Psychology, Public Policy, and Law © 2016 American Psychological Association

2016, Vol. 22, No. 3, 280 –292 1076-8971/16/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/law0000093

The Threatening Nature of “Rap” Music

Adam Dunbar, Charis E. Kubrin, and Nicholas Scurich
University of California—Irvine

Rap music has had a contentious relationship with the legal system, including censorship, regulation, and
artists being arrested for lewd and profane performances. More recently, rap lyrics have been introduced
by prosecutors to establish guilt in criminal trials. Some fear this form of artistic expression will be
inappropriately interpreted as literal and threatening, perhaps because of stereotypes. Only a handful of
studies have examined whether rap lyrics are evaluated using stereotypes, yet these studies were
conducted in the 1990s—a period of heightened scrutiny for rap—and used nonoptimal methods. This
study presents 3 experiments that examine the impact of genre-specific stereotypes on the evaluation of
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

violent song lyrics by manipulating the musical genre (rap vs. country) while holding constant the actual
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

lyrics. Study 1, a direct replication of previous research, found that participants deemed identical lyrics
more literal, offensive, and in greater need of regulation when they were characterized as rap compared
with country. Study 2 was a conceptual replication (i.e., same design but different stimuli), and again
detected this effect. Study 3 used the same approach but experimentally manipulated the race of the
author of the lyrics. A main effect was detected for the genre, with rap evaluated more negatively than
country or a control condition with no label. However, no effects were found for the race of the lyrics’
author nor were interactions were detected. Collectively, these findings highlight the possibility that rap
lyrics could inappropriately impact jurors when admitted as evidence to prove guilt.

Keywords: stereotypes, decision making, evidence, criminal law, rap music

Rap music is rhymed storytelling that represents the political Not surprisingly then, from its inception, rap music has been
and social experiences common to inner-city communities policed and monitored in exceptional ways. For example, early on,
throughout the United States (Perry, 2004; Rose, 1994). Scholars rap music’s distribution was limited by legal sanctions and police
consider rap an outgrowth of the slave trade (Gilroy, 1995), disruption, as law enforcement attempted to disrupt sales and get
originating from a tradition of African storytelling (Keyes, 2002), records by rap artists pulled from store shelves (Hirsch, 2014). Some
that is often used as a vehicle to express the economic and social of the music was also censored because it was believed that the lyrics
frustration of the Black community (Rose, 1994). These charac- were obscene (Crenshaw, 1991; Dixon & Linz, 1997). In the late
terizations, in one way or another, all emphasize that rap is a form 1980s and early 1990s, artists across the country such as LL Cool J,
of cultural expression that prioritizes Black voices. Too Short, and 2 Live Crew were arrested for performances that
Perhaps more than any other music genre, rap has had a con- authorities regarded as lewd or profane (Blecha, 2004; Crenshaw,
tentious relationship with the legal system. This is due, in large
1991; Dixon & Linz, 1997), while other artists were denied opportu-
part, to the perception that rap music is threatening and dangerous.
nities to perform in public venues, often because of police pressure
In an analysis of how the news media portray different music
(Rose, 1994).1
genres, Binder (1993) found that rap is presented through a “dan-
ger to society” frame, based on the idea that listeners of the genre
are likely to become threats to society. Binder (1993) also found
that the media is more likely to characterize listeners of rap as
1
being prone to violence compared with listeners of heavy metal. In As just one example, in 1990, a case was brought against 2 Live Crew
voicing their opposition to rap, opponents commonly reference based on the claim that their album, As Nasty As They Wanna Be, was
studies that purport to show a link between listening to rap music obscene under state law. A judge ruled that the lyrics met the legal
definition of obscenity because they: (a) had an excessive interest in sexual
and acceptance of violence (Johnson, Jackson, & Gatto, 1995), matters, (b) described sexual conduct as defined by state law, and (c)
misogynistic attitudes (Gan, Zillmann, & Mitrock, 1997), and lacked serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value (Skywalker
antisocial behavior (Hansen & Hansen, 1990). Records, Inc. v. Navarro, 1990). By defining the lyrics as obscene, the
album was barred from being sold in record stores and the music was
banned from being performed in concert. After ignoring the ruling, 2 Live
Crew was arrested for performing obscene material at an adult-only night-
Adam Dunbar and Charis E. Kubrin, Department of Criminology, Law club. During the trial, Henry Louis Gates Jr., an historian, literary scholar,
and Society, University of California—Irvine; Nicholas Scurich, Depart- and cultural critic, testified that the songs purposefully used exaggeration
to critique stereotypes about Black hyper-sexuality and were merely satire.
ments of Criminology, Law and Society, and Psychology and Social
While a jury acquitted 2 Live Crew, an appellate court maintained that the
Behavior, University of California—Irvine. album was offensive and provided no artistic value. Critics of the decision
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Charis E. believe that the obscenity label stemmed from stereotypes about rappers
Kubrin, Department of Criminology, Law and Society, University of and rap music that were not applied to other sexually explicit or offensive
California—Irvine, Social Ecology II Room 3379, Irvine, CA 92697–7080. material from White entertainers, such as Madonna or Andrew Dice Clay
E-mail: [email protected] (Crenshaw, 1991; Dixon & Linz, 1997).

280
 RAP MUSIC 281

Indeed, rap is unique in how it has been responded to, policed, Stereotypes and Rap Music
and regulated by legal authorities.2 This has been especially true
Relevant to the study of rap lyrics as evidence in criminal trials
for the subgenre of gangsta rap, the most controversial type of rap
are stereotypes both about the genre as well as those who create the
music, which has gained global attention for “its vivid sexist,
music—typically young men of color from the inner city (Dennis,
misogynistic, and homophobic lyrics, as well as its violent depic-
2007; Kubrin & Nielson, 2014). While lyrics from other genres are
tion of urban ghetto life in America” (Abrams, 2000, p. 198).
interpreted as satirical or artistic, rap music is considered offensive
Gangsta rappers chronicle life in poor and working class Black
and threatening (Crenshaw, 1991). Police, judges, and jurors run
neighborhoods (Keyes, 2002; Kitwana, 1994; Kubrin, 2005a;
the risk of using stereotypes about rap music when interpreting
Rose, 1994) and their lyrics reference poverty (Perry, 2004), crime
lyrics, particularly when prosecutors present rap lyrics as autobi-
and violence (Kubrin, 2005a), misogyny (Weitzer & Kubrin,
ographical confessions (Perry, 2004). In a 2013 report, the Amer-
2009), the loss of loved ones (Kubrin, 2005b; Rose, 1994), and
ican Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of New Jersey argued that
police surveillance (Rose, 1994).
songs from other genres that reference illicit acts, like Johnny
The regulation of rap continues today, but it has changed in
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Cash’s Cocaine Blues, are not interpreted with the same literality
form and function. As Kubrin and Nielson (2014) recently
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

and offensiveness as rap music because other genres are stereo-

argued, we are currently witnessing a shift from censoring rap typed differently. Stereotypes about rap music, therefore, are cen-
lyrics to using rap lyrics as evidence in criminal trials to secure tral to an understanding of why the introduction of lyrics in
convictions. In courtrooms across the country, rap lyrics, spe- criminal cases may be so effective.
cifically gangsta rap lyrics, are being introduced by prosecutors In 1954, Gordon Allport (Allport, 1954) defined stereotypes as
to establish guilt. In so doing, the lyrics are treated like auto- categories of seemingly associated traits that are used to process
biographical confessions rather than art or entertainment. The information more quickly. This definition has been revised to
vast majority of cases where this is happening involve aspiring include knowledge and expectations about a social group (Hamil-
rappers, nearly all of whom are young men of color from ton & Sherman, 1996). Bodenhausen and Wyer (1985) describe
impoverished neighborhoods (Kubrin & Nielson, 2014). The stereotypes as “judgmental heuristics” (p. 279) that help decision
practice of using rap lyrics as evidence in criminal trials raises makers process information. In other words, decision makers rely
questions about whether prosecutors, judges, and jurors may be on available information, even if incorrect, about groups or types
relying on perceptions and stereotypes about rappers and rap of events to inform a specific judgment (Tversky & Kahneman,
music in their interpretation of the lyrics. 1974). Individuals may be consciously aware of stereotypes, yet
Our study addresses the question of whether, in fact, violent stereotyping can also occur at an unconscious level (Devine,
lyrics are perceived as more threatening, dangerous, and literal 1989). According to research, stereotypes are most likely to be
when they are described as rap, compared with another music utilized when the decision maker has minimal information (Kunda
genre. Seeking to replicate and extend previous research on this & Spencer, 2003), needs to simplify a complex decision (Boden-
issue (Fried, 1996, 1999), we conducted a series of experiments hausen & Lichtenstein, 1987), and has to make an evaluative
in which participants were presented with a set of violent music judgment (Kunda & Spencer, 2003). When interpreting ambiguous
lyrics. Participants were randomly assigned to learn that the behaviors or events, stereotypes are often used to make inferences
lyrics were from a rap song or country song. Regardless of about a person or a situation (Darley & Gross, 1983; Devine, 1989;
assigned condition, all participants read the same set of violent Hamilton, 1979; Kunda, 1999; Kunda & Thagard, 1996).
lyrics. Afterward they were asked to make an evaluation of the Research finds that stereotypes play a role in evaluating threat-
lyrics, answering a series of questions related to the offensive- ening situations and individuals, especially under conditions of
ness of the lyrics, the threatening nature of the lyrics, the need ambiguity. Duncan (1976) tested the effect of racial stereotypes on
for the lyrics to be regulated, and the autobiographical or literal the interpretation of an ambiguous shove and found that when a
nature of the lyrics. Our aim was to determine whether lyrics shove was committed by a White confederate, it was viewed as
categorized as rap are perceived as more threatening, literal, more playful compared with when the shove was committed by a
and in need of regulation compared with identical lyrics cate- Black confederate, where it was viewed as more aggressive or
gorized as country, replicating and extending a previous study violent. Duncan inferred that the stereotype of Black people as
(Fried, 1999). Additional experiments are reported that build on aggressive was used to interpret the ambiguous shove. In more
this direct-replication effort by testing whether the effect holds recent research, Correll, Park, Judd, and Wittenbrink (2002) had
for a different set of lyrics (Experiment 2) and when the race of
the artist is specified (Experiment 3). 2
This is not to say that other genres have not had a contentious
In the remainder of the article we first review the substantial relationship with the legal system. Indeed, some heavy metal music has
literature on stereotyping, paying close attention to studies that been censored because of the concern that it would incite listeners to
explicitly examine how rap music is stereotyped. Next we describe become violent (Blecha, 2004). For example, artists like Ozzy Osbourne
and Judas Priest were accused of inciting listeners to commit suicide
the details of our experiments and report our findings. Finally, we because of their music (Martin, Clarke, & Pearce, 1993; Weinstein, 2000).
discuss the implications of the findings for defendants who face In other cases, such as the West Memphis Three, prosecutors have intro-
criminal charges where rap lyrics are introduced, focusing specif- duced defendants’ preference for heavy metal music as evidence of a
propensity toward violence (Leveritt, 2002). However, these practices
ically on the effectiveness of rap lyrics as evidence in the court-
differ from the treatment of rap music in the courts, which involves the
room. We also discuss how the findings may contribute to theories introduction of defendant-authored lyrics as evidence of criminal involve-
about stereotyping. ment.
 282 DUNBAR, KUBRIN, AND SCURICH

participants first determine if a target person in a video game the impact gangsta rap lyrics might have on potential jurors.
simulation is armed or not armed, and then respond accordingly. If Participants were presented with basic biographical information
the target person was armed, the participant was supposed to about a hypothetical 18-year old Black man but only some were
“shoot” the person; if the target person was unarmed, the partici- shown a set of violent, sexually explicit rap lyrics that he had
pant was not supposed to shoot. The researchers manipulated the written (the lyrics had been used as evidence in a 1995 murder
race of the target person to test how race affected the speed and trial). Participants were then asked about their perceptions
accuracy in identifying an armed person. Correll and colleagues regarding the young man’s personality (e.g., is the young man
(2002) discovered that participants were faster to accurately shoot caring or uncaring; selfish or unselfish; likable or unlikeable;
an armed target when he was Black and faster to not shoot an capable of murder or not capable of murder). Fischoff (1999)
unarmed target when he was White. They explained their findings found the lyrics exerted a significant impact, generating more
by suggesting that stereotypes about Black people being dangerous negative evaluations of the young man’s character on all di-
were used to evaluate the target person in the simulation. Related mensions. Most revealing, however, was the finding that those
research finds that individuals identify pictures of a weapon more
who read the lyrics were significantly more likely to think the
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

quickly when they are primed with a Black face compared with a
man was capable of committing murder.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

White face (Eberhardt, Goff, Purdie, & Davies, 2004; Payne,

Research also finds that stereotypes are genre specific. For
2001).
example, country and pop are frequently stereotyped as less threat-
Stereotypes have also been shown to play a role in how indi-
ening than both rock and rap (Ballard, Dodson, & Bazzini, 1999;
viduals recall facts in criminal cases. Research on stereotyping and
memory demonstrates that the activation of racial stereotypes Rentfrow & Gosling, 2007). It turns out, however, that stereotypes
results in individuals recalling more incriminating details about a associated with rock music are different from those associated with
criminal case (Banaji & Bhaskar, 2000). Bodenhausen and Wyer rap (Binder, 1993; Fried, 2003). Binder (1993) found that rap
(1985) found that when a crime is stereotype congruent—that is, music is perceived as more likely to cause listeners to hurt others
when a crime is commonly associated with a particular racial whereas rock music is perceived as more likely to cause listeners
group—participants are more likely to remember incriminating to hurt themselves. She posited that the difference in reactions to
facts from the case than when the crime is stereotype incongruent. the genres is because rap is associated with Black audiences while
Stereotyping is even found to impact evaluations of a defendant’s rock genres, like heavy metal, are associated with White audi-
culpability. Graham and Lowery (2004) tested the effect of racial ences. In related research, Fried (2003) compared stereotypes
stereotypes on a series of decisions about juvenile defendants. about rap music fans and heavy metal music fans. Participants
They primed participants with either neutral (e.g., heaven, loneli- were asked to describe either the prototypical rap or heavy metal
ness) or race-related (e.g., homeboy, basketball) words and tested fan. Fried (2003) found that fans of heavy metal are viewed as
the effect of the prime on participants’ perceptions of a youth’s more self-destructive while fans of rap are seen as more threaten-
culpability, risk of recidivism, and deserved punishment. Graham ing to society. Research also reveals that stereotypes related to
and Lowery (2004) found that the activation of racial stereotypes different music genres extend to perceived differences among
resulted in increased perceived culpability and a harsher punish- genre fans with respect to alcohol and drug preferences, person-
ment for the defendant. ality types, and personally held values (Rentfrow & Gosling,
Racial stereotypes have real life consequences for defendants 2007).
when it comes to sentencing decisions (Bridges & Steen, 1998; Only a handful of studies have examined the direct impact of rap
Eberhardt, Davies, Purdie-Vaughns, & Johnson, 2006; Steen, En- music stereotypes. In these studies, experimenters ask respondents
gen, & Gainey, 2005). In one study on race and sentencing, for to evaluate a set of lyrics, manipulating the genre label in an
example, researchers found that defendants who were perceived as attempt to isolate the effects of the genre. Dixon and Linz (1997),
more stereotypically Black—in other words, who had more Afro- for example, presented respondents with sexually explicit rap
centric facial features—were more likely to be sentenced to death
lyrics or sexually explicit non-rap lyrics, both of which were
compared with defendants who were perceived as less stereotypi-
viewed as equally explicit in a pretest. They found that the sexually
cally Black (Eberhardt et al., 2006). In another study that analyzed
explicit music was considered more offensive and less artistic
narrative reports about juvenile offenders written by probation
when it was labeled as rap compared with when it was labeled as
officers, researchers discovered pronounced differences in proba-
non-rap, revealing that similar lyrics are evaluated differently
tion officers’ attributions about the causes of delinquency by
White versus minority youth, differences that translated into longer depending on the genre. To more precisely isolate the genre effect,
sentences for Black youth (Bridges & Steen, 1998). Fried (1999) conducted a study where participants read identical
Fewer studies have explored stereotypes about music, partic- violent lyrics but were told they were from different music genres.
ularly music genres that are considered violent or harmful to In particular, she had participants read a set of lyrics from folk
society. However, findings from this small body of literature group Kingston Trio’s 1960 song, Bad Man’s Blunder, and told
are revealing. Research documents that a song is evaluated as them that they were either from a rap or country music song. After
more graphic when it is categorized as “banned” (Neguţ & reading the lyrics, participants evaluated them by responding to
Sârbescu, 2014) and more suicide-affirming when it is framed items, which conceptually measured the offensiveness of the song,
as “potentially harmful to the listener” (North & Hargreaves, the threatening nature of the song, the need for regulation of the
2005). Related research shows that stereotypes about violent song, and if the song would incite violence. Fried (1999) found
music extend to the individuals who write the lyrics. As just one that every item was evaluated more negatively when the lyrics
example, Fischoff (1999) conducted an experiment to determine were categorized as rap compared with country.
 RAP MUSIC 283

Current Study human intelligence tasks (HITs). HITs commonly involve surveys
and questionnaires for academic or market research. Individuals
The current study builds on this small but important literature can peruse the list of HITs and elect to participate in the task if
related to stereotypes and rap music. In particular, we aim to test they are eligible to participate and if they find the terms and
whether the evaluation of violent lyrics is influenced by genre- conditions satisfactory. The participant pool, while skewing more
specific stereotypes. Consistent with Fried (1999), we test whether liberal and educated, yields samples that are more representative of
lyrics labeled as rap are perceived as more threatening, dangerous, the U.S. population than are college samples or other online
and in need of regulation compared with identical lyrics labeled as samples (Paolacci et al., 2010). Our HIT required workers to be
country. As such, we seek to directly replicate her early study. U.S. citizens over the age of 18 who could read English. Only
Given the current “replication crisis” in psychology (see Pashler & workers with an IP address from within the United States were
Wagenmakers, 2012; Open Science Collaboration, 2015), we be- able to participate. Workers were paid $0.70 for their participation,
lieve it is imperative to examine whether her earlier findings are a highly competitive rate on MTurk (see Paolacci et al., 2010).
replicable. There were 126 U.S. residents who participated in this experi-
However, we also extend the work done by Fried (1999) in
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

ment. The age of participants ranged from 18 – 66 with a mean age

important ways, in particular by addressing several concerns. One
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

of 34.5 (SD ⫽ 9.4), median age of 33.5, and interquartile range

concern is that Fried’s experiment was conducted during a time (IQR) of 6. Table 1 displays the demographic composition of the
period of heightened scrutiny of rap (i.e., the 1990s), which could sample, as well as their listening habits (i.e., number of hours spent
make stereotypes about the genre more salient. Indeed, Fried listening to music per week) and music genre preferences.
identifies this heightened scrutiny and references severe reactions
to controversial songs such as Cop Killer as the impetus for her
research. While rap music is still scrutinized today, the genre does
Procedure and Design
not receive the same media and congressional attention as it did in After opting to participate in the study, participants were in-
the 1990s. The implications of this shifting context for the findings structed that they would read some music lyrics and be asked to
remain unknown. Also unknown is whether the historical context
related to race relations may impact study findings. Given that Table 1
Fried’s experiment was conducted nearly 20 years ago, we wanted Experiment 1 Participant (n ⫽ 126) Demographics
to determine if the findings could be replicated in what many
consider to be a postracialized context. A final concern is the Percentage of
representativeness of Fried’s (1999) sample. The location of the Variable Description N participants
experiment, described only as a “mid-size southwestern city” (p. Gender Female 53 42.1
709), reveals little about the area’s specific demographic compo- Male 73 57.9
sition. In addition, other than mentioning the recruitment of sub- Race Black 8 6.3
jects at “public areas such as malls, coffee houses, and so forth” (p. White 109 86.5
Asian/Pacific Islander 5 4
710), Fried (1999) provides little information about where partic-
Other 4 3.2
ipants were recruited and the demographics of the resulting sam- Ethnicity Non-Hispanic 116 92.1
ple. It is possible that her results may be unique to the community Hispanic 10 7.9
where she conducted her study. Education level High school 14 11.1
Two additional experiments are presented that seek to extend Vocational school 4 3.2
College courses 60 47.6
the original work by Fried. Study 2 is a conceptual replication (see Completed university 44 34.9
Simons, 2014), in which the same study design is utilized but with Graduate school 3 3.2
different violent lyrics. Accordingly, this study tests whether the Number of children 0 86 68.3
original effect detected by Fried (1999) is dependent on any 1 15 11.9
2 14 11.1
idiosyncrasies of the specific lyrics used in the study. Replicating
3 9 7.1
the effect with a different set of lyrics would enhance the gener- 4 2 1.6
alizability of the findings. A third study is presented that experi- Preferred music Classical 4 3.2
mentally manipulates the genre label of the lyrics as well as the Heavy metal 5 4.0
race of the author of the lyrics. The previous studies did not specify Country 11 8.7
Rap 13 10.3
the race of the lyrics’ author and, as such, participants may have Jazz 3 2.4
made different assumptions about the author’s race. These assump- Electronic 16 12.7
tions could have potentially influenced the results. Thus, Study 3 Rock 74 58.7
principally seeks to unconfound the rap label effect. Music listening time ⬍1 hr 7 5.6
1 hr 14 11.1
2–5 hr 41 32.5
Study 1 6–10 hr 31 24.6
10⫹ hr 33 26.2
Political ideology Liberal 71 56.4
Participants Moderate 22 17.5
Conservative 33 26.2
Participants were recruited through Amazon’s Mechanical Turk Political affiliation Republican 25 19.8
(MTurk) website (see Paolacci, Chandler, & Ipeirotis, 2010 for Democrat 56 44.4
Other 45 35.8
review). MTurk is an online platform where individuals can post
 284 DUNBAR, KUBRIN, AND SCURICH

evaluate them along several dimensions using only the limited tion. Eleven items conceptually measured offensiveness of the
information provided. Participants were told that there is no right song, the threatening nature of the song, and the need for the song
or wrong answer and that they should respond with their honest to be regulated. In light of the earlier discussion, the current study
impression of the lyrics. Participants were then randomly assigned included additional items that were thought to measure the liter-
to one of two conditions, which experimentally manipulated the ality of the lyrics, or how true the lyrics were perceived to be by
genre of the lyrics. The lyrics were either characterized as from a respondents. Participants thus indicated if they believed the lyrics
rap song or a country song. Participants then read an excerpt from were based on a real life experience, if the lyrics were written to
the folk song Bad Man’s Blunder by group Kingston Trio: brag about the experience, and if the lyrics were made-up. For
Well, early one evening I was rollin’ around these latter items, we wanted to test if the lyrics are more likely to
I was feelin’ kind of mean, I shot a deputy down. be interpreted as literal speech when presented as rap compared
Strollin’ on home, and I went to bed. with country (a complete list of the items is contained in Table 2).
Well, I laid my pistol up under my head. As previously indicated, the 14 items were intended to concep-
tually measure interpretations of and reactions to the lyrics. Based
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Well, early in the morning ’bout the break of day,

on Fried’s (1996, 1999) description of the measures, the items
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

I figured it was time to make a getaway.

were aggregated into an “offensiveness” scale and a “regulation”
Steppin’ right along but I was steppin’ too slow. scale. Similarly, the items related to the perceived autobiographi-
Got surrounded by a sheriff down in Mexico. cal nature of the lyrics were aggregated into a “literality” scale. In
addition to utilizing Fried’s (1996, 1999) theoretical framework to
This is the same passage used in Fried’s (1999) original study.
derive the scales, responses to the 14 items were entered into a
Because our primary goal in Study 1 is a direct replication, the
principal components analysis with a varimax rotation. It yielded
actual lyrics remained the same.
a three factor solution with Eigenvalues of 8.71, 1.77, and 1.35,
respectively (all other values less than 1), and the model explained
Measures 75% of the cumulative variance. This indicates that the items do
After reading the lyrics, participants evaluated them by respond- indeed tap three distinct latent constructs, which parallel the items
ing to 14 different items, presented in random order. For each item, in the offensiveness, regulation, and literality scales, respectively.
the participant read a statement and rated their agreement with that Table 2 displays which items loaded on which factor along with
statement on a 9-point Likert scale that ranges from 1 ⫽ strongly the inter-item correlations within each factor. We also created a
disagree to 9 ⫽ strongly agree, with 5 indicating a neutral posi- unidimensional composite score by pooling the responses to all 14

Table 2
Scale Items Used to Evaluate the Offensiveness, Regulation, and Literally of the Lyrics

Country Rap
(mean, SD) (mean, SD) Inter-item correlations

Factor 1: Offensiveness ␣ ⫽ .914 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5

Q1. I find the lyrics offensive. 4.50 (2.47) 5.16 (2.54) 1 .81 .76 .76 .67
Q2: I object to the lyrics. 3.91 (2.49) 4.71 (2.71) X 1 .76 .75 .65
Q3: The song is dangerous or harmful to society. 3.34 (2.21) 3.79 (2.35) X X 1 .84 .65
Q4: The lyrics are threatening. 3.18 (2.45) 4.21 (2.51) X X X 1 .70
Q5: The lyrics promote violence, riots, and civil unrest. 4.78 (2.44) 5.21 (2.74) X X X X 1

Factor 2: Regulation ␣ ⫽ .933 Q6 Q7 Q8 Q9 Q10 Q11

Q6: Something should be done to warn consumers
about (or otherwise regulate) this song. 3.50 (2.38) 4.37 (2.40) 1 .85 .55 .72 .69 .61
Q7: There should be mandatory warning labels for this
song. 3.95 (2.54) 4.61 (2.43) X 1 .52 .75 .67 .57
Q8: They should ban such songs entirely. 2.13 (1.76) 2.52 (2.09) X X 1 .69 .62 .45
Q9: Regulations should be placed on these types of
songs. 3.13 (2.37) 3.56 (2.23) X X X 1 .73 .49
Q10: These types of songs should not be played on the
radio. 3.59 (2.33) 4.44 (2.43) X X X X 1 .67
Q11: I would be opposed to my younger sibling or
young child listening to this song. 4.59 (2.78) 5.97 (2.48) X X X X X 1

Factor 3: Literality ␣ ⫽ .814 Q12 Q13 Q14

Q12: The lyrics are not based on a made-up story. 2.52 (1.40) 2.45 (1.18) 1.00 .56 .46
Q13: The lyrics are based on the song writer’s real-life
experience. 2.48 (1.51) 3.15 (1.63) X 1.00 .77
Q14: The lyrics were written to brag about the song
writer’s experience. 2.80 (1.78) 3.66 (1.92) X X 1.00
Note. Note that groupings were validated by a principal components analysis using Varimax rotation.
 RAP MUSIC 285

items to be consistent with Fried (1999). We classify this variable sample into two groups based on age: “younger” (i.e., age
as “total negative reaction score.” 18 –33.5) and “older” (i.e., age 33.6 – 66) participants. A two-way
In addition to these scales, participants responded to a manipu- analysis of variance (ANOVA) detected a significant interaction
lation check. In particular, participants were asked if they knew the between age and genre label for the total negative reaction score
song. Participants who reported knowing the song (n ⫽ 1) were (i.e., all 14 items combined) F(3, 126) ⫽ 4.57, p ⫽ .026, d ⫽ 1.34.
excluded from analysis. Finally, participants were asked a number As seen in Figure 1, participants in the younger category were
of demographic questions, and then thanked for their participation. insensitive to the genre label, while older participants evaluated
rap significantly more negatively than those in the country condi-
Results tion.
Several additional tests were conducted to examine whether
Before analyzing the effect of genre type on the offensiveness, other demographic variables moderate the evaluation of lyrics
regulation, and literality scales, Cronbach’s ␣s were conducted to when characterized as rap versus country. These include partici-
determine each scale’s reliability; findings reveal a high degree of pants’ gender, ethnicity, education level, number of children, mu-
reliability for the offensiveness scale (␣ ⫽ .914), the regulation
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

sic genre preference, music listening habits, political ideology, and

scale (␣ ⫽ .933), the literality scale (␣ ⫽ .814), and total negative
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

political affiliation. No significant interactions were detected (all

reaction scale (␣ ⫽ .940). Independent sample t tests were then ps ⬎ .05).
conducted with genre label (rap or country) as the independent
variable and the total negative reaction scale as the dependent
Study 2
variable. Consistent with Fried, participants in the rap condition
indicated a higher score on the unidimensional composite item, A second study was conducted to ensure that the detected effects
total negative reaction, compared with participants in the country were not simply because of idiosyncrasies of the lyrics. Thus, in a
condition, t126 ⫽ 2.06, p ⫽ .043, d ⫽ .37, confidence interval (CI) follow up experiment, we used the exact same study design but
[⫺1.23, ⫺.02]. In other words, those who were told the lyrics were incorporated a different set of violent lyrics, which again were
from a rap song perceived them to be more negative overall described as either rap or country. The lyrics in Study 2 were from
compared with those who were told the lyrics were from a country the song, A Boy Named Sue, by Johnny Cash:
song. More specifically, there was also a statistically significant
Well, I hit him hard right between the eyes
effect of genre label on the regulation scale, t126 ⫽ 2.18, p ⫽ .031,
d ⫽ .39, CI [⫺8.73, ⫺.43] and literality scale, t126 ⫽ 2.0, p ⫽ And he went down, but to my surprise,
.047, d ⫽ .36, CI [⫺2.90, ⫺.21], with participants in the rap He come up with a knife and cut off a piece of my ear.
condition evaluating the lyrics as in need of greater regulation and But I busted a chair right across his teeth
more literal than those in the country condition. The ratings of And we crashed through the wall and into the street
offensiveness were not significantly different between the two Kicking and a’ gouging in the mud and the blood and the beer.
groups, t126 ⫽ 1.4, p ⫽ .16. Although no significant difference was
found for offensiveness, the results are consistent with the other A pretest was conducted using a separate sample of 35 Mturk
findings in this study: on average, participants in the rap condition workers to determine whether the lyrics would be primarily iden-
rated the lyrics as more offensive than participants in the country tified as from a rap or country song. This was done to ensure the
condition. content or style of the lyrics was not biased toward a particular
Although Fried (1999) split her sample into three categories genre of music. To determine whether the lyrics were perceived as
based on participant’s age (i.e., “under 40,” “40 –52,” and “53 and belonging to either genre, participants in the pretest, who were not
over”), a median split was used in the current study to divide the included in the following experiment, were asked to select the

5.5
Negative Reaction Score

5
Genre Label
4.5 Country
4
Rap
3.5
3
2.5
2
Younger Older
Parcipant's

Figure 1. Interactive effect of participant’s age (median split) and genre label ascribed to the lyrics on negative
reactions to the lyrics. Note that error bars reflect 95% confidence intervals.
 286 DUNBAR, KUBRIN, AND SCURICH

genre of the lyrics. Results confirm that the genre of the lyrics was .894), the literality scale (␣ ⫽ .766), and the total negative reaction
ambiguous. Twenty percent of participants identified the lyrics as scale (␣ ⫽ .919). Independent sample t tests were then conducted
a rock song (n ⫽ 7), 20% identified the lyrics as a rap song (n ⫽ with genre label (rap or country) as the independent variable and
7), 34% identified the lyrics as a country song (n ⫽ 12), and the the total negative reaction score as the dependent variable. Con-
remaining 26% of the sample identified the lyrics as some other sistent with Fried (1999) and Study 1, participants in the rap
genre (n ⫽ 9). condition once again indicated a higher score on the unidimen-
sional composite item (M ⫽ 4.69, SD ⫽ 1.49), total negative
Participants reaction, than did participants in the country condition (M ⫽ 4.20,
SD ⫽ 1.55), t231 ⫽ .2.45, p ⫽ .015, d ⫽ .32, CI [⫺.88, ⫺.01]. In
There were 244 U.S. residents who were recruited through other words, those who were told the lyrics were from a rap song
Amazon’s Mechanical Turk to participate in Experiment 2. The perceived them to be more negative overall compared to those who
age of participants ranged from 18 –73 with a mean age of 33.2
were told the lyrics were from a country song. There was also a
(SD ⫽ 9.89) and median age of 31. Thirteen out of the 244
statistically significant effect of genre label on the regulation scale
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

participants were excluded for knowing the song. Table 3 displays

(M ⫽ 4.66 [SD ⫽ 1.78] vs. M ⫽ 4.04 [SD ⫽ 1.92] for rap and
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

the demographic composition of the sample, as well as their music

country, respectively), t231 ⫽ 2.54, p ⫽ .012, d ⫽ .33, CI
listening habits (i.e., number of hours spent listening to music per
[⫺1.10, ⫺.14] and the literality scale (M ⫽ 4.81 (SD ⫽ 1.50) vs.
week) and music genre preferences.
M ⫽ 4.31 (SD ⫽ 1.49) for rap and country, respectively), t231 ⫽
2.7, p ⫽ .008, d ⫽ .35, CI [⫺.87, ⫺13], with participants in the rap
Results condition evaluating the lyrics as more literal and in need of
For Study 2, Cronbach’s ␣s again reached acceptable reliability greater regulation than those in the country condition. The ratings
for the offensiveness scale (␣ ⫽ .891), the regulation scale, (␣ ⫽ of offensiveness were not significantly different between the two
groups, t231 ⫽ 1.3, p ⫽ .20, also consistent with Study 1. Although
Table 3 the difference for offensiveness was not statistically significant,
Experiment 2 Participant (n ⫽ 231) Demographics once again the pattern of results is consistent with Study 1 in that
participants in the rap condition, on average, rated the lyrics as
Percentage of more offensive (M ⫽ 4.67, SD ⫽ 1.92) compared with participants
Variable Description N participants
in the country condition (M ⫽ 4.34, SD ⫽ 1.93).
Gender Female 100 43.3 Consistent with Study 1, a median split was used to divide the
Male 131 56.7 sample into two groups based on age: younger (i.e., age 18 –31)
Race Black 13 5.6
White 197 85.3
and older (i.e., age 31.1–73) participants. A two-way ANOVA
Native American 2 .9 detected a significant main effect of genre label for the total
Asian/Pacific Islander 14 6.1 negative reaction score (i.e., all 14 items combined), F(3, 231) ⫽
Other 5 2.2 6.34, p ⫽ .01, d ⫽ .33, consistent with the t test reported above.
Ethnicity Non-Hispanic 220 95.2
The main effect for age was not significant, F(3, 231) ⬍ 1, nor was
Hispanic 11 4.8
Education level High school 32 13 the interaction F(3, 231) ⫽ 2.18, p ⫽ .141. Additional ANOVAs
Vocational school 3 1.3 were conducted for participants’ gender, ethnicity, education level,
College courses 89 38.5 number of children, music genre preference, music listening hab-
Completed university 70 30.3 its, political ideology, and political affiliation. No significant in-
Graduate School 37 16
Number of children 0 154 66.7 teractions were detected (all ps ⬎ .05).
1 33 14.3
2 28 12.1
3 11 4.8 Study 3
4 2 .9
5⫹ 3 1.3 The previous studies found the genre label effect detected by
Preferred music Classical 7 3.0 Fried (1996, 1999) is able to be replicated nearly 20 years later
Heavy Metal 13 5.6 (Study 1) and with a different set of lyrics (Study 2). Of course,
Country 20 8.7
Rap 32 13.9 these studies have some limitations. One is that the race of the
Jazz 10 4.3 artist is not specified and thus participants might have made
Electronic 32 13.9 assumptions about the race of the songwriter when evaluating
Rock 104 45.0 the lyrics. For instance, participants might have assumed that
Listening time ⬍1 hr 10 4.3
1 hr 16 6.9 the author of the rap lyrics is Black and the author of the
2–5 hr 88 38.1 country lyrics is White; to the extent that this occurred, it is
6–10 hr 45 19.5 unclear whether the genre label or the assumed race of the
10⫹ hr 72 31.2 author is driving the effect observed in the previous studies. A
Political ideology Liberal 99 54.5
Moderate 50 21.6
second issue concerns whether the previous results are indica-
Conservative 55 23.8 tive of positive stereotypes about country, negative stereotypes
Political affiliation Republican 42 18.2 about rap, or both. In other words, a more informative compar-
Democrat 101 43.7 ison is a control condition in which no genre label is provided.
Other 88 38.1
Including this condition would allow us to directly test whether
 RAP MUSIC 287

the country label engenders positive or neutral evaluations and Table 4

rap negative evaluations. Experiment 3 Participant (n ⫽ 314) Demographics
These issues can be remedied by experimentally manipulating the
race of the songwriter and by including a control condition where no Percentage of
Variable Description N participants
genre is specified. Experiment 3 did just that. Participants were
randomly assigned to one of six conditions, which experimentally Gender Female 136 43.3
manipulated the genre of the lyrics (no genre, country, or rap) and the Male 178 56.7
Race Black 23 7.3
race of the songwriter (Black or White). Thus, a 3 (genre label) ⫻ 2
White 250 79.6
(race of author) between-participants factorial design was utilized. Native American 5 1.6
After learning about the genre of the lyrics and the race of the Asian/Pacific Islander 31 9.9
songwriter, participants read lyrics from the folk song Bad Man’s Other 5 1.6
Blunder (used in Study 1). After reading the lyrics, participants Ethnicity Non-Hispanic 293 93.3
Hispanic 21 6.7
responded to the same 14 items evaluating the lyrics, a manipulation Education level High school 35 11.1
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

check, and a series of demographic questions that were used in Vocational school 8 2.5
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

Studies 1 and 2. College courses 126 40.1

Completed university 108 34.4
Graduate school 37 11.8
Participants Number of children 0 212 67.5
1 46 14.6
Similar to Studies 1 and 2, participants were recruited through 2 31 9.9
Amazon’s Mechanical Turk. There were 325 U.S. residents who 3 17 5.4
participated in this experiment. The age of participants ranged 4 5 1.6
5⫹ 3 1.0
from 18 –71 with a mean age of 33.7 (SD ⫽ 10.32) and median age Preferred music Classical 16 5.1
of 31. Eleven out of the 325 participants were excluded for Heavy metal 10 3.2
knowing the song. Table 4 displays the demographic composition Country 25 8.0
of the sample as well as their music listening habits (i.e., number Rap 40 12.7
Jazz 17 5.4
of hours spent listening to music per week) and music genre
Electronic 41 13.1
preferences. Rock 155 49.4
Listening time ⬍1 hr 21 6.7
1 hr 31 9.9
Results 2–5 hr 114 36.3
6–10 hr 82 26.1
For Experiment 3, Cronbach’s ␣ once again reached acceptable 10⫹ hr 66 21.0
reliability for the offensiveness scale (␣ ⫽ .939), the regulation Political ideology Liberal 172 54.8
scale, (␣ ⫽ .939), the literality scale (␣ ⫽ .784), and the total Moderate 66 21.0
negative reaction scale (␣ ⫽ .951). A two-way ANOVA with Conservative 51 24.2
Political affiliation Republican 53 16.9
genre and artist race as the independent variables and total nega-
Democrat 137 43.6
tive reaction score as the dependent variable detected a main effect Other 124 39.5
for genre F(2, 314) ⫽ 3.66, p ⫽ .03, d ⫽ .31. The main effect for
artist race was not significant, F(1, 314) ⬍ 1, nor was the inter-
dependent variable detected only a main effect for genre F(2,
action F(5, 314) ⫽ 1.04, p ⫽ .354. Figure 2 displays this result.
314) ⫽ 4.92, p ⫽ .008, d ⫽ .36, with rap being deemed more
As seen below, Figure 2 shows that participants in the rap
offensive (M ⫽ 5.51, SD ⫽ 2.25) than country (M ⫽ 4.62, SD ⫽
condition evaluated the lyrics more negatively (M ⫽ 4.72, SD ⫽
2.54) or the control (M ⫽ 4.59, SD ⫽ 2.39). A Fisher’s LSD test
1.81) than participants in the country (M ⫽ 4.10, SD ⫽ 2.15) and
indicated that responses from the rap condition were significantly
control conditions (M ⫽ 4.06, SD ⫽ 1.94), regardless of the
different than responses from the control condition (p ⫽ .006) and
songwriter’s race. A Fisher’s least significant difference (LSD) test
the country condition (p ⫽ .008) but that the control condition and
confirms that the lyrics from the rap condition were evaluated
country condition were not significantly different (p ⫽ .89). Sim-
significantly more negatively than the identical lyrics from the
ilarly, the two-way ANOVA with regulation as the dependent
control (p ⫽ .02) and country conditions (p ⫽ .024), but that the
variable detected only a main effect for genre F(2, 314) ⫽ 3.43,
country and control conditions were not significantly different
p ⫽ .03, d ⫽ .30, with rap being deemed in greater need of
from each other (p ⫽ .86). More important, the fact that no effect
regulation (M ⫽ 4.87, SD ⫽ 2.25) compared to country (M ⫽ 4.14,
for the songwriter’s race was detected nor was there an interaction
SD ⫽ 2.51) or the control (M ⫽ 4.13, SD ⫽ 2.56). A Fisher’s LSD
suggests that the previous studies, which did not specify the
test indicated that the rap condition was significantly different than
songwriter’s race, are robust and not an artifact of assumptions
the control condition (p ⫽ .02) and the country condition (p ⫽ .03)
related to the songwriter’s race.
but that the country and control conditions were not significantly
Additionally, we ran a series of two-way ANOVAs on the
different from each other (p ⫽ .96).
subscales of the reaction scores (i.e., ratings of literality, offen-
siveness, and regulation). A two-way ANOVA with literality as
General Discussion
the dependent variable (and race of artist and genre as the inde-
pendent variables) failed to detect any main effects or an interac- There is a well-established literature showing that people use
tion (all ps ⬎ .05). A two-way ANOVA with offensiveness as the racial stereotypes to evaluate ambiguous information (e.g., Dun-
 288 DUNBAR, KUBRIN, AND SCURICH

5.5

Arst Race

Negave Reacon Score

5
White
4.5 Black

3.5
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

3
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

No Label Country Rap

Genre Label
Figure 2. Interactive effect of genre label ascribed to the lyrics and race of songwriter on negative reactions
to the lyrics. Note that error bars reflect 95% confidence intervals.

can, 1976) and that the use of racial stereotypes translates into real 1 and 2 did not. It is possible that the salience of race resulted in
world behavior with serious implications (e.g., Eberhardt et al., participants applying the stereotype to evaluations of the lyrics but
2006). Far fewer studies have examined the role that stereotypes not evaluations that more directly relate to the songwriter. That is,
might play in the perception of rap music, a ubiquitous cultural participants may have avoided making judgments about a person
expression today (Perry, 2004). A notable exception is a study that could appear racially biased—a concern that may not have
conducted by Fried (1999), which found that merely manipulating extended to judgments about the lyrics. Future research is neces-
the ostensible genre of a set of lyrics—while holding constant the sary to test this possibility. We should note, however, that the main
actual words—induced more negative evaluations when the lyrics finding on the total negative reaction score was consistent across
were described as rap compared with country. all three studies, suggesting a robust effect.
It is important to note that Fried’s study was conducted in the It must be acknowledged that the samples used in these studies
late 1990s, a period in which rap music received heightened are not probability samples representative of the United States
scrutiny in the media. Moreover, there are methodological ques- population. The findings should be qualified by this limitation.
tions about the study’s sampling procedure and representativeness. However, studies have shown that individuals recruited through
However, the present research directly replicates Fried’s (1999) Amazon Mechanical Turk behave in ways consistent with other
findings: participants deemed the exact same lyrics to be more commonly used subject pools and the general public (Bartneck,
offensive, in greater need of regulation, and more literal when Duenser, Moltchanova, & Zawieska, 2015; Heen, Lieberman, &
characterized as rap compared with country. This replication sug- Miethe, 2014; Paolacci & Chandler, 2014; but see Chandler,
gests that the effect is robust, since our study contained several Mueller, & Paolacci, 2014). Whether the findings would general-
notable methodological differences, including the fact that we used ize to the U.S. population as a whole or to specific state popula-
a sample of participants from all over the United States as opposed tions is an unknown empirical question that must be addressed by
to approaching individuals at a shopping mall in one location; we future research. We have no reason to believe the results would
used factor analysis to empirically determine the offensive/regu- systematically differ if the representativeness of the sample were
lation/literality dimensions as opposed to using a single Likert increased. A more diverse sample would, however, enable one to
scale to measure each issue; we included a control condition to conduct moderator analyses to determine whether the race of
determine whether we were finding negative rap stereotypes rather participants, and other individual characteristics, affects their eval-
than positive country stereotypes; and our data were collected in uations of music genre label. Currently, it is unclear whether, for
2015, nearly two decades after the spate of media attention de- example, negative rap stereotypes are specific to the racial com-
nouncing rap music. position of our sample or whether the stereotype, like implicit
Additionally, the subsequent studies all replicated this effect. racial stereotypes (Nosek, Banaji, & Greenwald, 2002), is gener-
The studies all found a genre effect, irrespective of the actual lyrics alizable across racial groups.
(Study 2) or the race of the author (Study 3). The analyses of the Our findings have potential implications for the use of rap lyrics
subscales are also mostly consistent, though the genre effect on in criminal proceedings, where they are being increasingly admit-
literality was not significant in Study 3 but it was in Study 1 and ted as evidence to prove guilt (Dennis, 2007; Hirsch, 2012; Kubrin
Study 2, and the genre effect on offensiveness was significant in & Nielson, 2014). A review of cases reveals that prosecutors use
Study 3 but not Study 1 or Study 2. Thus, we acknowledge some multiple strategies to introduce rap lyrics and secure convictions.
inconsistency in effects and effect sizes across the various exper- In one strategy, prosecutors use lyrics as evidence to show that the
iments. It is not exactly clear why this occurred. Of course, Study defendant had intent, motive, or the necessary knowledge to com-
3 included information about the songwriter’s race, while Studies mit a crime. For example, in Skinner v. State (2014), the prosecutor
 RAP MUSIC 289

introduced 13 pages of rap lyrics written by aspiring rapper Vonte District Attorney Alan Jackson (Jackson, 2004). Jackson argues
Skinner to argue that he was the perpetrator in an attempted that prosecutors should aim to introduce the jury to the “real
murder case. During the investigation of a shooting, police found defendant” (p. 15) because at trial he will have “taken on the aura
notebooks filled with violent rap lyrics in Skinner’s girlfriend’s of an altar boy,” (p. 15) and that through “photographs, letters,
car. Even though the lyrics did not reference the charged crime and notes, and even music lyrics, [the prosecutor] can invade and
it was not clear even when they were written, the prosecution exploit the defendant’s true personality” (p. 16).
argued that the lyrics demonstrated Skinner’s motive to shoot the The findings in the present study suggest that rap lyrics might
victim. During the trial, Skinner’s attorney contested the admission influence jurors’ decisions independent of their actual content.
of the lyrics, maintaining they were not relevant to the case yet the That is, the mere label of rap is sufficient to induce negative
judge ultimately admitted them deciding they spoke to intent and evaluations, even when holding constant the actual lyrics. This has
motive. The jury convicted Skinner of attempted murder, aggra- direct implications for judges who must consider and weigh po-
vated assault, and assault with a deadly weapon. He received a tential prejudicial impact against probative value when deciding
30-year prison sentence. Skinner appealed his conviction. whether to admit rap lyrics as evidence. In particular, the findings
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

The appellate court in Skinner’s case decided that, in fact, the suggest that judges might underappreciate the extent to which the
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

lyrics should not have been admitted because their probative value label of lyrics—and not the substantive lyrics themselves—impact
was outweighed by their potential biasing effect. In particular, the jurors’ decisions. In addition to other concerns expressed by schol-
appellate judges considered the violent, profane, and disturbing ars regarding judges’ problematic assumptions about rap music
lyrics inflammatory and of little use to jurors. The court also (see Dennis, 2007), the present findings suggest that judges should
pointed out that it is difficult to infer intent or motive from consider limiting the introduction of rap lyrics to instances in
fictional work because fiction is not clearly tied to reality. While which the lyrics are highly probative of some relevant legal issue,
ruling the lyrics inadmissible in Skinner’s case specifically, the and judges should realize that jurors might make inferences based
court left the door open for allowing rap lyrics in cases more merely on the genre of the lyrics and the stereotypes that they
generally, such as when there is a “strong nexus between specific evoke.
details of the artistic composition and the circumstances of the However, it must also be acknowledged that we did not test the
offense” (Skinner v. State, p. 35). While the court signaled that
effect of rap lyrics in an adjudicative context; rather, we examined
lyrics may be admissible if they reference a specific crime, it did
perceptions of rap lyrics in a general context and in isolation.
not describe how specific the references need to be or, more
Important differences between this general context and an adjudi-
broadly, how fictional work should be interpreted.
cative context exist. For example, in a criminal trial such evidence
As another strategy, prosecutors argue that the rap lyrics con-
would be presented as part of a narrative in conjunction with other
stitute a true threat, which involves a statement that would be
evidence. It remains to be seen, therefore, how perceptions of rap
reasonably interpreted as imminent, causing fear, and threatening
lyrics might change as a function of the narrative or how the lyrics
harm (see Rothman, 2001, for a detailed discussion of a true
might interact with other evidence. Additionally, jurors are bound
threat). For example, in People v. Oduwole (2013), police searched
by legal rules when evaluating evidence and are instructed on the
an abandoned car and found violent rap lyrics written by the
permissible inferences that may be drawn from such evidence.
defendant, Olutosin Oduwole, an aspiring rapper and college stu-
dent who was being investigated for computer fraud and felony Again, it remains to be seen how such rules and instruction might
theft. The lyrics mentioned a “murderous rampage similar to the affect the perception of rap lyrics. Building on the current study,
VT [Virginia Tech] shooting.” After obtaining a warrant, police further research should examine perceptions of rap lyrics in adju-
searched Oduwole’s campus apartment and found guns along with dicative and other contexts.
notebooks filled with his violent and misogynistic rap lyrics. They It should also be acknowledged that these results cannot speak
arrested Oduwole and charged him with communicating a terrorist to the accuracy of stereotypes associated with rappers and rap
threat. The prosecutor presented the note in the car as indicative of music, or any other genre for that matter. One question is whether
a threat rather than as indicative of an early draft of rap lyrics, rappers are more likely to engage in crime and write violent lyrics
which is what Oduwole maintained. The jury apparently agreed. that reflect that crime than are artists from other genres. Interest-
Oduwole was convicted and sentenced to 5 years in prison. ingly, research indirectly addressing this question yields mixed
Regardless of the type of case, the approach is generally the results. For example, Tapper, Thorson, and Black (1994) found
same. Prosecutors treat rap lyrics as literal, self-referential narra- that rap music videos, compared with videos from genres like
tives that can be easily interpreted by the lay public (Dennis, heavy metal, country, and classic rock, do include more lyrical and
2007). Prosecutors reinforce the first-person narrative perspective visual depictions of violence. In contrast, Armstrong (1993) ana-
by reading the lyrics at trial like a journal entry, without rhyme or lyzed lyrics from country and rap songs and found that depictions
music (Hirsch, 2014). As part of their argument, prosecutors claim of violence and masculinity were consistent themes found in both
that the lyrics are simply a reflection of the rapper’s lifestyle. In of the genres. Of course, these studies do not discern whether
Dennis (2007), for example, the prosecutor argued that the lyrics rappers are, in fact, engaging in more violence than are artists from
should be admissible because they are “a reflection of the defen- other genres, and we know of no study that addresses this specific
dant’s soul” (as cited in Dennis, 2007, p. 7). The prosecutor also question. Still, it remains unknown as to whether rap lyrics have
maintained that the lyrics are autobiographical because “the de- more diagnostic value as evidence than lyrics from other genres.
fendant is living his lyrics” (as cited in Dennis, 2007, p. 7). This Regardless, a key concern is that any value rap lyrics may have as
strategy is evidenced in a prosecutorial handbook, Prosecuting evidence is likely to be artificially inflated by stereotypes associ-
Gang Cases: What Prosecutors Need to Know authored by former ated with the genre.
 290 DUNBAR, KUBRIN, AND SCURICH

Kubrin and Nielson (2014) issued a call to scholars to “critically Binder, A. (1993). Constructing racial rhetoric: Media depiction of harm in
examine the growing movement to turn rap lyrics against their heavy metal and rap music. American Sociological Review, 58, 753–767.
authors” (p. 19). Relatedly, Kang and colleagues (2012) have http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2095949
issued a broader call to further explore the impact of stereotyping Blecha, P. (2004). Taboo tunes: A history of banned bands and censored
in the courtroom. This series of experiments constitutes an effort to songs. San Francisco, CA: Backbeat Books.
Bodenhausen, G. V., & Lichtenstein, M. (1987). Social stereotypes and
address these calls, and as is evident, the results speak to the
information-processing strategies: The impact of task complexity. Jour-
continued need for additional research on stereotyping in police
nal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 871– 880. http://dx.doi
and juror evaluations of evidence. In particular, social science .org/10.1037/0022-3514.52.5.871
research can provide insight into additional ways that including rap Bodenhausen, G. V., & Wyer, R. S., Jr. (1985). Effects of stereotypes on
lyrics as evidence might result in biased judgments. For example, decision making and information-processing strategies. Journal of Per-
according to research, rap lyrics also activate stereotypes related to sonality and Social Psychology, 48, 267–282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/
race more broadly, that is, beyond rap music fans and listeners. 0022-3514.48.2.267
Exposure to rap music has been shown to increase the ease of Bridges, G. S., & Steen, S. (1998). Racial disparities in official assessments
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

associating Black people with negative traits like hostility, being of juvenile offenders: Attributional stereotypes as mediating mecha-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

violent, and being sexist (Rudman & Lee, 2002) as well as making nisms. American Sociological Review, 63, 554 –570. http://dx.doi.org/
less empathetic judgments toward Black victims (Johnson, Bush- 10.2307/2657267
man, & Dovidio, 2008). Johnson, Trawalter, and Dovidio (2000) Chandler, J., Mueller, P., & Paolacci, G. (2014). Nonnaïveté among Am-
azon Mechanical Turk workers: Consequences and solutions for behav-
found that participants who listened to violent rap music (com-
ioral researchers. Behavior Research Methods, 46, 112–130. http://dx
pared with nonviolent rap and no music) were likely to evaluate
.doi.org/10.3758/s13428-013-0365-7
the target male in an unrelated task as more inherently violent and
Correll, J., Park, B., Judd, C. M., & Wittenbrink, B. (2002). The police
less intelligent. Exploring the broader implications of this line of officer’s dilemma: Using ethnicity to disambiguate potentially threaten-
research can potentially provide greater insight into how stereo- ing individuals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83,
types related to rap music can influence the perceived value of 1314 –1329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.83.6.1314
violent lyrics and other, related judgments. Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity
Given our current findings and previous scholarship (Dennis, politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43,
2007; Kubrin & Nielson, 2014; Wilson, 2005), we suggest that 1241–1299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1229039
researchers also explore the effectiveness of potential policy rec- Darley, J. M., & Gross, P. H. (1983). A hypothesis-confirming bias in
ommendations. For example, presenting instructions or expert labeling effects. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 44,
testimony that explain the genre conventions of rap music to jurors 20 –33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.44.1.20
may reduce the chance of biased judgments (Dennis, 2007). Ad- Dennis, A. L. (2007). Poetic (In)justice? Rap music lyrics as art, life, and
criminal evidence. The Columbia Journal of Law & the Arts, 31, 1– 41.
ditionally, having jurors take the perspective of the songwriter
Retrieved from http://ssrn.com/abstract⫽1104756
rather than the listener may alter the interpretation of the lyrics.
Devine, P. G. (1989). Stereotypes and prejudice: Their automatic and
Although it is not likely that rap lyrics will be deemed inadmissible controlled components. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
evidence by the courts (Dennis, 2007), it is important to develop 56, 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.56.1.5
solutions to mitigate any bias associated with the evidence and to Dixon, T. L., & Linz, D. G. (1997). Obscenity law and sexually explicit rap
determine the effectiveness of such policy recommendations. music: Understanding the effects of sex, attitudes, and beliefs. Journal of
Applied Communication Research, 25, 217–241. http://dx.doi.org/10
.1080/00909889709365477
References Duncan, B. L. (1976). Differential social perception and attribution of
Abrams, N. (2000). Gangsta rap. In T. Pendergast & S. Pendergast (Eds.), intergroup violence: Testing the lower limits of sterotyping of blacks.
St. James encyclopedia of popular culture (p. 198). Farmington Hills, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 34, 590 –598. http://dx
MI: Thomson-Gale. .doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.34.4.590
Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Cambridge, MA: Perseus Eberhardt, J. L., Davies, P. G., Purdie-Vaughns, V. J., & Johnson, S. L.
Books. (2006). Looking deathworthy: Perceived stereotypicality of Black de-
Armstrong, E. G. (1993). The rhetoric of violence in rap and country fendants predicts capital-sentencing outcomes. Psychological Science,
music. Sociological Inquiry, 63, 64 –78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j 17, 383–386. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2006.01716.x
.1475-682X.1993.tb00202.x Eberhardt, J. L., Goff, P. A., Purdie, V. J., & Davies, P. G. (2004). Seeing
Ballard, M. E., Dodson, A. R., & Bazzini, D. G. (1999). Genre of music black: Race, crime, and visual processing. Journal of Personality and
and lyrical content: Expectation effects. The Journal of Genetic Psy- Social Psychology, 87, 876 – 893. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514
chology, 160, 476 – 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00221329909595560 .87.6.876
Banaji, M. R., & Bhaskar, R. (2000). Implicit stereotypes and memory: The Fischoff, S. P. (1999). Gangsta’ rap and a murder in Bakersfield. Journal
bounded rationality of social beliefs. In D. L. Schacter & E. Scarry of Applied Social Psychology, 29, 795– 805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j
(eds.), Memory, brain, and belief (pp. 139 –175). Cambridge, MA: .1559-1816.1999.tb02025.x
Harvard University Press. Fried, C. B. (1996). Bad rap for rap: Bias in reactions to music lyrics.
Bartneck, C., Duenser, A., Moltchanova, E., & Zawieska, K. (2015). Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 26, 2135–2146. http://dx.doi.org/
Comparing the similarity of responses received from studies in Ama- 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1996.tb01791.x
zon’s Mechanical Turk to studies conducted online and with direct Fried, C. B. (1999). Who’s afraid of rap? Differential reactions to music
recruitment. PLoS ONE, 10, e0121595. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal lyrics. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 29, 705–721. http://dx.doi
.pone.0121595 .org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb02020.x
 RAP MUSIC 291

Fried, C. B. (2003). Stereotypes of music fans: Are rap and heavy metal Kunda, Z. (1999). Social cognition: Making sense of people. Cambridge,
fans a danger to themselves or others? Journal of Media Psychology, 8, MA: MIT Press.
2–27. Kunda, Z., & Spencer, S. J. (2003). When do stereotypes come to mind and
Gan, S., Zillmann, D., & Mitrook, M. (1997). Stereotyping effect of Black when do they color judgment? A goal-based theoretical framework for
women’s sexual rap on White audiences. Basic and Applied Social stereotype activation and application. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 522–
Psychology, 19, 381–399. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15324834 544. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.129.4.522
basp1903_7 Kunda, Z., & Thagard, P. (1996). Forming impressions from stereotypes,
Gilroy, P. (1995). The black Atlantic: Modernity and double conscious- traits, and behaviors: A parallel constraint-satisfaction theory. Psycho-
ness. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. logical Review, 103, 284 –308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X
Graham, S., & Lowery, B. S. (2004). Priming unconscious racial stereo- .103.2.284
types about adolescent offenders. Law and Human Behavior, 28, 483– Leveritt, M. (2002). Devil’s knot: The true story of the West Memphis
504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/B:LAHU.0000046430.65485.1f Three. New York, NY: Atria Books.
Hamilton, D. L. (1979). A cognitive-attributional analysis of stereotyping. Martin, G., Clarke, M., & Pearce, C. (1993). Adolescent suicide: Music
In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. preference as an indicator of vulnerability. Journal of the American
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

12, pp. 53– 84). New York, NY: Academic Press. Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 32, 530 –535. http://dx.doi
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

Hamilton, D. L., & Sherman, S. J. (1996). Perceiving persons and groups. .org/10.1097/00004583-199305000-00007
Psychological Review, 103, 336 –355. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0033- Neguţ, A., & Sârbescu, P. (2014). Problem music or problem stereotypes?
295X.103.2.336 The dynamics of stereotype activation in rock and hip-hop music.
Hansen, C. H., & Hansen, R. D. (1990). Rock music videos and antisocial Musicae Scientiae, 18, 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1029
behavior. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 11, 357–369. http://dx 864913499180
.doi.org/10.1207/s15324834basp1104_1 North, A. C., & Hargreaves, D. J. (2005). Brief report: Labelling effects on
Heen, M. S., Lieberman, J. D., & Miethe, T. D. (2014). A comparison of the perceived deleterious consequences of pop music listening. Journal
different online sampling approaches for generating national samples. of Adolescence, 28, 433– 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.adolescence
Retrieved from http://www.unlv.edu/sites/default/files/page_files/27/ .2004.09.003
Nosek, B. A., Banaji, M., & Greenwald, A. G. (2002). Harvesting implicit
ComparisonDifferentOnlineSampling.pdf
group attitudes and beliefs from a demonstration web site. Group Dy-
Hirsch, L. E. (2012). Music in American crime prevention and punishment.
namics: Theory, Research, and Practice, 6, 101–115. http://dx.doi.org/
Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/
10.1037/1089-2699.6.1.101
mpub.4365408
Open Science Collaboration. (2015). Estimating the reproducibility of
Hirsch, L. E. (2014). Rap as threat? The violent translation of music in
psychological science. Science, 349, aac4716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/
American law. Law, Culture and the Humanities, 1–19. http://dx.doi
science.aac4716
.org/10.1177/1743872114556858
Paolacci, G., & Chandler, J. (2014). Inside the Turk: Understanding Me-
Inc. v. Navarro, 739 F. Supp. 578 (S.D. Fla. 1990).
chanical Turk as a participant pool. Current Directions in Psychological
Jackson, A. (2004). Prosecuting local gang cases: What prosecutors need
Science, 23, 184 –188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963721414531598
to know. Alexandria, VA: American Prosecutors Research Institute.
Paolacci, G., Chandler, J., & Ipeirotis, P. G. (2010). Running experiments
Retrieved from http://www.ndaa.org/pdf/gang_cases.pdf
on amazon mechanical turk. Judgment and Decision Making, 5, 411–
Johnson, J. D., Bushman, B. J., & Dovidio, J. F. (2008). Support for
419. Retrieved from http://ssrn.com/abstract⫽1626226
harmful treatment and reduction of empathy toward blacks: “Remnants”
Pashler, H., & Wagenmakers, E. J. (2012). Eds.’ introduction to the special
of stereotype activation involving Hurricane Katrina and “Lil’Kim”.
section on replicability in psychological science: A crisis of confidence?
Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 44, 1506 –1513. http://dx Perspectives on Psychological Science, 7, 528 –530. http://dx.doi.org/10
.doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2008.07.002 .1177/1745691612465253
Johnson, J. D., Jackson, L. A., & Gatto, L. (1995). Violent attitudes and Payne, B. K. (2001). Prejudice and perception: The role of automatic and
deferred academic aspiration: Deleterious effects of exposure to rap controlled processes in misperceiving a weapon. Journal of Personality
music. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 16, 27– 41. http://dx.doi and Social Psychology, 81, 181–192. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-
.org/10.1207/s15324834basp1601&2_2 3514.81.2.181
Johnson, J. D., Trawalter, S., & Dovidio, J. F. (2000). Converging inter- People v. Oduwole, No. 5–12-0039 (App. Ct. of Illinois, 5th Circuit 2013).
racial consequences of exposure to violent rap music on stereotypical Perry, I. (2004). Prophets of the hood: Politics and poetics in hip hop.
attributions of blacks. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 36, Durham, Ireland: Duke University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/
233–251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jesp.1999.1404 9780822386155
Kang, J., Bennett, M. W., Carbado, D. W., Casey, P., Dasgupta, N., Rentfrow, P. J., & Gosling, S. D. (2007). The content and validity of
Faigman, D. L., . . . Mnookin, J. (2012). Implicit bias in the courtroom. music-genre stereotypes among college students. Psychology of Music,
UCLA Law Review, 59, 1124 –1186. 35, 306 –326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305735607070382
Keyes, C. (2002). Rap music and street consciousness. Urbana, IL: Uni- Rose, T. (1994). Black noise. Hanover, Germany: Wesleyan University
versity of Illinois Press. Press.
Kitwana, B. (1994). The rap on gangsta rap. Chicago, IL: Third World Rothman, J. E. (2001). Freedom of speech and true threats. Harvard
Press. Journal of Law & Public Policy, 25, 283–367.
Kubrin, C. E. (2005a). Gangstas, thugs, and hustlas: Identity and the code Rudman, L. A., & Lee, M. R. (2002). Implicit and explicit consequences of
of the street in rap music. Social Problems, 52, 360 –378. http://dx.doi exposure to violent and misogynous rap music. Group Processes &
.org/10.1525/sp.2005.52.3.360 Intergroup Relations, 5, 133–150. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/
Kubrin, C. E. (2005b). “I see death around the corner”: Nihilism in rap 1368430202005002541
music. Sociological Perspectives, 48, 433– 459. http://dx.doi.org/10 Simons, D. J. (2014). The value of direct replication. Perspectives on
.1525/sop.2005.48.4.433 Psychological Science, 9, 76 – 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745
Kubrin, C. E., & Nielson, E. (2014). Rap on trial. Race and Justice, 4, 691613514755
185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2153368714525411 Skinner v. State, A-2201-08T2 (N. J. Supr. Ct. 2013).
 292 DUNBAR, KUBRIN, AND SCURICH

Steen, S., Engen, R. L., & Gainey, R. R. (2005). Images of danger and Weitzer, R., & Kubrin, C. E. (2009). Misogyny in rap music: A content
culpability: Racial stereotyping, case processing, and criminal sentenc- analysis of prevalence and meanings. Men and Masculinities, 12, 3–29.
ing. Criminology, 43, 435– 468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0011-1348 http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184X08327696
.2005.00013.x Wilson, S. P. (2005). Rap Sheets: The constitutional and societal compli-
Tapper, J., Thorson, E., & Black, D. (1994). Profile: Variations in music cations arising from the use of rap lyrics as evidence at criminal trials.
videos as a function of their musical genre. Journal of Broadcasting & UCLA Entertainment Law Review, 12, 345–376.
Electronic Media, 38, 103–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0883
8159409364249
Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1974). Judgment under uncertainty: Heu-
ristics and biases. Science, 185, 1124 –1131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/
science.185.4157.1124 Received April 1, 2016
Weinstein, D. (2000). Heavy metal: The music and its culture. Cambridge, Revision received May 22, 2016
MA: Da Capo Press. Accepted May 26, 2016 䡲
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

Members of Underrepresented Groups:

Reviewers for Journal Manuscripts Wanted
If you are interested in reviewing manuscripts for APA journals, the APA Publications and
Communications Board would like to invite your participation. Manuscript reviewers are vital to the
publications process. As a reviewer, you would gain valuable experience in publishing. The P&C
Board is particularly interested in encouraging members of underrepresented groups to participate
more in this process.

If you are interested in reviewing manuscripts, please write APA Journals at [email protected].
Please note the following important points:

• To be selected as a reviewer, you must have published articles in peer-reviewed journals. The
experience of publishing provides a reviewer with the basis for preparing a thorough, objective
review.

• To be selected, it is critical to be a regular reader of the five to six empirical journals that are most
central to the area or journal for which you would like to review. Current knowledge of recently
published research provides a reviewer with the knowledge base to evaluate a new submission
within the context of existing research.

• To select the appropriate reviewers for each manuscript, the editor needs detailed information.
Please include with your letter your vita. In the letter, please identify which APA journal(s) you
are interested in, and describe your area of expertise. Be as specific as possible. For example,
“social psychology” is not sufficient—you would need to specify “social cognition” or “attitude
change” as well.

• Reviewing a manuscript takes time (1– 4 hours per manuscript reviewed). If you are selected to
review a manuscript, be prepared to invest the necessary time to evaluate the manuscript
thoroughly.

APA now has an online video course that provides guidance in reviewing manuscripts. To learn
more about the course and to access the video, visit http://www.apa.org/pubs/authors/review-
manuscript-ce-video.aspx.