The Development of The Bassoon From 1700 To 1800

Chapter Title: The classical bassoon, c.
1760–1830
Book Title: The Bassoon

Book Author(s): James B. Kopp
Published by: Yale University Press
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Chapter 5
The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830
The development of the bassoon during this period was incremental rather than revo-
lutionary, driven by four trends: a need to perform fluently in increasingly remote
keys, a need for a more powerful sound, composers’ increasing use of the instrument’s
tenor register, and changes in standard pitch (usually rising).
Nearly all the chromatic degrees of the bassoon’s scale were obtainable on the
baroque instrument through cross-fingering or half-holing. But the pitches produced
by these techniques were sometimes unmatched in tone quality, limited in dynamic
range, or difficult to finger at speed. An original key for Ea2 was included in a French
fingering chart published c.1775.1 A key for RT – co-opted after Ozi’s time for
producing F#2 – was added late in the century, and keys for C#3/C#4 and Ba2/Ba3
early in the nineteenth century.
By 1772, in his Farewell Symphony no. 45, Haydn expected a bassoonist to handle
an obbligato part in the key of F# minor (sometimes venturing into the parallel
major). Late in the century, even works set in less extreme keys might veer into highly
chromatic territory. Tromlitz, the flutist, noted such abrupt harmonic turns in compo-
sitions by 1800; unless a flutist could match a violinist in these, Tromlitz wrote, ‘he
remains always only an organ grinder’.2 Bassoonists were under the same demands,
and their efforts sometimes fell short. Composers writing solos for bassoon in five or
six sharps or flats were met with ‘a failure in the attempt to execute them by the most
experienced artists’, an English writer noted in 1830.3
Bassoons of this period often have a narrower bore, thinner walls, and a higher
pitch level than earlier bassoons. The narrower bore facilitated overblowing, so that
notes up to A4 or higher could be produced by skillful players. The Berlin makers
Griesling & Schlott (fl. 1801–35) wrote that the wing key for A4 was unneeded,
‘because this tone speaks very easily on our instrument’.4 Yet one or more new register
keys were sometimes installed on the wing joint – what today’s players call the A4
and C5 keys.
The new classical bassoon produced a more penetrating sound, especially in the
upper register. The demand for this can be seen in Haydn’s symphony no. 8 (c.1761).
In the Andante second movement, the solo bassoon has frequent tenor duets with a
solo cello. In tutti passages of the fourth movement, the bassoon has numerous
passages rising to A4. This brighter, more powerful sound resulted partly from the
thinner walls, which reduced the chimney depth. Another factor was a new attitude
by classical makers to the bore of the bell. Inverted tapers, chokes, and chambers were

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
common at the start of this period; by 1830, bells were more often genuinely cylin-
drical, slightly choked, or flaring. Among the rich variety of bell bores seen during
the period, the trend was toward more openness.5 In an acoustical analysis, Krüger
found that a bassoon by Tauber of Vienna (fl. 1798–1829) had significantly higher
formants than two baroque bassoons, accounting for a generally brighter sound as
perceived by listeners. The formants (regions of high resonance within the frequency
spectrum) occurred at nearly harmonic intervals, which magnified their resonant
effect.6
Composers liked what they heard of the tenor register of the bassoon – it became
the favored instrument for doubling singers, violins, or the treble woodwinds at the
lower octave (or sometimes the double octave). This sort of scoring – typical of
Viennese classical composers but also seen elsewhere – gave the featured melody a
vivid, ‘shadowed’, almost palpable presence and the orchestral texture a new illusion
of depth or three-dimensional space. The sound of this subtle but irresistible scoring
technique is engraved on the aural memories of countless listeners today. When Koch
described the bassoon in 1802 as ‘the instrument of love’, he was thinking of its
beguiling tenor register.7
A new consciousness arose of the bassoon’s colorful bass register, as well. In 1768
Haydn noted the advantage of including a bassoon among the strings in order to give
more definition to the bass line.8 These lessons were not lost on Mozart, who opened
his Marriage of Figaro overture with cellos and bassoons at the unison. A few seconds
later, he entrusted the new theme in A major to the first violins, doubled at the lower
octave by the first bassoon (mm 110ff.). Forkel wrote in 1782 that the bassoon,
supplying husky bass and transparent tenor, is ‘what turns etchings into paintings’.9
Fröhlich’s comments in 1829 on the bright/dark of the bassoon’s tones likewise
suggested that composers had employed the bassoon to introduce chiaroscuro into
their Tonkunstwerke.10
The increasing popularity of public concerts entailed a trend toward larger
performing spaces, and a resultant demand for bassoonists (like other instrumentalists)
to create a strong sound. In Paris, ‘operas were performed in the Grande Salle of the
Palais Royal until 1763; subsequent performances were in the Salle des Machines,
which could seat nearly 8,000‘.11 Spitzer reported eight bassoons in the Opéra
orchestra in 1773, although a more typical number in European classical orchestras
was two to four.12
Pierre Cugnier (b.1740) observed in 1780 that pitch at the Concert Spirituel had
risen during his career, so that newer bassoons tended to be higher and thus
smaller. Older, lower-pitched bassoons were still in use in the Sainte-Chapelle, Paris,
and the royal chapel, Versailles, where organs were still at low pitch, and at the Paris
Opera, ‘where one changes pitch according to whether the roles are lower or less
high; thus the pitch is sometimes so low that all the wind instruments are necessarily
out of tune. . . .’13 In the 1790s the ‘ton d’orchestre’ (A = c.435) was officially adopted
by the conservatoire, although slightly lower pitches were still reported in various
Parisian theaters in 1823.14 Ellis traced the European rise in tuning pitch during much
of the nineteenth century to the gift of sharp-pitch woodwinds to an Austrian regi-
ment in 1814. Another regiment received even sharper wind instruments in 1820.

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 The Bassoon
These regimental pitches affected theaters, which were dependent on military

musicians.15
‘Manufactory’ production, involving division of labor and larger-scale production,
was evident in parts of England, France, and Germany. Dealers became more common,
commissioning or purchasing instruments from makers. The dealer, sometimes adding
his own stamp, then distributed the instruments via traders or direct foreign export
along established trade routes – an early example of trade liberalism or free trade.
Following close behind was patent protection for woodwind makers and traders, seen
in Britain around the end of the eighteenth century. A patent law of 1830 (the
Gewerbeordnung) brought forth ‘a veritable flood of patent applications’ in German
states.16
France
An inventory at the death of the wife of the maker Thomas Lot III in 1765 showed a
manufactory scale of production: 72 bassoons among 400 instruments.17 The after-
death inventory of the property of Prudent Thierriot (1730–86) also indicated a
manufactory; it included 58 bassoons, 125 bassoons in progress, and 21 bassoons ‘de
hazard’ (among 143 clarinets, 22 oboes, 177 flutes, etc.). Some bassoons were
‘en blanc’, or unstained; others with ferrules, others with keys. Seven boxes of
bassoon and oboe reeds were counted; quantities of cane in the inventory implied
production within the Prudent shop. Prudent was related by birth or marriage to other
prominent bassoon makers: Charles Bizey, Dominique Porthaux, and Nicolas Winnen.
Both Prudent and Bizey supplied musicians of the Opéra, Théâtre Italien, and
military.18
In 1760 Garsault illustrated a bassoon with a two-ring wooden finial on the bell
and a narrow, metal-bound receiver – characteristics that would persist through the
century on most French instruments. The bassoon was held high, with the right
thumb ‘at the level of the navel’.19 Laborde’s engraving of a bassoonist bears this out,
as does the acute bending of some surviving crooks. A vent hole drilled in the crook
was familiar to Cugnier in 1780, as was the possibility of a key for the left thumb to
close the hole. Cugnier noted:
The intonation of the bassoon, like all wind instruments, depends on the interior
bore of its joints, and that of the holes that communicate with the bore or interior
channel of the instrument. The luthiers who make these instruments generally make
them in small quantities [relative to clarinets and flutes], and don’t have equal
success in the making; the one who is most experienced in this type must therefore
be preferred.20
Cugnier was possibly speaking of Prudent Thierriot. Ozi in 1787 complained of two
problems facing bassoonists: an imperfect scale and a lack of volume. The maker of
his bassoon at the time, Keller of Strasbourg, moved the G# key lower on the bore
and added a key for right thumb; the larger bore and crook delivered a larger sound.21
Fétis reported dissatisfaction with the bassoon’s capabilities by 1780, when

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
Delusse, the Parisian maker, tried to make it produce sounds of a better quality,
without being able, however, to correct its defects of intonation. Asked by the
distinguished bassoonists Delcambre, and especially Fougas, at the beginning of
the nineteenth century, the Parisian maker Adler made numerous experiments
around 1809, seeking to correct some bad notes by the addition of several keys.22
Simiot of Lyon added a tuning slide and keys for B1 and C#2 by 1808; a metal U-tube
in 1817; and a water key and a rack-and-pinion tuning slide by 1823.23 An informal
survey of bell types shows examples of the inverted taper (Porthaux); the choke
(Winnen, Savary père, Savary jeune, Simiot & Brelet); and the orthogonal taper
(Bühner & Keller, Auguste Buffet).24 Other variations were seen in the period,
including a dramatically flared wooden bell for military use (Rust) and a metal bell
terminated by a dragon’s head (Sautermeister).25
The fluctuation of pitch standards caused particular problems for players of the
bassoon, which was more expensive to replace than the smaller woodwinds. Small
adjustments to the sharp side could be made by using a shorter reed or crook. Cugnier
noted that reeds in current use varied in length from 28 to 32 lignes, or 66 to 71.5
mm.26 In later decades bassoon makers devised two partial solutions to the problem:
multiple wing joints (corps de rechange), and a single or double tuning slide (pompe
d’accorde) in the wing joint. Makers in Lyon included Jeantet, Rust, and Sautermeister
& Muller.27 Other makers included Cuvillier (St. Omer), Jung (Marseilles), and
Roustaneq (Toulon).28
International trade advanced. By 1829, the publisher/maker Schott offered
German-made bassoons and contras in their Paris and Antwerp shops. Küffner’s
method, published by Schott in 1829 with parallel French and German texts, was for
a ten-key bassoon with keys for Ea2 (for L4, in the German style), F#2, Ba2/Ba3,
C#3/C#4, and two wing keys, in addition to the basic four. Fétis noted in 1828 that
‘Adler of Paris has noted Almenräder’s improvements, and Gebauer teaches it to his
students’.29
France: Players and pedagogy

Cugnier identified five roles for the bassoon: playing the bass part; accompanying the
voice, especially the bass voice; playing in pairs with clarinets and horns in musique
d’harmonie; accompanying pieces arranged for harp30; and ‘in nearly all types of
music’, including concertos.31 Cugnier stressed that the bassoonist must imitate the
singing voice:
. . . taking care to make short and long syllables, the same as the voice . . . the sound
of the instrument must be managed in a manner that mixes with that of the voice,
and the tongue stroke must be softened in proportion to the syllables that the voice
pronounces.32
The lips should be placed halfway between tip and first wire, but

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 The Bassoon
. . . the reed could be advanced into the mouth a little further than this halfway
mark in order to sustain the tones in pieces of music such as Rameau’s operas,
where a louder tone is desired for continuo playing. This type of sound, [Cugnier]
maintains, is quite unlike the sound used in concerto playing.33
This comment, surprising to the present-day reader, implies that concertos were
played with a modest, intimate sound, at least at times.
Cugnier advised the bassoonist to avoid buzzing (sifflement), but the bassoon’s tone
must not ‘be entirely without the kind of piercing quality proper to it . . . which gives
it the necessary timbre; for then it would resemble that of the serpent, which would
be equally disagreeable’. He advised the player to rotate the reed on the crook slightly
to the right or left, so that the reed was held obliquely between the lips. This was ‘in
order to keep the reed from closing on high notes due to increased lip pressure’.34
Cugnier noted that the bassoon’s scale was usually uneven, necessitating the use of
compensatory fingerings not shown in his chart:
. . . there are always some tones a little stronger or weaker; the ear must guide the
embouchure, giving a little more force to the weak tones, and diminishing those
that are a little strong. For example, it is rare that the two A’s, lying an octave apart
and fingered 123 45, are exactly in tune, like the other tones notated here [Aa2/Aa3,
Ba2/Ba3, B2/B3], when one uses the simple fingering shown in the table. There
are special fingerings to rectify this fault; for some tones, there are several finger-
ings, according to the passages where they are used. . . . One should . . . choose an
able master who knows the fingerings and who can teach them, and practice them
so that they become habitual.35
Cugnier gave examples of middle-register passages in E major and Ea minor that

should be avoided by composers ‘in accompaniments and solos’:
The above passages are too difficult and even almost impossible at speed, because
of the two keys 7 and 8 [Aa and F], which must be touched alternately with the
little finger of the right hand . . . this makes for embarrassment in the movements,
and a disagreeable clicking.
However, the bassoon ‘can play the same part as the violoncello in all symphonies and
other pieces of great effect, in all keys’.36
The Institut nationale de musique was founded in Paris in 1793, in the wake of the
revolution. All the founding professors were members of the Garde Nationale,
including the bassoonist Thomas Delcambre, who held the high rank of sergeant. In
a planning document, the numbers of intended professors were heavily weighted
toward clarinet, bassoon, and horn, which together comprised harmonie ensembles,
the musical mainstays of patriotic ‘fêtes publiques’.37 Renamed in 1795, the
Conservatoire nationale supérieure de musique dominated musical pedagogy in France
for more than two centuries. Its professors of bassoon, who also performed in orches-
tras at the Opéra and elsewhere, wielded a great influence on both performing style

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
and the bassoons made in France. Wind music was held in such high regard in 1799
that professors, including Delcambre and Ozi, performed extraneous musical selec-
tions between acts at the Opéra. From 1795 to 1802, there were five bassoon profes-
sors. After 1802 there were two, including Ozi until his death (1813). After 1813 the
sole bassoon professor was Delcambre, who served from 1795 until 1824.38 In the
years An V (1797) and An VIII (1800), at least, bassoonists winning the premier prix
at the conservatoire were awarded bassoons.39 Beginning in 1802, students performed
musical works in public exercises. During the Napoleonic campaigns, the number of
bassoon pupils waned: three in 1808, none in 1809–11, no records for 1812–17, two
in 1818, etc.
Like Cugnier, Ozi held up the vocal art as a model for bassoonists. His bassoon
method of 1787 advised the bassoonist ‘to imitate a beautiful human voice, and I dare
say that of all instruments [the bassoon] is the most likely to approach it. . . .’40 Part
of the imitation was ‘nuances’, or subtle fluctuations of volume; ‘a succession of
sounds without nuances would produce monotony and destroy the charm of the
music’.41 In his second method for bassoon (1803; commissioned by the conservatoire)
Ozi quoted the Méthode de chant du conservatoire as to principles of phrasing.42 He
distinguished between strongly taken breaths (fast tempos), and a more regular type
of breathing, to match up with musical phrases. In the latter, the player could shorten
a long note to take a breath, or leave out a repeated note in order to breathe. Ozi
recognized three types of articulation: slurred, short tongued, and ‘marked’ (longer
tongued). In order to achieve the song-like style on the classical bassoon, Ozi 1803
offered six other ‘modifications’ (compensatory fingerings comparable to those of
Cugnier).43
Ozi in 1787 maintained that the oblique embouchure, described earlier by Cugnier,
‘eliminated the undesirable practice of turning [tilting] the head to the right or left
while playing the bassoon’. He included a brief chapter on choosing and adjusting
reeds. Among his counsels was: if the reed is dull, or if doesn’t vibrate enough, one
must remove a little rind from the cane, and scrape lightly all over, down to the
bottom of the blade.44 The corresponding section of Ozi 1803 was longer and
completely rewritten, now giving dimensions and detailed directions for making
reeds. His most eyebrow-raising specification was an internal gouge reduced to an
overall thickness of one-quarter line (0.55 mm), and thinned further in the region of
the blades.45 Such an extremely thin gouge produces a reed with very little pith and
water absorption. This gouge measurement was retained through several editions of
his method (Ill. 30).
For initial scraping of the reed, Ozi called for the unopened reed to be held tip
down, steadied against the maker’s palm. (Plaques were not yet documented, and the
mandrel was apparently used only in the forming process.) Ozi recommended begin-
ning the scrape 5 lines (5/12 inch) above the top wire, but his illustration showed a
much shorter scrape, possibly 5/12 inch total. He mentioned that the aperture of the
reed could be adjusted by compressing the first or second wires from the sides.46
Aside from teaching bassoon, Ozi held another office that reflected the revolu-
tionary roots of the conservatoire. The Garde Nationale of France, to which Ozi
belonged, established the Magasin de musique à l’usage des fêtes nationales, to publish

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 The Bassoon
30. A drawing of cane, a gouging mould, and a finished reed. The treatise explains that the cane
is gouged thinner towards the reed’s tip. Ozi, Nouvelle méthode de basson (Paris, 1803).
patriotic music during the years of the first republic. ‘The profits were to be used to
support widows and children of the National Guard’s musicians.’ From 1797 until his
death, Ozi was manager of the firm, which was renamed the Imprimerie du
Conservatoire and increasingly devoted to pedagogical works.47
Castil-Blaze wrote in 1821 that the tones of the bassoon were ‘tender and melan-
choly, full of vigor and feeling . . . inviting contemplation, inspiring gentle piety if
they accompany religious songs’. He called the bassoon
a universal instrument [which] inflects a solo with as much grace as suavity. . . .

Possessing the timbre that agrees best with all instruments, it doubles the bass, the
viole, the clarinet, and the flute in turn. . . . Its rumbling pedal notes and its middle
notes provide accompaniment, and its last octave gives a pure and sonorous
melody.48
France: Repertory
Gossec’s Messe des morts (1760) included orchestral effects worthy of Berlioz: ‘The
audience was alarmed by the dreadful and sinister effect of the three trombones
together with four clarinets, four trumpets, four horns and eight bassoons, hidden in

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
the distance and in a lofty part of the church, to announce the last judgment, while
the orchestra expressed terror with a muted tremolo in all the strings.’49
Operatic composers in Paris, the artistic heirs of Rameau, drew on the bassoon as
a color of the orchestral palette even in opéra-comique, including a solo in Monsigny’s
Aline, reine de Golconde (1766). The bassoon expresses the sorrow of the father in
Gluck’s tragedy Iphigénie en Aulide (1774; Act 1, scenes 1 and 3).50 Gluck also scored
an aria and chorus in Armide (1777), Act 5, for solo bassoon and strings. In the
opéra-comique Richard Cœur-de-Lion (1784; Act 2, scene 1) Grétry used muted violins,
violas, flutes, bassoon (all pianissimo), tripled in octaves to conjure a magical effect
during a nocturnal march. An aria from Cherubini’s Médée (Paris, 1797) includes a
dramatic obbligato for bassoon, leaping from C5 to C2. Méhul’s overture to Adrien
(1799) included writing for bassoons in four parts. The overture to Reicha’s Sapho
(1822) included an introduction scored for bassoon, horn, two harps, and glass
harmonica.51
Public concert series flourished, including the long-lived Concert Spirituel, where
Mozart’s ‘Paris’ symphony (K. 297) received its premiere in 1778. Haydn’s Six ‘Paris’
symphonies (nos. 82–87; 1787) were written for the concerts of the Loge Olympique,
said to have the best orchestra (65 members) in Paris ‘and perhaps in all of Europe’.52
At the Concert Spirituel, sixteen bassoon soloists had appeared by 1786.53 Among
these was Ozi, who debuted in 1779. During the next two decades he performed his
own bassoon concertos and concertantes there, as well as works by Deshayes and
Devienne, in a total of thirty-seven solo appearances.54 His obituary in 1813 noted the
‘melancholic and touching accent’ that characterizes the bassoon. ‘After 1780 bassoon
soloists appear on the series more often than flutists, oboists, or cellists’, Griswold
noted.55
A favorite Parisian genre from 1773, the symphonie concertante was a concerto for
multiple soloists. This ‘many-sided conversation’ among instrumental voices was
marked by surface appeal and repetition.56 One of the leading composers of such
works was Giuseppe Cambini (1746–1825), ‘the galant Parisian composer par excel-
lence – facile, charming, brilliant, very occasionally novel, and limited in both imagi-
nation and purpose’.57 Ozi himself wrote concertantes for two bassoons and for
clarinet and bassoon.58 François Devienne, known first as a flutist, was also a profes-
sional bassoonist and composer. He appeared at the Concert Spirituel as a bassoon
soloist in 1784 playing his own bassoon concerto, and in 1787 playing the solo
bassoon part in his own concertante for flute, clarinet, and bassoon.59 During the years
1803–24, bassoon students at the Paris Conservatoire performed in concertantes by
Reicha, Widerkehr, Catel, Lefevre, Devienne, Jadin, and Brod.60
During the coming decades, ensembles for galant chamber music in Paris would
often include the bassoon. Both Ozi and Devienne wrote numerous chamber works
for bassoon with strings or other winds.61 Works by the Bohemian oboist Charles
Bochsa père (1755–1821) included a trio with oboe and harp, and quartets for mixed
winds (as well as traditional harmonie works).
The Bohemian Antoine Reicha was a professor of fugue and counterpoint at the
Conservatoire in Paris from 1818 until his death in 1836.62 Also an experienced flutist,
he composed a quintet for the combination of flute, oboe, clarinet, horn, and bassoon

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 The Bassoon
around 1810.63 Reicha characterized it as a failure, but a performance of later quintets

in 1814 was acclaimed in the Parisian press. Among the performers was the bassoonist
Antoine Nicolas Henry, an Ozi pupil who had won a first prize in 1803. A quintet
including Henry performed a cycle of Reicha’s quintets in Paris during 1818–19, again
winning praise.64 The composer’s four collections of six wind quintets, published
c.1817–20, were each reprinted multiple times within a few years by French and
German publishers. The preface to the Simrock edition cited the precedent of the
Haydn and Mozart masterpieces for string quartet.65 Reicha composed a set of varia-
tions for bassoon and string quartet, as well as other works for bassoon with other
winds and strings.
Cambini’s three Quintetti concertants, op. 4, were published between 1812 and 1822,
judging by the address of Sieber, the publisher.66 The first opus of Franz Danzi’s
quintets, op. 56, was also published in Paris, c.1819–21. Three virtuosic quintets by the
bassoonist F. R. Gebauer were published c.1820–30. Works were composed for many
other sub-groupings of the five instruments, by these composers and many others.
In 1762 Louis XV established a musical force of four bassoons, four horns, four
oboes, and four clarinets in his Swiss Guards.67 Instructions for composing or
arranging suitable music soon followed. In 1764 Valentin Roeser, a clarinetist in the
service of the prince of Monaco, published a method for composers ‘with remarks on
the harmonie of two clarinets, two horns, and two bassoons’.68 This new standard
ensemble of paired winds was popular in both military and civilian contexts; both the
repertory and the players frequently overlapped.69 By 1767 the duke of Orleans also
sponsored a harmonie ensemble.70 Louis-Joseph Francoeur in 1772 published another
treatise on scoring for wind sextet; one part was to be played by the two bassoons.71
French Masonic lodges maintained colonnes d’harmonie until about 1830.72
Between 1783 and 1786 Ozi was employed by the duke of Orléans; he prepared
seventeen of his thirty-two Nouvelles suites for harmonie for the duke’s salon, a hub of
aristocratic night life. The duke was ‘the head of Freemasonry of all of France’,73 while
Ozi was a member of three Masonic lodges and one Masonic musical society.74 Ozi’s
suites – arrangements of overtures, ballets, and arias from popular operas – coincided
with his membership in the three lodges.75 Other prolific composers or arrangers
included Bochsa, Cambini, Catel, Devienne, Deshayes, Roeser and Soler; the 1799
Sieber catalogue listed more than one hundred works of harmonie music.76 Among
works excerpted were operas by Gluck, Gossec, Méhul, and Spontini. Cherubini
during 1800–14 wrote fourteen marches for winds; his Morceau pour basson has been
dated to 1823.77
In 1809–20, a typical French infantry band still included two bassoons, although
it had expanded to include eight to ten other woodwinds, six to eight brass, and four
percussionists. A French infantry band of 1829 included six bassoons and twenty other
woodwinds.78 Military bandsmen were sometimes bassoonists of distinction. C. D. J.
Barizel was chief of military music in Napoleon’s Spanish campaign (1808); then
played at the Opéra; served 1815 in Napoleon’s Russian campaign, receiving the
Legion of Honor; and in 1839 became bassoon professor at the conservatoire. Adolphe
Reickmans served in the army 1820–33; he then played bassoon at the Opéra, later
becoming director of a Dutch regimental band.

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Germany
In 1772 F. G. A. Kirst of Potsdam received a privileged appointment to supply wood-
wind instruments to the Prussian army.79 By 1800, Kirst was leveraging his expertise
and dividing the labor within his shop of six to seven workers. ‘None of his workers
completes an instrument’, an observer noted.
One drills, the other polishes, the third makes the keys, a fourth stains, etc.; he does
the voicing himself. None of his workers has become independent, nor can most
of them leave because they are soldiers. By such an arrangement . . . he has driven
his prices to the highest level.80
The leverage was even greater in Leipzig, which was a free city, allowing open trade.
During the 1780s, Johann August Crone of Leipzig, working together with the brass
maker Johann Friedrich Schwabe, employed ‘thirty makers and ten to twelve appren-
tices’. One of these suppliers was Carl Wilhelm Sattler, an independent maker, who
during times of slow business made piecework for other workshops.81 Sattler in 1788
sent Crone thirty-eight bassoons of the specified ‘Wietfelt model’ with Ea2 key, then
another thirty-two ordinary bassoons. ‘Crone commissioned Sattler to do the work,
then stamped the instrument with his own name and sold it for a profit’. Meanwhile,
Sattler himself subcontracted work to Gregorius Ludewig, who manufactured the
metal parts for the bassoons. Ludewig, an established brass instrument maker, shared
a stand with Sattler at the three annual trade fairs in Leipzig. The trade of Crone and
Schwabe suffered when Napoleon sent troops into Leipzig in 1806, but the Crone
firm survived both the occupation and its founder, still existing in 1829.82
Dresden became famous in this era for the quality of woodwinds, including
bassoons, by Augustin Grenser, Heinrich Grenser, and Jakob Grundmann. Augustin
Grenser made the typical four-key bassoon, but sometimes added the new Ea key,
which he usually located for LT in the French style.83 He supplied bassoons to Leopold
Mozart for the Salzburg Hofkapelle in 1772 and to the Mecklenburg regiment at
Ludwigslust in 1788. During 1796/7 the two Grensers had four journeymen active in
a manufactory, comparable to that of Kirst in Potsdam. Taking over direction of the
firm in 1796, Heinrich Grenser probably doubled the number of employees and
outsourced some of the work.84 An after-death inventory included thirty-five bassoon
reamers, seven lathes, and a polishing machine (a type of lathe). Also present were
cane for making reeds, and Schachtelhalm or Dutch rush, an abrasive used in making
both instruments and reeds.85 Heinrich Grenser delivered instruments to Kassel,
Gotha, Chemnitz, Frankfurt, Aschersleben, Darmstadt, Lübeck, Riga, Salzburg, and
Stockholm.86 According to Haynes, Grenser instruments are normally pitched around
A = 433, although many Dresden makers also made instruments at both A = c.415
(for north German use) and A = c.440 (for export).87
On almost all the surviving bassoons by Heinrich Grenser, the keys are mounted in
saddles; this marked a break with the work of his uncle, who favored block mounting
for most keys (Ill. 31). On the wing, the younger Grenser ‘altered the C5 key, moving
it higher up’. Unlike his uncle, Heinrich Grenser placed the Ea key for L4 (Ill. 32).

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 The Bassoon
31. Right-hand keys mounted in blocks on a bassoon by J. F. Grundmann (above); the same keys
mounted in saddles on a bassoon by F. G. A. Kirst (top). Waterhouse Collection.
32. Ea key for L4 on a bassoon by J. F. Grundmann of Dresden (above); Ea key for LT on a

bassoon by N. Winnen of Paris (top). Waterhouse Collection.
According to Fröhlich, Heinrich Grenser added a C#3/C#4 key for L4;88 later moved
to the LT side of the wing joint, this was the direct ancestor of the Heckel-system
C#3/C#4 key. Seventeen of the fifty-one surviving bassoon bells by Heinrich
Grenser (as surveyed by Young) have a small vent drilled at the mid-length.89
Almenräder later explained that the vent was to improve the quality of C2; it could
also benefit D2, he noted.90
After Grenser’s death in 1813, his successor was the journeyman Samuel Wiesner.
When Wiesner married Grenser’s widow in 1817, the firm became known as
H. Grenser & Wiesner.91 The firm, later known as Wiesner, continued to offer the
‘Dresden bassoon’ until 1867, while offering added keys to meet the newer demands.92

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
Other Saxon makers included Floth (Grundmann’s successor; Dresden), Huittl

(Graslitz), and J. G. Jaeger (Neukirchen). Most of the Saxon makers offered corps de
rechange wing joints, and some later German makers offered tuning slides, including
Rank and Stengel.93
Germany: Players and pedagogy

Two early translations into German of Ozi’s second treatise (1803) highlighted differ-
ences of practice between Germany and France. Established national preferences of
reed, embouchure, and instrument prompted one anonymous German translator to
revise Ozi’s fingerings for Ea2 (L4 instead of LT), and F#2 (RT key instead of RT
fork).94 These translations marked the divergence of French and German finger
technique.
Joseph Fröhlich, appointed to the music faculty of the university of Würzburg in
1812, wrote tutors for most instruments. His Fagott Schule (1810/11) borrowed from
Ozi, but included much original material.95 The author advised the beginner to start
with a used, even a ‘worn-out’ instrument rather than a new one: ‘the first speaks more
easily, being well blown-in, and one is thus not in danger of finding tones fading
[breaking] so easily, as with a new one. Furthermore, the wood cracks or shrinks more
easily with a new instrument, especially if it is made of boxwood.’ If the bassoonist
needs to tune his bassoon to a lower pitch, he can avail himself of a longer crook, or
better, a longer wing joint. Some bassoons, Fröhlich noted, had three wing joints and
three crooks. Many bassoons then had four keys, while some also had Ea2 and F#2.
Only ‘the newest, most complete bassoons have high A4 and C5 keys’.96
Fröhlich compared the bassoon’s utterance to both ‘a beautifully full tenor voice’
and, in its low register, to a majestic bass voice, ‘able to express the most elevated
feelings’. He advised the advanced student to practice scales in thirds, fourths, and
fifths, as outlined in vocal methods.97 Fröhlich recognized two styles of articulation:
slurred and staccato.98 He took equal temperament as a given, counseling the
bassoonist to practice ‘singing’ opera arias and other vocal music in all keys, especially
difficult ones.99
Fröhlich showed multiple fingering possibilities (Kunstgriffen) for the average
bassoon, which could improve dull or bad tones. ‘The table is intended for the
Dresden bassoon so common among us, yet other fingerings, including those in the
Parisian bassoon method [Ozi], are also given’. His prose specified further alternate
or basic fingerings up to D#5.100
Fröhlich again called for an oblique embouchure. In ascending, the players should
draw the lips in a bit, giving them more force to produce the tones; in descending,
conversely, a certain slackness of the lips is called for.101 His 1810 instructions for reed
making showed two different finished reeds, one ‘after the model of the Parisian
bassoon method [Ozi]’, the other shorter of both tube and blade, and of about the
same breadth as the ‘Parisian’ model. He recommended a form (template or shaper)
of parchment, brass, or cardboard.102 In Fröhlich’s second treatise of 1829, the finished
reeds appear strikingly narrower at the throat. They also have a third wire at the butt,
rather than the thread binding shown in 1810.

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 The Bassoon
The newly formed reed, after removal from the mandrel, was held inverted with the
tip against the maker’s palm for scraping. The adequacy of the scraping was first
judged by the crowing (Erzitterung); only later was the reed tried on the bassoon. It
was smoothed, if necessary, with the penknife blade and/or sandpaper.103 In both
works, Fröhlich, like Ozi, advised that the tip aperture could be adjusted by
compressing the wires; he recommended that the wires be oval, not flat. In 1810, the
blade portions of the work piece (reed-to-be) were gouged thinner than the tube
portions, but in 1829 they were uniform, a surprisingly thick 3 lignes (3.3 mm, or about
one-quarter inch). If a reed has become old and weak, Fröhlich recommended that a
line (1/12 inch) be cut from the tip, to strengthen and improve it.
Fröhlich’s already high opinion of the bassoon’s powers had only increased by the
writing of his second treatise in 1829. The bassoon was able, he wrote, to project ‘the
worthy, the virile, the solemn, the great, the sublime, composure, mildness, intimacy,
emotion, longing, heartfulness, reverence, and soulful ardour’. He also noted the
bright/dark (chiaroscuro) of its tones and its ability to create dark, gloomy musical
pictures.104 It has ‘a soulful song, developed on a golden ladder of beautifully culti-
vated tones’.105
Two German bassoon soloists, famed in their time, predated the methods of Ozi
and Fröhlich. Georg Wenzel Ritter (1748–1808) was playing at Mannheim in 1777,
where he met Mozart. In 1778, Ritter moved to Paris, where Mozart wrote his
Sinfonie concertante, K. 297b, for Ritter and three other Mannheim wind players.106
Later serving in Munich, Ritter played the notable obbligato parts in Mozart’s
Idomeneo. He joined the Royal Prussian Kapelle in Berlin, 1788, receiving an excep-
tional salary and praise from Dittersdorf, Michael Kelly, and the AmZ for his elegance
and tenderness of tone. While in Berlin, he taught Friedrich Brandt and Carl Bärmann.
Franz Anton Pfeiffer (1752–87) studied with Felix Rheiner in Munich c.1772. He
was a principal or soloist at the courts of Mainz (1778–83) and Mecklenburg-Schwerin
(1783–7). ‘By the time of his death he was playing a bassoon that included an octave
key and also a hand-rest.’ Pfeiffer was apparently able to play multiphonics in 1776.107
Two ‘anonymous’ works from the Schwerin court are pastiches of compositions by
Pfeiffer and the composer Carl Stamitz (whom Pfeiffer had known since the 1760s).
The works – a sonata in F (Mus 517) for bassoon and cello and a quartet for bassoon
and strings – draw on bassoon concertos by Stamitz (who wrote at least seven) and
Pfeiffer, and on chamber works with strings by both composers.108 Forkel, writing in
the Musikalischer Almanach 1782–4, employed his favored simile of light and shade to
praise Pfeiffer.109 According to Rhodes:
. . . two types of tone seem to have existed side by side during the late eighteenth
century, with public opinion divided as to which represented the ‘true’ bassoon
sound. Ironically, both Rheiner and Pfeiffer were criticised for playing with the one
sound or the other – Rheiner the more harsh, blustering tone, Pfeiffer the sweet,
round, full tone that some found dull.110
Carl Bärmann, first bassoonist of the Royal Prussian Orchestra (Berlin), wrote an
article in the AmZ in 1820. He again held up the singer’s art as a model:

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[T]his very instrument of ours comes the nearest to the human voice . . . during my
six months stay at Naples in 1807, I chose the excellent composer and singing
master Mosca as a teacher, who gave me the most excellent suitable instruction
possible for it, as he rehearsed with me the most difficult recitative and aria on the
bassoon and he accompanied me on the clavier. . . .
Bärmann also remarked that the bassoon’s reed requires soft cane, while the oboe and
clarinet required hard cane. The reed ‘can be made a little rough at the opening with
a small English file, whereby the tone becomes velvety’.111 Reeds of Bärmann, narrow
at the throat and with the tip roughened, possibly reflected the style of Ritter, his
teacher. Griswold suggested that Bärmann was the source of the reeds pictured by
Fröhlich in 1829.112
Christoph Gottlieb Schwarz (1768–1829), the son of a famous bassoonist (Andreas
Gottlieb Schwarz), was a pupil of Ritter, and Barmann’s colleague in the Berlin
Kapelle. In 1823, he wrote a long letter to an amateur player who had studied with
him. Schwarz had chosen a bassoon for the student – from ‘among hundreds’, an
older one by Kirst, who had died in 1806 – and two sample reeds. He included
specific advice on adjusting reeds, posture, fingering and tone production.113 Schwarz
and three colleagues in 1824 performed a bassoon quartet – among the earliest known
for equal voices – composed by Georg Abraham Schneider.114
In contrast to the highly refined technique evident in writings by Fröhlich,
Bärmann, and Schwarz, the workaday bassoonist of the time probably expected much
less from his instrument. ‘Already from the beginning of the 1820s, a weakness of
orchestral bassoonists is tolerated; a good and strong tone is rare.’ In 1822, a corre-
spondent recommended strengthening the bassoons with a serpent in large orches-
tras.115 Sundelin’s orchestration manual for military musicians (1828) gave the bassoon’s
range as only D2 to G4.116
Updating the baroque-era oboe band in the Prussian military, Frederick the Great
in 1763 specified an octet of two each of clarinets, oboes, horns, and bassoons. The
director (by 1786) was the bassoonist Friedrich Antoni (c.1755–1830) who taught
Bärmann and Georg Friedrich Brandt (1773-1836), both later famed soloists.117 After
studies with Ritter in Berlin, Brandt served at Schwerin, where the reigning duke’s
favorite instrument was the bassoon.118 Following in the steps of both Rheiner and
Ritter, he later entered the Bavarian Hofkapelle.119
In an era when both courts and regiments were often sponsored by nobles,
harmonie musicians sometimes mixed military and civilian service.120
[I]n many areas military bandsmen were not actually soldiers, but were civilian
musicians contractually attached to a regiment. . . . Furthermore, many harmonie
musicians had previously served in military bands where they learned the profes-
sional skills which earned them places in Harmonien. . . .121
The harmonie at the Mecklenburg-Schwerin court, Ludwigslust, existed from 1798

until it was dissolved in 1839, by that time an anachronism. ‘The musicians wore a
green hunting livery, and they were especially active during the summer months when

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 The Bassoon
the duke and his entourage went to the coastal resort of Deberan for the annual
“Badezeit”.’122
Germany: Repertory
G. F. Brandt gave the first known performance of Carl Maria von Weber’s concerto
for bassoon (1811; op. 75; J. 127) in Prague, 1813. Once again, a critic compared the
bassoon to a human voice:
. . . there is a sense here of the bassoon presented as a dramatic character – indeed,

one seemingly on the brink of words at the start of the Adagio. . . . As well as the
cavernous mystery in the instrument’s tone, Weber also discovers tenderness and
dignity shot with a curious pathos. . . . Although he uses the potentially comic
contrast between high and very low registers, he does so sparingly, and always to
make a musical point. . . .
Weber revised the concerto, mostly the first movement, in Dresden in 1822.123 Weber
had written his Andante and Hungarian Rondo for his brother Fritz, a violist, in 1809;
in 1813 he arranged it at Brandt’s request, adding three measures to the opening
Andante. Brandt played the revised work in Prague 1814; the bassoon version was
published 1816.124
Weber turned to the bassoon at a crucial moment in the finale of Der Freischütz
(1821), where at m 169, a brief exposed solo in the bassoon’s tenor register announces
the character’s (Max) feelings of contrition even before he sings.125 J. J. Reichardt, who
served as Kapellmeister to the Prussian court at Berlin, scored for bassoon obbligato
in several of his operas, 1789–1808. Stockigt cited other obbligato arias from Weber’s
Euryanthe, Peter Schmoll, and Silvana, and others from sacred works by Dittersdorf,
Mysliveček, and Winter.126
The Bohemian Josef Mysliveček wrote wind octets, probably in Munich, 1777–8,
as well as smaller chamber works including bassoon. Chamber works for bassoon
with strings include three quartets for bassoon and strings by Danzi, a trio with violin
and piano (among other works) by Peter von Winter, and quintets by J. E. Brandl,
some of these also with piano. Danzi and Winter each wrote several bassoon
concertos, as did Antonio Rosetti.
All of these three composers, like C. P. E. Bach, wrote much music for harmonie
ensemble. Later works for harmonie in Germany include Spohr’s Notturno and
Janissary Music, op. 34; Weber’s five pieces and ‘Heil dir, Sappho’, with chorus; and
Mendelssohn’s Overture and Trauermarsch.
Austria and Central Europe

In Vienna, craft guilds still held power. Some bassoon makers were guild members or
Bürger, including Martin Lempp, Tauber, Scholl, Ehrlich, and Merklein. Non-members,
called Störer, included the bassoon makers Rocko Baur, Friedrich Lempp, Jakob Baur,
Theodor Lotz, and Raymund Grießbacher I. Members or not, makers were sometimes

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
granted a special imperial license as ‘hofbefreite’ or ‘k.k. Hofinstrumentmacher’,

including Baur (from 1780), Lotz (1788), Martin Lempp, and Griesbacher (both
1800).127 (The prefix ‘k.k.’ signified imperial-royal status.)
Friedrich Lempp made woodwind instruments for various imperial-royal army regi-
ments beginning in 1755. But he claimed in 1768 that ‘since there was virtually no one
else in [Lower Austria] who made bassoons and other woodwinds for the use of the
common people, these instruments had to be imported from Saxony and other foreign
lands’. Registered only as a musical performer in the suburbs, Lempp faced opposition
from the joiners’ guild. He was granted a protective license, however, partly because
he belonged to the Nicolai Brotherhood, a sort of musicians’ union.128 In 1776 Lempp
invited customers to specify Viennese pitch, Kammerton, or French pitch, or to send
him a tuning fork.129 His bassoons cost from 18 to 54 florins, depending on the quality
of the wood, up to 27 florins for figured maple, but twice as much for boxwood. A
replacement bassoon wing joint cost 6 florins in 1781.130 Finished bassoon reeds cost
10 kreutzer apiece.
Haydn, as Vice-Kapellmeister for the Esterházy court, was responsible for purchasing
instruments, including bassoons and reeds. A receipt is preserved, countersigned by
Haydn and the maker Mathias Rocko Baur, who supplied bassoons to the Esterházy
court in 1771.131 A surviving bassoon by Rocko Baur has turned beads at either end of
the wing épaule, a vestige of the older style practiced by Deper and others.132 He also
supplied reeds to the court, usually a few dozen per year. But during one two-month
period (May and June 1769), he supplied forty-eight reeds.133 Rocko Baur’s successor
was his son-in-law Jakob Baur, who also supplied reeds to the Esterházy court.134 In
his shop, Zum goldenen Fagott, Baur made bassoons and offered music for nine-part
harmonie ensemble.135 A surviving 5–6 key bassoon by Baur has block-mounted keys
and a bell resembling the Saxon style.136
Leopold Prochaska was a bassoonist at the Schwarzenberg Court in Vienna.
Accounts show that reeds were ordered for Prochaska in 1781, cane for reed making
in 1783, and in 1790 a bassoon from Anton Lotz, a maker in Pressburg (Bratislava).137
Theodor Lotz, probably a relative, was active in Vienna from 1785 as a bassoon maker
and contra player. Friedrich Hammig, active in Vienna from 1791, offered bassoons
and their reeds, among other woodwinds.138
Three bassoon makers active in Vienna were born in Hungary. Caspar Tauber in
1807 provided the court bassoonist Wenzel Mattuschek with two bassoons, each with
two wing joints and three crooks; both leather bags and custom hardwood cases were
included.139 Stephan Koch in 1807 was ‘at the sign of the golden bassoon’. He and
Johan Ziegler each offered tuning slides on the wing joints of their bassoons.140 In
1827 Ziegler sold the imperial Hofkapelle two bassoons ‘with all important keys’ and
cases; ‘the bassoons must match the organ pitch of the Hofkapelle and must have “k.k.
Hofkapelle Instrument” branded on the bell’.141 Schöllnast, born in Hungary, was
active in Pressburg (Bratislava).142 Other makers of the early nineteenth century
included Merklein (Vienna), Reiha (Prague), Ruschka (Prague), F. Pitschmann
(Arnsdorf ), Carl Doke (Linz), and Wussinger (Klagenfurt).143
On Central European bassoons of this period, the bell often had an inverted taper,
and a brass ring decorating the mouth. Seven keys were typical, with the possible

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 The Bassoon
addition of a second wing key and middle C#3/C#4 key for RT. The larger key flaps
were often spade-shaped, the smaller ones lozenge- or oval-shaped. There was often
an integral or added guard for the F-key flap.144
Austria and Central Europe: Players and pedagogy

Carl Schiringer was a double-bass player and bassoonist under Haydn at the Esterházy
court.145 Under a renewable annual contract, he received numerous benefits but was
precluded from working elsewhere. This economic model of a paternalistic Hofkapelle
was declining in Vienna meanwhile, in favor of a system that included elements of free
enterprise.146
Many bassoon players, makers (Ehrlich) and composers of this period were
Bohemians or Moravians. A culture of bassoon playing was long established, and since
1723 Bohemians had been Habsburg subjects, free to move about the empire in search
of musical employment. In a biographical study of approximately 800 bassoonists
born before 1825, Hodges documented that 83 or more were Bohemians. Beginning
in 1772, the imperial Kapellmeister Leopold Gassman (himself a Bohemian) hired
numerous other Bohemians, including the bassoonists Drobnal, Czerwenka, Kauzner,
and Sedlaczek. Before joining the Kapelle in 1807, Mattuschek had played in the
premieres of Beethoven’s quintet, op. 16 (1797, with the composer at the piano) and
septet, op. 20 (1800).147
Hundreds of surviving works featuring bassoon – harmonie music, concertantes,
sonatas, etc. – show the enthusiasm of Bohemian and Moravian composers for the
instrument and its woodwind brethren. Among these were Druschetzky (more than
200 works for harmonie ensemble, according to Hellyer), F. X. Dušek, Rosetti, Carl
Stamitz, Mysliveček, Giovanni Punto (Stich), J. B. Vanhal, Gassmann, Leopold
Kozeluch, Franz Krommer, and Antoine Reicha.148
August Mittag, after bassoon study with the Dresden Hofkapelle players Kummer
and Schmidt, became a regimental Kapellmeister in Dresden. He moved in 1820 to
Vienna, teaching at the conservatorium from 1821, and played first bassoon in the
Hofkapelle from 1824. Mittag was the bassoonist of the Harmonie-Quintett, founded
in Vienna in 1821. Modeled on the Reicha Quintet of Paris, they performed the
twenty-four quintets of Reicha in subscription concerts, receiving great applause.149 At
the Vienna conservatorium Mittag at first used German translations of Ozi 1803, as
did his counterpart at the Graz Conservatorium, Michael Delange.150 Early professors
of bassoon at the Prague Conservatory included Gabriel Rausch (c.1810–2) and Josef
Bettlach (1812–37).151
Austria and Central Europe: Repertory

The bassoon at first served Gluck, like other Neapolitan-trained composers, mostly to
strengthen the bass line, although Stockigt noted arias with bassoon obbligato as
early as La Danza (1755). In Gluck’s reform operas, it received more varied assignments.
In the Elysian scenes of Orfeo (1762),

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
the bassoon plays an important, sometimes soloistic role in expressing the woeful
and wistful feelings of Orpheus, employing the expressive sound of the high range
(to G4); in the last scene of the work the bassoon is almost completely in unison
with the violas; it echoes the oboes in Orfeo (iii, 1). The bassoon is coupled with
the chalumeaux to evoke a sylvan gloom and ghastly voices of subterranean gods
(Alceste, ii, 2). Gluck used its colour to express gloom and melancholy in the ballet
Don Juan (no. 21, exit of the statue).152
The novel timbre of the bassoon’s tenor voice seems to have led composers in stages
to a new orchestral scoring technique. In an early example – Haydn’s symphony no.
7 (1761), i – the bassoon doubles the second violins at the lower octave in brief
passages. A generation later, in Mozart’s 1786 score to The Marriage of Figaro, the
technique is pervasive, beginning with the A-major theme of the overture, cited above.
As the curtain rises, the first bassoon and first violins play at the fifteenth as they
foreshadow Figaro’s melody (Ex. 5.1). In the aria no. 12, Susanna and the first violins
sing in unison, doubled by the first bassoon an octave lower.
In these and countless other works, the bassoon’s tenor voice assumed a discreet
but crucial role in creating the three-dimensional feel of Viennese classical orchestra-
tion. Doubling the violin at the lower octave was part of the essential Viennese Classic
sound – a musical pattern not in only one octave, but in two or often three, called by
some authors the ‘Wiener unisono’.153
Ex. 5.1. Mozart, Le Nozze di Figaro, no. 2, ‘Se a caso madama’, opening (1786).

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 The Bassoon
The subtle effect of chiaroscuro, added to melodies played by the violin, flute, oboe,
or clarinet (or sometimes doubling a singer’s voice), conjured an aura of spot-lit inten-
sity. In making this choice, composers bypassed the horn, which at the time was less
agile. They apparently preferred the bassoon’s creamy tenor to the viola or cello, two
voices of the string choir already at work in the orchestral tutti. This octave doubling
long remained a favorite tool in the orchestrator’s kit, coloring the voices of Mahler,
Shostakovich, and other composers in the western mainstream.
Two bassoon parts were the rule in Haydn’s symphonies by 1774. His sinfonia
concertante (first performed London, 1792) included the bassoon as one of four solo-
ists. (A thematic catalogue of Haydn’s works, prepared in 1803–4 by Elßler, docu-
mented a bassoon concerto, now lost.) In 1796, Haydn’s sacred music ensemble for
the Esterházy palace and the Bergkirche included only one wind player – a bassoonist
– among thirteen singers and instrumentalists.154 Haydn wrote to A4 in several works
and to Ba4 in Symphony no. 98 (i, iii). His bassoon boosts the violas in Symphony
no. 104 and impersonates the biblical Adam in The Creation, III. Haydn’s operas
include four arias with bassoon obbligato.155 Works for harmonie ensemble range from
1760 to Haydn’s last completed composition, the Hungarischer National Marsch (1802).
Haydn prepared his own harmonie arrangement of the slow movement of his
Symphony no. 100.156
From 1776 to 1778, Raymund Griesbacher played clarinet and basset horn under
Haydn. In 1800 he was appointed a Viennese court maker of brass and woodwind
instruments, succeeded by his son (active until 1846); one eight-key bassoon bearing
the mark survives. The elder Griesbacher, also a bassoonist, was possibly the dedicatee
of Hummel’s Concerto in F for bassoon (c.1805).157 J. N. Hummel, who served along-
side Haydn as concertmaster at the Esterházy Court from 1804 to 1811, also composed
an octet and three military marches for harmonie ensemble.
Like Haydn, Mozart drew upon the bassoon as an irreplaceable orchestral color and
a frequent contributor of solo lines. More than 150 of his works specify bassoon, and
it probably doubled the bass line in others. Mozart’s last three Masses incorporate two
bassoon parts, including the haunting opening of the Requiem and an important
obbligato in the Mass in C minor. All his operas written in 1770 and later have two
written bassoon parts. In a survey of Mozart’s vocal works, Stockigt counted nineteen
arias with bassoon obbligatos. Ward observed of Mozart:
With clarinets he liked his bassoons to have warmth and steady tone, but with the
flute he made it sound more hollow, restless and perhaps more agile. The instru-
ments together rarely sound peaceful. . . . [In] the uncommon partnership between
violas and bassoons . . . Mozart’s bassoons are unusually dark in tone-colouring and
have an air of persuasive dignity utterly unlike their timbre with oboes or
clarinets.158
In a letter to his father, Mozart specified ten basses, eight cellos, and six bassoons for
the symphony K. 338.159 Two written bassoon parts are standard in his symphonies
beginning in 1778, and in his piano concertos beginning in 1784.

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
Mozart’s Concerto for Bassoon, K. 191 (186e), was written for the Salzburg court
in the spring of 1774. It thus predates all but two of his surviving authentic concertos
for any instrument. Waterhouse conjectured that Johann Hofer (c.1745–81), the
youngest of three bassoonists in the Salzburg Kapelle, might have been the first
performer.160 Sadie saw in the concerto ‘Mozart’s brilliant assumption of a style to
exploit the instrument’s special qualities – its contrasts of register, its staccato, its latent
eloquence’. Girdlestone found wit, galanterie, and virtuosity. Ward saw in the bassoon
concerto ‘Mozart’s answer to the instrument’s critics’:
We hear the bassoon in all its moods, and are moved to laughter and to tears almost
imperceptibly. . . . [T]he andante is one of Mozart’s most touching pieces, endowed
with a quite heartrending pathos and beauty. . . . [T]he bassoon, with its quality of
universal humanity, is capable of expressing in purest sound all the emotions we
express but crudely in words.161
If Ward’s words ring familiar, it is because she was echoing the views of Cugnier, Ozi,
and Fröhlich, as well as Warrack (and Sadie again, below): its tessitura and flexibility
allow the bassoon to approach human speech – its wordless language lends it univer-
sality. Except for references to the bassoon’s male character (tenor and bass), much the
same was said of the eighteenth-century oboe.
K. Anh. 230, a concerto in F for bassoon, is a doubtful work, according to Mozart
scholars. Attributed to Mozart by Max Seiffert in 1934 on purely stylistic grounds, it
was later reattributed to Devienne, but a Devienne scholar rejected that attribution,
leaving it an orphan at present.162 Three other bassoon concertos allegedly by Mozart
have never been traced.163 The Sinfonia concertante, K. 297b, attributed to Mozart, is
a derivative work, the shadow of a vanished original. Mozart’s letters reveal that in
1778, while in Paris, he composed a sinfonie concertante for flute, oboe, horn and
bassoon (Ritter), intended for performance at the Concert Spirituel. But the outsider
Mozart was the victim of a Parisian intrigue: a concertante by Cambini, the local
insider, was performed instead. Mozart, bitterly disappointed, sought to conceal the
bad news from his father. An anonymous composer of c.1820–30 recomposed the lost,
never-performed orchestral score on the basis of four surviving solo parts. This version
is usually heard, although Robert Levin has published a reconstruction of the original
version.164
Among the several private harmonie ensembles formed in Vienna during the 1780s
was the kaiserlich-königliche Harmonie, founded in 1782 by Emperor Joseph II.165 For
this ensemble, which included the bassoonists Kauzner, Drobnal, and possibly Steiner,
Mozart composed his serenades K. 361, 375, and 388. In order to preserve his publication
rights, Mozart prepared his own harmonie version of Die Entführung aus dem Serail in
1782, immediately after the operatic version was complete, adding much new music.166
In 1784 Mozart composed a quintet in elevated style for keyboard, oboe, clarinet,
horn, and bassoon. Sadie, himself a onetime clarinetist, conceded:
the limited capacities of the wind instruments . . . to blend or to sustain a prolonged
line, and the risk of their sound beginning to cloy. Mozart designed his melodic

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 The Bassoon
material accordingly, casting it in short phrases which create and resolve tensions at
a rapid rate. The result is a work of exceptional mastery and inventiveness. . . .167
Mozart wrote to his father that the quintet ‘was applauded extraordinarily; I myself
consider it the best work I have composed in my life. . . . I only wish you could have
heard it.’168
In the Vienna of Beethoven’s time two bassoons were present in most opera and
symphony orchestras. The Bohemian bassoonist Valentin Czejka (1769–p1834) was the
original player of many of Beethoven’s bassoon parts, including the violin concerto
(ii), where the bassoon assumes the top voice in a choir of violas and cellos, accompa-
nying the solo violin; and (iii), where the bassoon alternates the rondo melodies with
the solo violin. Czejka also played in symphonies 4, 5, 6, and 8, the Choral Fantasy,
and Fidelio.169 In the last, Beethoven pressed the bassoon into service as an ad hoc
hornist in Leonore’s recitative and aria ‘Ach, brich noch nicht . . . Komm, Hoffnung’.
Drawing on the bassoon’s acoustical similarity to the horn’s sound, Beethoven
assigned it the highest and most chromatic part in the four-part obbligato, ‘to give the
effect of an almost impossibly agile and chromatic horn quartet’170 (Ex. 5.2). A similar
Ex. 5.2. Beethoven, Fidelio, no. 9, ‘Ach, brich noch nicht . . . Komm, Hoffnung’, excerpt (1806).
The bassoon plays the top stave above a trio of horns.

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
effect is employed in the trio of Beethoven’s Symphony no. 7 and in Mendelssohn’s

Symphony no. 4 (iii). Beethoven used the two bassoons to replace the horns in his
Symphony no. 3 (i), at the second subject.
Beethoven’s works for harmonie ensemble include the Octet, op. 103; the Rondino,
WoO 25, originally intended as a finale to the octet; and a sextet, op. 71. Masonic
works include a march in Ba and the Bundeslied, op. 122, set to a Masonic text by
Goethe. Beethoven’s Ruins of Athens music, no. 6, opposes a stage harmonie to the
orchestral harmonie. The composer authorized harmonie arrangements of his
Symphony no. 7 and Fidelio. Other works include the Trio in G, WoO 37, for flute,
bassoon, and piano, and the incomplete Quintet in Ea for oboe, bassoon, and three
horns, HV 19.
Beethoven took an interest in the progress of instrument making. For a conversa-
tion in September 1825, he summoned the bassoonist August Mittag, who told
Beethoven that the keys of A and E were now easier to navigate on Schott bassoons,
as improved by Gottfried Weber and Carl Almenräder. Beethoven, who had read
Weber’s article in Cäcilia, twice asked Schott (his own publisher) to send him one of
the improved 19-key bassoons (see chapter 6).171 There is no evidence that he received
the bassoon. In 1826 Mittag returned for a second chat, but Beethoven wrote no
further works involving bassoon, so the information had no practical result.
Schubert wrote works for harmonie ensemble in 1811 (Six Minuets, D. 2d; formerly
D. 995) and 1813 (the Octet, D. 71, and the Wind Nonet, ‘Eine kleine Trauermusik’,
D. 79). Mittag played in the premiere of Schubert’s octet for winds and strings, D. 803,
which was commissioned in 1824 as a companion piece to the Beethoven septet.
The Habsburgs had brought an end to Ottoman rule in Vienna with a victory over
the Turks in 1683. As the centenary approached in 1783, a fashion for ‘Turkish’ or
‘Janissary’ music swept over Vienna. By the 1780s a ‘Turkish band’ in Europe was
usually one of European instruments with added percussion and a piccolo; a band
reported in Vienna in 1796 included oboes, bassoons, horns, and clarinets, a trumpet,
a triangle, a piccolo, a very large drum, an ordinary drum, and a pair of cymbals’.172
Beethoven in 1809–16 wrote marches and other pieces for Türkische Musik.173
A ‘Fagott stop’ was included on some fortepianos made in Vienna between about
1795 and 1830. Pieces of paper or parchment buzzing against the lower strings
supposedly produced a bassoon-like timbre.174 The bassoon was popular enough in
Vienna to figure in a hit singspiel, Die Zauberzither oder Kaspar der Fagottist, by Wenzel
Müller (1791). The work, which includes obbligato bassoon in two arias and a duet,
was revived in Cologne in 2004.175
The British Isles

Early in this era, many English bassoons were outwardly similar to their baroque
predecessors. Examples in the Waterhouse collection by Gedney, Richard Millhouse,
and William Milhouse have reverse-conical bell bores, while a Kusder bassoon has a
choke bore. After a narrow-waisted bell later came into fashion, the dramatic flare of
the bell opening sometimes led still to an old-fashioned choke (as in a bassoon by
Goulding, Wood & Co. in the Waterhouse collection). Bodies were often heavier than

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 The Bassoon
on contemporary French bassoons. The Aa tone

hole was often sited high on the bore, as in the
baroque era. The Ea key, if present, was usually
located to the left of the D key, rather than on the
right, as French makers placed it (Ill. 33).
The bassoonist John Miller assisted the maker
Caleb Gedney in testing bassoons in 1754; after
Gedney’s death in 1769, he became guardian for
Gedney’s two daughters. According to a news-
paper advertisement from 1769, the daughters
‘were brought up in the business, and finished
most of the instruments for some years, in their
father’s lifetime’. As guardian, Miller supervised
their work in making ‘all kinds of musical wind
instruments’.176
By mid-century provincial bassoon makers were
active, including Richard Millhouse of Newark and
John Blockley of Ullesthorpe.177 Henry John
Muraeus had a shop in London at ‘the Bassoon,
Two Flutes, and Hautboy’, 1759–66. Bassoons for
the military market were advertised by John Mason
(1778); Longman and Broderip (1790); William
Milhouse (1791); and George Astor (1795-9).178 In
the 1790s at least three London makers – John
Köhler; George Astor; and Goulding, Phipps, and
D’Almaine – offered ‘trumpet tops’ for bassoon.
These were trumpet-like brass bells targeted to the
military market. A commentator observed in 1821:
‘When the common wooden nozle [sic], or top, is
exchanged for a copper trumpet, or bell-mouth,
the sounds are much reinforced, and partake some-
thing of the intonation of the horn.’ In one order,
the buyer asked that wooden or ‘common tops’
also be supplied for occasional use, ‘which will
render them fit for concerts or church music when
wanted’.179
Other London-based bassoon makers of the
classical period included Bilton, Cahusac, Gerock,
Parker, and Wood.180 Many London bassoon
makers bought keys and ferrules from John Hale, a
33. Bassoon by Willis & Goodlad, specialist key maker, whose initials I. H. were often
London, c.1825. Tony Bingham. stamped on the underside. Another key maker in
London is known only by the mark ‘G’.

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
The British Isles: Players and pedagogy

Ernst Eichner, a second-generation bassoonist who also served as concertmaster at
Zweibrücken, toured as a bassoon soloist from 1767. In London during the spring of
1773, he appeared in twelve of the Bach-Abel concerts. He spent his last years as a
bassoonist in the Prussian Hofkapelle. He wrote six concertos for bassoon, published
1778–84, and several works for harmonie ensemble.181 Other German-born bassoon-
ists who sojourned in London or emigrated there included A. G. Schwarz, his son
Christian Gottlieb Schwarz, and George Frederick Schubert.
Leopold Mozart took his children Nannerl and Wolfgang to visit Ranelagh
Gardens, London, in 1764. In a letter, he described a well-lit hall where, on three
nights a week, an orchestra played from 7 until 10, followed by one or two hours of
music by two clarinets, horn, and bassoon.182 He also visited Vauxhall Gardens, where
the bassoon figured in similar entertainment music nearly thirty years later. During
forty trio appearances at Vauxhall Gardens in May–August 1791, the English
bassoonist Jeremiah Parkinson played six clarinet and bassoon duets with the
Bohemian clarinetist Franz Dworschack.183
London, in contrast to Esterhazy and Vienna, had evolved a free-market system of
employment for musicians. A bassoonist might earn a living by combining engage-
ments at theaters, pleasure gardens, concert societies, and royal musical ensembles.
Long-term contracts and benefits beyond salary were not generally provided.184 James
Holmes, engaged for the Salomon Concerts, London, in 1802, was the original soloist
in Haydn’s Sinfonia Concertante. His successor as preeminent freelance bassoonist in
London was John Mackintosh.185 The first bassoon professor at the Royal Academy of
Music, c.1820–5, Mackintosh also performed the Reicha wind quintets in London
during 1824–5.186
John Thomson played bassoon, along with two oboes and four fiddles, for func-
tions of the Old Edinburgh Club, 1776. ‘These musicians were constantly playing at
concerts, dances, and other gatherings in Edinburgh.’187
The British Isles: Repertory

From 1765 to 1781, J. C. Bach and Carl Friedrich Abel presented a series of subscrip-
tion concerts in London. Included were symphonies and symphonies concertantes,
including four of Bach’s own concertantes for bassoon and other winds.188 Bach also
wrote two concertos for solo bassoon, as well as five arias and three Vauxhall songs
with bassoon obbligato.189
In the Royal Regiment of Artillery, in 1764, each troop had one mounted trumpet
player; dismounted, the players formed ‘a band of music, consisting of two French
horns, two clarinets and two bassoons’. 190 J. C. Bach composed his four symphonies
(1775–81), and six sinfonien for an English military band of two clarinets, two horns,
and one bassoon part. Such works were possibly played at Vauxhall or other entertain-
ment gardens.
Among Capell Bond’s six concertos (London, 1766), no. 6 is scored for solo
bassoon. Stockigt noted two arias by Stephen Storace with bassoon obbligato.191

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 The Bassoon
During the 1760s Henry Hargrave published four concertos for solo bassoon and two
more for solo oboe and bassoon. Duos for bassoons were published in London by
Johann Schobert (d. 1767). William Paxton published ‘Six Easy Solos’ for bassoon or
cello and keyboard in 1780.
After the Puritan revolution left most English churches without organs, a bassoon
(sometimes with other instruments) was used to accompany choir (quire) or congre-
gational singing. Church bassoonists were documented in Sussex, Northamptonshire,
and Shropshire. Flourishing from about 1730 to 1880, the so-called West Gallery
music reached its fullest currency between about 1780 and 1840.192 The volunteer
players catered to all musical needs of their villages.193
Other European countries

By around 1750, the community musicians of Antwerp were hired by competition to
form a sextet of oboes, clarinets, and bassoons.194 At Liège, when a royal school of
music was founded in 1827, the professor of bassoon was Joseph Ferdinand Bacha, a
native of the town. C. J. J. Tuerlinckx worked from age nine in the family’s woodwind
and brass workshop in Malines, Belgium, succeeding his father in 1827. Also a
composer and scientist, he played bassoon and other woodwinds.195
A surviving bassoon by Wilhelmus Wyne of Nijmegen (d. 1816) has both a wooden
bell and a trumpet bell. The maker Ludwig Embach (fl. Amsterdam, 1820–44) exhib-
ited a fourteen-key bassoon in Haarlem in 1824.
Many bassoons and contrabassoons that survive in Italian collections are Austrian
instruments, reflecting the Habsburg dominion over northern Italy until c.1860. The
Bohemian bassoonist Valentin Czejka in 1822 became the bandmaster for an Austrian
regiment stationed in Naples.196
Pressure from the guilds of turners and joiners apparently discouraged the making
of woodwinds in Venice during the later eighteenth century. Andrea Fornari, officially
authorized to make woodwind instruments there in 1792, listed a ‘fagotto corista’
among instruments ‘of my own invention, all improved’.197 Bassoons survive by Berti
and Magazzari (both of Bologna), Biglioni (Rome), Piana (Milan), Guglielminetti
(Novara), and Palanca (Turin).198
Gaetano Grossi (c.1750–1807), bassoonist in the Regia orchestra of Parma under
the maestro Alessandro Rolla, was possibly the original performer of Rolla’s bassoon
concerto and chamber works involving bassoon.199 Grossi himself composed a
concerto and quartets for bassoon.200 Giovanni Simon Mayr (1763–1845), a German
composer of Italian operas long resident in Bergamo, included obbligato bassoon in
arias of three operas and an oratorio. He also wrote a bassoon concerto and more than
two dozen works for harmonie ensemble; these may have been connected with a
school of music he founded in Bergamo in 1805.201
From 1809 to 1830, Gaudenzio Lavaria was principal bassoonist at La Scala
and the Teatro della Cannobiana. When the Conservatory of Milan was founded
in 1808, the teacher of flute, oboe, and bassoon was Giuseppe Buccinelli.202 In
Bologna, Luigi Tartagnini was professor of bassoon at the Liceo musicale in
1813–16.

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
Rossini wrote unique solos for bassoon in the overtures to Cenerentola and
Semiramide. His early operas Ciro in Babilonia (1812) and Il Signor Bruschino (1813)
include arias with obbligato bassoon. A duet for bassoon and piano by Rossini was
performed in Bologna on 19 April 1807.203 In 1812 Rossini wrote an Andante, Theme,
and Variations for wind quartet and a terzetto for bassoon, horn, and piano, now lost.
The attribution of a ‘concerto da esperimento’ (examination piece for the Liceo of
Bologna) to Rossini is uncertain, although the attractive work has been published,
performed, and recorded under his name.204
Stockigt noted arias with bassoon obbligato by Cimarosa, Galuppi, Paër, Paisiello,
Righini, Salieri, and Sarti.205 Best remembered among all such arias is ‘Una furtive
lagrima’ from l’Elisir d’amore (1832), in the key of Ba minor, where Donizetti chose the
bassoon to set the mournful tone for the tenor singer. Donizetti also wrote a trio for
flute, bassoon, and piano; and harmonie music, including a Sinfonia in G Minor
(1817), and Three Marches (Turkish), 1835. In 1800 Nicolo Paganini composed three
duets for bassoon with violin, among his earliest known works; he later wrote a
concertino for bassoon, horn, and orchestra.206
Swiss bassoon makers, scattered across northern Switzerland, included Ammann
(Alt St. Johann), Fleischmann (Baden), Hirsbrunner (Sumiswald), Kaiser (Zug), Lutz
(Wolfhalden), Jeremias Schlegel (Basel), Seelhoffer (Kehrsatz/Bern), Streuli (Horgen),
and Sutter (Appenzell).207 Bassoonists active in Basel included Matuska (1760),
Meylan (1760), and Bayer (1778); players in Neuchâtel included Glase (1789), Gaveaux
(1790-02), and Nussbaum (1802). Other reported players included Nübe (Lausanne,
1757–1804), Décombaz (Vaud, 1774), Brunette (Chasin, 1797), Haller (Bern, 1804),
and Hirzel (Zürich, 1824–8).208
French-made bassoons from this period are found in many Iberian collections, but
native makers were known. Salvador Xuriach was employed as ‘baixo’ (player of
bassoon or dulcian) at the Barcelona cathedral during the 1780s. A five-key bassoon
bearing the mark of the Xuriach family survives, as do two seven-key instruments (one
of them incomplete) by Oms of Barcelona.209 The Spanish or Catalan Juan Bautista
Pla, active as an oboist from before 1747, served as a bassoonist at the Portuguese
court in 1769–73.210 Bassoonists active in Lisbon included Bies (c.1800), Calveti
(1822), and Martius (1822).211
Lorents Nicolaj Berg published a fingering chart (Kristiansand, 1782) for four-key
bassoon, labeled ‘dulcian’. Two bassoons were reported in a Norwegian regimental
band in 1798.212 Georg Johann Abraham Berwald, uncle of the composer Franz
Berwald, was a bassoonist and later a violinist in the Stockholm court orchestra
during 1782 to 1800. Over the period 1795–9, he toured as a bassoon soloist in
northern European cities; in Leipzig, 1798, he played a bassoon concerto by ‘Grenser’,
probably Johann Friedrich Grenser213. Severin Preumayr, a German bassoonist active
at Coblenz c.1782, had three bassoonist sons who often performed trios. All served in
the royal kapelle of Stockholm during the period 1811–35. One of the Preumayr sons,
Frans, married the daughter of the composer Bernhard Crusell, who wrote a virtuosic
concerto for Frans.214 Resident bassoon makers included Finnish-born Peter Apelberg
and native-born Friderich Coppy.215 From 1773, two of the royal chapel bassoonists
also served in a military octet. Music by Ernst Hartmann for the play Balders Dod (royal

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 The Bassoon
theater, 1779–92) called for two bassoons. From 1786, many of the chapel bassoonists
were German- or Bohemian-born. Several hailed from Dresden or used bassoons by
Dresden makers, including the Grensers. During the years 1800–4, Carl Gottfried
Donath performed bassoon concertos by Ozi and Devienne at the royal theater.216
In the second movement of his Piano Concerto no. 1 (first performed at the
National Theater, Warsaw, 1830), Chopin chose the bassoon to present the lyrical B
major theme. The premiere was presumably played by Nicolas Prudent Winnen,
the long-time principal bassoonist there, professor at Warsaw conservatory, and son
of the Parisian maker of bassoons. Other players active in Poland during this period
included Horoszkiewicz, Krause, Mertke, Michalowski, Praetorius, Stankiewicz, and
Tokarzewski.217
A Franconian bassoonist named Zahn joined the Imperial Chapel at St. Petersburg
in 1761, spending twenty years there.218 The Bohemian bassoonist Anton Bullandt
(c.1750–1821) appeared in St. Petersburg from 1780, performing his own opéra-
comiques and probably his own works for bassoon. (He composed a bassoon concerto
by 1782 and harmonie works by 1785.) Bullandt joined the imperial opera orchestra
in 1783. During a dispute with officials over his status in 1784, Bullandt opened a
music store, selling keyboard instruments from England, stringed and wind instru-
ments, and sheet music.219 Meanwhile another bassoonist (probably the Bohemian
Johann Anton Sattler) was engaged, but died in 1785. Re-engaged in the court
orchestra, Bullandt served until 1801. In 1802, he became a founding member of the
St. Petersburg Philharmonic Society, later a director, and in 1821 a pensioner of the
society.220 Other bassoonists active in Russia during the period included Bender,
Mendel, Rauner, Reiniger, and Witt.221 A Russian newspaper advertisement of 1791
offered a serf with musical talents:
On sale is a very good musician who plays the viola in instrumental music and the
bassoon in brass music; he is also a good footman, of a good height, twenty-one
years old; price 1,200 roubles.222
A bassoon was the sole wind instrument chosen in Bortniansky’s synfonie concertante
– actually a septet for strings and fortepiano organisé (1790).223 Glinka’s chamber
works included a septet for piano and winds (1823) and a Trio pathétique for piano,
clarinet, and bassoon (1827). Military bands under Tsar Paul I (reigned 1796–1801)
reportedly consisted of two clarinets, two horns and bassoon. 224
The Americas
Early bassoon makers in the English colonies included Gottlieb (David) Wolhaupter
(fl. New York, 1761–70) and Joshua Collins, an emigrant from Manchester, England
(fl. Annapolis, MD, 1773).225 London makers of bassoons who advertised in American
periodicals included Collier, Gedney, Mason, and Schuchart.226 In New York, 1787,
John Jacob Astor advertised bassoons and other musical instruments from London.227
Connecticut-born George Catlin advertised bassoons (with plain or trumpet bells) and
tenoroons in Hartford, 1803; he exhibited a bassoon in Philadelphia, 1824. His former

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830 
employee, John Meacham, also made bassoons.228 Other reported bassoon makers
included William Whiteley and Fisher & Metcalf.229
Accounts of bassoon playing during the American colonial and federal periods
often documented harmonie or chamber ensembles. Early reports included Charleston
(1765), Boston (1775), and New York (1779).230 During the revolutionary war (1776–
81), ‘both British and American regiments maintained wind bands that gave frequent
performances. Following the war, wind bands associated with taverns, coffeehouses,
theatres and pleasure gardens played arrangements of theatrical and orchestral works,
military pieces, and patriotic songs.’231 Post-war reports included Providence, RI
(1784), and Philadelphia (1786).232 In 1801–17, five instrumental methods were
published in New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York, and Maine, containing iden-
tical fingering charts.233
A bassoon was heard in ensemble in New Orleans in 1811. In 1813, a bassoonist and
fencing master named Passage ‘performed the first bassoon concerto ever heard in
New Orleans’. In 1814, ‘Passage played a concerto [possibly only a solo], then fought
an exhibition duel with another fencing master’.234
The United States Marine band in 1800 included one bassoon and one drum, in
addition to pairs of oboes, clarinets, and horns.235 Two distinct bassoon parts were
present in fourteen Parthien (sextets) by the European-trained Moravian composer
David Moritz Michael (fl. Bethlehem and Nazareth, PA, 1795–1815) and in William
Webb’s Grand Military Divertimentos (Philadelphia, c.1828).236
A bassoon was played in a small orchestra at the Teatro de la Ranchería in Buenos
Aires, Argentina, 1783–92.237 Jerónimo Clarach, a Spanish flutist employed there,
taught ‘fagot’ to a mulatto servant in 1787.238 A regimental band in Bogotá, Colombia,
in 1784 probably included bassoons; its conductor, Pedro Carricarte, also directed an
ensemble containing a bassoon.239 In Brazil, Ignácio Parreira (Parreryras Neves)
composed funeral music in memory of Don Pedro III (d. 1786) for an orchestra
including two bassoons. Two bassoonists associated with the composer in 1787 were
Luiz José da Costa and Joaquim Joze do Amaral.240 Kaiser Don Pedro I (1798–1834)
– emperor of Brazil, later king of Portugal, and himself a bassoonist – wrote Masonic
choruses for male voices and military musique (harmonie ensemble).241

129.252.69.147 on Tue, 05 Jan 2021 16:44:43 UTC
3793_05-CH05.indd 113 07/05/12 1:32

The Development of The Bassoon From 1700 To 1800

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Chapter Title: The classical bassoon, c.

Book Title: The Bassoon

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1nq963.13

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The classical bassoon, c.1760–1830

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These regimental pitches affected theaters, which were dependent on military

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France: Players and pedagogy

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Cugnier gave examples of middle-register passages in E major and Ea minor that

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a universal instrument [which] inflects a solo with as much grace as suavity. . . .

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around 1810.63 Reicha characterized it as a failure, but a performance of later quintets

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32. Ea key for L4 on a bassoon by J. F. Grundmann of Dresden (above); Ea key for LT on a

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Other Saxon makers included Floth (Grundmann’s successor; Dresden), Huittl

Germany: Players and pedagogy

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The harmonie at the Mecklenburg-Schwerin court, Ludwigslust, existed from 1798

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. . . there is a sense here of the bassoon presented as a dramatic character – indeed,

Austria and Central Europe

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granted a special imperial license as ‘hofbefreite’ or ‘k.k. Hofinstrumentmacher’,

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Austria and Central Europe: Players and pedagogy

Austria and Central Europe: Repertory

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effect is employed in the trio of Beethoven’s Symphony no. 7 and in Mendelssohn’s

The British Isles

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on contemporary French bassoons. The Aa tone

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The British Isles: Players and pedagogy

The British Isles: Repertory

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Other European countries

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