; 9:21-24). The development of H brought
logically from H's doctrine of spatial holiness: since the another dimension to this sacrifice. H's ban on nonsacrifi-
land is holy, all who reside in it are to keep it that way. cial slaughter meant that all meat for the table had initially
Every adult Israelite is enjoined to attain holiness by ob- to be sanctified on the altar as a well-being offering (Lev
serving the Lord's commandments, and even the Heb ger, 17:3-7). To be sure, the prohibition to ingest blood had
"resident alien," must heed the prohibitive command- existed before (Gen 9:4; cf. l Sam 14:32-35), implying
ments, for their violation pollutes the land (e.g., Lev that though man was conceded meat, its blood, which
18:26). belongs to God, had to be drained. Now that the blood had
P's doctrine of holiness is static; H's is dynamic. On the to be dashed on the altar (Lev 3:2, 8, 13) it served an
one hand, P constricts holiness to the sanctuary and its additional function-to ransom the life of the offerer for
priests. P assiduously avoids the Heb term qiidos, "holy," taking the life of the animal ( 17: 11; Milgrom 1971 ). Thus
even in describing the Levites (compare their induction the principle of the inviolability of life was sharpened by
rites, Num 8:5-22, with the priestly consecration, Leviticus this new provision: killing an animal was equivalent to
8). On the other hand, though H concedes that only priests murder (Lev 17 :3-4) unless expiated by the well-being
are innately holy (Lev 21 :7), it repeatedly calls upon Israel offering.
to strive for holiness. The dynamic quality of H's concept b. The Purification Offering. The rationale for the
is highlighted by its resort to the same participial construc- purification offering has been alluded to above. The vio-
tion Heb meqaddes, "sanctifying," in describing the holiness lation of a prohibitive commandment generates impurity
of both the laity and the priesthood. Sanctification is an and, if severe enough, pollutes the sanctuary from afar.
ongoing process for priests (Lev 21:8, 15, 23; 22:9, 16) as This imagery portrays the priestly theodicy. lt declares
well as for all Israelites (Lev 21 :8; 22:32). No different that while sin may not scar the face of the sinner it does
from the Israelites, the priests bear a holiness that expands scar the face of the sanctuary (Milgrom 1976). This image
or contracts in proportion to their adherence to God's graphically illustrates the priestly version of the old doc-
commandments. trine of collective responsibility: when the evildoers are
The converse doctrine of pollution also varies sharply: punished they bring down the righteous with them. How-
P holds that the sanctuary is polluted by Israel's moral and ever, those who perish with the wicked are not entirely
ritual violatiom (Lev 4:2) committed anywhere in the camp blameless. They are inadvertent sinners, who by having
(but not outside), and that this pollution can and must be allowed the wicked to flourish have also contributed to the
effaced by. the violator's purification offering and, if com- pollution of the sanctuary. In particular, the high priest
mmed deliberately, by the high priest's sacrifice and con- and the tribal chieftain, the leaders of the people, bring
fess10n (Lev 16:3-22). H, however, concentrates on the special sacrifices (Lev 4:9, 23) since their errors cause harm
polluting force of Israel's violation of the covenant (Lev to their people. Thus, in the priestly scheme, the sanctuary
26:15), for example, incest (Lev 18; 20:11-24), idolatry is polluted (read: society is corrupted) by brazen sins (read:
(Lev 2: 1-6), or depriving the land of its sabbatical rest the rapacity of the leaders) and also by inadvertent sins
(Lev 26:34-35). Pollution for H is nonritualistic, as shown (read: the acquiescence of the "silent majority"), with the
by the metaphoric use of Heb tame> (e.g., Lev 18:21, 24; result that God is driven out of his sanctuary (read: the
PRIESTLY ("P") SOURCE 458. v
nation is destroyed). In the theology of the purification well. The priestly legists did not prescribe the purification
offering, Israel is close to the beliefs of its neighbors and offering just for cultic violations but extended the meaning
yet so far from them. Both hold that the sanctuary stands of the term mi$wa (Lev 4:2) to embrace the broader area
in need of constant purification lest it be abandoned by its of ethical violations. And the texts on the reparation
resident god. But whereas the pagans hold that the source ~ffering make it absolutely clear that in matters of expia-
of impurity is demonic, Israel, having expunged the de- tion man takes precedence over God; only after rectifica-
monic, attributes impurity to the rebellious and inadver- tion has been made with man can it be sought with God
tent sins of man instead (details in Milgrom 1976). (Lev 5:24b-25).
c. The Reparation Offering. The reparation offering A leitmotiv of the sacrificial texts is their concern for the
(Lev 5: 14-26) seems at first glance to be restricted to poor: everyone, regardless of means, should be able to
offenses against the property of God, either his sanctums bring an acceptable offering to the Lord. Thus, birds were
or name. It reflects, however, wider theological implica- added to the roster of burnt offerings (Lev I: 14-17), and
tions. The Heb noun >asam, "reparation, reparation offer- the pericope on the cereal offering (Leviticus 2) was delib-
ing," is related to the Heb verb 'Mam, "feel guilt," which erately inserted after the burnt offering, implying that if a
predominates in this offering (Lev 5:17, 23, 28) and in the person could not afford birds he could bring a cereal
purification offering as well (Lev 4: 13, 22, 27; 5:4, 5). This offering. Indeed, this compassion for the poor is respon-
fact bears ethical consequences. Expiation by sacrifice de- sible for the prescribed sequence of the graduated purifi-
pends on two factors: the remorse of the worshipper (verb cation offering: flock animal, bird, cereal (Lev 5:6-13).
>asam) and the reparation (noun >asam) he brings to both This concession of a cereal offering, however, was not
man and God to rectify his wrong. This sacrifice strikes allowed for severe impurity cases (Lev 12:8; 14:21-32;
even deeper ethical roots. If someone falsely denies under 15: 14) because of the need for sacrificial blood to purge
oath having defrauded his fellow, subsequently feels guilt the contaminated altar.
and restores the embezzled property and pays a twenty The ethical impulse attains its zenith in the great Day of
percent fine, he is then eligible to request of his deity that Purgation, Yorn Kippur. What originally was only a rite to
his reparation offering serve to expiate his false oath (Lev purge the sanctuary has been expanded to include a rite
5:20-26). Here we see the priestly legists in action, bending to purge the people. As mentioned above, the pagan
the sacrificial rules in order to foster the growth of individ- notion of demonic impurity was eviscerated by insisting
ual conscience. They permit sacrificial expiation for a that the accumulated pollution of the sanctuary was caused
deliberate crime against God (knowingly taking a false by human sin. Moreover, another dimension was intro-
oath) provided the person repents before he is appre- duced that represented a more radical alteration. The
hended. Thus, they ordain that repentance converts an scapegoat which initially eliminated the sanctuary's impu-
intentional sin into an unintentional one, thereby making rities now became the vehicle of purging their source-the
it eligible for sacrificial expiation (details in Milgrom human heart. Provided that the people purged themselves
1976). through rites of penitence (Lev 16:29; 23:27, 29; Num
8. The Ethical Basis of the Priestly Theology. It should 29:7), the high priest would confess their released sins
already be clear that the priestly polemic against pagan upon the head of the scapegoat and then dispatch it and
practice was also informed by ethical postulates. The im- its load of sins into the wilderness. Thus, an initial widely
purity system pits the forces of life against the forces of attested purgation rite of the temple was broadened and
death, reaching an ethical summit in the blood prohibi- transformed into an annual day for the collective catharsis
tion. Not only is blood identified with life but it is also of Israel. God would continue to reside with Israel because
declared inviolable. If the unauthorized taking of animal his temple and people were once again pure.
life is equated to murder, how much more so is the illegal
taking of human life. And if the long list of prohibited D. Preexilic Provenience of the Priestly Source:
animals has as its aim the restriction of meat to three Terminological Testimony
domestic quadrupeds, whose blood (according to H) must I. The Evidence. This priestly work can be dated.
be offered up on the altar of the central sanctuary, what There is ample evidence that its terminology is preexilic.
else could the compliant Israelite derive from this arduous Thus far the chief investigator of priestly terminology has
discipline except that all life must be treated with rever- been A. Hurvitz (1981; 1982; 1988). Using the book of
ence? Ezekiel as a standard against which to measure the life
The reduction of sanctum contagion may have been span of priestly terms, Hurvitz finds ten such terms that
motivated by the desire to wean Israel from the universally are absent from Ezekiel in contexts where one should
attested morbid fear of approaching the sanctums. But as expect to find them. Moreover, he and Paran ( 1983) ad-
indicated above, there coexisted the more practical goal of duce 22 P terms that are replaced by synonyms in Ezekiel
breaking the equally current belief that the sanctuary gave and in postexilic books. Hurvitz's examples can be supple-
asylum even to the criminal. As noted above, the ethical mented by the key terms of Israel's sociopolitical structure.
current ran strong also in the rationale for the sacrifices. This area is more decisive because these terms describe
The purification offering taught the ecology of morality, living institutions (details in Milgrom I 978; 1989). T~e
that the sins of the individual adversely affect his society, terminology for the doctrine of repentance also exh1b1ts
even when committed inadvertently, and the reparation this diachronic transformation. P clearly posits repentance
offering became the vehicle for an incipient doctrine of not by the prophetic (and postbiblical) root swb but by its
repentance. The ethical thrust of these two expiatory unique verb >asam (Milgrom 1976: 3-12). .
sacrifices can be shown to be evident in other respects as 2. Refutation of Archaizing. Only one argument carries
v • 459 PRIESTLY ("P") SOURCE

some weight: P is guilty of archaizing. So writes Wellha1.;1- used 'aboda in its earlier sense of "physical labor" when it
sen, "It (P) tries hard to imitate the costume of the Mosaic flatly contradicted the meaning it had in his own time. His
period ... to disguise its own" (WPHI, 9). In our day F. M. readers would have been confused, nay, shocked, to learn
Cross echoes a similar view (CMHE, 322-23; cf. also Hoff- that "cultic service," exclusively the prerogative of priests
man 1986). Hurvitz counters this argument by maintain- and fatal to nonpriests, had been assigned to the Levites.
ing that archaizing is ~iscernible ?nly if "one can_ furi:iis_h
positive evidence proving the existence of late _linguistic E. Relative Proveniences of P and H
elements in the same work" (1982: 163). That 1s, an au- H probably arose out of the socioeconomic crisis at the
thor, particularly one represented by such an extensive end of the 8th century (Knohl 1988: 179-93). Following a
corpus as the priestly writings, would surely betray himself suggestion of M. Haran (EncMiqr 5: 1098; 1981) that H's
by some anachronistic slip. Nonetheless, the possibility interdiction of the Molech and the >ob and yidde'onf corre-
must be granted that the priestly redaction may have sponds with the proliferation of these cults into the royal
succeeded in concealing its true (late) period. Another court during the second half of the 8th century, Knohl
control, however, is at hand that can vitiate the charge of postulates that H must be a product of that period ( 1988:
anachronism. What if a term undergoes a change of mean- 178, 263, n. 19, 264, n. 22). Here Knohl has been antici-
ing and there are ample attestations of this term in the pated by Eerdmans (1912: 101), who added to the Molech
early and late biblical literature so that the change can be factor the occurrence of>elflim both in H (Lev 19:4; 26:1)
accurately charted? Moreover, what if the new meaning is and profusely in First Isaiah (9 out of a total of 16 times:
incompatible with, and even contradictory to, its predeces- 2:8, 18, 21; 10:10, 11; 19:11; 31:7; see also Elliott-Binns
sor so that it is inconceivable that both meanings could 1955: 38; Feucht 1964: 166-67). Knohl differs from all of
have existed simultaneously? The term miSmeret exempli- them in that he alone postulates the priority of P, whereas
fies the first case and 'aboda the second. the others hold with the consensus that H is earlier than
a. The Evidence from miimeret. The Heb term miSmeret and is absorbed by P. According to Knohl, the new issues
occurs 76 times in Scripture, chiefly in P. In connection that concern H are idolatry, social injustice, the gap be-
with the tabernacle it means "guard duty" and nothing else, tween ethics and the cult, and the ger ( 1988: 176-77, 188-
as observed by the medieval Jewish exegete Abrabanel (ca. 89). "HS's (the Holiness School) writings become clear
1437-1508) in his commentary on Num 3:5. When miS- against the background of the socio-economic polarization
meret is in construct with Yahweh, the context involves and the religious crisis that developed in that period. The
proscriptions and taboos so that "guarding" against the crisis that led to the attacks by classical prophecy on the
violation of the Lord's commandments is always meant ritual and Temple institutions ... HS expresses the attempt
(details in Milgrom 1970: 8-12). The evolution of miSmeret by priestly circles in Jerusalem to contend with the pro-
from "guard duty" to postbiblical "service unit" is barely phet's criticism. In reaction ... HS created the broader
detectable in Scripture. This later meaning is found only concept of holiness that integrates morality and cult and
in Nehemiah (Neh 12:9, 24; 13:30; correcting Milgrom drew up a comprehensive program for social rehabilitation
1970: 12, n. 41) and Chronicles (1 Chr 25:8; Paran 1983: formulated in social terms" ( 1988: x; cf. 178-87). The
205, n. 42). But it is not even adumbrated in any of P's 43 priestly answer to this crisis eventuated in the composition
attestations (details in Milgrom 1970: 12-16). of the Holiness Code (1988: 173-76).
b. The Evidence from 'abodti. The second Heb term, Since H also includes the redaction of P, this can only
'aboda, is of weightier import. In P it occurs some 70 times mean that P-not just its teachings but its very texts--was
and it always denotes "physical labor" (Milgrom 1970: 60- composed not later than the middle of the 8th century (ca.
82). However, in postexilic cultic texts (even when they cite 750 B.c.E.). As for determining the provenience, the veri-
pentateuchal passages) it means "cultic service" (Milgrom table Sitz im Leben of P, it is likely that P presumes the
1970: 82-87). These two meanings clearly contradict each existence and the legitimacy of common slaughter. More
other and therefore cannot coexist. Levites, on pain of accurately, P espouses a modified form of common slaugh-
death, are forbidden to officiate in the cult (Num 18:3b), ter, one evidenced in Saul's battle against the Philistines ( 1
and hence their 'aboda is confined to the job of physically Sam 14:31-35; details in Leviticus 1-16 AB, Introduction).
removing the tabernacle. But in postexilic texts the con- Thus H is not the innovator of centralization; it has
trary is true. Priests alone may perform 'abodii because this inherited P's explicit demand that all sacrifice take place at
term now means "cultic service." the tabernacle. H is after something else-the banning of
. 3. Summary. In sum, the terminological study of Eze- common slaughter. It claims that "all suet is the Lord's"
kiel 44, supplemented by the studies of Hurvitz and Paran and therefore demands that all animal flesh should first
of the 22 Ezekielian passages adduced above, demon- be offered as a well-being offering. If H is to be associated
strates that Ezekiel is the chronological watershed of Is- with Hezekiah's reform (see above) which was operative
rael's cultic terminology. His book confirms the conclu- solely in the land of Judah, then the edict of Leviticus 17,
sions derived from P's central vocabulary in the area of though idealistic, is still feasible. D's centralization, how-
cult (mi!meret; 'aboda), theology (absence of swb), and socio- ever, takes place under different historical circumstances.
political institutions (Heb 'eda; mat/eh; >elep; nasz>) that P is The expanded borders of Josiah's kingdom had made
a p~oduct of the preexilic age (cf. also Grintz 1974-75; common slaughter an absolute necessity (Deut 12:15-16,
Polzin 1976; Guenther 1977; Rends burg 1980). Further- 21-25). Even at the risk of chthonic worship, D ordains
more, not a single priestly term has been shown to be of that "[the blood] shall be spilled on the ground like water"
postexilic coinage. Finally, the allegation that Pis archaiz- (Deut 12:16, 23). This prescription may reflect D's fear
mg has proven baseless. No postexilic writer could have that the example of Saul's stone ultimately turning into an
PRIESTLY ("P") SOURCE 460. v
altar (1 Sam 14:35) might subvert D's centralization imper- the "in-house" adjustments of the priests regarding their
ative by leading to the consecration of other slaughtering sacrificial income as the one-family sanctuary gave way to
stones as altars. the multifamily temple. It would take the momentous
1. P and the Sanctuary at Shilo. It is clear that P as well events at the end of the 8th century, which led to an
as H speaks of the tent of meeting as the only legitimate infusion of refugees from north Israel and the prophetic
sanctuary. H clearly has the Jerusalem temple in mind, rebuke concerning the social and economic injustices grip-
but for P, there are only two possibilities. Being anterior to ping the land, to provoke a major priestly response result-
H, P's reference could be the pre-Hezekian temple (Knohl ing in the creation of the radically new vistas and ideology
1988: 189-91). Or P may advert to an anterior institu- ofH (see Knohl 1988: 146-93).
tion-the sanctuary at Shiloh (Haran 1962; 1978: 175-
204). Bibliography
The intensive excavations at the site of Shiloh and the Aharoni, Y. 1973. The Solomonic Temple, the Tabernacle and the
survey explorations thoroughout the central hill country Arad Sanctuary. Beer-Sheva I: 79-86 (in Hebrew).
have yielded valuable information concerning Shiloh's re- Albright, W. F. 1942. Archaeology and the Religion of Israel. Baltimore.
gional role during Iron Age I of the premonarchic period Aloni, J. 1983-84. The Place of Worship and the Place of Slaughter
(Finkelstein 1985: 164-74; 1988). The pertinent results according to Leviticus 17:3-9. Shnaton 7-8: 21-50 (in He-
can be summarized as follows: At the beginning of Iron brew).
Age I (end of 12th century e.c.E.) there was a dramatic Barkay, G. 1986. Ketef Hinnom: A Treasure Facing Jerusalem's Walls.
increase in the number of permanent settlements in the Jerusalem.
central hill country. In the tribal territories of Ephraim Brichto, H. C. 1976. On Slaughter and Sacrifice, Blood and Atone-
and Manasseh, 27 sites during the Late Bronze Age grew ment. HUCA 47: 19-55.
to 211 sites, nearly an eightfold increase. Most of the Cohen, C. 1969. Was the P Document Secret? JANES 1/2: 39-44.
growth was registered in Ephraim (23 times, to 4.4 times Cross, F. M. 1947. The Priestly Tabernacle. BA LO: 45-68. Repr. in
in Manasseh), especially around Shiloh (22 sites within a 5 BAR I: 201-28. Repr. 1978.
or 6 km radius). The Shiloh temple located in the heart of Driver, S. R. 1913. Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament.
this population must have served as the regional center for Edinburgh.
the entire area before it was destroyed in the middle of the Duke, R. K. 1988. Punishment or Restoration? Another Look at
1 lth century. Expansion southward took place later, after the Levites of Ezekiel 44: 6-16.JSOT 40: 61-81.
the destruction of Shiloh. This meant that Shiloh probably Eerdmans, B. D. 1912. Das Buch Leviticus. Giessen.
was the first and only interregional, transtribal religious Elliot-Binns, L. E. 1955. Some Problems of the Holiness Code.
center before the Jerusalem temple. Other important sanc- ZAW 76: 26-40.
tuaries, such as Benjaminite Bethel and Gilgal (of Samuel Feucht, C. 1964. Untersuchungen zum Heiligkeitsgesetz. Berlin.
and Saul) could not have borne regional significance while Finkelstein, I. 1985. Excavations at Shilo 1981-1984. Summary and
the Shiloh sanctuary existed. Conclusions: History of Shilo from Middle Bronze Age II to
2. The Shiloh 'Ihtdition Reworked. The basic presup- Iron Age II. TA 12: 159-77.
positions of P fit the archaeological data of Shiloh to - - . 1988. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement. Jerusalem.
perfection. P prescribes a central sanctuary containing the Friedman, R. E. 1980. The Tabernacle in the Temple. BA 43: 241-
tabernacle with its ark and other cultic paraphernalia. It 48.
also presupposes common slaughter at home (see above), Frymer-Kensky, T. 1977. The Atrahasis Epic and Its Significance
so that households would journey to Shiloh only for the for Our Understanding of Genesis 1-9. BA 40: 147-55.
annual pilgrimage ( 1 Sam I: 3; 2: 19) or festival (Judg Gertner, M. 1960. The Masorah and the Levites. Appendix on
21: 19). On the other hand, P does not claim that the Hosea XII. VT 10: 241-84.
tabernacle is the only legitimate sanctuary. There is nei- Gray, G. B. 1925. Sacrifice in the 01,d Testament. Oxford.
ther admonition nor ban against worshiping at other al- Grintz, Y. M. 1966. Do Not Eat on the Blood. Tsiyon 3!: 1-17 (in
tars-unlike H (Leviticus 19) and D (Deuteronomy 12). Hebrew). Eng. trans. AST/ 8 (1970-71): 78-105.
Though biblical scholarship registers other opinions re- - - . 1974-75. Archaic Terms in the Priestly Code. LeI 39: 5-
garding the provenience of P's tabernacle, the absence of
30, 163-81; 40: 5-32 (in Hebrew).
any prohibition against multiple sanctuaries limits P's tab-
Guenther, A. R. 1977. A Diachronic Study of Biblical Hebrew Prose
ernacle to either the temple of Shiloh or that of Jerusalem
Syntax: An Analysis of the Verbal Clause in Jeremiah 37-45 and
before Hezekiah's edict of centralization (2 Kgs 18:4).
Esther I-JO. Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto.
Both locations are possible. The sacrificial procedures
Gurney, 0. R. 1952. The Hittites. London.
attested in P probably had their origin at Shiloh. Some
Haran, M. 1962. Shilo and Jerusalem: The Origin of the Priestly
texts, like the thanksgiving offering pericope, were re-
worked by the Jerusalem priesthood so thoroughly that Tradition in the Pentateuch.JBL 81: 14-24.
even where the seams are visible it is no longer possible to - - . 1978. Temples and Temflk Service in Ancient Israel. Oxford.
recover the original text. Others, like the cereal and well- - - . 1981. Behind the Scenes of History: Determining the Date
being offerings, received interpolations or supplementary of the PriestlySource.JBL 100: 321-33.
verses which when removed reveal the original text (details Hoffman, Y. 1986. Concerning the Language of P and the Date of
in Leviticus 1-16 AB, Introduction). These additions are Its Composition. Te'udah 4: 13-22 (in Hebrew).
the work of subsequent generations of Jerusalem priests, Hurvitz, A. 1981. The Language of the Priestly Source and Its
but still from the time prior to Hezekiah. In substance Historical Setting-the Case for an Early Date. PWC]S 8: 83-
these additions are not significant; they probably reflect 94.
v • 461 PRIMEVAL HISTORY

- - . 1982. A Linguistic Study of the Relationship between the Priestly Toeg, A. 1974. Num 15:22-31. A Halakhic Midrash. TA 43:20 (in
Source and the Book of Eukiel. CahRB 20. Rome. Hebrew).
- - . 1988. Dating the Priestly Source in Light of the Historical Zevit, Z. 1982. Converging Lines of Evidence Bearing on the Date
Study of Biblical Hebrew a Century after Wellhausen. BZAW of P. ZAW 94: 481-511.
100: 88-99. jACOB MILGROM
Ibn Ezra, Abraham. 1988. Commentary on the Pentateuch. Vol. I,
Genesis. Trans. H. N. Strickman and A. M. Silver. New York.
Kaufmann, Y. 1937-47. The Religion of Israel. Vols. 1-3. Tel Aviv (in PRIESTS. See LEVITES AND PRIESTS.
Hebrew).
- - . 1960. The Religion of Israel. Trans. M. Greenberg. Chicago.
Kikawada, I. M. 1974. The Shape of Genesis 11: 1-9. Pp. 18-32 in PRIMEVAL HISTORY. A modern label that scholars
Rhetoncal Criticism, ed.]. J. Jackson and M. Kessler. Pittsburgh. have applied to Genesis 1-11 and to a particular type of
Knohl, I. 1983-84. The Priestly Torah versus the Holiness School: narrative pattern reflected not only in Genesis 1-11 but in
Sabbath and the Festivals. Shnaton 7-8: 109-46. Eng. trans. other ANE literary sources.
HUCA 58 (1987): 65-117.
- - . 1988. The Conception of God and Cult in the Priestly Torah and A. Definitions
in the Holiness School. Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University. B. Patterns of Primeval History
Kuenen, A. 1886. An Historico-Critical Inquiry into the Origin and 1. Narrative Pattern
Composition of the Hexateuch. Trans.PH. Wicksteed. London. 2. Genealogical Pattern
Lambert, W. G. 1959. Morals in Ancient Mesopotamia. ]EOL 16: C. Purpose
184-96. D. Genesis 1-11
Levine, B. A. 1983. Late Language in the Priestly Source: Some 1. Narrative Pattern
Literary and Historical Observations. PWC]S 8: 69-82. 2. Genealogical Pattern
Loewenstamm, S. E. 1972-73. The Relation of the Settlement of E. Other "Primeval History" Patterns in the Bible
Gad and Reuben in Num 32: 1-38. TA 42: 12-26 (in Hebrew). I. Exodus 1-2
Malamat, A. 1979. l.hnmatum in Old Babylonian Texts and Its 2. Matthew 1-3
Ugaritic and Biblical Counterparts. VF 11: 527-36. 3. Other Biblical Books
McEvenue, S. E. 1969. A Source-Critical Problem in Num 14, 26- F. Indo-European Literature
38. Bib 50: 453-65. I. Iranian Tradition
- - . 1971. The Narrative Style of the Priestly Writer. AnBib 50. 2. Indian Tradition
Rome. 3. Classical Tradition
Milgrom, J. 1963. The Biblical Diet Laws as an Ethical System. Int
17: 288-301. A. Definitions
- - . 1970. Studies in Levitical Terminology. Berkeley. When a child asks, "Mommy, where did I come from?"
- - . 1971. A Prolegomenon to Leviticus 17:11.JBL 90: 149-56. the awareness of historical thought begins. When society
- - . 1976. Profane Slaughter and a Formulaic Key to the asks us, "Who are you, anyway?" we begin to formulate
Composition of Deuteronomy. HUCA 47: 1-17. history. We start to form a list of credentials, of memorable
- - . 1978. Priestly Terminology and the Political and Social and significant events, including the definite point at which
Structure of Pre-Monarchic Israel.]QR 69: 65-81. our historical accounting begins. One could start one's own
- - . 1981. Sancta Contagion and Altar/City Asylum. VTSup 32: history at this point, but ANE society seems to have de-
278-310. manded that history, whether personal or national, should
- - . 1983. Magic, Monotheism, and the Sin of Moses. Pp. 251- begin rather with the very beginning of the world.
61 in The Qµestfor the Kingdom of God, ed. H. H. Hoffman; F. A. The problem with this requirement is that there were
Spina; and A. R. W. Green. Winona Lake, IN. no human observers at the beginning of the world. But the
- - . 1989. The Book of Numbers. Philadelphia. people of the ANE knew that there must have been a more
Nilsson, M. P. 1940. Greek Fo/Ji Religion. New York. distant past lying behind the knowable past. To account
Paran, M. 1983. Literary Features of the Priestly Code: Stylistic for this, ancient historians had to posit the beginning of
Patterns, Idioms and Structures. Ph.D. diss., Hebrew Univer- history, speculative both factually and philosophically.
sity (in Hebrew). From that point on, going forward in time, they speculated
Paton, L.B. 1897. The Original Form of Leviticus XVIl-XIX.}BL about how the world in its fullness, including their unten-
16: 31-77. able past and unknowable ancestors, came to be.
Polzin, R. 1976. Late Biblical Hebrew. Missoula, MT. This speculative, often mythological history between the
Reiner, E. 1956. Lipshur Litanies.JNES 15: 129-49. creation of the world up to the point when one's historical
- - . 1958. Surpu. AfO 11. Graz. memory begins became well patterned and traditional in
Rendsburg, G. 1980. Late Biblical Hebrew and the Date of "P." the ANE. This patterned portion of history is here termed
JANES 12: 65-80. "primeval history."
Renger, J. 1967. Untersuchungen zum Priestentum in der altbaby- The primeval history is a long and well-established liter-
lonischen Zeit. ZA 24: 110-88; 26 (1969): 104-230. ary convention (Kikawada 1974) in the ancient world, first
Sauneron, S. 1960. The Priests of Ancient Egypt. New York. detected in the Sumerian literature of the 21st century e.c.
Schley, D. 1989. Shiloh. JSOTSup 66. Sheffield. and continuing through the Semitic literature in Akkadian
Scott, J. A. 1965. The Pattern of the Tabernacle. Ph.D. diss., University and Hebrew down to classical and later Indo-European
of Pennsylvania. literature. One may consider it as an indication of the ANE
PRIMEVAL HISTORY 462. v
people's awareness of what the modern geologist calls resolves the problem by instituting "birth control" by
"deep time." means of the gods creating barrenness among women
Accordingly, Genesis l-l l is the primeval history of the demons to cause crib death, and three types of nuns to pu~
Bible on the cosmological and world-historical levels. some women out of procreation. The greatest variation
There are also many passages on the level of biography in among the specimens of primeval history discussed in this
the Bible, such as Exodus l-2 and Matthew l-3, that must article is in the means of resolution to the problem of
be included in the literary category of primeval history overpopulation.
(Kikawada and Quinn 1985). The Sumerian forerunner to the Atrahasis pattern of
primeval history may be obtained from the Sumerian Del-
B. Patterns of Primeval History uge story, but extreme caution must be applied since only
Since the "patterns of primeval history" are common to 20 percent of the story is preserved. There is also a view
biblical and other literature, for convenience and clarity that the Enki and Ninmah story plus the Sumerian Deluge
the two distinct patterns are described in terms of the may give us a more nearly complete pattern (Kilmer 1976).
Mesopotamian cuneiform literature. The first pattern is The Akkadian story of the Worm and Toothache intrigu-
the narrative pattern of primeval history and it is derived ingly gives us the genealogical narrative of a worm that
from the Akkadian Epic of Atrahasis, the so-called Baby- claims as its ancestry none other than the retired chief of
lonian Flood Story (Lambert and Millard 1969). The sec- the Mesopotamian pantheon, Anu himself, but this story
ond is the genealogi,cal pattern, derived from the Sumerian lacks the great Flood. This may indicate either that the
genealogical material known as the Sumerian King List entire story is in the primeval historical context, or that it
(Jacobsen 1939) and other Mesopotamian genealogical ma- is from a separate tradition.
terial. The common characteristic of the two is the great 2. Genealogical Pattern. The Sumerian King List fur-
Flood standing at the end of the mythological or quasi- nishes the basic genealogical pattern with seven to ten
mythological epoch and ushering in the new, and more or generations from the beginning to the great Flood, de-
less "factual," epoch. The great Flood is the epoch divider, pending on how one counts them. The main characteristic
signaling the end of the primeval history and anticipating of these antediluvian kings is their extreme longevity, such
the beginning of a new age. as King Alulim reigning for 280,000 years. This makes the
1. N:arrative Pattern. The Atrahasis Epic furnishes us antediluvian period, though consisting only of seven or
with the basic narrative pattern of the primeval history ten generations, much longer than the postdiluvian pe-
(Laessl!)e 1956) in a five-story outline. The epic starts with riod, comprised of many generations. The postdiluvian
the beginning of the world, when only the gods existed. King Zambia, for instance, reigned only three years. The
The story tells us the reason why and the process by which great Flood (Sum AMARU, Akk abubu) thus bisects ancient
the gods created human beings. The next three stories are world history, establishing a historiographic time axis with
concerned with the very successful procreation and multi- such expressions as "before the Flood" (Akk lam abubi, cf.
plication of the human population and the gods' attempt lammabbul, Ps 29: 10) and "after the Flood" (Akk arki abubi,
to exterminate the ever-increasing population in three cf. Gen 9:28; 10: 1, 32; 11: 10), analogous to our convention
stages. But the human beings are saved from extinction at of B.C. and A.D. divisions in world history and "antebellum"
each of the three attempts. The second stage has two steps; and "postbellum" in American history.
somehow the gods had to intensify the extermination Although the Sumerian King List establishes the basic
effort, for the plan was not working well. In the third stage genealogical pattern of primeval history, perhaps more
we find the great Flood story. The last story relates the relevant to biblical studies is the Akkadian synchronic "List
postftood compromise among the gods concerning popu- of Sages" (van Dijk 1962). The kings and sages (Akk
lation control (Kilmer 1972). Thus, the topical outline of apkallu for antediluvian and Akk ummannu for postdilu-
the primeval history narrative may be articulated as fol- vian "sage") are listed side by side in this genealogy before
lows: the Flood as "(in the] time of Aialu the king, U'an was the
sage (apkallu)" and after the Flood as "[during the reign of
A. Creation: Gods' Work and Creation of Mankind Gilgam]sh, Sinligunninni was the sage (ummannu)." In this
B. First Threat to Mankind: Overpopulation and Con- list, the antediluvian period is accounted for in two genea-
trol by Plague logical lines, one line of kings and the other of sages. Also
C. Second Threat: Overpopulation and Control by note that the kings are associated with cities according to
Drought the Sumerian King List, whereas the sages are linked to
C'. Threat Intensified-Severer Means clever cultural inventions such as music, metallurgy, and
D. Third Threat: Overpopulation and Control by Flood the religious cult, and to "walking with god," especially in
E. Resolution: Population Control the light of the "List of Sages" and another list of sages
known as "The Etiological Myth of the 'Seven Sages' "
The historical time covered is from before the creation of (Reiner 1961).
mankind through the great Flood, to the post-Flood reso-
lution regarding the increasing population. Note that C. Purpose . . .
there are only three narrative generations of expansion The main purpose of the primeval history, be 1t ~n ~he
and diminution of the population, although these genera- form of narrative or genealogy, appears to be estabhshmg
tions are of l ,200 years each. The predominant theme is one's first section of credentials, tracing back to the very
how to deal with the ever-increasing population which even beginning of the world. The primeval history, in a small
the great Flood could not resolve. The Atrahasis Epic neat package, is a formal introduction to a history or to a
v. 463 PRIMEVAL HISTORY

biography, adding to it the notion of "deep time." Once resolution of the population problem is diametrically op-
the primeval history became concisely patterned in both posed. The book of Genesis insists that the multiplication
the narrative and genealogical tradition, it became a liter- of people is a divine blessing and tries to accommodate it
ary convention easily prefixed to any memory-based his- by dispersion of the population upon the face of the whole
tory, whether national or personal. earth, whereas in the Babylonian epic, birth control mea-
The great Flood became the primeval historical device sures are divinely instituted. This theological opposition
to separate the two major epochs; it is the ANE epoch may be accounted for by assuming two sociologically dif-
divider par excellence, lying between speculative history ferent communities; the Babylonian society was urban,
and memory-based history. Conversely, it may be consid- confined to a limited space, and menaced by overpopula-
ered as a bridge to fill in the gap between the two epochs. tion, while the Hebrew society was more rural, welcoming
The great Flood is a very convenient literary device for the population expansion. For the Hebrews, there was the
ancient historians; they need not claim any factual knowl- whole earth to expand into, while the Babylonians locked
edge of earlier things, since symbolically the flood washed themselves in the limited space of the walled city.
away all records. Thus, the great Flood signaled to the Certainly the themes of the biblical narrative are more
ancient reader that anything that had happened before it complex than just the compounding stages of population
was speculative and mythological rather than factual and expansion and diminution, although they are highlighted
concrete. as the predominant theme of the primeval historical nar-
rative. The biblical author, for instance, overlaid the nar-
D. Genesis 1-11 rative with the ethical structure that makes it a comple-
In the first eleven chapters of Genesis we have an exam- mentary part of the larger scheme of the whole Torah. In
ple of a full primeval history, where the five-point-outline the first story ethical perfection is declared: all things God
narrative and the double-line genealogical traditions (Wil- created were "very good." From the following story on,
son GHBW) are fused together into a single literary unit. people degenerate ethically, but God repeatedly tries to
The primeval history in turn constitutes the first and set them right by forgiving them. Despite repeated diso-
introductory cycle of the five cycles of the book of Genesis. bedience and rebellion in the three narrative generations
Then, on a still larger scale, the book of Genesis constitutes (namely Adam, Cain, and Noah), mankind is allowed to
the literary unit that introduces a five-book Torah (for a exist and continues to propagate, as commanded in the
brief discussion, see below). Observe also that all three of blessing of the creation story, "Be fruitful and multiply
the succeedingly larger units-the primeval history, the and fill the earth" (Gen I :28). As though to implement
book of Genesis, and the Pentateuch-conclude with ex-
this blessing, the fifth and last story (Gen 11: 1-9) accom-
actly the same motifs, among them the references to
modates the expanding population in a distinctively He-
Abraham, to someone (Terah, Joseph, Moses) dying, and
to the promised land still unreached. brew way. Note that this dispersion produces Abram in the
1. Narrative Pattern. There are five major stories told genealogy that follows, and that Abram is the key link
in Genesis 1-1 I: between the antediluvian primeval history and the postdi-
luvian patriarchal narrative (contra von Rad, Genesis OTL).
A. Creation, God's Work and Rest ( 1: 1-2:3) Thus, the primeval history of the Bible concludes with the
B. Adam and Eve, First Threat to Mankind (2:5-3:24) introduction of the first hero of the next epoch, Abram.
C. Cain and Abel, Second Threat to Mankind (4:1-16) 2. Genealogical Pattern. The genealogy (taledot) links
C'. Threat Intensified-Lamech's Taunt (4:23-24) the five stories of Genesis 1-11 together and binds them
D. The Great Flood, Third Threat, and Noah's Ark to the rest of the book (contra Westermann, Genesis BKAT).
(6: 1-9:29) Thus, there is a genealogy line corresponding to the story
E. Tower of Babel, Population Control by Dispersion line described in the previous section. See Fig. PRI.O 1. The
(1I:1-9) genealogy from Adam to Noah is either seven or ten
generations deep (Wilson GHBW), but the narrative rep-
The narrative structure of Genesis 1-11 conforms to the resents only three generations. Significantly, Genesis 4-5
five-point outline of the primeval history narrative of the preserves the antediluvian genealogy in double lines,
Atrahasis Epic (cf. Millard 1967). The creation story is the
cosmic introduction, majestically telling the story of divine a. Crealion
work and rest in the uniquely Hebrew seven-day week. Genealogy= Heaven and Earth 2:4 ..
Then'. three stories of the near extinction of newly created b. Adam and Eve
mankmd follow. Adam is almost killed but is allowed to "Genealogy"= Eve's Sons 4: l-2. . .. 2
live on and even to have children. Fifty percent of the Story
c. Cain and Abel
following generation is eliminated when Abel is killed but Line
Genealogy= Cain's Linc 4: I 7-21i . '.l
Cain lives on. Virtually everyone of Noah's generati~n is t'. Lamt'ch's Taunt
Ge11ealoh'"
Line
wiped off the earth, but the remaining ones repopulate Genealogy= Seth's Linc 5:1-'.\2 ..... T
the earth. Note that the sevenfold revenge instituted for d. Noah's Ark
~am ts echoed in Lamech's taunt but is intensified seventy Ccnealogv =Nation Table IO:l-'.l2 .. 4
limes (C and C'). The story of dispersion as a resolution c. Dispersion
to the.population problem concludes the primeval history. Cenealoh'). =Shem's Line 11: l 0-'.l2 .. ">
While the form and themes of the Genesis 1-11 narra-
tive parallel those of the Mesopotamian forerunners, the PRl.01. Pattern of story line and genealogy line in Genesis 1-11.
PRIMEVAL HISTORY

briefly interrupted by Lamech's taunt. Note that Cain is go down.·:, l~st they may not ... "); and the way in which
associated with a city as in the Mesopotamian genealogy of the two m1dw1ves are named, "the name of the one is
kings, while Jabal, Jubal, Tubal-cain, and Enoch are attrib- Shiphrah and the name of the other is Puah" (Exod 1: 15),
uted with cultural inventions and "walking with God," just echoes the way Lamech's wives are named in Gen 4: 19.
as are the Mesopotamian sages. The preservation of both While Exodus 1-2 parallels the Genesis 1-11 narrative,
the king-type figure and the sage-type figure in Genesis perhaps more striking parallels are found between it and
4-5 may reflect the ancient Mesopotamian synchronic list the Atrahasis Epic, especially in regard to the two opposing
of sages and kings, and this may perhaps help explain the divine forces working to destroy and to save the Hebrew
existence of two genealogies linking Adam to Noah (cf. population in Egypt. The primeval historical section of
Indian double genealogies of Manu). Moses' biography, however, upholds the blessing of Gene-
Also note that the historiographic expression "after the sis 1:28, symbolically removing Moses from the urban
Flood" is preserved in Gen 9:28; 10:1, 32; 11:10, indicat- center to the wilderness, anticipating the forthcoming
ing that the Flood is the epoch divider in the biblical event of the massive Exodus from Egypt. This, as well as
tradition as it is in the Mesopotamian. In this context, the dispersion story of Gen 11: 1-9, may be considered an
lammabbUl of Psalm 29: 10 may be seen contextually as an example of anti-Babylonian, antiurban rhetoric from the
equivalent to "before the Flood," since this expression is extra urban point of view.
paralleled to the cosmic time expression, "forever." The genealogical element of the primeval history is
concentrated in the beginning of the narrative and consti-
E. Other "Primeval History" Patterns in the Bible tutes a story unit (A. Creation by Procreation). "Joseph
Although there are many manifestations of the patterns was already in Egypt" (Exod 1:5) links this story unit to
of the primeval history in both the OT and NT, either the book of Genesis; genealogically, Moses becomes linked
directly conforming to them or obliquely alluding to them, to Adam. This genealogical line then is punctuated by
the intent and purpose of these passages must be evaluated Moses' own miniature Flood (D. Third Threat-"the
according to the position of each passage in its larger Flood"). Thus, complete history from the beginning on is
literary context. First, let us look at other biblical examples told on a biographical scale; one may state this as "biogra-
of the primeval history that preface the biography of phy recapitulates historiography."
Moses (Exodus 1-2) and Jesus (Matthew 1-3). Second, let 2. Matthew 1-3. The same phenomenon is observable
us examine a few sample passages that make oblique in Matthew's primeval history. "The book of 'Genesis' [Gk
reference to the primeval history. Genesis] of Jesus Christ" is how Matthew begins his gospel
1. Exodus 1-2. A type of primeval history is prefaced ( 1: 1) and as such one may expect allusion to the book of
to the biography of Moses. The narrative outline of Exo- Genesis. Matthew 1-3 certainly parallels not only Genesis
dus 1-3 is identical to Genesis 1-11: 1-11 but also Exodus 1-2; thus, it is also a primeval
historical biography. The following is the basic five-point
A. Creation by Procreation-Genealogy Linking to outline:
Genesis
B. First Threat to Hebrew Population-Affliction with A. "Creation" by Genealogy-Abraham to Jesus
Heavy Burdens B. Birth of Jesus
C. Second Threat-Tale of Two Midwives C. Three Wise Men
C'. Threat Intensified-Drowning of Children C'. Slaughter of the Innocents
D. Third Threat-"the Flood" and Moses' Ark D. Flight to Egypt and Return-a Little "Exodus"
E. Resolution-"Exodus" into Midian E. Baptism and Dove-a Little "Flood"

The predominant theme of population expansion and The story of three wise men is consigned here as a foil
diminution is clearly present and the solution to the popu- story to the slaughter-of-the-innocents story, yielding C
lation problem here is identical to the nomadic solution of and C' in the outline, primarily because (I) the principal
Genesis 11, that is, "dispersion" or a little "exodus," character of the birth, slaughter, and flight stories is the
wherein Moses goes away from the center of activity into divine agent who commands Joseph, whereas in the wise
the wilderness of Midian, just as Abram leaves an urban men story Herod is the one who commands and whose
center. Moses' murder of an Egyptian and relocation of command was not heeded by the wise men, and (2) there
himself to the wilderness may be analogous to the motif are almost verbatim threefold repetitions of the introduc-
sequence of the Cain and Abel story. tion to the angelic speeches in the birth, slaughter, and
Note some verbal allusions to the Genesis narrative, such flight stories, while the angel does not speak in the wise
as Moses' mother making for him the "ark" (Heb teba) of men story but compromises Herod's plan.
bulrushes pitched with pitch and mortar (Exod 2:3; cf. The birth story here fills B, and the story of the exter-
Gen 6: 14); Moses' mother "saw that he was good" (Exod mination of the undesirable population is now concen-
2:2; cf. Gen I :4, etc.); the children of Israel became trated in C'. The "flood" and "exodus" now switch places;
"fruitful" and abundant, and "multiplied" and became the flight into Egypt and return to Israel occupy D, wh.ile
strong, and "the earth was filled with them" (Exod 1:7, 12, the miniature "flood" (reminiscent of Exodus 2) occupies
20; cf. Gen 1:28). Note also the rhetorical features such as E in the form of the baptism, the salvation out of water
those seen in the speech of Pharaoh, "Come, let us deal with the presence of a dove. Nonetheless, at the end of
wisely with them, lest they multiply . . . " (Exod 1:10), Matthew 3 Jesus is placed in the wilderness just as was
echoing the speech of YHWH in Gen 11 :7 ("Come, let us Moses in Exodus 2.
v. 465 PRIMEVAL HISTORY

The structure of the narrative as a whole thus places F. Indo-European Literature

Jesus formally in the antediluvian primeval. history like A trace of the ANE convention of the primeval history
Noah and Moses, while the genealogy of A !mks Jesus to can be felt in the Old Iranian and Indian literature to the
the first Hebrew of the postdiluvian history. Thereby, east and in the classical material to the west.
Matthew has recast the time span from creation to Jesus in 1. Iranian 'Ihldition. The second book of the Vendidad
the primeval historical form of narrative. (Videvdat) includes a Zoroastrian version of the great Flood
3. Other Biblical Books. Both the OT and NT are full story, featuring Yima as the hero in a five-point outline
of allusions to and reflections of the primeval historical with the predominant theme of overpopulation:
outline and motifs. The following are some examples, and
one might be reminded that this is still a fruitful field of A. Introduction and Institution of First King Yima
B. Overpopulation and the First Expansion of Earth
future study. Aside liom the basic organization of the
C. Overpopulation and the Second Expansion of Earth
Torah and of Genesis, which is similar to that of Genesis
D. Overpopulation and the Third Expansion of Earth
1-11, the court history of David and Solomon is consid-
E. Overpopulation and the Preparation for the Flood
ered to parallel the narrative progression of the primeval
history of Genesis as originally suggested by Walter Brueg-
Note that while retaining the basic five-point outline of the
gemann ( 1968). The five-point outline of the parallel ac- primeval history, this account makes the Flood story oc-
counts is shown in Table 1. cupy the last position. However, Yima, the first man and
the first king (Christensen 1943), lives through all the
Genesis 1-11 2 Samuel-I Kings generations of overpopulation, interceding for his people
David saw Bathsheba very as did Atrahasis. In the end, to save mankind and preserve
A. Creation-God saw every-
thing very good: fob good: tob me'od the best of the creatures from the impending flood, Yima
is instructed to build an elaborate structure for salvation.
me'od
David and Bathsheba- But it is not clear whether the Flood is something that
B. Adam and Eve-death
death threat and curse happened in the past or that is going to happen in an
threat and curse
c. Cain and Abel-anger, Amnon and Absalom- eschatological future (cf. Gunkel 1895).
murder, exile hate, murder, exile 2. Indian 'Ihldition. From India we can recover both
D. Noah and the Flood- Rebellion of Absalom- the narrative and genealogical traditions that featured
new beginning for new beginning for Manu Vaivasvata as the Flood hero. He is the seventh Manu
Noah David according to the Vi,sriu Purana genealogy (Thapar 1976)
E. Dispersion-Tower of Solomon-Dispersion, and the Flood hero according to the 9th-century-B.C. story
Babel, name, city build- name, city building, of Manu and a Fish (O'Flaherty 1975). In the story of
ing, scattered people scattered realm Manu and a Fish we have a one-man or one-fish "overpop-
ulation" and Flood story. One day Manu saves a fish that
rapidly grows big. He tries to accommodate it in succeed-
Hesse and Kikawada (1984) have shown that the book of ingly larger containers but finally he has to release it in the
Jonah reverses the topical progression of Genesis 1-11. ocean. Some time later, the fish reappears to Manu, in-
That is, the book of Jonah ironically reverses the primeval structing him to tie a boat onto the horn growing on its
history, ending up with the creation motif in order to head so that Manu can be towed to the highest mountain
interpret the Mosaic covenant in a new light. It begins with to save himself from the impending Flood.
the "dispersion" story of Jonah, who is unwilling to go to The Indian genealogical material is more pertinent to
Nineveh and so journeys away from Mesopotamia. The the OT tradition than to Mesopotamian, for it preserves a
miniature "flood" story follows with many verbal echoes of compound pattern similar to the OT genealogy rather
the Noah story, then comes the "Cain and Abel" story of than to the simple linear genealogies of Mesopotamia. The
angry dialogue between YHWH and Jonah in which genealogical material of the Purana as summarized by
YHWH asks, "Does it do any good (he.teb, 4:4; cf. Gen 4:6- Thapar and compared to a summary of the OT genealogy
7) to be angry?" Also, the name Abel (habte faw') is hidden is depicted in Fig. PRI.02.
in the conclusion of the hymn of thanksgiving (Jonah 2:8). Observe the tripartite genealogical scheme: A is the
A little "Adam and Eve" story is told next in the episode of primeval historical section in double lines of sages/kings; B
the worm and the gourd tree under which a life-and-death is the branched genealogy section; and C returns to the
conversation takes place. The sixth day of the "creation" linear genealogy. In both the Indian and the OT genealo-
story in which man and cattle were created is again alluded gies, A and B are demarcated by the great Flood and B
to at the very end of the Jonah book in the phrase "and and C are separated by the war-i.e., the Mahabharata
much cattle." Note that the entire Jonah book is set in War for the former and the war between YHWH and
seven narrative days; three days in the fish's stomach, three Pharaoh (cf. Exod 15: 1-22) for the latter.
days to go across the great city, and the seventh day just to 3. Classical 'Ihldition. Beside Berossus' account of Bab-
sit and talk with God. In fact, the allusions to creation are ylonian history, we have the story of Deucalion and the
abundant, not only in that Jonah "fears YHWH, the God flood, from which we can recover many elements of pri-
of Heaven, who created the sea and the dry land," but all meval history. The Latin tradition also preserves it in the
through the book when God creates,' destroys, and manip- story told by Ovid. The most striking example, however, is
ulates natural phenomena at will as the creator. a brief scholiastic commentary on "the will of Zeus" (Iliad
PRIMEVAL HISTORY 466. v

Indian Genealogy OT Genealogy

First Manu

n
Adam
A.
Linear
Genealogy
Vaivasvata, Noah,
Seventh Manu the Flood Hero

The Great Flood Epoch Divider l

~I~
Ila Iksvaku Shem Ham Japheth
B.

~~
11
~
~ Branched
Genealogy

Ripunjaya Joseph

Mahabharata War War with Pharaoh Epoch Divider II

Magdha Dynasty Moses

Aaron c.
Linear
Joshua Genealogy
Judges
Kings
PRl.02. Comparative chart of Indian and OT genealogical patterns.

1.5). In it we find a summary of a long-lost story whose Christensen, A. 1943. Les Types du Premier Home et du Premier Roz.
outline is as follows: Archives d'Etudes Orientates 14/2. Leiden.
Dijk, J. van. 1962. Die Inschriftenfunde. Vorlaeufinger Berich ilber
A. Problem-burdened earth, overpopulation die von der Notgemeinschaft der Dautchen Wissenshaft 18: 45.
B. First Threat-Zeus sends Theban War, many de- Gunkel, H. 1895. Schiipfung und Chaos im Urzeit und Endzezt. Giittin-
stroyed gen.
C. Second Threat-Zeus plans to destroy people by Hesse, E.W., and Kikawada, I. M. 1984. Jonah and Genesis 1-11.
thunderbolts or flood. Momos dissuades Zeus from AJBI LO: 3-19.
this plan Jacobsen, T 1939. Sumerian King List. AS l I. Chicago.
Kikawada, I. 1974. Literary Conventions for Primeval History.
D. Third Threat-Momos suggests that Thetis marry a
mortal to create Achilles and that Zeus seduce Leda A}BI I: 3-21.
Kikawada, I., and Quinn, A. 1985. Before Abraham Was. Nashville.
to create Helen of Troy. This results in the Trojan
Kilmer, A. 1972. The Mesopotamian Concept of Overpopulation
War
and Its Solution as Reflected in the Mythology. Or 41: 160-77.
E. Resolution-many destroyed: earth's burden light-
- - . 1976. Speculations on Umul, the First Baby. AOAT 25: 265-
ened
70.
Kramer, S. 1968. The "Babel of Tongues": A Sumerian Version.
Although we may never know where and when the }AOS 88: 108-11.
concept of the primeval history was conceived and devel- Laess(<'le, J. 1956. The Atrahasis Epic: A Babylonian History of
oped, we find it earliest in Mesopotamian cuneiform liter- Mankind. BiOr 13: 90-102.
ature, and traces of it in the OT and in the literature of Lambert, W. G., and Millard, A. R. 1969. Atm-Hasis: The Balrylonian
India as well as Europe. Many other examples of this Story of the Flood. Oxford.
literary tradition may be hidden in other unexpected Millard, A. R. 1967. A New Babylonian "Genesis" Story. TynBul 18:
places. 1-18.
O'Flaherty, W. 1975. Hindu Myths. Harmondsworth.
Bibliography Reiner, E. 1961. The Etiological Myth of the Seven Sages. Or 30:
Ball, I. J. 1972. A Rhetorical Study of Zephaniah. Diss., Graduate l-11.
Theological Union. Thapar, R. 1976. Genealogy as a Source of Social History. The
Brueggemann, W. 1968. David and His Theologian. CBQ 30: 150- Indian Historical Review 4: 126.
ISAAC M. KIKAWADA
81.
v • 467 PRISCA

PRINCE. See PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF The resultant emergence of the Church, the body of
(POSTEXILIC JU DEAN OFFICIALS). Christ, testifies to the evil powers of the vast wisdom of
God (l Cor 2:6-7; Eph 3:10). Although defeated by the
cross-resurrection event, the powers are still active (Eph
PRINCIPALITIES AND POWERS. A common 6: 12; Gal 4:9). They are in the process of being abolished
translation of the NT terms archai and dynameis, which are (1 Cor 2:6) and will finally be destroyed at the consumma-
used primarily by Paul to designate angelic beings, both tion (1 Cor 15:24). Because of the work of Christ and his
good and evil, but most commonly in reference to the superior power, Paul can comfort the Church by assuring
realm of Satan. Several other terms are used in conjunction its members that no evil angelic power can separate them
with these to denote supernatural beings: exousiai ("au- from the love of God in Christ Jesus the Lord (Rom 8:38).
thorities"), archontes ("rulers"), thronoi ("thrones"), kyriotetes
("lordships"), kosmokratores ("world rulers"), and stoicheia Bibliography
("elemental spirits"). Arnold, C. E. 1989. Ephesians: Puwer and Magic. SNTSMS 63.
This collection of terms was not coined by the early Cambridge.
Christians, but was probably taken from the reservoir of Berkhof. H. 1977. Christ and the Puwers. Scottdale, PA.
terminology in lst-century-c.E. Jewish and pagan belief in Caird, G. B. 1956. Principalities and Puwers. Oxford.
reference to the angelic realm. The terms appear in the Carr, W. 1983. Angels and Principalities. SNTSMS. Cambridge.
OT pseudepigrapha, particularly the apocalyptic writings Dibelius, M. 1909. Die Geisterwelt im Glauben des Paulus. Gottingen.
(e.g., 2 En. 20: l; 1 En. 41 :9; 61: 10; cf. also Testament of Levi Everling, 0. 1888. Die paulinische Angelologie und Damonologie. Got-
3:8; Testament of Solomon 8:2; 18:2; 20:15). Many of the tingen.
terms are also used in the syncretistic Greek Magical Papyri Morrison, C. 1960. The Puwers That Be. SBT 29. London.
(PGM) to denote various supernatural beings (e.g., PGM I. Sch lier, H. 1961. Principalities and Puwers in the New Testament.
215; III. 35; IV. 1193, 1275, 1599, 2198-99; XXIIb. 2, 4, Freiburg.
7 [ = the Prayer ofjacob]). Wink, W. 1984. Naming the Puwers. Philadelphia.
In Ephesians, where there are more references to the - - . 1986. Unma.sking the Puwers. Philadelphia.
principalities and powers than any other epistle, they are CLINTON E. ARNOLD
regarded as evil and under the authority of the devil (Eph
6: 12; 2:2). Consequently, believers are called to resist their
influence by appropriating the power of God. The com- PRISCA (PERSON) [Gk Priska]. Var. PRISCILLA. An
pelling influence of these evil powers has been broken by important Christian missionary in the mid-1st century C.E.,
the Christ event. Christ has been exalted to the right hand mentioned in 1Cor16:19, Rom 16:3-5, and 2 Tim 4:19.
of God, a position of authority far above every conceivable She is called by the diminutive "Priscilla" in Acts 18:2-3
evil angelic being (Eph l :20; cf. also l Pet 3:22). By virtue (historically reliable traditions; Ludemann 1987: 206,
of their union with him, believers share in the authority of 209-10); and 18:18, 26.
Christ over the powers (cf. Eph 2:6) and may thereby Prisca was probably freeborn; epigraphical material in-
break the power of their control and influence (see Arnold dicates that ordinarily her name was not a slave name
1989: chap. 3). (Lampe StadtrChr, 151-52). She married Aquila, a tent-
The powers are seen by Paul as a fundamental factor in maker of Jewish origin. The couple were among the first
the heretical teaching threatening the health of the Colos- Christians in Rome who also belonged to the synagogues
sian church. Paul therefore stresses a cosmic christology of the city. Together with her husband and others, Prisca
(Col l: 15-20) affirming the superior position of Christ in spoke of Christianity in at least one of the Roman syn-
relation to the powers. Christ is also asserted as the ruling agogues. This Christian proclamation led to tumultuous
"head" over the principalities and powers (Col 2:10). The controversies among the Roman Jews, so that the adminis-
cross is seen as the point of decisive defeat: "on that cross tration of the emperor Claudius in 49 c.E. expelled from
he discarded [or, disarmed] the cosmic powers and author- Rome the main quarrelers, including Prisca and Aquila.
ities like a garment; he made a public spectacle of them The couple moved on to Corinth, where Paul first met
and led them as captives in his triumphal procession" (Col and lodged with them and worked in Aquila's workshop
2:15; NEB). The Colossian believers should therefore not (Acts 18:2-3). After more than a year and a half (Acts
submit themselves to the tenets of the heretical teaching, 18:11, 2; cf. Ludemann 1987: 207; LampeStadtrChr, 7-8),
which were ultimately inspired by the "elemental spirits" they moved to Ephesus, where they again were active as
(Col 2:8). In their solidarity with Christ's death, they missionary co-workers of Paul and formed a church in
should consider themselves immune to the influences of their home (l Cor 16: 19; cf. 2 Tim 4: 19; Acts 18: 18). The
these evil spirits (Col 2:20). couple "risked their necks" for Paul's life (Rom 16:4),
Deeply aware of the inttuence of "the god of this age" ( 1 probably during this stay in Ephesus, where Paul was
Cor 4:4), Paul sees demonic rulers (archontes) as ultimately exposed to serious dangers (1 Cor 15:32; 2 Cor 1:8-9).
respons1b!e for the death of Christ (1 Cor 2:8; see Eph 2:2 The historicity of the Ephesian episode about Apollos told
for a s111~1lar use of archon as an evil spirit being). These in Acts 18:26 is very doubtful (Ludemann 1987: 215-16);
powers did not understand the wisdom of God, who would parresiaz.esthai is a Lukan word; and there is a tension
use Christ's death for the actual defeat of the realm of evil between v 25 and v 26: Apollos already taught "accurately"
and thereby procure salvation for his people. Divine deliv- about Jesus (v 25) before he was instructed "more accu-
erance was necessary since humanity was in bondage to rately" by Prisca and Aquila (v 26). Luke, the advocate of
the realm of Satan and his minions (Eph 2:2; Gal 4:3, 8). the apostle Paul, suggests in v 26 that Prisca and Aquila
PRISCA 468. v
turned Apollos into a staunch supporter of Pauline Chris- offense by carrying out dull and heavy labor. The modern
tianity. Pre-Lukan tradition (cf. vv 24-25), however, knew idea of a prison as a penitentiary, where criminals are to
only that Apollos once worked in Ephesus at the same time be reformed into decent citizens, was foreign to ANE
as Paul, Prisca, and Aquila (cf. also 1 Cor 16:12, 19) and conceptions. For various other reasons, however, prisons
that Apollos was a Christian pneumatic (cf. also the Apol- played an important role in the penal system of the an-
los party in Corinth, 1 Cor 1: 12, in the context of the cients.
Corinthian pneumatics and enthusiasts, e.g., 1 Corinthians Pending his case, a suspect could be held in temporary
12-14). As such, Apollos was more likely a competitor of confinement. Thus, the Israelite wliman's son guilty of
Paul (l Cor I:l2; cf. 3:10b, 12-15) on whom the apostle blasphemy was put in custody (Heb miJmar), until a divine
could not at all impose his plans while he stayed in Ephesus verdict was reached (Lev 24: I 0-12). A similar treatment
(I Cor I 6: I 2). We do not know whether Prisca and Aquila was given to a violator of the Sabbath, until his death
at least housed Apollos in Ephesus (Acts 18:26; Weiser sentence was pronounced (Num 15:32-36). It should be
I985: 508). noted that, in these two instances, final judication was
The couple has often been depicted as wealthy, with reached through the consultation of the Lord. In this
Prisca of even higher social status than Aquila since her respect, the custody pending trial can be compared to the
name in most cases is placed before his (Rom I6:3; 2 Tim Mesopotamian practice of detaining convicts in a temple
4:19; Acts I8:I8, 26; e.g., McNicol HBD, 823-24). But prison prior to the river ordeal, attested in the so-called
evidence points against the couple's wealth. For a discus- Nungal Hymn. Not all cases of temporary detention were
sion, see AQUILA. References to Prisca before Aquila concluded by a divine verdict. Micaiah, the son of Imlah,
more likely indicate that she was even more active in was put in prison (bet hakkele') to allow the authorities to
church life than her craftsman husband. The context, verify his prophecy (1 Kgs 22:27; 2 Chr 18:26); and
Rom I6:2I-23, shows that socially respected persons were Joseph's objective in putting his brothers in custody (mi.S-
not necessarily named first (Gaius with his spacious dwell- mar) was to pressure them to comply with his demand
ing and Erastus, the city treasurer, appear last). Paul (Gen 42: 17). In Old Babylonian letters from Mari, refer-
esteemed a person's work for the church (Rom I6:3b, 4, ence is sometimes made to a period of detention during
Sa, 2I), not the person's status in the pagan society (cf. Gal which the king can make up his mind what to do with the
3:28). Luke, on the other hand, mentioning Prisca first in wrongdoer (e.g., ARM VI 42: 8-10). Examples of tempo-
Acts I8: I8, 26, would probably have liked to report her rary detention pending clarification of a case are also
elevated social status if he had known about it; he fre- found in the NT (Acts 5: 17-25; 16:23-24).
quently pointed out the participation of distinguished The need for cheap labor forces often led the authori-
women in Christianity (e.g., Luke 8:3; Acts I7:4, I2; cf. ties to create compounds where prisoners of war and
I 7:34; I6: I4). political adversaries were put to work. These places are
Around 55 or 56 c.E. (after Claudius' death in 54 c.E. sometimes designated as "prisons," though the Latin term
and between the writing of I Corinthians and Romans), ergastula (i.e., places of enforced labor) might be more
the couple returned to Rome (Rom I6:3-5). This last move correct. The practice is exemplified in the treatment Sam-
may have been strategically motivated: Prisca and Aquila son received at the hands of the Philistines: they gouged
were possibly sent as Paul's vanguard to Rome, where he out his eyes, bound him with bronze fetters (Heb nel;uJ-
a
wanted to establish firm footing for his gospel before tayim), and forced him to grind (wayehi fol;en) in "the house
continuing to Spain. In Rome Prisca and Aquila again of the prisoners" (Mt hii'asirim, Judg 16:21). Jer 52: 11
hosted a house-church. They were the first to receive offers a parallel in the description of Zedekiah's fate:
greetings from Paul in Romans 16, where Paul praised Nebuchadnezzar punished his rebellious vassal by blinding
them. Their prominence as Paul's co-workers was remem- him, binding him with bronze fetters, and putting. him
bered by the later church; 2 Timothy used their names for into "the house of the mill" (LXX). The more fragmentary
its fictitious historical frame, at the beginning of a list of indications concerning the measures taken against Hoshea
greetings (4: I 9). Church tradition of the 6th century (2 Kgs 17 :4), Manasseh (2 Chr 33: 11 ), and Jehoiachin (2
claimed that the house-church of Prisca and Aquila was Kgs 25:27; cf. Jer 52:31) do not exclude the possibility that
the basis of the later Roman "title"-church, "Prisca," on they were submitted to analogous humiliations (cf. 2 Kgs
the Aventine. There is no proof for this connection or for 25:7 and Jer 39:7 with Jer 52: I I; for the blinding of
any relation to the Roman catacomb "Priscilla" (Lampe enslaved prisoners-a preventive against attempts to es·
StadtrChr, I I, 24-25 ). cape-see also I Sam 11 :2; Isa 42:7; and Hdt. 4.2). The
Bibliography designation "house of the mill," preserved by the LXX m
Ludemann, G. 1987. Das friihe Chri.stentum nach den Traditionen der Jer 52: I I, reflects the Akkadian term bit ararri, "hollse of
Apostelgeschichte. Gottingen. the miller, mill," mentioned in a number of cuneiform
Schussler Fiorenza, E. 1983. In Memory of Her. New York. texts as a place of detention for either distrainees or
Weiser, A. 1985. Die Apostelgeschichte JI. OTK. Gutersloh. persons under arrest pending their case. I_n f~ct, many of
PETER LAMPE the Akkadian terms rendered somewhat md1fferently as
"prison " such as $ibittum and nupiirum, refer to "work·
shops" ~here forced labor was performed. According to
PRISON. In ancient Israel, mere imprisonment was not Ps I07:IO-I6 the deported Israelites ended up in such a
recognized as a formal punishment. When a convict was place; they had "hard labor" ('amal) imposed on them,
sentenced to prison (Ezra 7:26), he was to make good his while they were bound with iron and locked behind doors
v. 469 PROCESSIONS

of bronze with metal bars (see also Isa 42:7; Ps 105: 17-18; (LXX ochyroma, "fortress") in which the >a.sirim (Ketib:
Lam 5:13). >asurim) of the pharaoh were kept. The biblical description
In some cases imprisonment was resorted to less for corresponds to Egyptian practice as we know it from the
economic than for political reasons. The Aramaic Sefire hieroglyphic records: those who were condemned to de-
inscriptions suggest that a high-ranking political rival was tention and forced labor were relegated to a fortified
more likely to be imprisoned ('sr) than to be killed (KAI building (often called pr .sn<), supervised by one of pha-
224.18). The treatment of several Israelite and Judean raoh's officials. How general a term bit habbar came to be is
kings referred to above corroborates this impression (see apparent from Jer 37:15-16, where the four terms bit
also l Mace 14:2-3 for similar measures taken by Arsaces ha>esilr, "house of the fetters," bit hak.kele', "house of deten-
against Demetrius). Such a solution was not adopted on tion," bit habbOr, and halµfouyot, "the storerooms," are ap-
humanitarian grounds but because of fear of an outburst plied to one and the same place, viz., an ordinary dwelling
of popular indignation. That is why Herod preferred to house which had been turned into a prison.
send John the Baptist to jail instead of executing him (Matt The multiplicity of nonspecific terms suggests that in
14:3-5). Similar considerations may have underlain the ancient Israel no special constructions were designed in
decision to incarcerate Jeremiah (Jer 37: 15-16) and the which prisoners could be lodged. This situation compares
seer Hanani (2 Chr 16:10). Conditions in the prison were well with the data furnished by Mesopotamian texts, ac-
such, however, that many a prisoner died of disease or cording to which persons under arrest were occasionally
malnutrition, as Mesopotamian ration lists show. Since confined for work in rather harmless places like the nak-
food rations were meager (I Kgs 22:27) and the treatment kamtum, "granary," or the kalakkum, "silo" (cf. the reference
harsh, a prisoner ('asir) might appropriately be counted in Isa 42:22 to !iurim, LXX tamieia, "storerooms," as a
among "those doomed to die" (Pss 79: 11; 102:21). Consid- Babylonian place of detention). People could be detained
ering these circumstances, imprisonment could be a con- in a palace "court of the guard" (!ill$ar hammaffara, Jer
venient way of disposing of opponents; without incurring 32:2) equipped with a dungeon (bor, Jer 38:6), in an annex
apparent bloodguilt, one simply made one's adversary of the temple (Jer 20:2) or in a private house. Other
"disappear" (cf. Gen 37:22-24; Jer 38:6-9). Hebrew terms, such as ma.sger (cf. Aram msgrt in KAI 215.4,
Defaulting debtors were a specific category of prisoners, 8), "place of imprisonment," (bet) mi.Smar, "(house of) cus-
constrained to forced labor until their debt had been paid tody," bet happequddot (Jer 52: 11), bet hammahpeket, "house
(Matt 18:28-30; Luke 12:58-59). The tasks imposed on of the stocks" (2 Chr 16: I 0), kelu>, and keli>, remain too
them were similar to those performed by prisoners of war; general for identification with specific buildings. More is
judging from the cuneiform records, grinding and weav- known of the prisons mentioned in the NT (called phylake
ing were their main activities. Oftentimes it was not the or desmoterion). They sometimes consisted of several cells
debtor himself, but his wife or children, who were taken (called oikemata, Acts 12: 7), the central one of which was
by the creditor (2 Kgs 4:1; Isa 50:1; Neh 5:5). Isa 40:2
considered the most secure and unpleasant (Acts 16:24).
refers to this practice, using it as a metaphor for the
situation of the deported Israelites: the Exile has been
Bibliography
their involuntary service by which they had to pay off (r$h)
Frymer, T. S. 1974. The Nungal-Hymn and the Ekur-Prison.
their guilt (<awon). Study of the Mesopotamian evidence
]ESHO 20: 78-89.
makes it likely that the debtors and/or their families were
not simply toiling in the home of their creditor, but in Gelb, I. J. 1973. Prisoners of War in Early Mesopotamia.]NES 32:
constructions that are called "prisons" (Akk bft kfli) or 70-98.
"houses of servitude" (Akk bit ki.ISatim; cf. Heb bit <a&adim). Porten, B., and Greenfield, J.C. 1969. The Guarantor at Elephan-
Reduced to (temporary) slavery, they probably found tine-Syene.]AOS 89: 153-57.
themselves in the company of prisoners of war, together Toorn, K. van der. 1986. Judges XVI 21 in the Light of the
with whom they formed the group of people referred to Akkadian Sources. VT 36: 248-53.
as >a.sirim, "detained persons" (cf. Akk a.sfnl). Vergote, J. 1959. Joseph en Egypte. Lou vain.
Closely related to imprisonment because of guilt was the KAREL VAN DER TOORN
practice of forcing a debtor to pay by taking a distrainee.
B. Porten and J. C. Greenfield sec this custom reflected in
pleas such as Isa 38: 14, which they translate, "Oh Lord, I PRISON, SPIRITS IN. See SPIRITS IN PRISON.
am being distrained; be Thou my guarantor" (cf. Ps
119: 122). The distrainee served in fact as a hostage. Such
a hostage could be kept in a "house of custody" (bit mi.Smar) PROCESSIONS. Ancient cultures throughout the
for other reasons as well (Gen 42: 18-20). world performed processions for any number of reasons:
In its simplest form the prison was a cave (Josh 10:16- to avert disaster, to ensure the fertility of crops, to en-
18) or-more frequently-a "pit" (bOr), a usage reminis- throne a king, to welcome a conquering ruler, to accom-
cent of a nomadic lifestyle (Gen 37:22-24; Jer 38:6-13; pany a wedding or funeral, or to honor a deity. Religious
Zech 9: 11; cf. ARM III 36: 17-20, where an evildoer risks processions, for the most part, fell into one of three
being thrown into a "pit" [~iritum)). This ancient form of categories: (I) the magic procession, a ritual meant to
1mpnsonment has survived in the Hebrew term bit habbOr ensure a beneficial or prevent a harmful effect, (2) the
(or simply. b6r, Gen 40:15; 41:14), designating various offering procession, a presentation of gifts to the gods,
types of prisons (Exod 12:29; Jer 37: 16). In Gen 40: 15 the and (3) the epiphany procession, which featured the man-
term bOr refers to the bet ha.ssohar, "house of the enclosure" ifestation of a particular deity through the symbols or the
PROCESSIONS 470. v
image of that god, and which sometimes also included paraded through the streets of Athens which the people
ritually reenacted myths of the deity. of Athens pr~se.nted, along with many other offerings, to
Processions, a significant part of the cultus of ancient Athena, the cny s patroness. The Parthenon frieze now in
Israel, are depicted throughout the OT. The NT also has the British Museum, depicts this procession. '
a few accounts of processions. In addition, the NT includes In the later Hellenistic culture and the Hellenized cul-
some passages where processional language is used figu- ture of the E portion of the Roman Empire, there was an
ratively. The processions portrayed in the Bible grew out i~creasing flexibility in the structure of religious proces-
of the ritual practices of the ANE culture and the Helle- s10ns. Although most of these processions were modeled
nized culture of the E Roman Empire. The present study after the processions of the classical Greek polis, there
will investigate the processions of the above-mentioned were, nevertheless, significant changes which resulted
cultures insofar as they provide a context for understand- from various factors, such as the cultural influence of the
ing the processions in the Bible. (See Nussbaum RAC, 9: East, the prosperity of the age, and the separation of the
908-1049; Bomer PW, 21: 1878-1974; Cross CMHE.) procession from the specific ritual function it had in the
Greek city. Among the more important changes were:
A. Processions in the ANE and Greco-Roman World (I) processions coming into the hands of private cults or
I. Processions in the ANE individuals who used them primarily for propagandistic
2. Greek and Hellenistic Processions purposes, (2) epiphany processions becoming the domi-
3. The Roman Triumphal Procession nant type of procession, and (3) processions often becom-
4. The Procession as a Literary Motif ing more extravagant at the expense of their underlying
B. Processions in the Bible religious meaning.
I. OT 3. The Roman 1Humphal Procession. Probably the
2. NT most famous procession in Roman times was the Roman
triumphal procession celebrated at Rome on the occasion
A. Processions in the ANE and Greco-Roman World of a victory over enemies of state. The Roman procession,
1. Processions in the ANE. The majority of the proces- the offspring of an ancient Etruscan ritual, was originally
sions in the ANE were epiphany processions which sym- an epiphany procession, with the triumphant general ap-
bolically repeated and so reactualized the mythic actions pearing as the living image of Jupiter Optimus Maximus.
of the gods. These epiphany processions usually occurred By the time of the empire, however, the triumph was
in the context of a religious festival. In fact, they repre- celebrated as an offering procession held to honor the
sented the high point of the religious festivals in the ANE. gods in thanksgiving for the victory. The procession con-
One such procession, often compared to the Feast of sisted of the entrance into the city of the Roman magis-
Tabernacles procession and other rituals in the Hebrew trates, the Senate, people carrying booty from the cam-
Bible, was the procession which took place at the climax of paign, sacrificial bulls, and enemy captives (who were
the Babylonian akitu festival. See AK ITU; NEBO (DE- executed at the end of the ceremony), followed by the
ITY). victorious general on a chariot leading his army.
The akitu festival was a New Year Festival which reen- 4. The Procession as a Literary Motif. Given the impor-
acted the myth of creation. As such, it ritually reestab- tance of religious processions in Greco-Roman times, it is
lished the order of nature and society. The procession not surprising that the procession came to be used as a
took place at the climax of the festival, featuring the king common literary motif. For example, the popular philoso-
leading the statue of the god Marduk and the other major phers of the time condemned the procession for its extrav-
deities of the empire through Babylon to the bit akfti ("the agance and frivolity, and as a result, it became the meta-
temple of the akftu festival"), which lay outside the city. phorical equivalent of the ostentatious ceremony devoid of
The procession symbolized the victorious army of the gods content. Likewise, the triumphal procession was used fig-
who, together with Marduk, destroyed the forces of chaos uratively in Latin literature and poetry. Seneca compares
prior to creation. his dependence on his benefactor to the humiliating ex-
2. Greek and Hellenistic Processions. While epiphany perience of being "led in triumph" (Ben. 2.11. I), whereas
processions dominated ANE cultic practices, offering pro- Ovid writes of love having vanquished and led him in a
cessions were prominent in the classical Greek world. In triumphal procession (Am. 1.2.27-30). On the other hand,
Greece, as in the ANE, processions usually occurred in a religious writers, both Christian and non-Christian, used
larger ritual context as demonstrated by the fact that all of the image of the epiphany procession as a metaphor to
the great Greek processions were connected with festivals compare the fact that the human person bears the image
and, conversely, nearly every important festival contained of God in the same way that the epiphany procession
a procession as part of its celebration. The close ties carries around the deity (lgn. Eph. 9.2; Clem. Al. Protr.
between the festivals and processions can be seen by the 4.59.2; Midr. Ps 17:8).
frequent use of the suffix -phoria in the festival names (e.g.,
Thesmophoria, Arrephoria, Oschophoria, Daphne- B. Processions in the Bible
phoria). This suffix is derived from the verb pherein ("to 1. OT. a. Elements of OT Processions. The elements
carry") signifying the bearing of specific offerings or cult of the ancient Israelite procession can be culled from
objects in procession. various places in the OT. 2 Samuel 6 and I Kings 8 give
One of the most important processions in Athens was specific accounts of cultic processions. The Psalms also
connected with the great Panathenaea, a festival held every contain numerous allusions to processions (Psalms 68: 47;
four years. During this festival, a peplos, or robe, was 118). In addition to these passages, several etiological
v. 471 PROCESSIONS

accounts of cultic processions from early OT times appear I 06-92) has claimed that the ancient autumn Feast of
in Joshua 3-6. These passages demonstrate some of the Tabernacles was originally a New Year Festival, a finding
most important elements of Israelite.processions. . which would suggest that the Feast of Tabernacles shared
The focus of the Israelite procession was the ark. This many characteristics with the Canaanite and Babylonian
is clearly evident in 2 Samuel 6, the most detailed proces- New Year Festivals. Mowinckel further postulated that, as a
sional account in the OT. Music also figured prominently New Year Festival, the Feast of Tabernacles featured as its
in these processions. 2 Samuel 6 depicts musicians playing primary event the enthronement of Yahweh. As in the
lyres (knrwt), harps (nblym), tambourines (tpym), systrums Babylonian akitu festival, one of the central elements of
(mn'n'ym), and cymbals (~/Jlym); whereas the procession in the autumnal Feast of Tabernacles was the procession. The
Ps 68:25-27 is accompanied by singers (srym), musicians Israelite procession featured the carrying of the ark, the
(ngnym), and young women playing tambourines (twppwt). symbol of Yahweh, to the temple, where Yahweh, having
2 Sam 6: 15 and Ps 47:6 also mention a "cry of homage" previously defeated the forces of chaos, was proclaimed
(trw'h) performed by the people and the sounding of the king. Although Mowinckel saw this annual festal proces-
ram's horn (swpr). sion reflected in the description of the consecration festival
Processions in Jerusalem entered the temple court of 2 Samuel 6, he also suggested that Psalm 132 is the
through the Eastern g·ate, possibly on a highway (mslwt, Ps "text" of this ritual procession ( 1962: 174).
84:6) built especially for these events. At the gate of the Kraus (1965: 183-88) has agreed that an important
courtyard, prior to the entrance of the procession, an Israelite ritual, culminating in a procession to the temple,
entrance liturgy was intoned. The liturgy consisted of a occurred during the Feast of Tabernacles. Kraus has also
litany of questions and answers performed by those inside connected this procession with that described in 2 Samuel
the courtyard and those in the procession (Psalms 15; 24; 6 and, like Mowinckel, understood Psalm 132 to be "a
cf. Ps 118: 19-20; Isa 26: 1; 33: 14-16). selection of the ritual" (1965: 185). However, Kraus main-
As the above survey shows, certain details about proces- tains that the procession to the temple was strictly a reen-
sions in ancient Israel can be extracted from the biblical actment of historical events, specifically the arrival of the
texts. Nevertheless, the origin, frequency, and significance ark in the city chosen by Yahweh and the covenant with
of Israelite processions are disputed, primarily because of the Davidic dynasty.
the uncertainty of the origin and significance of Israelite Porter's work ( 1954) provides a compromise to these
cultic practices. Two schools of thought, the Myth and seemingly contrary positions. Porter suggests that the de-
Ritual school and the History of Redemption school, dom- scription of the procession and festival found in 2 Samuel
inate the discussion. 6 is the account of the festival which was celebrated at the
The Myth and Ritual school traces its origin to Sigmund enthronement of David in Jerusalem, while Psalm 132
Mowinckel (1884-1965). From his analysis of the Psalms, reflects the cultic commemoration of that event in Israelite
Mowinckel speculated that the rituals of Israel dramatically worship. According to Porter, the procession and festival
reenacted a common ANE cosmogonic myth. Subsequent depicted in 2 Samuel 6 were part of a Canaanite corona-
studies by students of the Myth and Ritual school have tion rite introduced by David on the occasion of his acces-
further developed Mowinckel's theory, filling out details sion to the throne in Jerusalem. As such, 2 Samuel 6
by investigating similar festivals from surrounding cul- depicts the earthly exaltation of David which, in turn,
tures. They have emphasized the central role played by reflects the cosmic exaltation of Yahweh. This coronation
the Israelite king, positing him as Yahweh's representative rite was later celebrated in the cultus, and it is the later
who performed in the ritual and in history what Yahweh celebration which is reflected in Psalm 132. The psalm
accomplished in the mythical and cosmic realm. The His- recalls the historical hope of the perpetuation of the Da-
tory of Redemption school based its theory on form- vidic dynasty promised by Yahweh.
critical investigation of early historical and covenant tradi- Miller and Roberts ( 1977) have challenged the assump-
tions. This school has interpreted the ritual practices of tion that 2 Samuel 6 is connected to the annual Feast of
Israel as dramatically reenacting the significant events of Tabernacles. Instead they have described 2 Samuel 6 as the
Israel's history: the Exodus and Conquest. account of a singular event, a procession celebrating the
Cross has attempted to synthesize these two viewpoints. return of an exiled god to his city. They have cited as
In his studies on the background and function of Israelite evidence parallels from Babylonian annals which describe
ritual, Cross ( 1966; CMHE, 79-111) argues that "the ap- Marduk's return, in procession, to the city of Babylon after
parently opposed views of the history of Israel's cultus an exile of eleven years.
prove to be complementary" ( 1966: 27). He contends that More recently, McCarter (2 Samuel AB, 180-82) has
the cosmogonic elements in the cultus were from the suggested that 2 Samuel 6 is neither the account of a
~artiest strata of Israelite history and experienced a revival procession of the Feast of Tabernacles nor a depiction of
m the cultus of the Monarchy, whereas the historical the return of an exiled deity. Instead, he has proposed
elements in the cult us originated at the time of the Israelite that this passage reflects a ceremony introducing a god
league. into a new royal city.
b. 2 Samuel 6. Scholars have generally regarded the c. Processions of the Gilgal Sanctuary. The acts of
processi?n described in 2 Samuel 6 as part of the yearly worship at the sanctuary of Gilgal, one of the most impor-
celebrauon of the Feast of Tabernacles in ancient Israel tant sanctuaries in early OT times, apparently included
despite the fact that they have disputed whether that several processions of the ark. The cultic legend of the
fesuval was a celebration of cosmogonic events, of Israelite crossing of the Jordan and of the entry into Canaan
history, or of a combination of the two. Mowinckel (1962: preserved in Joshua 3-4 bears all the marks of a ritual
PROCESSIONS 472 • v
procession reenacting a significant event from Israelite at the acclamation of Jehu as king (2 Kgs 9: 13). John's
history. In this account the ark led the procession (Josh depiction of people coming out of Jerusalem to meet Jesus
3:3) while the Israelite people followed at a specified corresponds to Hellenistic convention. Rulers claiming sov-
distance (Josh 3:4). Kraus (1965: 159) has suggested that ereignty over a city were sometimes met outside the gates
Psalm 114 is a hymn based on the cultic tradition of this of that city by its citizens and escorted inside in procession.
passage. b. The Procession as a Literary Motif in the Pauline
Joshua 6 contains a report of the circumambulation of Literature. While there are not many actual processions
the ark with priests and trumpets (sprwt) around the city portrayed in the NT, there are several passages where the
of Jericho. Since this passage reads more like an account procession is employed figuratively. One passage, Col 2: 15,
of a cultic procession than a record of a military maneuver, uses the verb thriambeuein, a term associated with the
it seems to be an etiological justification for the ritual Roman triumphal procession, to portray Christ leading the
practices of a later time, most likely a procession which "principalities" (archai) and "powers" (exousiai) in proces-
ritually repeated Israel's conquest of the Canaanites. sion. The verse shows Christ in the position of the trium-
d. Processions in the Apocrypha. There are several phant general parading his defeated prisoners.
places in the Apocrypha which mention Hasmonean pro- Language from Greco-Roman processions also appears
cessions (I Mace 13:5; 2 Mace 10:7). Additionally, 2 Mace in 2 Cor 2:14-6:13; 7:2-4 (Duff 1988). Throughout this
6:7 describes a Dionysus procession in which Antiochus section, Paul uses the motif of the procession to describe
Epiphanes forced the Jews to participate. his apostolic ministry. The section begins in 2: 14: "Thanks
1 Mace 13 :51 reports the triumphal entry of Simeon be to God, who in Christ always leads us in triumph
and the Jewish people into Jerusalem after enemy troops (thriambeuein)." 2 Cor 2:14, like Col 2:15, allludes to the
had been expelled from the Akra, the fortified citadel triumphal procession, as the use of thriambeuein clearly
within the city. This procession featured musicians playing shows. However, Paul's meaning in 2 Cor 2: 14 is disputed.
harps (kinyrai), cymbals (kymbala), and stringed instru- Paul obviously describes himself as a participant in God's
ments (nablai), while the people carried palm branches triumphal procession, but what exactly is his role? Some
and sang hymns. 2 Mace 10:7 portrays a procession cele- scholars would interpret 2 Cor 2: 14 in the manner of
brating the purification of the temple. The latter proces- Colossians. In this case Paul would be describing himself
sion is particularly interesting because it reflects both Jew- as a prisoner of war, defeated by God. Other scholars insist
ish and Greek cultic practice, clearly demonstrating the that this image is too harsh, and they would read the
flexibility of processions in the Hellenistic period. In this passage as comparing Paul to the soldiers in the victorious
procession, the Jews carried branches, palm fronds, and general's triumphant army. In 2 Cor 2:14b--16 Paul fur-
thyrsoi or ivy-wreathed staffs. On the one hand, the Mishna ther describes himself as the "aroma" (osme) and "incense"
reports that branches were carried in the Feast of Taber- (euodia) of Christ. This description recalls the fragrant
nacles procession (Sukk. 4:5). On the other hand, thyrsoi substances that frequently accompanied epiphany proces-
were well-known implements from the cult of Dionysus, sions in the ancient world. Paul depicts his apostolic role in
ivy being sacred to that deity. 2 Cor 4: 10 with the verb peripherein ("to carry around"), a
2. NT. a. The Entry of Jesus into Jerusalem. The most term often used to depict the bearing of cult objects or
significant of the few processions depicted in the NT are offering gifts in procession. He describes himself as "al-
the accounts of Jesus' entry into Jerusalem (Matt 21: 1-9; ways carrying around (peripherein) the dying of Jesus" in
Mark 11:1-10; Luke 19:28-40; John 12:12-19). The Syn- his body. The self-description figuratively portrays Paul's
optic accounts portray an impromptu procession of Jesus missionary journeys as a cultic procession. Paul recognizes
and his followers entering the holy city, while John de- that his attempts to spread the gospel were not unlike the
scribes a large crowd of people from the city who have proselytizing efforts of the epiphany processions of the
come out to meet Jesus and escort him into Jerusalem. All time. His self-characterization as "carrying around the
four evangelists portray Jesus as a royal figure. The men- dying of Jesus" calls to mind the display of cult objects or
tion of David in Matt 21 :9 and Mark 11: 10, Luke's inser- even the portrayal of scenes from the life of a deity in the
tion of ho ba.sileus ("the king") into the quotation of Psalm epiphany processions of the Greco-Roman world. At the
118, and John's addition of ho ba.sileus tou Israel ("the king
close of the section, in 2 Cor 6: 13 and 7:2, Paul addresses
of Israel") to the quotation of the same psalm demonstrate
the Corinthians directly: "Be wide open for us .... Make
that the procession represents the victorious entry of a
room for us" (platunthete kai hymeis . ... choresate hemas).
king into his city. The leafy branches (stibades) in the
This language is reminiscent of the cry of the herald, the
Markan account and the palm branches (ta baia ton phoini-
kon) in the Johannine report are reminiscent of the foliage cultic official responsible for leading the procession. Apu-
carried in the procession of the Feast of Tabernacles and leius, in his account of the Isis procession, illustrates the
the palm branches carried in the procession of Simeon role of this official (Apul. Met. 273.13-14): "And there
into Jerusalem after Israel's enemies had been expelled were many whose job it was to cry out, 'm.ake .the road
from the Akra (1Mace13:51). See also HOSANNA. In the clear for the sacred objects' " (et pleriquz qui facilem sacru
latter account, the Jews enter Jerusalem in procession in viam dari praedicarent).
order to reclaim their city. Likewise, the evangelists portray
Jesus as the messianic king who enters Jerusalem in the Bibliography
manner of a royal figure come to claim his city. The Cross, F. M. 1966. The Divine Warrior in Israel's Early Cult. Pp.
spreading of garments before Jesus in the Synoptic ac- 11-30 in Biblical Motifs, ed. A. Altmann. Cambridge, MA.
counts calls to mind a similar incident reported in the OT Duff, P. 1988. Honor or Shame: The Language of Processions and
v. 473 PROCURATOR
Perception in 2 Cor 2:14-6:13; 7:2-4. Ph.D. Diss., University such as Judea, or a personal agent of the emperor. The
of Chicago. Latin word procurator derives from the preposition pro, "on
Kraus, H.-J. 1965. Worship in Israel. Trans. G. Buswell. Richmond, behalf of," and the verb curo, "to care for." A procurator
VA. is, then, one who acts to care for something on behalf of
Miller, P. D., Jr., and Roberts, J. J.M. 1977. The Hand of the Lord. someone else. The only usage of the word in the 500-year
Baltimore. period of the Roman Republic was as a technical juridical
Mowinckel, S. 1962. The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 2 vols. Trans. D. term signifying the legally authorized agent of an individ-
R. Ap-Thomas. Oxford. ual charged with the conduct of business or the supervi-
Nilsson, M. P. 1916. Die Prozessionstypen im griechischen Kult. sion of property on behalf of that individual. The term
}DAI 31: 309-39. continued to have the same meaning throughout the im-
Pallis, S. A. 1926. The Balr;lonian Akitu Festival. Det. Kgl. Danske perial era and was generally so used. When applied to
Videnskabernes Selskab. Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser 12/ personal agents of the emperor, however, procurator could
I. Copenhagen. either indicate anyone acting on the emperor's business or
Porter, J. R. 1954. The Interpretation of 2 Samuel VI and Psalm signify a specific government officer whose service for the
CXXXII.}TS 5: 161-73. emperor warranted the official title of procurator (Jones
Versnel, H. S. 1970. Triumphu.s. Leiden. 1960: 117-18).
PAUL BROOKS DUFF Under the empire minor Roman provinces such as Ju-
dea, Thrace, Rhaetia, Noricum, and Mauretania were gov-
erned by officials designated procurators. These gover-
PROCHORUS (PERSON) [Gk Prochoros]. The name nors had risen through the military and civil service career
Prochorus, a rather uncommon Greek name at the time ladder habituated by ambitious equestrians and, if success-
(Foakes Jackson and Lake 1933: 4, 66), occurs only in Acts ful in their procuratorial post, could anticipate advance-
6:5, where Prochorus is one of seven gifted leaders "of ment to one of the several prefectures which comprised
good repute, full of the spirit and of wisdom" (Acts 6:3) the ultimate office for men of equestrian rank. The estab-
who were chosen to look after the needs of the Hellenistic lishment of equestrian procuratorships has traditionally
Jewish Christian widows who had been neglected in the been linked to the inception of the principate with Augus-
"daily distribution" (Acts 6: 1). Since all seven had Greek tus' division of the empire for administrative purposes into
names and only one of them, Nicolaus, is explicitly called imperial and senatorial provinces (Pfiaum 1950: 1-56,
a proselyte, it is probable that the other six, including passim; Salmon 1968: 74-94). In light of recently discov-
Parmenas, were either Jews born in the Diaspora or Pales- ered epigraphic evidence, that view is no longer tenable.
tinian Jews with Greek names (as would be the case with A variety of inscriptions indicate that during the reigns of
Jesus' disciples Andrew and Philip). The work of two of Augustus and Tiberius, the later procuratorial provinces
them, Stephen (Acts 6:8-8:2) and Philip (Acts 8:5-40; were in fact administered by equestrians with the title of
21: 8), makes it clear that the seven did not limit themselves praefectu.s. Jones (1960: 117-25) not only calls attention to
to "serving tables" (Acts 6:2) but functioned for the Helle- this information, but rightly notes the inconsistency of
nists in the way that the Twelve did for the Hebrew Chris- believing two emperors so meticulous in their observation
tians (see Simon 1958: 7). of constitutional formalities to have bestowed on govern-
While Prochorus is otherwise unknown in the Bible, ment officials titles which grew out of private administra-
tradition suggests that he was one of the Seventy (Luke tive or household functions. Accordingly, prefect must be
10: 1; cf. Schermann 1907: 302-3), was the scribe to whom assumed to have been the proper title of equestrian pro-
the Apostle John dictated the Fourth Gospel, became vincial governors, at least until the reign of Claudius, when
bishop of Nicomedia, and died a martyr at Antioch. A 5th- inscriptional evidence attests the usage in this context of
century work, the Acts of john (an orthodox work not to be the title procurator.
confused with the earlier work of the same name by the This is particularly significant in respect to Pontius Pilate
gnostic Lucius) was written in his name (see Bruce Acts and the governorship of Judea. Pilate has frequently been
NICNT, 121). See JOHN, ACTS OF (BY PROCHORUS). identified as procurator because of Tacitus' (Ann. 15.44)
anachronistic use of the term when writing a century later,
Bibliography and because Josephus (JW 2.8.1; 9.2§§117, 169) describes
Foakes Jackson, F. j., and Lake, K. 1933. The Beginnings of Christi- him as epitropos, the normal Greek rendering of the Latin
anity. 5 vols. London.
procurator. Of course, Josephus is prone to identify the
Schermann, T. 1907. Propheten- und Apostellegenden. Leipzig. governors of Judea in a rather careless and imprecise
Simon, M. 1958. St. Stephen and the Hellenists in the Primitive Church. fashion, sometimes designating the same individual by
London. several different titles (Jones 1960: 119). Greater attention
]ON PAULIEN should be devoted to the more contemporary record of
Philo (Gaium), who properly identifies Pilate as praefectu.s
ludaeae, and to the telling evidence of a recently unearthed
PROCONSUL. See PALESTINE, ADMINISTRA- inscription (AE 1963 no. 104) which demonstrates Pilate's
TION OF (ROMAN). official title to have been praefectu.s Iudaeae.
In addition to procuratorial governors possessing within
their proYinces full civil and criminal jurisdictional powers,
PROCURATOR. The title of a governor of equestrian there were other imperial officials as well as private agents
rank for one of the lesser provinces of the Roman Empire, of the emperor who bore the designation of procurator.
 PROCURATOR
474. v
In large and important provinces of the emperor, gov- ied. i~ the Nazi, F~scist, Communist cases); in capitalist
erned in his stead by imperial legates (legati Augusti pro sooeues, commercial propaganda (advertising) is most
praetore), procurators were assigned as the chief financial widespread (also in "hidden" forms).
officer of the province, paralleling the role of quaestors in
senatorial provinces and having similar authority to collect A. Propaganda in the Ancient World
taxes and tribute and to pay troops (Dio Cass. 53.15.3; B. Propaganda in the ANE
Strab. 3.167). Procurators sometimes were also found in C. Propaganda in the OT
provinces administered by the Senate, but their role in
such instances was without public authority and served A. Propaganda in the Ancient World
only to administer and oversee imperial properties in the Propaganda is not limited to the contemporary world,
capacity of personal agents of the emperor. Finally, the however (Ellul 1976; Thomson 1977; Lasswell, Lerner, and
term procurator was applied to other personal representa- Speier 1979). Since the constitution of complex political
tives of the emperor, who were often commoners or even entities (based on a differentiation of socio-economic roles
freedmen, with responsibility for directing business enter- and rewards), the ruling elites have always pursued politi-
prises or managing an emperor's personal holdings in cal consent and social cohesion by adding the instruments
Italy or the provinces (Millar 1964: 180-87). The activities of persuasion to those of repression: in general, in order
of specific individuals in any level imperial procuratorial to confirm the actual rule, or in particular, in order to
post are the subject of a detailed three-volume study by H. help the acceptance of new (possibly unpopular) legal or
G. Pflaum (1960). See also PRAETORIUM. administrative measures or of irregular personal positions.
Later on, since religions of universalistic extent have come
Bibliography into being (endowed with spreading power beyond their
Jones, A. H. M. 1960. Studies in Roman Government and Law. New original communities), also a religious propaganda has
York. become common practice (proselytism). Ancient propa-
Millar, F. 1964. Some Evidence of the Meaning of Tacitus Annals ganda is best studied with reference to the Roman world
XII.60. Historia 13: 180-87. (Sordi 1974, 1975, 1976).
Pffaum, H. G. 1950. Les procurateurs equestres sous le haul-empire
romain. Paris. B. Propaganda in the ANE
- - . 1960. Les carrieres procuratoriennes equestres. 3 vols. Paris. The "despotic" states of the ANE (especially Egypt and
Salmon, E. T. 1968. A History of the Roman World 36 BC to AD 138. Assyria) are a fertile field for political propaganda (Pose-
6th ed. London. ner 1956; Williams 1964; Liverani l 973a; Finkelstein
JOHN F. HALL 1979; Oppenheim 1979). Sometimes propaganda is ad-
dressed to foreign states: cf. the explicit case of a letter
sent by a middle-Assyrian king to the vassals of the Hittites
PROLOGUES, GOSPEL (ANTI-MARCION). after a victory over the Hittite king (Lackenbacher 1982);
See ANTI-MARCION (GOSPEL) PROLOGUES. or the largely biased reconstruction of past relationships
in the historical introduction to the Hittite treaties (Liver-
ani l 973b); or the clear apologetic tone in the war decla-
PRONOUNCEMENT STORY. See APOPH- rations; or the pro-Babylonian reconstruction of events in
THEGM. the "Chronicle P" as contrasted to the pro-Assyrian one in
the "Synchronistic History" (TCS 5: 50-59); or finally the
elaborate piece of political propaganda that is the "Tukulti-
PROPAGANDA. Propaganda, i.e., the deliberate (al- Ninurta Epic" (Ebeling 1938; Machinist 1976, 1978).
beit mostly dissimulated) spreading of ideas, information, More often the propaganda is directed to the inner
rumors, etc. in order to support one's own political (or subjects of the state. Usurpers are obviously in need of
religious) cause, to acquire more proselytes, and in the last propagating apologetic texts in which they underscore
analysis to gain more power, has become a common prac- their heroic behavior, or their justice, or their divine sup-
tice in the modem world as a consequence of the availabil- port-so counterbalancing the negative effect of an illegit-
ity of mass media (press, radio, television). It is being imate seizure of power (Telipinu: Liverani 1977; Idrimi:
studied therefore especially with reference to the modem Liverani 1974; Hattusilis: Archi 1971; Hoffner 1975; As-
world (Katz 1954; Lasswell and Leites 1965; Gordon 1971; syrian kings: Tadmor 1983). But, more in general, the
Domenach 1973) and in the frame of contemporary polit- royal inscriptions can be viewed as pieces of propaganda
ical language (Dovring 1959; Faye 1972; Klaus 1971; and are in fact effective in spreading the political ideolo-
Robin 1973). Even though the common meaning as "for- gies of the respective kingdoms, a task which becomes
gery," "falsehood," or the like is certainly inaccurate, it is more necessary with kingdoms engaged in "imperialistic"
true that propaganda is more interested in effectiveness expansion, like Egypt in the New Kingdom (B~eiberg
than in correctness, and its informations are biased as a 1985-86; Grima! 1986) and especially Assyria (Liverani
result of unfair selection, cunning deformation, and subtle 1979; Fales 1981; Garelli 1982). In their celebrative effort,
connotation. The "rate of truth" necessary for an effective the royal inscriptions reveal all the biased deformauons
propaganda (a patently false statement would be almost typical of propaganda in all times: only the successes are
useless) is a function of the free circulation of ideas and reported, and never the losses or the defeats; "ou.r" rea-
information in the society. The most coarse propaganda is sons are always good, while those of the enemies are
produced by totalitarian governments (and is mostly stud- wicked; the king who is author of the text constitutes the
v. 475 PROPAGANDA

apex (in glory, bravery, power, justice, and the gods' favor) by the ruling political circles (Garbini I 986). This seems
in the course of history for his own country and for the practically impossible. A more acceptable explanation
entire world. In Egypt the literary genre of the Konigsnov- should take into account the following elements: (I) no
elle becomes the stereotyped form of the royal self-celebra- royal palaces have been archaeologically recovered so far
tion (Herrmann 1938; lastly Spalinger 1982; and see (in Jerusalem or elsewhere); (2) Israel and Judah were
Herrmann 1953-54; Whybray 1968: 96-105 on its influ- relatively small (in wealth and power) in comparison to
ence in the OT). The royal inscriptions displayed on the other Near Eastern kingdoms; (3) a peculiar "tribal" legacy
monumental buildings are not the only ones to convey survived all along their history; (4) an especially strong
messages of propaganda: royal hymns have the same pur- relation of dependence on the national god was established
pose yet a different audience; prayers to the. gods can in the course of time.
contain pieces of political propaganda; and quite a num- Whereas no pieces of propaganda are extant from the
ber of "literary" or "historiographic" texts have the pur- archaeological record of ancient Israel, it cannot be denied
pose of celebrating and propagating the ruling ideology. that the OT as a whole can be considered as a huge
Of course the written documents as such can be read propagandistic work and that many texts or passages con-
only by a small minority in the populace-even though this stitutive of the OT (or embedded in it) display a more or
is the minority engaged in public activities (scribes, admin- less clear propagandistic purpose, both in the political and
istration and cult officials, members of the court). The the religious field. The study of OT passages as "pieces of
texts keep in any case the most detailed formulations of propaganda" has generally won a scarce success, however.
the political ideology. More generic, but more widespread This is understandable, since a negative connotation is
pieces of propaganda are also available: the royal titulary always applied to the term, and we are as prompt to find
is a privileged carrier for propagandistic values; the peri- out the elements of forgery or distortion in the others'
odic amnesties or debt remissions have the clear intent of propaganda as we are unable to recognize similar features
captivating the popular favor; the public parades of troops in the formulation of our own ideology. Even more, the
or of foreign booty have a celebrative effect (cf. Aldred appreciation of the OT as "divine word" (necessarily built
1970); and the same holds true for the public reading of up of "true" statements) has discouraged a similar ap-
"letters to the god" reporting the king's victories (Oppen- proach, both in the Jewish and Christian circles and in the
heim 1960). Even the names given to newly established scientific world largely belonging to such religious environ-
settlements have generally a celebrative flavor; and the ments. Yet the kind of literary and ideological analysis
royal genealogies have in some cases been forged to attrib- elaborated for the study of propaganda (and of political
ute legitimacy and nobility to kings of doubtful origin. language in general) could also be applied to the study of
Besides the written, oral, and ceremonial propaganda, art some literary forms or specific passages in the OT, in order
and architecture can also convey similar effects. The mon- to point out the procedures employed in expressing the
umental buildings (temple and royal palaces) in the capital political and religious ideologies of the time (see esp.
city celebrate the king's power and his good relations with Whitelam I 984, with further bibliography).
the divine sphere; in some cases the sculptured (or The most obvious field of application is the prophetic
painted) decoration is such to underscore the power of the corpus. An old proposal (Winckler 1903) to consider the
sovereign or to discourage the enemies' resistance (Egypt: prophets as political activists was generally criticized and
Tefnin 1981; Assyria: Reade 1979; Winter 1981; Persia: discarded (e.g., Elliger 1935). In more recent times, even
Root 1979); even the different building materials, coming though the term "propaganda" is seldom used in its ex-
from distant regions, celebrate the worldwide spread of plicit form, some studies on the political aspects of the
the king's fame. prophetic books do in fact contain pertinent observations
(e.g., Kraus 1952; Gottwald 1964; Dietrich 1976). In par-
C. Propaganda in the OT ticular the oracles "against the Nations" (and in general
If compared to the propagandistic apparatus of the the "weal" and "woe" oracles) are obvious pieces of political
Near Eastern empires, ancient Israel is noteworthy for the propaganda, certainly composed in the frame of a multi-
lack of an explicit propaganda. This is obvious for the directional network of charges and countercharges, apol-
nonmonarchic periods, especially when the society was ogies, and celebrations, in the Syro-Palestinian world
ordered according to a "tribal" pattern and the political threatened by the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Egyptian
consent was based on a network of kinship relations. But empires but still engaged in internal struggles. The same
this seems true also for the kingdoms of Israel and Judah holds true for the inner political debate in Israel and in
(and especially for the most glorious reigns of David and Judah, especially facing the problem of the political strat-
Solomon): no royal inscriptions are extant from those egy to be chosen toward Assyria and Babylon: the proph-
kingdoms (in contrast to the contemporary Aramaic, ecies are clearly the form of the local political debate of
Phoemoan, and Neo-Hittite states in the same area· cf the time. On the other side the famous case of the rab-
e.g., Fales 1979): no iconic representations of the Isr~elit~ saqeh (2 Kgs 18:17-37) shows how the Assyrian propa-
kingship are known (and the iconic representation is gen- ganda was received by the Israelites (Cohen 1979; Machin-
erally_ a depressed topic in ancient Israel); even the public ist 1983; cf. more in general Cogan 1974; Childs 1967).
buildings so far excavated are not conspicuous for their The royal propaganda toward the inner population may
monumental features. It has been recently suggested that have left some trace in the "royal" Psalms: these have been
the lack of royal inscriptions (the most obvious channel for mostly studied in their obvious religious relevance (as
propaganda) is a result of their intentional destruction expression of "divine kingship"), yet an appreciation of
connected with a (periodical?) rewriting of former histor; them as political messages cannot simply be discarded.
PROPAGANDA 476. v
This focus applies even better to the prophecies intended Gottwald, N. K. 1964. All the Kingdoms of the Earth. New York.
to legitimize the king, like the Nathan prophecy (2 Samuel Grima), N .-C. 1986. Les termes de la propagande royale tp;yptienne de la
7). Also some remains of "royal inscriptions" (or more XIX dynastie d la conquete d'Alexandre. Memoires de J'Academie
properly of "royal apologies") are to be found in the des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 6. Paris.
historical books: the story of the rise and enthronization Herrmann, A. 1938. Die ap;ypti.sche K0nigmovelle. Leipziger Agypto-
of David (l Samuel 16-2 Samuel 4) contains obvious logische Studien 10. Gluckstadt.
apologetic features (as expected in the case of a usurper) Herrmann, S. 1953-54. Die Konigsnovelle in Agypten und in
that can go back to materials propagated by the king Israel. Pp. 51-62 in Festschrift Albrecht All. Leipzig.
himself or by his circle in order to support his legitimacy Hoffner, H. A. 1975. Propaganda and Political Justification in
(Weiser 1966; McCarter 1980; Whitelam 1984). This is Hittite Historiography. Pp. 49-62 in Unity and Diversity, ed. H.
true also of the "Succession Narrative" (2 Samuel 9-20; 1 Goedicke and J. Roberts. Baltimore.
Kings 1-2) since Solomon's legitimacy was in need of some Katz, D., ed. 1954. Public Opinion and Propaganda. New York.
justification too (Whybray 1968: 50-55; Wiirthwein 1979). Klaus, G. 1971. Sprache der Politik. Berlin.
Another case has been studied from this point of view: the Kraus, H.-J. 1952. Prophetie und Politik. ThEH 36. Munich.
story of Joash (2 Kings 11-12) clearly goes back to an Lackenbacher, S. 1982. Une lettre royale. RA 76: 141-49.
autobiographical inscription of the kind well known from Lasswell, H. D., and Leites, N. 1965. Language of Politics. Cam-
the Idrimi statue and from related Hittite texts (Liverani bridge, MA.
1974). Finally, a clear case of propagandistic forgery is to Lasswell, H. D.; Lerner, D.; and Speier, H., eds. 1979. Propaganda
be seen in the episode of the old manuscript of the "Law" and Communication in World Hi.story. Vol. I, The Symbolic Instru-
discovered in the temple in Josiah's times (2 Kgs 22:3- ment in Early Times. Honolulu.
23:3): a stratagem commonly used in order to bestow the Liverani, M. 1973a. Memorandum on the Approach to Historio-
authoritativeness of time on a newly composed normative graphic Texts. Or 42: 178-94.
text. More cases could be singled out; and the large units - - . 1973b. Storiografia politica hiuita. I. ~una~~ura ovvero
in the historical texts can also be studied from the point of della reciprocita. OrAnt 12: 267-97.
view of the propagandistic procedures employed in order - - . 1974. L'histoire de Joas. VT 24: 438-53.
to support the respective political or religious ideologies (a - - . 1977. Storiografia politica hittita. 11. Telipinu ovvero della
vein best represented by Smith 1971 ). solidarieta. OrAnt 16: 105-31.
- - . 1979. The Ideology of the Assyrian Empire. Pp. 297-317
Bibliography in Power and Propaganda, ed. M. T. Larsen. Copenhagen.
Aldred, C. 1970. The Foreign Gifts Offered to Pharaoh. }EA 56: Machinist, P. 1976. Literature As Politics: the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic
105-16. and the Bible. CBQ 38: 455-82.
Archi, A. 1971. The Propaganda of Hattu~iM Ill. Studi Micenei ed - - . 1978. The Epic of Tukulti-Ninurta I. A Study in Middle
Egeo-Anatolici 14: 185-215. Assyrian Literature. Ph.D. diss., Yale University.
Bleiberg, E. 1985-86. Historical Texts As Political Propaganda - - . 1983. Assyria and Its Image in the First Isaiah. ]AOS I 03:
during the New Kingdom. Bulletin of the Ep;yfltological Seminar 719-35.
7: 5-13. McCarter, P. K. 1980. The Apology of King David. }BL 99: 489-
Childs, B. S. 1967. Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis. SBT, n.s., 3. 93.
London. Oppenheim, A. L. 1960. The City of Assur in 714 s.c.]NES 19:
Cogan, M. 1974. Imperialism and Religion. SBLMS 19. Missoula, MT. 133-47.
Cohen, C. 1979. Neo-Assyrian Elements in the First Speech of the - - . 1979. The Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian Empires. Pp.
Biblical Rab-~aqe. /OS 9: 32-48. 111-44 in Lasswell, Lerner, and Speier 1979.
Dietrich, W. 1976.jesaja und die Politik. BEvT 74. Munich. Posener, G. 1956. Litthature et politique dans l'Egypte de la XII dynastie.
Domenach, J.-M. 1973. La pmpagande politique. Paris. Paris.
Dovring, K. 1959. Road of Propaganda: The Semantics of Biased Reade, J. 1979. Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian An. Pp.
CQ111munication. New York. 329-43 in Power and Propaganda, ed. M. T. Larsen. Copenha-
Ebeling, E. 1938. Bruchstiicke eines politi.schen Propagandagedichtes aus gen.
einer asryrischen Kanzlei. MAOG 12/2. Leipzig. Robin, R. 1973. Hi.stoire et lingui.stique. Paris.
Elliger, K. 1935. Prophet und Politik. ZAW 53: 3-22. Root, M. C. 1979. The King and Kingship in Achaemenid Art. Acta
Ellul, J. 1976. Hi.stoire de la propagande. Paris. lranica 19. Leiden.
Fales, F. M. 1979. Kilamuwa and the Foreign Kings: Propaganda Smith, M. 1971. Palestinian Parties and Politics That Shaped the Oki
vs. Power. WO 10: 6-22. Testament. New York.
- - , ed. 1981. Assyrian Ruyal Inscriptions: New Horiwns. Orientis Sardi, M., ed. 1974. Propaganda e persuasione occulta nell'antichita.
Antiqui Collectio 17. Rome. Milan.
Faye, J. P. 1972. Theorie du recit: Introduction aux "langages totali- - - . 1975. Storiog;rafia e propaganda. Milan.
taires." Paris. - - . 1976. I canali delta propaganda nel mondo antico. Milan.
Finkelstein, J. 1979. Early Mesopotamia, 2500-1000 B.C. Pp. 50- Spalinger, A. J. 1982. Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancien1
110 in Lasswell, Lerner, and Speier 1979. Egyptians. YNER 9. New Haven.
Garbini, G. 1986. Storia e ideologia nell'lsraele antico. Brescia. Tadmor, H. 1983. Autobiographical Apology in the Royal Assyrian
Garelli, P. 1982. La propagande royale assyrienne. Akkadica 27: 16- Literature. Pp. 36-57 in Hi.story, Historiography and Interpreta-
29. tion, ed. H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld. Jerusalem.
Gordon, G. N. 1971. Persuasion: The Theory and Practice of Manipu- Tefnin, R. 1981. Image, ecriture, recit. Apropos des representa·
lative CQ111munication. New York. tions de la bataille de Qadesh. Giittinger Mi.sullen 47: 55-76.
v. 477 PROPHECY (ANE)

Thomson, 0. 1977. Mass Persuasion in History. Edinburgh. A. Syria-Palestine

Weiser, A. 1966. Die Legitimation des Konigs David: zur Eigenart 1. North Syria: Ebia and Emar. The Ebia texts, dating
und Entstehung der sogen: Geschichte von Davids Aufstieg. to the middle of the 3d millennium B.C., have been cited
VT 16: 325-54. as evidence of prophecy, but those claims have yet to be
Williams, R. J. 1964. Literature As a Medium of Political Propa- substantiated. From Emar (Meskene), on the Middle Eu-
ganda in Ancient Egypt. Pp. 14-30 in The Seed of Wisdom, ed. phrates, texts from ca. 1300 B.c. indicate an office with the
W. S. McCullogh. Toronto.
Akkadian designations anabbi'atu and munabbi'atu associ-
Winckler, H. 1903. Pp. 170-75 in Die Keilinschriften und das Alte ated with the goddess Bhara. The editor (Arnaud 1986:
Testament, ed. E. Schrader. Berlin.
118, 360, 375, 377, 403; cf. 386) translates this title of
Whitelam, K. W. 1984. The Defence of David.]SOT 29: 61-87.
office "prophetesses," but nothing is indicated of the role;
cf. Akk munambu, "wailer."
Whybray, R. N. 1968. The Successiim Narrative. SBT 2/9. London.
2. Ugarit. Among the Ugaritic texts there are an-
Winter, I. 1981. Royal Rhetoric and the Development of Historical
nouncements of future blessing that have been labeled
Narrative in Neo-Assyrian Reliefs. Studies in Visual Communica-
"prophetic" (van Selms 1971) as well as references to
tion 7: 1-31. technical divination that have been referred to as "proph-
Wiinhwein, E. 1979. Die Erzahlung von der Thronnachfolge Davids-
ecy," but there is no evidence as yet for a divinely commis-
theologische oder politische GeschichLsschreibung? TSK 115. Zurich.
sioned messenger.
MARIO LIVERANI
3. Phoenicia. The Bible has many references to proph-
ets of the Phoenician god Baal (and even of Asherah),
using for them the same Hebrew term, niibi', used for
PROPHECY. This article consists of four entries. The Israelite prophets. The Baal prophets share ecstatic behav-
first is a discussion of prophecy and related phenomena in ior with the Israelite prophets, but they are not identified
the ANE, with particular attention to the "prophetic" as giving oracles. However, the Egyptian report of Wen-
letters from the Mesopotamian site of Mari. The second is Amun (ANET, 25-29; AEL 2: 224-30) states that while
a survey of prophecy in Israel before the Exile. The third Wen-Amun was in Byblos (ca. 1090 B.c.), one of the Phoe-
examines postexilic prophecy, and the fourth entry treats nician prince's young attendants became ecstatic and deliv-
prophecy in the NT and early Christianity. ered an oracle authenticating Wen-Amun's mission from
the god Amun (ANET 26; AEL 2: 225). Primarily because
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN PROPHECY of these references it was at one time argued that biblical
prophecy derived from Canaanite (Phoenician) prophecy.
The label "prophetic" has been applied to various texts
4. Aram. Noteworthy among the small corpus of Old
and roles known from the ANE. The texts so described Aramaic inscriptions is that of Zakkur, king of Hamath
involve predictions, or apparent predictions, eschatology and Luash (ca. 800 B.c.). While besieged in one of his
or apocalyptic, social or religious criticism, and commis- cities, Zakkur records that "I lifted up my hands to Baal-
sioned messages from deities. The roles include those of Sha[may]n and Baal-Shamay[n] answered me [and spoke]
ordinary priests (Egypt), technical diviners (Western Asia), to me by means of visionaries (/:izyn) and ... ('d<in). Baal-
and those who speak directly under orders from a deity. Shamayn [said] to me, 'Fear not, for I have made [you
The comparative discussion of prophecy is guided by kin]g [and I will st]ay with you and rescue you'." The text
whichever particular definition of prophecy is used. For does not indicate how the speakers received their message.
some, the prophet is the critic of society; for others, the Presumably this classic salvation oracle in response to the
prophet is the announcer of the future; for yet others, the king's petition derived from prophetic inspiration; note
prophet is the charismatically authorized messenger. Al- the title /:izyn, as with the Balaam text (below), parallel with
though necessarily referring to materials reflecting this Mzeh, "visionary," frequently used of biblical prophets.
wider range of definitions, this entry focuses on prophecy 5. Ammon. The plaster inscription from ca. 700 B.c.,
understood as inspired speech at the initiative of a divine found at Tell Deir <Alla in 1967 refers to Balaam, son of
power, speech which is clear in itself and commonly di- Beor, a "visionary of the gods" (/:iflzih 'ilahfn) who saw a
rected to a third party. vision during the night and obtained a somewhat enig-
matic revelation from a group of numinous beings (sdyn).
A. Syria-Palestine This is reinforced by Num 24:4-5, in which Balaam, son
1. North Syria: Ebia and Emar of Beor, "hears the words of God, sees a vision of the
2. Ugarit Almighty (ma/:iflze sadday)."
3. Phoenicia
4. Aram B. Anatolia
5. Ammon In 14th-century B.c. texts of King Mursilis II and of his
B. Anatolia uncle (?) Kantuzilis, who seek relief from plagues or more
C. Mesopotamia personal sufferings, there are inventories of means of
l. Uruk (Southern Babylonia) divine communication. It is in these inventorie~f. 1 Sam
2. Mari (Middle Euphrates) 28:6 (dreams, lots, and prophets)-that references to in-
3. Ishchali (East Tigris) spired speakers occur. In addition to direct communica-
4. Assyria tion to the petitioner through a dream, the deity might
D. Egypt use indirect communication through incubation, liver div-
ination, an "inquirer-sibyl" (ENS!), or a so-called "Old
PROPHECY (ANE)
478 • v
Woman" (~u.Gr); or-in the case of Mursilis II-a "man of phet!c" texts were reedited, frequently with important new
god" (fiuniyanz.a) might "(come and) declare" the cause of readings. (One of the reports was formerly interpreted as
suffering (Lebrun 1980: 113, 160, 209; Kammenhuber a metallurgical text!) With the greatly enlarged corpus of
1976: 16-17, 19-23). Although there is no further signif- letters, not to mention possible integration with data from
icant information about this "man of god," the Hittite texts the thousands of economic and administrative texts the
are important as an attestation of the dispersion of such picture of prophecy in the Mari archives is in the pr~cess
phenomena and as evidence for such activity in the latter of cc:insiderable a~justment. The editor's introductory dis-
part of the mid-2d millennium e.c. cuss10n offers an important new beginning (Durand 1988:
377-412, 455-63).
C. Mesopotamia a. Prophets with Titles. These persons are associated
A rich variety of texts comes from Mesopotamia, includ- with particular deities, though at times they communicate
ing Babylonia, Assyria, and the domain of the Mari texts, requests from other deities as well. The frequent bestowal
even though the Mari texts relate to an area reaching into on them of garments and other items from the royal
NW Syria. Among the texts, a number have been published stores-and at times their requests for such items-point
under the label "(Akkadian) prophecies" (Grayson 1975: to their regularized, significant status, analogous to that of
13-37; Hunger and Kaufman 1975), one of them being typical letter couriers.
the "Uruk prophecy." These texts, though not of a uni- (I) Apiluliipiltu, "answerer." An ordinary Akkadian
form nature, essentially contain prophecies ex eventu, i.e., form, this title for both men and women seems restricted
cast as predictions (e.g., "a king will arise ... "), and are to the Mari texts and lexical compilations. The title implies
allied with the omen literature. The prophecies may even that the person provides an answer to an explicit or im-
take the form of first person speeches of a deity (Marduk) plicit inquiry, although the texts do not exemplify the
or a divinized king (Shulgi). In some texts the wide- process. The "answerer" is normally associated with a
reaching time perspective is more reminiscent of apocalyp- specific deity, though a unique letter from the apilu of
tic (Hallo 1966; Kaufman 1977). Revelatory intermediaries Shamash of Sippar conveys requests for Shamash, Addu
are not involved. of Aleppo, and Nergal of Hubshalum, while mentioning
1. Uruk (Southern Babylonia). A text from ca. 1850 also Dagan of Terqa (Charpin and Durand 1985: 332-33).
B.C., distinct from the "Uruk prophecy" (above), reports a Two texts mention the receipt of royal rations, suggesting
visit to an unnamed person by a deity who speaks directly that the "answerer" had an official standing. One of the
to him concerning the future of Uruk and its ruler, whom most important letters, sent from Aleppo, concerns the
the deity will appoint. The person responds to the deity "answerer" of Addu, lord of Kallassu, who "reclaims the
and reports to the king "the words which Ishtar spoke to territory of Alahtum as property" (Lafont 1984; the pas-
me" (ANET, 604). The text is not well enough preserved to sage was previously translated "is standing guard over the
indicate whether or not it is an example of inspired speak- tent-shrine of Alahtum to [be] an estate" [Malamat 1980],
ing. illustrating the problems of translation). This same letter
2. Mari (Middle Euphrates). From the several thousand refers to "what the 'answerers' (pl.) have said." The writer
texts now published from Mari and dating to the first half adds that when he had been in Mari itself. he had sent on
of the 18th century e.c., there are many references to to the king "whatever word the 'answerer' (male) or the
prophetic activity, using a variety of titles (ANET, 623-32; 'answerer' (female) would say." The "answerer" is thus
Huffman 1970). Over a dozen deities are involved; and someone who "came and spoke" or "got up (in the temple)
some eighteen prophets are named, apart from many and spoke," addressing a court official with a message for
others who are unnamed. Both male and female prophets the king.
are cited. For those with cultic titles, about four-fifths are The new texts include even an apilu of Marduk, in
male. Those without such titles are about evenly divided Babylon-presumably a Mari designation for a different
between men and women. Babylonian title or a Mari functionary acting for the god
The small size of the corpus does not allow differentia- of Babylon-and such initiatives as demanding a skillful
tion among the various titles in terms of specific roles, scribe to write down the news which the deity had sent for
although there are some suggestive contrasts between the king. (That letter itself is now published in full [Du-
those prophets with titles and those without them. This rand 1988: 417-19].) The "answerer" can travel about in
prophetic activity, regarded as marginal from the view- the king's realm and apparently can provoke oracles.
point of Mari court circles, doubtless to some extent re- (2) Assinnu, "cult functionary." Although in later texts
flects the Amorite cultural substratum. In keeping with this title refers to a member of the cultic staff of Ishtar,
that, the geographical range of references extends from connected especially with singing-perhaps even a eu-
Mari and nearby Terqa along the Euphrates (note Emar, nuch-the Mari occurrences are much earlier and their
above) to Aleppo in the west. The reference to Shamash of meaning is uncertain. The two assinnu attested are affili-
Sippar suggests activity even in Babylonia, although the ated with Annunitum, a form of Ishtar. One of them
reference may be to the cult of Shamash of Sippar within speaks in a state of ecstasy. Another assinnu apparently
the Mari region. With the 1988 publication of the first two resides in an abandoned and partly ruined sanctuary.
parts of Archives Ruyales de Mari, XX.VI, the corpus of Mari (3) Mul]IJtllmul]!autu, "ecstatic." Deriving from the Ak-
Letters expanded by almost 500 new letters, and the num- kadian root meaning "to become ecstatic," this is the most
ber of "prophetic" letters increased by more than 20 (to a common prophetic title at Mari. The range of behavior
total of about 50, depending on the criteria for selection). may involve self-wounding, as suggested by a text from
Additionally, almost all of the previously published "pro- Ugarit ("my brothers bathe with their own blood. hke
v. 479 PROPHECY (ANE)

maf}f}il (pl.]"). "Ecstatics" are associat~d with the de!ties c. The Context of the Oracles. A number of the texts
Nergal, Itur-Mer, Ninhursaga, Annumtum, and espec!ally provide information about the context of the message.
Dagan. One Mari text detailing the cult of I_s~.tar me?uons The typical locus of revelation is a temple, either in reality
that a muhhil "is not [ ... ) to become ecstatic and hmts at or by dream visit. In some texts, the revelation by an
a connecti~n of the muhhil with watered-down beer. Other- "answerer" or an "ecstatic" seems to be a response to a
wise the Mari texts d~ not explicitly point to ecstatic sacrifice, whether favorable or unfavorable, but there is no
behavior. Rather, the "ecstatic" "gets up/comes and clear example of a revelation in response to a petition of
speaks," sometimes in association with sacrifice. Also, it is despair. One correspondent advises the king that "(when)
an "ecstatic" who says "I will continue to answer (atanap- I offered a sacrifice to Dagan for the life of my lord, the
pal)," using a verb related to the title apilu. Like the 'answerer' [masc.) of Dagan of Tuttul got up and spoke as
"answerer," the "ecstatic" occasionally receives garments follows, saying, 'O Babylon, ... (here follows an oracle
from the royal stores (in five texts). One Mari "ecstatic," against Babylon).'" Another correspondent advises that
Irra-gamil, associated with Nergal, may even be the same the king's sacrifice has arrived and has been presented,
person as Irra-gamil, servant of Nergal, known from a apparently successfully, yet "the 'ecstatic' [masc.] got up
contemporary cylinder seal (Anbar I 976: 63). From Larsa before Dagan and spoke as follows: 'I (Dagan) am not
in S Babylonia there are references to the female slave of given pure water to drink. Write to your lord so that he
the mahhil. may give me pure water to drink.' " Most such oracles,
One -;eport (partly restored) involves a person who be- however, do not specify cultic prompting.
comes ecstatic, a person whose name is identified else- Another text, referring to a female "ecstatic," suggests a
where as that of an "ecstatic" (Durand I 988: 398, 451-52). sequence of messages: "O Zimri-Lim, do not go on a
Such behavior for an "ecstatic" is otherwise specified only campaign. Stay in Mari and I will continue to answer."
in the Ishtar Ritual Text from Mari. Also, a strikingly The message is usually communicated to a royal official,
assertive "ecstatic" requests a lamb from the king, which but in two cases a temple administrator (.fangit), who is not
he proceeds to eat raw-possibly reflecting an oath cere- a cultic priest, serves as intermediary with the royal official.
mony. He then assembles the elders at a city gate to hear The .fangit presumably had some jurisdiction over such
his message and ends by requesting a garment, which he temple activity. One letter even reports that a sangit himself
is provided (Durand I 988: 434-35). had a revelatory dream.
(4) Nabu, "diviner (?)." This appears for the first time A number of the oracles are public, even in the presence
as a "prophetic" title in the Mari texts (Durand I 988: 444- of the assembly of the elders. The connection of the
45). A Mari functionary advises the king that he went to oracles with times of political and personal (royal) crisis is
meet with a Hanaean leader. He then assembled the nabU even clearer with the publication of the additional texts.
(pl.) of the Hanaeans and had an omen taken on the king's Also, the initiatives that the prophets can take-especially
behalf, putting a binary question to them and obtaining, the "official" speakers-are striking.
apparently, a favorable answer. The new Mari title parallels d. The Content of the Oracles. Because of the nature
the Hebrew nabi, but little is known of the function. It may of the Mari archives, the oracles deal almost exclusively
be a question of conventional divination. with the king's affairs. Commonly the prophet communi-
(5) Qam(m)atum, unclear title. The reading qabbatu(?), cates a message from a deity speaking in the first person,
"speaker (fem.)," an attractive interpretation confidently often referring to being "sent" by the deity. The message
accepted by the major dictionaries in correction of the may begin with a formula such as "thus says [the deity X]."
original editor's reading, qamiitum, is no longer tenable. The content is generally an assurance to the king or a
The reading qam(m)iitum is confirmed by collation and a warning to the king of dangers (and an assurance of divine
further example-possibly two. Durand (1988: 396) sug- assistance); but a number of messages deviate from this
gests that the term refers to a prophetess with a character- pattern.
istic hairstyle. A unique letter from an apilu contains cultic requests
b. Prophets without Titles. Those without titles include from several deities and promises support for the king. In
a slight majority of women, one of whom was a high official other cases the king is chided for not meeting the cultic
at Mari. Also, a majority of the revelations derive from expectations of the deity-failing to provide "pure water"
~reams-a means not yet attested for those prophets with or neglecting the funerary offering for a predecessor or
titles; one revelation involves ecstasy. The locus of revela- ancestor. More serious charges come from Addu of
tion is commonly a temple. Aleppo and Addu of Kallassu: the king, who owes his
Also associated with untitled persons are some letters throne to the deity, has been inattentive in offerings and
concerning divine revelations of unclear derivation (ANET, in recognition of the deity's claims-what Addu has given,
629-30, 631 ). A divine word is sought through "a man Addu can take away. Moreover, the deity does not speak in
and. a woman," or Dagan speaks in some unspecified terms of self-interest, for the king has a fundamental
fashion. These texts may conceal prophetic activity, or obligation to deal justly in his realm with all who appeal to
forms of technical divination may be involved. him. An obedient king will be richly rewarded (Lafont
Dreams predominate among untitled prophets. In a 1984).
well-known text the dreamer heard an administrative At least one oracle is directed to a different audience.
priest (Jangil) speaking; in one of the new texts the The citizens of Terqa are warned through a young man's
dreamer reports the speech of two "ecstatics," apparently dream revelation from Dagan that they should not
d~ceased. But generally the private persons report more (re)build a certain house (temple?).
directly. There is some sense of community among the "proph-
PROPHECY (ANE) 480. v
ets." The proverb "Under the straw, water flows" is now have been inadequately published. Careful study must
attested in two messages by a qam(m)iitum and one by an await new publication of these important texts.
"ecstatic." The oracles center on the king's person and his a. Prophets with Titles. (1) Mahhillmahhutu "ec-
political affairs, but include some rather personal ele- static." This title, in this spelling, is kno~n fro'i;; the' OAkk
ments, such as the notice to the king that his newly born(?) period on, and as a variant of Mari mulJJJU!muljl;ii.tu (above)
daughter has died, just as predicted by an "ecstatic" while provides the only continuity with the older titles. Esarhad-
in a trance state. Cullie requests are prominent. A deity don and Ashurbanipal make frequent reference to mes-
advises the king, through a woman (as summarized; title sages from "ecstatics." Though these messages are at times
perhaps lost), that "I have been safeguarding you since associated with dreams sent by Ishtar, no verbatim mes-
your youth; and I have continually led you in good ways," sages are reported. The "ecstatic," predominantly male in
so send me what I ask for. the NA period, has a role in some rituals. The character
e. The Status of the Oracles. The marginal character of of the oracular activity of "ecstatics" remains basically
these prophetic revelations is underscored by the fre- unknown.
quency with which the king's correspondents either report (2) Raggimulraggimtu, "proclaimer." This title, which
on means of confirmation which they employed, including also occurs as a divine epithet, is first attested in a MA
technical divination, or encourage the king to examine the text-without specification of function. In the 7th century
matter by means of technical divination. Several letters B.C. the "proclaimer" delivers prophetic messages---0ne
specify that a portion of the prophet's hair and a piece text contains two series of three oracles each addressed to
from the fringe of the prophet's garment are being sent Esarhaddon, one series from Asshur, and one from Ishtar;
on to the king. These items surely were intended for use another contains an oracle from Ninlil/Mullissu for Ashur-
in a confirmation process involving technical divination, as banipal (Strong 1894). Also, the "proclaimer" plays a role,
confirmed by a contemporary text from Karana (Dalley, whether by agreement or by presumption, in connection
Walker, and Hawkins 1976: 64-65, pl. 19). with the substitute king ritual. Another reference suggests
The new texts show the prophets as rather assertive at that "proclaimers" might be active as a group. Presumably
times; together with administrative texts, new texts indi- the "proclaimer" had status within the cult, though there
cate a significant personal status for the titled prophets. is no specific information concerning this.
Yet the prophets continue to be one channel of divine (3) Sabnl, "revealer." One lexical text identifies this title
communication among others, and their messages con- with that of the "proclaimer." To be separated from the
tinue to be sent on either with supportive statements or homonym referring to an administrative officer, this title
with the recommendation to seek a means for confirma- derives from Akk barn, "to see." The "revealer" has a
tion. message dream-apparently through incubation-from
3. lshchali (East Tigris). A number of OB texts from Ishtar and reports it to Ashurbanipal. The LU.KAL, who
Babylonia proper evidence the title muMumlmuMutum, at has a message dream from Sin intended for Ashurbanipal,
times associated with specific deities, although there is no closely parallels the "revealer" (ANET, 606; Oppenheim
explicit indication of oracular activity. Recently published I 956: 249-50).
texts from Ishchali, however, may indicate prophetic prac- (4) Selutu, "(female) votary." Literally "someone sent
up (for a deity)," this title identifies one of the speakers in
tice. Two letters are addressed directly to the king by the
a long collection of individual oracles for Esarhaddon
goddess Kititum, a manifestation of Ishtar. The best-
(ANET, 605), a woman presumably devoted by the king to
preserved letter contains a message with similarities to the deity. The title is known from contemporary contracts
some of the Mari prophecies (Ellis I 987). Unfortunately, recording dedications to Ninlil/Mullissu. As a "votary"
the means of transmission are not indicated. The text may given by the queen, one contract notes, no creditor or legal
report a message from an individual intermediary, as at adversary can seize her, though she is married.
Mari, or a message obtained in response to a technical b. Prophets without Titles. Two major collections of
divination process. individual oracles for Esarhaddon are identified as being
4. Assyria. Especially characteristic of the reigns of from the mouth of so-and-so, from such and such a city-
Esarhaddon (680-669 B.c.) and Ashurbanipal (668-627 apart from the one oracle from a "votary." One speaker
B.c.) is their special interest in a wide variety of modes of even appears in both collections (and, for that matter, use5
communication with the divine powers, including pro- some identical terminology, otherwise unknown). The ab-
phetic-type speakers. Esarhaddon adjures vassals not to sence of a title for all speakers but one in these two
conceal anything they hear that is derogatory to the crown collections suggests the lack of an official position in the
prince, including any word from "a proclaimer" (raggi,mu), cult. These speakers, male and female in roughly equal
"an ecstatic" (malJ!Ju), or "a dream interpreter." The exis- proportion, are especially-but not exclusively-associated
tence of prophetic revelations in particular may reflect the with Ishtar of Arbela.
influence of Aramean culture (Tadmor I 982: 458), though c. The Context of the Oracles. Virtually all of the
none of the titles is Aramean in origin. Unlike the Mari oracles can fit within the pattern indicated in the fullest
texts, the NA texts do not point to a marginal status for record of the context of an oracle. A crisis situation-
the prophetic speakers. Again, the focus of activity is the minor or major-prompts a complaint to or an inquiry of
royal court. Many of the prophets, at least, seem to be a deity, who responds with a message of reassurance.
attached to the court. Communication of the oracle to the king (or queen
Many of the texts, some of which have been known for mother) may be oral or written down, deposite? in_ the
almost a century, present special linguistic problems and temple, and presented to the king in connection with ntual
v. 481 PROPHECY (ANE)

acts. The fullest report says, "Now these rebels have incited pate the future; Neferti is a lector priest and a "'wise man
against you, they have made you come out, they have of the East," not a charismatic prophet. A major order of
surrounded you. You (Esarhaddon) opened your mouth. priests, the Q,mw n!r (literally, "servants of god"), were
Now I, Ashur, have heard your distress cry. From the gate described by Hellenistic Greek commentators with the
of heaven I soar down(?) .... I will surely have fire consume term prophites because of their role in reporting oracles.
them. . .. I slaughtered your enemies. I filled the river Accordingly, the scholarly literature abounds with refer-
with their blood. Let them see, let them praise me, for I ences to these priests under the rendering prophets--even
am Ashur, lord of the gods. This is the greeting which is in the hierarchy of the "first prophet" (high priest)
(placed?) before the (divine) statue. This is the sworn tablet through "fourth prophet" of Amun in Karnak. In actuality
of Ashur. It comes in before the king upon a ... They there is very little known from Egypt that illustrates the
sprinkle special oil, they make sacrifices, the incense burns, prophet as an inspired speaker of divine oracles. Plutarch
(and) they read out (the tablet) before the king" (Strong reports that Pamyle-foster parent of Osiris-heard a
1894: 637-39). At times the oracle is clearly received in a voice from the temple of Zeus (Amun) instructing Pamyle
temple, sometimes specifically associated with sacrifices. to announce that Osiris had been born (Ray 1981: 174).
On another occasion the setting is a political assembly. Generally, however, Egyptian oracles result from a form of
One of the oracles seems to concern the occasion of a manipulate divination, such as movements of a deity dur-
treaty ceremony: "Should you (pl.) go to your cities and ing a public procession.
your districts, eat food and forget these oaths, (then) when
you drink from this water you will remember me (Ishtar) Bibliography
and keep this sworn agreement which I made concerning Anbar, M. 1976. Trois documents de la collection Leo Perutz. /OS
(your obligations to) Esarhaddon" (Strong 1894: 639-41). 6: 59-63.
Some of the oracles seem to be unsolicited, but there are Arnaud, D. 1986. Recherches au pays d'Astata. Emar VI.3. Textes
many indications of a response to an inquiry. Those ora- sumtrieru et accadiens. Texte. Paris.
cles by "proclaimers" (female) in connection with the sub- Charpin, D., and Durand, J.-M. 1985. La prise du pouvoir par
stitute king ritual may reflect divine initiative. There is no Zimri-Lim. MARI 4: 293-343.
reference to the speaker's being "sent" with the message, Charpin, D.; Joannes, F.; Lackenbacher, S.; and Lafont, B. 1988.
but a commissioning is at times implied. Archives epi.stolaires de Mari I/2. ARM 26. Paris.
d. The Content of the Oracles. The oracles are typically Dalley, S.; Walker, C. B. F.; and Hawkins, J. D. 1976. The Old
oracles of assurance for the political and succession con- Babylonian Tablets from Tell al Rimah. London.
cerns of the king, communicated directly, as it were, from Durand, J.-M. 1988. Archives epi.stolaires de Mari II I. ARM 26. Paris.
the deity. "Fear not" is a common phrase, as in other ANE Ellis, M. de J. 1987. The Goddess Kititum Speaks to King lbalpiel:
oracles of assurance. The oracles also emphasize the deity's Oracle Texts from Ishchali. MARI 5: 235-66.
power and reliability. The speakers rarely admonish the Grayson, A. K. 197 5. Babylonian Historical-Literary Texts. Toronto.
king; and if so, they use a mild form, such as saying that Gurney, 0. R. 1981. The Babylonians and Hittites. Pp. 142-73 in
former utterances by the deity have been ignored. Oracles and Divination. ed. M. Loewe and C. Blacker. Boulder,
The principal association of the prophets is with Ishtar CO.
or Arbela (and allied deities), though a number of other Hallo, W.W. 1966. Akkadian Apocalypses. IE] 16: 231-42.
deities provide oracles. Herrmann, S. 1963. Prophetie in Israel and Agypten: Recht und
e. The Status of the Oracles. The oracles are reported Grenze eines Vergleichs. Pp. 47-65 in Congress Volume, Bonn,
individually to the king, noted in the official annals, and 1962. VTS 9. Leiden.
collected into cumulative records. Sometimes the oracles Huffmon, H.B. 1970. Prophecy in the Mari Letters. BAR 3: 199-
are grouped .by the deity involved. One collection appears 224.
to be oracles-perhaps even from two different deities-- Hunger, H., and Kaufman, S. A. 1975. A New Akkadian Prophecy
from a particular "proclaimer," but the concluding section Text.]AOS 95: 71-75.
is poorly preserved. There is also some evidence for the Kammenhuber, A. 1976. Orakelpraxi.s, Traume und Vorzeicheruchau
copying and transmission of oracle collections. bei den Hethitern. Heidelberg.
The (occasional) formality of the process of presentation Kaufman, S. A. 1977. Prediction, Prophecy, and Apocalypse in the
and the attention to preservation point to the normaliza- Light of New Akkadian Texts. PWC]S 611: 221-28.
tion of prophetic communication in the circles of Esarhad- Lafont, B. 1984. La roi de Mari et Jes prophetes du <lieu Adad. RA
don and Ashurbanipal. 78: 7-18.
Lebrun, R. 1980. Hymnes et prieres hittites. Louvain-la-Neuve.
D. Egypt Malamat, A. 1980. A Mari Prophecy and Nathan's Dynastic Oracle.
The problem of definition is especially well illustrated Pp. 68-82 in Prophecy: Essays Presented to Georg Fohrer, ed. J. A.
by the Egyptian materials. "The Admonitions of Ipu-wer," Emerton. BZAW 150. Berlin.
a cnt1que of the sociopolitical order, is labeled by some as - - . 1987. A Forerunner of Biblical Prophecy: The Mari Docu-
prophetic in a biblical sense. Texts such as "The Prophecy ments. AIR, 33-52.
of l'ieferti" are cast as foretelling a future deliverance for Noon, E. 1977. Untersuchungen zum Gottesbescheid in Mari. AOAT
a country in a time of trouble, though written ex eventu. 202. Kevelaer.
This sequence has been taken as a forerunner to the Oppenheim, A. L. 1956. The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient
biblical prophets and their sense of a time of crisis that will Near East. TAPhS 46/3. Philadelphia.
give way to a messianic age. But these texts illustrate more Ray, J. D. 1981. Ancient Egypt. Pp. 174-90 in Oracles and Divina-
a relationship with wisdom, drawing on the past to antici- tion, ed. M. Loewe and C. Blacker. Boulder, CO.
PROPHECY (ANE)
482. v
Sasson, J. 1983. Mari Dreams.}AOS 103: 283-93. prophet as a legitimate spokesperson for the divine. For
Schmitt, A. 1982. PTophetischer Gottesbescheid in Mari und Israel. the early period, a favored conception is that "the spirit of
BWANT 114. Stuttgart. the Lord" speaks through the individual (e.g., 1 Sam
Selms, A. van. 1971. CTA 32: A Prophetic Liturgy. UF 3: 235-48. 10:10; I Kgs 22:24). Later terminology preferred "the
Strong, S. A. 1894. On Some Oracles to Esarhaddon and Aforban- word of the Lord came to" the person (e.g., jer 1:2, 4;
ipal. Beitriige zur Asryriologie 2: 627-45. Ezek 1:3). The general idea remains: the prophet is the
Tadmor, H. 1982. The Aramaization of Assyria: Aspects of West- one who can speak in the name of God.
ern Impact. Vol. 2., pp. 449-70 in Mewpotamien und Seine Prophets came from all walks of life. Indeed, some seem
Nachbarn, ed. H.-J. Nissen and J. Renger. Berlin. to ha~e had a .wide v'.lriety of experience and a deep
Weippert, H.; Seybold, K.; and Weippert, M. 1985. Beitriige zur acquaintance with vanous aspects of life and work in
prophetischen Bildsprache in Israel und As.ryrien. OBO 64. Freiburg Israel. They claim or are given backgrounds as varied as
and Gottingen. sheepherder, priest, agriculturalist, scribe. They spoke
Weippert, M. 1981. Assyrische Prophetien der Zeit Asarhaddons where and when they thought they would be effective.
und Assurbanipals. Pp. 71-113 in As.ryrian Raya[ Inscriptions: They spoke frequently, no doubt, in places where people
Nt:w Horizons, ed. F. M. Fales, Rome. most readily gathered-the marketplace, the temple, the
H. B. HUFFMON city gates (cf. jer 7:2). They may have spoken less formally
in other places as well.
PREEXJUC HEBREW PROPHECY A distinction has sometimes been made that, for some
interpreters, marks a dramatic development in the history
A. \bcabulary for Prophets of Israelite prophecy. Many of the early prophets speak
B. General Ideas and Description of Prophets only to individuals, especially kings or other officials, while
C. Prophets in the Biblical Books other, later prophets address large groups of people-
I. Narrative Books: Torah rhetorically, the whole nation or an entire city. No doubt
2. Narrative Books: Former Prophets this variation depends on who the prophet thinks is the
3. Prophetic Anthologies: Latter Prophets appropriate recipient of a particular utterance, whether
D. Language of the Prophets that message is a threat or something else.
E. Psychological Considerations
F. Themes of the Preexilic Prophets C. Prophets in the Biblical Books
I. God 1. Narrative Books: Torah. Some biblical personages of
2. Israel the early periods are called prophets long before prophecy
3. The Relation between God and Israel in the usual biblical sense appears in ancient Israel. Thus,
4. The Future Torah contains no prophets in the technical sense of the
G. The Prophets' Relation to the Institutions of Israel term, even though the term is given to some individuals
I. Monarchy anachronistically.
2. Cultus The first four books of the Bible do not offer the reader
3. Wisdom any figure that resembles a prophet such as Isaiah. Al-
H. Reception of the Prophets though Abraham is identified as a prophet by the source
I. The Study of the Prophets usually called E, Abraham does not function as the other
prophets do. He does not address people in the name of
A. Vocabulary for Prophets God. In Exodus, Aaron, the brother of Moses, will act as a
The word "prophet" most frequently translates the Heb "prophet" in relation to Moses (Exod 7: I) ..But he never
word nabi'. This word is probably not of Hebrew origin; actually says "Thus says the Lord." Miriam, the sister of
the Akk nabitu seems the closest cognate, although the title Moses, gets the title "prophetess," but she performs actions
nabU, "diviner" (?), is now attested at Mari. This probable that exhibit a character that is more cultic than prophetic
loanword in Hebrew suggests that prophecy in Israel was (Exod 15:20; Num 12: 1-15). A passage deals with compe-
not a phenomenon unrelated to ideas and practices out- tition among those who would claim exclusive right to
side Israel. Israelite prophecy can rather be understood as prophetic activity (Num 11 :26-30), and Num 12:6 men-
a concept and an activity that Israel shared with other tions the possibility of a prophet in Israel whose vision of
cultures and peoples among whom the Israelites lived and and insight into the divine would be less than Moses'.
experienced God. Deuteronomy (a purported address of Moses within the
Other words are also used by the biblical tradition to narrative) presupposes the existence of prophets in an
describe persons who acted in the way that Israel saw its institutional setting. Grounds are given for withholding
prophets behave. One passage claims that in former times belief in a given prophet, i.e., if the prophet tries to lead
the prophet (nabi') was known as a seer (rtPeh) (I Sam 9:9). people away from Yahweh (Deut 13:2-6-Eng 13: 1-5)
Two other terms also are occasionally used for the role: and if what the prophet says does not come true (Deut
man of God {'i.S [hii]'elohim) and visionary (hOzeh). 18:20-22). The text must have originated in a time when
people wanted to hear the word of God but were troubled
B. General Ideas and Description of Prophets by the existence of numerous prophets, some of whom
There seems to have been no standard prerequisite for were in reality not sent from God. Moreover, it is Deuter-
a person to become a prophet in Israel. Divine inspiration onomy that identifies Moses as the great prophet sent from
was what made a person a prophet, and what caused the God, the model of one who is to come (Deut 18: 15-19;
prophet to speak out, and what made others listen to the 34:10).
v. 483 PROPHECY (PREEXILIC HEBREW)

Torah, then, gives the terms "prophet" and "prophetess" tance should apply to the classical prophets has been a
to individuals in the first four books by retrojection. The topic of debate.
second section of the Hebrew canon, "Prophets," is divided Important too for the Deuteronomistic History is the
into the Former Prophets and the Latter Prophets. The efficacy of the predictions that prophets make in the name
Former Prophets are the narrative books (Joshua through of God. Explicit emphasis on prediction of specific events
Kings) that follow the outlook of Deuteronomy (together and the fulfillment of those predictions recurs frequently
called by modern scholars the Deuteronomistic History). in these books. On the general point of the future, the
The Latter Prophets comprise four books: Isaiah, Jere- anthologies of prophetic sayings agree with these narrative
miah, Ezekiel, and the book of the Twelve. books.
2. Narrative Books: Former Prophets. The first book 3. Prophetic Anthologies: Latter Prophets. The He-
of the Former Prophets (Joshua) does not use the term brew canon places the anthologies of the prophets imme-
nabfl, but the second book (Judges) uses the feminine diately after this extended narrative about the monarchy
form, nebi'a. Deborah is called "prophetess" once in Judg in Israel. The Latter Prophets are called "latter" simply
4:4. Just how the writer means the word in that setting is because they are placed after the Former Prophets (the
somewhat unclear. In that scene her work is described as Deuteronomistic History). Other terms used for these
that of a judge or ruler. In chap. 5, however, she is books (and the prophets after whom they are named) are
implored to "utter a song" (Judg 5: 12). the "classical" or "canonical" prophets, and even, inappro-
Some scholars stress that Samuel is the beginning of the priately, the "writing" prophets. The term "writing" is
prophetic development in ancient Israel (Albright). The inappropriate because the preexilic prophets themselves
figure of Samuel certainly does present a prophetic facet did not write down the words they spoke. Prophets are
of his being. He speaks in the name of God to oppose the speakers. (Perhaps Second Isaiah, in the Exile, is the
idea of monarchy (1 Sam 8:7, 10) and then to proclaim prophet who began to use the written word as a prophetic
Saul the divinely chosen king (l Sam 10:24). But that medium.)
figure also has several other facets as well. He is judge, Because the preexilic prophets did not commit to writ-
priest, and leader of the group called "the sons of the ing what they had to say, the books of these prophets come
prophets." to the reader today from many hands. It could have been
Nathan was a court prophet of David. He appears in the that the first written collection of a prophet's words was
narrative only after David takes the city of Jerusalem (2 made during the prophet's lifetime, but that is not the
Sam 5:9). He may have been a native of this city, and hence emphasis or the claim of the books themselves. Perhaps
have some non-Israelite prophetic heritage. Through him the death of the prophet was the stimulus for the first
David is promised an eternal dynasty (2 Sam 7:13). collections to be made (with the exception of Jer 36:2, 32).
The prophetic groups, "the sons of the prophets," led Then the process of editing, clarification, explanation, and
lives of asceticism and probably partial seclusion. They expansion began. The process of the formation of the
function somewhat as intermediaries with the divine, and prophetic books was a long and complicated one. Much of
seem to use physical means, as the slashing of oneself and that process remains unclear, even after much analysis.
the chanting of songs, to produce an ecstatic trance (l Kgs In the most frequent terminology, the sequence of clas-
20:35). They were sought out by individuals in special sical prophets begins with Amos, followed soon by Hosea,
need. both of whom spoke in the northern kingdom in the 8th
Also connected with the sons of the prophets are the century. They are succeeded (with some overlap) by Micah
memorable figures of Elijah and Elisha. Elijah is called, on and Isaiah, who both preached in Judah in the same
the one hand, to challenge the infidelity of the people and, century. The late 7th century claims Zephaniah, Jeremiah,
on the other hand, to foment revolution both within and Nahum, Habakkuk, and Ezekiel.
outside Israel (1 Kgs 19:15-16). Elisha, his successor,
functions as a dramatic miracle worker (2 Kings 4-7). D. Language of the Prophets
The depictions of prophets within the Deuteronomistic The language of the prophets is probably what most
History naturally are constructed according to the designs strikes a reader today. They spoke in poetry, and some of
the poetry that the prophets created is virtually un-
and. purposes of t~e writers and for their purposes. Proph-
matched in world literature. On the other hand, some of
ets. 1~ the narrative function in specific roles. They give
the sayings are cryptic, or crabbed, or too tied to a partic-
legmmacy to a new dynasty (e.g., Nathan, 2 Sam 7:12;
ular setting for them to offer a clear meaning today. But
Eluah, 1Kgs19:16; and Ahijah, 1Kgs11:31). Moreover,
sometimes even these passages contain striking images that
they are sent successively by God to warn the people.
can haunt the reader.
~lthough for the Deuteronomists the kings are, in a spe-
The prophets understand themselves to be inspired by
cial way, responsible for the infidelity of the people, nev-
God and to speak the word of God. The most common
ertheless, the people themselves should heed the call of evidence of this conviction is the ever recurring "Thus says
the prophets to repent. The disaster is announced and the Lord." This kind of messenger formula is found
the call is made, b~t there is no heeding. The prophets elsewhere in the ancient Near East on the lips of an
preac.h repentance m vam, and the two kingdoms fall. emissary from one monarch to the court of another. This
This idea. that the ~rophet's basic role is to preach form and formula are examples in which the language
repentance 1s a conception that often influences the inter- that the prophets use often contained oral forms or speech
pretation o~ prophecy in general. Just how much this patterns from daily or routine life.
understanding of prophecy as the preaching of repen- There are abundant examples of other borrowings from
PROPHECY (PREEXILIC HEBREW) 484 • v
varied kinds of activities with specific speech patterns. The messag~: Israel has not lived up to its calling. The prophets
judge's court is on:e area which offered many such forms see ba.s1C moral laws broken or ignored. The prophets
that prophets used to convey their own message: the proclaim that the God who stands behind those laws will
summons of the judge, the charge of the prosecutor, the come to uphold those demands.
claim of the defendant, or the lament of those who were Th~ first demand of the prophets was that the people
denied justice. Songs and parables were also imitated by worship only Yahweh. Although the preexilic prophets did
various prophets. Even the funeral service seems to have not make theoretical statements about the existence or
contributed a frequent form used by the prophets, the (non)existence of other gods, they did require the Israel-
"Woe" oracle. It is sometimes claimed that no area of ites to worship only the God of Israel. The reality of God
Israelite life was untouched by this borrowing of forms demar:ids that Israel ~orship Yahweh. Moreover, the right
that appear in the prophetic books. worship of God requires of a person the right treatment
The preexilic prophets who preach a coming catastro- of one's fellow human beings. The prophets do not toler-
phe sometimes can be found using a form, or parts of it, ate worship of God that is not linked to proper behavior
that has become standard in many analyses of prophetic toward one's neighbor.
speech, the "reproach and threat." The ideal form is Rarely do the prophets identify the basis of God's claim
"Because you have done this evil, therefore, thus says the of sole worship and just treatment of one's neighbor.
Lord, disaster will come upon you." One finds many other Whether it was the election and protection of Israel or, as
terms to describe the two parts of the form: "invective," some say, a universal law within God's creation that the
"reason," "accusation" for the "reproach," and ''.judg- prophets relied on for their evaluations, God does demand
ment," "sentence," "verdict" for the "threat." The analysis proper actions. The universality of the moral claim is
of this form shows that, regardless of the way in which the almost surprising. God judges Israel severely, but the
prophet receives the word of God, the prophet does con- prophets also view God as judging other nations as well
tribute personal reflections and reasoning, which the (Amos 1-2). The moral sovereignty of God parallels the
prophet speaks before giving the divine decision of judg- sovereign majesty of God. All humanity stands judged
ment. before God.
God has, however, revealed a special way of life to Israel.
E. Psychological Considerations And that revelation must not be ignored. It is clear that
The actual state of a prophet when receiving the divine God's position cannot be compromised. Although the
word has been the subject of much investigation and de- prophets make no explicit claim that God was revealed to
bate. Many scholars have found helpful comparisons with Israel, a moral revelation is the implicit presupposition in
somewhat comparable phenomena from various other so- much of what the prophets said (Amos 3:7). The prophets
cieties. Indeed, the choice of the society and the kind of do claim that God reveals the divine plans to the prophets.
comparison one makes will influence the outcome. Com- And the prophets invoke the traditions that were under-
parisons with the mystics of various traditions (Lindblom stood to have been revealed in the past about how humans
1962), with the visionaries among the Native Americans are to behave.
(Overholt 1989), with intermediaries, ecstatic or possessed, In addition to the demands that God puts on human
of various cultures (Wilson 1980), and with many others beings, the prophets also point to the love that God has
have been made and have also been critiqued. All of these for humanity and for Israel in particular. God's love ex-
studies shed some light on the prophetic experience, but tends to humans even in the face of unfaithfulness and of
the reader is left to decide which are most appropriate backsliding. The images that the prophets use for the love
and satisfying. of God are themselves revealing. Parent, teacher, healer,
One remarkable thing is clear regarding the language counselor-these are some of the roles that the prophets
and psychology of the prophets. The prophets share in give to God, roles that reveal the concern and passion God
the long literary tradition of Canaan, for the poetry that has for people.
the prophets speak borrows much from the literary tradi- A facile contrast is sometimes made between God's love
tion found also in the Ugaritic poetry of half a millennium and divine justice (often erroneously restricting the former
before the biblical prophets and only a few hundred miles to the NT and the latter to the OT). One might better say
to the north. that God's justice is responsive, that is, that God's justice is
Not only did the Israelite prophets speak their words in an act of love rather than of vengeance. When things begin
the form of poetic parallelism, but they also used the same to get out of hand, when people's negligence goes so far
kind of word pairs that their Ugaritic predecessors had that there is no expectation that things will improve, then
used. It is not clear how much a prophet would simply God must step in to take action. God's delay in bringing
have "picked up" this tradition or how much the prophet the results of infidelity on the people cannot be extended
actively set out to acquire it. The reality of the participation indefinitely. The preexilic prophets are distinctive in
in the tradition is clear. A fairly recent proposal suggests speaking about a coming disaster for Israel, but there are
that the poetry in the prophetic books is primary and the also statements of God's regret about this future. For the
religious interpretation of it secondary (Auld 1980). prophets God could no longer delay the end.
One can ask whether the prophets took their own images
F. Themes of the Preexilic Prophets for God in a literal sense. When they spoke of God as an
1. God. The God whom the preexilic prophets experi- unmoved judge, as a raging parent, as a plotting monarch,
ence is a God who .demands certain actions from human did the prophets think that God was completely and ade-
beings. The 8th-century prophets appear with a disturbing quately represented by these images? We cannot know. But
v. 485 PROPHECY (PREEXILIC HEBREW)

the Bible reader of today must realize the danger of taking the parent of Israel (Hos 11: l), the shepherd (Ezek 34: l ),
literally these descriptions of the indescribable. "'.he the king (Isa 6:5 ). When the prophets speak of the relation
prophets used whatever images they thou~ht appropriate between God and Jerusalem (and Samaria), the image is
for their society. Their statements remam part of the marital, and the act of separation is divorce (Jer 3:2; Ezek
theology of 8th- and 7th-century Israel. 16:8; Hos 2:4-Eng 2:2).
2. Israel. The unfaithfulness of the people is what One image for the relation between God and Israel that
struck and disturbed the classical prophets. The time of has caused continued controversy regarding its age is the
infidelity in which the prophets lived seems to some read- metaphor of covenant. This image, taken from the politi-
ers to be an expected development in Israel's history. The cal realm, has been claimed by some scholars as the major
rise and history of prophecy in Israel virtually coincide and defining image for the God-human relation in ancient
with the history of the monarchy. It was the monarchy that Israel. Other scholars point out that the 8th-century
allowed, perhaps encouraged, the so-called Canaanization prophets do not employ it. They claim that it is an image
of Israelite culture, both socially and religiously. The de- that gained popularity in later times. One must admit that
velopment of social and economic ranks or classes in Israel covenant is sometimes lost in the vast sweep of images that
led to the oppression of the poor and the needy. The rich the prophets use.
grew more wealthy, profiting from the labors and losses of Whatever the image used, the preexilic prophets say that
the lower classes. The prophets decry this deterioration of there is something gone wrong with the relationship. Is-
Israel's soul. rael has become a wayward son, a sinful people, a man
The prophets feel the urge and conviction to speak out who needs to flee, a society that is corrupted. Some later
against this situation. When the prophets charge their prophetic writers speak of the broken covenant, the field
audience with this infidelity, their speech is quite varied. of dry bones, the relationship that cannot endure.
They addressed various people on different occasions, so Along with all the images of punishment and finality,
one expects variety in their collected sayings. The classical there are some statements of God's enduring love and of
prophets usually addressed their words to people at large. the chance that God might not carry out the threat. There
It is noteworthy that they sometimes address or speak of are even images of hope and restoration. The son will be
the people in various linguistic forms. Sometimes they taken back, the sins will be forgiven, the man can stop
speak of the people in the grammatical form one would running, the society will be cleansed. Are these too from
most expect, masculine plural. But Israel is also addressed the same prophets? This question, of course, deals with
as masculine singular. (Israel was the alternate name of the formation of the prophetic books.
the ancestor Jacob; and the name retained its masculine 4. The Future. Critical scholars ask the question
gender, not just because Jacob was male, but also because whether to understand the promises that the books of the
the names of people are masculine in biblical Hebrew.) preexilic prophets contain as actually coming from those
Recent studies claim that the addressee or subject in the prophets or from later speakers and writers. The question
feminine singular is not Israel as such, but rather a city. that is inevitable for some critical thinkers is whether
When the people are addressed in the imagery proper to promises of restoration actually belong side by side with
cities, images occur such as mother, wife, virgin, widow, threats. Can the same person see total disaster coming and
sister, and harlot. When Israel as a people is addressed, see beyond it a bright future?
those feminine images do not occur. Amos says that the end has come for Israel, the capital
The message of the prophets varied also according to is virtually fallen. Jeremiah is just as definitive about the
the time and the place of the speech, and the people end of his city and the hopelessness of the situation. Can
involved. Preexilic prophecy can generally be depicted as these men turn around and predict a time of fulfillment
prophecy of judgment. The prophets are the conscience for their audience?
of Israel, alerting it to the injustice and infidelity that each Often scholars point out that the prophetic word differs
of the prophets sees. from day to day and from time to time. Indeed, times do
On both accounts, the rights of God and the rights of change the message. For example, Isaiah may have held
their fellow human beings, Israel has to be judged as the idea of Zion's inviolability; but Jeremiah, about a
having failed in the eyes of God. Israel is seen by the century later, flatly contradicts the concept. For some
preexilic prophets as unfaithful to the God who called scholars, the promises and hopes were given in the time of
them. the prophet for a different generation, and these sayings
3. The Relation between God and Israel. As already were preserved for them and understood only later.
stated, the preexilic prophets for the most part saw a Around the turn of the 20th century, there was a pro-
deterioration in the relation between God and Israel. Israel posal that the alternation of woe and weal, of threat and
no longer keeps the original faith they had in their God. promise, was part of the standard way of prophetic speech
(Alternatively, Ezekiel believes that Israel was wrong- (Gressmann 1905). Certain scholars, especially those who
headed from the start.) The relationship is coming to an stressed the oral transmission of the prophetic sayings,
end. The very end was in sight for some of the prophets. repeated this solution to the phenomenon of seeming
No more can God put up with the careless and faithless contradictions.
behavior of the people. For many scholars, newness is the salient reality of the
There is variation in the images that the prophets use prophetic vision. The prophets see that Israel has reached
for the end of this relationship. Amos speaks quite di- a new stage in its relation to God. A turning point, a critical
rectly: "the ~nd has come upon my people Israel" (Amos one, is near at hand. The way that Israel had lived to the
8:2). Other images for the relation are used. God is called time of the prophet has led to a particular crisis. For the
PROPHECY (PREEXILIC HEBREW) 486. v
most part, the preexilic prophets focus more on the im- ~lly. a.ccompany the worship of a community or that of an
mediate problems and the immediate future that Israel's md1v1dual.. No one, e~pecially before the Exile, could say
infidelity would bring on. The hope that lay beyond that that God did not reqmre the worship in the temple as that
crisis has to be argued very carefully and forcefully to be worship had been offered from Solomon on.
persuasive. Many of the charges that the prophets in their times
raise against the cultus denounce worship that has been
G. The Prophets' Relation to the Institutions of influenced by Canaanite practice and belief. The Canaan-
Israel ite "hig~ places'.' were th~ngs that the reforming kings
I. Monarchy. Prophecy throughout the ANE was often found virtually mdestrucuble. The remnants of foreign
connected with the kings and rulers. In Israel, the classical worship survive even the Exile. These popular forms of
period of prophecy coincides with the time of the monar- infidelity, both in worship and in unjust social practices,
chy. There are court prophets in Israel at the very begin- were the object of the prophets' indignation.
ning of the monarchy, that is, with Saul and David. And The prophets, when they have a moment of hope, look
after the secession of the North, one finds prophets of the forward to a purified cultus, one which truly manifests a
kings of the independent kingdoms (l Kgs 22:8; cf. 2 Kgs commitment and a continued faithfulness to the God who
20: I). Although prophecy continues after the demise of called Israel. The prophets condemn the worship offered
the active monarchy, nevertheless, the last large book of by certain individuals and groups only because it is the
one prophet, namely Ezekiel, is named from a prophet worship of other gods and the worship of the Lord without
who had lived under kings in Jerusalem. relation to one's treatment of one's fellow human beings.
The view of the monarchy that individual prophets took Occasional words of the prophets are directed against
was, no doubt, influenced by a wide variety of things, the priests (e.g., Hos 4:4-10). They charge the priests with
many of which we cannot know. In general, however, negligence and insincerity (Ezek 22:26). The prophets
Amos, Hosea, and Micah all take a dim view of the mon- suggest that the priests are leading the people astray, away
archy. Hosea even says that kingship was not something from God, rather than toward God (Mic 3: 11 ). This criti-
from God (Hos 8:4). Isaiah, the only 8th-century prophet cism of the cultic personnel may be a different route to
who was a native of Jerusalem, does not speak against the critiquing the cultus itself. But here again the words of the
kings. Indeed, it may be Isaiah, in his book, who depicts a prophets are directed toward those priests who did stray
bright future under a majestic monarch (Isa 9:5-6-Eng from the path of priestly devotion and purity of life.
9:6-7; 11: 1-9). The editors of the book of Amos speak of Moreover, these attacks on the priests are often accom-
the restored tent of David (Amos 9: 11 ). panied by critiques of "the prophets." The prophets de-
In both Isaiah and Jeremiah, there are passages that scribe a society they see as corrupt, and they speak out
suggest that these prophets were advisers to the kings in against all forms of injustice and infidelity. The classical
their times (Isa 7:1-17; Jer 21:10; 37:16-21). To see such prophets often speak of priests and prophets in the same
passages as actual records of historical facts is, to the breath. The famous passage in Jer 18: 18 speaks of the
critical reader, not the most obvious way to read these priest, the wise, and the prophet. All had their own roles
passages. Actually in both cases these prophets oppose the to play in the society; all had their burdens to bear if the
king or his plans. By and large the prophets who worked society failed.
for the kings of Israel and Judah were not the prophets 3. Wisdom. In the past few decades, a most interesting
whose words survive in our prophetic books. development in the study of the prophets has been a focus
Nevertheless, the prophetic tradition one finds in the on the relation of the prophets to the realm of wisdom.
edited books of the Bible continues to use the imagery of Israel's search for wisdom and the writing of its Wisdom
the book of Isaiah. The future king is part of the develop- Literature may have begun as early as the time ofSoJomon.
ing hope for the future. The Heb word maJia(l (Eng "Mes- If this is the case, prophecy and wisdom are parallel
siah") is never used for the future king. (The word is used phenomena for the monarchic period. It would be unlikely
for the reigning king and others who are actually if these parallel phenomena would not have some interre-
anointed.) Nevertheless, the monarchy clearly furnishes lation and interaction.
ideas that messianic expectation in later times expanded Isa 5: 19-24 lashes out against those who have a pre-
and developed. tended wisdom. Later, Isa 30: 1-5 attacks those who plan
2. Coitus. There are passages in the preexilic prophets things without consulting the wisdom of God. Isaiah seems
which suggest to some readers that the prophets advocated to be attacking those whose profession is to treat and apply
a religion that did away with the traditional religious prac- the traditional political wisdom.
tice, specifically Israel's festivals, sacrifices, and offerings. There are indeed other passages in the prophets which
The prophets speak about the seeking of God in purity of manifest a more positive relationship. One finds some
heart. The prophets clearly have God say that none of sayings that suggest a real wisdom background or origin
what the people offer is pleasing or required (Amos 5:21- (Isa 14:24-27; Jer 19:7-15). Although the prophets some-
23; Isa I : 12-15 ). Indeed, 19th-century scholarship under- times do seem to speak against the professional class of
stood these statements as a total rejection of the sacrificial the wise, nevertheless, they share in their excellent use of
system and of any material things involved in worship. language, an ability that normally requires training and
The immediate response to this view would have to be practice. Often the same vocabulary is shared by the two
that in the ancient world and in Israel in particular, no groups.
person could conceive of worship without external expres- Some scholars have proposed that the basis for the
sion, that is, without the rituals and actions that tradition- prophets' judgment against unjust practices was the teach-
v. 487 PROPHECY (PREEXILIC HEBREW)

ing of the wise men, formulated and pass~d on from acquired by King Ahab from outside Israel, kills the
earlier generations. On the other hand, there 1s a proposal prophets of Yahweh. Although in the next chapter, Elijah
that there was no class of "the wise" in Israel. The people attributes the slaughter to "the people of Israel" (I Kgs
referred to by that term were simply the educated, the 19:10, 14), the killing neither occurs in nor is done by
intellectually alert individuals. If this claim is true, the Jerusalem. The killing of the prophets is a postbiblical
prophet's training would have been from and with such a tradition that develops for different reasons both within
group of educated people. Judaism and within Christianity (Amaru 1983).
The difference between the wise man and the prophet
remains, of course: the prophets speak the word of God, I. The Study of the Prophets
and wise men pass on the word they have received from Although over the centuries certain readers of the Bible
their predecessors. The difference between the prophet had noticed that particular sayings within the books of the
and the wise man enriched life in the society of ancient prophets did not seem to come from the people to whom
Israel and our reading of the biblical books. they were ascribed, it was mainly in the 19th century that
certain scholars vigorously attempted to sort out the au-
H. Reception of the Prophets thentic from the inauthentic sayings within the books of
None of the canonical prophets seems comfortable with the prophets. The position, popularized especially by Ju-
being called a nabi' (cf. Amos 7:14). None of the canonical lius Wellhausen, regarding the relation of the prophets to
prophets seems to have been a popular success in the sense the Pentateuch encouraged this particular kind of study of
of having a large following. All the preexilic prophets have the prophets. The insight that the law came after the
rather harsh things to say, and it is not surprising that they prophets allowed certain scholars to set out in new direc-
did not immediately win the hearts of all. tions in the study of the prophets. This newfound ap-
That they do not call themselves ntibi' or let others apply proach analyzes the prophetic books on their own rather
this term to them suggests that the term had connotations than as precursors of a new revelation or as the commen-
with which each of the prophets did not want to identify. taries and expansions on the Pentateuch.
Much scholarship claims that the word ntibi' implies in- Since the study of the Pentateuch had shown that many
duced ecstacy, manic bizarreness, and irrational activity in hands had contributed to those books, similar methods
general. Other studies have suggested that the professional could be applied to the prophets. The approach that tries
aspect of prophecy is what Amos rejects in Amos 7: 14. Yet to determine whether all the words attributed to a prophet
another proposal is that the difference in terminology is actually come from that prophet utilizes the many differ-
mainly regional, Amos being from the South. ent clues within the text itself and raises other considera-
It is in the narratives about the prophets that a prophet tions from outside as well. It could be pointed out that the
is called ntibf' without any hesitation. A recent scholarly question of authenticity of the sayings is not asked in order
tendency has been to say that the narratives come from a to "challenge" the Bible or the believer, but simply to
time after the historical prophet. In this view, the narra- determine the real theology, the real thinking, of a given
tives are better understood as legends about the person prophet. To seek to establish that original prophetic con-
for the purpose of enhancing or clarifying the figure tent is not to deny or to reject the Bible as normative.
rather than as manifestations of the personality of the The effort to determine what were the authentic words
prophet. Many scholars today are far more reluctant than of the prophet has engaged a great number of scholars.
those of a generation or two ago to write a biography or Various methods are used to decide whether a particular
even a personality assessment of a given prophet. saying can rank as authentic. Whether it be on the bases of
There are indeed passages in which a prophet seems to the language and vocabulary used, of the ideas expressed,
express poetically the difficulty he has in speaking to the or of the historical events alluded to, the critic pares away
people and being heard by them. Isaiah is one example certain words, verses, and passages to arrive at the sub-
(Isa 8: 16-18). But Jeremiah has a whole sequence of stance of the prophet's preaching or writing. German
"laments" which have been interpreted as his inner soul scholarship has excelled in seeking to identify the authen-
emerging (Jer 12:1-6; 15:10-21; 17:14-18; 18:18-23; tic words of the prophets. Mainly as a result of this kind of
20:7-13, 14-18). Yet even here, some scholarship attempts analysis of the prophetic books, one concludes that the
to read these as liturgical pieces or as evidence of inner- preexilic prophets were truly prophets of doom. Careful
community strife. These interpretations suppose that the analysis of the books allows one to see and appreciate the
prophet wanted to reveal the divine word rather than original thoughts and words of the prophets.
individual feeling, ;;,nd that the prophet's tradition contin- A reaction to this approach of dissecting the texts to find
ued to grow after the life of the prophet. the original meaning inevitably arises. Such a critique
A claim that appears in the NT, which seems perhaps underlines the difficulty in deciding objectively what are
odd to the reader of the OT, is that Jerusalem killed the the words and sections that have to be judged as additions.
prophets sent to it (Luke 13:34). The Deuteronomistic One's own presuppositions can intrude and influence the
History does emphasize the stream of prophets who were judgment. A modern conception of how books come into
sent to warn the people of Israel, and in response the being can impede one's understanding of the development
people and their kings would not listen. But there is no of the biblical text. Moreover, one might better stress the
biblical scene to which the author of Luke could be refer- oral origins of prophecy and the oral transmission of the
ring. prophet's words to show the reliability of the text. Certain
A report of the killing of prophets appears only once in scholars pointed out that our current prophetic books
the OT In I Kgs 18:4, 13, Queen Jezebel, who had been differ in their origin and contents. Two kinds of prophetic
PROPHECY (PREEXILIC HEBREW) 488. v
material exist: the ·diwan, a collection of diverse sayings of dimension of Israelite prophecy continues to be one of the
a single prophet, passed on without much variation, and most. lively areas of contemporary study on the prophets.
the liturgy, a unified piece which originated in the cultic W1th regard to the prophetic writings, great emphasis
performance of a prophet. The liturgy is the more unified has been given to the formation of the books of the
of the two, weaving a pattern of themes and developing, in prophets. Because the prophets themselves did not write,
its own style, a complex work. This approach was fostered one must understand the words of the prophet as having
among Scandinavian scholars (Engnell 1969). It has been selected, edited, probably reinterpreted, and then
stressed the impossibility of really sorting out the authentic expanded. The editorial remarks and expansions, once
sayings from the additions. ignored by some scholars as inauthentic, are now analyzed
A different approach to the prophets is to take the to order to see the history of the book's growth. This
prophetic book basically as the tradition has given it to us. growth of the prophetic books offers insights into the
Only those passages which are obviously not from the history of biblical religion from a new and different per-
prophet need be cut away from the authentic words. The spective.
critic's task is to see how the words of the prophet reflect Along with this interest in the formation of the books
the situation in which the prophet existed. Archaeological goes the attempt to analyze larger sections of the books as
research can be very helpful in understanding the message units rather than the smaller passages and individual say-
and even the style of the prophets in their own time and ings that had been passed on orally at some early stage.
setting. This approach to the prophetic books, by and The editors of the books are increasingly given credit for
large, is pursued especially in the United States (King intelligence, understanding, and organization in their
1988). work. The growth of the books is generally not seen as
More specific and distinctive approaches to the study of haphazard or unthinking.
the prophets have arisen. The question of a prophet's The emphasis on the books as canonical sacred writings
relation to previous tradition returns in various ways. Ger- to be interpreted with the entire canon of the Bible has
hard von Rad's response is to show that each of the received a fresh proposal (Childs 1979). The only reasons
prophets speaks within one of the three election traditions these books have been preserved by the generations are
of ancient Israel: those of Exodus, Zion, or David. The the meanings that the whole books offer within the canon
prophets see that Israel is entering a new stage of its of the Bible. Critics of this approach suggest that this kind
history. Israel is encountering God on a new level. Yet that of analysis ignores all the advances of the historical-critical
level always relates to the past. The prophet reinterprets study of the prophetic books. The proponents of this
the old election tradition and applies it (or them) to the method insist, however, that the approach does not deny
new situation. The prophet's formulation of both judg- any of those advances but simply puts them in the proper
ment and promise depends on the specific tradition that perspective. The debate on this approach has not yet
prophet knows. Naturally the prophet's place of origin concluded.
influences the election tradition out of which he speaks.
Isaiah, e.g., was from Jerusalem and operated with the Bibliography
Zion and David traditions; Hosea, from the North, used Albright, W. F. 1961. Samuel and the Beginnings of the Prophetic
the Exodus tradition. Movement. Cincinnati. Repr. in Interpreting the Prophetic Tradi-
Another approach which utilizes the places from which tion, ed. Harry Orlinsky. Cincinnati, 1969.
the prophet came and the particular ways of thought Amaru, B. H. 1983. The Killing of the Prophets: Unraveling a
proper to that locality is the study of Wilson (1980). The Midrash. HUCA 54: 153-80.
Ephraimite prophetic tradition of the North differs from Auld, A.G. 1980. Poetry, Prophecy, Hermeneutic: Recent Studie5
the Judean tradition of the South in matters of the vocab- in Isaiah. S]T 33: 567-81.
ulary used for the prophet and his pronouncement, the Blenkinsopp, J. 1983. A Hi.story of Prophecy in Israel. Philadelphia.
manner of viewing the prophet, and the process of inter- Carrol, R. P. 1981. From Chaos to Covenant: Prophecy in the Book o)
mediation. Isaiah and Micah are the classical preexilic Jeremiah. New York.
prophets in the Judean tradition (although Isaiah gets a Childs, B. S. 1979. Introduction to the Old Testament As Scripture.
Deuteronomic/Ephraimite depiction in the Deuteronom- Philadelphia.
istic History); Hosea, of course, is Ephraimite. This socio- Coggins, R.; Phillips, A.; and Knibb, M., eds. 1982. Israel's Propheti1
logical study underscores the importance of each pro- Tradition. Cambridge.
phet's support group, the specific segment of the society Engnell, I. 1969. A Rigid Scrutiny. Trans. and ed. J. T. Willis
which encourages and sustains the prophet. Nashville.
Sociology also offers David L. Petersen ( 1981) a particu- Fohrer, G. 1975-76. Neue Literatur zur alttestamentliche Prophe·
lar approach to the prophets. Prophets come to a society tie (1961-70). TRu N.F. 40: 193-209, 337-77; 41: 1-12.
that has certain kinds of expectations regarding the man- Gressmann, H. 1905. Der Ursprung der i.sraelittseh-jwlischen Echatolo-
ner in which prophets should act and behave. Prophets gie. Gottingen.
can vary in the degree of involvement with which they play Heschel, A. 1962. The Prophets: An Introduction. 2 vols. New York.
these roles. Their acceptance by the various segments of King, P. J. 1988. Amos, Hosea, Micah: An Archaeological Commenta~.
the society is indeed crucial. Some prophets operate with Philadelphia.
the support of the political or religious authorities and Koch, K. 1983-84. The Prophets. 2 vols. Philadelphia.
thus become central prophets, while other prophets re- Kselman, J. S. 1985. The Social World of the Israelite Prophets
ceive the support only of the less powerful and outcast in RelSRev 11 : 120-29.
the society, thus becoming peripheral prophets. The social Lindblom, J. 1962. Prophecy in Ancient Israel. Oxford.
v. 489 PROPHECY (POSTEXILIC HEBREW)

Overholt, T W. 1989. Channels of Prophecy: The Social Dynamics of people Israel" (Amos 8:2); Hosea, "Compassion is hid
Prophetic Activity. Minneapolis. from my eyes" (Hos 13: 14); Isaiah, "His anger is not
Petersen, D. L. 1981. The Roles of Israel's Prophets. JSOTSup 17. turned away, and his hand is stretched out still" (Isa 9:~2,
Sheffield. I 7, 21 ). In Jeremiah, and in the early oracles of Ezekiel,
Schmitt, J. J. 1983. The Gender of Ancient Israel. ]SOT 26: 115- we hear the same message of impending doom, foretelling
25. the disaster of the Exile. But once the Babylonian invasion
- - . 1989. The Wife of God in Hosea 2. BR 24: 5-18. had happened and all false hopes of averting it ~ad come
Westermann, C. 1967. Ba.sic Forms of Prophetic Speech. Philadel_phia. to nothing, prophets began to look beyond disaster to
Wilson, R. R. J980. Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel. Ph1ladel- more favorable divine purposes for Israel, "plans for wel-
phia. fare and not for evil, to give you a future and a hope" (Jer
JOHN j. SCHMITT 29: 11 ). This is already clear in some of the oracles ~ol­
lected in Jeremiah 30-33 (although many scholars believe
POSTEXJLIC HEBREW PROPHECY these to be additions to the words of Jeremiah, they cannot
be much later than the work of the prophet himself), in
The Babylonian Exile of the 6t~_century ~.c.~. c~used a Ezekiel 36-39 and the early postexilic appendix to Ezekiel
sharp break in many of the traditions and mst1tut1ons of (Ezekiel 40-48), and above all in the oracles of Deutero-
ancient Israel. Its effect on the character of prophecy, Isaiah (Isaiah 40-55).
however was less marked than its social and political con- But exilic and postexilic prophecy of blessing is contin-
sequenc~s; and there is a clear l~ne of c~ntinuity linking uous with the preexilic judgment prophecy that it gradu-
Amos and Isaiah of Jerusalem with_ Ezekiel, Deutero-Is~­ ally displaced; it does not represent the triump_h of the
iah and Zechariah. Nevertheless, m time prophecy did facile, optimistic prophets condemned by Jeremiah, who
gra,dually evolve into something very different from w~at said "Peace, peace" when there was no peace (Jer 6: 14).
had been known in preexilic Israel; and by the NT penod The stories of Jeremiah's activities during the early years
the designation "prophet" applied to peopl_e in whom few of the exile of Jehoiachin make it clear that Yahweh has
of the characteristic features of the preex1hc prophets are not in any sense changed his mind about the fate of Judah;
discernible. This change in turn had an effect on the way no speedy return of the exiles or simple restorat~on of the
people in the Greco-Roman period perceived the preexilic preexilic kingdom is to be looked for. In Jeremiah 28_ we
prophets. At some point in the postexilic age, the idea read how Jeremiah disputed with a prophet, Hanamah,
began to develop that prophecy in the strict sense of the who had said "Within two years I will bring back to this
word had ceased from Israel, though certain groups, no- place all the vessels of the Lord's house" (28:3). Jeremiah
tably the Qumran community and the early Christians, rejected such optimism as a failure to see that the Babylo-
held that it had recently revived. The interpretation of nian conquest was not a temporary setback, but part of a
postexilic prophecy has many disputed areas, and in gen-
consistent divine plan, and that far worse was to come
eral it has not received as much scholarly attention as its
before there could be any thought of a change in Judah's
preexilic counterpart. We shall examine five questions: the
fortunes. As late as Deutero-Isaiah, who prophesied just
message of the postexilic prophets, their role and status in
before the return of the first people back to the land of
the community, the nature of prophetic experience after
Israel, there is no suggestion that the disaster of Exile_ had
the Exile, the forms of prophetic literature, and the edit-
been against the will of Yahweh, or that the better times
ing of prophetic books.
which were now coming marked a change of heart by
Yahweh or invalidated the judgment prophecy that had
A. The Message of the Postexilic Prophets gone before. On the contrary, the Exile was a vindication
I. From Doom to Hope
of the prophets who had predicted doom: "Your first
2. Calls to Repentance fathers sinned, and your mediators transgressed against
3. The Prophets and the Cult me; therefore I profaned the princes of the sanctuary, I
4. Oracles about Foreign Nations delivered Jacob to utter destruction and Israel to reviling"
5. Eschatology (Isa 43:27-28). The possibility of a better future results
B. The Role of Prophecy in the Postexilic Age from the fact that Yahweh has now exacted the punish-
C. Prophetic Experience ment which earlier prophets had correctly maintained that
D. The Forms of Prophetic Literature he would insist on. There is thus, in postexilic prophecy, a
E. The Editing of Prophetic Books strong sense of identity with the teaching of previous
prophets.
A. The Message of the Postexilic Prophets Nevertheless, the belief that Yahweh's judgment had now
I. From Doom to Hope. The most obvious shift in the been fully exacted and so had come to an end did gradu-
message of the prophets which begins with the Exile is the ally change the prophetic message into something substa~­
gradual loss of the sense that God was about to bring tially different from what it_ had been before: Alread~ m
disaster on Israel and Judah. Scholars continue to disagree Deutero-Isaiah we find the idea that the pumshment im-
about the extent to which the preexilic prophets had seen posed on Judah was measured and could in principle be
hope beyond judgment, or had even thought that the paid in full, so that a time would come (and _had now come,
judgment they predicted could be averted; but whether or according to the prophet) when the nation would owe
not the preexilic message of judgment was total, there can Yahweh no more suffering by way of payment: "her time
be no doubt that it was an important part of the prophets' of service is ended ... for she has received from the Lord's
teaching. Amos had said "The end has come upon my hand double for all her sins" (Isa 40:2). This could easily
PROPHECY (POSTEXILIC HEBREW) 490. v
lead to a belief thatthe Babylonians, Yahweh's instruments this early exilic period attention shifts from the earlier
of punishment, had afflicted the Israelites more than they prophetic co_ncern with social justice and religious purity
deserved and so stood under imminent judgment them- to the question of how the community will react to the
selves. Such seems to be the perception both of Deutero- conditions of life under Babylonian domination. Calls to
lsaiah (Isaiah 46-47) and of the early postexilic prophet reform the national life, even if these had once been typical
Zechariah (see Zech 1: 15: "while I was angry but a little of prophets, cease to be appropriate, in view of the total
they furthered the disaster"). lack of self-determination possible for a nation in Exile or
Soon the notion took root that Yahweh had vented his living in the ruins of its land.
full anger on his people in the past, in the Exile which was In the period of postexilic reconstruction, however,
now over, and that there was no danger that he would ever prophets appear much more as teachers whose role is to
have cause to do so again. After the Exile, oracles predict- induce a change of heart and of conduct in the community
ing judgment on Israel still appear fitfully, in Haggai's now striving to repair its national and social life. Haggai in
warnings that sin leads to drought and famine (Hag 1:6- particular quite clearly sees his task as being to persuade
l l ), in Malachi's insistence that blemished offerings lead the people to make an effort to rebuild the temple (I :4,
to divine displeasure (Mal l :6-2:9), or in Trito-Isaiah's 9), while Zechariah seems to combine a similar concern for
condemnation of social injustices and pagan practices restoring the nation's cultic life with an interest in ques-
which lead God to blight social relations and bring national tions of social justice that reminds us of Amos or Isaiah
calamity (Isaiah 59). But increasingly divine judgment was (see, for example, Zech 8: 16-17). It is possible, of course,
thought to fall selectively on those elements in Israel which that passages of moral exhortation in the postexilic proph-
continued to deserve it, and the overwhelming sense of ets owe something to the work of editors, but these pas-
impending national calamity which had been so marked a sages are in keeping with the much more positive and
feature in the preexilic prophets was lost. Eventually even constructive role of these later prophets as compared with
the theme of selective judgment died away, and the role of the doom-laden words of their preexilic predecessors.
the prophets came to be understood as one of comfort By NT times it was widely held that all the prophets had
and c?nsolation for Israel, and of judgment only on her been essentially moral teachers, whose function had been
enemies. to exhort rather than to foretell disaster. This idea seems
2. Calls to Repentance. The question of whether the to owe much to the early years after the Exile, when
preexilic prophets preached "repentance" (i.e., a change prophets such as Haggai and Zechariah had directed their
in social and political attitudes and actions) is a vexed one, efforts to improving the moral condition of the nation, at
and the answer to it affects our assessment of how far the a time when it was no longer believed that national disaster
postexilic prophetic message is novel. There is no doubt was impending. Whereas preexilic prophets had been con-
that Jeremiah urged his contemporaries to "repent," that cerned to discern God's hand in contemporary interna-
is, to alter their attitude toward the Babylonian threat by tional affairs, and to show Israel the signs of the times,
capitulating rather than resisting, and that he urged them postexilic prophets became directly involved in social and
to reform the religious customs of the day-to move away political questions, as respected, official teachers of moral-
from the syncretistic practices that had replaced a purer ity. The tenor of the preexilic prophets' message (contin-
Yahwism. It is dear, however, that he did not expect such ued by Jeremiah and Ezekiel) is that the people should
repentance to lead to a simple change in Yahweh's plans accept the justice of Yahweh's impending punishment for
for Israel. There was no question of averting the disaster their sins; that of the postexilic prophets is that Yahweh
of the Exile, whatever the people did; and the course of seeks moral reformation and renewal, and will reward
action he most urgently wished the leaders of Judah to them with his favor.
adopt was to come to terms with this reality, not to resist 3. The Prophets and the Cult. Anyone who comes to
it. Their "repentance" would thus consist more in recog- the postexilic prophets after reading their preexilic pre-
nizing the justice and inevitability of the Babylonian inva- decessors is immediately struck by how differently the}
sion and victory, and in adjusting to the new state of affairs react to the place of the cult in Israel's national life. Amos
this would imply, than in reforming the national life so as had condemned the religion of the sanctuaries (4:4-5;
to persuade Yahweh to alter the course of international 5:4-5), and Jeremiah had dismissed the temple as a false
events-the time when that might have been possible was focus of security for the nation (7:1-4). But Haggai and
already past. Similarly, after the major deportations of 597 Zechariah regard rebuilding the temple as crucial to na-
and 586 his advice to the exiles (according to the account tional reconstruction (Hag 1:4; Zech 4:8-10); the appen-
in Jeremiah 29) is to settle down and come to terms with dix to Ezekiel places cultic institutions at the center of
the reality of life in the land of Exile and not to act as if it national life (Ezekiel 40-44); Malachi rebukes the priests
were merely a temporary aberration in Yahweh's designs for neglecting the detail of ritual ordinances (Mal I :6-10);
for his people. and in the work of the Chronicler prophets are consis-
Jeremiah's calls to repent are thus in practice calls to tently represented as concerned with the cultic life of the
embrace realism and to abandon false hopes. Much the nation (cf. 2 Chr 13:8-11; 15:1-7). The reason for this
same may be said of the early oracles of Ezekiel, whose may be that there had been a change in the prophetic
aim seems to have been chiefly to dissuade his contempo- message-perhaps a necessary change in view of the dif-
raries in Exile from believing that there would be a speedy ferent conditions of life for the postexilic Jewish commu-
restoration, and to accept that they were responsible for nity, deprived of its political institutions and obliged to
the fate that had befallen them and for the disasters which embrace distinctive ritual and cultic ordinances as an alter-
were still in store for the city of Jerusalem (Ezekiel 18). In native focus for national life. Alternatively, it may simply
v. 491 PROPHECY (POSTEXILIC HEBREW)

mean that the postexilic prophets who are represented in their arrogance (cf. Isaiah 10 on the Assyrians), and their
the OT happen to be those who came from a cultic milieu, speedy collapse is promised by Yahweh. Probably from the
though in this respect they were not ?eces~arily_ typical ?f same period are the oracles in Jeremiah 50-51 against
postexilic prophecy in general. (This pomt will be dis- Babylon. The logical implication of this is that Yahweh has
cussed again below in relation to the question of the role appointed the Persian king, Cyrus, as his agent of judg-
of the prophet in postexilic society.) Only in Trito-Isaiah ment on Babylon and hence of salvation for the Jews, and
(Isa 66:1) do we find hints that not all postexilic prophets this results in one of the earliest examples of an oracle's
were enthusiastic supporters of the renewed temple cult. promising divine blessing to a foreign king (Isa 45: 1-7).
Connections between prophets and cult may be reflected Here Cyrus is actually described as Yahweh's "anointed
not only in the content of the prophetic message but also one"-a title previously used only for the Davidic king.
in the form of prophetic books, for it is after the Exile that The generally favorable view of the Persians continues to
these begin to show influence from literary forms whose be characteristic of postexilic prophecy, which contains no
natural home is public worship. Deutero-Isaiah makes explicitly anti-Persian oracles.
extensive use of hymns, royal oracles probably taken from But alongside the specific oracles of doom on Babylon
coronation or enthronement rituals, and cultic exhorta- and of blessing on Persia, the prophetic tradition from
tions; indeed, it has sometimes been suggested that the Deutero-Isaiah onward comes to contain vaguer oracles
whole collection is liturgical in origin, or at least that the about "the nations," in which virulently xenophobic senti-
prophet was a temple singer or poet by profession. If we ments alternate with an attitude which seems incipiently
follow the division of prophetic collections into diwan (col- universalistic. Most of the prophetic books now contain a
lected oracles) and liturgy types (as proposed by Engnell cycle of "oracles against the nations," in which (sometimes
1969), it is noteworthy that the postexilic period contrib- named, sometimes anonymous) nations are threatened
utes by far the most examples of the liturgy type to the with Yahweh's wrath. These oracles are notoriously diffi-
prophetic corpus of the OT. Postexilic prophecy almost cult to date, but must in most cases derive from the Persian
wholly lacks the antipathy to national cultic life which is so or Hellenistic age. At the same time, many prophetic books
marked a feature of the teaching of Amos, Hosea, and include oracles foretelling the "gathering in" of the nations
Isaiah. Perhaps this is because the cult had ceased to be a to Jerusalem, and seem to envisage a future in which the
cause for complacent self-satisfaction, preventing the peo- barriers between Jew and gentile will break down and all
ple from hearing the prophetic warning that sacrifices mankind will come to acknowledge Yahweh as the one
would not save a nation steeped in social injustice. Instead God. There is dispute about whether this is how we should
it had become the essential rallying point for renewal and understand passages in Ezekiel and Deutero-Isaiah which
reconstruction. say that Yahweh will become known to the nations. They
4. Oracles about Foreign Nations. Israelite prophets may rather be a promise that the nations (who have de-
had probably uttered oracles about foreign nations from rided fallen Israel) will come to acknowledge the reality of
the earliest times, since prophets seem to have been re- Yahweh's power when he punishes them and restores his
tained by kings to foretell the downfall of their enemies- own people. But in Zechariah and Trito-Isaiah there can
and perhaps to help bring it about, through what we might be little doubt that foreigners are regarded positively (cf.
call magic. Amos (in chaps. 1-2) seems to presuppose that Zech 8:20-23; Isa 56:3-8), while Malachi seems to contrast
his audience was familiar with the custom of uttering the worship offered by gentiles favorably with the blem-
oracles predicting the fall of Israel's enemies. However, ished offerings of Israelite priests (Mal 1: 11-14). The book
one of the most radical changes effected by the preexilic of Jonah-a legend about a prophet rather than a collec-
classical prophets was to replace such prophecies, which tion of prophetic oracles-seems designed to teach a simi-
foretold disaster for the nation's enemies, with condem- lar message, perhaps in reaction against the exclusivism of
nation of Israel itself. Thus by the time of Jeremiah, there some Judaism of the Second Temple period. Isaiah 19
was a strong tradition among the prophets of seeing Israel concludes with five oracles of a strikingly universalistic
itself as the enemy whom Yahweh had cursed. But in either tone, including the remarkable prophecy, "In that day
case, down to the early exilic period prophets evince little Israel will be the third with Egypt and Assyria, a blessing
interest in the fate of foreign nations except as this bears in the midst of the earth, whom the Lord of hosts has
on the fate of Israel. Other nations may be doomed be- blessed, saying, 'Blessed be Egypt my people, and Assyria
~ause they are Israel's enemies, or they may be Yahweh's the work of my hands, and Israel my heritage' " (Isa
instruments to punish his sinful people. Sometimes both 19:24-25).
themes may appear: Isaiah 10 contains a number of ora- 5. Eschatology. It is sometimes said that postexilic
cles in which the eventual downfall of the Assyrians is prophecy became more "eschatological" than prophecy
prophesied after they have carried out their commission had been in the preexilic period. This may mean one of
to punish Israel. several things.
From Jeremiah onward, however, the interest of Israel's First, sometimes this is a convenient way of expressing
prophets _widens to include the fate of foreign nations as a the idea that the time scale of prophetic predictions be-
theme m 1ts_own nght. In Ezekiel, Deutero-Isaiah, Haggai, came longer after the Exile. Instead of foretelling the
and Zechanah the downfall of Babylon is the prelude to immediate consequences of national sin, prophets now
the eventual restoration of Israel to its land· and the old came to be interested in a longer sweep of history; and, in
tradition of cursing the enemies of Israel ree~erges in the particular, they started to think that God has a detailed
form of oracles against Babylon: Isaiah 46-47 is the most plan for the history of all the nations which he was working
extended example. The Babylonians are denounced for out in a more or less predetermined manner. The preex-
PROPHECY (POSTEXILIC HEBREW) 492. v
ilic prophets give the impression that Yahweh reacts bined with the evidence of the books of Chronicles, where
sharply and immediately to human conduct, but not that "prophets" often appear in a liturgical role, may suggest
he has a grand design coming to fruition in preplanned that there was a significant shift after the Exile toward a
stages. But already in Ezekiel and Deutero-Isaiah, and to closer alignment of the prophetic tradition with the insti-
an increasing extent in the thought of Trito-Isaiah, Zecha- tutions of the cult. Haggai and Zechariah might already be
riah, and the forerunners of apocalyptic-such as the examples of this, with their concern for the reestablish-
authors of Isaiah 24-27 or Zechariah 9-14-history seems ment of temple worship among the returned exiles. Even
to form an orderly progression, with human volition play- Ezekiel, during the exilic period itself, shows many more
ing a role clearly subordinate to the divine plan. When the points of contact with priestly circles than is the case with
prophets after the Exile are said to have "an eschatology," the preexilic prophets: the sins listed in chap. 18, for
this is the aspect of their message that is often being example, include a number of "cultic" offenses such as we
referred to. Of course they also had an interest in what do not find in Amos or Isaiah. Even if Ezekiel 40-48 is a
the immediate future held for Israel, but (as noted in the postexilic addition, the perception of Ezekiel as a prophet
preceding section) the scope of their concern was percep- deeply concerned with the ordering of worship may well
tibly wider. It should be noted, however, that it is not until be the reason why it was to his oracles that this appendix
a few of the apocalyptic works of the NT period that the was added.
events foretold can be called "eschatological" in the full Late 19th-century scholarship was inclined to regard
technical sense the term has in traditional Christian theol- almost all postexilic prophecy as the product of cultic
ogy, where it implies an end to the whole world order and circles. This was thought to mark a decline in the institu-
also refers to the fate of the individual after death. tion of prophecy, from the high ethical concerns of the
Second, "eschatology" may also be used (as it frequently 8th and 7th centuries into an incipient "legalism" and
is by NT scholars) to point not so much to the long-term obsession with ritual matters. On this view, prophecy in
plan found in the thinking of postexilic prophecy as to the the sense the term has when applied to Amos, Hosea, or
transcendent character of the divine action in history. This Isaiah more or less ceased to exist after the Exile; the term
is another aspect of the tendency to determinism just "prophet" (nab!') came to be used as the title of one among
noted: the prophets stress that what happens in human the many different types of temple officials. Other terms
history is divine action, the coming to fruition of a divine certainly underwent similar shifts-"Levite," for example,
purpose, accomplished through more than human means. ceased to mean any sort of priest and became the name
God breaks into the progression of human history and for a temple singer.
takes control of it in a direct and uncompromising way, In recent years, however, a more nuanced interpretation
leaving little to human agents. This is certainly the impres- of these postexilic developments has been proposed by
sion created, for example, by Zechariah 14, where God Hanson (1975), building on the work of Pli:iger (1968).
stands in person on the Mount of Olives and causes it to Hanson argues that there are two distinct strands within
be split in two, or in Isaiah 34, where he himself wields the postexilic prophetic writings. The first is indeed a drift
sword that first destroys the heavenly hosts and then de- toward the institutionalization of prophets as temple offi-
scends in judgment on Edom. The expectation of God's cials, whose function was to produce liturgical texts. Their
personal, decisive intervention in human history seems to "oracles" consisted only of exhortations to keep the Torah
be a feature of prophecy as it develops toward what we call and be regular in worship, or of promises that God would
apocalyptic. There are few parallels to this way of thinking bless the cultic community around the temple. Hanson
in the preexilic prophets, for whom divine involvement in sees this trend as beginning with Ezekiel, continuing in
human affairs is more often expressed through the medi- Haggai and Zechariah, and passing on into the Chroni-
ation of human agency. cler's understanding of prophets.
Third, some scholars hold that the failure of prophetic But in tension with this shift toward the cult, there was
predictions to materialize led to their being projected into also a second, minority tradition which kept alive "authen-
the remote ("eschatological") future as a way of retaining tic" prophecy, the inheritance of Amos and Isaiah. This
their authority, when a simpler reaction would have been prophetic movement had as its task to protest against the
simply to conclude that they had been proved wrong. On increasingly static and complacent institutions of Second
this view, the postexilic prophets themselves did not hold Temple Judaism. Its best representative is Trito-Isaiah (Isa-
any longer-term view of history than their predecessors; it iah 56-66). Trito-Isaiah's opposition to rebuilding the tem-
was their disciples who, faced with the apparent failure of ple (66: I) stands in continuity with the preexilic prophetic
the prophets' predictions, reworked their oracles so as to protest against the centrality of the temple, expressed most
make them refer to the very remote future. Thus they clearly by Jeremiah (see, for example, Jer 7:4, "Do not
made it impossible that the prophecies would ever be trust in these deceptive words: This is the temple of the
falsified by events. On this interpretation, "eschatology" is Lord, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord").
thus not a development within the prophetic tradition, but According to Hanson, prophets such as Trito-Isaiah were
an interpretative category applied to prophetic oracles by not officials appointed by the Second Temple state but
those who edited and reused them in later generations. outsiders, just as the great preexilic prophets had been,
denouncing the society of their day and attacking its cultic
B. The Role of Prophecy in the Postexilic Age life as an empty show. This Isaiah 58 attacks solemn fasts
We noted above that alongside collections of oracles, the in terms very similar to those used by the preexilic proph-
postexilic prophetic books also contain many works which ets to condemn feasts. The message here is that Yahweh
are closer to the "liturgy" type. This observation, com- hates fasting unaccompanied by social justice, and (bv
v. 493 PROPHECY (POSTEXILIC HEBREW)

implication) will punish those who use s~ch pentitential C. Prophetic Experience
practices as a cover for an u~re!ormed hfe. It c.ontrasts The question of prophetic experience is an obscure one
with Zechariah's cheerful opum1sm that fasts will cease in every period of OT history. In the postexilic age the
merely because (in the newly restored and forgiven Jeru- most noticeable development is a greater emphasis on the
salem, which is to enjoy God's blessing) they will no longer spirit of God as the motive force behind prophetic utter-
be appropriate (Zech 8: 18-19). Tri to-Isaiah is full of sharp ance. Ezekiel speaks of the spirit of Yahweh transporting
condemnations of the corruption of cultic life (56:9-12; him from place to place, and this seems intended to imply
57:1-13; 59:1-8; 65:1-12). It is hard to see him (or them, an "out-of-the-body" experience or perhaps even literal
if the work is a collection of oracles by many hands) as any levitation (at one point he is picked up by a lock of his
kind of temple official paid to maintain the institutional hair: see 3: 12; 8:3; 11: I, 24). Trito-Isaiah contains a fa-
stability of the restored nation. mous reference to the spirit of Yahweh as the inspiration
Hanson suggests that it is in this prophetic protest move- behind his prophecy (Isa 61: I); and throughout Haggai
ment that the roots of apocalyptic are to be found, and and Zechariah there are repeated references to the spirit
that Tri to-Isaiah represents "the dawn of apocalyptic." The (Hag 1:14; 2:5; Zech 4:6; 7:12), though some scholars
insights of this movement continue in the works commonly think that these are additions by the editors of the books,
called "proto-apocalyptic"-Isaiah 24-27, Joel, and Zech- for whom it was important to stress the activity of the spirit
ariah 9-14. Thus the "liturgy" type of prophecy by no in the restored community. Joel 3: 1-2-Eng 2:28-29 ex-
means succeeded in completely displacing the old inde- plicitly refers to the gift of prophecy as resulting from the
pendent prophetic spirit, which continued to exist and to pouring out of God's spirit, predicting that a time will
resist the tendency toward "establishment" attitudes in the come when this gift will be extended to all humankind.
Second Temple period. These independent prophets be- As is well known, references to the spirit are very rare in
lieved that Yahweh's hands were not tied by the institu- the preexilic prophets, so that we have clear evidence here
tional structures that had been established. Yahweh was of a shift in understanding of the prophetic experience. It
still free to intervene dramatically in human affairs and, if is not clear, however, whether this reflects any change in
he saw the need, to punish Israel as of old. To use the the experiences prophets actually had-whether, for ex-
terms proposed by Ploger ( 1968), the postexilic theocracy ample, the postexilic experience was more dramatic, or
succeeded in taming most prophets and reducing them to "ecstatic," or was in some sense a return to the uncon-
mere state officials-not unlike the "institutional proph- trolled, frenzied activity of the preclassical prophets whom
ets" whom Elijah, Micah, and Jeremiah had opposed; but we meet in the books of Samuel and Kings and upon
there remained a loyal band of prophets who insisted that whom the spirit of Yahweh "came mightily" (cf. I Sam
Yahweh's word to Israel included an eschatologra me~sage I 0: I 0), driving them to act in uncontrollable, dervish like
of doom on a disobedient people. frenzy. While this is possible, it may be simply that the
Hanson's theories have been widely accepted in OT post-exilic community spoke more of the spirit as the
scholarship, with the result that the picture of prophecy in motive force behind prophecy as a way of emphasizing its
postexilic times has become more subtle than it was at the divine origin, without meaning to imply that the psycho-
end of the last century. There is no single model that will logical experience involved had changed significantly from
account for the role and function of "prophets" in the preexilic times. It may be better to ask why the great
Second Temple period, as though all prophets were the classical preexilic prophets seem to avoid reference to the
same. Rather, we seem to have at least two radically differ- spirit of Yahweh, when both their predecessors and their
ent types. Some have asked whether there is really such a successors seem to take it for granted that this is the best
sharp distinction to be drawn between, for example, Trito- (anguage to use in explanation of prophetic gifts.
Isaiah and Zechariah; for Zechariah seems also to envisage A more significant shift may lie behind the greatly
the need for moral (not merely cul tic) reform-Zech 7: 17 increased interest in visions and dreams in postexilic pro-
criticizes fasting in much the same terms as Isaiah 58. phetic books. The passage from Joel just cited glosses the
Conversely, Isaiah 56-66 contain some oracles that seem extension of prophetic gifts to all by saying, "Your sons
perfectly well-disposed toward the restoration of Jerusalem and your daughters shall prophesy, your old men shall
and .its cultus (the whole of Isaiah 60-62 belongs to this dream dreams, and your young men shall see visions." If it is
tradmon). It has also been noted that the apocalyptic right to see significance in the insistence by preexilic
movement is by no means homogeneous and that not all prophets on hearing the word of Yahweh rather than on
~pocalypses can be regarded as anti-"theocratic"; some seeing visions or dreams, this change may well indicate an
mdeed are entirely noneschatological. However, Hanson's important new departure. Jeremiah once explicitly distin-
wo.rk has been important in establishing that something guishes true prophecy from seeing visions: "Let the
akm to the preexilic tradition of noninstitutional, indepen- prophet who has a dream tell the dream, but let him who
dent prophets did continue after the Exile. We should not has my word speak my word faithfully. What has straw in
be misled by the fact that many of those responsible for common with wheat? says the Lord" (Jer 23:28). This
our finished OT tried to erase the traces of this movement appears to imply that true revelations from Yahweh do not
by preserving rather few of its works, and by hijacking the come in visions or dreams, though it is not clear what
term "prophet" for use as a technical term in describing experience is concretely implied by "him who has my
the personnel of the temple. Enough remains in the OT word." Does this refer to "audition," a supernatural but
to show that there were prophets who had no official role literal hearing of voices, or to some more subtle inner
even after the Exile, and that these persisted in denounc- conviction that Yahweh has spoken in the heart? In any
ing the hierarchy of temple and nation when they saw fit. case, preexilic prophets are not uniformly opposed to
PROPHECY (POSTEXILIC HEBREW) 494. v
visions: both Amos (7:1, 4, 7; 8:1; 9:1) and Isaiah (6:1) Yahweh" continue to appear, but are less characteristic
report visions which enshrine the word Yahweh is speaking than they were in the books of the preexilic prophets.
to his people, and they show no embarrassment about this Sometimes these formulas seem to be scattered almost at
mode of revelation-unless these reports are the work of random as a guarantee of prophetic authenticity, and have
postexilic redactors. lost their original character of marking the beginnings and
At all events postexilic prophets and the collectors of the ends of distinct oracles. This is particularly marked in
oracles seem to have regarded visions as the normal Haggai and Zechariah, where the phrase "says the Lord of
method by which God communicates with his messengers; hosts" appears more or less as a refrain (e.g., Hag 2:4-9;
and sometimes the visions in question are detailed and full Zech 1:2-6, 14_-17). Furthermore, what is introduced by
of symbolism, a kind of pageant played out in front of the such formulas 1s often not what we would recognize as an
prophet's eyes, each incident within which has allegorical "oracle" in earlier prophetic writings. In Deutero- and
significance (see, for example, the vision reports in Zecha- Trito-Isaiah many of the oracles use liturgical forms, and
riah 1-6). Amos' visions already contain a symbolic com- this is part of a general drift toward the use of cultic forms
ponent. In that a commonplace object (a basket of summer by the prophets (as discussed above).
fruit, a plumb line) is given a deeper meaning, often On the other hand, the postexilic prophets do not seem
through wordplay (cf. also Jer 1: 11-12). But in the post- to follow their preexilic predecessors in using forms bor-
exilic period the visions become lengthier, and sometimes rowed from other spheres of Israel's life with deliberately
a whole drama is acted out in symbolic form, requiring ironic or sarcastic effect. There is nothing like Amos'
interpretation (often by an angel) before its significance parodying of priestly t6r6t (e.g., 4:4-5) or his use of lament
can be grasped by the prophet and communicated to his forms to suggest that Israel is already spiritually dead
hearers. The earliest example of this is Ezekiel's vision of (e.g., 5:2). One has the impression that the forms of
the coming fall of Jerusalem, recorded in Ezekiel 9. In prophetic oracles are not taken directly from this or that
later apocalyptic works such visions become deliberately everyday use, but are imitated from what is by now per-
obscure and riddling, so that it is quite impossible to ceived to be "normal" prophetic style, without any aware-
understand them without the appended explanation. Such ness that originally each prophetic oracle had a distinct
is the case, for instance, with the visions of Daniel, or origin. It is as though postexilic prophets are producing
(outside the Bible) of Enoch in the various books attributed imitations or pastiches of the existing prophetic collec-
to him. tions, and whereas these are often jumbled because of the
A question which this often raises in the minds of vagaries of transmission and editing, the imitations are
students of apocalyptic, but one which is equally useful in jumbled because postexilic writers felt that this is how a
studying the prophets, is whether in some cases the vision prophetic book should look.
is not a "genuine" vision at all, but a literary convention At the same time, some forms that scarcely occur at all
deliberately and consciously adopted by the prophet. If so, in the preexilic prophets now come into prominence,
then the "prophet" or apocalyptist is to be seen more as a notably the allegory, and the extended vision report (with
writer than as a speaker. This question arises already with its interpretation by an interpreting angel), which eventu-
Ezekiel and Zechariah, for their allegorical visions seem to ally becomes the form known as the apocalypse. There is
lack the immediacy and directness of the brief vision also a profusion of oracles beginning "in that day" or "in
reports in Amos or Isaiah. There is no reason to rule out the end of the days," which perhaps reflect the increasingly
the possibility that some postexilic prophecy may have eschatological interest of these prophets. In general the
been communicated in writing, by the production of fly developments are all consistent with the suggestion made
sheets which could be passed around among a literate in the preceding section, that prophecy gradually turned
religious group, rather than by the kind of public decla- from a spoken into a written phenomenon, so that the
mation that we associate with prophets like Isaiah or Jere- forms used came increasingly to reflect leisurely literary
miah. In the case of apocalyptic works, it is virtually certain composition rather than the needs of oral delivery, mem-
that this is how the works were appropriated by their orability, and immediate impact.
intended audience. Of course the suggestion that some
prophecy may have been literary from the beginning does E. The Editing of Prophetic Books
not in itself detract from its inspiration; but it does imply This leads naturally into the next question: the editing
that the prophet was a learned writer rather than a simple of the prophetic books. A marked feature of the postexilic
and perhaps illiterate spokesman for Yahweh. Since He- age is the growth of official or semiofficial versions of older
brew culture seems to have lacked any conventional ways writings, which gradually moved in the direction of becom-
of describing literary inspiration, it may have seemed nat- ing "Holy Scripture." Just as the Persian period saw the
ural to account for such prophecies by attributing them to codification of the pentateuchal books to form the Torah,
an origin in dreams and visions which had afterward to be so at about the same time collections of prophetic oracles
written down-by contrast with the directness of the began to take on the character of sacred writings. At first
"word" of Yahweh which passed immediately through the perhaps these were revered by particular groups, but in
prophet's mouth as he spoke to the people. due course they became part of the shared heritage of all
Jews.
D. The Forms of Prophetic Literature It is usually thought that the Exile itself provided the
The postexilic period witnessed a breaking down of initial impetus toward the collection and codification of
some of the distinctive forms of prophetic utterance. Ora- prophetic writings. For one thing, the event Itself had
cles beginning "Thus says the Lord" or ending "oracle of vindicated the predictions of the preexilic prophets and so
v • 495 PROPHECY (EARLY CHRISTIAN)

turned them from objects of scorn into venerable figures restoration, promised (it was felt) in Joel 3-Eng chap. 2,
whom God himself had shown to be in the right; for was eagerly hoped for. This belief could make claims to
another, the separation of so many Jews from their home- have received a direct divine revelation automatically sus-
land made the preservation of the national literature im- pect. The strange prediction in Zech 13:2-6, which re-
perative if Jewish culture and religion were to survive. gards "prophets," like idols and "unclean spirits," as a
The process by which the prophetic books were com- blight which Yahweh will remove from the land, may
piled was almost infinitely complex, but it involved at least belong to a movement of thought in which any claim to be
three separate elements. First, the authentic utterances of a prophet branded the claimant as an impostor. In such
the prophets were arranged in order, sometimes chrono- circumstances anyone who believed that God had spoken
logically (so far as the editors could guess at what t?is to him was obliged to dress his message up as the utterance
might be), sometimes thematically or on a catchword prm- of some ancient prophets, speaking in the time before "the
ciple. Secondly, narratives about the prophet, which might spirit departed from Israel," as the Talmud expresses it.
or might not be of any historical value, were added. In the This is undoubtedly part of the reason for the pseudo-
case of some prophets, such as Amos, very little such nymity of apocalyptic works; and it no doubt also explains
material was available, but with others, notably Jeremiah, some of the more improbable additions to the prophetic
it was very extensive. And thirdly, further oracles which books, such as those which imply that Isaiah addressed the
had no original connection with the prophet in question problems of the Babylonian or Persian periods, or that
were appended or worked into the earlier collection, until Zechariah was interested in the Greeks. There is, however,
the ordinary reader could no longer discern the differ- little evidence that prophecy did in fact die out, if by
ence. With a book such as Isaiah this third stage probably
"prophecy" we mean the phenomenon of inspiration such
contributed the greater part of the book. Indeed, from
as existed in the 8th century. Indeed, theories such as
chap. 40 onward we have at least two collections which had
those of Hanson (discussed above) have made it seem
probably existed in a semifinished form under who knows
what name before they were added to Isaiah 1-39. probable that the postexilic age saw just as active a pro-
Whether the editors intended to assert that the prophet phetic movement as the preexilic. But the forms of expres-
named in the book's superscription had in fact delivered sion did change significantly, and postexilic prophets often
all these oracles himself remains wholly uncertain. Later expressed their oracles as additions to existing collections,
generations certainly took this to be implied. Some of the or even as whole new works falsely attributed to figures
additional oracles may very well be genuinely prophetic, in from the past, rather than speaking in their own persons
the sense that they were originally delivered by people who as earlier prophets had done.
would have claimed for themselves the same kind of inspi-
ration as those in whose names the present books appear. Bibliography
But others may have always been essentially the work of Ackroyd, P. R. 1968. Exile and Restoration. London.
scribes, composing what they took to be plausible "pro- Barton, J. 1986. Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient Prophecy in
phetic" utterances in an endeavor to update or revise Israel after the Exile. London.
existing oracles. And it seems clear that the same sort of Blenkinsopp, J. 1983. A History of Prophecy in Israel. Philadelphia.
process operated with all the prophetic books; the words Carroll, R. P. 1979. When Prophecy Failed: Reactions and Responses to
of late postexilic prophets, once uttered and remembered, Failure in the Old Testament Prophetic Tradition. London.
became subject to just the same procedures of redaction, Coggins, R.; Philips, A.; and Knibb, M., eds. 1982. Israel's Prophetic
addition, and embellishment that had by then already Tradition. Cambridge.
produced something like the present form of older books, Engnell, l. 1969. Prophets and Prophetism in the Old Testament.
such as Amos or Hosea. Only the beginnings of a distinct Pp. 123-79 in A Rigid Scrutiny. Trans. and ed. J. T. Willis.
"canon" of Scripture eventually set limits to this kind of Nashville.
editorial work, and ensured that from then on comment Fishbane, M. 1985. Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel. Oxford.
and interpretation would have to take the form of acknowl- Hanson, P. D. 1975. The Dawn of Apocalyptic. Philadelphia.
edged commentary rather than changes to the text of the Koch, K. 1982. The Prophets. 2 vols. Philadelphia.
prophetic books themselves. Levenson, J. D. 1976. Theology of the Program of Restoration in Ezekiel
How far the work of editors should itself be regarded as 40-48. Missoula, MT.
"prophetic" is largely a matter of our definitions. No doubt Mason, R. A. 1977. The Books of Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. Cam-
ther~ w~re some for whom the work of interpretation bridge.
~ntailed_ m the work of editing constituted a sharing in the
Petersen, D. 1977. Late Israelite Prophecy. Missoula, MT.
inspiration of the prophet himself. Some people may have Ploger, 0. 1968. Theocracy and Eschatology. Oxford.
believed that Isaiah or Jeremiah himself continued to
Whybray, R. N. 1975. Isaiah 40-66. NCBC. London.
speak through the disciples who revised and collected his
Wilson, R. R. 1980. Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel. Philadel-
oracles-much as in later times the disciples of rabbis
phia.
would gi_ve the_ir own teaching but claim (and believe) that
Zimmerli, W. l 979-83. Ezekiel. 2 vols. Hermeneia. Philadelphia.
It was given "m the name" of their teacher, and of his
JOHN BARTON
teacher, and of the whole line of teachers in whose succes-
sion they stood.
Matters are complicated further when one remembers EARLY CHRISTIAN PROPHECY
that, by the NT period, it was widely believed that the gift The phenomenon in early Christianity of inspired
of authentic prophecy had died out in Israel-though its speech in the name of God, the risen Jesus, or the Spirit.
PROPHECY (EARLY CHRISTIAN) 496. v
Prophecy and its effects are evident in the books of the deliver t<;> the Christian community or, representing the
NT and in other early Christian writings. cor~m~~1ty, to t~e gener~l public." Since the term "inspi-
ra~1on,, ~s used m a vanety of senses, "immediately-in-
A. Terminology and Definitions spired 1s used here to express the prophetic claim that
B. Prophecy in the Hellenistic World w~at he or she says represents the present, immediate
I. Gentile v01ce of the deity. This does not exclude the use of sources
2. Jewish traditions, or the prophet's own reflections, all of which
C. Prophecy Reflected in the Literature of Early Christi- m~y be inv~lved in the delivery of what the prophet per-
anity ceives as directly revealed from the deity. This article
I. Paul investigates the phenomenon of prophecy so defined,
2. Deutero-Paul whether or not it is labeled as prophecy. Conversely, other
3. Q uses of the "prophet" word group are not explored.
4. Mark
5. Matthew B. Prophecy in the Hellenistic World
6. Luke-Acts I. Gentile. The Judea-Christian tradition did not intro-
7. John and the Johannine Tradition duce prophecy into the Hellenistic world. The inspired
8. Revelation spokesperson for the gods, the oracle giver, the ecstatic
9. Didache mouthpiece for the deity, frequently called "prophet," was
IO. Ignatius a familiar figure to the Greco-Roman populace. Many gods
I I. Odes of Solomon could speak through their prophets, of whom Apollo was
12. Hermas only one of the more active. There were many shrines
D. General Characteristics and Themes of Early Christian where he could be consulted by means of the oracle, of
Prophecy which Delphi was only the most famous.
I. Extent, Uniformity, and Variety Prophecy was located within the broad spectrum of
2. Prophets as Church Figures devices by which information from the world of the gods
3. Prophets as Religious Figures was transmitted. There was a tradition at least as old as
4. Prophets and Tradition Plato of distinguishing artificiosa divinatio and naturalis di-
5. Prophets and the Continuing Voice of Jesus vinatio. The former refers to divination by technical means
such as the interpretation of dreams and reading the will
A. Terminology and Definitions of the gods from the flight of the birds and the livers of
A glance at the entry on "prophecy" in the standard sacrificed animals, while the latter refers to communica-
dictionary of ancient Greek (Liddell and Scott) will reveal tion of a message from the gods by inspired speech re-
that in the world into which Christianity was born the ceived in trance, ecstasy, or vision (Aune I 983: 24, 349 n
terms prophet, prophecy, prophesy, and prophetic did not func- 9). Greek prophecy was not always ecstatic. The spectrum
tion univocally, but were used with reference to a variety of prophetic experiences ranged from raging loss of con-
of figures and functions (cf. Fascher I 927). Prophetes in sciousness to sober declaration of the message from the
Greek was a synonym for hypophetes. Originally, both god. Plutarch describes (De def or. 43 ld-438e) the Pythia
meant simply "spokesperson" or "announcer," but both at Delphi as inhaling the vapors from a fissure in the earth,
were used in derivative and metaphorical senses. becoming "inspired," and delivering unintelligible utter-
"Prophet" was used not only to mean "one who speaks for ances that were then translated by the "prophets." In other
a god and interprets his will" to human beings, but also descriptions, the Pythia became inspired by drinking from
for the cultic official keepers of the oracle (at Branchidae), the sacred spring, and delivered oracles that were quite
for members of the highest order of the priesthood (in intelligible. Probably different practices occurred at differ-
Egypt), for herbalists and quack doctors, for the interpre- ent times and places, even in the history of one oracle
ters of the oracles of the mantis (Plato, Ti. 72a), and hence center such as Delphi. Plato's description (Ti. 71-72) of
derivatively for poets as such (cf. Titus I: I 2, of Epimen- the mantic behavior of the agents of revelation, and the
ides), and then metaphorically for proclaimers in general, translation of their utterances into intelligible speech by
including the announcer at the games. On the other hand, the prophets, has perhaps been too influential in the
"prophet" and related words represented only one set of scholarly assessment of Greek prophecy. Generalizations
terms used for the claim to communicate messages from about prophecy in the Greco-Roman world should be
the gods, with other designations such as "seer," mantis, avoided, but in a context where early Christian prophecy
and "sibyl" being used in related and overlapping ways. is being explored, some features that were usually charac-
In the light of this state of affairs, the I 973 Seminar on teristic of Hellenistic prophecy should be noted: (1) Helle-
Early Christian Prophecy of the Society of Biblical Litera- nistic prophecy could be the result of the spontaneous
ture adopted a definition based on the common features inspiration by the deity, but it was normally a response to
of the use of the "prophet" word group in a number of inquiries in which human beings took the initiative and
early Christian sources. This definition has been widely was subject to manipulation. (2) Prophecy was not a func-
received. The following adaptation of it expresses the tion of a particular religious group and was not directed
understanding of prophecy assumed in this article: "The to a group of insiders, but was a part of the general public
early Christian prophet was an immediately-inspired cultural scene, available to any interested person.
spokesperson for God, the risen Jesus, or the Spirit who (3) Prophecy was generally directed to the needs and
received intelligible oracles that he or she felt impelled to inquiries of individuals, revealing the will of the deity or
v. 497 PROPHECY (EARLY CHRISTIAN)

future information concerning the personal lives of indi- would be the new Roman emperor (]W 3.400-402). With-
viduals. (4) Oracles were generally ambiguous. Heraclitus' out using the word, he thus claimed to be a prophet
remark with reference to the Delphic oracle is character- himself. The term "prophet" is used in several senses by
istic: oute legei, oute kruptei, alla semainei ("she neither reveals Josephus, who used it to describe Zealot prophets and
nor conceals, but signifies"). (5) Oracles were generally Essene seers, as well as folk prophets among the people,
brief and expressed in metrical form. (6) Collections of especially during the critical period of the war and siege
oracles were made, and later generations interpreted them of Jerusalem (66-70 c.E.). The result is that it is not always
with reference to their own situation. While Christian clear that he refers to persons characterized by the claim
prophecy resembled pagan prophecy on points #5 and to be inspired spokespersons for God, as in the definition
#6, prophecy in the Church was in contrast to its pagan used here. It is equally clear, however, that he does de-
counterpart on points #1-#4. scribe such people, though for his own political purposes
2. Jewish. Some streams of rabbini~ Jewis_h tradition he often describes them as "false prophets." That the
held the view that prophecy had ceased m the ume of Ezra prophetic phenomenon was alive in !st-century Judaism is
and would not return until the eschatological age (e.g., illustrated in Josephus' account of Joshua (Jesus) ben An-
Song of Songs Rab. 8.9-10; Num. Rab. 15.10; b. Yoma 9b, aniah, an unlettered peasant who began in 62 constantly
2lb; t. Sota 13.2; >Abot I). This view was reinforced by the to repeat an oracle of doom against the city, and continued
widespread influence of the later Protestant canon of despite insults and torture to repeat his oracle until the
Scripture, in which there was presumed to be a gap of 400 last days of Jerusalem in 70, when he was killed by a
years from Malachi to John the Baptist. Hence the popular Roman projectile (]W 6.300-309).
tradition of the "four-hundred silent years." Except for d. Qumran. Qumran illustrates the presence of proph-
the case of John the Baptist, who was incorporated into ecy in one Jewish fringe group, which believed that it lived
the Christian stream of history, the NT presents only in the last days, within which the gift of prophecy had
minimal and indirect evidence for contemporary Jewish been renewed. The Teacher of Righteousness did not use
prophecy (cf. John I 1:51; Acts 13:6). There is massive the word "prophet" of himself, but functioned as a
evidence for !st-century Jewish prophecy, however, from prophet, speaking from the mouth of God (IQpHab 2:2-
the Jewish sources themselves. 3), taught by God himself, who has poured out his spirit
a. Philo. If Philo was aware of the tradition of the upon him (7:4-7). As in early Christianity, prophecy was
cessation of prophecy, he ignored it. Prophecy had been related to the interpretation of Scripture and to the es-
available to every good Israelite and was still available to chatological theology of the community.
"every worthy man" (Heres 259). Like other Hellenistic Jews e. John the Baptist. The first prophet described in the
(e.g., Wis Sol 7:27), Philo understood all the religious New Testament is John the Baptist, whose career was
leaders in Israel's history in prophetic terms, and under- contemporary with, and in some respects like, that of
stood prophecy in Hellenistic terms, using the complete Jesus: he was a popular charismatic figure who created
range of the vocabulary of Greek ecstatic experience to eschatological excitement, was alienated from conventional
portray biblical prophets. Moses and Abraham were culture, was critical of the established authorities and suf-
prophets, and the Pentateuch was a collection of oracles. fered death at their hands, and had a community of
Like Josephus, Philo never explicitly calls himself a disciples that continued to revere him after his death, Matt
prophet, but his extraordinarily frequent discussions and 3:1-12 (= Mark 1:4-8; Luke 3:2-18); 11:2-19 (= Luke
detailed descriptions of the prophetic experience strongly 7:18-35); 14:5 (= Mark 6:17-29; Luke 3:19-20); 17:10-
suggest that he was describing a contemporary phenome- 13 (=Mark 9:11-13); John 1:19-36; Luke 1:5-80; Acts
non he had observed in the synagogue, indeed that he 19: 1-7. As a result, the Christian tradition, which could
himself experienced a kind of inspiration akin to the not ignore him, was at pains to fit him into a Christian
prophetic (cf. e.g., De mig. Abr. 35; De Cher. 27; esp. Heres understanding of the founding events and to show his
259-60). subordination to Jesus. This means that the portrait of the
b. Rabbis. The rabbis, too, testify to the fact that the historical John cannot be read off the surface of the NT
prophetic spirit was alive and well in the Judaism from text, but must be disentangled from the later layers of
which Christianity was born. The heavenly voice (Bath Qol) Christian interpretation. One way some, but not all, early
was heard even by those rabbis who believed that it could Christians came to terms with John was by interpreting
not take precedence over traditional Halakah. Though by him as Elijah, understood as the forerunner of the Messiah
no means a major element in rabbinic religious experi- (Matt 17:9-13; but contrast John 1:21). It is thus difficult
ence, a significant number of prophetic phenomena may to determine, for example, if John's strange dress is histor-
be documented even among those rabbis where the dogma ical reminiscence or the later effort to describe him as
of the end of prophecy might be expected to have been Elijah (compare Mark I :6 and 2 Kgs I :8). Luke in partic-
most influential. We should not, therefore, be surprised to ular is intent on describing John as belonging to the
~nd an a~undance of evidence for prophets and prophecy prophets of Israel described in the Hebrew Bible (3: I0-
m those circles where the rabbinic dogma was less influen- 14, peculiar to Luke). Still, it is clear that John was a
tial._ namely among the Zealots, Essenes, and other apoca- prophet conscious of a direct call by God, who called for
lypucally oriented groups (though conspicuously absent repentance on the basis of the eschatological judgment in
among the Sadducees). the near future (Matt 3:7-12 = Luke 3:7-9). John's bap-
c. Josephus. Josephus claimed that during the 66-70 tism conld well be understood in the category of the
war he presented himself to the conquering Vespasian as a symbolic actions of the prophets. He expected an eschato-
messenger sent from God to announce that Vespasian logical "mighty one" who would execute the fiery baptism
PROPHECY (EARLY CHRISTIAN) 498. v
of God's judgment on those who had not received his C. Prophecy Reflected in the Literature of Early
baptism with water as the sign and seal of their repentance. Christianity
John is thus pictured in the NT as belonging to the The following survey presents the documentation for
prophetic line of biblical prophets, but as "more than a the phenomenon of Christian prophecy from its origins to
prophet," i.e., the eschatological prophet who serves as the the middle of the 2d century, i.e., prior to the advent of
immediate forerunner and herald of the final act of God's the "New Prophecy" with Montanus.
saving history (Matt 11 :9 = Luke 7 :26 ). 1. Paul. The first reflection of Christian prophecy in
f. Jesus. All four Gospels picture Jesus as a prophet. He Christian literature is 1 Thess 5: 19-20, in which Paul
is regarded as a prophet not only in the eyes of the people appears as the advocate of the prophetic gift over against
(Matt 16:14; 21:11; cf. 26:68; Mark 6:15; 8:28; 14:65; its detractors. Prophecy has appeared in the Thessalonian
Luke 7:16; 9:8, 19; John 4:19; 9:17), but in one of the few congregation, had created some sort of problem that
sayings preserved in all four Gospels, he applies the prov- caused some of the Thessalonians to reject it, and Paul
erb of the prophet rejected in his native land to himself promotes their acceptance of the phenomenon as a gift of
(Matt 13:57; Mark 6:4; Luke 4:24; cf. 13:33; John 4:44). the Spirit, but not without critical evaluation. The most
Moreover, Jesus is pictured as receiving a vision at the extensive discussion of Christian prophecy in the NT is
beginning of his ministry corresponding to a prophet's call found in 1 Corinthians 12-14. As in 1 Thessalonians, the
(Matt 3:13-17; cf. Isa 6:1-10, and the role that 6:9-10 discussion has a polemical tone, again revealing Paul as an
plays in the Gospels' accounts of Jesus' ministry; Mark advocate of prophecy, this time over against an inappro-
4: 10-12 [ = Matt 13: 10-11 = Luke 8: 10]). The spirit that priately high valuation of glossolalia. These prophecies
he received in baptism would be understood in a Jewish were more than normal pastoral preaching; it was a matter
context as the spirit that made one a prophet. Jesus is of direct revelation (cf. 1 Cor 14:29-32). It is impossible to
described as having apocalyptic visions of the fall of Satan gain any idea of the content of the revelations of the
(Luke 10: 18) and even of delivering prolonged apocalyptic Corinthian prophets, except that in contrast to glossolalia
discourses, Mark 13:4-37 (= Matt 24:3-36 =Luke 21:7- they were expressed in intelligible language, and in Paul's
36); Luke 17:21-37. For Luke especially, "prophet" is not view were directed to the edification of the whole church
a mistaken, preliminary, or minor category, but is one of rather than responses to the private inquiries of individ-
his major categories of christological thought: Jesus is uals. The brief reference to prophecy in Rom 12:3-8 is
indeed the eschatological prophet promised in Scripture valuable in that it is not polemical. Rather, a fundamental
(Luke 24:19; Acts 3:22-23; 7:37; cf. Deut 18:15-18), who assumption of Paul's comes to expression here, namely,
specifically identifies the Spirit that empowers him as the that wherever there is a church the Holy Spirit is at work,
prophetic Spirit of Isa 61:1-2 (Luke 4:16-21). Jesus' au- and wherever the Spirit is to be found there is a principal
thority is not the derived authority of the scribe, but the manifestation of the Spirit, the gift of prophecy. Prophecy,
immediate authority of the inspired prophet (Matt 7 :29). in fact, is the only constant in Paul's "lists" of charismata
Yet, if in the case of John the Baptist the historical figure (1Cor12:8-11, 28-30; 13:1-2; Rom 12:6-8). When Paul
of the prophet John is covered with layers of Christian "ranks" spiritual gifts, prophecy appears second only to
interpretation, this is all the more true in the case of Jesus. the apostolic office or, from another perspective, love.
Was the historical Jesus a prophet; or does "prophet," i.e., Since Paul insists so adamantly on his apostleship and
thus does not refer explicitly to himself as a prophet, it
"eschatological prophet," the final messenger from God
has often been overlooked that, when defined functionally
before the end, belong to the early layers of Christian
as above, Paul is a prophet who does in fact implicitly claim
interpretation of the significance of Jesus? Christian schol- to exercise the prophetic gift (1 Cor 13:2; 14:6, 37).
ars of the most varied theological positions have generally Though reluctant to parade it, he has "visions and revela-
agreed that the NT's picture of Jesus as prophet is histori- tions of the Lord" (2 Cor 12:1-10). The many points of
cal bedrock. Conservative and evangelical Christians, while contact between Paul's own biographical statements and
affirming the "higher" christological titles as more impor- the prophets of the Hebrew Scripture document Paul's
tant, have, nonetheless, concurred in asserting that Jesus awareness of standing within the prophetic succession (cf.,
was also a prophet (Jeremias 1971 ). Liberal theologians, e.g., Gal 1:15-16; Jer 1:5; Isa 49:1). Scholars have identi-
while considering other titles such as "Son of God" to be fied numerous passages in Paul's epistles where he 1s
later church interpretation, have celebrated Jesus as the incorporating his own prophetic revelations or the oracles
prophet of social justice (Rauschenbusch 191 7; Enslin of some other Christian prophet. Three that are com-
1968). Rudolf Bultmann's agnosticism about the historical monly so identified are 1Thess4:15-17; Rom 11:25-26;
Jesus did not extend to his doubting that Jesus was a and 1Cor15:51-52, while a larger number are identified
prophet, and his students who returned to the ("new") more tentatively. Paul's epistles also contain a large num-
quest of the historical Jesus found "prophet" to be the key ber of prophetic forms and formulas, which ~e seems to
category (Bultmann 1958; Bornkamm 1960; Conzelmann use habitually and unconsciously even when he 1s not c1tmg
1969). Some recent American study of Mark (Mack 1988) a prophetic oracle (Muller 1975). .
and Q (Robinson 1987; Kloppenborg 1987) has argued Paul's prophetism was once understood as of a piece
that the prophetic picture of Jesus was a church construc- with Hellenistic prophecy generally (Reitzenstein 1927:
tion, and that Jesus was more like a Cynic sage than a Leisegang 1919). More recent study has ~ndicated that
Jewish prophet, but the majority of scholarship would see Paul's understanding of prophecy was not s~mply a ~eftec­
two prophetic figures, John and Jesus, at the beginnings of tion of the prophetic phenomena experienced m his
the Christian movement. churches but stands in tension with them (cf. l Thess
v. 499 PROPHECY (EARLY CHRISTIAN)

5:19-20 and especially I Corinthians 12-I4). While the forms such as (amen] lego de hymin ("[Amen] I say to you").
line between "Greek" and "Jewish" understanding of Whether some sayings of Christian prophets may be con-
prophecy should not be drawn too ne.atly, it is, neverth~­ tained in Q as sayings of Jesus is discussed below.
less, the case that Paul's understanding of prophecy 1s 4. Mark. Though he quotes their writings often, Mark
shaped by his Scripture and Je~ish. tradition, a~ well a~ b_y specifically refers to OT prophets only twice (I :2; 7 :6, both
the understanding of propheusm in early Jewish Chnsu- times to Isaiah), and makes two incidental references in
anity. connection with the understanding of Jesus as a prophet
2. Deutero-PauI. It is striking that there is no reference (6:16; 8:28). He never refers to John the Baptist or Jesus
at all to prophecy in Colossians, and that "spirit" occurs as a prophet (except for the implied self-identification by
only twice, each time with reference to the human spirit. Jesus in 6:4). His only reference to prophets in the post-
"Spiritual" in I: 9 and 3: 16 does suggest insight and songs Easter time of the Church is 13:22, where they are consid-
given by the spirit (not just "lively tunes"), but Colossians ered false prophets, and are the Church's only opponents
seems very reserved with reference to the Pauline enthu- specifically named. Mark seems to be opposed to the
siasm for prophecy, and may already express a reaction. prophetic phenomenon, which may indicate that Christian
Ephesians, on the other hand, looks back upon the first prophets who announced new sayings of the Lord were a
generation and considers prophets, along with apostles, to problem in his church.
be a constituent element in the foundation of the Church 5. Matthew. The gospel of Matthew, on the other hand,
(2:20; 3:5; 4: 11). The great spiritual insight of the inclu- seems to represent a church where prophecy is present
siveness of the Church was given through the post-Easter and critically affirmed by the author, much as was the case
Christian prophets (not the historical Jesus!). While it is with Paul and the Pauline churches. Unlike Paul, the au-
clear that the author of Ephesians admires prophets, it is thor himself is not a prophet, but more of a scribal type
equally clear that they are no longer a living reality in his (he seems to be describing himself in 13:52). His church
church. may have been "founded" by the Q messengers (Luz 1985 );
Likewise in the Pastorals, prophecy is primarily a re- he seems to stand in a later phase of the Christian proph-
membered phenomenon from the Pauline past, rather ecy manifest in the Q community. Matthew rephrases his
than a vital part of the Pastor's own church, in which not Q source to read "the prophets who were before you" in 5: 12,
charisma but "regular" ordination at the hands of autho- joining his own community to the prophetic community of
rized officials designates people for leadership in the Israel and Q. A saying peculiar to Matthew, 10:41, con-
Church. There may still be some stirrings of the prophetic cludes his version of the "Missionary Discourse," indicating
spirit manifest in the references in I Tim l: 18; 4: 14 and 2 that Christian prophets were among the missionaries sent
Tim l: 14, but if they refer to the time of the author, then out by Matthew's church. In 7: 15-23, general exhortations
the gift of prophecy is regarded with more than a bit of to the Christian community, in which neither the word nor
suspicion. The point seems to be that claims to charismatic idea of prophecy appears, have been altered to deal specif-
endowment should lead to regular ordination, and in fact ically with the problem posed by prophecy in the Matthean
operates properly only with the legitimately ordained church. The passage makes clear that for Matthew the gift
channels and in connection with the deposit of tradition of prophecy did not guarantee that one was a true disciple;
(he paratheke). More likely these texts, like I Tim 4: 1-5, "doing the will of God" was the ultimate criterion.
belong to the fictive world of "Paul" in the first generation. 6. Luke-Acts. Acts is the only NT document that pur-
As in Ephesians, prophecy seems to be admired from a ports to describe prophets in the earliest Church. Agabus
safe distance. stands out most clearly (11:27-30; 21: 1-14) as one who is
3. Q. Our earliest source for Palestinian Christianity is not only called "prophet" by Luke but fits the functional
the hypothetical document Q, which is often considered a definition given here as well. Judas and Silas are prophets
witness to the prophetic nature of earliest Christianity. (15:32). Philip has four daughters who prophesy (21 :9).
"Prophets" are mentioned in six pericopes of Q. Of these, Anonymous prophets proclaim their message by the Spirit,
four refer to the prophets of Hebrew Scripture (the con- a term used interchangeably in such contexts with "Holy
vention of designating Q passages by their Lukan location Spirit," "Spirit of the Lord," and "Spirit of Jesus," showing
~s here followed): 6:23; 10:24; ll:47; 16:16. ("Prophesy" that it is the exalted Christ who is thought of as active in
in the Q passage Matt 7:22 is a Matthean addition; "proph- the prophetic event (16:6-7; 20:23; 21:4). A group of
ets" in the Q text Luke 13:28 is a Lukan addition.) The prophets and teachers at Antioch includes Barnabas and
way in which these texts are used indicates that for the Q Paul (13:1-2). That Luke intends to include Barnabas
community the prophets were considered the key leaders among the prophets seems to be clear both from the
of ancient Israel. Two references point to prophets of the grammar of this text and from 4:36; whether or not Paul
Q community's own time. In 7:26 John is called "more is called a prophet in 13:1-2 is not absolutely clear. At the
than a prophet," a designation that would include both least, Paul is associated very closely with church prophets
John and Jesus as the twin messengers of transcendent and is described by Luke as functioning as a prophet (9:3-
Wisdom _(cf. 7:3_3-35). In 11:49 the prophets of the Q 6; 13:9-12; 16:6-9; 18:9-10; 22:6-21; 26:9-20; 27:23-
community are included in this same line. The result is 24). In addition to this portrayal of particular individuals
that for the Q community there was an unbroken succes- who manifest the prophetic gift, Luke understands that
sion of prophets from the times of Israel through John the Spirit has been poured out on the whole church, and
and Jesus to the Christian prophets of their own commu- this Spirit is preeminently the Spirit of Prophecy (2: 17-18,
nity. Rejection and persecution were the common lot of all 38; 4:31; 6: 10; 16:6-7). This means that, though Luke
(11:4 7-51 ). The Q document is replete with prophetic does recognize certain persons in the Church who func-
PROPHECY (EARLY CHRISTIAN) 500. v
tion consistently as .prophets (whom he so designates), he mediately inspired spokesman. It is not only chapters 2-3
does not draw a sharp line between prophets and non- that are presented as the word of the exalted Lord, but
prophets. For Luke, whoever in the church acts in the the document as a whole. The subjective genitive of 1: I
power of the Spirit is something of a prophet. ~mbraces the whole document (cf. the series of quotations
Luke is obviously interested in portraying the Church as m 21:9, 15; 22:1, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12). Although the apocalyptic
the continuation of the OT people of God, which leads form of sealed scroll and interpreting angel is retained, it
him to portray Christian prophets (as well as John the is subordinated to the understanding of revelation as
Baptist and Jesus) as similar to the prophets of his Bible. Christian prophecy in which the risen Lord speaks
Agabus' binding himself with Paul's belt, for example, is through his prophet. Though saturated with apocalyptic
reminiscent of the symbolic acts performed by Isaiah, content as well as apocalyptic forms, Revelation is thus,
Ezekiel, and Jeremiah (Acts 21:10-14; cf. Isa 20:2-6; nonetheless, a thoroughly prophetic document. "Pro-
Ezekiel 4-5; Jer 13: 1-11). This and other Lukan tendenzen phetic" and "apocalyptic" are not alternatives. Unlike the
make it difficult to extract the historical reality that lay apocalyptists, John speaks in his own name the revelations
behind Luke's theological portrayal. Prophets may have he receives from the exalted Lord. That he uses traditional
been much more active in the leadership of the earliest materials and stereotyped forms is no objection to the
Church, for example, than Luke's account indicates, for it reality of his visionary experiences, for prophets custom-
emphasizes his own interests in ordered apostolic leader- arily made use of traditional forms and materials to convey
ship. In this, Luke-Acts belongs with the Deutero-Pauline their messages received in various degrees of "ecstatic"
tradition discussed above. This means that in the gospel of experience.
Luke, where Jesus is portrayed in the garb of a biblical 9. Didache. The Manual of Church Order (Didache 6-
prophet, it is difficult to distinguish history from Luke's 15) comes from a Christian community that both honors
own theologizing. An exception may be provided by the prophecy and has come to experience it as a problem.
outburst of prophetic phenomena in the Lukan Birth story This is the reason for the intense interest of the author(s)
(cf. Luke 1:35, 41-45, 67-79; 2:29-35), which may pre- in prophecy, an interest that causes the instructions on
serve memories and materials from early Christian proph- prophets to be elaborated far beyond what is said about
ets. "apostles" and "teachers." These instructions do not seem
7. John and the Johannine Thadition. Only Jesus is to be all of a piece, indicating that they came into being
called "prophet" in the gospel of John (4: 19, 44; 9: 17), from different hands over an extended period. For exam-
and only Caiaphas is said to "prophesy" ( 11 :51 ). Yet the ple, the prophet is considered to be above question when
function of Christian prophecy seems to be clearly evi- he speaks "in the Spirit," so that to challenge him is the
denced in the Johannine church. Whether or not the unforgivable sin (I I :7); and yet some things that he says
author of Revelation is regarded as a member of the are not to be tolerated, even if said "in the Spirit" ( 11: 12).
Johannine "school," the numerous points of contact be- The criterion of true prophecy is whether he teaches
tween the gospel and the Apocalypse indicate interaction according to the truth (11: l); but even that prophet who
between the evangelist and Christian prophecy, since the teaches according to the truth is a false prophet "if he does
Apocalypse obviously was written by a prophet. The let- not practice what he teaches" ( 11: 10). The Didache has
ters, too, come from a circle that was familiar with the been most influential in supporting the one-sided theory
prophetic phenomenon and was beginning to experience that early Christian prophets were itinerant "wanderers"
some manifestations of it as problematic, without denying rather than "settled" (Harnack 1910), but a close reading
its validity per se (1 John 2:20, 27; 4:1-3). And since the of the Didache indicates that its support for this purported
"we" of 1 John cannot be separated from the "we" of the characteristic of early Christian prophetism has been over-
Fourth Gospel, we would expect a priori that the gospel emphasized.
would also originate from a circle in which the prophetic 10. Ignatius. The one instance in the Bishop of An-
ministry was alive. The internal evidence of the gospel tioch's letters that may refer to Christian prophets is not
bears out this expectation. The Johannine portrayal of clear; it may refer to biblical prophets (Phld. 5:2). ln any
both the Paraclete and Jesus seems to be influenced by the case, the reference is only incidental and provides no
author's perception of the ministry of Christian prophets information. On the other hand, Ignatius speaks of him-
in the Johannine church (cf. Boring 1978). On the night self as having "cried out" with a "great voice," the "voice of
before Jesus' death, the disciples are promised that the God," in which "the Spirit was speaking" (Phld. 7: 1-2), in
Spirit will come in Jesus' name and speak with Jesus' a context which suggests he thought of himself as speaking
authority, the Paraclete who will both keep alive the mem- prophetically. The content of his oracle is an admonition
ory of Jesus and reveal new truth after Jesus' death ( 14: 15- to "give heed to the bishop, the presbyter, and the dea-
17, 25-26; 15:26-27; 16:8-11, 12-15). The functions of cons," so Ignatius is somewhat like the Pastorals in that
Christian prophets are here described. charisma serves primarily to reinforce church order
8. Revelation. The Apocalypse is our most obvious, and through the developing regular channels.
most extensive, example of Christian prophecy among our 11. Odes of Solomon. The prophetic spirit was thought
earliest documents, being rivaled only by the later Hermas. to inspire not only oracles but hymns (cf. 1 Cor 14: 15; Col
Like Paul, the author does not specifically use prophetes of 3: 16; Eph 5: 19; cf. the Hodayot from the prophetic Teacher
himself, but nonetheless claims to write prophiteia (1:3; of Qumran). The collection of forty-two hymns, all com-
19:20; 22:7, 10, 18-19) and to belong to a group of posed by the same author, seems to express .the claim to
prophitai (22:9). the "book" (i.e., letter) is throughout the prophetic inspiration. In some of them Chnst speaks 1!1
address of the risen Lord to his church through his im- the first person, as in Revelation. Particularly well-known ts
v. 501 PROPHECY (EARLY CHRISTIAN)

the concluding hymn, which expresses the prophetic self- who were recognized as such by the Church. Since the
consciousness in the words (42:6). Spirit was given to the Church at large, however, the
prophetic gift did not separate prophets from the Chris-
Then I arose and am with them, tian community. The Church as a whole, which also pos-
and will speak by their mouths. sessed the Spirit, was charged with critically evaluating the
utterances of the prophets (Rev 2:2, 6, 14, 15, 20; I
12. Hermas. The Shepherd of Hermas likewise emanates Corinthians 14). The prophets spoke with authority as
from within a structured ecclesiastical context, the Roman they announced the unqualified word of the Lord, but it is
church in the first half of the 2d century, and is written by also clear that they should expect a deliberate, engaged
an author who never refers to himself as a prophet. Unless response from the community. The prophets functioned
the "prophecy" of the author is only a literary device, the in the gathered worship of the community, not in private
author is, nonetheless, a prophet by our definition, for the seances or consultations. The burden of their message was
document repeatedly presents itself as the revelation of the edification of the community, not the satisfaction of
the Holy Spirit or Son of God to his church in the latter private curiosity.
days (e.g., Vis. IV. 1.3; Sim. IX l.l). The prophetic phe- 4. Prophets and 'Ihldition. Tradition and revelation are
nomenon seems still to be present in the author's church, not alternatives. The reality of the revelatory experiences
where both "true" and "false" prophets can be observed of the prophets did not mean that they were divorced
and must be tested (Man. XI). There still seem to be some from tradition. Their oracles could be expressed using
marks of genuine prophetic self-consciousness, e.g., the words from Scripture or other Christian tradition as the
revelation of a second chance of repentance in view of the vehicle of their message.
impending persecution and the imminent return of the 5. Prophets and the Continuing Voice of Jesus. Proph-
Lord (Vis. Ill. 1.9). But even if the author does have some ets could express their revelations in words of the historical
personal prophetic experiences, for the most part his Jesus, which they sometimes took up and re-presented in
writing is a tedious, labored, uninspired, and uninspiring a modified form more relevant to the new situation. Many
work, formally in the prophetic category but written by scholars believe that new sayings of Jesus were spoken by
one for whom prophecy is already a traditional phenome- church prophets. These sayings were blended into the
non that may be stereotyped. In him, we hear the last faint Church's tradition of Jesus' words and appear in the nar-
echoes of the "old" prophecy. After him, references to rative framework of the Gospels as sayings of the earthly
prophecy in the Church are oriented to the "New Proph- Jesus. Since to early Christianity the earthly Jesus and the
ecy" of Montanism, either in affirmation or in repudiation. heavenly Lord were one and the same person, prior to the
fixation of the tradition in the writing of the Gospels no
D. General Characteristics and Themes of Early consistent distinction was made between sayings of the pre-
Christian Prophecy Easter Jesus and post-Easter revelations through church
I. Extent, Uniformity, and Variety. The survey above prophets. Although the presence of such prophetic sayings
indicates that prophecy was not rare, episodic, or isolated, in the gospels is generally acknowledged, whether partic-
but was a widespread phenomenon in early Christianity ular sayings that originated as Christian prophecy can be
that has left its traces in a variety of early Christian litera- identified with any degree of confidence is a disputed
ture. Christian theology's emphasis on "the Prophets" (of point among scholars (pro: Boring 1982; con: Aune 1983;
the Hebrew Scripture) as those who predicted the days of Hill 1979).
Jesus and the Church has contributed to the fact that
"prophecy" is frequently neglected as a major category for Bibliography
comprehending early Christianity and its own self-under- Aune, D. E. 1983. Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient
standing. In fact, prophets and prophecy form a primary Mediterranean World. Grand Rapids.
common denominator and line of continuity between the Boring, M. E. 1978. The lnAuence of Christian Prophecy on the
Hebrew Bible and the Christian Scripture. We have seen johannine Portrayal of the Paraclete and Jesus. NTS 25: 113-
that there is considerable variety in the manifestations of 23.
prophecy in early Christianity. There are, nonetheless, - - . 1982. Sayings of the Risen]esu.s. Cambridge.
enough common features to permit some general impres- - - . 1989. Revelation: A Commentary for Teaching and Preaching.
sions, to which there are always exceptions. Louisville.
2.. Prophets as Church Figures. The context of proph- Bomkamm, G. 1960.]esu.s of Nazareth. New York.
ecy 1s the worshipping congregation, to which prophets Bultmann, R. 1958.]esus and the Word. New York.
belong as constituent members. Although prophets, like Conzelmann, H. 1969. An Outline of the Theology of the New Testament.
others, on occasion travel from place to place, it is over- London.
drawn to impose a doubtful interpretation of prophecy in Crone, T. 1973. Early Christian Prophecy. Baltimore.
the Didache on all our other sources, and picture itinerary Dautzenberg, G. 1975. Urchristliche Prophetie. Stuttgart.
as of the essence of Christian prophetism. Ellis, E. E. 1978. Prophecy and Hermeneutic in Early Christianity.
3. Prophets as Religious Figures. While Early Christi- Grand Rapids.
anity generally believed that the Spirit was given to the Enslin, M. S. 1968. The Prophet from Nazareth. New York.
body ~f beli.evers as a whole, and not only to gifted individ- Fascher, E. 1927. PROPHETES: Eine sprach-und religionsgeschicht-
u~ls wnhm it, prophecy was not an amorphous potentiality liche Untersuchung. Giessen.
diffused throughout the Christian community. There was Harnack, A. von. 1910. The Constitution and Law of the Church in the
usually an identifiable group that functioned as prophets, First Two Centuries. New York.
PROPHECY (EARLY CHRISTIAN) 502 • v
Hill, D. 1979. New Testament Pr<>!Jhecy. Richmond, VA. the NT. Fortunately, the Q ms contains none of these
Horsley, R. A. 1986. Popular Prophetic Movements at the Time of obvious interpolations, but more subtle Christian altera-
Jesus: Their Principal Features and Social Origins. ]SNT 26: tions are suspected at a few points. A date after the
3-27. emergence of Christianity is probable if 2:13 ("And this
Jeremias, J. 1971. The Proclamation ofJesus. Vol. I in New Testament will be for you a sign of [the Lord's] coming, when all the
Theowgy. New York. gentiles. worship. a piece of wood") is taken as a Jewish
Kloppenborg, J. S. 1987. The Formation of Q. Philadelphia. express10n of disgust at Christian superstition, but the
Leisegang, H. 1919. Die vorchristlichen Anschauungen und Lehren vom words may just as well represent a Christian interpolation
fmeuma und der mystisch-intuitiven Erkenntnis. Vol. I in Dn Heilige a.nticipating Jesus' Parousia, when the full number of gen-
Geist. Leipzig. tiles have been converted. (References and quotations fol-
Lindblom, J. 1968. Gesichu und Offenbarungen. Lund. l?w .the tr~nslation of Hare OTP 2: 379-99.) Perhaps
Luz, U. 1985. Das Evangelium nach Matthiius (Mt 1-7). Neukirchen- significant 1s the fact that there is no clear mention of the
Vluyn. destruction of Jerusalem in 70 C.E. (a possible allusion may
Mack, B. 1988. A Myth of Innocence. Philadelphia. be found in the ambiguous language of 12:11); such an
Muller, U. 1975. Pr<>!Jhetie und Predigt im Neuen Testament. Giitersloh. omission would be surprising in the opening passage con-
Panagopoulos, J. 1877. Pr<>Phetic Vocation in the New Testament and cerning Isaiah's grave, which seems to assume that the
Today. Leiden. readers can make a pilgrimage to the site. Moreover, it has
Rauschenbusch, W. 1917. A Theology for the Social Gospel. New York. been proposed that this same passage presupposes that
Reitzenstein, R. 1927. Die hellenistischen MysteTienreligionen: Nach the pool of Siloam is situated outside the walls of Jerusa-
ihren Grundgedanken und Wirkungen. Leipzig (ET 1978). lem. This was no longer the case after Herod Agrippa
Robinson, J.M. 1987. The Jesus Movement in Galilee: Reconstruct- added a new southern wall to the city's fortifications in 41-
ing Q. Bulletin of the Institute for Antiquity and Christianity. 14/3: 44 C.E. An early date is also suggested by the author's
4-5. allusion to Elijah as "a Thesbite, from the land of Arabs"
Sato, M. 1988. Q und Pr<>!Jhetie. WUNT 2/29. Tiibingen. (21: 1), since Nabatean control of this area ended in 106
Schmeller, T. 1989. Brechungen: Urchristliche Wandercharismatiker im c.E. Of still greater importance for the dating of the
Prisma soziowgisch orientiertn Exegese. SBS 136. Stuttgart. document is the fact that its interest in the graves of the
M. EUGENE BORING prophets is paralleled by the erection of an impressive
monument at David's tomb by Herod the Great (Jos. Ant
16.7.1 §182). We may suppose that this interest in venerat-
PROPHETS, LIVES OF THE. A short Jewish ing David's resting place spread to include other ancient
writing, deriving probably from the 1st century c.E. Its worthies, as witnessed in the saying attributed to Jesus by
opening words describe the work's content: "The names Matt 23:29 ("Woe to you ... for you build the tombs of the
of the prophets, and where they are from, and where they prophets and adorn the monuments of the righteous"; cf.
died and how, and where they lie." Luke 11:47-48). Since there is no mention of newly con-
Although Syriac, Ethiopic, Latin, and Armenian versions structed monuments in the Lives, it is even possible that its
are extant, these all appear to derive from Greek originals. publication early in the 1st century was one of the factors
The numerous Greek witnesses are generally sorted into encouraging the activity to which Jesus' saying alludes.
four major recensions: long and short recensions attrib- The author appears to have precise knowledge of Jeru-
uted to Epiphanius, another ascribed to Dorotheus, and salem. This inclined Torrey ( 1946) to the opinion that the
an anonymous recension. Of these the last appears to be author was a Jerusalemite Jew. Since both the Hebrew and
the earliest and to preserve the best text. It is best repre- Greek textual traditions of Scripture are reflected in the
sented by Codex Marchalianus (Cod. Vaticanus Gk. 2125, document, we can postulate that its author was a bilingual
6th century, Vatican Library), known by the siglum Q. The Jew living in Judea.
Greek manuscripts differ considerably in the order in In Codex Q, twenty-three prophets are treated, in the
which the canonical prophets are presented and in their following order: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Hosea,
choice of nonliterary prophets to be treated. Micah, Amos, Joel, Obadiah, Jonah, Nahum, Habakkuk,
Because of provenance and subject matter it is often Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, Nathan, Ahijah,
assumed that the document was written originally in a Joad (the unnamed "man of God" of 1Kings13), Azariah,
Semitic language: Syriac, Hebrew, or Aramaic. Torrey Elijah, Elisha, and Zechariah, son of Jehoiada. It is to be
(1946) believed it possible to demonstrate that certain noted that the position of Daniel conforms with the se-
problems in the Greek text are due to the mistranslation quence of the LXX, not with that of the MT, and that the
of an underlying Hebrew writing. Klein, on the other order in which the Twelve are presented is likewise closer
hand, maintained that an Aramaic original was as possible to that of the LXX.
as a Hebrew one (1937). Schermann (1907a), whose work The amount of space devoted to the various prophets
on the document remains fundamental, postulated a He- varies greatly. Joel receives the least attention: "Joel was
brew source, but insisted that the earliest Greek text was from the territory of Reuben, in the countryside of Betho-
not simply a translation. It thus remains possible that, moron. He died in peace and was buried there." The
despite an origin in the folklore of Jewish Palestine, the major prophets and Daniel, however, are treated at consid-
work may have first assumed its present shape in Greek. erable length through the incorporation of legendary tra-
Some of the Greek mss are clearly Christian products, ditions, many of which are known to us from other Jewish
incorporating sections concerning John the Baptist, his sources.
father Zechariah, and other early figures referred to in The sections devoted to Elijah and Elisha are also ex-
v. 503 PROSELYTE
tended, but in these two cases the material is primarily a epigraphic evidence) and Greco-Roman sources concern-
summary of "signs" attributed to the two prophets in the ing conversion to Judaism are presented.
canon (1-2 Kings). This material is omitted by the Doro- In the Hebrew Bible the ger was an alien who resided in
theus recension, and is replaced by shorter additions in the land, thereby lacking the protection and privileges
the two recensions attributed to Epiphanius. Torrey is associated with blood relationship and native birth. The
therefore justified in regarding these passages of Codex Q term occurs most frequently in the Pentateuch. The Book
as later additions ( 1946). of the Covenant portrays the ger as standing in a special
Of special interest is the fact that in all four recensions relationship to Yahweh (see Exod 20:10; 22:21; 23:9, 12).
the sections dealing with Elijah and Elisha contain brief Even so, the ger's status was not religious, but reflected the
birth narratives. Respecting Elijah, for example, it is re- fact that the ger, as an alien, was under the influence of
ported: "When he was to be born, his father Sobacha saw the God, to whom the land belonged. While Deuteronomy
that men of shining white appearance were greeting him includes the ger in the observance of some religious rites
and wrapping him in fire, and they gave him Hames of fire and festivals (5: 14; 16: 11, 14; 29: 11), when 31: 12 explicitly
to eat. And he went and reported (this) in Jerusalem, and states that the ger must be present for the solemn reading
the oracle told him, 'Do not be afraid, for his dwelling will of the law, the intent was to expose the ger to the demands
be light and his word judgment, and he willjudge Israel.'" of the law, not to imply that he was a full-fledged member
This is one of the earliest witnesses to the belief that Elijah of the cultic community (TDOT 2: 455). In P nearly the
has been assigned a judging role in the eschatological same religious rights and duties apply to the ger as to the
drama. full citizen (Num 15:14-16). This inclusion of the ger in
The document is not profoundly theological. It is a good the religious life of the nation arose from the people's
example of "folk religion," replete as it is with legend and sense of their own separateness, which demanded full
superstition. Interest in Jeremiah's grave, for example, is differentiation from all foreigners. Since the people could
motivated by its effectiveness in healing snake bites: "And not avoid contact with the gerim, they had to provide a
those who are God's faithful pray at the place to this very place for them in the religious community (TDNT 6: 730).
day, and taking the dust of the place they heal asps' bites" In the late strata of P, the ger was fully integrated into the
(2:4). In terms of the history of religion, the document life of the community by circumcision and mode of life
provides evidence of the emerging practice of venerating (TDOT 2: 447). In the prophetic literature the ger is rou-
the saints, which later became such a prominent feature of tinely associated with defenseless widows and orphans as
popular Christianity. those who are unjustly oppressed (Jer 7:6; 22:3; Ezek 22:7,
29; Zech 7: IO; Mal 3:5) and is said to have a share with the
Bibliography tribes of Israel in the promised inheritance (Ezek 47:22-
Jeremias, J. 1958. Heiligengriiber in}esu Umwelt. Giittingen. 23).
Klein, S. 1937. 'al-ha-seper Vitae Prophetarum. Pp. 189-208 in Sefer The LXX translated Heb ger with Gk proselytos 77 times,
Klnzner, ed. H. Torczyner. Tel Aviv (in Hebrew). but only in those cases where the context suggested a
Schermann, T. l 907a. Prophetarum vitae fabulosae Indices apostolorum, religious meaning, employing the terms xenos and paroikos
discipulorumque Domini: Dorotheo Epiphanio Hippolyto aliisl[W! vin- elsewhere. This narrowing of the definition was a result of
dicate. Leipzig. the Jews' altered circumstances in the Diaspora. The trans-
- - . 1907b. Propheten- und Apostellegenden nebst Jungerkatawgen lators of the LXX appropriated the OT concern for resi-
des Dorotheus und venJJandter Texte. TU 31/3. Leipzig. dent aliens on behalf of the gentiles who adopted the
Torrey, C. C. 1946. The Lives of the Prophets. SBLMS I. Philadelphia. religion and customs of Judaism, thereby providing a
DOUGLAS R. A. HARE
biblical basis for a practical reality.
Proselytes play a minor role in the Apocrypha and
Pseudepigrapha. Achior the Ammonite believed firmly in
PROSELYTE [Gk proselytos]. In antiquity the term God, was circumcised, and joined the house of Israel (Jdt
"proselyte" was used only in the context of Judaism. In the 14:10). In Joseph and Aseneth the Egyptian Aseneth con-
LXX it translates Heb ger, a word designating a resident verted to Judaism in order to marry the patriarch Joseph.
alien or sojourner in the land. Later it became a technical While Philo did use the term proselyte for converts to
term for a convert to Judaism, thus representing one Judaism (Somn II 273; Spec Leg 1.51, 308), he seems to have
aspect of the more general phenomenon of conversion in preferred the more familiar term "alien" (epelu.s, epelutes,
epelytos). Philo asserted that converts had equal status with
antiquity (the basic work on this subject remains Nock
those who were Jews by birth. Moreover, because of their
1933). The term is used in Matt 23: 15 and Acts 2: 11
conversion they deserved special attention, having left
(-Eng 2:10); 6:5 and 13:43. The difficulties in determin-
country, family, friends, customs, tributes, and honors for
ing this word's meaning include the relative paucity and the sake of the truth (Spec Leg 1.51-53; 4.178; Vin 102-4,
frequent obscurity of the extant occurrences, and the lack 219). He contrasted the virtues of the converts with the
o~ a thorough critic~! _analysis. Not only do scholars today vices of those Jews by birth who had forsaken the faith
differ widely m their interpretation of the evidence, even (Vin 182; see Praem 152; Spec Leg 1.51).
th~ ~ews of antiquity seem to have held a wide range of Josephus avoided using the term "proselyte." The closest
opm1~ns regarding the proselyte (Cohen 1989: 14). To he came was to call Fulvia, a Roman woman of high rank,
establish the background for the NT meaning of the term, a "convert to Judaism [proselelythuian tois loudaikois]" (Ant
here the most 1mp~rtant Jewish (OT, Apocrypha and 18.82). Normally he employed such phrases as those who
Pseudep1grapha, Philo, Josephus, rabbinic literature, and "adopt our laws [nomou.s eiselthein]" (Ag Ap 2.123); those
PROSELYTE 504. v
"aliens [allophylous]" who "elect to share" Jewish customs of Jewish proselytizing zeal, when he stated: "We [poets]
and who "desire to come and live under the same laws like the Jews, will compel you to make one of our throng':
with us" (2.209-10); or those who "became converts to (Sat. 1.4, 138-43). Nolland, however, attributes this state-
Judaism [eis ta loudaion ethi ton bion metebalon]" (20.17; see ment to the realm of politics and personal advantage and
also 20.139). Even so, Josephus remains the foremost not to that of the propagation of religious ideals ( 1979:
source for accounts of conversion to Judaism in the biblical 353). Epictetus (ca. 55--<:a. 135 C.E.) contrasted those who
period. The most extensive surviving account of a convert observed some Jewish customs with those who were true
is that of Izates, king of Adiabene, who was instructed in converts: "Whenever we see a man halting between two
the Jewish faith by a merchant named Ananias (Ant 20.17- faiths, we are in the habit of saying, 'He is not a Jew, he is
95). Izates' mother, Helena, while sympathetic, warned only acting the part.' But when he adopts the attitude of
that his subjects "would not tolerate the rule of a Jew over mind of the man who has been baptized and has made his
them." Ananias agreed with her, contending that lzates choice, then he both is a Jew in fact and is also called one"
could "worship God without being circumcised." Another (cited in Arr., Epict. Diss. 2: 19-20).
Jew, Eleazar, a Galilean with a reputation for strict adher- Tacitus (b. ca. 55 c.E.) considered those who were at-
ence to the ancestral laws, told lzates that he "ought not tracted to Judaism "the worst rascals," for they renounced
merely to read the law but also, and even more, to do what their ancestral religions and sent contributions to Jerusa-
is commanded in it." lzates took this advice and was lem. The Jews, he said, were extremely loyal toward one
circumcised. Later his brother, Monobazus, seeing that the another, but toward everyone else they exhibited only
king's pious worship of God "won the admiration of all hatred and enmity. They adopted circumcision to distin-
men," likewise wished to convert to Judaism. Some mem- guish themselves from other peoples. Moreover, those who
bers of the royal family subsequently supported the Jewish converted to their ways followed the same practices, so that
revolt against Rome (JW 2.520; 5.474). the earliest lesson they received was "to despise the gods,
In addition to accounts of conversion, Josephus also to disown their country, and to regard their parents,
related that Jewish customs held some attraction for gen- children, and brothers as of little account" (Hist. 5.5).
tiles: "There is not one city, Greek or barbarian, nor a Juvenal (b. 67 c.E.), in a satire on the bad influence of
single nation, to which our custom of abstaining from parental vices, described a progressive attraction to Juda-
work on the seventh day has not spread." Some also ob- ism from one generation to the next. The father, he said,
served fasting, the lighting of lamps, and many of the observed the Sabbath. His offspring worshipped nothing
dietary regulations. Moreover, the gentiles imitated "our but the clouds and the divinity of the heavens, and would
unanimity, our liberal charities, our devoted labor in the no sooner eat swine's flesh than human. In time they were
crafts, our endurance under persecution on behalf of our circumcised. Then they would give directions only to those
laws" (2.281-83; see 2.179-80). The wealth of the Jewish who worshipped as they did, and would conduct none but
temple was attributable to contributions from Jews and the circumcised to the desired fountain. "For all which the
"those who worshipped God [loudaion kai sebomenon ton father was to blame, who gave up every seventh day to
theon]" (Ant 14.110). Nero's wife Poppaea, was "a worship- idleness" (Saturnae 14.96-106). Cassius Dio (ca. 160-230
per of God [theosebes]" and pleaded on behalf of the Jews C.E.) observed that the title "Jews" applied both to those
(Ant 20.195 ). The Jews in Antioch attracted "multitudes of who are from Judea and "to all the rest of mankind,
Greeks" to their religious ceremonies (JW 7.45). although of alien race, who affect their customs," a class
Because we lack a critical analysis of the rabbinic litera- which had increased "to a very great extent" (Roman history
ture on the topic, it is difficult to state with any certainty 37.17.1). Tiberius banished the Jews from Rome because
the importance of this evidence for understanding conver- they "were converting many of the natives to their ways"
sion to Judaism in the biblical period. Schiffman presents (57. l 8.5a). Those who "drifted into Jewish ways" were
a brief summary of the evidence drawn from the Tannaitic subject to the charge of atheism, which was punishable by
literature (1985: 19-39). There conversion to Judaism death or at least by the confiscation of their property
entailed acceptance of the Torah, including an identifica- (67.14.2).
tion with the historic experience of the Jewish people. For These references in Greco-Roman literature to conver-
males, circumcision was required as the ultimate sign of sion to Judaism are consistent with the unsympathetic
Jewish identity; the convert must be purified in a ritual attitude these sources display toward Judaism in general.
bath; and the convert was to bring a sacrifice to the temple. Their hostility is confirmed by Philo's and Josephus' refer-
The requirements of baptism and sacrifice are not attested ences to the difficulties converts encountered. Given this
before the end of the 1st century c.E. (Collins 1985: 171 ). context, Millar states, the ability of the Jewish apologists to
Kuhn has identified ten inscriptions referring to Jewish present Judaism as appealing depended on three factors.
proselytes, including two from Jerusalem and eight (out of These authors focused on issues for which they could
a total of 554 inscriptions referring to Jews) from Italy, a expect a sympathetic hearing, such as their_ con.ception. of
number he considers "surprisingly small" (TDNT 6: 732- God, and they emphasized the role of Judaism m trammg
34). The Roman inscriptions come from the catacombs, for the conduct of life. Moreover, the Hellenistic world was
where the proselytes were buried with the Jews, an indica- receptive to new cult forms, especially those, like Judaism,
tion that they were accepted as full members of the com- which included a monotheistic element, emphasized the
munity. expiation of sins, and expected a happy afterlife (H}P 2 3/
Greco-Roman sources include scattered references to 1: 153-58).
conversion to Judaism, many of which are openly hostile. To a certain extent the Jewish apologetic was clearly
Horace (65-8 B.C.E.) is often cited as the earliest attestator successful. Both Jewish and pagan sources attest that at
v. 505 PROSTITUTION (OT)

least some Jewish practices gained wide acceptance in the payment is attested throughout antiquity, as well as in the
Greco-Roman world. Cohen has identified a diversity of Bible. This entry consists of two articles that survey this
favorable responses to Judaism, ranging from admiration practice. The first provides an overview to the phenome-
for some aspects of Judaism to conversion (l 989: 15-30). non of prostitution as it is attested in the OT, as well as the
Those gentiles who displayed some sympathy for Jewish metaphorical references to prostitution contained in the
religion without actually converting to Judaism are some- biblical text. The second focuses particularly on the ques-
times called "God-fearers." See DEVOUT. Determining the tion of whether and how extensively cultic (or sacred)
number of gentiles who converted remains problematic. prostitution was practiced in the ancient and biblical world.
Millar suggests that at one point (probably in the last
centuries B.C.E.) their numbers may have been consider- OW TESTAMENT
able, based on the "immense expansion of Judaism" that Although the Hebrew root znh underlies all the major
seems to have taken place during that time. During the OT words for "prostitute" and "prostitution," derivations
Roman period, he says, actual conversions to Judaism seem from the root also refer to premarital sex and to adultery
to have been less frequent than other less formal associa- (extramarital sex). The prostitute is called a ziina or 'iSsa
tions (H]P 2 3/1: 171). ziina but perhaps also a qedesa. Evidence for male prostitu-
This evidence indicates that in the NT the term "prose- tion is lacking (but see B below).
lyte" refers to gentiles who had converted to Judaism.
Proselytes from Rome were present at Pentecost (Acts
A. The Prostitute in the OT
2: 11). Nicolaus, a proselyte of Antioch, was one of the
B. Cultic Prostitution in the OT
seven deacons (6:5). "Devout proselytes [ton sebomeniin pro-
C. Prostitution as a Metaphor
selytiin]" and Jews followed Paul and Barnabas out of the
synagogue at Antioch in Pisidia (13:43). The reference in
A. The Prostitute in the OT
Matt 23: 15 to the scribes and Pharisees who "traverse sea
The label ziina is used for the professional prostitute
and land to make a single proselyte" has frequently been
taken to refer to the missionary zeal of the Jews in general who accepts payment for her services, but perhaps can
also be applied simply to a woman who had sex before
and the Pharisees in particular. Little other evidence sug-
marriage (Lev 21:7, 14 and the opinion of R. Elazar in b.
gests that the Pharisees (or their descendants) were con-
rebam. 6Ib). Israelite society's attitude toward prostitution
cerned with the conversion of the gentiles, except as a
theoretical question. Alternately, if this saying originated was decidedly negative; yet despite legislation intended to
outlaw this institution (Lev I9:29; for Deut 23:I8, see B
with the evangelist writing after 70 c.E., rather than with
Jesus speaking before 70, it would serve as an example of below), the prostitute seems to have been tolerated. While
the Christian polemic against the nascent "normative" priests were not allowed to marry prostitutes and their
Judaism of the rabbis (see Wild 1985: I 23). This passage daughters were burned for plying this trade (Lev 21 :7, 9,
is akin to the references to the "circumcision party" in Acts 14), these strict standards did not apply to the lay Israelite.
I I :2 and the Pauline Epistles (parallel also to Eleazar's Prostitutes had access to the king for judgment (I Kgs
approach to Izates of Adiabene): once a gentile became a 3: 16), and scholars find it worthy of mention that the Bible
Christian, some Jews and Jewish Christians would attempt passes no moral judgment against Tamar, who posed as a
to bring the convert into full conformity with the require- prostitute (Genesis 38); Rahab (Joshua 2, 6); or Samson,
ments of the law. who frequented a prostitute (Judg 16: I). Rahab in partic-
ular is cited as evidence of the Bible's ambivalent view of
Bibliography prostitutes, because it is she who shows exemplary wisdom
Cohen, S. J. D. 1989. Crossing the Boundary and Becoming a Jew. and faith-so much so that in later tradition she is the
HTR 82: 13-33. progenitrix of great men (b. Meg. 14b; Matt I :5).
Collins, J. J. 1985. A Symbol of Otherness: Circumcision and On the other hand, this toleration is accompanied by a
Salvation in the First Century. Pp. 163-86 in To See Ourselves great degree of contempt. Bird (l 974: 67) writes that the
as Others See Us, ed. J. Neusner and E. S. Frerichs. Scholars stories of Rahab and Tamar
Press Studies in the Humanities. Chico, CA.
Nock, A. D. 1933. Converswn. Oxford. . .. also presuppose their low repute. In both accounts
Nolland, J. 1979. Proselytism or Politics in Horace Satires I 4 138- the harlot heroines are made to demonstrate in their
143? vc 33: 347-55. • • words and actions faith, courage and love that would
Schiffman, L. H. 1985. Who Was ajew? Hoboken, NJ. scarcely be expected of the average upright citizen and
Stern, M. 1974. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. 3 vols. thus is all the more astonishing and compelling as the
Jerusalem. response of a harlot-that member of society from
Wild, R. A. 1985. The Encounter between Pharisaic and Christian whom one would least expect religious and moral sensi-
Judaism. NovT 27: 105-24. tivity.
Williams, M. H. 1988. Theosebes gar en: The Jewish Tendencies of
Poppaea Sabina.]TS 39: 97-111. Treating a girl as a prostitute was seen as a grave offense
PAUL F. STUEHRENBERG to family honor, one that justified, in the eyes of Simeon
and Levi at least, death (Gen 34:31 ). The prostitution of
one's wife was considered a horrible event on par with the
PROSTI'~'UTION [Heb zinut, zenunim, taznut]. The death of one's children and the loss of one's patrimony
practice of md1scnmmate sexual relations in exchange for (Amos 7: 17). In I Kgs 22:38, the mention of harlots
PROSTITUTION (OT)

washing in the pool of Samaria where Ahab's bloody _181) decrees punishm~nt for an adulterer only if he was
chariot was flushed· out is no doubt intended as an insult mformed of the married status of the woman, while the
to his dignity, similar to his blood being lapped by dogs. OT makes no such exception (Exod 20:14; Lev 18:20;
Having relations with prostitutes carried a stigma (Gen ~0:10; Deut 22:22). CH #154 (ANET, 172) imposes ban-
38:23). While Lev 21:7, 14 presuppose that an Israelite ishment for the man who has intercourse with his daugh-
would marry a former prostitute, Jer 3:3 suggests that ter, and death by fire for he who lies with his mother
prostitutes were a stubborn, unrepentant lot. (#157). In Israel, the punishment for incest seems to be
In Mesopotamia, prostitutes were also a tolerated, yet more ui;iiformly severe. In Leviticus 20, execution (proba-
deprecated class of women (see the entry !Jarimtu, "prosti- bly stonmg), death by fire, ktiret (the imminent end of the
tute," CAD 6: 101-2; having seven daughters become pros- family line according to traditional Jewish exegesis and
titutes is on par with having seven sons immolated "before Wold 1978), dying childless, and "bearing one's iniquity"
Adad" [AJO, Beiheft 1 73 No. 8:7, NA)). The goddess (probably a reference to ktiret) are the sentences imposed
Ishtar is compared to a "loving !Jarimtu," yet this is proba- upon those who commit incest. It is difficult to decide
bly more of a negative reflection on Ishtar than an allusion which is more severe, death by stoning or the end of one's
to the exalted status of the prostitute (Sumerisch-balryloni.sch line through divine intervention. Israel's God was highly
Hymnen, l 06: 51 ). Their rights and restrictions are men- intolerant of sexual relations outside of narrowly pre-
tioned in law codes (Lipit Ishtar #27, ANET, 160; Middle scribed circumstances. The activities of a prostitute cer-
Assyrian Law (henceforth MAL) #40, #49, #52, ANET, tainly fell outside of these limitations.
183-85). This legal recognition stands in contrast with the Third, the metaphor of apostasy as zlnut, "harlotry,"
de jure prohibition of prostitution in Israel, whatever the linked the breaking of the exclusive bond with YHWH,
case de facto. Thus, Lev 19:29 prohibits the Israelite from the Sinaitic covenant, with the rupture of the most exclu-
selling his daughter into prostitution "lest the land be filled sive bond known in Israelite society, marriage (]er 2:20,
with depravity." This probably reflects the practice of 25; 3:1-13; Ezekiel 16; 23; Hosea 1-3). Apostasy, there-
selling one's children into debt slavery hinted at in Exod fore, seemed all the more unacceptable because of its
21:7; 2 Kgs 4:1; and Code of Hammurabi (henceforth association with adultery and promiscuity. The process,
CH) # 117 (ANET, 170). Deuteronomy's prohibition is however, may have been bidirectional in that sexual pro-
more absolute: "No Israelite woman shall be a prostitute" miscuity may have seemed all the more heinous because of
(23:18; see B below). its kinship with religious infidelity. The title of the prosti-
Israel's greater intolerance of prostitution was probably tute, zonti, and her activities, zlnut or zlnunim, carried the
influenced by several factors. First, paternity would be cargo not only of sexual, but also of religious infidelity
largely unknown with regard to the children of a prostitute because of the currency of the expression ziinti 'a/:uirey
(Jephthah in Judg 11: 1 is an exception; for another, see 'elohim 'a?ierim (Exod 34:15-16; Deut 31:16; Judg 2:17;
the case in Li pit Ishtar #27, ANET, 160). MAL #49 (ANET, 8:33; 1 Chr 5:25). The use of this metaphor therefore may
184) probably reflects the normal situation in that the have served not only to make apostasy more repulsive bm
paternity of the harlot's children is unknown; and so they also prostitution, which came to symbolize infidelity and
inherit from their mother: "If a prostitute dies, her chil- lack of discrimination in the religious sphere as well.
dren will receive a share like a brother together with the Possible allusions to the prostitute's distinctive garments
brothers of their mother." In both Israel and Mesopota- or ornaments have been found in several OT texts. Gen
mia, property and status were normally inherited patrilin- 38: 15 reports concerning Tamar that, "When Judah saw
eally. Adoption, the transfer of the legal paternity of a her, he took her for a harlot; for she had covered her
child, was practiced in Mesopotamia, as evidenced by legal face." While some see the veil alluded to here as the
texts and wills (CH #185-87, ANET, 174; MAL #28, customary garb of a harlot, an alternative explanation is
ANET, 182; for Nuzi, see Paradise 1972: 269-80). This did preferable: her situation suggested her vocation because a
not seem to be the case in Israel, where we find almost no crossroads (v 14) is a traditional place for a harlot to sit
mention of the transfer of legal paternity outside of the (]er 3:2; Ezek 16:25), and because Tamar's face was cov-
family (Tigay, Enc]ud 2: 298-300; Moule, IDB 1, 48). ered, Judah could not identify her as his daughter-in-law
Adoption is not mentioned in biblical law. A society which (so suggests Rashi and LXX's surplus at the end of the
valued the patrilineal bloodline so highly would logically verse, "and he didn't recognize her"). MAL #40 (ANET,
have a real abhorrence of children with no known pater- 183) prohibits the common harlot from wearing a veil.
nity and of the mother who bred them. These offspring Jeremiah's allusion (3:3) to a prostitute's distinctive "fore-
would have no proper inheritance and no patronym. Also, head" (Heb me~a?i) could suggest some peculiar ornament
unknown paternity could lead to unwitting incest, another (Holladay Jeremiah Hermeneia, 115), yet it is more likely
practice abhorred by YHWH (Leviticus 18, 20). that an internal trait is intended. The forehead is the seat
Second, Israel was to aspire to be a "holy nation," and of obstinacy (Ezek 3:7; Isa 48:4), and Tg. Neb. translates
this included a strict code of sexual morality. A compari- here ?z~pa, "impudence." Prov 7: 10 may allude to the
son of the sexual ethics in biblical law with those reflected distinctive dress of a prostitute (for the unusual term sit,
in Mesopotamian law codes reveals the absolute nature of see also Ps 73:6). In Hos 2:4, the prophet implores his
the former. For example, Hittite law #200 (ANET, 197) straying wife to "put away her harlotry from her face and
absolves a man who had sexual relations with a horse or her adultery from between her breasts." While this cou~d
mule but not with a pig or bovine (#187, #199, ANET, be a dramatic and graphic way of telling her to refrain
196), while Lev 18:23, 20: 16 prohibit the Israelite from from her promiscuity, a more literal meaning is also pos-
having carnal relations "with any beast." MAL #14 (ANET, sible (Andersen and Freedman, Hosea AB, 224-25). Per-
v. 507 PROSTITUTION (OT)

haps she wore some badge or adornment which suggested the discrete roles of these two groups, qades and qedesa. On
that she was a harlot. In v 5, the enraged husband threat- the basis of Ugaritic texts and various passages in the books
ens to strip his wife if she does not voluntarily remove of Kings which refer to the qades (I Kgs 14:24; I5:12;
these items, while v I5 mentions a nose ring and pendants. 22:47; 2 Kgs 23:7), it can be concluded that qadeslqedesim
Alternatively, these adornments need not be the badges _of refer to a priestly class rejected by orthodox Yahwists. The
prostitution, but rather the items that women customanly nature of their activities is not specified. In contrast, the
used to make themselves more attractive--<:osmetics (2 Kgs feminine qedesa always appears as a synonym of z6na, the
9:30; Jer 4:30) and jewelry (Isa 3: 16-23). common Hebrew word for prostitute (Genesis 38; Deut
The prostitute's fee was called 'etnan (Deut 23: 19; Isa 23:18-19; Hos 4:I4). This suggests a bifurcation of these
23:17-18; Ezek 16:31, 34, 41; Hos 9:1; Mic 1:7) and two closely related words, qades and qedesa, masculine and
perhaps 'etnii (Hos 2:14; see Andersen and Freedman, feminine, as they seem to refer to two very different
254). Ezek 16:33 uses the terms nedeh and niidan for the phenomena. This proposed distinction stands in opposi-
gifts given to a prostitute. The use of these wages for tion to the consensus of commentators that the collective
sacrificial purposes was prohibited (Deut 23: 19). Mic I :7 noun qades refers to both the male and female members of
may suggest that the 'etnan was not an insignificant source the same class, qedesim and qedes6t (e.g., Gray, Kings OTL,
of income for a temple (van der Toorn 1989: I 93-20 I). 311).
Prov 6:26 seems to compare the meager price of a prosti- That these two homonymous nouns should refer to
tute's serves (a loaf of bread) with the heavy cost of adul- professions so different may be inferred from two biblical
tery--one's precious life. Prov 29:3, on the other hand, passages. 2 Kgs 23:7 could suggest that qedesim refers only
suggests that keeping company with prostitutes leads to to males since it reports that the women (nasim) present in
poverty. Prostitutes were commonly encountered in public the battey haqqedesim were involved in weaving and nothing
places such as highways (Gen 38:14; Jer 3:2; Ezek 16:25; else. The second passage is Deut 23: 18: "No Israelite
Prov 7:11-12) or pilgrimage sites (Hos 4:14), yet Jer 5:7 woman shall be a qedesa nor shall any Israelite man be a
condemns those Jerusalemites who go "trooping to a har- qadeS." If the collective noun qades referred to both male
lot's house." Isa 23: 15-16 suggests that prostitutes com- and female cult prostitutes, then only one clause would be
monly sang and played the harp. needed-LO' yihyeh qades mibbene yisra'el, "No Israelite shall
The "foreign woman" {'iSsa ziira or nokriyya) of Proverbs be a qadef'; this would be sufficient to prohibit all Israelites,
2; 5-7 is probably not a harlot but rather an adulteress male and female, from the act of sacred prostitution. The
(2:16-17, 6:29-35; 7:19). Prov 6:26 seems to contrast the bipartite nature of the verse, with each half referring to
prostitute and the adulteress, who is also called an "alien" gender, may suggest that the feminine and masculine
(nokriyya, v 24). In Proverbs 7, the seductress appears in a nouns should be distinguished and could refer to two
harlot's garb (if that is the intent of Sit z6nii, v 10) yet she distinct classes of people, pagan or non- Yahwistic priests
does not receive wages as a harlot, but rather rewards her and common harlots. The Deuteronomist treated both of
paramour with a feast (v 14). Only Prov 23:27 identifies these classes in the same verse because both of these
the nokriyya as a z6n/i, but the LXX reads here ziira, not professions were seen as abhorrent to the pious writer and,
z6nii. more obviously, because of the similarity of the two words,
qades and qedesa. Deut 23: 18, accordingly, serves as a blan-
B. Cultic Prostitution in the OT ket prohibition against Israelite women becoming sexual
It has long been assumed that the terms qadeslqedesa mercenaries in general, and not specifically cult prostitutes.
allude to the practice of cultic prostitution in Israel, yet When this verse is considered with its complement, v 19,
recent studies seriously question this widespread assump- the matter becomes more complicated because of keleb,
tion. See also PROSTITUTION (CULTIC). The supposed "dog." While it can be suggested that there is no necessary
role of the Mesopotamian qadiStu as a cult prostitute has connection between the two verses and that v 19 should
been thought to provide proof that her Hebrew counter- not be used to explicate v 18 (or vice versa), the appearance
part, the qedesa, likewise had a sexual function in the cult. of qedesa and z6nli, which are used together in Hos 4: 14
Yet the research of Gruber (1986: 133-48), Hooks (1985: and Genesis 38, makes this disjunction unlikely. Most com-
15-17), and Gwaltney ( 1964) gainsays this assumption. mentators read v 18 and v 19 together as an attempt to
The qadiStu assumed various cultic roles, yet none of these limit prostitution, especially of the cultic sort, in Israel;
were sexual. Among other classes of female cultic func- and they understand keleb, "dog," as a reference to a male
tionaries, only the kezertu and perhaps the fµzrimtu may cultic prostitute so that qades is thereby provided with a
have combined both cultic and sexual functions (Gallery synonym (e.g., Driver Deuteronomy ICC, 265; Mayes, Deuter-
1980: 333-38; entry fµzrimtu, CAD 6: 101-2). Further, the onomy NCB, 320). This cultic interpretation of keleb is also
term qdJm at Ugarit signifies a class of male cult personnel, based on an extra-Israelite inscription from the 4th cen-
who _ar~ gen_erally mentioned after the khnm, "priests." tury B.C.E. found at Kition. This inscription lists the ex-
Any msmuatmn of sexual activity is lacking (Kinet 1977: penses of a temple and its various personnel who receive
80; vo~ ~oden 1970: 329-30; Gruber 1983: 170-71). stipends (KAI 2: 54-55; Cooke 1903: 65-70). While klb
Extrab1bhcal sources, therefore, cannot be used as evi- here could refer to a canine, a human referent is plausible
dence for the sexual/cultic role of the qades/qedesa, nor does because of the widespread use of klb in the ANE as a term
the LXX provide proof for the translation "cultic prosti- equivalent to "faithful servant" (see kalbu, CAD 8:72; the
tute" (Dion 1981: 41-48). Lachish Ostraca, ANET, 322; and personal names in Ak-
In the OT, the assumption of sexual/cultic functions for kadian, Ugaritic, and Hebrew). A keleb would therefore be
these groups may result from the mistaken conflation of a servant at the sanctuary whose activities are unclear. The
PROSTITUTION (OT) 508 • v
terms klb/klbm are also found at Ugarit; while the singular titute and BIB' containing labels for unorthodox cultic
clearly refers to a canine (UT 125: 2, 15; Krt: 123, 226), officials.
the referents of the plural are unclear (UT 305: 4; 329: These two interpretations of keleb offered above (literal
18). Some scholars have suggested that the "dogs" listed canine and cultic servant) are important to the better
among those not allowed into messianic Jerusalem in Rev understanding of Deut 23: 18-19 because either allows us
22: 15 are male cult prostitutes, but this interpretation is to see the traditional translation of qadis, "cultic prosti-
based on Deut 23: 19 and the Kition inscription. The use tute," as only one, and perhaps not the best, understand-
of "dogs" elsewhere in the NT offers no support (Matt ing of the text.
7:6; 15:26; Phil 3:2). In any event, no extrabiblical proof How then are we to explain the use of the title qedesa,
speaks for the identification of keleb in Deut 23: 19 as "male which suggests a relationship to holiness, for the common
cult prostitute." prostitute? From the premodern exegetes, Nal:imanides
Other interpretations of Deut 23: I 9 are possible. First, explains the term as the result of the phenomenon in
the verse may actually refer to a canine. The Mishna Hebrew that one word can have a certain meaning along
adopts this interpretation: "What is the 'price of a dog' with its opposite (commentary on Deut 23: 18). Thus, she
(meliir keleb)? When one says to his fellow: 'Take this lamb who separates herself from holiness, just as she who
in exchange for this dog'" (m. Tern. 6:3). The lamb,, which guards herself from defilement, can be labeled with the
would otherwise be suitable for the altar, is prohibited in root qd.S. Further, two passages in the Bible employ the
this case because it was acquired in exchange for a dog. root qd.S in the sense "to separate," "set apart" (Josh 20:7;
This association is not surprising since dogs were used for Jer I2:3); and perhaps the title qedesa is derived from
herding in Israel's pastoral economy (Job 30:I; Isa 56:10- this-the prostitute by virtue of her unmarried status and
II). The exchange of a lamb for a "sheepdog" in the ill-repute is alienated from the community and so "set
Mishna's example may therefore reflect everyday practice. apiirt." According to Snijders, the promiscuous woman in
Deuteronomy's prohibition of the "price of a dog" Proverbs is labeled 'iSsa zara, a "foreign woman," for the
should then be viewed against the background of the OT's same reason (1954: 96).
attitude of disgust and contempt toward these animals: a Gruber cites a linguistic analogue to the label "holy one"
dog returns to its own vomit (Prov 26: I l) and eats the for a prostitute. He writes that the use of the same root
unclean (Exod 22:30), including human flesh (I Kgs for "prostitute" (qedesa) and "cultic functionary" (qadB) is
I4: I I; 16:4; 21 :23-24; 2 Kgs 9: 10, 36; Jer I5:3). A "dead not surprising, since from firm, a root synonymous with
dog" is synonymous with a despised and worthless object qd.S, we have in Hebrew the noun !ierem, "the ban," and the
(2 Sam 9:8; 16:9), and Job 30: I may be an adaptation of a verb lehafu'irim, "to ban, devote, consecrate" (Lev 27:28),
popular expression of contempt (Pope, job AB, I 93). It is but in Akkadian the term ~arimtu "prostitute." This can be
therefore understandable why the "price of a dog" would explained by the fact that the root meaning of the term is
have been prohibited from donation to the temple. The "she who is set apart," whether for exaltation or degrada-
word meliir also suggests that a canine may be the intention tion (Gruber 1986: 148).
of the verse since it refers to the price in exchange for an Two passages other than Deut 23: 18 mention the qedesa,
object rather than a "wage" (2 Sam 24:24; I Kgs 10:28; and neither necessarily justifies the translation "cult pros-
21:2; Jer I5:13; Prov 27:26; Lam 5:4; in Isa 45:I3; and titute." In Genesis 38, Judah encounters Tamar at a cross-
roads, not a temple or shrine, and takes her for a zorui,
Mic 3: I I, it appears as a synonym of so/:iad, "bribe," yet this
common harlot (v 15). It is Judah's Canaanite friend,
too would be inappropriate for a professional prostitute's
Hirah, who introduces the word qedesa in his query to the
fee). Canines and prostitutes are also linked in I Kgs
people of Timnah, and they reply with the same term (vv
22:38, and here both serve to symbolize Ahab's final dis- 2 I-22). The variation, therefore, may be based on their
grace. different ethnic backgrounds, since Hirah inquires of the
According to this approach, Deut 23: I 8 and v I 9 are harlot's whereabouts with a term that suggests her identity
juxtaposed because they both mention prostitutes, the as he and the townsmen would know it, but with a term
qldBa and zorui. The qadis in v I 8 refers to pagan priests, different from that used by Judah. On the other hand, if
and the keleb in v 19 refers literally to canines (although zorui and qedesa are synonymous, the retort, "there has
the association of these two in parallel may be intended to been no qedesa here" (v 22), makes little sense because
mock and disparage these non-Yahwistic cultic officials). Tamar did indeed pose as a harlot and the townsmen
A second possible interpretation of Deut 2 3: I 9 is of- would have been aware of it. It can be argued, however,
fered by Gruber (1983: I67-76; 1986: I33 n. 1). On the that Tamar offered herself not to any and every man but
basis of the books of Kings and Ugaritic texts, he concludes only to Judah, and that she stationed herself at a public
that the qadis had no connection with cultic sex, but rather, place just long enough to catch his eye. That the men of
as suggested above, was an official in a pagan cult. Further, Timnah did not take note of her is then understandable
in the inscription from Kition, the "dogs" seem to be some (Hooks I985: 169). The Israelite audience would have
sort of temple servants. Gruber thus concludes that both been familiar with the equivalence of these two words and
verses, I8 and 19, contain references to common prostitu- perhaps amused by the Canaanite's ascription of holiness
tion and to a kind of pagan cultic official; thus, as in many to a sexual mercenary who sits at crossroads.
other places in the Bible, a cultic prohibition and an ethical Hos 4: 13-14 offers a cultic setting for the activities of
prohibition have been placed side by side. An A-B-A'-B' the qediJa, with the mention of mountainto~s, shade tr_ees,
pattern (qedisa-qadis-zima-keleb) becomes apparent, with incense, and sacrifice. Debatable, however, 1s the relation-
AJA' containing synonymous terms for the common pros- ship of her activities to the cultic event, si~ce the presence
v. 509 PROSTITUTION (OT)

of prostitutes at a religious festival could ~e }ust one of the Other forms of commerce as well as prostitution can
excesses such merrymaking would prec1p1tate (van der therefore be labeled "promiscuous." These factors, in ad-
Toorn 1989: 202). Ginsberg comments that "inviting pros- dition to the OT's poetic convention of treating cities as
titutes to the sacrificial banquets was a feature of the women, explain the prophet's use of a prostitute in the
festivity rather than of the ritual" and. that "th~ pro~het's personification of Tyre.
fulminations are aimed at the depravity of this dalliance In Nah 3 :4-7, Nineveh, the capital of Assyria, is depicted
not at its alleged rituality .... " (Enc]ud 8: 1019; also Gruber as a whore who charms nations and leads them to their
1986: 134, n. 5). This interpretation of the verse sees the downfall. "Harlotries and enchantments," (v 4) i.e., seduc-
presence of a harlot at a high place for a feast as n~tural tion and love spells, are the devious means by which a
as her modern counterpart's appearance at a Mardi Gras woman could exercise power over men and, in the eyes of
or saint's day. Further, Hos 4:13-14 can be compared to the wisdom teacher, lead them to destruction (Prov 2: 16-
Deut 23: 19, which bars the donation of a whore's wages to 19; 5:7-14; 6:24-36; 7:6-27). Nineveh's means of allure-
the temple: if a whore's wages are prohibited, how much ment could be a reference to its physical splendor (tobat
more the whore herself! Mn in v 4) or military might.
According to Isa 1:21, Jerusalem, "the faithful city that
C. Prostitution as a Metaphor was filled with justice," has become a harlot. The prophet's
Prostitution is widely used in the OT as a metaphor for charge isn't based on the worship of other gods, but rather
Israel's defection from its covenant god. In fact, "prostitu- on immorality and injustice. The root 'mn (v 21), which
tion" (Heb znh) is the dominant term when apostasy is represents concepts such as faithfulness, trust, and stabil-
characterized as illicit sex. This is surprising, since "adul- ity, finds its antithesis in znh.
tery" (Heb n'p) is, strictly speaking, more suitable for the Prostitution is also used to represent political alliances
characterization of Israel's relations outside of its "mar- with foreign nations. In several OT passages, political and
riage bond" (the covenant) than is znh, the legal term which military allies are called "lovers," and the image suggested
applies also to premarital sex. is that of Judah as a woman married to YHWH but
Several factors may account for this: (I) znh implies that pursued by (and pursuing) lovers who ultimately disap-
the illicit activity is habitual or iterative since the participle point her (Lam 1:2, 19; Jer 4:30-3I; 22:20-23). While the
zona describes the professional whore; (2) the motive, reliance of Israel and Judah upon other nations was con-
personal gain, is supplied; and this is exploited by the demned by the prophets as an affront to YHWH (Isaiah
prophets who point to Israel's folly in her pursuit of 30-31; Jer 2:18, 36-37; Hos 5:13; 7:11-12; 12:2; 14:4),
material goods from "no-gods" (Hosea 2); (3) znh implies a only Ezekiel specifically labeled this activity z.inut, "har-
multiplicity of partners, and this all the more ridicules lotry" (16:26-29; chap. 23). In Ezekiel 23, however, the
Israel's indiscriminate choice of fetishes for worship (Jer boundaries between political and religious apostasy are
2:20, 28); (4) the participle zomi suggests a treacherous blurred since the prophet also focuses upon cultic
and hardened woman (Jer 3:3), and the concrete image of transgressions, with the mention of idolatry (vv 7, 30), the
the whore is well suited for the personification of Israel as sisters' "whoring" during the sojourn in Egypt (v 3; cer-
a woman; and (5) the root znh refers to illicit sex only by tainly not a reference to political alliances; cf. Ezek 20:7-
females, and because Israel in the covenant relationship 8), and the repeated use of the verb tm', "to defile," (vv 7,
adopts the feminine role, it is more fitting that a verb used 13, 17), which is more suggestive of idolatry than political
strictly for females play a central role (n'p, on the other dealings. The prophet seems to suggest that Israel's for-
hand, refers to illicit sexual activity by both sexes-a no'ep eign alliances brought about the worship of foreign gods.
is a man, whether single or married, who engages in sex While strategic alliances, strictly speaking, may not have
with a married woman [Lev 20: 10)). The root znh, while encouraged heterodoxy, royal marriages with foreign
strictly speaking less appropriate for symbolizing Israel's princesses for diplomatic purposes seem to have inspired
covenant breaking, was therefore a more effective rhetori- apostasy on even a popular level (1Kgs16:31-32; 18:21-
cal tool. 22; in the case of Solomon, only the king himself seems to
Prostitution is used as a metaphor for subjects other have gone astray; 1 Kgs 11: 1-10). Further, the cosmopoli-
than Israel's apostasy, and even foreign cities in the OT tan atmosphere in Jerusalem during the age of Assyrian
are labeled zoniit. In Isa 23:15-18, Tyre, the great com- hegemony seems to have inspired the worship of new gods
mercial emporium, is likened to a whore and her profits (Cogan 1974: 91-96). These two factors, therefore, may
called 'etnan, "a harlot's hire." Because the issue here is supply the background of Ezekiel's association of political
not fidelity to any covenant, a probable motive is the alliances and religious apostasy.
pro_phet's negative view of commerce. Israel was chiefly an
agricultural nation with only sporadic experience with far- Bibliography
ftung trade (Reviv, Enc]ud 15: 1294). In Isa 23:8; Hos Bird, P. 1974. Images of Women in the OT. Pp. 41-88 in Religion
12:8; Zech 14:21; Prov 31:24; and Job 40:30, traders are and Sexism, ed. R. Ruether. New York.
called "Canaanites" and the international trade mentioned Cogan, M. 1974. Imperiali.rm and Religion. SBLMS. Missoula, MT.
in 1 Kgs 9:26-28; 22:49 see~s to be the exception. This Cooke, G. A. 1903. A Textbook of North-Semitic Inscriptions. Oxford.
d1sapprovmg altitude toward mternational trade no doubt Dion, P. E. 1981. Did Cultic Prostitution Fall into Oblivion during
facilitated i~s comparison to prostitution, a decidedly neg- the Postexilic Era? Some Evidence from Chronicles and the
at1ve_purs.u1t. Further, prostitution, by itself a commercial Septuagint. CBQ 43: 41-48.
act, is akm to commerce because of the indiscriminate Fisher, E. 1976. Cullie Prostitution in the Ancient Near East? A
attitude which the seller has toward his/her customers. Reassessment. BTB 6: 229-36.
PROSTITUTION (OT) 510 • v
Gallery, M. 1980. Service Obligations of the Kezertu-Women. Or 49: fusion, let us first define the content of the notion "cultic
333-38. prostitution." When speaking of cultic prostitution, schol-
Gruber, M. 1983. The qddi! in the Book of Kings and in Other ars normally refer to religiously legitimated intercourse
Sources, Tarbiz 52: 167-76 (in Hebrew). with strangers in or in the vicinity of the sanctuary. It had
- - . 1986. Hebrew qedeiah and Her Canaanite and Akkadian a ritual character and was organized or at least condoned
Cognates. UF 18: 133-48. by the priesthood, as a means to increase fecundity and
Gwaltney, W. 1964. The QadiJtum and /Jtaritum in Mesopotamian fertility. There is, however, another, more restricted way
Society. Ph.D. diss., Hebrew Union College. in which one can speak of cultic prostitution. We may use
Hooks, S. M. 1985. Sacred Prostitution in the Bible and the Ancient the term to call attention to the fact that the money or the
Near East. Ph.D. diss., Hebrew Union College. goods which the prostitutes received went to the temple
Kinet, D. 1977. Baal und Yahweh. Frankfort. funds. A careful scrutiny of the evidence will show that the
Lerner, G. 1986. The Origin of Prostitution in Mesopotamia. Signs term "cultic prostitution" can be maintained only when
11: 236-54. used in the latter, limited sense. For the sake of clarity,
Paradise, J. S. 1972. Nuzi Inheritance Practices. Ph.D. diss., Univer- however, it might be better to abandon the term altogether
sity of Pennsylvania. and to stick to circumscriptions such as "prostitution that
Snijders, L. A. 1954. The Meaning of Zar in the Old Testament. was profitable to, and at times organized by, the temple
OTS 10: 1-154. and its administration."
Soden, W. von. 1970. Zur Stellung des "Geweihten" (qd.S) in Ugarit. An important argument of those who claim the exis-
UF 2: 329-30. tence of cultic prostitution in ancient Israel rests upon the
Toorn, K. van der. 1989. Female Prostitution in Payment of Vows various texts which picture debauchery as a corollary of
in Ancient lsrael.]BL 108: 193-205. communal rites. The OT contains indeed ample evidence
Wold, D. 1978. The Meaning of the Biblical Penalty Ktireth. Ph.D. of religious feasts that led to sexual excesses. The descrip-
diss., University of California, Berkeley. tion of the cult of the golden calf, projected back into the
ELAINE ADLER GOODFRIEND misty times prior to the settlement in Canaan, can be
considered as an archetype of the events (Exodus 32).
CULTIC PROSTITUTION During the celebrations "the people sat down to eat and
drink, and rose up to play" (Exod 32:6). The latter verb,
In OT commentaries and textbooks the existence of
$abeq, is an unmistakable euphemism for sexual activities,
"cultic" or "sacred" prostitution in ancient Israel is fre-
similar to the Akk $ia!Ju, "to laugh," "to make merry." In
quently presented as a historical fact. On the basis of such all likelihood, the story reflects the preexilic practices in
texts as I Sam 2:22; 2 Kgs 23:7, 14; 2 Chr 15:16; Ezek the N kingdom, where the Lord was worshipped in tauro-
8: 14; Hos 4: 13; and others, it is assumed that in paganized morph form (1 Kgs 12:26-33). Despite the presence of
Israelite cults, worshippers engaged in sexual intercourse the image of a young bull, however, nothing indicates that
with devotees of the various shrines, as a way to promote the participants in these Bacchanalia were consciously
fecundity and fertility. Under the influence of Canaanite playing their part in a fertility cult. We must bear in mind
mythology, so the argument runs, many Israelites had that the Israelite festivals were among the rare occasions
come to see the processes of nature as the result of the where one could eat to satiety and drink one's fill, with
relations between gods and goddesses. Divine intercourse song and dance contributing to the festive mood. Under
would lead to abundant harvests and an increase of cattle. such circumstances one could easily lose one's sense of
Cultic prostitution, performed by humans, was a form of propriety and momentarily indulge in a type of behavior
imitative magic by which the gods could be moved to that would otherwise be deemed inadmissible. The same
engage in similar activities, with all the ensuing beneficial holds true of the cult of Baal-Pear (Numbers 25; 31: 13-
results. Corollary to this view is the interpretation of the 20; Ps 106:28-31) and the cultic parties denounced b}
terms qadB and qedesa as male and female "cult prostitute." Hosea (Hos 4: l 3ff.; 9: 10). The ban on transvestism, laid
Orthodox. Yahwism combated these evils. Priests, prophets, down in Deut 22:5, is also probably directed against such
and wise men alike denounced cultic prostitution as idola- religious orgies, during which the customary distribution
try and utter foolishness. The fierceness of their reproval of roles was, by way of exception, suspended. One can
is all the more understandable when the heathen back- imagine the licentious behavior to which this could lead.
ground of the sexual rites is taken into account. It deserves to be emphasized that nothing warrants us tc
In recent years, however, the widely accepted hypothesis speak of cultically organized prostitution !n c~nnecllon
of cultic prostitution has been seriously challenged. Vari- with these instances of debauchery. Sexual hbertmage wa5
ous scholars have argued that the current view rests on simply a frequent ingredient of the ANE festivals. A para·
unwarranted assumptions, doubtful anthropological graph in the Middle Assyrian Law (tablet A, §~5) deal5
premises, and very little evidence. At the same time the with the case of a young woman who has been seized _and
Ugaritic and Mesopotamian material, often referred to as violated "within the city or in the open country or at mght
evidence of cultic prostitution in neighboring civilizations, in the street or in a storehouse or at a festival of the city.'
has been critically reevaluated and shown to be less unam- One is reminded of Judg 21: 19-23, where the yearly feast
biguous than it has often been assumed. These reasons of the Lord at Shiloh becomes an occasion for the Benja-
call for a fresh look at the biblical material, to see to what mites to take a wife by force. In both cases the relationship
extent prostitution in Israel may have been "cultic" or was perhaps established in a less brutal way than the texts
"sacred." affirm. According to the Babylonian Talm~d, on Ab t~e
In order to dispel the possibility of terminological con- 15th and on Yorn Kippur, the Israelite girls dressed tn
v • 511 PROSTITUTION (CULTIC)

white danced in the vineyards, and invited the boys to An illustration of such recourse to prostitution as a
make' their choice (b. Ta'an. 26b, cf. 3 la). This tradition means to pay vows is given by Proverbs 7, where we find a
suggests that the affairs develop~d with the ~ccord of b?th portrait of the niikriyya, the "strange" woman. She is de-
partners, the regulation of the Middle Assyna~ Laws bemg scribed as a danger for the adolescent, whom she tries to
merely a juridical construct to settle the ensumg s_nuauon persuade into accepting her erotic proposals: "Come, let
of the girl. In all this, ANE man does not considerably us be satiated with love play till morning, let us delight
differ from us. Sexual excesses were part of the expected ourselves with love" (Prov 7: 18). In order to make the
ritualized behavior at festivals and belonged as such to the young man accept her offer, she refers to the predicament
popular culture of the time. The. same could be s_aid of she is in: "I must provide a sacrificial meal, today I am to
fraternity parties, New Year's parties, and the hke m our fulfill my vows" (Prov 7:14). Nothing obliges us to say that
own secular religion. the vows of the woman were vows of fertility. Apparently,
Besides the attestations to incidental sexual promiscuity the term of her engagement has expired and the promised
at the occasion of festivals, however, the OT also mentions offerings are due today. What can she do? Her husband,
a specific category of people who are generally considered she explains, has gone on a long journey; he took the bag
to have been the "professionals" of "cultic" prostitution in of money with him, and will not be home until the full
ancient Israel. These are the qedesim, a term frequently moon (vv 19-20). These words are indeed meant to seduce
rendered as "cult prostitutes." Although the traditional her victim. Yet they are not mere reassurances, designed
understanding of this term has been challenged on the to allay the youngster's fear of an untimely intrusion by
basis of the evidence concerning the Ugaritic qdSm, the the husband. Nor is the detail of the "bag of money"
parallelism between qedesa and zona in Genesis 38 and Deut simply an indication of the duration of the business trip.
23:18-19 (-Eng 17-18) favors the idea that the qedesim No, the woman implies that she does not have access to the
engaged primarily in sexual activities. The Ugaritic qdSm money she needs in order to discharge her religious obli-
seem to have consisted of all the nonpriestly temple per- gations. The only way out she can think of is prostitution.
sonnel, who had been dedicated to a deity. They were free Of course, she is no common whore! Under normal cir-
to marry and have children and could be released from cumstances she would not dream of doing such things. But
their service by a royal decree. The situation of the Israel- necessity knows no law. This woman from outside is using
ite qediiiim may, to some extent, have been similar. Their her (fictitious?) situation as an excuse for her desire of
functions need not be narrowed down to those of prosti- sensual enjoyment. Yet her arguments presumably impress
tutes; they may have performed a variety of menial tasks her potential companion. Of course, adultery is wrong,
in the sanctuary as well. It cannot be denied, though, that but do not the ends justify the means in this case? He
during some periods they also functioned as prostitutes in would not be merely buying a pleasure, but contributing
the service of the temple. According to 2 Kgs 23:7, they to a good cause.
had special rooms in the Jerusalem temple, a state of There are various reasons to assume that situations such
affairs intolerable to the zealous reformers, yet apparently as the one hinted at in Proverbs 7 arose rather frequently
accepted by the clergy in earlier times. Prostitutes operat- in ancient Israel. One of the texts on which this assumption
ing as it were in the shadow of the temple, then, existed in is based is Num 30: l-16. The issue raised in this chapter
ancient Israel. However, any links between the latter and a concerns the vows taken by women. Only the widow and
hypothetical fertility cult, it need hardly be said, belong to the divorced woman are regarded as independent and
the domain of speculation. Prostitution as a source of must at all times abide by their vows. Unmarried daugh-
profits for the temple?-yes; prostitution as an integrating ters, betrothed girls, and married women, on the contrary,
part of fertility rituals?-no. are all subject to the authority of a man, be it their father
In a number of texts, the fulfillment of a vow appears to or their husband. In case they should take a vow, father or
have been one of the motives for occasional prostitution. husband has a right to cancel it, though only within a
In ancient Israel the vow enjoyed great popularity, espe- period of twenty-four hours on their hearing of the wom-
cially among women. A discreet indication of this popular- an's engagement. Apparently, specific circumstances
ity is found in the regulations concerning the Nazirite vow. called for these rules. It has been suggested that the female
The pertinent text, Numbers 6, specifies that members of vows referred to implied the abstinence from marital inter-
both sexes are free to take this vow ("man or woman," course; thus, the husband would be directly affected by
N~m 6:2). In a context which usually speaks only of men, the consequences of his wife's piety. The text, however,
this detail is striking indeed. Ordinary vows, too, were does not say this. Ordinarily, vows were paid in movable
frequently resorted to by women. Childless wives were goods, and there is no reason to assume that this was
sometimes led to take a pledge by their desire for off- different in the case of women. In her case, though, it was
spring, as I Sam 2: 11 and Prov 3 I :2 show. At the time of her father or husband who had to furnish the promised
fulfillment, however, difficulties could arise. Since women goods. Since the latter had a stake in the matter, he was
were financially dependent upon their husbands, the latter entitled to a say as to the validity of the vow. A woman
had to supply the means of payment. When a husband was could have her reasons, however, to hide her vow from her
unaware of his wife's religious pledge or did not agree husband. When the time of payment came, she had to find
with 1t, she found herself in a delicate situation. What was means of her own to discharge herself of her pledge.
she to ~fo when he refused to take responsibility for her Unless she resorted to prostitution as a way to acquire the
actions~ Was the vow to remain unfulfilled? Under such necessary means, she had to retract her promise, which
circumstances prostitution might seem to a woman the was considered a very serious offense (Deut 23:22-Eng
only solution left. 21; Eccl 5:3 ). In certain sections of the population, prosti-
PROSTITUTION (CULTIC) 512 • v
tution under these circumstances may have seemed pref- the tem~le was d~finitely known, but its alleged magical
erable, so long as the revenues were set apart for the connotation remams unproved.
temple treasury. Without going into a discussion of all the available ANE
Other biblical texts, too, allude to the practice of paying evidence, it will be useful to conclude this survey with a
vows with money acquired by prostitution. The clearest succinct analysis of the Mesopotamian data. Both the Su-
instance is found in Deut 23:18-19 (-Eng 17-18). merian and the Akkadian lexicon contain a number of
words meaning "female prostitute." Generally, the atten-
There shall be no qedisii among the daughters of Israel, tion of OT scholars has been monopolized by the qadiJtu,
nor shall there be a qii.dB among the sons of Israel. clearly cognate with Heb qidesii. The connection between
You shall not bring the hire of a harlot or the wages of the two terms is frequently said to go beyond the level of
a dog etymology; both would have been designations of the "cult
into the house of the Lord your God in payment for prostitute." A survey of the texts in which qadiJtu occurs,
any vow: however, shows that the term is frequently used, especially
for both of these are an abomination to the Lord your in the 1st millennium B.C.E., for a wet nurse or a midwife.
God. One should therefore avoid narrowing down her activities
to those of a prostitute. Nevertheless, the term does at
The verses show that, also among Israelites, the custom of times refer to a prostitute. Together with the !J,arimtu and
paying vows by means of prostitution was a known phe- the iJtaritu, the qadiJtu operated under the patronage of
nomenon. Two distinct, yet connected practices are put in Ishtar, the goddess of love. There is no evidence, however,
parallelism. The service of "consecrated persons" (qedesim) that such prostitution was ritual in the sense that it was
from Israelite extraction and the annex custom of paying part of a fertility cult. In Akkadian texts, the brothel can
vows with money acquired by prostitution are prohibited be called "the house of Ishtar," even though the entertain-
in the same breath. What the two have in common, it ment offered there involved nothing particularly religious.
seems, is the recourse to prostitution as a way to make Prostitution was a profane profession, unattractive per-
profits for the temple. The "harlot" (zonii) parallels the haps, but on the whole not dishonorable. Also, the fre-
qedisa, while the "dog" (keleb, a euphemism for the cata- quent connection of prostitutes with temples should not
mite) parallels the qadB. Because of the destination of be interpreted as proof of the sacred character of their
their income, their activities can be presented under the profession. Neo-Babylonian records from the Ishtar tem-
cloak of religion. The temple used the money it thus ple of Uruk show that the temple hired out certain mem-
acquired, among other things, to pay for the production bers of its lower female personnel as concubines to private
of divine images. Therefore Mic 1:7 can speak of Samaria's citizens. The relations between the hierodule and the man
idols that have been gathered "from the hire of a harlot" were conducted at the home of the latter, and nothing
(cf. also Isa 23:17-18). See also PROSTITUTION (OLD indicates that he had any higher designs than to have a
TESTAMENT). pleasurable time. To the temple, prostitutes could be a
The concept of prostitution as a means to pay vows was source of income, but they were not cultic functionaries.
so well-known, that the Greek translators of Prov 19:13b In a famous passage of the Histories, Herodotus tells us
had recourse to it in elucidating a passage that otherwise that every Babylonian woman had to prostitute herself,
remained obscure to them. Whereas the Hebrew text once in her life, to a stranger within the precincts of the
Ishtar temple ( 1.199). Assyriologists disagree about the
speaks of a wife's quarreling that is likened to "a continual
accuracy of this information. Supposing Herodotus was
dripping of rain," the LXX talks about the unholy "votive
right, one cannot make him say that the women did so as
gifts (euchai, the current translation of Heb nedii.rim) from part of a fertility rite. The only thing the "Father of
the hire of a hetaera." From a text-critical point of view History" tells us is that the piece of silver the woman
the Masoretic Text is to be preferred, but the Greek received in payment belonged to the deity. This is precisely
rendering reveals the notoriety of the custom that interests what we have found in the OT. We may even wonder
us here. On the basis of these texts, we may conclude that whether Herodotus might not have mistaken the prostitu-
the phenomenon of women-and, occasionally, men- tion in payment of a vow for a general, once-in-a-lifetime
prostituting themselves in order to obtain the money to duty. However that be may, the cuneiform evidence does
fulfill their vows was known and to some extent accepted not warrant the conclusion that the Mesopotamians prac-
in broad layers of the Israelite society. Until the Deuter- ticed cultic prostitution in order to enhance the fertility of
onomic reform it seems to have been tolerated by the the soil or the flocks. The only instance one could quote to
official religion, which preferred the resulting votive gifts support the idea of a connection between sexual inter-
over an ethical rigorism. course and fertility in nature is the so-called "sacred mar-
Considering the available evidence, then, there is no riage." Evidence for this custom, however, is scarce and
need to postulate the existence of sacred prostitution in stems mainly from the late 3d millennium B.C.E. Also the
the service of a fertility cult. The witness of the OT term "prostitution" could hardly be applied to this.
certainly does not compel us to posit that the Israelites In short both the evidence from the OT and the Akka-
had recourse to such forms of sympathetic magic. The dian and Ugaritic data do not support the hypot~esis of
comparative material that is adduced to demonstrate a "cultic prostitution." Ancient Near Eastern ov1hzat1ons
common ANE pattern of ritually staged copulation as a were familiar with prostitutes working in the service of the
magical means to promote fertility is not as conclusive as temple, as they were with the phenomenon of prostitution
is sometimes said. Prostitution whereby the income fell to as a means to pay vows. In neither case, however. does
v • 513 PROVERBS, BOOK OF

there seem to have been a conscious connection with ings extend considerably beyond a single distich, in the
fertility rites. process multiplying the number of likenesses under con-
sideration.
Bibliography .
Arnaud, D. 1973. La prostitution sacree en Mesopotam1e, un B. Authorship
mythe historiographique? RHR 183: 111-15. Although certain features of the book associate the
Diakonoff, I. M. 1986. Women in Old Babylonia Not under Patri- name "Solomon" with discrete units, other names also
archal Authority.}ESHO 29: 225-38. occur in connection with specific sections of the book.
Gruber, M. I. 1983. The qadif in the Book of Kings and in Other Some textual units lack any name whatever. Furthermore,
Sources. Tarbiz 52: 167-76 (in Hebrew). the superscriptions may derive from a time later than the
- - . I 986. Hebrew qedesah and Her Canaanite and Akkadian actual composition of the sayings within a given collection.
Cognates. UF 18: 133-48. The book therefore takes the shape of an anthology, its
Hooks, S. M. I 985. Sacred Prostitution in the Bible and the Ancient individual components coming from various periods of
Near East. Ph.D. diss., Hebrew Union College. Israel's history. At least two, and probably three, short
Soden, W. von. 1970. Zur Stellung des "Geweihten" (qdl) in Ugarit. sections (Nos. 3, 6, and 7 below) stem from non-Israelite
UF 2: 329-30. sources, making the anthology truly international.
Toorn, K. van der. 1989. Female Prostitution in Payment of Vows Superscriptions set off seven distinct collections from
in Ancient lsrael.}BL 108: 193-205. their present context.
Yamauchi, E. M. 1973. Cultic Prostitution: A Case Study in Cul-
tural Diffusion. Pp. 213-22 in Orient and Occident: Essays Pre- l. l:I-9:I8 The Proverbs of Solomon, David's son,
sented to Cyrus H. Gordon on the Occasion of His Sixty-fifth Birthday, king of Israel.
ed. H. A. Hoffner, Jr. AOAT 22. Neukirchen-Vluyn. 2. IO: I-22: I6 The Proverbs of Solomon.
KAREL VAN DER TOORN 3. 22: I 7-24:22 The Words of the Wise.
4. 24:23-34 These also belong to the Wise.
5. 25: I-29:27 These also are Proverbs of Solomon
PROTO-LUKE. See LLTKE-ACTS, BOOK OF. that the men of Hezekiah, king of Judah, transcribed.
6. 30: I-I4 The Words of Agur, son of Jakeh, the
Massaite.
PROTREPTIC. See PARENESIS AND PROTREP- 7. 3l:I-9 The Words of Lemuel, king of Massa, with
TIC. which his mother instructed him.

The last two brief collections have attracted miscellaneous

PROVERBS, BOOK OF. The twentieth book of the sayings in the first instance and an alphabetic poem in the
OT in most English versions. The book is an anthology of second.
admonitions and isolated sayings concerning wisdom and
wise conduct. 8. 30:I5-33 Numerical Sayings (except vv 20, 32-33).
9. 3I:I0-3I An Acrostic poem on a virtuous Woman.
A. Title of the Book
B. Authorship Various signs of disunity within collections one and five,
C. Date particularly arguments of style, content, and grammar,
D. Content suggest that even further discrete units once existed (IO: I-
E. Function I4:35; I5:I-22:I6 and 25:I-27; 28:I-29:27).
F. Affinities with Other Biblical Literature In LXX the different location of material and additional
G. Canonization sayings indicates conscious acknowledgment of foreign
material and a desire to promote specific concepts. The
A. Title of the Book Greek text gathers together the collections of foreign
The Hebrew title for the book of Proverbs, mi.Ste selomoh, extraction, yielding the following sequence: 22: I 7-24:22;
denves from the superscription in IO: I (cf. also the longer 30: I-I4; 24:23-34; 30: I5-33; 31: I-9; 25: I-29:27;
form in I: I and 25: I). Variants to this title are seper !wkmiih 3 I: I 0-3 l. Much additional material in LXX appears to-
and mi.SlOt (the latter derives from Eusebius and uses a ward the end of various collections (for example, 9: I2, 18;
plural form of m&iil otherwise unknown, the usual plural I5:27, 29, 33; I6:I-9; 24:22; 27:24-27).
bemg mesiilim). The Septuagint (LXX) title is paroimiae; The occurrence of the same proverb in more than one
and the Vulgate has proverbia, from which comes the En- larger entity gives further indication of multiple collec-
glish title "Proverbs." In the Hebrew Bible m&iil designates tions. For example, the same conclusion reinforces instruc-
a. w_ide range of literary types-taunt, allegory, lament, tion about industry akin to the ant's and an object lesson
~1m1le, and so on-but its etymology implies likeness and, concerning the effects of neglect on a vineyard (6:6-I I;
m the view of some interpreters, authoritative word (from 24:30-34). Brief sayings occur more than once in identical
~l, ."to rule"). The fundamental feature of the sayings form and in slightly altered language, and specific expres-
w1thm t~e book therefore seems to be "comparison." Brief sions appear in more than one literary context.
prov~rb1al saymgs set one image over against another, A satisfactory explanation has not surfaced for the
makmg an explicit or implicit comparison. Not every iso- prominence of Solomon's name in the book of Proverbs or
lated saymg compares two things, however, and some say- for the implicit attribution of Ecclesiastes to him and
PROVERBS, BOOK OF 514 • v
explicit mention of him as author in Song of Songs and thematic statement, "The fear of the Lord is the beginning
Wisdom of Solomon. Ordinary citizens venerated kings of (relslt) of knowledge; fools despise wisdom and instruc-
the ancient Near East as patrons of wisdom if not actual tion," grounds intellectual pursuits in religion. The word
possessors of extraordinary insight. The praise of Solo- relsft may extend beyond the temporal to the substantive
mon for wisdom surpassing that of all other kings acknowl- making piety the fundamental ingredient of all know!~
edges this fact and is perhaps a product of his subjects' edge. The use of the Tetragrammaton, rare in Wisdom
strong wish to be ruled by an astute monarch. Literature such as Job and Ecclesiastes, is very much at
The tradition in 1 Kgs 5:8-14 (-Eng 4:29-34) that home in Proverbs 1-9.
Solomon composed three thousand proverbs and one
thousand and five songs actually summarizes their subject C. Date
matter. One searches almost in vain within the book of Biblical wisdom is notoriously difficult to date, largely
Proverbs for sayings and songs about trees, beasts, birds, because of the timeless quality of its teachings. Sages
reptiles, and fish. Such encyclopedic lists have survived in endeavored to communicate insights that transcend space
Egypt and Mesopotamia, but biblical onomasticons have and time. Their teachings aimed at universal assent by any
vanished if they ever existed. Given the tradition that intelligent individual, Israelite or non-Israelite. Accord-
Solomon's wisdom excelled that of everyone else in the ingly, the wise remained silent about the specifics of na-
Near East, it seems reasonable to assume that Israelite tional history, choosing rather to dwell on things accessible
sages would have vigilantly preserved his noun lists. to every human being. With Ben Sira a decisive shift took
Even those interpreters who think the tradition about place, and Israel's sacred traditions entered the repertoire
Solomon's wisdom stems from his patronage of sages of professional teachers. In contrast to earlier Wisdom
rather than from his actual authorship have difficulty Literature, Sirach (Ecclesiasticus) can be dated with confi-
explaining the divergence between the descriptions in 1 dence to the decade between 190 and 180 B.C.E. See
Kings 5 and the book of Proverbs. Some critics understand WISDOM OF BEN-SIRA.
the reference in Kings as legend designed to legitimate a Assigning relative chronology to the various collections
harsh regime that operated on the principle of might in the book of Proverbs must therefore be done with
rather than justice. The apologia certainly depicts the considerable reservation. The previous tenden(:y to date
young king as recipient of divine wisdom, which he segments of the book on the basis of a form-critical judg-
promptly exemplifies in the judgment concerning the ac- ment that brief sayings in distich or tristich form (sen-
tual mother of a surviving infant, a story found in numer- tences) antedate longer imperatives accompanied by warn-
ous cultures, and in his riddle contest with the Queen of ings or exhortations (instructions) has collapsed because
Sheba. Whether such stories succeeded in counteracting of Egyptian evidence. The discovery of Papyrus Insinger
the baneful effects of living memory remains unanswered, and the Demotic writings of Onkhsheshonqy demon-
for this oppressive side of Solomon's reign was not totally strated the existence in very late times of sentences,
suppressed in the biblical record. In this ancient apologia whereas instructions from the 3d millennium have sur-
the climactic place of the references to Solomon's vast vived. It appears that genre was more a matter of social
wealth may be instructive, for the belief that wise persons setting than chronological period; in general, rural folk
prospered became axiomatic at one time. As the wealthiest had a natural affinity for sentences, and members of the
king in Israel's memory, Solomon must naturally have court preferred instructions.
invited thoughts associating him with extraordinary wis- Although the form-critical argument for the lateness of
dom. In all likelihood, the allusion to Hezekiah's men Proverbs 1-9 does not require an early date for this
represents accurate recollection of a powerful and pros- collection, other features do come into play, especially the
perous king of Judah whose patronage of sages allowed role of !wkmdh, whether merely an elaborate metaphor or
them to collect and transcribe earlier proverbial sayings. an actual personification, and the heightened emphasis on
The ambiguous expression, men of Hezekiah, recalls the piety, possibly even influenced by the Torah in its Deuter-
Masoretic Text of 1 Kgs 10:8, in which the Queen of Sheba onomic form. In addition, the earlier literal use of bini,
expresses admiration for Solomon: "Happy are your men, "my son," and labikii, "your father," appears to have given
happy these your servants who stand before you continu- way to technical nuances for student and teacher, just as
ally, hearing your wisdom." fl,akiim, "intelligent one," has taken on the sense of "profes-
The initial collection is preceded by an introductory sional sage." It follows that the present order of collections
paragraph similar to the one in the Instruction of Amen- in the book of Proverbs does not reflect the chronology of
emopet. The biblical preface (1 :2-6) concludes with a the separate entities, and the clue from LXX that other
thematic statement ( 1:7); together they serve as an intro- factors shaped the sequence seems valid for the Hebrew as
duction to the first collection and possibly to the whole well. Although conjectural at best, a plausible reconstruc-
book. Technical vocabulary of the wise abounds here: tion of the various stages of development reads as follows.
wisdom, discipline, discerning words; perceptive disci- An ancient collection of family teaching (10: 1-22: 16) was
pline, i.e., correct, fair, and upright; prudence, knowl- enlarged by a body of knowledge with conceivably broader
edge, and perspicacity; teaching and steering; simile, application (25: 1-29:27), then supplemented by profes-
enigma, words of the wise, and riddles. In addition, verbs sional instruction, first in a collection that duplicates sev-
emphasize the learning and teaching process: to know, to eral instructions preserved elsewhere in an earlier Egyp-
perceive, to receive, to give; to hear, to add, to obtain; to tian text (22: 17-24:22) and later by a body of instructions
understand. Distinct groups of people are also mentioned: in which Egyptian imagery is completely integrated ( 1: 1-
the simple, youth, the wise (singular and plural). The 9: 18). The miscellaneous collections in 24:23-34 and
v . 515 PROVERBS, BOOK OF

30: 15-33 may very well have preceded the last mentioned father appeals to the authority of torah, a body of teaching
unit, possibly even antedating 22: 17-24:22. The sayings of that protects those who walk in its paths.
Agur (30: 1-14) and instruction of Lemuel's mother (31: 1- A mother's voice, although never audible, gives addi-
9) probably followed the larger collections temporally, tional weight to the warnings against dangerous conduct.
despite stylistic features in Agur's remarks that echo Ca- Because the principal threat to young men involves a
naanite literature. Actually, numerical sayings were wide- specific kind of woman, the father's discourse receives an
spread in the ancient world; and Agur seems to cite Job ally in feminine form. The voice of Wisdom comes to the
and certainly quotes from Psalms and Deuteronomy. His assistance of the father, openly inviting young boys to
sentiments resemble the words of Qoheleth (Ecclesiastes), share her feast and, like a prophet, sternly warning those
who probably was active about the middle of the 3d cen- who resist her advances. Together, the two encourage
tury. The latest section in the book of Proverbs, 31: I 0-31, youth to direct their erotic impulses toward their own wives
appears to draw its power from the personification of and to pursue knowledge with the same passion. In this
Wisdom but extols wives of flesh and blood. context, metaphorical language functions to explore the
An interesting case has been made for the present mystery of eros, which has a dark side in addition to its
arrangement of the book as a creative reinterpretation of luminous one. Woman represents access to ecstasy and
old wisdom for theological purposes. The essence of the agony; hence she offers pleasures that seem to justify any
argument is this. Chapters 1-24 have a framing device and risk. That situation enables females whose ways are foreign
cyclic composition, whereas 25-31 use an additive tech- to wreak havoc as harlots; and adulterous women dissemi-
nique. Chapters 1-9 combine two elemental or core blocks nate their poison, prepared in attractive vials. The dis-
(2-4, the personal acquisition of wisdom, and 5-7, ethical course acknowledges the power inherent in seductive
advice, mostly about ~ex). A speech in first person (I :20- speech, for it corresponds to secret desire in the hearts of
33 and 8: 1-36) and a framing ring (the prologue, 1:2-7, those being addressed. Nevertheless, clear warnings ac-
and the final contrasting "allegory" about wisdom and company the verbal allure: follow her and die; she speaks
folly, 9: 1-18) enclose the two kernel blocks. Chapter 10 folly, behaving unacceptably all the time.
serves as an entranceway into the following collection, and The son's silence contrasts markedly with vocal appeals
chap. 15 functions as a second theological focus. Verses 4- from various quarters. He faces a choice of allegiance,
5 in chap. 10 offer the kernel saying on poverty and riches, whether to contribute to consensus or to join the ranks of
and verses 1-8 constitute a minicomposition around older society's dissidents. He can resist his father's voice, learning
wisdom, infusing new meaning into earlier teaching. how to do so from the very one who urges him to obey
Within chaps. IO-IS only 14:7 uses the style of instruction, parental instruction. An Egyptian instruction, Anii, has a
but in 16: 1-22: 16 it occurs frequently (16:3; 18:22; 19: 18, rare instance in which a son actually responds to his dad's
20, 27; 20: 16; 22:6, IO). Instruction style therefore wraps teachings, insisting that the vigorous moral demands are
itself around the central unit of proverbial wisdom, pro- beyond his capability although appropriate for the father,
viding an effective transition to 22: 17-24:22, where im- who counters such claims with weighty arguments. The
peratives increase noticeably. Chapters 25-27 appear to son's silence in the book of Proverbs may have contributed
be more empirical and general, whereas 28-29 contain a to the climate in which the books of Job and Ecclesiastes
give voice to rival discourse of a different kind. The call
pronounced theological bent. A plait pattern is discernible
for all readers to adopt the position of a son subject to an
in chap. 29, a linking of a verse with the one after its authoritative father yields to outright challenge of tradi-
immediate sequel (I and 3; 2 and 4; 7 and 9; 12 and 14; tional authority. On his part, the father adheres to belief
15 and 17; 19 and 21; 20 and 22). that allegiance precedes knowledge, so that habitual con-
duct eventually creates its own ethos in which such behav-
D. Content ior becomes natural, like breathing.
1:1-9:18. This section purports to give parental advice Modern interpreters have divided 1: 1-9: 18 into ten
to children. The chief literary device is that of a father speeches, but they differ on the precise delineation of each
(the '_'I") spe~king _to a ~on (the "you"), for the most part unit and the criteria for identifying distinct sections. Intro-
warning against nval discourse and thus reinforcing an ductory formulas consisting of direct address ("my son")
ideology, the ethos of the family. Readers assume the role and of an appeal to hear or receive instruction suggest the
of sons ~ho must choose between those values that pre- following divisions: (I) 1:8-19; (2) 2:1-22; (3) 3:1-12;
serve society and alternative actions that undercut family (4) 3:21-35; (S) 4:1-9; (6) 4:10-19; (7) 4:20-27; (8) 5:1-
stability. Various dangers threaten young men, but two 23; (9) 6:20-35; (10) 7:1-27. These units assert the per-
~tand out ~er~: the encouragement from young compan- sonal authority of the teacher and understand wisdom as
1o?s _to umt~ ~n an endeavor to get rich quickly through ordinary human capacity, in contrast to the two places in
cnmmal act1v1ty and the seductive invitation to sensual this larger collection where a personified Wisdom claims
pleasure from illicit sources. In both instances the father to possess godlike power to bestow life and riches.
manipulate~ the rival di_scourse, underscoring the dangers
10:1-22:16. The second collection in the book of Prov-
erbs consists of brief observations about life that make
accompanying such misconduct. He even reinforces his their point in distich form. These two halves of a line
own authority by appealing metaphorically to a higher balance one another synonymously, antithetically, or syn-
level, the transcendental, on which God disciplines way- thetically.
ward children. Furthermore, the father confesses that he
was once a child, in this way drawing adults into the 1. Condemnation is ready for scoffers,
discourse and uniting the generations. Occasionally, the and floggings for the backs of fools (19:29).
PROVERBS, BOOK OF
516 • v
2. The poor use entreaties, or joy (14: IO), the underlying sadness that laughter ob-
but the rich answer roughly (18:23). ~cures (14:13). A f7w proverbial sayings explore the limits
3. The eyes of the Lord are in every place,
keeping watch on the evil and the good (15:3).
imposed ?Y the deny on human beings (16:9, 33; 19:21),
even o.n km gs (21: 1). For the most part these sayings exude
opum1sm (12:21; 13:9; 15:3), a confidence that the Lord
Some observations begin with a particle of existence that holds the reins of the universe securely in hand.
functions merely to introduce an anomaly. 22:17-24:22. The unusual feature of these instructions
is their affinity with the earlier Egyptian Instruction of
There is a way which seems right to a man, Amenemopet. That relationship has been shown as fol-
but its end is the way to death (14:12). lows:

Others judge one thing to be preferable to another. PROVERBS AMEN EMO PET SUBJECT
Better is a dry morsel with quiet 22:17-18 3:9-11, 16 Appeal to hear
than a house full offeasting with strife (17: 1). 22:19 1:7 Purpose of instruction
22:20 27:7-8 Thirty sayings
Still other observations make simple comparisons. 22:21 1:5-6 Learning a worthy re-
sponse
Like vinegar to the teeth, and smoke to the eyes, 22:22 4:4-5 Do not rob a wretch
so is the sluggard to those who send him ( 11 :26). 22:24 11: 13-14 Avoid friendship with vi-
olent people
Occasionally, a question expresses utter astonishment at 22:25 13:8-9 Lest a trap ruin you
incongruities. 22:28 7: 12-13 Do not remove land-
marks
Why should a fool have a price in his hand to buy 22:29 27:16-17 Skillful scribes will be
wisdom, courtiers
when he has no mind? (17:16). 23: 1-3 23: 13-18 Eat cautiously before an
official
Because these sayings are complete in a single stich, the 23:4-5 9:14-10:5 Wealth flies away like an
relationship to the larger context is uncertain. A few eagle/geese
modern critics have posited thematic units, particularly in 23:6-7 14:5-10 Do not eat a stingy per-
chaps. 10-15. For example, 11 :3-8 introduces a topic (the son's food
just and the wicked), 11 :9-14 [17] specifies the effects of 23:8 14:17-18 Vomiting results
23:9 22: 11-12 Do not speak before just
conduct on neighbors and society in general, and 11: 18-
20 repeats the two themes. In verses 9-12, 14 the Hebrew anyone
23:10-11 7: 12-15; Do not remove land-
letter bet occupies the initial position, although this phe-
8:9-10 marks of widows
nomenon may be accidental. Similar repetition occurs in
24: 11 11:6-7 Rescue the condemned
15:13-14 (lib, "heart") and in 16:27-29 eiJ, "person"). If
the principle linking the individual sayings expresses in-
tentional design, no one has discovered a clue to the The principle of polygenesis may explain some similarities,
structure, which gives the appearance of randomness. for identical proverbial sayings occasionally emerge in
The sayings in this collection lack the distinctive features cultures where no direct contact with one another has
of the instructions in 1: 1-9: 18, specifically imperatives and taken place. Nevertheless, the astonishing affinities in this
the direct address, "my son" (but see 19:27). The "sen- instance indicate that the biblical author drew upon the
tences" capture a single facet of reality, stating the truth earlier literary tradition or both authors used a common
in a "matter-of-fact" way. Readers are expected to give source. The reference to thirty (sayings) becomes under-
their assent, for the observations derive from collective standable in light of the thirty chapters in Amenemopet.
experience. Hence the sayings dispense with reinforce- The long rhetorical unit about the dangers associated
ments of any kind; they thus resemble traditional sayings with excessive drinking (23:29-35) also has a close parallel
embedded within biblical narrative and oracular literature, in Egypt, but nothing here seems to require a theory of
e.g., "The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the chil- dependence. The idea of the deity weighing the heart
dren's teeth are set on edge" (]er 31 :29; Ezek 18:2). (24: 12) has its closest analogue in Egyptian symbolism
The observations constitute astute insights about human about a final judgment of human deeds. Furthermore, the
behavior, both the good and the bad; and they probe the frequent mention of kings and service at the court stands
inner spirit as well: the significance of a wink (16:30), the out in this larger unit, 22: 17-24:22. Presumably, such
effectiveness of a bribe ( 17 :8), the unpredictable manner notions corresponded to reality in Israel only briefly, al-
in which generous persons acquire more wealth and stingy though literary conventions persist long after the social
ones become poorer ( 11 :24), the posturing of a buyer conditions giving birth to them have vanished.
before and after a purchase (20: 14), the necessity of look- 24:23-34. A miscellaneous collection overlapping with
ing beneath the surface of things (13:7), the power of 6:6-11, this brief section witnesses to the value of justice
speech to beget good or ill (15: 1), the allure of gossip in society, offers helpful advice on priorities when embark-
(18:8), the loneliness of the heart in its moments of grief ing on a major undertaking like building a house, and
v. 517 PROVERBS, BOOK OF

encourages nonretaliation for offenses. The ~werlap with children who dishonor their parents, hypocrites, proud
6:6-11 has a different introductory scenario, but both persons, and rapacious cutthroats.
discuss the folly of laziness. This section demonstrates remarkable skill at rhetoric,
25:1-29:27. The essential meaning of md.i'al as similitude utilizing double meanings and clanging symbols, the dash-
comes to expression in this early collection, for an impres- ing of expectations. Promising prophetic revelation, it of-
sive number of sayings begin with the preposition of com- fers human words that are either Delphic gibberish or
parison, "like," whereas others achieve t~e sam_e thing b_Y astonishing confession of practical, at least, atheism. Theo-
juxtaposing competing images. The social settmg of this phanic language evokes derision in a citation from God's
collection has generated considerable speculation, one speech in Job ("Surely you know"). The request to be
scholar proposing two distinct settings, the court for 25- spared poverty and riches demonstrates unusual percep-
27 and rural society for 28-29. Evidence hardly supports tion about the role of sociological status in shaping one's
the thesis that the former unit served as a mirror for religious views. This negative attitude toward wealth ac-
princes and the latter unit as advice to peasants. The cords ill with the prevailing understanding of virtue and
opening section, 25:2-10, does reflect on the different its rewards, but Israel's teachers seem to have had difficulty
functions of God and king, pausing to offer sound counsel adopting a consistent attitude toward the poor.
about the means of securing royal authority and of finding 30:15-33. Graded numerical sayings alternate with
one's appropriate niche in the councils of power. The three observations that allude to the four types of persons
remaining sayings apply broadly to Israelite society, with- in 30:11-14. Those who show disrespect for parents will
out dwelling on peculiar concerns of the royal court. To be suffer hideously (30: 17); adulteresses eat and wipe their
sure, eloquence and accuracy in reporting facts apply to mouths without any awareness of offense, consequently
persons in the king's service, and courtiers profit from remaining pure in their own eyes (30:20); proud individ-
keeping a civil tongue. So do other people, who must learn uals ought to refrain from boasting (30:32); and violent
self-discipline, the right time to act, the advantages of people should control their tempers (30:33). The numeri-
breaking free from the rule of lex talionis (an eye for an cal sayings isolate for scrutiny various categories that re-
eye), the necessity of speaking at crucial times and the folly semble one another: things that are never satisfied (Sheol,
of doing so in some circumstances, the dangers of initiat- the barren womb, a thirsty ground, fire), movement that
ing violence, the advantage of intellectual discussion, and leaves no trace (an eagle in the sky, a serpent on a rock, a
so on. The concluding section in 27:23-27 reverts to royal ship at sea, a young man and a maiden), intolerable
imagery, specifically wealth and a crown, but makes a circumstances (a king who once was a slave, a fool with a
sharp transition to the concerns of everyday sustenance. full stomach, a previously spurned woman who weds, a
The contrast between poor and rich surfaces agair: and maid who succeeds her mistress), four small creatures able
again in chaps. 28-29, and the responsibility of a ruler to to adapt to circumstances (ants, badgers, locusts, and liz-
assure justice constitutes a society's deepest hope and har- ards), and four "prancing" (self-important?) creatures (a
bors its greatest fear at the same time. Experience finds lion, a cock, a billy goat, and a king).
expression in the concession that a king's favor can be 31 :1-9. This instruction consists of a superscription
bought, so that pure justice rests with Yahweh alone. Nev- (31:1), a queen mother's direct appeal to her son (31:2),
ertheless, the divine empowerment of poor people and and four "words" of advice. These admonitions concern
their oppressors (29: 13) has not escaped this astute ob- relationships with women and excessive drinking. Lem-
server of human experience. uel's mother tells her royal son to provide strong drink for
30:1-14. Extraordinary disagreement characterizes oppressed victims of society who need something to forget
scholars over the scope of this unit and its essential char- their misery. She also urges him to pay special attention to
acter, whether skeptical or pious. Some interpreters follow the matter of justice, becoming a powerful advocate for
LXX's lead in viewing the teaching as humble piety, while vulnerable members of society whose voice would other-
others think Agur takes conventional wisdom to task. A wise go unheeded. The entire instruction makes effective
strong argument can be made for understanding verses use of rhetoric, combining terms of endearment, repeti-
1-14 as a coherent unit, either as a dialogue between two tion, inclusion, suspension of subject matter, and double
people or as a teacher citing popular views in order to entendre.
rdute them. More probably, a skeptic challenges tradi- 31: 10-31. The personification of Wisdom as a woman
t10nal wisdom, questioning God's existence and feigning served to correct many sayings that emphasize women as
ignorance, although insisting that those who profess or- temptresses and disrupters of harmony within households.
thodox views should demonstrate their knowledge of the Nevertheless, personified Folly neutralized this embodi-
Creator. An interlocutor rebukes Agur for heterodoxy, ment of discernment. Therefore another means of salvag-
quotmg Scripture, and is in turn warned against adding to ing women's reputation was needed; the final poem en-
the _teacher_'s words. A sublime prayer follows, one that by deavors to do just that. Its effectiveness suffers because of
d1stmgu1shmg social status may mount further attack on its orientation toward the good wife's contribution to her
the privileged teacher who has forgotten God while bask- husband and children. Her worth seems to depend on how
mg m the lap of luxury. The concluding section has a successfully she enhances his standing in the community.
transitional statement about servants and masters one that The description of their entrepreneurship suggests that
functions with reference both to humans and' to God Israelite women took an active role in business. The reli-
together with four incisive observations about types of gious criterion for evaluating women (31 :30) comes as
people who are worse than honest skeptics like Agur: something of an afterthought.
PROVERBS, BOOK OF 518 • v
E.Function iers, despite the silence about their duties in Wisdom
During the earliest phases of Israelite society, power Literat_ure. International diplomacy must have stood high
rested in elders, who perpetuated their singular authority on their agenda, and thus the mastery of various foreign
through legal statute and traditional saying. Apodictic law languages. The educating of young princes may also have
compelled assent insofar as it voiced the will of respected fallen to these courtiers, and perhaps, too, the entertain-
figures whose wide experience, fairness, and good judg- ing of nobility with feats of eloquence like those in 1 Esdr
ment set them apart from ordinary citizens as custodians 3: 1-4:41. The courtiers probably kept records, both polit-
of valuable lore. Similarly, proverbial sayings carried the ical and economic, and prepared propaganda for aspiring
weight of cumulative experience, hence embodied a way of and fading regimes. Considerable attention would have
life that was binding on everyone but persons who ques- gone to the training of young potential courtiers, hence to
tioned the fundamental basis of society. These two, law perpetuating their profession. In all likelihood instruc-
and traditional saying, constitute ancient Israel's attempt tional literature in the book of Proverbs belongs to such
to establish and maintain order in complex human rela- "in-house" pedagogy. This scholarship for internal con-
tionships. sumption may have encouraged the kinds of philosophical
Although the locus of both law and aphorism reached reflection that eventuated in the books of Job and Ecclesi-
beyond the privacy of a family's tent to the centers of daily astes.
deliberation, particularly the gates where important judi- The disappearance of monarchy in 587 B.C.E. and the
cial decisions were rendered, the lofty position of parents drastic alteration of lifestyle, whether in Exile or in the
in the early system of clans reinforced the authority of Judean countryside, brought about a radically different
these literary forms. This domestic setting left its mark on job description for professional sages. The accompanying
proverbial teaching, which strengthened its own appeal to loss in perceived status further fueled fires of discontent,
hearers by adopting the emotion-laden language of father already exacerbated by historical circumstances involving
to son. Older proverbial collections in the book of Proverbs the populace at large. Adversity propelled these learned
dispensed with such specific designations of speaker and teachers into strange alliances with the ruling priestly class,
addressee, but ancient Near Eastern parallels from Egypt or alternatively with persons located on the fringes of
and Mesopotamia demonstrate the antiquity of this lan- society, at least in their conviction thatjustice had departed
guage, which eventually took on the technical sense of once and for all. This retreat in opposite directions sug-
teacher ('ab, "father") and student (benf, "my son") so gests that wisdom may always have possessed distinct per-
prevalent in Proverbs 1-9. spectives corresponding roughly to the differences in lit-
These parental teachings emerged from persistent ef- erary genre that have complicated all attempts to
forts to penetrate reality so as to order life for maximum comprehend the phenomenon. However, the two different
success in achieving honor, wealth, health, and offspring. orientations, the experiential aphorism and the reflective
The notion of steering lay at the heart of such instruction, probing, functioned in a complementary way, possibly to
and an appreciable amount of self-discipline too. Opti- the very end. Their union in Sirach merely continues a
mism prevailed about the extent to which individuals con- trend set in motion by the authors of Job and Ecclesiastes.
trolled their own destiny. Virtue received its reward and The preceding account of professional sages in ancient
vice, its punishment, with rare exceptions, which empha- Israel suggests that they possessed remarkable adaptabil-
sized divine freedom. In due time, skepticism made its ity, a willingness to change with the times. A Hellenistic
presence felt, particularly with regard to the impenetrabil- text, Wisdom of Solomon, shows how far the sages pro-
ity of the universe. In Egypt a noticeable increase in piety ceeded in their accommodation to new modes of thought.
accompanied such pessimism, and the same may actually See SOLOMON, WISDOM OF. Such radical departures
have occurred in Israel as well. Although an attitude of inevitably threatened to introduce a new entity altogether,
confident reverence pervades much of the proverbial lit- making it difficult to determine the actual successors of
erature, growing insecurity seems to have evoked opposite the wise in later Judaism. Furthermore, this partial render-
responses, skepticism and dogmatic assertions. ing of the development of the sapiential enterprise, like
The introduction of monarchy in Israel brought about the biblical literature itself, maintains silence about ono-
a definite shift in the power base, the center of authority masticons. One wonders why Israel's teachers did not
moving from the heads of families to a chief of state. This compile comprehensive taxonomies of flora and fauna,
change came slowly and after much resistance on the part among other things. Perhaps they did, and this particular
of those who watched their status in the community dwin- feature of their intellectual achievement has vanished.
dle year by year. Concentration of power in Jerusalem and Changes in the meaning of l:iokmah over the years sug-
international commerce hastened the emergence of a pro- gest yet another means of tracing the development of t~e
fessional class of courtiers equipped to handle the complex sapiential enterprise. Just as the adjective J:iakam and Its
affairs of state on behalf of royalty. Such learned figures plural assumed a technical sense in some ins~ances (the
graced the courts of Egypt and Mesopotamia from early sage or the wise), the noun /:iokmah also acqmred a nch
times. Precisely when they first appeared in Israel remains nuance of astonishing magnitude. Foreign influence defi-
a mystery; but they were firmly planted in the 8th century nitely played a part in this fascinating speculation about a
B.C.E., producing a tradition associating them with the personified figure who embodied t.he .highest.and noblest
court of King Hezekiah. Even David enjoyed the benefits aspirations of the sages, but Israelite ideas la1.d the foun-
of two counselors, Ahithopel and Hushai, whether in fact dation itself. As a matter of fact, propheuc language
or as a piece of literary fiction. dominates the initial appearance of /:iokm0t (Prov 1:20-33),
One can easily imagine the responsibilities of such court- specifically the image of pouring out the spirit, the descrip-
v. 519 PROVERBS, BOOK OF

tion of stubborn refusal to hear, and the references to 1:7a occurs in Ps lll:lOa ("The fear of the Lord is the
undesirable consequences of such action. The people re- beginning of wisdom"); and the comparison of parental
fused to listen to the proclamation; they spurned the teaching with a lamp and light appears in Ps 119: 105, here
outstretched hand; Wisdom will mock them in their dis- with reference to God's word. The sons of youth are
tress; when they call, she will not answer; unable to find likened to arrows in the hands of a warrior in Ps 127 :4.
her, they will eat the fruit of their way and gorge them- The use of m~wah and torah in Proverbs raises the
selves on their own misconduct. This threatening posture possibility that the Mosaic law lies behind the vocabulary
approximates that of a prophet who speaks in God's name, about parental instruction. The use of these words with
the prophetic ego merging with the divine. These foolish reference to paternal and maternal teaching in 6:20 sug-
individuals have not just ignored a human teacher; they gests that they have the same referent in 6:23 ("For the
have also treated God with contempt. commandment is a lamp and the teaching is a light,
The plural }J,okmot has caused considerable speculation, instruction and discipline are the way of life"). Neverthe-
none of which satisfactorily explains the form: a plural of less, an association with Deut 6:4-9; 11: 18-20 seems
abstraction, an ancient Canaanite goddess, an ortho- likely, if unconscious. The Mosaic law may rest behind the
graphic mistake. Curiously, the next section to introduce language of Prov 28:4, 7, 9; and 29: 18, particularly if this
this figure, Prov 8: 1-36, uses two expressions in parallel- last verse also refers to prophecy, but all of these refer-
ism (l;okmiih and tebilniih, although referring to a single ences may have in mind laws of the state.
individual (cf. 7:4). Several links with the earlier text stand Although Job and Ecclesiastes represent different
out-the place of instruction, the objects of the teaching, genres within Wisdom Literature, they contain many pro-
the allusions to "seeking and finding" and to fruit, both verbial sayings like those in the book of Proverbs. Perhaps
positive here. New ideas also surface: the extraordinary Prov 30:4 alludes to God's mocking remark in Job 38:5
worth of Wisdom, surpassing the value of jewels; Wisdom's ("surely you know"). Sirach also has numerous proverbial
role in the manifest rule of the earth; the integral relation- sayings and didactic essays on individual themes, in both
ship between Wisdom and morality; and her presence with instances following in the footsteps of the unknown au-
God at creation. thors who composed the book of Proverbs. The popularity
The latter complex of ideas concerning creation, echo- of such aphorisms is evidenced by their being embedded
ing sentiments from Egypt, particularly the emphasis on within devotional narratives such as Tobit (12:7-10).
her presence before the various creative deeds and the
picture of Wisdom as a source of God's pleasure, describes G. Canonization
a transcendent figure loftier by far than the earlier pro- The sacred character of Proverbs seems never to have
phetic one. The result of God's first creative deed, she been in doubt, although remarks about its vivid descrip-
therefore preceded earth itself. Either as artisan or darling tion of a harlot in the act of seduction and about direct
child, she witnessed the firmament taking shape and re- contradiction in 26:4-5 have survived in Jewish sources.
joiced constantly as Yahweh established order despite cha- Christian acceptance of the book seems not to have been
otic forces of the deep. A merging of egos occurs here too, contested, and its secular character did not pose any obsta-
as Wisdom assures those who find her that they will cle to considering the book canonical. In some circles,
discover Yahweh's favor and therefore life itself.
modern scholars have declared its contents pagan, but the
The third passage about an extraordinary figure known
criterion they use (proclamation of saving history) leaves
as l;okmiih, Prov 9: 1-6, describes a building project on a
much to be desired.
smaller scale. She constructs a house, fashions its seven
columns, and prepares a lavish banquet, enlisting the aid The Greek text has about 130 stichs more than the
of servants to issue an invitation to townspeople. Just as Hebrew, many of them highly Hellenized. Some haggadic
Ya~weh had to contend with the waters of the deep, tendencies intermingle with apparent mistakes. Other ren-
Wisdom must reckon with a rival force who promises derings may harmonize related texts in several different
sen.sual pleasure. Given the powerful role of erotic imagi- books, especially Psalms, Sirach, and Wisdom of Solomon.
nation, sweet water and pleasant bread transform a simple
meal into a sumptuous feast (Prov 9:13-18). Bibliography
Aletti, J. N. 1977. Seduction et parole en Proverbs 1-9. VT 27:
F. Affinities with Other Biblical Literature 129-44.
Proverbial sayings occur in various contexts other than Alonso Schokel, L., and Vilchez, J. 1984. Proverbios. Nueva Biblia
~he book ?f Proverbs. Besides traditional sayings preserved Espanola. Madrid.
m narratives and prophetic literature, one finds similes Barucq, A. 1964. Le Livre des Prove:rbeJ. SB. Paris.
and aphorisms in Psalms that closely resemble those in Bryce, G. 1979. A Legacy of Wisdom. Lewisburg, PA.
Proverbs. For example, Ps 37: 16 expresses the judgment Buhlmann, W. 1976. Von Rechten &den und Schweigen. OBO 12.
that the meager possessions of virtuous people are better Freiburg and Giittingen.
than the abundance of many wicked persons. Similarly, Camp, C. V. 1985. Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs.
37:21 states that a wicked individual borrows and cannot Bible and Literature Series 11. Sheffield.
re~ay'. but the righteous is generous and gives away. Verse Crenshaw, J. L. 1988. A Mother's Instruction to Her Son (Prov. 31:
23 ms1sts that ~d. directs a person's steps, establishing the 1-9). Pp. 9-22 in Perspectives on the Hebrew Bible, ed. J. L.
one who finds d1vme approval. Ps 94:8-11 uses rhetorical Crenshaw. Macon, GA.
q~estions in composing a didactic essay on divine sover- - - . 1989a. Clanging Symbols. Injustice and the Holy, ed. D. A.
eignty that hears, sees, and chastens. The motto in Prov Knight and P. Paris. Philadelphia.
PROVERBS, BOOK OF 520 • v
- - . 1989b. The Sage in Proverbs. In The Sage in the Ancient Near in Aeschylus' Agamemnon (684-85), where the chorus,
Ea.st, ed. L. G. Perdue and J. Gammie. Winona Lake, IN. speculating on the name of Helen of Troy, speak of "some-
- - . I 989c. Proverbs. In The Books of the Bible, ed. B. W. Ander- one wh?_m we do not se~, guidin~ his tongue fortunately
son. New York. (en tychtii) to the mark with foresight of destiny (pronoaisi
Crossan, J. D., ed. 1980. Gnomic Wisdom. Semeia 17. Chico, CA. tou pepromenou)." Even here, though, pronoia is used for
Fontaine, C. R. 1982. Traditional Sayings in the Old Testament. Bible someone discerning the course of destiny rather than
and Literature Series 5. Sheffield. steering it.
Gese, H. 1984. Wisdom Literature in the Persian Period. CH} I: In general, it might be said to be characteristic of early
189-218. Greek thought, and of writers like Pindar and Herodotus
Hermisson, H.-J. 1968. Studien zur israelitischen Spruchweisheit. in particular, to regard the gods as being just as likely to
WMANT 28. Neukirchen. be envious of human success, and offended by human
Kayatz, C. 1966. Studien zu Proverlnen 1-9. WMANT 22. Neu- self-assertion, as to be benevolent. There is even an under-
kirchen. current of thought (represented, for instance, in the Pro-
Lang, B. 1972. Die weisheitlichen Lehrrede. SBS 54. Stuttgart. metheus myth and in the post-Homeric Cypria) that Zeus
- - . 1986. Wisdom and the Book of Proverbs. New York. had plans to destroy humankind and start again with a less
Lemaire, A. 1981. Les lcoles et la formation de la Bible dans l'ancien flawed race of creatures.
Israel. OBO 39. Gottingen. The first thinker to assert a systematic doctrine of divine
Lindenberger, J. M. 1983. The Aramaic Proverbs of Ahiqar. Balti- providence is Plato, particularly in the Timaeus and in
more. Book X of the Laws. In the Timaeus (29E), he makes an
Nan~. L. 1986. Proverbes salomoniens et proverbes Mossi. Frankfurt. assertion which was to have great impact on later philoso-
Nel, P. J. 1982. The Structure and Ethos of the Wisdom Admonitions in phy, and even on Christian theology, when he states that
Proverbs. BZAW 158. Berlin. the Demiurge, the creator god presented in that dialogue,
Shupak, N. 1987. The "Sitz im Leben" of the Book of Proverbs in "was good, and in the good there subsists no envy ever
the Light of a Comparison of Biblical and Egyptian Wisdom about anything; being free of this, then, he wished that
Literature. RB 94: 98-119. everything be so far as possible like unto himself." Pronoia
Skehan, P. 1971. Studies in Ancient Israelite Poetry and Wisdom. is not mentioned here (though the concept is clearly im-
CBQMS I. Washington. plied, as the opposite of "envy"), but the word is used a
Skadny, U. 1962. Die iiltesten Spruchsammlungen in Israel. Gottingen. little later (at 30C and 44C), referring this latter time to
llible, P. 1975. Wisdom Builds a 1975 Poem: The Architecture of the forethought of the planetary gods, the Demiurge's
Proverbs 1:20-33.JBL 94: 509-18. assistants.
Van Leeuwen, R. C. 1988. Context and Meaning in Proverbs 25-27. Later, in Laws X, by way of proving the existence of the
SBLDS 96. Atlanta. gods, Plato presents us (896Eff.) with a World Soul which
Vawter, B. 1980. Prov. 8:22: Wisdom and Creation.JBL 99: 205- guides the whole universe benevolently (though hampered
16. to some extent in its operations by another soul of opposite
Whybray, R. N. 1965. The Intellectual Tradition in the Old Testament. tendency-possibly just the negative force of Matter,
BZAW 135. Berlin. though many later Platonists, such as Plutarch, took this to
- - . 1972. Wisdom in Proverbs. SBT, n.s., 45. London. be an Evil World Soul in the Timaeus, but it was portrayed
Williams, J. G. 1981. Those Who Ponder Proverbs. Sheffield. in the Laws as a creation soul). In the Timaeus, soul is an
JAMES L. CRENSHAW instrument of the Demiurge; but in the Laws, soul has the
executive function of the Demiurge himself and is de-
scribed as a god, with each of the heavenly bodies being a
PROVIDENCE. The word "providence" derives from god as well (899B).
the Latin providentia, the noun from the verb providere Plato then proceeds to argue against what was later the
"take thought for," "look ahead." The Greek equivalent is Epicurean doctrine that the gods exist but exercise no care
pronoia, from the verb pronoeisthai, having more or less the over human affairs (899D-905D), and in the process he
same meaning. produces all the arguments that would later be used to
As a philosophical or religious concept, Providence de- support the doctrine of divine providence. This is there-
notes the care of God for his creatures, "God" standing fore a text of fundamental importance. Plato asserts that
for a personal, sentient first principle. The requirement the divinity cares for things both small and great (90 l B)
that providence stem from a personal agent might seem and that we are all the possessions of the gods (902B), in
absolute, but in fact, among the Greeks, the Stoic philoso- which they therefore have a proprietorial interest, but that
phers adopted the concept of pronoia to describe the ra- we cannot expect our personal convenience always to be
tional ordering of the universe emanating from a first served by divine providence since we are only parts of a
principle which they designated as theos, "God" but which larger whole and Providence looks to the whole (903Bff.).
they conceived of simply as the immanent active principle The Stoic philosophers inherited this view of divine
of the universe. providence, but adapted it to their own materialist philos-
In early Greek thought, Zeus and the other gods are ophy, God becoming now the immanent mind or soul of
portrayed as exercising care for individual mortals, and in the universe. The Stoic doctrine of Providence thus be-
Zeus' case even in a general way for the world as a whole, comes confused with their doctrine of Fate, and disputes
but there was no overarching idea of divine providence as in fact arose in the school as to the proper relation between
embracing all human activity, nor was the word pronoia the two concepts. We have record of a dispute between
used in this context, apart from one remarkable passage Cleanthes and Chrysippus as to whether everything fated
v • 521 PRUSA
is also providential. Chrysippus held that it is; Cleanthes Pronoia is also an important concept in gnostic thought.
that it is not (SVF 2.933). It is not quite clear what Clean- The Father, in the Tripartite Tractate from the Nag Ham-
thes had in mind, but his view may have been that divine madi Corpus, is described as "the providence [pronoia] of
providence does not concern itself with a certain level of those for whom He providentially cares" (66). Pronoia
details (side effects of chains of causation), which are, figures largely also in the Apocryphon of john (4-7), where
nonetheless, fated. it is identified with Barbelo, and in the treatise On the
Such an argument has some importance for later Plato- Origin of the World (108-11), where Pronoia is interestingly
nist and Aristotelian doctrine. Albinus (Dida.skalikos, chap. personified, and a lower Pronoia is envisaged, left by the
26) though talking here of Fate, rather than Providence, Light-Adam in the heavens when he reascends to the
makes the distinction that all things are comprehended by Pleroma. In each, Pronoia is to be contrasted with Fate
Fate, but not all things are fated, which may well be the (Heimarmene), which is proper to the Demiurge and his
distinction that Cleanthes was trying to make. Pseudo- realm.
Plutarch, in his treatise On Fate, presents an elaborate
scholastic system (572Fff.), according to which there are Bibliography
three levels of Providence, the highest of which-the "in- Koch, H. 1932. Pronoia und Paideusi.s. Leipzig.
tellection" or "will" of the Supreme God-transcends the Parma, C. 1971. Pronoia und Providentia: Der Vorsehungsbep;riff Plotins
sphere of Fate and "encloses" it, while lower levels of und Augu.stins. Leiden.
providence are coordinate with, or even subordinate to, Rist, J.M. 1969. Stoic Philowphy. Cambridge.
Fate. Both Albinus and Pseudo-Plutarch, however, seek to jOHN M. DILLON
preserve within this overarching framework of providence
and fate a place for free will.
On the other hand, the Aristotelian tradition (repre- PROVINCE. See PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION
sented most conspicuously in the later period by Alexan- OF(ROMAN).
der of Aphrodisias in his treatise On Fate) tended to restrict
the sphere of God's Providence to the supralunary realm,
leaving our world to Fate and Chance, and thus acquired PRUSA (40°12'N; 29°04'E). The site of the city of Prusa
the reputation of abolishing Providence, which is not quite is now occupied by the town of Bursa in NW Turkey. Prusa
fair, though it is admittedly not a concept that Aristotle and its successor occupy a fine plateau site on the N slopes
had much use for. The Aristotelian God thinks himself (as of Ulu Dag (in ancient times the Mysian Mt. Olympus),
in Metaph. 12), and the universe relates to him rather than overlooking the coastal plain of the Sea of Marmarra.
the other way around. There are medicinal hot springs at <;:ekirge, near the town,
The greatest statement of the theory of Providence in which have been in use since classical times. No references
the Hellenic tradition is the treatise of Plotinus On Provi- to Prusa occur in the Bible.
dence (Enn. 3.2-3), composed in the latter half of the 3d The first systematic description of Prusa-Bursa was pro-
century c.E. While basically accepting the Stoic theory of vided by Philippson in 1913. Earlier contributions had
Fate and Providence, Plotinus seeks to justify the rational- been made by von Moltke (1836), von Hammer, and Hom-
ity and goodness of God in the face of the multifarious evil maire de Hell (1846). No systematic excavations have been
observable in the world. Like the Stoics, he regards free carried out. However, Bursa was chosen as the site for one
will as a subjective phenomenon and holds that true free- of Turkey's first museums, which was catalogued by Men-
dom consists in understanding the way of the world and del (1909).
assenting to it. His treatise is the finest attempt that we The ancient geographers (Strabo 12.504; Pliny HN
have at a comprehensive Hellenic theodicy. 5.148) associate the foundation of Prusa with either Han-
Two other treatises on Providence, however, should not nibal or a legendary King Prusias of the 6th century B.C.
be ~eglected, t.hough they do not rise to the heights of In fact Hannibal spent the last few years of his life in exile
Plo~mus. One 1s the t~o-part treatise of the Platonizing at the court of King Prusias I (ca. 235-183 B.c.) of Bi-
Jew.1sh philosopher Philo of Alexandria (ft. ca. 25 c.E.). thynia, who is commemorated on the city's coins as foun-
This work present~ the Platonic, and especially Stoic, ar- der. Dorner (PW 23.1: 1071-86) considers that Prusias I
guments for Providence, of which it constitutes a most probably founded the city with the advice and assistance
useful exposition, but also comes closer to Christian of Hannibal, a view supported by the evidence of the
thought in that Philo believes in a personal God which is fragments of Arrian, a Roman senator and historian from
not ~he case with the Greeks. The second bo~k of the Nicomedia. A fragmentary inscription from Bursa con-
treause takes the form of a dialogue with Philo's nephew tains a city decree of, apparently, 188 or 187 B.c.; this text
Alexander, who presents Peripatetic and Skeptical argu- mentions an epistates, or royal governor, indicating that
ments against Providence for refutation. Prusa was firmly under royal control at the start of its
The essay of the Roman Stoic philosopher Seneca (4 existence (Robert I 93 7: 229). During the wars between
B.C.E.-65 C.E.), commonly entitled On Providence, is really Mithridates of Pontus and Rome, which preceded the final
devoted to the more restricted question, "Why, if there is annexation of Bithynia by Rome in 72 B.c., Prusa was
Providence.' do some misfortunes befall good men?" and occupied by Mithridates and besieged by the Romans.
is a rhetorical elaborauon of the theme that no evil can The growing prosperity of the Roman Empire is re-
befall a good man. It does, however, touch briefly on most flected at Prusa by the resumption of local coinage under
aspects of the topIC of Providence in general, showing how Nero (54-68). Under Trajan (98-117) Prusa became one
closely enmeshed that concept is, for the Stoics, with Fate. of the assize towns of the province of Bithynia, where the
PRUSA 522 • v
Roman governor conducted judicial business during his Jones, C. P. 1978. The Roman World of Dio Chrysostom. Cambridge,
tours through the province. Assize towns benefited from MA.
the regular influx of litigants, traders, and entertainers Robert, L. 1937. Eludes anatoliennes. Paris.
attracted by the presence of the governor; a vivid, if - - . 1946. Hellenica II. Paris.
satirical picture of the animated scene is drawn by the Sheppard, A. R. R. 1984. Dio Chrysostom: the Bithynian Years.
orator Dio Chrysostom, "golden mouthed," who was a L'Antiquitt Cla.ssique 53: 57-73.
native of Prusa (Or. 35.15-17). Of interest to biblical schol- Sherwin-White, A. N. 1966. The Letters of Pliny: A Historical and
ars is the 5th-century bishop Synesius' report that Dio Social Commentary. Oxford.
referred to the Essenes of Palestine in favorable terms. It ANTHONY SHEPPARD
would be unwise to assume any great significance in this
reference for the history of Judaism or Christianity in Asia
Minor. The traditions of popular Hellenistic philosophy
on which Dio drew included a certain superficial taste for PSALMS, BOOK OF. The book of Psalms is unique
"barbarian" (i.e., non-Greek) wisdom. So we find Dio in in the Bible because it is a collection of literature of prayer,
his surviving speeches referring favorably to Scythian mor- praise, and meditation. If the Bible's narrative materials
als, to the Brahmans and the Magi, and telling a philosoph- relate what God has done and the prophetic literature
ical myth with a Persian setting (Or. 35.22; 36.39-60; 49.7; reports what God has said, the Psalms present the re-
69.6). sponse of the people to the acts and words of God. As a
A brilliant light is shed on the political life of Prusa book of the people, the book of Psalms has been especially
during the time of Trajan by the political speeches of Dio valued for both public worship and private devotion
of Prusa (ca. 40-after 110) and by some of the correspon- among Jews and Christians alike. It has also been the focal
dence of Pliny and Trajan, when the former was governor point of much scholarly research. For useful summaries of
of Bithynia (109-ll; Ep. l0.l7A, l7B, 23-24, 58, 70-71 the major trends and positions in this research (and re-
deal with the affairs of Prusa). Like most Greek cities, lated bibliography), see Clements 1976: 76-98; and Hayes
Prusa enjoyed a measure of local autonomy under the 1979: 139-43,285-317.
supervision of the Roman authorities. Local government
was largely in the hands of the wealthy civic aristocracy,
who were expected to contribute liberally from their per- A. The Name
sonal resources to public life. The evidence of inscriptions B. The Text
and of Dio and Pliny shows that Prusa's constitution fol- 1. The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll
lowed the pattern set for Bithynia by the lex Pompeia: there 2. The Hebrew Tehillim
was a city council, with (probably) a property qualification 3. The Greek Psalter
for membership, and a college of magistrates presided C. The Origin and Function of the Psalms
over by a chief magistrate (protos archon; Dorner PW 23. l: 1. The Psalms as Response
1071-86; Sherwin-White 1966: 720; Ameling 1984). The 2. The Psalter as Worship Book
speeches of Dio and the letters of Pliny illustrate the 3. The Psalter as Scripture
danger of civic ambitions leading to rash expenditure on D. The Book and the Books
prestige public projects. The evidence is presented and I. The Beginning and Ending
discussed by Jones ( 1978) and Sheppard ( 1984). 2. The Five Books
The hot springs were noted for the fact that the water 3. The Titles
required no cooling before being used for bathing. There E. The Poetry of the Psalms
was a cult of Asclepius, Hygieia ("Health"), and the 1. Balance or Parallelism
Nymphs at the springs (Robert 1946: 93-102). Prusa was 2. Other Relationships between A and B
the home of two noted doctors of the Roman world: 3. Repetition
Asclepiades (lst century B.c.), who specialized in water 4. Alphabetic Acrostics
and wine cures, and C. Calpurnius Asclepiades, active in 5. Metaphors and Similes for God
the time of Trajan. 6. Metaphors and Similes for People
The prosperity of Roman Prusa was founded on the
combination of the rich arable land and olive groves of the
F. Types of Psalms
coastal plain with the timber resources of Ulu Dag. Peace I. Laments or Prayers
and prosperity were, however, rudely shattered when 2. Hymns or Songs of Praise
Prusa was plundered by the Goths in 256. There is little 3. Songs of Thanksgiving
evidence for the later history of Greco-Roman Prusa. A 4. Royal Psalms
bishop is attested from 325 (until 1712). During the 5th 5. Songs of Zion
century a number of Huns were settled in the area. In 6. Liturgies
1236 the city fell to Orhan Gazi, the second Sultan of the 7. Wisdom and Torah Psalms
Ottoman dynasty, who made it his capital. Today the tombs G. Theological Themes
and mosques of the early Ottoman sultans are the princi- I. "The Teaching of the Lord Is His Delight"
pal monuments of the town of Bursa. 2. "O Lord, My Rock and My Redeemer"
3. "What God is Great Like Our God?"
Bibliography 4. "Human Beings Are Like the Beasts That Perish"
Ameling, W. 1984. Das Archontat in Bithynien. Epiirraphica Anato- 5. "I Have Set My King on Zion"
lica 3: 19-31.
v. 523 PSALMS, BOOK OF

A. The Name dates the scroll to around A.D. 50. It is made of five sheets
The English title "Psalms" is derived froi_n the Greek of leather sewn to a length of almost 13 feet and is
psalmoi, "songs of praise," by way of th_e Laun Liber Psal- presently 6 to 7 inches wide; originally its width was 9 or
morum "book of psalms." Among annent Greek manu- 10 inches, making it about the same width as the Isaiah
scripts' of the OT, psalmoi appea_r~ in Codex Vaticanus as a Scroll from Cave I. The scroll contains all or parts of 41
title for the book. Codex Sma1t1cus has no title, though canonical psalms from Books IV and V of the Psalter,
"psalms of David" appears at the end. Codex Alexandrinus beginning with Psalm 101; as well as 2 Sam 23:1-7; four
has as the title for the book psaltenon, the name of a noncanonical psalms (15 lA, B; 154; 155; and Sir 51: 13ff.);
stringed instrument and the basis for the English "psal- and four other nonbiblical works (Plea for Deliverance,
ter"; psalmoi appears at the conclusion. The noun psalmos Apostrophe to Zion, Hymn to the Creator, and David's
is found often in titles to the psalms, as in "psalm of Compositions; these are interspersed in the book at a
David." The noun comes from the Greek verb psallo mean- variety of places).
ing "sing (to the accompaniment of a harp)" (BAGD, 899), The psalms appear to have been popular at Qumran.
as in the references to David in 1Sam16:16, 17, 23 or to "There were undoubtedly more copies of psalms in the
the minstrel in 2 Kgs 3: 15. Qumran library than of any other biblical writing .... "
The NT refers to the three-part division of the Hebrew (Sanders 1967: 9). The text of the psalms recovered thus
Bible, speaking of "the law of Moses and the prophets and far, says Sanders, is in close agreement with the standard
psalms" (Luke 24:44), with "psalms" representing the as- Ben Asher manuscripts (Leningradensis and the Aleppo
yet incomplete third division; note also reference to the Codex), with most of the variations matters of orthogra-
"Book of Psalms" in Luke 20:42. phy. An exception is Psalm 145, in which every verse has a
The oldest Hebrew manuscripts do not have a title for refrain, "Blessed be the Lord and blessed be his name for
the collection as a whole. The note at the end of Book II, ever and ever." The superscription to 145 reads tepilld,
Ps 72:20, says, "The prayers [tepillot] of David, the son of "prayer," instead of tehilla, "song of praise" (RSV); the
Jesse, are ended," thus designating the foregoing psalms psalm also has a subscript reading "This is for a
as "prayers." In rabbinic and later literature, the book is memorial. ... " (Sanders 1967: 64-67). The ordering of
called Sefer Tehillim, "book of praises," or simply Tillim. the psalms in this scroll differs from that of the MT
The noun tehillfm, "praises," is derived from the Hebrew (Sanders 1967: 10, 16).
root hit, "praise." That root also appears in "hallelujah" 2. The Hebrew Tehillim (Songs of Praise). The critical
("praise Yah," or "Yahweh"), found only in the Psalter, edition of the Hebrew text of Psalms found in BHS is based
always at the beginning or ending of psalms (104:35; upon the MT as represented by Codex Leningradensis
106: I, 48; 113: I, 9; 146-50, beginning and end of each; (Bl 9A or L), dated in I 008 c.E. and identified in the
etc.). colophon as a production of the Ben Asher family (Wiirth-
The noun "praise" occurs often in the psalms: "He put wein 1979: 168).
a new song in my mouth, a song of praise (tehilld) to our The basis for a new critical edition of the Hebrew Bible
God" (40:3; also 22:25; 33:1; 34:1; 48:10, etc.). Psalm 145 being prepared at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem is
is the only psalm to be designated a tehilla in the title, the Aleppo Codex, so named because though it was origi-
translated "Song of Praise." nally in Jerusalem, it was moved to Cairo and then to
Of the 206 occurrences of hit, "praise," in the OT (146 Aleppo in Syria. Again a Ben Asher manuscript, it is dated
verbal, 60 nominal), about two-thirds are in the psalms or from the first half of the 10th century. The manuscript
in phrases taken from the psalms (THAT, 493). Because lacks Pss 15: 1-25:2. For progress reports, see Textu.s: An-
the collection of psalms contains so many expressions of nual of the Hebrew University Bible Project; the publication of
praise to God, it became known as "praises" or "Tehillim." Psalms has not yet appeared.
The two names preserved in the Hebrew tradition, 3. The Greek Psalter. The Greek OT or Septuagint
"prayers" (tepilt6t) and "songs of praise" (tehillim), may be (LXX) was produced by the Jewish community in Alexan-
taken as representing two fundamental types of psalms: dria, Egypt, during the first half of the 3d century B.C.
prayers in time of need, or laments, and songs of praise, Intended for Hellenistic Jews, this translation was imme-
or hymns. diately accessible to Greek-speaking gentiles as well and
eventually became the OT for the Christian movement.
B. The Text Because of the popularity of the psalms, there are many
I. The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll. Some 30 texts contain- more Greek manuscripts of that book available than of any
ing portions of the Psalter have been found at Qumran other Old Testament book (Rahlfs 1967: 61 ). As the LXX
near the Dead Sea since the discovery of the scrolls there became more and more the Bible for Christians, it lost
in 1947 (in Caves 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, and II). Three psalm popularity in the Jewish community.
texts have been found at other sites (parts of Psalms 15 The convenient edition of Alfred Rahlfs, Septuaginta, is
and 16 found S of En Gedi in 1960; parts of Psalms 81 based mainly on the three oldest major Greek manu-
through 85 and Psalm 150 at Masada between 1963 and scripts, all of which include both OT and NT. Codex
1?65; Sanders 1967: 145-46). In addition, the caves have Vaticanus (B) is a 4th-century manuscript; Pss 105:27-
yielded four commentary texts containing portions of 137:6 were lacking but were added in the 15th century.
psalms. Codex Sinaiticus (S) is another 4th-century manuscript,
The most dramatic find is the Psalms Scroll from Cave containing the entire Psalter. Codex Alexandrinus (A) is a
_l 1. Discovered in 1956, it was unrolled by James Sanders 5th-century manuscript, lacking Pss 49:20-79: 11.
m 1961 and published by him in 1965 and 1967. Sanders Each of these three includes Psalm 151, in which David
PSALMS, BOOK OF 524. v
celebrates victory over Goliath. While this psalm is not in first laments in the Psalter voice an individual's complaint
the Hebrew Bible, it is among those noncanonical pieces and cry for help. The superscription to Psalm I 02 de-
included in the Dead Sea Psalms Scroll. All three manu- ~cri?~s the .situ.ation that .g~ve rise to such prayers of the
scripts have a superscription identifying the psalm as an md1v1dual m limes of cns1s: "A prayer of one afflicted
addition to the 150 canonical psalms: "This psalm is as- when he is faint and pours out his complaint before th~
cribed to David and is outside the number. ... "Codex S Lord" (see F. I below).
has a subscript reading "the 151 psalms of David." The The entire community may cry out for help: "Do thou,
subscript to A reads "the 150 psalms and one ascribed." B 0 Lord, protect us . . . . " (Ps 12:7). The Community
has no subscript. Laments (see F. l below) provide clues to the situation
The numbering of the psalms in the Greek OT differs giving rise to these prayers. The people may have experi-
from the Hebrew. The following table indicates the differ- enced a defeat (44:9-16), or the temple and the city of
ences: Jerusalem have been devastated (74:4-8; 79:1), or they
may be suffering at the hands of enemies (80:6; 12-13) or
MT (also RSV) LXX in exile in Babylon (137).
Psalms 1-8 Psalms 1-8 Psalms also arise out of good times, the psalmist re-
9-10 9 sponding to a situation of experiencing blessing. Psalm 8
11-113 10-112 celebrates God's work as Creator, addressing God with
114-15 113 general words of praise, "O Lord, our Lord, how majestic
116: 1-9 114 is thy name in all the earth!" Such psalms are designated
116:10-19 as "hymns." Psalm 30 expresses praise and thanks to God
115
117-46 116-45 for a specific act, in this case for healing in answer to
147:1-11 146 prayer (vv 1-3). Psalms of this type may be called Thanks-
giving Psalms (see F.3 below).
147:12-20 147
148-50 148-50 Other psalms arose out of particular occasions. The
Royal Psalms were composed for use in connection with
151
events in the' life of a king (see F.4 below). Several psalms
were produced to suit liturgical needs, providing the script
As Christians transmitted the text of the Greek OT, a for a procession around the city (Psalm 48) or for the
number of interpolations began to appear in the text. One offering of sacrifices (Psalm 66; see F.6 below). More than
example: in Rom 3: 10-18, Paul uses parts of Ps 14: 1-3 as two dozen "Wisdom Psalms" (see F.7 below) offer short
well as Pss 5:9; 140:3; 10:7; and 36:1 to support his observations growing out of life's experiences (Psalms 127,
argument that all are sinners. In LXX Psalm 13 (Heb 14), 128) or longer reflections on the great problems of life
manuscripts B and S insert precisely these quotations from (37, 73); or they may commend Torah (instruction) and its
other psalms in v 3. Thus, Christians enriched their Greek study ( l; 19; 119). The alphabetical acrostic psalms were
OT by adding this chain of quotations (see Rahlfs 1967: built on the pattern of the Hebrew alphabet, probably both
30-32, for further examples). to facilitate memorization and also for the sheer delight of
producing such a work (see E.4 below).
C. The Origin and Function of the Psalms In sum, the psalms arose out of the midst of Israel's life
The psalms originated in the midst of Israel's life and in the presence of God, responding to good times and
have continued to function in the lives of both Jews and bad, providing words for the celebrations of the commu-
Christians as a hymnbook for worship and a prayer book nity, and offering guidance and reflection on the oppor-
for devotion. tunities and problems of life.
1. The Psalms as Response. Psalms l and 2 provide an 2. The Psalter as Worship Book. Since the Psalter is not
introduction to the Psalter (see D below). The psalms that a manual providing directions for those leading worship
follow offer clues to the way in which the psalms origi- but a collection of hymns, prayers, and poems for the
nated. people, the settings for these psalms in worship and other
These psalms are addressed to God, as is clear from occasions must be inferred from the psalms themselves.
reading the opening lines of Psalms 3-10: "O Lord ... " The hymns (see F.2 below) suggest congregational wor-
(Psalm 3), "Answer me when I call, 0 God" (Psalm 4), ship utilizing vocal and instrumental music and marked by
"Give ear to my words, 0 Lord" (Psalm 5), etc. They exuberance and creativity (the "new song"; Ps 33: 1-3).
address God in response to a crisis, such as being ill (Psalm They often begin with a call to praise in the imperative
6) or being surrounded by enemies who may make false plural, "Praise the Lord" (Heb "Hallelujah"; 33: l; 111: I;
accusations (Psalms 3; 4; 5; 7; 9/10). The same crises 113: 1; 146-50), thus assuming the presence of a commu-
brought on by illness (31; 32; 38; 39; 41; 51; 88; 102), nity. Ps 111: 1 makes the congregational context for praise
enemies (17; 23; 26; 27; 57; 63), or the distress of sin (40; explicit: "Praise the Lord. I will give thanks to th.e Lo~d
51; 130) appear through the psalter. Such prayers in times with my whole heart, in the company of the upnght, m
of crisis are commonly called "laments," since one of the the congregation" (cf. 149: I; 150: I). The praise that takes
constant elements in these psalms is a complaint or lament, place in connection with these psalms was lively, involving
against God in "thou" form ("But thou, 0 Lord-how singing and shouting (33:3), dancing (149:3; 150:4), and
long?" 6:3), concerning oneself in "I" form (" ... for I am the use of string, wind, and percussion instruments (33: 1-
languishing," 6:2), or concerning others in "they" form 3; 149:3; 150). The forms of worship change, with the
("for there is no truth in their mouth ... ," 5:9). These community called to update its materials in a manner
v. 525 PSALMS, BOOK OF

appropriate for new times (33:1;_96:~; 98:1; 149:1). Those Samuel l; cf. the change from Ps I3:5 to Ps I3:6). Heze-
engaged in praise may be sta!ldmg. m the temple. ( 135: 1- kiah's prayer from his sickbed suggests another obvious
2), even for a service of worship at mght ( 134). Praise ca!Ile setting for these prayers (Isaiah 38; cf. the psalms associ-
from different groups within the assembled congregation ated with illness as listed above).
(135: 19-20). The repeated refrain of Psalm 136 suggests The book of 4 Maccabees, written sometime between A.D.
a worship leading calling out or chanting the first part of 20 and 54, concludes with a scene suggesting how the
each line and the congregation responding with "for his psalms were used in the setting of the family. In the last
steadfast love endures forever." The rubric, "let Israel now words of the mother who had lost her seven sons in
say" (124:1; 129:1), again calls the gathered people to persecution (2 Maccabees 7), she recalls her late husband,
respond. saying to her remaining children, "A happy man was he,
Some psalms were used as liturgies (see F.6 below), with who lived out his life with good children ... while he was
actions accompanying the words of the psalm. Psalm 66 still with you, he taught you the law and prophets .... He
functioned in connection with the making of an offering sang to you psalms of the psalmist David, who said, 'Many
(66:13-15). Psalms 48 and probably 132 were associated are the afflictions of the righteous'" (4 Mace. I8:9-IO, I5).
with processions; the latter would fit a reenactment of Gerstenberger (I 988) has suggested that there were a
David's bringing the ark into the city (2 Samuel 6). Pss variety of occasions when family and friends came to-
24:7, 9 and 118: 19-20 suggest a procession passing gether and utilized the psalms. These would include not
through the temple gates, with participants carrying only the events of birth, marriage, and death, but also
branches (118:27). Ceremonial washings are suggested by special gatherings at times of illness and sorrow and joy
26:6 and perhaps 51:7 (cf. Num 19:18). Psalms 15 and 24 and thanksgiving. The laments, he suggests, were used at
apparently functioned as entrance liturgies, the worship- times of crisis in the circle of family and caring friends,
per about to enter the temple area asking a question and under the direction of a ritual expert. Gerstenberger has
a priest or temple official responding with the answer compared these groups to contemporary group therapy
(15: 1-5; 24:3-6; cf. Mic 6:6-8). Various attempts have movements under the direction of an expert in such proc-
been made to reconstruct liturgies and entire festivals on esses. His work is a reminder that people's lives are lived
the basis of the psalms, but such reconstructions remain not only as individuals or in congregations, but also in the
notoriously hypothetical. world of the small group of family and friends.
The "Songs of Ascents" or "Pilgrimage Psalms" (I20- Again, these occasional services cannot be reconstructed
34) seem to have been used as a collection especially with certainty. But there is enough evidence in the OT to
designed for those "going up" (122:4; the root is the same suggest that the prayers and songs of praise found in the
as "ascents" in the titles) to Jerusalem for one of the Psalter were not confined to the sanctuary. The psalms
regularly occurring festivals (Deut 16: I6-l 7). They fit a came out of a variety of situations from the midst of the
broad pattern of anticipating the journey (122: I), setting life of the people; it is reasonable to assume that they also
out (I21), joyful arrival (133), and concluding evening functioned in a variety of life situations.
worship (134). 3. The Psalter as Scripture. The psalms are now in the
At one time the Community Laments (see F. l below) form of a book, called the "Psalter" since the time of the
functioned as part of community services of prayer and Greek translations. Recent studies have demonstrated that
fasting, called the "fast" (~om; Joel I: 14). These were gath- this book has been carefully .shaped and edited (see D
erings convened at times of national emergency such as a below). That editing placed Psalm I at the beginning in
military crisis (2 Chronicles 20) or natural disasters such order to suggest another way in which this collection is
as drought and famine or plague (Joel I; cf. the listing in intended to function.
1 Kgs 8:33-40). A picture of these services can be pieced The first picture that appears in the Psalter is that of a
together: the entire community was assembled, including tree, planted by a river, flourishing, yielding fruit (l :3).
the children and the newly married (Joel I: 14; 2: I5-I6; 2 Used as a comparison, this is an image of a human life that
Chr 20: 13). The extremity of the emergency was demon- is deeply rooted and marked by productivity, prosperity,
strated by the destruction of beauty: clothing was torn or and beauty. The reader asks: How could one attain to such
removed (Joel 2: 12; Isa 32: I I), the hair was cut off, the a life? The answer is explicit: by meditating, both day and
people wept and mourned (Isa 15:2-3; 22:I2), even night, on the Torah of the Lord. The verb hiigiih, translated
gash.ed themselves (Hos 7: I 4), rolling in dust (Mic I: I 0), "meditate" (v 2), is also used for the growling of a lion as
puttmg on sackcloth, and rolling in ashes (Jer 6:26). While he enjoys his prey (Isa 3 I :4); the sense here is of the sound
these Community Lament psalms grew out of times of made as one studies the Lord's instruction in Scripture.
specific national need, their continued use indicates that This psalm thus suggests that the way to the kind of life
they ~ere appropriated and adapted for other sorts of symbolized by the tree involves delighting in and meditat-
situations. ing upon Torah, here referring to the Lord's instruction
The Individual Laments (see F. I below) arose out of a that follows in the Psalter.
variety of personal crises and must have continued to A second psalm with a concern for Torah-Psalm I9 (cf.
function in a great variety of life situations. Childless v 7, translated "law")-also refers to meditation, asking
Hannah poured out her heart in the sanctuary at Shiloh; that such reflecting and speaking be acceptable in the
her prayers probably used the language of the individual Lord's sight (19:I4).
laments. The priest says to Hannah, "Go in peace, and the Finally, Psalm l I 9 offers a lengthy treatise which speaks
God of Israel grant your petition .... "which may account of the Lord's Torah as a delight (v 92), of loving Torah (vv
for the abrupt change of mood in many of the laments (1 97, I I3, I63, I65), and of mediating (Heb sia?i, synony-
PSALMS, BOOK OF 526 • v
mous with hagah in 77:13-RSV 12) upon it all day (v 97). According to the Talmud, this is to correspond with the
The psalm commends reflection upon God's precepts (v five part division of the Pentateuch: "Moses gave Israel the
15), statutes (vv 23, 48), works (v 27), and promises (v 148). five books, and David gave Israel the five books of the
It seems likely that the two Torah psalms, 1 and 119, once Psalms" (Midrash Tehillim on Psalm 1). Each Book ends with
framed an early version of the Psalter (see D.2 below; see a. doxology, probably not an original part of the final
also Westermann 1981: 253). In any case, both suggest a psalm in each book, but an insertion made in the final
particular use of the psalms of which they are a part. editing (Pss 41:13; 72:20; 89:52; 106:48). Psalm 150 pro-
These ancient psalms of Israel are not only hymns and vides a concluding doxology for Book V and for the
prayers to be sung and prayed at a place of public worship; Psalter as a whole.
they are also Scripture, designed to nurture the piety of Book I is made up almost entirely of Psalms associated
the people in devotion and meditation. with David in the titles. Psalms I and 2 are introductory.
Psalm l 0 has no title because it is linked with Psalm 9 by a
D. The Book and the Books broken alphabetic acrostic pattern (see E.4 below). This
The Psalter in its present form consists of 150 psalms leaves only Psalm 33, which, though not having a Davidic
divided into five books. Editorial work included the collect- superscription, has clear links with Psalm 32: BHS indi-
ing and arranging of the individual psalms, the division cates that some Heb mss join the two psalms; 32: 11 and
into books, and the supplying of superscriptions or titles 33: l are linked by "righteous" and "upright," and Psalm
for 116 of the psalms. 33 may be regarded as carrying out the exhortation of
I. The Beginning and Ending. The editors of the psal- 32:11 (Wilson 1985: 174-76). The majority of these are
ter placed Psalms 1 and 2 at the beginning as an introduc- psalms of the individual; exceptions include 19 and 29,
tion to the collection as a whole. These two psalms may be which are hymns; 24, which is a liturgy; and 12, which is a
considered together: neither has a title; they are framed lament giving voice to the hurts of the community (v 7).
by the "blessed" formulas in 1: 1 and 2: 11 (the formula in Within Book II Psalms 42-49 are identified with the
2: 11 may be a contribution of the editor); and they are "Sons of Korah," members of a musical guild (2 Chr 20: 19;
linked by the catchword hagah, translated "meditate" in cf. also the Korah psalms 84-85; 87-88). Psalms 42-83
1:2 and "plot" in 2: 1. In Acts 13: 33, the 6th-century Greek (extending into Book III) are called the "Elohistic Psalter"
Codex D as well as a number of other witnesses introduce because of a preference for the divine name "Elohim"
Paul's citation of Ps 2:7 with "as also it is written in the first (RSV, "God") in contrast to "Yahweh." A comparison with
psalm," thus indicating either that Psalms 1 and 2 were psalms that have near duplicates elsewhere in the Psalter
considered as one psalm, or that there was a Psalter in is instructive. Psalm 53 is almost identical with Psalm 14,
existence in which the present Psalm 2 was the first psalm. but note the replacement of "Yahweh" in 14:2, 4, 7 by
As noted above (C. 3), Psalm 1 functions as an invitation "Elohim" in 53:2, 4, 6. Psalm 40 (13-17) is almost the same
to meditate upon the psalms which follow. While Psalm 1 as Psalm 70; the situation in comparing these two is more
has its focus on the individual ("Blessed is the man .... "), complicated. "Yahweh" of 40: I 3a, 16 is replaced by "Elo-
the focus of Psalm 2 is international because it speaks of him" in 70: la, 4; but "Yahweh" of 40: I 3b remains as
the nations, their kings, and the Lord's anointed king on "Yahweh" in 70: I b, while "Elohim" of 40: I 7b is replaced
Mt. Zion in Jerusalem. Since a psalm like 137 assumes the by "Yahweh" in 70:5b. In general, however, Psalms 42-83
Exile in Babylon, the final editing of the Psalter had to exhibit a marked preference for "Elohim," in comparison
have taken place sometime after 587 B.C. With the time of with the remainder of the Psalter. (In the 41 psalms of
the Monarchy past, Royal Psalms (see F.4 below) such as Book I, Yahweh appears about 275 times, Elohim 50 times.
Psalm 2 were no longer applicable to an actual king; In the 42 psalms of the Elohistic Psalter, Yahweh occurs 43
nevertheless, they were collected and continued to be used, times and Elohim just under 240 times. In Psalms 84-150,
providing the seedbed out of which grew the hope for a Yahweh again predominates.) The production of this
new anointed one (2:2), or in Hebrew, a "messiah." "Elohistic Psalter" suggests an editor preparing a collection
These two introductory psalms thus suggest a reading of psalms for use in the temple at a time when the name
of the Psalter for individual edification and also within an Yahweh was being used less frequently and was being
international context which included hope for a future replaced by the more general "Elohim." Book II ends with
king to take up rule from Mt. Zion. a collection of Davidic psalms (51-65; 68-70; 71 is unti-
After this introduction the Psalter begins with a series tled; as was the case with 33, BHS indicates that many Heb
of five psalms of lament of the individual (3-7); the bulk mss link it with the preceding psalm and that the LXX
of Book I (Psalms 1-41) consists of further Individual associates it with David). The note at the end of Psalm 72,
Laments. Moving toward the end of Book IV (Psalms 90- "The prayers of David, the son of Jesse, are ended,"
106), the sound of praise dominates with the Kingship of indicates that a Davidic collection once ended at this point.
the Lord Psalms (93; 95-99) and in a series of hymns This seems to be an editorial comment, since the title of
(103-6). With the beginning of Book V (Psalms 107-50) Psalm 72 associates it with Solomon and since 72 comes to
praise continues, up to Psalm 119 (109 is an exception); a definite ending in vv 18-19. The fact that Book II
and the Psalter concludes with five psalms of praise, each includes duplicates of psalms in Book I (cf. 53 and 14. 70
framed with "Praise the Lord" ("Hallelujah"). Thus one and 40: 13-17) might suggest that these two books once
can speak of a broad movement in the Psalter as a whole had a separate existence. However, it is possible that 72:20
from lament to praise. once referred to the contents of both Books I and II,
2. The Five Books. The Psalter is divided into five where the majority of Davidic psalms (55 out of the 73 so
"Books" (Psalms 1-41; 42-72; 73-89; 90-106; 107-50). titled) are concentrated.
v. 527 PSALMS, BOOK OF

Book III (73-89) contains only 17 psalms. Most of the Book I: Psalms I, 2, 10, and 33.
Community Laments (see F.l below) are gathered here; Book II: Psalms 43 and 71.
these include 74, 79, 80, 83, 85 (the others are Psalms 44 Book I II: all have titles.
and probably 12). The majority of these psalms are asso- Book IV: Psalms 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 104, 105,
ciated with Asaph in the titles (73-83; 50 1s the only other and 106.
Asaph psalm), referring to a musician from the tribe of Book V: Psalms 107, 111-19, 135-137, and 146-50.
Levi who was appointed by David to provide music when
the ark was brought to Jerusalem (1Chr6:39; 15:17-19; Psalms 10 and 43 do not have titles because they are linked
16:4-6) and who was present at the dedication of Solo- to the preceding psalms either by an alphabetical acrostic
mon's temple (2 Chr 5: 12). Asaph's family was still active pattern (IO) or by a refrain (43). Psalms 33 and 71 may
in music at the time of Josiah in the 7th century B.c. (2 lack titles because they are thematically linked to the
Chr 35: 15) and also at the time of Nehemiah and Ezra in psalms preceding them. The first two psalms themselves
the 5th century, furnishing trumpet players when the wall function as something of a "superscription" to the entire
was rebuilt (Neh 12:35) and instrumental music when the Psalter. Psalms 111-13, 117, 135, 146-50 all begin with
foundation of the Second Temple was complete (Ezra the imperative "Praise the Lord," which also may serve as
3:10). a title. In sum almost all of the psalms in Books I-Ill are
Book IV (90-106) also consists of 17 psalms. Here are titled; the great majority of untitled psalms are found in
gathered 6 of the 7 psalms that declare Yahweh's kingship Books IV (10 psalms) and V (18 psalms).
(93; 95-99). Other devices link psalms together: 103 and Much of the information in these titles consists of spe-
104 both have "Bless the Lord, 0 my soul" at beginning cialized musical terms which are no longer understood
and end; 105 and 106 both recite God's mighty acts in (for discussion, see Kraus 1988: 21-32). However, other
Israel's history, though with different emphases; and both types of information are also communicated.
begin with "O give thanks to the Lord" and end with The title for Psalm 6 may be taken as an example,
"Praise the Lord." Principles of arrangement here are thus indicating these various types of information.
thematic grouping and similarity of beginnings and end- (a) "To the choirmaster: with stringed instruments; ac-
ings. Book IV ends with a series of hymns (103-6), the last cording to The Sheminith." Here are directions for musical
one framed by "Praise the Lord" ("Hallelujah"). performance, addressed to the musical director. The phrase "to
Book V (I 07-50) is the largest of the five books, with 44 the choirmaster" (JPS, "for the leader") occurs in initial
psalms. Davidic psalms are grouped at the beginning position in more than a third of the psalms. Associated
(108-10) and toward the end (138-45). The unique Psalm with the notion of overseeing ("oversight," Ezra 3:8, 9), it
119, an acrostic with eight lines for each letter of the is understood to refer to the director of the choir. Refer-
Hebrew alphabet, is included here. Linked to Psalm I with ence may be made to the instruments to be used: "with
the Torah theme, it may have concluded an early form of stringed instruments" (4, 6, 54, 55, 61, 67, 76; cf. I Sam
the Psalter. Psalms 120-34 are a collection of "Songs of 16:16, 23, where the related verb refers to playing with
Ascent" (see C.2 above). Psalms 140-43 constitute a final the hand). Other instruments are sometimes referred to:
series of Individual Laments. Book V concludes the Psalter the RSV translates "for the flutes" in Psalm 5, but the
with a series of five "Praise the Lord" or "Hallelujah" Hebrew is not certain; and the expression, "according to
psalms, which may be viewed as carrying out the resolution The Sheminith" (Psalms 6, 12) means literally, "according
of 146:21(Wilson1985: 193-94). to/on the eighth," possibly referring either to the eighth
In conclusion, the locations of two types of psalms may musical pattern or to an eight-string instrument.
be noted. Royal Psalms are scattered throughout the Psal- Though the matter is debated, some of these musical
ter, especially at the beginning and ending of books. Psalm directions may refer to melodies, such as "according to
2 introduces the whole Psalter and Book I; Psalm 72 ends The Gittith" (8, 81, 84), "according to The Hind of the
Book II; Book Ill ends with Psalm 89. At the time of the Dawn" (22), "according to Lillies" (45, 69, 80), "according
final composition of the Psalter, the monarchy had long to The Dove on Far-Off Terebinths" (56), "according to
been an institution of the past. These Royal Psalms, distrib- Mahalath" (53, 88), "according to Do Not Destroy" (57-59,
uted throughout the Psalter, serve to keep alive the picture 75). "According to Muth-labben" (9), "according to Ala-
of the ideal king, or "anointed" (messiah; cf. 2:2; 45:7; see moth" (46), and "according to Mahalath Leannoth" (88)
G.5 below). are unexplained. Often the Greek translators did not
Psalms framed with "Hallelujah" appear at strategic understand these terms and simply transliterated them;
places. They may close a book (106) and the Psalter itself this same approach is taken in many instances by the JPS
(146-50) or come at the conclusion of a collection of translators.
psalms (Psalm 100, after the Kingship of the Lord Psalms, Two technical terms appearing not in the titles but in the
?3 and 95-99; and Psalm 135, after 120-34). In several course of the psalms are also unexplained. The meaning
instances a psalm framed by "Praise the Lord" is followed of higgaion in 9:16 is unknown; it occurs in 19:14 with the
by a psalm beginning "O give thanks" (106 and I 07; 117 sense "meditation" and in 92:3, translated "melody." Fi-
and 118; 135 and 136). nally, the meaning of"selah," which occurs 71 times in 39
3. The Titles. One hundred and sixteen of the 150 psalms (also in Hab 3:3, 9, 13) remains unexplained. The
psalms have superscriptions or titles in the Hebrew text Greek, where it occurs 92 times, translates it as diapsalma,
ranging from one word (98) to a lengthy comment (18)'. which means an instrumental interlude (see Kraus 1988:
The 34 psalms that do not have titles are distributed as 27-29).
follows: (b) "A psalm" indicates the type of composition. The He-
PSALMS, BOOK OF 528 • v
brew miz.m0r was translated in the Greek Bible as psalmos lim on Ps 1:2). An insert near the end of the Dead Sea
and has thus given·the name to the book. Miz.mor occurs a Psalms Scroll says:
total of 57 times and only in psalm titles. In 36 instances it
refers to a "psalm of David." Only in Psalm 98 does it And David, the son of Jesse, was wise, and a light like
stand alone. the light of the sun, and literate, and discerning and
Other types of compositions indicated in the psalm titles perfect in all his ways before God and men. And the
include the following: "Song" (sir) occurs in 30 titles, 13 Lord gave him a discerning and enlightened spirit. And
times with mizm6r (30, 48, etc.); the term may also be used he wrote 3600 psalms; and songs to sing before the altar
of secular songs (Isa 23: 16). In the title of Psalm 45 sir over the whole-burnt perpetual offering every day, for
yididot means "love song." "A Song of Ascents" (lit. "for all the days of the year, 364; and for the offering of the
goings up") is the title for each of Psalms 120-34, most Sabbaths, 52 songs; and for the offering of the New
likely referring to the "going up" to Jerusalem for festivals Moons and for all the Solemn Assemblies and for the
(cf. 122:4), and thus suggesting a translation such as "Pil- Day of Atonement, 30 songs. And all the songs that he
grimage Psalm." "Song of Praise" translating tehilla occurs composed were 446, and songs for making music over
in Psalm 145; the plural form provides the Hebrew title the stricken, 4. And the total was 4050. All these he
for the Psalter. It occurs only here as a title but within composed through prophecy which was given him from
psalms at 22:25; 33: 1; 34: 1; etc. "Prayer" translating tepill.a before the Most High (column xx vii, 2-11; Sanders
is found in the titles of Psalms 17, 86, 90, 102, 142 (and 1967: 137)
Habakkuk 3); also in the plural form in 72:20.
Several terms are not understood and are thus left Further individuals associated with psalms are Solomon
untranslated. Miktam occurs 6 times, always "of David" (16; (72 and 127), Heman (88), Ethan (89), Moses (90), and
56-60). Maski/ occurs 13 times, always associated with a Jeduthun, one of David's musicians (39, 62, and 77; l Chr
proper name and probably meaning "skilled or artistic 25: 1-2; 2 Chr 5: 12).
piece" (cf. 2 Chr 30:22)-Psalms 32, 42, 44, 45, 52-55, 74, (d) Other psalm titles include suggestions for the u.se of the
78, 88, 89, 142; it occurs once within a psalm, translated psalm. In surveying these examples, it becomes apparent
"psalm" (47:7). Shiggaion occurs in Psalm 7 and (in the that the titles are part of the history of the interpretation
plural) in the heading for Habakkuk 3. and use of the psalms. The content of Psalm 30, for exam-
(c) The title may also associate the psalm with an individual ple, identifies it as suited for an individual giving thanks
or group, in the case of Psalm 6, "of David." In these cases after experiencing healing; the title, however, suggests its
the Hebrew preposition Ii- appears with the name; since use as "A Song at the dedication of the Temple." Psalms
that preposition can mean "to," "for," "of," or "belonging 38 and 70 are designated "for the memorial offering,"
to," the sense of the title is not always clear. The preposi- Psalm 92 as "A Song for the Sabbath" (in the Gk transla-
tion le occurs in the expressions "to the choirmaster" (RSV) tion, Psalm 24 is designated for Sunday, 94 for Wednesday,
or "for the leader" (JPS) in 55 psalms, and in these cases it and 93 for Friday) and Psalm 100 "for the thank offering."
does not indicate authorship. The title to Psalm 60 includes the comment, "to be taught"
In the Hebrew text, 73 psalms include in the title, (JPS; RSV, "for instruction"); cf. Deut 31: 19; and 2 Sam
"liDavid." In 13 instances (3, 7, 18, 34, 51, 52, 54, 56, 57, 1: 18).
59, 60, 63, 142) the title associates the psalm with an event In sum, while the psalm titles were not parts of the
in David's life. In Psalm 18, the extended note identifies original psalms, they provide important clues to the his-
David as the author, "A Psalm of David, the servant of the tory of the interpretation of the psalms and to their use in
Lord, who addressed the words of this song to the the lives of the people both individually and in the com-
Lord ... " Since all of these events are recorded in 1-2 munity.
Samuel, these notes appear to have been provided by
someone searching for an appropriate setting for the E. The Poetry of the Psalms
psalm in the life of David as known from the biblical The chief characteristic of Hebrew poetry in the Bible is
account, thereby attributing authorship to him. balance or symmetry, commonly called parallelism. Bibli-
The biblical tradition depicts David as a composer of cal poetry is also marked by the use of repetition, a
psalms (2 Sam 1: 17), as a musician (I Sam 16: 16-23; cf. Ps fondness for alphabetical acrostics, and the employment
151:2, "My hands made a harp, my fingers fashioned a of metaphor and simile.
lyre"), and as the "sweet singer of Israel" (2 Sam 23:1); I. Balance or Parallelism. A line of Hebrew poetry is
since the 13 psalms associated biographically with David made up of two parts or cola (singular colon) which may
point to David as an author, it would seem that authorship be designated A and B. For example:
is the intent of the expression in many cases. But because
the meaning of the preposition is ambiguous, it is not (A) When Israel went forth from Egypt,
possible to identify specific psalms with David as author. (B) the house of Jacob from a people of strange
As the psalm tradition develops, the tendency is to ascribe language, (114: I)
more and more psalms to David; thus the LXX associates
(Hebrew/RSV numbers) Psalms 33, 43, 71, 91, 93-99, 104, In this example, "Israel" is balanced by "house of Jacob"
and 137 with David (though omitting mention of David in and "Egypt" by "a people of strange language." Since. the
the titles of 122 and 124), for a total of 85 Davidic psalms. balancing words and phrases are synonymous and smce
The Talmud thinks of him as the author of the psalms, the two cola parallel one another in meaning, this is caHed
just as Moses was author of the Pentateuch (Midrash Tihil- "synonymous parallelism." The book of Psalms, and m-
v . 529 PSALMS, BOOK OF

deed the entire Hebrew Bible, is full of this kind of A asks a question; B gives an answer:
synonymous parallelism (e.g., Pss 4:2-6; 8:4; 19: 1-2;
24: 1-3; etc.). See also PARALLELISM. (A) How can a young man keep his way pure?
Parallelism or balancing may extend to more than two (B) By guarding it according to thy word ( 119:9).
cola, with whole lines balancing one another:
A makes a statement; B balances with a quotation:
(A+ B) The precepts of the Lord are right, rejoicing
the heart; (A) I had said in my alarm,
(A'+ B ') the commandment of the Lord is pure, en- (B) "I am driven far from thy sight" (31 :22).
lightening the eyes (l 9:8; cf. vv 7, 9).
A sets forth something "better than" B:
In the examples given, the ordering of the words in the
balancing cola is the same. In Ps 114: 1 "Israel ... Egypt" (A) Better is a little that the righteous has
is balanced by "house of Jacob . . . people of strange (B) than the abundance of many wicked (37: 16;
language." This order may be represented as A+ B bal- cf. 118-8-9; 119:72; also Proverbs).
anced by A' + B'. The order may also fall into a chiastic
pattern, where A+ Bis balanced by B' +A' (cf. "When the A varies; B repeats:
going gets cough, the tough get going"). For example:
(A) 0 give thanks to the Lord, for he is good,
(A+B) His mischief returns upon his own head, (B) for his steadfast love endures forever.
(B'+A') and on his own pate his violence descends (A) 0 give thanks to the God of gods,
(7:16). (B) for his steadfast love endures forever (136: 1-
2 and throughout).
(A+B) Praise the Lord with the lyre,
(B'+A') with the ten-stringed harp make melody
to him (my trans., 33:2; cf. also 137:5- A makes a statement with an abstract noun; B sharpens
6).
the focus with a concrete noun:

It is also possible that B may stand over against A, stating (A) Therefore the Lord has recompensed me ac-
its opposite or standing in contrast to it. This is called cording to my righteousness,
antithetic parallelism: (B) according to the cleanness of my hands in his
sight (18:24).
(A) The wicked borrows, and cannot pay back,
(B) but the righteous is generous and gives; A states the whole; B balances with a part which stands
(A) for those blessed by the Lord shall possess the for the whole (synecdoche):
land,
(B) but those cursed by him shall be cut off (3 7:21- (A) For thou dost deliver a humble people;
22; cf. 1:6; 20:8; 32: 10, etc.). (B) but the haughty eyes thou dost bring down
(18:27).
Antithetic parallelism is especially characteristic of prover-
bial literature (e.g., Prov 10: 1-12; Eccl 8:4; 10:2, 12). A and B name two terms which mark boundaries in
Kugel has suggested that the most general way to de- order to designate a totality (merismus):
scribe th~ relationship between A and B in examples such
as these 1s the formula, "A is so, and what's more, B." He (A) The sun shall not smite you by day,
proposes a metaphor drawn from parliamentary proce- (B) nor the moon by night (l 21 :6).
dure to understand the relationship between B and A; A
is stated, and B then has an emphatic "seconding" charac- A may provide a simile, B balancing with the reality:
ter (1981: 51).
2. Other Relationships between A and B. The cola A (A) As a father pities his children,
and B may relate to une another in a number of other (B) so the Lord pities those who fear him
ways: (103:13; cf. 103:11-12; 42:1).

A makes a statement, B provides a reason: 3. Repetition. The psalms utilize a variety of forms of
repetition. A psalm may begin with a repetition, for the
(A) Blessed be the Lord! sake of emphasis:
(B) for. he has heard the voice of my supplica-
tions (28:6). My God, my God, why has thou forsaken me? (22: 1).

A repetition may conclude a psalm for the same reason:

A makes a statement; B balances with a question:
Wait for the Lord;
(A) For in death there is no remembrance of thee· be strong, and let your heart take courage;
(B) in Sheol who can give thee praise? (6:5). ' yea, wait for the Lord! (27:14).
PSALMS, BOOK OF 530 • v
The same word may stand at the beginning of a succession 4. Alphabetic Acrostics. A number of psalms are con-
of cola, again for the sake of emphasis: structed on an acrostic pattern, the initial letters of each
line following the order of the Hebrew alphabet. The
Surely every man stands as a mere breath! clearest examples are Psalms 25, 34, 111, 112, and 145.
Surely man goes about as a shadow! Psalms 9 and 10 together constitute a broken acrostic with
Surely for nought are they in turmoil. ... (39:5-6). some of the letters of the alphabet missing. Psalm 119 is
unique, an acrostic with eight lines built on each of the 22
An entire colon may be emphasized through repetition: letters of the Hebrew alphabet, for a total of 176 lines.
The acrostic form was probably chosen as an aid for
My soul waits for the Lord memorization (cf Prov 31:10-31, an alphabetical acrostic
more than watchmen for the morning, in praise of a good wife; in later Jewish tradition, recited
more than watchmen for the morning (130:6). by a husband to a wife), though it may also have been used
out of pleasure at the challenge of preparing such a
This emphasis may take the form of a refrain (42:5, 11; composition. See also ACROSTIC.
43:5; 46:7, 11; 49:12, 20; 56:4, 11; 57:5, 11; 59:6, 14; 5. Metaphors and Similes for God. A metaphor lets one
59:9, 17; 67:3, 5; 99:5, 9; 107:8, 15, 21, 31). reality stand for another, as in "the Lord is my shepherd"
A thematically central expression may recur throughout (23: I). A simile is a comparison using "like" or "as," for
a psalm, such as the sevenfold occurrence of "the voice of example, "my heart is like wax" (22:14).
the Lord" in Psalm 29. The Psalter is rich in metaphors for God. Most frequent
The same statement may begin and end the psalm, tying are those that portray God as a place of refuge, shelter, or
the whole together (the inclusio, or inclusion), as in Pss 8: l, protection. "Rock" as metaphor for God appears 21 times,
9; 118:1, 29; note also "Praise the Lord" in Psalms 106, translating Heb sitr and sela'. These are most often in
113, 117, 146-150; and how the "blessed" formula in 1: 1 expressions of trust in God. The word miSgiib, which has
and 2: 11 links these two psalms together as an introduc- the root sense of "being high" or "inaccessible," occurs
tion to the Psalter. thirteen times, translated as "stronghold," "refuge," "de-
In Ps 118:2-4 (cf. also 135-19-20), an initial colon A fense," or "fortress." The word "fortress" also translates
grows longer with each repetition, while coupled with a B mesuda, always occurring with other metaphors (18:2; 31 :2,
colon that remains constant: 3; 71:3; 91:2; 114:2). "Refuge," mab,seh, which has the
sense of shelter from storm and rain (Isa 4:6) or from the
(A) Let Israel say, sun (Judg 9: 15 ), is used as a metaphor for God eleven
(B) "His steadfast love endures for ever." times in the Psalms. The Heb miicoz is also translated as
(A) Let the house of Aaron say, "refuge," "stronghold" (27: I; 31 :2, 4; 37:39; 43:2; 52:7);
(B) "His steadfast love endures for ever." the sense of "protection" is clear from the expression
(A) Let those who fear the Lord say, "miicoz of my head" or "helmet" in Ps 60:7. God is named
(B) "His steadfast love endures for ever." "hiding place," "cover," "shelter" (Heb seter) in Pss 27:5;
31:20; 32:7; 61:4; 91:1; 119:114. The Lord is called a
In Ps 118:10-12, three A cola play upon the word "dwelling place" (90: I), "habitation" (91 :9), and "rock of
refuge" (71:3), all translating miicon. The sense of man6s,
"surround" and grow successively longer while the B colon
"refuge" (59: 16; 142:4), is a place of escape. Related to
again remains the same:
these examples that portray the Lord as protection is the
picture of the Lord as "shield" (3:3; 7: IO; 18:2; 18:30, 35;
(A) All nations surrounded me; 28:7; 33:20; 59:11; 84:11; 115:9, 10, 11; 119:114; 144:2),
(B) in the name of the Lord I cut them off! always in expressions of trust. The extraordinary number
(A) They surrounded me, surrounded me on every of such examples indicates that those praying these psalms
side; were a people hurting, looking to their God for help.
(B) in the name of the Lord I cut them off! God is portrayed as "king" in many psalms. The expres-
(A) They surrounded me like bees, they blazed like sions "God reigns" and "the Lord reigns" occur as part of
a fire of thorns; the Kingship of the Lord Psalms in 47:8; 93: I; 96: 10;
(B) in the name of the Lord I cut them off! 97: 1; 99: 1; cf. 146: 10. If one adds references to the Lord's
throne (9:4, 7; 47:8; 89:14; 93:2; 103:19), it is apparent
Note also the threefold repetition with variation of "the that "king" is a central metaphor for God in the psalms.
right hand of the Lord does valiantly/is exalted" (118: 15- God as ')udge" also occurs many times.
16). A number of metaphors and similes appear less fre-
· Repetition may serve a liturgical purpose. The opening quently. The Lord is "shepherd" for the individual (23:1;
words of a psalm are sounded, followed by a call for the 119: 176) or for the people as a whole (28:9; 80: I). The
congregation to join in; and the initial words are stated people may be portrayed as a "flock," implying the pict_u~e
agam: of shepherd for the Lord (74: I; 77:20; 78:52; 79: 13; 9:>:1;
100:3). The Lord is a farmer caring for a vineyard (80:8-
If it had not been the Lord who was on our side, 12) or feeding livestock (145:15-16). The Lord ma_y be
let Israel now say- called "my portion," the sense being that the Lord 1s hke a
if it had not been the Lord who was on our side ( 124: 1- share or portion of land that one inherits (16:5: 73:26:
2; cf. 129:1-2). 119:57; 142:5); closely related is the picture of the Lord
v • 531 PSALMS, BOOK OF

as "my cup," i.e., my share (16:5). The Lord is a "sun" Thanksgiving Psalm); human life is a mere breath or a
(84: 11 ). The Lord as "father" occurs in 68:5; 89:26; and shadow (39:5-6; 102:11; 144:4), or a puff of smoke
in the simile of I 03: 13. The Lord is a warrior (68: 1-2, 11, (102:3). The length of life is a mere handbreadth (39:5); a
17, 21-23; 89:!0) using nations as needed (60:7-8). The statement comparing the brevity of human life to that of
Lord may even be compared to a person awaking from a the beasts becomes a repeated element in a Wisdom Psalm
hangover (78:65). (49:12; 20). The Lord punishing the people made their
The Songs of Ascent (120-34) are rich in imagery. The days vanish like a breath (78:33), but their very imperma-
Lord is keeper and provider of shade (Psalm 121 ), builder nence was a ground for the Lord's mercy (78:39). The
and watchman ( 127: I), master and mistress (123:2), like a psalmist declares that he is not a permanent resident but a
nursing mother (131:2), or like the mountains providing guest, a sojourner (39:12; 119:19).
protection around Jerusalem (125:~)._ . . Finally, we note the metaphors and similes that the
ln some instances the metaphor 1s 1mphed by the action psalmists use for the wicked person or the enemy. The
of the subject. The Lord is an archer (7:12-13; 18:14; wicked sprout up like grass (92:7; in contrast to the righ-
21: 12; 38:2) firing lightning bolts as arrows (77: 17; 144:6). teous who are like palm or cedar trees, 92:12-13). But
The Lord is a bird whose wings provide protection (17:8; they are in reality as impermanent as grass (37:2, 20), like
36:7; 57:1; 61:4; 63:7; 91:4), a builder (102:25; 104:5), a chaff, dust, or the mire of the streets (I :4; 18:42). They
host (23:5), a knitter ( 139: 13), even a moth (39: 11). are as transitory as a dream (73:20). They are like trap-
6. Metaphors and Similes for People. Much of the pers, setting snares for the righteous (141:9; 142:3). They
imagery for people comes from agricultural life. The wear curses like clothing (I 09: 18). Especially frequent is
person who delights in meditating on Scripture is like a the comparison of the wicked to the lion (7:2; 10:9; 17: 12;
tree, firmly rooted and productive ( 1:3). The righteous 22:13, 21; 35:17; 57:4). They may also be compared to
are like the palm or cedar, flourishing and productive even bulls (22:12), dogs (22:16, 20; 59:6-7, 14-15), the wild ox
in old age (92:12-14). A family is blessed with a wife who (22:21), wild beasts (74: 19), a boar (80: 13), a serpent (58:4;
is like a fruitful vine and children sprouting up like olive 140:3), even bees or a blazing fire (118: 12). Their tongue
shoots around the table (128:3; in 127:4-5 children are is like a razor (52:2) or a sword (64:3); their words are like
called arrows in a quiver, affording protection to their arrows (64:3). One day they shall be shattered like a
parents). The psalmist trusting in God's love is "like a smashed rock ( 141: 7).
green olive tree" (52:8). Psalm 144 asks for God's blessing, The language in curses against the enemy is especially
including the wish that children "in their youth be like colorful: "May these lions have their teeth broken and be
plants full grown" (144:12). The picture of God's people defanged" (58:6). "May they disappear, like water running
as a vine is developed in 80:8-13 (cf. 44:2). away, like grass trodden down, like a snail disappearing
The relationship of the individual to God may be de- into the slime, or a birth that is aborted" (58:6-8). "May
scribed in terms of a sheep and a shepherd (23:1-4; they be as impermanent as smoke or wax before a fire"
119: 176); more frequently the whole people is described (68:2), or "as grass on a roof" (129:6). "May they be blown
asaflockofsheep (28:9; 74:1; 77:20; 78:52; 79:13; 80:1; away like whirling dust and chaff" (83:13). "Let them be
95:7; 100:3) or even as sheep ready for slaughter (44: 11, like a forest consumed by a fire" (83:14-15), "like dung
22). ground into the earth" (83: 10). "May their name be blotted
The fellowship of believers is as pleasant as an abun- out of the book of the living" (69:28). "May dishonor and
dance of expensive perfume or the cooling morning dew shame be their clothing" (109:29).
(133). The variety and vividness of the imagery in the Psalter
The complaint section of the laments is rich in figurative are evidence of the lively imagination that animates this
language. The one suffering may use comparisons from poetry.
animal life, calling himself a worm (22:6) or comparing his
situation to a vulture of the wilderness, an owl of the waste F. Types of Psalms
places, or a lonely bird on the housetop (102:6-7). His The psalms originated as Israel's response to the acts
~onging for the Lord's deliverance is more than the long- and words of God and, in fact, to what the psalmists saw as
ing of a night watchman for the morning (130:6); it is like God's inaction and silence. As such, they reflect the polar
the thirst of a person about to faint (63:1), of a deer experiences of human life: joy and sorrow. Joy brought
yearning for flowing streams (42:1), or of a parched land before God is praise; sorrow is taken to the Lord in the
!1ee_ding water ( 143:6). The present situation of the people form of the lament. With this, the fundamental themes
1s hke that of a dry creek in the Negeb (126:4). The running through the Psalter-praise and lament-are
psalmist describes .his personal distress as being poured identified (Westermann 1981 ).
om hke water, having a heart like wax, with his strength As literature that arose out of the varied situations of
~ned up .hke a potsherd (22:14-15). He is shriveled up human life, the psalms are as varied as human experience
hke a dned out wineskin (119:83), broken like a pot itself and cannot all be neatly categorized. Nevertheless,
(31: 12), lonely as a person who is deaf and dumb (38: 13- those coming from similar situations have similar features
14). His life is passing away like a shadow that disappears and can be profitably considered as a group. Lines of
at su!1down, or it will vanish as quickly as a grasshopper classification cannot always be firmly drawn, for example,
that is. shaken away (109:23). He may portray himself as between a "lament" and a "psalm of trust." (In the catego-
drowning (69: 1-2, 14-15; 88:7, 17). In several instances ries below, a psalm number in parentheses indicates that
the psalmists lament the brevity of life, comparing people the psalm only partially fits in that category.)
to grass or a flower (90:5-6; 102: 11; 103: 15-16, in a I. Laments or Prayers (Heb tepilld). The Community
PSALMS, BOOK OF 532 • v
Laments arose from times of national crisis. These include imperative makes clear the congregational setting for these
Psalms (12), 44, 60, 74, 79, 80, 83, 85, 90, 94, (108), 123, psalms. Following the call to praise (113:1-3; 117:1) are
(129), and 137; five of these are gathered in Book lll (73- reasons for the praise (113:4-6; 117:2), which may include
89). The typical elements in the community lament in- God's might and majesty (113:4-5) as well as God's mercy
clude: in caring for individual persons (113:6-9).
The theme of God's might as a reason for praise is
(a) the address (simply "O God" in 44: l; 80: 1-2); developed in those psalms which place particular emphasis
(b) the complaint in three forms, where the subject of on the work of God the Creator (8; 19A; 104; 148; cf. 139)
the verb is "we" (44:22, 25), "they" (i.e., the or on God's acts in history (78, 105, 106). A number of
enemy; 80: 12b-13, 16a) or "thou" (i.e., God; psalms celebrate God's work in both nature and history
44:9-14; 80:4-6a; 12a); (33; 65; 66; 114; 135; 136; 146; 147).
(c) the request for help addressed to God (44:23, 26; Some psalms are dominated by the imperative call to
80:la, 2b, 3, 7, 14-15, 17, 19); praise. Psalms 146-50 are each framed with the plural
(d) the affirmation of trust in God, which may take the imperative, "Praise the Lord!" The imperative to praise
form of recalling the Lord's previous saving acts completely controls Psalms 148 and, especially, 150.
(44: 1-7; 80:8-11); The hymns extolling the Kingship of the Lord ("En-
(e) a vuw to praise God when the crisis has passed (44:8; thronement Psalms") describe the Lord as King (47; 93;
80:18). 95-99); a number of these include the declaration, "The
Lord reigns" (93:1; 96:10; 97:1; 99:1).
Specific psalms can be considered against the background 3. Songs of Thanksgiving (Heb t6dii). Included here are
of this pattern of typical elements: Psalm 79 develops the Psalms 18; 30; 32; (34); 40:1-10; 66:13-20; 92; 116; 118;
request at length (vv 6-12), while Psalm 74 extends the they- and 138. These psalms originated as a grateful response
complaint (vv 4-8). The affirmation of trust is developed in to God for a specific act of deliverance, such as healing
74: 12-17; it can so dominate a psalm that the entire psalm from illness (30; 32; 116), which may be a physical mani-
can be considered a Community Psalm of Trust: 125, festation of unforgiven sin (32), or deliverance from ene-
(126). Psalm 60 adds a divine oracle to the typical elements mies (18; 92; 118; 138), or simply rescue from trouble
(vv 6-8). (66: 14). The title to Psalm 18 indicates how the origin of
The Individual Laments arise from a variety of situa- that particular psalm was understood at the time of the
tions of individual crisis. Included in this category are: Psalter's editing: "A Psalm of David the servant of the
Lord, who addressed the words of this song to the Lord
Book I: 3-7; 9-10; 13; (14); 17; 22; 25; 26; 28; 31; on the day when the Lord delivered him from the hand of
35; (36); 38; (39); 40: 11-17; 41; all his enemies, and from the hand of Saul."
Book ll: 42-43; 51; (52); (53); 54-59; 61; 64; 69; 70; These psalms assume the presence of the congregation,
71; which is gathered either for worship (30:4-5; 34:5, 8, 9;
Book Ill: 77; 86; 88; 118:1-4, 24, 29) or for instruction (32:8-11; 34:11-14)
Book IV: 102; and who hear the story of the deliverance (40:9-10;
Book V: 109; 120; 130; 140-43. 66: 16-19). There are hints indicating how these psalms
were used in worship: 118: 19-29 assumes a procession,
Like the Communal Laments, the typical elements in the while 66:13-15 and 116:12-19 point to a thank offering
Individual Lament are: accompanying the psalm. In Psalm 138 the worshipper is
in the outer court of the temple (v 2).
(a) the address (13:1, "O Lord"; 22:1, "My God, my At the heart of these psalms is the story of the deliverance,
God"); summarized briefly, "O Lord my God, I cried to thee for
(b) the complaint in three forms, with the subject "I" help, and thou hast healed me" (30:2; cf. 18:3; 34:4, 6;
(l3:2a; 22:2, 6, 14-15, 17a), "thou" (13:1; 22:1), 40:1-2; 66:19; 92:4; 116:1-2; 118:5; 138:3) and often
or "they" (13:2c; 22:7-8, 12-13, 16, l 7b-18); expanded (18:4-19, 31-45; 30:6-11; 32:3-5; 66:16-19;
(c) the request for help (13:3-4; 22: 11, 19-21); 92:10-11; 116:3-4,6-9, 16; 118:10-18).
(d) the affirmation of trust (13:5; 22:3-5, 9-10); A psalm of this type has been called a t6dii, Hebrew for
(e) the vuw to praise God when the crisis is past (13:6; "thanksgiving" ( 116: 17). The related verb, yadiih, occurs
22:22-31). frequently in these psalms and is variously translated:
18:49 (RSV "extol"); 30:4 (RSV "give thanks"); 30:9 and
When the affirmation of trust dominates, the psalm may be 138:4 (RSV "praise"); 32:5 (RSV "confess"); 30:12; 92:1;
called an Individual Psalm of Trust: 11; 16; 23; 27; 62; 63; 118:1, 19, 21, 28, 29; 138:1, 2, (all RSV "give thanks" or
131. "thank," but JPS "praise"). Westermann has argued that
2. Hymns or Songs of Praise (Heb tehilla). Included the verb yadiih should be translated "praise" (cf. JPS) rather
here are Psalms 8; 19: 1-6; 29; 33; 47; 65; 66: 1-12; 78; than "thank," and on that basis prefers to classify these
93; 95-100; 103-6; 111; 113; 114; 117; 134; 135; 136; psalms as "narrative praise of the individual" ( 1981: 25-
145-50. 30; 1989).
Many of these hymns begin with a call to praise in the A number of psalms express the praise and thanks of
imperative plural, summoning the assembled community the community or groups within the community for God's
to praise the Lord (33:1-3; 66:1-4; 100:1-3a; 105:1-6; blessings or for specific acts of deliverance. These may be
111:1; 113:1-3; 117:1; 135:1-3; 136:la; 146-50). This described as Community Thanksgiving Psalms (Cruse-
v. 533 PSALMS, BOOK OF

mann argues against such a category; 1969: 155-209). glory may come in." Those inside respond with the ques-
Psalm 67 expresses thanks for the blessing of a good tion, "Who is this King of glory?" and the first group
harvest (vv 6-7). Psalm 75 gives thanks for "wondrous replies, "The Lord, strong and mighty .... " (vv 7-8). The
deeds" (v I). Psalm I 07 tells four s~ories of deliver.ar:ce same exchange is then repeated in vv 9-10.
which are the basis for a refrain callmg for thanksgiving Three psalms include extensive words from the Lord
(vv 4-9, 10-16, 17-22, 23-32). Psalm 124 again tells a delivered in liturgical settings. Psalm 50 assumes a cere-
story of deliverance, summarized in the doubled "we have mony renewing the covenant (vv 5, 16). After a description
escaped" of v 7. Psalm 136 begins with t~e triple im()~ra­ announcing God's presence, including a word from God
tive "Ogive thanks .... " (vv 1-3) and contmues by reotmg delivered by a cultic official gathering the covenant people
God's mighty acts in creation (vv 4-9) and in history (vv (v 5), there are further words from God calling for genu-
I 0-25) as a basis for the refrain of every verse, "for his ine prayer and thanksgiving, instead of a mechanical offer-
steadfast love endures forever." ing of sacrifices (vv 7-15, 16b-23). The ceremony must
4. Royal Psalms. These are psalms composed for an have included a recitation of the covenant requirements
event connected with the life of the king. Included are (as v 16 suggests). Ps 81:1-3 is suited to a worship setting
Psalms 2; 18; 20; 21; 45; 72; 89; 101; 110; 132; and 144: I- on a "feast day." The main part of the psalm consists of
I I. Psalm 45 was written for a royal wedding. Psalm 2 was words from the Lord delivered by the proper official, here
intended for a king's coronation, a time when the vassal reminding Israel what the Lord has done (vv 6-7, 1Oa),
nations would be considering rebellion (vv 1-3). Psalm 18 recalling their past disobedience (vv 11-12), and calling
is a royal thanksgiving, in which the king expresses grati- for new loyalty and obedience (vv 9, 13). Psalm 95 appears
tude for a victory in battle (vv 6-19, 31-45 ). Psalm 20 is a to be connected with a procession (vv 1-2) which culmi-
prayer for the king's victory before battle; Psalm 21 gives nates in bowing before the Lord (v 6). Once again, a divine
thanks for answered prayers (vv 1-7) and promises future word spoken by a cultic official calls for obedience (7b-
victories (vv 8-12). Psalm 72 is a prayer for the king, l l ).
probably at the time of his coronation or at its anniversary. Psalm 68 refers to "solemn processions," described in vv
Psalm 89 is a lament, a prayer for deliverance from ene- 24-27, while Psalm 82 depicts a legal process where God
mies. ln Psalm 101 the king promises to rule with loyalty pronounces judgment on the gods making up the "divine
and justice. Psalm 110 again fits a coronation setting. Psalm council."
132 recalls the divine choice of the Davidic line (vv 11-12, Psalm 115 assumes a variety of voices. One voice (or
17-18) and of Zion (vv 13-16). In Ps 114: 1-11 the king group) asks the question in vv 1-2, and another answers
prays for victory. with vv 3-8; three groups are exhorted and then respond
These psalms originated during the period of the Mon- in vv 9-11; the psalm concludes with a word of blessing
archy and functioned during that period. After the fall of (14-15) and praise (16-18).
Jerusalem in 587 B.c., they took on another significance, Psalm 118 appears to have been connected with a cere-
projecting into the future a description of an ideal king to mony entering into the temple area (vv 19-20, 26-27).
come (see G.5 below). Psalm 132 may have been used in connection with a pro-
5. Songs of Zion. A number of psalms celebrate the cession reenacting David's bringing of the ark (v 8) to
Lord's choice of Mt. Zion in Jerusalem as the earthly center Jerusalem and thus celebrating the Lord's choice of David
of the Lord's presence. These Songs of Zion (for this title, (v 11; cf. the Royal Psalms) and of Zion (v 13; cf. the Songs
see 137:3) include 46, 48, 76, 84, 87, and 122 (cf. also of Zion).
132:13). These psalms declare the Lord's presence in As one of the "Pilgrimage Psalms," Psalm 121 appears
Jerusalem (46:7, 11), which is the city of God (46:4-5; to have been used as a liturgy for travelers, with those
48:8; 76:2; 87: 1-3), where beautiful Mt. Zion is located going on a journey reciting vv 1-2 and those remaining at
(48: 1-3). Ps 48: 12-14 suggest a procession around the city home speaking the words of encouragement and blessing
walls. Psalm 84 expresses the thoughts of one longing to in vv 3-8.
visit the temple, where even the sparrows find refuge (vv 7. Wisdom and Torah Psalms. Included here are
1-4; cf. v IO); Psalm 122 expresses the joy of a pilgrimage Psalms 37, 49, 73, 112, 127, 128, 133, and Psalms 1, 19,
to the city and prays for the peace of Jerusalem. and 119. One does not hear the tones of either lament or
6. Liturgies. Psalms designed for antiphonal dialogue praise in the Wisdom Psalms; for the most part, they are
or whICh associate liturgical action with the words of the not even addressed to God. Rather, they offer reflections
psalm are called Liturgies. Here may be included Psalms on the possibilities and the problems of life before God
15, 24, 50, (68), 81, (82), 95, 115, 132. Psalm 15 appears and advice on how best to live that life. In so doing, they
to have functioned as a liturgy for entrance into the temple are linked with the biblical Wisdom Literature (Proverbs,
area, with the worshipper asking the question in v 1, "O Job, Ecclesiastes). Wisdom Literature in the Bible is repre-
Lord, .who .shall sojourn in thy tent?" and the priest re- sented by two basic kinds of materials: the short saying (as
spondmg with the answer in vv 2-5, "He who walks blame- found in Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus) and the longer,
lessly, and. does what is right. ... " Psalm 24 is similar, with reflective essay or drama (Ecclesiastes, Job). Both types are
the worshipper's question in v 3, "Who shall ascend the represented in the psalms.
hill of the Lord?" and the answer in vv 4-6, "He who has Psalms 127, 128, and 133 are each made up of short
clean hands and a pure heart .... " Like Psalm 48, this sayings, reflecting on such everyday themes as piety and
psalm ~ppears to be associated with a procession, probably daily work ( 127: 1; 128: 1-2), the balance between work and
mcludmg the ark. Those outside the temple area make the rest (127:2), and the blessings of life together as a family
request, "Lift up your heads, 0 gates ... that the King of ( 127 :3-5; 128) and as a community of believers ( 133).
PSALMS, BOOK OF 534. v
Psalm 37 (an acrostic) presents the thoughts of an older this blessed man, has his love, the Law of God, always in
person (v 25) to one who is discouraged because of the his mouth, always in his heart and, if possible, always in
apparent triumphs of the wrongdoers. Psalm 73 deals with his ear (Luther's Works 14: 297-98).
the same theme, now in the words of one who had almost
lost faith because of the prosperity of the wicked (vv 2- The person who takes such delight in the study of
13); this psalm concludes with words of trust and praise Scripture-here the Psalms-is compared to a sturdy and
addressed to God (vv 21-28). Psalm 49 offers a meditation productive tree, planted by a river (1:3).
(v 3) on wealth and wisdom. Psalm 112 is again acrostic, The images evoked by Psalm 2 are in sharp contrast.
reflecting on the blessings of those who fear the Lord and The first psalm suggests individual meditation on the
the emptiness of the lives of the wicked. teachings of the Lord; the second uses the same verb,
Closely related are the Torah Psalms, which focus on the hiigiih, in reference to the plotting and conspiring of
importance of instruction or tora (Psalms l; 19; 119) in the nations against the Lord and the Lord's chosen king. This
life of piety. Psalm 1 introduces the entire Psalter by second psalm makes an abrupt move from the world of
commending meditation on the teaching of the Lord as private individual meditation into that of public interna-
the way to the blessed life, here imaged by a tree, deeply tional intrigue. Psalm 2 suggests that the devout and de-
rooted and prospering. Psalm 19 is likewise identified as a lightful study described in Psalm l takes place in a world
meditation (v 14). The first part is a hymnlike affirmation where "the nations so furiously rage together," where their
of God the Creator, and the second part revels in the armies dash one another to pieces like weapons of iron
desirability of the Lord's instruction (tora, testimony, pre- smashing clay pots (v 9). But this is also a world where the
cepts, etc.), described as "sweeter than honey." The acros- Lord is ruling through the Lord's anointed or messiah (v
tic Psalm 119 is unique in the literature of the Bible. After 2), and where the oppressed may find refuge with the
the introduction (vv 1-3) it addresses the Lord, praying Lord (2:12).
for insight into the wonders of the Lord's teaching (v 18). Taken together, these psalms set the tone and suggest
Again, it commends meditation and reflection on the the direction for reflection on the psalms that follow.
Lord's works (v 27), statutes (v 48), promises (v 148), and Those who engage in such meditation will find joy in so
instruction (tora, vv 97-105). Such meditation is a joy (vv doing, and will be well nourished and productive, like trees
97, 103) and furnishes direction for the walk of the be- planted by the riverside. But this theological reflection is
liever, pictured as a sojourner on this earth (vv 1, 19, 35, not done in isolation. It takes place in the context of a
105), even as a sheep who has lost its way (v 176). world where nations plot and engage in war, a world,
nevertheless, ruled by the Lord and where those who are
G. Theological Themes hurting can find refuge in God.
What do these psalms say about God, God and people, Consideration of these two introductory psalms suggests
and God and the universe? a procedure for organizing theological reflection on the
I. "The Tuaching of the Lord is His Delight." Psalms psalms that follow. First, what theological themes are intro-
l and 2 provide an introduction to the Psalter as a whole. duced in other psalms that speak of meditation on the
Psalm l speaks of meditating on the "torah of the Lord." Lord and the Lord's teaching (such as Psalms 19, 77 and
The Hebrew hiigtih, translated "meditate," denotes the 49)? What do the psalms say about God and the individual
contented growing of a lion anticipating a feast after prey (Psalm l)? Then, what do they say about God and God's
has been captured (Isa 31 :4), the cooing of a dove (Isa people in the context of the nations of the world (Psalm
38: 14), or the rumbling of thunder (Job 37:2). The notion 2)? What do the psalms say about the problems of those
in Psalm l is the sound one of reading, studying, and who are seeking refuge and who are suffering (2: 12)? And
pondering the instruction of the Lord as written down in finally, what about the Lord's anointed or messiah (Psalm
Scripture; since the book of Psalms is being introduced, 2)?
the reference is to reading and reflecting on the psalms. 2. "0 Lord, My Rock and My Redeemer." Psalm 19
This sort of meditation takes place "day and night" (cf. offers the results of meditation (v 14) upon the work of
63:6). The modern equivalent would be to speak of "theo- God in creation (vv 1-6) and upon the revelation of God
logical reflection" upon Scripture. in torah or Scripture (vv 7-13). The one who has been
This reading and reflecting is described as a delight (Ps
considering these things concludes with a prayer naming
l :2), using the same vocabulary as that employed to de-
the Lord, "my rock and my redeemer" (v 14). These two
scribe the delight of a lover with a beloved (Gen 34: 19) or
metaphors suggest two assertions about God that run
the preciousness of jewels (Isa 54: 12). Other Torah Psalms
also refer to the joy of the study of Scripture. Psalm 19 throughout the Psalter, especially the psalms ~f lament,
speaks of Torah, the Lord's written instruction, as "sweeter trust, and thanksgiving: God protects and provides secu-
also than honey, and drippings of the honeycomb" (vv 7, rity for the individual, and God delivers those who are
10). Psalm 119 says, "O, how I love thy Torah! It is my hurting from situations of crisis.
meditation all the day" (v 97). Luther catches the spirit of The final line of Ps 2:12, "Blessed are all who take
this delight in the study of Scripture in his comments on refuge in him," links with l: l but also points ahead to the
Psalm l: psalms which follow. Those needing ref1;1ge a~e those who
are experiencing crisis. The Psalter begms wit~ _a gather-
It is the mode and nature of all who love, to chatter, ing of prayers of individuals in such umes of cns1s, so_t~at
sing, think, compose, and frolic freely about what they the bulk of Book I consists of Individual Laments. IndlVld-
love and to enjoy hearing about it. Therefore this lover, ual Laments continue through the Psalter so that they
v • 535 PSALMS, BOOK OF

make up about one-third of the psalms, forming the nature, turning back the sea, sending rain, thunder, light-
backbone of the Psalter. ning, and earthquake (vv 16-18). In other words, the
What do these laments (and the closely related Psalms psalmist speaks of God as unique, as acting in the history
of Trust) assert or assume about God? A good number of of nations, and also as active in the events of nature. These
them portray God with pictures that denote s~curity for a themes are played upon throughout the Psalter, especially
person in a situation of distress_. !he largest s~ngle. group in the hymns (see F.2 above).
of metaphors and similes descnbmg God are m this cate- The most explicit OT statements declaring the Lord to
gory (see E.5 above). The psalmist asserts that God is a be the only God are found in Isaiah 40-44 (44:6-8; 45:5-
rock, a place of safety and security (18:2, 31, 4?; 19:14); 7; etc.). A number of statements in the Kingship of the
or he may pray that God be such a place of security (31:2). Lord Psalms, however, point in the same direction, declar-
In a number of instances, several similar figures are clus- ing that the Lord is king over the whole earth (47:2, 7, 8;
tered together, describing God as rock, fortress, shield, 95:3-5; 97:1-5; 99:2) and over heaven and earth (103:19-
horn of salvation, stronghold (18: 2) or as refuge, rock of 22), that other gods are mere idols (96:4-5), and the Lord
refuge, fortress, and rock (71: 1-3). To be "set ... high willjudge the whole earth (96:13; 98:9).
upon a rock" means to be in a place of security and hiding; These hymns celebrate what the Lord has done in
it is God who provides such a place (27:5). Common to Israel's history, telling "to the coming generation the glo-
these variations on the theme of God as rock is the trust- rious deeds of the Lord, and his might" (78:4). They
worthiness of God; in 91: 2 God is addressed as refuge and center on the events of the Exodus and leading through
fortress and then the statement is made, "my God in whom the wilderness (78; 105; 106; cf. also Psalms 75; 107; and
I trust." There are more metaphors and similes in this 124, which give thanks for specific acts of deliverance).
broad category than in any other, primarily because the The Kingship of the Lord Psalms cited above assert that
Psalter contains such a large collection of prayers coming the Lord rules over all the nations and is active in their
from individuals who are in a situation of crisis and who histories as well; note also other references to the Lord
need a person to help and a place where they can find judging the nations, such as 7:8; 9:8, 19; 58: 11; 82:8.
security. Some of the hymns celebrate the Lord's mighty acts in
The Psalms of Trust (see F. l above) speak of the Lord both history and in nature, including God's work in cre-
with a variety of imagery. The Lord is the place where the ation (33; 65; 66; 114; 135; 136; 146; 147).
hurting take refuge (11:1; 16:1; cf. 2:12). The Lord is a God's work in creation is the theme of another group of
shepherd who guides and comforts his sheep or a gracious hymns. The psalmists are astonished at the universe, "the
host who provides a banquet in the midst of danger (Psalm work of thy fingers" (8:3), calling the attention of the
23). The Lord is a rock, refuge, and fortress (62:2, 6-7), witness of the created order to the Creator (19: 1-6),
or like a mother providing peace and safety for a nursing reveling in the wonders of this earth ( 104), marveling at
child (Psalm 131). The Lord is even compared to a bird, the forming of an individual person (139: 13-18), and
under whose wings the faithful can find both security and calling upon everything that breathes to join in praise to
joy (63:7). God (148; 150). These hymns praise God not only for
These psalms assert that the Lord provides security, but creating the world and the universe, but also for maintain-
they also describe the Lord as one who rescues from ing and blessing that world (e.g., Psalm 104; cf. also Psalms
distress; in metaphorical language, the Lord is rock but 65 and 67, giving thanks for a good harvest and for
also redeemer (19:14). The laments describe a variety of blessings).
situations of distress: those praying may be ill (Psalms 61; 4. "Human Beings Are Like the Beasts That Perish."
32; 102) or lonely (102:7), harassed by enemies making Psalm 49 is another psalm explicitly offering the results of
false accusations (3; 4; 5; 7) or plagued by sin (40; 51; 130; "theological reflection," this time identified as "the medi-
see C. i above). The "request for help" sections of the tation of my heart" (v 3). This and other Wisdom Psalms
individual laments pray for deliverance out of such situa- deal with the great mysteries of life and death. These
tions. When deliverance comes, the psalms of praise and reflections are here offered to rich and poor alike (v 2).
thanksgiving tell the congregation the story of what God The writer of this psalm is being persecuted by certain
has done (30:2; 34:4) and invite them to discover God's persons who are wealthy (vv 5-6). Consideration of this
goodness (34:8) and to join in singing God's praises (30:4- situation leads to two conclusions. First, the wealthy cannot
5; see F.3 above for further references). buy eternal life (vv 7-9) nor will they take their wealth
3. "What God Is Great Like Our God?" Psalm 77 also with them after death (v 17); they will die, like all human
makes reference to meditating upon the deeds of the Lord beings, even those who are wise (vv 10, 18-19). Second
or, in modern terms, to "theological reflection." In this comes a more comprehensive conclusion, repeated as a
instance the reflection is done during a time of great refrain: human beings cannot survive their splendor but
P,ersonal difficulty, so that the psalmist can even ask, "Has are like the beasts that perish (vv 12, 20). There is, how-
God forgotten to be gracious?" (v 9). In thinking about ever, a word of hope: if humans cannot ransom themselves
what God has done, this psalmist makes a number of from death's power, God can and will do so (v 15).
assertions which are central to the theology of the Psalter. Other wisdom psalms also reflect on life's mysteries.
First, the God of Israel is incomparable: "What god is Psalm 3 7 is addressed from the perspective of age and
great hke our God?" he asks (v 13). Second, this God has experience (v 25) to those disturbed by the prosperity of
rescued the people of Israel from bondage in Egypt, the wicked (v 1). Such prosperity is only temporary (vv 10,
leading them through the sea and through the wilderness 12-13, 17, 35-36), and the wicked will soon come to an
(vv 15, 19-20). Finally, this God also has control over end (vv 2, 9, 20, 38). In the meantime, those bothered by
PSALMS, BOOK OF 536 • v
the inequalities of life should.not worry but be patient (vv wanted to take the trouble himself to compile a short
1, 7, 8, 34) and find their security with the Lord (vv 39- Bible and book of examples of all Christendom or all
40). Psalm 73 also deals with the problem of the success of saints, so that anyone who could not read the whole
the wicked, telling in an autobiographical fashion of one Bible would here have anyway almost an entire summary
who had almost slipped away from the community of the of it, comprised in one little book (Luther's Works 3S:2S4).
faithful because of that problem (vv 1-14; note vv 2, 13).
The psalmist kept the problem to himself, though it wore Bibliography
away at him (vv IS-16). In his ordinary attendance at Clements, R. E. 1976. One Hunared Years of OT Interpretation. Phila-
community worship (v 17), he gained perspective and delphia.
understanding, even the assurance that he was still with Criisemann, F. 1969. Studien zur Formgeschichte von Hymnu.s una
God and would always be so (vv 23-26). Finally, the psalm- Dan/died in Israel. Neukirchen-Vluyn.
ist claims God as his refuge and promises to continue to Gerstenberger, E. S. 1988. Psalms: Part I with an Introduction to Cullie
tell of what God has done (v 28). Wisdom Psalms also Poetry. Grand Rapids.
comment on the blessings of life in the midst of the Hayes, J. H. 1979. An Introduction to OT Study. Nashville.
community of worshippers (Psalm 133) and of family ( 127; Kraus, H.-J. 1986. Theology of the Psalms. Trans. K. Crim. Minneap-
128). olis.
5. "I Have Set My King on Zion." The theme of the - - . 1988. Psalms 1-59. Trans. H. C. Oswald. Minneapolis.
Lord's anointed or messiah is introduced early in the - - . 1989. Psalms 60-150. Trans. H. C. Oswald. Minneapolis.
Psalter, with Ps 2:2. Forming a double-psalm introduction Kugel, J. 1981. The Idea of Biblical Poetry. New Haven.
to the Psalter, Psalm 2 is closely linked to Psalm I, which Miller, P. D., Jr. 1986. Jnterpreting the Psalms. Philadelphia.
speaks about theological reflection or meditation. Rahlfs, A. 1967. Psalmi cum Odis. Gottingen.
Psalm 2 is the first of the Royal Psalms, scattered Sanders, J. A. 1967. The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll. Ithaca, NY.
throughout the Psalter. During the time of the Monarchy, Seybold, K. 1978. Die Wallfahrtspsalmen. Neukirchen-Vluyn.
these psalms functioned in connection with events in the - - . 1986. Die Psalmen: Eine Einfiihrung. Stuttgart.
life of the king. They articulate some extravagant hopes Westermann, C. 1980. The Psalms: Structure, Content, and Message.
for the monarch. He is described as the Lord's son (2:7) Trans. R. D. Gehrke. Minneapolis.
and firstborn (89:27), from the line of David (89:20-37; - - . 1981. Praise and Lament in the Psalms. Trans. K. Crim and
132:11-12; 144:9-10). He will be victorious in battle R. Soulen. Atlanta.
(21:7-12; 132:18; 144:10-11) and rule the nations of the - - . 1989. The Living Psalms. Trans. J. R. Porter. Grand Rapids.
earth (2:7-9; 72:8-11). Psalm 72 prays that the king might Wilson, G. H. 1985. The Editing of the Hebrew Psalter. Chico, CA.
rule with justice and righteousness (vv 1-4, 7), which Wiirthwein, E. 1979. The Text of the Old Testament. Trans. E. F.
means special concern for the poor (vv 12-14); that he Rhodes. Grand Rapids.
might bring prosperity and peace (vv 3 and 7, both trans- }AMES LIMBURG
lating Heb salom); and that he might rule forever (v S; cf.
4S:6). Ps I IO: 1 describes the king ("my lord") as seated at
the right hand of Yahweh, victorious over all enemies, also PSALMS, SYRIAC (APOCRYPHAL). The Syr-
identifying him as a priest (v 4). Many of these psalms iac Apocryphal Psalms are found numbered consecutively
speak of the king as being "anointed" (4S:7; 89:20) or as from IS I to I SS-subsequent to the canonical psalms-in
the "anointed" (2:2; 18:SO; 20:6; 89:38, SI; 132:10, 17). a 12th-century Nestorian manuscript of the Psalter in
After S87 B.C., there were no more kings in Jerusalem; Syriac. In all later Syriac mss where all five psalms appear
nevertheless, the extravagant hopes articulated in these together, these psalms are found in an order different
psalms remained and were projected into the future, de- from that of the oldest extant manuscript: l S l (also des-
scribing an ideal anointed one, a messiah, who would ignated as Psalm I), 1S4 (II), IS5 (III), IS2 (IV), and 153
finally bring about righteousness, justice, and salom. In this (V). These psalms are also found as filler material between
way these Royal Psalms became the seedbed out of which parts one and two of The Book of Discipline, a theological
grew Israel's messianic hope. The prophets picked up treatise by Bishop Elijah, a Syrian church father who lived
these messianic themes and developed them (Isa 9:1-7; during the first half of the I 0th century C.E. Three of
11:1-10; Jer 23:1-8; Micah S:2-6; Zech 9:9-10); and the these psalms (ISi, IS4, and !SS) are also found in the
NT declares that these promises find their fulfillment in Psalms Scroll from Qumran Cave 11 (l IQPs•). Addition-
Jesus of Nazareth, naming him the anointed one or (from ally, Psalm l S l is found in Greek, Latin, Coptic, Arabic,
the Greek Christos) the Christ (Matt 16: 13-20; Mark 8:27-
Armenian, and Ethiopic versions.
30; Luke 9:18-22; etc.).
Psalm IS l is found in Hebrew ( 11 QPs•) as two separate
Thus, the book of Psalms sounds the major theological
psalms known as !SIA and !SIB. The Psalms Scroll is
themes that run throughout the OT and carry over into
the NT. Luther perhaps understood this when he wrote badly damaged where IS IB is found, so that all that 1s left
the following as the introduction to his translation of the is the heading, half of verse 1, and a few letters of verse 2.
Psalms in his German Bible: The Greek and Syriac verses 6 and 7 seem to correspond
in theme to the heading of ISI8; however, Psalm 1518
[The Psalter] might well be called a little Bible. In it is was probably much longer than these two Sy~iac and Greek
comprehended most beautifully and briefly everything verses indicate. Psalm l S l in the later versions 1s depen-
that is in the entire Bible. It is really a fine enchiridion dent on the Greek. The Greek is an obvious conflation
or handbook. In fact, I have a notion that the Holy Spirit and condensation of the Hebrew !SIA and 151B, so that
v. 537 PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, OT

it portrays a drastic change in the text of the Hebrew. This The third stanza is a thanksgiving praise to God for the
change probably occurred in the Hebrew version. deliverance sought in section one, and experienced in
Psalm 151 A has undergone considerable controversy as section two. The psalm is biblical in style and theology and
to its translation and theology. Two verses of Hebrew 15 IA is difficult to date. This psalm probably arose during the
are absent from the Syriac and the Greek versions. Some 2d century B.C.E.
scholars posit that these lines were i~te.ntionally edited These psalms and their presence within the Psalms
from the original work because of OrphJC mftuences. From Scroll ( 11 QPsa) have been significant for the discussion of
this perspective the translation proclaims that the hills and the formation of the Psalter canon. Some scholars view the
the mountains do not witness to God, a nonbiblical state- Qumran Psalms Scroll as evidence of the slow formation
ment. Other scholars view the psalm as being very biblical and canonization of the last third of the Psalter. Others
in style and theology. In this view, the psalm forms a see the scroll as an example of an early hymnbook or
chiasmus in structure and theme, which provides a key to liturgical Psalter which existed apart from the history of
its translation and interpretation. The disputed verses are the Psalter formation. The psalms are also significant for
thus read: "Do not the mountains bear witness to me," or determining characteristics of late Jewish psalmody. Dur-
"O that the mountains would bear witness to me." It is an ing this period the breakdown in conventional psalm forms
au~obiographical psalm relating the praise of David after can be seen, and the use of borrowed biblical materials is
his election as king over Israel. The Greek and Syriac evident. Traditional structuring devices were still in use,
versions are not completely coherent. This psalm could be such as the alphabetic acrostic and chiasmus.
dated to the 6th century B.C.E., or earlier, on stylistic
grounds; but it contains certain phrases which suggest a Bibliography
later date. Baars, W. 1972. "Apocryphal Psalms." In The Old Testament in Syriac
Psalm 152, an individual lament, and Psalm 153, a according to the Peshitta Version. Pt. IV, fas. 6. The Peshitta
thanksgiving hymn, are both chiasmus, and relate the cries Institute. Leiden.
and thanks, respectively, of the psalmist upon the crisis of Pigue, S. 1988. The Syriac Apocryphal Psalms: Text, Texture, and
and deliverance from the threat of death. The psalms Commentary. Ph.D. diss., Southern Baptist Theological Semi-
imitate the autobiographical style of Psalm 151 A and deal nary.
heavily with the themes of death and rendering thanks. Sanders, J. A. 1965. The Psalm< Scroll of Qµmran Cave 11. DJD 4.
The psalms may have had Hebrew originals, but most Oxford.
likely, they were originally composed in Syriac imitating - - . 1967. The Dead Sea Psalm< Scroll. lthaca, NY.
the Hebrew style. Therefore, they can be dated much later STANLEY c. PIGUE
than Psalm 151A.
Psalm 154 could have been originally two independent
psalms (a call to worship and a thanksgiving hymn) which PSALTER. See PSALMS, BOOK OF.
were combined together by a redactor. If this is the case, a
remarkable cohesiveness existed between the two psalms,
enabling them to form a final psalm with a significant PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, OT. A modern collection of
degree of internal integrity. Some scholars argue for the ancient writings that are essential reading for an under-
unity of the composition of Psalm 154. If this is the case, standing of early Judaism (ca. 250 B.C.E. to 200 c.E.) and
the author took great care to compose a psalm which easily of Christian origins. Many of these documents were com-
could have been two individual psalms of integrity. It is piled or composed by Jews, while others were written by
possible that an editor composed a second psalm around Jews but eventually were expanded or rewritten by Chris-
or within a preexisting psalm. This alternative allows for tians. A few seem to have been composed by Christians
the integrity of an individual smaller composition without who depended with varying degrees on pre-70 Jewish
relegating the unifying elements to chance. In this psalm, documents or oral traditions. Almost always the Pseud-
"Wisdom" is personified, and the faithful praise of God is epigrapha are influenced by the so-called OT: many sup-
exhorted. Although the psalm contains no elements ply revelations reputed to have been received by persons
unique to Qumran, several phrases and themes are con- prominent in the OT; others are rewritten versions or
gruent with Qumranic ideas. The psalm may be Proto- expansions of biblical narratives; some are psalms that are
Essenian in origin. This psalm probably arose in the sec- occasionally modeled on the Davidic Psalter; and a few are
ond quarter of the 2d century B.C.E. compositions shaped by Jewish Wisdom Literature. Al-
Some scholars argue that Psalm 155 is the combination though these writings were composed long after Abraham,
of two smaller psalms. Within the psalm is found an Moses, David, Solomon, Jeremiah, Isaiah, Ezra, and other
alphabetic acrostic from he to pe. According to this view, famous men, they were often intentionally but incorrectly
the original acrostic portion from >atep to he was mutilated (pseudepigraphically) attributed to one of them.
and then inserted into another psalm. Other scholars Copies of jubilees, I Enoch, and the Testaments of the Twelve
provide a convincing argument for a unified psalm and Patriarchs were found among the Dead Sea Scrolls. These
argue that the acrostic can be seen from >atep to he with fragments enable us for the first time to date these and
minor reconstructions of the text, if one views the first related documents with some assurance. jubilees and I
stanza as containing shorter metrical units. The psalm Enoch clearly predate 70 c.E. The Testaments of the Twelve
contains three stanzas, which move from staccato cries for Patriarchs in its Greek and Armenian recensions is clearly
deliveranc.e in the first stanza to the repentant desire of Christian, but early Semitic fragments of some testaments
the psalmist to be taught God's ways in the second stanza. show that at least portions of this document are Jewish.
PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, OT 538 • v
Many Jewish documents in the Pseudepigrapha are linked 3 Enoch Apocalypse of Sedrach
in various ways with these writings or with the Dead Sea Si/Jylline Oracles 2 Baruch
Scrolls. They now can be reliably dated to the period Treatise of Shem 3 Baruch
before the Roman destruction of the temple in 70 C.E. Apocryphon of Ezekiel Apocalypse of Abraham
Since 1970 there has been a renaissance of interest in Apocalypse of Zephaniah Apocalypse of Adam
and appreciation of the Pseudepigrapha. Since then collec- The Fourth Book of Ezra Apocalypse of Elijah
tions and translations of the Pseudepigrapha have ap- Greek Apocalypse of Ezra Apocalypse of Daniel
peared in Danish, Japanese, Greek, modern Hebrew, Vision of Ezra
Spanish, French, Italian, German, and English. The docu-
ments in the Pseudepigrapha which are Jewish and early Testaments (Often with Apocalyptic Sections)
are probably our main source for understanding and Testaments of the Twelve Ti!stament of Moses
reconstructing the lives of Jews in Palestine and the Dias- Patriarchs
pora, especially before the destruction of 70. Testament of job Testament of Solomon
It is not possible to define "Old Testament Pseudepigra- Testaments of the Three Testament of Adam
pha." The modern collections represent a lack of consen- Patriarchs (Abraham,
sus regarding the contents of this collection. Most scholars Isaac, and Jacob)
throughout the world are not concerned about this failure
to define Pseudepigrapha. They do agree that some writ- Expansions of the OT and Legends
ings within the Pseudepigrapha are not pseudepigraphi- Letter of Aristeas Ladder ofJacob
cal, i.e., "falsely attributed" to another person. However, jubilees 4 Baruch
scholars agree that some writings in the OT and NT are Martyrdom and Ascension of jannes and ]ambres
pseudepigraphical, for example the Davidic Psalms, the Isaiah
Proverbs of Solomon, and the letters incorrectly attributed Joseph and Aseneth History of the Rechabites
to Paul, especially Hebrews, Colossians, and the Pastoral Life of Adam and Eve E ldad and Modad
Epistles. Pseudo-Philo History ofJoseph
The Pseudepigrapha can be described if we think about Lives of the Prophets
the canonical OT, which was not closed when the pre-70
Jewish documents in it were composed. Many of the writ- Wisdom and Philosophical Literature
ings in the Pseudepigrapha were considered by Jews to be Ahiqar Pseudo-Phocylides
as inspired as the OT documents. Since many of them 3 Maccabees Syriac-Menander
were full of prophecies, they were attributed to ancient 4 Maccabees
biblical heroes such as Adam, Enoch, Noah, Abraham,
Moses, David, Solomon, Ezra, and others who lived before Prayers, Psalms, and Odes
prophecy was considered by many Jews to have ended. More Psalms of David Prayer ofJoseph
The oldest Jewish documents in the Pseudepigrapha Prayer of Manasseh Prayer ofJacob
date from about the 3d century B.C.E. Others date to the Psalms of Solomon Odes of Solomon
period from 70 to 200 c.E., the dates assigned to the Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers
destruction of Jerusalem and the compilation of the
Mishna. The latest ones date from sometime after the 4th Fragments of Judeo-Hellenistic Works
or 5th centuries. Philo the Epic Poet Theodotus
It is not easy today to decide whether a document is Orphica Ezekiel the Tragedian
originally Jewish or Christian. Many early Christians were Fragments of Pseudo-Greek Aristobulus
Jews, and they interpreted scriptures and related docu- Poets
ments in terms of their conversion, especially their beliefs Demetrius the Chronographer Aristeas the Exegete
in Jesus. Sometimes they even edited Jewish documents to Eupolemus Pseudo-Eupolemus
specify how they were to be understood. The alterations Cleodemus Malchus Artapanus
are usually christological additions. Hence, it is unwise to
Pseudo-Hecataeus
exclude from the Pseudepigrapha a document that is
Christian in its final form since it may be an edited form
The documents in the Pseudepigrapha that are Jewish
of an early Jewish work. The Christian documents, or
sections of them, in the Pseudepigrapha usually date from and antedate the destruction of the temple in 70 C.E. are
approximately 100 to about 400 c.E., although Christians indispensable sources for perceiving the life and t~oug?t
frequently continued to alter the texts whenever they of early Jews in Palestine and elsewhere, especially m
copied them. Alexandria. They show us not a monolithic, closed, and
The most comprehensive edition of the Pseudepigra- orthodox Judaism but a variegated, open, and cosmopoli-
pha, OTP, contains 65 documents. The names of the doc- tan Judaism which was vibrantly alive and impregnated by
uments in this collection (all of which have separate ABD the thoughts in all the contiguous cultures, notably Egypt,
entries) and their broadly conceived genres are as follows: Persia, Syria, Greece, and Italy. In these writings, as in the
Dead Sea Scrolls, we are introduced to the ideas, symbols,
Apocalyptic Literature and Related Works perceptions, fears, and dreams of pre~ 70 Jews. Since .none
1 Enoch Questions of Ezra of them can with assurance be assigned to Pharisees,
2 Enoch Revelation of Ezra Sadducees, Zealots, or Essenes, it is wise not to describe
v • 539 PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, OT

early Judaism in terms of four such sects; rather we must Jerusalem. The Psalms of Solomon were written in Jerusalem
now think of many groups and numerous subgroups. sometime in the second half of the 1st century B.C.E. They
A good example of the influence of Wisdom th.ought on contain valuable insights into the social and economic
the apocalypses is found in the apocalypse attributed to problems facing many devout Jews.
Enoch: The study of Christian origins has also been revolution-
ized thanks to the study and appreciation of the Pseud-
Then Wisdom went out to dwell with the children of epigrapha and of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Not only synagogal,
the people, or rabbinic, Judaism, but also earliest Christianity (from
but she found no dwelling place. 30 to at least 70 C.E.) was part of and eventually developed
(So) Wisdom returned to her place out of the complex "Judaisms" which made up early Juda-
and she settled permanently among the angels. ism. What was seen as only the "background" of Christi-
Then Iniquity went out of her rooms, anity is now acknowledged to be part of the "foreground"
and found whom she did not expect. of Christianity. In particular, many of Jesus' symbols and
And she dwelt with them, terms, like "Kingdom of God," "Son of Man," and "living
like rain in a desert, water" are not to be attributed to the post-70 Church, as
like dew on a thirsty land (1 Enoch 42: 2-3; OTP). many distinguished specialists claimed; they are now
found in pre-70 Jewish works in the Pseudepigrapha.
This excerpt from the Pseudepigrapha discloses the The Pseudepigrapha poses a perplexing problem for
pessimism about the present condition of the earth. The many readers: Why did the authors of these writings
people reject Wisdom and willingly accept Iniquity, which attribute them falsely to other persons? These authors did
are not concepts but hypostatic beings (hence the capitali- not attempt to deceive the reader. They, like the authors
zation). of the Psalms of David, the Proverbs of Solomon, the
Another representative excerpt from the Pseudepigra- Wisdom of Solomon, and the additions to Isaiah, at-
pha is an account attributed to Enoch, who claims to have tempted to write authoritatively in the name of an influ-
experienced a journey to the heavens: ential biblical person. Many religious Jews attributed their
works to some biblical saint who lived before the cessation
And those men took me from there, and they brought of prophecy and who had inspired them. Also, the princi-
me up to the third heaven, and set me down there. Then ple of solidarity united early Jews with their predecessors
I looked downward, and I saw paradise. And that place who, in their eyes, had assuredly been guided by God
is inconceivably pleasant (2 Enoch 8: 1; OTP). himself. To place one's own name on a work was excep-
tional and ran against the tradition in the synagogue and
An interest in esoterica pervades pseudepigraphic writing. temple: wisdom was the result of God's guidance and was
Places, like paradise and the abode of the Rechabites, and often made possible through the devotion of a gifted
persons, like Adam, Eve, and Melchizedek-all of which teacher or rabbi. It is also conceivable that some of the
are mentioned in the OT with tantalizing brevity-are apocalyptic writers had dreams or visions in which they
often described in the Pseudepigrapha. These accounts experienced revelations given to Enoch, Abraham, Elijah,
often reflect the power of folklore in early Judaism. Ezra, Baruch, and others.
Like most early Jewish writings, the Jewish Pseudepigra- One Jewish apocalypse, Daniel is found in the OT; and
pha rarely mention "the Messiah." Some passages, how- one Christian apocalypse, Revelation, is in the NT. All the
ever, are highly significant for an assessment of this Jewish other early Jewish apocalypses are now placed in the
belief. One of the classic passages is found in the Pseud- Pseudepigrapha. OT specialists now observe scattered ele-
epigrapha: ments of apocalyptic thought in OT theology. The oldest
apocalypse, however, is not Daniel, which is dated around
See, Lord, and raise up for them their king, 165 B.C.E., but 1 Enoch, the earliest sections of which date
the son of David, to rule over your servant Israel from the 3d century B.C.E.
in the time known to you, 0 God. Jesus was influenced in some ways by apocalypticism. In
Undergird him with the strength to destroy the particular his concept of the Kingdom of God, his conten-
unrighteous rulers, tion that his own day was the end of time, and his belief
to purge Jerusalem from gentiles that God was rapidly moving to act dynamically in the
who trample her to destruction .... present were all shaped in some ways by Jewish apocalyptic
And he will purge Jerusalem thought. Many specialists on Paul now emphasize that he
(and make it) holy as it was even from the beginning. was profoundly shaped by Jewish apocalypticism. Christi-
anity was shaped early by the visions and dreams of apo-
There will be no unrighteousness among them in his calypticism. Hence, we can grasp the significance of the
days, Pseudepigrapha for NT research.
for all shall be holy, Finally, it is essential to state that the Pseudepigrapha is
and their king shall be the Lord Messiah (Ps. Sol. a modern collection. It is neither closed nor a canon. Many
17:21-32; OTP). of the writings in it were, of course, as influential in Jewish
circles (especially before the end of the Bar Kokhba revolt
The Messiah shall not be a militant hero in the normal in 135 c.E.) and in Christian circles (especially before the
sense, for "he will not rely on horse and rider and bow .... " Council at Nicea in 325 c.E.) as the writings later canon-
The gentiles who are hated are those "who trample" down ized. Many early Jews and many of the earliest Christians
PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, OT 540. v
considered these documents infallible and full of divine lsa~ah 40-66 was not written by the 8th-century prophet
revelation. For further information see APOT, JSHRZ, and Isaiah. Many NT documents are also technically pseud-
H]P2 3/1 and 3/2. epigraphical, including the gospels attributed to the apos-
tles Matthew and John. For example, John 7:53-8: 11 and
Bibliography chap. 21 are certainly not by the author of the rest of the
Caquot, A., ed. 1985. La liuerature interestamentaire. l"aris. gospel. Likewise several epistles traditionally ascribed to
Charlesworth, J. H. 1981. The Psrudepigrapha and Modern Research Paul, including Ephesians, 1 and 2 Timothy, Titus, and
with a Supplement. SBLSCS 7S. Chico, CA. possibly 2 Thessalonians, are pseudepigraphical.
- - , ed. 1985. The OT Psrudepigrapha and the NT. SNTSMS 54. A large number of writings of early Judaism (ca. 250
Cambridge. Repr. 1987. · B.C.E.-200 C.E.) are also pseudepigraphical, including most
Denis, A.-M. 1970. Introduction aux pseudepigraphes grecs d'Ancien of the OT Pseudepigrapha and numerous Qumran Scrolls
Testament. SVTP I. Leiden. (cf. the Prayer of Nabonidus and the Apocryphal Psalms
Diez Macho, A., ed. 1982-89. Apocrifos del Amiguo Testamento. 5 vols. [l lQPs3 ]). During this formative period, for example,
Madrid. more than five significant collections of writings, many of
Dupont-Sommer, A., and Philonenko, M., eds. 1987. La Bible: them composite, were attributed to the antediluvian sage
Ecrits intertestamentaires. l"aris. Enoch. In early Christianity, an abundance of writings
Jonge, M. de, ed. 1985. Outside the OT. Cambridge. were ascribed to OT figures like Solomon; the Odes of
Leaney, A. R. C. 1984. The Jewish and Christian World: 200 B.C. to Solomon are a collection of hymns composed probably by a
A.D. 200. Cambridge. convert from Judaism to Christianity, perhaps in the early
Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 1981. Jewish Literature between the Bible and the 2d century C.E., but attributed to the famous son of David.
Mishnah. Philadelphia. Other early Christian compositions were associated pseud-
Russell, D.S. 1987. The OT Pseudepigrapha. Philadelphia. epigraphically with Mary, Paul, Peter, and most of the
Sacchi, P., ed. 1981-89. Apocrifi dell'Antico Testamento. 2 vols. Turin. leading characters in the NT, including Jesus. These works
Sparks, H. F. D., ed. 1984. The Apocryphal OT. Oxford. are collected into the NT Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha.
Stone, M. E. 1980. Scriptures, Sects and Visions. Philadelphia. Thus "pseudepigraphy" covers a wide range of writings,
- - . 1984.Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period. CRINT 2/2. extending from texts included in the canon, to those that
Assen and Philadelphia. may be closely tied to the Bible, to those that were gener-
JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH ated by other ideological (usually social) concerns. Many
of the latter texts postdate the establishment of Christian-
ity as the religion of the Roman Empire and the closing of
PSEUDO-. Falsely attributed names may be found un- the canon of biblical books.
der the second element of the name; for example: EU- To clarify the use of "pseudepigraphy" as applied to
POLEMUS, PSEUDO-; HEGESIPPUS, PSEUDO-; PHILO, books related to the Bible and antedating 325 c.E. and the
PSEUDO-. Council of Nicea, it is helpful to observe seven interrelated
literary categories: (1) works not by an author but probably
containing some of his own phrases or thoughts (the oldest
PSEUDONYMITY AND PSEUDEPIGRA- psalms in the Psalter that may be in some ways Davidic, 2
PHY. Scholars employ the term "pseudonymity" to spec- Thessalonians, Ephesians, and perhaps Colossians);
ify a fictitious name placed on a document, either origi- (2) documents by an author, perhaps a pupil, who was
nally by the author or during transmission by a copyist. genuinely inspired by the person to whom the work is
The term derives from the Gk pseudonymous, which means attributed (l Peter, and perhaps James); (3) compositions
"under a false name." Similarly "pseudepigraphy" denotes influenced by earlier works by an author to whom they are
the incorrect (i.e., false) attribution of authorship to fa- connected (Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah) or assigned (1 Tim-
mous persons. This term derives from two Greek words: othy, 2 Timothy, Titus); (4) writings attributed to a person
pseud, "false," and epigraphos, "superscription." Emphasis but deriving from later circles of schools of learned indi-
must be placed on the fact that scholars judge only the viduals (Lamentations, Proverbs, Wisdom of Solomon,
titles to be "false"; the writings themselves can be invalu-
Psalms of Solomon, 1 Enoch, 2 Enoch, 3 Enoch, all the works
able. in the Ezra cycle [viz., 4 Ezra], Matthew, John, and virtually
In the 2d century c.E. Serapion employed ta pseudepig-
all the apocryphal gospels); (5) Christian writings attrib-
rapha (cf. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 6.12) to denote documents
uted by their authors to an OT personality (Testament oj
he considered falsely attributed to a NT author. Occasion-
Adam, Odes of Solomon, Apocalypse of Elijah, Ascension oj
ally specialists use the same term to denote writings incor-
rectly attributed to nonbiblical authors such as Socrates, Isaiah); (6) once anonymous works now incorrectly attrib-
Pythagoras, and Philo of Alexandria; but more frequently uted to someone (Hebrews is sometimes falsely attributed
they employ it to describe a large number of noncanonical to Paul); and (7) compositions that intentionally try to
texts that were improperly attributed, either originally or persuade the reader to think the author is someone fa-
subsequently, to a person mentioned in the Bible or to an mous (Psalms 151; 2 Peter [in a deceptive manner)). Such
author of one of the biblical books. However, it is the case varieties of pseudepigraphy must be perceived. For many
that some books in the OT are pseudepigraphical in the early Jews and Christians it was considered proper to
strict sense even though the term is not employed to attribute a thought or a document to someone w?o had
describe them; for example, the Psalms were not com- inspired them; they employed no footnotes to hide the
posed by David, Proverbs was not created by Solomon, and fact that almost all thoughts are derivative, especially when
v • 541 PTOLEMY

the source for a composition is God's words recorded in - - , ed. 1983-85. The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 2 vols. Gar-
Scripture. den City.
By at least 250 B.C.E. pseudepigraphy was the norm for Charlesworth, J. H., and Mueller, J. R. 1987. The New Testament
writing in biblically inspired groups. While some of the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. ALTA Bibliography Series 17.
intracanonical works are anonymous (the Pentateuch and Metuchen, NJ.
the complex writings woven together in these books, Acts, Donelson, L. R. 1986. Pseudepigraphy and Ethical Argument in the
Hebrews), many others are pseudonymous or incorrectly Pastoral Epistles. Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theo-
attributed to someone. Many of the Jewish works related logie 22. Tiibingen.
to the Bible and placed within the Qumran Scrolls, the Goodspeed, E. J. 1937. Pseudonymity and Pseudepigraphy in Early
Apocrypha, and the Pseudepigrapha of the OT are attrib- Christian Literature. Pp. 169-88 in New Chapters in New Testa-
uted falsely to others for several reasons; for example, the ment Study. New York.
reverence for biblical heroes and the creative thoughts Meade, D. 0. 1986. Pseudonymity and Canon. WUNT 39. Tiibingen.
their lives and traditions evoked in Jewish culture and Metzger, B. M. 1972. Literary Forgeries and Canonical Pseudepig-
within the individual author, the legendary accretion to rapha.]BL 91: 3-14.
biblical lore and the human need to fill in missing details JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH
in a cherished story (as in the Genesis Apocryphon and
Pseudo-Philo), and especially the pervasive contention that
prophecy had ceased (but cf. the Pesher of Habakkuk 7). PTOLEMAIS (PLACE) [Gk Ptolemaeis]. See ACCO
In a later period many works are attributed to outstand- (PLACE).
ing people in the NT because of the reverence for them
and the contention that the new revelation was only au-
thoritative when linked with the first generation of Jesus' PTOLEMY (PERSON) [Gk Ptolemaios]. A name of Mac-
followers. Extracanonically, for example, numerous works edonian origin (Gk ptolemaios "warlike") borne by the foun-
were incorrectly attributed to Paul or claimed to contain der and, as a dynastic name, by all subsequent rulers of
authentic data about him, including 3 Corinthians, the the line of Greek-speaking kings who ruled Egypt after
Epistle to the Alexandrians, the Epistle to the Laodiceans, the the death of Alexander the Great (323 a.c.) until the
Epistles of Paul and Seneca, the Apocalypse of Paul, the Vision country's annexation by Rome (30 B.C.). Hence the line is
of Paul, the Acts of Paul, the Martyrdom of Paul, and the known as the Ptolemaic dynasty; the period of its rule is
Martyrdom of Peter and Paul. Documents were also falsely often referred to as the Ptolemaic period; and the kings
attributed to Peter, namely, the Apocalypse of Peter, the are usually referred to as the Ptolemies. They are of
Gospel of Peter, the Preaching of Peter, the Acts of Peter, the biblical interest because the struggles of the earlier Ptole-
Acts of Andrew and Peter, and the Martyrdom of Peter. For the mies with the Seleucid kings of Syria for control of Pales-
first time, however, perhaps beginning around the mid-2d tine led them into close contact with the Jews, toward
century C.E., interest in Jesus' mother gave rise to many whom they were generally well-disposed. Moreover, their
pseudepigrapha of Mary, notably the Birth of Mary, the promotion of Alexandria as a center of literature and
Gospel of the Birth of Mary, the Passing of Mary, the Questions scholarship was to have a profound effect upon the devel-
of Mary, the Apocalypse of the Virgin, the Assumption of the opment of scholarship and learning in the early Christian
Virgin, and the Captic Lives of the Virgin. church because the Church Fathers in essence adopted the
Early biblical exegesis in Christian circles frequently scholarly methods of the classical tradition while rejecting
took the form of pseudepigraphy. Dogma, curiosity, apol- its pagan content.
ogetics, and especially the need to fill in gaps in the history Fifteen kings and many persons outside the Ptolemaic
of the drama of salvation gave rise to legends, storytelling, royal house bore this popular name. Only those most
and pseudepigraphy; all of these forces need to be distin- relevant to the study of the Bible are treated here.
guished. Some of the pseudepigraphical works were pro- 1. Ptolemy I Soter ("savior") (323 [king from 305 a.c.]-
duced by learned and gifted scholars; all of them are 282 a.c.). Born ca. 367/366 B.C., son of the Macedonian
essential reading for a balanced view of the biblical world general Lagus (hence the alternative name Lagidae for
from 250 B.C.E., the probable time when the first works members of the dynasty) and Arsinoe, perhaps a concu-
were composed in the name of Enoch, to 325 c.E., when bine of Philip II of Macedon. After a distinguished career
the first Christian Council convened at Nicea. as one of the generals of Alexander the Great, he became
satrap of Egypt in 323 B.c. and consolidated his position
Bibliography by hijacking Alexander's body, en route to burial in Mace-
donia, and taking it to Egypt. In 3 I 9 B.c. he seized Jerusa-
Aland, L. 1965. The Problem of Anonymity and Pseudonymity in
lem on the Sabbath (Ant 12.1.I §§3-4) in a first unsuccess-
Christian Literature of the First Two Centuries. Pp. 10-13 in
ful attempt to annex Palestine and Coele-Syria. The Jews
The Aulhorship and Integrity of the New Testament. Theological
taken as prisoners of war on this occasion formed the
Collections 4. London.
nucleus of what was to become a large and important
Brox'. N. 1975. Falsche Verfasserangaben: Zur Erk/ii.rung der friihchrist- Jewish community in Alexandria, with its own citizen rights
luhen Pseudepig-raphze. SBS 79. Stuttgart. and quarter of the city (/W 2.18.7 §§487-88). See ALEX-
- - , ed: 1977. Pseudepigraphu in der Heindnischen und ]Udisch- ANDRIA. They were followed later in Ptolemy's reign by
Chnstluhen Antike. Wege der Forschung 484. Darmstadt. many others who came as free settlers or mercenaries
Charlesworth, ]. H. 1985. The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the (AgAp 1.22 §186; Ant 12.1.1 §§7-9; Let. Aris. 12-14).
New Testament. SNTSMS 54. Cambridge. Subsequent struggles for power among the Diadochi
PTOLEMY 542 • v
(successors to Alexander) found Ptolemy giving refuge to interference in the Chremonidean War (267-261 e.c.)
Seleucus when he fled Babylon in 315 B.C. (Dan 11 :5 refers between the Macedonians and Athens and Sparta may have
to Seleucus as "one of his princes") and allied with Ptolemy led to an Egyptian naval defeat by the Macedonians (261
against Antigonus, whose forces he defeated at Gaza in B.c.), while a challenge to Antiochus II soon after the
312 B.C. However, the tables were turned in 306 B.c., when latter's accession only resulted in Ptolemy"s losing territory
the Egyptian fleet was routed by Antigonus off Salamis in in Asia Minor (Second Syrian War, 260-253[?] e.c.).
Cyprus and Ptolemy's attempts to establish a presence Within Egypt, Ptolemy promoted the spread of Helleni-
outside Egypt were temporarily halted. zation and increased the country's prosperity by establish-
He declared himself king in 305/304 B.c. (the title Soter ing Greek settlements (cleruchies) and bringing new areas
was acquired from his defense of the Rhodians in 306 under cultivation, particularly in the Fayum; and it was he
B.c.). After Antigonus had been defeated and killed at who established the Ptolemaic ruler cult (both he and
Ipsus (301 B.c.), Ptolemy (although he had not been pres- Arsinoe were proclaimed gods in 272/271 B.c.). He is
ent) at last contrived to occupy Palestine and Code-Syria chiefly remembered, however, for his generous patronage
(the cause of the five Syrian Wars between the Ptolemies of science and the arts. The most notable results were a
and the Seleucids over the course of the 3d century B.c.). renaissance in Greek literature, with the work of the poets
Later he got control also of Cyprus, the Aegean islands, Apollonius of Rhodes, Callimachus, and Theocritus and
and the S part of Asia Minor. In March/April 285 B.C. he the establishment of Alexandria as the new cultural capital
took Ptolemy II, his son by his third wife Berenice, into of the Greek world. Yet along with his generosity toward
co-regency with him (his eldest son Ptolemy Ceraunus, by the arts and sciences (in which he appears to have had a
his second wife Eurydice, having been excluded at the time genuine interest), Ptolemy combined a vulgar and sensual
of Ptolemy's remarriage). He died in the first half of 282 extravagance. He is just as noted for the many mistresses
B.C. he kept, his love of ostentatious display, and the magnifi-
Tenacious in pursuit of his political objectives, Ptolemy cence of the court he established (an expense which the
was also a skilled organizer (laying down the main features evidence suggests was beginning to impoverish Egypt in
of the Ptolemaic government of Egypt) and a person of the last years of his reign).
learning in his own right. The (now lost) account he wrote 3. Ptolemy III Euergetes I ("benefactor") (246-222 e.c.).
late in life of the campaigns of Alexander the Great, Born ca. 284 B.C., oldest son of Ptolemy II and his first
although not widely read later, was admired by Arrian, wife Arsinoe I. His marriage to Berenice II, daughter of
who used it as a source. It was he, too, who was responsible Magas of Cyrene, resulted in the unification of Cyrenaica
for founding the famous museum and library in Alexan- and Egypt. His reign began with an invasion of Syria and
dria, after he moved the capital there from Memphis (ca. its territories in reprisal for the murder of his sister Bere-
313 B.C.), and for establishing there the worship of Serapis, nice, wife of Antiochus II (Third Syrian [or Laodicean]
a Greek interpretation of Osiris, the patron god of Mem- War, 246-241 B.C., alluded to in Dan 11:7-9). Although
phis in his incarnation as the Apis bull. he is said to have advanced as far as Bactria, his success
2. Ptolemy II Phila,delphu.s ("sister-loving," 282-246 B.C.). was to be shortlived when Seleucus II combined with his
Born in 308 B.C., son of Ptolemy I, with whom he was co- brother Antiochus Hierax to force him to come to terms.
regent from 285 B.C., and Berenice. Married to Arsinoe I, Ptolemy did, however, gain some territory in Asia Minor
daughter of Lysimachus (ca. 289/288 B.c.), he later di- and Thrace. On his return to Egypt, he is said to have
vorced her and married (ca. 279-274 B.c.) his full sister offered sacrifice in Jerusalem (AgAp 2.5 §48).
Arsinoe II, whom he associated with him as co-ruler. Ptolemy's return had been prompted by a native Egyp-
Hence his title Philadelphus ("brother/sister-loving"), orig- tian uprising, the result of Ptolemy II's extravagance hav-
inally a cult title of Arsinoe but applied later also to ing been compounded by the economic strain of the Syrian
Ptolemy himself. War and a series of poor Nile floods. Over the next decade
Overseas, his initial conflict with Antiochus I of Syria, Ptolemy's policy of reconciliation, shown in concessions to
who was challenging for control of Asia Minor (280/279 the Egyptian priesthoods and a generous program of
B.c.), was followed by the First Syrian War (274-27 l e.c.) temple building and restoration (the Horus temple at
over Palestine and Coele-Syria. Details are unclear except Edfu, begun in 237 B.c., was his foundation), did much tc
that Ptolemy retained control of these areas. The result
restore the country's prosperity. In the 220s B.C. Ptolem}
was that the way was now open for the gradual exposure
began to look overseas again, assisting Athens ~fter he1
of the Jews to Greek ideas and institutions; Ptolemy was
liberation from Macedon (228 e.c.) and finanoally sup-
responsible for the foundation there of Philoteria on the
porting Cleomenes II I of Sparta for a period against
Lake of Galilee, the Hellenization of Philadelphia on the
site of Rabbath-Ammon (modern Amman) (Jerome, Com- Aratus of Sicyon (ca. 225-222 B.c.). He died probably late
mentary on Ezek 25:1-7), and the renaming of Acre in in 222 B.C.
Phoenicia as Ptolemais. His generous treatment of the Jews 4. Ptolemy IV Phifopator ("father-loving") (222-204 e.c.)
is also reflected in the tradition (generally and rightly Born after 240 B.C., oldest son of Ptolemy III and Berenice
rejected) in the fictitious Letter of Arnteas that it was he who II. On his accession he was challenged by Antiochus the
initiated the translation of the Hebrew Bible into Greek Great, (Fourth Syrian War, 221-217 e.c.) who by the
(the LXX), seventy (Gk septuaginta, "seventy") scholars be- winter of 218/21 7 B.C. had taken control of the Ptolemaic
ing dispatched from Jerusalem, for the purpose at Ptole- possessions in Asia and had reached Ptolemais in Phoeni-
my's request. See also ARISTEAS, LETTER OF. cia. Assisted by 20,000 native Egyptian troops, Ptolem)
Ptolemy had less military success later in his reign; defeated him decisively at Raphia in Gaza on 22 June 21 i
v. 543 PTOLEMY

B.c. (Polyb. 5.5I-87, and alluded to in Dan I I: I I-I2) and more open in his attempts to reestablish Egyptian power
so regained control of Coele-Syria. in Asia. From 150 s.c. he supported the rival claimants
A highly colored story in 3 Maccabees I-2 tells how after Alexander Balas and Demetrius II in turn, marrying his
the battle Ptolemy was thrown to the ground in a fit when daughter Cleopatra Thea first to one (Ant 13.4. I §§80-82;
he attempted to enter the high temple in Jerusalem; an- 1 Mace 10:51-56), then the other (Ant 13.4.7 §§109-10).
other (3 Maccabees 3-7, even more lurid in its details) Invading Syria, he was hailed in Antioch as king of Asia as
recounts how on his return he vented his rage on the Jews well as Egypt but (under the eye of Rome) wisely declined
of Alexandria, only to be thwarted again by divine inter- the latter title (Ant 13.4. 7 §§I I I-15; a more hostile account
vention. Although this appears to be the etiology for a is in 1Mace11:1-19). He died (145 s.c.) of wounds
local Jewish festival, it may be that some of the Jews' rights received fighting in support of Demetrius against the
and privileges were curtailed under this king. forces of Alexander Balas in the plain of Antioch.
While Ptolemy failed to capitalize upon his victory at The Jewish philosopher Aristobulus from Alexandria
Raphia, the role which the Egyptians had played in the dedicated his work on the Pentateuch (now extant only in
battle did much to reawaken their sense of national iden- fragments) to this Ptolemy.
tity. A period of serious internal unrest followed, with 7. Ptolemy Vll Neos Philopator ("new, father-loving") (145
Upper Egypt seceding and being ruled by Nubian kings s.c.). Born ca. I62/161 B.c., second son of Ptolemy VI and
from 207 s.c. to I87 B.C. There is no doubt that the Cleopatra II. Briefly associated in the kingship with his
situation was aggravated by Philopator's weak and self- father in 145 s.c., he was disposed of by his uncle Ptolemy
indulgent nature, and his reign is rightly identified as VIII Physcon after the latter's return and marriage to
marking the beginning of the dynasty's decline. Yet his Cleopatra II; he was "murdered in the arms of his mother
character is perhaps blackened to excess by Polybius (5.34) at her wedding-feast" according to Justin (38.8.4).
and Plutarch (Cleom. 33). 8. Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II Physcon (145-116 s.c.). Born
5. Ptolemy V Epiphanes ("manifest" [as a god]) (204-I80 after 182 B.C., younger son of Ptolemy V and Cleopatra I,
s.c.). Born 210 B.C., only son of Ptolemy IV and his sister- he was nicknamed Physcon ("pot-bellied") from his gross
wife Arsinoe Ill. He was only a child when he became king appearance. He was co-ruler with his brother Ptolemy VI
under the regency of his ministers Sosibius and Agatho- and sister Cleopatra II in 170-164 a.c., sole ruler in 164/
cles. Antiochus the Great seized the opportunity to attack 163 s.c. after expelling his brother, and king of Cyrene
Egypt and in the Fifth Syrian War (202-200[?] s.c.) man- (163-145 B.c.) after Ptolemy Vi's restoration. Returning
aged to extend Seleucid domination to the Sinai. The to Egypt on the latter's death (145 B.c.), he married Cleo-
Egyptians rallied temporarily, but they were finally de- patra II and, having disposed of her son Ptolemy VII, had
feated at Panium (200 s.c.) and lost control of Palestine as himself crowned sole ruler (144 B.c., although he contin-
well as most of their possessions in Asia Minor and the ued to count his regnal years from 170 s.c.).
Aegean. Under the peace settlement Ptolemy married (I 94 His marriage (142 B.C.) to his niece Cleopatra III, with-
s.c.) Antiochus' daughter Cleopatra I, ostensibly with the out divorcing Cleopatra II, led to a rift between them and
revenues of Coele-Syria and Palestine as her dowry. In fact eventually to a civil war (1321131 B.c.). First Ptolemy and
the Ptolemies were never again to regain permanent pos- then Cleopatra II were forced to flee Egypt; and although
session of these areas. The events of this period are alluded Ptolemy regained Alexandria early in 130 s.c., hostilities
to in Dan 11:13-I8. continued. To block Cleopatra's plan to make her son-in-
Within Egypt itself, however, control of Upper Egypt was law (the Seleucid Demetrius II) king of Egypt, Ptolemy
regained in 1871186 B.c.; and the last native revolt in the supported the pretender Alexander Zabinas but in 126/
delta was put down in I84/I83 s.c. 125 B.c. switched his alliance to Antiochus VIII Grypus,
6. Ptolemy VI Philometor ("mother-loving") (I 80-I 45 to whom he married his daughter by Cleopatra Ill.
B.c.). Born 186 B.c., elder son of Ptolemy V and Cleopatra A reconciliation between Ptolemy and Cleopatra II was
I. As a child, he ruled under the regency of his mother effected in 124 s.c.; and thereafter the three of them
until her death in 176 B.c. In 175/I 74 s.c. he married his shared uneasily together in the rule, with Ptolemy be-
sister Cleopatra II. When Egypt was invaded by Antiochus queathing the kingdom to Cleopatra III and whichever of
Epiphanes (170 B.c.; referred to in 1 Mace I:I7-19), both her two sons, Ptolemy IX and Ptolemy X, she should
she and his younger brother Ptolemy VIII Physcon were choose.
associated with him as co-regents (170-164 s.c.). Physcon is said to have been hostile to the Jews, and
After Antiochus was compelled by the Roman Senate to Josephus (AgAp 2.5 §§50-55) tells against him the same
withdraw from Egypt in 168 s.c., a struggle for power lurid story of persecution which 3 Maccabees 3-7 attaches
broke out between the brothers. Philometor was expelled to Ptolemy IV. If he was (which is by no means certain;
by. Physcoi:i late in 164 B.c. but on appeal to Rome was indeed the Greek translations of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus) and
remstated m 163 s.c., Physcon being granted Cyrene. Esther were both made in Egypt during his reign [Sir,
. In the 160s s.c. Ptolemy attempted to regain a foothold prologue; Add Esth 11: I]), then it was on account of their
m Asia by supporting the pro-Ptolemaic group in Jerusa- political support for Cleopatra II, not on any religious
lem. under the high priest Onias III against the Seleucid grounds.
facuon there; and when Onias IV fled to Egypt (162 s.c.), 9. Ptolemy IX Soter II Lathyrus (116-107 a.c. and 88-81
Ptolemy and Cleopatra granted him permission to build a B.c.). Born 143/142 s.c., elder son of Ptolemy VIII and
rephca of the high temple in Jerusalem at Leontopolis (Ant Cleopatra III, he was nicknamed Lathyrus ("chickpea") by
13.3.1-3 §§62-73). Later, with the Syrians weakened by the Alexandrians, who made him co-ruler with his mother
squabbles over the Seleucid succession, Ptolemy became (116 B.c.) against her wishes. He was twice temporarily
PTOLEMY 544. v
replaced as king in favor of his brother Ptolemy X (late B.c. he was declared "King of Kings." After the battle of
I IO-early 109 B.C. and March-May 108 B.c.), and then he Actium, he was put to death on Octavian's orders in 30
was expelled more permanently in 107 B.c. Fleeing to B.C.
Cyprus, he was king there from 107 B.c. to 88 B.C. 16. The son of Dorymenes, one of the generals whom
An early attempt to retake Egypt (103 B.c.), during Antiochus Epiphanes dispatched to exterminate the Jews
which he defeated the Jewish army under Alexander Jan- in 165 B.C. (I Mace 3:38; 2 Mace 4:45; 6:8). Also known as
naeus besieging Ptolemais (Ant 13.12.2-5 §§324-44), (Ptolemy) MACRON, he took the lead in eventual peace-
failed when Cleopatra's army advanced into Palestine seeking efforts with the Jews; but these efforts were under-
against him. After his brother's expulsion ·and death (88 mined; and he had to commit suicide (2 Mace 10: 10-13).
B.C.), the Alexandrians accepted him back as sole ruler, 17. Son-in-law of Simon Maccabeus, whom he mur-
but the native Egyptians in Upper Egypt revolted against dered with two of Simon's sons, Mattathias and Judas, in
him (88-86 B.c.). Tragically, the revolt ended with the February 135 or 134 B.c. (1Mace16:11-17; Ant 13.7.4
destruction of the ancient Egyptian capital of Thebes by §§228).
Ptolemy's army. 18. The father of Lysimachus (the Jerusalem resident
10. Ptolemy X Alexander I (107-88 B.c.). Younger son of who translated Esther into Greek).
Ptolemy VIII and Cleopatra III. Governor (114/113-110 19. The son of the Levitical priest Dositheus. This Ptol-
B.c.) and then king of Cyprus (110-107 B.c.) during the emy, along with his father, brought Lysimachus' transla-
first period of his brother's rule, he was twice recalled to tion of Esther from Jerusalem to Egypt, most probably in
reign jointly with Cleopatra III for short periods (see 114 B.c. (Add Esth l l: l ).
Ptolemy IX above) before Ptolemy IX's final expulsion in 20. Ptolemy Mennaeus, king of the lturaeans ca. 85-ca.
107 e.c. He ruled jointly with Cleopatra III until her death 40 B.C. (Ant 13.5.2 §§392; and 14.13.3 §330; }W 1.13.l
or murder in IOI B.c. Shortly afterward he married his §248).
niece Cleopatra Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy IX, and 21. Ptolemy, brother of the historian Nicholas of Da-
associated her with him in the kingship. Expelled by the mascus, and like him a trusted counselor of Herod the
Alexandrians (88 B.C.), he died in a naval battle off Cyprus Great (Ant 17.9.4 §225;JW 2.2.3 §21).
while attempting to recover Egypt. 22. Ptolemy, finance minister of Herod charged with
11. Ptolemy XI Alexander II (80 B.C.). Born ca. 105 B.C., his signet ring and will (Ant 17.8.2 §195 = ]W 1.23.8
the son of Ptolemy X and an unknown first wife, he was §667).
sent to Cos for safety (103 B.c.) by his grandmother 23. Ptolemy, perhaps of Ascalon, author of a lost biog-
Cleopatra III. Captured by Mithridates (88 B.c.), he es- raphy of Herod (H]P I: 27-28).
caped to Sulla (84 e.c.) and lived under his protection in
Rome until the death of Ptolemy X. Married to his step- Bibliography
mother Cleopatra Berenice and made joint ruler with her Bevan, E. R. 1927. A History of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dyna.sty.
(80 B.c.) by Sulla, he murdered her nineteen days later London.
and was killed in turn by the enraged Alexandrians. He Bouche-Leclerq, A. 1903-1907. Histoire des Lagides. 4 vols. Paris.
was the last legitimate male successor of the Ptolemaic line. Otto, W., and Bengtson, E. 1938. lur Geschichte des Niederganges des
12. Ptolemy XII Auletes (80-58 B.C. and 55-5 l B.c.). Born PtolemiUrreiches. ABAW, n.s., 17. Munich.
l l l-108 (?) B.c., the illegitimate son of Ptolemy IX by a Preaux, C. 1978. Le monde helllnistique. 2 vols. Nouvelle Clio 6. Paris.
concubine. Nicknamed Auletes ("the piper") by the Alex- Samuel, A. E. 1962. Ptolemaic Chronology. Munchener Beitrage zur
andrians for his devotion to the cult of Dionysus, he was Papyrusforschung 43. Munich.
raised to the throne by them after their murder of Ptolemy Will, E. 1979, 1982. Histoire politique du monde helllnistique (323-30
XI (80 B.c.). He was permitted by Rome to remain king, avantj.-C.). 2 vols. 2d ed. Nancy.
sending troops to help Pompey in the east (63 e.c.), but JOHN WHITEHORNE
was driven out by the Alexandrians (58 B.C.) after having
been forced to cede Cyprus to the Romans. On appeal to
Rome and the promise of 6000 talents, he was restored by PTOLEMY MACRON (PERSON). See MACRON
Gabinius in 55 B.C. He was father of Ptolemy XIII, Ptolemy (PERSON).
XIV, and Cleopatra VII, last of the Ptolemaic line.
13. Ptolemy XIII (51-47 B.c.). Born ca. 61 B.C., elder son
of Ptolemy XII. Co-regent with his sister-wife Cleopatra PUAH (PERSON) [Heb pu'il, pil)il]. Var. PUVAH. 1. One
VII until he attempted to expel her, he was defeated of two named midwives of the Hebrews in Egypt (Exod
fighting against Cleopatra and Julius Caesar in the Alex- l: 15 ). The midwives were ordered by the king of Egypt to
andrine War and drowned in the Nile. kill all the male infants of the Hebrews at birth. An
14. Ptolemy XIV (47-44 e.c.). Born ca. 59 B.C., younger engaging question has to do with the ethnicity of the
son of Ptolemy XII. Made king of Cyprus by Julius Caesar midwives. The ambiguous text of v 15 can be translated
(58 B.c.), after Ptolemy XIII's death he was married to either "Hebrew midwives," or "midwives of the He-
Cleopatra and made co-ruler with her by Caesar but was brews"-a rendering which leaves unanswered whether
murdered by her, probably in August 44 e.c. they were Hebrew or Egyptian. Childs (Exodus OTL, 16)
15. Ptolemy XV Caesarian (44-30 August 30 B.c.). Born has enumerated some arguments on both sides. On the
47 B.C., son of Cleopatra VII by Julius Caesar (it is one hand, the names of the women are Hebrew or at least
claimed). Hence his nickname Caesarion ("little Caesar"). Semitic; and it is perhaps unlikely that Egyptians would
Cleopatra made him co-ruler with her (44 B.c.), and in 34 have been accepted in this delicate task (but since they
v. 545 PUBLIUS

were slaves, the Israelites may have had no choice). On the chief man (protiis) on the island of Malta. Because it would
other hand, Pharaoh probably could not have expected have been unusual to call a governor by his praenomen,
Hebrew women to betray in secret their own people in this Ramsay ( 1905: 343) speculates that Poplios is actually the
way (yet Ackerman [1974-82: 86] submits that the king Greek form of the Latin surname Popiliu.s. Foakes Jackson
was depending on their demoralized position as slaves). and Lake (1933, 4: 342), however, reject this view. Since
The force of "the midwives feared God" may be somewhat Polybius (2d century B.C.E.) habitually called the great
reduced if they were Israelite (though certainly far from general Scipio Poplios, his Roman first name being Publius,
all Hebrews feared God, and such an attitude was hardly the usage in Acts 28:7, 8 should not be considered unusual
restricted to the Hebrews). (cf. Polybius books 10-15 passim). The use of the first
Various explanations have been suggested for the reason name therefore may reflect, according to Zahn ( 1921, 2:
why only two midwives are mentioned. Either these were 846), the friendly relationship that had arisen among
the only two, the only two who disobeyed, or the only two Publius, Paul, and Luke during their time together on
whose names were remembered. The two may have been Malta. Or it may reflect the common usage among the
the head officials of the guild. However, perhaps this detail peasants around Publius' estate.
is attributable merely to the literary style of the narrative. Zahn (2: 843) documents the fact that two inscriptions
Durham (Exodus WBC, 13) considers any speculation found on the island, one in Greek and one in Latin,
about the number of midwives and pregnant women as demonstrate that the term "chief man" (protiis) in Acts 28:7
irrelevant. The point is the midwives' faith and its effects is an official title. Thus Publius was either the highest
both for Israel and for themselves. Roman official on the island or its chief native officer,
The name "Puah" (Heb pu'a) is probably cognate to Ug serving under the governor of Sicily. As is the case with
pgt, signifying "(young) girl," which occurs also as the the "city authorities" (politarchas) of Thessalonica (Acts
name of the daughter of dn'il, 'aqht's father. Albright 17 :6, 8), the author of Acts uses a governmental term that
(1954: 233) found "Puah" to be a good northwest-Semitic is appropriate to the location in question.
feminine name from the first half of the 2d millennium According to Acts 28, the ship on which Paul, his guards,
B.C. and his fellow prisoners were traveling to Rome wrecked
on the coast of the island of Malta near the estates (chiiri.a)
Bibliography belonging to Publius. As the leading official of Malta,
Ackerman, j. S. 1974-82. The Literary Context of the Moses Birth Publius would automatically be responsible for any Roman
Story (Exodus 1-2). Vol. I, pp. 74-119inLiterary/nterpretaticms soldiers or prisoners who might arrive on the island. Acts
of Biblical Narratives, 2 vols., ed. K. R. R. Gros Louis, J. S. 28:7, however, indicates that he went beyond the minimum
Ackerman, and T. S. Warshaw. Nashville. when he "entertained us hospitably" (philophroniis) for
Albright, W. F. 1954. Northwest-Semitic Names in a List of Egyptian three days (no doubt more permanent arrangements were
Slaves from the Eighteenth Century B.C.]AOS 74: 222-33. made thereafter). If the "us" includes all 276 passengers
EDWIN c. HOSTElTER
on the ship (Acts 27:37), Publius must have had extensive
possessions. Quite possibly, however, the "us" may be lim-
2. The second son of Issachar according to the genea- ited to selected passengers (such as Paul, Luke, the ship's
logical list of Issachar's clans preserved by the Chronicler
captain, and the centurion) in whom Publius took a per-
( 1 Chr 7: 1). In the parallel genealogies of Issachar in Gen
46:13 and Num 26:23 his name is listed as Puvah. sonal interest. According to Acts 28:8, Paul rewarded his
3. A man of the tribe of Issachar. He is mentioned in kindness by healing his father of fever and dysentery.
Judg l 0: 1 as. the "son of Dodo" and the father of Tola, a Harnack (1908: 176-77) and Haenchen (1971: 714) dis-
man from Issachar and one of the minor judges of Israel. agree as to whether the exactness of the medical terms
The relationship between Puah (Heb pil'a) and Tola is not used in Acts 28:7-10 indicates that the author of Acts was
very clear (McKenzie 1967: 119). In the genealogies of a physician.
Issachar (Gen 46:13; Num 26:23) Tola is the son of Issa- According to the church father Jerome, a man named
char and one of the leading clans of that tribe. He is also Publius was the predecessor of Quadratus as the bishop of
presented as the brother of Puah ( l Chr 7: l ), also known Athens and suffered martyrdom (De vir. ill. chap. 19).
as Puvah. The LXX renders the expression "son of Dodo" Although the martyrdom may have occurred during the
(Heb ben dodo) as "the son of his uncle" and says that Tola lifetime of Publius, we cannot be certain that the two men
was the son of Puah, "the son of his father's brother " that were the same.
is, the son of Abimelech. It is possible that the relati~nship
between Puah and Tola is one of political affiliation rather Bibliography
than a father-son relationship. Foakes Jackson, F. J., and Lake, K. 1933. The Beginnings of Christi-
anify. 5 vols. London.
Bibliography Haenchen, E. 1971. The Acts of the Apostus. Trans. B. Noble et al.
McKenzie, 0. A. 1967. The Judge of Israel. VT 17: 118-21. Philadelphia.
CLAUDE F. MARIOlTINI Harnack, A. 1908. Luke the Physician. Trans. J. R. Wilkinson. Ed.
W. D. Morrison. New York.
Ramsay, W. M. 1905. St. Paul the Travelkr. London.
PUBLIUS (PERSON) [Gk Poplios]. A fairly common Zahn, T. 1921. Die Apostelgeschichte des Lucas. 2 vols. Kommentar
Ron:ian praenomen (first or personal name), the Latin zum Neuen Testament 5. Leipzig.
equivalent of the Gk Poplios. In Acts 28:7, 8 Publius is the ]ON PAULIEN
PU DENS 546. v
PUDENS (PERSON) [Gk Pouties]. A Christian mentioned PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES (OT AND
before Linus and Claudia in 2 Tim 4:21, who along with ANE). Analysis of ANE concepts of criminal offenses and
them sent greetings to Timothy. Pudens apparently knew their punishment as reflected in the cuneiform and biblical
Timothy personally. Based on the assumption that the traditions of jurisprudence.
Pastorals were written in Rome (cf. 1: 17), or are reflective
of traditions from the Roman church, it has been supposed A. Background and Sources
that Pudens lived in that city. It has also been theorized I. Date
that he was the husband of Claudia, with Linus perhaps 2. Ideology
being their son, although this creates the problem of 3. Context
explaining why Pudens and Claudia are not mentioned B. Theoretical Basis
together before Linus. C. Public Offenses
Some have thought that Pudens was Aulus Pudens, the I. Apostasy
soldier and husband of a British woman, Claudia Rufina, 2. Blasphemy
and friend of the Latin poet Martial referred to in Mar- 3. Misappropriation of b,rm
tial's Epigrams 4.13. This identification has been taken a 4. Sorcery
step further, probably inspired by the hope of finding a 5. Violation of the Sabbath
link between Pauline Christianity and the British church- 6. Incest
by those who equate Pudens with the person of the same 7. Bestiality
8. Homosexuality
name suggested by a fragmentary inscription at Chiches-
D. Private Offenses
ter. That text has been interpreted as indicating that a
I. Homicide
certain Roman soldier, Pudens, donated the site for a
2. Personal Injury
temple to Neptune to the British king, Tiberius Claudius 3. Rape
Cogidubnus, whose daughter, Claudia Rufina, he had 4. Adultery
married in Rome (CIL VIl.17). While marriage to this 5. Theft
British woman, Claudia Rufina, makes it quite likely that 6. Treason
the Pudens of Martial and the Pudens of the Chichester 7. Against Parents
inscription are the same person, the commonality of the 8. False Accusation
names Pudens and Claudia argues strongly against ex- E. Offenses Against the Legal System
tending the identification to the Pudens and Claudia of 2 I. Abuse of Legal Authority
Timothy. The same objection must also be advanced to 2. Contempt of Court
any proposed link with Titus Claudius Pudens, husband F. Methods of Punishment
of Claudia Quintilla. This couple lost an infant son who G. Summary and Conclusions
was memorialized on an inscription found on the road
between Rome and Ostia (CIL VI.15,066). Finally, there is A. Background and Sources
a theory which reasons that since some of the persons The societies of the ANE, with the possible exception of
named Pudens were soldiers, then the Pudens of 2 Timo- Egypt, shared a common legal tradition, which is nowhere
thy must have held a similar occupation and was probably more clearly marked than in the sphere of criminal law.
a prison guard in charge of Paul. But this is conjecture. In historical times this tradition finds expression in the
As for the ancient traditions surrounding Pudens men- legal sources written in cuneiform script, which may itself
tioned in the Acta Sanctorum, e.g., that he was the son of have been the vehicle for the spread of legal ideas.
Priscilla and that he was a Roman senator who extended The best known of these sources are the cuneiform law
hospitality to Peter, one is unable to determine where fact codes: Code of Ur-Nammu (CU)-Sumerian (2 lst cen-
has been enveloped in legend. tury); Code of Lipit-ishtar (CL)-Sumerian (19th century):
Code of Eshnunna (CE)-Akkadian (18th century); Code
Bibliography of Hammurabi (CH)-Akkadian (18th century); the Mid-
Redlich, E.G. 1913. S. Paul and His Companions. London. dle Assyrian Laws (MAL)-Akkadian (12th century); the
FLORENCE MORGAN GILLMAN Hittite Laws (HL)-Hittite (13th century).
Those law codes were not legislation in the modern
sense. Although they may have had diverse secondary uses
(such as political propaganda), initially they were scientific
PUL (PERSON) [Heb pul]. The king of Assyria who treatises, which described the law rather than prescribed
campaigned against Samaria during the reign of Menahem it. The cuneiform scribal schools were the universities of
(ca. 745-738 B.c.; 2 Kgs 15:19; 1Chr5:26). From Assyrian the ANE; within their walls not only was the art of cunei-
texts we know that pulu was a nickname of the Assyrian form writing taught, but scholarly research was pursued
king TIGLATH-PILESER III, who reigned from 744-727 in areas such as medicine, mathematics, omens, and law.
B.C. The "scientific" method used to examine the law was as
A. KIRK GRAYSON follows. Ajudgment in a legal case was taken, stripped of
all extraneous detail so that only the bare precedent re-
mained, and then cast into a hypothetical form, usuallv
PUNIC LANGUAGE. See LANGUAGES (PHOENI- expressed by a casuistic style, e.g., "lf a man rapes a
CIAN). woman who is betrothed but not yet married ... ,"followed
v. 547 PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES

by the judgment applicable in th~t case. The c~se wa~ then recurring millennia apart; but there are signs that from
elaborated by considering various alternauves-1f the the 8th century on an intellectual revolution began in the
woman was married, if she was willing, if she was unwilling Eastern Mediterranean that was eventually to herald the
but unable to call for help-so that a multifaceted legal world of classical antiquity and a complete change in the
problem was constructed through which the principles of conception of law, especially criminal law. While the earli-
the law could be taught, albeit not explicitly. Eventually est of the biblical codes, the Covenant Code, which per-
there came into being a canon of classic scholarly legal haps dates back as far as the turn of the millennium, is
problems which could be drawn u_pon in order to d~aft a squarely in the old cuneiform tradition, the Deuteronomic
written law code. The law code itself would contain no Code from the 7th century and the Priestly Codes from
more than a small proportion of the oral canon, generally either the same period or up to several centuries later show
recording only one or two aspects of selected classic legal signs that new conceptions were beginning to affect that
problems (together with excerpts from unworked judg- tradition.
ments and other legal sources such as royal edicts). 2. Ideology. The cuneiform codes derive from royal
As cuneiform scribal schools spread through the ANE jurisprudence and represent the voice of the establish-
from Mesopotamia, the Mesopotamian scientific tradition ment. The Deuteronomic and Priestly Codes are from
in its oral as well as its written aspects was adopted in the circles not necessarily sympathetic to the king. Although
local academies. Law codes were composed on the Meso- based on the existing law, they are polemical tracts which
potamian model, in the same casuistic style, and drawing advocate reforms. While it may be that the cuneiform
in part upon the canon of scholarly legal problems, in part codes show some tendency to idealize the law, as one might
on local judgments elaborated in the same way. In the expect in an academic work, in the two biblical codes this
sphere of criminal law, a particularly high proportion of tendency is blatant, with outright utopian measures such
the material comes from the common canon of scholarly as the Sabbatical and jubilee years, which could never have
problems, although it is not always evident at first because been part of the law in practice. Criminal law in the
different aspects of the same multifaceted problems are societies of the ANE was essentially customary law which
incorporated in different codes. By combining the similar had existed from time immemorial. Innovations occurred
and not-so-similar provisions of the various codes, how- through precedent where new circumstances arose or oc-
ever, the original scholarly problem that lay behind them casionally through administrative orders issued by the
may sometimes be reconstructed. When this process is ruler. The latter, however, were of marginal importance,
complete, the result is not always a monolithic, cuneiform effecting no fundamental change in the principles of the
law. Differences between the legal systems can be seen in law. The Deuteronomic and Priestly codes, on the other
the rulings on particular aspects of the same problem. hand, contain the first glimmerings of a new idea of
Although biblical Israel lay outside the sphere of cunei- criminal law that was eventually to become the norm in
form writing, its law was pervaded by the same tradition. Talmudic jurisprudence.
Two law codes in the Pentateuch, the Covenant Code (Exod 3. Context. The biblical codes are not independent
21: 1-22: 19) and the Deuteronomic Code (principally Deut documents like the cuneiform codes but have undergone
21: 15-22:29) draw from the same canon of scholarly prob- a process of editing and are inserted in a secondary
lems as the cuneiform codes. A third source, the Priestly context, a religious historiography. As a result, they are
Code (the legal provisions scattered through Leviticus and more heterogeneous and draw upon a variety of sources.
Numbers) shares the same intellectual background but To find the same context in the cuneiform material, it is
draws mainly on a tradition that is poorly preserved in the necessary to consult diverse sources, the sum of which
cuneiform sources. There appears to have been a scholarly does not, however, add up to the same as the integrated
literature on specifically priestly regulations which find biblical text. Furthermore, editing of the biblical text may
some reflection in the biblical provisions on the same have distorted the original meaning of the provisions
s_ubject (e.g., Geller 1980); but the only extant example is (through devices such as inclu.sio and selectivity) in order
Surpu (Reiner 1958), a recitation of sins to be atoned for to harmonize them with a particular religious perspective.
with the help of the priest. Some parallels have also been On the other hand, the fact that, in contrast to the cunei-
shown with Hittite instructions to temple officials (Mil- form codes, God, rather than a mortal king, is the pur-
grom 1976). ported author of the biblical codes should not overshadow
The Ten Commandments, which contain no sanctions, his function as lawgiver. The biblical God is a divine king,
are a collection of moral principles rather than a law code. whose legal role is the same as that of a mortal king except
Nonetheless, the negative commandments refer to crimes that he is the ideal king of justice, establishing equity and
for which punishments were imposed in the biblical legal protecting the poor and oppressed-which is exactly how
system. the kings of the cuneiform codes represented themselves.
The position of biblical law within the cuneiform tradi- The cuneiform codes provide us with a fragmentary
tion provides the Pentateuch's sparse and obscure provi- view of the substantive law, partly because of restrictions
s10ns with the necessary background for their elucidation in their length and partly because their casuistic style
and enables us to view the whole system which they repre- resulted in isolated examples. Documentary evidence of
sent. There are, however, significant differences between the criminal law in practice is scarce, being confined to
the biblical and cuneiform sources. reports of trials, which usually are concerned with the
l. Date. The biblical codes are from the 1st millennium· facts and the decision rather than with the legal rules at
the cuneiform codes from the 2d and 3d millennia. Th~ issue, and occasional references in leuers.
legal tradition was very conservative, with the same rules Israelite literary tradition has yielded almost no docu-
PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES 548. v
ments of practice, but the nonlegal parts of the Bible of as bringing down divine wrath on the whole society in a
contain numerous examples of the criminal law in practice. form such as drought, plague, or military defeat. The link
Of the narratives especially noteworthy are etiological sto- between the act and its retribution was understood as an
ries establishing precedents such as the case of the wood intangible pollution by the offender of his environment. It
gatherer on the Sabbath (Num 15:32-36) and the blas- was society through its official organs that took the initia-
phemer (Lev 24:10-23) and juridical fables such as the ti~e. to prote~t. itself by removing the pollution, usually by
woman of Tekoah (2 Sam 14:1-20) and the poor man's k1llmg or ex1lmg the offender, thereby appeasing divine
ewe lamb (2 Sam 12:1-14). While both types of account anger. Any resemblance to modern criminal law is super-
are fictional, they rely for their credibility on the contem- ficial; the analogy is rather to a contagious disease, since
porary audience's familiarity with the applicable law. innocent persons who had been polluted by contact with
Prophetic and Wisdom Literature use familiar examples the offender might be dealt with in the same way as the
from everyday law to reinforce arguments on religious or offender.
moral issues; e.g., the punishment for adultery in the Third, acts which would constitute the principal exam-
simile of marriage between God and his wayward people ples of crimes in modern systems, such as homicide, rape,
(Hos 2:5; Ezek 16:37-39) and in the admonitions of the wounding, and theft (but also adultery). Such offenses
book of Proverbs (e.g., 6:32-35). gave rise in principle to a dual right for the victim or his
The pentateuchal law codes do not always seem to be in family: to take revenge on the offender or his family, or to
accord with the law in practice as evidenced in other parts accept ransom in lieu of revenge. The initiative was there-
of the Bible. For example, the incest laws of Leviticus are fore with the victim; and the role of the court was seen as
stricter than those that the biblical account records else- setting a limit on the level of revenge, or in some cases, of
where, in terms of forbidden degrees of relationship. ransom, in accordance with the seriousness of the case.
Whether this reflects actual changes in the law or whether Where physical punishments appear in the law codes for
such changes are merely being advocated by the Priestly such offenses, they are in fact limits on revenge, and the
source is difficult to say. Caution must be exercised in hidden assumption is that ransom may be demanded in
comparing the two types of sources. The biblical codes, lieu of them. Where these payments are fixed, they are
like their cuneiform counterparts, were not legislation in neither fines nor compensation but limits on the ransom
the modern sense. Their text was not interpreted by the that may be exacted, and the hidden assumption is that
courts as authoritative (except perhaps at the very end of the right to revenge will revive if they are not paid. It must
the biblical period); and far from being comprehensive, it be emphasized, however, that the right to revenge was a
presented only a small fraction of the law and assumed judicial remedy exercisable through the courts, not a sim-
knowledge of the rest. Where the text of a law code is ple expression of blood feud. Uncontrolled revenge was
silent, therefore, it cannot be taken as rejection of a rule considered the antithesis of legal order, as in the boast of
found in a different source without further evidence. Lamech (Gen 4:23-24), which typified the wicked, lawless
society before the Flood.
B. Theoretical Basis The above three categories overlap considerably. For
ln dealing with wrongful conduct leading to harm less serious cases in the third category, revenge may be
(other than by breach of an agreement), modern legal limited to loss of freedom, which would also be the fate of
systems distinguish between torts and crimes. Torts are gen- a tort-feasor unable to pay the compensation demanded,
erally wrongs with a lower level of moral culpability, such while the most serious cases might also create some degree
as negligence, but the same act may be both a tort and a of pollution and thus involve society as a whole. For con-
crime. A tort is conceived of purely as a personal wrong venience, the second and third categories, which together
against the victim. The initiative for proceeding against cover the area regarded as criminal law today, will be
the tort-feasor (guilty party) is solely in the hands of the discussed separately under the headings "Public Offenses"
victim, and the purpose of the court's intervention is to and "Private Offenses," although they have no real equiv-
compensate the victim for any harm caused him. A crime, alent in modern systems. A further minor category of
by contrast, is conceived of as a wrong to society, in which wrongs has been brought together under the heading
the harm to the particular victim is incidental-indeed, "Offenses Against the Legal System."
there may be no specific victim at all. The initiative is in
the hands of the state, which may proceed irrespective of C. Public Offenses
the victim's wishes; and the purpose is to punish the of- 1. Apostasy. Although apostasy was not .considered by
fender. its polytheistic neighbors, Israel was forbidden to have
The ANE legal systems dealt with wrongs in a different gods other than Yahweh or to worship images of them
manner. Three main categories can be discerned: (Exod 20:2-5). One who sacrifices to another god is made
First, acts causing damage where the level of moral !mn (Exod 22: 19; see below), which entails the death pen-
culpability is low, e.g., a wound inflicted in a fight where alty (Deut 17:2-7). If an entire city is implicated, its inhab-
the victim is equally to blame, or negligence causing dam- itants are killed and the city with all its contents burned
age to a neighbor's crops by fire or flood. The initiative and reduced to rubble (Deut 13: 13-18). Incitement to
was in the hands of the victim, and the purpose of the apostasy is also punishable by death (Deut 13:2-12). ~iv­
court's intervention was to award compensation. This cat- ing one's offspring to Molech (if a god) creates pol!uuon
egory is comparable to the modern law of torts. and carries the death penalty (Lev 20:2-3). Prosecution of
Second, acts which carried a high level of moral culpa- apostasy is by the public authorities (Deut 13: 15-16, cf.
bility, such as incest or blasphemy, which were conceived Lev 20:2) based on evidence from informants (Deut 13:9).
v. 549 PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES

Its theoretical basis is illustrated by the story of the people's (MAL A 47). Sorcery is, therefore, the ''.judgment of the
apostasy to the Moabite gods (N~m 25: I-9). Yahw~h's king" (HL 44).
anger is incurred; and the result 1s a plague-a typtcal Little is known of the practices that were forbidden. HL
consequence of pollution. The remedy i_s for Moses to have 170 mentions the killing of a snake while pronouncing a
the leaders impaled, while the plague 1s actually stopped man's name. HL 44B declares the dumping on a man's
by the exemplary act of a zealot, Phinehas, in killing an land of residue from a purification ceremony to be sor-
apostate (cf. Ps 106:30). cery, i.e., connected with the concept of pollution.
2. Blasphemy. In MAL Tablet A 2 a woman who speaks In the Bible, Exod 22: 17-Eng 22: 18 states: "You shall
blasphemy "shall bear her punishment; they shall not not suffer a sorceress to live." The addressees are presum-
touch her husband, children, or daughters." The exact ably a public body. The only type of forbidden sorcery
punishment is not stated, but King Assurbanipal (Weidner explicitly mentioned is that of mediums calling up a spirit
1932: 184, 28) tells of two enemies "who spoke gross of the dead ('wb or yd<ny: Lev 20:27). If Molech sacrifice is
blasphemy against Assur, my god who created me: I to the spirits of the dead, then its prohibition would belong
ripped out their tongues and skinned them alive." The in this category.
Akkadian term in both sources is sillatu, the cognate of The role of the king is illustrated by the notice that Saul
which is found in Dan 3:29, where Nebuchadnezzar de- attempted to extirpate the mediums from the land ( 1 Sam
:rees that anyone who speaks slh against the god of the 28:9). The practice incurs divine anger: one who consults
Jews will be dismembered and his house destroyed (Paul a medium-typically a secret, collusive act not amenable to
1983). human justice (cf. 1 Sam 28:8-10)-is threatened with
In the biblical laws, two associated terms are used: divine punishment (Lev 20:6).
'curse" (qll) and "slander the name" (nqb )t/lrsm). Cursing 5. Violation of the Sabbath. The biblical prohibition of
JfGod is prohibited (Exod 22:27-Eng 22:28). Lev 24: 15- work on the Sabbath (Exod 20: 10; Deut 5: 14) is not found
16 states that one who curses God shall bear his punish- elsewhere in the ANE. The penalty for infringement is
ment-i.e., his family shall not be touched, as in the death (Exod 31:14-15; 35:2). An etiological story defines
Assyrian Laws-and that one who slanders the name is to gathering wood as forbidden work (Num 15:32-36). Jere-
be stoned. miah's appeal to the kings and inhabitants of Jerusalem to
The Levitical rule is purportedly based on an actual case cease work on the Sabbath (Jer 17:19-27) suggests that the
where the offender slandered the name and cursed, and prohibition was not then enforced through the public
was accordingly executed (24: 10-14, 23). The two actions, authorities. Nehemiah does enforce it (Neh 13: 15-22) but
therefore, if not synonymous, have the same consequences by administrative measures rather than direct sanctions.
in law (cf. 1Kgs21:13). 6. Incest. HL l 89-l 95A list a series of incestuous rela-
3. Misappropriation of !irm. In Mesopotamia, property tionships classified as hurkel. No punishment is prescribed;
that was reserved for a god or king might be placed under but from another Hittite source, the Instructions to the
a taboo and was then known as asakku. To misappropriate Border Guard Commander (ANET, 211), we learn that
it was to violate the taboo and incur a penalty, which hurkel was punished by death or banishment, according to
apparently varied, but could be death if the circumstances local custom. Where the offender was banished, the town
warranted (Malamat 1966). A priestess who repeatedly had to purify itself afterward. CH prescribes the same two
steals the asakku is burned (Anbar 1974: 173), and a man alternatives according to type of incest: with a daughter-
who takes booty previously declared asakku is "not to be banishment (154); with a daughter-in-law-death (155);
spared," but possibly has his death sentence commuted between mother and son after the father's death-death
(ARM 5.72) .. for both (157).
In the Bible the same institution is called fmn, but the Lev 18:6-19 likewise contain a list of incestuous relation-
term is used only of taboo property reserved for God. ships, which it forbids and labels "abominations" (tw<bwt).
Reservation is achieved by total destruction, as in the case The offender is said to pollute himself (v 24), and failure
of the apostate city (Deut 13: 13-16), and the same applies to curb such pollution may lead to defeat and exile (v 28).
where the enemy is declared ?!rm. Consequently, taking Lev 20: 11-21 include a further list with specific punish-
enemy property as booty instead of destroying it amounts ments, human and divine; see below.
to misappropriation of ?!rm, a crime that will incur divine The lists of prohibited relationships vary, even within
anger (1Sam15:1-33). the two levitical sources (cf. Deut 23:1; 27:20, 22-23); and
When Achan takes booty from Jericho, in spite of the none of them is comprehensive. Undoubtedly, relations
city's having been declared ?inn (Josh 6: 17), divine anger with a daughter were prohibited, although this prohibition
manifests itself in military defeat for Israel (Josh 7: 1-12). is missing from the biblical lists. All sources prohibit rela-
I~ pui:i1shm~nt, _Achan is to be stoned and burned, along tions not only with blood relatives but also with certain
wuh his family, hvestock, and possessions, including specif- relatives by marriage. In the latter case, the relation would
1Cally the ?inn property taken by him and also the tent in already be adulterous, so that the incest prohibition per-
which it had been concealed (Josh 7:22-25). haps refers either to widowhood (cf. CH 157) or to collu-
4. Sorcery. Sorcery was considered a public danger, sion with the husband; the point being that in spite of his
and special procedures applied to its prosecution. Accord- acquiescence it is still an offense because it pollutes (see
mg to the Edict of the Hittite king Telipinus (Hoffmann below). In three cases the biblical code prohibits relations
1984: 54 §50), persons were expected to denounce mem- that are licit elsewhere in the Bible: (I) marriage with a
bers of their own family. Denunciation is to the king paternal half-sister (Lev 18:9; Deut 27:22; cf. Gen 20: 12;
(Hoffmann, §50), who also interrogates the witnesses 2 Sam 13:13); (2) marriage with two sisters (Lev 18:18; cf.
PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES 550 • v
Jabob's marriage to Leah and Rebekah); and (3) levirate Ionian king, where three men conspired to murder a
marriage (Lev 18: 16; 20:21, if not confined to the broth- fourth, a Mesopotamian court rules: "As men who have
er's lifetime), although it is enjoined as a duty by Deut killed a .man, they are not live men" (Jacobsen 1970).
25:5. (Cf. HL 193, which specifically exempts the levirate Where circumstances suggest lack of premeditation, CH
as opposed to relations during the brother's lifetime 207 allows the killer to swear an oath to this effect and
[195A].) receive a much lighter penalty.
7. Bestiality. HL 187-188 and 199 classify sexual rela- (2) Gross Negligence or Recklessness. CH 229 pre-
tions between a man and a cow, sheep, pig, or dog as scribes death for the negligent builder whose construction
hurkel. They explicitly call for the death penalty but with a collapses on the house owner, killing him, as does CE 58
right in the king to grant pardon. Curiously, 200A ex- for the owner of a dangerous wall that collapses with fatal
empts relations with a horse or mule, although in this case results, if the owner failed to repair it in spite of due
and where the offender is pardoned, he remains ritually warning. The family's right to revenge is against the of-
impure. Lev 18:23 includes in the list of "abominations" fender himself, or as HL 43 puts it: "they shall receive that
intercourse by a man or woman with any animal, and Lev very man," in the case of one whose reckless behavior at a
20:15-16 prescribes the death penalty for both the of- river crossing causes another to drown.
fender and the animal. (3) Threshold Offense. Where the offender unlawfully
8. Homosexuality. To "lie with a male the lying of a distrains a member of the debtor's family (i.e., takes him
woman" is regarded as another "abomination" by Lev into debt slavery) and causes his death through maltreat-
18:22 and is punished with the death of both parties in ment, it is the distrainer himself who suffers death (CE
Lev 20: 13. In MAL 20, the same offense is punished with 24). In normal circumstances the penalty for such an
the offender himself being sodomized and castrated. It offense would be vicarious revenge, i.e., revenge against
has been suggested (Daube 1986) that this curious punish- the equivalent member of the offender's family.
ment is based on a distinction between active and passive b. Mitigating Factors in Cuneiform Sources. Vicarious
sodomy, the latter being the lot of the lower orders of revenge was regarded as a mitigated punishment (cf. 2
society. Such a distinction finds no echo in the biblical law. Sam 12: 13-14) of the offender. When there was a mitigat-
ing factor in homicide, the courts intervened to restrict
D. Private Offenses revenge either by this means or by setting a limit on the
I. Homicide. The basic principle was that the victim's ransom that might be demanded in lieu of it. Mitigating
family had a right to revenge through the death penalty factors are:
or to ransom, at their choice. As the Edict of Telipinus, a (I) Lack of Premeditation. A classic scholarly problem
Hittite king, puts it (Hoffmann 1984: 52 §49): concerns a fight, in which blame must be apportioned
between both parties. If the death of one party ensues, HL
A matter of blood is as follows. Whoever does blood, 1 imposes a limited ransom, as does CH 207, but with the
whatever the owner of the blood says:-If he says "Let added proviso that the other party is to swear as to his lack
him die!" he shall die. If he says "Let him pay ransom!" of premeditation. Lack of premeditation (or of foresee-
he shall pay ransom .... ability of death) may lie behind HL 44A's allowing only
vicarious revenge where death is the result of the victim's
The "owner of the blood" is the closest male relative of the being pushed into a fire.
victim. He is known by the same name in Neo-Assyrian (2) Negligence. In the guarding of a goring ox or
sources, and as the "owner of the life" in MAL B 2. The vicious dog, even when the owner has been warned of its
biblical equivalent is "redeemer of the blood" (gui'l hdm), propensity, negligence does not in the eyes .of the cunei-
i.e., one who brings it back within the family, like re- form codes amount to aggravated homicide where the
deemed family land; and it is slaying of the killer that animal subsequently kills. Limited ransom is allowed, prob-
achieves restoration. As a letter from the Babylonian king ably as an alternative vicarious revenge (CE 54, 56; CH
to the pharaoh (EA 8) puts it: " ... the men who killed my 251).
subjects-kill them! Return their blood!" If not restored, (3) Status of the Victim. If it is the house owner's son
the victim's blood may "cry out" from the ground (Gen who dies as a result of the builder's negligence (CH 230)
4:10). or the debtor's son who is distrained and dies at the hands
By the same token, if the homicide is justified for some of a creditor (CH 116), then it is the offender's son upon
reason and therefore does not give a right to revenge, the whom revenge is exacted. If the offense is lesser, as in the
blood can remain where it is. In Leviticus 20, it is said of case of the goring ox, and the victim is a son, limited
the offender who commits a polluting act, and may there- ransom is allowed in lieu of vicarious revenge (CH 251 ).
fore be killed without revenge as a measure of public The blow to a pregnant woman which causes a miscar-
safety, "his blood is on his head." Exod 22: I-Eng 22:2 riage is a classic scholarly problem. If it also causes her
expresses the same idea even more strongly: the burglar death and she is a daughter, the penalty will be vicarious
killed while breaking in at night "has no blood." revenge on the offender's daughter (CH 210), or limited
a. Aggravating Factors in Cuneiform Sources. Telipi- ransom if the victim is from the poorer classes (CH 212-
nus' Edict presents the theoretical principle, which in mulkenum). A fragmentary Sumerian code (Civil 1965: 4-
practice was confined to aggravated homicide. In the cu- 5, lines iii 7'-8') takes a more serious view, prescribing
neiform sources, three aggravating factors can be dis- death for the offender himself.
cerned: The death of a slave invariably results in a low payment
(1) Premeditation. In the case referred to by the Baby- to the master. It is doubtful whether this is in lieu of
v . 551 PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES

revenge; it may be simple compensation, as with loss of concerned with the identity of the offender and considers
property. . the measure of punishment only incidentally (see below).
Causing the miscarriage of a fetus results m ;i. small (2) Lack of Premeditation. Three pentateuchal sources
payment (CH 209; HL 17), whi~h may be si~ple compen- on murder (Exod 21:12-14; Num 35:9-34; and Deut
sation. The fragmentary Sumerian code (C1v1l 1965: 4-5, 19: 1-6; cf. Jas 20: 1-7) are based upon the same scholarly
lines iii 6'-7') demands a much higher sum, which sug- problem (not extant in the cuneiform codes). If A kills B
gests that it is in lieu of revenge. and B's family members immediately take revenge without
c. Aggravating Factors in the Bible. The same ~ystem trial, they can claim on the apparent facts that theirs is
of revenge and ransom, limited according to the circum- justifiable homicide and should not in turn be avenged. If,
stances, lies behind the biblical provisions but with impor- however, A's act had been unpremeditated, killing him in
tant variations. Aggravating factors are: revenge would be unjustified. But only A can testify to his
(1) Premeditation. The killer who lay in wait for his own state of mind, and killing him without trial frustrates
victim is handed over to the redeemer of blood for revenge that possibility. Accordingly, A is given the protection of
(Exod 21:14; Num 35:20-21; Deut 19:11-12). The vic- asylum pending trial, either at an altar (Exodus) or in
tim's clan might demand that the killer be delivered up for designated cities of refuge (Numbers, Deuteronomy). Ex-
this purpose (2 Sam 14:7). The victim's relatives would be odus and Deuteronomy do not state what happens if A's
entitled to ransom but in a case of deliberate murder act is found by the court to have been unpremeditated-
might well insist on revenge. Thus the Gibeonites, whose presumably it was treated as mitigated homicide. Numbers
people Saul had murdered (by waging war in breach of (P), in this event, converts the asylum into exile until the
treaty), specifically forego their claim to ransom and de- death of the high priest (35:25); and should A leave that
mand Saul's sons, Saul being deceased (2 Sam 21: 1-9). place, he may be killed with impunity ("he has no blood")
In the case of Cain, the punishment imposed is exile, by the redeemer of blood (vv 26-27). Whether the same
not death; but this turns out to be equally harsh, since system applied in the other sources, or ever in practice, is
Cain may then be killed by anyone without fear of retri- unclear. Temporary as}lum by grasping the altar, as in
bution (Gen 4: 11-14). Accordingly, God grants him pro- Exodus, is attested elsewhere (l Kgs I :50-53; 2:28); exile
tection and agrees to become his surrogate avenger (v 15). measured by the high priest's life is not (but cf. I Kgs
King David performs the same function in restraining 2:36-46).
revenge against the Tekoan woman's son (2 Sam 14: 11) The examples given of unpremeditated acts are of acci-
and acts as a surrogate avenger for Ish-bosheth (2 Sam dents: an accidental push, or the throwing of a weapon or
4:11). stone without seeing the victim (Num 35:22-23), or the
(2) Gross Negligence. The scholarly problem of the head of an ax flying off during use (Deut 19:5). Premedi-
goring ox is presented in Exod 21 :28-32 in the same tated acts are those planned against an enemy (Exod
terms as in the cuneiform codes, but as aggravated rather 21:14; Num 35:20-21). The intermediate case of uninten-
than mitigated homicide. If the owner has previously been tional killing in a fight where blame might be apportioned
warned, revenge is against him in person, with no limit on is not discussed in the biblical codes; but if there were no
ransom (v 30). Even if the victim is a subordinate member witnesses, premeditation might be presumed (2 Sam 14:6).
of the family, no vicarious revenge is allowed (v 31). Fur- e. Homicide and Pollution. Although it is a private
thermore, the ox itself is to be stoned and not eaten (vv offense, homicide also pollutes. According to a letter from
28, 32), which may have been regarded as punishment of the Hittite king (KBo 1.10 Rs. 19-20), if the brothers of
the animal. the victim accept ransom, they purify the place of the
d. Mitigating Factors in the Bible. (1) Status of Victim. homicide. Likewise in an Assyrian ransom agreement
If the victim of the goring ox is a slave, the negligent (Kwasman 1988: 393 No. 341), the offender must also
owner's liability is a low payment, as in the cuneiform wash away the blood. It is possible that a separate purifica-
provisions (Exod 21 :32). tion ritual was needed only when ransom was involved and
Where a member of the debtor's family dies as a direct that killing the offender in revenge was purification in
result of abuse while in debt slavery, vicarious revenge is itself. In 2 Samuel 21 Saul's crime leads to a divinely
appropriate, as in CH 116. This is the import of nqm ynqm occasioned famine which ended only by David's allowing
("he shall surely be avenged") in Exod 21 :20. Later sources the Gibeonites to take revenge. The mode of execution is
polemicized against vicarious revenge (Lev 19:18; Deut ritualistic: impaling Saul's sons "before Yahweh" (v 9).
24: 16), but it is not clear that it was actually abolished. The Priestly source takes an uncompromising stand on
Where the causal nexus between abuse and death cannot the issue of purification. Only revenge can purify the land
be conclusively established (Exod 21 :21, "But if he survives (Num 35:33, cf. Gen 9:6); ransom is inadequate even for
a d.ay or two ... "), then only ransom is allowed, being mitigated homicide (Num 35:31-32). On the other hand,
~1m1ted to the amount of the debt (and thereby canceling exile for the latter offense appears to remove the pollu-
it): "... he shall not be vicariously revenged, but it (the tion. Whether a purification ceremony was also necessary,
revenge) is his silver (the debt) (P yqm ky k.spw hw>)." as in the banishment of Hittite sexual offenders, is not
. If a miscarriage is caused, the offender must pay unlim- made clear. Deut 21:1-9 record a ceremony to be per-
ited ransom to the husband, but it is not clear if it is for formed when the victim's killer is unknown, which has
his _o".'n life or in lieu of vicarious revenge (Exod 21 :22). been interpreted as a kind of purification ritual (cf. Deut
This is not the same scholarly problem as in the cuneiform 22:8).
codes and does not consider the death of the woman; it is 2. Personal In.jury. a. In Cuneiform Sources. This is
PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES 552 • v
dealt with in the c4neiform codes through the medium of injury-"blemish" (mwm) is the technical term for physical
three scholarly problems. defects that render a priest unfit to offer sacrifices (Lev
First, a list of injuries to various parts of the body is 21:17-21).
considered. Four codes contain such lists (CU; CE; CH; Fixed ransom for injury is set by Exod 21 :26 for the
HL), which overlap to varying degrees. In declining order maltreated debt slave: "If a man strikes the eye of his slave,
of frequency, the injuries are: eye, bone, hand, foot, tooth, male or female, and destroys it, he shall let his slave go
nose, and ear. All appear to be serious, if not permanent- free for his eye." (v 27 the same for a tooth). As where the
destruction of the eye, biting off of the nose. No mental slave died, (v 21 ), ransom is fixed at the level of the debt
element is mentioned, but it is probably intentional injury owed. The debt is thus canceled and the slave thereby
that is meant, not negligence or accident (Cardascia 1985). released.
An anomalous member of the list (CE 42; CH 202-5) must In Exod 21: 18-19 nonpermanent injury in a fight leads
be intentional: a slap in the face-suggesting that honor to tortious damages for loss of work and medical expenses.
was as much at stake as physical integrity. The offender is "clear" (nqy)-not of all liabilities, but of
The Code of Hammurabi distinguishes between an criminal culpability that would give a right to revenge.
awilum-a member of the upper classes-and a muI- Accordingly to Deut 25: l l-12 if a wife intervenes in a
kinum-a poor man, or perhaps simply an ordinary free fight by seizing the genitalia of her husband's opponent,
citizen. CH 196-97 rule: "If an awilum puts out the eye of her "hand" (Heb kp--female genitalia) is cut off. The facts
the son of an awilum, his eye shall be put out. Here is the lie between MAL A 7 and 8, but the punishment is
famous talio (measure for measure), in brutally explicit harsher.
language. But talio was simply part of the system of re- 3. Rape. a. In Cuneiform Sources. This is considered
venge and ransom. By this means the courts limited the by the cuneiform law codes in the context of a discussion
level of revenge exactable, and there was always the possi- of adultery. Two main aspects are treated: the status of the
bility of ransom if the parties could come to terms. For the victim and her lack of consent.
muikenum, the ransom was fixed (CH 198). In CU, CE, and The laws distinguished between a woman who is unat-
HL there are only fixed payments for the various injuries. tached, inchoately married, and married. According to
Second, a fight which leads to nonpermanent injury is MAL A 55, where an unattached girl is raped, her father
discussed by CH 206 and HL 10. In both, the offender may demand that the rapist marry her without right of
must pay the doctor's fee; and HL requires in addition divorce and with payment of a set bride money or demand
that he nurse the victim, supply a man to work in his place the bride money without the marriage. If the rapist is
until he is well, and pay him a small, fixed sum. These married, his wife is to be assigned to the father for sexual
provisions are clearly compensatory in nature (suggesting abuse.
that the offender was not solely to blame for the fight) and Where bride money has been paid for the girl, she is
are analogous to damages in tort rather than to criminal inchoately married, a status which aggravates the offense,
punishment. making it punishable with death (CU 6; CE 26; CH 130).
Third, a fight in which a woman intervenes by seizing a The purpose of this rule, the core of the scholarly prob-
man's testicles is considered. According to MAL A 8 if she lem, is to equate this case with that of a fully married
crushes one testicle, her finger is cut off; if she crushes woman, where the rapist's penalty is likewise death (MAL
both, her nipples (? text broken) are tom out. Merely A 12, 23; HL 197). MAL A 12 relies for lack of consent on
laying hands on a man is punished by a payment and the fact that the woman was in the street on legitimate
flogging (7). business and on testimony to her resistance to the rapist's
b. In the Bible. The treatment of personal injury in the attentions. HL 197 proposes a mechanical test: if the act
biblical codes is based on these same three problems. took place in the city, consent is presumed; if in the
Exod 21 :24-25 contain a list: eye, tooth, hand, foot, country, it is not, and the offense is rape.
plus three that are not in the cuneiform provisions: burn- b. In the Bible. Of the biblical codes, only Deuteronomy
ing, wound, and blow. The context, however, is a scholarly discusses rape, preserving a fragment of the traditional
problem not attested elsewhere. A pregnant woman has scholarly problem. Rape of an unattached girl leads, as in
been caught up in a street brawl and injured by persons MAL A 55, to forcible marriage with no divorce, and
unknown (v 23: 'swn = damage by persons unknown). In payment of a set bride money (22:28-29). (Cf. Genesis 34,
these circumstances, it is the duty of the local authority to where the rape of Dinah is regarded by the offender's
pay (v 23, ntth "you shall pay") her compensation appro- family as meriting a similar response, but is met by Dinah's
priate to her injury. In spite of its talionic phraseology, brothers with revenge beyond any normal legal limits.
therefore ("eye for eye"), the list here refers to the princi- Likewise, Absalom's killing of Amnon in revenge for the
ples of equitable ransom rather than to revenge. In Lev rape of his sister Tamar was regarded as unjustified: 2
24: 19-20, on the other hand, the list unambiguously re- Samuel 13.) Rape of an inchoately married girl, on the
fers to retaliation: "A man who gives a blemish in his other hand, is punishable with death (22:25). In this case.
fellow: as he did, so shall be done to him-fracture for Deuteronomy relies on the same context for consent as
fracture, eye for eye, tooth for tooth. As he put a blemish HL 197-city or country-but provides it with a rationale,
on his fellow so shall it be put on him." The rule therefore namely that in the city the girl's cries for help will be
regulates revenge as in CH. It does not explicitly exclude heard-and consent is therefore presumed if she does not
the alternative of ransom; but it is from the Priestly source, cry out (22:24-27). . .
which is hostile to ransom (see above). Possibly considera- 4. Adultery. Illicit sexual intercourse by a wife with a
tions of purity are at issue, since the term used here for man other than her husband was adultery. The same act
v. 553 PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES

by a husband was not considered adultery, unless it ~as had intercourse with his neighbor's wife" (Surpu 2.47-48;
with a married woman. Adultery was an offense against 4.6 [Reiner 19S8].
the husband committed by the wife and her lover, but it b. In the Bible. The biblical laws contain only fragments
was also a sin and subject to divine punishment. In Ugarit of the traditional scholarly problems but with supplemen-
(Moran I 9S9) and Egypt (Rabinowitz I 9S9) it is referred tary details from narrative and prophetic passages.
to as the "Great Sin," and in the Bible as the "Great Evil" The general principle is presented in Lev 20: IO: "A man
(Gen 39:9). who commits adultery with a man's wife, who commits
a. In Cuneiform Sources. Adultery is discussed in the adultery with his neighbor's wife shall be killed-the adul-
cuneiform codes in a series of interrelated problems. The terer and the adulteress" and in Deut 22:22: "If a man is
general principle is presented in MAL A 13: discovered to have lain with a married woman, they shall
both die: the man who sleeps with the woman and the
If the wife of a man has gone out from her house to a woman. You shall eliminate evil from Israel."
man where he lives and he has had intercourse with her The seduction of an unwitting man is the subject of
knowing that she is a man's wife, both the man and the three narratives in Genesis ( 12: I 0-20; chap. 20; 26:6-I I)
woman shall be killed. in which a foreign ruler has (or almost has) intercourse
with a patriarch's wife, believing her to be his unmarried
This case is to be distinguished from the seduction of a sister. The consequence is divine, but not human, punish-
man who is unaware of the woman's married status, where ment.
the man is not liable but the husband may punish his wife In Deut 22:20-21, where a wife is found not to have
as he pleases (MAL A I 4b and also CU 7). kept her chastity before marriage, she suffers death. It
If the husband catches the lovers in flagranti delicto, there must be presumed that her offense took place during the
are two possibilities. If he himself kills them on the spot, period of inchoate marriage (cf. Exod 22: lS-16 for the
he is not liable for homicide (HL I 97; probably also the case of an unattached girl). Likewise in Gen 38:24, Tamar's
meaning of CE 28 and MAL A !Sa). If he chooses to bring unchastity is punishable with death because she was re-
them before the court, then the death penalty applies (CH garded as inchoately married to Shelah. Deut 22:24 ex-
129; MAL A I Sb), but according to HL 198, the king has tends the scope of the problem on rape of an inchoate
the prerogative of sparing the culprits' lives. wife to consensual intercourse, in which case both she and
In CH 142 if an inchoately married wife is found not to her lover are put to death.
have kept her chastity during betrothal, it is treated as If a husband accuses his wife without direct evidence,
adultery, and she suffers the death penalty. she must take an oath and undergo a ceremony of drink-
If a husband accuses his wife of adultery but has no ing bitter waters (which will have adverse physical effects
direct evidence, she must take an oath in order to clear if she is guilty) in order to clear herself (Num S: I 1-31 ).
herself of liability (CH 131 ). The basis of punishment is explicitly stated to be revenge
The penalties found in these codes represent regulation by the husband, with the alternative right to ransom:
of revenge by the husband. Presumably the alternative of
ransom existed, but no reference is known from the cune- ... The fury of the husband will be passionate;
iform sources. Adultery was regarded as a very grave He will show no pity on his day of vengeance.
offense, for which the husband was entitled to demand He will not have regard for any ransom;
the death penalty. In his discretion, the husband could He will refuse your bribe, however great
demand a lesser penalty, such as mutilation (MAL A !Sb) (Prov 6:32-3S-JPSV).
or "treat his wife as he pleases" (14). Since punishment of
the wife intersects with marriage law, it is probable that Ransom was therefore unlimited, and in the discretion of
the latter discretion included the right simply to divorce the husband. In Gen 38:24, where the inchoate husband
the wife without paying the usual financial compensation Shelah is still young, it is Tamar's father-in-law, Judah, who
(cf. CH 141). exercises this right. A kind of limited ransom is prescribed
On the other hand, adultery could not be regarded as in Lev 19:20: "A man who lies carnally with a wife ('sh),
an offense against the husband if he acquiesced in his she being a slave pledged to the man (pointing neb,repet
wife's conduct, e.g., if he was suspected of sending her out lii'if) ... there shall be a proprietary claim (bqrl). They
for prostitution (MAL A 14). shall not be put to death because she was not freed." The
Thus all the above provisions emphasize that punish- husband cannot claim the death penalty, but he can re-
m.ent of the lover is dependent upon punishment of the claim his wife, thus canceling the debt, which thereby
wife. The husband is not allowed to claim a penalty for the represents a limited ransom. The right of the husband to
lover while pardoning his wife's offense, and his killing of inflict a lesser penalty on his wife is referred to in pro-
the lovers caught in flagranti delicto is permitted only on phetic passages which use adultery as a metaphor for the
cond1uon that he kills both (CH 129; MAL A 14-IS, 22; nation's apostasy (Hos 2:S, cf. Jer 13:26-27; Ezek 16:37-
HL 1.98). MAL A ISb also insists that the lover's penalty 39). Apparently the wife is stripped naked and driven
be mitigated m step with any mitigation by the husband of from the matrimonial home.
the penalty inflicted on his wife. As in the cuneiform codes, punishment of the lover
Where the adulterer goes undetected by the husband, depended on the absence of acquiescence by the husband
the poss1b1hty of divine punishment is still to be reckoned in his wife's adultery. Hence, Lev 20: IO and Deut 22:22
with. Thus the gods will visit with sickness and premature insist on both parties' being killed. The wording of the
death the man who secretly "entered his neighbor's house, former law is significant: it is addressed to the lover alone,
PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES 554 • v
but adds "the adulterer and the adulteress," showing the 32), but this has also been explained as aggravated theft
former's death to be conditional upon the latter's. Collu- due to the element of hot pursuit (Daube 1947: 236-45).
sion was a well-known factor, as seen in the deception (3) Bovines-fivefold payment; ovines-fourfold (Exod
practiced by Abraham and Isaac in representing their 21:37-Eng 22:1).
wives as their sisters. No human punishment is contem- The theft laws of the Covenant Code (Exod 21:37-
plated (not least because a ruler is implicated), but divine 22:3-Eng 22: 1-22:4), combine simple theft with the two
punishment is still a possibility (Gen 12:17; 20:3, 17-18; scholarly problems. The original thief, identified by his
26: l 0). The inclusion of adulterous relationships in the having sold or slaughtered the stolen animal, pays a four-
incest categories of Leviticus 20,and the "giving of seed" or fivefold penalty, probably ransom for his life. The
to one's neighbor's wife in Lev 18:19, suggest collusion attempted burglar may be killed with impunity at night
and therefore no punishment by the husband. But it but otherwise faces slavery unless he can pay a negotiated
remains a sin that will be visited by the divine punishment ransom. (Unlike the cuneiform counterparts, no limit is
of childlessness (20:20-2 l ). The context suggests that the imposed.) The innocent purchaser pays only a twofold
Priestly source regarded adultery not merely as a personal penalty, probably a simple debt. The innocent finder must
sin but as polluting to some extent. pay the same (Exod 22:8-Eng 22:9).
5. Theft. a. In Cuneiform Sources. This category was The theft of Joseph's cup provides a rare example of
widely defined, covering fraudulent misappropriation Egyptian law in the Bible. Egyptian procedure allowed an
whether by asportation, purchasing stolen property, or accused to propose his own penalty as the consequences of
retaining lost property. In principle, the owner of the his oath's (asserting his innocence) being false. The broth-
stolen property was entitled to the death penalty as re- ers declare that he with whom the cup is found shall die;
venge upon the thief, but in practice this was confined to but the Egyptian official deliberately misunderstands
aggravated cases. The courts imposed limited ransom for them, to prevent it from becoming Benjamin's death sen-
simple theft, either at a fixed sum or as a fixed multiple of tence (Gen 44:9-10).
the thing stolen. The severity of the penalty depended 6. Theason. A personal offense against the king, such as
sometimes on the circumstances, e.g., a wife stealing from disloyalty expressed by deed or word (the latter often
her husband was treated more severely (MAL A 3); the associated with blasphemy) is treason. The king was enti-
retainer of lost goods, more leniently (cf. HL 57-59, and tled to kill the traitor and confiscate his property (MAL B
60-62). Mostly, it depended on the nature of the thing 3; cf. Wiseman 1953: No. 17). In a trial of conspirators
stolen: against Rameses III of Egypt (ANET, 214-16), the penal-
(1) Free persons, i.e., kidnapping-death (CH 14) or a ties range through enforced suicide for the main prota-
high ransom (HL l 9B). gonists, mutilation for subordinates, and a mere rebuke
(2) &s sacra taken from a temple-death (CH 6; HL for an associate not directly involved.
126), but other temple or palace property-30-fold pay- In Exod 22:27-Eng 22:28 it is forbidden to curse a
ment (CH 8). prince (cf. 2 Sam 16:5-10) or blaspheme, and in 1 Kgs
(3) Animals-various multiples, depending on size (HL 21: 10-16 Naboth is executed for "blessing" (euphemism
59-65). for cursing) God and king, and his vineya~d confiscated
by the king. Apparently, his sons were also executed (2
(4) Other items-various multiples or fixed sums (e.g.,
CH 254-55, 259-60; HL 121-28). Large sums might be Kgs 9:26).
7. Against Parents. Striking one's father is punished
in lieu of death (e.g., CH 256) or mutilation (CH 253;
according to CH 195 with the loss of a hand, and in Exod
MAL A 5; HL 92), but the smaller sums may represent a 21: 15 (father or mother) with death, as is cursing them
simple debt, i.e., ransom of one's freedom. (Exod 21:17; Lev 20:9; cf. Deut 27:16). All these rules
Apart from simple theft, the cuneiform codes contain presuppose that the parents' right of discipline is not
two scholarly problems. First, in the case of the owner arbitrary, but subject to legal limits. For a son who is
versus the innocent purchaser of his stolen property, strict uncontrollably insubordinate and dissolute, the parents
liability is imposed on the latter. He must return the goods may turn to the local court, which can order his public
and make a multiple payment. But the payment is lower stoning (Deut 21: 18-21 ). In a less extreme case partial or
than that for theft and probably represented a simple whole disinheritance may have been the practice (Gen
debt, which he could recoup from the thief if he found 49:3-4; cf. CH 168-69).
him (CH 9-12; HL 57-70). Second, in the case of the 8. False Accusation. This act was considered ideal for
owner's killing an attempted burglar, if he is killed on the application of the talionic principle. The accuser bears the
premises at night by the owner, there is no culpability for very penalty he sought for the accused (CL 17; _CH 1-4;
homicide (CE 12-13). If caught and brought to trial, he cf. CU 26). The principle is applied in a Sumerian docu-
must make a very small payment-presumably a simple ment from Nippur, where a son falsely accuses his fat~er,
debt (CL 9; CE 12-13; HL 93). a priest, of cultic offenses (Roth 1984: 9-14 )..Accusauons
b. In the Bible. Prov 6:30-3 l say of the thief in general (by a third party) of adultery are an exception: CU 11
that he must pay sevenfold-all the wealth of his house. imposes a payment of twenty shekels (MAL A 18), flog-
Elsewhere, the penalty varies according to the thing stolen: ging, a payment, and castra~io~. . . . . . .. .
(1) Kidnapping-death, for both the thief and "the one In Deut 19:16-21 the tahornc pnnc1ple ts exphnt: hfe
in whose possession he is found" (Exod 21: 16). for life, eye for eye ... you shall do to him as he schemed
(2) &s sacra-Jacob agrees to the death penalty for to do to his brother." But where a husband accuses his
whoever is found with Laban's stolen idols (Gen 31 :30- wife of premarital unchastity (which carries the death
v. 555 PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES

penalty), his punishment is flogging, a payment, and a bar terer not at all. All but disobedience and adultery are
on divorce (Deut 22: 13-19). public offenses. The Deuteronomist may have wished the
latter to be so regarded also, but it is not clear why they
E. Offenses Against the Legal System should have been singled out. Stoning is carried out by the
I. Abuse of Legal Authority. Ext~aordinary .i~terven­ local community except for the Molech cult, where it is the
tion by the ruler, usually on the basis of a petition, was duty of a body called 'am hii'are$ (Lev 20:2). For apostasy,
required in cases of abuse since the offender was pa~t of the denouncers must initiate the stoning (Deut 13: 10-11;
the system and the victim from the weaker strata of soC1ety. 17:7).
In the Hittite Instructions to the Border Guard Com- Death is by fire for miscellaneous sexual offenses: incest
mander, the latter acts as an itinerant ombudsman for with a woman and her mother (Lev 20: 14), fornication by
such complaints (ANET, 21 I). The penalty is within the a priest's daughter (Lev 21 :9), and Tamar's adultery (Gen
king's discretion and may be death (CH 34). The Bible has 38:24-26). It is by the sword for an apostate city (Deut
two technical terms for such abuses: gzl, where property 13:15; cf. 1 Kgs 18:40) and is the preferred method of
was taken from the victim (e.g., Gen 21:25; Ps 69:5), and revenge for homicide (Num 35:9; cf. 2 Sam 3:27), for
'Iq, where he is denied his legal due (Deut 24:14-15). The which impalement is also possible (2 Sam 21 :9). Dismem-
penalty can be compensation and/or death, at the king's berment and being devoured by beasts (Dan 2:5; 6:8)
discretion (2 Sam 12: 1-6). If the culprit voluntarily con- appear in a foreign setting.
fesses, he must restore the property plus a fifth and bring Mutilation occurs as a "mirroring" punishment (Deut
a guilt-offering for sacrifice (Lev 5:2I-26). A Hebrew 25: 11-12) and in application of the talionic principle (Lev
ostracon from the 7th century B.C. (ANET, 568) may rep- 24: 19-20), also of the corpse of an executed criminal (2
resent a petition regarding abuse of authority. Sam 4: 12). Flogging is prescribed once (Deut 22: 18) but
2. Contempt of Court. This is punished in Deut 17:8- must have been common, as Deut 25: I-3 restricts it to
13 by death (cf. HL 173). forty strokes, without mention of a specific offense. For
certain types of incest Leviticus imposes special punish-
F. Methods of Punishment ments which may be divine rather than human. As punish-
I. In Cuneiform Sources. The means by which the ment for intercourse with a sister (20: 17), karet may refer
death penalty is to be executed is usually not specified. In to extirpation of the culprit's entire lineage (Wold 1979).
CH, drowning is mentioned several times (108; 129; 133; Intercourse with an aunt by marriage or a sister-in-law
143; 155), burning twice (I IO; 157) and impalement once makes the culprits 'ryry, usually interpreted as childless
(153). MAL has impalement in one case (A 53), while HL (20: 19-21 ).
mentions single cases of dismemberment by oxteams (166) Hanging, imprisonment, and torture are not generally
and beheading (173). No rationale can be discerned be- used as punishments in the ANE legal systems. Hanging is
hind the choice of method. to expose the corpse after death by some other means (CH
Mutilation is often used as a "mirroring" punishment, 21; Deut 21 :22-3). Prison is for detention pending trial or
e.g., severing the hand that strikes (CH 195), the lip that for political reasons (e.g., Gen 40:1-22; Lev 24:12; Jer
steals a kiss (MAL A 9), and castration of an adulterer 32:2-3). Torture, such as flaying alive, was used by the
(MAL A 15). Note also stinging by bees for stealing a hive Assyrians in warfare against recalcitrant vassals but not in
(HL 92) and throwing the looter of a burning house into a domestic context.
that fire (CH 25 ). Severing an ear is a characteristic method Of the penalties involving revenge, only death for mur-
for punishing slaves (CH 205; HL 95). der appears to have been personally carried out by the
The talionic principle is behind most cases of mutilation, avenger. MAL gives a husband the right to mutilate his
where the same injury is inflicted as that which was suf- wife but under the supervision of an official (A 58).
fered. A judgment of king Rim-Sin of Larsa applies it to
the death penalty: "Because he threw the servant into the G. Summary and Conclusions
oven, do you throw the slave into the furnace" (BIN 7.10). A crime was conceived of in the ANE as a wrong against
Only MAL applies it to sexual violation (A 20, 55). As the a person or a god for which the victim was entitled to
talionic principle is usually a limit on revenge, there is no revenge. The role of the court was confined to setting a
reason to suppose that it was not carried out in practice if limit on human revenge and to forestalling divine revenge
no ransom was given. Flogging is used once in CH (202- on the society by adopting appropriate measures against
sixty strokes) and frequently in MAL (between twenty and the culprit. To determine the proper limit on revenge was
one hundred), where it is often cumulated with other the foremost task of Mesopotamian jurisprudence, whose
punishments. learning was received into the surrounding systems, in-
2. In the Bible. Where the Bible specifies the method cluding that of biblical Israel.
of execution, the most common is stoning: for apostasy The modern conception of crime as a wrong against
(Lev 20:2; Deut 13:11; 17:5), blasphemy (Lev 24:14, 16, society which is to be suppressed by impersonal punish-
23; 1 Sam 21:10), sorcery (Lev 20:27), sabbath violation ment is derived ultimately from the jurisprudence of clas-
(Nu~ 15:35-36), misappropriating ~rm (Josh 7:25), diso- sical Greece. In postbiblical rabbinic jurisprudence, where
bedient son (Deut 21: 21 ), and adultery by an inchoate wife Mesopotamian science gave way to Greek, the adoption of
(Deut 22:21, 24; cf. Ezek 16:40; 23:47). It has been sug- this new conception led in turn to a radical reinterpreta-
gested th.at the common element is treason against a su- tion of the biblical texts. The later biblical codes do fore-
perior (Fmkelstein 1981: 26-29), but sabbath violation and shadow this development with their characterization of
sorcery fit this category with difficulty, and the male adul- certain wrongs against the person also as polluting sins
PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES 556 • v
against God. But they are still anchored in the conceptions - - . 1979. Sanctions against Adultery in Ancient Israelite Soci-
of the ANE. ety. ]SOT II: 57-72.
Milgrom, J. 1976. Cult and Conscience. SJLA 18. Leiden.
Bibliography Moran, W. L. 1959. The Scandal of the "Great Sin" at Ugarit.]NES
Anbar, M. 1974. Le chatiment du crime de sacrilege d'apres la 18: 280-81.
Bible et un text hepatoscopique paleo-babylonien. RA 68: 172- Paul, S. 1983. Daniel 3:29-A Case Study of "Neglected" Blas-
73. phemy.]NES 42: 291-94.
Bigger, S. F. 1979. The Family Laws of Leviticus 18 in Their Petschow, H. P. H. 1973. Altorientalische I'arallelen zur spatrom-
Setting.]BL 98: 187-203. ischen calumnia. Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung filr Rechtsge-
Cardascia, G. 1971. Une Justice lnfaillible. Vol. 6, pp. 419-31 in schichte rom Abt 79: 14-35.
Studi Voilterra. Milan. Phillips, A. 1970. Ancient Israel's Criminal Law. Oxford.
- - . I 979. La place du talio dans l'histoire du droit penal a la - - . 1977. Another Look at Murder.]SS 28: 105-26.
lumiere des droits du Proche-Orient ancien. Pp. 169-83 in - - . 1981. Another Look at Adultery.]SOT20: 3-26.
Melanges Dauvillier. Toulouse. Rabinowitz, J. J. 1959. The "Great Sin" in Ancient Egyptian Mar-
- - . I 985. Le caractere volontaire ou involontaire des atteintes riage Contracts.]NES 18: 73.
corporelles dans les droits cuneiformes. Vol. 6, pp. 163-207 in Reiner, E. 1958. Surpu. AfO Beiheft 2. Graz.
Studi Sanfilippo. Milan. Roth, M. 1984. A Reassessment of RA 71(1977)125ff. AfO 31: 9-
Civil, M. 1965. New Sumerian Law Fragments. AS 16: 1-12. 14.
Daube, D. 1947. Studies in Biblical Law. Cambridge. - - . 1987. Homicide in the Neo-Assyrian Period. Pp. 351-65 in
- - . 1986. The Old Testament Prohibitions of Homosexuality. Studies Presented to Erica Reiner, ed. F. Rochberg-Halton. AOS
Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte rom. Abt. I 03: 67. New Haven.
447-48. Weidner, E. F. 1932. Assyrische Beschreibungen de Kriegs-Reliefs
Finkelstein, J. J. 1966. Sex Offenses in Sumerian Laws. ]AOS 86: A~forbaniplis. AfO 8: 175-203.
355-72. Westbrook, R. 1985. Biblical and Cuneiform Law Codes. RB 92:
- - . I 981. The Ox That Gored. TAPhS 71: 5-4 7. 247-64.
Frymer-Kensky, T. 1980. Tit for Tat. BA 43: 230-34. - - . 1986. Lextalionis and Exodus 21, 22-25. RB 93: 52-69.
- - . 1983. Pollution, Purification and Purgation in Biblical - - . 1988a. Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Law. CahRB 26.
Israel. Pp. 399-414 in WLSGF Paris.
Geller, N. 1980. The ~urpu Incantations and Lev V 1-5.]SS 25: - - . 1988b. The Nature of the Twelve Tablets. Zeitschrift der
181-92. Savigny-Stiftungfilr Rechtsgeschichte rom Abt 105: 85-97.
Greenberg, M. I 960. Some Postulates of Biblical Criminal Law. Pp. Wiseman, D. J. I 953. The Alalakh Tablets. London.
5-28 in Yehezkel Kaufmann jubilee Volume, ed. M. Haran. Jeru- Wold, D. 1979. The Kareth Penalty in P: Rationale and Cases.
salem. SBLSP 1: 1-46.
- - . 1986. More Reflections on Biblical Criminal Law. Vol. 31, Yildiz, F. 1981. A Tablet of Codex Ur-Nammu from Sippar. Or 50:
pp. 1-17 in ScrHier, ed. S. Japhet. Jerusalem. 87-97.
Greengus, S. I 969. A Textbook Case of Adultery in Ancient Meso- RAYMOND WESTBROOK
potamia. HUCA 50: 33-44.
Hoffman, I. I 984. Der Er/ass Telipinus. Heidelberg.
Hoffner, H. A., Jr. 1973. Incest, Sodomy and Bestiality in the PUNITES [Heb puni]. Clan descended from Puvah,
Ancient Near East. Pp. 81-90 in Orient and Occident, ed. H. A. who was a son of Issachar (Num 26:23). The term "Pun-
Hoffner, Jr. AOAT 22. Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn. ites" is a gentilic adjective derived from the name "Puvah"
Jackson, B. 1972. Theft in Early Jewish Law. Oxford. used with the article as a collective name. The Sam. Pent.,
- - . 1975. Reflections on Biblical Criminal Law. Pp. 25-63 in LXX, Syr, and Vg preserve different spellings of these
Essays in Jewish and Comparative Legal History. Leiden. names, which transliterated would be Puah and Puites.
Jacobsen, T. 1970. An Ancient Mesopotamian Trial for Homicide. While these readings provide a closer correspondence
Pp. 193-213 in Toward the Image of Tammuz, ed. W. L. Moran. between the names than Puvah and Punites of the MT, this
HSS 21. Cambridge, MA. does not mean that they are earlier or better readings
Kraus, F. R. 1960. Was ist der Codex Hammurabi? Geneva 8: 283- (Barthelemy et al. 1979: 253).
96.
Kwasman, T. I 988. Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents in the Kouyunjik Bibliography
Collection of the British Museum. Studia Pohl: Series Maior 14. Barthelemy, D. et al. 1979. Pentateuch. Vol I of Preliminary and
Rome. Interim Report on the Hebrew Old Testament Project. Rev. ed. New
Loweenstamm, S. I 980. The Laws of Adultery and Murder in York.
Biblical and Mesopotamian Law. Pp. 146-53 in Comparative STEPHEN A. REED

Studies in Biblical and Ancient Oriental Literatures. AOAT 204.

Kevelaer.
Lorton, D. 1977. Treatment of Criminals in Ancient Egypt.JESHO PUNON (PLACE) [Heb punon]. A place in the Wadi
20: 2-64. 'Arabah (Num 33:42-43). The place is generally identified
Malamat, A. I 966. The Ban in Mari and the Bible. Pp. 40-49 in with Gk Phaino, the present Faynan, the center of copper
Biblical Essays 1966. Pretoria. mining and smelting activities in the Chalcolithic period,
McKeating, H. 1975. The Development of Law on Homicide in the EB Age, the Iron Age, and the late Roman and early
Ancient Israel. VT 25: 46-68. Byzantine periods, as well as an Edomite (7th-5th centu-
v. 557 PURPLE

ries s.c.) and Roman-Byzantine town See also FEINAN, related renderings as "crimson" (Isa I: 18) and "scarlet."
WADI. Since it is impossible to attain certainty as to the precise
Pu non is primarily not the name of a settlement, but the hue that an ancient author had in mind in a particular
name of a district. The name can be interpreted by Arabic text, any color specifications here made are merely proxi-
faynan, "to have long, beautiful hair." Like "Seir" ~literall.y: mate.
"the hairy one"), Feinan refers to a region according to Its The Hebrew words translated as "purple" in the RSV
vegetation: trees, grass, and reed. Typologically, the name are 'argdmdn (cognate to Aram 'argwan [Dan 5:7, 16, 29; 2
may go back as far as to the 4th or 3d millennia B.C. Chr 2:6-Eng 2:7]), t8la' (only Lam 4:5; "crimson," Isa
(Knauf 1987). "Punon" derives from *Pfmfm (by dissimila- I: 18), and tekelet (only Ezek 23:6; "blue" [fabric], 2 Chr
tion of the first 8), which in turn derives from *Parnin (by 2:6-Eng 2:7, 14; 3:14). The RSV reserves the translation
the common "Canaanite" shift a > 8), which can be re- equivalent "scarlet" for Heb sani and "scarlet stuff" for the
garded as a dialectical variant of *Paymin. Punon is not a phrase t8la'at siini (Exod 25:4, etc.; note Num 4:8, "scar-
scribal error for Pinon (Gen 36:41; I Chr I :52; and a let").
variant reading in Num 33:42-43; cf. Weippert 1971: 433- The word 'argiimdn is common to Northwest Semitic
434); as early as in the 13th century B.C. Rameses II (Aram 'argwan, Ug 'armn) and East Semitic (Akk arga-
mentions pwnw (that is, *Piln8 or *Pono; cf. for the loss of mannu), and Heb tiikelet is cognate to Akk takiltu, fre-
the final n the Gk name Phaino) as one of the regions quently (with tabarru) designating blue-purple or violet-
inhabited by Shasu, "nomads" (Gorg 1982). blue wool. The Greek equivalent of 'argiim<in is porphyra
The itinerary through the Wadi 'Arabah, on which Num (Lat purpura, hence "purple"); the equivalents of tekelet are
33:36-43 is based, may derive from the Persian period hyakinthos, hyakinthinos (phoinikoun at Isa l: 18); the phrase
(Knauf 1988: 54). In analogy to the Edomite occupation tola'at sani is rendered by Gk kokkinon.
at Bu~eirah, Tawilan, and Tell el-Kheleifeh (Parr 1988: The sources of "purple" dyes included especially marine
49), the Edomite settlement at Feinan could have extended snails of the class Gastropoda, from which was extracted a
into the 5th century B.c. rich pigment corresponding generally to Heb 'argaman (a
red purple) and tekelet (a violet purple). From the dried
Bibliography bodies of females of the scale insect called the kermes
Garg, M. 1982. Punon-ein weiterer Distrikt der S3sw-Beduinen? (Kermes illicis) was extracted kermesic acid, a bright red dye
BN 19: 15-21. (cf. Heb t8la', "worm"). See also ZOOLOGY.
Knauf, E. A. 1987. Supplementa Ismaelitica 9. Phinon-Feinan Rubia tinctorum, an herbaceous perennial, was the source
und das westarabische Ortsnamenkontinuum. BN 36: 37-50. of a cheaper imitation dye known as madder that found
- - . 1988. Midian. ADPV: Wiesbaden. frequent use in Egypt and in the classical world (cf. Pliny
Parr, P. J. 1988. Aspects of the Archaeology of North-West Arabia HN 24.4; Dioskourides 4.46; Strabo 13.4.14 [630], de-
in the First Millennium e.c. Pp. 39-66 in l'Arabie prti.slamique scribed as competitor with kermes and sea purple; 12.8.16
et son environnement historique et culture/, ed. T. Fahd. Leiden. [578], with special reference to the raven black hue of
Weippert, M. 1971. Edom: Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte Laodicean and Colossian wool; Vitruvius 7 .14.1-2). Other
der Edomiter auf Grund schriftlicher und archaologischer vegetable dyes in the red-purple color range included
Quellen. Ph.D. diss., University of Tu bingen. henna, alkanet, archil (orseille or litmus), and "dragon's
ERNST AXEL KNAUF blood" (which was derived from the rattan palm), woad,
and indigo.
Displaying nuances of shade from blood red to blue
PURAH (PERSON) [Heb pura]. Servant (Heb na'ar, black, with exposure to the sun a principal factor in
"boy, lad") of Gideon who went with Gideon to spy on the alteration of the "primitive" hue, the most highly prized
Midianite camp (Judg 7: 10-11). His function was probably was sea purple, extracted from various genera and species
that of shield and weapon bearer (cf. Judg 9:54; I Sam of carnivorous marine snails, including Murex brandaris
14: I, 6; Boling judges AB, 146). The meaning of his name (Pliny: "pelagia," common at Tyre), which produced a
is not certain. One suggestion is that it is related to the Ar deep blue violet, isolated by Friedlander ( 1909) as dibrom-
furrun, "to be better, imposing." Another is that it is simply indigo; Murex trunculus (Pliny: "purpura"; a shell common
de~ectively written (i.e., the vowel letter omitted) for pilra, to the Mediterranean region), which supplied a scarlet
"win~press trough" (HA.LAT, 908). The LXX and Josephus red; Helix ianthina, productive of a violet dye; and Purpura
vocalize the name as Gk Phara, with an a and not a u, lapillus. In Tarentum, Sicily, a hill called Monte Testaccio is
possibly indicating the Heb root prh, "to be fruitful." composed of brandaris and trunculus shells. Dye pro-
KIRK E. LOWERY duced from the Murex brandaris was colorfast and permit-
ted washing of garments; Cicero (Flac. 29[70]), snidely
notes that Decianus could look the peak of fashion with
PURIM [Heb purim]. See ESTHER, BOOK OF. but one set of garments. Various shades were secured
through blending and other processes, many of the details
of which belong to the undivulged secrets of the ancient
PUR~LE. The Hebrew and Greek terms underlying the world; but some conception of resources used by imitators
rendenng "purple" refer to hues ranging from red to for production of cheaper grades can be derived from
dark purple. Because of this color range and a variety of later recipes that are associated with Bolus of Mendes in
blending and other techniques involved in the production the Leyden and Stockholm papyri (see Rostovtzeff 1953:
of "purple" dye, it is necessary to take account of such 1225-26 and Ploss 1962: 37-39). The startling alterations
PURPLE 558 • v
in color that took place in dyeing processes induced alche- (8.221) Homer depicts Agamemnon in a purple cloak, and
mists to search for mutations in metals, a quest that led to Hector's ashes are deposited in an urn that is covered with
forgeries under the name of Demokritos. That the ancient purple garments (24. 796). According to the Odyssey (8.84),
dyers did not gather the various species haphazardly is Penelope gave her husband a purple cloak when he left
confirmed by the fact that numerous shell heaps can be for Troy. The writer of Judges (8:26) assumes that the
identified in terms of a specific type of murex. Garments kings of Midian must have worn purple. Ezek 23:6 and
dyed with sea purple were termed conchyliatae vestes in 27:24 describe Assyrian governors and commanders as
Rome. Martial sarcastically alludes to a lmgering odor in clothed in purple for their military operations. King Solo-
the dyed clothing of one of his targets (Epigrams 1.49.32; mon's palanquin had a cushion of purple (Cant 3: IO).
2.16.3). King Belshazzar, frightened by a moving hand writing on
Nuzi texts indicate that purple dye (Akk kinahhu) was his palace wall, promised to clothe in purple and at the
processed as early as 1500 B.C.E. So prized was sea purple same time to put third in command of the empire any one
dye for its commercial value that the Hebrew term >arga- of his wise men who could read and interpret the writing
miin acquired the sense of "tribute" in both Ugaritic and (Dan 5:7). When Xerxes made Mordecai a courtier, he
Hittite. Hittite sources reveal that such payment was made clothed him in purple (Esth 8:15 [LXX]; cf. I Mace 10:20,
in the form of purple garments for the king, queen, crown 62, 64; 11 :57, of Jonathan's recognition by Alexander
prince, and ministers of the court. Balas, later Antiochus VI; and 14:41-44, of Simon hon-
The Greek word phoenix (red purple) is perhaps cognate ored by King Demetrius and the Jewish people). Plutarch
with the name Phoenicia. Massive accumulations of shells records that the urn which contained the ashes of Deme-
of the purple-producing murex have been found in the trius the Great was "resplendent in its shroud of royal
neighborhood of Tyre. The prestige of Tyre in produc- purple" (Demetrios 52.2). And Hellenistic monarchs fol-
tion of the dye was noted by the grammarian Pollux (1.45 ), lowed the Persian and Macedonian practice of retaining an
who relates a Tyrian legend about its discovery by Hera- entourage of advisers whom they honored with distinctive
cles. Pliny (HN 5.76) and Strabo (16.2.23) report on the purple garb. Livy appears to echo the custom in his use of
city's prestigious reputation for the production of purple. the term purpurati, "wearers of purple" (see, e.g., 30.42.6).
According to 2 Chr 2:3, 7 Solomon asked Huram, king of Josephus (Ant 14.173) notes that in 47 a.c. Herod wore
Tyre, to send skilled workers in purple. An amazing state- purple.
ment in Ezek 27:7 suggests that Tyre had competitors in Loss of status could be symbolized by stripping a dis-
the purple-textile industry whose wares even graced some graced person, such as Andronicus, one of King Antio-
of her ships (cf. v 16), and Pausanias (3.21.6) reports that chus' nobles (2 Mace 4.38), of his purple robe. Luke's story
after the Phoenician the best shellfish for purple dye were about the rich man and beggar Lazarus (16: 19-31) con-
to be found on the coast of Laconia: at Bulis half of the tains the revealing touch that the former wore purple, and
inhabitants, he states (10.37.3), were involved in the pro- the evangelist dramatizes his loss of status by celebrating
duction of purple dye. There is no convincing evidence the ascent of Lazarus. On the other hand, soldiers make a
that purple was a status symbol in Egypt prior to the mockery of Jesus' status by dressing him in purple (Mark
Greco-Roman period, when its use became widespread 15:17; John 19:2; for which Matt 27:28 '..lses the term
during the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus (283-246). kokkine [chlamys], suggesting a cheaper garment).
Apart from its brilliance when exposed to the sun, sea The popularity of purple extended far beyond royal
purple was highly prized for its colorfastness; and among courts. If the Masoretic Text is to be followed at Prov
the favored hues developed by dyers was the Tyrian shade 13:21, a woman prized for virtue and wisdom clothes her
of congealed blood (Homer's "blood of purple hue"), entire household in purple. The Persian custom of wearing
which at first sight appeared to be black but glistened in purple invaded Greece to such an extent that even philo-
the light. According to Pliny the Elder, the most expensive sophers such as Empedocles and the Sophists Hippias of
quality of purple garment was Tyrian dibapha, "double- Elis and Gorgias of Leontini adopted purple dress (Aelian,
dipped," which at one time cost 1000 denarii a pound (HN VH 12.32; Apuleius, Flor. 9). But it remained for Alexan-
9.137), apparently not an unreasonable sum; for it is der to give the color "worldwide currency as a status
estimated that 12,000 Murex brandaris would have been symbol" (Reinhold 1970). Plutarch (Eumenes 8.7) relates
needed to produce 1.4 grams of crude dye (Friedlander that Alexander's secretary, Eumenes of Cardia, distributed
1909: 765-70, but details on probable shortcuts in the purple felt hats and cloaks to his Macedonian bodyguard.
ancient technology are lacking). Martial (Epigrams 8. l 0) Diogenes Laertius (8.4 7) reports that a long-haired boxer
writes about a Tyrian cloak that sold for 10,000 sesterces. named Pythagoras wore a garment dyed "sea purple." In
But the amethystina grade vied with Tyre's dibapha (cf. Italy the use of purple developed to such an extent from
Martial Epigrams 2.57.2). In Aurelian's time the highest the 3d century on that it became available on the open
quality of purple dye was termed blatta, "oxblood." People market (cf. P. Cairo Zenon 59069.8.20; 59630.3; 59696.4,
of average means had to be content with imitations that in reference to scarlet ribbons, kokkinai tainiai; somewhat
were made from dyes derived from a variety of animals, later, P. Tebt. 112, cols. 6-13, 112 B.c.E.; 117.38-39, 99
minerals, or vegetables. From the text of Acts 16: 14 it is a.c.E.; 120.3-4, in reference to two veils, porphyroun and
not possible to determine that Lydia limited her sale to kokkinon, 97 or 64 B.C.E.). A major factor in its spread was
luxury items or to a specific clientele. the repeal-over Cato's objections-in 195 ~-c_.E. of the
The prestige value of purple garments predates the Oppian Law, whose provisions included ~estncuon of the
Exodus. Ugaritic texts point to its importance in interna- use of purple (Livy 34.1-8). Inexpensive mm_eral and
tional relations as early as the 14th century. In the Iliad vegetable dyes (see, e.g., Pliny HN 16.77), contributed to
v. 559 PURPLE

the popularity of the color purple. From t~e tim~ of fitting tribute to deities. Artemis Brauronia was the recipi-
Cicero, beginning with his Sest. (57), re~eren~e ~s o~cas1on­ ent of a variety of such gifts dedicated by women after
ally made to "royal purple," but there 1s no 1m1tat1on that childbirth (see, e.g., JG II2 1514-18, 1521-25). Purple was
the use of the color was restricted to royal personages, featured in Israel's tabernacle (Exod 26: 1, 31, 36; 27: 16;
although Nero limited sale of the two highest grades, 36:8). Images of foreign deities were frequently adorned
amethystina and Tyria (Suet. Ner. 32.3). with purple (Jer 10:9). In the Epistle of]eremiah (v 71) idols
As a badge of wealth and luxury spending (cf. Prov are satirized for their wearing of rotting purple. Purple
31 :22) and because of its association in the popular con- was prescribed for the liturgical vestments of Israel's
sciousness with tyranny and decadence, purple became the priests (Exod 28:5-8; 39: 1-5). The use of purple in sac-
target of social criticism that crossed centuries and cul- erdotal garments during the post-Alexander period is
tures. The comic poet Anaxandrides thought King Cotys' documented by Plutarch (Aratus 53.4) and Athenaios
spreading of purple rugs in the Thracian capital for ~is (7.289c). Concerning a priest of Kybele named Bittaches,
daughter's wedding was a ridiculous luxury (Athena1os from Pessinus in Asia Minor, we are told that he came to
4. I 3 la). Cicero pilloried Verres for his extravagance in the Rome about l 03 B.C.E. in a bizarre costume of many colors
use of purple (Verr. 2.2.72.716; 2.5.31.86, 137; 4.26.59). (Diodoros of Sicily 36. l 3; Plutarch Marius ( 17 .5 ). Accord-
Lucretius referred to purple and gold in his assault on ing to the Dead Sea War Scroll ( lOM 7.10-11), purple was
growing ambition for power and wealth (2.20-36, 51-52, one of the colors in the liturgical battle garb of priests.
501 [of Meliboian purple from the coast of Thessaly];
5. 1423-29, 14.27-29; cf. Verg. G. 2.495). Affecting sim- Bibliography
plicity, Horace renounced the wearing of purple (Cann. Astour, M. C. 1965. The Origin of the Terms Canaan, Phoenician,
l.35.12; 2.18.8; 3.l.42). In numerous diatribes against and Purple.]NES 24: 346-50.
conspicuous consumption by the rich and famous, Seneca Besnier, M. 1877-1919. Purpura. Dictionnaire des Antiquites Grecques
decries the wearing of purple, the color improbus (see, e.g., et Romaines 4: 769-78.
Ep. 16.8; 76.31; 94. 70; cf. Martial Epigrams 12.63.4-5; Born, W. 1937a. Purpura Shell-Fish. Ciba Review 4: 106-10.
14.133, 154). Similar garb is attributed in Rev 17 :4 to the - - . 1937b. Purpura in Classical Antiquity. Ciba Review 4: 111-
"great whore" (the ironical point being made that accord- 18.
ing to Roman law she ought to be wearing a toga, cf. Dalman, G. 1937. Arbeit und Sitte in Paliistina. Pt. 5. Giitersloh.
Martial 2.39) and the "great city" (18:16), apparently in Dedekind, A. 1898. Ein Beitrag zur Purpurkunde. Berlin.
contrast to the white garments that are characteristic of Diels, H. 1920. Antike Technik. 2d ed. Tiibingen.
God's people. It is of further interest that the whore sits Forbes, R. J. 1956. Studies in Ancient Technology. Vol. 4. Leiden.
on a "scarlet" beast (l 7: 3 ). Plutarch (Lykourgos 13 = Mor. Friedlander, P. 1907. Zur Kenntnis des Farbstoffs des antiken
997d) reminds his public that in the time of Lykourgos Purpurs aus Murex brandaris. Monatschriftfur Chemie 28: 991-
Sparta forbade the use of purple. From time to time 96.
politicians felt the public pulse. Poly bi us ( l 0.26. l) observes - - . 1909. Ober den Farbstoff des antiken Purpurs aus Murex
that Philip of Macedon recognized the hazard in distanc- brandaris. Berichte der deutschen chemischen Gesellschaft 42: 765-
ing himself from the populace through such apparel, and 70.
on a return to Argos after celebrating the Nemean games Gallavotti, C. 1939-42. Tre Papiri Fiorentini. Revista di Filologia,
he laid it aside to "show that he did not consider himself n.s., 17 (67): 252-60.
better than the people." In related vein, Judas Maccabeus Goetze, A. 1956. The Inventory I BoT I 31.]CS 10/1: 32-36.
learned that the Roman Senate, 320 in number, disdained Gradwohl, R. 1963. Die Farben im Allen Testament. BZAW 83. Berlin.
the wearing of purple (l Mace 8: 14-15). Threatened by Jensen, L.B. 1963. Royal Purple ofTyre.]NES 22: 104-18.
mutiny of his mercenary troops, Agathocles, the tyrant of Lagercrantz, 0., ed. 1913. Paflyrus Holmiensis: Reupte fur Silber,
Syracuse, doffed his purple and went about garbed as an Steine, und Purpur. Uppsala.
ordinary citizen (Diodoros of Sicily 20.34.3). But resistance Lands berger, B. 1967. Ober Farben im Sumerisch-Akkadischen.
waned in the public domain. So rampant was the desire JCS 21: 139-73.
for the color purple in the 2d century c.E. that people Leemanns, C., ed. 1885. Paf!'yri graeci Musei Lugduni-Batavi. Leiden.
dreamed about purple (cf. Artem. Oneirokritika l.77; 2.3.) Perkin, A., and Everest, A. 1918. The Natural Organic Coloring
Christian leaders joined Greco-Roman social critics in con- Matters. London.
demnation of enervating luxury. Clement of Alexandria Ploss, E. 1962. Ein Buch von alten Farben. Heidelberg.
(Paidagogos 2.10.108-9, 114-15), in apparent echo of Ci- Reinhold, M. 1970. History of Purple As a Status Symbol in Antiquity.
cero's tirades in the Verrine Orations, castigated both men Collection Latomus 116. Brussels.
and women for their craze for purple robes and veils. Rosa, M. 1786. Delle porpore e delle materie vestiare presso gli entichi.
~part from association of purple with tyranny, Aeschy- Modena.
lus censure of the conqueror of Troy for walking on a Rostovtzeff, M. 1953. The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic
carpet dyed sea purple (Ag. 946; cf. 910, 957) relates to World. Vol. 2. Oxford.
Agamemnon's guilt of hybris, whereby he invites his own Rupe, H. 1909. Die Chemie der natilrlichen Frabstoffe. Pt. 2. Braun-
doom. Alexander apparently took heed after his capture schweig.
of Tyre, for he amazed Darius of Persia by appearing at Schaefer, G. 1941. The Cultivation of Madder. Ciba Review 39:
the lime only in white. 1398-1406.
Ugaritic texts include the first extant reference to the Schmidt, W. 1842. Die Griechischen Paf!'yrusurkunden der kiiniglichen
u~e of purple in religious ceremony. In Greece, Sappho Bibliothek zur Berlin. Berlin.
(66.8-9; 82.8; 87) views gifts of purple garments as a Schneider, K. 1959. Purpura. PW 23/2: 2000-20.
PURPLE 560. v
Schunck, E. 1879. Notes on the Purple of the Ancients. journal of The earliest Greek settlement in the W seas was estab-
the Chemical Society 35: 589-95. lished sometime before the middle of the 8th century on
Thureau-Dangin, F. 1934. Un comptoir de laine pourpre a Ugarit. the island of Pithecusae, just N of the Bay of Naples.
Syria 15: 137-46. Pottery confirms that the first colonists were from Chalcis
Zimmem, H. 1915. Akkadische Fremdwiirter. Leipzig. and Eretria. It was not long before many of the settlers
FREDERICK W. DANKER moved to a site on an acropolis on the opposite mainland
where a native population had been importing Greek
pottery. This new foundation was named Cumae after a
PUT (PERSON) [Heb #t). According to the genealogies city of the same name located on the E coast of Euboea.
in the Table of Nations (Gen 10:6) and I Chr I :8, Put is Although the Italian Cumae was a stronghold, the city had
the third son of Ham, son of Noah, and brother of Cush no harbor. Ships had to be hauled onto the sand below the
(Ethiopia), Mizraim (Egypt), and Canaan. He is the only acropolis. When trade began to prosper, the citizens of
one of these people without a record of the next genera- Cumae occupied the harbor just inside the promontory,
tion in these genealogies. Five additional verses refer to establishing the town of Dicaearchia (later known as Pu-
Put, being the descendants of Noah's grandson. In each teoli) and, farther E, Naples (Strabo 5.4.Sf.).
case, they are identified as warriors. Three times they are Puteoli was conquered by the Samnites in 421 B.C.E., but
allies or supporters of Egypt, along with Cush and Lud in there is a paucity of evidence until Campania came under
North Africa (jer 46:9), and also Arabia, Cub, and Israel Roman control in ca. 334 B.C.E. The Romans garrisoned
itself ("sons of the land of the covenant"; Ezek 30:5). Nah the town in 215 B.C.E. and renamed it Puteoli. The follow-
3:8 points back to the conquest of Thebes in 668 B.C. This ing year the Romans defeated Hannibal at Puteoli (Livy
took place, in spite of the combined power of Ethiopia and 24.7.10-12; 12.1-13.7). In 199 B.C.E. Puteoli received a
Egypt, with the support of the men from Libya and Put. Roman customs station and was made a Roman maritime
Put's soldiers also aided Tyre (Ezek 27:10) and Gog (38:5) colony in 194 B.C.E. Sulla or Augustus may have conferred
but always in vain. The evidence of soldiers from Put in so further colonial status on Puteoli, and Nero and Vespasian
many armies could indicate that the nation was a well- certainly did so. Vespasian substantially enlarged the city's
known source of mercenaries. territory.
The identification of Put is debated. Somalia, Eg pun.I, Trade flourished in Puteoli under the Romans, en-
has been suggested (see Westermann 1984: 511; Simons hanced by a newly fortified harbor and connected with
GITOT, 75). The LXX and Vg of the Ezekiel passages, as Rome by a series of roads (discussed below). The harbor
well as Jer 46:9 (26:9 in the LXX), read Put as Libya. This was protected by a breakwater, the Augustan opus pilarum
corresponds to the Old Persian putiya, Babylonian puta, (115-16 m x 372 m), which carried 15 enormous masonry
which in Eg was T) [mlJ,w, Libya (NBD, 1003). This identi- piers, with at least one triumphal arch, columns topped by
fication could cause difficulties in Nah 3:8 if that verse is statues, a lighthouse, and an architectural ship's prow at
read as listing two separate peoples, Put and Lub (Libya). the end (Strabo 5.4.6). The remains are embedded in the
Simons suggested that since Cush (Ethiopia) and Mizraim modern breakwater. The emporium stretched for 1.25
(Egypt) refer to the same people at this period, with miles along the shore to the W of the mole.
Ethiopia dominating Egypt during the 25th Dyn. (ca. 716- Puteoli was naturally divided into an upper and lower
664 B.c.), Put and Lub could also be identified. This is city. Among the remains in the lower city are the great
grammatically possible since each of the toponymic pairs macellum, formerly known as the temple (or baths) of
is joined by the Heb conjunction "and," which can have an Serapis, and the temple of Augustus. Other monuments
explicative function. This is not rare in the OT and would of the lower town are depicted on glass vases and engrav-
lead to a translation of "i.e." or "that is" (Baker 1980), ings produced in Puteoli. The upper town was residential
which would solve the problem in Nahum. and recreational. A small Augustan amphitheater and a
great Flavian amphitheater were situated in upper Puteoli.
Bibliography The Flavian complex was the third largest amphitheater
Baker, D. W. 1980. Further Examples of the Waw Explicativum. VT in Italy seating as many as 60,000 spectators. It was con-
30: 129-36. structed at the expense of the citizens of Puteoli during
Westermann, C. 1984. Genesis 1-11. Trans. J. J. Scullion. Minneap- the reign of Vespasian. The baths of Trajan (or Janus),
olis. which may have been the same complex as the so-called
DAVID w BAKER temple of Neptune (or Diana), were also situated in upper
Puteoli. The city was plundered to supply building mate-
rials for the cathedrals of Salerno and Pisa.
PUTEOLI (PLACE) [Gk Potioloi]. A city visited by Paul Oriental goods from Egypt and Palestine and most im~
on his journey to Rome (Acts 28: 13). Puteoli (modern portantly grain from Egypt were imported through Puteoh
Pozzuoli; 40°49' N; 14°07' E) was a port city of ancient (Suetonius Aug. 98.1-10; Strabo 17 .1.7; Seneca Epzstulae
Campania on the W coast of Italy located on the N shore morales 77.lf.). Export trade included oil, fine wine, glas~­
of the Gulf of Naples. Puteoli was ringed by a series of ware, early imperial terra sigillata, and probably Republi-
volcanic hills, and the name of the city, meaning "sulfur can black (Campanian) pottery. Alexandria's close trade
springs," is derived from this geological situation. The connections with Puteoli began at the end of the Second
volcanic dust (called pozzolana in modern Italian), which Punic War (20 I e.c.E.) and lasted until the city's promi-
contributed to the sulfurous atmosphere, produced a ce- nence was eclipsed in the 2d and 3d centuries c.E. .
ment that resisted seawater when mixed with lime. Puteoli's population of 65,000 was entrepreneunal and
v • 561 PUVAH

highly cosmopolitan. A number of orien_tal cults were wealth is evident in the magnificence of the columbria,
found in the city including those of Serap1s (105 B.C.E.), hypogea, and mausoleums in the region. In Christian
Cybele, Jupiter Dolichenus, Bellona, Dusares, I. 0. M. times some tombs were reused for inhumations. Many of
Heliopolitanus, in addition to the usual Greco-~man a_nd the villas in the region can still be seen, although some are
imperial worship. Puteoli was also one of the earliest Itahan now covered by the sea. Cicero had a villa in this region,
cities to have a sizable Jewish population (Josephus Ant as did Nero's mother, Agrippina the younger (see Tacitus
17.328; 18.160; CIL 10.1893; 10.1971). There is also an Ann. 14.5; Seneca Octavia).
intriguing tombstone of a Puteolian Jewish freedman SCOlT T. CARROLL
named Acibas, who was an agent for his master's iron
mines and vineyards (CJL 10.1931; CJ/ 1.75).
There is epigraphical evidence for trade connections PUTHITE [Heb puti]. One of four families from Kir-
between the Greeks of Palestine and Puteoli (CIL 10.1746). iath-jearim located on Judah's N border with Benjamin
Jewish merchants were also organized in a closely knit and Dan (1 Chr 2:53). This clan within the tribe of Judah
Mediterranean trade cooperative in which Jews from Pu- is connected with Shobal, Hur, and Caleb. Shobal is cred-
teoli and Alexandria played an integral role (cf. 3 Mace. ited with the formation of Kiriath-jearim, earlier called
3: 10). After the battle of Pydna and the decline of Rhodes Kiriath-baal (Josh 15:60; 18:14). That the genealogy in l
(167 e.c.E.) a triangular trade developed between Alexan- Chr 2:50-55 was associated with Ephrathah and the dis-
dria, Delos, and Puteoli. The extent to which Jewish mer- trict to the N and SW is clear from the place names
chants were involved, specifically in the Alexandrian grain mentioned. The three regions connected with the sons of
trade, cannot be determined, despite the allegations of Hur were Kiriath-jearim, Bethlehem, and Beth-gader, plus
Josephus (AgAp 2.64). There is evidence, however, that the the surrounding areas, some of which cannot be identified
Jewish alabarchs of Alexandria held credits in Puteoli (Myers 1 Chronicles AB, 16). At least vv 53-55 probably
during the reign of Tiberius (see Josephus Ant 18.159-60 derive from a pre-Chronistic source (Braun I Chronicles
for the incident between Agrippa I and the Alexandrian WBC, 38, 42). Although a pair of David's mighty men
alabarch Alexander). belonged to the Ithrite family (2 Sam 23:38 = 1 Chr
Sometime after Herod's death, a charlatan called Alex- 11 :40), there exists no further information about the Puth-
ander appeared and deceived Jewish inhabitants of Crete ites or for that matter about the other two groups, the
and Puteoli of considerable funds. The imposter claimed Mishraites and the Shumathites. The collective noun puti
to be the son of Herod and Mariamme the Hasmonean in is a gentilic form of *put.
order to finance his trip to Italy (Josephus Ant 17.327-28; Eow1N C. HosTElTER
/W 2.103-4). In 39/40 c.E. the Jewish-Alexandrian dele-
gation led by Philo met with Caius (Caligula) in Puteoli
about injustices they suffered in Egypt. It was in Puteoli PUTl-EL (PERSON) [Heb puti'el]. The father-in-law of
that the delegation first learned of Caius' command that a Aaron's son Eleazar; hence also the maternal grandfather
statue of himself was to be placed in the temple in Jerusa- of Phinehas (Exod 6:25). Earlier scholars tended to con-
lem (see Philo Gaium 184-348; Josephus Ant 18.261-309; nect the name with Syr put, "to scorn or deride." In such a
and }W 2.184-203 ). case Puti-el would mean "scorned by God." Most moderns,
Commerce and travelers went from Puteoli to Naples however, consider it to have originated from Egyptian.
and then to Capua, where the Via Appia (built ca. 312 Foreign names are attested for Israelites more than once
B.C.E.) led to Rome, 132 miles away. The Via Latina was a in the OT. One finds, for example, the series of Egyptian
heavily traveled alternative route which went from Casi- names among members of the tribe of Levi. The associated
linum Uust outside Capua) to Rome. In order to ease the pwty'l would be a hybrid form (Noth, JPN, 63), built on a
difficulties of travel on the pre-Sullan road between Puteoli pair of Egyptian words (p~ dy) plus the Hebrew 'el. One
and Naples, the Crypta Neapolitana, a tunnel 750 m in may compare the names Poti-phar and Potiphera and their
length, was constructed (see Seneca Ep. Luc. 57.1-2) and Egyptian equivalent p~-dy-p~-R', "the one whom Re has
improved by Nerva and Trajan. Nero attempted to join given" (Ranke 1935-77: 1.123; cf. Kornfeld 1978: 87-89).
Puteoli with the Tiber by means of a canal. In 95 c.E. "Puti-el" would then signify "the one whom El has given."
Domitian constructed the Via Domitiana, a less costly Since put, "scorn," does not appear elsewhere in Hebrew,
alternative, which went along the Campanian coast from and since many names in the Exodus account show Egyp-
Puteoli to Sinuessa (modern Mondragone), where itjoined tian influence, the Egyptian etymology seems more likely.
the Via Appia.
When Paul's ship landed in Puteoli, he found Christians Bibliography
(probably Jewish converts) living in the city. He stayed with Kornfeld, W. 1978. Onomastica Aramaica aus A.gypten. SOAW 333.
the converts seven days before journeying to Rome by way Vienna.
?f Capua and the Via Appia (Acts 28:13-14). A similar Ranke, H. 1935-77. Die iigyptischen Personennamen. 3 vols. Gluck-
JOUrney to Rome is described in the apocryphal Acts of Peter stadl.
6 and seems to be implied in the Acts of Paul. EDWIN C. HosTElTER
AI_though Claudius installed the port at Ostia, Puteoli
contmued to prosper through the 2d century c.E., followed
by a gradual decline until the town was abandoned in the PUVAH (PERSON) [Heb puwwa]. Var. PUAH. PUN-
6th century _c.E. Puteoli, like other cities on the Bay of ITES. The second of the four sons of Issachar (Gen
Naples, contmued to be a favorite resort area; and the 46:13). Puvah was the grandson of Jacob and Leah, and
 PUVAH 562 • v
· his name was included in the list of the seventy people who A. The Pythagorean Tradition
descended with Jacob and his family to Egypt (Gen 46:8- The history of Pythagoreanism can be divided into three
27). According to the second census list mentioned in the periods, namely, Early Pythagoreanism, the Hellenistic
book of Numbers, Puvah became the eponymous ancestor period, and Neopythagoreanism.
of the Punites, one of the clans of Issachar (Num 26:23). 1. Early Pythagoreanism. Our most important sources
However, at this point the Versions depart from the MT for early Pythagoreanism are accounts by Aristotle, his
The Sam. Pent., the LXX (Num 26: 19 in the LXX), and student Aristoxenus, and the historian Timaeus of Tauro-
other versions identify him as Puah (Heb pu>a) and indicate menium. Most of these accounts are only extant in texts
that he became the ancestor of the Punites. In the genea- from late antiquity, especially in the various biographies
logical list of the descendants of Issachar available to the by Pythagoras that became very popular in the imperial
Chronicler, which was based on the material found in period. Most important of these texts are D.L. 8.1-50,
Numbers 26, his name is also listed as Puah (I Chr 7:1). Porphyry The Life of Pythagoras, and Iamblichus On the
CLAUDE F. MARIOTTINI
Pythagorean Life.
The most helpful and comprehensive recent discussions
of early Pythagoreanism are those by Guthrie ( 1962), von
Fritz (PW 47: 171-268), van der Waerden (PWSup; 1979),
PYRRHUS (PERSON) [Gk Pyrros]. The father of Sopa- Burkert (1972; 1985: 296-304), and Kirk, Raven, and
ter, who, according to Acts, was a companion of Paul on Schofield ( 1983).
his final journey to Jerusalem (Acts 20:4). a. The Pythagorean Life. The Pythagorean community
The name is derived from the Greek word for fire (pyr) was famous in later antiquity for its communal living and
and means "fiery red." It is not found in some mss, and sharing. This did not apply equally to all members, how-
this led Ropes (1926: 191) to conjecture that it had arisen ever. A distinction was made between esoteric and exoteric
from a repetition with alteration of patros at the end of members: the former shared totally in the Pythagorean
Sopater's name. Its deletion gives the mention of Sopater life, while the latter kept less strict ritual and dietary
a certain symmetry with the other names in the list of observances and were less involved in the esoteric doctrines
Paul's companions, but the weight of textual evidence is of the sect. A period of rigorous and extended probation
for its inclusion. was required before a candidate was accepted as a full
The mention of personal names and family relation- member of the community. At that point he had to take a
ships probably reflects local or personal interest in these solemn oath not to reveal any of the Pythagorean doc-
people at some stage in the development of a tradition (cf. trines.
Mark 15:21). But since this list is pre-Lukan, it cannot be The esoteric Pythagoreans dressed in white linen and
assumed that these people were known by either the final followed a strict daily regimen which included prayer and
author of Acts or his readers. See also SOPATER. meditation, physical exercises, discussions of their doc-
trines, and a common evening meal. They were forbidden
Bibliography to eat beans and certain kinds of meat. Great emphasis
Ropes, J. H. 1926. The Text of Acts. Vol. 3 of The Beginnings of was laid on various purificatory rites, which included a
Christianity, ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson and K. Lake. London. daily bath.
Repr. 1979, Grand Rapids. b. Pythagorean Doctrine. Pythagoras himself did not
THOMAS w MARTIN leave any writings, and it is therefore difficult to ascertain
which teachings originated with him. According to a testi-
mony in Porph. VP 18 that probably can be attributed to
Aristotle's student Dicaearchus, Pythagoras taught the im-
PYTHAGOREANISM. A philosophical and reli- mortality and the transmigration of the soul, the eternal
gious movement founded by Pythagoras of Samos in S cyclic recurrence of events, and the kinship of all living
Italy in the last quarter of the 6th century B.c. Various things.
claims have been made concerning Pythagorean influence Since Pythagorean doctrines were not committed to
on intertestamental Judaism and the NT, only a few of writing, oral tradition played an important role in the
which can be substantiated by concrete evidence. After a transmission of their teaching. Apart from anecdotes
brief description of the Pythagorean tradition, we will about the life of Pythagoras, teachings were transmitted in
examine some of these claims in more detail. the form of akousmata, that is, orally transmitted maxims
and sayings, also known as symbols because of their alleg-
A. The Pythagorean Tradition edly secret nature. The akousmata are mainly concerned
I. Early Pythagoreanism with a ritual piety, and together they form a catechism
2. The Hellenistic Period that regulated every aspect of the Pythagorean's life (for a
3. Neopythagoreanism comprehensive list see Burkert 1972: 170-73; for dis~us­
B. Judaism and Early Christianity sion, 166-92). In both doctrine and ritual Pythagoreamsm
I. Hellenistic and Palestinian Judaism shared many characteristics with ORPHISM, and it may
indeed be possible to speak of a Pythagorean variant of
2. New Testament
3. Early Christianity Orphism (Burkert 1972: 125-33).
c. Pythagorean Science. In keeping with ~he Preso-
4. Conclusion cratic interest in the basic substance of the umverse, the
v. 563 PYTHAGOREAN ISM

Pythagoreans postulated number as the fundamental prin- 1. Hellenistic and Palestinian Judaism. Very definite
ciple. The extent of their scientific discoveries and contri- evidence of dependence on Pythagoreanism is to be found
butions is a matter of dispute; but we know that they in Hellenistic Judaism.
studied mathematics, music, and astronomy (Burkert a. Hellenistic Jewish Apologetics. True to the tendency
1972: 299-482; van der Waerden 1979: 323-480). in the apologetic movement to claim the dependence of
Both ritualistic and scientific facets of the Pythagorean Greek philosophy on Mosaic Judaism, some Hellenistic
movement had as their ultimate goal to bring man into Jewish authors asserted that Pythagoras got many of his
closer contact with God under the slogan hepou thei), "fol- doctrines from Judaism. As early as the 3d century s.c.
low God." Hermippus of Smyrna, a student of Callimachus, cited
2. The Hellenistic Period. We have very little evidence with approval a tradition that Pythagoras had "imitated
that Pythagoreanism continued after the time of Archytas Jewish and Thracian doctrines and transferred them to
of Tarentum (ca. 380 B.c.). It is quite probable, however, himself." He then referred to three doctrines with some-
that there were individuals and perhaps even small groups what obscure meanings: "Do not pass a place where an ass
throughout the Hellenistic period who considered them- has defecated," "abstain from waters causing thirst," and
selves to be Pythagoreans and who preserved the Pythag- "abstain from all blasphemy" (Jos. AgAp 1.22 §§162-65;
orean dietary and ritual regulations (PW 47: 268-70; van Jacobson 1976; Gorman 1983: 32-36). Later, in the 2d
derWaerden 1979: 269-71). century B.c., Aristobulus (frags. 3 and 4) also cited this
Be that as it may, during the Hellenistic period a spate tradition.
of Pseudopythagorean writings made their appearance, The few hexameter verses by "Pythagoras" on the
most of them under the name of some ancient Pythago- unique creator to be found in [Just.] monarch. 2 may be still
rean (Thesleff 196 l; 1965). These writings cover a wide another attempt by a Hellenistic Jew to claim Pythagoras
variety of subjects and are heavily influenced by Academic for Jewish concerns.
and/or Peripatetic doctrines. Most scholars date them at In traditions used by Iamblichus (VP 7-14; 44) which
the very end of the Hellenistic period, that is, in the 1st may be associated with Neanthes, attempts were even made
century B.C. and later, although Thesleff ( 196 l) has ar- to establish geographical links between Pythagoras and
gued that some of them may be as early as the 4th century Judaism: Pythagoras was depicted as a native of Sidon
B.c. and that few, if any, are later than the lst century B.C. "who had lived the live of an anchorite and prophet, like
3. Neopythagoreanism. From the 1st century B.C. on- Elijah, atop Mt. Carmel in Palestine" (Gorman 1983: 37-
ward there was a revival of interest in Pythagoreanism. 40). More importantly, however, dependence can be shown
The polymath Nigidius Figulus (100-45 B.c.), the philo- going in the other direction.
sophers Quintus Sextius (ft. under Augustus), Sotion the b. Aristobulus. The first Jewish "philosopher" in Alex-
younger of Alexandria (a teacher of Seneca), Moderatus andria, Aristobulus (2d century B.c.), made use of Pythag-
of Gades (end of !st century A.D.), Nicomachus of Gerasa orean arithmological doctrines to explain the significance
(fl. ca. A.D. 100), Numenius of Apamea (fl. ca A.D. 150), of the number 7 (frag. 5; Hengel 1974, I: 163-69).
and the wandering prophet and miracle worker Apollo- c. Wisdom of Solomon. The author of Wisdom may
nius of Tyana (!st century A.D.) all considered themselves have been influenced by the writings on kingship attrib-
Pythagoreans.
uted to the Pythagoreans Diotogenes, Ecphantus, and
A subterranean basilica, richly decorated with frescoes
depicting mythological scenes that symbolize the ascent of Sthenidas (texts in Thesleff 1965: 71-75, 79-84, 187-88),
the soul, was discovered in 191 7 near the Porta Maggiore although their dates are uncertain (Thesleff 1961: 65-71).
in Rome; it probably formed the venue of a Roman Pythag- Concepts that occur in Wisdom, such as that of God as
orean sect during the reign of Claudius (Carcopino 1927). universal ruler who cares for all men, of the just man as
Further archaeological evidence for the existence of Py- an imitator of the divine ruler, of divine prudence and
t~agoreans during this period is furnished by an inscrip- beneficence, closely parallel ideas expressed in the Pythag-
tion from Asia Minor dating from the 1st century A.D. orean tracts (Reese 1970: 73-79).
Apart from an epigram with a reference to Pythagoras, it d. Philo. Philo had a very positive evaluation of Pytha-
also contains a relief depicting a two-way schema, with goreans, referring to them as "the most saintly company"
Vmue (arete) on the right and Dissipation (asiitia) on the (Qy,od omn 2). Although there are only a dozen explicit
left (Brinkmann 191 l ). references to Pythagoras or Pythagoreans in his writings
The basic features of Neopythagoreanism were an inter- (Qy,aes Gen 1.17; 1.99; 3.16; 3.49; 4.8; Leg all l.15; Op JOO;
est in arithmology, a belief in the transmigration of souls, Qy,od omn 2; Provid 1.22; 2.42; Anim 62; Aet 12), he made
and an emphasis on the need for the purification of the extensive use of Pythagorean arithmological doctrines in
soul, :-vhich was accomplished through ascetic and theurgic his exegesis. His lost work, On Numbers, was probably
practices. The doctrine of "following God" had become dependent on a Pythagorean source text (Moehring 1978).
synonymous with the Platonic ideal of homoiosis thei) "be- e. Essenes. Of the Essenes, a Jewish sect which lived W
coming like God." ' of the Dead Sea and which is nowadays usually identified
with the Qumran community, Josephus (Ant 15.10.4 §371)
B. Judaism ~nd Early Christianity explicitly asserted that they "observed the way of life that
Vanous pomts of contact between Pythagoreanism, on Pythagoras had taught among the Greeks." A number of
the one hand, and Judaism and Christianity, on the other, scholars, notably Levy (1927: 264-93), have therefore
have been suspected. attempted to demonstrate that the sect was extensively
PYTHAGOREANISM 564. v
influenced by Pythagoreanism. Since the discovery of tion by abstaining from some kinds of food and by bap-
theQumran material, there has been less enthusiasm for tism, and on mystical visions (Schweizer An die Kolosser
this hypothesis (Hengel 1974, 1: 245), although Dupont- EKKNT, 103-4, 217-18; van der Waerden 1979:
Sommer has argued that the discovery has only strength- 86-87).
ened the hypothesis. According to him the similarities d. "Haustafeln." The "HAUSTAFELN" or lists of
between the Essene/Qumran community and the Pythago- household duties in Col 3:18-4:1; Eph 5:22-6:9; and I
reans can only be explained by direct influence. Some of Pet 2:18-3:7 show some similarities to the various Pseu-
these similarities are the following: ( 1) Both communities dopythagorean oikonomika attributed to Bryson, Callicra-
practiced a communal life with no private property; (2) tides, Perictione, and Plinthys, although they do not agree
both groups had a solemn oath of initiation, but prohibit~d sufficiently for us to postulate a direct dependence (Balch
the taking of oaths otherwise; (3) both groups wore white 1977). See also HOUSEHOLD CODES.
linen exclusively; (4) both practiced asceticism; (5) both
3. Early Christianity. Pythagoreanism was very influ-
seemed to have paid special honor to the sun; (6) the
ential among Christians of Alexandria from the 2d cen-
calendar used by the Qumran community probably origi-
tury A.D. onward. Its arithmological, metaphysical and
nated with the Pythagoreans; and (7) there may be an
ascetic doctrines fascinated not only gnostic Christian
indication in lQS 10:4 that the sect made use of Pythago-
rean arithmology (Dupont-Sommer 1955: 86-91). Apart sects, but also somewhat more orthodox Christians like
from Dupont-Sommer's last argument, which is indeed Clement of Alexandria and Origen (Grant 1971 ). A collec-
based on a scribal error (Hengel 1974, 1: 246), none of the tion of Pythagorean ethical sayings, Christianized and cir-
similarities mentioned are necessarily of Pythagorean ori- culating as The Sentences of Sextus, remained popular right
gin; and all may be attributed to Hellenistic influence in into the Middle Ages (Edwards and Wild 1981 ).
general (Hengel 1974, 1: 243-4 7). Josephus' statement 4. Conclusion. Although Pythagoreanism had no more
should therefore be regarded as interpretatio Graeca. See than a tangential influence on Hellenistic Judaism and
also ESSENES. early Christianity, its piety and strict ethics made it attrac-
2. New Testament. Despite Levy's claim that the Gospels tive to some Jews and Christians. It also bore sufficient
were decisively influenced by legends about Pythagoras' resemblance to these movements to be used as a model to
life and doctrines ( 1927: 295-339), no Pythagorean ele- describe groups such as the Essenes and the early Jerusa-
ment can with certainty be discerned in the NT. There lem church.
are, however, a few cases where Pythagorean influence
cannot be excluded completely. Bibliography
a. Gospels. Much of Jesus' teaching, especially in the Balch, D. L. 1977. Household Ethical Codes in Peripatetic, Neopy-
Sermon on the Mount, on oaths, marriage, revenge, and thagorean, and Early Christian Literature. SBLSP 11: 397-
prayer, has elements in common with Pythagorean doc- 404.
trines (Levy 1927: 310-20). It has been suggested (Sc~at­ Brinkmann, A. 191 !. Ein Denkmal des Neupythagoreismus. RhM,
tenmann 1979: 216-19) that the sayings about removmg n.s., 66: 616-25.
any part of the body that causes one to stumble (Mark Burkert, W. 1972. Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism. Trans.
9:45; Matt 5:29-30; 19:11-12) may be directly influenced E. L. Minar. Cambridge, MA.
by a Pythagorean saying: "Banish by all means and cut off - - . 1985. Greek Religion. Trans. J. Raffan. Cambridge, MA.
by fire and sword and every contrivance, illness from the Carcopino, J. 1927. La basilique frythagoricienne de la Porte Majeure.
body, ignorance from the soul, extravagance from the Paris.
stomach, strife from the city, discord from the home, and Dupont-Sommer, A. 1955. Le probleme des influences etrangeres
likewise, immoderation from all things" (Iambi. VP 34). sur la sectejuive de Qoumran. RHPR 35: 75-92.
Similarities between other gnomic sayings in the Gospels Edwards, R. A., and Wild, R. A. 198 !. The Sentences of Sextus.
and Pythagorean symbols relating to dietary laws ha~e
SBLTT 22. Chico, CA.
been pointed out by Grant (1980: 308-~). although he 1s
Gorman, P. 1983. Pythagoras Palaestinus. Philologus 127: 30-42.
careful not conclude that this implies direct dependence
Grant, R. M. 1971. Early Alexandrian Christianity. CH 40: 133-
on Pythagoreanism. . .
b. Acts. The early Christian commumty m Jerusalem 44.
- - . 1980. Dietary Laws among Pythagorean, Jews, and Chris-
described in Acts 2:44-45 and 4:32 approximates the
Pythagorean ideal of common property and harmonious tians. HTR 73: 299-310.
friendship, although these characteristics were shared by Guthrie, W. K. C. 1962. The Earlier Presocratics and the Pythagorean.
all political utopias of Greek philosophy and were thus not Vol. I in A History of Greek Philosophy. Cambridge.
specifically Pythagorean. . . Hengel, M. 1974. Judaism and Hellenism. 2 vols. Trans. J. Bowden.
c. Colossians. The philosophy agamst which the author Philadelphia. ._
of Colossians warned his readers (Col 2:8, 16-23) may be Jacobson, H. 1976. Hermippus, Pythagoras and the Jews. RE] 13:i:
a brand of Pythagoreanism. Schweizer ~as a_rgued that the 145-49. .
world view and way of life taught by this philosophy agree Kirk, G. S.; Raven, J. E.; and Schofield, M. 1983. The Presocratic
in many respects with the doctrine of the Pythagorean Philosophers. 2d ed. Cambridge. . . .
Memoirs cited by Alexander Polyhistor (D.L. 8.24-33). Levy, I. 1927. La lt!gende de Pythagore de Grtce en Palestine. B1bho-
There is the same emphasis on the importance of the theque de rtcole des hautes etudes 215. Paris. . .
elements of the world on the worship of heroes/angels, on Moehring, H. R. 1978. Arithmology As an Exegeucal Tool m the
the flight from this w~rld to the world above, on purifica- Writings of Philo of Alexandria. SBLSP 1: 191-227.
v • 565 PYTHON
Petzke, G. 1970. Die Traditionen uber Apollonius von Tyana und das - - . 1965. The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period. Acta
Neue Testament. SCHNT I. Leiden. Academiae Aboensis, ser. A, Humaniora 30.1. Abo.
Reese, J. M. 1970. Hellenistic Influence on the Book of Wisdom and Its Waerden, B. L. van der. 1979. Die Pythagoreer. Zurich.
Consequences. AnBib 41. Rome. JOHAN c. THOM
Schattenmann, J. 1979. Jesus und Pythagoras. Kairos 21: 215-20.
Thesleff, H. 1961. An Introduction to the Pythagorean l#itingJ of the
Hellenistic Period. Acta Academiae Aboensis, Humaniora 24.3.
Abo. PYTHON [Gk pythOn]. See SLAVE GIRL AT PHILIPPI.
Q (GOSPEL SOURCE). "Q" (the abbreviation_ for both) of Matthew and Luke. Speculation about Q material
German Qµelle, "source") is the name scholars have given which is in neither Matthew nor Luke is clearly futile.
to the hypothetical source that would account for the However, several have argued that in various cases, some
gospel material (not found in Mark) that Matthew and passages which occur only in Matthew or Luke might be Q
Luke have in common. material which the other evangelist has omitted (Schiir-
mann). Nevertheless, such theories must remain slightly
A. Nature of Q speculative. Further, they usually depend quite heavily on
1. Existence a prior understanding of Q as a whole into which the
2. Language passage in question fits easily. Such additions to Q would
3. Unity then not significantly alter the character of Q as a whole
B. Theology of Q (Vassiliadis 1978). Most are therefore content to work with
C. Sitz im Leben a fairly minimal definition of Q, i.e., as material common
D. Conclusion to Matthew and Luke, before possibly expanding this with
an occasional Sondergut passage. Thus a widely acceptable
A. Nature of Q starting point for discussion of Q would include the follow-
1. Existence. Within the terms of the Two-Source the- ing verses: Luke 3:7-9, 16f.; 4: 1-13; 6:20-23, 27-49; 7: 1-
ory as the solution to the SNYOPTIC PROBLEM, the 10, 18-35; 9:57-60; 10:2-16, 21-24; 11:2-4, 9-20, 23-
agreements between the three Synoptic Gospels are ac- 26, 29-35, 39-52; 12:2-12, 22-31, 33f., 39-46, 51-53,
counted for in two ways. In most of the passages where all 57-59; 13:18-21, 23-30, 34-35; 14:16-24, 26-27, 34-
three gospels are parallel (the "triple tradition"), Matthew 35; 15:4-7; 16:13, 16-18; 17:3-4, 6, 23-24, 26-30, 33-
and Luke depend on Mark's gospel. In other parts of the 37; 18:14; 19:12-27; 22:28-30 with the Matthean parallels
tradition where Matthew and Luke are parallel (the "dou- (clearly with debates about individual verses, especially in
ble tradition"), the agreements between those two gospels the longer sections). (It has become customary to refer to
are explained by their dependence on common source verses in Q by referring to their Lukan references only;
material. This material is usually known as "Q." this is in no way intended to prejudge the issue of whether
Some have tried to dispense with Q as part of a wholesale Matthew or Luke has preserved the Q version more accu-
rejection of the Two-Source theory in favor of the Gries- rately.)
bach hypothesis (Farmer 1964; Dungan 1970); others have 2. Language. The problem of the original language of
retained the theory of Markan priority but have ques- Q has been discussed frequently. Some have claimed that
tioned whether one needs to posit a lost source Q to the verbal differences between Matthew and Luke in Q
explain Matthew's agreements with Luke: Luke's depen- material can often be explained as due to variant transla-
dence on Matthew might be an adequate explanation (Far- tions of an Aramaic original. Hence Q must have been an
rer 1955; Goulder 1978). Nevertheless, the majority of Aramaic source. Perhaps the most famous example is Matt
scholars today would favor a form of the Q hypothesis, 23:26/Luke 11 :41, where the difference between Mat-
rejecting for a variety of reasons the theory of Luke's thew's "cleanse" and Luke's "give alms" has been explained
dependence on Matthew. See SYNOPTIC PROBLEM. as due to a slight misunderstanding/misreading of an
_For those who would accept some form of the Q hypoth- original Aramaic dakkau ( = "cleanse"), being mistakenly
eS1S, the extent of the Q material is reasonably clear. This read as zakkau ( = "give alms"). Appeals have also been
material covers all the double tradition; it also includes made to the Semitic nature of much of Q's language
some passag~s where there is a Markan parallel (the Temp- (Bussmann 1929; Bussby 1954).
tation narrative, the Beelzebul controversy, the parable of It is doubtful if more than a very few cases of variation
the mustard seed and others), so that Mark and Q must between Matthew and Luke can be explained in this way.
have overlapped in places. The Semitic nature of Q's Greek does not demand an
Consideration of the Markan tradition in Matthew and Aramaic Vorlage: influence from LXX is quite conceivable
Luke shows that at times the latter evangelists omitted in a Greek-speaking Jewish-Christian milieu. Many of the
material from their Markan source. It is clearly possible alleged translation variants turn out to be simply cases of
that the same has happened with Q: some passages avail- synonyms, and the differences between Matthew and Luke
able to both evangelists may have been omitted by one (or can often be explained just as well as due to the redactional
v . 567
Q (GOSPEL SOURCE) 568 • v
activity of the evangelists (Kloppenborg 1987). For exam- paralleled in_ several sayings collections in antiquity. The
ple, in Luke 11 :41, Luke's "give alms" may well be LkR ge~re of Q 1s thus not a problem for the theory of its
(Lukan redaction), reflecting Luke's concern for almsgiv- existence.
ing. In other parts of the Q material, the verbal agreement None of the arguments against the existence of Q as a
between Matthew and Luke amounts to virtual verbal single source is fully convincing. It is thus best to assume
identity in Greek (Luke 3:7-9; 11:9-10 and pars.). In
these instances the measure of verbal agreement seems to
~hat9 was a single source, available in Greek and probably
m wntten form.
demand a common Greek source. Further, some features If this is the case, then the source Q is similar to the
of Q's Greek can be shown to be characteristic of a source gospels themselves. It is thus not surprising that many have
originally written in Greek and uncharacteristic of trans- tried to study Q with techniques similar to those which
lation Greek (Turner 1969). This suggests that much of have been applied to the gospels. In particular, there has
the Q material was available to Matthew and Luke in Greek been a significant trend in recent years to approach Q
form. This leads to the question of whether the Q material fro?1 the side of redaction criticism. This involves trying
should be regarded as a single source. to interpret Q as a unified source in its own right and
3. Unity. Even among those who would deny that Luke perhaps with its own distinctive theology. Many have there-
knew Matthew and hence would affirm that Matthew and fore attempted to delineate a "Q theology" and to see what
Luke depend on common source material, there has al- kind of social group of Christians, or "Q community,"
ways been dispute as to whether it is appropriate to think might have preserved this material and regarded it as
of this material as a single source, Q. Some have argued significant.
that the Q material never existed as a unified source prior
to its inclusion by Matthew and Luke. "Q" may simply B. Theology of Q
represent a mass of oral traditions. (Jeremias; Wrege). At this point the problem of the unity of Q arises once
Others have pointed to the fact that Q apparently con- again, though in slightly different form. Many who would
tained no passion narrative. Is it then credible to think of accept that it is appropriate to think of Q as a single
a written source containing a mass of Jesus traditions but written source, with a characteristic theology, would also
no account of the passion? Further, Q seems to lack any argue that Q represents the end product of a quite com-
formal structure, starting apparently with a strong narra- plex tradition history. There may be various strata within
tive element but petering out into a mass of unrelated Q so that the tradition may have undergone a complex
sayings (Farrer 1955). There is also the problem of the history of expansion and adaptation. Some would claim to
measure of verbal agreement between Matthew and Luke. be able to identify a single redactional layer in Q (Liihr-
In some instances Matthew and Luke are almost identical mann 1969; Schenk 1981). Schulz (1972) distinguishes two
in Greek (Luke 3:7-9 and par.); at other times the verbal main strata within Q, corresponding to two distinct stages
agreement is minimal (Luke 14:16-24; 19:12-27 and in the history of the "Q community." Po lag ( 1977), Jacob-
pars.) (Rosche 1960). Hence Bussmann's theory of two son (1978), Zeller (1982, 1984), Kloppenborg ( 1987), and
sources, one Greek and one Aramaic. Uro ( 1987) have all argued for at least three redactional
These arguments are not conclusive. The measure of strata in Q (though with little agreement in details). Schiir-
variation in verbal agreement between Matthew and Luke mann ( 1968) postulates a four-stage growth in the tradi-
in Q passages has been shown to be statistically comparable tion whereby individual sayings were expanded by second-
to the measure of verbal agreement between these two ary comments (Kommentarworte) which at a third stage were
gospels in Markan passages (Carlston and Norlin 1971 ). It combined to form smaller collections before being incor-
may be that Q was available to the evangelists in slightly porated into the larger blocks of Q at a final stage. Many
different forms (a Qmt and a Qlk) as it is sometimes not have argued, for example, that the Temptation narrative is
easy to account for all the differences between the gospels quite unlike the rest of Q and hence is probably a relative
as due to MattR or LkR. But it remains uncertain how far latecomer into the Q tradition.
it is necessary to make such an appeal. The theory that Q It must, however, also be remembered that a division of
represents a mass of oral traditions does not account for a text into various strata (whether it be a simple twofold
the common order in Q material, which can be discerned division into "tradition + redaction" or a more complex
once Matthew's habit of collecting related material into his theory of strata) is not the only key which will unlock the
large teaching discourses is discounted (Taylor 1953, secrets of a writer's theology. A decision to include a
1959). Such a common order demands a theory that Q at tradition, perhaps unaltered, may be just as positive an
some stage existed in written form. editorial action as an alteration into a tradition. One
The argument based on the lack of a Passion Narrative should not therefore write off much of the Q material as
in Q, and the apparent formlessness of Q, is also weak. Its "merely" traditional and hence having nothing to contrib-
strength depends on an a priori assumption of what ute to Q's theology. One must also beware of making a
"must" have stood in a source containing information writer too monochromatic, so that different types of ma-
about Jesus. Q clearly cannot have been a "gospel" of the terial directed to different audiences, are ipso facto taken
same nature as the canonical gospels. But the discovery of as indications of distinct strata within the history of the
the Gospel of Thoma.s has shown us that it was possible for tradition. So, too, it is perhaps dangerous to assume too
some Christians to write a "gospel" with no passion narra- readiiy that we know precisely the way in which the tradi-
tive (Robinson 1971, 1986). Further, Kloppenborg (1987) tion developed from individual sayings to larger com-
has shown that the form of Q, as a collection of sayings plexes. One can sometimes identify ways i':1 which Q _ma-
together with some introductory narrative scenes, can be terial seems to have been redactionally modified, espeoally
v. 569 Q (GOSPEL SOURCE)
in some of the arrangement of the material (Liihrmann par.) has been overlaid by further material setting Jesus
J969; Kloppenborg 1984). But the situation is clearly more and John the Baptist together against "this generation."
complex than in the case of Matth~~·s and Luke's u_se of So, too, the discourse against the scribes and Pharisees
Mark since we do not have Q's trad1uons directly available (Luke 11:37-52 par.) is broadened at the end to become
to compare with Q: we do not even have Q itself directly 'an attack on "this generation" (Luke 11 :49-51 par.).
available. Thus one must be prepared to allow that the In this polemic, use is often made of a model taken
substance of the Q material itself, and the choice of which from a Deuteronomistic view of history. In this scheme,
traditions are included, can also help in the clarification of Israel's history is viewed as one of continual disobedience.
Q's theology (Hoffmann 1972). God sends the prophets to Israel to call the nation to
A basic presupposition of much contemporary Q study repent; the response is always negative, and the prophets
is that the group of Christians who preserved the Q suffer rejection and violence. As a result, God's wrath has
material did so because they believed that this material was been and will be experienced (Steck 1967). Such a scheme
still valid and relevant for their own day. The Jesus tradi- characterizes a significant part of the Q material (Steck
tion was thus not a matter of teaching which had been 1967; Jacobson 1978; Kloppenborg 1987). Q Christians
given in the past but was no longer applicable. Rather, the have evidently experienced rejection of the Christian mes-
teaching of Jesus was taken up and applied to the present. sage; and they interpret this rejection as part of the gen-
Further, the preachers of this tradition claimed that in eral violence inflicted on God's prophetic messengers by
their own preaching, the voice of the present Jesus was to impenitent Israel (Luke 6:22-23; 11 :49-51; 13:34f.). The
be heard (Luke 10: 16 par.). While a verse like Luke 12: 10/ prophetic self-understanding of the Q Christians may also
Matt 12:32 might suggest some awareness of a distinction be indicated by several formal similarities between much
between the pre-Easter and post-Easter situations, the of the Q material and the prophetic literature in the OT
main bulk of the Q tradition is formulated with the as- (Sato 1988).
sumption that Jesus' words are still valid. The con temporiz- Another theme closely associated in Q with that of the
ing present, "I say to you," predominates as opposed to suffering prophets is the theme of Wisdom (Sophia). Late
any historicizing tendencies (Boring 1982). Judaism spoke at times of Wisdom as an almost personified
One theme which is universally recognized as character- being in her own right, and there are also traditions of
izing much of the Q material is that of eschatological Wisdom's preaching being rejected by men (cf. Prov 1:20-
warning. A great deal of Q is concerned with this theme 33; 8:22-36; 1 Enoch 42). In Q the two streams of tradi-
of imminent judgment, which may be catastrophic for tion-that of rejected Wisdom and the Deuteronomic
those who are unprepared and do not "repent." Older theme of the violent fate suffered by the prophets-
views of Q had sought to explain Q as a kind of paraenetic coalesce so that Wisdom herself becomes the agent who
manual, a supplement to fill out the kerygma of the death sends out the prophets, all of whom suffer violence (Luke
of Jesus, which was already presupposed (Manson 1949). 11:49-51; 13:34f. pars.; and also 6:23; 7:31-35; 9:58).
Such a theory will not explain the note of warning and Within this pattern, Jesus appears as one (possibly the last)
crisis which dominates so much of Q. Right at the start, in the line of the suffering prophets. (Hence it is worth
this note of warning is sounded in the preaching of John noting that Q does not ignore the death of Jesus. Little
the Baptist (Luke 3:7-9 par.); this continues through the salvific significance is attributed to Jesus' death, but the
teaching of Jesus in the Great Sermon, bracketed as it is by latter is implicitly incorporated into a wider interpretative
the eschatologically oriented beatitudes (Luke 6:20-23 theological scheme.)
par.) and the eschatological warnings against those who Several of Q's warnings of eschatological judgment are
fail to obey Jesus' words (Luke 6:46-49 par.); the mission couched in terms of the coming of the "Son of Man." The
charge repeats the note of the imminence of the Kingdom whole question of the Son of Man sayings in Q and the
(Luke 10:9 par.); and toward the end of Q there is the broader question of Q's christology have aroused much
eschatological discourse warning of the End, which may discussion. Some have argued that "Son of Man" reveals
come at any time (Lk. 17; 23ff. par.). Q's distinctive contribution to christological development
It is probable that Q is aware of a delay in the Parousia. within primitive Christianity (Todt 1965; Edwards 1971).
The parables in Luke 12:39-40, 42-46; 19:12-27 par. For example, Todt claimed that the identification of Jesus
seem to presuppose such a delay (Liihrmann I 969; Schulz with the figure of the Son of Man was due to the Q
1972). Nevertheless, the very form of Q suggests that Q community. Jesus had spoken of the Son of Man as a
has not given up the vivid expectation of the End which figure other than himself. On the basis of the resurrection
could come at any minute: the fact that Q includes this experience, Q achieved the "christological cognition" of
material implies that the Q Christians regarded it as still identifying the coming Son of Man with Jesus himself and
~alid: Hence Q is dominated by a vivid hope for an then undertook to continue the preaching of Jesus as still
1mmment End (Hoffmann 1972). valid in the post-Easter period.
Integrally related to the note of crisis in Q is the theme The place of "Son of Man" within Q's christology is
of polemic. Q is clearly not just a manual for newly much disputed. Todt's theory that originally Jesus thought
converted Chnsuans. Rather it reflects a situation where of the Son of Man as someone other than himself would
the Christian community feels itself to be threatened and be questioned by many today. More importantly here,
to be suffering hostility. Liihrmann has shown that the many have questioned whether "Son of Man" reflects Q's
note of polemic against "this generation" dominates Q's own interests, or whether it was already part of Q's tradi-
arrangen:ient o.f the material; e.g., in Luke 7: 18-35 par., tion and hence not relevant for Q's redaction and thus for
any possible hmt of anti-Baptist polemic (Luke 7: 18-28 Q's theology (Liihrmann 1969; Schiirmann). However, the
Q (GOSPEL SOURCE) 570. v
Son of Man saying in Luke 11:30 may well be due to Q's Liihrmann has gone further and argued that the sharply
redaction (Edwards I97I); and in any case, one cannot polemical tone o~ Q's redaction means that Israel now only
dismiss all traditional elements in Q as contributing noth- h~s t.he threat of Judgment; for Q has embraced the gentile
ing to Q's theology. It seems therefore best to regard "Son m1ss10n, and for the Jewish as a whole there is now no
of Man" as a christological "title" of some importance for hope at all (Liihrmann 1969; Kloppenborg 1987).
Q. The meaning of the term "this generation," however, is
Its significance is more debated. It is often thought that not absolutely certain. Although some claim that it is a
"Son of Man" is primarily for Q a reference to Jesus in his technical term for the nation Israel and lacks any temporal
capacity as a figure (as judge or advocate) of the end-time reference (Liihrmann 1969), it seems hard to exclude all
(cf. Luke I 7:22-37 par.), and it is often pointed out that temporal sense from a saying such as Luke 11:31f, par.
Q has no "suffering Son of Man" sayings similar to Mark Thus others have argued that the term does retain a
8:3 I. Certainly the "eschatological Son of Man" is very temporal significance, referring to the people of the final
strongly represented in Q. However, there are a number generation before the end (Hoffmann 1972; Schulz 1972).
of Q sayings referring to the present activity of Jesus as Further, it seems doubtful if one can identify "this gener-
Son of Man (Luke 6:23; 7:34; 9:58; 12:IO; and arguably ation" with the whole of Israel tout court. At the very least,
I I :30). Although some have claimed that the use of the the term must exclude the Q Christians who, as we have
term here refers to Jesus as authoritative (Todt 1965), or seen, were probably Jewish Christians. It thus seems more
to Jesus as returning judge (Hoffmann 1972), it may be likely that Q's polemic is directed against only a part of the
relevant that all of these sayings occur in contexts which Jewish community among which the Q community existed.
imply rejection, hostility, and suffering. "Son of Man" is The problem of Q's attitude to gentiles and the gentile
thus a term which seems to be closely linked in Q with mission is also disputed. Q does have several sayings which
these themes (together with the related themes of rejected seem to presuppose a friendly attitude to gentiles (Luke
Wisdom and the suffering prophets). It may be, therefore, 7:1-10; 10:13-15; l 1:3lf.; 13:28f. pars.), though others
that the theme of the "suffering Son of Man" is not so have claimed that these refer only to the past or the future:
alien to Q as many have claimed (Tuckett 1982). there is nothing in relation to the present (Hoffmann
1972). Many too have argued that Q's rather strict attitude
C. Sitz im Leben to the Law effectively excludes the possibility that Q had
What can be said about the situation of the Christians undertaken the gentile mission. (Schulz 1972; Wegner
who preserved the Q material? It is probable that Q reflects 1985).
a group of Jewish Christians with a fairly conservative These arguments are of varying weight. The relation-
attitude to the Jewish Law. It is in Q that we have one of ship between the Law and the gentile mission should not
the most conservative statements about the continuing be made too simplistic. A gentile mission is not ipso facto
validity of the Law (Luke 16:17 par.); and if, as seems incompatible with a conservative attitude to the Law. Even
likely, the Lukan context of this saying reflects the Q Paul expected his gentile converts to observe considerable
context, then Q deliberately places I6: I 7 after 16: I6 in parts of the Law without any questioning. Nevertheless, it
order to guard against a possible antinomian interpreta- must be said that the presence of slighting references to
tion of the latter verse. Elsewhere in Q, the Law is presup- gentiles, almost in passing (Matt 5:47 [Luke's parallel,
posed as still valid and binding on the Christian. The referring to "sinners," is generally accepted as LkR]; Luke
polemic against the scribes and Pharisees in Luke 11 :37- 12:30 par.), make it hard to believe that Q was engaged in
52 par. is directed only against their hypocrisy in not a gentile mission. The natural language of Q seems to
obeying the Law themselves. Luke 11 :42d may well be a Q- assume that "gentiles" are those who are outside the
redactional comment to insist that the Law must still be sphere of salvation. Thus the terms of reference seem to
kept. If, as also seems likely, Luke 14: 5 par. was part of Q, be wholly Israel-oriented (unless one can assign the slight-
then Q reflects a sabbath controversy but, unlike Mark, ing references to an earlier stratum in Q: so Kloppen-
has Jesus operating strictly within the Law to justify his borg-but then why have they been left unredacted by a
behavior (the rescue of a man in a pit would be accepted later stage of Q?). Gentiles seem to be brought into the
by all as a legitimate breach of the sabbath law). Further, picture only to shame the Jewish hearers (Meyer 1970),
much of the argument in the woes against the scribes and though whether Q holds out any hope for that audience is
Pharisees, especially the woes about purity and tithing, not clear.
seems to operate within Pharisaic presuppositions (Schulz A much discussed feature of Q arises out of Q's version
1972). Given the fact that the Pharisees were probably a of the mission charge. Here the Q missionaries are told to
relatively small group within pre-70 Judaism, the virulence take absolutely nothing for their journey, not even the
of the opposition here may indicate a rather close link basic necessities oflife such as food or clothing. Elsewhere,
between the Q Christians and the Pharisaic movement (if too, Q sayings seem to presuppose an extremely radical
they were not close, then each group would probably have break with past personal ties. The Q Christians are told
ignored the other). that they must "hate" their own families (Luke 14:26 par.);
Whether this is still the case at the stage of Q's redaction they are told they must take up their cross (Luke 14:27
is not certain. Many have claimed that by the time of this par.). They are not to worry about their daily needs (Luke
stage, the polemic has sharpened and broadened in scope 12:22-34 par.) since God will provide for them. They are
to be directed against "this generation," a term which to be the followers of the Son of Man, who has nowhere to
refers to the whole Jewish people, not just one part such lay his head; and they are to break with their past in such
as the Pharisees (Liihrmann 1969; Schiirmann 1986). a radical way that they are not even to go home to bury a
v. 571 Q (GOSPEL SOURCE)
member of their own family (Luke 9:57-60 par.). These polemic against apathy (Luke 17:22-37), strong words
sayings have led to the plausible theory ~hat be~ind Q lies against waverers (Luke 11 :23), against those who seek signs
a group of Christians who obeyed these mstrucuons to the (Luke 11 :29-32, but there is no indication that the sign
letter. Hence Q presupposes the existence of wandering seekers are being physically violent), against those who
prophets or charismatics who made a ra?ical break with might give up their Christian allegiance (Luke 12:9-
their own homes and went about preachmg the message possibly reflecting a persecution situation, but the polemic
of the kingdom (Hoffmann 1972; Theissen 1979). How- is not directed against the persecutors themselves). Luke
ever, the presence of sayings like Luke 10:2 par. may 16:16 is probably too vague for the reader to know pre-
suggest that the final stage of Q also presupposes a group cisely what is in mind. Only Luke 13:34-35 might imply
of settled Christians providing backup support for the physical violence in the present, though it is not clear how
wandering preachers (Zeller 1982, 1984). much is present and how m~ch is past.
The precise meaning of such a lifestyle depends heavily If could be that the Q community is not suffering a great
on the social situation in which such action takes place. deal in physical terms. No doubt the Christian message has
Such renunciation could be a voluntary act, similar in kind evoked opposition, some verbal abuse, some polite indif-
to the renunciation practiced by Cynic preachers but taken ference. So too the wandering preachers have evidently
to even more radical extremes (Hoffmann 1972). Schot- not always found a welcome and been provided with a
troff has argued that the "renunciation" implied is simply home (Luke 10:10-11). From the Christian side this was
a reflection of the general extreme poverty which all no doubt seen as "persecution," and it has evidently led to
suffered at the time and Q's preaching is simply a message a closing of the ranks and some quite violent denunciation
of how to come to terms with this. Nevertheless, such a of those outside. But such opposition may not have in-
theory will not explain all of Q. Q evidently expects other volved any great measure of physical violence.
Christians to help the missionaries and provide material
support for them: hence some material possessions are D. Conclusion
assumed. Other sayings only make sense on the same Recent studies have shown how fruitful a redaction-
assumption (Luke 16:13; Matt 6:19-21). So too, the say- critical approach to Q can be. At first sight such work may
ings about leaving family seem to imply a situation where appear to be extremely hypothetical, being based on what
the Q Christians are in a rather different social situation some would argue is a very questionable presupposition
from that of their neighbors. The lifestyle implied here (the very existence of Q as a single document). However,
thus seems to be peculiar to the Christian. In part it is thus the very distinctiveness of the Q material as shown by
a voluntary decision to adopt such a lifestyle and the recent redaction-critical studies of Q is in itself an indica-
results are closely connected with the Christian commit- tion that this material did exist as a separate entity at some
ment. It is not necessarily something which the Q Christian stage in the development of the synoptic tradition. Theo-
shares with all his/her contemporaries. This applies partic- ries about the theology of Q, if successful, may therefore
ularly in the case of the references to persecution in Q, provide further support for the hypothesis of the exis-
which are frequently connected with the lifestyle of the tence of Q. Q may also alert us to the great variety within
wandering charismatics. primitive Christianity. It shows us a version of the Christian
Q says much about persecution at a fairly general level. faith which is perhaps less cross centered than, say, Paul
Many have deduced from this that the Q community was or Mark; but it is nonetheless real for that.
suffering very real persecution from its neighbors. At the
more "theological" level, it is clear that the Q Christians Bibliography
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continuation of the violence suffered by all the prophets Bussby, F. 1954. Is Q an Aramaic Document? ExpTim 65: 272-75.
in the past. Yet as the latter may be somewhat stylized (not Bussmann, W. 1929. Synoptische Studien. Vol. 2 of Zur Redenquelle.
all the prophets suffered violence), the same may be true Halle.
of Q. Q has a great deal of polemic (against "this genera- Carlston, C. E., and Norlin, D. 1971. Once More-Statistics and Q.
tion") for refusing to accept the message of the prophets HTR 64: 59-78.
past and present, but it is hard to infer that such refusal Downing, F. G. 1965. Towards the Rehabilitation of Q. NTS 11:
resulted in actual violence against the Q community. Luke 169-81.
6:22-23 can be interpreted quite naturally as relating to Dungan, D. L. 1970. Mark-The Abridgement of Matthew and
verbal abuse, social ostracism, and perhaps polite indiffer- Luke. Vol. I, Pp. 51-97 in Jesus and Man's Hope. 2 vols. Pitts-
ence, but not necessarily to any physical violence. The burgh.
precise meaning of the final woes against the scribes and Edwards, R. A. 1971. The Sign ofJonah. London.
Pharisees is debated, but a strong case can be made for the Farmer, W.R. 1964. The Synoptic Problem. New York.
penultimate woe (against the tomb builders Luke 11:47- Farrer, A. 1955. On Dispensing with Q. Pp. 55-88 in Studies in the
48 par.) being directed against those who simply ignore Gospels: Essays in Memory of R. H. Lightfoot, ed. D. E. Nineham.
the present prophetic message and try to distance them- Oxford.
selves from the past by building tombs for prophets whom Goulder, M. D. 1978. On Putting Q to the Test. NTS 24: 218-34.
"their fathers" killed: the actual violence belongs to the Hoffmann, P. 1972. Studien zur Theologie der Logienquelle. NTA NF
past alone (Steck 1967; contra Hoffmann 1972). If so, the 8. Munster.
same may also apply to the doom oracle in Luke 11 :49- Jacobson, A. D. 1978. Wisdom Christology in Q. Ph.D. diss., Clare-
51, where again the period of physical violence seems to mont.
be limited to the OT era. Elsewhere in Q, there is violent - - . 1982. The Literary Unity of Q.JBL IOI: 365-89.
Q (GOSPEL SOURCE) 572 • v
Kloppenborg, J. S. 1984. Tradition and Redaction in the Synoptic QA'AQIR, JEBEL (M.R. 145103). A mountain (Ara-
Sayings Source. CBQ 46: 34-62. bic, "Mountain of the Cairns") situated on a ridge eight
- - . 1987. The Formation of Q. Philadelphia. miles W _of Hebron, near the modern village of Simiyeh,
Liihrmann, D. 1969. Die Redaktion der Logienquelle. WMANT 33. at an altitude of about 400 m. It is located just at the E
Neukirchen-Vluyn. edge of the Shephelah, where it borders upon the lower
Manson, T W. 1949. The Sayings ofjesu.s. London. slopes of the central hills, in the inner reaches of the Wadi
Meyer, PD. 1970. The Gentile Mission in Q.JBL 89: 405-17. Lachish.
Nierynck, F. 1982. Recent Developments in the Study ofQ. Pp. 29- The one-period EB IV cemetery and settlement at Jebel
75 in LOGIA-The Sayings ofjesu.s, ed. J. Delobel. Louvain. Qa'aqir was discovered by tomb robbers in the summer of
Polag, A. 1977. Die Christologie der Logie1U/Wille. WMANT 45. Neu- 1967 and thus came to the attention of archaeologists. It
kirchen-Vluyn. was excavated by W. G. Dever in 1967, 1968, and 1971,
Robinson, J. M. 1971. LOGO! SOPHON: On the Gattung of Q. sponsored and funded by the Hebrew Union College in
Pp. 84-130 in The Future of Our Religious Past: Essays in Honour Jerusalem. The excavations revealed at least six different
of Rud-Olf Bultmann. London. shaft-tomb cemeteries all around the base of the ridge
- - . 1986. On Bridging the Gulf from Q to the Gospel of near the valley floor. All belonged to the EB IV period, ca.
Thomas (or Vice Versa). Pp. 127-76 in Nag Hammadi: Gnosti- 2300-2000 B.C., a largely nonsedentary interlude between
cism and Early Christianity, ed. C. W. Hedrick and R. Hodgson. the urban Early and Middle Bronze eras in Palestine.
Peabody. Cemetery B had been extensively robbed, but some 40
Rosche, T. R. 1960. The Words of Jesus and the Future of the "Q" tombs were investigated and planned, and nearly 20 undis-
Hypothesis.]BL 79: 210-20. turbed tombs were excavated. Cemeteries C, D, E, and F
Sato, M. 1988. Q und Prophetie. WUNT 2/29. Tiibingen. produced another 20 tombs, but it is clear that dozens,
Schenk, W. 1981. Synapse zur Redenquelle der Evangelien. Diisseldorf. probably hundreds, of others are present in the vicinity.
Schottroff, L., and Stegemann, W. 1978. jesu.s von Nawreth-Hoff- The tombs were regularly laid out and spaced a few feet
nung der Armen. Stuttgart. apart along several natural rock terraces down the slope,
Schulz, S. 1972. Q--Die Spruchquelle der Evangelisten. Zurich. all oriented the same way. Typically, a round elliptical
Schiirmann, H. 1968. Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu den shaft, up to six feet deep, led to a round chamber, the
synoptischen Evangelien. Diisseldorf. doorway to which was blocked by a single large stone.
- - . 1975. Beobachtungen zum Menschensohn-Titel in der Several tombs had shallow body shelves, lamp niches, graf-
Redequelle. Pp. 124-47 in jesu.s und der Menschensohn: Fur fiti, and other distinguishing features. Many tombs con-
Anton Viigtle. Freiburg. tained a single human burial; others two to four individ-
- - . 1982. Das Zeugnis der Redenquelle fiir die Basileia-Ver- uals. Most burials were accompanied by part of a sheep or
kiindigung Jesu. Pp. 121-200 in LOGIA-The Sayings of jesu.s, goat carcass. In every case the burials were secondary, and
ed. J. Delobel. Louvain. the bones, even those of the animals, were disarticulated
- - . 1986. Die Redekomposition wider "dieses Geschlecht" und and completely disarrayed. The 4 7 adult and 2 children's
seine Fiihrung in der Redequelle (vgl. Mt 23, 1-39 par Lk 11, skeletons constitute an exceptionally large and well pre-
37-54). Studien zum Newm Testament und seiner Umwelt A 11: 33- served sample for this period and reveal much about diet,
81.
disease, and longevity (Smith 1982). Although many tombs
Steck, 0. H. 1967. Israel und das gewaltsame Geschick der Propheten.
contained a pot or two and occasionally a copper weapon,
more than half had no grave goods at all. The dispropor-
WMANT 23. Neukirchen-Vluyn.
tionally large number of tombs, the decarnate bones, and
Taylor, V 1953. The Order of Q.JTS 4: 27-31.
the scant offerings all suggest that these are the remains
- - . 1959. The Original Order of Q. Pp. 246-69 in New Testa-
of seminomadic pastoralists who migrated along a seasonal
ment Essays: Studies in Memory of T W Manson, Ed. A. J. B.
circuit and carried their dead with them for later burial at
Higgins. Manchester. an ancestral burying ground (Dever 1980). The evidence
Theissen, G. 1979. Studien zur Soziologie des Urchristentums. WUNT from similar shaft tombs of numerous EB IV sites in
19. Tiibingen. Palestine points t9 the same conclusion. See JERICHO;
Todt, H. E. 1965. The Son of Man in the Synoptic Tradition. London. DHAHR MIRZBANEH; BEER RESISIM.
Tuckett, C. M. 1982. The Present Son of Man.]SNT 14: 58-81. Evidence of scattered domestic occupation on the nearly
- - . 1984. On the Relationship between Matthew and Luke. milelong S-shaped ridge above the cemeteries cons~sted
NTS 30: 130-42. only of a dozen or so enigmatic stone cairns (not bunals);
Turner, N. 1969. Qin Recent Thought. ExpTim 80: 324-28. a rambling low boundary wall; a unique potter's kiln; a
Uro, R. 1987. Sheep among the Wolves: A Study of the Mission In.itruc- single dolmen of the "table top" variety; and a half-dozen
tions of Q. Helsinki. or more caves used as shelters. One cave, G26, produced a
Vassiliadis, P. 1978. The Nature and Extent of the Q Document. nearly complete domestic assemblage of some 30 restora-
NovT 20: 49-73. ble pots, flint blades, and ground-stone implements (Dever
Wegner, U. 1985. Der Hauptmann von Kafamaum. WUNT, n.s., 14. 1981 ). Another, G23, was apparently a pottery dump,
Tiibingen. which yielded fragments of nearly 1,8~0 vesse_ls, none
Zeller, D. 1982. Redaktionsprozesse und wechselnder "Sitz im restorable (Gitin 1975). The vast domestic ceramic reper-
Leben" beim Q-Material. Pp. 395-409 in LOGIA-The Sayings toire from Jebel Qa'aqir fills out our corpus of EB IV
ofjesu.s, ed. J. Delobel. Lou vain. pottery, which was based until recently on the somewhat
- - . 1984. Kommentar zur Logienquelle. Stuttgart. atypical assemblages from tombs. It helps not only to
C. M. TUCKETT define further Dever's "Family S" ( = "Southern-seden-
v. 573 QADES,TELL

tary"; J980), but also gives us for t~e first tim~ sufficient B. Research of the Site
material on which to base an analysis of ceramIC technol- Tell Qades--0r Tel Kedesh-is one of the largest and
ogy and decorative design (London 1985). most important tells in Upper Galilee (ca. 100 dunams);
however, it has not yet been excavated, except for a rescue
excavation carried out in the 1950s by Y. Aharoni. On the
Bibliography . N part of the tell, on what may have been the anc!enl
Dever, W. G. 1972. A Middle Bronze I Site on the West Bank of the acropolis, stood an Arab village. The rescue excavauon,
Jordan. Arch 25: 231-33. . . . the archaeological survey, and the surface remains scat-
- - . 1980. New Vistas on the EB IV ("MB I") Honzon m Syna- tered on the site indicate that the site was continuously
Palestine. BASOR 237: 35-64. occupied from the Bronze Age until the end of late antiqu-
- - . 1981. Cave G 26 at jebel Qa'aqir: A Stratified MB I ity.
Domestic Assemblage. El 15: *22-*32. A vast cemetery extends to the NE of the tell. The rock-
Gitin, S. 1975. Middle Bronze I "Domestic Pottery" at Jebel hewn tombs are dated to various periods and have not yet
Qa'aqir. A Ceramic Inventory of Cave G 23. El 12: *46-*62. been investigated systematically, except for a tomb of the
London, G. 1985. Decoding Designs: The Late Third Millennium B.C. MB Age and some from Roman times.
Pottery from]ebel Qa'aqir. Diss., Arizona. . . On the hill E of the tell are the remains of a well-
Smith, P. 1982. The Physical Characteristics and Biological Affini- preserved monumental temple, and W of this are rem-
ties of the MB I Skeletal Remains from Jebel Qa'aqir. BASOR nants of mausoleums and decorated sarcophagi. Rock-
245: 65-73. hewn tombs were discovered at the N and NW fringes of
WILLIAM G. DEVER the hill. During the 19th century the site was surveyed in
varying detail by E. Renan, V. Guerin, and C. Wilson, and
especially by C. R. Conder and H. H. Kitchen~r of the
Survey of Palestine, whose work has been the mam source
QADES, TELL (M.R. 200279). A site in upper Galilee of knowledge of the temple until recently. Since these
located about 15 km N of Safed. The site comprises a tell 19th-century investigations, the site has been explored by
at the Wedge of the Kadcsh Valley and a low hill overlook- only a few scholars, like F. Fenner, G. Dalman, and C.
ing the valley some 200 m to the E. It is to be identified Watzinger. During 1976-77, A. Ovadiah, M. Fischer, and
with the Kedesh in Naphtali mentioned in both biblical I. Roll made an extensive survey of the site, and in 1981
and extrabiblical sources. See KEDESH. and 1983-84, they conducted three seasons of excavations.

A. History of the Site C. Description of the Temple Complex

The importance of this site in antiquity is attested both The architectural complex at Kedesh, located on the
by the surface remains strewn over the site and by the upper part of the S slope of the tell, includes a large
numerous references to it in the historical sovrces. Kedesh temenos (sacred enclosure) with a monumental temple at its
was one of the main cities in Upper Galilee during the center. The peribolos enclosing the temenos is rectangular in
Canaanite and Israelite periods. The city is probably men- plan and measures about 55 x 80 m; because o~ ~he
tioned in Egyptian sources of the 2d millennium B.C.E. topography of the area, its S wall also served as a retammg
Kedesh is listed as one of the defeated Canaanite towns in wall. The E facade of the peribolos, only partially preserved,
Josh 12:22; as one of the levitical cities in Josh 21 :32 and I was probably symmetrical in design and had a monumen-
Chr 6:61; and as a city of refuge in Josh 20:7. It is also tal entrance leading into the temenos, similar to the sacred
mentioned as one of the strongholds of Naphtali legacy. complexes of Helios al Kasr Naus and Zeus at Hosn-
The Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III conquered the city Suleiman (Baetocaece) in Syria. The "baroque" character-
in 7331732 B.C.E. together with other Galilean cities which istics of this design correspond well with the general trend
of Roman architecture in the Orient. In view of the parallel
are listed in 2 Kings 15:29. Kedesh is mentioned in one of
walls of the peribolos and the temple, it is obvious that the
the Zenon papyri (Plen. Col.: 59004), as well as in the
two structures were an integrated architectural complex,
account of the battle between Jonathan the Hasmonean
although the temple did not stand in the exact center of
and the generals of Demetrius (1 Mace 11:53-73; see also the temenos. The wall of the temenos, which is not of uniform
Ant 13.154). Josephus (JW 4.104) relates that Titus' army
construction, stood exposed in a number of places.
set up camp at Kedesh during the campaign against Yo- The temple consists of a rectangular cella and a portico.
hanan of Gush Halav, and that following the massacre of See Fig. QAD.O I. Its outer dimensions (without the por-
the Jews of Caesarea in 66 c.E., the latter avenged them- tico) are 20.66 m x 22.63 m; its inner dimensions, 17.60
selves by attacking many Gentile settlements, including m x 20.04 m; and its overall length (including the por-
Kada.sa (ton) Tyrion, "Kedesh (of) the Tyrians," i.e., Kedesh tico), 31.25 m. Only the E facade of the cella remains
in the region of Tyre (JW 2.459). Kedesh was known as standing and is preserved to a height of ca. 7.50 m, or 14
one of the strongholds of Tyre in the Galilee and was in courses. Three carved and ornamented entrances pass
constant conflict with the "Galileans" (JW 4.105 ). through the facade: a central opening symmetrically
According to both the epigraphical and archaeological Ranked by two smaller ones. The neatly worked ashlars
evidence, Kedesh flourished during the 2d-3d centuries are laid according to the typical Roman dry-wall method,
C.E. The town is mentioned also in later historical sources. smoothly fitted to each other. . .
Thus, Eusebius (Onoma.st. 116.10) note that Kedesh lay 20 No evidence of columns was found ms1de the cella to
miles from Tyre. suggest that this inner space was divided into aisles; nor
QADES, TELL 574. v

r- _,
,, )1
L'::J

l""
QAD.01. Monumental Temple at Kedesh-Roman Period. (Redrawn from Fishcher, Ovadiah, and Ro/11984: 150)
0

-- - 5m

were there traces of any piers against the N and S walls Parts of the entablature, bases, and capitals also came to
that might have supported the roof. This suggests that the light, indicating that the temple probably stood about 12
roof, despite the considerable width of the hall (l 7.60 m), mhigh.
was supported by transverse wooden beams, which, in To enter the cella the priest probably used the side
turn, carried a series of lighter timbers or cross-rafters entrances, which were more or less on the same level as
intersecting and slotted into the transverse beams. It is also the floor of the portico and the floor of the cella. The
possible that in order to reduce the span of the beams, approach to the threshold of the central entrance, which
they rested on consoles fitted against the N and S walls of was elevated ca. l m above the floor of the portico, was
the temple. Similar techniques were probably used to probably by a ramp, of which some remains were discov-
support the roofs in several Roman temples in Syria, such ered.
as those at Kasr Naus, Hosn Niha, and Majdal Anjar. Many A row of sockets in the threshold in the central entrance
fragments of terra-cotta tiles were found, both of solenes implies that it was blocked by a chancel screen which
and kalypteres, which obviously had been used to cover the prevented the devotees from entering through it, although
roof of the cella. they could look inside and see the statue or the relief of
A paved section of neatly fitted rectangular slabs was the god.
found in the E part of the hall, approximately on the same
level as both the S entrance threshold and the pavement of
the portico. There were also traces of the underpinnings D. Architectural Decoration
of three steps leading down from the central entrance The Roman temple of Kedesh exhibits one of the richest
threshold to the floor of the cella. collections of architectural features in Israel. Judging by
An apse, measuring 5.60 m across, abutted the inner the remains on the surface, and by the items discovered in
side of the W wall of the cella, opposite its central entrance. the excavations, it was a Corinthian temple in the fullest
This was apparently designed to accommodate a statue or sense.
relief of the patron deity of the temple, a kind of adyton, The fragments of the entablature, the Corinthian capi-
such as those of the temples at Rahle, Burkush, and tals, along with the bases and pedestals indicate that the
Palmyra. This apse was apparently a secondary addition to temple was part of a series of "baroque" sites .which ~re
the temple. built in the E within the framework of Imperial architec-
The portico apparently had a hexastyle (six-column) ture of the 2d century c.E. The character of the architec-
facade, consisting of two groups of three columns each. tural decoration, the arrangement of the different items,
v. 575 QASHISH, TEL

and their workmanship emphasize the high artistic quality the complex. Three Greek inscriptions are dated respec-
of the temple. tively to 117/18, 189/90, and 214/15 c.E. It may therefore
About 10 m of the entablature can be reconstructed. be assumed that construction of the temple complex began
Remaining fragments of the cornices have cof~ers and around the beginning of the 2d century and continued in
consoles which have been common m the E smce the stages over a century or so.
Hellenis~ic period. They are made up of moldings typical Although it is still difficult to determine when the tem-
of the Corinthian egg-and-dart (ovolo), coffers, consoles, ple was abandoned, it appears that it was destroyed by an
and astragals motifs. Among other motifs decorating the earthquake, possibly the one that struck the region on May
entablature are a stringed musical instrument (cithara), a 19, 363 C.E.
basis resting on a tripod, and a crescent with a star.
Bibliography
E. Identification of the Temple Deity and Manner of Fischer, M.; Ovadiah, A.; and Roll, I. 1984. The Roman Temple at
Worship Kedesh, Upper Galilee: A Preliminary Study. TA 11: 146-72.
It has been suggested that the temple at Kedesh was - - . 1985. The Architectural Design of the Roman Temple at
dedicated to Helios. However, the epigraphical and icono- Kedesh. El 18: 353-60 (in Hebrew).
graphical data imply a different identification. These in- - - . 1986-87. The Epigraphic Finds from the Roman Temple
clude (I) two Greek inscriptions, one of which was found at Kedesh in the Upper Galilee. TA 13-14: 60-66.
close to the temple and the other in secondary use in the - - . 1988. Deity and Cult in the Roman Temple at Kedesh. Vol.
wall of the nearby village police station at Qadis; and (2) 2, pp. 168-73 in Sepher Z. Vilnay. Jerusalem (in Hebrew).
two eagles with outstretched wings, one carved on the A. 0VADJAH
lintel of the central doorway and the other on the lintel of MOSHE FISCHER
the N doorway. ISRAEL ROLL
The Greek inscriptions refer to Baal-shamin, the "Holy
God of the Sky," one of the main gods of the Syro-
Phoenician region during the Roman period. This god is QASHISH, TEL (M.R. 160232). A site located at the
mentioned in inscriptions from Palmyra, Damascus, Hosn- foot of Mt. Carmel in the NW end of the valley of Jezreel.
Suleiman, and elsewhere. Three of the temples erected in It contains ruins dating to the OT period.
his honor are well known: in Palmyra, in Dura-Europos,
and in Seia in S Syria. The two eagles mentioned above A. Location and Identification
support the identification of the deity as Baal-shamin. Tel Qashish is situated on the right bank of the Kishon
To the N and the S of the two side openings of the cella river, in one of its meanders, so that it is protected by the
are two kraters carved in stone, with narrow channels river on two sides. Tel Yoqneam can clearly be seen 2 km
leading inside the building. These almost certainly served to the S. The site is elongated, measuring 180 m x 60 m.
for libations of wine, oil, or the blood of sacrificed animals It slopes steeply in all directions, except in the NE region,
intended for the god, in return for which the worshiper where the approach way and gate were located. The site
received the blessing or oracle from the priest. Possibly the measures some 10 dunams and is clearly divided into two
grooves were connected with a religious ceremony facilitat- parts, with the W half ca. 5 m higher than the E half. The
ing contacts between the world of the living and the world reason for this is that while the earliest settlement (EB)
of the dead. The existence of mausoleums to the W of the extended over the entire surface of the mound, subse-
temple complex and of tombs to the N strengthens this quent occupation (in the MB and LB, as well as in the Iron
supposition. To the best of our knowledge, these libation Age) was limited to the W part of the site. EB strata are
channels are unique in the architecture of temples in the therefore to be found immediately below the present sur-
Roman world. Above the S krater is an apsidal niche with face in the E part of the site, while MB and LB strata are
a sunken, carved relief of a human figure wearing a toga, to be found right below the surface in the center and
holding a pear-shaped vessel with basketlike handles in highest part of the site.
the right hand and a spear in the left. The proximity of Tel Qashish dominates one of the fords of the Kishon.
the figure to the krater and to the grooves suggests that it It also dominates the S exit of the narrow pass, connecting
depicts the act of libation and symbolizes the worshiper. the plain of Acco and the valley of Jezreel. The strategic
location, the accessibility of Bronze Age strata, the oppor-
F. Summary tunity to study a small rural site and at the same time to
The research at Kedesh so far has revealed a rich and investigate its relationship to a neighboring larger town
elaborate architectural complex consisting of a temenos with (Tel Yoqneam) led to the choice of this site for excavation.
a temple of the prostylos hexastylos type at its center. The Aharoni (LBHG, 151) has suggested that the site be
architectural decoration is in the Corinthian style with identified with "Helkath," no. 112 on the list of Canaanite
"baroque" characteristics. Its layout and architectural mo- sites conquered by Thutmosis III, neighboring Jokneam
tifs are typical of the decorative context in the Roman East (n. 113 on that same list). Another possibility is to identify
especially of the Syro-Phoenician region. The temple is th~ the site with Dabbasheth (meaning "camel's hump"), men-
southernmost link in the chain of Roman temples in this tioned in the description of the border of the tribe of
region. Zebulun, which "goes up westward, and on to Mareal, and
In addition to the types of architectural decoration touches Dabbasheth, then the river that is east of Jokneam"
dated inscriptions discovered previously as well as thos~ (Josh 19: l I). Such an identification suits well the order of
from the recent excavations provide evidence for dating sites on the border, the immediate vicinity of Jokneam, as
QASHISH, TEL 576. v
well as the general appearance of Tel Qashish (which wall's inner face, and a small glacis of small stones and
resembles a crouching camel). earth dumped against its outer face. Inside the wall a
series of rooms and a courtyard were unearthed. These
B. The Excavations were built against the inner face of the fortification wall on
The excavation of Tel Qashish is part of a larger, re- one side and opened onto a paved alley on the other.
gional archaeological research project-the Yoqneam Re- Similar arrangements were noted at contemporary sites
gional Project. See JOKNEAM; QIRI, TELL. Eight sea- such as Gezer, Shechem, and Taanach. Three phases of a
sons of excavations have been conducted so far. Two areas rather short duration were noted, the final being charac-
are being investigated: "A" on the high part of the site, terized by infant burials in jars, a phenomenon known
and "B" in the lower. Together, an area of about 1,100 from several contemporary sites, including neighboring
square meters is being investigated ( 10 percent of the Tel Yoqneam. Just as at Yoqneam, the transition between
surface of the site). Fifteen levels of occupation have been the MB and LB ages at Qashish (strata VIII-VII) was
noted, spanning EB I through the Persian period. peaceful.
I. Early Bronze Age. With the exception of a few Neo- 3. The Late Bronze Age. This settlement was unforti-
lithic flint tools, found on bedrock, the earliest occupation fied, and only fragmentary house walls and a few ceramic
level of the site is attributed to EB I. The settlement assemblages have been found so far. Imported (Cypriote
extended beyond the limits of the tel itself, as evidenced and Mycenaean) pottery is relatively scarce. The settlement
by the large amount of pottery and flints scattered all over suffered two destructions in the course of the period: once
the area N of the site (some nearly 100 m away). Due to in the 14th century and again by the end of the 13th
the limited size of the excavated area, only one complete (marking the end of the Late Bronze Age).
dwelling and a few fragments of others are known so far, 4. Iron Age. The remains of the Iron Age settlement
with two architectural phases clearly discernible. The are even scantier than those of the previous period: it
houses are small, with their corners rounded on the out- seems that a small settlement, confined to the higher part
side but with 90-degree angles on the inside. This method of the site, was established in Iron I. A round installation
of constructing corners finds close parallels in the EB I built of stone slabs, probably an oil press, is noteworthy.
levels of sites such as Megiddo and Byblos. Typical ceramic An exact parallel is known from contemporary Yoqneam.
finds include bow-rimmed pithoi and grey burnished ware. The ceramic assemblage includes collar-rim jars and sev-
Two cylinder seal impressions on jar fragments are note- eral Philistine sherds. Remains of Iron II are extremely
worthy, one of which has two close parallels at other sites fragmentary, attesting to some occupation during this
in the region (Megiddo and Tel-Shadud). In EB II, the site period.
was fortified by a wall 2.5-3.0-m wide, surprisingly massive 5. Persian Period. The final phase of occupation is
for a site of that order. The stones were laid in a herring- dated to the Persian period. An impressive building was
bone fashion, a style also noted in the dwellings. Two major excavated in the E section of the site. It appears to have
and several subphases of construction were discerned and been an isolated farmhouse built of extremely large stones,
attributed to EB II-III. The houses are well built, yet in which were still clearly visible on the surface of the mound.
spite of several constructional features common to several A few coins, stray sherds, and glass fragments indicate
of them, no uniformity in plan was observed. Early Bronze some kind of activity at the site during the Hellenistic and
Age houses were also excavated in area A. These are of a Mamluk periods.
somewhat different nature than those situated near the
fortification wall, even though they are of the same period; Stratum Period
the houses there are somewhat larger, and no herringbone I Persian Isolated farmhouse
construction was observed. The ceramic finds are rather II Iron III Scanty remains
poor and monotonous, comprising mainly platters, cook- III A-B Iron II Scanty remains
ing pots, and storage jars. In spite of the location of the IV A-B Iron I Farm and agricultural !nstalla-
site in a region where Khirbet Kerak Ware should be tions
expected, the total absence of this ceramic family at Qash- v LB II A-B Isolated tower, destruction by fire
ish is noteworthy. Cylinder seal impressions on storage jars VI LB I B Unfortified settlement, destruc-
are relatively common. tion by fire
In the last phase of the Early Bronze Age settlement- VII A-B LB I A Unfortified settlement, destruc-
within EB III-the fortification wall went out of use. tion by fire
Following a certain occupational gap, new houses were VIII LB II-III Fragmentary paved areas, ash
built, partly superimposed on the derelict fortification. pockets
Their standard of construction was inferior compared to IXA-C MB II Fortified settlement
that of the previous houses; the walls were built of small x MB I-II Occupational surface, sherds
rough stones, and the plan consisted of a forecourt behind XI EB Ill Unfortified settlement
which was a room serving as living quarters. XII EB II-III Fortified settlement
2. Middle Bronze Age. Remains of the Middle Bronze XIII EB II-Ill Fortified settlement
XIV EB I Unfortified settlement extending
Age are confined to the high part of the site and include a
beyond site
fortification system and dwellings. This fortified village
may have been preceded by an unfortified phase (stratum xv EB I Unfortified settlement extending
beyond site
X), which is hardly attested. The MB fortifications consist Stray flint tools
of a 2-m-wide wall, a rectangular tower built against this Neolithic
v. 577 QATABANIAN LANGUAGE

Bibliography :oom with benches along the walls and a raised platform
Aharoni, Y. 1959. Zepath ofThutmoses. IE} 9: 120 (pl. 15b). m one corner.
Ben-Tor, A.; Portugali, Y.; and Avissar, M. 1981. The First Two The finds in the successive temples at Tell Qasile are of
Seasons of Excavations at Tel Qashish, 1978-1979. IE} 31: particular importance, since they contain a unique collec-
137-64. tion of cult objects made of pottery, as well as of metal,
AMNON BEN-TOR alabaster, and ivory. Some of the cult objects are of partic-
ular importance as unique art objects from the period of
the Judges. Both the plans of the temples and the shapes
QASILE, TELL (M.R. 130167). A site situated on the of the cult objects reflect a strong Canaanite influence on
N bank of the Yarkon river, about I mile from the Medi- the local culture. Yet similarities to cultural phenomena in
terranean coast. Two Hebrew ostraca found on the surface Cyprus, as well as in the Aegean world, point to the origin
of the mound led to systematic excavations of the site, of the local population, though it can be conjectured that
which were carried out under the direction of B. Mazar the Philistine newcomers were just the overlords of a local
(1949-51, 1956) and continued under the direction of A. autochtonous population. This is corroborated by the na-
Mazar ( 1971-74, 1982-84). The 4-acre site is located on a ture of the rich pottery assemblages found in the sanctu-
kurkar (sandstone) ridge overlooking the Yarkon river and ary, which show a combination of characteristically Philis-
the coastal plain. A permanent settlement was founded on tine traditions and traditions typical of the Canaanite
the site in the mid-12th century B.C. The founders were culture.
probably Philistines, "Sea Peoples," who settled the S A dwelling quarter excavated at the S part of the tell
coastal plain of Palestine during the 12th century B.C. Tell
demonstrates the urban planning and the design of private
Qasile was an important port town, since the Yarkon river
dwellings during the l l th century B.C. See Fig. CIT.05.
was ideal for anchoring the small ships of that time.
The houses are arranged in well-planned blocks; each
Seafaring and trade were thus basic factors in the economy
house is square and contains a courtyard divided by a row
of the settlers. Though the ancient name of Tell Qasile is
unknown, it is one of the most important sites for studying of pillars. The rich finds in these houses illustrate the
the material culture of the Philistines during Iron Age I. wealth of the population on the eve of the Israelite con-
Three successive occupation levels of the Philistine town quest. Imported pottery from Phoenicia, Cyprus, and
were discovered (strata XIl-X), covering a span of about Egypt implies trade connections.
180 years (ca. 1150-980 B.c.). The town was finally con- The destruction of Tell Qasile during the time of David
quered and burnt, probably during the conquest of the did not end the town. During the United Monarchy, the
region by David. The transitions from stratum XII to XI town was partially rebuilt (strata IX-VIII), though not as
and then from stratum XI to X appear to have been densely as in the previous period, and it probably served
peaceful, and they mark a gradual growth and develop- as a port town for Israel. The town was destroyed at the
ment of the town. end of the l 0th century e.c., perhaps during Shishak's
The buildings of stratum XII are built of mud bricks invasion of the country. A gap in occupation lasted most
and are laid on the bedrock, without stone foundations. of the Iron Age, and only in the late 7th century did a
The two most important structures from this level are the small settlement exist on the site, perhaps related to the
temple and a public building. The temple is a small edifice Judean expansion to the coast during the time of Josiah.
containing one room, with benches along the walls and a During the Persian period, a large building at the top of
raised platform. A large courtyard in front of the temple the mound perhaps served as an administration building
~ccommodate~ ntual ceremonies and sacrifices. The pub- or a farmstead. A rock-cut square well supplied water to
lic bmldmg, situated S of the temple, contained a large the site during this time. During the Hellenistic and Ro-
hall, with benches along the walls and a free-standing man periods, there was a small settlement on the site.
he~rth, recalling similar hearths in the Aegean and Ana- Isolated structures from the Byzantine period, particularly
tolian worlds. In the following stratum (XI), the city was a large public bathhouse on the mound and a synagogue
rebu~lt, usually with stone structures. The temple was at the foot of the mound, are evidence for a small town
rebmlt on the remains of the previous one; it was some- which existed in the vicinity of the tell. An isolated estate,
what larger, the entrance was at the NE corner, and a dated perhaps to the time of the Crusaders, was found on
small chamber built inside the main structure served as a the top of the mound.
treasury, where a large collection of cult objects was found.
In stratum X, the temple was enlarged and redesigned. Bibliography
Mazar, A. 1980. Excavations at Tell Qasile, Part One. Qedem 12.
See Fig. QAS.O I. An entrance chamber with a wide open-
ing led to the mam hall, th.e roof of which was supported Jerusalem.
- - . 1985. Excavations at Tell Qasile, Part Two. Qedem 20. Jerusa-
by .two cedar pillar with circular stone bases. Inside the
mam hall, benches skirted the walls, and a raised platform tern.
AMIHAY MAZAR
served as the "holy of holies" in the sanctuary; a narrow
GEORGE L. KELM
room at the back of the temple served as a treasury room.
Sto.ne wall~ .surrounded the courtyard of this temple, in
whICh auxiliary rooms and a sacrificial altar were con-
structed. In both stratum XI and stratum X, a small shrine QATABANIAN LANGUAGE. See LANGUAGES
was bmlt to the W of the main temple. This was a small (INTRODUCTORY SURVEY).
 QATABANIAN LANGUAGE
578 • v

-- ----
f \ (" - -
\ \
_... .,,.

g
\ \
\ \
\ \
\ \
\ \
\ \

N
0 3m

OAS.01. Plan of temple complex in area Cat Tell Qasile-Stratum X. (a) courtyard of temple; (b) entrance room; (c) main hall of temple; (d) high altar: (e) storage
room for ottering vessels; (f) cultic preparation room; (g) courtyard; (h) entrance porch of shrine: (i) shrine; (j) residential quarters (priestly?). (Redrawn from Mazar
1980. 34, fig. 9)

QEDAH, TELL EL- (M.R. 203269). A site, located in 900 chariots of iron in conflicts with Israel in the days of
N Israel between the Sea of Galilee and the Huleh basin, Deborah (Judges 4). Its strategic importance is further
which is certainly to be identified with biblical Hazor. demonstrated when Solomon chose to fortify Hazor along
Hazor is first mentioned as the major military power or- with Jerusalem, Megiddo, and Gezer (I Kgs 9: 15). The
ganizing the N coalition against the Israelites (Jos 11: 1, 10) environs of Hazor were later targets of a prophetic denun-
and is specifically described as standing on a "mound" ciation by Jeremiah (49:28-33). The name "Hazor" comes
(Heb tel; Josh 11: 13 ). The area was later ascribed to the from the Hebrew !1ii$er, "enclosure," which aptlv describes
territory of Naphtali (Josh 19:32, 36). The city's military the site. Tell el-Qedah (Tell Waqqas) is an imposing mound.
strength is again described when Hazor was able to muster with a 180-acre Lower City of the Bronze Age and a 30-
v. 579 QEDAH, TELL EL-

acre Upper City or acropolis at the S end, whi~h dates to Execration texts from Egypt (ca. 1825-1775 s.c.) and
the Iron Age. It is strategically situated at the Juncture of several references in the Mari texts (ca. 18th century). The
the E flanks of the Lebanon range and the W edge of the Mari texts mention tin-trading caravans plying the routes
Jordan Valley (4 miles SW of the Hule.h basin), on the '.'J' between Upper Mesopotamia and Hazor (as well as Dan) in
border of Palestine and astride the mam route N to Syna N Palestine. This is the period when true tin-bronze tech-
and beyond. In the Neo-Assyrian annals documenting nology came into widespread use in Palestine, and Hazor
troop movements S into Palestine, Hazor is always named must have played a significant role in the redistribution of
along with Abel Beth-Maacah and Dan as prominent for- the vital element of tin, which had to be imported. At
tresses on the N frontier. Hazor itself, a fragment of a cuneiform tablet contains
part of a Sumerian-Akkadian lexical text of the Mari
A. History of Investigations period.
B. Results of Excavations The zenith of the Lower City was reached in MB III
l. Early Bronze Age (stratum XVI = local stratum 3; ca. 1650-1550 B.C.),
2. Middle Bronze Age when a population of ca. 15,000-20,000 would have made
3. Late Bronze Age Hazor probably the largest Canaanite city-state in Pales-
4. Iron Age tine. The inhabitants of stratum XVI reused and aug-
5. Persian and Later Occupations mented all of the above domestic features. The extensive
C. Other Sites Named Hazor rock-cut tunnels of the previous stratum were reused for
storage, reservoirs, and even drainage channels. The un-
A. History of Investigations derground cisterns were also reused (like Cistern 9012).
The mound of Hazor was first investigated in I 928 by J. Particularly significant was the reconstruction of the sim-
Garstang, although his soundings remain largely unpub- ple area-K gateway into a monumental three-entryway,
lished. It was then excavated in 1955-58 and I 968-72, in towered city gate like those known from Shechem and
a major project carried out by Yigael Yadin and other Gezer, as well as prototypes found throughout Syria and
prominent Israeli archaeologists. Yadin's principal excava- Anatolia at this time. This gate was accompanied by a
tion areas were A, B, BA, G, L, and M in the Upper City; stretch of casemate city wall, one of the earliest known
and, in the Lower City, areas C, D, E, F, H, K, N, P, and examples of this type of fortification in Palestine (see
210. (The Lower City has its own local strata numbering others at Ta<anach and Shechem). The palace-citadel in
sequence: 4 =XVII; 3 = XVI; 2 = XV; lb= XIV; and area A continued. The first temples appeared in stratum
la = XIII.) XVI: in area A is a rectangular temple with basalt orthos-
tats at the entrance; a double (or "bilobate") temple is in
B. Results of Excavations area F; and in area H is a bipartite temple (the later
l. Early Bronze Age. The site was first occupied in EB tripartite "orthostat" temple; below). Stratum XVI ended
II-Ill (strata XXl-XIX; ca. 2900-2300 s.c.), followed by in a major destruction, as did most sites in Palestine at the
a break in the EB IV period (scant material of stratum end of the MB. These destructions were in connection
XVIII; ca. 2300-2000 s.c.). with Egyptian punitive raids following the expulsion of the
2. Middle Bronze Age. The beginnings of the urban- Asiatic (or "Hyksos") princes at the end of the 17th and
ized city of the 2d millennium s.c. are already seen in the beginning of the 18th Dynasties (ca. 1540-1500 B.c.). An
relatively few structures and tombs of MB I (stratum "Pre- ephemeral post-destruction stratum, "post-XVI," consists
XVII"; ca. 1900-1800/1750 s.c.). One tomb, found only mostly of burials and some transitional MB III/LB I pot-
in reconstruction work in 1971-72 in connection with the tery. It is probably to this horizon that we should attribute
area L water tunnel, contained more than 150 vessels of the reference to Hazor on the walls of the temple at
this and the beginning of the next stratum. Karnak, which lists the sites conquered by Thutmose III.
During the MB II period (stratum XVII; ca. 1800/1750- 3. Late Bronze Age. The full developed LB I period
1650 s.c.) there was a substantial buildup of domestic witnessed the rebuilding of urban Hazor during the early
structures, accompanied by rock-cut cisterns (some with part of the Egyptian New Kingdom (stratum XV; ca.
numerous scarabs), a system of underground tunnels 1500-1400 s.c.). The city gate in area K was reused, as
(originally tombs?), and intramural jar burials, especially apparently were some of the earlier city walls. The area-A
of mfants. A large, but only partially cleared, mudbrick rectangular temple was slightly altered and reused. The
palace or citadel was found in area K. A jar inscribed with area-H bipartite temple from stratum XVI was reused in
a personal name is the earliest-known Akkadian inscrip- its basic form, but it was modified to include a forecourt
uon found m Israel. Most significant are the area-K and that featured a stone offering table; a semicircular basin
multiple-entryway city gates, and the earliest city defenses and drainpipe system for animal sacrifices; and a potter's
m areas C, G, H, K, and P. The latter consisted of varying workshop, which was found in situ with many ceramic
com.bmat10ns of earthen embankments (the typical MB miniature bowls (votives). Finds of particular significance
glac1s), fosses, counterscarps, and massive stone and mud- included bronze figurines; a bronze plaque of a robed
brick ramparts. All these elements were superbly engi- priest, which has almost exact Syro-Mesopotamian paral-
neered and adapted to the topography and defense re- lels (one of the finest art objects ever found in Bronze Age
quirements of the differing areas of the 180-acre Lower Palestine); and a liver model used in divination, which
City, which appears to have been entirely developed (local reads in Akkadian (in part): "Ishtar will eat the land;
s_tratum 4). To this horizon belong the earliest-known re- Nergal will ... ; the gods of the city will come back." A new
ferences to Hazor in the literary sources-the Brussels temple was built in area F-a square, "mazelike" structure
QEDAH, TELL EL-
580 • v
that has close parallels with the Mt. Gerizim temple at off~ring tables, altars, and basins; a basalt seated figure of
Shechem and with the Amman airport temple. a kmg or deny; a terra-cotta temple model; ceramic votive
During the well-known "Amarna Age" in LB !IA, Hazor vessels; cylinder seals; beads and other jewelry; terra-cotta
reached the peak of its recovery (stratum XIV; ca. 1400- Z?omorphic figurines; ~ bronze bull (probably an El figu-
1300 B.c.). One tomb contained large quantities of Myce- rme); and bronze figurines representing other deities.
naean IIIA pottery imported from the Greek mainland. 4. Iron Age. Following the massive destruction of the
Some of the fortifications appear to have continued along city, there was only a "squatter occupation," consisting
with the temples. The area-H temple was converted from mostly of huts and rubbish pits among the ruins (stratum
a bipartite into a tripartite structure, and most of the XII; early 12th century B.c.). Yadin supposed this to be
interior was lined with splendid basalt orthostats in the N the early attempt at settlement by the Israelites after their
Syrian style. The newly built "stelae temple" in area C was capture of the city. The following phase (stratum XI; ca.
especially significant. It consisted of a semicircle of ten (?) 11th century B.c.) exhibits a more permanent settlement,
small monoliths of dressed basalt, with a basalt statue of a although it has relatively few structures. A somewhat en-
seated king or deity. The center stele has a bas-relief igmatic installation was interpreted as a Mm.ah, or "high
depicting a pair of upraised palms, above which is a disk- place." A hoard of bronzes in an associated votive jar
within-a-crescent. These symbols are often associated with included a lugged ax and a seated bronze El/Baal figure.
Ba'al l:Iarmmon and the Phoenician goddess Tanit (Ash- Both, however, are typically LB in design and may be
erah of the Canaanite pantheon). Near the temple was holdovers from earlier levels, and thus are not character-
found a potter's workshop for mass-producing votive ves- istically "Israelite."
sels; a small, well-modeled terra-cotta cult mask; fine cyl- Iron Age Hazor really began as an urban center with
inder seals ofMitannian (or N Syrian) style; and a splendid the Solomonic era (strata Xb--a; mid-late I 0th century
silver-plated bronze cult-standard. B.c.). The large Lower City was abandoned from this point
A partially cleared structure below the Iron Age "pil- on; the new settlement centered on the 30-acre Upper
lared building" (below) suggests an Amarna Age palace. City. Particularly important for this period is a large cita-
Its ruins included basalt orthostats; stone columns and del complex in area B and the casemate defensive wall and
bases; a staircase; and the forepart of a magnificent basalt splendid four-entryway city gate, both of which were
lioness. It is possible that these are remains of the palace found in area A. The latter was compared by Yadin with
of Abdi-Tirshi, a king of Hazor in the 14th century B.c., the nearly identical walls and gates found at Megiddo and
who is mentioned in the Amarna letters. Some idea of the Gezer, thus confirming the historical footnote in 1 Kgs
importance of the city, as inferred from these letters, is 9: 15-17. Hazor, refortified by Solomon as part of his
the fact that he alone of the Palestinian princes styled strongly centralized administrative system, probably
himself "king." Abdi-Tirshi presumed to oversee other N served as the regional capital of the district.
cities, seized rival city-states, and connived with the lawless The late 10th/early 9th centuries B.c. (strata 1Xb--a) are
"Habiru" against the pharaoh. An Akkadian fragment characterized by a decline, then a destruction about the
from Hazor (unfortunately found out of context) probably time of the rise of the Omrides (ca. 875 B.c.; or perhaps
belongs to this horizon and concerns litigation over a real- associated with the raids of Ben-Hadad of Damascus in
estate transaction, which was brought to the attention of the early 9th century; cf. 2 Chr 16:4). During the Omride
the king of Hazor. Further textual evidence of the impor- dynasty, Hazor (stratum VIII) was again a most impressive
tance of Hazor in the LB II period is gained from its site. On the acropolis, the principal building was a multi-
mention in topographical lists of Amenophis III (ca. 1400 roomed citadel, some 70 by 80 ft, constructed with thick
B.c.), Seti I (ca. 1300 B.c.), and Ramesses II (ca. 13th walls and ashlar masonry. Several "Proto-Aeolic" (or pal-
century B.c.). mette) capitals found in stratum VII probably originated
The final phase of the Late Bronze Age, LB IIB, is here. In area G, solid walls were built over the casemates,
attested by stratum XIII (ca. 1300-1220 B.c.), when Hazor but in area A the casemate city walls were reused, with the
was clearly in decline. While the temples were mostly chambers often used as storerooms. In area A, a large
rebuilt, the area-H temple demonstrates the decline with three-room structure (the "pillared building"), with a dou-
its misaligned orthostats and generally poor alterations. ble row of monolithic columns flanking the center aisle,
This phase ended in a massive destruction of the entire probably served as a storehouse. The most dramatic
Lower City, which was buried under several feet of debris change in stratum VIII was the construction of the monu-
and was never reoccupied. Yadin dated this conflagration mental water system in area L. This consisted of a massive
to ca. 1250-1230 B.C. on the basis of the presence of stepped shaft, some 50-ft square and about 100-ft deep,
Mycenaean IIIB pottery, which ceased to be imported cut through the solid rock; from this vertical shaft
from the Greek mainland by 1220 B.c. Yadin also attrib- branched a domed lateral gallery, which sloped downward
uted the destruction to the incoming Israelites under for some 80 ft to reach a deep underground spring. The
Joshua, who according to Josh 11: 10 captured "Hazor ... ground-level entrance was guarded by a sort of "gate-
the head of all those kingdoms" and killed its king, Jabin. house." This marvelously engineered water system, com-
More recently, however, other scholars have pointed out parable in date and function to the one at Megiddo (and
that the destruction was probably too early to allow con- perhaps also at Gezer), was probably constructed in antici-
nection with Israelite invaders (if any) in Joshua's time. pation of the Assyrian advance.
Among the most impressive remains from the stratum During the late 9th century B.C. (stratum Vll), the
XIII destruction are those objects connected with the last citadel, pillared storehouse, water systen:i, and other '.ea-
phase of the area-H orthostat temple. These include basalt tures were reused. This stratum ends m a destruction,
v . 581 QIRI, TELL

perhaps related to the Aramean incursions into the N of - - . 1976. Hazor. EAEHL 2: 474-95.
Israel ca. 810 B.c. Yadin, Y., and Shiloh, Y. 1971. Hazor: Notes and News. IE] 19: 230.
In the early 8th century (stratum VI), Hazor experi- WILLIAM G. DEVER
enced a renaissance. The area-B citadel continued, but
other public areas in the Upper City .~~re converted ~o
residences, workshops, and storage fac1ht1es. Near the cit- QEDEIS, AIN. See HEZRON (PLACE).
adel was a two-story house, with a well-preserved staircase,
which may have belonged to an important official or an
elite family. Another fine house produced an ostracon QEDISH, KHIRBET (M.R. 202237). See KEDESH
with the name "Makbiram" and a carved ivory panel. The (PLACE).
destruction that ended stratum VI was probably caused by
m earthquake in the time of Jeroboam II (ca. 786-746
8.C.). QERE. See KETHIB AND QERE.
Hazor, like all major sites in the N, was destroyed by the
Assyrians (strata VB-a), in this case undoubtedly by Tig-
lath-pileser Ill in 732 B.C. (I Kgs 15:29). The citadel, QIRI, TELL (M.R. 160227). A site about 4 km of Mt.
which had been reinforced by an added offsets-insets Carmel, where the hill country tapers off into the Jezreel
perimeter wall, was completely destroyed. Among the re- valley. The site contains artifacts dated to the biblical
mains were several objects inscribed in Hebrew, including period.
i storejar "belonging to Pekah, semadar" (a kind of wine);
mother vessel reading "belonging to Delayo"; a bowl in- A. Location and Identification
;cribed qodef, "holy"; an ivory pyksis-box; a carved stone Tell Qiri is situated within modern Kibbutz Ha-Zorea, 2
ladle with an embossed hand; stone cosmetic palettes; km S of Tell Yoqneam. It does not have the characteristic
Asherah figurines; and the skeleton of a partly consumed appearance of a tell, but instead consists of numerous
pig. occupation layers on the E slopes of Mt. Carmel that
Stratum IV (late 8th century B.c.) represents the post- descend into the Shophet river (the site's water source).
:lestruction period. It was a temporary, unfortified settle- Wall fragments, tombs, potsherds, coins, etc., encountered
ment, which Yadin thought was occupied by the returning during recent construction activities seem to indicate that
Israelite survivors of the Assyrian destruction. The main the size of Tell Qiri was about 10-12 dunams, which fit
feature excavated in stratum III was an Assyrian-period well the pattern of other village sites in the region (Qash-
:itadel. There is no 7th-6th century material that might ish, Re'ala, etc.). These chance finds indicate human activ-
provide a context for the references to Hazor in Jer 49:28- ity at the site in almost all periods, from the Neolithic to
33. present times. When excavations started in 1975, about
5. Persian and Later Occupations. Hazor's final days one third of the site was still free of modern buildings;
are represented by scattered Persian finds of stratum II today, the entire site is covered by the houses of Kibbutz
[ca. 4th century s.c.), among which were a large citadel on Ha-Zorea.
the acropolis, Persian coins, and imported Attic wares. A Qiri is the Arabic name of the site. So far no identifica-
final, smaller citadel belongs to stratum I (3d-2d centuries tion with an ancient or biblical place is possible, and it
B.c.) and may be associated with references in l Mace appears that Qiri was a rather insignificant rural site never
11:47 to Jonathan's struggles against the Seleucid king, mentioned in antiquity. Even though a substantial part of
Demetrius II, on the "plain of Hazor." The abandoned the population of the land lived in such small, rural sites,
site, despite its strategic location and formidable appear- they remain almost unknown and outside the scope of
ance, lay neglected until its rediscovery as biblical Hazor in most archaeological investigation. The opportunity to shed
1875 in the proposed identification of J. L. Porter. some light on this type of settlement provided the impetus
for the excavation of the site.
C. Other Sites Named Hazor
Two other sites named Hazor are found in the Hebrew B. The Excavation
Bible. In Judah, Hazor-hadattah (so LXX, or "New Hazor"; The excavation of Tell Qiri is part of a larger, regional
Josh 15:23) may be located at el-Jebariyeh. In Benjamin, a archaeological research project-the Yoqneam Regional
Hazor (Neh 11 :33) has been identified with Khirbet Haz- Project; cf. JOKNEAM; QASHISH, TEL. The site was
zur, 4 miles NW of Jerusalem. See also HAWR. excavated between 1975 and 1977 by a team from the
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, headed by Amnon Ben-
Bibliography Tor. This was the first site investigated in the regional
Malamat, A. 1970. Northern Canaan and the Mari Texts. Pp. 164- project; excavation techniques and registration and ce-
77 in Near Eastern Archaeolog"J in the Twentieth Century, ed. J. A. ramic typology principles developed and tested here were
Sanders. Garden City, NY. also applied to other sites excavated by the project. Even
Yadin, Y. 1959-64. Hawr I-IV. Jerusalem. though sporadic finds indicate some kind of activity in Tell
- - . 1969. Excavations at Hazor, 1968-1969: Preliminary Com- Qiri at almost every period, stratum numbers were as-
munique./£] 19: 1-19. signed only to those periods yielding architectural re-
- - . 1972. Hawr: The Head of All Those KingdlYlllS. London. mains. The earliest settlement (stratum XI), which was
- - . 1975. Hawr: The Rediscovery of a Great Citadel of the Bible. reached in a very limited area, is Neolithic. Some walls, a
London. stone silo, a substantial amount of pottery, and flint tools
QIRI, TELL 582. v
(axes, picks, chisels) were found. The pottery, which in- IV Persian Houses, cemetery
cludes dark-face burnished ware, correlates well with other VIVI A-C Iron II Public(?) building,
assemblages known from the region belonging to the tran- house fragments
sition from Late Neolithic to Chalcolithic, and dating to VII A-C Iron IC Rural settlement, ag-
the second half of the 5th millennium B.C. Meager remains ricultural installa-
of houses of an unfortified Middle Bronze II village (stra- tions
tum X) were encountered on the site's E slope (area E). VIII A-C Iron lB Rural settlement, ag-
The main importance of Tell Qiri lies in the substantial ricultural installa-
accumulation of the Iron Age strata: four main strata (IX- tions
Vl/V), further subdivided into twelve subphases in an IXA-C Iron IA Rural settlement, ag-
uninterrupted sequence, represent an unfortified Iron I- ricultural installa-
II village (12th-8th centuries B.c.). Gradual changes and tions
development in house plans and ceramic typology can x Middle Bronze II-III Rural settlement on
clearly be observed. Dwellings were built of mudbricks on E slope
stone foundations, the walls being 0.6-m thick. Since room XI Late Neolithic Rural settlement, ag-
dimensions never exceeded 2.5 m, the houses could be ricultural installa-
roofed without supporting pillars. Only once through the tions
entire period-between strata VIII and VII (i.e., between
Iron IB and IC)-was there a significant change in the Bibliography
orientation of the buildings. Apparently there was also no Anati, E., et al. 1973. Hazore'a I. Archivi 5. Brescia.
major break in the ethnic identity of the village's popula- Ben-Tor, A. 1979. Tell Qiri, A Look at Village Life. BA 42: 105-
tion during all that time. Botanical remains include olive, 14.
wheat, pomegranate, peas, and vetch. Sickle blades repre- Ben-Tor, A., et al. 1987. The Yoqneam Regional Project: Tel Qiri, A
sent 45 percent of the lithic assemblage; 80 percent of the Village in the Valley of]ezreel. Qedem 24. Jerusalem.
animal bones belong to sheep and goats, and 15 percent AMNON BEN-TOR
belong to cattle. Some hunting and fishing was also prac-
ticed, as indicated by various fish, gazelle, and fallow-deer
bones. This repertoire of finds clearly indicates the rural QOHELET. See ECCLESIASTES, BOOK OF.
character of the site, and this is reinforced by the large
number of silos and agricultural installations uncovered.
An interesting group of finds includes I 0th-century B.c. QOM, KHIRBET EL-. See KOM, KHIRBET EL-.
cooking pots, the rims of which were incised before firing
with a sign similar to one of the Phoenician/Hebrew letters
of the alphabet, a phenomenon characteristic of sites in QOP. The nineteenth letter of the Hebrew alphabet.
the Jezreel Valley at that period (such as Megiddo, Tell
Yoqneam, and Tell Qashish). So far, neither the incised
signs nor their significance is understood. QOSEIMEH, AIN. See KARKA.
A noteworthy ceramic assemblage was unearthed in a
dwelling of stratum VIII ( = 11th century B.c.), including
an incense burner, a double libation vessel, a chalice, a cup QUADRATUS. Earliest known Chris~ian apologist,
and saucer, and a votive bowl. The cultic nature of this who, according to Eusebius, addressed his work to the
assemblage is reinforced by the apparent remains of sac- emperor Hadrian, presumably when he first visited Athens
rifices found there. A number of bones belonging to the in A.D. 124-125. His date is known only from Eusebius'
right foreleg of sheep and goats clearly indicate the prac- Chronicle and Church History, and the latter work contains
tice of sacrificing "the right thigh" (cf. Lev 7:32-33). the one known fragment of the apology. Eusebius had the
From the strata of the Persian period onwards, only whole work, but cited it only to indicate Quadratus' intelli-
fragmentary buildings and some pottery, glass, and coins
gence, "apostolic orthodoxy," a~d early dat_e: The passage
were found. Some 20 rock-cut tombs of the Persian period cited contrasts the genuine healmgs and ramngs from the
were discovered uphill on the W part of the site; the dead dead of "our Savior" with those of another person whose
were placed in the tombs with their heads pointing north, miracles were only in semblance or had temporary effects,
and the tombs were covered by flat stone slabs. The ceme- or else with a "seeming" Savior who accomplished no
tery, as well as all other remains of strata IV-I, was severely permanent achievements. Quadratus said tha_t those
damaged by modern building activities associated with the healed or raised from the dead lived on "for a considerable
modern kibbutz. time" after the "departure" of the Savior. In con~~quen~e,
"some of them survived even to our own day, that is,
Stratum Period presumably up to the time of Quadratus' birth (Hist. Eccl.
Roman-Byzantine Fragmentary walls, 4.3.1-2).
surface finds The context of his argument, regrettably not reported
II Early Roman Fragmentary walls, by Eusebius, could have lain in philosophical _debates ov~r
water installations men treated as gods because of fictitious miracles, or m
III Hellenistic Isolated building debates over Christ's miracles, or in both at once. About
v. 583 QUEEN

half a century later, Irenaeus may have relied on Quadra- TNTC, 266). The problem with this reading is that the
tus for his own discussions of miracles (Haer. 2.31.2 and mention of the names Caius and Erastus between Tertius
2.32.4), later copied by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 5.7). lrenaeus and Quartus weakens a possible association between the
claimed that in Christian churches there were those who latter two. Also, if Quartus were "the brother in the flesh"
"cure the sick by laying hands on them, and ... the dead of Erastus, the person mentioned immediately before him,
have been raised and remained with us for many years." It the possessive pronoun autou, "his," would be expected.
is not absolutely certain what time frames either Quadra- Because of these difficulties, it is better to take "the
tus or Irenaeus had in view, for the latter spoke of the brother" in the sense of spiritual brotherhood. Perhaps
reign of Domitian, nearly a century earlier, as "not long Paul included this designation for Quartus because he
ago but practically in our own generation" (Haer. 5.30.1; a exhibited the qualities of being a "fellow Christian" in an
passage known to Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 5.8.6). exemplary way.
Contemporary gnostics used the title "Savior" for their jOHN GILLMAN
spiritual Jesus, but presumably Quadratus had in mind the
more practical "salvation" provided by healings and rais-
ings. In his time, the emperor Hadrian himself was often QUEEN. The English word "queen" is used to translate
hailed as Savior, but the apologist would hardly have criti- three Hebrew words in the OT: malkii, segal, and gebirii.
cized to his face. The term malkii, the feminine form of melek (king), de-
Attempts to identify Quadratus with others of the same scribes foreign queen regnants and consorts, e.g., the
name or to connect his work with other writings have not queens of Sheba (I Kgs IO:lff. = 2 Chr 9:lff.) and of
been successful. It is unlikely that Quadratus' apology Persia (Vashti-Esth I :9; and Esther-Esth 2:22). The
enjoyed any success, for its theme is not repeated by the term segal occurs only twice: in Neh 2:6 it refers to the
later apologists of the 2d century. wife of King Artaxerxes of Persia, while in Ps 45:9 it refers
to a woman who (clothed) "in gold of Ophir" stands at the
Bibliography right hand of the king. The term gebirii, the feminine form
Andriessen, P. I 94 7. The Authorship of the Epistula ad Diognetum. of gebir ("lord" or "master"), is used of a foreign queen ( 1
vc I: 129-36. Kgs 11: 19), but more often it designates the mother of a
Grant, R. M. I 977. Quadratus, the First Christian Apologist. Judean or Israelite king (I Kgs 15: 13 = 2 Chr 15: 16; 2
Pp. 177-83 in A Tribute to Arthur Voobus, ed. R. H. Fischer. Kgs 10: 13; Jer 13: 18; 29:2).
Chicago.
- - . 1988. Greek Apologists of the Second Century. Philadelphia. A. ANE Background
ROBERT M. GRANT
1. Egyptian Queens
2. Mesopotamian Queens
3. Hittite Queens
QUAIL. See ZOOLOGY. 4. Foreign Queens in the Bible
B. Israel and Judah
I. Queen as Ruler
QUART. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 2. Queen as Wife
3. The Queen Mother
QUARTER, SECOND (PLACE). See SECOND A. ANE Background
QUARTER.
1. Egyptian Queens. The 18th Dynasty (ca. 1570-1320
B.C.E.) represents a high point in the history of Egyptian
queens. Queen Hatshepsut (wife of Thutmose II and
OUARTUS (PERSON) [Gk Kouartos]. A Christian iden- stepmother of Thutmose III) assumed control upon her
tified as the brother who sends greetings through Paul to
husband's death and undertook several building projects
the church at Rome (Rom 16:23). Mentioned after Tertius,
(e.g., the mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri; additions to
the stenographer (v 22); Caius, Paul's host (v 23); and
the Temple at Karnak, etc.). Two other queens, Tiy (wife
Erastus, the city treasurer (v 23), Quartus (a Latin name
of Amenophis III) and Nefertiti (wife of Akhenaten), are
meaning "fourth") is the last person cited by Paul in
given unusual prominence in both statuary and inscrip-
Romans 16 who sends greetings. The description, "the
tional remains.
br~ther," given. to. Quartus is generally taken in the figu-
2. Mesopotamian Queens. Information is scarce con-
rative sense to md1cate membership in the Church, and is cerning the queens of Mesopotamia. At least one woman,
usually translated "our brother" (RSV, NEB), meaning Ku-baba, achieved the position of queen regnant. Origi-
"fellow Christian." This interpretation raises the question nally a barmaid, she ruled Kish in the 3d millennium and
of why Quartus is singled out with a designation common is the only example of a ruling queen known. Other
to all the others in Romans 16. An alternative reading is to queens achieved prominence as consorts. Baranamtara
take ''.the brother" in the sense of physical relationship, (wife of Lugalanda) and Shag-Shag (wife of Urukagina)
meanmg that Quartus is the brother of the previously are mentioned in various temple records. Wives of the last
menuoned Tert1us or Erastus. In support of a link between rulers of Lagash (Early Dynastic period), they apparently
Tertms and Quanu.s is an implied connection of siblings functioned in a cultic capacity. In addition to these exam-
based on the meanmg of their Latin names: Tertius the ples, two Neo-Assyrian queens-Sammuramat (wife of
"third" born, Quartus, the "fourth" born (Bruce Ro'mans Shamshi-Adad V; mother of Adad-nirari III) and Zakutu
QUEEN 584 • v
(wife of Sennacherib; mother of Esarhaddon)-were active Each of these wives represented an important diplomatic
as queen mothers. -Sammuramat served as queen regnant link between her own country and that of her husband's.
for her son, Adad-narari Ill, while Zakutu was probably Thus, Solomon's marriage to "pharaoh's daughter" was
influential in getting Esarhaddon, the youngest of Sen- aimed at strengthening relations between Israel and Egypt.
nacherib's sons, appointed his father's heir. The same can be said of Ahab's marriage to Jezebel, which
The correspondence of the women at Mari (Old Baby- helped ally Israel with Phoenicia. Moreover, Jehoram's
lonian period) provides readers with an unusual glimpse marriage to Athaliah may have been responsible for the
into the world of Sibtu, queen of Mari. Daughter of one end of years of hostilities between Judah and Israel. Mar-
king (Yarim-Lim of Yaml].ad) and wife of another (Zimri- riages between royal houses could also give credibility to
Lim of Mari), Sibtu exerted great influence on the royal sovereign claims. David's marriage to Maacah, for exam-
court. Though the king retained supreme authority, she ple, probably proved helpful in his later bid for Geshur.
often served as his deputy in his absence. As queen, it fell Domestic policy was another determining factor in the
within her duties to oversee the palace, supervise court selection of a king's wives. Royal marriages to commoners
officials, engage in cultic affairs, and serve as the king's helped to ensure the allegiance of their powerful families.
representative in both domestic and state matters. (Batto Since so little information is preserved about these mar-
1974: 8-21). riages, it is difficult to determine which were politically
3. Hittite Queens. Hittite que~ns, titled tawannanna.s, significant. Information is also scarce about the composi-
occupied positions of great influence. A tawannanna served tion of the king's harem vis a vis his political policies. Only
as regnant in the event of the king's death or as his deputy one harem-Solomon's-is described in terms of its ethnic
during his absence. She participated in a broad spectrum composition: according to I Kgs 11: 1-2, it included
of activities-political, military, diplomatic-and could on women from Egypt, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Sidon, and
occasion oppose the king. In addition, she had a special Hatti, a wide range of locales which may reflect Solomon's
relationship with the sun-goddess and played an important diplomatic agenda, or simply attest to his eclectic taste in
role in the cult. One of the more notable tawannanna.s was women.
Paduhepa, wife of Hattusilis III, who had her own seal for b. Royal Harems. Although no technical term is used
state affairs. in Hebrew to designate the king's wives and concubines,
4. Foreign Queens in the Bible. Five foreign queens are there is ample evidence that such a body of women existed.
mentioned in the Bible: the queen of Sheba (1 Kings 10); The most notable is the report of Solomon's 700 wives and
Taphenes of Egypt (1 Kgs 11: 19-20); Vashti of Persia 300 concubines (I Kgs 11 :3 ). While these figures are
(Esther 1-2); Esther of Persia (Esther 2-10); and Candace probably exaggerated, it is quite possible that Solomon
of Ethiopia (Acts 8:27). Of these, only the queens of Sheba kept a large number of women in his harem. Nor was
and Ethiopia are portrayed as sovereign rulers. The two Solomon the only king to do so. Rehoboam reportedly had
Persian queens-Vashti and Esther-were consorts in 18 wives and 60 concubines (2 Chr 11:21), while Abijah's
whom little power resided. Each was dependent on her wives numbered 14 (2 Chr 13:21). Other kings had harems
royal husband for her position at court. which are not numbered: Saul (2 Sam 3:7; 12:8), David (2
Sam 3:2-5; 5:13; 11:27; 15:16; 16:21-22; 20:3), Ahab (I
B. Israel and Judah Kgs 20:3-7), Jehoiachin (2 Kgs 24: 15), Jehoram (2 Chr
1. Queen as Ruler. Neither Israel nor Judah accepted 21:14, 17), and Zedekiah (Jer 38:23). The royal harem did
the idea of a female regnant. Only one woman-ATHAL- not exist without censure; numerous wives were thought
IAH of Judah (2 Kings 11 )-aspired to and attained the to threaten a king's piety: "And he [the king] shall not
throne. Wife to one king (Jehoram) and mother of another multiply wives for himself, lest his heart turn away . . ··
(Ahaziah), Athaliah seized the throne upon her reigning (Deut 17: 17).
son's death. In spite of her gender, she amassed enough Was the king's harem politically significant? There is
support to sustain a seven-year reign. She was finally killed some evidence to suggest that the harem played a part in
in a temple-sponsored coup. See also JOASH. the succession process. Whoever possessed the former
2. Queen as Wife. a. Diplomatic Marriage. Royal mar- king's harem also possessed a key to his throne. This
riages in Israel and Judah helped to establish alliances, conclusion is implied in Abner's quarrel with Ishbaal (2
strengthen treaties, neutralize potential enemies, and gen- Sam 3:6-11), in Nathan's oracle lO David (2 Sam 12:7-15),
erally reinforce relationships between the parties involved. in Absalom's capture of Jerusalem (2 Sam 16: 15-23), and
There are four accounts of an Israelite or Judean king in Adonijah's request for Abishag (I Kgs 2: 13-25). When
marrying a foreign princess: (1) David's marriage to Maa- Absalom revolted against his father David, David was
cah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 Sam 3:3); forced to leave Jerusalem (2 Samuel 15). Upon Ahitho-
(2) Solomon's marriage to "pharaoh's daughter" (1 Kgs phel's advice, Absalom publicly possessed the concubines
3: I); (3) Ahab's marriage to Jezebel, daughter of the king David left behind (2 Sam 16:20-22). The two events-the
of Tyre (1 Kgs 16:31); and (4) Jehoram's marriage to possession of the city and the possession of the concu-
Athaliah, offspring of the royal house of Israel (2 Kgs bines-are equated with the seizure of David's throne.
8: 18). A fifth possibility is Solomon's marriage to Naamah Twice in the case of Abner/lshbaal and Adonijah/Solo-
(1Kgs14:21). Although the MT simply describes Naamah mon, 'either the possession of or the desire to possess a
as an "Ammonitess," in I Kgs 12:24 (LXX) she is called former king's woman was interpreted as a bid for the
the "daughter of Ana, son of Naash, king of the children throne. Even Yahweh, through the prophet Nathan,
of Ammon." If this tradition is correct, Solomon married marked David as the future king by giving him Saul's wives
into the royal house of Ammon as well as the one of Egypt. (2 Sam 12:8). This function of the harem, however, seems
v. 585 QUEEN

to have been confined to the David/Solomon stories. Per- Hezekiah Abi Zechariah 18:2
haps as Israel's succession policy became_ more defined, Manassah Hephzibah 21:1
the political significance of the harem.declined. Amon Mesh ullemeth Haruz Jotbah 21:19
c. Influence. It is hard to determine the influence. of Josiah Jediah Arlaiah Bozkath 22:1
the king's wife. Although many wives may have. been active, Jehoahaz Hamutal Jeremiah Libnah 23:31
information is preserved for only a ~ew. Athahah of Juda~ Jehoiakim Zebidah Pedaiah Ru mah 23:36
is mentioned briefly in the evaluation of her husbands Jehoiachin Nehushta Elna than Jerusalem 24:8
reign. She is the reason he walked "in the ways of the Zedekiah Hamutal Jeremiah Libnah 24:18
house of Ahab" (2 Kgs 8: 18). More is recorded about
Jezebel of Israel. Jezebel is said to have caused the apostasy The queen mothers come from a variety of locations:
of her husband Ahab ( 1 Kgs 16:31 ), to have persecuted three are foreign (Jezebel, Naamah, Athaliah); five are
the prophets of Yahweh (I Kings 18-19), and to. have from the provinces (Zibiah, Meshullemeth, Jedidah, ~a­
planned the judicial death of Naboth the Jezreehte (I mutal, Zebidah); three are from Jerusalem (Jehoaddm,
Kings 21). Jecoliah Nehushta), and seven are named without any
As a member of the harem, the king's wife usually mention of their homes.
gained prominence upon her son's. succe.ssion. Occasion- Did the mother of the king hold specific rank and
ally she was able to influence dynastic deos1ons. Although powers? Since only two Israelite kings' mothers are men-
succession in the southern kingdom usually followed the tioned, it is difficult to know if the position of "queen
principle of primogeniture (passing fr<;>m father to the mother" existed in the northern kingdom. If it did, no
oldest son), two royal wives apparently circumvented con-
information other than the accounts of Jezebel have sur-
vention. The most detailed account focuses upon Bathshe-
vived. The same cannot be said about Judah. All but two
ba's intervention on behalf of her son Solomon. Although
Judean kings (jehoram and Ahaz) have their mothers'
Adonijah was David's oldest surviving son, Bathsheba ~on­
names preserved. In at least one instance, the mother o~ a
vinced David to appoint Solomon as his successor (1 Kmgs
Judean king (jehoiachin) possessed her own ceremonial
I). A more implicit instance of a wife's affecting the
attire and throne (jer 13: 18). Moreover, a Judean king's
succession process is found in 2 Chr 11 :21-22. While
mother occupied a position from which she could be
Abijah was not Rehoboam's oldest son, he was nevertheless
removed. Asa, for instance, found it necessary to depose
designated king. Abijah's mother was Maacah, Rehoboam's
his mother/grandmother (?) before he could carry out his
"favorite" wife. Once again, it would appear, a royal wife
cultic reforms (l Kgs 15:11-13). Another mother, Athal-
stood behind the selection of a king.
iah, ordered the death of Davidic family members and was
3. The Queen Mother. Information concerning the
obeyed (2 Kgs 11: I). It is difficult to imagine this happen-
king's mother is often-though not always-preserved in
ing unless she possessed a strong power base.
the introductory regnal formula of her son. Of the eigh-
If the position of queen mother existed in Judah, what
teen mothers who are named, fifteen are of Judean kings,
was its origin and function? Molin (1954) argued that
two of Israelite kings, and one is from the period of the
Judah was originally a matriarchal society which came
united monarchy. See the following table:
under the influence of the Hittites. In this context, the
queen mother functioned to ensure the succession of the
MOTHER'S REFERENCE male regent. Donner ( 1959) also acknowledged Hittite
KING/SON MOTHER FATHER HOME influence, but rejected positing a matriarchy in Judah.
Solomon Bathsheba Eliam 2 Sam 11:3; Rather than viewing the position of queen mother as an
12:24 indicator of Judah's social structure, he identified it as part
of Judah's political framework. A different approach was
ISRAEL taken by Ahlstrom ( 1963), who located the position in the
Jeroboam Zeruah l Kgs 11:26 cult: as a representative of the goddess, the queen mother
Ahaziah Jezebel Ethbaal Tyre l Kgs 16:31 would participate in Jerusalem fertility rites. Rejecting the
22:52 suggested social and cultic origins, Andreasen ( 1983)
Jehoram Jezebel Ethbaal Tyre 2 Kgs 3:2 turned to the world of politics as the queen mother's
9:22 original location. For Andreasen, the queen mother was a
"lady counselor" whose role was reflected in the motif of
"Lady Wisdom" in Proverbs.
Rehoboam Naamah Ammon I Kgs 14:21 a. Influence. The queen mother could and did exercise
Abijah '>laacah Abishalom 15:2 political and religious power. Her activities, however, were
Asa Maacah Abishalom 15:10 confined to domestic rather than international matters.
Jehoshaphat Azubah Shilhi 22:42 Bathsheba, for example, mediated (unsuccessfully) be-
Jehoram tween Adonijah and Solomon for the favors of Abishag ( 1
Ahaziah Athaliah Omri/Ahab (?) Israel 2 Kgs 8:26 Kgs 2:13-25). According to the account, Bathsheba en-
Joash Zibiah Beersheba 12: l joyed access to her son's throne as well as a privileged
Amanah Jehoaddin Jerusalem 14:2 position near it. Another queen mother-Jezebel-was
Azariah Jecoliah Jerusalem 15:2 active throughout the reigns of her two sons, Ahaziah and
jotham jerusha Zldok 15:33 Jehoram (I Kgs 22:52; 2 Kgs 9:22). Perhaps the most
Ahaz astonishing display of royal influence exercised by a queen
QUEEN 586 • v
mother is found in 2 Kings 11, in which Amaziah's mother, lhromi. 1974. Die Koniginmutter und der 'Amm Ha'Arez in Reich
Athaliah, wielded enormous political power when she or- Juda. VT 24: 421-29.
dered the massacre of the royal family. Considering the Ishida, T. 1977. The Ruyal Dyna.sties in Ancient Israel. BZAW 142.
power vacuum which existed after Jehu's murder of Ama- New York.
ziah, Athaliah's move reflected great political acumen (2 Lewy, H. 1952. Nitokris-Naqi'a.JNES II: 264-86.
Kgs 11:1). Molin, G. 1954. Die Stellung der Gebira im Staate Juda. Tl IO:
The queen mother also influenced cultic affairs. Maacah 161-75.
supported the worship of Asherah and had a cult object Sasson, J. 1973. Biographical Notices on Some Royal Ladies from
erected in Jerusalem (l Kgs 15:13). Jezebel actively pro- Mari.JCS 25: 59-78.
moted Baalism and the worship of Asherah, while perse- Terrien, S. 1970. The Omphalos Myth and Hebrew Religion. VT
cuting the prophets of Yahweh (l Kings 18-19). Finally, 20: 315-38.
although there is no record of Athaliah supporting either LINDA S. SCHEARING
Baal or Asherah, the temple of Baal was destroyed imme-
diately after her death. This action suggests that the tem-
ple was protected by Athaliah and could not be eliminated QUEEN OF HEAVEN (DEITY) [Heb meleket ha.Siit-
while she was alive. But do these three instances imply the mayim]. The epithet of an otherwise unidentified deity
queen mother actually participated in cultic rites? At least worshiped in Judah during the 7th and 6th centuries
two scholars-Ahlstrom and Terrien-think they do. Ac- e.C.E., and possibly in earlier periods as well. The queen
cording to Ahlstrom ( 1963), the queen mother was the of heaven is mentioned only in the book of Jeremiah (7: 18;
king's consort in the hieros gamos ritual in Jerusalem. Ter- 44:17, 18, 19, 25), where her cult is condemned as one of
rien (1970), however, concludes that the position of queen the defections of the populace of Judah from exclusive
mother was only one cultic element (along with male worship of the god Yahweh. According to the prophet, the
prostitution, sun rituals, the sacred snake, and chthonian divine wrath provoked by non-Yahwistic observances such
forces) of an omphalos myth in Israelite religion. as those popularly conducted on behalf of the queen of
b. Literary Theatment. Of all the Israelite and Judean heaven culminated in the Babylonian conquest of Jerusa-
queens named in the book of Kings, only four are given lem and the deportation of many of the city's inhabitants.
more than cursory mention: Bathsheba, Maacah, Jezebel, After the Babylonian invasion, devotion to the queen of
and Athaliah. Of these four, all but Bathsheba are por- heaven persisted among Judean refugees residing in Up-
trayed in negative terms. Their characterization employs per Egypt ("the land of Pathros" [Jer 44:1]), including the
identifiable narrative elements and casts them into a char- cities of Migdol, Memphis, and Tahpanhes, where Jere-
acter "type"-that of the "wicked queen/queen mother." miah had been brought after the Exile, apparently against
This typecasting of queens warns the reader of the dan- his will. The prophet publicly denounced veneration of
gers of women in power. the queen of heaven (Jer 44: 1-14, 24-30). The refusal of
When the stories of Jezebel and Athaliah are analyzed, the Judeans to stop worshiping the queen of heaven is
six elements basic to their character emerge: these women included as a cause of the calamity that befell Judah ( Jer
are (1) non-Judean; (2) politically powerful; (3) aggressive; 44:20-23); and the transplanted cult of the goddess in
(4) connected with Asherah and/or Baal; (5) liabilities to Egypt became the subject of a prophetic oracle threatening
their husbands and sons; and (6) responsible for the death the extermination of the Judean population resident in
of others. While elements (1), (4), and (5) are reminiscent Egypt (Jer 44:24-29; cf. Jos. Ant IO § 180-82; Wiseman
of the "foreign woman" character type, the remaining l 956: 94-95; on the political history of this period, see
elements each point to an important distinction. The Spalinger I 977, especially pp. 240-41 ).
"wicked queen/queen mother" differs from the "foreign The first of the references to the queen of heaven occurs
woman" in the source of her power. Whereas the foreign in the context of the "Temple Sermon" (Jer 7:7-15); the
woman relies on seductive wiles to achieve her ends, the others in a third-person prose narrative about Jeremiah's
wicked queen's power resides in her position; she com- prophetic activities in Egypt. The compositional history of
mands rather than charms others into obedience. Maacah's these prose passages is disputed (see JEREMIAH, BOOK
account is much shorter, but contains three (perhaps four) OF), but it is widely agreed to be Deuteronomistic in
of the "wicked queen/queen mother" elements: (l) she character if not origin.
may be foreign (?); (2) she supports the worship of Ash- The Masoretic vocalization of the epithet is meleket haS-
erah; (3) she has power and has to be deposed; and (4) she samayim, the first element of which has been distorted as if
is a liability to her son. it were the construct noun mele(')ket (from the root L'k "w
work") rather than malkat (from the base malka-, "queen").
Bibliography Indeed, the consonantal spelling ml'kt is found in many
Ahlstrom, G. W. 1963. Aspects of Syncretism in Israelite Religion. Lund. mss of these verses. The distortion was probably intro-
Andreasen, N. A. 1983. The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite duced to avoid pronouncing the religiously offensive epi-
Society. CBQ 45: 179-94. thet of the goddess (see Gordon 1978-79). The LXX's t~
Artzi, P., and Malamat, A. 1971. The Correspondence of Sibtu, stratiq, tou ouranou, "the stars of heaven," is evidence of
Queen of Mari, in ARM X. Or 40: 75-89. further distortion (or interpretation) of the title, also evi-
Batto, B. F. 1974. Studies on Women at Mari. Baltimore. dent in the Targum to Jer 7: 18, which reads (in Aramaic)
Donner, H. 1959. Art und Herkunft des Amtes der Koniginmutter kwkbt smy', "the stars of heaven." These translations may be
im Alten Testament. Pp. 105-45 in Festchrift Johannes Friedrich intended to avoid the abhorrent title, or they may preserve
zum 65, ed. R. van Kienle et al. Heidelberg. a midrashic interpretation of the epithet. But there is no
v • 587 QUEEN OF HEAVEN

doubt that the Hebrew text of Jer 7: 18 and 44: 17, 18, 19, covered at Hermopolis (BK 4.1 ). The letter in question was
and 25 originally read "queen of heaven" (*malkat haJSa- written by a Syrian residing at Ofi in Egypt to relatives in
mayim). This interpretation of the epithet is supported by Syene, and mentions in its opening sentence temples of
the Greek translations of Symmachus, Theodotian, and the god Bethel and the queen of heaven. Several instances
Aquila, and in Latin by the Vulgate (Ackerman 1989: 118 of the divine name 'nt (Anat) in compound names of
n. 2). deities and personal names from these and related Ara-
Considerable energy has been expended in auempts to maic texts are considered by Porten (ArchEleph, 176-77;
ascertain the identity of the queen of heaven more pre- 1969: 120-21) to be evidence that the queen of heaven was
cisely, but only the loosest consensus has emerged from the Canaanite goddess Anat. (Vincent made the same
these scholarly efforts. It has long been supposed that the identification in 1937 [p. 635] on less secure grounds. It
title "queen of heaven" referred to the Mesopotamian was also considered by Hvidberg-Hansen [ 1979, I: 96].)
goddess Ishtar (so, e.g., Kittel 1927: 86), and this view has The proposal has the merit of evidence, and it cannot be
frequently been assumed (Bright]eremiah AB, 56; Ander- undermined by alternative etymological explanations of
son 1975: 399; Held 1982: 76-77) and defended (Weinfeld 'nt in the onomastica (as attempted by Olyan 1987: 170).
I 972: 148--53 ). Associated with this identification of the In Judah, the cult of the queen of heaven was apparently
queen of heaven is the premise that hers was one among a private observance that could involve entire families (Jer
other Mesopotamian cults that entered Israel and Judah as 7:18), but it is particularly associated with women, perhaps
part of the official state religion of the Nee-Assyrian em- economically advantaged women (Jer 44:9, 15, 19, 20).
pire imposed after 722 B.C.E. This view gained general The loyalty of women (and, apparently, their husbands) to
acceptance after Ostreicher advanced it in 1923, but recon- this cult in the face of the prophet's denunciation is strik-
siderations of the evidence in its favor (McKay 1973; Cogan ing, and raises questions about the marginal status of
1974) have significantly reduced scholarly confidence in its women in the Yahwistic cultus affirmed in the Law and
correctness. See PALESTINE, ADMINISTRATION OF Prophets of the Hebrew Bible (see van der Toorn 1987:
(ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN). 33-42; 125-27 [cited apud van der Toorn 1989: 194 n. 4]
Diminution of emphasis on the Assyrian influence on and the observations of Ackerman [ 1989: 110, 117-18]).
Israelite religion has been matched by increasing attention
to the Canaanite elements. The view that the queen of Bibliography
heaven is to be identified with the Canaanite goddess Ackerman, S. 1989. "And the Women Knead Dough": The Wor-
Ashtoreth, also known by the Greek name Astarte, is ship of the Queen of Heaven in Sixty-Century Judah. Pp. 109-
relatively recent (du Mesnil du Buisson 1970: 126-27; 24 in Gender and Difference in Ancient Israel, ed. P. L. Day.
1973: 56, 271) but widely accepted (Delcor 1982; Olyan Minneapolis.
I 987). Most recently it has been argued that the queen of Anderson, B. 1975. Understanding the Old Testament. 3d ed. Engle-
heaven is "a syncretistic deity whose character incorporates wood Cliffs, NJ.
aspects of West Semitic Astarte and East Semitic Btar" Cogan, M. 1974. Imperialism and Religion. SBLMS 19. Missoula, MT.
(Ackerman 1989: 116-17). Dahood, M. 1960. La Regina de! Cielo in Geremia. RivB 8: 166-
Three activities are mentioned as part of the veneration 68.
of the queen of heaven: burning incense to her (if this is Delcor, M. 1982. Le culte de la "Reine du Ciel" selon Jer 7, 18; 44,
the proper interpretation of Heb qattir [Jer 44: 17, 18, 19, 17-19.25 et ses survivances. Pp. 101-22 in Von Kanaan bis
23); see INCENSE), pouring out libations to her (Jer 7:18 Kara/a, ed. W. C. Delsman et al. AOAT 211. Kevelaer and
[implied); 44: 17, 18, 19 [2x]), and preparing cakes for her. Neukirchen-Vluyn.
This third activity is the strongest evidence that the cult is - - . 1986. Astarte. Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae
Mesopotamian in origin. The Hebrew word designating 3/1 (addendum): 1076-84.
the cakes is kawwanim, a loanword from Akk kamiinu, du Mesnil du Buisson, R. 1970. Etudes sur Les dieux pht!niciens hiriU!s
designating a variety of sweetened cake (CAD 8: 110-11). par /'empire romain. EPRO 14. Leiden.
The cakes called kamiinu were used frequently in Mesopo- - - . 1973. Nouvelles etudes sur Les dieux et Les mythes de Canaan.
tamia as offerings to the goddess Ishtar (the evidence is EPRO 33. Leiden.
discussed partially and from a primarily archaeological Fitzmyer, J. A. 1966. The Phoenician Inscription from Pyrgi.]AOS
perspective by Rast [ 1977], more strictly philologically by 86: 287-88.
Delcor [1.982: 104-12]). Their Hebrew reflex is found only Gordon, R. P. 1978-79. Aleph Apologeticum.JQR 69: 112.
m Jeremiah (7:18; 44:19), where kawwiinim is a technical Heick, W. 1971. Betrachtungen zu Grossen Gollin und den ihr verbun-
term associated with the cult of the queen of heaven. denen Gottheiten. Religion und Kultur der alten Mittelmeerwelt
The phonetic shape of Heb kawwan- is like that of in Parallelforschung 2. Munich.
Aramaic loanwords derived from Akkadian words with Held, M. 1982. Studies in Biblical Lexicography in the Light of
medial Im/ (e.g., Aram nwr'/nawra(')/, from Akk namiiru Akkadian. EI 16: 76-85 (in Hebrew).
[Kaufman 1974: 143]; Aram gw!i, borrowed into Mishnaic Henninger, J. 1976. Zurn Problem der Venussterngottheit bei den
He? as kw_k., from Akk kimalJl.Ju [O'Connor 1986: 218]). Semiten. Anthropos 71: 139-50.
T.h1s lmgmsuc fact might indicate that the cult was adopted Hvidberg-Hansen, F. 0. 1979. La dt!esse Tnt. 2 vols. Copenhagen.
directly from Mesopotamia by Arameans in Syria, and Kaufman, S. A. 1974. The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic. AS 19.
reached Judah through Aramean mediation. Chicago.
. The only extrabiblical reference to the queen of heaven Kittel, R. 1927. Geschichte des Vol.lies Israel. Vol. 3, pt. I. Stuttgart.
m a Northwest Semitic text is in the greeting of one of the McKay, J. 1973. Religion in Judah under the Assyrians. SBT n.s. 26.
6th-century B.C.E. papyrus letters written in Aramaic dis- London.
QUEEN OF HEAVEN 588 • v
Milik, J. T. 1967. Les papyrus arameens d'Hermoupolis et Jes cultes while Cyrenius was governor of Syria." Cyrenius is the
syro-pheniciens eil Egypte perse. Bib 48: 556-64. Greek form of the name Quirinius (PW 4: 823), and the
O'Connor, M. 1986. The Arabic Loanwords in Nabatean Aramaic. fact that he held a census during his term in office is
}NES 45: 213-29. confirmed by an inscription from Apamea (modern
Olyan, S. M. 1987. Some Observations Concerning the Identity of Aleppo) in Syria as well as by Josephus. Although it was
the Queen of Heaven. UF 19: 161-74. al:eady recognized in antiquity that there was a problem
Ostreicher, T. 1923. Das deuteronomischen Grundgesetz. BFCT 27/4. with Luke's chronology-Tertullian knew that Sentius Sa-
Giitersloh. turninus was governor of Syria at the end of Herod's life
Rast, W. E. 1977. Cakes for the Queen of Heaven. Pp. 167-80 in (Adv. Marc. 4.19)-a number of efforts have nevertheless
Scripture in History and Theolof!:Y, ed. A. L. Merrill and T. W. been made by modern scholars to reconcile this statement
Overholt. Pittsburgh Theological Monograph Series 17. Pitts- with Luke's belief that Herod was still alive when the census
burgh. was held. The most forceful argument has been that
Schrader, E. 1886. Die mlkt h.Smm und ihr aramaisch-assyrisches Quirinius must have been governor twice and that he must
Aequivalent. SPAW 477-96. have held two censuses. It is based upon the contention
Spalinger, A. 1977. Egypt and Babylonia: A Survey (c. 620 B.C.- that Quirinius is the officer mentioned on an inscription
500 B.C.). SAK 5: 221-44. from Tibur which contains part of the career of a senator
Stadelman, R. 1967. Syrisch-Palii.stinensische Gottheiten in Af!:Yplen. PA in the reign of Augustus.
5. Leiden. This inscription does not, however, preserve the name
Toorn, K. van der. 1987. Van haar wieg tot haar graf Baarn. of the man it commemorates, and, indeed, it preserves
- - . 1989. Female Prostitution in Payment of Vows in Ancient only part of the career. The surviving section runs, "...
lsrael.JBL 108: 193-205. king, which he brought under the control of Caesar Au-
Vincent, A. 1937. La religion desjudio-Arameens d'Elephantine. Paris. gustus and the Roman people, the senate decreed two days
Weinfeld, M. 1972. The Worship of Molech and the Queen of of thanksgiving to the immortal gods because of the deeds
Heaven and Its Background. VF 4: 133-54. which he had successfully accomplished; as proconsul he
Wiseman, D. ]. 1956. Chronicles of the Chaldaean Kings. London. obtained the province of Asia and, serving again as a legate
PHILIP C. SCHMITZ of the divine Augustus with pro-praetorian power he ob-
tained the province of Syria and Phoenicia .. ."(/LS 918).
The Latin text of the phrase," ... serving again (iterum) as
QUEST FOR THE HISTORICAL JESUS. See legate ... ," is legatus pr. pr. divi Augusti iterum Syriam et
JESUS (QUEST FOR THE HISTORICAL). Phoenicen optinuit. Many scholars have wanted to translate
this as "serving as legate of the divine Augustus with pro-
praetorian power he obtained the province of Syria and
QUESTIONS OF BARTHOLOMEW. See BAR- Phoenicia again (iterum)," taking iterum with optinuit rather
THOLOMEW, GOSPEL OF (QUESTIONS). than with the words which proceeded it. This has enabled
them to claim that this official governed Syria twice, and
that he thus must be Quirinius. Aside from an obvious
QUFIN, KHIRBET. See MAARATH. circularity, the most serious objection to this argument is
that this is not the proper way to read the Latin. In normal
Latin iterum is understood with the words that precede it.
QUINTUS MEMMIUS (PERSON). See MEMMIUS, There is no reason to translate it any other way here, and
QUINTUS. the phrase should be taken as a reference to the fact that
the man in question had held more than one province as
a legate of Augustus (Syme 1973: 592-93).
QUIRINIUS (PERSON) [Gk Kyrenaios]. When P. Sulpi- A great number of other arguments have been adduced
cius Quirinius, who appears to have been born in the fifties at one time or another to reconcile Luke's narrative with
e.c., died in A.D. 21, he was one of the most powerful men the facts of Roman history. All of them fail to answer four
in Rome. He was noted for his long service as a soldier and other basic objections to the historicity of Luke's statement
his long-standing friendship with the emperor Tiberius (H]P2 399-427). These are:
(A.D. 14-37). He has also long been the subject of intense
controversy. This controversy stems from Luke's statement 1. There is no other evidence for an empire-wide cen-
that the birth of Christ took place while Quirinius was sus in the reign of Augustus.
governor of Syria and Herod the Great was on the throne 2. In a Roman census Joseph would not have been
of Judea. The other evidence for Quirinius' career, some required to travel to Bethlehem, and he would not
inscriptions from Syria (which are not to be confused with have been required to bring Mary with him.
the acephelous text from Tibur which has wrongly been 3. A Roman census could not have been carried out in
thought to provide details of his career), Tacitus' Annales, Herod's kingdom while Herod was alive.
Josephus' Antiquities of the fews, and Strabo's Geography, 4. Josephus refers to the census of Quirinius in A.D. 617
reveal that Luke's statement must be incorrect: Herod died as something that was without precedent in the re-
in 4 e.c., but Quirinius was governor of Syria in A.D. 6/7. gion.
Luke wrote (2: 1-2), "It happened in those days that a
decree went out from Caesar Augustus that the whole In the face of these objections, it is impossible to defend
world be registered for a tax, the decree first went out Luke's dating of the Nativity. The easiest explanation for
v • 589 QUMRAN PESHARIM

his error is that he wished to provide a synchronism berius, who was then living in virtual exile on Rhodes.
between the birth of Christ and a famous event and so Quirinius had always treated Tiberius with deference (Tac.
picked upon the census of Quirinius, which caused '.1 great Ann. 3.48), and it was in A.D. 2 that Tiberius' star began to
stir throughout the region, as Josephus makes plam. See rise once again. Augustus' other grandson, Lucius, had
also CENSUS (ROMAN). died in that year, and Tiberius was recalled to Rome. At
P. Sulpicius Quirinius was a man of considerable impor- this point, even though Tiberius was not yet restored to
tance in the reigns of Augustus (31 B.C.-A.D. 14) and his former position, it was clear that he was once again an
Tiberius. Indeed, Tacitus picked upon his career as a important factor in political life. When Gaius died after a
model for that of a novus homo, a man without distin- long illness in A.D. 4, Tiberius emerged once again as the
guished ancestors in Roman political life, ~ho mo~ed into heir apparent, and Quirinius was one of his closest friends.
a position of great influence through his considerable It was at this time that Quirinius married Aemilia Lepida,
abilities as a soldier and an administrator, and his even a woman many years younger than he, who was the daugh-
more considerable abilities as a courtier. ter of another of the great noble families at Rome and who
It may be deduced from the fact that Quirinius held the had previously been betrothed to Lucius Caesar (Tac. Ann.
consulship in 12 e.c. that he must have been born in the 3.23). Even though the marriage was short-lived and un-
early 50s e.c.; as a plebeian he could not have been consul happy, it was a clear mark of Quirinius' eminence.
before the age of 42. It is therefore possible that he served Quirinius was therefore one of the most important men
in the campaign which ended with Augustus' victory at in Rome when he was appointed governor of Syria in A.D.
Actium (31 e.c.), and it is very likely that he served with 6 to oversee the annexation of the kingdom of Judea;
Augustus' armies in Spain during the following decade. He Augustus had previously removed its ruler, Archelaus, a
reached the praetorship by 15 B.C., and in the next year son of Herod the Great, in response to complaints by his
went out to govern the province consisting of Crete and subjects (Jos. Ant 18§1-10). A revolt broke out as he seized
Cyrene. This was not ordinarily an important appoint- the royal estates and auctioned them off, but this does not
ment, but in this case it appears that there was serious appear to have caused Quirinius great difficulty; he left
trouble in the area. Quirinius distinguished himself by the area under the administration of a praefectus who
defeating a desert tribe, the Marmarici, which was raiding
would be responsible to the governor of Syria in the future.
the area (PW 4: 824-27). It was about this same time, if
It was also at this time (A.D. 6) that he conducted his census
not before, that he married into one of Rome's most
throughout Syria and the newly occupied territory.
distinguished families, the Appii Claudii. We do not know
much about this marriage, other than that there were no The length of Quirinius' term as governor is not known
children and that Quirinius was single again by A.D. 2. for certain, though he must have returned to Rome by A.D.
Nevertheless, it is clear that Quirinius was moving in very 12, the year in which Quintus Metellus Creticus is first
distinguished circles by this point in his life. attested in the province (it is not certain that he was
Quirinius was consul ordinarius in 12 B.c. This meant that Quirinius' direct successor). He appears to have continued
he was in office at the beginning of the year, which was a to be a close associate of Tiberius, who became emperor
sign of Augustus' particular favor. In the course of this after Augustus' death in A.D. 14. In A.D. 16 his young
year he must have played an important role in the cere- kinsman by marriage, Scribonius Libo Drusus, asked him
monies which marked Augustus' assumption of the office to intercede with Tiberius on his behalf when he was
of Ponti/ex maximus, high priest of the state religion. In 6 charged with treason (Tac. Ann. 2.20). Quirinius refused
B.c. serious troubles threatened the E part of the empire and told him to take his request to the senate, a response
and the Augustan regime itself. The Parthians appeared which showed Drusus that he had no chance of acquittal
to be preparing to go to war in Armenia, and when since the response could be interpreted as coming from
Augustus appointed his stepson Tiberius to the command, Tiberius himself. In A.D. 20, Quirinius' ex-wife, Aemilia
Tiberius opted to retire instead. An expedition could not Lepida, was brought to trial on the charges of poisoning,
be mounted for another four years, and in the meantime adultery, assailing the imperial house with magical prac-
an experienced soldier was needed to keep an eye on tices, and claiming-falsely-to have had a child by Quiri-
developments in the area. Quirinius went out as governor nius. Aemilia was exiled, though not before leading a
of Pamphylia/Galatia, the province which bordered Arme- demonstration of noble women at the theater in which
nia. He served with distinction in that area for at least six Quirinius was roundly abused (Tac. Ann. 3.23). He died in
years. In 5/4 B.c., he conducted a series of campaigns the next year and was granted a public funeral: the last
agamst the Homonadenses, a tribe on the northern slopes sign of Tiberius' enduring favor.
of the Taurus, and was awarded the coveted ornamenta
triumphalia, the "triumphal ornaments," which had re- Bibliography
placed an actual triumph as the highest honor to which a Levick, B. 1967. Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor. Oxford.
senator could ordinarily aspire as a mark of military suc- Syme, R. 1973. The Titulu.s Tibertinu.s. Pp. 585-60 I in Akten des VI
cess (Levick 1967: 206-14; Syme 1973: 592). In A.D. 2, he Internationalen Kongresses fiir Gneschische und Lateinische Epigra-
was appointed chief adviser to Gaius Caesar, Augustus' phik. Munich.
grandson, who had been in nominal command of the east D.S. POTTER
since 2 B.c.
Quirinius' appointment marked an important point in
the dynastic politics of the reign, for he replaced Marcus QUMRAN PESHARIM. See PESHARIM, QUM-
Lolhus, who had shown considerable hostility toward Ti- RAN.
QUMRAN, KHIRBET 590. v
QUMRAN, KHIRBET (M.R. 193127). A settlement to the installations at Qumran or Feshkha (de Vaux 1973:
near the NW shore of the Dead Sea which was associated 88). Some 9 km further Sat Ain el-Ghuweir, P. Bar-Adon
with the people who produced the Dead Sea Scrolls. Al- in 1969 made the first Israeli contribution to the problem
though noted in various explorations of the area around of Essene settlement on the coast of the Dead Sea. He
the Dead Sea since 1851 (de Vaux 1953: 89), Khirbet brought to light a rectangular building ( 19.5 m x 43 m),
Qumran attracted the attention of archaeologists only be- and the pottery of the two levels of occupation showed
cause of the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls in caves in similarities to that of Periods I and II at Qumran. Some
the nearby cliffs. See also DEAD SEA SCROLLS. 800 m to the N was a small cemetery. The mode of burial
The area W of the N end of the Dead Sea is given a and tomb types were the same as those of the cemetery at
triangular shape by the convergence of the cliffs and the Qumran (Bar-Adon 1977). The precise relationship of this
coast, which come together at Ras Feshkha. About 500 m settlement to Qumran is still undefined (de Vaux 1973:
N of Ras Feshkha, an aquifer surfaces, producing brackish 89).
springs, which today nourish reeds, brushwood, and tama-
risks. Near the biggest spring, Ain Feshkha, are the ruins A. The Caves
known as Khirbet Feshkha. Three km further N, the plain Of the 270 caves, crevices, and holes examined in 1952,
is cut by the Wadi Qumran, which drains the Buqeia, the 40 contained material ranging from the Chalcolithic to the
great valley at the top of the cliffs. The ruins are located Arab periods, while 26 of the latter furnished pottery
on the N bank of the wadi where it cuts through a marl identical to that of Cave l (de Vaux 1973: 50-51). The
terrace below the cliff, whence the name Khirbet Qumran, suspicion that the bedouin had planted manuscripts in the
"the ruins at Qumran." caves was negated by the archaeologists' independent dis-
The first scrolls were found in early 194 7 (de Vaux covery of fragments in every cave in which the bedouin
1973: vii), but the area from which they came was pin- reported finds (Caves l, 2, 4, 6, and 11 ). The archaeolo-
pointed only at the end of January 1949. Official negli- gists themselves discovered Caves 3, 5, and 7-10, which
gence is excused by the turmoil that preceded and fol- contained manuscript fragments of the same type (de
lowed the withdrawal of British forces in May 1948. But Vaux 1973: 95-97). The pottery found in the scroll caves
when Captain Philip Lippens, a United Nations Observer is of the same type as that found at Qumran (de Vaux
from Belgium, approached Major General Lash of the 1973: 54), and in one case a manuscript fragment was
Arab Legion in January 1949, the response was immediate. found still attached to a piece of its linen wrapper and
With the approval of the Jordanian Department of Antiq- adhering to the neck of a jar (Harding 1955: 7). The
uities, troopers of the legion were sent to the probable scrolls, therefore, must have been placed in the caves when
area, and within two or three days Captain Akkash el Zebn the 1st century A.O. pottery was in use and the settlement
had found the cave (Harding 1955: 6 ). occupied. The conclusion that the documents belonged to
Cave l was excavated shortly afterwards by G. L. Har- the inhabitants of Khirbet Qumran is inescapable.
ding and R. de Vaux. At that time a surface examination
of the nearby ruins indicated no relation to the cave, but B. Khirbet Qumran
the developing controversy regarding the authenticity of The stratigraphy of Khirbet Qumran revealed eight
the scrolls made it imperative to determine whether the phases ranging from the 8th century B.C. to the Second
ruins threw any light on the documents, and a thorough Jewish Revolt (Table I):
investigation was authorized. Responsibility for the exca-
vation was given to de Vaux, who completed the project in Ain
five seasons: 195 l and 1953-56. The hiatus in 1952 is Qumran Feshkha el-Ghuweir
explained by the need to follow up new manuscript discov- ca.700-600 B.c. Israelite
eries by the bedouin. From January 21 to March 3, de ca. 150-100 B.c. la
Vaux excavated the caves in the Wadi Murabbaat. During ca. l 00-31 B.c. lb I I
March 10-29, he directed a systematic search of the caves ca. 4 B.C.-A.0. 68 II II II
in the cliffs 4 km N and S of the Wadi Qumran. Finally, ca. A.O. 69-74 III
between September 22 and 29, he conducted a careful ca. A.O. 74-132 lII
survey of the marl terrace on which the ruins stand. The A.O. 132-35 Second Revolt
last item in the program, the excavation of Khirbet Fesh-
kha, was undertaken in 1958. During these years prelimi-
nary reports appeared regularly in Revue Biblique, but the I. Israelite Period. The oldest structure at Qumran is a
closest to a final report that de Vaux produced was his rectangular building. See Fig. QUM.01. A row of rooms
1959 Schweich Lectures at the British Academy in London. bordered the courtyard on the E; there may have been
These appeared as L'archeologie et les manuscrits de la mer others along the N and S walls. Outside the W wall, but
Morte ( 196 l). Just before his death in 1971, de Vaux protected by its own enclosure, was a round cistern fed by
completed a thorough revision of this book, which was runoff from the terrace to the N. The pottery shows It to
published as Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls (1973). have been in use from the 8th century to the 6th century
Three km S of Ras Feshkha, R. De Langhe excavated B.C., when it suffered a violent destruction that is naturally
Khirbet Mazin in December 1960 and January 196 l associated with the fall of the kingdom of Judah in 586
(Stutchbury and Nichol 1962). It appears to have been B.C. A wall in the plain running S to Ain Feshkha is also
erected in the Roman period, and was reoccupied in the dated to this period.
Byzantine period. There is no evidence that it was related There is general agreement that this structure must be
v. 591 QUMRAN, KHIRBET

small to fill all of these, so a dam was built across the Wadi
t
N
Qumran in the cliffs. This directed winter flash floods into
an aqueduct that fed the system. The main building block
was dominated by a tower that had no entrance at ground
. ....... i~:~~~~::::·::::: level; in times of danger from nomadic mauraders it would
have served as a refuge for some of the inhabitants and as
...... :::.:.......... a secure place to store essential foodstuffs. The tower was
..... :: ................
-- entered via a wooden bridge from the two-story building
to the S. The upper floor of this building, which had
collapsed into the room below, contained two inkwells plus
,, a plastered table and bench (de Vaux 1973: 29). These
/1
,.
1' suggest a scriptorium, and provide an important link with
•' the manuscripts found in the nearby caves. The bench
•'•' around the walls in an inner room on the ground floor
~~: ....
-- suggests that the room was an assembly chamber.
The refectory was easy to identify. Not only was it linked
to the water system to facilitate cleaning, but the adjoining
room contained over a thousand vessels, plates, bowls,
beakers, small jars, and jugs (de Vaux 1973: 12). Deposits
o.._-===--=52om of bones, carefully buried under potsherds in most of the
open areas, indicate that some of the meals had a religious
QUM.01. Plan of oldest structure at Qumran-lsraelite Period (Iron II). (Redrawn significance that has not yet been adequately explained.
from de Vaux 1973, pl. Ill} The bones also reveal something of the occupants' diet,
which consisted of mutton, lamb, goat, beef, and veal (de
one of the six cities in the wilderness mentioned in Josh Vaux 1973: 12-15). The rest of building was given over to
15:61-62. The majority of scholars identify it with Ir- a kitchen and workshops, one containing a corn mill. The
hammelah, the "City of Salt," (references in de Vaux 1973: best preserved of the workshops was the pottery in the SE
91-94), but it has been suggested that the Iron Age corner, with its washing basin, storage pit, wheel position,
buildings near Ain el-Ghuweir (Blake 1966: 565-66) and kilns. It was here that the distinctive pottery found in
should be identified with the "City of Salt," in which case the ruins and caves was made (de Vaux 1973: 54).
Qumran would be Sekaka (Bar-Adon 1977: 22-23). This The building contained very few rooms that might have
latter hypothesis, however, leaves out of account one of the served as living quarters, yet the cemetery indicates a
three Iron Age sites in the Buqeia-Khirbet Abu Tabaq, sizable population, which has been estimated at about 200
Khirbet es-Samra, and Khirbet el-Maqari-which were ex- (de Vaux 1973: 86). The area could certainly have sus-
plored by Cross and Milik (l 956). These farming installa- tained such numbers (de Vaux 1973: 84-86). The inhabit-
tions could have been set up by Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 17: 12), ants lived in caves, in tents on the marl terrace, and in
but Uzziah (2 Chr 26: 10) seems a more likely candidate. underground chambers carved into the marl (de Vaux
2. Period Ia. Sometime in the 2d century s.c., Qumran 1973: 56-57).
was settled by a new group, whose identity is considered in The pottery of Period lb can be dated only very roughly,
the. entry ESSENES. Two rectangular cisterns were dug to the end of the Hellenistic era. The coins, however,
beside the round cistern, which was brought back into permit greater dating precision. According to de Vaux
s_ervKe. Water intake was increased by the provision of two (1973: 18-19), the buildings were certainly occupied dur-
feeder channels that collected runoff from the terrace. ing the reign of Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 s.c.) and
The purpose of the small rooms around the cisterns is not possibly during that of John Hyrcanus (135-104 s.c.).
clear, but the function of the two kilns in the SE corner is They were destroyed by an earthquake and a fire, after
which the site was abandoned for a generation. De Vaux
obvious. The pottery of this phase is virtually identical
( 1973: 20-23) opted for the simplest hypothesis-the fire
with that of the subsequent period (de Vaux 1973: 5).
was caused by the earthquake-and identified the earth-
Hence, the date of the beginning of this settlement cannot
quake with that recorded for the year 31 s.c. by Josephus
be determined with any precision. But if the buildings of
(]W l.370-80). Others, however, claim that the earth-
Penod lb were occupied from about 100 s.c., the begin- quake merely gave the coup de grace to a building that
ning of Penod la must be placed sometime in the second had already been destroyed by enemy action, but they
half of the 2d century s.c. (de Vaux 1973: 5), but exactly cannot agree on a date. Laperrousaz (l 978: 760) placed it
when is a matter of some debate (Laperrousaz 1978: 748- in the context of the struggle between Hyrcanus 11 and
52). The number of occupants was small. Aristobulus 11 (67-63 s.c.), whereas Milik (l 959: 94) pre-
. 3. Period lb. An influx of new occupants made a build- ferred the Parthian invasion of 40 s.c. Neither of these
ing program imperative, and it is in this phase that Qum- authors has offered an explanation of why a settlement of
ran acquired what was to be virtually its definitive form. no strategic importance and far from the war zone should
See Fig. QUM.0_2. Th_e round cistern and the two adjoining have been the object of military action. Neither do they
ones were retamed m service, but the water system was explain the absence of any destruction level at Khirbet
expanded by the addition of two ritual baths and four Feshkha. Nonetheless, their hypotheses explain why Qum-
large new cisterns. The terrace catchment area was too ran was abandoned, whereas de Vaux's does not. Since the
QUMRAN, KHIRBET 592. v

'
,._
s(()

1 TOWER
2 SCRIPTORIUM /
3 KITCHEN
4 ASSEMBLY and DINING HALL
5 POTTER'S WORKSHOP
6 WATER CISTERNS
7 AQUEDUCT
8 STABLE
WATER SYSTEM

OUM.02. General site plan of Qumran--Hellenistic Period.

v. 593 QUMRAN, KHIRBET

majority of the population lived and worke~ outside the C. Khirbet Fesh.kha
edifice, which had not been badly damaged, 1t would have In terms of pottery and architectural style, the two main
been natural for them to rebuild the community center, occupation levels correspond to Periods lb and II at Qum-
were the earthquake the only catastrophe. ran. The period of abandonment between the two phases,
4. Period II. Continuity both in pottery types and in however, was marked by neither fire nor earthquake,
the function of rooms indicates that the site was reoccu- whereas the end of this settlement was as violent as that of
pied by the same group that had abandoned it (de Vaux Qumran. Once again Laperrousaz (1978: 773-85) has
1973: 24). Rooms that were too badly damaged were left disagreed with de Vaux's conclusions, and has equated
untouched or partially cleared and walled off, while others Feshkha I and II with the two subdivisions he discerned in
were brought back into use. The loss of space was compen- Qumran II, but his reasons are no more convincing. In
sated for by roofing over, or building in, what had previ- contrast to Qumran, Feshkha was not reoccupied immedi-
ously been open spaces. The tower was reinforced with a ately after Period II, but parts of the ruins were reused in
sloping stone girdle. The silted-up decantation basin was the late !st century A.D. and early 2d century A.D., and
abandoned, and the water channel extended to a new again in the Byzantine period.
smaller decantation pool, which received the periodic flow The central building, consisting of a series of rooms
from the aqueduct. . around a central courtyard, is of less importance for
The beginning of this period is dated by de Vaux ( 1973: determining the function of Feshkha than the adjoining
33-36) to the early part of the reign of Archelaus (4 e.c.- installations. The principle feature of the enclosure to the
A.D. 6) on the basis of a complex argument based on the S is a long cobble-floored, roofed building which opens to
coins. It ended in a violent destruction, which is dated to the S; it would have been suitable for ripening dates (de
the third year (A.D. 68/69) of the First Revolt by the end of Vaux 1973: 73). Palms were certainly cultivated in this area
the coin series of this phase (de Vaux 1973: 36-37). The in antiquity, as the presence of their wood, leaves, and
buildings at Qumran would have been visible from the N dates at Qumran and in its caves confirms (de Vaux 1973:
end of the Dead Sea, which Vespasian visited in the spring 74).
of A.D. 68 to test whether the unusually salty water would The installation to the N is more complex. From a water-
support bound nonswimmers (JW 4.477), and the tower control box are run two channels separated by a paved
might have suggested a military post. The claim of Laper- area. The W channel first serves a large basin, and then
rousaz (1978: 764-66) that Period II should be divided skirts its edge to serve two smaller ones, whereas the E
into two phases separated by another abandonment channel ends in a rectangular pool. All that can be said
around A.D. 6 does not seem to rest on solid evidence. with certainty is that this complex served an industrial
5. Period III. Roman arrowheads found in the destruc- purpose. The initial suggestions that it was used for the
tion level of Period II, and Roman coins discovered in the preparation of leather or parchment are excluded by the
new occupation level, show that Qumran was occupied by complete absence of any traces of tannin or organic resi-
a Roman garrison, presumably until Masada fell in A.D. 74 due (de Vaux 1973: 78-82). Zeuner's hypothesis (1960)
(de Vaux 1973: 41-44). During operations against this that it was a fish farm has encountered no such decisive
fortress and Machaerus, it was essential for the Romans to objections, but in that case one would have expected the
control traffic on the Dead Sea. Only the tower and the
installation to have been designed differently. Despite this
adjoining areas on the E and S were refurbished for use.
uncertainty, it is clear that Khirbet Feshkha was a depen-
The water channel from the aqueduct was modified to
serve only the large cistern in the SE corner. dency of Qumran, to whose industrial and agricultural
6. Second Revolt. Coins attest the occupation of Qum-
needs it catered (de Vaux 1973: 84). The inhabitants also
ran by resistance elements during A.D. 132-35, but it must farmed in the Buqeia at the top of the cliffs, to which
have been of short duration for no structures can be ancient paths lead from both Qumran and Feshkha.
attributed to this level (de Vaux 1973: 45). If Milik (1960:
163-64) is correct in his interpretation of a letter found in Bibliography
the Wadi Murabbaat, the name of the site at this period Bar-Adon, P. 1977. Another Settlement of the Judean Desert Sect
was Mesad Hasidin, "Fortress of the Pious." at En el-Ghuweir on the Shores of the Dead Sea. BASOR 227:
7. Cemetery. The main cemetery of Periods I and II is 1-26.
located 50 m E of the buildings and contains about I, I 00 Blake, I. 1966. Chronique archeologique: Rivage occidental de la
tombs, 26 of which were excavated by de Vaux (1973: 45- mer Morte. RB 73: 564-66.
48). The bodies were placed with their heads to the S in a Cross, F. M., and Milik, J. T. 1956. Explorations in the Judaean
cavity under the E wall of a trench, which was 1.2 m to 2 Buqe'ah.BASOR 142: 5-17.
m deep. The tombs in the well-planned section nearest the Davies, P. R. 1982. (blmran. Cities of the Biblical World. Guildford.
bmldmgs all contained male bodies, but some of those Farmer, W. R. 1955. The Economic Basis of the Qumran Commu-
located in the extension of the cemetery over the hillocks nity. Tl II: 295-308.
to the E contained bodies of women and a child. Small - - . 1956. Postscript. Tl 12: 56-58.
secondary cemeteries on the terrace N of the buildings Harding, G. L. 1955. Introductory. The Discovery, the Excavation,
and at the foot of the terrace S of the wadi contained the Minor Finds. Pp. 3-7 in (blmran Cave /. DJD I. Ed. D.
about 15 and 30 tombs, respectively. These contained Barthelemy and J. T. Milik. Oxford.
male, female, and !n.fant bodies (de Vaux 1973: 57-58). Laperrousaz, E.-M. 1976. Qoumran: L'etablissement essenien des bord.s
Very few of the md1v1duals buried in these three cemeter- de la mer Mone. Histoire et archeologiqu.e du site. Paris.
ies had passed their fortieth year (de Vaux 1973: 47). - - . 1978. Qumran et decouvertes au desert de Juda. I. Topo-
QUMRAN, KHIRBET 594. v
graphie des lieux et histoire des recherches. 2. Archeologie. 75). No accurately measured survey has ever been made,
DBSup 9: 738-89. however; nor have proper excavations (apart from a few
Milik, J. T. 1959. Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of judaea. v~ry mino.r so1:1ndings) been carried out. Knowledge of the
SBT 26. London. site r.e~ams madequat~ for anything but a superficial
- - . 1960. Textes hebreux et arameens. Pp. 67-205 in Les Grottes description and a tentative understanding of its chronol-
de Murabbacat. DJD 2. Ed. P. Benoit, J. T. Milik, and R. de Vaux. ogy and its historical significance.
Oxford. The Qurayya ruins, in their entirety, cover many km2
Schulz, S. 1960. Chirbet l.mmran, cen feschcha und die bul.<.e'a: and comprise a number of distinct though closely related
Zugleich ein archaologischer Beitrag zum Felsenaquadukt und parts. The most prominent feature is an isolated outcrop
zur Strasse durch das wadi l.<.umran. ZDPV 76: 50-72. of gray-green shale siltstone, about I km long and 350 m
Stutchbury, H. E., and Nichol, G. R. 1962. Khirbet Mazin. ADA] broad at its widest point; it is oriented approximately E-
Jordan 6-8: 96-103. W. The summit of the outcrop is steeply ridged, with its
Vaux, R. de. 1953. Fouille au Khirbet Qumran. RB 60: 83-106. cr~st running along the long axis, and its highest point
- - . 1973. Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Schweich Lectures bemg some 50 m above the level of the broad wadi beds
1959. London. which surround it. It is protected on almost all sides by
Zeuner, F. E. 1960. Notes on Qumran. PEQ 92: 27-36. sheer cliffs, which justify Philby's designation of it as the
J. MURPHY-O'CONNOR Citadel Hill. Only at the SW corner is the rock face suffi-
ciently low and broken to provide a means of access, and
it was probably here that the original approach was lo-
QUOTATIONS OF OT IN NT. See NEW TESTA- cated. The summit is divided into three roughly equal
MENT, OT QUOTATIONS IN. parts by two stone walls, stretching N-S from cliff to cliff.
These are built of thin slabs of the local siltstone set in
mud mortar and are about 1.40 m thick, surviving in
OURAYYA (28°47'N; 36°00'£). An archaeological site places to a height of over 3 m. A distinctive feature of their
(Ar al-qurayayah) in NW Saudi Arabia, not mentioned in construction is the way in which they are composed of
the biblical texts but possibly associated with the Midi- separate unbonded sections, each about 3 or 4 m long,
anites, and perhaps to be identified with the Ostama of perhaps in order to localize any collapse resulting from an
Ptolemy's Gt.;graphy. It is situated ca. 63 km NW of Tabuk earthquake or hostile action. The W wall has a series of
and 125 km SE of Aqaba, in a region of broken sandstone semicircular towers projecting from its W face, while there
and shale hills, cut by innumerable wadis, fringing the W are traces of what may be gateways in approximately the
edge of the Tabuk basin. The configuration of the region middle of each wall. Other stone structures on the summit
is such that Hash floods flowing eastwards from the Hejaz include several ruined square towers and what are proba-
mountains into the basin during winter and early summer bly masonry tombs. There can be no doubt that the Citadel
can be utilized for agricultural purposes before they are Hill served as a fortified place of refuge for the inhabitants
lost in the gravels, sands, and silts of the basin itself, and it of the settlement below.
is no doubt this advantageous setting in an otherwise The ruins of this settlement cover an irregular area of
inhospitable environment which enabled the site to be ca. 400 m x 300 m on the level ground some 200 m from
originally settled. It is also close to the main N-S route the NE foot of the citadel. The line of a surrounding wall
from Arabia to Palestine and Syria, the route followed by is mostly buried beneath debris and windblown sand, but
the Mecca pilgrims and by the Hejaz railway. a few traces of its stone and mud-brick structure are
The existence of ruins at Qurayya was known to a visible. It appears to have been provided in places with
number of early travelers in the region, such as Wallin in projecting towers, and there may have been gateways on
1848 and Burton and Doughty in 1877, though none of the N and S. Within the walled area there are considerable
them actually visited the site. The first-known European mounds of debris, reaching heights of ca. 8 m, and occa-
visitor was B. Moritz, in 1906, who recorded a dozen or so sional stubs of walls, but there is little indication of the
examples of Thamudic, Nabatean and Kufic graffiti and original layout, apart from the presence of a large Hat area
published them, with a good description of the ruins to the N which may have been an open marketplace.
(which he referred to as Greje), two years later (Moritz Arising from the base of the citadel on its N and E sides
1908: 399-415 ). Alois Musil did not visit the site during are a number of long walls similar in general appearance
his journey of 1910, but he was aware of it (as al-Krajje) to that which surrounds the settlement. One of them
and tentatively identified it with Ptolemy's Ostama (Musil connects the settlement to the citadel, while the others
1926: 43, 312). In 1951 it was visited by H. St. j. Philby, enclose extensive areas of the adjacent Hat wadi beds. Still
whose account of the topography and the visible remains other walls of similar construction can be traced over a
was thorough and accurate (Philby 1957: 171-84). The wide area to the NE of the settlement, running in relatively
first sketch plans of the site and its immediate surround- straight lines across both wadi beds and the neighboring
ings were made in 1968 by a University of London archae- low hills and ridges, in some cases for distances of several
ological survey team, who also published the first detailed kilometers. Throughout this area are remains of many
analysis and interpretation of the remains (Parr, Harding, small rectangular fields, their outlines marked by low
and Dayton 1970: 219-41). Since then Qurayya has been single lines of rough stones. Double lines of stones are
visited by members of the Saudi Arabian Antiquities De- perhaps the remains of water channels serving the fields,
partment who have added important details to the descrip- and the remains of a few stone sluices are preserved. A
tion (Ingraham, Johnson, Rihani, and Shatla 1981: 71- much more substantial water channel, partly in the form
v • 595 QURAYYA

of a wide ditch, runs in the direction of these fields from matter for debate. (For the latest discussion, see Parr
the site of a now-dry spring at the foot of the citadel. This 1988). However, that it was in use as early as the 13th and
complex of remains clearly suggests an agricultural system 12th centuries B.c. has been proved by the discovery of
based on irrigation, which was protected by enclosure walls identical sherds at a number of archaeological sites in
from damage by Rood and wind and from hostile intru- modern Israel, especially at the important copper-mining
s10n. center of Timna in the S Wadi Araba, where they were
Finally to be noted are the ruins of three isolated build- found in stratified contexts dated by inscribed Egyptian
ings, two just outside the N and E sides of the enclosure objects of Dynasties XIX and XX (Rothenberg 1988). This
wall of the settlement and the third about a km further N dating is supported by a comparative study of the decora-
in the middle of the fields. They are built of ashlar sand- tive motifs, some of which-in particular the running
stone masonry, an entirely different material from that spirals and birds-are very reminiscent of those on some
employed for the other structures at the site; some of the LB ceramics from the Aegean and E Mediterranean (Parr,
blocks exhibit the diagonal tooling usually associated with Harding, and Dayton 1970: 238). Other motifs-particu-
Nabatean craftsmanship, while two of the buildings have larly a lotus design-suggest Egyptian parallels, and it is
among their ruins fragments of typical Nabatean capitals possible that the immediate source of inspiration for the
and column bases. The function of these buildings is pottery was Egyptian faience, much of which was found at
obscure. Phil by ( 195 7) called the two closest to the settle- Timna (Parr 1982; 129-30). Whether the Qurayya Painted
ment a nymphaeum and a palace, but there is nothing in Ware was also in production later than about the I Ith
their plans to support such a designation. They are clearly century B.C. is uncertain; it has been suggested that it was
of a different date from the rest of the ruins at Qurayya, still in vogue in N Arabia as late as the 7th century B.C.
and perhaps constitute a Nabatean way station on the (Muhly 1984: 284), but the arguments are by no means
Arabian caravan route. convincing (Parr 1988). On present evidence it seems most
With the exception of the three buildings mentioned likely that the pottery dates to the last few centuries of the
above, the most striking feature of the Qurayya remains is 2d millennium, and in view of its profusion among the
their homogeneity, reflected in the almost identical style ruins of all parts of the Qurayya site it is reasonable to
of construction of the walls on the citadel, around the conclude that these ruins also date in their origin to this
settlement, and encircling the field systems. It is therefore period.
reasonable to suppose that all of these features are more As the result of recent archaeological surveys it is now
or less contemporary with one another, and are part of known that this painted pottery is found not only at
one basic design. To provide a date for this complex Qurayya and at Timna but also at a number of other
without a detailed survey and excavation is impossible, but localities in NW Arabia, including the oasis center of
the evidence of the pottery collected from the surface of Tayma, on the main trade route to the S, and about a
the site provides some indication. A small proportion of dozen sites in the lower reaches of several wadis leading
this is of typical Romano-Nabatean ware; it is found partic- down through the Hejaz mountains to the Red Sea coast
ularly in the vicinities of the three isolated buildings de- near the mouth of the Gulf of Aqaba (Ingraham, Johnson,
scribed above. The majority of the pottery from the cita- Rihani, and Shatla 1981: 74-75; Bawden 1983: 42-44).
del, the settlement, and the fields, however, is very One such site is that of Mugha'ir Shu'ayb (al-Bad'), almost
different. A number of types are represented, but only certainly the oasis known to the classical geographers as
one of these is, with our present state of knowledge, Madian and to medieval Arab writers as Midyan, names
sufficiently diagnostic to help with dating. This is a very which derive from that of the biblical Midianites, with
distinctive painted ware decorated in various tones of which this corner of the Arabian peninsula is traditionally
black, brown, red, and yellow applied to a thick buff or associated (Musil 1926: 278-87). It was because of this
cream slip; quite often a bichrome or polychrome effect is association that the Qurayya Painted Ware, when originally
produced. The most frequent patterns are geometric (hor- reported, was designated "Midianite Ware" (Parr, Har-
izontal and vertical bands, triangles, cross-hatching, run- ding, and Dayton 1970: 240); and although the more
ning broken spirals, etc.), but animal motifs (birds, bulls, neutral term is certainly now to be preferred, it is hard to
and at least one camel) are also reported, and occasional avoid the conclusion that the pottery and the people were,
human figures. That this painted ware (and no doubt in some way, connected.
some at least of the plain wares, which often resemble the Regardless, the existence toward the end of the 2d
painted ware in fabric and shape) was manufactured at millennium in NW Arabia of settlements of which at least
the site is proved by the discovery at the N foot of the one, Qurayya, is provided with such substantial defensive
made! of a number of ruined kilns, surrounded by spoiled architecture as to merit the term "urban" requires expla-
and discarded sherds, some of which were painted. Petro- nation. In the present state of knowledge, this can be little
graphic analysis of the painted pottery has also indicated more than guesswork, but further consideration of the
that the materials for its production must have derived distribution of the painted pottery leads to a reasonable
from Qurayya or from an area of very similar geology hypothesis. The quantity of Egyptian objects at Timna has
(Rothenberg.and Glass 1983; 101-13; Rothenberg 1988: been reasonably taken to indicate that the copper mines
I 01 ), and 1t 1s possible that two caves cut into the face of there were operated under pharaonic control, while the
the hill near the kilns were quarries for the extraction of presence of Qurayya Painted Ware at the site shows that its
claystone for use by the potters. users-presumably workers from the Hejaz-were in con-
.. The dating. of this distinctive pottery (for which the term tact with the Egyptians. The presence of the pottery at
Qurayya Pamted Ware" has been proposed) is still a sites close to the Hejaz coast, little more than 150 km
QURAYYA 596 • v
across the Red Sea from Egypt, and on routes leading E Crone, P. l 987. Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam. Oxford.
toward Qurayya and Tayma, is also suggestive of an Egyp- Ingraham, M.; Johnson, T.; Rihani, B.; and Shalla, I. 1981. Prelim-
tian connection. Unlike Timna, however, neither Qurayya inary Report on a Reconnaissance Survey of the Northwestern
nor Tayma have produced evidence to associate them with Province. Atlal 5: 59-84.
copper working, and it is much more likely that they were Moritz, B. 1908. Auslluge in der Arabian Petraea. MUS] 2: 399-
involved with the trade in aromatics. Although it has 415.
recently been denied that the land route through Arabia Muhly, J. 1984. Timna and King Solomon. BSac 41: 275-92.
to the incense-producing regions of the S was in use as Musil, A. 1926. The Nori.hem Hegaz. New York.
early as this (Crone 1987: 13-15), there is in fact persua- Parr, P. ]. 1982. Contacts between N.W. Arabia and Jordan in the
sive evidence that New Kingdom Egypt was obtaining some Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages. Pp. 127-33 in Studies in the
of its supplies from intermediaries in the NW of the History and Archaeology ofJordan I, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman.
peninsula. It is at least possible, therefore, that it was - - . 1988. Pottery of the Late Second Millennium B.C. from
Egyptian economic involvement, perhaps for the sake of North West Arabia and its Historical Implications. Pp. 73-89
both copper and aromatics, which provided the stimulus in Araby the Blest: Studies in Arabian Archaeology, ed. D. T. Potts.
toward sedentarization and the establishment of sites such Copenhagen.
as Qurayya; and it has further been argued that the Parr, P. J.; Harding, G. L.; and Dayton, ]. E. 1970. Preliminary
inhabitants of the region belonged to that vague category Survey in N .W. Arabia, 1968. Bulletin of the Institute of Archae-
of people known to the Egyptians as Shoshu, some of ology, University of London, 8-9: 219-4 l.
whom at least, according to the Egyptian sources, may have Philby, H. St.]. 1957. The Land of Midian. London.
been sedentary (Parr 1988). Whether the inhabitants of Rothenberg, B. 1988. The Egyptian Mining Temple at Timna. London.
Qurayya are also to be thought of as Midianites depends Rothenberg, B., and Glass,]. 1983. The Midianite Pottery. Pp. 65-
on how the biblical references to that people are inter- 124 in Midian, Moab, and Edom, ed. J. F. A. Sawyer and D. J. A.
preted and what view is taken of their territorial, political, Clines. Sheffield.
and economic status in the 13th and 12th centuries B.C. Saleh, A.-A. 1973. An Open Question on Intermediaries in the
Incense Trade during Pharaonic Times. Orientalia 42: 370-82.
Bibliography PETER J. PARR
Bawden, G. 1983. Painted Pottery from Tayma and Problems of
Cultural Chronology in Northwest Arabia. Pp. 37-52 in Mid-
ian, Moab, and Edom, ed. J. F. A. Sawyer and D. J. A. Clines. QUTIAN LANGUAGE. See LANGUAGES (INTRO-
Sheffield. DUCTORY SURVEY).
RA (DEITY). See RE (DEITY). An identification of the biblical ra'ma (or regma) with
regma (or regama) polis in Ptolemy (Geog. 6.7.14) is impossi-
ble because that town must have been situated on the
RAAMAH (PERSON) [Heb ra'ma; ra'ma']. A son of Persian Gulf. Likewise, the equation with the rammanitai in
Cush and father of Dedan and Sheba (Gen 10:7; 1 Chr Strabo (Geog. 16.4.24) is out of question, because Raiman-
I :9) whose name occurs in the so-called "Table of Nations" ites are understood by this gentilic; the inhabitants of
(Genesis 10) as a tribal rather than personal name (Wester- Nagran are designated in the same chapter of Strabo as
mann 1984: 510-11). Raamah is also named along with negranai. Already in the 18th century Niebuhr (I 772: 248,
Sheba as a commercial partner with Tyre (Ezek 27:22). 293) wanted to compare the biblical Raamah with the
The biblical contexts point to Arabia; more specifically, region around Gaba! Raima, one of the numerous Yemen-
the list of delivered products in Ezekiel 27 (best aromatics, ite places of that name.
precious stones, and gold) suggests a location of Raamah
in S Arabia, or at least within the reach of the ancient Bibliography
incense route. An identification which should be consid- Muller, W.W. 1969. Alt-Sudarabien als Weihrauchland. TQ 149.
ered is rgmtm (probably vocalized Ragmatum), the ancient Niebuhr, C. 1771. Beschreibung von Arabien. Copenhagen.
name of the capital of the oasis of Nagran (Nagran) in what Ryckmans, j. 1980. 'Uzza et Lat dans les inscriptions sud-arabes.
was then N Yemen, today situated in SW Saudi Arabia. }SS 25: 193-204.
Later on, the name of the oasis was also transferred to the Westermann, C. 1984. Genesis 1-11: A Commentary. Trans. J. J.
town, and the name Ragmatum disappeared. Favoring the Scullion. Minneapolis.
equation of biblical Raamah with rgmtm are the LXX Winnett, F. V. 1970. The Arabian Genealogies in the Book of
renderings of the name (1 Chr 1:9; regma; Ezek 27:22, Genesis. Pp. 171-96 in Transl.ating and Understanding the Old
ragma), as well as a note in the Greek and Ethiopic versions Testament, ed. H. T. Frank and W. L. Reed. Nashville.
of the Martyrium of St. Arethas telling that the meaning of Wissmann, H. von. 1964. Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde von Alt-
the name of the town of Nagran is in Hebrew "town of Siidarabien. Vienna.
thunder," which can only be explained if one substitutes w. w. MOLLER
for Nagran the name Ra'ma, since in Aram ra'ma' means
"thunder" (cf. Muller 1969: 366, n. 103).
The earliest Old South Arabic reference to rgmtm is RAAMIAH (PERSON) [Heb ra'amyah]. An alternate
found in the Old Sabean inscription RES 3943,4 from form of REELAIAH.
Marib from the time around 500 B.c. This text is an
account of the deeds of a ruler who, among others, de-
stroyed Ragmatum, the town of the king of the RAAMSES (PLACE) [Heb ra'amses]. See RAMESES
Muha'mirum, as well as all the towns in the area surround- (PLACE).
ing Ragmatum and Nagran. In the Minaean inscription M
247 (= RES 3022,2 from Baraqis [ca. 340/330 B.c.]), it is
mentioned that the Sabeans attacked a Minaean caravan RABAH, WADI (M.R. 144167). The name of one of
on the route between Ma'in and Ragmatum. Another the tributaries of the Yarkon river and of a site situated on
reference to this town is found on a bronze tablet from al- its S bank, about 1 km E of Tell Ras el-'Ain (M.R. 143168).
Uhdud: the ruins of ancient Nagran, which contains a Two Chalcolithic levels and mixed remains of the two
ded1Cat1on to QuSamawi, the lord of a temple in [r]gmtm; Neolithic phases (Jericho IX and Yarmukian) have been
furthermore, a reference to an inhabitant of the town identified there.
~r[g]mtm occurs in the fragmentary text Ja 2132 from On the mound of Tell Ras el-'Ain itself, no remains
Qaryat al-Faw, about 280 km N of Nagran on the trade earlier than the EB were found; thus, it appears that the
route to the Persian Gulf (see Ryckmans 1980: 198, n. 4). earlier Wadi Rabah site was abandoned sometime toward
In antiquity, Ragmamm in the oasis of Nagran was an the end of the Chalcolithic period and that settlement
important station on the incense road the main route of resumed further W on virgin soil close to a spring, consti-
which came from Marib in Saba and led from there to the tuting the earliest settlement at Tell Ras el-'Ain. For a
N via Dedan until it reached the Mediterranean coast. discussion of the excavations on the mound of Ras el-'Ain,
v • 597
RABAH, WADI 598. v
see ANTIPATRIS. The Wadi Rabah site was excavated in possible . that the iron bed was taken to Rabbah by the
November 1952. Stratum I was found to belong to the Ammomtes as a trophy of their initial conquest, although
Ghassulian phase of the Chalcolithic, while stratum II Landes (IDB I: I 09) has suggested that it was preserved
belonged to a pre-Ghassulian phase. because of a special desire to show respect to the powers
Stratum II is significant in that its pottery is formally (human and divine) which controlled and possessed the
similar to that of Jericho VIII; however, there is a larger land prior to the Ammonite emergence. At any rate, this
amount of slipped and decorated ware at Wadi Rabah than passage shows that Rabbath-ammon was clearly already
at Jericho VIII. Most of the Wadi Rabah pottery is bur- the capital of the Ammonites by the 13th century B.c.
nished, whereas burnishing appears only on bowls at Jeri- !n
. A refe~ence josh 13:25 describes Rabbah's geograph-
cho VIII, and there is no evidence of burnishing whatso- ical relauonsh1p to Aroer. Although some translations
ever at Tuleilat Ghassul, suggesting that the finds locate Aroer "east of Rabbah," a proper rendering should
associated with Wadi Rabah level II not only antedate the be "in front of [facing] Rabbah" (note the NIV reading of
Ghassulian culture of Palestine (which occurred ca. 3500 "near"). It would appear from this reference that Rabbah
B.c.) but also that associated with Jericho VIII. In all these was clearly considered outside of the territory allotted to
three phases of the Chalcolithic age-Rabah II, Jericho the Israelites.
VIII, and Ghassulian-the pottery shows uninterrupted The Ammonites were conquered by Israel, after provok-
development. Finds similar to those of Wadi Rabah stra- ing David to war by their humiliation of his messengers (2
tum II have been found in other excavations, such as those Sam 11:1). The account of the siege (2 Sam 12:26-31)
at ha-Bashan Street in Tel Aviv (EAEHL 4: 1161), at Lod appears to provide a small clue to the actual physical layout
(area B), in stratum Ille of Tuleilat el-Batashi (area B), and of the Ammonite capital. Specifically, we are told in 2 Sam
at <[in el-Jarba. Based on radiocarbon dates of the Wadi 12:26 that after fighting for some time against Rabbah,
Rabah stratum at <[in el-Jarba, it appears that the earliest Joab was finally able to capture the 'fr hammelilka ("royal
possible limits for this culture is 4000 B.C. See BATASHI, city"). In verse 27, however, Joab informs David that it is
TULEILAT EL-; JARBA, cEIN EL-; and LOD. The wide the <fr hammiiyim ("city of waters") which has been taken.
geographical horizon of this culture is reinforced by recent The use of these two expressions has raised a long-stand-
surveys in Galilee, where some sites demonstrate close ing question as to whether Joab was using two different
affinities to the Wadi Rabah culture (Frankel and Gophna names for the city of Rabbah at large, or was intending to
1980). describe two different locations within the city. Most recent
Some of the pottery of these three Chalcolithic phases commentators have apparently opted for the second inter-
can be compared with Halafian ware (particularly the pretation, suggesting that the 'fr hammelilka was a fortified
Halafian ware and its imitations occurring in strata XVI- royal citadel located on the top of the mound (acropolis),
XIX at Mersin in Cilicia), and a correlation can be estab- while the 'fr hammiiyim was a special fortification that
lished between the Middle Chalcolithic of Mersin and the guarded the city's water supply in the valley of the Jabbok.
Chalcolithic of Palestine (Kaplan 1960). Since, however, Although the two different expressions are attested in
certain shapes and ornamentation characteristic of the both the MT and the LXX, both Syr and Targ have
Wadi Rabah ware were encountered only in Mersin XIX, changed the second expression 'fr hammiiyim, to 'fr hamme-
the Wadi Rabah culture can be placed in the same horizon lilkti in apparent support of the first interpretation. More
as that stratum; i.e., it is a Chalcolithic, not a Neolithic recent critics have followed a similar approach, although
culture, even though no copper has been found among Wellhausen (1871) preferred to alter the text so that 'fr
the Wadi Rabah repertoire of objects. hammiiyim was read in both verses. McCarter, on the other
hand, argues that such emendation of the text is unjusti-
Bibliography fied and unnecessary (2 Samuel AB, 310-12). He suggests
Frankel, R., and Gophna, R. 1980. Chalcolithic Pottery from a Cave that both verses refer to the same place, but that rather
in Western Galilee. TA 7: 65069. than referring to the entire city at large, both expressions
Kaplan, J. 1958. The Excavations at Wadi Rabah. IE] 8: 149-60. refer to a citadel within the city which both served as the
- - . 1960. The Relation of the Chalcolithic Pottery of Palestine king's royal residence and guarded the city's water supply.
to Halafian Ware. BASOR 159: 32-36. If the fortified royal residence was located atop that por-
JACOB KAPLAN tion of the tell which immediately overlooked the springs
of the jabbok, it could easily have doubled as a fortification
for the city's water supply.
RABBAH (PLACE) [Heb rabba]. 1. Also known as rabbat At any rate, after the city fell David placed the Ammon-
bini <ammon (Rabbah of the children of Ammon), the city ite crown on his head and subjected the people to forced
that served as the capital of the ancient Ammonite king- labor (2 Sam 12:26-31; 2 Chr 20:1-3). It was during this
dom. The site is located on Citadel Hill (Jebel QaJ<ah) in siege that Uriah the Hittite was sent to his death (2 Sam
the middle of the modern city of Amman (M.R. 238151) 11: 14-25). Later, when David was forced to seek refuge m
on the N bank of the upper course of the Nahr ez-Zerqa Transjordan, Shobi, son of Nahash, from Rabbah, helped
(Wadi Zerqa; modern Wadi Amman), where powerful supply David (2 Sam 17:27-29).
springs serve as the sources of the jabbok river. See also It appears that Rabbah remained under Israelite suzer-
AMMAN. ainty until the first half of the 9th century B.c., although it
According to Deut 3: 11, Rabbah is noted as the place is not mentioned again until the mid-8th century s.c.
where the "iron bedstead" of Og, last of the Rephaim and (Amos 1: 14). From this time until the fall of the S king-
king of the Amorites at Bashan, was on display. It is dom, Rabbah received numerous prophetic rebukes as the
v. 599 RABBAH

Ammonites tried to take advantage of Judah's increasing (ca. 1800-1550 B.c.) have been steadily accumulating. At
political difficulties (Jer 49:2; Ezek 21:25 [-Eng 21 :20]; least four MB II-Ill tombs have been reported from
25:5). Amman: one on Jebel Jofeh el-Gharbi, SE of Citadel Hill;
Rabbah-ammon became a Hellenistic city when Ptolemy one on Jebel et Taj, ESE of Citadel Hill; and two on Citadel
II Philadelphus (285-24 7 B.c.) rebuilt and renamed the Hill, itself. The two tombs on Citadel Hill contained thirty-
city Philadelphia, although the original name continued" to six scarabs (almost all from the 13th to 17th Egyptian
be used by both local officials and contemporary histori- dynasties) and six cylinder seals of types used between
ans. It was later conquered in 218 B.C. by the Seleucid king 1700 and 1200 B.C. Evidence for occupation of Citadel
Antiochus III ("the Great"), who penetrated the city Hill, itself, comes from a probe conducted on the upper
through a water tunnel, the remains of which can still be terrace, just N of the Hellenistic-Roman wall, in which a
seen. MB II glacis was revealed in association with two walls.
Josephus reveals that during the time of Hyrcanus ( 135- Finally, it should be noted that the foundation deposit at
107 B.c.) Rabbah-ammon was ruled by the tyrant Zenon the Amman Airport structure contained scarabs from the
Cotylas and later, by his son, Theodorus. Although Alex- 17th to 13th centuries B.c., as well as four cylinder seals,
ander Jannaeus laid siege to the city during this time, he two of which may date to MB II-Ill. Although these
was unable to take it. scarabs and seals were probably heirlooms and do not date
In 63 B.c., the Roman general Pompey annexed Phila- the structure, itself, (which is clearly LB; see below), they
delphia to the Decapolis. It remained under Arab control do provide additional indirect evidence for MB II-III
until Herod defeated the city in 30 B.c. During the Jewish occupation.
revolt, Rabbah-ammonjoined the fight against the Zealots. The LB occupation on Citadel Hill is so far supported
During the time of Trajan, Rabbah-ammon was included only by unstratified sherds. More intensive excavation will
in the province of Arabia (A.D. 106). A new road from probably provide new information. The most important
Elath to Damascus, which ran through Rabbah-ammon, find of this period is the Amman Airport structure (Herr
:reated an economic boom for the city which increased its I 983a; I 983b). It is almost 15 m square in plan with outer
wealth and importance during the Byzantine period. Dur- walls 2 m thick. In addition to local pottery, a large
mg the 4th century A.D., it was listed by Ammianus Mar- quantity of imported Cypriot and Mycenaean ware was
:ellinus as one of the great fortified cities of Coele-Syria. It found, enabling archaeologists to date the structure to LB
~ventually became the seat of a Christian bishopric, form- IIB ( 1300-1200 B.c.). Although the structure was initially
ing one of the nineteen sees of Palaestina terlia. interpreted as a temple, further excavation and analysis
When the city was conquered by the Muslim Yezid in have led to the suggestion that the structure served as a
~.D. 635, it was renamed Amman and made the capital of "tower," perhaps for the storage of funerary gifts. The
the Balqa district. During the Crusader period, it was ruled discovery of a large number of burnt human bones as well
by a Transjordanian prince named Ahamant. It appears as a large pile of slightly scorched rocks (which may have
that during the Mameluke period Rabbah-ammon was served as a pyre for cremation) lends support to the idea
deserted, and remained so until it was resettled by some that the site served a funerary function. The increasing
Circassians in 1876. Amman became the capital of the corpus of MB and LB finds around Amman has forced
Emirate of Transjordan in 1921, and today it is the capital scholars to reevaluate Glueck's hypothesis that central
of the Hashemite kingdom of Jordan. Transjordan essentially lacked any sedentary occupation
The first modern excavation in Amman was conducted during these periods.
by an Italian team led by G. Guidi in 1927. R. Bartoccini Material from Iron I (1200-1000 s.c.) is limited to a
took over as director in the years 1929-33. In 1955 G. L. tomb on Jebel Nuzha (initially assigned to LB IIB, but
Harding examined· the Ammon Airport structure just more likely represents the earliest Iron I phase; see Dor-
after it was discovered. It was later excavated by J. B. nemann 1983: 31-34) and unstratified sherds from the
Hennessy in 1966 and, again, by L. Geraty and L. Herr in 1969 sounding of Citadel Hill (Dornemann 1983: 106).
1976. In 1966 R. Dornemann conducted a sounding on The most important finds from Iron Age IB-IIA (10th-
the Citadel Hill (Jebel Qal'ah). Additional work was done 9th centuries B.C.) include a wall on Citadel Hill (possibly
at the citadel by C. Bennett (1975; 1979). Jordanian ar- built by David after his recapture of the city) and the well-
chaeologists (e.g., F. Zayadine, and A. Hadidi) have re- known Ammonite Citadel Inscription (dated between 875
cently made several important discoveries and conducted and 825 B.c.). Finds from Iron IIB-C (8th-6th centuries
many important soundings and excavations at various sites B.c.), which are more abundant, include several statues of
in Amman. Ammonite kings-the crowns of which may resemble that
Remains from the Paleolithic, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic which was captured by David (2 Sam 12:30); wall frag-
periods have been reported from various locations in Am- ments on Citadel Hill from the 7th-6th centuries s.c.-
man. Dolmens are also said to have been scattered possibly destroyed by the Assyrians; four double-faced
throughout the area, although none of these survive, the stone heads of females, which may have served as orna-
last havmg been destroyed in the early part of this century. mental capitals for royal buildings on Citadel Hill; the
See DOLMEN. Siran Bottle Inscription-a 7th-century B.c. dedicatory
Occupation during the various periods of the EB (ca. inscription on a bronze bottle which mentions Ammi-
2900-2300 B.c.) is thus far represented only by unstrati- nadab, son of Hisalel, son of Amminadab, king of the
fied pottery from Citadel Hill in Amman (Jebel Qal'ah). Ammonites (this bottle was found at Tell Siran on the
Middle Bronze I occupation is likewise supported only campus of the University of Jordan, in Amman); and
by sherd material so far, but remains from the MB II-Ill several Iron IIB-C tombs. (For a more complete summary
RABBAH 600 • v
and bibliography of finds, see Dornemann 1983; Geraty great one" (fem.), is listed among the towns within the
and Willis 1986.) tribal allotment of Judah (Josh 15:21-62). The theory that
There has been much discussion about a number of this list was derived from an administrative roster compiled
"megalithic towers" which have been assumed to have under the Ju dean monarchy (Alt 1925) has been widelv
provided an outer "ring of defense" for Rabbah during accepted, although controversy continues over the precis~
the Iron Age. More recent analysis of these structures makeup of the districts, the proper context of the town
shows that they were not all contemporary (some date as lists of Benjamin and Dan, and the period of the monarchy
late as the Roman period), nor did they all serve military to which the original roster belongs (Boling and Wright
functions. Indeed, many appear to have served as agricul- Joshua AB, 64-72). It is possible that this town is the same
tural farmsteads and watchtowers. as Rubute of the Egyptian texts, although the difficulties
Clearly, the archaeological evidence shows that during of locating Rubute in the hill country, as Joshua 15 sug-
the latter part of the Iron IIB-C period ancient Amman gests for Rabbah, casts some doubt on this idea. In order
was at the appex of its wealth and political power. This, to retain the identification of Rabbah with Rubute, Ahar-
undoubtedly, reflects the greater independence Amman oni (LBHG, 299) argued that this district consisted of two
enjoyed under Assyrian and Babylonian sovereignty as fortresses guarding each end of the W approach to Jeru-
opposed to the greater oppression it experienced when salem (M.R. 149137; cf. Rainey ISBE 4: 29). However, it
dominated by Israel and Judah. seems unnecessarily arbitrary to assume that this district is
There is a paucity of archaeological remains for the unique, since all the other districts in this roster form
Persian period, but material from the Hellenistic period reasonably compact geographical units. If this district is
has been found, including some walls on the lower terrace not unique, then we should look for Rabbah in the hill
of Citadel Hill, various houses with plaster floors, painted country close to Kiriath-baal/Kiriath-jearim. In this light,
pottery, Rhodian jar handles, coins, and an underground it seems best to admit that Rabbah of Judah remains to be
reservoir at the N end of the citadel. Two reliefs of gods identified.
from the 4th-3rd centuries B.c. were found in the forum
area. Bibliography
The most spectacular ruins, which can be seen on the Alt, A. 1925. Judas Gaue unter Josia. Pj 21: 100-16.
surface on and around Citadel Hill, are from the Roman wADE R. KOTTER

period. These remains include the well-known amphithe-

ater, a colonnaded street, the nymphaeum, the odeum, an
aqueduct, a bath, a temple complex, and several Roman RABBI [Gk rhabbi]. Var. RABBONI. An honorific title
tombs. found in the NT. The Hebrew word rabbi is transliterated
Byzantine and Arabic remains include two large houses just over a dozen times in the Greek text of the Gospels.
on the citadel and a Byzantine church. In ten of these cases, the RSV retains the transliteration
with the English equivalent "rabbi." In five other instances
Gk rhabbi is translated "master" (Matt 26:25, 49; Mark 9:5;
Bibliography
Bennett, C.-M. 1975. Excavations at the Citadel, Amman, 1975. 11:21; 14:45). ln origin a title of authority, Heb rabbi
became, by the lst century c.E., a title as well as a mode of
ADA} 20: 131-42.
- - . 1979. Excavations on the Citadel (al Qal'a) Amman, 1978. address.
Fourth Preliminary Report. ADA} 23: 161-70.
Dornemann, R. 1983. The ArchaeoloffY of the Transjordan in the Bronze A. Literary and Epigraphic Background
1. Biblical and Extrabiblical Evidence. In the OT the
and Iron Ages. Milwaukee.
word rab, "big," "great," occurs only in construct with other
Geraty, L. T., and Willis, L. 1986. The History of Archaeological
nouns: rab siiqeh, "chief of officers" (2 Kgs 18:17 = Isa
Research in Transjordan. Pp. 3-72 in The Archaeology ofJordan
36:2, etc.); rab siiris, "chief of heads" (2 Kgs 18: 17, Jer
and Other Studies, ed. L. T. Geraty and L. Herr. Berrien Springs,
39:3, 13; Dan 1:3); rab miig, "chief of princes" (Jer 39:3,
Ml.
13); rab tabbii!iim, "captain of the guard" (2 Kgs 25:8, etc.);
Hadidi, A. 1974. The Excavation of the Roman Forum at Amman
Aram rab J:iartummayyii', "chief of magicians" (Dan 4:6,
(Philadelphia), 1964-1967. AJ)Aj 19: 71-91.
5:1); rab signin, "chief of prefects" (Dan 2:48); rab /:i6bel,
Herr, L. G. 1983a. The Amman Airport Structure and the Geo-
"chief of sailors" (Jonah 1:6). In two other instances the
politics of Ancient Transjordan. BA 46/4: 223-29.
title rabis not connected with a corps of officials (Jer 39: 13;
- - . 1983b. The Amman Airport Excavations 1976. AASOR 48.
[41: l]; Esth 1:8). In extracanonical sources, both Aramaic
Cambridge, MA.
and Phoenician, rab has the sense of "officer" or "chief,"
Wellhausen, J. 1871. Der Text der Bucher Sam'U£lis untersucht. Gottin-
and it appears most often in the construct form (DISO,
gen.
Zayadine, F. 1973. Recent Excavations on the Citadel of Amman. s.v.). It is attested in the absolute in Jewish Aramaic texts
ADA} 18: 17-35.
from Qumran (e.g., llQtgJob 19:3 [Job 29:4]; 25:1 [Job
- - . 1977-78. Excavations on the Upper Citadel of Amman- 34:24]).
Area A, 1975-1977. ADA} 22: 20-56. 2. "Rabbi" as a Jewish Title in the First Centuries c.E.
RANDALL W. YOUNKER The earliest evidence for "rabbi" as a title attached to a
proper name (e.g., Rab Hana) occurs on Jerusalem ossu-
2. A town situated in the N highlands of Judah (Josh aries which apparently date from before 100 C.E. (Cl} 2:
15 :60), within the same district as Kiriath-baal/Kiriath- 249; 275-77; 277-79). The inscriptions which date from
jearim. This settlement, whose name perhaps means "the 100 c.E. to 400 c.E. stem largely from the cemeteries of
v . 601 RABBI

Joppa and Beth-she'arim (see the ann?tate? l!st of_ins~rip­ rabbi as a mode of address are in direct discourse; nearly
tions in Cohen 1981: 1-17). These mscnpuons md1Cate all are about figures associated with the period before 135
that men entitled rabbi were probably wealthy, and that c.E. Rabbi is used as an address for a judge (m. Ned. 9.5; m.
many were comfortable with the Greek language and with B. Qam. 8.6; t. Yeh. 14.10; t. Git. 1.3; t. Kel. B. Qam. 1.2-3)
Greco-Roman artistic and architectural styles (see, e.g., and in legal disputes-presumably for the senior member
Schwabe and Lifshitz 1973: no. 61). Overall, the inscrip- of the dispute (t. Kel B. Qam. 1.6; t. Pe>a 3.6). Given the
tions indicate that the title rabbi should be thought of as an earlier usage of the term, these instances are not inexpli-
honorific roughly equivalent to "sir," with no explicit con- cable. In still other passages the figure addressed as rabbi
nection to either teaching or adjudication (much like the is so called because he is a teacher (m. Ros Ha5. 2.9; t. Ber.
colloquial use of Gk kyrios). One problematic exception 4.16-18; t. Ma'as. S. 5.16; t. /fag. 2.11; t. Gif. 1.3; t. Zeb.
should be noted [Naveh 1978: no. 6]; the inscription cited 2.17; t. Neg. 8.6). Finally, in two traditions about
at Mazar 1974: 46 should not be admitted as evidence.) R. Gamaliel (II), held to have been the patriarch and one
whom we might expect to be addressed as rabbi by analogy
B. Rab and Rabbi in Rabbinic Literature with a king or a judge, Gamaliel is addressed as rabbenu (or
The use of the term rab as a title is not attested before rabbi) by members of his circle and is challenged on the
roughly the !st century C.E. In rabbinic literature, person- basis of laws which he taught them (t. Ber. 4.15; t. Be~. 2.12;
ages associated with the period before 70 C.E. are not cf. m. Ber. 2.5-7).
referred to with a title (e.g., Hillel, Shammai), while those
associated with the later periods are titled (e.g., Rabbi C. "Rabbi" in the New Testament
Aqiba, etc.). Of greatest relevance to the present discus- 1. Mark. Mark uses rhabbi three times and rabbouni
sion, however, is the absolute use of the term as well as its (rabboni) once (10:51); all four instances convey a sense of
use as a mode of address (as in the NT). The discussion is Jesus' particular greatness (Mark 9:5; 11 :21 [Peter]; 14:45
based solely on the Mishna and the Tosepta, the two [Judas]; 10:51 [Bartimaeus, who follows Jesus]). In three
earliest rabbinic collections. of the four instances, Jesus is called rabbi in response to a
l. "Rab" in the Absolute. In the absolute, the term rab miraculous action on Jesus' part: the Transfiguration (9:5),
is used almost exclusively in two ways: to designate the the withering of the fig tree (I I :21 ), and the healing of
master of a slave (e.g., m. Pesaft,. 8.1-2; m. Gi.t. 4.4 = m. 'Ed. the blind (10:51). Bartimaeus' reference to Jesus as rab-
1.3; compare Gk kyrios) or to designate a teacher, the more bouni is coupled with the address "son of David" (10:47,
relevant usage for present purposes. In one tradition 48), suggesting that the term should be thought of as
about a figure associated with the period before 70 C.E. meaning "sir" or perhaps "lord," and not "teacher" (cf.
and in two pre-135 c.E. traditions, rab designates a link in 9: 17, in which "teacher" is used in a case of healing).
the chain of authoritative teaching (t. Pesaft,. 4.13-14; m. Didaskalos, "teacher," on the other hand, is used as a more
Yad. 4.3; m. 'Ed. 8.7). general form of address by both disciples (4:38; 9:38;
In traditions attributed to post-135 C.E. figures, obliga- 10:35; 13:1) and nondisciples (9:17; 10:17, 20; 12:14, 19,
tions to a rab are explicitly filial (m. Makk. 2.2 with t. B. 32).
Qam. 9.11; m. B. Me$. 2.11 with t. B. Me$. 2.29-30 and t. 2. Matthew. In Matthew the use of the appellation rabbi
Hor. 2.25; m. Ker. 6.9). Similarly, the social relations of a is polemical. The only person who addresses Jesus as rabbi
rab are the focus of other post-135 C.E. traditions, as well is Judas (Matt 26:25, 49). The other two instances of the
as of anonymous traditions (m. 'Erub. 3.5; m. Meg. 4.5; m. word rabbi occur in Matt 23: 1-12. Although the Matthean
Ket. 2.10; t. Ber. 5.7; t. 'Erub. 4.1; 5.11; t. Ket. 3.3; t. Sanh. material in 23: 1-3 does imply some sort of public teaching
3.8). (as may the Q material in v 4 directed in Luke 11 :45-46 to
Two usages characteristic of the Toscpta deserve special lawyers), the immediate context of the address rabbi in
mention. First, important biblical figures (Moses, Elijah, 23:7 describes a group perceived to enjoy public recogni-
Elisha) are described in terms of the relationship of rab tion as well as the outward show of piety, men who wish to
and disciple (t. Sot. 3. 7; t. 'Ed. 3.4). Second, the plural be called "sir." In 23:8 the connection between rabbi and
rabbOtenu is used for the collective body of sages, and seems teacher is made explicitly. Yet the parallelism in 23:9-10
to be characteristic of traditions about Usha (e.g., "rahb6- (pater/pater; kathegeteslkathegetes) leads us to expect not di-
tenu were counted [for a vote] in Usha ... " [m. So.ta 9.14; daskalos, "teacher," but rabbi in the second half of 23:8.
the only mish_naic tradition of this type]; t. Ber. 2.11; t. This break in parallel structure protects Jesus from being
Dem. I.II; t. Seb. 4.16, 21; t. Ket. 5.1; 7.11; t. Kel. B. Me$. referred to as rabbi, a term associated in Matthew with the
7.11; t. >ohol. 16.7; t. Para 5.1; t. Nid. 3.9; 4.7; 8.3). In this hateful Pharisees. Moreover, if "teacher" is meant in 23:8,
second case, the term rahb6tenu at the same time designates the theme is apparently repeated at 23: IO, using the term
"our teachers" and members of an authoritative quorum. kathegetes for teacher. It is possible that the author of 23: 1-
2. "Rabbi" as a Mode of Address. A corrupt and appar- 12 has made use of materials in which rabbi meant "sir"
ently late tradition, which assumes that rabbi and rabbtin (Matt 23:7-8), but that for the Evangelist the term had the
designate teachers, distinguishes between these titles (or direct (and negative) connotation of "teacher of the law."
modes of address) on the basis of the success of disciples This observation may be connected with the development
(t. 'Ed. 3.4). Yet another anonymous tradition prescribes of the term rab in rabbinic literature.
greeting the mourning king as adonenu werabbenu, "our 3. Luke. Rabbi does not occur in Luke. A word needs to
lord. and .master" (t. Sanh. 4.4), indicating that even in be said about the Lukan term epistates, however (Luke 5:5;
rabbm1c literature the older (nontechnical) sense of the 8:24, 45; 9:33, 49; 17:13). This term corresponds once to
term was retained. The remaining examples of the term the Markan rabbi (Luke 9:33; Mark 9:5) and twice to
RABBI 602 • v
didaskalos (Luke 8:24; Mark 4:38; Luke 9:49; Mark 9:38). RABBINIC LITERATURE AND THE NT.
With the exception of 17: 13 the address is found only in The discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls and renewed study,
the mouths of disciples. In LXX, epistatis is used to trans- since World War II, of the Jewish pseudepigraphic writings
late s1ire missim, "taskmasters" (Exod I: 11 [RSV]), and have given new impetus to the study of the NT in its Jewish
elsewhere, ruigid, "chief" (2 Chr 31:12 [RSV]), and appar- setting (Saldarini fc.; Vermes 1983: 58-68.) W. D. Davies'
ently it covers some of the same semantic field as rab (see studies on Paul and Palestinian Judaism ( 1955) provided
also LXX Exod 5:14; I Kings 5; 16; 2 Kgs 25:19; Jer an early model for using rabbinic sources. Most English-
52:25; 2 Chr 2:2). Moreover, in Ptolemaic Egypt and speaking NT scholars in the 1950s and 1960s depended
elsewhere the title epistatis designated certain kinds of on the sketch of normative Judaism worked out by G. F.
officials. It is possible that the Lukan term epistatis reflects Moore (1927-30) as a framework for their understanding
(as it clearly seems to in Luke 9:33) sources which used the of Judaism and the topical collection of rabbinic texts by
Heb/Aram rabbi. P. Billerbeck as their source for rabbinic literature. The
4. John. In John, two disciples address Jesus as rabbi older German evaluations of Judaism as late, legalistic, and
after hearing from John that he is the "the lamb of God" inferior to Christianity were less determinative but not
(1:36-38); one reports that they have "found the Messiah" entirely absent for the English-speaking world (Klein
(I :41 ). Nathanael, amazed by Jesus' supernatural vision, 1978). Although rabbinic literature dated from the 2d
addresses Jesus as rabbi, son of God and king of Israel century and later, it was widely used to interpret the NT
(1:49). Even in John 3:2, where Jesus is called "a teacher because it contained material which claimed to be by and
come from God" in addition to rabbi, the use of the term about Jewish teachers of the lst and 2d centuries and also
is explained on the basis of Jesus' ability to perform signs. because it presented a wealth of legal, exegetical, and
(It should be noted, however, that in John 3: 1-5 Jesus does cultural detail about Judaism lacking in the Pseudepigra-
act as a teacher of heavenly things.) When Mary Magdalene pha and historical sources. Descriptions of diverse types of
perceived Jesus to be a gardener, she called Jesus kyrios, prerabbinic Judaism witnessed by the Dead Sea Scrolls and
"sir"; when she realized that he was indeed the risen Jesus renewed study of the Pseudepigrapha have only gradually
(John 20: 15 ), she called him rabbouni. This understanding eroded the uncritical acceptance of the rabbinic recon-
should inform our reading of John 6:25, in which "the struction of the Second Temple period and provided a
people" call Jesus rabbi, as well as of the remaining pas- more variegated foundation for understanding the NT in
sages, in which a teacher is called rabbi by his disciples its Palestinian context.
(3:26 [John]; 4:31; 9:2; 11:8). It is important to note,
however:, that in John rabbi and rabbouni are each glossed A. Problems in the Use of Rabbinic Literature
as didaskalos, "teacher" (John I :38; 20: 16, respectively); it The use of rabbinic literature (Mishnah, Tosefta, Pales-
seems to have taken on this meaning exclusively. tinian and Babylonian Talmuds, midrashic collections, Tar-
The precise connection between early Christian and gums, and mystical writings) as a resource for interpreting
early rabbinic traditions is unclear. As the term rabbi the NT has been questioned increasingly in recent years
became an honorific title and a mode of deferential ad- for several reasons. The vision of a coherent and continu-
dress in general, it was taken up by rabbinic literature in ous normative Judaism implied by the rabbinic sources
particular as a special designator for a teacher. This was and presented by Moore has been shown to be anachronis-
accompanied in the Mishna and the Tosepta by the casting tic for the lst century. Prior to the destruction of the
of primary figures of authority as "teachers." The semantic temple (70 c.E.), Judaism comprised many social groups,
shift from "sir" to "teacher" that is reflected in rabbinic including the chief priest and Jerusalem notables, land-
literature has left traces in those NT passages in which owners, merchants, Pharisees and Essenes, peasants, and
rabbi, used of Jesus because of his greatness, is overlaid the economically displaced. Among them, many views of
with the predominant sense of "teacher." how Judaism should be lived and how it should adapt to or
resist Hellenistic culture competed for recognition and
Bibliography ascendancy. Serious conflicts separated the governing
Cohen, S. J. D. 1981. Epigraphical Rabbis.}QR 72: 1-17. class, who controlled the wealth and collected taxes for the
Dalman, G. 1902. The Words ofJesus. Trans. D. M. Kay. Edinburgh.
Romans, from the majority of the people, who were loyal
Mazar, B. 1974. Beth She'arim. Vol. I. Catacombs 1-4. Jerusalem.
to local customs and the traditional Jewish way of life. The
Naveh, J. 1978. On Mosaic and Stone. Tel Aviv (in Hebrew).
rabbinic way of life and thought had yet to be articulated
Schwabe, M., and Lifshitz, B. 1973. Beth Shearim. Vol. 2. The Greek
and certainly was not dominant. The rabbinic sources
Inscriptions. New Brunswick.
Shanks H. 1963. ls the Title "Rabbi" Anachronistic in the Bible?
retrojected their understanding of Jewish life and institu-
}QR 53: 337-45.
tions onto Judaism as far back as Ezra in the 5th cent~ry,
- - . 1968. On the Origin of the Title "Rabbi."]QR 59: 152-57. much as the Gospels retrojected problems and teachmgs
Vermes, G. 1973.jesus the Jew. New York. of the early Church into the story of the life of Jesus.
Zeitlin, S. 1963. A Reply [to Shanks].JQR 53: 345-49. Literary and redactional studies of rabbinic so~rces have
- - . 1968. The Title Rabbi in the Gospels Is Anachronistic.}QR shown the later biases of these works and the difficulty of
59: 158-60. isolating earlier sources and lite~ary strata: ~tatem~nts and
HAYIM LAPIN stories attributed to named Jewish authonues, whtch were
previously accepted as historica.l fact, ~ust now be s~b­
jected to the same critical scrutmy apphed to the stones
RABBINIC HERMENEUTICS, EARLY. See and sayings of Jesus (Neusner).
HERMENEUTICS, EARLY RABBINIC. NT scholars who have used rabbinic literature have
v • 603 RABBINIC LITERATURE AND THE NT

often succumbed to "parallelomania," the associative link- and differences can only acquire significance and promote
ing of similar words, phrases, patterns, thoughts, or understanding when placed in a larger social, cultural,
themes in order to claim the influence or dependence of historical, and religious context.
one te~t or tradition on another. Many of the earlier
studies using rabbinic sources were based on isolated and B. Problems in the Study of Rabbinic Literature
superficial similarities in very dissimilar texts. Their ar_g1.;1- The use of rabbinic literature in NT interpretation is
ment for a relationship between the NT and rabbm1c impeded by a number of problems inherent to the study
literature was based on the assumptions that the later of rabbinic literature. Rabbinic literature often strikes the
traditions in rabbinic literature were unchanged from the Western Christian reader as strange, a perception which
!st century, and that the fabric of Judaism was uniform has contributed to anti-Semitism. It is a closed, self-refer-
enough for literary and theological details to be relate~ to ential, elliptical body of literature which is understood
one another as if deriving from one context (for a review only by those fully familiar with it. Fundamental cultural
of NT studies using rabbinic literature, see Saldarini fc.). and theological presuppositions, such as a detailed knowl-
Such fragmentary and uncontrolled use of this complex edge of biblical law, are assumed. Discussions of legal and
literature m11st be replaced by a wholistic grasp of rabbinic exegetical arguments and their solutions often begin with-
life and thought which can then be compared with early out a statement of the biblical or Mishnaic problems to be
Christianity (Sanders 1977: 12-24). The final documents discussed, because a prior detailed knowledge of the texts
and the traditions within them must be set within their and problems is presumed. Legal, logical, and philosophi-
historical, social, and religious contexts, using both literary cal arguments and minutiae about matters far from tradi-
analysis of the documents' social world and rhetorical goals tional Christian or modern concerns fill pages, while mul-
and historical analysis of their political and social settings. tiple, alternative interpretations of each word, phrase,
Rabbinic texts from later centuries have been habitually opinion, and consequence are dialectically related to one
used as evidence for !st-century Jewish institutions, lead- another. Such discussions, especially prevalent in the Tal-
ers, and social structures. Since the rabbinic traditions muds, take place in a timeless world of academic study and
reached their final forms from about 200 c.E. on, tradi- spiritual love for the Torah as God's relevation. The ulti-
tions must first be dated before being employed as histori- mate coherence and meaning of this world of discourse
cal evidence. No rabbinic document or set of traditions can becomes evident only to those persons who enter into the
be presumed to be early in its entirety; nor does a late dialogue and adopt the world as their own. Needless to
historical reference in a large collection prove that all its say, such a literature resists both historical analysis and
traditions are late. The continuity and variations in Jewish limited use as "background" for the NT. It must be studied
and early Christian traditions must be traced by using on its own and then with the NT as part of the larger
dated texts and traditions which can be demonstrated by history of Judaism (Vermes 1983: 69-71).
internal criteria to be early. The extensive and repeated Most rabbinic works are collections of earlier material,
redaction of rabbinic materials makes form-critical and some of which are consistently and coherently edited with
redactional dating of texts extremely difficult. great sophistication (Mishnah, Babylonian Talmud); and
The rabbinic view of earlier centuries is not historically others are more like loosely organized compendia (late
reliable unless verified by !st-century texts or the general midrashic collections). Traditions have been added and
pattern of the culture and empire. The social situation of rearranged in multiple stages in accordance with the pre-
Palestine in the !st century was complex in the extreme. suppositions, purposes, ethos, and interests of the com-
Any comparison of Judaism and Christianity must take munity of scholars which produced rabbinic literature.
into account the internal dynamics of the Jewish and The views of the final documents can sometimes be deter-
Christian communities, their intricate relationships with mined by literary analysis, but such documents are difficult
each other, the divergent developments of both Christian to place in historical context. Many studies have attempted
theology and Jewish Talmudic literature, and the external to determine which traditions are earlier and how they
pressure of the Roman Empire, all of which influenced developed. Though some progress has been made in this
the literature which has survived. area, widely differing results and methodological criteria
. The Palestinian cultural context common to early Juda- indicate that this type of study is very hypothetical and
ism and Christianity and the relative stability of traditional subjective (see Saldarini 1977, and a review of studies on
society make it probable that the two literatures share the Babylonian Talmud in Goodblatt 1979: 281-318). Few
traditions, attitudes, and assumptions. However, later rab- of the rabbinic traditions can be securely dated to the !st
bmIC outlooks and teachings must be separated from more century, a result pertinent for NT study.
fundamental, traditional, and widespread aspects of Juda- Most rabbinic documents have yet to be subjected to
ism, some of which were foundational for the Jesus move- sustained and extensive higher criticism which seeks to
ment. The two possibilities of the rabbinic and Christian understand the original apart from its later interpretation
movements deriving materials from common sources, and (e.g., the Mishnah apart from the Talmuds) and the history
of Christianity influencing Jewish literature, must be taken of interpretation as a mirror of changing Jewish interests
mto account. The most likely common source for features and circumstances. All rabbinic documents have received
of Judaism and Christianity is the Greco-Roman culture extensive traditional interpretations which treat them as
withi_n .which both religions developed. For example, th~ one cultural whole extending over centuries, minutely
rabbmIC exeget1Cal rules, attributed to Hillel, were known examine wording and variations in formulation, and at-
to Hellenistic scholars centuries earlier and were part of a tempt to work out a consistent and coherent way of life
common fund of knowledge available to all. Similarities and thought for the Jewish community. Such traditional
RABBINIC LITERATURE AND THE NT 604. v
interp~etations can aid the scholar in understanding the place certain laws and customs in the lst century and add
~ubtleues ~f the texts and provide a range of possible to the understanding of the Jewish community's inner life.
mterpretatlons, but many of the interpretations reflect the Fundamental affirmations about God and humans which
views and interests of later commentators rather than of Christianity derived from Judaism, and which are assumed
the original authors. rath~r than articulated in 1st-century literature, often
Finally, few thoroughly scientific critical editions have rece1~e a fuller. treatment in rabbinic literature. A compre-
established reliable texts that do justice to the long and ?ens1v~ analysis of the development of Jewish traditions,
complex manuscript tradition of rabbinic literature. Many mcludmg early NT traditions and later rabbinic literature
passages in the printed editions are corrupt, so Talmudic if done wit~ se~sitiv.ity to historical development, will yield
scholars habitually make use of collections of variants and results whICh 1llummate the Jewish substrate of the NT
important manuscripts in precise scholarly studies. Sayings (Vermes 1983: 84-87) and also reveal, by contrast, the
are attributed to various sages in different manuscripts, Greco-Roman contributions to NT literature as well.
and blocks of similar or related material are often added
or o~itted in various manuscripts. Some manuscripts,
Bibliography
especially of midrashic and mystical works, differ so
Alexander, P. 1983. Rabbinic Judaism and the NT. ZNW 74: 237-
greatly from one another as to be independent books
46.
rather than variants of one original text (e.g., the tradi-
Davies, W. D. 1955. Paul and Rabbinic Judaism. 2d ed. London.
tional Midrash Tanhuma and the Tanhuma manuscript
published by Buber). Goodblatt, D. 1979. The Babylonian Talmud. ANRW 2/19/2: 259-
336.
C. Uses of Rabbinic Literature Klein, C. 1978. Anti-Judaism in Christian Theology. Philadelphia.
Despite the cautions voiced above and the late date of Moore, G. F. 1927-30. Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian
much of rabbinic literature, familiarity with it is helpful Era. 3 vols. Cambridge, MA.
for the study of the NT. Rabbinic literature can be used Neusner, J. 1971. The Rabbinic Traditions About the Pharisees Before
along with other Jewish literature of the Hellenistic-Roman 70. 3 vols. Leiden.
period, including the so-called Apocrypha and Pseudepig- - - . 1981.]udaism: The Evidence of the Mishnah. Chicago.
rapha, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and Diaspora Greek works, to - - . 1983. Formative Judaism: Religious, Historical and Literary
understand Jewish culture in its breadth and diversity Studies. Third Series: Torah, Pharisees and Rabbis. BJS 46. Chico,
within the Roman Empire. Both the NT and early Church CA.
history benefit from insertion into their larger contexts, Saldarini, A. J. 1977. "Form Criticism" and Rabbinic Literature.
Near Eastern, Jewish, and Roman. Many assumptions, tra- ]BL 96: 257-74.
ditions, practices, and concerns of Judaism either re- - - . fc. Judaism and the NT. In The NT and Its Modem Interpre-
mained constant for centuries or underwent instructive ters. Vol. 3 of The Bible and its Modern Interpreters, ed. E. J. Epp
changes already in antiqnity. Realistic information con- and G. W. MacRae. Atlanta.
cerning Jewish teachings and practices-<ombined with an Sanders, E. P. 1977. Paul and Palestinian]udai.sm. Philadelphia.
empathetic grasp of their fundamental attitudes toward Strack H. L., and Billerbeck, P. 1922-28. Kommentar zum Neuen
God and humans-will blunt the bias often produced by Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch. 4 vols. Munich.
NT anti-Jewish polemics and will help cure anti-Semitic Vermes, G. 1983. Jesus and the World ofJudaism. Philadelphia.
NT theology which has created the caricature of the spiri- ANTHONY J. SALDARINI
tually dead and legalistic Jew living a decadent way of life
in a proud and hypocritical relationship with God while
rejecting the obvious signs that Jesus was Messiah. First- RABBIT. See WOLOGY.
hand knowledge of Judaism as a vital and growing faith
and way of life makes clear both the attraction of Judaism
in the l st century and the clear alternative to it offered by RABBITH (PLACE) [Heb rabbit]. A town belonging to
Jesus and the early Christian missionaries. Finally, such
the territory allotted to Issachar (Josh 19:20). In this sole
knowledge provides a stimulus and guidance for taking up
reference to the name in the Bible, it is listed next to
the still-unanswered Christian theological problem of the
Kishion, which seems to be just S of Mt. Tabor (Kishion =
place of Israel in God's plans after the coming of Jesus
M.R. 187229; Aharoni and Avi-Yonah MBA, 53). The LXX
Christ.
Band the Old Latin read the name as "Daberath," which
Detailed studies of Jewish beliefs, traditions, and prac-
tices in the NT require a comprehensive overview of is situated next to Kishion in another list of tribal holdings
Judaism and its development in the Second Temple and that were ceded from Issachar to the Levites (i.e., the
early rabbinic periods (Vermes 1983: 72-73). Within that Gershomites; Josh 21:28; cf. l Chr 6:57 [-Eng 6:72)).
context, extended rabbinic commentaries on Scripture, in Daberath is also located near Mt. Tabor, approximately 2
conjunction with the Qumran and other Jewish interpre- miles NW of Kishion (M.R. 184233; Aharoni and Avi-
tative literature, can illuminate hermeneutical procedures Yonah MBA, 53). Tribal possession of Daberath seems to
used in the NT and can sometimes demonstrate the conti- have been unclear, since it is also allocated to Zebulun
nuity of interpretative traditions. Though the elegant (Josh 19:12).
structure of Mishnaic and Talmudic law cannot be attrib- The identification of Daberath with Rabbith is geo-
uted to the lst century, redactional studies of rabbinic graphically possible, though several critical alterations to
sources and comparison with other sources can sometimes the text would need to be accepted. The more difficult
v. 605 RACHEL

reading in this instance appears t~ be ~he MT: and an as with his fellow, calls him "Numskull" (raqa') or "fool," as
vet unidentified site of this name m this area 1s not at all worthy of "the judgment," "the Sanhedrin," or "the Ge-
~ut of the question. henna of fire." The use of "raca" in Matt 5 :22, without any
DAVID w. BAKER following explanation or translation in Greek, was held by
Jeremias to indicate that Matthew's audience could cope
with some Aramaic.
RABBONI. See RABBI. MAX WILCOX

RABMAG [Heb rab-mag]. The title of Nergal-sharezer, RACAL (PLACE) [Heb racal]. One of the cities listed as
who was present at Nebuchadnezzar's siege of Jerusalem places to which David sent spoil following the destruction
in 587 s.c. (Jer 39:3, 13). The rabmag (Bab. rah mug;i) was of the band of Amalekites who had destroyed Ziklag (1
a high-ranking official in Babylonia. Sam 30:29). The location of Racal is unknown (IDB 4: 4).
A. KIRK GRAYSON The LXX, however, has "Carmel" at this point (McCarter
I Samuel AB, 434), and this reading is to be preferred.
Carmel is the town where David met Nabal, who was
RABSARIS (Heb rah-saris]. The rabsaris (Akk rab-Sa- shearing his sheep and married Nabal's wife, Abigail, upon
resi) was a high-ranking Assyrian official; the word in Nabal's death. Carmel is located about 7 miles S of Hebron
Assyrian means literally "chief eunuch." Eunuchs formed (modern Tell el-Kirmil, M.R. 162092; McCarter, 436).
a most important part of the Assyrian bureaucracy and JEFFRIES M. HAMILTON
were numerous. The rabsaris, together with the rabshakeh
and the tartan, played a major role in the siege of Jerusa-
lem by Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18: 17). (For further informa- RACHEL (PERSON) [Heb ra!tfl]. Second and favorite
tion about officials in the Assyrian administration, see wife of Jacob, mother of Joseph and Benjamin, younger
ASSYRIA; see also Tadmor in WLSGF, 279-85.) The rab- daughter of Laban (Rebekah's brother), and sister of Leah
saris was also the title of a high-ranking official in the (Jacob's first wife). Thus, Rachel and Leah are also first
Babylonian army, and he, together with the rabmag, cousins to Jacob, since their father (Laban) and Jacob's
played a leading part in the siege of Jerusalem (587 B.c.) mother (Rebekah) are brother and sister. On the father's
by Nebuchadnezzar II (Jer 39:3, 13). side, they are second cousins once removed, since Abra-
A. KIRK GRAYSON ham and Nahor are brothers. See Fig. RAC.0 l.
The story of Rachel is a story of unparalleled love and
devotion in the biblical narrative. On Rebekah's suggestion,
RABSHAKEH [Heb rab-Jaqeh]. The title of a high- Abraham sends his son Jacob to Paddan-aram (Haran) to
ranking Assyrian official; the word literally means "chief her father Bethuel's house to procure one of the daugh-
cupbearer." As a leading Assyrian military officer, the ters of Laban as his bride (Gen 27:46-28:5). Jacob departs
rabshakeh played a prominent role, together with the precipitately on this journey because he had incurred his
rabsaris and the tartan, in the siege of Jerusalem led by elder brother Esau's murderous hatred for securing the
Sennacherib (2 Kings 18-19 = Isaiah 36-37). Regarding birthright of primogeniture for himself through deception
the various high-ranking officers in the Assyrian adminis- (Genesis 27). However, God reinforces Jacob's blessing in a
tration, see ASSYRIA; see also Tadmor in WLSGF, 279- dream-vision at Bethel, in which God promises to Jacob,
85.
A. KIRK GRAYSON The land on which you lie I will give to you and to your
descendants; and your descendants shall be like the dust
of the earth ... and by you ... shall all the families of
RACA. An expression of reproach used as an example the earth bless themselves (Gen 28: 14).
by Jesus in one of his teachings (Matt 5:22). The RSV
translates this term as "insult." In Matt 5:22a "raca" (Gk Rachel then appears to Jacob at a well, and here begins
rhaka) is basically parallel in meaning to miire (Fool!) in v Jacob's personal story of deep emotional attachment and
22b, and is thus a term of abuse or contempt. The key love for her. Jacob initiates all the action: he single-hand-
difference is that while the second of these is a Greek edly rolls away the heavy stone to water Laban's flock, he
word, the first is not. It seems in fact to be the emphatic kisses Rachel, and he weeps, overcome with emotion (Gen
state of Aram r(y)q>, meaning "empty," and hence "worth- 29:9-11). Only then does he introduce himself to Rachel
less," "~ood for nothing." As a term of contempt, it is as her father's kinsman (v 12). Rachel remains passively
found m the Talmud and Midrash, e.g., b. Ber. 22b, "... observant until then, and finally runs to tell her father,
she said to him, Numskull! ( = ry<f) ... ;" and Eccl. Rab. to Laban. The narrative is swift and pointed. The symbolic
9:15, "~oe to you, worthless fellows (rqyy'), tomorrow the action of Jacob rolling away the stone at the well is themat-
Flood 1s coming ... " (that is, these are the men of the ically indicative of the numerous obstacles that he must
flood generation). The word was first noticed as a Semitism later overcome to obtain the woman he loves (seven years
by John Ligh~foot (1684), who gave a series of examples of servitude culminating in the substitution of Leah as first
from TalmudIC and Midrashic literature. The context in wife, then seven additional years of labor for Rachel). A
Matt 5:22 supports the identification of "raca" as a Semi- further obstacle to Rachel's position as wife is her failure
tism, in that it refers in turn to the person who is wrathful to have children for many years. Ironically, she dies at the
RACHEL 606. v
birth of her second child, leaving Jacob bereft and in mar'eh), which might seem redundant but is perhaps in-
sorrow, a sorrow which remains with Jacob, deeply affect- tended to be an emphatic in aspects of both beauty and
ing his special relationship with the two sons she bore, and character.
a sorrow which is echoed in later biblical references (Jer After Jacob has labored the agreed-upon seven years,
31:15 = Matt 2:18). No other woman is so loved in the Laban prepares a wedding feast for Rachel. The last-
Bible. minute substitution of Leah for Rachel is ambiguously
Jacob's encounter with Rachel at the well (Gen 29: 1-12) interwoven with the prerogative of the elder versus the
has some crucial points of difference to an earlier and younger daughter and is contrasted not only in terms of
similar scene of Rebekah's encounter at the well (Genesis primogeniture but also in terms of appearance, just as
24) There, the betrothal negotiations are between the Jacob ~nd Esau are similarly contrasted in terms of pri-
servant of Abraham (who is not named), as surrogate for mogemture and appearance (Gen 27: 11 ). There is sym-
Isaac, and Bethuel's household. The emissary bears choice metrical "poetic justice" in Laban's deception of Jacob in
gifts from his master, the patriarch Abraham. His camels substituting the veiled Leah for her sister Rachel in the
kneel at the well outside the city of Nahor in princely blindness of the night (Gen 29:23), just as earlier Jacob
fashion. Rebekah approaches and becomes the center of had stolen his blind father's blessing while in disguise as
activity as she speaks and gives drink first to the servant he substituted himself for his brother Esau. Jacob's cry of
and then to the camels. The life-giving water as a fertility woe (Gen 29:25) echoes Esau's earlier cry (27:34, 38).
symbol is an appropriate introduction to the subsequent Jacob does receive Rachel to wife at the end of the week
betrothal negotiations, which resemble a formal "treaty" of marriage festivities with Leah (Gen 29:27), after which
between families. Rebekah is sent to her new home with he serves another seven years for Rachel, a total of four-
blessings of fertility, and she is received there by Isaac with teen years' service for her. We must suppose that both
love. The narrative is formal, repetitious, and oracular, Leah and Rachel were willing parties to the deception, and
and the impression is that the marriage is preordained by that Rachel had demanded legitimate compensation for
the deity and that it will proceed smoothly. See RE- being willing to let Leah precede her in marriage to Jacob.
BEKAH. By contrast, the well in Genesis 29 is located out Perhaps she had compassion for her older sister who
in the fields, and it provides a focal point for the pastoral might otherwise have remained without a husband. But in
activity against which all of Jacob's life unfolds. Jacob is the the bargaining, she would then have insisted that the
poor stranger, his own emissary, a refugee from his second wedding not be postponed until the second bridal
brother Esau's wrath, bearing no rich gifts, only his walk- price was paid. Normally, this was paid to the father of the
ing staff. He is the initiator of activity when he rolls away woman, but since Jacob was penniless, he had to pay in
the heavy stone by himself to water Laban's flock. Rachel, services, the equivalent of seven years' hard labor for a
the younger daughter, is the shepherd who looks after the wife. A dowry, however, was paid to the bride by her father
flock, but she is passive until after Jacob's initial outburst and would be hers to control. Later, Rachel and Leah
of action culminating in the kiss and his revelation as would complain that their father had kept their respective
kinsman. The abrupt betrothal negotiations (vv 18-19) are dowries for himself (Gen 31:15-16), which is perhaps a
made directly by the principals themselves and are di- reason for Rachel stealing Laban's household gods (Gen
rected by emotion and sentiment rather than the official 31: 19).
decorum of a "family treaty." Jacob readily agrees to seven Jacob's greater love for Rachel (Gen 29:30) seems to
years of servitude for her, and has, it seems, already served heighten the competitive mood between the two sisters as
one month for nothing. From the outset the impression is they each vie for Jacob's attention and the begetting of
given that the marriage will be less conventional than children from him. Rachel's barrenness and her desire for
others because it begins on a note of passion. Jacob's children recall other biblical stories, chiefly that of Sarah,
unparalleled love for Rachel is described in very powerful who was regarded with contempt by Hagar as soon as
terms: "Jacob loved Rachel; and he said (to her father Hagar became pregnant with Ishmael (Gen 16:4). Leah
Laban], 'I will serve you seven years for your younger had borne four sons to Jacob (Reuben, Simeon, Levi, and
daughter Rachel' . . . So Jacob served seven years for Judah) before Rachel's envy finally erupts in a confronta-
Rachel, and they seemed to him but a few days because of tion with Jacob. Now, her jealousy and anger burst forth at
the love he had for her" (Gen 29: 18-20). This love re- Jacob in the impulsive and violent outcry (Rachel's first
mained undiminished even by her death, when it was recorded speech in the Bible): "Give me children, or I
transferred to her children, Joseph and Benjamin. Such a shall die!" (Gen 30: 1). The demand "give" (hiibti) is explo-
description of love is exceptional in the Bible (e.g., Jacob sive, and the sense of dying expresses imminence (lit. "I
and Rachel's kiss is the only explicit biblical scene of a man am dead"). Rachel, the barren wife, asks not for one child
kissing a woman); outside the Song of Songs not much is but for children (plural). Jacob's retort is a rebuke of her
made of love between men and women. anger: "Am I in the place of God, who has withheld from
Rachel's beauty is a prevailing motif in the competition you the fruit of the womb?" (Gen 30:2). The brief ex-
between the two sisters. We are not told of her beauty until change of words is extremely effective in conveying R~­
we meet both daughters of Laban, first the elder, Leah, chel's desperation and Jacob's rebuke, her anger and .his
who is only described as having "weak" or "dull" eyes controlled response. Rachel's practical solution of offering
(which is presumably a flaw) or "tender eyes" (which seems her maidservant Bilhah to be her surrogate in obtaining
a much more appealing description): the exact meaning sons is intended to build her up. There is a double play on
of the Hebrew rakkot (29: 17) is not clear. By contrast, words here, since the verbs meaning "to build up" can also
Rachel is both beautiful and lovely (Heb yipat-ta>ar wipat be construed literally as "having sons" (cf. Isa 49: 17, where
v • 607 RACHEL

we have a similar allusion on biinim, which means "build- The favorite status and envy engendered by Jacob's
ers," and banim, which means "sons"). Rachel names the special love for Rachel is passed down to the children and
children thus conceived, and in the meanings of the names becomes evident in the children's interactions with each
which she gives to the two sons (Dan and Napht<i:li) she other. It manifests itself in the hatred of the brothers
voices her sense of contentment, comfort, and tnumph against Joseph, which is also aggravated, however, by Jo-
("God has judged me, and has also heard my voice and seph's dreams of predominance and supremacy over his
given me a son"; and "With mighty wrestlings I have older brothers (Genesis 37). There is a psychological reso-
wrestled with my sister, and have prevailed"; Gen 30:6-8). nance here to Laban's treachery in substituting Leah for
Leah has borne Jacob six sons and a daughter (Dinah), Rachel. In selling Joseph to the Ishmaelites on their way to
and her maid Zilpah has borne Jacob two sons (Gad and Egypt (Gen 37:28), the brothers establish their superiority
Asher). Only then does God bless Rachel, the beloved of over him, and they punish not only Joseph, but also their
Jacob, with her first child, whom she names with the father. Additional treachery is perpetrated by Reuben, the
expressed wish for a second son: "And she called his name firstborn son, who usurped his father's authority in laying
Joseph, saying 'May the Lord add to me another son' " with Bilhah, Rachel's maid and conjugal surrogate, soon
(Gen 30:24). The situation is much the same with Elkanah after Rachel's death, a fact not lost upon Joseph who was
and his two wives: Peninnah was unloved but bore many still a boy (Thomas Mann elaborates on this narrative in
children, while Hannah was beloved but barren for many his superb trilogy Joseph und seine Bruder). When the ten
years (I Samuel I). brothers go down to Egypt as the "sons of Israel" to be
After Joseph's birth, and upon Jacob's decision to leave emissaries for their patriarchal father, they are called
Laban's household, we see defiance in Rachel's demeanor. "Joseph's brothers" upon their arrival, a test of the kinship
In stealing and withholding the household gods (Heb bond to their brother which they tried to deny by selling
tiriipfm) from her domineering father, she becomes the Joseph into slavery. The designation of Benjamin as "Jo-
unintended object of Jacob's curse: "Any one with whom seph's brother" has a different impact both emotionally
you find your gods shall not live" (Gen 31 :32). and genealogically, because Benjamin is Joseph's only full
Rachel dies on the journey after giving birth to her brother, the only other one of Rachel's children. Jacob
second son, whom she names Benoni ("son of my sorrow") expresses his sorrow poignantly in his own words: "My son
but whom Jacob renames Benjamin ("son of the right shall not go down with you, for his brother is dead, and he
hand"). He is Jacob's youngest and last child, the object of only is left. If harm should befall him on the journey ...
his great and most tender affection. you would bring down my grey hairs with sorrow to Sheol"
Just as Jacob had singled out Rachel for the special love (Gen 42:38). "He only is left," says Jacob, omitting the
in his life, so he singled her out in death by placing a words "from Rachel," as though only the sons of Rachel
commemorative pillar on her grave (Gen 35:20) to mark count as true sons.
her tomb, where she became revered as mother and matri- Traditio-historical research into the twelve-tribe system
arch. Actually, there seem to have been two locations for of early Israel led M. Noth and others to postulate that
the tomb of Rachel in the folk tradition, one around Rachel and Leah were originally "eponymous ancestors"
Bethlehem still known in Saul's day (l Sam 10:2), and for groups of seminomadic tribes that, at various different
another further N in Benjamin territory. See RACHEL'S times and in various different "waves," settled down in the
TOMB; EPHRAIM (PLACE); see also MARJAMAH, area that would eventually become Israel (see Weippert
KHIRBET EL- and DHAHR MIRZBANEH. In the NT, 1971: 5-46, esp. 42-46). The "Rachel tribes"-Joseph
Matt 2: 16-18 refers to Rachel weeping for her children in (Ephraim and Manasseh) and Benjamin-were thus be-
connection with Herod's slaying of the infants after Jesus' lieved by some to have been the final wave of nomads,
birth, a reference back to Jer 31: 15. containing peoples whose traditions included a sojourn in

Abraham
I
Isaac
I
Leah= Jacob= Rachel

I
( =Zilpah, (=Bilhah,
Leah's Rachel's
handmaiden) handmaiden)

1Reuben 2simeon 3Levi 4Judah 7

r-1---i I I
I
Gad 8Asher 9Issachar 10zebulun 11 Dinah 5oan 6Naphtali 12.Joseph l3Benjamin
I
I I
Ephraim Manasseh
RAC.01. Genealogy of Rachel and Leah. Superscripted numbers indicate birth order. Women's names are in italics. See also Fig. REB.01.
RACHEL 608. v
Egypt, the crossing of the Jordan river, the destruction of they account for the erroneous tradition which located
Jericho and Ai, arid the defeat of a coalition of kings near Rachel's tomb at the N outskirts of Judahite Bethlehem.
Gibeon, traditions that would later be embraced by all Matthew (2: 18) appropriated this late Jewish tradition
twelve Israelite tribes and find literary expression in the and certainly played a role in focusing attention in the
narratives of Exodus and Joshua l-10. However, more Common Era on a bogus spot. Fourth-century Christian
recent study of Israelite origins has tended to reject the Eusebius mentions a tomb near Bethlehem, as does the
notions of seminomadic migrations and to question the I 0th-century Jewish GuUk to Jerusalem. The 12th-century
merits of applying traditio-historical methods to the ques- rabbi Benjamin of Tudela and latter pilgrims describe a
tion of Israel's origins. See AMPHICTYONY. pyramid of twelve stones, and it was probably in the same
In the blessings in Genesis 49, the blessing of Joseph (vv century that the Crusaders built a dome supported by four
15-16) is the longest of all the blessings. Yet for all the pillars over the monument. In the 18th century, Muslims
glory which will accrue to Rachel's firstborn son Joseph, enclosed the structure, and in 1841 Sir Moses Montefiore
the Davidic kings of Israel will come not from him but added a vestibule. However, the topographical incongruity
from Judah, the fourth son of her sister Leah (although created by the Genesis glossator was so glaring that LXX
Saul, the first king, was from the tribe of Benjamin). omitted Gen 35:21 and made Jacob arrive at Migdal-eder
in v 16, as would have been required by a S-moving Jacob
Bibliography were Rachel to be buried at Bethlehem, which she is not
Alter, R. 1981. The Art of Biblical Narrative. New York. (see Tsevat 1962: 109). The Genesis itinerary would also
Auerbach, E. 1965. Mimesis. Princeton. appear to rule out Kiriath-jearim to the W.
Fokkelman, J. P. 1975. Narrative Art in Genesis. Assen and Amster- The tradition represented in I Sam 10: l-6 is consistent
dam. with the preglossated legends of Genesis. There, Rachel is
Mann, T. 1933.joseph und seine Brilder. Frankfurt am Main. buried S of Bethel near the road to Migdal-eder, Bethle-
Speiser, E. A. 1964. Genesis. AB. Garden City, NY. hem, and Hebron, but still within the Benjaminite terri-
Weippert, M. 1971. The Settlement of the Israelite Tribes in Palestine. tory, i.e., still some distance N of the old Ephrathite clan
SBT 2/21. Naperville, IL. territory. The geography of this story is as follows. Saul
ASTRID BILLES BECK leaves his home in Benjaminite Gibeah (Josh 18:25; 1 Sam
9:1; 10:5, 10, 26; 11:4; 15:34; 22:6; 23:19), which is S of
the Benjaminite Ramah near the N-S route from Bethel
RACHEL'S TOMB (PLACE) [Heb qeburat raMlJ. to Jerusalem, in order to look for his lost donkeys in the
Burial place of the Benjaminite matriarch, Rachel, located Ephraimite hill country N of Benjamin. He ends up at the
in the territory of Benjamin S of Bethel and N of Ephra- Zuphite Ramah, which is the home of Samuel in Ephraim,
thah in the vicinity of Ramah (Gen 35: l 9-20; 48:7; I Sam i.e., Ramathaim, the "two-hilled" Ramah (I Sam I: I, 19;
10:2; Jer 31: 15). There are two irreconcilable biblical loca- 2:11; 7:17; 8:4; 9:5; 25:1; 28:3). Then, from this latter
tions for Rachel's tomb: Bethlehem and Benjamin. Mod- Ephraimite Ramah, which is NW of Benjamin, he returns
ern scholars are in almost unanimous agreement that she home to Gibeah. (Some wish to translate Gibeah in 10:5
is not buried at Bethlehem. Within the territory of Benja- and 10: 10 literally as "hill," but it is clear from the context
min, Ramah (M.R. 172140) and Kiriath-jearim (M.R. that everybody knows Saul and from v 26 that he has
159135; see JAAR) are most often suggested by those who returned home. There is really no conflict in this part of
the narrative, and certainly "Gibeah" was built on or near
attempt to be more specific. See also EPHRAIM (PLACE).
a "hill.") On his return journey, Saul passes Rachel's tomb,
The legends of Genesis record an ancient tradition that
be$el$ah (v 2), and finally the Oak of Tabor, which must be
Rachel died giving birth to Benjamin during Jacob's jour- S of and near the road to Bethel (v 3). But can we be more
ney S from Bethel. This tradition locates the place of her specific about these latter two references?
death a short distance N ofEphrathah-a region inhabited In l Sam 10:2, it is said that Rachel's tomb is "in the
by the Judahite clan of the same name located at the N territory of Benjamin" (RSV). We already know that. But
border of Judah. The territory of this clan extended to the Heb bigebUl can also be translated as "at the boundary of."
E from Kiriath-jearim, which was on the N border, and to We already know, too, that Rachel's tomb is near the
the S below Bethlehem. After Rachel was buried, Jacob Ephrathite border. We are left with the crux interpretum-
proceeded into the territory of Judah and camped just be$el$a/:I. This is almost certainly not a nomen pro-prium loCl
beyond Migdal-eder, according to the redacted sources of (RSV, "at Zelzah"). No such place is known in Hebrew, and
Gen 35: 16-29. Micah 4:8 and Seqal. 7:4 (rabbinic text) on the analogy of the other two signs one would expect a
seem to identify this place with the Ophel near Zion (but modifying phrase rather than a third proper nou_n: the
still well N of Bethlehem). Finally, Jacob continues his locus of the sign to be received by Saul 1s speofically
journey-we assume through Bethlehem-to his S desti- "beside [Heb 'im) Rachel's tomb at the boundary of Benja-
nation of Hebron. The itinerary following the matriarch's min" (cf. Driver NHT, 78-79). The Greek witnesses are
burial may not be historical, but it must have been a varied and do little more than attest to the Hebrew letters
geographically reasonable one to the redactor. The edito- ~lJ:i, "rush," and hence the proleptic wordplay on ~ 6; or
rial glosses identifying Ephrathah with Bethlehem repre- with R. Yose (2nd century c.E., MUir. Sam. 14, Cited b.y
sent a tradition from a much later era when the territory Tsevat 1962: 111; see Zimolong 1938) and Vg, they redi-
of the clan and its most famous village of Bethlehem were vide the letters (be$el $a/:!) to get the curious "at dazzling
assumed to be identical. These glosses are inaccurate with shade," which they interpreted as "noon." The most ap-
regard to the era of the matriarches and patriarches, but propriate reading seems to be bi$il $l/:lia/:I (Hertzberg Sam-
v. 609 RADDAI

uel OTL, 77; haplography), "in the shade of a shiny rock." Ramah and Bethel" (Judg 4:5). The latter note is second-
Genesis relates that Jacob marked Rachel's tomb with a ary and geographically confused, but almost surely the
large sepulchral stone," which is there to this day'_' (35:20) original tradition meant the Ramah S of Bethel just N of
and which likely would have been smooth and shmy after Gibeah (Martin Judges CBC, 55-56). Hence, it seems prob-
generations of anointing pilgrims (cf. even modern holy able that the traditions surrounding a sacred tree of Deb-
spots). This unusual word for rock would have been ch~sen orah/Tabor between Ramah and Bethel were focused on
for reasons of paronomasia to enhance the mys~en?us the vicinity of Rachel's tomb, where the story of 1 Samuel
nature of the sign as well as to foreshadow the culmmauon 10 takes place. An alternate name for the holy place was
of the third sign when the spirit rushes [$lb] on Saul (v 6). Oak of Weeping (Heb bakut; Gen 35:8), the probable
Supporting this pun and forming the connection between setting of the etiology for the Place of Weepers (Heb boklm;
signs one and three is the curious employment of MP (v 3), Judg 2: 1-5), which LXX locates near Bethel (Boling
not normally used of human transit but more appropriate [Judges AB, 63] correctly notes that hammaqom, v 5, is used
to the rushing of God or wind, to continue the wordplay in its technical sense to denote a sacred place).
in sign two. Finally, if one observes the parallel structure This is the background for Jer 31: 15:
of the three signs, they all state a specific location, with two
qualifications, followed by a mysterious activity: Rachel's
tomb, at the boundary of Benjamin, in the shade of a Hark! In Ramah is heard lamentation,
shiny rock ... (v 2); from there, and a bit further, at the bitter weeping [beki tamrurim],
Oak of Tabor ... (v 3); Gibeah, of God (a surprising Rachel weeping [mebaklui] for her children.
qualification which occurs only here), where there is a
Philistine garrison ... (v 5). Thus, we have learned nothing There is no convincing reason not to translate Ramah as a
more than, but also nothing that is inconsistent with, the nomen proprium loci as the LXX tradition of Jeremiah, a
traditions of Genesis. Rachel's tomb is in the territory of variant recension from the MT, also attests. Rachel is in
Benjamin, near the boundary, and is marked by a monu- synonymous parallelism with Ramah, just S of Bethel and
mental stone. Again, Kiriath-jearim is all but excluded just N of Gibeah, from which height she can peer into
from Saul's journey since, while it is on the Benjaminite Ephraim and weep from her tomb for the exiled northern
border, it is decidedly S of a path from Ramathaim to tribes (vv 15-22; cf. Bright Jeremiah AB, 275-87). The
Gibeah, especially in light of his following activity near poet's use of the word tamrurim to modify the weeping
Bethel, N of Gibeah. could be an intentional paronomasiac recall of Deborah's
Before reaching Gibeah, Saul passes the Oak/Terebinth renowned tree (tamer, Judg 4:5; tabOr, I Sam 10:3; cf.
of Tabor (see Trever IDB 3:575). Have we any clues to its debOrfi) to create a triple parallelism. At any rate, the
location? It is true that sacred trees were common in topography is consistent with Saul's rushed journey past
ancient Israel, but the author of the story assumes the Rachel's tombstone in Benjamin, Deborah's oak near
audience will recognize this well-known refrrence. Some Bethel, and on to Gibeah. Hos 5:8 parallels Gibeah, Ra-
Greek and Latin witnesses read simply the "choice" tree,
mah, and Bethel (Beth-aven; see Amos 5:5), and Isa 10:29
illustrating confusion surrounding the name "Tabor." The
pairs Ramah and "Gibeah of Saul." Near Ramah was the
editorial addition in Judg 4:5 mentions the Palm/Post of
Oak of Weeping (Gen 35:8) and the Weeper's Place (Judg
Deborah (Heb tomer debfmi) in the context of the great
Deborah legend focused at Mt. Tabor (Heb tabOr); further- 2:5). Only a few miles S was the border of ancient Ephra-
more, a second parenthetical verse (11) introduces the thah. In this vicinity, Rachel is most likely buried.
notorious Oak/Terebinth in Zaananim as a counterpart to
Deborah's Palm/Post and paralleled to Mt. Tabor in the Bibliography
following v 12 (Boling Judges AB, 96-97). It is highly Pearlman, M., and Yannai, Y. 1978. Historical Sites in Israel. 4th ed.
probable that phonetic similarity, literary parallelism, and Secaucus, NJ.
geographic confusion have combined to yield two names Tsevat, M. 1962. Interpretation of I Sam 10:2: Saul at Rachel's
for the same sacred tree, the Deborah/Tabor tree (BDB: Tomb. HUCA 33: 107-18.
l8b). Gen 35:8 mentions the Oak of Deborah is immedi- Vawter, B. 1977. On Genesis: A New Reading. Garden City, NY.
ately preceding the story about Rachel's tomb, and the Vogt, E. 1975. Benjamin geboren "eine Meile" von Ephrata. Bib 56:
narrator employs the definite article "with a title under- 30-36.
stood and recognized by everyone": the Oak-"the well- Zimolong, B. 1938. bi$e~al; (I Sam 10:2). ZAW n.s. 15: 175-76.
known oak which was there" (GKC, § l 26d). That this verse LAMONTTE M. LUKER
sits loosely in its context has often been noted, and that
the tomb of Rebekah's nurse would mark a memorable
spot is highly dubious. It is much more probable that Gen
35:8 is a variant etiology for the judgment tree of Deborah/ RADDAI (PERSON) [Heb radday]. One of Jesse's sons
Tabor mentioned above (Vawter 1977: 363). Not only do and an older brother of David (l Chr 2:14). Raddai is
these names converge on one tree, but the geographical listed as the fifth son of Jesse, and David is listed as the
references do so as well. At the tree, Saul meets three men seventh and presumably the last. In l Sam 16: 10, 12, David
"s:omg up to Bethel" (I Sam 10:3) and then proceeds to is designated as the eighth and youngest son. In l Samuel
G1beah (S of Bethel). Deborah is buried "beneath Bethel" 16, Raddai does not appear; only Eliab, Abinadab, and
(Gen 35:8) just before Rachel dies while journeying from Shammah are named. l Chr 27: 18 refers to one Elihu,
Bethel S to Ephrathah. Deborah's tree is located "between another brother of David. The meaning of the name
RAD DAI 610 • v
Raddai is not clear. It is possibly related to the Hebrew contract giving his daughter to Tobias in marriage (7: 14),
root rdd, "beat out," or rdh, "have dominion, rule," but but also as having dug the young man's grave on their
certainty is not possible. wedding night (8:9ff.). When Tobias survived the encoun-
JAMES M. KENNEDY ter with the demon Asmodeus, Raguel blessed God's name
and gave the couple half of his possessions (8:20-21 ).
FREDERICK W. SCHMIDT
RAGES (PLACE) [Gk Rhagoi]. Var. RAGAE. A city in NE
Media of Persia and the home of Gabael, to whom Tobit
entrusted his money (Tob 4:1, 20; 5:5; 6:10-Eng v 12; RAHAB (DRAGON) [Heb rahab]. The name of a myth-
9:2). Located 5 miles SE of modern-day Teheran, Rages is ological sea serpent or dragon, lit. "boisterous one," re-
identified with the ruins of the city of Rai (35°35'N, ferred to a number of times in the OT (Ps 87:4; 89: 11-
51°27'E; Olmstead 1948: 30). The city is located on a plain Eng 89:10; Job 9:13; 26:12; Isa 30:7; 51:9). The name of
which extends from a point one hundred miles NE of the this monster has not hitherto been discovered in any
ancient capital of Ecbatana to the mountains of Elburz. extrabiblical text. In the OT, Rahab functions similarly to
Thus located, Rages also gives its name to the region Leviathan, an originally Canaanite chaos monster, but
around the Elburz mountains, which is called Ragae (Rha- whether these are to be identified or are separate monsters
gau) in the book of Judith (Jdt I :5, 15). There, we are told, in origin is not entirely clear.
Arphaxad, an otherwise unknown king of the Merles, was Rahab appears in two different contexts in the OT. On
killed in battle. The king, however, is probably a fictional the one hand, it appears as a sea monster defeated at the
creation, and the reference to Ragae, only symbolic time of creation (Ps 89: I I-Eng 89: IO; Job 9: 13; 26: 12),
(Moore Judith AB, 124, 128-29; Craven 1983: 79-80). and on the other as a metaphorical name for Egypt (Ps
Nonetheless, Rages was among the oldest of settlements in 87:4; Isa 30:7). In Isa 51:9 the two usages may be fused.
Iran and of strategic importance, playing a significant role Ps 89:10-11-Eng 89:9-10 declares to Yahweh, "You
in the history of Media, the rule of Alexander, and that of rule the surging of the sea: when its waves rise, you still
his successors (Wikgren IDB 4:5). them. You did crush Rahab with a mortal blow, you did
scatter your enemies with your mighty arm." The follow-
Bibliography ing vv (12-13-Eng 11-12) clearly spell out the creation
Craven, T. 1983. Artirtry and Faith in the Book of Judith. SBLDS 70. context of this conflict, so that it is necessary to reject the
Chico, CA. view of those scholars who see here an allusion to the
Olmstead, A. T. I 948. Hirtory of the Persian Empire. Chicago. Exodus or, as some would maintain, to both Exodus and
FREDERICK W SCHMIDT creation. The references to God's conflict with Rahab in
both Job 9:13 and 26:12 also appear to be set in creation
contexts. Job 26: 12-13 reads: "By his power he stilled the
RAGUEL (ANGEL). According to that part of 1 Enoch sea; by his understanding he smote Rahab. By his wind
known as the Book of the Watchers (1 Enoch 1-36), Raguel the heavens were made fair; his hand pierced the twisting
is one of the six (Ethiopic mss; seven, according to the serpent (nahaJ bariab}." This expression "twisting serpent"
Greek ms) archangels. He is identified as "Raguel, one of is a term used elsewhere of Leviathan (Isa 27: I and simi-
the holy angels, who takes vengeance on the world and on larly b!n br/:t in KTU 1.5.1.I = CTA 5.1.1), which may
the lights" (1 En. 20:4; Knibb 1984). In 1 Enoch 21-36, indicate that Rahab is being equated with Leviathan. ln
Enoch is accompanied by various angels (Uriel, Raphael, Job 9:13-14, Job declares: "God will not turn back his
Raguel, and Michael) who interpret what he sees on his anger; beneath him bowed the helpers of Rahab. How then
journey around the world. At the end of the earth in the can I answer him, choosing my words with him?" The
W, Enoch sees a burning fire which is interpreted by sentiment here is rather similar to that at the end of the
Raguel as "the fire of all the lights of heaven" (1 En. 23:4; book of Job, where Job is humbled before Yahweh in the
Knibb 1984). Milik (1976: 219-20) derives the name of wake of the second divine speech in which it is implied
Raguel from Aram ra'u>et ("shepherd of God") and argues that he (Job) cannot overcome the chaos monsters Levia-
that Raguel was not in charge of punishing stars but was than and Behemoth, which Yahweh did overcome (cf. Job
rather their caretaker who supplied them with fire from 40-42:6). As for "the helpers of Rahab," these must be
the reservoir at the W end of the world. The motif of other chaos monsters associated with Rahab. One may
vengeance would have arisen from mistranslation in Greek compare Tiamat's allies, referred to as "her helpers" in
and Ethiopic. Enuma Elish (4:107).
That Rahab serves as a name for Egypt is explicit in Isa
Bibliography 30:7, where the prophet declares: "For Egypt's help is
Knibb, M. 1984. J Enoch. Pp. 169-319 in The Apocryphal Out worthless and empty, therefore I have called her 'th.e
Testament, ed. H. F. D. Sparks. Oxford. silenced Rahab.' " The translation "the silenced Rahab" is
Milik, J. T. I 976. The Books of Enoch. Oxford. achieved by reading rahab hammoibat for the meaningless
CAROL A. NEWSOM MT rahab hem Iabet which seems the most satisfactory
emendation (cf. Isa '14:4). Rahab also clearly functions as
the name of a country in Ps 87:4: "I reckon Rahab and
RAGUEL (PERSON) [Gk Rhagoui{j. The father of To- Babylon as those that know me; behold Philistia and. Tyre
bias' wife, Sarah, and the husband of Edna (Tob 3:7; with Ethiopia-"this one was born there.'" _Egypt 1s the
passim). Raguel is described as having written a marriage most likely referent for Rahab here, parallelmg Isa 30: 7.
v. 611 RAHAB (PERSON)

That the defeated sea dragon Rahab should serve as a keeper" in certain Jewish traditions may be seen as an
metaphor for Egypt is understandable wh~n one recalls attempt to improve upon her professional standing, but
the oppressive role which Egypt played with regard to that is not necessarily the case.
Israel before the Exodus and the location of the heart of The story as it stands contains no indication of what
the Exodus deliverance at the sea (Exodus 14-15). Com- motivated Rahab to risk her life on behalf of the Israelite
pare the allusion to pharaoh as a dragon in Ezek 29:3-5 spies. We are probably meant to connect this action with
and 32:2-8 (reading tannin, "dragon," for MT tannim, her affirmation of Yahweh's power. That affirmation,
''.jackals"). found in Josh 2:8-11 and thoroughly Deuteronomistic in
Isa 51:9-11 is a famous passage, which reads: "Awake, language and theology, is widely regarded as a late ele-
awake, put on strength, 0 arm of the Lord, awake as in ment in what otherwise seems to be fairly early material.
days of old, the generations of long ago. Was it not you In a pre-Deuteronomistic stage, Rahab and her family may
who hewed Rahab in pieces, who pierced the dragon? Was have been identified with that segment of the Jericho
it not you who dried up the sea, the waters of the great population that opposed the royal establishment and could
deep, who made the depths of the sea a way for the be expected to respond positively to the invading Israelites.
redeemed to pass over? So the ransomed of the Lord will The survival of Rahab and her family "to this day"
return and come to Zion with singing, everlasting joy shall suggests that there is an etiological element in the origin
be on their heads; they shall obtain joy and gladness, and and subsequent development of this story. Perhaps, a well-
sorrow and sighing shall flee away." Verse I Ob certainly defined group of her descendants could be singled out for
refers to the Exodus, and v 11 to the new Exodus, the some time among the Israelites. That group would obvi-
return of the exiles from Babylon. The reference in v 9 to ously have a large stake in preserving Rahab's exploits.
the defeat of Rahab could refer to the chaos monster at Other elements can also be detected in the diverse
the time of creation, to Egypt at the time of the Exodus, traditions that have gone into this account. For example,
or to a fusion of both. the narrative concerning Rahab has been identified as one
Finally, it should be noted that Gunkel (Die Psalmen of several spy stories that the OT contains. Moreover,
HKAT) believed that Rahab is mentioned in the plural in Rahab's role must be seen in light of the type of warfare
Ps 40:5-Eng 40:4, but it is much more likely that rehtibim Israel was waging. It was holy war, under divine command.
there simply refers to proud or arrogant men. See also Rahab's statement was as much an affirmation to Israel as
DRAGON AND SEA, GOD'S CONFLICT WITH. to herself: with God on their side, the Israelites could not
fail to be victorious. For her assistance, the absolute ban
Bibliography (/:terem) on Jericho could be waived.
Day, J. 1985. God's Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea. Cambridge. According to some, the essence of the Rahab story is
JOHN DAY contained in chap. 2, while the verses in chap. 6 form a
not wholly consistent afterthought. It is noted, for exam-
ple, that her house, although "built into the city wall"
RAHAB (PERSON) [Heb raMb]. The story of Rahab is (2: 15), somehow still stood after the walls fell (see 6:22).
told in the first part of Joshua 2 and the latter part of However, the entire Rahab narrative exhibits many unex-
Joshua 6. In its present context, this narrative is embedded pected features-not the least of which is the aid provided
in the account of the Israelite conquest of Jericho. Rahab by the prostitute herself-and the dramatic and humorous
is introduced as a "harlot" (Hebrew zorni) in Josh 2: I (so effect of the story taken as a whole survives (and perhaps
also 6: 17, 25; in 2:3 and 6:23, only the name Rahab even thrives on) architectural and other incongruities.
appears). Two spies, dispatched from Shittim by Joshua, The relatively few verses devoted to Rahab in the OT
enter her house. She hides them from the ruler of Jericho, stimulated an amazingly rich exegetical tradition in both
thus saving their lives. She acknowledges the power of the Judaism and Christianity. She was widely depicted as a
Lord and extracts from the spies the promise that she and proselyte or convert to the monotheistic faith of Israel. In
her family will be saved when the Israelites overwhelm her Judaism, she could then be portrayed as one of the most
city. She is told to hang a scarlet cord from her window as pious converts-a worthy wife of Joshua and the ancestor
a sign that her household is to be spared. Several verses in of prophets.
chap. 6 relate that Joshua kept this agreement. At the time A parallel, but distinctly Christian development, is found
of Jericho's conquest, Rahab and her family, alone of the in Matt 1:5 where a Rahab is identified as the wife of
city's inhabitants, are spared. They were taken outside of
Salmon and the mother of Boaz. This accords to Rahab a
the camp. A final note (6:25) records that "she dwelt in prominent position in the genealogy of "Jesus Christ, the
Israel to this day."
son of David, the son of Abraham." Inasmuch as Matthew
Rahab's name comes from a root meaning "to be wide does not specifically link "his" Rahab with the harlot of the
or broad." It appears to be the shortened form of a book of Joshua, and while the Greek text of Matthew
theophoric name (cf., for example, Rehabiah, I Chr 23: 17; preserves a distinctive spelling of the proper name (rachab,
24:21). The exact nature of Rahab's occupation has been raab elsewhere), it is possible that this is another Rahab.
the subject of considerable controversy. Most interpreta- However, the appearance and identity of three other
tors now see her as a "secular" prostitute without any cultic women from the OT (Tamar, Ruth, and the wife of Uriah
or sacred connections. Not only is this in keeping with the [i.e., Bath-sheba)) in the genealogy of Jesus make it virtu-
b1bhcal description, but there was a Hebrew term (qedBa) ally certain that we are dealing with only one Rahab in
available to the author had he wanted to highlight her both Testaments. This is clearly the case in the other two
status as a "sacred" prostitute. The use of the term "inn- NT references to "Rahab the harlot": Heb 11:31, where
RAHAB (PERSON) 612 • v
Rahab's survival is credited to her faith, and Jas 2:25, in the presence or absence of rain that is important, but its
which Rahab exemplifies the dictum that "man is justified timing as well. Thus, Jeremiah says: "Let us fear the LORD
by works and not by faith alone" (so v 24). our God, who gives the rain in its season, the autumn rain
The role Rahab plays in Jewish and Christian exegetical and the spring rain, and keeps for us the weeks appointed
traditions (many other examples could be cited) is larger for the harvest" (5:24).
than that attributed to her in the OT itself. This is not to The "early/autumn" rain (yoreh) and the "latter/spring"
say that she is an unimportant figure in the Bible; by her rain (malqos, from the Heb lqs, "crops sown late"), are rains
actions, she both preserved her own family and epitomized which fall in the two transitional periods that mark the
the sort of faith that the Israelites themselves would have beginning and the end of the rainy, winter season in
to display to preserve the land and heritage God had Palestine. The first appreciable rains normally arrive in
promised them. For further discussion, see DBSup 5: Palestine in mid-October to early November, with the last
1065-92. significant rains falling in the first half of April. About 70
percent of the rainfall, however, falls from November to
Bibliography February, with January typically being the wettest and
Newman, M. 1985. Rahab and the Conquest. Pp. 167-81 in Under- coldest month. See PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF.
standing the Word, ed. J. T. Butler. JSOTSup 37. Sheffield. The early and latter rains are accentuated in the OT
Tucker, G. M. 1972. The Rahab Saga (Joshua 2). Pp. 66-86 in The because of their critical agricultural role: the early rains
Use of the Old Testament in the New and Other Essays, ed. J. M. preparing the ground for plowing and sowing at the end
Efird. Durham, NC. of the dry season, and the latter rains providing the last
LEONARD j. GREENSPOON
bit of moisture which aids the maturation of cereal grains.
The critical nature of the timing of these two rains is
reflected theologically in the fact that they are seen as one
RAHAM (PERSON) [Heb rabam]. The son of Shema of YHWH's rewards to his people in return for their
and the father of Jorkeam (1Chr2:44). Raham, a Calebite faithfulness to the covenant: "I will give the rain for your
and a descendant of Judah, is listed among Caleb's prog- land in its season, the early and the later rain, that you
eny by an unnamed spouse (vv 42-45). Within the gene- may gather in your grain and your wine and your oil"
alogy of vv 42-50a, the men are often considered to have
(Deut 11:14).
been the "fathers" of cities rather than of individuals. The
name "Raham" may refer to either an individual, or a city,
FRANK s. FRICK
or both. Jorkeam should perhaps be read here as Jokdeam,
a city whose location is unknown (Josh 15:56). Shema was
the name of another Judahite city of unknown location
RAISINS. See FLORA.
(Josh 15:26). And other groups associated with Raham in
his line of descent occupied such centers as Hebron, Ma- RAK.EM (PERSON) [Heb raqem]. The Manassite son of
reshah, and Ziph. Although "Raham" is not a shortened
Sheresh and brother of Ulam (I Chr 7: 16). He is men-
name with respect to form, a deity is possibly semantically
tioned only in the genealogy for Manasseh in the MT of I
implied in the nature of the name-thus, "(God has Chr 7:14-19 (the LXX omits him from the passage). The
shown) compassion" or "(the deity has taken) pity" name itself is the pausal form of "Rekem," which occurs in
(TPNAH, 168-69). Primarily, this would have signified that
I Chr 2:43-44 as the name for the Calebite son of Hebron;
the divinity had again remembered a person who was in in Num 31:8 and Josh 13:21 for a Midianite king; and in
distress, in order to help him or her. The name has also
Josh 18:27 for a town in Benjamin.
been taken, differently, to equal Heb ra}Jilm and Ar ral;am, M. PATRICK GRAHAM
"carrion-vulture" or "Egyptian vulture" (Neophron percnop-
terus). Certainly, animal terms were commonly used for
personal names in Semitic (Noldeke 1904: 86). RAKKATH (PLACE) [Heb raqqat]. One of the fortified
Bibliography towns in Naphtali listed in the book of Joshua (Josh 19:35 ).
Noldeke, T. 1904. Beitrage zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. Stras- It is part of an older town list which has been incorporated
bourg. into the book of Joshua. The Mishnah and the Talmud
EDWIN C. HOSTETTER locate the site of Rakkath beneath modern Tiberias (M.R.
201242), on the Sea of Galilee, but modern schola~ship
places it somewhere to the N of Tiberias \Tiberias Itself
RAHEL, RAMAT. See RAMAT RAHEL. was not settled earlier than the Roman penod). One sug-
gestion for the site of Rakkath has been Tell Eqlatiyeh, 1.5
miles N of Tiberias, a small site which has EB, MB, and
RAIN. While the giving or withholding of rain is gener- LB remains. W. F. Albright ( 1926) has suggested that
ally seen in the Bible as a sign of God's favor or disfavor, perhaps the Israelite town .was situated be?eath the Roman
in the OT (Jer 3:3; Hos 6:3; Joel 2:23; Job 29:23--cf. also village at the foot of the hill, near the spnn? called Am ~1-
Jas 5:7 in the NT) the terminology "early/autumn" rain or Fuliyeh. Another suggestion for the locauon of the site
the "latter/spring"--or in one case "later/spring" (Deut has been Tell Raqqat (M.R. 199245), which is 24 km N of
11: 14)-rain appears. The significance of this terminology Tiberias, on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The exact
lies in the fact that for an agricultural society, it is not just location of Rakkath remains uncertain.
v • 613 RAMAH

Bibliography RAMAH (PLACE) [Heb ram.ti]. Var. RAMATHAIM-

Albright, W. F. 1926. The Jordan Valley in the Bronze Age. AASOR WPHIM. The word means "height" and was a common
6: 13-74. place name for elevated towns and villages in biblical times.
SrnNIE ANN WHITE I. A town in Benjamin (Josh 18:25), usually identified
with modern er-Ram (M.R. 172140), situated 7 km N of
Jerusalem, though some plausibly suggest Ramallah (M.R.
RAKKON (PLACE) [Heb raqq6n]. A village of Dan, 170146), 12 km N of Jerusalem. Ramah figures promi-
which appears in a fragment of a boundary description in nently in Benjaminite stories relating to the period before
the book of Joshua (Josh 19:46). Rakkon must be, accord- the rise of the monarchy in Israel. The village sat on a low
ing to its descriptions, on or near the river Yarkon, som~­ hill astride the Palestinian watershed highway extending N
where near the Mediterranean Sea. The place name 1s from Jerusalem into the hill country of Ephraim. The
omitted by the LXX, suggesting that the word may be a earliest notices concerning Ramah seem to relate to its
partial dittography of the preceding "waters of the Yar- position along this highway.
kon" (me-hayyarqon). If Rakkon is an actual geographical Judg 4:5 notes that the prophetess Deborah used to sit
location, it might be identified with Tell er-Reqqeit, which beneath a palm tree somewhere between Ramah and
is 1.6 miles N of the mouth of the Nahar el-Auja. Z. Kallai, Bethel (Beitin), which lay in Ephraimite territory 8 km to
in fact, suggests that it actually is a river, not a village the N. Later in the book of Judges, a Levite couple travel-
(translating the phrase as "the waters of Yarkon and the ing N from Bethlehem considered stopping for the night
Rakkon") and identifies it as Nahar el-Barideh (HGB, 370). at Ramah (19:13), but instead tragically chose another
The place, whether a village or a river, is certainly meant route leading to Gibeah and a subsequent rape-murder.
to be in the area of present-day Jaffa. The exact location The narratives relating Samuel's role in establishing the
of Rakkon is, however, still uncertain. Israelite monarchy locate the great prophet's birthplace,
residence, and burial site at Ramah. Some confusion exists,
Bibliography however, as to whether a site separate from Ramah of
Mazar, B. 1960. The Cities of the Territory of Dan./£] 10: 65-77. Benjamin is implied in these stories.
Strange,]. 1966. The Inheritance of Dan. StTh 20: 100-39. The Hebrew text of I Sam I: 1 identifies Samuel's father,
SrnNIE ANN WHITE
Elkanah, as hailing from "Ramathaim-zophim" in the hill
country of Ephraim. If the references to "Ramah" which
follow in the Samuel stories (cf. 1 Sam 1: 19) are short
RAM (PERSON) [Heb ram]. A personal name whose forms of the proper name Ramathaim ("two heights"),
meaning is not clear, but it is apparently related to the then Samuel's home may have existed somewhere in the
Hebrew root rum and so possibly means "exalted." To tribal territory of Ephraim; indeed, a site in Samaria called
speculate, it possibly is a hypocoristicon of a longer name Ramathaim is mentioned in I Mace 11 :34. Eusebius' Ono-
with a theophoric element (rmyhw?). masticon identifies the latter site with the Arimathea of NT
I. A descendant of Jacob through the line of Judah and times (Matt 27:57; John 19:38) and places the village at
an ancestor of David (I Chr 2:9, 10; Ruth 4: 19). He is Remphis (M.R. 151159), 14 km NE ofLod (NH!, 378-80).
listed as a brother of Jerahmeel and Caleb. According to Others have sought Ramathaim at Beit Rima (M.R.
Curtis and Madsen (Chronicles ICC, 87) the reference to 159160), 21 km NE of Lod.
Ram in I Chr 2 :9, I 0, is suspicious for two reasons: first, It is more likely, however, that Ramah of Benjamin (er-
the Bible elsewhere knows of no Judean family of Ram Ram) was Samuel's home. I Sam 1: 1 should probably be
coordinate with Jerahmeel and Caleb; second, unlike the emended to read that Elkanah was "from Ramah, a Zu-
cases of Jerahmeel in vv 25-33 and Caleb in vv 42-50, the phite from the hill country of Ephraim." The territory of
descendants of Ram are not given in families and cities. Zuph appears to have been adjacent to the land of Benja-
The Chronicler possibly added Ram because of the influ- min (I Sam 9:4-5); Ramah, near the border with Ephraim,
ence of Ruth 4: 19. On the other hand, Myers sees no may therefore have been inhabited by Zuphi tribesmen.
connection between I Chr 2:9, 10, and Ruth 4:I9. He
Moreover, Samuel's home at Ramah is closely associated
suggests that both lists go back to a common temple source with sites within a rather small area in Benjamin: Bethel,
(J Chronicles AB, 13, 14). At Ruth 4:19, some LXX mss
Gilgal, and Mizpah (l Sam 7: 16); Rachel's tomb at Zelzah
read Arran or Aram. In Matt I :3, 4, this Ram is listed in (I Sam 10:2), which is associated with Ramah in Jer 31: 15;
the genealogy of Jesus (cf. Arni in Luke 3:33). and Gibeah (I Sam 10:10; 19:18; 20:1). The stories con-
2. A son of Jerahmeel and descendant of Jacob (I Chr cerning the relationship between Samuel and Saul thus
2:25, 27). In the present form of the genealogies of I arise from a very limited geographical area within Benja-
Chronicles 2, he is the uncle of Ram in no. I above. min. These two figures seem to have lived a rather short
. 3. !he family to which Elihu belongs (Job 32:3). Any distance from each other at Ramah (er-Ram) and Gibeah
1denuficat10n with the Ram of either I Chr 2:9, 10, or (Jaba), respectively.
Ruth 4:9 is speculative. Nothing in the text of Job necessar- Elkanah and Hannah resided in Ramah (I Sam I : 19)
tly points to an identification. Some LXX manuscripts read while young Samuel remained at Shiloh in Eli's service
Aram instead of Ram. (2: 11). After leading the Israelites to temporary victory
JAMES M. KENNEDY over the Philistines, Samuel based himself in Ramah while
traveling as a judge on a yearly circuit to Bethel, Gilgal,
and Mizpah (7:16-17). It was to Ramah that the elders of
RAM (SHEEP). See WOLOGY; SHEEP, SHEPHERD. Israel traveled to demand that Samuel appoint a king over
RAMAH 614 • v
the1? (8:4). Apparently in the same city, Samuel eventually have suggested that the town is in fact identical with the
anomted young Saul as prince over Israel, and sent the lad Ramah of Naphtali mentioned in Josh 19:36, but in view
on a mysterious mission to nearby Gibeah (10:1-16). After of ~he farmer's association with Tyre, this proposal is
Saul's brief successes against his enemies, an ill-fated attack unlikely.
on the Amelekites reportedly caused Samuel to reject the 3. A fortified village in Naphtali (Josh 19:36), presently
king and return in mourning to Ramah (15:34). sought at modern er-Rameh (M.R. 187259), 12 km SW of
Shortly thereafter, Samuel's home at Ramah provided a Safed.
temporary refuge for the newly anointed David as he fled . 4. A village in the Ne~eb desert !n th~ tribal territory of
the danger of Saul's court at nearby Gibeah (l 9: 18-24). Simeon (Josh 19:8). This text also 1denufies Ramah of the
The mention in this narrative of an area of Ramah called Negeb by an alternate name, Baalath-beer. In an account
the Naioth, where the pursuing Saul and his men inadver- describin~ David's sharing of Amalekite booty with his
tently fell into prophetic frenzy, might indicate that there Judean tribesmen, l Sa~ 30:27 lists a Ramah of the Negeb,
existed in the village a special compound or dwelling place undou?t~dly the same site, among the favored cities. Nei-
for a band of prophetic disciples of the charismatic Sam- ~her b1bl~cal account. gives specific enough geographical
uel. David reportedly fled the Naioth in Ramah in order mformatton to provide a modern location for the site·
to rejoin Jonathan before beginning his temporary career h<;>wever, Aharoni (LBHG, 261, 441) suggests identifying i;
as a .renegade (20: 1). Samuel's role in the remaining David with Horvat 'Uzza (M.R. 165068).
stones then fades rapidly: two notices of his death and 5. Ramah also occurs as a shortened form of the name
burial at Ramah (25: 1; 28:3) bring his earthly mission to a for the Transjordanian site of RAMOTH-GILEAD (2 Kgs
conclusion. 8:28-29; 2 Chr 22:5-6).
Ramah was left inside Judah very near to the N border
with Israel after the division of the kingdom. Shortly after Bibliography
900 e.c., King Baasha of Israel invaded Judah and forti- Alt, A. 1927. Die Reise. Pj 23: 46.
fied Ramah, thereby threatening to cut off or control N Arnold, P. 1987. Gibeah in lsraelite History and Tradition. Diss.,
access to Jerusalem (l Kgs 15: 17; 2 Chr 16: 1). King Asa of Emory.
PATRICK M. ARNOLD
Judah reportedly responded by bribing Ben-hadad of
Damascus to attack Israel's N territory, forcing Baasha to
abandon his occupation of Ramah. Asa then dismantled
the Ramah outpost and used its stones and timbers to RAMAT EL-KHALIL (M.R. 160107). This site, as-
fortify Geba (Jaba) and Mizpah (Tell en-Nasbeh), sites sociated with the biblical Mamre and with the Jewish Both-
along the two routes leading into the kingdom of Judah nah or Beth Ilanim, is located 2 miles N of Hebron. Many
from Israel (I Kgs 15:21-22; 2 Chr 16:5-6). scholars believe this is where Josephus located Abraham's
In the late 8th century e.c., invasion once again threat- terebinth (Ant 1.183; cf. Gen 13:18). See also MAMRE.
ened Ramah. The Israelite prophet Hosea sounded a war Other scholars locate Mamre either within Hebron or on
alarm for the Benjaminite towns of Gibeah, Ramah, and the Namra hill N of Hebron.
Beth-aven (5:8). Probably shortly thereafter, the Judean In the postbiblical period, a multitude of Jewish captives
prophet Isaiah described panic in Ramah and Gibeah as were sold into slavery at Mamre after the Bar Kokhba
the invader advanced into the area through the nearby revolt, but the place was always a thriving market in the
Geba Pass (10:29). Both prophetic oracles probably relate Roman and Byzantine periods. Constantine ordered the
pagan altar of Mamre to be destroyed and to be replaced
to the Syro-Ephraimite invasion of Judah (cf. 2 Kgs 16:5;
by a church, which still existed in the 6th century but was
2 Chr 28:5-15; and Isa 7:5-7) around 734 e.c. (Arnold
in ruins by the 10th century (see also EAEHL 3: 776-78;
1987: 237-59).
Following the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 e.c., Ra- DBSup 5: 753-58).
The enclosure of Ramal el-Khalil was first discovered by
mah seems to have served as a staging point for Jewish
H. von Schubertine in 1827; excavations were undertaken
groups leaving for exile into Babylon (Jer 40: l). The
in 1926-28 by A. E. Mader. The enclosure, or temenos,
prophet Jeremiah, taken to Ramah in chains by the Baby-
covers an area of% of an acre. Although built by Hadrian,
lonian captain Nebuzaradan, seems to have been freed
it was preceded by two towers outside the N enclosure.
there at the last minute. Perhaps the sadness of seeing his
These evidently belonged to a temenos of the 9th-7th
comrades' exilic departure from Ramah inspired the
centuries B.C.E., i.e., during the Judean monarchy. This
prophet's oracle in 31: 15, which associates the exiles' la-
enclosure was superseded by a Hasmonean pavement
mentations with those of Rachel, whose tomb existed
probably to be attributed to Hyrcanus I (128 e.c.E.). Re-
nearby at Zelzah (I Sam 10:2; cf. Gen 35: 16-20 and Matt
mains of a Herodian temenos wall were found along the
2: 18).
After the Exile, Ramah is mentioned along with Geba in later S wall; it was composed of huge blocks and supported
apparent Persian census lists (Ezra 2:26; Neh 7:30; I Esdr by external piers, but seems never to have been completed.
5:~~). The town also appears in a postexilic list of Benja-
The later Hadrianic wall contained reused masonry of the
mm1te villages (Neh 11 :33) and in a list of Benjaminite early Roman period, and the area so enclosed contained at
towns, now set in the context of the book of Joshua ( 18:25 ). its E end a shrine apparently dedicated to Hermes and
2. A village near the N border of Asher, in the vicinity Dionysus.
of Tyre (Josh 19:29). Any identification with modern sites The Constantinian church, the oldest-known building
is hypothetical. One commonly accepted candidate is Ra- of its type in Judea, occupied the eastern third of the
mieh (M.R. 180280), 17 km E of Rosh Ha-Niqra. Some temenos. It was a "broad house" basilica, oriented E-W.
v . 615 RAMATRAHEL

consisting of a nave and an apse flanked by aisles; small borers, and massive denticulates. Many burnt stones lit-
sacristies abutted on the N and S of these (see EAEHL, tered the sites.
778). The building was entered by a ?arthex along; the W All of the sites investigated are open-air camps with no
front of the church. An altar ~arkmg Abrah~m s tere- architectural remains. Although no organic materials have
binth stood in the atrium, and_ his well, found. m ,the_ SW been preserved, the composition of the lithic ~s~emblages
corner, yielded numerous coms of C:onstantme s ume. and the specific site locations (exposed, prov1dmg exten-
Other coins found in the area (l,331 m number) ranged sive panoramas across the plateau) imply that hunting was
from the Hasmonean to the Crusader periods, although probably a major seasonal (summer?) activity.
coins from the periods of Vespasian to Hadrian were
conspicuously absent. A later repai~ of the church took Bibliography .
place, possibly the work of the patnarch Modestus after Gilead, I. 198la. The Upper Palaeolithic in the Negev and Sinai.
the Persian invasion of 614. Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
- - . 198lb. Upper Palaeolithic Tool Assemblages from the
Bibliography . .. . Neolithic and Sinai. Pp 331-42 in Prehistoire du Levant, ed.
Mader, A. E. 1957. The Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen in He1ligen Bwrk, j. Cauvin and P. Sanlaville. Colloques Internationaux du
Ramal el Hali! in Siid Paliislina. Freiburg im Breisgau. C.N.R.S. 598. Lyon.
SHIMON APPLEBAUM Goring-Morris, A. N. 1985. Terminal Pleistocene Hunter/Gatherers
in the Negev and Sinai. Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University, Jeru-
salem.
RAMAT MATRED (M.R. 118020). A series of prehis- Goring-Morris, A. N., and Gilead, I. 1981. Prehistoric Survey and
toric sites on an extensive windswept plateau some 650 m Excavations at Ramat Matred, 1979. IE] 31: 132-33.
above sea level in the Central Negeb Highlands, bounded Yizraeli, T. 1967. Mesolithic Hunters Industries at Ramal Matred
on the N and W by a steep escarpment. Drained to the E (The Wilderness of Zin). PEQ 99: 78-85.
by Nahal Avdat, a tributary of Nahal Zin, the plat~au filled NIGEL GORING-MORRIS
during the Pleistocene with a mantle of aeolian loess
1ediments. Vegetation on the plateau is sparse, ~nd ~here
are no perennial sources of water today. Preh1_ston~ r~- RAMAT RAHEL (M.R. 170127). An important ar-
1earch in the region was initiated by T. Noy (Y1zraeh) m chaeological site located on a prominent hill almost mid-
1964. In 1979 A. N. Goring-Morris and I. Gilead con- way between the Old City of Jerusalem and Bethlehem.
ducted a systematic survey and excavations in the area.
Occasional scatters of Late Acheulian hand axes were A. Identification
recovered from the S and W edges of the plateau, eroding Initially B. Maisler (Mazar I 935) proposed to identify
from the basal loess. These indicate that loess accumula- the site with biblical Netophah (2 Sam 23:28). However, a
tion began at the end of the Lower Paleolithic. paucity of material from the time of David prompted
Levalloisian cores and flakes were also found at the Y. Aharoni ( 1978) to suggest that the site was Beth-hac-
margins of the plateau, and at the raised W corner a dense cherem (Neh 3:I4; Jer 6:I). Two lines of evidence support
scatter, Ramat Matred VI, was noted on the surface, rep- Aharoni's identification: (I) Jer 6: I and Jos I5:59 (LXX
resenting a Mousterian occupation. only) suggest that Beth-haccherem was a fortified site, S of
Upper Paleolithic occupation of the area is well docu- Jerusalem, and (2) Neh 3: I4 indicates that Beth-h_ac-
mented. Ramat Matred I is a large surface site of ca. 150 cherem was an administrative center during the Persian
m2, located at the N edge of the plateau. The abundant period. Abundant finds from Ramat Rahel date to this
lithic tool assemblage was dominated by burins, especially period and indicate that the site could have served such a
carinated dihedral types. This flake-oriented assemblage function.
may be assigned to the Levantine Aurignacian culture. Avi- Yonah, on the other hand, felt that none of these
Ramat Matred IV, Har Lavan IV, and Har Lavan V are texts, nor the finds at Ramal Rahel, demanded that the
smaller in situ occupations, which were occupied later than site be equated with Beth-haccherem. and_ conti~ue~ to
Ramat Matred I, but while loess continued to accumulate. maintain that the latter place was best 1dent1fied with Am
The lithic assemblages are blade oriented, and the tools Karim, ca. 6.5 km W of Jerusalem (I977: 20, 2I). Avi-
are dominated by retouched bladelets, dihedral burins, Yonah preferred to retain Maisler's identification of Ra'"?at
and scrapers, which can be assigned to the later stages of Rahel with Netophah, although he offered no compelling
the Ahmarian tradition. reason.
Epipaleolithic occupations were confined exclusively to Recently, both G. Barkai and D. Tushingham have inde-
the N corner of the plateau, with two adjacent Mushabian pendently suggested that Ramal Rahel be id~ntified _with
occurrences--0ne, Ramat Matred II, was large (ca. I50 the elusive mm.St, known from the lmlk seal 1mpress1ons.
m2 ), while the other, Ramat Matred III, was small (ca. 50 First, it seems clear that all the names on the lmlk seal
m2 ). The only other Epipaleolithic assemblage was a Late impressions represent administ~ati~e centers of some ~ort
Ramonian scatter, designated Har Lavan II. Characteristic which were involved with the d1stnbuuon of the lmlk Jars
microliths dominate the tool assemblages. and/or their contents. It is known that during the Persian
Neolithic exploitation of the area comprised a site com- period the province of Judah was divid~d i?to five distric~s
plex of three scatters, Ramal Matred V, VI, and VIII, (pelakim). At least three of these five d1stncts ~er~ subdi-
located at the S end of the plateau. These can be assigned vided into two halves, including the Jerusalem d1stnct (Neh
to the PPN B, the lithic assemblages including arrowheads, 3:9, 12). It is probable that these divisions reflect earlier
RAMATRAHEL 616 • v
administrative districts. Both the location and archaeology lenistic periods. Most notable were numerous stamped jar
of Ramat Rahel make it an ideal candidate for the admin- handles of various classes, including Yrslm (Jerusalem)
istrative center for the S half of the Jerusalem district (Avi- Ha'ir. (the City), Yhd and Yhwd (Judah), and Phw (Pahva:
Yonah 1977: 20). The reason that mm!t is not known from the utle of the governor). Other seals portrayed animals
the Bible may simply be that the lmlkjar handles, on which or rosettes. Most of the seals probably date from the 4th
the name appears, come from the time of Hezekiah (see century B.c. Although the building remains were poorly
below), and none of the biblical city lists date from that preserved, the abundance of seals suggests that Ramat
period (Franz 1984: 19). Rahel continued as a subdistrict administrative center.
The Herodian period (Stratum IV-A) was represented
B. Archaeology by a number of houses with small rooms, workshops
The initial work at Ramal Rahel was conducted by burial caves, and a columbarium. It has recently bee~
B. Maisler (Mazar) and M. Stekelis. This excavation was suggested that the numerous cisterns which Aharoni re-
limited to a Jewish rock-cut tomb from the Second Temple ported were actually Jewish ritual baths (miqwa).
period which had been discovered S of the mound in After a two-hundred-year abandonment, the site was
1931. occupied by the Tenth Roman Legion (Stratum Ill), indi-
The first excavations on the mound, itself, were begun cated by the presence of tiles with the legion's stamp,
in the summer of 1954 under the direction of Y. Aharoni. LEG(io) X FR(etensis). A typical Roman villa, a bathhouse,
Additional excavations were conducted from 1959 through and various cisterns were recovered from this period.
1962 for a total of five seasons. In 1984 an additional The site continued to be occupied into the Byzantine
season was conducted by G. Barkai. period (Stratum II). About A.D. 450, a church, a monas-
Aharoni dated the earliest occupational phase he found tery, and other buildings, collectively known as the Church
to the late 8th/early 7th centuries B.C. Finds from this level of the Kathisma, were built on the site. The name is
(Stratum V-B) included the foundations of a casemate derived from the Gk kathisma (seat) and refers to the
wall (which Aharoni described as part of an "Early Cita- nearby Well of the Seat (Bir Qadismu), the traditional
del"), the remains of a private house, and 145 lmlk jar resting place of Mary, the mother of Jesus, on her way to
handles, mostly of the two-winged type. Most of the pot- Bethlehem. The final phase of occupation was during the
tery from this phase came from a fill used to level the Early Arab period (Stratum I), during which only a few
ground for the construction of the citadel of Stratum V-A poorly constructed buildings covered the site.
(see below) and was dated to the 8th-7th centuries s.c.
Since Aharoni's excavation, G. Barkay has uncovered a Bibliography
phase in which the pottery was idential to Lachish Stratum Aharoni, Y. 1978. Ramal Rahel. EAEHL 4: 1000-1009.
III (late 8th century B.c.). This would suggest that Ahar- Avi-Yonah, M. 1977. The Holy Land: From the Persian To the Arab
oni's Stratum V-B may have been preceded by an earlier Conquest (536 B.C.-A.D. 640). Rev. ed. Grand Rapids.
phase which was terminated in the late 8th century B.C., Franz, G. 1984. The 1984 Excavation at Ramal Rahel, Jerusalem.
possibly during Sennacherib's 70 I B.C. campaign. An oc- Paper read at the ASOR annual meeting, November. Anaheim.
cupation during this period makes sense in view of the Maisler (Mazar), B. 1935. Qobes (Mazie Vol.). jeru5alem (in Hebrew).
fact that so many lmlk jar handles, now known to date to RANDALL W. YOUNKER
the time of Hezekiah, were found on the site.
During the next occupational phase (Stratum V-A) a
citadel again dominated the site. It was surrounded by a RAMATH-LEHI (PLACE) [Heb ramat lelzf]. An un-
massive outer wall (the "Outer Citadel") 3-4 m thick. known location, mentioned only once in connection with
Important architectural elements include ashlars, several Samson's courageous crushing of many Philistines with an
Proto-Aeolic capitals, crenellation stones, and balustrades, extemporaneous weapon, the jawbone of a dead donkey
similar to ones depicted in the "lady-in-the-window" ivo- (Judg 15: 17). After singing of his victory with this unique
ries. All of these elements would be expected in an impor- weapon, Samson cast away the 'jawbone" (Heb le/:ii) and
tant administrative center or palace. Aharoni believed that named the site ramat le/.tf. The Vg renders the phrase
this citadel was constructed by King Jehoiakim and de- elevatio Maxillae, "lifting of the jawbone"; the LXX anairesis
stroyed during the time of King Jehoiachin (early 6th siagonos suggests the same meaning, even though it is not
century B.C.). However, the architectural elements, which definitive; modern translations render "Jawbone Heights"
are similar to those found at Samaria, would suggest a or "Hill of the Jawbone." Some commentators viewed the
construction time closer to the fall of that kingdom- connection between the "throwing" of the jawbone and the
perhaps the builders were even refugees from the N. The name Ramath-Lehi as incorrect etymology, since there is
presence of Assyrian "palace ware" in this stratum also no connection between ramat--derived from the stem rwm,
argues for an earlier date in the 7th century s.c., perhaps "elevate"-and wayya!lek, "he cast away (the jawbone)."
during the reign of Manasseh, who was known to be an However, the verb wayya!lik is identical in meaning with
Assyrian vassal. The "Elyaqim steward of Yokhin" seal the stem rmh which also means "throw" (cf. Exod 15:1,
found in this stratum, and thought by Aharoni to belong 21 ), and this philological explication matches the described
to the steward of King Jehoiachin, has now been redated event. Indeed, the Targum to Judg 15:17 renders wayya!W
to the late 8th century s.c., removing one of the main with the biblical Aramaic work urema' (cf. Dan 3:24; 6:17,
arguments for dating this level to the late 7th/earlier 6th 25), a sense identical to the biblical riimah, thus supporting
centuries B.c. the theory that the word rmt is derived not from rwm but
Stratum IV-B contained remains from the Persian-He)- from rmh, meaning "casting away." However, the Masoretes
v. 617 RAMESES

preserved the rwm tradition through the diacritical marks, RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM (PLACE) [Heb ramatayim
suggesting instead that the idea of elevation was intended. $Dpim]. See RAMAH.
See LEHI.
The extraordinary weapon, the jawbone (known to cause
fatality), is also mentioned in Islamic tradition where a RAMATHITE [Heb ramati]. The gentilic identification
heathen is killed with a jawbone (Ar lafiy = Heb le},li), albeit of Shimei, one of twelve stewards of royal property ap-
that of a camel. pointed by David (I Chr 27:27). His specific charge was
Ramal Le!ii parallels exactly the Gk name Onou-gnathon oversight of the vineyards. The term is not used elsewhere,
("the ass's jaw"), mentioned by Strabo (Geog. 8.5.1-2) as "a and thus it is not known which, if any, of several towns
low lying peninsula ... which has a harbor" N of the island named Ramah might have been his original home.
of Cythera. In this regard it is interesting to note that the RICHARD W. NYSSE
phrase "donkey's jaw" is found among two seemingly dif-
ferent groups associated with various forms of the name
"Dan." Samson descends from the tribe of Dan (cf. Judg RAMESES (PLACE) [Heb ra'amses]. Var. RAAMSES.
13:2; 15:20), and the Greeks were known as Danaans (Iliad The region of Egypt in which Joseph settled his father and
2: 484-86; cf. Gordon 1969: 287-88). The name thus has brothers (Gen 47: 11), and the name of one of the Egyptian
an E Mediterranean heritage and developed among com- store cities (presumably in the same region) subsequently
munities with a maritime tradition (Judg 5:17; Iliad 2) built by the Hebrew slaves (Exod 1: 11). As such, Rameses
during parallel heroic periods. figures as the starting point for the Exodus trek out of
Egypt and into the promised land (Exod 12:37; Num 33:3,
Bibliography 5). According to the book of Judith, when Nebuchadnezzar
Gordon, C. H. 1969. Vergil and the Near East. Pp. 267-88 in made war against Arpaxad, he summoned military assis-
Ugaritica VI. Paris. tance from various places throughout his empire, includ-
Segert, S. 1984. Paronomasia in the Samson Narrative in Judges ing "Tahpanes and Raamses and the whole land of Go-
13-16. VT 34: 454-61. shen" (Jdt 1:9).
MEIR LUBETSKI The biblical city of Rameses/Raamses should be equated
with Egyptian Piramesse, the great delta residence of pha-
raohs of the I 9th and 20th Dyns. It is only recently that
RAMATH-MIZPEH (PLACE) [Heb ramat hammizpeh]. the location of Piramesse has been clearly established at
A border point east of the Jordan River for the land of Khatana-Qantir in the NE delta on the E bank of the
Jazer, which Moses gave to the families of Gad (Josh 13:26). Pelusaic arm of the Nile. Earlier attempts to locate Pira-
The exact location is unknown, although Noth ( 1938) and messe at Tanis or in the region of Bubastis must be re-
Gese (1968: 64) guessed that it is Khirbet eNire (.5 km jected, despite apparent support from biblical evidence.
NNW of wadi e$-$ir), and Kuschke (I 965) proposed that it The problems faced by biblical scholars in trying to pin-
is Khirbet el-qar'a (approximately 2.5 km NW of na'ur; M.R. point the location of Rameses stem from the nature of the
228142). Wiist (1975: 120-32) was doubtful, and Rowley destruction of Piramesse after the New Kingdom, when
(1970: 119, 159) speculated that this name is actually a rulers of the 21st and 22d Dyns. plundered Piramesse for
variant upon the Mizpah of Judg 10: 17; 11: 11, 34; and building materials to be reused in constructing edifices at
Hos 5:1 (Khirbetjel'ad). their residences in Tanis and Bubastis. The wholesale
Noth suggested that the three place names of Heshbon, deportation of temple blocks, colossal statues, obelisks, and
Ramath-Mizpeh, and Betonim constitute a N-S boundary steles from Piramesse was of such magnitude that very
lme between Reuben and Gad, which was added second- little of the grandiose Ramesside temples and palace sur-
arily to the text. Mittmann ( 1970: 235-42) dismissed vives in situ at Qantir. So impressive were the monolithic
Noth's view as speculative. In a complex literary study, remains that were transported to Tanis and Bubastis from
Wiist (1975: 120-32) concluded that in Josh 13:26, Hesh- Qantir that in the Late Period, when there was a conscious
?on and Betonim are additions to the report, which is attempt to glorify Egypt's past, the Egyptians created anew
independent cults to the gods of Rameses at Tanis and
intended to support the larger territorial claims of Gad.
Bubastis, quite unaware where Piramesse once lay. As a
Bibliography result, postexilic Jewish scholars in Egypt, seeking to local-
ize events of the Exodus, were misled about the location
Geze, H. 1968. Ammonitischen Grenzfestungen zwischen wadi e$-
of Piramesse in assuming that the newly created cults of
1ir und na'ur. ZDPV 74: 55-66.
the gods of Rameses at Tanis and Bubastis could serve to
Kuschke, A. 1965. Historisch-topogTaphische Beitrage zum Buche
identify the site of the Ramesside capital.
. Joshua. Pp. 90-109 in Gotles Wort und Gottes Land. Gtittingen.
The ancient Egyptian designation of Piramesse in its full
Mmmann, S. 1970. Beitriige zur Siedlungs und Territrmalgeschichte des form was "The Domain of Ramesses-meramon, great in
Nordl1chen Ostjordo.nlaruks. ADPV Wiesbaden. victories," containing the name of Ramesses II, whose
1'oth, M. 1938. Ramath-Mizpeh und Betonim (Jos. 13.26.). P] 34: imprint on the development of this large city as a residen-
23-29.
tial capital is unmistakable. He was, however, not the first
Rowley, H. 1970. Dictionary of Bible Pl.ace Names. Old Tappan, NJ. king to build in this area. In the neighborhood of Qantir
Wust, M. 1975. Untersuchen zu den siedlugsgeographi.ichen Texten des there was already considerable building activity in the
Allen Testaments. Vol. I, Ostjordo.nland. Wiesbaden. Middle Kingdom. At the beginning of the Hyksos Period,
PAUL NIMRAH FRANKLYN Avaris at Tell ed-Daba, just S of Qantir, came into promi-
RA MESES 618 • v
nence as the Hyksos capital. Here, the cult of Seth, an king, several of which were the object of popular venera-
Egyptian god assodated with foreigners and adopted by tion. There is frequent reference to the Amon of Ra-
the Hyksos invaders as equivalent to their own god Baal, messes, Ptah of Ramesses, and others, perhaps expressive
thrived and continued into the Ramesside Period, when of a close personal relationship between the king and the
his temple was rebuilt and magnified. Avaris, itself, became gods. These special forms of the state gods seem to have
incorporated as a part of greater Piramesse. The Rames- posse~sed sanctuaries intended for the king's personal
side rulers were especially devoted to the cult of Seth, and devouon.
the Four-Hundred-Year Stele from Ramesses II's reign The demise of Piramesse at the end of the 20th Dyn.
commemorates the anniversary of the establishment of was possibly associated with the silting up of the Pelusaic
Seth's cult by the Hyksos. arm of the Nile, necessitating the transfer of the royal
Although at Qantir there is evidence of building activity residence to Tanis in the 21st Dyn., when there was also a
by Horemheb and by Ramesses II's father, Sety I, who was reaction against the god Seth, who had been so favored at
responsible for locating the royal residence there, it was Piramesse. Seth's name and figure were frequently ex-
Ramesses II who contributed most to the planning and punged from the monuments prior to their eventual
expansion of this vast urban area, which was oriented removal to other delta sites. See LA 5: 128-46.
according to the cardinal points and sprawled over 10 km2.
This was the residential capital where the Ramesside pha- Bibliography
raoh normally resided; thus, the palace complex at the Bielak, M. 1979. Avaris and Piramesse. PBA 65: 225-89.
core of the city was extensively supplemented by all man- Uphill, E. P. 1968. Pithom and Raamses: Their Location and
ner of administrative quarters, and official residences sur- Significance.]NES 27: 291-316.
rounded the palace inner city. The palace area even in- - - . 1969. Pithom and Raamses: Their Location and Signifi-
cluded a royal zoological garden, as shown by lion and cance. ]NES 28: 15-39.
elephant bones found there. - - . 1984. The Temples of Per Raml!sses. Warminster.
Piramesse was strategically situated, providing excellent EDWARD F. WENTE
defense against possible invasions through the narrow land
pass between the Pelusaic branch of the Nile and the Bahr
el-Baqar drainage-overflow lakes, and it was an ideal spot RAMESSES II. King of Egypt from 1279 to 1212 B.C.,
for mustering the troops to launch a campaign into Pales- who is considered by many scholars to be the unnamed
tine, being relatively close to the beginning of the military pharaoh of the Exodus (Exodus 5-15). If so, then his
road into Asia. To the E of the palace area where extensive father, Sety I (1291-1279 B.C.), would have been the pha-
military barracks, and some distance to the S was a basin- raoh of the oppression (Exod 1:8-2:23).
harbor with easy access to the Mediterranean and to parts Ramesses (or Ramses) II wa.~ born into a family of
of Egypt further S. military background. His grandfather, Ramesses 1, had
In its buildings, Piramesse rivaled Thebes and Memphis. been a general and vizier under King Horemheb, who,
Large temples with huge statues and obelisks were dedi- lacking an heir to the throne, appointed Ramesses I as his
cated to the major state gods: Amon, Ptah, Re, and Seth, successor in a move designed to ensure that the supreme
as well as to Asiatic deities like Astarte, who possessed a leadership remained in the hands of men trained as war-
temple in the military quarter. The four divisions of the riors. Ramesses l's son, Sety I, was well versed in the art of
Egyptian army were placed under the protection of these warfare when he came to the throne after his father's brief
four state gods. Although practically nothing survives of reign, and it is probable that Sety I's eldest son, Ramesses
the buildings at Qantir, Egyptian papyri provide glowing II, had already been born during the reign of Horemheb.
descriptions of the city and its monumental temples. It was Ramesses II claimed that during his father's reign he was
a place, we are told, to which inhabitants of the rest of appointed commander in chief of the army at the early
Egypt came willingly to take up residence, and where all age of ten years. While recent research has shown that
manner of peoples plied their crafts and occupations. Ramesses II's princely participation in the early Asiatic
Various waterways and lakes intersected the city, providing wars of Sety I is highly questionable (Murnane 1985: 168-
some relief to the concentration of settlement. The coun- 70), he did acquire military experience in some minor
tryside around Piramesse was noted for its good fishing warfare in Nubia in the second half of Sety I's reign.
and agricultural productivity, especially in the vineyards, Eventually Sety I appointed his son as coregent. During
leading to the designation of Piramesse as the "Sustenance this brief coregency, lasting two years or less, building
of Egypt." projects were carried out in the names of both co-rulers.
Of significance to biblical scholars is the statement in The elegant raised relief that characterized the interior
Papyrus Leiden 348 that Apiru, a term some scholars decoration of temples under Sety I was continued during
equate with "Hebrew," were employed in "hauling stones the coregency, but shortly after Sety I's death, Ramesses
to the great pylon" of one of Piramesse's temples. There II decided to have new temples decorated almost entirely
must have been a cosmopolitan air about this city, largely in incised relief. Although this alteration in the technique
resulting from the presence of foreign mercenaries quar- of carving permitted a more rapid completi?n of a mom:1-
tered there. Their weapons and parade grounds have ment and might be regarded as a lowering of arusuc
recently been discovered by an expedition of the Pelizaeus standards, numerous reliefs in the Great Hypostyle Hall at
Museum. Karnak underwent recutting from raised to incised relief,
At Piramesse, the cult of the deified king was much in so that one cannot conclude that the sole reason for the
evidence, particularly in the form of colossal statues of the alteration in style was the desire to finish the monument
v. 619 RAMESSESII

as quickly as possible. The first several years of Ramesses the Egyptians had superior chariotry after the event of the
Il's sole rule were marked by extensive building activities preceding day, the Hittites had more infantry at their
both at Thebes and at the delta capital named Piramesse disposal. A stalemate prompted both parties to accept a
(or simply Rameses). temporary truce.
Ramesses II has often been maligned as a usurper of his Although the much publicized Egyptian accounts of the
predecessors' monuments. Wh.ile ~t is true t~at h~ did not Battle of Kadesh on the walls of several temples, including
hesitate to replace a previous kmg s names with his own on the famous rock-out temple of Abu Simbel in Nubia, give
temple walls and statuary, nonetheless there was a prodi- the impression that the battle was an Egyptian victory, in
gious amount of building carried out by Ramesses II actuality the Egyptians gained nothing permanent and
throughout Egypt and Nubia. Hardly a site exi~ts in_ t?e Kadesh remained in the Hittite sphere. The reliefs of the
Nile valley that does not preserve some trace of his acttvtty Battle of Kadesh represent a significant advance in narra-
as a builder and enlarger of temples, so that the modern tive art, with large detailed panoramic scenes portraying
epithet "the Great" is not entirely misapplied to this ph~­ the details of the battle in progress. The long texts accom-
raoh. Indeed, later kings emulated Ramesses II and his panying the scenes serve to convey what could not be
long reign of sixty-seven years. The extraordinary amount depicted, as, for example, the emotions of the pharaoh in
of building that characterized his reign reflected a heakhy the midst of combat.
economy that prevailed not only because of the productiv- During the following decade Ramesses II made several
ity of the land and its natural resources, such as gold, but attempts to break the Hittite domination of Syria, occasion-
also because of Egyptian dominance in Nubia and a consid- ally gaining a temporary hold over such places as Tunip
erable portion of W Asia. and Dapur. With the Hittites facing internal problems and
With regard to the Asiatic empire, the major problem threats from both W Anatolia and Assyria, the time be-
faced by the Egyptians in the early 13th century B.C. was came ripe for them to enter into a formal accord with
the strong Hittite presence in Syria. Sety I's submission of Egypt. In Year 21, a lengthy treaty was drawn up in
Kadesh, the vital center on the Orontes river, had only Akkadian with copies in Egyptian. It is noted for its cos-
been temporary. Instead of launching a major offensive mopolitan qualities, especially in giving recognition to the
against the Hittites at the start of his reign, as earlier gods of both lands as guarantors of the accord, whose
pharaohs were wont to do in their first year, Ramesses II terms involved a peace binding unto eternity and included
spent his first several years making preparations for a reaffirmation of two former treaties, a common alliance
decisive encounter with the Hittites. Thus, his first cam- against outside attack and possible internal rebellion, and
paign of victory occurred in Year 4, when a victory stele the extradition of fugitives, who were to be treated hu-
was set up on the Nahr el-Kalb on the Lebanese coast after manely (ANET, 199-203). In that age of international
he had secured a strong foothold on the Asiatic littoral, a diplomacy, members of the royal families, including Ra-
preliminary to the major event of the following year, the messes Il's mother and his wife, exchanged letters of
famous Battle of Kadesh. Increasing the number of divi- greetings.
sions of the Egyptian army from three to four, Ramesses Thirteen years later, this peace was further cemented
II led the forces overland on an arduous month's march by Ramesses II's marriage to a Hittite princess. This event
through Palestine toward Kadesh, where the Hittites had was treated in Egypt as though Ramesses II's power forced
amassed a great coalition of chariotry and infantry. En the Hittites into surrender, but lack of rainfall in Anatolia
route, Ramesses II was gullibly deceived by false informa- and incipient troubles with the Sea Peoples may have been
tion provided by two bedouin spies (sent by the Hittites) important factors in this diplomatic marriage, for the
into believing that the Hittite king Muwatallis was too Hittite king is made to say, "Our lord Seth (that is, the
afraid to come S to Kadesh. Because the Egyptian divisions Egyptian storm god) is angry with us. The sky does not
were drawn out in a long line of file at the time Ramesses give water before us, and every foreign country is at war
II reached Kadesh, it was relatively easy for the Hittites in fighting us." Later, under King Merenptah, Ramesses II's
a surprise attack to break into the leading divisions and son and successor, grain was actually sent from Egypt to
effectively cut the pharaoh off from the rest of the army. the Hittites in time of famine.
However, during the battle a force of Egyptian troops from For Egypt, the second half of Ramesses II's reign was a
the coastal area to the W suddenly arrived, and their sort of pax Aegyptiaca. The indications are that Egypt
prompt action, as well as Ramesses II's own personal valor maintained a relatively firm control over its Asiatic prov-
and skill at shooting from the chariot, saved him from inces, where Egyptian garrisons saw to the continued deliv-
utter _defeat. While doubt has usually been cast upon the ery of yearly dues from vassal principalities. A literary
veractty of Ramesses II's self-serving account of his heroic text, known as Papyrus Anastasi I, written for a military
performance isolated in the midst of the enemy host, it scribe, demonstrates considerable familiarity with the to-
must be r_emembered that the Hittite king was relying on pography of areas in Syro-Palestine, and there is little
the effect_1veness of a coalition of troops of diverse origins, doubt that forceful action would have been taken by Egypt
and 1t 1s JUSt possible that a skilled warrior like Ramesses to quell insurrection. At home, the king was concerned for
II could, from his chariot, fire upon the commanders of the welfare of the Egyptian population, boasting of how
the coalition at close range, creating panic among the well he provided for his artisans and laborers. It is not
enemy chanotry. Ramesses Il's prayer to the god Amon in surprising then that Ramesses Il's treatment as a god was
t~e midst of batt_le is _believable for its imploring of divine accentuated, for he was regarded as the earthly manifes-
aid m a light s1tuatton. On the following day, a more tation of the sun-god. For popular worship, there were
normal battle took place with indecisive results, for while large statues of the king before which people might ad-
RAMESSESII 620. v
dress their prayers. Since in theory the king was the sole RAMOTH (PLACE) [Heb ra'mot]. A town of the tribe of
officiant in the ritual, Ramesses II was even occasionally Issachar, reportedly granted to the sons of Gershom (1
depicted making offerings to his own image. Beginning Chr 6:58-Eng 6:73). The city listed at the same point in
with his 13th year, and periodically thereafter, he cele- the parallel levitical town register in Josh 21:29 is called
brated a long series of jubilees, with ceremonies designed Jarmuth (yarmilt); the LXX supports "Ramoth" as the
to reaffirm his vitality as pharaoh. probable original reading. Ramoth is also probably identi-
Ramesses II had a tremendously large number of off- cal with Remeth (remet) of Issachar (Josh 19:21 ).
spring (45 sons and 40 daughters at least) by his several The location of Ramoth is purely a matter of conjecture.
wives. Prince Khaemwase, who predeceased him, acquired W. F. Albright suggested Kokab el-Hawa, the Crusader
a considerable reputation as a scholar and antiquarian, castle Belvoir (M.R. 199221), 11 km N of Beth-shean
seeing to the restoration of ancient monuments. Although (1926: 231). Its lofty position (over 300 m above sea level)
in the first half of his reign Ra messes II carefully exercised may relate to the possible meaning of Ramoth, "heights."
his power of royal appointment of clergy and officials, Bibliography
toward the end of his reign the seeds of inheritance of Albright, W. F. 1926. The Topography of the Tribe of Issachar.
office are discernible, especially in the Theban priesthood. ZAW 44: 225-36.
The rise of powerful families holding important civil and PATRICK M. ARNOLD
ecclesiastical positions would eventually impinge upon the
centrality of royal authority, and the economic strength of
the Amon temple at Karnak would come to rival royal RAMOTH-GILEAD (PLACE) [Heb ramiit gil'ad]. A
wealth. Indeed, the very length of Ramesses ll's reign and fortress-city of Gilead located in the E portion of Gad's
the size of his family inevitably contributed to problems in tribal territory. Ramoth-gilead is first mentioned in the
the succession of rulers in the second half of the 19th Dyn. Bible (Deut 4:43) as a city in Transjordan which Moses set
Ramesses II is commonly associated with events of the aside for the tribe of Gad as a place of refuge for perpetra-
Exodus and often regarded as the pharaoh of the oppres- tors of unintentional homicide (see also Num 35:6-15 for
sion. Given the fact that already in Year 5 of his son and P legislation regarding cities of refuge). In Joshua 20, the
successor Merenptah, the Israelites are mentioned in a Lord commands Joshua to carry out Moses' legislation,
context that indicates their presence in Palestine, it is including the establishment of Ramoth in Gilead for Gad
unlikely that Merenptah was the pharaoh of the Exodus. (Josh 20:8). Though set in the Wandering/Conquest pe-
Since the city of Rameses was already in existence under riod, the provision for cities to which perpetrators could
Sety I, there is the possibility that he was the pharaoh of flee to escape blood revenge from angry relatives of the
the oppression and that Ramesses II was ruling when the victim probably reflects a sophisticated innovation of the
Exodus occurred, sometime after his Year 15 (Kitchen monarchical period. The Davidic-Solomonic period might
1982: 70-71). If, however, the Exodus account contains provide the earliest such setting for this role.
vague memories of the expulsion of the Hyksos at the Ramoth-gilead also appears in the list of forty-eight
beginning of the 18th Dyn., Ramesses ll's involvement cities granted to the Levites by Joshua after the Conquest,
may have been rather peripheral, perhaps limited to the and is specifically mentioned again as a city of refuge (Josh
departure from Egypt of a small group of Apiru Asiatics, 21:38 = 1 Chr 6:65 [-Eng 6:80]). The provision for
who somehow contributed to the collective experience of Levitical cities, though set in the premonarchical period, is
the Hebrews. also widely regarded by scholars as an administrative act
of the Davidic or Solomonic reigns (ARI, 121-25; Mazar
The mummy of Ramesses II, discovered at Thebes, is
1960) or even a much later government. Ramoth-gilead's
that of a red-haired octogenarian, who died a natural
roles as both a Levitical city and a city of refuge are
death at his delta residence, where his body was mummi-
possibly traceable to the same administrative fiat. It is
fied. noteworthy that when Solomon reportedly divided his
Bibliography kingdom into twelve local districts ( 1 Kgs 4:7-19), Ramoth-
gilead housed Ben-geber, the governor of Gilead and
Kitchen, K. A. 1982. Pharaoh Triumphant: The Life and Timl!s of
Bashan ( 1 Kgs 4: 13), indicating the importance of the city
Raml!JJes II. Warminster.
during that regime.
Lalouette, C. 1985. L'Empire des Ramses. Paris.
After the division of the kingdom in the late 10th
Murnane, W. J. 1985. The Road to Kadesh. SAOC 42. Chicago.
century, Israel inherited the tribal territories of the N
EDWARD F. WENTE
Transjordan, including Gad and its chief city, Ramoth-
gilead. A period of military struggles with Damascus fol-
lowed (I Kgs 15:20); Josephus (Ant 8.14.1) suggests that
RAMIAH (PERSON) [Heb ramyah]. A descendant of the city became a point of contention between Syria and
Parosh and one of the returned exiles who was required Israel, probably during the mid-9th century. The cam-
by Ezra to divorce his foreign wife (Ezra 10:25 = 1 Esdr paign of Ben-hadad of Syria (I Kgs 20) may have captured
9:26). According to M. Noth, the name Ramiah means Ramoth-gilead from Israel; certainly 1 Kgs 22 presumes
"Yahweh is exalted" (JPN, 145). Ramiah was a member of that the city lay in Aramean hands. The intriguing account
a family that returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel describes how the king of Israel (Ahab? cf. 22:20) im-
(Ezra 2:3; Neh 7:8). For further discussion, see BEDEIAH. plored Jehoshaphat of Judah to join him in an expedition
JEFFREY A. FAGER to recover Ramoth-gilead from Aram (22:3). Though the
v • 621 RA PH AH

court prophets encouraged such an attack, Micaiah, son ~J:_>HA (PERSON) [H~b rapa>]. The fifth son of Benja-
of Imlah, prophesied a resounding defeat at the city min m 1 Chr 8:2. He 1s not mentioned in the list of
(22: 15-17); the march went on nevertheless. The attempt Benjamin's sons in Gen 46:21, where Naaman is the fifth.
failed, and the king of Israel died in his chariot. DAVID SALTER WILLIAMS
Twelve years later (ca. 840), Jehoram of Israel and Aha-
ziah of Judah reportedly attempted to retake Ramoth-
gilead from Ben-hadad's Syrian successor Hazael (2 Kgs RAPHAEL (ANGEL) [Gk Raphael]. The angel dis-
8:28-29). The attack may have succeeded (cf. 9: 14), patched to restore Tobit's sight and to free Sarah from the
though the Arameans wounded Jehoram in the attempt. dominance of the evil spirit, Asmodeus (Tob 3: 17). His
While the king of Israel lay wounded at Jezreel, the name is a play on words, meaning "God heals" (Zimmer-
prophet Elisha dispatched a messenger to the Israelite man 1958: 66; Lamparter 1972: 108, n. 6). His role in the
army at Ramoth-gilead to anoint an Israelite military com- narrative underlines the writer's belief in both God's tran-
mander, Jehu, as the new king (9:1-13). This action scendence and his involvement in the life of Israel (Zim-
amounted to a fundamentalist coup d'etat, because Jehu merman 1958: 27-28; Nickelsburg 1981: 34). He acts as
returned from Ramoth to exterminate the rest of the God's emissary, but is charged with the responsibility of
liberal Omrides, members of the Judean royal family, and caring for the faithful. In fact, so central to the plot of the
most of the Baal prophets (2 Kgs 9-10). Apparently, the book is this angelic intermediary that some scholars have
Yahwistic revolt so weakened Israel that Hazael of Aram described Tobit as an "extended angelophany" (Nickels-
burg 1981: 40, n. 41). Raphael is also described in the
succeeded in capturing from it the entire Transjordan,
book of 1 Enoch as the second in the hierarchy of the
including the disputed Ramoth-gilead (2 Kgs 10:32-33).
angels (20: 3) and, specifically, as the one who bound
Though not all these prophetically inspired accounts can
Azazel and cast him into a pit (10: 4). Together, both books
be taken at face value (see Miller 1966), there is no reason
reflect the impact of Iranian beliefs upon those of Judaism.
to doubt that Israel and Syria struggled over Ramoth- The emergence of an angelic hierarchy, the view of angels
gilead itself during this period. It is possible that Amos as servants of men as well as God, and the assignment of
referred to battles in or around the city a century later names determined by function provide evidence of that
when he accused Damascus of war crimes: "They threshed influence (Gaster IDB 1: 132-34). The interest of both
Gilead under threshing-sledges spiked with iron" (Amos writers in the angelic establishes that the gap between the
1:3). OT and NT on such matters is not as great as it would
The modern identification of Ramoth-gilead is ham- appear (Metzger 1957: 38; cf. IDB 4: 12).
pered by the relative topographical ambiguity of the OT
texts. "Gilead" probably refers to an area in modern Jor- Bibliography
dan S of the Yarmuk River and N of the Jabbok, but there Lamparter, H. 1972. Die Apokryphen II: Weisheit Salomos, Tobias,
are many ruins in this area. Albright, following Dalman, Judith, Baruch. BAT 25/2. Stuttgart.
proposed Tell el f:lusn (M.R. 232210), some 16 km SW of Metzger, B. 1957. An Introduction to the Apocrypha. New York.
Ramtha (1929: 11). But N. Glueck later suggested Tell Nickelsburg, G. 1981. Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the
Ramith (M.R. 244210), 7 km S of Ramtha near the mod- Mishnah. Philadelphia.
em frontier with Syria (1943: 11-12), and this identifica- Zimmerman, F. 1958. The Book of Tobit. Jewish Apocryphal Litera-
t10n won sc~olarly .approval in view of Ramith's etymolog- ture. New York.
JCal connections with "Ramoth," its commanding location FREDERICK W. SCHMIDT
as a "height" over the surrounding plain, and its Iron Age
pottery.
Bibliography
RAPHAH (PERSON) [Heb rapa]. Var. REPHAIAH. Son
of Binea, a descendant of King Saul from the tribe of
Albright, W. F. 1929. New Israelite and Pre-Israelite Sites: The Benjamin, according to the genealogy of 1 Chr 8:37. The
Spring Trip of l 929. BASOR 35: 1-13. name is an abbreviated form of names such as Rephael,
Glueck, N. 1943. Ramoth-Gilead. BASOR 92: 10-16. "God has healed" (I Chr 26:7), and Rephaiah, "YH(WH)
Mazar, B. 1960. The Cities of the Priests and Levites. VTSup 7: has healed," which is a common biblical name in postexilic
139-205. sources .(e.g., 1 Chr 3:21), although the name Rephayahu
Miller, J. M. 1966. The Elisha Cycle and the Accounts of the (rpyhw) 1s attested to in the preexilic bulla corpus (Avigad
Omride Wars.JBL 85: 441-54. 1986: 78; Shiloh 1986: 29). The element rp>, "to heal," is
PATRICK M. ARNOLD common in biblical names of all periods (Noth JPN, 179).
The genealogy parallel to I Chr 8:37 in 9:43 gives Ra-
phah's name in the form Rephaiah (repayah); most LXX
RAMPART. See FORTIFICATIONS (LEVANT). manuscripts read this longer form in 8:37 as well. The
usual shortened form is Rapha (rapa'), which is attested to
in the Bible (e.g., 1 Chr 8:2), in the Samaria ostraca, and
RAMSES (PERSON). See RAMESSES II. on a preexilic bulla (Avigad 1986: 49), but it is not unusual
for a final >alep to interchange with a final he in personal
names (Fowler TPNAH, 165). Thus, neither the form Ra-
RAPE. See PUNISHMENTS AND CRIMES (OT AND pha of 8:37 nor Rephaiah of 9:43 should be seen as
ANE). preferable. Raphah's name appears in the section of ge-
RAPHAH 622 • v
nealogy (v 37b) using the term beno, "his son," in contrast is found in both Mesopotamian and Egyptian sources. A
to the preceding section (vv 36-37a), which uses the verbal Neo-Assyrian annal of Sargon II (721-705 B.c.) claims that
form hOlfd, "begot"; it is therefore possible that they come "Hanno, King of Gaza and also Sib'e, the Turtan of Egypt
from different sources and might have been mechanically set out from Rapihu against me to deliver a decisive battle.
combined, in which case Raphah is not actually the "son" I defeated them .. ."(ANET, 285). Esarhaddon (680-669
or "descendant" of Binea. This genealogy is from the end B.c.) also passed through Raphia on his way to Egypt: "l
of the First Temple period (Demsky 1971: 20) and was removed my camp from Musru and marched directly
preserved by Benjaminite families that survived the Baby- towards Meluhha (i.e., Egypt)-a distance of 30 double-
lonian Exile (Williamson 1979: 356). The existence and hours from the town of Apku which is in the region of
preservation of the Saulide genealogy probably reflect the Samaria as far as the town Rapihu (in) the region adjacent
continued prominence of Saul's family, and perhaps even to the 'Brook of Egypt' .. ."(ANET, 292).
their hope that they would return to power (Ackroyd In Egyptian texts, Raphia is found in the Papyrus Ana-
Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah TBC, 42; Flanagan PWCJS 8: stasi, a satirical letter dating to the time of Seti I ( 1294-
25). See MELECH. On the repetition of the genealogy in 1279 B.c.). The name (spelled r-p-h) is mentioned follow-
l Chronicles 8 and 9, and its structure within the genealo- ing n-h-s and preceding Gaza (ANET, 4 78; Gardiner 1920:
gies in Chronicles, see AHAZ. 103). In another list of toponyms from the same period,
Raphia follows Hazor (LBHG, 166). Ramesses II (1279-
Bibliography 1213 B.c.) mentions r-p-h in a geographical list preceding
Avigad, N. 1986. He/Jrew Bullae frQTTI the Time ofJeremiah. Jerusalem. Sharu[hen] (Tell el-Farcah; ANET, 292), while in a geo-
Demsky, A. 1971. The Genealogy of Gibeon (I Chronicles 9:34- graphical list from the time of the pharaoh Shishak I (945-
44): Biblical and Epigraphic Considerations. BASOR 202: 16- 924 B.c.), r-p-h is associated with Laban (LBHG, 290; for a
23. complete listing of Raphia occurrences in Egyptian texts
Shiloh, Y. 1986. A Group of Hebrew Bullae from the City of David. and corresponding bibliography, see CTAED, 161-62).
IE] 36: 16-38. Raphia is next attested in the literature of Hellenistic
Williamson, H. G. M. 1979. Sources and Redaction in the Chroni- times. Polybius mentions Raphia as the site of the battle
cler's Genealogy of Judah.JBL 98: 351-59. between Ptolemy IV and Antiochus III in 217 B.C. (Histo-
MARC Z. BRElTLER ries 5.80). Strabo the Geographer, while describing the
region, states: "After Gaza one comes to Rhaphia, where a
battle was fought between Ptolemaeus the Fourth and
RAPHAIM (PERSON) [Gk Rhapain]. A name given as Antiochus the Great" (Geog. 16.2.31). In the writings of
part of the genealogy of Judith (Jdt 8:1). It should be Josephus, Josephus relates how Alexander Jannaeus cap-
noted that the Gk text reads Raphain. If this reading is tured and destroyed Raphia in 97 B.c. (Ant 14.5.3) and
correct, then the name occurs nowhere else in the biblical how it was rebuilt by Gabinius in 55 B.c. (Ant 14.5.3; JW
text. It is often emended, as in RSV, to Raphaim (this l.8.4). Later, Titus passed through Raphia on his way
follows the Vulgate), or to Rephaiah. If the emendation to from Nicopolis in E_gypt to Jerusalem (70 A.D.;]W 4.1 l.5).
Rephaiah is correct, then it is most likely that the author The Talmud (t. Seb. 4.10) mentions the name Raphiah
of Judith had in mind the occurrence of the name in 1 deHagra "Raphia of the wall" as a name of a province
Chr 4:42. There, Rephaiah is a leader of the tribe of located on the border between Egypt and Palestine (GP I:
Simeon, which is, according to the author, the tribe of 308-10). For further discussion, see also IDB 4: 13; ISBE
Judith. The purpose of the genealogy in the book of Judith 4: 46; LA 5: 147-48.
is to prove the purity of Judith's Jewish descent and to give
the story verisimilitude. Bibliography
SIDNIE ANN WHITE Barag, D. 1973. The Borders of Syria-Palaestina on an Inscription
from the Raphia Area. IE] 23: 50-52.
Gardiner, A. H. 1920. The Ancient Military Road between Egypt
RAPHIA (PLACE) [Gk Rhaphia]. The site of the battle and Palestine.JEA 6: 99-116.
between Ptolemy IV Philopater and Antiochus III (J Mace. Na>aman, N. 1979. The Brook of Egypt and Assyrian Policy on the
1:1; 217 B.c.; see CAH 7/22/8: 728-31). It is associated Border of Egypt. TA 6: 68-90.
with modern Tel Rafah (M. R. 077079), a city located BRIAN E. KECK
about 20 miles SW of Gaza and 30 miles N of the Wadi el-
cArish. This site was important throughout antiquity be-
cause of its strategic location on the frontier between RAPHON (PLACE) [Gk RhaphOn]. A city in Gilead on
Palestine and Egypt. It served as a border station on the the banks of a tributary of the Yarmuk River. It is identi-
main military road which ran from Egypt to Palestine. fied with er-Rafeh, 13 km NE of Sheikh Sacad (Karnaim).
This road, called the "Way of Horus" by the Egyptians, the It may be the city nw-r-p-i in the list of Canaanite cities of
"Way of the Land of the Philistines" in the OT (Exod Thutmose III.
13: 17), and the "Way of the Sea" by the Romans, was the The Maccabean Revolt met with early success, including
most direct route linking Asia and Egypt and was thus the recapture of the temple in 164 B.C., which led to
used throughout history for the movement of armies (see gentile reprisals. Many Jews in Gilead fled to a stronghold
LBHG, 41-49; Gardiner 1920). at the city of Dathe ma and sent to Judas for help ( 1 M~cc
Although Raphia is not mentioned in the OT, there is 5: 10), while Jews in other cities were attacked by the gentile
ample evidence that it dates back to that period. The name citizens (5:26-27). Judas embarked on a highly successful
v. 623 RAZ IS

campaign to liberate all of ~hem . !he campaign reac~ed RAT. See WOLOGY.
its climax when the Ammomte m1htary commander, Tim-
othy, gathered a huge army opposi~e Rap_hon (?:37-39),
and Judas crossed the wadi swollen with sprmg ra~ns (Gold- RATHAMIN (PLACE) [Gk Rhathamin]. An administra-
stein J Maccabees AB, 303) to attack and defeat him (5:43). tive district ceded to Maccabean control by Demetrius
Timothy's army retreated to the Temple of Ashtoreth at Nicator of Syria ca. 148 a.c. (I Mace 11:34). The three
Karnaim (5:43-44), which Judas captured and burn~d. "nomes" of Aphairema, Lydda, and Rathamin had for-
Meanwhile, according to 2 Mace 12:24, the retr~atmg merly been a part of the larger district of Samaria, al-
though their population was largely Jewish. Rathamin, like
Timothy was captured by two Jewish brother~, Dosnheus
the other "nomes" associated with it, bordered Judea and
and Sosipater. He persuaded them to free him, thereby
had already come effectively under the control of the
avoiding death at Karnaim. Maccabees. Demetrius formally annexed Rathamin and
PAUL L. REDDITT
other territories to Judea and made further concessions in
an attempt to retain Jewish allegiance. This treaty was
reported in a letter of Demetrius to Lasthenes concerning
RAPHU (PERSON) [Heb rapu']. A man from the tribe affairs in the S portion of the Seleucid empire.
of Benjamin, known only through association w_ith his son Rathamin is clearly included as one of the three nomes
Palti (Num 13:9). Palti was one of the twelve tnbal repre- mentioned in the record of Demetrius' earlier attempt to
sentatives who left Kadesh to spy out the land of Canaan. sway Maccabean allegiance from his rival Alexander (I
TERRY L. BRENSINGER
Mace 10:30, 38). Later, in peace time, Demetrius broke his
promises, and his rival Tryphon, in the name of his child-
king Antiochus, granted Jonathan Maccabeus control over
RAPTURE. See REVELATION, BOOK OF; PAROU- "the four nomes," which would have included Rathamin (I
SIA. Mace 11 :57). Josephus uses the toponym Ramatha in his
description of these events (Ant 13.14.9; cf. LXX ASV
Rhamathaim). The change of spelling in early mss may
RAQQA, KHIRBET ER-. See JOKDEAM. represent a change to a sound more aesthetically pleasing
to the Hellenistic ear.
The district of Rathamin is widely accepted as the dis-
RAS ABU TABAT (PLACE). See TABBATH. trict surrounding the home of Samuel. This region in the
hill country of Ephraim lay along the N approach to Judea.
The location is also known as Arimathea (M.R. 151159)
RAS ET-TAHUNA (M.R. l 70I47). See ZEMARAIM. and was the hometown of Joseph, one of Jesus' followers
(Matt 27:57; John 19:38). The etymological root of this
name is Ramah, which refers to a high place. This location
RAS SHAMRA (PLACE). See UGARIT. is only 11 km N of Modein, the home of the Maccabees.
No excavations of the site are reported in current summa-
ries of archaeological activities. According to Avi-Yonah's
RASSIS (PLACE) [Gk Rhassis]. A site mentioned in the cartography, the region of Rathamin included ca. 140
book of Judith as one of the scenes of Holofernes' victories square miles and stretched from the foothills near Arima-
(Jdt 2:23). The name occurs only here in the Bible. The thea in the W to Bethel in the E.
author seems to locate the site somewhere in the region of ROBERT w. SMITH
Cilicia, given the context of the passage. The OL text and
the Vg give the name as Tharsis (Lat Tharsis), leading some
to suggest that Rassis is a corruption of the name Tarsus. RAVEN. See WOLOGY.
However, it is much more likely that the Latin is a corrup-
tion from the unknown "Rassis" toward the easily identi-
fied 'Tarsus." Others suggest an identification with a "Ros- RAZIS (PERSON) [Gk Rhazis]. One of the elders from
sos" mentioned by Strabo (14.5.19; 16.2.8) and Ptolemy Jerusalem who in 2 Mace 14:37-46 is said to commit
(Geog. 5.14). Stummer (1947) thinks this is the most likely suicide rather than permit Nicanor to arrest him and use
identification, and believes it refers to Mt. Rossus (modern him as an example to the Jews in Judea. While most major
Arsus), which was the site of the Battle of Issus in 333 translations (RSV, NEB, JB) for the sake of clarity insert
B.C.E. This is possible; the name may have been known to the name Razis into the story two or more times, the Gk
the author of Judith and used to give his story verisimili- mss only mention it once at the very beginning (v 37). The
tude. This identification would also partly depend on the mss vary considerably in the spelling of the name, raising
date assigned to the book of Judith; that is, whether or not questions about its origin. While most commentators ac-
the author would have been aware of the Battle of Issus. cept its Semitic origin, Grimm thinks the Syriac Raga! may
preserve the original name (1853: 199). Abel accepts
Bibliography Grimm's other proposal, Razy, and argues that it is proba-
Stummer, F. 1947. Geographie des Buches Judith. Bibelwissenschaft- bly of Persian background (1949: 467), while Goldstein
liche Reihe 3. Stuttgart. sees the influence of Isa 14:16-18 on Razy (2 Maccabees
SIDNIE ANN WHITE AB, 492).
RAZIS 624. v
Our knowledge concerning Razis is confined to this typical images of ancient Egypt-the pyramid, obelisk, and
account. He is described as one of the pres/'jteron (elders) sun temple (David 1980: 36).
from Jerusalem with a good reputation and a love for his The three most significant qualities of the sun-god are
fellow citizens. Most commentators think that he must have apparent. from his earliest occurrences in the Old King-
been among a group of elders assembled by Judas after dom. Re 1s a creator god, he is the divine king, and he is
the revolt (Habicht 1976: 27 5 ). While the extent of their the paradigm for the cycle of birth-life-death-rebirth. The
power cannot be ascertained (Goldstein 2 Maccabees AB, sun-god's aspect as a creator god is best described in the
491-92), the use of the title is rather common in 1 and 2 Instruction to King Merikare: "Mankind, god's cattle, is
Maccabees. This text also informs us that earlier in the well tended. He created the sky and the earth for their
time of amixia (separation), risking body and soul Razis sake ... He made breath for their noses to live . . . He
had incurred the judgment of Judaism, an apparent ref- shines in the sky for their sake. He made plants and cattle
erence to the prohibitions under Antiochus IV described for them, fowl and fish to feed them ... He makes daylight
in 2 Mace 6:1-6 and elsewhere. for their sake" (Volten 1945: 131; ANET, 417).
The story of Razis is an independent unit in 2 Maccabees In this regard, the sun-god is also the dominant creator
with a limited connection to its surrounding literary con- in many of the various priest-developed cosmogonic sys-
text. While in the sequence of events in 2 Maccabees the tems, such as that of Heliopolis, where Atum-Re generates
Razis incident seems to have occurred in the temple, many the first male-female pair through masturbation; Her-
believe the references in the story are to the courtyard of mopolis, where Re arises from the cosmic egg on the
a house (Grimm 1853: 200; Abel 1949: 469). Since this Island of Flames (Brandon 1963: 14); and Edfu, where Re
account seems to stand as an independent literary unit in is connected with the origin of sacred places (Reymond
2 Maccabees 14, it is very difficult to determine the precise 1969: 33).
setting. Perhaps Re's most important characteristic is that he is
While the story of Razis is an obvious case of suicide, its the king of the gods. This is his most common depiction
parallels with the martyrdoms described in 2 Mace 6: 10- in the Old Kingdom Pyramid Texts. Re crosses the sky in
7:42 (Goldstein 2 Maccabees AB, 491) provide some justifi- his great boat which is crewed by the gods who perform
cation for those who regard this story of noble resistance various scribal and personal functions, inspecting various
to foreign exploitation as a martyrdom (Schiffman in HBC districts of his realm, making regal pronouncements
914). (Anthes 1958: 77-89). All of this is so transparently a
borrowing of the earthly actions of the pharaoh that,
Bibliography lacking substantial descriptions of pharaonic activities of
Abel, F.-M. 1949. Les Livres des Maccabees. EBib. Paris.
state during the Old Kingdom, descriptions of Re can be
Grimm, C. L. W. 1853. Kurzgefa.sstes exegetisches Handbuch zu den
used to supplement our general understanding of royal
Apokryphen des Allen Testaments. Leipzig.
activities (Firchow 1957: 34-42). We even have one text
Habicht, C. 1976. 2. Makkabiierbuch. JSHRZ 113. Gutersloh.
where Re's royal prerogatives are so unqualified that he is
jOHN KAMPEN
able to call for the destruction of mankind (Piankoff 1955:
26).
RE (DEITY). The Egyptian sun-god; a cosmic deity of As mentioned earlier, one of the standard elements of
the greatest importance in the expression and develop- the pharaoh's titulary was his "Son of Re" name. Some
ment of Egyptian religious thought. Although the ideo- scholars speculated that this was an indication that the
gram for the sun-a circle with a central dot-is found in primary position of the pharaoh in the Egyptian pantheon
the late Predynastic period (ca. 3000 s.c.), scholars have was compromised by the rising power of Re and his priest-
no solid evidence upon which to date the introduction or hood during later Old Kingdom times (David 1980: 60).
development of solar worship in Egypt. What can be deter- That this Re-king connection was taken seriously through-
mined, however, is that by the end of the Archaic period out the rest of pharaonic history is confirmed by the fact
(ca. 2700 s.c.), the worship of Re was solidly entrenched that almost every pharaoh from Dynasty 4 through Dy-
in mainline Egyptian religion, since the name of Re has nasty 30, the last native Egyptian dynasty, selected a royal
been found as a constituent of human names at that time, name which was a compound using Re; for example,
as was the title "Son of Re," which was to be used in the Khafre, Menkaure, Sahure, Meryre, Kheperkare, Menkhe-
full titulary of pharaohs from the Old Kingdom through perre, and Usermaatre. Indeed, to the Egyptians, the "Son
the Roman period. of Re" title was quite literal, as the Westcar Papyrus relates
Re's primary cult center was the city of lwnw (Heliopolis), how the initial kings of the 5th Dynasty were the offspring
situated at the apex of the delta, where he was worshipped of the wife of a priest of Re and the sun-god himself (AEL
in the form of a hawk-headed human, and where his most 1: 215).
sacred icon-the conically shaped benben stone-was long The third major characteristic of Re is that he is the god
an object of veneration (Bonnet in RAR, 626). It is from of resurrection: the paradigm of the birth-life-death-re-
this city that the priests of Re are believed to have devel- birth cycle. The sun is the most dominant of all celestial
oped the highly complex speculative system which influ- phenomena, and its daily rising and setting led the Egyp-
enced much of Egyptian culture, from religious belief and tians to regard it as being born each morning and dying
ritual practice to religious and secular literature (Barucq each sunset. Connected with this is the vision of the sun
and Daumas 1980: 115; Assmann 1969), and even to sailing across the day sky along the body of the sky-godd.ess
architecture, this last providing some of the most stereo- Nut, being swallowed by her at sunset, and traveling
v • 625 READER RESPONSE THEORY

through her body by boat at night, to be born again in the Firchow, 0. 1957. Konigsschiffund Sonnenbarke. WZKM 54: 34-
morning (Westendorf 1966). 42.
The most commonly held theory is that an afterlife and Hornung, E. 1982. Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt. Ithaca.
the otherworld were royal prerogatives in the earlier peri- Piankoff, A. 1955. The Shrines of Tut-Ankh-Amon. New York.
ods. The best description of this is rendered in the Pyra- - - . 1957. The Tomb of Ramses VI. New York.
mid Texts, which are thought to represent beliefs origi- - - . 1964. The Litany of Re. New York.
nally prepared for and pertaining to pharaohs and the Reymond, E. A. E. 1969. The Mythical Origin of the Egyptian Templ.e.
royal bloodline. After death, and th~ough the pe.rfor- New York.
mance of certain rituals, the pharaoh either became iden- Volten, A. 1945. Zwei altaegyptische politische Schriften. Analecta
tified with Re or became a member of his official entourage Aegyptiaca 4. Copenhagen.
and was, therefore, pulled into the sun's cycle of daily Westendorf, W 1966. Altaegyptische Darstellungen des Sonnenlaufes
rebirth. auf der abschuessigen Himmelsbahn. MAS 10. Berlin.
Standard scholarship holds that even in the Pyramid FRANK T. Mrosr
Texts, however, we can detect more "popular" afterlife
expressions revolving around the god Osiris, who begins
to usurp or at least share in some of Re's prerogatives READER RESPONSE THEORY. A development
(Breasted 1933: 109). This process became more pro- within literary studies which focuses on the relationship
nounced during the First Intermediate Period, when the between text and receiver.
power of the pharaoh waned substantially and the afterlife
became accessible to everyone. This is a very debatable A. Definition
interpretation which is based on the lack of nonroyal B. Background and Formative Influences
funerary literature from the older periods. Even so, the C. Basic Concepts
solar influence remained strong in later funerary litera- I. The Implied and Other Readers
ture-for example, the Coffin Texts and the Book of the 2. Gaps and the Indeterminacy of the Text
Dead-and was the primary inspiration behind the nu- 3. The Wandering Viewpoint
merous highly pictorial "books" of the New Kingdom and 4. Criticism
later, such as the Book of the Day, the Book of the Night, D. Reader Response Theory and Biblical Literature
the Book of Gates, the Book of Caverns, and the Book of I. Audience Criticism
What ls in the Underworld (Piankoff 1957). All of these 2. New Developments
texts have as their leitmotiv the inexorable movement of
the sun-god through the otherworld, culminating with his A. Definition
rebirth. The communication process by means of texts can be
Re's influence on the general Egyptian pantheon was described in terms of the basic relationships between
profound. As early as the 2d Dynasty, with the occurrence sender, message, and receiver. Historical studies as a gen-
of Re-Horakhty, Re was such a fundamental aspect of the eral rule tend to concentrate on the relationship between
Egyptian religious perspective that he became closely sender and message, structural studies on the text itself,
linked with numerous other deities to form new gods, e.g., and Reader Response Theory (hereafter RRT) on the
Re-Atum, Re-Horakhty, Amon-Re, Khepre-Re, and Re- interaction between text and receiver(s). Although the
Osiris. Re was easily the most frequently occurring god in approach developed by RRT has its origins in the field of
these syncretistic associations (Hornung 1982: 86), and general literary studies, it is becoming increasingly promi-
one text, the Litany of Re, contains 75 examples of alter- nent in the interpretation of biblical material.
nate and compound names of Re, many of which are the
names of other gods, under which Re's power was manifest B. Background and Formative Influences
(Piankoff 1964: 22 ff.). The interest in reception forms part of a much wider
This syncretistic technique of Egyptian religious think- movement toward pragmatics, i.e., the study of the effect
ers, particularly as it applied to Re, was responsible for of language in use. While syntax has to do with the
expanding and enriching the character of many originally structure of and the relationship between the different
nonsolar divinities, to the point where, in the New King- elements of the text, and semantics deals with the meaning
dom, the Egyptian pantheon had a substantially solar of the text, pragmatics is interested in language in action
flavor. and the effects that can be achieved by language. Because
language functions on various levels and in a variety of
Bibliography contexts, pragmatics covers a broad spectrum of investiga-
Anthes, R. 1958. Die Sonnenboote in den Pyramidentexten zAs tion. It does not proceed from a unified or universally
82: 77-89. accepted theory, but draws its inspiration and concepts
Assmann, J. 1969. Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott. MAS 19. from diverse methods and traditions. RRT, as a smaller
Berlin. segment within the wider field of pragmatics, reflects the
Barucq, A., and Daumas, F. 1980. Hymnes et prihes de l'Egypte same multifaceted background, and a number of influ-
Ancienne. Paris. ences can be traced in its development.
Brandon, S. G. F. 1963. Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East. In terms of origins, a distinction can be made between
London. RRT and reception theory. The former is a concept prev-
Breasted, J. H. 1933. The Dawn of Conscience. New York. alent in North America; the latter was developed in a
David, R. j. 1980. Cult of the Sun. London. European context. RRT is an umbrella term which brings
READER RESPONSE THEORY 626. v
together literary critics from diverse backgrounds. The field ~f re~earch. s?~iology of knowledge has emphasized
common denominator is their opposition to the New Crit- the h1stoncal relauv1ty of knowledge; that is, the effect
ical emphasis on the "text itself"; that is, on the autono- w.hich the po.sition of the observer-the observer's place in
mous status of the text as text, and the concentration on history and m the social network-has on the observer's
the ways in which the text interacts with readers. In RRT, perception of reality. Critical hermeneutics gave rise to the
there is no coordinated attempt to develop a uniform development of "materialistic" readings of texts, where
methodological approach; in fact, one of the strengths of both production and reception are understood in terms of
RRT claimed by its adherents is that it can accommodate a the interaction of socioeconomic forces. Psychological
variety of techniques and methods. Reception theory, on studies of the reading process have made use of reception
the other hand, is a much more coherent movement, most insights, while communication theory as a whole has ben-
prominently represented by the so-called School of Con- efited from this interchange. In the earlier stages of devel-
stance, with Robert Jauss and Wolfgang Iser as its principal opment, the work of Iser represented the only significant
exponents. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, their link between RRT and reception theory. However, as a
work was seminal for the exchange of ideas at the biannual result of the ongoing exchange of ideas, the different
colloquia held at the University of Constance in the Federal schools and traditions can no longer be separated so easily.
Republic of Germany. The results of those discussions
were eventually published in the series Poetik und Hermeneu- C. Basic Concepts
tik. 1. The Implied and Other Readers. Pivotal for all types
The rise of reception theory or the "aesthetics of recep- of reception theory or RRT is the role of the reader. The
tion" (Jauss) was preceded by four other related develop- basic assumption is that every text presupposes a specific
ments. First, studies in the sociology of literature empha- reader, whether this is a concrete person or only a hypo-
sized that not only is the production of a work of art or thetical receiver. This reader influences the way in which
the value of its inherent qualities worthy of investigation, the text is structured and framed, and the author of the
but also, and especially, is its effect on society. Similar text assumes that the reader has the ability required to
ideas came from a second quarter, that of philosophical decode and understand what is written.
hermeneutics, where Gadamer developed his concept of The reader or readers may be explicitly identified, even
the "effective history" (Wirkungsgeschichte) of a text. In this addressed by name (for example, Theophilus in Luke I :3),
concept, an individual does not exhaust the meaning po- or their presence may be only assumed. In the course of
tential of a text, but his or her interpretation is relativized time a wide variety of readers has been listed, but it was
and complemented by other readings of the text. In fact, only with the introduction of Wolfgang Iser's concept of
these different readings form a history of their own which the "implied reader" that the reader became an important
will influence the predisposition of the individual reader feature of the methodology for the interpretation of texts.
even before he or she actually encounters the text- Iser intended this "reader" to serve as a theoretical con-
whether the reader is aware of this influence or not. The struct, to account for the presence of the reader in the text
concept of "effective history" prepared the way for the without having to deal with the additional complications
third influence, namely the idea of writing a history of posed by a real reader. The "implied reader" was devised
literature in terms of the reception of texts. Jauss, the as a counterpart to the concept of the "implied author."
major exponent of this concept, understands such an The reason for these distinctions was the recognition that
undertaking to be the prerequisite for an "aesthetics of whoever the real author of a literary text might be, the
reception." The aim is to provide some explanation for text itself is written from a specific point of view and
the success or failure of certain texts during certain peri- addressed to a specific reader who shares a certain mini-
ods in history, and in doing so to establish a basis for the mum amount of knowledge with the author, if any com-
evaluation of texts. A fourth and very powerful influence munication is to take place via the text.
came from the ideas of the Prague structuralists. In devel- However, the implied author and the implied reader are
oping and revising certain concepts of Russian formalism, not the only participants. Within the text itself, a further
they maintained a clear distinction between the text as set may be introduced in the form of a narrator and an
stable structure and the realization of that structure by the addressee. For example, in the gospel of Mark, the author
reader. They believed that by seeing the work of art as a presupposes that his readers will have a reading knowledge
complex sign which mediated between the artist and the of Greek and will understand references to tax collectors,
receiver, the social dimension of reception became promi- the book of Isaiah, the Pharisees, and so forth. But within
nent. This line of thought was taken up and explored his story he introduces Jesus as a narrator of parables, with
further by the School of Constance. From quite a different Jesus' disciples as audience. On still a further level of
angle, reception was also influenced by insights deriving embedding, the owner of the vineyard communicates with
from speech act theory. Here, too, the focus was on the his servants, who form yet another audience (Mark 12).
effect achieved by language usage. Because of this complexity of textual structures, it is
In its turn, concepts developed by reception theory important to distinguish between the various receivers.
proved to be fruitful for many other related areas of Some are present only "inside" the text-not as real r~ad­
research, including the following most prominent ones. ers, but as possible roles which the real reader might
Theoretical studies have been complemented by a vast adopt. Examples are the so-called moc_k reader whose role
amount of empirical work in which the actual reception of the real reader is invited to assume, 1f only temporanly:
texts by various types of readers is monitored under con- the addressee who is often explicitly identified; the implied
trolled conditions. This has developed into a specialized reader who is in possession of the minimum qualities
v. 627 READER RESPONSE THEORY

necessary to make sense of the text; and the ideal or model This is what Iser means by the so-called "wandering view-
reader who has the competence to follow all the nuances point" of the reader. Various textual perspectives are open
and to realize the potential of the text to its fullest. On the to the reader-that of the narrator, the characters, the
other hand, some readers are clearly "outside" the text. plot, and the implied reader. In moving backwards and
These are real readers like the first or original readers of forwards between these perspectives, the reader will find
a text, the past readers who constitute the history of the that different segments of the text are brought into the
reception of the text, the composite or communal reader foreground, while others become marginal. In presenting
who has accumulated the critical experience of a specific these different options to the reader, the text is in fact
community or of previous generations, or the present mediating between the reader's position and where the
reader of the text. text would like the reader to be.
In the long run, however, it becomes problematic to 4. Criticism. Criticism of both the theory and practice
keep intratextual and extratextual readers neatly sepa- of RRT comes from two opposing quarters. Some maintain
rated. The "implied reader," as such, illustrates the prob- that the method destabilizes the text, ignores its con-
lem. Although originally conceived as a means of account- straints, and opens up the gates for all forms of subjectiv-
ing for the presence of the reader without having to deal ism. Others object (especially from a deconstructionist
with a real reader, the implied reader does become the perspective) that RRT is not prepared to accept the conse-
point of entrance for the real reader by representing the quences of its own position. Having recognized the creative
stance which the latter attempts to adopt. Iser is therefore input of the reader, it stops halfway by still insisting that
forced to define the implied reader both as a textual the text exercise a decisive control over the reader. RRT
structure (Textstruktur) and as a structured act (Aktstruktur). proponents have tried to counter this by distinguishing
This dual definition of the concept of the implied reader between two stages of reading-the first recognizing the
enables Iser to move to and fro from text to reader, but it text as a closed system of signs (text-immanent), the second
has also given rise to the criticism that he can do so only taking the reader's sign system into account (text-transcen-
because the relationship between these two aspects remains dent). Even so, the paradox between the constraints of the
vague. A clearer understanding of the interaction between text and the freedom of the reader remains a methodolog-
the real and the implied reader remains one of the areas ical challenge.
in RRT that needs further methodological refinement.
2. Gaps and the Indeterminacy of the Text. Exponents D. Reader Response Theory and Biblical Literature
of RRT point out that clues are offered to the reader on Because of the persuasive nature of biblical literature,
various levels of the text. These can come in the form of which presupposes a response from its readers, RRT is of
linguistic indicators, like second-person pronouns, vocative special significance for this type of material. Even before
forms, and direct commands. On the rhetorical level, rhe- reader reception became a focal point in literary theory,
torical questions or other strategies can be used to elicit biblical scholars had already addressed many of the issues
sympathy or arouse aversion. In the world created by the raised by RRT, even if this did not form part of an overall
text, a specific value system can be introduced, offering methodological system. The work already done may be
the reader new possibilities for self-understanding. In Gal conveniently discussed under the heading "audience criti-
3:28, the "status" of the believer is redefined in contrast to cism" (D. L). However, recent developments in general
existing norms of the social system. Petersen (1985) has literary theory have brought the problems of reception in
shown how kinship relations play an important role in the biblical texts sharply into focus (see section D.2.).
symbolic universe developed in the letter to Philemon. 1. Audience Criticism. The question of who the ad-
Whether the actual reader accepts the role(s) offered by dressees of the various books of the Bible are has always
the text is a matter of the appropriation of the text. been an important theme in biblical interpretation. Most
Despite these indicators which guide the reader in a classical introductions to biblical literature include a stan-
certain direction, RRT insists that indeterminacy is a basic dard section on the intended receivers of a prophetic book,
characteristic of the literary text. What is revealed in the a gospel, or a letter. The underlying assumption is that
text is at the same time accompanied by what remains this material is dialogical in nature, and an adequate
concealed. It is this dialectic between what is explicit and understanding of the text is therefore dependent on hav-
what is implicit, between the known and the unknown ing sufficient information about the circumstances and
which sets the reading process in motion. According t~ viewpoints of the receiving party.
Iser, the text contains certain deliberate "gaps" or "open It is therefore not surprising that various forms of
spaces." These structured blanks spur the reader to action audience criticism have been practiced by biblical scholars.
and entice the reader to supply the missing information in This term was first used in a biblical context by Baird in
order to make sense of what is said. In this way, the text his study on the Corinthian Church (I 969), but as in the
requires an mput from the reader and makes the reader case of RRT, it is a concept which has its origin in general
co-responsib_le for the creation of the text as meaningful literary studies and which in essence is a synonym for RRT
commumcat1on. (cf. Suleiman 1980: 6).
3. The Wandering Viewpoint. The introduction of In the study of biblical literature, a variety of methods,
readers other than the present reader is one way in which ranging from form criticism to sociological analyses, have
the mediating potential of the text comes to the surface. been employed to obtain information regarding audi-
Instead of confronting the reader with only one possible ences. A classic example is the case of Paul's opponents,
role, the text offers a variety of options. The reader can where studies by Schmithals, Wilckens, and Georgi on the
therefore be present in the text in more than one way. Corinthian situation continued along some avenues
READER RESPONSE THEORY 628 • v
opened up by the historical-religious work of Bousset and Detweiler, R., ed. 1985. Reader Response Approaches to Biblical
Reitzenstein, and ·even reached back to the work of F. C. and Secular Texts. Semeia 3 l. Decatur.
Baur. Techniques employed in this process include the Du Plessis, J. G. 1985. Clarity and Obscurity: A Study in Textual
gathering of data from direct and indirect historical refer- Communication of the Relation between Sender, Parable and
ences; the use of references based on rhetorical, epistolo- Receiver in the Synoptic Gospels. Diss., Stellenbosch.
graphic, or sociological grounds; and the application of Elliot, J. H. 198 l. A Home for the Homeless: A Sociological Exegesis of/
mirror readings--that is, assuming that the adversaries' Peter. Philadelphia.
viewpoint is the opposite of what is stated in the polemical Fowler, R. M. 1981. Loaves and Fishes: The Function of the Feeding
sections of the writings. Stories in the Gospel of Mark. SBLDS 54. Chico, CA.
Studies of a sociological nature, exemplified by the work Jewett, R. 198 l. Letter to Pilgrims: A Commentary on the Epistle to the
of Theissen, Kee, Malherbe, Scroggs, and others, have Hebrews. New York.
further stimulated the investigation of audiences. Many Kee, H. C. 1977. Community of the New Age: Studies in Mark's Gospel.
independent studies of individual books have been made, Philadelphia.
for example John (Brown 1979), Mark (Kee 1977), He- Lategan, B. C., and Vorster, W. S. 1985. Text and Reality. Philadel-
brews (Jewett 1981), and 1 Peter (Elliot 1981). phia.
2. New Developments. Audience criticism discussed so Lundin, R.; Thiselton, A. C.; and Walhout, C. 1985. The Responsi-
far remains by and large part of a historical undertaking. bility of Hermeneutics. Grand Rapids.
The aim has been to obtain reliable data about the real McKnight, E. V. 1985. The Bible and the Reader. Philadelphia.
receivers and their circumstances as an aid to a better Meeks, W. A. 1983. The First Urban Christians. New Haven.
understanding of the texts. The frequent lack of such data Petersen, N. R. 1985. Rediscovering Paul: Philemon and the Sociology
and other methodological problems have led recent re- of Paul's Narrative World. Philadelphia.
searchers to employ RRT primarily as a literary technique. Staley, J. L. 1985. The Print's First Kiss: A Rhetorical Investigation of
Examples are the work of Crossan (1980) and Du Plessis the Implied Reader in the Fourth Gospel. Diss., Berkeley.
(l 985) on the parables, Culpepper (1983) and Staley Theissen, G. 1979. Studien zur Soziologie des Urchri.rtentums. WMANT
( 1985) on John, Fowler (l 981) on Mark, Petersen (1985) 19. Tiibingen.
on Philemon, Wuellner (1977) on Romans, and McKnight Wuellner, W. 1977. Paul's Rhetoric of Argumentation in Romans.
(1985) on general theory. The text is understood as a Pp. 252-74 in The Romans Debate, ed. K. P. Donfried. Minne-
literary entity in the first place, with strict adherence to apolis.
intratextual categories. The focus, inter alia, is on the - - . 1987. Where ls Rhetorical Criticism Taking Us? CBQ 49:
reader as textual construct and on the world or symbolic 448-63.
universe created by the text. Both narrative and nonnar- BERNARD C. LATEGAN

rative material have been analyzed in this way-the latter

analyzation resulting in an interest in rhetorical strategies.
The importance of historical issues is not denied, but a READINGS, CONFLATED. See CONFLATE
literary approach is preferred as the primary means of READINGS IN THE OT.
gaining an understanding of the text. With the growing
interest in RKf and its application on biblical material, the
challenge remains to clarify the referential potential of
REAIAH (PERSON) [Heb re'ayah]. The name given to
three men in the Hebrew Bible.
these texts and their relationship to extra textual reality.
I. A Judahite, the second generation removed from
Judah. He was the son of Shobal and the father of Jahath
Bibliography (1Chr4:2).
General Literature 2. A Reubenite, of the family of Joel. He was the son of
Dijk, T. A. van. 1981. Studies in the Pragmatics of Discourse. The Micah and the father of Baal (1 Chr 5:5).
Hague. 3. The name of a family of temi1!e servants who re-
Eco, U. 1979. The Role of the Reader. Bloomington. turned to Palestine with Zerubbabel shortly after 538
Grimm, G. 1977. Reuptionsgeschichte. Munich. s.c.E., the end of the Babylonian Exile. The name appears
Holub, R. C. 1984. Reception Theory. London. in Ezra 2:47 in the phrase "the sons of Reaiah" (Gk Reea),
Iser, W. 1974. The Implied Reader. Baltimore. where the temple servants are distinguished from the
- - . 1978. The Act of Reading. Baltimore. people of Israel, the priests, and the Levites. The parallel
Jauss, H. R. 1970. Literaturgeschichte als Provokation. Frankfurt. passage (Neh 7:50) also lists "the sons of Reaiah" (Gk
Suleiman, S., and Crosman, I., eds. 1980. The Reader in the Text. Raaia/Raea), as does the later parallel I Esdr 5:31 (Gk
Princeton. lairos).
STEVEN R. SWANSON
Tompkins, J. P., ed. 1980. Reader Response Criticism. Baltimore.
Biblical Material
Baird, J. A. 1969. Audience Criticism and the Historical Jesus. Philadel- REAPING. See HARVESTS, HARVESTING; AGRI-
phia. CULTURE.
Brown, R. E. 1979. The Community of the Beloved Disciple. New York.
Crossan, J. D. 1980. Cliffs of Fall: Paradox and Polyvalence in the
Parables ofJesus. New York. REBA (PERSON) [Heb reba<]. A Midia_ni_te .king_ (Num
Culpepper, A. 1983. The Anatomy of the Fourth Gospel. Philadelphia. 31:8; Josh 13:21). Historically, the five M1d1amte kmgs or
v. 629 REBEKAH

chiefs in Numbers 31, also mentioned in Joshua 13, are strange story of his near-sacrifice (chap. 22). In addition,
difficult to date and locate. Albright ( 1970) assumed that Abraham has just buried Sarah, his wife, in the cave of the
the Midianite war described in Numbers 31 antedated the field of Machpelah and is mourning her death. Abraham's
domestication of the camel (an observation which would reluctance to send Isaac himself on the journey back to
now lead into the 3d millennium s.c.; Knauf 1988: 9-10). the Mesopotamian homeland (24:8-10) is an interesting
Knauf suggested interpreting these five "kings" as a list of contrast to Rebekah's later treatment of Jacob: she only
place names that form an itinerary through N Arabia and too willingly parts with her favorite son and is actually
S Transjordan in the Persian period (Knauf 1988: 166- eager to send him back to her homeland because of Esau's
67). As a personal name, Reba has parallels in Hadramitic, anger over the stolen blessing (27:4I-45).
Lihyanite, Safaitic, and classical Arabic Rabi< and Rubai' Abraham's servant arrives outside the city of Nahor with
(Knauf 1988: 90), i.e., from the 5th century B.c. onwards. his retinue of ten camels, laden with choice gifts for the
For Reba as a place name, Rabig, a port city of the l:lijaz, future bride. It is a princely scene that awaits the maiden
and, more likely, Naqb Ruba'i, the main access to Petra as she approaches the well at evening time. Rebekah is
from Wadi 'Arabah, provide possible identifications. beautiful but not passive. She becomes the focal point of
Bibliography purposeful activity. She addresses the servant, draws wa-
Albright, W. F. 1970. Midianite Donkey Caravans. Pp. 197-205 in ter, fills her jar, gives drink, draws water for the camels
Translating and Understanding the Old Testament, ed. H. T. Frank (Gen 24: 16-20). She gives consent and determines that
and W. L. Reed. Nashville. she will go with Abraham's servant without delay (Gen
Knauf, E. A. 1988. Midian. ADPV. Wiesbaden. 24:58). In later years, she will again become the focal point
ERNST AxEL KNAUF of purposeful activity in securing the paternal blessing for
her favorite son, Jacob. She manipulates the action, devises
the plan to fool Isaac, and prepares the savory food. She is
REBEKAH (PERSON) [Heb ribqa]. Var. REBECCA. the most clever and authoritative of the matriarchs, and
Wife of Isaac, mother of the twins Esau and Jacob, daugh- yet she epitomizes womanly beauty and virtue, in her
ter of Bethuel (Abraham's nephew), and sister of Laban conduct (her virginity, her actions at the well), in her
(Gen 22:23). She is thus also Isaac's cousin once removed, energetic speech, in her thoughtful courtesy, and in her
since her grandfather Nahor was Abraham's brother. See self-assurance.
Fig. REB.01. The story assumes that Rebekah has been appointed by
Older etymologies derive the name from the root rbq, the Lord to be Isaac's wife, since events seemingly unfold
"to tie fast" (cf. the Heb ribqa, "a looped cord for tying according to divine providence (Gen 24:11-21, 50-51).
young animals"). It may also constitute a wordplay on the Even though Rebekah has never met Isaac, she agrees to
Heb baqar, "cattle" (note the metathesis of the ref), thus the marriage because, in a sense, they are not strangers:
making it analogous to other names in the patriarchal both are aware of common family ties and history. The
narratives, such as Rachel ("ewe"), or Leah ("cow"), and betrothal scene (vv 34-51) is elaborately described in cer-
Zilpah ("short-nosed animal"). emonial language as a formal treaty between two branches
The story of Rebekah, beautifully narrated in high lit- of the Terah clan. The bestowal of gifts upon the future
erary style, forms the conclusion of the Abraham saga. In bride (v 53) is rendered in detail, and negotiations are
his old age, Abraham decides that Isaac, the bearer of couched in diplomatic language (vv 49, 54-58). Laban,
Yahweh's promise, should not intermarry with the daugh-
keenly conscious of his sister's newfound favor, blessings,
ters of the Canaanites (Gen 24:3). This act of securing a
and gifts, takes sudden cognizance of her (Gen 24:30-31)
bride for Isaac is Abraham's last deed, which is carried out
as he will also later note that Jacob's herds have multiplied
by his most trusted servant. While the servant is not named
by divine providence and blessing (Gen 30:27-36). Her
in this chapter, it is often suggested that he is Eliezer of
farewell from her father's household is accompanied by a
Damascus, named as Abraham's majordomo in chap. 15.
shower of blessings: "Our sister, be the mother of thou-
It is noteworthy that the betrothal is to take place by proxy,
since Isaac never leaves home. Abraham won't allow Isaac sands of ten thousands; and may your descendants possess
out of his sight, as it were, for several reasons: the lateness the gate of those who hate them" (Gen 24:60). The sym-
bolism of the doubling of fertility motifs in the farewell
of his birth after years of promise, coupled with the
blessing and the offering of life-giving water at the well is
intentional. Upon her arrival at her future husband's
Te rah dwelling place (vv 63-64), their first encounter is poi-
gnantly rendered and leaves a powerful visual impression
Sarah = Abraham Nahor = Milcah on the reader.
I
Bethuel And Isaac went out to meditate in the field in the
evening; and he lifted up his eyes and looked, and
Isaac = Rebekah Laban behold there were camels coming. And Rebekah lifted
up her eyes, and when she saw Isaac, she alighted from
Esau Jacob = Leah = Rachel the camel.

REB.01. Genealogy of Rebekah. See also Fig. RAC.01. It concludes (v 67) with the statement:
REBEKAH 630. v
Then Isaac brought her into the tent, and took Rebekah, together with Abraham, Sarah, Isaac, Jacob (but not Esau)
and she became his wife; and he loved her. So Isaac was and ~eah. She is revered as the second of the four grea;
comforted after his mother's death. matriarchs of the patriarchal age. In the NT, Paul refers
to Rebekah to demonstrate God's divine elective purpose
Re_b~kah is barren for the first 20 years of her marriage, and grace, mercy, and compassion (Rom 9: 10-11).
and It 1s only after Isaac's intercessory prayer to God that
she conceives (25:21). Barrenness, although exceptional, is Bibliography
a recurrent element in biblical birth stories, and the Bible Alter, R. 1981. The Art of Biblical Narrative. New York.
concentrates on these exceptions. Frequently, barrenness Auerback, E. 1965. Mimesis. Princeton.
ai:i~ a son born in advanced age are viewed as proof of Fokkelman, J.P. 1975. Narrative Art in Genesis. Assen and Amster-
d1vme purpose, such as in the cases of Sarah (mother of dam.
Isaac), Rachel (mother of Joseph and Benjamin), the un- Speiser, E. A. 1964. Genesis. AB. Garden City, NY.
named_ mother of Samson, Hannah (mother of Samuel), ASTRID BILLES BECK
and Ehzabeth (mother of John the Baptist). In each case,
t~e offspring is destined to fulfill a special role in the
history of Israel. In the case of Rebekah, Yahweh indicates RECAH (PLACE) [Heb reha]. An as yet unidentified
a special purpose concerning the destiny of the two boys place mentioned in 1 Chr 4: 12. Some suggest that Recah
who struggle within her womb: "And the Lord said to her should be read Rechab with LXX B, which would ostensi-
'Two nations are in your womb, and two peoples, born of bly provide linkage with I Chr 2:55.
you, will be divided, the one will be stronger than the DAVID SALTER WILLIAMS
?ther, the greater the lesser will serve'" (Gen 25:23). This
1s purposely ambiguous, like the Delphic oracle, and it sets
the stage for discord not only between the boys who are to RECHAB (PERSON) [Heb rehab]. RECHABITE. Name
become the eponymous ancestors of two nations, but also belonging to two individuals in the Hebrew Bible.
between the nations themselves, for Esau is also called
Edom and is considered the forefather of the Edomites A. Biblical Evidence
(Gen 36:8-9), while Jacob is renamed Israel and becomes B. "Nomadic Ideal" and Guilds
the forefather of the Israelites (Gen 35:10-12). In point C. Rechabite Discipline and Metallurgy
of fact, the prophecy is not fulfilled in the lifetime of D. Genealogical Lists in Chronicles
either Jacob or Esau, although most scholars think the
reference is to the subsequent history of the two peoples, A. Biblical Evidence
Edom and Israel. Rifts in the family unity are foreshad- Biblical references concerning Rechab and the Rechab-
o~ed ~n the womb and are borne out in the selling of the ites are quite limited. There are two individuals named
birthright and the stealing of the blessing. The result is Rechab in the Bible. One of these is Rechab, a Benjaminite,
that Esau, the father's favorite son, is deprived of his status son of Rimmon, who together with his brother, Baanah,
as firstborn and principal heir. Jacob, who is called "the was a leader of a raiding band under Saul's son Ishbo-
supplanter," obtains the patriarchal blessing from his aged sheth. Following the death of Abner, Rechab and Baanah
and blind father, Isaac. It is Rebekah who takes the initial killed Ishbosheth and brought his head to David, from
and decisive action by instructing Jacob in deceiving his whom they expected a reward. Instead, David had them
father, her husband, for in spite of such deception she both executed (2 Sam 4:1-3, 5-12). The other biblical
wants the blessing for her favored son. However, this action Rechab appears either as the father or ancestor of one
is foreshadowed by Esau's abrupt selling of his birthright Jehonadab (Heb yehOniidiib; or Jonadab [Heb yoniidiib] in
to his twin brother for a portion of pottage (Gen 25:30- Jeremiah) ben Rechab in 2 Kgs 10:15-17, where he allies
33), and it can be interpreted to demonstrate that Esau is himself with Jehu's coup. It is apparently this latter Rechab
not fit to fulfill divine destiny as the one through whom who became the patriarch of a group who called them-
God's promise to Abraham will move toward fulfillment. selves Rechabites, a group which came to Jerusalem to
The bestowing of the blessing is formulated in legalistic escape Nebuchadnezzar's invasion and are mentioned in
terms and is intended to be a binding pact (Gen 27:28- relation to Jeremiah in Jeremiah 35.
29). Esau's agonized cry is mitigated by the separate "bless- Rechabites also appear in genealogical lists in I Chroni-
ing" which Isaac pronounces upon him (Gen 27:39-40), cles. In I Chr 2:55, the "house of Rechab" (Heb bet-rehab)
but which results in his homicidal hatred of Jacob (Gen is associated with the Kenites: ''These are the Kenites (or
27:41), causing the latter to seek refuge among Rebekah's smiths) who came from Hammath, the father of the house
kindred, with her brother Laban, in Haran. Here we have of Rechab." In l Chronicles 4, which is more than a
a schematic repetition in Rebekah's charge to seek a wife genealogy in the strict sense of the word, in a part of a list
for Jacob from among her own kindred, just as Abraham of the sons of Caleb and Ephrathah, who apparently lived
had charged his servant to seek a wife for Isaac among his in the region between Bethlehem and Hebron, there is the
kindred. See RACHEL. following notice: "Chelub (or Caleb), the brother of Shu-
There is no mention that Jacob ever saw his mother hah, was the father of Mehir, who was the father of Esh ton.
again after his sojourn in Haran; rather, he found comfort Eshton was the father of Bethrapha, Paseah, and Tehin-
with Rachel just as Isaac had found comfort with Rebekah. nah, the father of Ir-nahash. These are the men of Re-
Nor is there mention of Rebekah's death, although Gen chab" (reading Rechab with the LXX Vaticanus and the
49:31 reports her burial in the family cave at Machpelah, Lucianic text instead of Recah, Heb reha; l Chr 4: 11-12).
v. 631 RECH AB

Here the Rechabites appear in a list which refers to the maru and aplu, could also mean that the person in question
founders of various guilds whose names were associated is a member of a certain occupational group or guild.
with localities where they pursued their trade. Guilds followed the model of the family system from which
It is in Jeremiah that the unique discipline of the Rechab- they originated. The heads of such guilds were given the
ites is described. Here, Jeremiah brings the entire "house familial designation "father," while the apprentices were
of the Rechabites" into a single chamber of the temple in called "sons" (Mendelsohn I 940: 18-19). Prophetic guilds
order to use them as a test case in obedience. In response are sometimes designated this way in the Bible (cf. Amos
to an offer of wine from Jeremiah, they respond: "We will 7: 14; 2 Kgs 2:3, 5, 15). In the economic and administrative
drink no wine, for Jonadab ( = Jehonadab), the son of texts from Late Bronze Ugarit, there is a group in the royal
Rechab, our father, commanded us, 'You shall not drink service called brs-mrkbt, "chariot makers or wainwrights"
wine, neither you nor your sons for ever; you shall not (Rainey 1962: 167), and the designation ben rehab may
build a house; you shall not sow seed; you shall not plant indicate that Jehonadab was a member of such an occupa-
or have a vineyard; but you shall live in tents all your days, tional group.
that you may live many days in the land where you so- One further possibility is to understand ben rehab as
journ'" (Jer 35: 6-7). The Rechabites are then used by suggesting that Jehonadab was a native of a place called
Jeremiah as an example of a people which has remained Rechab, which in turn may have derived its name from
faithful to commandments, in contrast to the people of that of a clan. If Rechab is to be understood as a place
Israel. name, it could be Beth-marcaboth (Josh 19:5; I Chr 4:31),
which according to Cohen derived its name from the fact
B. "Nomadic Ideal" and Guilds that Solomon selected it as a suitable location for the
Because of their peculiar discipline, the Rechabites have manufacture and storage of chariots (IDB 3: 220; cf. 2 Chr
often been described as a puritanical, clanlike association 9:25).
which lived a nomadic existence in celebration of a sup-
posed "nomadic ideal" and as a religiously motivated pro- C. Rechabite Discipline and Metallurgy
test against the prevailing way of life in the cities of the In his comprehensive study of Metallurgy in Antiquity
divided monarchy. The labeling of the Rechabites as no- ( 1964: 64-68), Forbes makes several observations about
mads has rested on several assumptions, based on their the smith in antiquity which are pertinent to an assessment
unique regimen: (I) that abstention from intoxicants is a of the Rechabite discipline. In a preindustrial society, the
distinctive trait of a nomadic society; (2) that tent dwelling smith had to be familiar with many technical procedures,
necessarily suggests nomadism; and (3) that the disdaining the knowledge of which was handed down and guarded
of agriculture is a sure sign of nomadism. It is, however, jealously from one generation to the next. When the smith
questionable whether these cultural traits can justifiably be was among agriculturalists, there was emphasis on the
interpreted as characteristics peculiar to nomadic groups. guild form of organization, which implied initiation into
The same traits can also fit the description of the way of the technical traditions of the craft, and which in turn
life of an itinerant guild of craftsmen, probably here a retained traits of the original clan organization. Metallur-
guild of metalworkers involved in the making of chariots gists in antiquity, as a rule, formed proud endogamous
and other weaponry. lines of families with lengthy genealogies, which could
In the introduction of the group's patriarch, Jehonadab account for the staying power of the biblical Rechabites,
ben Rechab in 2 Kings 10, there is no indication whatso- who apparently maintained their discipline at least from
ever that he represented a supposed "nomadic ideal," or the 9th to the 6th centuries B.C. While the smith was
even that he lived a nomadic existence. The fact that Jehu characteristically a social outcast among nomads and pas-
met Jehonadab somewhere between Samaria and Jezreel toralists, his social status among agriculturalists was just as
can hardly be used as evidence for the existence of an typically an honored one.
otherwise unmentioned group of Rechabites. Jehonadab's The nature of his work prevented the smith from estab-
name (Jonadab in Jer 35) combines a variant of the divine lishing a permanent domicile or from engaging in agricul-
name Yahweh with the triliteral Hebrew root n-d-b. The ture. Smiths would stay in one general locale from a few
noun nadib, formed on this root, is used in the Bible to months up to several years, or until the supply of ore and/
denote a member of the ruling class, an administrator or or fuel at that place was exhausted. Whereas other crafts-
~ead of a prominent family-in short, a person of posi- men might engage in part-time agricultural work, the
tion, a member of the urban nobility. All biblical names smith's work required such skill and long practice that he
containing this root belong to such persons, and there is could not farm. The Rechabite discipline might thus be
no apparent reason for considering Jehonadab to be an seen as one appropriate to smiths.
exception (cf. Amminadab [Exod 6:23; 24:19; 28:1]); Na- The Rechabites' avoidance of intoxicants has often been
dab, son of Jeroboam [l Kgs 14:20; 15:25]; Nadab, king of interpreted as a survival of the nomad's contempt for
Israel [I Kgs 15:25); Nedabiah (1 Chr 3:18]; Abinadab [I unnatural fermented beverages. It is, however, question-
Sam 31 :2]; and Ahinadab [ 1 Kings 4: 14]). able whether this is a trait of nomads (Albright 1963: 11-
There is no way of determining whether the designation 12). Like other measures which were designed to guard
of Jehonadab as ben rehab refers to a actual father-son the secrets of the trade, such as living apart from urban
appellation, or whether ben should be understood here in centers, so too might abstention from intoxicants be yet
or_ie of the other ways in which it is commonly used in the another safeguard to prevent "loose lips" from "sinking
Bible. It could, for example, mean simply a descendant of ships." It might also be observed that in the perilous times
Rechab. The designation ben, like the Akkadian terms of Nebuchadnezzar's invasion, the Rechabites, who have
RECH AB 632 • v
commonly been characterized as "anti urban nomads," fled Bibliography
to the "hated" city for protection. If they had been no- Abramsky, S. 1967. The House of Rechab--Genealogy and Mili-
madic pastoralists, it seems unlikely that they would have tary League. EI 8: 255-64 (in Hebrew).
fled to the city rather than move to the desert fringe with Albright, W. F. 1963. The Biblical Pmod from Abraham to Ezra. New
their flocks, where they might escape the enemy attack York.
which would focus on the urban centers. Eliade, M. 1962. The Forge ami the Crucible. Chicago.
Forbes, R. J. 1964. Metallurgy in Antiquity. New York.
D. Genealogical Lists in Chronicles Frick, F. S. 1971. The Rechabites Reconsidered.]BL 90: 279-87.
- - . 1977. The City in Ancient Israel. SBLDS 36. Missoula, MT.
The supposition that the Rechabites were a guild of
Mendelsohn, I. 1940. Guilds in Ancient Palestine. BASOR 80: 17-
metallurgical craftsmen is also supported by genealogical
21.
references in I Chronicles 2 and 4. I Chronicles 4 is part
Rainey, A. F. 1962. The Social Stratification of Ugarit. Ph.D. Diss.
of a preexilic Judahite list which provides elements missing Brandeis.
from the list in 1 Chronicles 2. In the genealogy which can
FRANK S. FRICK
be reconstructed by combining information from these
two chapters, the sons of various clans (or members of
guilds) are mentioned along with the names of their re- RECHABITES, HISTORY OF. This apocryphon
spective settlements in such a way that one clansman be- is extant in numerous languages, including Ethiopic, Syr-
comes the "father" of a site (cf. LBHG, 225-26) In the iac, and Greek. A 12th-century Syr manuscript in the
branch of the list which records the sons of Caleb and British Library (BM Add. 12174) may well accurately indi-
Ephrathah, the "men of Rechab" are associated with an Ir- cate the transmission of this document: "The History of
nahash [Heb cir nahas1, which can be translated either as the Blessed Ones, the Sons of the Rechabites . . . It was
"the city of Nahash," "the city of copper," or even "the city Translated from Hebrew into Greek and from Greek into
of smiths or craftsmen," which Myers identifies with Khir- Syriac by the Hands of the Reverend Mar Jacob of Edessa"
bet Nahas, a site at the northern end of the Arabah (I (fols. 209r-210v).
Chronicles AB, 26). A holy man, named Zosimus in chapters that appear to
Besides this mention of an Ir-nahash with which the be later additions, for forty years prays to God to show
men of Rechab are associated, I Chronicles 4 also contains him the abode of the Blessed Ones, the Rechabites, who
several other references which associate Rechabites with departed from Jerusalem in the time of Jeremiah (Jere-
other craftsmen such as Joab, a Kenazite, who is called "the miah 35). His prayer is answered, and with the assistance
father of Ge-harashim," (i.e., "valley of craftsmen," 4: 14); of an angel, an animal, and two trees he succeeds in
"the families of the house of linen workers at Beth Ashbea" crossing over land and sea to the island of the Blessed
(4:21); and "the potters and inhabitants of Netaim and Ones who recount to him their history.
Gederah," who "dwelt with the king for his work" (4:23). Despite noting that the Jewish work apparently under-
In I Chr 2:55, there is the following notice connected lines the extant Greek text, M. R. James (1893), who
with the sons of Hur who lived in the vicinity of Bethlehem brought the work to the attention of modern scholars,
and the northeastern Shephelah around the valley of Elah: concluded that the document is Christian and dates from
" ... the families (or guilds) of the Sepherites (i.e., inhabi- the 6th century c.E. In its present Greek form, the docu-
ment is clearly Christian; vv 12:9a-13:5c mention the
tants of Kiriath-Sepher) who dwelt in Jabez: the Tirathites
virginal conception of the Word and Lent. Chap. 16: I b-8
(cf. I Chr 4: 16), the Shimeathites (cf. 1 Chr 4: 17), and the
is also clearly Christian, as are chaps. 19-23, but the latter
Sucathites (cf. I Chr 4:18). These are the Kenites (or
are found only in the Greek version. Although it is clear
'smiths') who came from Hammath, the father of Beth-
that the document in its present form is Christian, the
rechab." The significance of this verse is that here the origin of the work is far from certain. It may be a Christian
name Rechab, or to be specific, Beth-Rechab, "the house reworking of Jewish traditions or legends; but most spe-
of Rechab," is connected with a given location and with a cialists rightly see behind the Christian version an original,
branch of the Kenites, who as early as the 13th century and partly preserved, Jewish apocryphon, which is an
appear to have made their livelihood as metal craftsmen exegetical expansion of Jeremiah 35 (OTP 2: 444-45)._ If
and may well have introduced metallurgical technical skills this conclusion is valid, the History of the Rechabites con tams
to the Israelites. Forbes suggests that the Kenites were a portions of an otherwise lost Jewish document; it is then
group of ironsmiths who came out of the Hittite empire similar to the Ascension of Isaiah, the Testaments of the Twelve
when it was destroyed, and he observes that "the despise Patriarchs, 4 Ezra, and the Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers.
in which these 'townsmen' were held by ... nomads is well It may well be that chaps. 3-15 are originally Jewish.
expressed in the story of the shepherds and the daughter Obviously they are heavily influenced by Jewish traditions.
of Reuel the Kenite" (1964: 98). It is conceivable that the original Jewish document, without
It does not appear that the Rechabites can be adduced the redactional and Christian alterations, antedates the 2d
in evidence of the existence of a "nomadic ideal" in ancient century c.E. This apocryphon shows links with numerous
Israel. The lifestyle of the Rechabites does not have to be non-Jewish cultures, including Roman, Greek, Synan, Per-
seen as an idealization of desert life. The nonagricultural sian, and Egyptian (Charlesworth 1986). The Greek ver-
mode of life of the Rechabites can just as well be seen as sion frequently contains the name of Zosimus in chaps. 3-
an occupational pattern, not a religiously motivated way of 16; each of these occurrences, except for 7: 11, are conspK-
life. uously absent in the Syr version (which appears to be
v. 633 RED SEA

earlier and more reliable). Even if the name Zosimu~ is OLD TESTAMENT
original, an interest in him is replac~d by a pr~occupauon The term yam sup, usually translated "Red Sea," occurs
with the Rechabites in chaps. 7-9 m all vers10ns. These over 20 times in the Hebrew Bible. It has traditionally been
chapters, the core of the document, are an expanded linked to at least three geographical locations: the Gulf of
exegesis of Jeremiah 35 and were probably composed ~y a Aqabah, the Gulf of Suez, and the body of water associated
Jew. Particularly noteworthy are the words the Rechab1tes with the Exodus crossing. The precise location of the
write on tablets of stone: "We are called sons of Rechab, latter-whether sea, lake, or marsh-has been especially
we are from you; and behold we departed. from y~.mr world problematic for biblical scholars and Egyptologists, both of
to this place in which we (are) today. For m the um.e when whom have appealed to extrabiblical evidence (both Ca-
Jeremiah, the prophet, announced and prophesied the naanite and Egyptian) in support of their positions.
ravaging and devastation (of) Jerusalem, because of the In order to understand more clearly the various issues
sins of the sons of Israel, then behold shortly (thereafter) associated with locating the sea of the Exodus, it is impor-
the destroyer came to slay them ... we lamen~~d with a tant to examine first those texts that mention yam sup
great lamentation ... he (God) accept~d our i:ieuuons, and within a context not directly related to the crossing. It
turned back his fierce anger .... Kmg Josiah died and should be noted at the outset that certainty of identifica-
another king ruled after him ... we answered him, 'We tion is not always possible; thus, some passages must re-
are from your people, and from the city of Jerusalem. We main ambiguous.
are sons of Jonadab the son of Rechab.' ... The king raged
against us and charged (that) all of us be imprisoned in A. Gulf of Aqabah
prison ... and angels of God ... appeared to ':'s. They 1.ed B. Gulf of Suez
all of us out of prison ... brought us to this place (m) C. The Sea of the Exodus
which you (now) see (us) .... " Here we confront interesting I. Character of the Exodus Event (Exodus 13-15)
traditions often paralleled in early Jewish traditions and 2. Other Texts
documents like the lost Tribes. D. Origin and Meaning of Hebrew Sup
1. Scholarly Views
Bibliography 2. Egyptian Iwf
Charlesworth, J. H. 1985. History of the Rechabites. OTP 2: 443- E. Yam Sup and Mythology
61. F. Location of the Sea of the Exodus
- - . 1986. Greek, Persian, Roman, Syrian, and Egyptian Influ- I. Raamses
ences in Early Jewish Theology: A Study of the History of the 2. Baal-Zephon
Rechabites. Pp. 219-43 in Hellenica et ]utiaica: Romm.age d 3. Migdol
Valentin Nikiprowetzky, ed. A. Caquot et al. Leuven-Paris. 4. Pi-hahiroth
James, M. R. 1893. Narratio Zosimi. Pp. 96-108 in Apocrypha G. Conclusion
Anecdota. Cambridge.
McNeil, B. 1978. The Narration of Zosimus.]S] 9: 68-82. A. Gulf of Aqabah
Zanolli, A. 1924. La leggenda di Zosimo secondo la redazione More than a half dozen passages seem to identify yam
armena. Giornale della Societd Asiatica ltaliana n.s. I: 146-62. sup with the Gulf of Aqabah (Exod 23:31; Num 14:25;
JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 21 :4; Deut I :40; 2: I; Judg 11: 16(?]; 1 Kgs 9:26; Jer 49:21 ).
Scholars generally agree that the yam silp of I Kgs 9:26
refers to the Gulf of Aqabah. Here the sea is said to be "in
RECORDER. See SCRIBES. the land of Edom" and marks the southernmost border of
the territory under Solomon. In the same fashion, the
idealized description of the land in Exod 23:31, intended
RED HEIFER. See HEIFER, RED. to reflect the Solomonic period, sets its southernmost
boundary at the yam sup (cf. 2 Chr 8: 17 ["the sea"]), which
makes sense only as the Gulf of Aqabah (e.g., Simons
RED SEA (PLACE) [Heb yam sup]. This NW arm of the GTTOT, 96, 237; Noth Exodus OTL, 193; Childs Exodus
Indian Ocean, ranging in width from 100 to 175 miles, OTL, 193-94; Davies 1979: 112; Aharoni LBHG, 277).
separates the African continent from the Arabian penin- With the exception of Jer 49:21, the remaining five pas-
sula and is the reputed body of water through which the sages all relate to the period following the Exodus from
Hebrew slaves, led Ly Moses, escaped from Egypt (book of Egypt, when the Israelites were instructed by Yahweh to
Exodus). At its northernmost end it splits into two gulfs. proceed E by way of the yam silp in order to avoid confron-
The Gulf of Suez, whose width ranges between 20 and 30 tation with the inhabitants of S Canaan and the Transjor-
miles, separates the Sinai peninsula from Egypt (and Af- dan. Judges 11: 16 is less clear in this regard, and a case
rica) to the W. The Gulf of Aqabah, ranging 10-20 miles can be made for either of the other two options, i.e., the
in width, separates the Sinai peninsula from the Hijaz (and Gulf of Suez or the Exodus crossing (Davies 1979: 82-83).
Arabia) to the E. This entry will focus on two separate However, since the immediate context of this episode
aspects of the Red Sea: ( 1) its appearance in the OT in ( 11: 12-22) concerns Israel's bypassing of Edom and Moab,
connection with Israelite traditions about the Exodus from the Gulf of Aqabah may better suit the geographical situa-
Egypt; and (2) its history of commercial exploitation in tion (de Vaux EH/, 377 [tentative]; Bietak in LA 5: 630). In
antiquity. his oracle against Edom, the prophet Jeremiah (Jer 49:7-
RED SEA 634 • v
22) asserts that, at their destruction, the cry of its inhabi- rent enoug~ (assuming a.13th-century date for the event),
tants shall be heard as far away as the yam sup. The most the later wnter/redactor mstead cites the Philistine threat
logical choice here (geographically speaking) would be the a mor~ fam~liar motif within Israel's early history and on~
Gulf of Aqabah (e.g., Noth 1947: 188; de Vaux EH/, 377; to which his readers could relate. (One may question
Bietak in LA 5: 630; Sarna 1986: 107). The translation whether he was even aware of Egyptian presence in this
"Sea of Reeds" in this verse (even if that should be the area during this earlier period.) In order to avoid such
original meaning of the phrase) and its identification with confrontation, the people are led by Yahweh "around by
the sea of the Exodus (e.g., Bright Jeremiah AB, 331; the Way of the Wilderness (that leads to?) the yam sup"
followed by Thompson Jeremiah NlCOT, 719, 722, and (13: 18a). Precisely how yam sup is to be understood here in
Caroll Jeremiah OTL, 805) is thus not necessary. Bright's relation to the "Way of the Wilderness" (Heb derek hammid-
apparent assumption that yam sup must in all cases refer to bar) is a problem (see, e.g., Childs Exodus OTL, 217). The
the "Sea of Reeds," i.e., the sea of the Exodus, lacks textual syntactical apposition of the former phrase has led some
support in the light of passages such as I Kgs 9:26 exam- to conclude that it is a later addition, possibly for geo-
ined above (unless of course one contends that the Gulf of graphical clarification (e.g., Noth i947: 187; Simons
Aqabah was the site of the Exodus event, as was done, for GTTOT, 236, 241-42; de Vaux EH/, 377). If so, could this
example, by earlier scholars; see Davies 1979: 70, 112 for addition have been influenced by the similar phraseology
references). Sayce (1894: 257-59) concluded that all oc- in those texts cited above, i.e., Num 14:25, Deut I :40, and
currences of yam sup referred to the Gulf of Aqabah, to be Judg 11: 16? The rather vague nature (geographically
distinguished from references to "the sea," which he inter- speaking) of this passage-in contrast, for example, to the
preted as the sea of the Exodus. P source in 14:1-4-and the lack of any mention of this
yam sup as the one crossed by the Israelites would allow the
B. Gulf of Suez location of yam sup to be at the Gulf of Aqabah or the Gulf
A few passages (Exod 10:19; 13:18; Num 33:10-11) of Suez (e.g., Simons GTTOT, 242; Snaith 1965: 396; de
seem to refer to the Gulf of Suez, although the identifica- Vaux EHi, 377-78). Walsh's translation (1977) "Yam Sup
tion of yam sup in these passages has been a matter of some Road" may capture the intended sense here, i.e., that the
debate among biblical scholars (general discussion in Si- Israelites took the way named for its ultimate destination.
mons GTTOT, 77-78, 234-64; Davies 1979; and de Vaux Considering the importance of both gulfs in antiquity, this
EH/, 376-81). In Exod 10:12-19, the plague of locusts is route could have been named for either one. If one follows
brought into the country by an east wind and subsequently the more traditional view of a southern route out of Egypt
removed from it by a strong west wind that had been (e.g., Beit-Arieh 1988), which proceeded along the eastern
"turned" (Heb hapak) by Yahweh for that purpose (for coast of the Gulf of Suez, then the latter body of water
interpretations of Heb rilafi-yam, lit. "wind of the sea," see would be the more likely choice. However, this identifica-
Simons GTTOT, 238; Cassuto 1967: 128; Har-El 1983; tion depends more upon one's view of the route in general
Anati 1986: 187). Since the narrator wishes the reader to and especially the location of Mt. Sinai (for which there
understand that "not a single locust was left in all the are numerous proposals; see Anati 1986: 161-80; Beit-
country of Egypt," he probably has in mind a suitably Arieh 1988: 36-37, for the options).
large body of water that borders the country. Thus, the The list of stations preserved in Numbers 33 is generally
internal logic of the narrative (assuming of course that the considered a late text, attributed to P (Cross CMHE, 308-
writer was concerned with such matters; the question of 9; Budd Numbers WBC, 350-53) or in part a post-JEP
historicity is irrelevant) may favor either the Gulf of Suez redaction (e.g., Noth Numbers OTL, 242-46). However, all
(e.g., Snaith 1965: 396; Hubbard in ISBE 4: 59) or even agree that the creator of this list or itinerary as we now
the Mediterranean (note Gardiner 1922: 211, who, for have it made use of another document that included place
other reasons, identified this yam sup as Lake Menzalah). names not found in the traditional pentateuchal sources.
Cassuto (1967: 129) suggested that this verse "may be a The relevance of this other earlier source to P's placement
preparatory allusion" to what is later said of Pharaoh and of yam sup (vv I 0-11) after the Israelites' passage "through
his army in Exod 14:28b (" ... not so much as one of them the midst of the sea" (v 8)-thus implying that the sea of
remained") and thus could refer to the sea of the Exodus; the Exodus is not the yam sup-has been debated. Noth
although he admitted that the parallelism would be valid (Numbers, 243-44) considered the mention of the passage
regardless of which sea is meant (note also Bietak 1975: through the sea in v 8 a later addition and the placement
136, who argues for the sea of the Exodus). Although of yam sup in v I 0 after Elim "an erroneous inference"
Simons (GTTOT, 238) inclines toward the Red Sea as a based on a "misunderstanding" of Exod 15:27b, where the
possibility, he wisely concludes that the passage as it stands Israelites "came to Elim" and "encamped there by the
is too vague to support any specific theory on the location water." Cross (CMHE, 309) has also raised the possibility
of yam sup. of corruption in Num 33: 10, based on P's omission of yam
In Exod 13: 17-19, traditionally assigned to the E source sup in Exod 16: 1. Others, however (e.g., Budd Numbers,
(e.g., Noth HPT, 204, and Exodus OTL, 106-8; Childs 253-54; Batto 1983: 28-29), accept vv 10-11 as a valuable
Exodus OTL, 218-21; de Vaux EH/, 376-78), the narratnr independent witness (predating P) attesting to the distinc-
offers an explanation as to why the fleeing Israelites did tion between the sea of the Exodus and the yam sup later
not take the expected (and most direct) route into Pales- reached by the Israelites. If this is the case, then the most
tine, the "Ways of Horus" in Egyptian texts (see Gardiner likely location of yam sup according to this itinerary would
1920; Oren in Rainey 1987: 69-119). While it is true that be the Gulf of Suez. Ezion-Geber and the land of Edom,
the Egyptian presence in this area would have been deter- which would indicate the Gulf of Aqabah, are cited only
v. 635 RED SEA

later in v 36. According to Batto (1983: 29-30), P has pharaoh so that the latter might pursue the Israelites, and
deliberately telescoped these two sites in Numbers 33 (the thus obtain glory (vv 4, 8); at the approach of the Egyptian
"sea" and the "sea of sup") into one in the Exodus narrative army, Moses raises his staff over the sea and the waters
(Exod 14:2 ("the sea") and 15:22 [the "sea of sup"]), and divide as walls on either side, allowing the people to pass
thus intentionally located the crossing at the Red Sea. through on dry ground (vv 15-19a, 2lb, 22-23). When
(Note also the independent source critical analysis of. th.ese the Egyptians attempt pursuit, the waters return under
narratives by Walsh [I977: 32-33), who reaches similar Moses' staff and the enemy is engulfed (25a, 26-27a, 28-
conclusions concerning the late location of the miracle 29). (Certain passages in this account may also point to an
crossing at the Red Sea [Suez)). actual military encounter; see Hay 1964 for discussion.)
Scholars have long noted the virtual absence of yam sup
C. The Sea of the Exodus in this Exodus narrative as a designation for the sea where
In a number of passages (Exod I5:4, 22; Deut I I :4; the deliverance of Yahweh occurred; instead, the writers
Josh 2:IO; 4:23; 24:6-7; Pss 106:7-12, 22; 136:I3-I5; refer only to "the sea" (Heb hayyiim; 14:2, 9, 16, 21-23,
Neh 9:9-11) yam sup refers to the sea of the Exodus. With 26-29). Similarly, Exodus 15 prefers "the sea" to yam sup
the exception of Exod I5:4, the location of the sea crossing (vv I, 4a, 8, 21). As a result, many view the few references
at the yam sup in the above passages is thought to represent to yam sup ( = Red Sea) as later additions-attempts to find
a later tradition (e.g., de Vaux EH/, 377). To be sure, not a body of water suitable (in proportion) to the magnitude
all have accepted an early date (i.e., pre- I 0th century) for of Yahweh's glorious act (such as the Gulf of Suez or
the "Song of the Sea" in Exod 15: l-I8 (e.g., Noth Exodus, Aqabah). A grand miracle deserves a grand setting. How-
123-26; see discussion in Childs Exodus, 243-48, and ever, the mention of yam sup in Exod 15:4-within what
Kloos 1986: 130-35), but even with a 10th-century date many consider to be one of the oldest poems in the Hebrew
(e.g., Day 1985: I 00), the poem may contain the earliest Bible-is problematic for this view. The parallel position
textual witness to the yam sup as the sea of the Exodus. of yiim and yam sup would seem to indicate that the two are
l. Character of the Exodus Event (Exodus 13-15). identical. While some view this yam sup as a later Deuter-
Much of the debate over what happened at the "crossing" onomistic addition (e.g., Norin 1977: 94), others (e.g.,
of the sea and the location of the event centers upon the Snaith I 965; Batto 1983; Ahlstrom 1986) propose another
accounts, both narrative and poetic, preserved in Exodus reading (sop instead of sup) in keeping with the mytholog-
13-15. In spite of disagreement over the assignment and ical language of the poem (see below for discussion).
extent of sources (particularly the role of E and P), schol- 2. Other Texts. Unlike the account of P presented
ars have generally recognized the composite nature of above, Exodus I5:l-12 lacks any explicit mention of the
Exodus 13-14 and isolated two basic versions within the splitting of the sea or of the Israelites passing through on
chapters (discussion in Hay 1964: 398-99; Noth Exodus, dry ground (e.g., Cross CMHE, 131-32). The poem's
102-20; Childs Exodus, 215-24; de Vaux EH/, 381-88; relationship to the J account is problematic and largely
Ottosson in TWAT 5: 797-800). (The dispute over details depends upon the date assigned to the former (see, e.g.,
in this analysis need not imply that the enterprise as a Cross CMHE, 121-25, and Childs 1970: 411-12 for oppos-
whole is faulty or that it should be abandoned, as does ing views and further bibliography). The later prose tra-
Hubbard in /SBE 4: 59.) dition of the Exodus event tends (with some exceptions) to
According to the account normally attributed to J (fol- emphasize these motifs (the splitting of the sea and the
lowing the summary of Childs), Yahweh is the main actor: Israelite passage through it). Josh 2: IO recounts the drying
he leads Israel by a pillar of cloud and fire ( 13:21-22); up of the waters of yam sup, but does not explicitly mention
when the people catch sight of the pursuing Egyptians and the crossing. The preceding verse (v 9) clearly reflects
cry out to Yahweh, they are instructed by Moses to "stand Exod 15: 14-I5, but this portion of the Exodus poem
firm" and "be still" because Yahweh will fight for them relates to the conquest, not the defeat of the Egyptians.
(14:5b-6, !Oba, 11-14); the pillar of cloud then moves Josh 4:24 likens the crossing of the Jordan unto the earlier
behind the Israelites, cutting off Egyptian pursuit passage through the yam sup. The close parallels between
(14:19b). During the night, Yahweh drives back the sea the two events have produced arguments that the details
with a strong E wind that blows all night (v 21 ab); in the of the Exodus crossing have been influenced by the Jordan
morning, the pillar of cloud/fire ( = Yahweh) hinders the tradition (cf. also, e.g., Pss 66:6; 114:3, 5; Coats 1967: 261;
movement of the Egyptians who, in their panic, flee into Childs 1970: 414-15; see discussion in de Vaux EH/, 384-
t~e sea as the waters return to their normal course; Yahweh 88). In the speech of Joshua to the tribes of Israel gathered
literally "shakes off" (Heb na'ar) the Egyptians into the sea at Shechem (Joshua 24), neither the drying up nor the
(24-25b, 27b). The Israelites see the dead Egyptians on crossing of the yam sup are mentioned. Verses 6-7 echo for
the seashore and affirm their faith in Yahweh and his the most part J's version of events (and some portions of
servant Moses (30-31 ). The important element of this E), and the parallel placement of yiim ("sea") and yam sup
account is the passitivity of the Israelites; they are simply may point to a conscious imitation of Exod 15:4. Other
~1tn~sses to Yahweh's victory over the Egyptians. No men- passages containing yam sup (Neh 9:9-1 I; Pss 106:9-12,
tion 1s made of their crossing the sea. 22; 136:13-15) generally reflect the tradition of P (but
The P(E) version, on the other hand, emphasizes the note Neh 9: I lb and Exod 15:5).
role . of Moses; the people are active participants, and
precise (for the ancient writer, but difficult for the modern D. Origin and Meaning of Hebrew Sup
interpreter) geographical locations are provided in the l. Scholarly Views. Particularly since the 19th century,
text (e.g., 13:20; 14: 1-4, 9b). Yahweh hardens the heart of scholars have discussed and debated the meaning of Heb
RED SEA 636 • v
sup (as used in the name yam sup) in the hope that the In a later extended discussion of the question of yam sup
word's origin may shed light upon the location of the sea and its location, Brugsch (1879: 890-919) further devel-
miracle. The LXX rendering eruthra thalassa could encom- oped his view that the "lakes or marshes of the N Delta"
pass not only our English "Red Sea" (the narrow body of ~re indicated in Eg texts by both idb(w) (a "purely Egyp-
water dividing the NE coast of Africa from the Arabian tian word") and !wf(j) ("of Semitic origin") and that the
peninsula) but also the Indian Ocean as a whole, including Heb sup represented "the exact translation" of Eg idb(w)
the Persian Gulf (LSJM 693). The LXX translators appar- (pp. 906-7). While he did propose translating yam sup as
ently intended the term to apply to the two gulfs (Aqabah lac de papyrus, the origin of the term was for him Semitic
and Suez) of the Red Sea. This translation is in turn rtot Egyptian. '
reflected in the Vulgate's Mare Rubrum, whence we derive In his additions and notes for the second English edition
our Red Sea. Earlier exegetes and commentators, both of the lecture ( 1881) Brugsch cited with approval the
Jewish and Christian, offered varying explanations for the conclusion of Schleiden (in his Die Landenge von Suez) that
word. Jerome (Ep. 78.9; see Labourt 1954: 62-63) resolved the yam sup of Exodus 14 was a "later interpolation" and
the difficulty in Num 33:8, 10-11, by positing two mean- reiterated his position that "the sea" (Heb hayyiim) of the
ings for sup: "red" (Lat rubrum) and "rush/bulrush" (Lat Exodus narratives referred to the Mediterranean, particu-
scirpus). (The latter meaning is attested for sup in Exod larly Lake Sirbonis (1881: 394-97, 429-30; a position later
2:3, 5, and Isa 19:6.) Thus, "the sea" (hayyiim) of v 8- developed by Eissfeldt 1932).
although it lacked sup---indicated, according to Jerome, Others maintained that Heb sup was a loanword from Eg
the "Red Sea," i.e., the sea of the Exodus, while yam sup of !wf (e.g., Erman 1892: 122; BDB [!st ed., 1907). 693;
vv 10-11 denoted a "marsh/swamp (palus) or lake (lacus) Gardiner 1918: 186; Naville 1924: 34; Albright 1918: 254;
where sedge (carectum) and rushes (iuncus) were plentiful." 1934: 35; Lambdin 1953: 153). However, not all have
The famous medieval Jewish commentator Rashi (A.D. accepted this view (e.g., Simons GTTOT, 78, 240). Like
1040-1105) explained the yam sup of Exod 13: 18 as a Brugsch, some have defended movement in the opposite
"marsh (Heb 'iigam) wherein reeds (kiinim) grow," while his direction, i.e., Semitic sp was borrowed by the Egyptians
near-contemporary Ibn-Ezra (A.D. 1089-1164) inter- (e.g., Muller 1893: 101 [modified his view in 1903: 4022-
preted this same yam sup as the name of a place (hU' sem 23]; Heick 1971: 525; Wright 1979: 60), while others
miikam), derived from the fact that reeds grow around it (Copisarow 1962 and Ward 1974) have posited an earlier
(cf. Deut 1:1 and LXXB ziph in Judg 11:16 [a variant Hebrew or Canaanite sp (Copisarow: *s[o]p, "end," with
reading which appears to understand Heb sup as a proper origins in the "patriarchal vernacular"; Ward: biconsonan-
name]). All three scholars based their exegesis on other tal Semitic *sp, "reach, arrive"), whence the various Egyp-
occurrences of sup apart from its use with yiim; thus, the tian and Hebrew meanings ultimately derive. (Ward's arti-
interpretation of yam sup as "Sea of Reeds" predates later cle is the more credible of the two and avoids the somewhat
appeals to Egyptian evidence (although this does not imply naive approach to Israel's early history displayed by Copi-
that this interpretation must be the correct one, only that sarow.) Ward in particular has questioned the validity of
it has a very long history). Eg tic as Heb s in !wf > sup, contending that Eg f was
normally reflected as z in Semitic (1974: 346-47), but the
The majority of biblical scholars favor the view that Heb
equation f = s has been defended by Rainey ( 1982) with
sup is a loanword from Egyptian !wf(J) "papyrus(-plant)"
various examples, although he does not mention Heb sup.
(Gauthier 2: 43, 139; AEO 2, 201*-202*; Lesko 1982-89,
2. Egyptian I.wf. In a number of Egyptian texts, Eg fwf
4: 107; see discussion of Egyptian texts in Ward 1974: is found with the definite article p3. Of particular interest
339-43). This position is often traced to the I 9th-century in this regard are a number of model letters (late 13th
Egyptologist Heinrich Brugsch's lecture L'Exodus et les mon- century e.c.E.), the first of which is an encomium on Pi-
uments egyptiens, delivered in London in 1874 (e.g., Cazelles Ramesses-mri-Amun ("House-of-Ramesses-Beloved-of-
1955: 323; Batto 1983: 29; see Brugsch 1881). However, a Amun"), the Delta residence of the Ramesside period
close reading of this lecture reveals that Brugsch in fact (generally equated with the "Raamses" of the biblical text;
believed Eg !wf was borrowed by the Egyptians from He- see discussion below). The texts cited most often are as
brew sup (Brugsch 1881: 372-73, 376). For him, the mean- follows:
ing of Heb sup as "weeds, reeds, rushes, papyrus-plant" Papyrus Anastasi Il/.2, 11-12 (Gardiner 1918: 185-86;
was clear without reference to Eg !wf (376). Instead, sup 1937: 22, lines 13-14; translations in Caminos 1954: 74,
was a translation of another Egyptian word, idb(w), 79, and Uphill 1968-69: 15-18). In his description of the
"marshes (of the Delta)" (WbAS I: 155; Lesko 1982-89, I: natural wonders of the Delta residence of Ramesses 11
64): (Per-Ramesses, probably Tell el-Dab'a-Qantir), the scribe
asserts that "the papyrus-marshes (p3-!wffJJ) come to it (the
" .. this word [Heb sup], I say, contains simply the residence) with papyrus reeds (mn?zw), the Waters of Horus
translation of the Egyptian Athu [idb(w)], which signifies with rushes (jsw)." When taken in context, this passage
the same as the Hebrew Souph ... and was applied as a must be viewed against the numerous references through-
general term to denote all the marshes and lagoons of out the text to various bodies of water (ponds, lakes,
Lower Egypt ... The Egyptians, on their part, knew so marshes, etc.) and the aquatic plants/marine life that thrive
well the meaning of the Hebrew word [sup], that they in such habitats. While the writer does not hesitate else-
frequently adopted the foreign name of Souph, instead where to use the determinatives characteristic of lakes,
of the word Athu in their own tongue ... " (Brugsch rivers, seas, etc. (see Gardiner EG, Sign-list N 35-36), he
1881: 376). avoids these determinatives in the various terms for reeds,
v. 637 RED SEA

rushes, marshes, etc., where one finds either the herb or Proper names may carry a literal meaning that is totally
papyrus determinative (or both, as with pJ-fwf; Gardiner unrelated to their point of reference.
EG, Sign-list M 2, 15-16).
Papyrus Anastasi IVl5, 6 (Gardiner 1937: 51, .line 16; E. Yam Sup and Mythology
translation in Caminos 1954: 200, 210). In this letter, In a note on the name yam sup, J. A. Montgomery ( 1938)
which lists in general detail the numerous supplies neces- expressed dissatisfaction with the then-accepted transla-
sary for pharaoh's arrival (e.g., various types of breads, tion "Sea of Sedge," and called attention to the one passage
oils, fish, etc.), the recipient is instructed to obtain "qnj- (I Kgs 9:26) where the LXX departs from its usual render-
birds of the papyrus marshes (pJ-!wf[j])." Here !wf carries ing of Red Sea and reads instead tis eschates thalasses "the
the herb determinative plus the sign denoting a specific uttermost sea" or "the sea at the furthermost region,"
place, whether village, town, or city, etc. (G~rdiner EC, apparently reading sop instead of sup. This translation,
Sign-List 0 49), again in contrast to the vanous waters which Montgomery referred to as the Ultimum Mare, was,
mentioned in the lines that immediately follow (Gardiner he thought, well suited to the Red Sea proper, which, as
1937: 52, lines l-5). an arm of the Indian Ocean, could be seen as the Ultimum
Papyrus Saltier I.4, 9 (Gardiner 1937: 81; translation in Mare (1938: 131).
Caminos 1954: 307). In his report concerning the upkeep As already discussed, Copisarow ( 1962) rejected the
of the royal residence, the scribe states that the pharaoh's Egyptian derivation of sup, citing passages within the Bible
chariot teams (Mrw) are well taken care of and are fed only and later versions (e.g., Tg. Onq.) which he believed
with the best grass (jsw?) from the pJ-fwf Here, the term is pointed to yam sop as the "End or Border Sea" (1962: 8-
followed with both the herb and papyrus determinatives, 1 I). The sop question assumed new dimensions with the
plus the place sign mentioned above. article of Snaith ( 1965 ), who introduced the mythological
It is not possible to isolate all occurrences of pJ-{wf in element in his examination of the Song of the Sea in
Egyptian texts to one specific area in the Delta; rather, Exodus 15. According to Snaith, terms such as "deeps"
different passages point to varying locations. The use of (Heb tehOmiit) and "depths" (Heb me$6liit) in v 5 indicated a
the city or town determinative may indicate that the scribe destruction or annihilation within the mythological pri-
had a particular marshy area in mind whose identification meval sea/chaos known from other biblical texts as having
and placement were directly relative to the city or town been subdued by Yahweh (e.g., Isa 51:9-11). Thus, the
under discussion, e.g., the marshes of or near city X or yam sop of v 4 signified the "sea at the end of the land" ...
city Y, etc. Thus, as Ward (1974: 342-43) has shown, pJ- "that distant scarcely known sea away to the south, of which
{wf"was a general word for 'marshes' wherever these might no man knew the boundary" (I 965: 398), which, in myth-
occur, a specific marshy area being indicated only when pJ ological terms, represented total destruction or annihila-
cwf is located at or near a particular place." Indeed, other tion (in this case for pharoah and his army). Snaith con-
occurrences of the term indicate that it was not restricted tended that the crossing of "the sea" tradition was later
to the NE Delta area (Ward 1974: 342), although its "interwoven with the great Creation-myth" and its yam sop
placement in the Onomastica (AEO 2, nos. 417-19) between (1965: 398), and he identified the earlier "sea" of the
Tanis (Q.'nt) and Sile (!}rw) may point-at least in this Exodus narratives with the Mediterranean.
instance-in this direction (but note Ward 1974: 341, n. The most eloquent spokesman for this interpretation of
6). Uphill ( 1968-69: 18), however, has questioned the yam sup has been B. F. Batto (1983), who, like Snaith and
validity of using such idealized descriptions as geographic others, believes that the presence of yam sup in Exodus 13-
guides. In his comments on the first of the above cited 15 is the result of the latest redaction, a conscious attempt
texts (Anastasi 111.2, 11-12), he remarks, "Any of these "to historicize and localize the sea miracle al the Red Sea"
items [papyrus marshes, reeds, orchards, etc.] could have (1983: 30). The one exception in the Song of the Sea
been found almost anywhere in the Delta, west as well as (Exod 15:4b), which Batto acceps as "one of the most
east, and are not therefore safe to be used as guides ancient pieces in the Hebrew Bible," is treated as mytholog-
without further details ... this is a poetical description, ical due to its parallel position with yam, a word used in
and the writer has extended his field far and wide to other biblical passages (e.g., Ps 74: 12-15; Isa 51:9-10)
include all the products that were brought to Per Ramesses with reference to Yahweh's battle with the sea-dragon/
or were to be found in the great estates attached to it." In chaos at creation, the so-called Chaoskampfmythos (see dis-
general, the attempt to establish detailed geography based cussion in Cross CMHE, I 12-44; Day 1985: 96-100; Kloos
on. determinatives is a precarious one, since Egyptian 1986: 139-57; and note especially Eakin 1967, who ex-
scnbes. were not always consistent in their employment of plained the water-separation motif as a reflection of Baal's
these signs. combat with Yam in Canaanite mythology). Thus, for
Even if one a~cepts Heb sup as a loanword from Eg {wf, Batto, "traditional mythical language is used to express
this need not imply that the word must in all respects the belief that the emergence of Israel as a people during
reflect the precise usage-geographical or otherwise-of the exodus was due to a creative act by Yahweh equal to
the original. Indeed, given the sometimes unpredictable that of the original creation of the cosmos itself" (I 983:
nature of loanword~. it would be unwise to assume such. 35). To support his reading of yam sop in Exodus 15, Batto
The question of yam sup = pJ-{wf must be kept separate cites the problematic sup of Jonah 2:6 (traditionally ren-
from sup = fwf While the occurrences of sup alone in dered as "seaweeds" or the like), where the overall mytho-
passages such as Exod 2:3, 5 contextually allow the mean- logical context of the psalm (evident in terms such as the
mg '_'reeds" or the like, yam sup, as a proper name, contains "deep" and the "abyss") makes the reading sop more likely
no mherent clue as to its (nongeographical) meaning. (1983: 32-34; note also his comparison with Psalm 18,
RED SEA 638. v
esp. vv 4-5). Batto concluded that all references to yam sup of Sheol (analyzed as s el "Lake of El," which he connects
fit into either one of two categories: the geographical/ with the mythological "Lake of Reeds" and the geographi-
historical Red Sea (whether Aqaba or Suez), or the mytho- cal "Lake of Horus" [Eg s {Ir]): "Thus, as the geographical
logical Sea of Extinction or Nonexistence (I 983: 35). Thus, yam sup and Shi-Hor and the mythological or theological
he concludes, the existence of a second historical body of 'lake' and 'field of reeds' and 'Sheol' all seem to be interre-
water-in addition to the well-known Red Sea--often re- lated, so also, perhaps, are the terms Shi-Hor and 'Sheol.' "
ferred to as the "Reed Sea" is without foundation. The parallels cited by Wifall concerning the Israelite and
While some have accepted the mythological understand- Egyptian views of death and afterlife are unfortunately
ing of yam sup, at least in Exodus I5 (e.g., Eakin 1967; too general to be of any serious use in tracing the influence
Ahlstrom I977: 287; I986: 49 ["Sea of Destruction"]; de of particular ideas. Like Towers, he draws attention to what
Vaux EH/, 377), others have been less than receptive (note appears to be possible parallels, but he lacks the methodo-
especially the critique of Kloos I986: I53-57). But as logical means to differentiate between broad similarities,
scholars have long been aware, one need not assume that which may be common to the ANE as a whole, and specific
the Exodus was either "myth" or "history," as though the ideas or motifs that would indicate influence in one direc-
two were incompatible, although the precise relationship tion. While the possibility cannot be ruled out completely,
between these troublesome concepts in the narration of there is no evidence that would identify the yam sup of the
the Exodus-whether "historicized" myth or "mytholo- Exodus specifically with the Egyptian Lake/Waters of Ho-
gized" history-has been a much-discussed topic (see rus of the NE Delta (for its location, see discussion in
Kloos I986: I58-2I4 for summary). Gardiner 1918: 25I-52; I924: 93; Bietak I975: I29-32
Still others have sought to explain the crossing of the sea and his article in LA 5: 623-26; see also Kloos I52-53 for
in terms of Egyptian mythology (e.g., Towers I 959; Wright further discussion of Towers and Wifall).
I 979; Wifall 1980). According to Towers, the passage
through the "sea of reeds" echoes the mythical lake of F. Location of the Sea of the Exodus
reeds (Eg I j3rw) of the Pyramid Texts. He further con- For over a century, biblical scholars and Egyptologists
tends that this term has survived, albeit corruptly, as Ia(i)ri have been obsessed with the quest of identifying this body
in the Coptic (Bohairic) version's phyom n Ia(i)ri for Heb of water; virtually every possible site within or near the
yam sup (1959: I50-52). However, leaving aside the ques- Delta-and some beyond it, e.g .. the Gulf of Aqabah-has
tionable interpretation of Ia(i)ri (q.v. Brugsch I879: 909- at one time or another been proposed as the setting for
I2 and Cerny I 976: 251 for differing interpretations), the the grand miracle. The most commonly cited objection to
rather large chronological gap between the 3d millennium one of the two gulfs of the Red Sea has been the lack of
B.C.E. Pyramid Texts and a later (ca. 4th century C.E.) reedy vegetation near these large bodies of salt water (as
Coptic version of the Scriptures raises a number of meth- ppposed to the freshwater marshes of the Delta), a neces-
odological problems, not the least of which is the question sary element for the yam sup = "Reed Sea" position (e_.g ..
of access, especially in the light of recent studies on literacy Brugsch I88I: 430; Gardiner 1922: 212; Bietak in LA 5:
in ancient Egypt. For example, Towers must assume that 630; Anati 1986: I87; Sarna 1986: 107). Those who favor
the writer "was conversant with the theological terminol- a location within or E of the Delta tend to isolate the area
ogy of ancient Egypt" (1959: I5I), but he offers no expla- extending N from the tip of the Gulf of Suez up to the
nation as to how (where or when?) the biblical writer may coastal site of ancient Pelesium (Tell el-Farama) as the most
have obtained this information. While he did acknowledge likely region for the event. Candidates (both past and
(in a footnote) the parallel sljtj3rw "Field of Reeds" (I 959: present) for the sea have included the Gulf of Suez or the
15 I, n. 6), he ignored its occurrences in later Underworld Gulf of Aqabah (the older traditional view, see Davies
texts such as the Coffin Texts and the Book of the Dead 1979: 70, I I2, for references); the Bitter Lakes region
(for the latter, see Allen 1974: 6, 13, 65, 74, 87, passim; (e.g., Davies 1979: 82; Kitche_n in NBD, 1014; Har-El 1977:
illustrations in Faulkner 1985: I 05, I I 0-1 I; and discus- 72-73; note also Butzer in LA I: 824-25); the Ballah Lakes
sion of Leclant in LA I: I I56-60). Despite the attempts of (e.g., Bietak 1981; 1987; Wilson 1985: 131); Lake Menza-
Towers and Wright, the overall context of slsf!,t j3rw within lah (Gardiner 1922; Goedicke [as presented by Shanks
Egyptian mortuary texts is totally lacking in the imagery 1981]): and the Mediterranean/Lake Sirbonis (Sabkhet el
or symbolism of the biblical account of the Exodus. The Bardawil) (e.g., Brugsch, Eissfeldt, Herrmann, Aharoni
issue of Israel's "passing over" the sea as purification
LBHG, Oren I981, and Anati 1986). Yet the fact that yam
(taken largely from Paul's interpretation in the NT) is not
sup clearly refers to the Gulf of Aqabah in at least one case
present in those passages mentioning yam sup, and the
(I Kgs 9:26) demonstrates that the origin ?r etymo_logy of
significance of water as a purifying element is so common
that one hesitates to trace its origin here to Egyptian the term may be irrelevant to its geographJCal apphcauon.
mythology. One might also inquire as to why, in this Indeed, context and usage are often much more relia_ble
instance, the biblical writer chose Egyptian over (more indicators of a word's meaning, and the older obsession
easily explained) Canaanite symbolism. Did he have reason with etymology as the determining factor has largely been
to believe that his non-Egyptian readers (or listeners) abandoned by modern scholars. While some (e.g., Kitchen
would correctly perceive the veiled Egyptian reference NBD, 1014; Sarna 1986: 107-8) see no problem with the
behind yam sup? multiple reference of yam sup (i.e., as _si~ultaneously des-
Wifall (I 980: 329) escorts the reader through a rather ignating the two gulfs, the lakes within the NE. Delta
convoluted series of equations in order to demonstrate region, or even the Mediterranean)~ others (e.g., Simons
that lying behind the term yam sup is the biblical concept GITOT, 237-38; Davies 1979: 74) view such a soluuon as
v. 639 RED SEA

Mediterranean Sea

e4 ~Lake Timsah
• Bubastis
(Tell Basta)

~'"'''"'

Memphis•

RED.01. Area map of Nile River delta. (1-2) Tell el-Dab'a---Qantir; (3) Tell el-Retaba; (4) Tell el-Maskhuta; (5) Tell Hazzob; (6) Tell Defenneh (Daphnae); (7) Tell Abu-
Seifeh (Sile); (B) Tell el-Heir; (9) Tell el-Farama (Pelusium); (10) Moryammediyeh; (11) R~s Kasnln.

too ambiguous and thus reject the traditional "sea of residence, see esp. the articles of Naville and Gardiner; a
reeds" interpretation. detailed review of the relevant Egyptian texts may be
Fortunately, the biblical account does provide the inter- found in Gardiner 1918). See also RAMESES (PLACE).
preter with a rather precise description of the sea's loca- 2. Baal-Zephon (Exod 14:2; Num 33:7). Attempts to
tion in Exod 14:2, where the people of Israel are in- locate this site center upon Egyptian cities where the
structed to "turn back and encamp in front of Pi-hahiroth, Canaanite deity of this name was worshiped and thus could
between Migdol and the sea, in front of Baal-zephon; you have been referred to by the name of the deity. In a highly
shall encamp over against it, by the sea." Unfortunately, influential monograph, Eissfeldt ( 1932) equated Baal-ze-
none of the sites mentioned in this text can be identified phon with the later Zeus Kasios and his temple at the
with certainty, and the various theories concerning their Egyptian Mt. Casias, which he placed at Mofiammediyeh on
placement are to a great extent determined by one's own the Wedge of Lake Sirbonis (Sabkhet el-Bardawil) facing
view of the general route taken by the fleeing Israelites the Mediterranean, ca. 15 km E of Pelusium. While gen-
out of Egypt, whether northern, central, or southern (see erally agreeing with Eissfeldt, Cazelles ( 1955: 333) placed
Wilson 1985: 154-55 and Beit-Arieh 1988: 37 for the Mt. Casias at Reis Ka.snln, ca. 40 km E of Mofiammediyeh
options). The best that one can do is to outline the differ- between Lake Sirbonis and the Mediterranean (see also
ent proposals for the above-mentioned sites (Pi-hahiroth, Herrmann 1973: 60-64; Aharoni LBHG, 196-97; Anati
Migdol, and Baal-zephon), including also the biblical 1986: 186-87; and Redford 1987: 143-44, who favor the
Raamses, the apparent starting point of the journey. See Eissfeldt-Cazelles view). (See esp. Simons GTTOT, 237-39,
also EXODUS, THE. 249-50, for criticism of Eissfeldt's theory.) Either site
1. Raamses (Exod I: 11; Num 33:5). This biblical name could point to Lake Sirbonis (or even the Mediterranean)
is usually interpreted (with a few notable exceptions; see as the yam sup of the biblical account, but this N location is
Redford 1963; 1987; Goedicke (Shanks 1981]; and Oren rejected by many because the biblical text specifically states
1981) as the Egyptian Piramesses, the Delta capital of the that the Israelites did not leave Egypt via this region (Exod
Ramesside period, generally located at Tell el-Dab'a- 13: 17). This objection raises the larger issue of two biblical
Qantir on the ancient Pelusiac branch of the Nile (Uphill traditions, a N route (the Elohist) and a SISE route (the
1968-69; B1etak 1975: 179-220; 1981; and his article in Yahwist). Some have explained these as two different exo-
LA 5: 128-46; for earlier views concerning the Delta doi (e.g., the tribes of Leah followed by the tribes of
RED SEA 640. v
Rachel; de Vaux EHi, 380-81), while others (e.g., Cazelles In addition, their pursuer stops at tkw (Tell el-Maskhuta of
1955: 358-61) have raised the possibility that the N route the Wadi Tumilat region, a frequent candidate for biblical
(through later redaction) has been influenced by or consti- ~ithom or Sukkoth) and another "fort" (Eg ~tm, often
tutes a later reflection of the well-known tradition of the incorrectly equated with Heb 'etam; e.g., Finegan 1963:
expulsion of the Hyksos (see also Gardiner 1922: 204; 84; 1:-fontet 1968: 62). But, as Gardiner (1924: 90) and
Redford 1987: 148-51). This N location of Baal-zephon Cammos (1954: 257-58) have noted, this text is difficult
poses serious problems for advocates of a S crossing some- and geographically obscure, and thus is of limited use (if
where between the Gulf of Suez and the Bitter Lakes, any) in identifying the relative placement of these biblical
which, according to some, were physically connected in sites. Oren's own archaeological work in the region con-
antiquity (e.g., Finegan 1963: 86; Hubbard ISBE 4: 60; firms the identification of Tell el-Heir with the classical
Wilson 1985: 131; see Albright 1948: 15-16; Simons Magdolo (1984: 34-35), but he denies that this site was the
GITOT, 247-48; and Davies 1979: 73-74 for discussion Migdol of the Exodus, since no evidence of New Kingdom
and further references; regarding canals in the Delta in occupation was found. Unlike Redford (1987), Oren and
the 1st millennium, see Bietak 1975; Butzer in LA 3: 312- others are not open to the possibility that the biblical
13; Shea 1977; Holladay 1982: 1-3.) This led Davies (1979: writers drew their geographical knowledge from a later
116) to conclude that Baal-zephon was not "an original period (e.g., the 7th or 6th century B.C.E.), and thus they
part of the itinerary" and thus could not be used to automatically exclude from consideration any site lacking
reconstruct the earliest route of the Israelites. evidence of a 12th- or 13th-century B.C.E. occupation (the
Others (following esp. Aime-Giron 1940; Albright I 948: traditional time period associated with the Exodus event).
15-16; 1950) locate Baal-zephon at Tabpanbes (Tell De- Others point out that Migdol, the common Semitic word
fenneh [Daphnae]), W of Sile on the S edge of Lake for "tower" or "fortress" (borrowed into Eg as mktr), could
Menzalah (e.g., Bietak 1987: 167; Goedicke [Shanks 1981: easily apply to any number of New Kingdom forts along
46]). This identification is based on a Phoenician letter the overland passage to S Palestine (assuming, contra Gar-
(6th century B.C.E.), which mentions "Baal-zephon and all diner and others, that the biblical author was not referring
the gods of Tabpanbes." According to Bietak, the Ballah to the Migdol of the prophets), and thus its precise location
Lakes, SE of Tell Defenneh-which he identified with the cannot be established (but note Goedicke [Shanks 1981 ],
p3-!wf of Egyptian texts (1975: 136-39 and maps 23, 45) who equates both biblical Etham and Migdol with the
and Heb yam sup (1975: 217; 1981: 280; 1987: 167)- Egyptian border fortress at f3rw (classical Sile, Tell Abu-
provided the setting for the sea miracle. Goedicke isolates Seifeh) on the N edge of the Ballah Lakes. See also
Tell Hazzob, just S of Tell Defenneh and W of the above MIGDOL.
Lakes, as the elevated site from which the fleeing Israelites 4. Pi-hahiroth (Exod 14:2, 9; Num 33:7). This place
witnessed the destruction of the Egyptian army, due to a name is especially problematic, and no satisfactory site for
massive tidal wave that Hooded the low-lying area (follow- it has been proposed, although a location in the E Delta is
ing presentation of Shanks 1981 and Wilson 1985). Textual assumed. The name is interpreted in various ways by the
evidence also exists for the worship of Baal-zephon at LXX, one of which may point to a variant underlying
Memphis (Pap. Sallier IV verso, 1, 6; Gardiner 1937: 89, Hebrew text (Exod 14:2, 9; see discussion of Lambdin in
line 7; Albright 1950: 6-8; Caminos 1954: 333, 337-38). IDB 3: 810-11). While some (Albright 1948: 16, de Vaux
Still others have located the site just N of the Gulf of Suez EHi, 379) have proposed a type of folk etymology of the
(e.g., Montet 1968: 49; Finegan 1963). See also BAAL- Hebrew (e.g., "the mouth of the canals"), others have
ZEPHON. sought appropriate Egyptian equivalents, e.g., Pr-/jt}.irt,
3. Migdol (Exod 14:2; Num 33:7; Jer 44:1). This name "House of Hathor," mentioned in Pap. Anastasi 111.3,3
occurs a number of times in Egyptian texts, often in and the Nikotris Adoption Stela, somewhere between Tanis
compound place names designating forts along the over- and Bubastis (Gardiner 1918: 186; 1922: 213; Caminos
land route to Palestine. A demotic geographical papyrus 1954: 74, 80; Montet 1968: 64). Another suggestion has
(Cairo 31169, iii.20-23) lists four such Migdols, the first of been pJ-J.iJ-rti, a place name in the Wadi El-Arish Naos,
which stands alone (Gardiner 1920: 108; Redford 1987: apparently interpreted as "Place of the Widow" (Redford
143, 154) and was identified by Gardiner as Tell el-Heir 1987: 142, 153, for further possibilities; see also the gen-
(the Magdolo of classical sources), ca. 12 km S of Pelusium eral discussion of Egyptian derivations in Cazalles 1955:
(his earlier choice for the Delta residence, which he later 350-52). See also Pl-HAHIROTH.
abandoned for Tanis; see AEO 202*; note also Redford
1987: 143, 153-54). This identification has been used to G. Conclusion
support a N route for the Exodus, with Lake Sirbonis as Over the past decade or so, some Egyptologists (e.g.,
the yam sup (e.g., Aharoni LBHG, 196-97). Redford and Bietak) have drawn attention to the question
Probably the most widely cited passage mentioning Mig- of the biblical writers' geographical sources (note in this
dol-and one used to support the early stages of the regard the earlier comments of Noth 194 7 on Eissfeldt's
biblical journey from biblical Raamses (e.g., de Vaux EHi, citation of classical sources). According to Redford ( 1987),
378, 380; Hubbard ISBE 4: 60)-is Papyrus Anastasi V: 19, the attempt to localize the site of the Exodus in the biblical
2-20.6 (Gardiner 1937: 66-67; translations in Gardiner narrative has drawn heavily from later tradition and rep-
1920: 109; Caminos 1954: 254-58; ANET, 259). This late- resents, for the most part, the writers'/redactors' o~n
13th-century B.C.E. text concerns the pursuit of two es- knowledge of Egyptian geography as they und~rstood .n:
caped slaves and their eventual passage through or around "... whoever was responsible for the topographlC matenal
the Migdol (Eg mktr, "stronghold, fortification") of Sety I. which now informs the stories of the Sojourn and the
v • 641 RED SEA
Exodus, be it P or even J, the configuration of the eastern Aime-Giron, N. 1940. Ba'al Saphon et les dieux de Tahpanhes
Delta known to them was essentially that of the 26th dans un nouveau papyrus Phenicien. ASAE 40-41: 433-60:
Dynasty [664-525 s.c.E.] and the early Persian period" Albright, W. F. 1918. Notes on Egypto-Semitic Etymology. A]SL 34:
(1987: 144). While Bietak is admittedly less pessimistic 81-98, 215-55.
with regard to the Exodus/Numbers account, he does, - - . 1934. The Vocalization of the Egyptian 5-yllabic Orthography.
however, point to the later attempts of the versions (e.g., AOS 5. New Haven.
LXX and Targum Neofiti), Psalm 78, and the traditions - - . 1948. Exploring in Sinai with the University of California
preserved in Manetho, which derived their geographical African Expedition. BASOR 109: 5-20.
knowledge from secondary cults of Ramesses at Tanis and - - . 1950. Baal-Zephon. Pp. 1-14 in Festschrifl Alfred Bertholet
Bubastis: "They depended in their search for localization zum 80. Geburtstag, ed. W. Baumgartner et al. Tubingen.
on the Egyptian contemporary opinion" (1987: 164). Allen, T. G., trans. 1974. The Book of the Dead or Going Forth ily Day.
Neither scholar, however, is totally pessimistic with re- SAOC 37. Chicago.
gard to a historical event behind the Exodus account. Anati, E. 1986. Har Karkom: The Mountain of God. New York.
Although Bietak questions the geographical veracity of Batto, B. F. 1983. The Reed Sea: Requiescat in Pace.]BL 102: 27-
later texts, he apparently accepts the basic outline of the 35.
Exodus account and, based on his own work in the Delta, Beit-Arieh, I. 1988. The Route Sinai-Why the Israelites Fleeing
contends that the Ballah Lakes (as the p3-!wf of Egyptian Egypt Went South. BARev 1513: 28-37.
texts, 1975: 136-39; 1981: 280; 1987: 167) provided the Bietak, M. 1975. Tell El-Dab'a II. Vienna.
most likely means of Israelite passage out of Egypt. Red- - - . 1981. Avaris and Piramesse. Mortimer Wheeler Archaeolog-
ford, on the other hand, traces the ultimate inspiration for ical Lecture, May 1979. Pp. 225-89 in PBA 65. London.
the biblical account to the tradition of the occupation/ - - . 1987. Comments on the "Exodus." Pp. 163-71 in Rainey
expulsion of the Hyksos (1987: 148-51; for this tradition, 1987.
see Redford 1970). See also HYKSOS. While the parallels Brugsch, H. 1879. Dictionnaire geographique de l'ancienne Egypte.
between these two traditions have long been noted (e.g., Leipzig. Repr. 1974, Hildesheim.
Gardiner I 922, clarified in 1924), Redford's own exilid - - . 1881. The Exodus and the Egyptian Monuments. Trans. from
postexilic date for the final version of the biblical account French (1875) with additions and notes for 2d English ed. =
(geographical additions/clarifications at the hands of a pp. 357-432 in his A Hi.story of Egypt under the Pharaohs, 2d ed.
later redactor) takes into account the later development Vol. 2. London.
and pervasiveness of the Hyksos tradition in the 1st millen- Caminos, R. A. 1954. Late-Egyptian Miscellanies. Brown Egyptologi-
nium. cal Studies I. London.
As the above evidence illustrates, no consensus has yet Cassuto, U. 1967. A Commentary on the Book of Exodus. Trans. I.
emerged on the location of the sea of the Exodus, al- Abrahams from Hebrew. Jerusalem.
though the majority opt for an E Delta location. If one Cazelles, H. 1955. Les localisations de l'Exode et la critique litter-
contends that yam sup must refer only to one of the gulfs aire. RB 62: 321-64. [Repr. in his Author de l'Exode (Eludes),
of the Red Sea proper, either Aqabah or Suez (e.g., Simons Paris 1987.)
GITOT, 238), then-assuming a Delta site for the cross- Cerny, J. 1976. Coptic Etymological Dictionary. Cambridge.
ing-its presence in Exodus 13-14 would constitute a later Childs, B. 1970. A Traditio-Historical Study of the Reed Sea
attempt to connect the miracle at "the sea" with a suitably Tradition. VT 20: 406-18.
large body of water such as the Gulf of Suez; while the Coats, G. W. 1967. The Traditio-Historical Character of the Reed
more frequent references to "the sea" would reflect the Sea Motif. VT 17: 253-65.
earliest tradition (with possible mythological overtones in - - . 1979. The Sea Tradition in the Wilderness Theme: A
Exod 15:4). In this case, the question of yam sup as Eg p3- Review.]SOT 12: 2-8.
!wf becomes largely irrelevant, since the biblical writers/ Copisarow, M. 1962. The Ancient Egyptian, Greek and Hebrew
redactors did not themselves locate the crossing in the Concept of the Red Sea. VT 12: 1-13.
Davies, G. I. 1979. The Way of the Wilderness. Cambridge.
Delta. The now nearly canonical term "Reed Sea" derives
Day, J. 1985. God's Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea. Cambridge.
ultimately from the modern interpreter's inability to rec-
Eakin, F. E. 1967. The Reed Sea and Baalism.]BL 86: 378-84.
oncile the geographical problems inherent in the biblical
Eissfeldt, 0. 1932. Baal Zaphon, Zeus Kasios und der Durchzug der
a~count: Lik~wi_se the ancient redactors, perceiving the
Israeliten durchs Meer. Halle.
difficulties wnhm the text, provided geographical road-
Erman, A. 1892. Das Verhaltniss des Aegyptischen zu den semi-
maps for their contemporary readers.
tischen Sprachen. ZDMG 46: 93-129.
On the other hand, if Heb sup and Eg twf continue to be Faulkner, R. 0., trans. 1985. The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead,
c?rrelated, respectively, with yam sup and p3-!wf as a spe- ed. C. Andrews. New York.
cific body of water-the "Sea of Reeds"-in the E Delta of Finegan, J. 1963. Let My People Go: A journey Through Exodus. New
E_gypt'. then the geographically ambiguous nature of yam York.
sup will no doubt occasion further scholarly discussion, Gardiner, A.H. 1918. The Delta Residence of the Ramassides.]EA
and, to be sure, the onomastic quest will continue. 5: 127-38, 179-200, 242-71.
- - . 1920. The Ancient Military Road Between Egypt and
Bibliography Palestine.]EA 6: 99-116.
Ahlstrom, G. W. 1977. judges 5: 20ff. and History.]NES 36: 287- - - . 1922. The Geography of the Exodus. Pp. 203-15 in &cueil
88. d'ltudes egyptologiques ... Champollion. Bibliotheque de l'ecole
- - . 1986. Who Were the Israelites7 Winona Lake, IN. des hautes etudes, Sci. Hist. et Phil. 234. Paris.
RED SEA 642. v
- - . 1924. The Geography of the Exodus: An Answer to Pro- Ward, W. A. 1974. The Semitic Biconsonantal Root SP and the
fessor Naville and Others.JEA 10: 87-96. Common Origin of Egyptian CWP and Hebrew SUP: "Marsh
- - . 1937. Late Egyptian Miscellanies. Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca 7. (-Plant)." VT 24: 339-49.
Brussels. Wifall, W. 1980. The Sea of Reeds as Sheol. ZAW 92: 325-32.
Gauthier, H. 1925-31. Dictionnaire des noms geographiques contenus Wilson, I. 1985. Exodus: The True Story Behind the Biblical Account.
dans Les textes hieroglyphiques. 7 vols. Cairo. San Francisco.
Goedicke, H. 1987. Papyrus Anastasi VI 51-61. SAK 14: 83-98. Wright, G. R. H. 1979. The Passage of the Sea. GM 33: 55-68.
Har-El, M. 1977. The Exodus Route in the Light of Historical- jOHN R. HUDDLESTUJIO
Geographic Research. Ariel 44: 69-84.
- - . 1983. The Sinai journeys: The Route of the Exodus. San Diego. RED SEA TRADE
Hay, L. S. 1964. What Really Happened at the Sea of Reeds? ]BL
83: 397-403. The Red Sea has been used as a source of food and
Heick, W. 1971. Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vordasien im 3. und 2. maritime transportation since prehistoric times despite the
]ahrtausend v. Chr. 2d ed. AA 5. Wiesbaden. lack of a coastline having good natural harbors and an-
Herrmann, S. 1973. Israel in Egypt. Trans. M. Kohl. SBT n.s. 27. chorages and the existence of enervating prevailing north-
London. erly winds N of 20° N latitude. This has been attested by
Holladay, J. S. 1982. Cities of the Delta, Part Ill: Tell el-Maskhuta. the discovery of numerous lithic tools (Montenat I 986:
ARCE Reports 6. Malibu, CA. 239-55; Prickett 1979: 280-92), a predynastic burial
Kloos, C. 1986. Yhwh's Combat with the Sea. Amsterdam and Leiden. (Murray and Derry 1923: 129-31) along the Red Sea coast
Labourt, J., trans. 1954. Saint]erame Lettres. Tome IV. Paris. of Egypt and lithic tools along the Saudi Arabian Red Sea
Lambdin, T. 1953. Egyptian Loan Words in the Old Testament. coast at various points, the existence of numerous prehis-
]AOS 73: 145-55. toric petroglyphs in the Wadi Hammamat (LA 6: 1099-
Lauha, A. 1963. Das Schilmeermotif im Alten Testament. VTSup 9: 1113), dipinti and graffiti elsewhere in the Eastern Desert
32-46. (Winkler 1938: 18-41; Redford and Redford 1989) and
Lesko, L. H. 1982-89. A Dictionary of Late Egyptian. 4 vols. Berkeley. other prehistoric sites (Sodmein Cave), between the Nile
Montet, P. 1968. Egypt and the Bible. Trans. L. R. Keylock. Philadel- and the Red Sea coast (Prickett 1979: 292-93).
phia. In historical times, interest in the Red Sea littoral initially
Muller, W. M. 1893. Asien und Eumpa nach alliigyptischen Denklmiil- was primarily commercial in nature. Since the desert bor-
ern. Leipzig. dered the entire littoral, few people actually resided on
- - . 1903. Red Sea. Cols. 4022-23 in EncBib (I vol. ed.). the coast in sizable concentrations except for commercial
Naville, E. 1924. The Geography of the Exodus.JEA 10: 18-39. maritime purposes. Literary sources attest the earliest
Norin, S. 1977. Er spaltete das Meer: Die Ausziigsuberlieferung in known exploitation of the Red Sea for commercial pur-
Psalmen und Kull des Allen Israel. ConBOT 9. Lund. poses in the Egyptian Old Kingdom period (AESH, 136;
Noth, M. 1947. Der Schauplatz des Meereswunders. Pp. 181-90 in Murray 1950: 14). Literary sources (AESH, 137), epi-
FestschTift Otto Eissfeldt zum 60. Geburtstag. Halle. gTaphic evidence (Tregenza l 958: 181), and archaeological
Oren, E. D. 1981. How Not to Create a History of the Exodus-A excavation of a Middle Kingdom port at the Red Sea
Critique of Professor Goedicke's Theories. BA&v 716: 46-53. terminus of the Wadi Gawasis (Sayed 197 8: 69-71) and of
- - . 1984. Migdol: A New Fortress on the Edge of the Eastern a galena mine at Gebel Zeit (Castel et al. 1984: 45-57)
Nile Delta. BASOR 256: 744. attest activity along the coast at that time. This continued
Rainey, A., ed. 1987. Egypt, Israel, Sinai. Archaeological and Historical into the Egyptian New Kingdom (Empire) period and was
Relationships in the Biblical Period. Tel Aviv. made famous by the expedition sent by the pharaoh Hat-
Rainey, A. 1982. Toponymic Problems (cont.). TA 9: 130-36.
shepsut to Punt (AESH, 270-71), the precise location of
Redford, D. B. 1963. Exodus I 11. VT 13: 401-18.
which has been greatly debated. Details of this journey are
- - . 1970. The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition. Or
depicted on Hatshepsut's funerary temple at Deir el-Bahri
39: 1-51.
near Thebes.
- - . 1987. An Egyptological Perspective on the Exodus Narra-
Commercial interest persisted in the late pharaonic pe-
tive. Pp. 137-61 in Rainey 1987.
riod (AESH, 254; Schweinfurth 1885: passim) under Necho
Sarna, N. 1986. Exploring Exodus: The Heritage of Biblical Israel. New
II (610-595 a.c.) and after the Achaemenid Persian con-
York.
Sayce, A. H. 1894. The "Higher Criticism" and the Verdict of the
quest of Egypt in 525 a.c. under Cambyses (530-521 B.c.)
Monuments. London.
and his successors, especially Darius I (521-486 B.c.). The
Shanks, H. 1981. The Exodus and the Crossing of the Red Sea, Ptolemaic dynasty (323-30 B.c.) in Egypt under Ptolemy
According to Hans Goedicke. BA&v 715: 42-50. II Philadelphus (283/282-246 a.c.) and his successors con-
Shea, W. H. 1977. A Date for the Recently Discovered Eastern tinued and expanded this maritime commerce m the Red
Canal of Egypt. BASOR 226: 31-38. Sea and beyond into the Indian Ocean (Thapar 1987: 15-
Snaith, N. H. 1965. Yam-SOp: The Sea of Reeds: The Red Sea. VT 19) by the construction of a number of ports and trade
15: 395-98. stations on the W coast of the Red Sea to the Bab el-
Towers, J. R. 1959. The Red Sea.]NES 18: 150-53. Mandeb (entrance to the Indian Ocean) and, perhaps,
Uphill, E. P. 1968-69. Pithom and Raamses: Their Location and beyond (Murray 1967: 24-33; Scullard 1974: 129, fig. 13;
Significance.JNES 27: 291-316; 28: 15-39. Strabo 16.4. 7ff.; Pliny HN 6.34.170-75). However, Ptole-
Walsh, J. T. 1977. From Egypt to Moab: A Source Critical Analysis maic interest in the Red Sea was primarily military (the
of the Wilderness Itinerary. CBQ 39: 20-33. acquisition of war elephants and gold for the army); com-
v. 643 RED SEA

mercial considerations were, in the early Ptolemaic period 146, 176). Later rulers-including Necho II, Darius I,
at least, secondary. Ptolemy II, and Trajan (ruled A.O. 98-117)-were all cred-
The annexation of Egypt by Rome in 30 B.C. brought ited with digging such a canal, and, according to the 9th-
Rome for the first time into direct contact with the Red century Arab writer al-Maqrizi (Sidebotham 1986: 68), this
Sea. The nature, volume, intensity, and diversity of Roman canal continued to be used in the 9th century. It cannot be
commerce was different from and greater than that of the determined when it fell out of use or what its exact course
Ptolemies (cf. DesangesANRW 2/10/l: 3-43). Roman trade was, but remains can still be seen (Redmount 1986: 20).
in the Red Sea was motivated by commercial and political Less is known about how other regional powers ex-
interests, not, primarily, by military considerations. Most ploited the Red Sea. Solomon's commercial contacts with
of the ports the Romans used on the Red Sea had been the Queen of Sheba (Saba) in SW Arabia (Yemen) in the
built earlier either by the Ptolemies or by the Nabateans. 10th century B.c. are well known (1 Kgs 10:10; Isa 60:6);
Apparently these were subsequently repaired and en- yet the precise locations of his port of Ezion-Geber and its
larged (Sidebotham 1986: 48-57)-and one, Leukos Li- counterpart in Saba on the Yemeni coast still elude schol-
men on the Egyptian coast, was founded de novo-by the ars. See EZION-GEBER.
Romans (Whitcomb and Johnson 1979; l 982a; l 982b). One of the Ptolemaic monarchs (either Ptolemy II or
Egyptian emporia included (l) Clysma-Arsinoe-Qolzoum III) is said to have joined the city of Miletus (in Asia Minor)
(near modern Suez; Bruyere 1966: passim); (2) Myos Hor- in founding a colony on the Red Sea coast at Ampelone
mos (Diodorus Siculus 3.39.1-2; Strabo 2.5.12; 16.4.5; (Pliny HN 6.32.158-59; Tarn 1929: 21-22). This city,
16.4.24; 17 .1.45; Periplus Maris Erythraei 1; 19; Pliny HN undoubtedly established for commercial purposes, has
6.33.168; Tait 1930: 108-25; Ptol. Geog. 4.5.8; Sidebotham never been located. Perhaps it was the site of the later
1986: 50-51); (3) Philoteras (Ptol. Geog. 4.5.8; Murray Nabatean/Roman port of Leuke Kome mentioned in the
1925: 142; Meredith 1953: 101-3); (4) Leukos Limen Periplus Maris Erythraei (19) as a Red Sea port important
(Sidebotham 1986: s.v. index "Leukos Limen"); (5) Ne- enough to warrant stationing there a hekatontarches (centu-
chesia (Ptol. Geog. 4.5.8; Murray 1925: 142-43; Meredith rion) and a garrison of unknown nationality. A paralemptes
1953: 103); and (6) the largest and most important, Bere- collected a 25 percent ad valorem customs tax on merchan-
nice (Strabo 17.1.45; Periplus Maris Erythraei I; 19; 21; dise imported there (Periplus Maris Erythraei 19). Research
Pliny HN 6.26.103; Tait 1930: 108-25; Ptol. Geog. 4.5.8; now suggests that Leuke Kome was located in the Kuray-
Murray 1925: 143; Meredith 1957: 56-70; Murray 1968: bah-' Aynunah region of NW Saudi Arabia near the Strait
49-53; Sidebotham 1986: s.v. index "Berenice"). There ofTiran (Ingraham et al. 1981: 76-77; Kirwan n.d.: 55-
was a late Roman/Byzantine military installation at Abu 61; Sidebotham 1986: 120-26). The nearby island of
Shacar, an area long considered (inaccurately) to have been lotabe may have superseded Leuke Kome as a customs
the location of Myos Hormos (Sidebotham l 989a). Trans- post later in the Roman/Byzantine period (Abel 1938: 510-
desert routes marked with forts, towers, and cairns joined 33; Letsios 1989: 530; Procopius History of the Wars l.19.3).
these ports to various emporia on the Nile, such as Edfu Other ports existed along the Red Sea coasts in antiq-
(Apollonopolis Magna) in the Ptolemaic period (Bagnall uity, though the dates of their foundation and abandon-
1976: 35) and Qift (Coptos), Denderah (Tentyris), and ment are unknown. There was an important port at Aila,
Antinoe/Antinoopolis in Roman times (Bernand 1984: pas- near Aqaba (Procopius History of the Wars l.19.3; l.19.20;
nm; Bingen 1984: 359-70; Sidebotham 1986: 48-71; Side- 1.19.24), the Islamic section of which is now under exca-
botham l 989c; Side both am et al. fc.; Zitterkopf and Side- vation (cf. Whitcomb 1988: passim; Whitcomb 1989).
botham I 989). There were other ports in Sinai (possibly Tor; Murray
Present scholarship suggests that the economic instabil- 1950: 136-38; cf. Gatier 1989: 499-523) and on the
ity, political chaos, and military turmoil of the 3d century African coast (Adulis; Casson 1984: 199-21 O; Proco pi us
A.O. led to a decline or cessation of this Red Sea commerce. History of the Wars l.20.4) and, undoubtedly, on the Saudi
However, literary evidence (Codex Theodosianus 12.12.2; Arabian, Yemeni, and Sudanese Red Sea coasts. The pres-
Philostorgius h.e. 3.4-6; cf. Dihle 1989: 461-68; Procopius ent state of archaeological research has yet to reveal much
Hi.story of the Wars 1.19. I; 1.19.24-26; 1.20.4; l.20.9; on pre-Islamic ports in these regions (cf. Crone 1987:
1.20.12; 2.3.40; Cosmas lndicopleustes, top. l and II; passim).
Theophanes chron. 6123; cf. Johnson and West 1949: 137-
51; cf. Letsios 1988: passim) and a growing body of archae- Bibliography
ological evidence (Zitterkopf and Sidebotham 1989; Side- Abel, F.-M. 1938. L'ile de Jotabe. RB 47: 510-38.
botham 1989b: 222-23) indicate a revival of diplomatic Bagnall, R. S. 1976. The Florida Ostraca. Durham, NC.
and co.mmercial contacts in the 4th through 6th/early 7th Bernand, A. 1984. Les Portes du Desert. Paris.
centuries (though this renaissance does not seem to have Bingen, J. 1984. Epigraphie grecque, et latine d'Antione a Edfou.
had the same intensity as activity in the late !st century cd.E 59, 118: 359-70.
B.c.-2d century A.o.). Bruyere, B. 1966. Fouilles de Clysma-Oolwum (Suez), 1930-1932.
Red Sea commerce was so important to Egypt that at Cairo.
least as early as the Middle Kingdom period a canal was Casson, L. 1984. Rome's Trade with the East. Pp. 182-98 in Ancient
dug linking the Nile to the Red Sea. Its existence is attested Trade and Society. Detroit.
both by ancient writers (Hdt. 2.158-59; 4.39; 4.42; Arist. - - . 1989. The Periplus Maris Erythraei Text. Princeton.
Mete. l.14.352b25; Agatharchides in Diod. Sic. l.33.7-12; Castel, G., et al. 1984. Decouverte des Mines pharaoniques au bord
Strabo 17.1.25-26; Pliny HN 6.33.165-66; Ptol. Geog. 4.5) de la Mer Rouge. Archeolor;ie (Sept.): 45-57.
and by archaeological evidence (Sidebotham 1986: 67-68, Crone, P. 1987. Meccan Trade and the Rise of Isl.am. Princeton.
RED SEA

Dible, A. 1989. L'Ambassade de Theophile l'Indien reexaminee. - - . 1989. Coptic Glazed Ceramics from the Excavations at
Pp. 461-68 in Fahd 1989. Aqaba, Jordan.]ARCE 26: 167-82.
Fahd, T., ed. 1989. L'Arabie Prfulamique et son environment historique Whitcomb, D. S., and Johnson, J. H., eds. 1979. Qu.seir al-Qadim
et culture/. Leiden. 1978 Preliminary Report. Princeton.
Gatier, P.-L. 1989. Les traditions et l'histoire du Sinai du IV• au - - . l 982a. 1982 Season of Excavations at Quseir al-Qadim.
VII• siede. Pp. 499-523 in Fahd 1989. American Research Center in Egypt Newsletter 120: 24-30.
Ingraham, M. L., et al. 1981. Saudi Arabian Comprehensive Survey - - . I982b. Qu.seir al-Qadim 1980 Preliminary Report. Malibu, CA.
Program. Attal 5: 58-84. Winkler, H. A. 1938. Archaeological Survey of Egypt Rock Drawing of
Johnson, A. C., and West, L. C. 1949. Byzantine Egypt: Economic Southern Upper Egypt. Vol. I. London.
Studies. Princeton. Zitterkopf, R. E., and Sidebotham, S. E. 1989. Stations and Towers
Kirwan, L. P. n.d. Where to Search for the Ancient Port of Leuke on the Quseir-Nile Road.]EA 75: 155-89.
Kome. Vol. 2, pp. 55-61 in Studies in the Hi.story of Arabia, ed. STEVEN E. SIDEBOTHAM
A. M. Abdalla et al. Riyadh.
Letsios, D. G. 1988. Byuzntium and the Red Sea Relations with Nubia,
Ethiopia and South Arabia Until the Arab Conquest. Athens. REDACTION CRITICISM. This entry surveys the
- - . 1989. The Case of Amorkesos and the Question of the method of "redaction criticism" as it is applied to the Old
Roman Foederati in Arabia in the Vth Century. Pp. 525-38 in and New Testaments.
Fahd 1989.
Meredith, D. 1953. The Roman Remains in the Eastern Desert of OLD TESTAMENT
Egypt (cont.).]EA 39: 95-106.
- - . 1957. Berenice Troglodytica.]EA 43: 56-70. Redaction criticism is a method of biblical study which
Montenat, C. 1986. Un apercu des industries prehistoriques du examines the intentions of the editors or redactors who
Golfe de Suez et du littoral egyptien de la mer rouge. BIFAO compiled the biblical texts out of earlier source materials.
86: 239-55. It thus presupposes the results of source and form criti-
Murray, G. W. 1925. The Roman Roads and Stations in the Eastern
cism, and builds upon them.
Desert of Egypt.]EA 11: 138-50.
- - . 1950. Sons of Ishmail. New York.
A. History and Development
- - . 1967. Troglodytica: The Red Sea Littoral m Ptolemaic
Marxsen in his study of Mark's gospel (!st German ed.,
Times. Geographical]ournal 133: 24-33.
l 956) appears to have been the first to use the term "reda~­
- - . 1968. Dare Me to the Desert. New York.
tion criticism," but redaction-critical analysis of OT texts 1s
Murray, G. W., and Derry, D. E. 1923. A Predynastic Burial on the
considerably older than this. The discove:~ ?f "redacto_rs"
in the OT belongs to classical source cnt1c1sm, as a side
Red Sea Coast of Egypt. Man 23: 129-31.
effect of the analysis. Once it became clear that the Penta-
Prickett, M. 1979. Quseir Regional Survey. Pp. 255-352 in Whit-
teuch, for example, was compiled from several dispara~e
comb and Johnson 1979.
sources, it followed that someone must have compiled 1t.
Redford, S., and Redford, D. B. 1989. Graffiti and Petroglyphs
But to most source critics of the l 9th and early 20th
Old and New from the Eastern Desert.]ARCE 26: 3-49.
centuries, redactors were not seen as creative editors, still
Redmount, C. A. 1986. Wadi Tumilat Survey. American Research
less as literary artists. Redactional additions to t_he text were
Center in Egypt Newsletter 133: 19-23.
naturally identified as part of the process of literary anal-
Sayed, A. M.A. H. 1978. The Recently Discovered Port on the Red
ysis, but the redactional arrange"!ent <;>f t?e text was seldom
Sea Shore.]EA 64: 69-71.
the subject of much interest. This pomt 1s sometimes. made
Schweinfurth, G. A. 1885. Alte Bauresle und hieroglyphi.sche iruchriften
by saying that redaction was seen in older scholarship as a
im Uadi Gasus. Berlin.
matter of "scissors and paste." In fact, the p1ctu:e is l~~s
Scullard, H. H. 1974. The Ekphant in the Greek and Roman World.
uniform than this suggests. Although the redaction cnt1-
Ithaca, NY.
cism of the Pentateuch attracted much less interest than
Sidebotham, S. E. 1986. Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa
the study of its original sources, with regard to some other
30 B.C.-A.D. 217. Leiden.
books there has always been more concern among biblical
- - . 1989a. Fieldwork on the Red Sea Coast: The 1987 Season.
]ARCE 26: 127-66.
scholars for the finished form of the text and hence for
- - . 1989b. Ports of the Red Sea and the Arabia-India Trade.
the principles on which it must have been assembled. Even
Pp. 195-223 in Fahd 1989.
in the l 9th century it was common to read Job and Chron-
- - . I 989c. Lure of the Desert Road. Archaeology 42/4: 58-60. icles, for example, from what can now be called a "redac-
Sidebotham, S. E.; Zitterkopf, R. E.; and Riley, J. A. fc. Survey of tion-critical" point of view.
the 'Abu Sha'ar-Qena Road. · It was in the years after the Second World War that
Tait, J. G. 1930. Greek Ostraca in the Bodleian Library at Oxford and redaction criticism began to appeal widely to OT sch~lars.
Various Other Collectioru. Vol. I. London. This appeal sometimes resulted ~r?r:1 a sense of weariness
Tarn, W.W. 1929. Ptolemy II and Arabia.]EA 15: 9-25. at traditional source and form cnuc1sm, and was part of a
Thapar, R. 1987. Epigraphic Evidence and Some Indo-Hellenistic desire to move away from what was increasing!~ thought
Contacts during the Mauryan Period. Pp. 15-19 in lndological to be an excessive tendency to fragment the text mstead of
Studies, ed. S. K. Maity and U. Thakur. New Delhi. to read it as it stood. The sense of a renewed respec~ for
Tregenza, L. A. 1958. Egyptian Years. Oxford. the text in its finished shape, and hence for the ed~tors
Whitcomb, D. S. 1988. Aqaba "Port of Palestine on the China Sea." who had worked it into this shape, w~s o~te~ comb1~ed
Amman. with a theological commitment to the Bible m its canonical
v. 645 REDACTION CRITICISM (OT)

form (sometimes under the influence of Barthian theol- Samuel and Kings. Where such external points of refer-
ogy). Gerhard von Rad pioneered this new approach t.o ence are lacking, redaction criticism is inevitably rather
the OT in a series of articles and books (esp. PHOE). In hts speculative.
work on Genesis (Genesis OTL), von Rad sought to show To some extent redaction criticism has been overtaken
that the Yahwist in particular should be seen as a highly in the 1980s by newer movements such as canonical criti-
creative religious and literary genius, who utterly trans- cism and structuralism, which share its interest in the "final
formed the materials he used. Beyond that, von Rad even form" of biblical texts but are less concerned to derive this
hinted at a possible reading of the Pentateuch as a whole from the deliberate intention of one or more redactors
which would attribute a comparable importance to the and more concerned to read the text as an entity in itself.
final redactor(s) of the entire work-citing with interest The "canonical" approach does, however, ask questions
(though not complete approval) a remark of Franz Rosen- about the intentions of the communities responsible for
zweig's to the effect that "R" (see below) ought to be the present form and compass of the entire OT, and so
rendered rabbenu (in Hebrew, "our Master"), because it is may be said to represent a kind of redaction criticism of
to the redactor that we owe the Bible as it now lies before the canon as a whole. Thanks to the work of B. S. Childs
us (von Rad Genesis, 40-42). This may at least serve as a (e.g., JOTS) and others, questions are now asked not only
memorable pointer to the renewed respect in which redac- about the significance of the way individual books are
tors are now held by biblical scholars. arranged but also about the arrangement of whole sections
After von Rad, Martin Noth also contributed important of the OT, such as the Torah (Pentateuch) or the Prophets,
works on the redaction of the "Deuteronomistic History" and even about the overall organization of the canon.
(Joshua-2 Kings) and the work of the Chronicler (Chroni- There are still a number of books of the OT, however,
cles-Ezra-Nehemiah; see NDH, NCH, and HPT). Both of which have not been extensively studied by more conven-
these scholars referred to their own work as "traditio- tional redaction criticism, and it is therefore probable that
historical." Nowadays, however, this term is more com- the method will continue to be practiced despite these
monly reserved for their contribution to the history of newer approaches.
Israel's religious and historical traditions, and the more The history and practice of OT redaction criticism may
literary side of their interests would be called redaction be studied with the aid of Perrin (I 970), Wharton (IDBSup,
criticism. 729-32) and Barton ( 1984).
In Noth's work one can see both the strengths and the
weaknesses of redaction criticism. Its strength lies in its B. The Elements of Redaction-Critical Analysis
minute attention to details of the text, which might strike Strictly speaking, it makes sense to practice redaction
more casual readers as trivial-small link-passages, tiny criticism only when it is certain that a book is composite in
changes in wording; and its success lies in explaining character. For the majority of OT texts, this assumption is
puzzling features, such as the sequence in which incidents fully justified: for example, the Pentateuch and most of
are related. Noth's work represents what in literary studies the prophetic books are certainly the result of a long
is sometimes called a "close reading" of the text, where the process of editing or redaction. Where a text seems to have
reader constantly asks why the particular words or phrases been composed freely by a single writer, criticism seeks to
have been chosen in preference to others, and where it is discover the intentions of this writer, who is an "author"
assumed that the authors (or editors) of texts always had a in something like the modern sense of the word, rather
reason for the choices they made. The characteristic weak- than a redactor. Nevertheless, in practice the distinction
ness of Noth's method is the reverse side of this: a tendency may be hard to maintain. For example, Ecclesiastes (Qoh-
to exaggerate the importance of small details and to fore- eleth) has probably undergone several stages of redaction,
close the possibility that some features of the biblical text but the intentions of an original author still shine through-
may be the result of accident or inadvertence. Redaction out the whole book; some of the Psalms seem to be freely
criticism easily lays itself open to the charge of reading too composed lyrics with no prehistory as a collection of older
much significance into the text. Some biblical books may fragments; and some narrative books (e.g., Ruth, Jonah)
in fact owe much to "scissors and paste" techniques of probably had a single author from the beginning. Con-
composition. Though readers should be open to the pos- versely, some of the biblical editors have reshaped the
sibility of finding meaning and theological insight in the material at their disposal so freely that we might call them
way material has been arranged or altered during redac- "authors" rather than mere redactors. For example, the
tion, they should also not forget that we know very little "]" material in Genesis is said by von Rad (see above) to
about the anonymous editors of the OT, and that we do represent such a thoroughgoing reworking of its underly-
not have the raw materials with which they worked. Redac- ing source materials that "the Yahwist" should no longer
tion critics normally have to reconstruct the redactor's be called a redactor at all, but an author, an original writer.
sources from the text as it now stands, and then discover See YAHWIST (''J") SOURCE. However, much of the OT
why the redactor changed these (hypothetical) sources to is more than a mere assemblage of unrevised fragments,
produc.e the present form. It can easily be seen that it is but less than a complete reshaping of old materials into a
1mposs1ble to check the accuracy of this whole reconstruc- completely coherent new whole, and it is precisely in
t!on against any external controls. This is why the redac- relation to such texts that redaction criticism is an appro-
t10nal study of Chronicles has always been easier than (and priate critical tool.
antedates by far) the redaction criticism of the rest of the l. Link Passages and the Sigium "R." Source-critical
OT, because we do possess most of the sources with which analysis frequently reveals the existence of short passages,
the redactors of Chronicles worked-namely, the books of individual sentences, or even individual words that cannot
REDACTION CRITICISM (OT)

be assigned to any of the main sources of a particular Qoheleth; the prophecies of Hosea) are to be read as wise
passage (J, E, D, or P), but must be assumed to have come advice on how to please God, and that anyone who does
into being as part of the process of editing. For example, not will suffer punishment. In both cases these redactional
in Exodus 3: 14-15 there are two versions of God's words additions do not merely serve to shape the book into a
to Moses at the burning bush: "Say this to the people of finished whole, but they have an interpretative function as
Israel, 'I AM has sent me to you,' " and "Say this to the well. They tell the reader how to understand the book.
people of Israel, 'The LORD, the God of your fathers, the The redactional addition to Ecclesiastes makes the overall
God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, effect of the book much less skeptical and unorthodox
has sent me to you.' " So that these appear to be successive, than it would otherwise seem, while the addition to Hosea
rather than alternative, words of God, they are linked by v converts a collection of prophecies into a kind of "wisdom"
15a: "God also said to Moses ... ,''which was not required book of generalized advice.
by either of the original sayings but is needed once they 3. Explicit Insertions. So far we have considered types
are juxtaposed. Material like this can be ascribed to the of redactional addition in which there is no question of
redactor, and represents an attempt (sometimes not a very the redactor addressing the reader in person, but in which
successful attempt) to make the text read smoothly, inte- the additional material is integrated into the text as though
grating the original separate sources into a smooth narra- it were original. The OT also contains passages, especially
tive. Source critics use the letter "R" to designate this kind in the narrative books, in which the narrator turns from
of redactional material. his source to face the reader directly. For example, twice
Sometimes a redactional addition can be identified by in the historical books from Joshua through 2 Kings there
the way it integrates into a wider biblical framework a are summaries of a section of the story that is being told,
section, for example of narrative, that had an independent with comments on its significance from a theological point
existence but in its present context appears to contradict of view: Judg 2:6-23 and 2 Kgs 17:7-41. Here the com-
or be inconsistent with something else in the text. For piler of the history offers comments of his own on the
instance, in Genesis 26 there is a story about Isaac and story he is telling-for example, "This was so, because the
Rebekah at the court of the Philistine king, Abimelech. people of Israel had sinned against the LORD their God"
This story is clearly a version of the same incident related (2 Kgs 17:7).
twice of Abraham and Sarah (see Gen 12:10-20 and In a similar way, the editors of the prophetic books
Genesis 20). Whoever wove together the sources that make added headings and indications of the occasions and dates
up the book of Genesis appears to have realized that the when particular oracles were delivered: e.g., "The words
reader might be disturbed if such similar incidents were of Jeremiah, the son of Hilkiah ... to whom the word of
related without explanation, and accordingly began the the LORD came in the days of Josiah, the son of Amon,
story as follows: "Now there was a famine in the land, king of Judah, in the thirteenth year of his reign" (Jer I: I).
besides the former famine that was in the days of Abraham" The way in which this is done can sometimes help us to
(26: I). These words were not required so long as the story reconstruct the stages by which a book came into its
formed an independent unit, but they became necessary present form. Thus, for instance, the book of Isaiah has
once it was placed in a continuous narrative containing two redactional "headings,'' in I: I ("The vision of Isaiah
also the earlier, suspiciously similar story or stories. The the son of Amoz, which he saw concerning Judah and
effect of the insertion is to make the narrative flow more Jerusalem") and in 2: I ("The word which Isaiah the son of
smoothly than it would otherwise do-though, again, the Amoz saw concerning Judah and Jerusalem"). This makes
redactor has been only partially successful, for most read- it probable that there was once an edition of Isaiah which
ers will feel that the chapter still reads rather awkwardly began with 2:1, to which chapter I was subsequently
and will soon suspect that it is in origin an alternative added, with the result that a fresh heading was needed for
version of one of the other similar incidents, and not the whole book. Here redaction criticism contributes to
genuinely a fresh occurrence. source criticism and helps it in its task of literary analysis.
2. Interpretative Additions. In the examples just dis- 4. Changes to the Original Source Material. Ancient
cussed, the redactional elements have a minimal function: editors often had great respect for the material they were
they merely avoid an awkward break in the text. But assembling and changed very little in it. That is why there
redactional additions, even of a few words, can have a are so many inconsistencies in the biblical text. Indeed, it
profound effect on the meaning of the passage in which is this that makes it possible for us to reconstruct the
they stand. Thus, both Hosea and Ecclesiastes end with sources with which the editors worked, for if they had
what seems to be a proverbial saying. In Hos 14: IO-Eng successfully eliminated all the inconsistencies between the
14:9: "Whoever is wise, let him understand these things; sources, we would not be able to distinguish the sources
whoever is discerning, let him know them; for the ways of anyway. The very possibility of source criticism depends
the Lord are right, and the upright walk in them, but on the fact that the redactors so often left alternative
transgressors stumble in them." And in Eccl 12:13-14: versions of incidents unreconciled. Nevertheless, this re-
"The end of the matter: all has been heard. Fear God, and spect for the original sources did not mean that the redac-
keep his commandments: for this is the whole duty of tors never changed their raw materials. As well as intro_duc-
man. For God will bring every deed into judgment, with ing link passages, marginal comments, . and he~dmgs,
every secret thing, whether good or evil." It may be argued biblical redactors often also make substantial alterations to
that both sayings have an important retrospective effect on the documents which they incorporated into their work.
the whole book to which they form the conclusion. They In prophetic books, for example, it is c~mmon to find
tell the reader that the foregoing words (the sayings of comments updating the original prophetic oracles (e.g.,
v. 647 REDACTION CRITICISM (NT)

Isa 16:13-14), and it is probable that the desire to apply are arranged schematically, so that each illustrates the
the prophet's words to the editor's own situation led to same pattern: the Israelites sin, are subjugated by their
frequent changes in the wording of the ori~nal oracles, enemies, cry to God, and are saved by the intervention of
though this is often hard to prove. The mixture of an a ·~udge," after which they enjoy a period of "rest" lasting
extreme respect for an old text and a great freedom in twenty, forty, or eighty years. Indeed, redaction criticism
reshaping it to contemporary needs and ideas is one of the of the other historical books suggests that the same redac-
most puzzling features of the growth of the Bible for a tor may also have worked on the material in all the books
modern reader, who is used to quite different conventions from Joshua to 2 Kings, even though evidence for sche-
about the treatment of historical sources. Redaction criti- matic arrangement is somewhat less marked elsewhere
cism seeks to clarify how ancient editors went about their than it is in Judges.
work.
5. The Arrangement of the Text. Besides adding new Bibliography
material, the redactors of biblical books also arranged exist- Alter, R. 1981. The Art of Biblical Narrative. London.
ing material into the order in which we now find it. This Barr, J. 1973. The Bible in the Modern World. London.
invisible contribution is probably more important than the Barton, J. 1984. &ading the Old Testament: Method in Biblical Study.
individual longer or shorter passages to which we can Philadelphia.
attach the siglum "R." The effects of arranging older Clements, R. E. 1977. Patterns in the Prophetic Canon. Pp. 42-55
material can be quite varied and may be regarded as in Canon and Authority, ed. G. W. Coats and B. 0. Long.
forming a sliding scale. Philadelphia.
At one end of the scale stands redactional work of a Jones, D. R. 1955. The Traditio of the Oracles of Isaiah of Jerusalem.
purely anthological character. For much of the book of ZAW 67: 226-46.
Proverbs, for example, there does not appear to be much Marxsen, W 1969. Mark the Evangelist. Trans. J. Boyce et al. Nash-
significance in the order in which old sayings have been ville.
arranged. In the Psalter, there is evidence that some Perrin, N. 1970. What Is Redaction Criticism? London.
psalms have been grouped together by theme (for in- Porter, J. R. 1979. Old Testament Historiography. Pp. 125-62 in
stance, Psalms 145-50 form a continuous sequence of Tradition and Interpretation, ed. G. W. Anderson. Oxford.
psalms of praise) or by form (Psalms 103 and 104 both Wolfe, R. E. 1935. The Editing of the Book of the Twelve. ZAW 53:
begin "Bless the Lord, 0 my soul"); but in many places the 90-129.
order appears random, and in any case the meaning of JOHN BARTON
the individual psalms is not affected by their juxtaposition
with each other. NEW TESTAMENT
ln many prophetic books, there is an element of antho-
logical arrangement, but it is often possible to detect a Redaction criticism is the study of NT texts that concen-
definite intention in it. For instance, it has been suggested trates on the unique theological emphases that the writers
that in placing the particular oracles that form Isaiah l at place upon the materials they used, their specific purposes
the head of the whole book (see above), the final redactor in writing their works, and the Sitz im Leben out of which
was providing a short compendium of salient themes from they wrote. The term is a translation of the German
the book as a whole: judgment, mercy, the election of Redaktionsgeschichte, which has also been translated "redac-
Zion, the remnant, Yahweh's attitude toward sacrifice, and tion history." Another German term sometimes used to
hatred of social injustice (see Jones 1955). describe this method of study is Kompositionsgeschichte or
A still more deliberate interpretative intention can be "composition criticism."
seen in the redaction of the Pentateuch, where material
from a wide range of sources, often originally inconsistent A. Origin of the Discipline
with each other, has been arranged so as to tell a single, Although some scholars had in the past sought to inves-
coherent story running from the creation of the world tigate the NT writings from the aspect of their use of
down to the death of Moses. One may, indeed, speak of various sources, redaction criticism came to the forefront
many stages in the redaction of the Pentateuch, at each of in the mid- I 950s with the publication of two major works.
which such interpretative arrangement must have oc- The first was Hans Conzelmann's Die Mitte der Zeit (The
curre?. Before the four (or more) major sources were Theology of St. Luke), which appeared in 1954, and the
combmed, e_ach sourc~ ~as itself composed from a variety second was Willi Marxsen's Der Evangelist Markus (Mark the
of older units _of tradition. If, as many traditio-historical Evangelist), which appeared in 1956. Conzelmann argued
studies mamtam, the stories of the patriarchs (for exam- that Luke, in writing his gospel, superimposed over the
ple) were originally separate stories about unrelated he- traditions a "salvation history" scheme in which history
roes, each u~ed as the cult legend of a particular sanctuary, was divided into three distinct stages: the period of Israel,
then _the editor we call "J" was already a creative writer the period of Jesus (the "middle" of time), and the period
who mtegrated them into a single narrative framework of the Church. He believed that, in so doing, Luke sought
and made each relate to all the others. to solve the problem of the delay of the Pa.rousia by placing
Fi_nally, a book such as Judges manifests a highly sche- a greater emphasis on realized eschatology. Conzelmann's
mauzed arrangement of its basic source material where thesis, which was warmly received at first, has received
one can scarcely doubt that a redactor is responsible for some telling criticisms, but the interest he generated in the
mos_t of the effect the book now makes on the reader. The study of how the Evangelists used the gospel traditions was
stones about various (originally purely local) tribal heroes lasting. Marxsen's major contribution lies in his discussion
REDACTION CRITICISM (NT) 648. v
of the relationship of form and redaction cnuc1sm. tradition. By the use of literary and form criticism we can
Whereas the forni critics spoke of two Sitz im Lebens (that ?~ten .determine ~h!ch of the two traditions is mo;e prim-
of the historical Jesus and that of the early Church), lllve, 1.e., more ongmal, and thus ascertain how the other
Marxsen pointed out that there existed a third Sitz im Leben Evangelist has used the tradition and what this reveals
as well, and this was the situation in life of the Evangelists concerning the particular theological emphasis which he
themselves. In contrast to the interests of form criticism, seeks to make.
which were primarily sociological in orientation and Concerning Mark and the unique material in Matthew
sought to discover everything possible about the Sitz im and Luke ("M" and "L"), redactional investigation is more
Leben of the early Church during the oral period, Conzel- difficult, for whereas in the triple and double traditions we
mann and Marxsen focused upon the Evangelists and their ei~her possess their source (Mark) or can reconstruct it (Q)
individual contributions to their works. Whereas form with a reasonable degree of certainty, in the case of Mark,
criticism ignored the Evangelists and minimized their con- M, and L we have much more difficulty in reconstructing
tribution in the writing of the gospels, Marxsen pointed what their sources were like. In the latter instances, we
out that the Evangelists were not simply collectors or edi- must first-by form critical analysis-attempt to recon-
tors of the traditions; they were, on the contrary, theolo- struct what the sources used in these instances were like.
gians. As a result, their works were not to be viewed simply This is more difficult, but it is not impossible. With regard
as "Jesus-material collections" but as gospels, and they to Mark, it would appear that the best areas of investigation
should be investigated from the perspective of these indi- for perceiving his redactional emphases are the seams (the
vidual writers. It should not be assumed that before Con- "cement" Mark uses to join together different traditions);
zelmann and Marxsen no one had emphasized the theo- the explanatory and theological insertions found at vari-
logical contribution of the Evangelists to the gospel ous times in the texts (these arc often introduced by a gar,
tradition. Men like W. Wrede, E. Lohmeyer, R. H. Light- "for"); the summaries (these are not simply traditions
foot, J. M. Robinson, and G. Bornkamm had alluded to which Mark used but summaries he constructed using
this earlier, but it was with the works of Conzelmann and various traditional materials); various modifications of in-
Marxsen that redaction criticism came into its own, and dividual pericopes and sayings; the selection of the mate-
the decades following their works saw this new discipline rial included; the arrangement of the material; the intro-
dominate gospel studies. duction; and the typical vocabulary of the Evangelist. If we
possess the original conclusion of Mark, and if we knew
B. The Method of Redaction Criticism which materials Mark chose not to include in his gospel,
Since redaction criticism is primarily interested in inves- this would also be helpful in the investigation of a Mark
tigating how authors used their sources and their unique redaction criticism; but the debate as to the ending of
theological contribution to their sources, it is not surpris- Mark is far from settled, and it is impossible to know what
ing that most redaction critical studies of the NT texts materials Mark possessed but chose to omit. Many of the
have involved the gospels. Whereas at times sources can be areas mentioned above are also helpful in the investigation
discerned in the NT epistles (e.g., Col I: 15-20; Phil 2:6- of the M and L materials.
11; Rom 1:3-4, etc.) or Acts (e.g., the "we sections"), the
clearest use of sources is found in the gospels and in C. The Practice of Redaction Criticism
particular in the Synoptic Gospels. It is understandable, An example of how a comparison of the triple tradition
therefore, that the majority of redaction critical investiga- can lead to insights into the theological emphases of an
tions have involved the gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Evangelist can be found in Luke 4:14. After the baptism
Luke, for behind them lie both written and oral sources of and temptation accounts, we read in Matthew and Mark
the dominical tradition. that upon the arrest of John the Baptist, Jesus returned to
Most redaction critics assume in their investigation of Galilee. Luke alone, however, states, "And Jesus returned
the Synoptic Gospels that Matthew and Luke in composing in the power of the Spirit into Galilee .... " In comparing
their gospels used both Mark (or something very much the accounts, it becomes clear by this addition to the
like our present Mark) and a common source or sources narrative that Luke wants to emphasize the role of the
which can be designated as Q. The results of most such Spirit in the ministry of Jesus (and, of course, in A~ts: in
investigations have tended to support this "solution" of the the ministry of the disciples of Jesus). We find similar
Synoptic Problem. On the other hand, redactional studies allusions to the Spirit's ministry in Luke 5: 17, where Luke
based upon other suggestions of how Matthew, Mark, and adds to his Markan source the words "and the power of
Luke are related have tended to be far less successful. the Lord was with him to heal" (note the connection of the
Assuming the use of "Mark" by the other two Evangelists, Spirit with "power" in Acts 1:8; 10:38), and in 4:1, where
the simplest way of proceeding in the investigation of a Luke adds to his Markan and Q sources that Jesus, "full of
Matthean or Lukan redaction criticism is to investigate how the Holy Spirit," proceeded into the wilderness to ~
they used their source, Mark. Here a synopsis of the tempted. By carefully observing how ~uke handled ~~s
gospels is most helpful. By a careful comparison of the sources it becomes clear that the commg of the Spmt
additions, the modifications, and the omissions of their upon J~sus and the disciples and the power to heal associ-
Markan source we can detect the theological interests and ated with this are important Lukan emphases.
concerns of Matthew and Luke. Besides investigating the In a similar way, when one compares Matt 8:16-17 and
material in the triple tradition, we can also investigate the 12: 15-21 with their parallels in Mark and Luke, and whe~
common material of Matthew and Luke that is not found one compares Matt 13:34-35 with its Markan para~lel, it
in Mark and observe the differences we find in the double becomes clear that Matthew gives to his source a parucular
v • 649 REDACTION CRITICISM (NT)

theological emphasis. This is cle~r in that Mark and Luke E. The Value of Redaction Criticism
never have the expression "This was to fulfill wh~t ~as Redaction criticism has brought a number of important
spoken by the prop_het. .... " When we c~mpare s1~ila~ insights into the study of the NT texts. With regard to ~he
Matthean insertions mto his Markan source m Matt 13.14 gospels, these insights have shown us that the Evangelists
15; 21 :4-5; and 26:54, as well as the frequent occurrence were not mere collectors of the traditions but interpreters
of this theme in the M material (1:22-23; 2:_1~, 17-_18, 23; of them. As a result, the gospels can and should be studied
4:14-16; 27:9-10) it becomes clear that this 1s an 1mp?r- as wholes in light of the situation of each author. This
tant theological emphasis on the part of the Evangelist. does not mean that the study of the gospels for the
This is seen most clearly, however, when ~e compare _the purpose of learning about the Sitz im Leben of Jesus or the
occurrences of this emphasis in the matenal of the triple early Church is illegitimate. ~t ~eans rather th~t any stu_dy
tradition and note that this emphasis is lacking in Mark of the gospels is incomplete 1f 1t does not take mto consid-
eration the unique theological contributions of the Evan-
and Luke. gelists. Only if redaction critic.ism is_ included in t~e study
With regard to Mark, one of the clearest examples of
of the gospels will we be dealmg wit~ th~ total history. of
his redactional activity is found in Mark 8:31-10:45. ~s­
the gospel traditions. Another contribution of redaction
suming the form-critical presupposition that. the mater~al criticism is that it focuses the attention of the exegete upon
in this part of Mark originally circu~at_ed. as isolated um ts the actual meaning of the text. Whereas form criticism
and that it was Mark who arranged It m its present form, and the quest for the historical Jesus used the gospels as
we find a threefold recurring pattern. In this pattern we sources for their investigations, redaction criticism is con-
find a passion prediction on the part of Jesus (8:31; 9:30- cerned with what each author sought to teach and pro-
32; 10:32-34), followed by an error of some sort by one. or claim by his writings. Redaction criticism is therefore con-
more of the disciples (8:32-33; 9:33-34; 10:35-41), which cerned with investigating the final canonical product for
is in turn followed by a collection of teachings on the its own sake, and not simply as a means of gaining histori-
meaning of discipleship (8:34-9:1; 9:35-10:31; 10:42- cal information about the historical Jesus or the early
45). We also can note the presence of a typically Markan Church. Redaction criticism sees the meaning of the pres-
vocabulary throughout this section. It seems quite clear ent canonical text as the final goal of its investigation.
that Mark has arranged this section in order to demon- Another value of redaction criticism that can be men-
strate that discipleship involves crossbearing. Even if the tioned is the hermeneutical insight that is gained from
situation which caused Mark to emphasize this theme as such an investigation. By observing how the Evangelists
strongly as he does is uncertain, the emphasis is nonethe- used their sources, we are assisted both in interpreting
less quite clear. difficult texts and in grasping their significance for today.
An example of the former is seen in Luke 14:26, where
D. The Limitations of Redaction Criticism Jesus states that to follow him one mu~t "hate" his fat~er,
The goals and aims of redaction criticism must always mother, wife, children, brothers, and sisters. By observmg
be kept in mind. They are in fact quite limited. Redaction the parallel in Matt 10:37, we understand that the Evange-
criticism is not concerned with the total theology of the list knew that "hating" was an idiomatic expression for
biblical writers. A Markan redaction criticism is not con- "loving less." Thus, his redactional work enables us to
cerned with all that Mark believed about God, the author- understand better what Luke 14:26 means. With regard
ity of the OT, the canon, eschatology, angels, etc. Rather, to the application of biblical texts, we might refer here to
it is concerned with Mark's unique theological contribution the famous "exception clause" found in Matt 5:32 and
to the gospel traditions he used and his ultimate purpose 19:9. It is clear that the Matthean sources (Mark and Q)
in writing his gospel. As a result of this emphasis upon the lacked this exception clause. This is also true of the Pauline
unique element of the Evangelists' writings, there has version of the saying in 1 Cor 7: 10-11. By his addi~ion of
this exception clause, Matthew reveals that he did ~ot
resulted a strong interest in the "diversity" of the gospels
understand Jesus' teaching on divorce as a legal prescnp-
and a corresponding loss of interest in their "unity." If
tion to cover all circumstances but rather as an example of
one mistakenly equates these unique theological emphases Jesus' use of overstatement. This Matthew clarified for his
with the theology of the Evangelists, this problem is fur- readers by his addition of the exception clause. How one
ther aggravated. Seen in their totality, the theology of the evaluates this interpretative comment will, of course, vary,
Evangelists possesses a great unity. This is witnessed to by but by his redactional activity Matthew reveals his interpre-
the fact that the early Church incorporated the Evangelists' tation of this dominical teaching for his reader.
work side by side into their canon. Placed alongside such The final contribution of redaction criticism which will
works as the Quran, the Vedas, the Tipitaka, the Sayings be mentioned involves the Synoptic Problem. In seeking to
of Confucius, and the Avesta, the gospels have a tremen- understand the literary relationship which exists between
dous unity. The aim of redaction criticism-which seeks to Matthew, Mark, and Luke, redaction criticism has demon-
understand the unique contribution of each Evangelist to strated that the redactional work of Matthew and Luke can
the gospel traditions and the Sitz im Leben out of which be easily understood if both Evangelists used Mark as their
they wrote-is clearly focused upon the "diversity" of these source. On the other hand, the redactional work of Mark
works. The legitimacy of such investigation is undeniable, and Luke cannot be understood on the basis of their
but it is clearly erroneous to assume that the redactional having used Matthew. One of the strongest arguments
emphases of the individual Evangelists represent their today for the priority of Mark lies in the success of redac-
total theology or to lose sight of their "unity." tional critical studies based upon this presupposition. Fu-
REDACTION CRITICISM (NT) 650. v
ture discussion of. the Synoptic Problem will no doubt cal di~ension of th~ redeemer-redeemed relationship is
involve more such redactional investigation. also built upon a soCial and legal foundation.
Bibliography A. Literal Meaning: Sociolegal Redemption
Best, E. l 965. The Temptation and the Passion: The Mar/um Soteriology. 1. Land and Houses
New York. 2. Indentured Servants
Bornkamm, G.; Barth, G.; and Held, H. J. 1963. Tradition and 3. Cultic Offerings
Interpretation in Mauhew. Trans. P. Scott. Philadelphia. 4. The Firstborn
Caird, G. B. 1975. The Study of the Gospels: III. Redaction 5. The Wife of a Deceased Relative-i'l
Criticism. ExpTim 87: 168-72. 6. The Owner of a Goring Ox
Carlston, C. E. 1975. The Parables of the Triple Tradition. Philadelphia. 7. The Blood Redeemer
Conzelmann, H. 1960. The Theology of St. LuJie. Trans. G. Buswell. 8. Ransom
New York. 9. Summary
Edwards, R. A. 1971. The Signs of Jonah in the Theology of the B. Metaphorical Meaning: The God-Israel Relationship
Evangelists and Q. Naperville, IL. I. Redeeming Individuals or Groups from Adversity
Flender, H. 1967. Luke, Theologian of Redemptive History. Trans. R. 2. Redeeming Israel from Slavery in Egypt
Fuller. Philadelphia. 3. Future Redemption from Destruction and/or Exile
Gundry, R. H. 1982. Matthew: A Commentary on His Literary and 4. Conclusions
Theological Art. Grand Rapids. C. Conceptual Meaning: The Eschatological Age of Re-
Kee, H. C. 1977. Community of the New Age: Studies in Mark's Gospel. demption
Philadelphia. I. Characteristics of the Age
2. Role of Repentance
Kingsbury, J. D. 1969. The Parables ofJesus in Matthew 13: A Study in
Redaction-Criticism. Richmond.
A. Literal Meaning: Sociolegal Redemption
- - . 1975. Matthew: Structure, Christology, Kingdom. Philadelphia.
In sociolegal contexts, redemption generally refers to
Kloppenborg, J. S. 1987. The Formation ofQ. Philadelphia.
the rescue of an individual from a difficult obligation by
Marshall, I. H. 1971. LuJie: Historian and Theologian. Grand Rapids. means of a monetary payment.
Martin, R. P. 1981. Reconciliation: A Study of Paul's Theology. Atlanta. I. Land and Houses. Physical property such as land
Marxsen, W. 1969. Mark the Evangelist: Studies on the Redaction History and houses could also be reclaimed through monetary
of the Gospel. Trans. J. Boyce, D. Juel, W. Poehlmann, and R. A. payment. The Israelites were considered tenants on God's
Harrisville. Nashville. land, with the right to produce. Therefore, transfer of
Meier, J. P. 1979. The Vision of Matthew. New York. property always reverted to the original tenant or his heirs
Perrin, N. I969. What Is Redaction Criticism? Philadelphia. at the jubilee (Lev 25:8-23). If an impoverished Israelite
Pryke, E. J. 1978. R.edactional Style in the Marean Gospel. New York. (termed "brother" in Leviticus 25) was forced to sell his
Rohde, J. 1968. Rediscovering the Teachings of the Evangelist. Trans. land to raise cash, his near redeemer (i.e., kinsman) was
D. M. Barton. Philadelphia. supposed to redeem it (v 25, Heb i'l). If the Israelite did
Smalley, S. S. 1978. John-Evangelist and Interpreter. Greenville, SC. not have a redeemer, but had subsequently gained enough
Stein, R.H. 1969. What Is Redaktionsgeschichte? ]BL 88: 45-56. wealth, then of course he himself could redeem it (vv 26-
- - . 1971. The Proper Methodology for Ascertaining a Markan 27); otherwise, the land would automatically return to him
Redaction History. NovT 13: 181-98. at the jubilee year (v 28). In contrast, Eshnunna #39 states
- - . l 981. An Introduction to the Parables ofJesus. Philadelphia. that a man only had the right to redeem his house when
Talbert, C.H. 1969. Tradition and Redaction in Rom 12:9-21. NTS the purchaser wished to sell it.
16: 83-93. A house in a walled city was not considered "land." If
Tannehill, R. C. 1986. The Narrative Unity of LuJie-Acts. Philadelphia. not redeemed within a year, it became the buyer's perma-
ROBERT H. STEIN nent property (vv 29-30). However, houses outside of
walled cities were considered to be redeemable as fields (v
31). Only houses in Levitical cities were always redeemable
REDEMPTION. This entry examines how the notion by the Levites (vv 32-33). Levites were never permitted to
of redemption is articulated in OT and NT texts. sell their land to non-Levites (v 34).
By implication, perhaps, one could sell land in perpetu-
OW TESTAMENT ity to one's own relative. Accordingly, Jeremiah, a priest
(and therefore, a Levite), was able to buy the fields of his
The word "redemption" is the accepted translation of first cousin Hanamel in the extended family territory of
the literal derivative of two Heb roots, i'l and pdh. In Anathoth (Jer 32:6-15). Jeremiah had the right of re-
context, it may have particular nuances. It is also a pro- deemer and heir (vv 7-8; cf. Ezek 11: 15). Similarly, Boaz
phetic, eschatological concept. In the Hebrew Bible, God's was one of Naomi's relatives and redeemers (Ruth 2:20);
interrelationship with nature, humanity, and especially however, a nearer redeemer-kinsman existed whose claim
Israel is expressed in metaphors drawn from observable therefore took precedence over his (3: 12-13). Only ~hen
natural and social phenomena (including politics, family, that redeemer surrendered his right was Boaz permitted
law, etc.). For example, the God-Israel relationship is vari- to buy Naomi's land (4: 1-9).
ously depicted as analogous to that of a king-subject, of a It is interesting that if a person was defrauded and then
father-son, of a husband-wife, etc. Likewise, the theologi- died, the criminal would be required to pay the >asiim
v • 651 REDEMPTION (OT)

("guilt") penalty to the go'el of the deceased. If there was possibility is that Boaz may have been protecting the widow
no redeemer, then the penalty would be paid to the Ruth in consonance with the law in Deut 24: 17-18, which
sanctuary (Num 5:8). emphasizes God's redemption (pdh) of Israel from Egypt
2. Indentured Servants. Also, persons could be rescued (see below).
from servitude by a monetary payment. An impoverished 6. The Owner of a Goring Ox. When an ox with a
Israelite (again, "brother") who was forced to sell himself reputation for goring killed a person, its owner was subject
into indentured servitude to a resident alien had the same to the death penalty. However, the owner was permitted to
rights of redemption (g'l) as existed with relationsh.ip to redeem (pdh) himself from the death penalty if a "ransom
land. Indentured servitude was not slavery-the resident (kpr) is laid upon him" to be given to the deceased's next
alien was not allowed to oppress the indentured Israelite of kin (Exod 21 :29-30). This law may be related to that of
(v 53). Israelites could not serve in perpetuity since they the "blood redeemer" below.
were ultimately God's servants whom He had removed 7. The Blood Redeemer. The blood redeemer (go'el
from Egypt (v 55). Verses 48-49 indicate that the obliga- haddam) was the closest male relative of a murdered per-
tion of redeemer devolved upon the nearest relative. son, as is indicated by the stories of Gideon's killing of his
In the case of a daughter sold to an Israelite as a brothers' slayers (judg 8: 18-21; cf. 1 Kgs 16: 11 ); of Joab's
maidservant/concubine, her master had to permit her to killing of Abner, his brother's slayer (2 Sam 3:27); and of
be redeemed (Heb pdh) if he was not pleased with her Absalom's killing of Amnon, his sister's rapist (2 Sam
(Exod 21:8; cf. Lev 19:20; for a somewhat similar situa- 13:28-29). In her parable of Absalom's act, the wise
tion, cf. Hammurabi# 119). In Ps 49:8 (-Eng 49:7) notes woman of Tekoa specifically used the term "blood re-
the refusal of a man to redeem (pdh) his brother; perhaps deemer" (Heb go' el haddam; 2 Sam 14: 11 ). The case of
a lamentable reference to those who had the financial Absalom is important, since it illustrates broadened pa-
means (vv 7, 11, 12) but not the moral inclination to rameters of the blood redeemer, who avenged not just
ransom their relatives from servitude. murder but severe harm (in this case, rape) inflicted upon
3. Cultic Offerings. A cultic offering could be re- a close relative.
claimed by substituting a monetary payment. The offering In the case of a homicide (Num 35: 12-28; Deut 19:4-6,
of an unclean animal (Lev 27:9-13, 27), a house (vv 14- 11-13; Joshua 20; 2 Sam 14:11), the victim's blood re-
15), a field (vv 16-25), and a tithe of the land (vv 30-31) deemer was responsible for putting to death the person
was redeemable by the owner at full monetary value plus who had committed premeditated murder (Num 35:19);
20 percent. Perhaps the case of Jonathan, who was una- the murderer was handed over to the blood redeemer by
ware that he was disobeying his father's oath (I Sam the elders of his city (Deut 19: 12). The accidental mur-
14:27), is similar. The people redeemed (pdh) him (i.e., derer found safety in the designated cities of refuge (Num
rescued him) from the death penalty (v 45). In Leviticus 35: 12-15, 22-25; Josh 20:4-6). However, if the blood
27, redemption (i.e., substitution) of a tithe of animals (vv redeemer killed the accidental murderer before he could
32-33) or of a banned object or person was forbidden (vv reach a city of refuge, or after the accidental murderer
28-29). had left the city of refuge prior to the death of the high
4. The Firstborn. In commemoration of the tenth priest, the blood redeemer was guiltless (Num 35:26-28;
plague, all firstborn were sanctified, subject to being sacri- Deut 19:5-6). In contrast, the Middle Assyrian Laws (A 10,
ficed to God (Exod 13: 15 ). However, under prescribed B2) proclaimed that the "owner of the life" (parallel to the
circumstances, substitutions could be made. Firstborn biblical "blood redeemer") could take compensation in lieu
asses (as unclean animals) were to be redeemed (pdh) by of execution.
sheep (13:13; 34:20; Num 18:15), but the firstborn of 8. Ransom. Although not strictly understood as re-
unclean animals could not be redeemed (Num 18: 17). At demption, the Heb root kpr ("ransom") is equated to pdh
the age of one month, all firstborn male Israelites were to in Exod 21:29-30 (see above); thus, "redemption" and
be redeemed (pdh) by five shekels (vv 15-16; cf. 3:46-51), "ransom" are not unrelated concepts. The severity and
apparently by the father (Exod 13:13, 15). extreme economic cost of ransom, which would at least on
5. The Wife of a Deceased Relative-g'l. In an incident occasion be the ransom for a life, is attested by Prov 13:8,
with similarities to the law of levirate marriage (Deut 25:5- "The ransom of a man's life (kpr nps) is his wealth" (Enc-
10) and related to the redemption of land, the book of Miqr 4: 231-33; cf. Hammurabi #32). The inability to
Ruth assumes that a near kinsman-redeemer was supposed ransom life from the death penalty is reflected in the laws
"to raise up the name of the deceased upon his property" of (a) the murderer, "Do not take ransom for the life of
by legally acquiring "the wife of the deceased" (Ruth 4:5, the murderer" (Num 35:31); (b) the blood redeemer, "Do
IO, with Deut 25:5-6) and siring children who would not take ransom from him who has fled to his city of
inherit the property of the deceased. When the near refuge" (v 32); and (c) in the wisdom statement on the
kinsman refused, he signaled this by removing his sandal husband's reaction to his wife's adulterer, "He will not
(Ruth 4:7-8 with Deut 25:9). However, it may also be that accept any ransom" (Prov 6:35, see vv 32-34). Of course,
the episode in Ruth is connected to the case in Exod 21: 8 there is no ransom which can avert God's decree (Ps 49:8-
(pdhJ of the daughter sold as a maidservant/concubine. In 9-note the connection to pdh; Job 36: 18), although God
both Exod 21 :7-8 and Ruth 3:9 the term 'mh is used. can redeem from death (Job 33:24). "Ransom" is paral-
Thus, when Boaz called Ruth "my daughter" in 3:10-11, leled to judicial bribery (sl:ui) in I Sam 12:8 and Amos 5: 12.
he may have been saying that "I am adopting you as my It may be to the latter text that Prov 21 : 18 relates, "the
daughter, and I will redeem you as one redeems his wicked is the ransom for the righteous." The purpose of
daughter from servitude." Another perhaps more remote the half-shekel ransom given by each adult Israelite in
REDEMPTION (OT) 652 • v
Exod 30: 12 was to save their lives from a divinely sent from Egypt is mentioned in contrast to inhumane behav-
plague (cf. the plague caused by David's census in 2 Samuel ior. Deut 9:26 and 21:8 are parts of petitions to God to
24). forgive the people, while the other four occurrences are
9. Summary. The giPel ("redeemer") was always the motivations for obedience to the associated laws.
nearest adult male relative, responsible for the economic Outside of Exodus, the only place in which g'l is used in
well-being of his kin, inasmuch as the latter lacked suffi- reference to the redemption from Egypt is in Psalms. Ps
cient means to redeem his own property. As blood re- 74:2 ("Remember your community which you acquired
deemer, the giPel avenged murder and, by extension, all long ago, the tribe of your inheritance which you re-
severe harm inflicted upon a relative. The passages in deemed, Mount Zion, where you dwell") is a call for God
Exod 21 :8 and Ps 49:8, and the redemption of the first- to defeat Israel's destroyers as in days of old. Verse 2
born son in Exod 13:13, 15, all indicate that pdh is also probably hearkens back to Exod 15:13, 16-17. Ps 77:16
used primarily in reference to a near male relative (usually ("you redeemed your people by your arm") is in the midst
the father), or to one's redemption of one's own property of a passage recounting God's mighty acts (vv 12-21).
(such as firstborn unclean animals). The one exception is Psalm 78 is a history from Egypt to David; in v 35 God,
the case of Jonathan, who was redeemed from the death the giPel, is paralleled to "rock," and in v 42, God is said to
penalty by the people. However, it may be argued that the have redeemed (pdh) Israel from Egypt, described as the
relationship of a people to their prince-leader is here "enemy." Finally, Ps 106:10, again part of a history, par-
modeled on the familial context. Unlike g'l, which can take allels g'l with "save" (ys') and refers to the Egyptians as
an inanimate object, the object of pdh is always an animal "hating" and "enemy."
or human (TDNT 4: 328-35). Concerning ransom (kpr), Aside from Ps 78:42, pdh in the Psalms refers to redemp-
one usually paid it to rescue oneself from an extreme tion from Egypt only in Ps 111 :9 where it parallels the
penalty. covenant. Pdh in 2 Sam 7 :23 ( = I Chr 17 :21) is Deuteron-
omistic. Mic 6:4 reminds Israel of the redemption from
B. Metaphorical Meaning: The God-Israel slavery as part of a rebuke; pdh is paralleled to 'lh, God's
Relationship "bringing up" Israel out of Egypt. Finally, in Neh 1:10,
1. Redeeming Individuals or Groups from Adversity. Nehemiah mentions the redemption from Egypt in order
The concept that God was the ultimate redeemer-rescuer to beseech God's mercies to permit the return to Zion (vv
of the individual and of the collective body from adversity 4-12); the verse emphasizes Israel as God's people and
was deeply entrenched in Israelite thought already during "servant."
the preexilic period. Jacob's blessing of Ephraim and Ma- 3. Future Redemption from Destruction and/or Exile.
nasseh (Gen 48:16) provides a good illustration in its The beliefs that God had redeemed Israel from Egypt,
reference to "the angel who redeemed (giPel) me from all and that God had redeemed and would continue to re-
evil" (cf. Isa 29:22, "The Lord who redeemed [pdh] Abra- deem the individual and the group from present distress,
ham"). God redeems (pdh) from unspecified "troubles" were succeeded by the faith that God would redeem Israel
(Heb $Th, 2 Sam 4:9; l Kgs l :29; Ps 25:22). from exile at the "end of days." All eight eschatological
Specifically, people prayed to God concerning redemp- uses of pdh and, with the exception of Ps 107:2, all twenty-
tion from (a) enemies (pdh: Ps 31:5-6 [-Eng 4-5]; 44:27 eight such uses of g'l (24 of which appear in later portions
[-Eng 26]; cf. v 11 [-Eng 10]; 55:19 [-Eng 18]; g'l of Isaiah) occur in prophecy (as is the case with the one
parallel with pdh: 69: 19; g'l: 107:2; Job 19:25); (b) the such use of kpr).
wicked (pdh: Ps 26:11; cf. vv 4-10; 34:22-23 [-Eng 21- The earliest prophetic intimation of eschatological
22]); (c) oppressors (pdh: Jer 15:21; Ps 119: 134; Job 6:23); usages of pdh and g'l occur in Hosea. In Hos 7:13, pdh
(d) death (pdh: Ps 49: 16 [-Eng 15]; Job 5:20; 33:28; cf. v indicates God's readiness to redeem the northern Israelites
24, where kpr is paralleled probably to the root pdh; g'l: Ps from the destruction that awaits them due to their idolatry
103:4); and (e) punishment for sin (pdh: Ps 130:7-8). (vv I, 4). Similarly, in Hos 13:14, God would redeem (pdh
Furthermore, God redeems (g'l) by prosecuting (Heb paralleling g'l) Ephraim from death, except for the obsti-
ryb) enemies (Ps 119:154; Lam 3:58) and those who would nacy of Ephraim's idolatry (vv I, 2, 9, 12). In Isa I :27, the
steal land and orphans' fields (Prov 23: 10-11). Similarly, redemption (pdh) of Zion from its sinful state will take
in Psalm 72, the ideal king, appointed by God and recipi- place through justice and righteousness, i.e., the death of
ent of divine righteousness (vv 1-2), will redeem (g'l) the the sinners (v 28; cf. Prov 21: 18) and the institution of a
lives of the poor and needy for their oppressors (vv 12- just leadership (v 26). The eschatological use of g'l as
14; cf. Deut 24:17-18; see below). "return from exile" first appears in Mic 4: IO. Pdh and g'l
2. Redeeming Israel from Slavery in Egypt. The arche- are used together in this sense in Jer 31: 11 (from one of
typical act of divine redemption was God's saving of Israel Jeremiah's prophecies of redemption to Judah). However,
from Egyptian bondage. In Exodus, God redeems (g'l) the Jer 50:34, in which g'l appears, is inauthentic and late
Israelites from the suffering of Egypt and saves (11$1) them exilic (Unterman 1987: 149). The first half of v 34 is nearly
from slavery (6:6) in order to make them His people (v 7) identical to Prov 23: 11, pointing perhaps to the roots of
and to bring them to the promised land. In the Song of God's redemption of Israel here in God's care for the
the Sea, the redeemed (g'l) people are led to God's pasture unprotected in society.
(Exod 15: 13). The exilic and postexilic portions of Isaiah, focusing as
In Deuteronomy, pdh is always used to indicate redemp- they do on the concept of redemption, house the vast
tion from Egypt. The context of 7:8, 9:26, and 13:6 is majority of the eschatological usages of g'l and pdh, and
opposition to idolatry. In 15:5, 21:8, and 24: 18, the rescue the one such occurrence of kpr (43:3, in reference to the
v. 653 REDEMPTION (OT)

redemption of Israel from Egypt). In truth, Isaiah 34-35 money" from unnecessary enslavement in Isa 52:3 may be
and 40-66 draw upon many different themes and images in conscious opposition to the circumstances of Leviticus
which attached themselves to i'l and pdh (and to the 25; cf. Isa 50: I). Thus, the conditions of Leviticus 25 are
general concept of redemption) over the course of time. not mirrored in the concept of redemption from Exile.
Some of these elements, such as creation and Israel as (3) It seems obvious that the divine redemption from
God's servant, are distinctive to this collection (Stuhl- Egyptian slavery in order to bring Israel to Canaan became
mueller 1970). These themes and images interweave, over- the model for the return from the Babylonian Exile (Jer
lap, and defy separation-sure testimony to the abil~ty of 16:14-15 = 23:7-8). The most plausible sociolegal root
the author's mind to contain simultaneously a multitude for God's redemption of Israel, whether from Egyptian
of related images concerning the idea of redemption. slavery, Babylonian Exile, or anonymous oppressors and
Thus, it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to isolate enemies, is the law of the blood redeemer. The go'el
in this material specific sociolegal roots for the various haddiim comes with a sword (Num 35:19, 21) and fury
usages of both {fl (35:9; 41:14; 43:1, 14; 44:6, 22-24; (Deut 19:6) to avenge his beloved relative, a portrait which
47:4; 48:17, 20; 49:7, 26; 51:10; 52:3, 9; 54:5, 8; 59:20; is similar to the depiction of God as the redeeming, venge-
60: 16; 62: 12; 63:4, 9, 16) and pdh (35: 10 = 51:11; 50:2). ful warrior in Isaiah (e.g., 49:25-26; 51:9-11; 59:16-20).
Some of these themes and images which play significant (4) All sociolegal cases of i'l, with the exception of cultic
roles and occur with some frequency are (a) God/parent- offerings, concern an impoverished Israelite (Leviticus 25)
Israel/child (Isa 43:1, 6; 44:24; 49:15; 63:16; 64:7; 66:9, or one who is severely abused (requiring the intervention
13); (b) God/master-Israel/servant (41:14; 43:10; 44:21; of the go'el haddiim). It is a logical step to include all the
48:20; 49:3, 5); (c) God/husband-Israel/wife (50: 1; 54:5- deprived members of society. Thus, it is not surprising
8; 62:5); (d) God as a furious, vengeful warrior (often with that God is portrayed as the redeemer of the oppressed,
nqm) on behalfof Israel (34: 1-8; 40: 10; 42: 13-15; 49:25- the widow, the stranger, and the poor (Deut 24: 17-18; Ps
26; 51:9; 59:16-20; 62:1-5; 66:15-16); (e) Israel as God's 72:12-14; Prov 23:10-11).
chosen (bl.tr; 41:8-9; 43:10; 44:1-2; 48:10; 49:7); (f) the (5) Ultimately, the association of God's redemption with
new Exodus (35; 40:3; 42: 16; 43:2-3, 16, 19; 48:21; 49:9- rescue and mercy gives the. individual hope that God will
12; 51:10-11; 52:12); (g) God's saving Israel (primarily, redeem one from punishment for sin (Hos 7: 13; Isa 44:22;
ys'; 35:4; 43:3, 11, 12, 13; 44:17; 45:8, 15, 17, 21, 22; Ps 130:7-8), and even from death (Hos 13:14; Ps 49:16;
46:13; 47:3; 49:8, 25, 26; 50:2; 51:5, 6, 8; 52:7, 10; 59:1, 103:4; Job 5:20; 33:28).
11, 16, 17; 60:16, 18; 62:1, 11; 63:1, 5, 8, 9); (h) God
caring for His poor and needy people (41: 17; 49: 13; C. Conceptual Meaning: The Eschatological Age of
51 :21; 54: 11; 58:7; 66:2); (i) God comforting (n/.im) Israel Redemption
(40:1; 49:13; 51:3, 12, 19; 52:9; 54:11; 61:2; 66:13), 1. Characteristics of the Age. The Hebrew prophets
having mercy (r/.im) upon them (49: IO, 15; 54:7, 8, 10; understood destruction and exile as divine punishment
60:10; 63:7, 15), and loving('hb) them (41:8; 43:4; 63:9); for Israel's obstinate, rebellious sins. However, God's love
and ij) God prosecuting (ryb) Israel's enemies (41:11, 21; for Israel would eventually compel Him to bring about the
49:25; 50:8; 51:22) and helping('zr) Israel (41:10, 13, 14; age of redemption, which included certain minimal com-
44:2; 49:8; 50:7, 9), so that Israel need not fear (l' tyr'; ponents (cf. EncMiqr 2: 388-91): (a) the entire people
35:4; 41:!0, 13, 14; 43:1, 5; 44:2; 51:7; 54:4, 14). would be gathered from all the lands of exile in a new
The latest prophetic eschatological use of pdh is in Zech exodus which would return them to the land of Israel
10:8-return from Exile. The same meaning appears in (e.g., Jer 30:3); (b) once in the promised land, the people
Ps 107:2. would enjoy miraculous agricultural harvests (e.g., Amos
4. Conclusions. As time passed, the usages of the roots 9: 13) and increased flocks (e.g., Jer 31 :28); (c) the people
lf'l and pdh as verbs and objects (in reference to the would dwell securely (e.g., Amos 9: 15; Ezek 37:25) and
Israelites) became theologically synonymous, so that ff I would increase (e.g., Jer 31:27); (d) the Davidic monarchy
and pdh are parallels in Hos 13: 14; Isa 35:9-10 (cf. 51: I0- would be restored (e.g., Amos 9:11; Ezek 37:24) and
11 ); Jer 3 l:l I; and Ps 69: 19. These parallels indicate that under just rulers (e.g., Isa 11: 1-5; Jer 23:4-5); (e) the cult
lines of distinction between the meanings of the two roots and priesthood would be reconstituted (Jer 33: 18; Zech 3);
had become blurred in the thinking about God's relation- and (f) all Israel would obey God's Torah-an exilic idea
ship with Israel. Yet, certain facets of the social and legal (Jer 31 :34; Ezek 36:27).
roots remained. 2. Role of Repentance. Lev 26:40-4I (a confession),
(I) The go'el was still always the nearest adult male Deut 4:29-31, and Deut 30:1-10 all presuppose repen-
kinsman with the right and the ability of redemption. tance as a condition for redemption. However, the proph-
Thus, God as go'el at the very least points to God's close ets differed on the significance of Israel's repentance in
relationship to Israel, probably as father (Isa 63:16) or the redemption process (Unterman 1987).
husband (Isa 54:5-8). Amos, the first prophet to predict national destruction
(2) It should be remembered that the enslavement of and exile, regarded redemption in the context that the
Israel by Egypt and other oppressions are not comparable sinners would die, leaving a righteous remnant (9:8-10).
to the indentured servitude of Leviticus 25 (vv 3, 53; cf. In this scheme of redemption, repentance is superfluous.
Deut 15: 12-15). In the case of the indentured servant the Hosea, however, vacillated between prophesying a redemp-
redeeme.r has no animosity toward the temporary m~ster tion dependent upon repentance (3:5; 14:2-9) and one
of his kinsman, but rather has the duty to pay off his that was not (2: 16-25; 11 :8-11). Sometimes Hosea seems
kinsman's debt or hire (Israel's redemption "without to have felt that Israel did not deserve the benefits of God's
REDEMPTION (OT) 654. v
love unless it repented, and sometimes it seems that God's is a motivation for divine forgiveness and purification of
love simply overwhelmed His senses. Hosea, more so than the people. In the exilic situation, the very demand to
Amos, was the first prophet to live on the edge of national repent in order to effect national redemption might have
disaster. Thus, the need to relate repentance and redemp- been more than the people could have borne.
tion was more critical with him than with Amos, especially With the Persian defeat of Babylon and the advent of
since, unlike Amos, Hosea conceived of no innocent rem- the actual restoration to the land, the requirement of
nant. With no prophetic models to follow, and given the repentance begins to reappear. Finally, with the people
tempestuous times in which he lived and how they must again in their homeland, the demand to return to God
have played upon his psyche, it is not surprising that regains its preexilic prominence.
Hosea's views of the redemptive process fluctuated. It
appears that First Isaiah viewed repentance as a prerequi- Bibliography
site for redemption (Milgrom 1964: 169). Johnson, A. R. 1953. The Primary Meaning of g'I. VTSup I: 67-
Jeremiah's thoughts on the relationship of repentance 77.
to redemption progress through three stages. First, during Milgrom,]. 1964. Did Isaiah Prophesy during the Reign of Isaiah?
Josiah's reign, the young Jeremiah believed that Israel's VT 14: 164-82.
repentance and God's mercy were the determining condi- Stamm,].]. 1940. Erlosen und \-l?rgeben im Alten Testament. Bern.
tions for redemption (3:6-13; 3:19-4:2; 31:2-9, 15-22). Stuhlmueller, C. 1970. Creative Redemption in Deutero-lsaiah. AnBib
Second, between 597 and 587 B.C.E., in prophecies of 43. Rome.
redemption to the Jehoiachin exiles, a subtle shift occurred Unterman, J. 1987. From Repentance to Redemption. JSOTSup 54.
as the element of divine mercy outweighed that of human Sheffield.
repentance (24:4-7; 29:10-14). Jeremiah had begun to JEREMIAH UNTERMAN
despair of the people's ability to return to God of their
own accord. Finally, at the time of the destruction of NEW TESTAMENT
Jerusalem, the aged prophet abandoned the principle of
In the NT, the notion of redemption carries two mean-
free will and the attendant demand for repentance. On
ings. First, it is regarded as the work of God in delivering
the basis of his tragic experience, yet consumed by his
His people from spiritual bondage unto Himself, usually
belief in God's eternal love of Israel, Jeremiah concluded
said to be at the expense of Christ's death. Second, it is
that redemption would be solely the work of God, as also associated with the eschatological deliverance and
permanent as creation itself (31:27-37; 32:37-41; 33:1-
resurrection of God's people at the Parousia of Christ.
26; 50: 17-20).
Ezekiel never prophesied that repentance was the deter-
A. Terminology of Redemption
minant of national redemption. In 11: 17-20 (date 592? cf. B. Conceptual Background
8: 1), God promises repentance as part of the redemptive C. Redemption and Salvation
process, reminiscent of Jeremiah's second stage. In later D. Eschatological Redemption
prophecies (chaps. 36-37), much like his model Jeremiah, E. "Redeem the Time"
Ezekiel did not mention repentance. Rather, he said that F. The Doctrine of Redemption in History
God would redeem Israel for His name's sake (36:21-23).
The only clear call for repentance in exilic Isaiah is in A. Terminology of Redemption
44:22c, which is mitigated by the surrounding verses. The There are two word groups which are commonly used
main theme in Isaiah 40-54 is unconditional redemption to speak of redemption in the NT. Warfield has done .a
due to God's mercies. The call to repentance in 55:6-7 close study of the vocabulary involved ( 1929: 328-41). lt.1s
may refer to individual, not national, redemption, or it not possible to assign any particular word to the domam
may be spurred by the immediacy of the return under of one author; both word groups are popularly used
Cyrus. In chaps. 56-66, postexilic Isaiah clearly states that throughout the literature.
God will redeem the repentant (59:20; see also 56: 1-2; Agorazo is the common word for "to buy" (see Mark
58:I-14; 59:9-13; 64:4-6). It appears that the return to 13:44); "to buy" or "to redeem" may also denote the act of
the land, presumed in Isaiah 56-66, rejuvenated the old
redemption (1 Cor 6:20). The comp~unded form exalfor-
preexilic concept of obedience to God in order to ensure azo was taken by Chrysostom with its full etymological
national success. force-"to buy away from." This has been taken to unwar-
If Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Isaiah 40-66 are taken as
ranted lengths by those who define the verb, itself, as ."to
forming a continuous line from the latter part of the 7th
buy out of the agora, never to return." Its etymolog1c.al
century a.c.E. to the latter part of the 6th, a pattern
emerges. As long as destruction had not overtaken Judah, roots seem not to have affected its meaning, although m
prophecies of redemption still contained the preconditio.n context "redeem" usually implies that God redeems people
of repentance (dovetailing with the standard prophetic awav from something (Morris 1965: 40).
calls for repentance to avoid divine punishment). However, The other word group, popular in the LXX, is repre-
once Jerusalem has been destroyed and the full Exile is sented by lytroo ("to redeem," Titus 2: 14; always 1~ the
under way, redemption is seen as totally dependent upon middle or passive in the NT). Its cognates are lytron ( ran-
God's beneficence. It appears that the effect of the cruelty som," only in Mark 10:45 = Matt 20:28), antilytron ("ran-
of destruction and the harshness of exile served in large som," only in I Tim 2:6), lytrosis ("redemption," Heb 9: 12),
measure to wipe out the need for repentance (e.g., Jer and the popular NT word apolytrosis ("redemption," Rom
30:5-17; Isa 47:6). The manifestation of the punishment 3:24). In his commentary on Romans (col. 531), Chrysos-
v . 655 REDEMPTION (NT)

tom wished to invest apolytrosis with an intensive force for a Hellenistic audience. A slave would save his earnings
based on the compounding of apo ("away from") with and remit to the temple the price of his freedom. The
lytrosis. This led him to conclude that the "redemption. of slave owner would then take the slave to that temple,
the body" in Rom 8:23 was not merely lytrosi.s, but bemg whereupon the "god" would redeem the slave and give
redeemed never to return to the original captivity. The him his freedom (although it should be noted that the NT
actual use in the NT does not indicate that apolytrosis in vocabulary of redemption never appears in such transac-
itself is an intensive form. tions; see Lyonnet and Sabourin 1970: 108). The freed-
In the OT, redemption normally implies redeeming at a man was then the "slave" or devotee of the god. In the
price, although there are exceptions (Marshall 1974: 153 record of the transaction the slave was said to have been
n. l; Murray 1955: 41-42). At times it means generally "to bought "with a price" (cf. 1 Cor 6:20; 7:23) and given
deliver." Leon Morris, therefore, goes a bit too far when "liberty" (Gal 5: 13). Many times, warnings and penalties
he says that OT redemption always comes at a price, even were attached to the record in the event that the slave was
if it is merely the cost of Yahweh's power (Morris 1964: 24). brought again into bondage (Gal 2:4; 5: 1).
There is no price of redemption in Isa 52:3-"You were Deissmann's approach has been criticized by Lyonnet
sold for nothing, and you shall be redeemed (lytroo) with- and Sabourin (I 970: 107), who claim that the differences
out money." The NT writers often used the rare word between redemption and manumission are more striking
apolytrosis, which in extant literature almost always signified than the similarities. We may conclude that if divine man-
"obtaining release by payment of ransom" (Morris 1964: umission was the particular background for some of Paul's
41); an exception is Dan 4:34 LXX. teaching on redemption (notably in 1 Corinthians 7), then
modifications have been made: God's role in the purchase
B. Conceptual Background is active, not symbolic; the "slave" has nothing to contribute
The language of redemption was, for the original read- to his release; the attachment of the freedman to God is
ers of the NT, familiar and evocative. real. Crawford's caution on rooting the NT picture strictly
The LXX undoubtedly has the weightiest influence on in sacral manumission is against "attempting to trace in
the NT concept of redemption (Warfield 1929: 341-52). the work of Christ an exact conformity to everything that
Apolytrosis, which is used ten times in the NT, is used only is done in human acts of redemption" ( 1954: 62).
in Dan 4:34 to mean "release." But lytron was payment It is clear that the NT writers used imagery both from
which served as a substitute for a person's life (TDNT 4: the Exodus and from the redemption of slaves (Lyonnet
329). The cognate verb lytroo translated the two Hebrew and Sabourin 1970: 110-12). Exodus imagery predomi-
verbs for redemption, go.'al and pada. The firstborn was to nates in Col 1:14; 1Pet1:18-19; and Rev 5:9 and 14:3-4.
be redeemed from God by sacrifice (Exod 13: 11-16). On the other hand, the picture of the redemption of slaves
Family property which had been sold could be redeemed underlies 1 Cor 6:20; 7:23; and Gal 4:5.
by a near relative (Lev 25:25-34), as could people sold This is not to say that there are two or more kinds of
into bondage (Lev 24:47-55). In Exod 15:13, lytroo de- redemption in the NT; but the authors were free to choose
notes the epitome of God's redemptive work was in the from two images of liberation to describe the saving action
Exodus-"Thou hast led in thy steadfast love the people of God in Christ.
whom thou hast redeemed" (see also Exod 6:6; Deut 9:26;
Neh I: 10). As Warfield notes, "Here there is at least no C. Redemption and Salvation
emphasis placed on the deliverance being in mode a ran- Morris (1965) rightly perceives that "redemption" was
soming. The stress is thrown rather on the power exerted much more narrowly defined in the !st century than it is
in it and the mind is focused on the mightiness of the today. While moderns may speak of redemption as a
transaction" (1929: 345). It is "redemption by price and metaphor for the entire saving act, the NT writers used it
power" (Murray 1955: 78). precisely in the context of well-known social customs.
The Jews also foresaw that God would redeem them in The first reference to the redemption of the cross is also
the future. Isa 52:3 speaks of liberation by the mighty the most controversial: "For the Son of man also came ...
power of God; such hopes also find expression in Luke to give his life as a ransom (lytron) for many" (Mark 10:45
24:21-"But we had hoped that he was the one to redeem = Matt 20:28). The commentaries attest the difficulties
Israel." that NT scholars have had in attributing this saying to
David Hill has suggested that martyr theology has di- Jesus: it is omitted in the Lukan account, it contains a hapa:x
rectly affected Paul's theology (I 967: 41-48). In 4 Mace. legomenon, it may be based on the antilytron saying in 1 Tim
17 :21, it is speculated that the Jewish martyrs acted as a 2:6, and it attributes atoning merit to Jesus' death. Mar-
"~ansom" .for the whole nation and thus brought about shall (1974: 168-69), on the other hand, cites several
d1v111e deliverance. But this parallel is too remote to serve arguments to demonstrate its primitive origin, and per-
as the matrix of the whole NT doctrine. haps its authenticity.
On the other hand, the social background of slave re- Paul's understanding of the death of Christ as redemp-
demption provides a useful key to understanding the NT tion seems to come closest to the custom of manumission.
imagery. The practice of manumission-buying slaves in The old man was a slave to a number of masters: sin (Rom
order to gi.ve them their freedom-was extremely wide- 7: 14; Titus 2: 14), the Law (Gal 3: 13; 4: 1-7), death (Rom
spread. De1ssmann (1927: 318-20) went further to locate 8:21, 23), false gods (Gal 4:8-9), and Satan's kingdom (Col
redemption in the practice of sacral manumission-the I: 13; also Heb 2: 14-15 ). Under these deceitful masters,
emancipation of slaves by a deity. He maintained that Paul most slaves believed themselves to be truly free-in reality
drew from that background to contextualize redemption they walked within a limited circle of behavior, which in I
REDEMPTION (NT) 656. v
Pet 1: 18 is called "the futile ways inherited from your age to the Law, and this is why he tells the Galatians "For
fathers." freedom Christ has set us free; stand fast therefor~ and
The bare fact of Christ's instrumentality in redemption
is brought up in 1 Cor 1:30: "Christ Jesus, whom God
do n?t s1;1bmit again to a yoke of slavery" (Gal 5: I)'.But
legalism 1s not the only threat to emancipation: "for you
made our ... redemption" and in Titus 2: 14: "who gave were called to freedom, brethren; only do not use your
himself for us to redeem us from all iniquity" (see also Ep. freedo1? as an opportunity for the flesh" (Gal 5:13).
Barn. 14:8). Normally, the cross is central to soteriological Turning away from the freedom of redemption may lead
redemption. Thus, in Rom 3:24 Paul states that "they are one to false doctrine and abominable moral apostasy. 2
justified by his grace as a gift, through the redemption Peter says that Christians "may escape from the corruption
(apolytrosis) which is in Christ Jesus." While this redemption that is in the world" (l :4); it describes the false prophets
is not explicitly either "deliverance" or "ransom through who are "even denying the Master who bought (agorazo)
Christ's blood," the context shows thatjustification is made them, bringing upon themselves swift destruction" (2: 1).
possible through his substitutionary death. Paul can also describe redemption as adoption. In Gal
The connection between redemption and the blood of 4: 1-7 he uses exagorazo and demonstrates that God has
Christ is developed in Colossians, Ephesians, and other freed us from slavery to be adopted as full-grown children,
non-Pauline literature. Col 1:14 says that the past libera- and thus as heirs. Meanwhile, Revelation describes the
tion from the dominion of darkness is "redemption," redeemed as being freed to participate in God's royal
which in part means "the forgiveness of sins." According priesthood: "for thou wast slain and by thy blood didst
to its parallel in Eph I :7, "In him we have redemption ransom men for God ... and hast made them a kingdom
through his blood, the forgiveness of trespasses." Col I: 14 and priests to our God, and they shall reign on earth" (Rev
does not contain the phrase "through his blood"; Eph I :7 5:9-10; also Rev 14:3-4).
is best regarded as its expansion. Colossians certainly re-
gards redemption as taking place in Christ's death, God D. Eschatological Redemption
"making peace by the blood of his cross" (Col 1:20). The Jews often used lytroo to speak of the eschatological
According to the author of Hebrews, Christ "entered deliverance by God or the Messiah. In human history,
once for all into the Holy Place, taking ... his own blood, Israel was delivered from servitude by human instru-
thus securing an eternal redemption" (lytrosis; Heb 9: 12). ments; in the future, the people will be delivered by God
The new covenant means release from legalism and sin: alone, and undergo servitude no longer (TDNT 4: 349-
" ... a death has occurred which redeems (apolytrosis) them 51 ). This thought appears several times in the NT, and
from the transgressions under the first covenant" (Heb once again the idea of a ransom price does not seem to be
9: 15). In 1 Pet I: 18-19, it is indicated that redemption is present. The final deliverance is analogous to the Exodus
bought with the blood of Christ, who is compared to the from Egypt, which was carried out without payment but
Paschal lamb. Revelation also bases redemption in the through the power of God. Luke, in particular, favors this
blood of the Lamb (Rev 5:9; 14:3-4). facet of redemption: "for he has visited and redeemed
If the blood of Christ is the price of redemption, then (lytrosis) his people" (Luke 1:68). The same word appears
to whom was the price paid? While the NT does not dwell in Luke 2:38, when Anna speaks "to all who were looking
on the details, it is implicit that Christ offered himself to for the redemption of Jerusalem."
God to atone for sin. According to Heb 9: 12, Christ's work Only the Lukan version of Jesus' eschatological message
is typified by the priest, who takes the blood of atonement shows a continuity with Jewish convention, in Luke 21 :28:
into the Holy Place. Rom 5: 10 shows that it is God who "look up and raise your heads, because your redemption
must have sacrifice in order to allow people into his fellow- (apolytrosis) is drawing near."
ship (Marshall 1974: 156). Modern abhorrence of the Since Deissmann (1927) approached the NT doctrine
concept of divine wrath and reconciliation should not through its Hellenistic background, he did not appreciate
allow us to be blind to the NT understanding of Christ's that there is an eschatological aspect of redemption. This
death as atonement. side appears most clearly in Eph 4:30: "And do not grieve
There are other passages which teach redemption but the Holy Spirit of God, in whom you were sealed for the
do not have either of the two word groups for redemption: day of redemption" (cf. Eph 1:13-14; see also 2 Clem
Acts 20:28-"the church of the Lord which he obtained 17 :4). Paul relates this eschatological redemption first to
with his blood" (see also Gal 1:4; 2:20). creation in Rom 8:21: "because the creation itself will be
In the gospel, the slave is redeemed to serve another set free from its bondage to decay." This liberation will
master. While Deissmann (1927) has pointed out that take place at the resurrection, otherwise known as "the
sacral manumission bound the freedman only in a loose redemption (apolytrosis) of our bodies" (Rom 8:23) and the
allegiance to his god, the NT teaches that bondage to God "revealing of the sons of God" (Rom 8: 19). Here, redemp-
is quite real and exists at one and the same time with tion seems to have the meaning of deliverance from mortal
Christian liberty (see Rom 6:18). decay rather than of God paying a price to ransom our
Bondage to God is more than service; Christian leaders bodies.
are referred to not only as diakonoi but also as douloi, a
word to which Deissmann (1927: 319) insists we give its E. "Redeem the Time"
full force. Note Paul's insistence on this point in l Cor Both Col 4:5 and Eph 5:16 contain the exhortation to
6: 19-20: "You are not your own; you were bought (agorazo) redeem the time, using exagorazo to describe how Chris-
with a price. So glorify God in your body." tians should live in this evil age. The opposite of redeem-
Paul naturally has an interest in redemption from bond- ing time seems to be wasting time or letting all the good
v . 657 REFUGE, CITIES OF

opportunities go to the devil. The RSV rendering, "mak- boroliou and rheeliou) and the reading rheelias for Reelaiah
ing the most of the time," captures the sense of these in the LXX of Ezra 2:2. For discussion concerning the list
verses. in Ezra 2, see AKKUB.
CHANEY R. BERGDALL

F. The Doctrine of Redemption in History

One of the more extreme of ancient theological ideas is
that God redeemed his people by paying Satan for their REFUGE, CITIES OF. Six cities are set aside within
release. Advanced by lrenaeus and developed by Origen, Israel as Cities of Refuge (Heb 'are miqlat). These are places
of sanctuary or asylum where a person who unintention-
the theory was that the devil possessed the human race by
ally kills someone may reside, without fear of blood re-
right, but was deceived by taking Christ as a ransom; Christ
venge, until a trial can be held. These cities are discussed
arose from the dead, thus redeeming the lost and escaping
in Exod 21:13; Num 35:9-15; Deut 4:41-43; 19:1-13;
Satan's grasp (Lyonnel and Sabourin 1970: 207-11 ). This
Joshua 20; and 1 Chronicles 6.
"Ransom to Satan" idea was enormously popular for cen- The idea of asylum is not unique to the Hebrew tradi-
turies, but in the 11th century Anselm successfully laid it tion. Several ancient peoples, in the ancient Near East and
to rest in his Cur Dew Homo. Christian orthodoxy since
elsewhere, had the idea that fugitives could gain sanctuary
Anselm has generally held to some form of satisfaction by proceeding to or fleeing to certain designated places.
theory of the atonement. Often these places were cultic centers. In the Hebrew Bible
Liberal theology has rejected the idea of Christ's death we see this tradition in I Kgs I :50-53 where Adonijah,
as a payment for sin (Warfield 1929: 358-61). Redemption fearing Solomon, seeks sanctuary by holding on to the
becomes deliverance from cosmic alienation (Carre 1914: horns of the altar. In this instance, Solomon observes the
100-167) or, in some cases, the redemption of societal idea of sanctuary and allows Adonijah to remain alive, at
structures (Barton 1934: 139-40). least for a while (see 1 Kgs 2:23-24). However, in another
instance (1 Kgs 2:28-34), Solomon ignores the idea of
Bibliography sanctuary and has Joab, a supporter of Adonijah, killed,
Bandas, R. G. I 925. The Master-Idea of Saznt Paul's Epistles. Brussels. even though Joab is clinging to the horns of the altar.
Barton, G. A. I 934. Christ and Evolution. Philadelphia. The legislation for the designation of Cities of Refuge is
Carre, H.B. 1914. Paul's Doctrine of Redemption. New York. found in Exodus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. In Exod
Crawford, T. J. I954. The Doctrine of Holy Scripture Respecting the 21: 12-14, which is part of the Covenant Code and thus
.A.tonement. 4th ed. Grand Rapids. probably reflects an early tradition, a distinction is made
Deissmann, A. 1927. Light from the Ancient Ea.st. Trans. L. R. M. between intentional and unintentional murder. The per-
Strachan. New York. petrator of an intentional murder shall be dealt with
Hill, D. 1967. Greek Words and Hebrew Meanings. Cambridge. immediately, but the person who kills accidentally, or at
Lyonnet, S., and Sabourin, L. 1970. Sin, Redemptio"l, and Sacrifice. least without intention, shall have a place to flee. This
AnBib 48. Rome. distinction is continued in Num 35:9-15. Here, the cities
Marshall, I. H. 1974. The Development of the Concept of Redemp- are specifically called Cities of Refuge 'are miqla.t (Num
tion in the New Testament. Pp. 153-69 in Reconciliation and 35: 11). They are lo be places where the unintentional
Hope, ed. R. Banks. Grand Rapids. murderer may wait until he can stand for judgment before
Morris, L. I 965. The Apostolic Preaching of the Cross. 3d ed. Grand the community (Num 35:12), without fear from an
Rapids. avenger (see Gen 9:5-6; Num 35:16-21, esp. v 19). In
Murray, J. 1955. Redemption Accomplished and Applied. Grand Rapids. addition, the passage specifies that there will be six Cities
Warfield, B. B. 1929. The New Testament Terminology of Redemp- of Refuge (Num 35: 13 ), three of which shall be E of the
tion. Pp. 327-72 in Biblical Doctrine;. New York. Jordan River and three W of the Jordan (Num 35: 14), and
GARY S. SHOGREN
that these cities shall be available for the people of Israel,
for sojourners and for those who dwell in their (Israel's)
midst (Num 35: 16).
REED. See FLORA. The passages in Deuteronomy continue the same legis-
lative perspective, with the added specification of particu-
lar cities as Cities of Refuge. In Deut 4:41-43, the cities E
of the Jordan are mentioned. These are Bezer for the
REELAIAH (PERSON) [Heb rrelayah]. Var. RAAM- Reubenites, Ramoth in Gilead for the Gadites, and Golan
IAH; REELIAH; RESAIAH. One of the leaders of the in Bashan for the Manassites (Deut 4:43).
group of returnees from Babylonian Exile who is listed Deut 19:1-13 is concerned with the cities W of the
along with Zerubbabel in Ezra 2:2 ( = Neh 7:7 = 1 Esdr Jordan. While they are not named, three cities are to be
5:8). One name has apparently been dropped from the set up once the land of Canaan is possessed. This passage
Ezra list, for those in Nehemiah and I Esdras include also provides an illustration and further specification of
t:-ielve leaders in what is probably a symbolic representa- the usage of the Cities of Refuge. The example is the
uon of all Israel. The form of the name in Neh 7:7 is accidental slaying of someone with an ax (Deut I 9:5 ). The
Raamiah (Heb ra'amya), and in 1 Esdr 5:8 it is Resaiah (Gk Cities of Refuge are to be used to prevent the shedding of
Rhesaia.s). The form Reeliah (RSV, 1 Esdr 5:8; Gk Rheelias) innocent blood (Deut 19: 10), trying to avoid an instance
apparently originates out of confusion between forms of where an "avenger of blood" slays someone who kills
the name Bigvai in various mss of 1 Esdr 2:2 (including unintentionally (Deut 19:6). Furthermore, should some-
REFUGE, CITIES OF 658 • v
one who hates and then kills intentionally seek asylum in much ear~ier the practice of asylum operated is impossible
a City of Refuge, the elders of the city are to hand that to ascertain.
person over to the "avenger of blood" for execution.
Another explanation of the idea of sanctuary and the Bibliography
actual listing of the Cities of Refuge are found in Joshua Albright, W. F. 1945. The List of Levitic Cities. Vol. I, pp. 49-73 in
20. Here, after a reference to the prior discussion of Cities Louis Ginzberg ]ulnlee Volume. New York.
of Refuge with Moses, Yahweh explains the idea of Cities Auld, A.G. 1978. Cities of Refuge in Israelite Tradition.]SOT 10:
of Refuge to Joshua. In addition to repeating the general 26-40.
theory of sanctuary, a procedure for admission to a City David, M. 1951. Die Bestimmungen iiber die Asylstadte in Josua
of Refuge is mentioned in Joshua 20:4. The killer must XX. OTS 9: 30-48.
explain his case to the elders of the Gity in the gate of the Dinur, B. 1954. The Religious Character of the Cities of Refuge
city. Also, there is an obscure comment that the slayer may and the Ceremony of Admission into Them. Eretz J.1rael 3:
return home after a trial or after the high priest has died 135-46 (in Hebrew); vii-ix (Eng summary).
(Josh 20:6). The reasons behind this amnesty after the Greenberg, M. 1959. The Biblical Conception of Asylum.]BL 78:
death of the high priest are not fully understood. 125-32.
After this discussion of asylum in general, Joshua sets Lohr, M. 1930. Das Arylwesen im Allen Testament. Halle.
up the Cities of Refuge themselves (Josh 20:7-9). Kedesh Nicolsky, N. M. 1930. Das Asylrecht in Israel. ZAW 48: 146-75.
in Galilee, Shechem in Ephraim, and Kiriath-arba (He- Smith, W. R. 1889. Lectures on the Religion of the Semites. London.
bron) in Judah are the three cities W of the Jordan (Josh JOHN R. SPENCER
20:7). They go with the three cities E of the Jordan-
Bezer, Ramoth-Gilead, and Golan (Josh 20:8)-which are
also mentioned in Deut 4:43. These cities are for the REGEM (PERSON) [Heb regem]. One of the six sons of
people of Israel as well as for the sojourner (Josh 20:9). Jahdai (1 Chr 2:47). See JAHDAI. Jahdai was evidently the
The Cities of Refuge are also listed among the Levitical head of a Calebite family, but the relationship of him and
Cities in Joshua 21 and 1 Chronicles 6. In the list of his offspring to Caleb is not actually given. Regem and his
Levitical Cities in Joshua 21, all of the Cities of Refuge are brothers should perhaps be included with Caleb's descen-
mentioned as Levitical Cities (Josh 21: 13, 21, 27, 32, 36, dants through his concubine Ephah (v 46) on the basis of
38), and all but one are also specifically designated as the overall form of the unit and the occurrence of the
Cities of Refuge. This lone exception is that of Bezer; it is name Ephah also among Jahdai's children (Braun I Chron-
listed among the Levitical Cities, but not as a City of icles WBC, 41 ). Caleb's line in vv 42-50a is followed
Refuge (Josh 21:36). In I Chronicles 6, all the Cities of through a wife and two concubines, which means that
Refuge are also listed as Levitical Cities (l Chr 6:42, 52, from the writer's point of view it consisted of a main stem
56, 57, 63, 65-Eng 6:57, 67, 71, 72, 78, 80); however, with two branches (Myers I Chronicles AB, 15). Some of
unlike the list in Joshua 21, only two cities are identified as the names in this unit are those of cities known from the
Cities of Refuge-Hebron (1 Chr 6:42-Eng 6:57) and lists of cities allotted to Judah in Joshua 15. The town Beth-
Shechem (1 Chr 6:52-Eng 6:67). It is thus obvious that pelet of Josh 15:27 may be related to Regem's brother
some connection was perceived between the Levitical Cities Pelet. The attempt to see in the name Regem the meaning
"friend" (namely, of God) seems to be not well founded,
and the Cities of Refuge. Perhaps the Levites were to
relying almost solely on a possible (but if so, rare) signifi-
administer the Cities of Refuge as part of their overall
cance of the Arabic word rajm.
responsibility for the Levitical Cities. EDWIN C. HOSTETTER
In attempts to date the lists of Cities of Refuge, this
connection with the Levitical Cities has often been ex-
ploited, and similar arguments for dating have been of- REGEM-MELECH (PERSON) [Heb regem melek]. One
fered. However, while there is considerable debate over of two leaders of a delegation that inquired at the rebuilt
whether the Levitical Cities are historical or utopian, such temple about the continuation of fasting in the fifth month
a debate rarely surfaces in discussing the Cities of Refuge. (Zech 7:2). This fast is widely interpreted by scholars to be
They are generally seen as historical, reflecting an actual a commemoration of the destruction of the temple and
tradition in ancient Israel. It follows then that if the lists Jerusalem by the Babylonians.
represent actual practice, their historical context must be Melek (melech) is Hebrew for "king." The name Regem
a period when all of the Cities of Refuge fell within the is found in 1 Chr 2:47. Other names using "melech,"
boundaries of ancient Israel. Thus, the dating of the Cities including compounds, occur in the OT; e.g., Ebed-melech
of Refuge is generally argued to be in one of three periods: (Jer 38:7); Nathan-melech (2 Kgs 23: 11 ); Abimelech (Judg
during the monarchial period of David and Solomon; 8:31); and Elimelech (Ruth I :2).
during the 8th-century expansion of Jeroboam II (2 Kgs Meyers and Meyers (Haggai Zechariah 1-8 AB, 383-84)
14:23-29); or during the 7th-century reforms of Josiah, argue that Regem-melech's part in leading ~he delegation
when he restored the nation (2 Kgs 23: 1-25). However, indicates his high status in the community at Bethel,
given the antiquity of the practice of asylum, the long whence the delegation came, but they deny that he had
tradition of asylum in ancient Israel, and questions about any royal connections. They find the evidenc~ insufficient
the arguments which place the city lists in the 8th and 7th to determine whether or not he was an exile returned
centuries, the most likely time period for the origination from Babylon.
of the lists is the United Monarchy (10th century). How Some have questioned whether the name "Regem-me-
v • 659 REGENERATION

Jech" is the correct reading for the Hebrew text here. 16), and a new heaven and earth (Isa 65: 17). It would seem
Thomas (Zechariah 1-8 lB, 1082) and other~ sug!?est that that regeneration is both personal and national in the OT.
the preferred reading-based. on the P~shma-1s not a Nuelsen sees it as eschatological in the earlier portions,
name but a title, "the Rabmag (1.e., the chief o~ficer) f!f th_e becoming personal only after the captivity and Diaspora
king" (rab mag hammelek). See RABMAG. If this re":dmg IS (ISBE 4: 68). . ..
adopted, the title must refer to ~harezer, who 1s the~ Yet, there is evidence of personal respons1b1hty from
characterized as a high royal official (see Ackroyd 1968. Israel's inception. On Passover night of the Exodus from
209). Since Sharezer's name is Babylonian, such a i:eading Egypt, each household had to apply the blood on the
would contribute to the possibility that the delegation w~s doorpost and lintel to protect their firstborn from the
of Babylonian rather than Palestinian or~gin, although this destroying angel (Exod 12:12, 13). The subsequent taber-
depends principally on other factors m the verse. See nacle/temple sin offerings included those for individuals
SHAREZER. (Leviticus 1-7) as well as those for the nation (evening and
Nevertheless Rudolph (Haggai Zechariah Malachi KAT, morning, 2 Chr 2:4; 13: 11; and the day of atonement,
138-39) and Meyers and Meyers (Hag_gai Zecha_riah 1-8 Leviticus 16). Personal accountability for sin is seen from
AB, 383) correctly argue, albeit along d~fferent Imes, that the beginning (Gen 3: 1-19), and classically in David's plea
the MT (i.e., the name Regem-melech) 1s the better read- for renewal (Ps 51: 10). It seems that the need for individ-
ing here. ual regeneration in the OT is given within the context of
the need for national regeneration.
Bibliography . .
Ackroyd, P. R. 1968. Exile and Restoration. OTL. Philadelphia. C. NT Insights .
RICHARD D. WEIS The noun "regeneration" (Gk palingenesia, from palm,
"new," and genesis, "origin, birth") occurs only twice in the
NT (Matt 19:28; Titus 3:5). Matthew speaks of "en t~
REGENERATION. The final stage of creation when palingenesiq," or "in the regeneration." This is a synonym
God's purposes are fully realized. Regeneration signifies a for the Gk word basileia, or "kingdom." Literally, it means,
renovation of all visible things. in the coming kingdom, after the parousia, "at the renewal
of all things." The regeneration is the new heaven and new
A. Extrabiblical Usage earth (Isa 65:17-25; 2 Pet 3:13; Rev 21:1). "Behold, I
Individual, national, and cosmic regeneration are found make all things new" (Rev 21:5, RSV). Here, regeneration
in extrabiblical sources. Two examples are Cicero's return is eschatological.
from exile (AU. 6.6) and Plutarch's writing of "the dismem- Titus 3:5 speaks of salvation through the washing of
berment of Osiris and his revivification." Here, regenera- rebirth or renewal by the Holy Spirit. In this instance,
tion is the "divinity's" return to life (De Is. et Os. 35). regeneration is rebirth/renewal by the Spirit, equivalent to
The Stoics used the concept to denote cosmic regenera- a "new creation" (2 Cor 5: 17) or a "new" self (Eph 4:22,
tion following the cyclic cosmic conflagration. Philo uses 23; cf. Col 3:9, 10). Here, regeneration is existential.
the concept of regeneration to tell about the restoration of Though these two different aspects of regeneration are
Abel after the birth of Seth (Post 36) and about renewal given in Matt 19:28 and Titus 3:5, they present individual
after the flood (Vita Mos I 11.65). Josephus speaks of "the renewal as but a part of cosmic renewal-the regenerated
recovery and rebirth of their native land" in reference to person is not at the goal but moves toward the goal (cf.
the Jewish return from Babylonian Exile (Ant 11.3.9), and Guhrt NIDNIT 1: 186). Both terms "new birth" and "new
Philo speaks of "the conflagration and rebirth of the creation" evoke an image of regeneration. Creation of new
world" (Aet 3.9). Philo also speaks of rebirth following life or a new world are acts of God. These are acts beyond
death (Cher32.114). humanity's capability. Regeneration is the work of God.
The Greek mystery religions view the concept of regen- The classical definition of regeneration is found in the
eration as the initiate's sharing in "the renewing power of Johannine pericope-Christ's discourse with Nicodemus
their deity" (Guhrt NIDNIT 1: 184). For as the fertility (John 3:1-21). Just as proselytes entering Judaism w~re
cults became mystery religions, focusing more on the considered "re-born," so Nicodemus, although a Jewish
individual, regeneration came to designate salvation leader had to be "re-born" to enter Christ's kingdom.
through initiation (Robinson IDB 1: 25 ). Born .:again" (Gk anothen, John 3:3; cf. John 3:31; 19: 11,
23) means not only "anew" but also "from above." Nicode-
B. OT Insights
mus' birth as a Jew did not count (cf. Ps 87:5, 6): "Neither
Though the word palingenesia does not occur in the circumcision nor uncircumcision means anything; what
LXX, the concept of regeneration is central to the OT, as counts is a new creation" (Gal 6: 15).
circumcision of the heart (Deut 30:6; cf. "changed heart" The new-birth discourse (John 3) includes comment on
in 1 Sam I 0:9; "pure heart" in Ps 51: 10), in Ezekiel's Christ's birth (John 3: 13-16). Christ was born of the Spirit
restoration of dead bones (Ezek 37: 1-14; cf. Nuelsen ISBE (Matt 1:20)--so must be others (John 3:5). Although no
4: 68, 69), and in God's promise to raise Israel from one can be born of the Spirit as was Christ (He was
spiritual death (Jer 24:7; Ezek 11: 19; 36:26-27) and to monogenes, "one of a kind"; John 1: 14, 18; 3: 16, 18; 1 John
return the people from captivity (Ezek 36:24, 25; Mic 4:6, 4:9), yet in the Nicodemus discourse, there is a parallel
7; cf. Keil and Delitzsch 1986: 119, 123). This restoration between these two births-of Christ and of others-by the
motif is found in the promise of a new covenant (Jer Spirit. Both are from above (John 3:7, 17), and both .are
31:31-34; Ezek 34:25), a new Jerusalem (Zech 14:10ff., necessary for salvation to take place (John 3:3, 16). For JUSt
REGENERATION 660. v
as Christ entered the world through the Spirit to become 23-26, which outlines David's organization of the Levites.
the Savior, so each person must be born again to enter Rehabiah is described as ro's in I Chr 23: 17. This desig-
heaven and be saved (John 3:3). nated him as a clan leader with respect to levitical duties.
To be born again (John 3:3) and to become childlike His son, Isshiah, is the object of the same term in I Chr
(Matt 18:3; Mark 10:15) are parallel preconditions for 24:21. In the larger context, the Levites are grouped
entrance into the Kingdom of God. Being childlike in- according to the families of the three sons of Levi: Ger-
cludes receiving and believing in Christ (John 1: 12, 13; cf. shom, Kohath, and Merari. Rehabiah belonged to the
3: 16). This is effected "through the living and enduring family of Kohath. Kohath's son, Amram, was the father of
word of God" (1 Pet 1:23). Regeneration is then through Aaron and Moses. Moses was the father of Eliezer. Eliezer
the Spirit and through the Word (cf. 2 Pet 1:21). The was the father of Rehabiah. Rehabiah was the grandfather
function of both (Spirit and Word) is to lead individuals to of Shelomoth who, with his brothers, was responsible for
Christ (John 14:26, 15:26; John 5:39; cf. Luke 24:27). the temple treasury kept for maintenance (1 Chr 26:25-
These persons are made a "new creation" (2 Cor 5: 17) and 26). The duties of Rehabiah and his family are not spelled
are referred to as "created in Christ Jesus" (Eph 2: 10). out in 23: 17, although it seems likely that the general
This Christ-centered function of the Spirit finds him in responsibilities fell under the heading "charge of the work
the NT with a new title-"the Spirit of Christ" (Rom 8:9; 1 in the house of the LORD" (23:4). Some specific responsi-
Pet 1: 11; cf Gal 4:6; Phil 1: 19). Regeneration is not a bilities given to this group are listed in 23:28-32: deaning,
separate work of the Spirit added to the salvific work of assisting with the shewbread, assisting with grain offerings,
Christ; it is the subjective actualization of Christ's work. praying twice daily as well as during burnt offerings, and
That actualization includes the dying and rising with caring for the temple and the tent of meeting.
Christ (Rom 6:3-14; 1Cor15:20-23; Col 3:1), so that the It seems unlikely that the name rel,iabyiih, or rehabyiihu in
regenerated are spoken of as begotten by Christ's resur- its older form, would bear a direct relationship to the
rection (l Pet 1:3, 21). office involved. The most likely root of the name-from
In summary, as the concept of regeneration passed from riihab, "to be or grow wide"-could be associated with
Stoicism into Judaism it was "filled with a new religious Rehabiah's "many sons," but without further support this
content" (Biischsel TDNT 1: 688). The new meaning had
association is unconvincing. It is better to consider Reha-
to do with messianic and christological hopes for a final
restoration. Renewal was notjust a rebirth (return) within biah as a proper name rather than an appellative. It carries
a reincarnational cycle, but a historical telos at the eschaton, the causitive sense of the Hipcil, "Yahweh increases," or
with even a "firstfruits" (Rom 8:23) or "deposit" (2 Cor "enlarges," although not Hipcil in form (JPN, 193).
1:22; 5:5; Eph 1: 14) of it in the present. So, regeneration, DONALD K. BERRY
on the one hand, is the future new eternal life coming into
present experience (John 3:36). On the other _hand, this
existential experience (Titus 3:5) reaches out to its eschato- REHOB (PERSON) [Heb rel,iiib; rel,i6b]. 1. The father of
logical completion in the coming cosmic renewal (Matt Hadadezer, king of Zobah (2 Sam 8:3, 12). However, it is
19:28). possible that Rehob here is actually a place name.' and that
the Heb ben-rehiib identifies Hadadezer as a native of the
Bibliography . town of Rehob: being translated loosely as "the Rehobite."
Burkhardt, H. 1978. The Biblical Doctrine of Regeneration. Trans. In 2 Sam 10:6-8, the Ammonites hire Syrian mercenanes
0. R. Johnston. Downers Grove, IL. from Zobah and Rehob/Beth-rehob, suggesting that there
Elliott-Binns, L. E. 1957. James 1:18: Creation and Redemption. may have been a preexisting connection between these two
NTS 3: 148-61. cities; indeed, Malamat (1963: 2-3) suggests that Hadad-
Guthrie, D. 1981. NT Theology. Downers Grove, IL. ezer first ruled in Beth-rehab and subsequently incorpo-
Kalin, E. 1983. New Birth and Baptism-An Exegetical Study. rated Zobah into his domain (just as the Judean David
Covenant Qµarterly 41: 11-17. subsequently incorporated Israel). See also BETH-RE-
Keil, C. F., and Delitzsch, F. D. 1986. Commentary on the OT. Vol 9.
HOB.
Grand Rapids. 2. One of the Levites who set his seal on the covenant,
Leupold, U. S. 1965. Regeneration in the Theology of Paul. LQ pledging to walk in God's law (Neh 10: 12-Eng 1O_:11 ).
17: 240-51.
Rehob and the others mentioned in this verse are not hsted
Lewis, A. H. 1984. The New Birth under the Old Covenant. EvQ
56: 35-44. in the LXX.
L6ffler, P. 1965. The Biblical Concept of Conversion. Study Encoun- Bibliography .
ter 1: 93-101. Malamat, A. 1963. Aspects of Foreign Policies of David and Solo-
Nock, A. D. 1969. Conversion. Oxford. mon.JNES 22: 1-17.
Peters, G. W. 1963. The Meaning of Conversion. BSac 120: 234- GARY A. HERION
42.
Selwyn, E. G. 1958. The First Epistle of St. Peter. London.
Willoughby, H. R. 1929. Pagan Regeneration. Chicago.
NORMAN R. GULLEY
REHOB (PLACE) [Heb rel;Ob; reflOb]. Var. _BET1:f-RE-
HOB. The place name Rehob appears seven umes m the
OT. At least two separate places, both in Gal~lee, sha~ed
REHABIAH (PERSON) [Heb re?w,byah(u)]. Grandson this name. The name "Rehob" also appears m Egy~uan
of Moses and father of Isshiah according to 1 Chronicles documents, suggesting the possibility that in the Gahlee-
v. 661 REHOBOAM

Jezreel region there may have been as many as three (or In summary, it remains unclear whether there were one
even four) places by that name (see CTAED, 163-65). or two towns named Rehob in Asher, although the biblical
I. A town in the extreme N of Canaan, near the en- and Egyptian records perhaps favor one Rehob located in
trance to Hamath (Num 13:21). It was probably the same the Accho plain. Although Tell el-Bir el-Gharbi cannot be
as Beth-rehob (cf. 2 Sam 10:6, 8). See BETH-REHOB. identified absolutely with the Rehob listed in connection
2. The fourth city in Asher assigned to the Levites (Josh with the border of Asher (Josh 19:28, 30; cf. Judg 1:31)
21:31 = I Chr 6:60 [-Eng 6:75]), but at the time of the and with the Levitical cities of Asher (Josh 21: 31 = I Chr
conquest Asher was unable to drive out its inhabitants 6:60 [-Eng 6:75]), the evidence in support of this associ-
(Judg I :31). The problem of locating Rehob is com- ation is strong (Peterson 1977: 56-65 ).
pounded by the fact that it is also mentioned twice in
connection with the border of the tribe of Asher (Josh Bibliography
I 9:28, 30). The first citation (v 28) implies that Rehob was Albright, W. F. 1921-22. Historical Geography of Palestine. Pp. 22-
in the N of Asher (associated with Cabul, Ebron, Hammon, 27 in AASOR 2-3. Cambridge, MA.
Kanah, and Sidon), while the latter (v 30) suggests a - - . 1941. The Land of Damascus Between 1850 and 17 50 s.c.
location in the plain of Accho ("Ummah," cmh, is probably BASOR 83: 30-36.
a corruption of "Accho," ckh; cf. LXX and Judg I :31). This Mazar, B. 1963. Dor and Rehob in an Egyptian Topographical List.
has raised the possibility that there may have been two Yediot 27: 139-44.
places named Rehob in Asher. Peterson, J. L. 1977. A Trtfiographical Surface Survey of the Levitical
On that assumption, Aharoni (LBHG, 162) associated "Cities" ofJoshua 21 and I Chronicles 6. Diss., Evanston, IL.
the N Rehob with r~b (no. 87) in Thutmosis Ill's list Robinson, E. 1841. Biblical Researches in Palestine. Vol. 3. Boston.
(ANET, 243), and identified it with Tell el-Bala~ (M.R. JOHN L. PETERSON
177280), IO miles E of Rosh Haniqra and inside the RAMI ARAV
modern border of Lebanon. However, it could also be
identified with Tell er-Rabb (M.R. 180275), 4 miles SE of
Tell el-Balat and inside the modern border of Israel REHOBOAM (PERSON) [Heb refiab'am]. The son of
(CTAED, 164). Because the two sites are almost 20 miles W Solomon and Naamah, an Ammonite (1 Kgs 14:21, 31),
of the valley of Huleh, neither should be associated with who succeeded his father to the throne in Jerusalem but
the Rehob/Beth-rehob of Num 13:21 and 2 Sam 10:6-8 failed to win the support of the N Israelites (who formed
(#1 above). their own separate nation). Rehoboam ruled the S king-
The S Rehob is apparently mentioned in the second dom of Judah, consisting of the tribe of Judah and the
group of Execration Texts ('r~bm, no. 14); its location in contested territory of Benjamin. His counterpart in the N
the plain of Accho is supported by its listing after Aphek kingdom of Israel was Jeroboam I.
(no. 9), Achshaph (no. 11), and Mashaal (no. 13). However, The chronology of Rehoboam's reign is somewhat un-
because it is also listed immediately before cities further certain. The claim of a 17-year rule (I Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr
E-Hazor (no. 15), Kedesh (no. 16), and Ijon (no. 18)- 12: 13) is difficult to reconcile with other chronological
Alt (KlSchr 3: 166) and Albright (1941: 33) equated this notations about the early monarchic period. Albright
)r~bm with Rababu (no. 17) in Shishak's list (ANET, 243), a (I 945) dated his reign to 922-915 B.C.E., but Thiele (I 984)
town located S of Beth-shean and identified with Tell e~­ has argued that the full 17 years can be placed in the years
Sarem (M.R. 197207; CTAED, 164-65; MBA, no. 120). 931/30-913. Several other chronological systems have
Thus, it is unclear whether the 'rhbm of the Execration been worked out which also allow for a 17-year reign.
Texts refers to a Rehob in the territory of Asher or to yet Hayes and Hooker, for example, date Rehoboam's reign
another one near Beth-shean, although the Rababu in to 926-910 B.C.E. (1988: 16-20).
Shishak's list is clearly not in the territory of Asher and is
apparently not mentioned in the OT. A. Sources
A topographical list of Ramesses II mentions a Rahabu The Deuteronomistic Historian (DH) presents the pri-
in connection with Dor (Mazar 1963), reinforcing. a S mary account of Rehoboam's reign in I Kgs 12: 1-24 and
location for Rehob in the plain of Accho. Thus, the 'rMm 14:21-31. The Chronicler provides a parallel, and some-
of the Execration Texts (see above) should probably be what expanded, version in 2 Chronicles 10-12. Each of
identified with the Rababu in this Ramesses II text, not these accounts is based on sources which contained reliable
with the one in the Shishak text (CTAED, 163). Kallai historical data. The Kings account is drawn, in part, from
(HGB, *362-66) has suggested identifying it with Kh. the annals of the kings of Judah (1 Kgs 14:29), while the
Dauk, 8 km SE of Accho, a site settled from the MB to the latter cites the chronicles of the prophet Shemaiah and
Iron II periods, and again during the Hellenistic period. Id do the seer (2 Chr 12: 15 ). Other unnamed sources were
Most scholars, however, have followed Albright (1921-22: perhaps used as well, but it is clear that each biblical
22-27) and have identified Rehob with Tell el-Bir el-Gharbi historian has stamped his own ideology on the accounts he
(or Tell Birwe; M.R. 166256), located near the edge of the rendered.
coastal plain of Accho next to the foothills of Galilee. The
site had been visited by early-19th-century biblical geog- B. The Schism
raphers, including E. Robinson (1841: 88). There have The dissolution of the United Monarchy began before
been many surveys and small excavations at the site, and Solomon's death. The Arameans and the Edomites, both
pottery from MB, Iron I-II, Persian, and Hellenistic peri- of whom had been conquered by David, successfully re-
ods has been recovered. belled against Solomonic rule (1 Kgs 11: 14-25 ). The N
REHOBOAM 662. v
Israelites, unhappy over Solomon's oppressive policies, Jerusalem became especially burdensome (as they had
attempted a rebellion which Solomon was able to crush. under Solomon). Apart from the onerous demands of
Solomon tried to kill the leader of the revolt, Jeroboam inequitable taxation and forced labor, Solomon's offer of
ben Nebat, who fled to Egypt where Pharaoh Shishak gave twenty villa~es in. th.e land of Galilee to Hiram, king of
him asylum (I Kgs 11:26-28, 40). After Solomon's death, Tyre, to sausfy his indebtedness to the Phoenician king
Jeroboam returned to become king over the N Israelites, for materials used in the construction of the temple and
who rejected the rule of Rehoboam. royal palace in Jerusalem (1 Kgs 9: 11), undoubtedly alien-
According to I Kgs 12:1-20 (cf. 2 Chr 10:1-19), the ated the northerners all the more and precipitated the
rejection of Rehoboam's claim to sovereignty over the N rebellion (Halpern 1974). Solomon may have used some of
tribes occurred at a gathering of Israelite leaders in these materials for the repair of S fortresses, given the
Shechem. Both accounts state that Rehoboam had gone to potential for trouble from Pharaoh Shishak, who had
Shechem for all Israel to make him king. What this indi- come to power in Egypt.
cates about the nature of kingship in the early monarchic Rehoboam sent Adoram, the commander of the labor
period is not clear. Alt ( 1951: 4-9) maintained that the N forces, to put down the rebellion. The N Israelites dis-
Israelites had a charismatic notion of kingship which made played their determination by stoning Adoram to death,
them reluctant to follow a principle of dynastic succession and Rehoboam hastily returned to Jerusalem. According
when Solomon died (see also Donner, I]H, 383-84), and to I Kgs 12:21-24 (cf. 2 Chr 11: 1-4), a Judahite prophet,
Soggin (1984: 193) proposed that strong democratic ten- Shemaiah, counseled Rehoboam not to attempt to recap-
dencies existed in the N to which Rehoboam attempted to ture control of the N, on the grounds that the schism was
answer. But Miller has suggested that Rehoboam's appear- Yahweh's will. This tradition further claims that the tribe
ance in Shechem may simply have been due to urgent of Benjamin supported Rehoboam along with the tribe of
political problems which the new king faced in the N Judah. But the reference to continual warfare between
(HAI], 229-30). Rehoboam and Jeroboam (l Kgs 14:30; 15:6; 2 Chr 12:15)
The N Israelites offered to submit to Rehoboam's rule no doubt pertains to frequent fighting along their shared
on the condition that he remove the "heavy yoke"-taxa- border a short distance N of Jerusalem. At stake in these
tion and forced labor-which Solomon had placed upon skirmishes was control of the territory of Benjamin.
them. Rehoboam consulted groups of elder and younger
advisers (ziqenfm and yeliidfm), who gave him vastly differ- C. Shishak's Invasion
ent counsel. The elders counseled him to offer significant Shishak, the founder of the 22d Lybian dynasty in
concessions in order to show his intention to serve the Egypt, brought an end to the friendly relations Solomon
people-the language has been compared to royal grants had once enjoyed with Egypt. This pharaoh displayed
of exemption from taxation and corvee offered to impor- hostility toward Solomon by supporting the Edomite and
tant and sacred cities by various Neo-Assyrian kings (Wein- N Israelite rebellions mentioned in I Kgs 11 : 14-25 and
feld 1982). The younger advisers, however, suggested that 11 :26-28, 40. And then, in the fifth year of Rehoboam's
he show strength and threaten to increase the burdens reign, Shishak invaded Judah and Israel (I Kgs 14:25; cf.
which Solomon had placed upon them. When Rehoboam 2 Chr 12:2). According to Mazar, this campaign was un-
announced that he would pursue the course advised by his dertaken "to enhance the prestige of his monarchy" and
younger counselors, the N Israelites broke away from his "to enrich his kingdom with spoils" taken from the cities
rule and elevated Jeroboam ben Nebat to kingship over in the path of invasion (1957: 57).
them. The account in 1 Kgs 14:25-28 mentions only Shishak's
Malamat's proposal ( 1963) that Rehoboam's two sets of attack on Jerusalem. It states that he took the treasures of
advisers at Shechem point to the existence of "formal the temple and the palace and seized the gold shields
bodies of official standing in the kingdom," somewhat made by Solomon. The more expansive account in 2 Chr
parallel to the "bicameral" assembly in the Sumerian epic 12:2-12, which is amplified by a prophecy of Shemaiah's,
Gilgamesh and Agga, may stretch the evidence, as Evans has attributes the invasion to Rehoboam's disloyalty to Yahweh.
cautioned (1966). The two groups of advisers may simply This account claims that Shishak, supported by innumer-
represent a difference of opinion within a single circle of able troops of Libyans and Nubians, captured the fortified
advisers (Evans 1966). It would be natural for the elders cities of Judah before attacking Jerusalem. The Shemaiah
(ziqenim), who are said to have "stood before Solomon," prophecy attributes the sparing of Jerusalem from de-
and the young men (yeliidim), who are said to have grown struction to the submission of Rehoboam and his officers
up with Rehoboam and "stood before him," to give contra- to Yahweh. Nonetheless, the account allows that Shishak
dictory advice simply because of the differences in age, escaped with the spoils mentioned in 1 Kings 14.
experience, and therefore perspective. Fortunately, the sparse biblical information about these
In any case, Rehoboam chose to follow the advice given events is augmented by Shishak's hieroglyphic inscription
by the younger counselors. The N Israelites responded by found on the S entrance to the Temple of Amon at
declaring their freedom from the rule of Davidic kings. Karnak, listing the places he had conquered (ANET, 263-
Their cry of independence (I Kgs 12:16; 2 Chr 10:16) 64; also 242-43). Mazar (1957) recognized that when the
echoed the words of the Benjaminite Sheba, son of Bichri first four lines of place names are read boustrophedon
(2 Sam 20: I), who had led an unsuccessful N Israelite (i.e., the first line should be read left to right; the second
revolt against David. Thus the N Israelites, from David's line right to left; the third line left to right, etc.), the route
time on, sought opportunities to free themselves from of the campaign can be reconstructed. The line of march
Davidic rule, particularly when policies emanating from went from Gaza, to Gezer, to Aijalon, to Beth-boron, and
v • 663 REHOBOAM

to Gibeon, as Shishak's troops passed N of Jerusalem. From The Levitical cities in Judah, many of them located in
Gibeon, the invading forces moved to Migdal (identifica- the S hill country, were probably part of Rehoboam's
tion uncertain), then Zemaraim in the S Ephraimite moun- defense system. Many scholars have argued that these cities
tains. The troops then proceeded to the Jordan Valley and (cf. the lists in Joshua 21 and 1 Chronicles 6) were estab-
:rossed the Jordan River, where they marched on Adam, lished during the period of David and Solomon, and
'iuccoth, Penuel, and Mahanaim. They then turned back fortified by them, to serve as administrative centers to
:oward the Jordan and attacked Hapharaim (identification enforce royal policies and to keep the kingdom secure,
mcertain) before crossing the Jordan and proceeding to especially in regions annexed by David. The cities probably
firzah (reading uncertain). The Egyptian army then served as cultic centers as well. Rehoboam would have used
:urned N and marched on Rel:iob, Beth-shean, Shunem, these strongholds that lay within Judah's borders in addi-
faanach, and Megiddo before returning to Philistia by the tion to the 15 fortresses mentioned in 2 Chr 11:5-10,
Via Maris. making for a stronger defense system in the southernmost
Curiously, this part of the list does not mention any parts of Judah.
Jlaces in Judah and shows that Shishak's campaign was
.vaged against the cities of the N kingdom of Israel. Mazar E. Religious Practices
iUggests that "the rich areas of the Kingdom of Israel were The DH charges that the people of Judah engaged in
.he main object of the expedition" and conjectures that much religious apostasy during Rehoboam's reign ( 1 Kgs
'Shishak intended also to punish Israel, perhaps because 14:22-24). The accusations that the people built shrines
1fter seizing power Jeroboam refused to admit the suzer- (bamoth), sacred pillars, and sacred poles, and that cult
1inty of the Pharaoh, contrary to what he had consented prostitutes were in the land, are typical of the DH style
.luring his revolt and the days he had spent in Egypt" and polemic and thus must be dismissed or taken with
1957: 62-63). extreme caution. The Chronicler omits these charges, but
The second part of the list, actually much longer than to explain Shishak's invasion includes a more general ac-
.he first section, names sites, forts, regions, and families in cusation that Rehoboam forsook the toriih of Yahweh (2
.he Negeb vicinity. Among the sites are Ezem and Arad. Chr 12: 1). Perhaps the only hard historical data pertaining
\1any of the names are difficult to identify, but several to religion under Rehoboam are in the Chronicler's report
1ames of regions are composed of the Egyptian determi- that priests and Levites came to Judah from the kingdom
1ative pa (in place of the Heb ha-) plus, in some cases, /:igr of Israel when Jeroboam dismissed them and appointed
Jr /:iqr ( = fort) and various family or clan names known non-Levitic priests (2 Chr 11: 13-17). These developments
:rom the genealogical lists in Chronicles-such as Shuhah would make sense, assuming that the Levites were admin-
1 Chr 4: 11 ), Hanan and Tilon (1 Chr 4:20), and Peleth (1 istrative and cultic state officials, appointed by David and
:::hr 2:33). This concentration of names in the region of Solomon, who remained loyal to Rehoboam .
.he Negeb probably means that Shishak sent a phalanx of
1is army into this area to protect the troops who were F. Rehoboam's Family and Administration
:onducting the main campaign into the N from a surprise The Chronicler claims that Rehoboam had 18 wives
mack by nomadic or seminomadic tribes from the S desert (only Mahalath and Maacah are named) and 60 concubines
:egion (Mazar 1957: 64-66); or perhaps Shishak sought to and was the father of 28 sons and 60 daughters (2 Chr
listract Rehoboam as the main troops advanced N of 11: 18-21). The Chronicler further states that Rehoboam
[erusalem (Gray Kings OTL, 344-45). appointed Abijah, a son by Maacah, chief (niigid) among
his brothers and designated him as his successor. Reho-
D. Rehoboam's Fortresses boam also assigned his sons to take charge of the fortified
The Chronicler supplies a list of 15 towns in Judah and towns and granted them generous provisions (2 Chr
Benjamin (2 Chr 11 :5-10; no mention is made of this in 11 :22-23). When Rehoboam died, he was succeeded by
the DH) whose defenses were strengthened by Rehoboam. his son Abijah.
5hishak's campaign probably explains why Rehoboam
made the fortifications, although the Chronicler's narra- Bibliography
tive sequence places Rehoboam's building activity in these Albright, W. F. 1945. The Chronology of the Divided Monarchy of
towns before the account of Shishak's invasion. The list Israel. BASOR 100: 16-22.
mentions Bethlehem, Etam, Tekoa, Beth-zur, Soco, Adul- Alt, A. 1951. Das Konigtum in den Reichen Israel und Juda. VT 1:
lam, Gath, Mareshah, Ziph, Adoraim, Lachish, Azekah, 2-22.
Zorah, Aijalon, and Hebron. Aharoni observed that these Evans, D. 1966. Rehoboam's Advisers at Shechem and Political
locations "form a logical and continuous line for the de- Institutions in Israel and Sumer.]NES 25: 273-79.
fence of [Rehoboam's) kingdom from the west, the south, Halpern,-B. 1974. Sectionalism and Schism.]BL 93: 5I9-32.
and the east, with additional forts located at the important Hayes, J. H., and Hooker, P. K. 1988. A New Chronology for the Kings
road junctions" (LBHG, 330). He noted, however, that the of Israel and Judah. Atlanta.
southernmost fortifications-at Lachish Mareshah Ado- Malama!, A. 1963. Kingship and Council in Israel and Sumer: A
raim, Hebron, and Ziph-left the S She~helah, the Negeb, Parallel.]NES 22: 247-53.
and even much of the S hill country outside the line of - - . 1965. Organs of Statecraft in the Israelite Monarchy. BA
defense. This either means that these regions were taken 28: 34-65.
from Judah by Shishak or that Rehoboam had other forti- Mazar, B. 1957. The Campaign of Pharaoh Shishak to Palestine.
fications in S Judah which did not need repair at this time Pp. 57-66 in Volume du Congres, Strasbourg, 1956, ed. G. W.
and are thus not mentioned in this list. Anderson et al. VTSup 4. Leiden.
REHOBOAM 664. v
Soggin, J. A. 1984. A History of Ancient Israel. Trans. J. Bowden. although the translation of the first clause of Gen IO: 11 is
Philadelphia. very ui:iclear. Perhaps the best understanding (although
Thiele, E. R. 1984. The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings. 3d syi;itacucally awkward) i~ "From that land (Shinar, v 10) he
ed. Grand Rapids. (Nimrod) went to Assyna." (Cf. the RSV; for similar con-
Weinfeld, M. 1982. The Counsel of the "Elders" to Rehoboam and structions of the verb y~a', "to go out," with the accusative
its Implications. Maarav 3/1: 27-53. in the sense of entering a place, see Gen 27:3 and Jer
CARL D. EVANS 14:18.) If this interpretation is correct, then Nimrod is to
be understood as the builder of Rehoboth-Ir.
The name Rehoboth-Ir is unknown from cuneiform
REHOBOTH (PLACE) [Heb refiiibOt]. The name of sources. It is probable that it referred originally not to a
three places mentioned in the OT. Literally, the name separate city but rather to some district or attribute of
means "plazas"; as a toponym it means "spacious place" Nineveh. One possibility is that it is an interpretive trans-
(Bon~e 1968: 48-49; 49, n. 5). lation of rebit Ninua, "Nineveh square," a suburb on the
I. A well in the Negeb, dug by Isaac (Gen 26:22). The NE side of Nineveh (Cassuto Genesis 2: 203). However, the
location is mentioned within a narrative sequence that correct reading may be talbit Ninua, in which case the
could serve as a paradigm for the relationship between comparison must be dropped (Sasson 1983: 96). Alterna-
agriculturalists and pastoralists, or nomads and the state, tively, Rehoboth-Ir may be an epithet describing Nineveh
in the 2d and I st millennia e.c. (Matthews 1986: 123-24). as a city of broad streets. E. A. Speiser (Genesis AB, 68)
Since Robinson and Smith proposed an identification of compares it to a similar phrase found in the Gilgamesh
the site ( 1841: 289-91), this well has generally been located epic, Uruk rebitu, "Uruk of the spacious markets." T. Jacob-
in Wadi Ruhaybeh, SW of Beersheba. sen (IDB 4: 31) has compared it to the cognate Assyrian
2. Rehoboth-Ir, a "place" in Assyria, between Nineveh phrase rebit ali, "open spaces in a city," used to mean
and Calah (Gen 10: 11). The name seems to be based on a "unbuilt areas on the periphery of Nineveh." J. M. Sasson
mistranslation of Assyrian rebit Ninua ("the streets, or ( 1983) proposes that it is a superlative construction mean-
quarters, of Nineveh"; e.g., in Esarhaddon's Nineveh A ing roughly "broadest city" (cf. Jonah 3:3; 4:11). In any
inscription, III 38; cf. AHW, 964). See REHOBOTH-IR. case, it is generally agreed that Rehoboth-Ir was not a city
3. Rehoboth ha-Nahar (RSV "Rehoboth on the Euphra- but rather some appellative or area of Nineveh. At some
tes"), the hometown of the Edomite "king" Shaul (Gen point in the transmission of the traditions about Nimrod,
36:37; I Chr I :48). See SHAUL. The identification of this this descriptive term was misunderstood as a city name
Rehoboth depends on the interpretation and dating of the itself. See RESEN.
"Edomite King List" (Gen 36:31-39). Assuming that this
list refers to Edom at the end of the 2d millennium e.c., Bibliography
Zwickel ( 1985) identifies Rehoboth Nahar with Ras er- Sasson, J. M. 1983. Rebovbt <ir. RB 90: 94-96.
Rihab (M.R. 208038), overlooking Wadi al-I:Iasa from the JAMES R. DAVILA

South. Knauf (1987), deriving the "Edomite King List"

from the 5th century e.c., interprets Rehoboth ha-Nahar
REHUM (PERSON) [Heb re~um]. Var. NEHUM. The
as the designation of a landscape, not a town, and suggests
the catchment area of Wadi al-Ghuwayr for an identifica- name of several different persons mentioned in the OT.
tion. Lemaire ( 1988) maintains that the "Edomite King I. One of the leaders of the group of returnees from
List" actually is a list of Aramean kings from the 11th Babylonian Exile who is listed along with Zerubbabel in
Ezra 2:2 = Neh 7:7 (where the form is Nehum) = 1 Esdr
century e.c. This assumption would place Rehoboth ha-
Nahar in Syria or Lebanon. In this case, it could well have 5:8. One name has apparently been dropped from the
been the capital of the state of Beth-Rehob. See also Ezra list, because those in Nehemiah and I Esdras include
twelve leaders in what is probably a symbolic representa-
REHOB (PLACE).
tion of all Israel. For further discussion concerning the list
in Ezra 2, see AKKUB.
Bibliography 2. A Persian civil official (Heb be<et te<em = commander,
Boree, W. 1968. Die alten Ortsnamen Paliistinas. 2d ed. Hildesheim.
commissioner) of the province "Beyond the River" who,
Knauf, E. A. 1987. Supplementa Ismaelitica 10. BN 38/39: 44-49.
along with Shimshai and others in Samaria, wrote to Arta-
Lemaire, A. 1988. Hadad l'Edomite ou Hadad l'Arameen? BN 43:
xerxes I regarding the Jews' repair of the walls of Jerusa-
14-18.
lem. When authorized by a return letter to stop the build-
Matthews, V. A. 1986. The Wells of Cerar. BA 49: 118-26.
Robinson, E., and Smith, E. 1841. Biblical &searches in Palestine,
ing activity, they did so by force (Ezra 4:8-23 = I Esdr
Mount Sinai and Arabia Petraea. 3 vols. Boston.
2: 16-30). This episode is out of chronological order with
Zwickel, W. 1985. Rehobot-Nahar. BN 29: 28-34.
the other events of Ezra 4-6. It is inserted there in an
ERNST AXEL KNAUF
apparent summary of incidents in which persons opposed
the rebuilding efforts of the Jews.
3. A Levite who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the
REHOBOTH-IR (PLACE) [Heb re/:IObot <ir]. The name walls of Jerusalem (Neh 3: 17). That the list of builders in
of a city mentioned in Gen 10:11. The name is a Hebrew Nehemiah 3 is a partial one is evident from the references
phrase meaning "city squares" (the same phrase appears to "second" portions in 3: 11, 19, 20, and 30 without
in Lam 2:12). The Yahwistic fragment of the Table of previous notations of corresponding. firs~ portions (com-
Nations seems to include it in the kingdom of Nimrod, pare 3:4 and 21; 3:5 and 27). There 1s widespread agree-
v • 665 RELIGIO LICITA
ment that the list came from independent archives, per- (in Nabatean, rqmw) was the indigenous name of Petra.
haps in the temple, and was incorporated into the Josephus (Ant 6. 7.1 § 161) derives the place name from the
Nehemiah memoirs by Nehemiah himself or by some other Midianite king's name. It is more likely, however, that
editor. (See Batten Ezra and Nehemiah ICC, 206-7; Clines *Raqam or *Raqm, "the striped one," is a genuine place
Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther NCBC, 149; Williamson Ezra, Nehe- name, although it does occur as a personal name in Thad-
miah WBC, 199-202.) mudic and Arabic (it is, however, rarely attested; Knauf
4. Head of a clan whose leader affixed the family name 1988: 89 and n. 409). Nor was Petra the only place called
to the covenant document of Nehemiah in Neh 10:26- Raq(a)m (Knauf 1988: 166 and n. 705 ).
Eng 10:25. Many do not regard the list and covenant of 2. A "son" of Hebron (l Chr 2:43). In 1 Chr 2:43-44,
Nehemiah 10 as belonging originally in this context. Wil- Rekem is the brother of Tappuah, Shema, and Korah; the
liamson (ibid., 325-30) surveys various views about the son of Hebron, the nephew of Ziph, and the grandson of
origins of this list. He concludes that it was compiled from Mareshah. All of the names of his relatives are also places
other lists in Ezra and Nehemiah in order to be attached (Shema recalls as-Samu', the present name of Eshtemoa;
to the terms of an agreement drawn up by Nehemiah the abridged form without the I-infix may well have origi-
following his reforms of Nehemiah 13. This document was nated in the postexilic period), with the only exception
then kept in the temple archives until it was inserted into being Korah, who was an Idumean clan (a son of Esau
its present position. (See also Clines, 199-200; Myers Ezra- [Gen 36:5 ], and a son of Eliphaz [Gen 36: 16]; for Idumean
Nehemiah AB, 174-75; Jepsen 1954: 87-106.) clans among the "sons of Caleb," see MANAHATHITES).
5. An alternate form of Harim. See HARIM #3. Whereas this leaves the possibility open that Rekem was
another Idumean family or clan in postexilic S Judea, an
Bibliography interpretation as a place name finds more contextual sup-
Galling, K. 1951. The Gola-List According to Ezra 2 and Nehemiah port.
7.]BL 70: 149-58. 3. The "grandson" of Gilead and Maachah, both of
- - . 1964. Die Liste der aus dem Exil Heimgekehrten. Pp. 89- which are geographical names ( 1 Chr 7: 16; cf. 1 Chr 19:6).
108 in Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen leitalter. Tu- The name of his father, Peresh "Fissure," is attested as
bingen.
both a personal and a place name. Because place names
Jepsen, A. 1954. Nehemiah 10. ZAW 66: 87-106.
frequently lead to the names of clans, and vice versa, and
CHANEY R. BERGDALL
because there is not any external evidence, it cannot be
decided whether this Rekem was a Gileadite clan, or a
town, or both.
REI (PERSON) [Heb re"f]. Mentioned with Shimei and
others who did not support Adonijah's claim to David's Bibliography
throne (1 Kgs 1:8). The lack of a title or patronym for Knauf, E. A. 1988. Midian. ADPV. Wiesbaden.
either Shimei or Rei is unusual. It is possible that the text - - . 1989. Ismael. 2d ed. ADPV. Wiesbaden.
is corrupt. Lucian reads "Shimei, and his friends, David's ERNST AXEL KNAUF
mighty men"; Josephus explains the text as "Shimei, the
friend of David" (Ant 7 .14.4). Little is known of the struc-
ture of the court in the time of David, but "friend" may REKEM (PLACE) [Heb reqem]. A settlement in Benjamin
have been a title for an official whose role was that of (Josh 18:27). The exact location remains unknown, though
counselor of the king (cf. 2 Sam 15:37; 16:16). See Jones the list in which it appears (vv 25-28) generally contains
Kings NCBC; Gray Kings OTL; and De Vries 1 Kings WBC. places located in the W half of the territory. Rekem is also
the ancient name for Petra. This site is actually never
Bibliography named Rekem in the Bible, though it is possible that the
Burney, C. F. 1903. Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Book of Kings. New name was somehow associated with the Midianite prince
York. Repr. 1970. so named in Josh 13:21. See REKEM (PERSON).
Mettinger, T. 1971. Solomonic State Officials. ConBOT 5. Lund. ELMER H. DYCK
PAULINE A. VIVIANO

RELEASE, YEAR OF. See JUBILEE, YEAR OF;

REKEM (PERSON) [Heb reqem]. The name of three SABBATICAL YEAR.
persons in the OT. In all three cases it can be argued that
the "persons" were actually places, paralleled by the topo-
nym Rekem in Josh 18:27. See REKEM (PLACE). RELIGIO LICITA. A term conveniently coined by
l. A "king" of Midian (Num 31:8; Josh 13:21). The Tertullian to designate a religion officially sanctioned by
names of the five "Midianite kings" in these passages seem the Roman state. Throughout the Roman world there
to have been taken from an itinerary that led through S flourished a rich cultural and ethnic pluralism, and there
TransJOrdan and NW Arabia and that was composed in naturally flourished, alongside this pluralism, an equally
~he Persian period. See also EVI; HUR; REBA; SUR. Both rich diversity in cultic practices (often localized in adher-
m the Targum and the Peshitta, Reqem/Rqem renders ence). Roman religion throughout its long history was itself
Kadesh-barnea, which was identified with Petra since, at remarkably assimilative and adaptive (and hence showed
least, the 1st century B.c. (possibly as early as by the time astonishing powers of survival), and from time to time it
Gen 14:7 was composed; Knauf 1989: 46, n. 212). *Raqmu might formally absorb by ceremonies of evocatio, or by
RELIGIO LICITA 666. v
official incorporation into ritual calendars and pageants, giance, based_ultimately on t~e criminal charges that might
the rites and rituals of other nations (cf. Min. Fe!. Oct. 6.1- cohere to the1r name but which need not be proved in any
3; North 1976: 1-12; 1979: 85-102). But by and large, the par~ic1:1lar case (~e Ste_ Croix 1963: 6-38; 1964: 28-33).
Romans were content, with passive acquiescence, to leave Chnstlans, now mcludmg many gentiles, had neither the
others to their own indigenous cultic activities so long as ancestral traditions nor the racial integrity to which Jews
they did not disturb the established boundaries and con- thems<:lves might effectively appeal. The result was (as
trols within imperial society, and so long as they did not Tertulhan wryly makes much of in his Apol. 2.10-18) that
impinge on imperial policy and security. But there, how- Christians might, paradoxically, escape punishment sim-
ever, the limits of toleration for the Romans were severely ply by abjuring their present religious adherence-actions
set (Garnsey 1984: 1-27): if in their perception the estab- of their Christian past were thereby rendered, illogically,
lished social or political order was threatened, the guardi- irrelevant. No specific legislation against Christianity as
ans of that social and political order could show themselves such _can be established until the time of the emperor
fearsomely jealous for the gods of their empire (e.g., Tac. Valenan (A.D. 257; Barnes 1968: 32-50), but there is
Ann. 2.85 [Isis devotees], 14.30 [Druids]; cf. Livy 39.8-19 nonetheless ample evidence of rescripts and edicts issued
[Bacchanalians in 186 B.c.))-though what constituted by emperors and provincial governors dealing with partic-
"the gods of the Empire" was an extremely porous list of ular inquiries or individual provinces (Ulpian could gather
divinities. such imperial rescripts together in the early 3d century;
In the case of the Jews, it is clear that religious and Lactant. Div. Inst. 5.11.19 [listing penalties inflicted upon
ethnic privileges were hard won as concessions and needed Christians)).
constant vigilance-as well as polemic-and repetition if The tactic in much apologetic Christian writing in the
they were not to be eroded in practice (Rajak 1984: 107- 2d and 3d centuries was therefore to seek tolerant treat-
23): the series of rescripts and edicts as recorded by Philo ment for Christianity similar to that granted other philo-
and Josephus (Philo Gaium 309-20, Joseph. Ant 14 §185- sophical sectae, with emphasis placed on the philosophical
264, 301-23; 16 §160-73; 19 §280-91) are basically the pedigree of many of the issues it dealt with and endeavor-
results of Jewish initiative and efforts to secure for partic- ing to clear the Christian communities of the criminal
ular cities or provinces the simple rights to pursue without odium which had come to hover over their religious prac-
harassment their ancestral laws and customs--and to have, tices. In effect, in many parts of the Roman Empire
in their perception, what other subject nations enjoyed. Christians enjoyed lengthy periods of that laissez-faire
(These concessions included the right not to have to ap- which Rome allowed other cults and alien religious tradi-
pear in court on the Sabbath, to collect and despatch the tions. But unlike those other cults, monotheistic Christi-
temple tax, and to congregate and perform the customary anity (like Judaism) laid universal claim to the truth and
ceremonies on the Sabbath and other feast days.) But social an exclusive access to the divine (the corollary being rejec-
friction was inevitable with adherents of a monotheistic tion of all other gods and all other religious traditions).
religion which could not be assimilated into or be accom- The orders of the emperor Decius (A.D. 250) for all inhab-
modated within the prevailing pluralist religious system. itants of the Empire to make sacrifice to the gods brought
Nevertheless, the Romans fully appreciated the strength of into public view widespread civil disobedience on the part
the bond which linked a people to its ancestral cultic of many Christians (Clarke 1984: 21-39); thus, they could
traditions and customs, and so, under pressure from Jew- not be left as tolerable religious deviants. The emperor
ish activists who were protecting their coreligionists against Valerian (A.D. 257-58) followed with more specific at-
social and religious discrimination, the Romans found tempts to suppress Christian assemblies and clerical lead-
themselves politically obliged to make formal religious ers, but his capture and death prompted his son Gallienus
concessions to Jews. Judaism thus became a religio licita ( = to rescind those orders and to release sequestered Church
an authorized religion), to use Tertullian's coinage (Apol. properties (Eus. Hist. Eccl. 7.13 ). The effect was to go some
21.1). Most nations had no need of such legal sanction in way toward decriminalizing Christianity and giving it a
order to maintain their religious observances. quasi-legitimate existence which it had not enjoyed previ-
Christians, however, right from their earliest penetration ously.
into the Greco-Roman world, found themselves liable to But it was not until after the bloody persecutions in the
fall foul of official authorities, whether these were local first quarter of the 4th century that Christianity won
city magistrates or imperial functionaries: charges of anything like a formally recognized right to coexist, first
magic, of disturbing the peace, suspicion of subversion, or with the edict of the dying Galerius (A.D. 311: Lactant. De
disorder could be leveled at Christian minority groups, morl. pers. 34; Eus. Hist. Eccl. 8.17), then with the issuing of
some of whom might be given to secret meetings marked the so-called Edict of Milan (A.D. 313: Lactant. De mort.
by prophetic enthusiasm, who might in millenarian expec- pers. 48; Eus. Hist. Eccl. 10.5.2-14), and finally after the
tation of the Parousia opt out of the routine duties of civic eventual defeat of Licinius in the east (A.D. 324: Eus. Vita.
life, or whose vocally expressed views might grate on C. 2.56). At long last Christianity had become in fact a
pagan sensitivities and traditions or outrage Jewish sects religio licita, an authorized religion.
and practices. By the time historical evidence from non-
Christian sources is specific (e.g., Tac. Ann. 15.44 [on Bibliography
events of A.D. 64, written early in the 2d century A.D.), Barnes, T. D. 1968. Legislation Against the Christians.]RS 58: 32-
Pliny Ep. 10.96, 97 [written ca. A.D. 110)), Christians had 50.
already come to belong to a group liable to sporadic and Clarke, G. W. 1984. The Letters of St. Cyprian of Carthage. Vol. I,
local punishment simply for their general Christian alle- Letters 1-27. ACW 43. New York.
v • 667 REMEMBER, REMEMBRANCE

Garnsey, P. 1984. Religious Toleration in Classical Antiquity. Pp. l- REMEMBER, REMEMBRANCE. The Scriptures
27 in Persecution and Toleration, ed. W. J. Shields. Oxford. provide no theoretical account of memory, no reflections
North, J. A. 1976. Conservatism and Change in Roman Religion. concerning the nature or psychology or functions of re-
PBSR 44: 1-12. membering, nothing to compare, for example, with Aris-
- - . 1979. Religious Toleration in Republican Rome. PCPS n.s. totle's De Memoria. ]. Pedersen's interesting attempt to
25: 85-103. construct such a theoretical account of memory based on
Rajak, T. 1984. Was There a Roman Charter for the Jews? }RS 74: the so-called "primitive" psychology of the Hebrews (Pl 1:
107-28. 99-139) has been rejected by ]. Barr (1961: 30-33, et
Ste Croix, G. E. M. de. 1963. Why Were the Early Christians passim) and criticized by B. Childs (1962: 17-30).
Persecuted? Past and Present 26: 6-38. There may be no theory of memory, but there surely is
- - . 1964. Why Were the Early Christians Persecuted?-A Re- remembering; indeed, the Scriptures are full of references
joinder. Past and Present 27: 28-33. to memory and remembrance. And it is clear that it will
G. w. CLARKE not do to define memory as "the preservation of percep-
tion" (Pl. Phlb. 34a) or "the permanence of an image
regarded as the copy of the thing it images" (Arist. Mem.
RELIGION. Articles relevant to the study of religion 45 la). Such definitions do not do justice to the scriptural
and religions in the biblical world include CANAAN, RE- usage of Heb ziikar, Gk mimneiskomai, and their cognates
LIGION OF; EGYPTIAN RELIGION; HITTITE RELI- by confining memory to things of the past. In Scripture,
GION; MEMPHITE THEOLOGY; MYSTERY RELI- things in the present (e.g., Col 4: 18)-and even in the
GIONS; PHOENICIAN RELIGION; ROMAN RELIGION; future (e.g., Eccl 11 :8; Heb 11 :22)--can be "remembered."
SOUTH ARABIA, RELIGION OF-as well as CHRISTI- More importantly, such definitions distort the scriptural
ANITY; JUDAISM; and THEOLOGY. usage by construing memory as the neutral apprehension
of images. In Scripture, however, memory is typically con-
stitutive of identity and determinative of conduct.
REMALIAH (PERSON) [Heb remalyahu]. Father of Pe-
kah, who was the next to last king of Israel, ca. 736-731 A. God Remembers
B.C.E. (2 Kgs 15:25). The name appears seven times in 2 In great hymns of faith Israel gave praise to God, and a
Kgs 15:25-16:5 and once each in Isa 7:1 and 2 Chr 28:6 fundamental reason for that praise was that God remem-
in the phrase "Pekah the son of Remaliah." In Isa 7:4, 5, bers "his covenant" (Ps 105:8 = I Chr 16:15; Ps 106:45;
9, and 8:6 Pekah is referred to only by the patronym "the 111 :5; also Luke I :72). The covenant is presupposed when
son of Remaliah," apparently with derogatory intent. The God is said to remember "his steadfast love and faithful-
Bible gives us no other information about Remaliah him- ness" (Ps 98:3; cf. 136:23), "his promise" (Ps 105:42), or
self. Pekah, and hence Remaliah, was apparently a native "his mercy" (Luke I :54). The covenant is not just some-
of Gilead (2 Kgs 15:25; Na)aman 1986: 77-79). See PE- thing from the past, and remembering it is not merely the
KAH. No satisfactory meaning for the first element of neutral apprehension of an image from the past. In the
Remaliah's name has been found (IPN, 257), since the covenant and in remembering the covenant, God estab-
verbal root rml does not appear in Hebrew. Two old He- lishes an identity and is faithful to it, determines a cause,
brew seals contain a name which has been read by some as and acts in accordance with it.
rmlyhw (Diringer 1927: 178-79, 217). However, Diringer Psalm 105:8 stands at the opening of a long recital of
(Crowfoot et al. 195 7: 21) has argued strongly in favor of the "wonderful works" which God has done, but it gives
reading these seals as dmlyhw. One possible explanation of this significance to that past: God remembers his covenant
the name depends on a different form of the name than "forever" and "for a thousand generations." God's remem-
we have in the MT. In the Qumran scroll !Qlsaa, three bering determines conduct and not only the great deeds
passages spell the name rwmlyh (Isa 7:1, 5, 9). Since the of the past but also God's works of judgment and mercy in
LXX appears to back up the Qumran text by transliterat- the present and future. That God has remembered the
ing the name in these same passages as Romelia or Romeliou, people stands in parallel to the claim that God "will bless"
Beegle ( 1951: 28) has understood the first element of the them (Ps 115:12).
name to be derived from the verb rwm plus a predicative God's remembrance of covenant finds its way from the
la. Hence, the name would mean "May Yahweh verily be hymns into narrative and especially into the covenantal
exalted." history of the Priestly narrative, where again and again it
is observed that God "remembers" covenant (Gen 9: 15, 16;
Bibliography Exod 2:24; 6:5; Lev 26:42 (3 x], 45; cf. also Gen 8: I;
Beegle, D. M. 1951. Proper :>James in the New Isaiah Scroll. BASOR 19:29).
123: 28. If the hymns celebrate God's remembering, the la-
Crowfoot, j. W.; Crowfoot, G. M.; and Kenyon, K. M. 1957. The ments-and other prayers-plead for it (Ps 25:6; 74:2, 18,
Objects from Samaria. London. 22; 106:4; 119:49; 137:7; also Exod 32:13; Jer 14:21; Lam
Diringer, D. 1927. Le iscrizwni antico-elrraiche palestinesi. Florence. 5: I; Hab 3:2; Neh I :8; with respect to the king, cf. Pss
Horn, S. 1968. An Inscribed Seal from Jordan. BASOR 189: 41-43. 20:3; 89:47, 50; 132:1; 2 Chr 6:42; note also the prayers
Na)aman, N. 1986. Historical and Chronological Notes on the of Samson, Judg 16:28; of Hannah, I Sam 1:11; of Heze-
Kingdoms of Israel and Judah in the Eighth Century s.c. VT kiah, 2 Kgs 20:3 = Isa 38:3). Often the covenant provides
36: 71-92. the basis for the appeal (e.g., Jer 14:21; Ps 25:6). Some-
JoHN H. HULL JR. times the appeal is simply to the creatureliness and mar-
REMEMBER, REMEMBRANCE 668. v
tality of people (Ps 89:47; Job 7:7; 10:9; 14:13; cf. Pss 8:4; cultic ceremonies and prayers served to bring the people
78:39). Sometimes the appeal is to merit (Ps 132:1; 2 Kgs to God's remembrance.)
20:3 = Isa 38:3; Jer 18:20; Neh 5:19; 6:14; 13:14, 22, 29, The cult was an important context for remembering,
31 ), but sometimes the plea is simply an appeal to the but there were others: notably, the instruction of children
sheer grace of God, as in the petition that God not remem- (Deut 6:20-25; Josh 4:4-7). For the Deuteronomist, mem-
ber sins, that is, forgive them (Pss 25:7; 79:8; also Isa ory assumed a special and central importance; the reform
64:9). depended upon it. There was no greater danger to identity
The prophetic oracles of judgment take this tradition and community that forgetfulness (e.g., Deut 8: 11, 19).
and turn it against the people: God "will remember their The remedy for forgetfulness was to tell the old stories, to
iniquity"; that is, punish them (Jer 14:10; Hos 7:2; 8:13; rehearse the traditions of God's election and grace, to
9:9). The oracles of salvation, however, turn the tradition remember. And remembering was never merely "recollect-
around again to announce God's mercy on the other side ing"; it had the shape of obedience, of covenant faithful-
of judgment and repentance (Isa 43 :25; Jer 31 :20). The ness (8: 1, 2; consider also the stereotyped formula in 5: 15;
astonishing promise of Jer 31 :31-34 of a new covenant in 15:15; 16:12; 24:18, 22). The point was not some cultic
which "God will remember their sin no more" is, according actualization of the past, already then remote, not some
to the author of Hebrews, fulfilled in the ministry of Christ mysterious reliving of it, some of which was painful, but
(Heb 8:12; 10:17). continuity with it, covenant identity and fidelity in a new
situation, the reformation of Judah's cult and community.
B. People Remember In the cycles of apostasy, affliction, repentance, and
The verb "remember" often has a human subject, and deliverance which the Deuteronomistic Historian used to
when it does, it can take a wide variety of objects. But interpret Israel's history and to call exiles to return, the
whatever the object, memory remains related to the for- failure to remember could be used as the equivalent of
mation of identity and the determination of conduct. apostasy (Judg 8:34). The failure to remember was not
David "remembers" Abigail by wooing and marrying her mere absentmindedness; it was covenant unfaithfulness,
(1 Sam 25:31); he does not "remember" that Shemei was the failure to fulfill the obligations of the covenant. Other
his adversary when he spares his life although he is fully texts, too, explained God's judgment as being due to
aware of the past (2 Sam 19:19). When the men of Israel's forgetfulness (e.g., Isa 17: 10; Jer 3:21; 13:25;
Shechem remember that Abimelech is their kinsmen, they 18:15; Ezek 22:12; 23:35; Hos 2:13; 4:6; Pss 78:42; 106:7;
are "inclined to follow him" (Judg 9:2, 3). Even Joseph's Neh 9:17).
memory of his dreams (Gen 42:9) is not merely recollec- Again, however, the prophets finally turned the words
tion: God's guidance forms him and his conduct. of judgment around-but none quite so completely
The most frequent object of human remembering in the around as Deutero-lsaiah. Alongside the expected admo-
OT, however, is God (Deut 8:18; Judg 8:34; Ps 22:7; 42:6; nition "Remember the former things of old" (Isa 46:8)
63:6; 77:3; 78:35; Eccl 12:1; Isa 57:11; 64:5; Jer 51:50; Deutero-Isaiah put the quite astonishing "remember not
Ezek 6:9; Jonah 2:7; Zech 10:9), including God's works the former things" (43: 18). The eschatological perspective
(Deut 5:15; 7:18; 8:2; 9:7; 15:5; 16:3, 12; 24:9, 18, 22; of the prophet looked to a future sovereignty of God over
32:7; Pss 77:11; 78:42; 105:5; 143:5; Ezek 16:22, 43, 61, Israel and the cosmos that would completely overshadow
the past and provide a new identity, a new community,
63; Mic 6:5) and (less frequently) God's law (Num 15:39,
and a new creation. This "new thing" (Isa 43: 19) would
40; Pss I 03: 18; 119:52; Mal 4:4; cf. Exod 13:3; 20:8).
stand in both continuity and discontinuity with Israel's
Both worship and tradition served this memory. memory, and it was done, according to the NT, in Jesus
Through the great festivals with their rituals and songs, the Christ (e.g. Rev 21:4, 6).
the people participated in both establishing and remem- A "new thing" it may have been, confounding as well as
bering the meaningful history of Israel and thus under- fulfilling memories and expectations, but the resurrection
stood themselves better in the light of that meaningful of Jesus (or the conviction that he was raised) prompted
past. Memory provided community and continuity. The believers to remember Jesus in tradition and worship.
Passover, for example, which Israel was to "remember" The tradition of Jesus' words and deeds was by no means
(that is, observe, Exod 13:3), was itself a "remembrance" merely objective recollection of historical data, and ~he
(Heb zikkar6n, Exod 12:14) of God's deliverance of them gospels which gave the oral tradition literary expression
from Egypt. By ritual and celebration subsequent genera- were hardly simply retrospective historical accounts. Both
tions made that story their own (cf. the Passover Hagga- were highly interpretive. It was, after all, a living Lord who
dah; m. Pesa/:i. 10:4-6). Similarly, the Feast of Unleavened was remembered, and living communities selected and
Bread was observed to "remember" the Exodus (Exod shaped the tradition even while they received it. When
13:8-10; Deut 16:3; consider also the Feast of Booths, Lev Justin Martyr calls the gospels "memoires," (Gk apomnn:io-
23:43). New Year's Day is also described as a memorial neumata; Dial 103:8), one may object against the denotation
(Heb zikkar6n; Lev 23:24), presumably of God's creative of an ancient literary form which contained episodes from
activity and sovereignty. Later commemorative festivals the lives of famous men and against the connotation of a
might also be mentioned: Purim (cf. Esth 9:28) and Ha- retrospective historical account; but one ~t least must a~­
nukkah ( 1 Mace 4:52, 59). Even the wearing of phylacteries preciate the continuity of th~ g?spels with the Churchs
(Deut 6:8; 11: 18; Exod 13:9) and tassels (Num 15:39) memory of Jesus (cf. also Pap1as m Eus. Hist. Eccl. 3.39.15;
served as a memory of God's works and law. Thus Israel Luke I: 1-4). At the empty tomb, according to Luke, the
"remembered" the Lord. (At the same time, of course, the disciples were told to "remember" (Luke 24:6, 8), and for
v. 669 REMNANT

the first time they understood (cf. John 2:22; 12:16; 16:4). 20), it is an "unworthy manner (v 27), and it is not truly
In John's gospel it is said that the Paraclete, the Holy Spirit, "remembrance." Moreover, precisely because the people
will "bring to your remembrance all that I have said to composed a community of memory, they were a commu-
you" (John 14:26). John's gospel may rework the tradition nity of hope, for they remembered the Lord's death as an
more than the other gospels, but none of them provides eschatological event and proclaimed it "until he comes" (v
either a recollection of the "life of Jesus" or a timeless 26). To remember Jesus was to hope for God's cosmic
existentialist revelation; each gospel is a "remembrance," a sovereignty-and to plead for God's remembrance, for
literary commemoration of the risen Lord, which situated God to act with covenant faithfulness. So Jeremias' affir-
the lives of their readers in relation to the Christ, forging mations can finally be accepted, but by way of a different
an identity, a community, and continuity, forming charac- argument, without denying what he denied.
ter, and determining conduct. Representatives of various liturgical traditions can agree
The epistles, too, served the memory of the Church. on seeing anamnesis as the fundamental characteristic of
Paul explicitly says he writes to the Romans "by way of the celebration of the Eucharist. Anamnisis neither prohib-
reminder" (Rom 15: 15; Gk hos epanaminiskon hymae; cf. 2 its nor requires understanding the sacrament as an "actu-
Pet 3: I). The epistles bear the tradition and ask readers to alization" of the sacrifice of Christ, but it will protest
remember it (e.g., I Cor 15:1; Rev 3:3). They ask their against and protect against any diminishing of the suffi-
readers to remember their own conversion (e.g., Eph 2: 11, ciency of the one death of Christ. Anamnisis will welcome
13) and the ministry of their leaders (e.g., Acts 20:31; Heb understanding the sacrament as a liturgical "memorial,"
13:7). The later epistles, particularly, are intent upon but it will reject any account which reduces memory to
preserving the tradition (e.g., 2 Tim 2:8, 14; Jude 5; 2 Pet recollection. Remembering remains constitutive of identity
1:12, 13; 3:1). This "early Catholic" development was and community and determinative for character and con-
based on an understanding of the importance of memory duct.
from the beginning and was nurtured by the conviction
that Christian identity and community had been put at Bibliography
risk within the congregations. Even here, "remember Jesus Barr, J. 1961. The Semnntics of Biblical Language. London.
Christ, risen from the dead, descended from David, as Childs, B. S. 1962. Memory and Tradition in Israel. SBT 37. Naper-
preached in my gospel" (2 Tim 2:8) is not merely a call to ville, IL.
preserve historical data, but a call to identity and commu- Dahl, N. A. 1976.jesus in the Memory of the Church. Minneapolis.
nity, to fitting thoughts and deeds (cf. Phil 2:6-11). Gerhardsson, B. 1961. Memory and Manuscript. Lund.
The epistles frequently remind their readers of the Jeremias, J. 1966. The Eucharistic Wordr of Jesus. Trans. N. Perrin.
worship of the community (e.g., the hymns of Phil 2:6-11 New York.
and Col 1:9-15), and especially of baptism (e.g., Rom 6:1- Reisenfeld, H. 1957. The Gospel Tradition and Its Beginnings. London.
11; I Cor 1:12-13; 12:13; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:1-7). It is Schottroff, W. 1967. "Gedenken" in Alten Orient und in AT. WM ANT
little wonder, for worship was itself remembrance, and 15. 2d ed. Neukirchen.
baptism in the name of Jesus and "into his death" (Rom ALLEN VERHEY
6:3) established identity, initiated one into a community of
common memory, and required fitting conduct. Baptism
was remembrance-not merely historical recollection--of REMETH (PLACE) [Heb remet]. A border town in the
the death and resurrection of Christ. territory of Issachar (Josh 19:21). Most modern scholars
The Lord's Supper is explicitly said to be done "in would see Remeth (note LXXA Ramath) as identical with
remembrance" (Gk anamnesis) of Jesus the Christ (I Cor Ramoth in I Chr 6:58-Eng v 73 and Jarmuth (LXX
11:24, 25; Luke 22:19). Jeremias (1966: 237-55) has ar- Remmath) in Josh 21 :29, variants of the name of a levitical
gued (partly on the basis of Acts 10:4) that "in remem- town in the territory of Issachar. If this identification is
brance of me" should be translated as "that God may correct (for an opposing viewpoint, see W. F. Albright
remember me" and should be understood as an eschato- 1926), it is possible to tentatively identify the site of Re-
logical petition for the Parousia. But Jeremias' argument meth as Kokab el-Hawa (M.R. 199221), which is an ele-
begins with a minimal account of remembering as mere vated region W of the Jordan River, E of Megiddo, and
recollection and proceeds by way of a false dilemma be- NW of Beth-shean, the site of the Crusader castle Belvoir.
tween a reference to either the past or the future. When Woudstra (Joshua NICOT) notes that in a stele of Pharaoh
believers gathered around this table, they remembered the Seti I, mention is made of an attack by the Habiru from a
past, to be sure; they remembered the stories of the Mt. Yarmuta, possibly the same location as Jarmuth.
suffering and death of the risen Lord-but not merely as
a historical recollection. In remembering that past, they Bibliography
owned the stories as their stories (including the story of Albright, W. F. 1926. The Topography of the Tribe of Issachar.
Peter's "remembering," Mark 14:72). This remembering ZAW 3: 32-33.
mvolved a "pleading guilty" to the death of Jesus but also - - . 1942. A Case of Use-Majeste in Pre-Israelite Lachish.
a sharing in that death and in the new covenant (with its BASOR 87: 36 n. 30.
forgivenes_s) which ~hrist established. This remembering SIDNIE ANN WHITE
was consutullve of identity and community and deter-
mined conduct in the present. It is said that when the rich
humiliate the poor, when community is broken (l Cor REMNANT. What is left of a community after it under-
11 :22), then "it is not the Lord's supper that you eat" (v goes a catastrophe. The major Heb terms are derivatives
REMNANT 670. v
of .s>r, ytr, pit, and frd; the major Gk terms, leimma, hypo- have forsaken thy covenant, thrown down thy altars, and
leimma, loipos, and kataloipos. slain thy prophets with the sword; and I, even I only, am
left; and they seek my life, to take it away" (I Kgs 19: 1O,
A. Hebrew Bible 14). Yahweh's reply is to send Elijah to anoint those who
The concept is used most often with reference to Israel/ are to bring the catastrophe, but he also announces his
Judah, although sometimes also to other peoples (Josh intention to "leave seven thousand in Israel, all the knees
12:4; 2 Sam 21:2; Isa 14:30; 17:3; Amos 1:8; 9:12; Zech that have not bowed to Baal, and every mouth that has not
9:7), to humankind as a whole (Zech 14: 16), or to all living kissed him" (19:18). In this case, the agents of divine
creatures (Gen 7: 1-5). It often has a negative connotation: judgment are human (two kings and a prophet), and the
the catastrophe undergone by the community is so great survivors are those who have been faithful to Yahweh.
that only an insignificant remnant survives, or none at all Another narrative reference to a remnant appears at
(2 Kgs 21:13-15; Isa 17:4-6; Jer 8:3; Ezek 15:1-8; Amos the close of Hezekiah's plea to Isaiah to pray for Jerusa-
3: 12; 5:3; 9: 1-4). In many instances, however, the conno- lem's deliverance from Sennacherib's attack: " ... therefore
tation is positive: despite the greatness of the catastrophe, lift up your prayer for the remnant that is left" (2 Kgs 19:4
a remnant survives as the basis for renewed community = Isa 37:4). Isaiah's response on this occasion is reassur-
life (Gen 8:15-19; 45:7; 1Kgs19:18; Isa 1:25-26; 28:5- ing. Quite the opposite is the later prophetic word pro-
6; Jer 23:3-4; Joel 2:32; Obad 17; Mic 2: 12; 4:6-7; Zeph voked by the situation under Manasseh: " ... I will cast off
3: 11-13 ). Because the catastrophe is understood to be an the remnant of my heritage, and give them into the hand
act of divine judgment, the survival of a viable remnant is, of their enemies ... " (2 Kgs 21: 14 ).
correspondingly, an act of divine mercy (Jer 23:3-4; 31 :7- The Chronicler views the returned exiles of the Persian
9; Amos 5:14-15; Mic 4:6-7). While some passages sug- period as a remnant left by Yahweh's favor, in spite of sins
gest that a remnant survives despite the fact that all are that merited total destruction. Should they again break the
worthy of destruction (Jeremiah 5, esp. vv 10, 18; Mic commandments, they would have to expect that even the
7: 18-20), in other places the survivors are described as remnant would be consumed (Ezra 9:8, 13-15).
those who were righteous and faithful ( 1 Kgs 19: 18; Zeph Among the latter prophets, Amos contains several allu-
2:3; 3:12-13). In any case, the catastrophe purges the sions to the concept. For the most part, these are threat-
community of its impurities, and the remnant is called to ening: all that will remain of Israel are a few artifacts
exemplary life as the people of Yahweh (Ezra 9: 13-14; Isa (3:12); only a tenth of the population will survive (5:3);
1:25-26; 4:2-4; 10:20). Thus, the appointment and res- those who escape the initial onslaught will be hunted down
cue of the remnant, making possible the continuation of one by one (9: 1-4). But there is also the possibility that, if
the life of the community, may be viewed as themselves Israel changes its ways, "it may be that the Lord, the God
constituting the saving activity of Yahweh (Gen 45:7; Ezra of hosts, will be gracious to the remnant of Joseph" (5: 14-
9:7-9; Isa 1:9). Attention may, however, shift to the future, 15; cf. the later gloss, 9:8c).
with the remnant still to be the recipient of new and The references in the book of Micah to a restored
greater acts of salvation (Isa 11:10-16; 28:5-6; Jer 23:3; remnant of Israel are generally ascribed to postexilic edit-
31:7-9; Mic 2:12-13; 4:6-7; 5:7-8; 7:18-20; Zeph 2:7, ing. They will be gathered like sheep, and the lame and
9). afflicted will receive special care (2:12-13; 4:6-7); Yah-
Although most often associated with the latter prophets, weh's anger will give way to forgiveness, compassion, and
the concept appears (as already indicated) in some narra- love (7: 18-20). The remnant will be among the nations
tive passages as well. It is a motif in Genesis, e.g., the flood like dew and like a lion; that is, as both blessing and curse
story (6:5-8:22), in which the flood is the means of divine (5:7-8).
judgment on human wickedness, to "blot out ... man and The call of Isaiah of Jerusalem refers to a destruction
beast and creeping things and birds of the air" (6:7). The that is virtually total (Isa 6: 11-13), but his son is named
destruction is not to be total, however; Noah, "a righteous Shearjashub ("a remnant will return"). That may well be
man" (6:9; cf. 7: 1), is appointed, along with his household, intended as an expression of doom ("only a remnant"; cf.
to preserve representative animals from destruction (6: 18- 10:20-22; 30: 15-17); certainly those who oppose Yahweh
21; 7: 1-5). After the flood, they become the agents for the (including Samaria) will be reduced to a handful of survi-
repopulation of the earth (8: 15-19; 9: 1-7). vors (16: 14; 17: 1-6; 21: 16-17). In other oracles attributed
In the Joseph story (Genesis 37-50), the catastrophe is a to Isaiah, however, the survival of a few is ascribed. to
famine. It is the descendants of Abraham and Sarah who Yahweh's grace ( 1:9). The destruction is to serve a punfy-
are threatened, and it is Joseph, a member of that family,
ing purpose (l :25-26; 4:2-4). Those who have been scat-
who is appointed as preserver. The famine is not said to
tered will be gathered again (11:10-16) and blessed by
be the means of divine judgment; nor is Joseph depicted
as especially righteous (although his rescue of his brothers Yahweh (28:5-6).
Zephaniah announces a day of Yahweh's wrath,. but
in their time of need contrasts favorably with their earlier
treatment of him). But when he reveals himself to them, holds forth the possibility that the humble and obedient,
he articulates the divine purpose: "God sent me before who seek righteousness and humility, may escape (2:~).
you to preserve for you a remnant on earth, and to keep When the "proudly exultant ones" are removed, there will
alive for you many survivors" (45:7). be left "a people humble and lowly. They sh~ll seek refuge
A further narrative instance of the concept is from the in the name of the Lord, those who are left m Israel; they
Elijah cycle (1 Kings 17-2 Kings 2). Elijah, having fled to shall do no wrong and utter no lies, nor shall there be
Mt. Horeb, complains to Yahweh that "the people of Israel found in their mouth a deceitful tongue. For they shall
v. 671 REPENTANCE

pasture and lie down, and none shall make them afraid" C. Origin of the Concept
(3:11-13). No consensus has emerged concerning the origin of the
Jeremiah professes to find no one in Jerusalem "w?o concept of a remnant. It has been held that the motif
does justice and seeks truth," for the sake of whom the city emerged in the context of eschatology derived from Bab-
can be pardoned (5: 1-6; 6:9). While some will survive the ylonian mythology and cults. Another view is that the
coming destruction, they will find existence intolerable concept has its origins in the civil or political sphere; and,
(8:3). Yet the day will come when Yahweh will gather the more specifically, that it derives from the Assyrian policy
remnant of his flock from all the countries where he has of total warfare, reflected in royal inscriptions boasting of
driven them, and will provide shepherds for them in their successful military campaigns. A third outlook holds that
own land (23: 1-8); the call will go out, "Proclaim, give the remnant idea arose out of existential concern over
praise, and say, The Lord has saved his people, the rem- threats to human survival and the desire to secure life and
nant of Israel' " (31 :7). existence in the face of death.
In Haggai and Zechariah, "the remnant of the people"
is used as a name for those who have returned from Exile Bibliography
(Hag 1:12, 14; 2:2; Zech 8:6, II, 12). Campbell, ]. C. 1950. God's People and the Remnant. S}T 3: 78-
85.
B. New Testament Carena, 0. 1985. Ii Resto di Israele. Supplementi alla Rivista Biblica
The most explicit NT reference to the remnant ts m 13. Bologna.
Romans 9-11. Paul's indebtedness to the Hebrew Bible for Hase!, G. F. 197 4. The Remnant. 2d ed. Andrews University Mono-
the concept is attested by his quotation of such passages as graphs 5. Berrien Springs, Ml.
Isa 10:22; 1:9; and 1Kgs19:18 (cf. Rom 9:27, 29; 11:4). Muller, W. E. L., and Preuss, H. D. 1973. Die Vorstellung vom Rest im
As he struggles with the fact that most of his fellow-Jews Allen Testament. 2d ed. Neukirchen-Vluyn.
have not accepted his gospel, he observes that "not all who LESTER V. MEYER
are descended from Israel belong to Israel" (9:6b), and
that "it is not the children of the flesh who are the children
of God, but the children of the promise are reckoned as REPENTANCE. The notion of repentance follows
descendants" (9:8). Those Jews who accept his gospel from the notion of sin. It suggests that sin is an act or
constitute the remnant. They and the gentiles who believe attitude which can be corrected by some change in the
have been chosen, not by their own will or exertion, but in person.
divine sovereignty and mercy, as were Israel's first ances-
tors to whom the promise was given (9:6-33). This does A. Old Testament
not mean, however, that Israel has been deprived of its The basic Hebrew word which is used to express this
heritage (9:4-5) or rejected by God (I I: I-2a). Even those change is swb, the root of which means simply "to turn." It
who have been excluded for a time will eventually be is a particularly instructive word because it reflects the
included ( 11: 11-32). Thus, the existence of the remnant notion of journeying and pilgrimage, which exemplifies in
is a temporary phenomenon, to be superseded when God's a very fundamental sense the attitude and relationship
work is complete. between Yahweh and Israel (Deut 26:5-11).
Allusions to the remnant occur in the Synoptic Gospels. The idea of walking in the way of the Lord is a common
Thus, John the Baptist warns of a judgment coming upon metaphor in the Hebrew Bible (Ps I: 1). And in a variety of
the descendants of Abraham that will leave only the trees contexts the way of Israel is contrasted with the way of
that bear good fruit, and will gather the wheat into the Canaan, the way of the Lord with the way of evildoers, the
granary while the chaff will be burned (Matt 3:7-IO = way of the righteous with the way of sinners. Israel's
Luke 3:7-9). Jesus speaks of a wide gate and an easy way religious calendar, too, is built on the core of pilgrim
that leads many to destruction, while only a few find the feasts: Passover, Booths, and Pentecost all have pilgrim
narrow gate and take the hard way that leads to life (Matt contexts. It is this notion of walking and journeying, then,
7:13-:-14; c_f. Luke 13:23-24). He also tells a parable of a that illumines the meaning of swb (or the less common
n(im; Exod 13: 17). The relationship with Yahweh is envi-
field m which a man sows good seed, after which an enemy
sioned as an ongoing journey requiring constant attention
sec~etly sows weeds; both wheat and weeds grow together
and vigilance, and a sense of purpose. To deviate from the
until the harvest, but then the separation will be made
way is, at the same time, to lose sight of the objective.
(Matt 13:24-30). When asked about his teaching in para-
Three classical passages illustrate this sense of repen-
bles, Jesus distinguishes between those to whom "it has
tance-returning: Amos 4:6-13; Hos 5: 15-6:5; Jer 3: 12-
been given to know the secret of the kingdom of God" and 24.
the others for whom parables are intended (Mark 4: 10-12 In Amos the prophetic vision of the coming destruction
=Matt 13:10-17 =Luke 8:9-10). A proverb, "For many finds powerful expression. His prophecy cuts through the
are called, but ~ew are chosen," is ascribed to him (Matt appearances of prosperity and illumines the hypocrisy and
22: 14).
idolatry of self-love. The passage in chap. 4 rehearses the
The book uf Revelation describes the situation in the chastisements, punishments, and signs that Yahweh has
churches to which it is addressed in terms that sometimes visited upon Israel. Despite this "parental" admonition,
reflect the concept of remnant (2:24; 3:4). Its portrayal of "you did not return (swb) to me." This phrase becomes a
the destruction to accompany the end time involves a refrain in the passage. The general tone of Amos is pessi-
remnant that will survive (I I: 13; 12: 17). mistic and the repentance which is required seems remote.
REPENTANCE 672 • v
In these passages the emphasis is on "Israel," the people. tion between the fate of the whole people and the fate of
The dire call "Prepare to meet your God" is directed to the faithful. So the repentance of the faithful few restores
the nation which "did not return." Israel even though the many perish.
In Hosea the great metaphor of the faithless wife is the It s~ems clear fr?m the prophetic writings that repen-
key to understanding the sense of repentance (Hosea 2- tance 1s eschatological. The final punishment of faithless
3). Faithless Israel has become a prostitute and abandoned Israel is withheld. The sword is stayed, the final light is not
the relationship with the Lord, forgotten the love God extinguished, the possibility of repentance remains be-
showed, and been ungrateful for the Lord's gifts of plenty cause the Lord is faithful and full of love and refuses to
and prosperity. But the Lord does not (as in Amos) let go. abandon the covenant (Childs 1986: 226).
"I will woo her. I will go with her into the wilderness and Repentance in the prophets, then, is an act of the heart.
comfort her: there I will restore her vineyards ... and It is more than mere words. It is defined by clear actions
there she will answer as in her youth" (Hos 2: 14-15). that lead to justice, mercy, and fidelity. But repentance was
There is in Hosea a real sense of the possibility of repen- also a cultic act. It is a liturgical function in Israel. There
tance. "Come, let us return to the Lord; for he has torn us are a number of passages which point to the liturgical act
and will heal us. He has struck us and he will bind up our of repentance (Isa 63:7-64:12; Hos 6:1-3; 7:14; 14:1-3;
wounds; after two days he will revive us; on the third day Joel 2: 15-18). These cultic expressions apparently in-
he will restore us, that in his presence we may live" (Hos cluded acts such as rending garments, throwing ashes,
6: 1-2). Following this consolation, the prophet goes on to wearing coarse garments, and as in the liturgy of the y6m
enumerate the qualities of repentance: humility and hakkippurim, symbolic acts (Leviticus 16). These cultic acts
knowledge of the Lord (Hos 6:3-4). And further in chap. attest to a widespread belief in both the necessity and the
12 he cites "loyalty and justice" (Hos 12:6). Over and over possibility of repentance and forgiveness. Though the
it is the care of the poor, the quality of justice, and the prophets often excoriate such rituals because they are
dedication to the Torah that exemplify true repentance. performed without a change of heart (Jeremiah 7), they
So in Hosea, while the references are to Israel (2:4-4), are important indicators of the faith of Israel in the
the repentance which is required is more personal, more continuous mercy of Yahweh.
individual than the call to repentance in Amos. Finally, one should note the many references in the
Finally in Jeremiah the prophet's call for a "new heart" Psalms to repentance and forgiveness. Two psalms in par-
provides the context of repentance. In chap. 3 Jeremiah ticular, Psalm 51 and Psalm 130, express most poignantly
proclaims, "Come back to me, apostate Israel, says the the elements of true repentance and its place in the reli-
Lord, I will no longer frown on you. For my love is gion of Israel:
unfailing, says the Lord, I will not be angry for ever" (Jer
3: 12). The condemnations of Israel and the apostasy If you, Lord, keep count of sins
which will bring disaster on the people are offset con- Who, 0 Lord, could hold up bis head.
stantly by the appeal to renewal. "I remember the unfail- But in you is forgiveness
ing devotion of your youth, the love of your bridal days And therefore you are revered (Ps 130:3-4).
when you followed me in the wilderness, through a land
unknown" (Jer 2:2). And the renewal which is required is Create a pure heart in me, 0 God,
also specified. "If you will banish your loathsome idols And give me a new and steadfast spirit. ...
from my sight, and stray no more; if you swear by the life My sacrifice, 0 God, is a broken spirit,
of the Lord in truth, in justice, and uprightness, then shall A wounded heart you will not despise (Ps 51: I 0, 17).
the nations pray to be blessed like you (Jer 4: 1-2).
But one theme that Jeremiah develops more fully than Bibliography
his predecessors is the idea of gleaning out of Israel a Childs, B. 1986. 0/,d Testament Theology in a Canonical ContexL Phila-
faithful few (Jer 6:9). And this faithful remnant may yet delphia.
survive the disaster if they acknowledge their wrongdoing, Cody, A. 1969. A Histqry of the O/,d Testament Priesthood. AnOr 25.
confess their rebellion and their promiscuous traffic with Rome.
foreign gods (Jer 3: 13). In this group of confessors, repen- Heschel, A. 1962. The Prophets. New York.
tant and renewed, the future hope lies because these the Kaufmann, Y. 1960. The Religion of Israel. Trans. M. Greenberg.
Lord loved: "With everlasting Love have I loved you, Chicago.
therefore I have continued my faithfulness to you" (Jer Lindstrom, J. 1962. Prophecy in Ancientlsrael. Philadelphia.
31:3). Sanders, E. P. 1977. Paul and Palestinianjudaism. Philadelphia.
This can only take place, however, when the Lord "will JOSEPH P. HEALEY
make a new covenant with the house of Israel and the
house of Judah." This new covenant will not be external to B. New Testament
the faithful, nor a "thing" to be done; rather, the Lord The primary Gk term rendered "repentanc~" in Engli~h
"will write it upon their hearts." The renewed covenant translations of the NT (metanoia) is found 24 times, and Its
and the renewed heart are essential elements of the future. verbal form "to repent" (metanoeo) is used another 34
From the very beginning, the Lord both winnowed and times. In addition, another important word which is some-
called. And to that call those who heard and repented times translated "repent" (metamelomai) occurs six tin_ies.
responded and so became "like a watered garden" (Jer The generally recognized core idea of these words is a
31: 12). "change of mind" (NIDNTT 1: 356-57), although metame-
Again in Jeremiah, there is a growing sense of a distinc- lomai also carries the nuance of "regret" or "remorse"
v • 673 REPENTANCE

(TDNT 4: 628-29). The English rendering has perhaps The three uses of TN!taTN!lomai in the gospels are instruc-
been colored by the Latin background of concepts like tive. In Matt 21 :29, 32, it is similar, but not equivalent, to
penance and penitence. metanoeo. In Matt 27:3 the "remorse" of Judas does not
1. OT Background. In the LXX both metanoia!TN!tanoeo have "the power to overcome the destructive operation of
and metamelomai translate the Heb niiflam a total of 35 sin" (TDNT 4: 628). This example "makes it clear that
times, again emphasizing the elements of a change of metamelomai and metanoeo do not have identical meanings
thinking and regret. It has been commonly held that the in the NT" (NIDNTT l: 356).
NT concept of "repentance" follows the meaning of the Virtually echoing John the Baptist, Peter's sermon at
frequent Heb verb Iub (TDNT 8: 989; NIDNTT 1: 357). Pentecost in Acts urged, "Repent and be baptized ... so
However, such a view cannot be sustained from LXX usage that your sins may be forgiven" (Acts 2:38). Further usage
because Iub, which is used over 1,050 times, is always links repentance not only with forgiveness (5:31) but also
translated by epistrophO ("to turn, be converted") and its with "faith in our Lord Jesus" (20:21) and with "life," as a
kindred terminology (TDNT 8: 726-29; NIDNTT l: 354). result of repentance (11: 18). In Acts 17 :30-31 Paul on the
Thus, any possible shift in meaning took place during the Areopagus states God's command for "all people every-
Intertestamental Period, perhaps under Hellenistic influ- where to repent" or be justly judged. Parallel to the phe-
ence (TDNT 4: 989), though such a conclusion lacks fully nomena in the gospels (NIDNTT 1: 359), repentance in
persuasive proof (Wilkin 1985 ). Acts may be complementary to faith (20:21) or include
2. NT Usage. The noun metanoia and its related verb faith (17:30) and leads to forgiveness of sins (2:38; 5:31)
metanoeo occur 26 times in the gospels, though not at all in and eternal life ( 11: 18).
John. They are found eleven times in Acts, five times in Two other passages bring epistrephO alongside metanoeo in
the Pauline epistles, three times in Hebrews, once in 2 noteworthy ways. Acts 3: 19 records Peter's offer to Israel:
Peter, and twelve times in Revelation. The minority term "Repent . . . and turn to God, so that your sins may be
metamelomai is encountered three times in Matthew, twice wiped out." Paul's explanation of his apostolic commission
in 2 Corinthians, and once in Hebrews. to Agrippa in Acts 26:18 clarifies this turning (epistrephO):
In the gospels, John the Baptist burst onto the scene in "from darkness to light," from Satan's power to God to
Israel "preaching a baptism of repentance for the forgive- receive forgiveness of sins. The apostle's obedience to that
ness of sins" (Mark l :4; Luke 3:3). His urgent message was commission meant that he preached that his hearers
"Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is near" (Matt 3:2). "should repent and turn to God and prove their repen-
Those who came to be baptized by John were warned, tance by their deeds" (Acts 26:20). Here again is the
"Produce fruit in keeping with repentance" (Luke 3:8). expectation that the one who changes his mind (metanoeo)
Here the basic flavor of intellectual change in metanoia is about the gospel and turns (epistrephO) to the Lord will
evident. It is also clear that behavioral "fruit" (i.e., a display a "converted" lifestyle (cf. Luke 3:8).
changed life) is expected to flow from repentance (Turner The Pauline literature rarely uses the terms for repen-
1975: 63-64). tance, and the Johannine epistles not at all. For Paul, like
In his early ministry, Jesus' own message was expressed John, repentance is included in faith (IDB 4: 34). Besides
in similar ways. Like the Baptizer, he proclaimed, "Repent, several standard uses (Rom 2:4; 2 Cor 12:21; 2 Tim 2:25),
for the kingdom ... is near" (Matt 4: 17). His mission Paul strongly contrasts metanoeo and metamelomai in 2 Cor
focused on calling "sinners to repentance" (Luke 5:32). 7:8-10 (TDNT 4: 629).
What that meant is clarified in Mark 1: 15: "Repent and The writer of Hebrews refers to the God who "will not
believe the good news." Any conception of repenting (me- change his mind" (7:21) and Esau, who could not achieve
tanoeo) not wedded to faith in the gospel falls short of the repentance (12: 17). He also speaks of foundational initial
full biblical message. repentance (6: 1) and the utter impossibility of returning
On the other hand, the proclamation of Jesus (Jeremias to the point of first repentance (6:6). Peter describes the
1971: 152-58) and his apostles sometimes utilized the idea patient God, who desires "everyone to come to repen-
of metanoia to include faith (Mark 6: 12). In a real sense, tance" (2 Pet 3:9), apparently including forgiveness and
"Repentance and faith are two sides of the same coin" (IDB salvation (See 1 Tim 2:4). Again the basic idea of a change
4: 34). The issue could be sharpened to "repent" or of mind is demonstrated in the epistles.
"perish" (Luke 13:3, 5), "repent" or go to "hell" and The letters to the churches in the Roman province of
"torment" after death (Luke 16:23, 28, 30). For those Asia in the book of Revelation contain eight uses of "re-
sinners who do repent, however, there is 'joy in heaven" pent" (2:5 [twice], 16, 21[twice],22; 3:3, 19). The glorified
(Luke 15:7, 10). Thus, it can be concluded that, in the Christ's command to repent was directed at a lukewarm
gospels, metanoia stands for the entire response bringing church in Laodicea (3: 19), but also at the great church at
about eternal life, including faith when it is not stated. Ephesus (2:5), which had "forsaken its first love" (2:4). All
Accordingly, the Great Commission statement which con- these sinful churches needed to change their minds and
cludes L~ke's gospel reads, "Repentance and forgiveness bring forth the fruit of repentance (Luke 3:8; Acts 26:20),
of sms will be preached in his name to all nations" (24:47). turning again to Christ.
. At the human level, sincere repentance (metanoeo) for Sadly, the last mentions of "repent" (metanoeti) in the NT
interpersonal sin demands forgiveness, according to Christ picture an unrepentant mass of humankind as God's cli-
(Luke 17:3-4). Surprisingly, John's gospel contains no mactic wrath is poured out on the earth (Rev 9:20, 21;
reference to repentance in either dimension, the idea 16:9, 11 ). Instead of turning to the Lord in repentant faith
apparently being included in John's concept of faith (IDB through his longstanding patience (2 Pet 3:9) or to escape
4: 34). his righteous judgment, these sinners continued with their
REPENTANCE 674 • v
abominable acts (9:20, 21) and cursed God instead of in Chr 3: 16-24 lists the postexilic descendants of the
glorifying him (16:9, 11). Davidic line. The MT as it now stands is corrupt in the
In conclusion it can be said that repentance in the NT is second half of v 21. If we follow the text as it is, then there
always anchored in a change of thinking (metanoia), al- is no connection between the first half of the verse and the
though the psychological and emotional aspects sometimes second and consequently the last recorded descendant of
color or expand the concept (especially the usage of meta- Zerubbabel is Jeshaiah. If we delete the phrase "sons of"
melomai) (ISBE 4: 136-37). Repentance must not be sepa- and read instead "and," then the list represents further
rated from its flip side of faith (Mark 1: 15; Acts 20:21 ), or sons of Hananiah. A final possibility would be to change
from the realization that it sometimes stands for the pack- the phrase in the MT "sons of" to "his son" with partial
age of human response to the good news of Jesus Christ (2 support of the versions. Scholars are in disagreement
Pet 3:9; cf. Acts 2:38). True repentance, whether by an concerning these possibilities. The solution which is cho-
unbeliever or a believer (Acts 26:18, 20; Luke 17:3-4), sen affects how scholars date the work of the Chronicler.
receives the gracious forgiveness that God continually of- 2. Rephaiah was also the name of a chief of the Simeon-
fers all humankind in Christ (Luke 24:47). ites, who with a band of five hundred men went to Mt. Seir
and destroyed a settlement of Amalekites. The group then
Bibliography settled there. This occurred during the reign of Hezekiah
Chamberlain, W. D. 1943. The Meaning of Repentance. Philadelphia. king of Judah (727-698 e.c.).
Guthrie, D. 1981. New Testament Theology. Leicester. 3. In l Chr 7:2 Rephaiah is named as the son of Tola
Jeremias, J. 1971. New Testament Theology. Vol. I. New York. the eldest son of Issachar. He is described as a mighty
Turner, G. A. 1975. Repentance. Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopedia of warrior (Heb gibbar ftayil).
the Bible 5: 63-64. 4. Rephaiah is given as the name of a descendant of
Wilkin, R. N. 1985. Repentance as a Condition for Salvation. Ann Saul of the tribe of Benjamin in l Chr 9:43. He is the son
Arbor. of Binea and the father of Eleasah. The list of Saul's
A. BOYD LUTER, JR. descendants in l Chronicles 9 is probably adapted from
chap. 8 and is intended as an introduction to chaps. I 0
and following. Note the variations from that list, for ex-
REPHAEL (PERSON) [Heb repa>HJ. Named as the sec- ample, the spelling of the name Rephaiah in l Chr 8:37 is
ond son of Shemaiah, first son of Obed-edom, Rephael Raphah.
(whose name means "God has healed") is listed among the 5. In Neh 3:9 Rephaiah the son of Hur is listed as ruler
gatekeepers at the temple in Jerusalem (I Chr 26:7). The of half the district of Jerusalem (Heb for f!<4f pelek yen1Jii-
list in which his name occurs (l Chr 26:4-8) appears to be liim). The context in the text is the reconstruction of the
the contribution of a reviser of the Chronicler's organiza- walls of Jerusalem under the direction of Nehemiah.
tion of the gatekeepers (Williamson Chronicles NCBC, 169- There were five administrative units in the Persian "prov-
70; Rudolph Chronikbucher HAT, 173). ince" of Jehud. The other districts with their rulers are
J. S. ROGERS listed in Neh 3: 12, 14-18. The intent in this text in listing
the rulers of these districts may have been to show the
strong support for the rebuilding of the walls within the
REPHAH (PERSON) [Heb repaft). A descendant of community.
Ephraim (I Chr 7:25). The only other listing of the RUSSELL FULLER
Ephraimite clan is in Num 26:35-36, but it has no Rephah.
The Ephraimite list in 1 Chronicles 7 is a unit that is
interrupted in v 2lb and resumed in vv 25-27. The REPHAIM [Heb repa>fm]. A term in the Hebrew Bible
antecedent of "his son" before Rephah is unclear. Perhaps whose uses fall generally into two categories: (I) descrip-
the Resheph that follows is partial dittography of Rephah tions of the dead in the underworld, or (2) references to a
(Braun 1 Chronicles WBC, 115). There is a repetition of group or nation of giants or warriors.
names in vv 20-21 and 25-27 and perhaps some variations
in spelling. Hogg (1900-1901: 149-50) argues that the A. The Rephaim as the Dead .
names in vv 25-27 beginning with Rephah are variations In the OT the Rephaim are frequently described as
or misreadings of the three sons of Ephraim found in dead humans who dwell in the underworld. Ps 88: 11-
Num 26:35-36. Eng 88: l O sets the Rephaim (RSV "shades") in parallelis~
Bibliography with "the dead" (metfm), asking if God's love is declared m
Hogg, H. W. 1900-1901. The Ephraimite Genealogy. ]QR 13: the grave and if God's wondrous acts are known in "the
147-54. darkness" and "the land of forgetfulness" (vv 12-13-Eng
M. STEPHEN DAVIS 11-12). The psalmist implores God not to consign him to
death and the grave as well as to the underworld where the
dead go after life. The same paralleli~m between the
REPHAIAH (PERSON) [Heb repiiyiih). The name Re- Rephaim ("shades") and the d~a~ occll:rs 1~ Isa 26: 14, 19.
phaiah is held by five persons in the Hebrew Bible. The Fifth-century Phoenician inscriptions hkew1se attest to the
name may mean "Yahweh has healed." Rephaim as those whom the living join in dying (KAI 13:
I. In l Chr 3:21 Rephaiah is listed as the son of Jeshaiah 7-8; 14: 8). A Punic-Latin bilingual text renders "t~e
the son of Hananiah according to the MT. The genealogy divine Rephaim" with the Lat "the sacred shades," that ts.
v. 675 REPH AIM
thedead (KAI 177: l; Horwitz 1979: 41; L'Heureux 1979: See also REPHAIM, VALLEY OF. Unlike Gen 14:5, which
112-27; Cooper 1981: 460-67). describes the Rephaim, Zuzim, and Emim as distinct peo-
References to the Rephaim in the book of Proverbs also ples, Deuteronomy understands them as different names
indicate that they are the dead dwelling in the nether- for the same people.
world. In Prov 2: 18 the house of folly leads (or, sinks Gen 15:20 lists the Rephaim with various "ethnic"
down) to death and to the Rephaim. The foolish man does groups which inhabited the areas between the Nile and the
not know that the Rephaim (RSV "dead") are in the under- Euphrates. Because the term Rephaim lacks the formal
world, according to Prov 9:18. Prov 21:16 characterizes grammatical indicator for a people in biblical Hebrew, the
the Rephaim as a "congregation" or "assembly" (qiiMl). Rephaim were likely not an actual nation or people, but a
Further specification of the abode of the dead Rephaim loosely defined group used to fill out this list. (One may
comes from Job 26:5. In this verse the extent of God's compare Josh 5:1 or Num 13:29, where the Rephaim are
power reaches down beneath the waters of the oceans, omitted [Rosenberg 1980: 204].) The Genesis and Deuter-
down to the abode of the Rephaim. There in the under- onomy 2 passages transformed old traditions about the
world the Rephaim (RSV "shades") tremble at God's might. Rephaim from legendary giants into a people comparable
(The final passage of the Ugaritic Baal cycle, CTA 6.6.46- to other nations. In Deuteronomy, the Rephaim serve part
52, also juxtaposes the sea with the Rephaim in the neth- of a further theological purpose. In describing the dispos-
erworld). session of the Rephaim by Moab and Ammon, the Horites
Unlike the references to the Rephaim in Psalm 88, by Seir, and the Avvim by Caphtor, Israel's dispossession
references in the book of Proverbs, Job 26, and Isa 14:9 of the Canaanites is shown to be no less moral (Rosenberg
describe the Rephaim as dead kings. This latter passage is 1980: 208).
a genuine reminiscence of the Rephaim as a line of de- Other passages in Deuteronomy and Joshua also have a
ceased monarchs. When the Lord relegates the king of vague view of the Rephaim. Deut 3: 11, 13 as well as Josh
Babylon to the netherworld, the netherworld and its inhab- 12 :4 and 13: 12 recall Og of Bashan as a remnant of the
itants respond in the following way to the latter's arrival: Rephaim. All of these passages describe the Rephaim as
some type of group or nation living in the distant past.
Sheol beneath is stirred up The Rephaim as a line of warriors is apparently pre-
to meet you when you come, served in the epithet "the Raphites" (Mriipa; RSV "giants")
it rouses the Rephaim to greet you, found in 2 Sam 21: 16, 18, 20 and l Chr 20:4, 6, 8
it raises from their thrones (L'Heureux 1976: 83-85). This expression may have de-
all the kings of the nations. rived from an eponymous ancestor named Rapah or the
like (cf. Talmon 1983: 237-41). An Ugaritic text (RS
Unlike any other biblical text, this passage preserves ves- 24.252 = KTU l.108) describes a figure named Rapa'u
tiges of a 2d-millennium understanding of the Rephaim. (Ug rp'u, the vocalization of which is based on the biblical
For, while other biblical passages as well as the Phoenician Hebrew Mriipa). This personage has the same address as
inscriptions and the Punic-Latin bilingual know the Re- Og. Both figures are said to dwell in Ashtarot and Edrei
phaim only as the dead in a general sense, the concept of (assuming that the Ugaritic words c!trl and hdrcy are place
the Rephaim in Isa 14:9 is similar to the Ugaritic notion of names). Judging from this Ugaritic evidence and Deuter-
the Rephaim as the ances