Agamemnon, Volume I Prolegomena, Text, and Translation-Clarendon Press (1962) PDF
Agamemnon, Volume I Prolegomena, Text, and Translation-Clarendon Press (1962) PDF
Agamemnon, Volume I Prolegomena, Text, and Translation-Clarendon Press (1962) PDF
AGAMEMNON
EDITED
WITH A COMMENTARY BY
VOLUME I
PR.OLEGOMENA, TEXT
TRANSLATION
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
Oxford University Press, Amen Hous,, !Andon E.C.4
Ot..UOOW Kl:W YORK TORONTO N&UOUJUfl: W&LUllOTON
BONIAY CALCUTTA .NADllAS XAIL\CHI LAHORI: DACCA
CAr& TOWN SAUIBURY IBADAK NAIXOBI AC:CXA
XUALA LUMPUR KONO KOKO
The dedication names those two who have made it possible for
me to write the book. ProfessQr Sir J. D. Beazley began to take an
interest in my work soon after I had settled down at Oxford; he has
never failed me since. The encouragement given me by him and by
Jacob Wackernagel determined me to persevere in what I believed
to be a far too ambitious plan. For many years Beazley, with un-
changing generosity and endurance, continued to read twice the
draft of every section of the commentary and the translation of the
Greek text. He would then write his criticisms and suggestions in
the margin and afterwards discuss all the difficulties with me at
great length, often returning to a point with which we had been
dealing before. These talks alone were an abundant reward for all
I was able to do. Beazley's name appears in the commentary in
many places, but my debt to him goes far beyond anything I owe
xiv
PREFACE
him in detail. Of my wife it must suffice to say that she has made
greater sacrifices for this book than anyone else, and, moreover, that
at all stages of my work she has given me the kind of help which
only she could give.
E. F.
CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD
z January x950
xv
CONTENTS
VOLUME I
PROLEGOMENA
x. The Manµscripts I
Some Editions and Commentaries
II. 34
APPENDIX I. The Evidence for Casaubon's Work on
Aeschylus 6z
II. John Pearson's Share in Stanley's Aeschylus 78
SIGLA LXBRORUM • 86
TEXT ANI> TRANSLATION 87
PLATES
x. MS Tr (Fames. Neap. ii. F. 31): Ag. x-14 } at
n. MS F (Laur. xxxi. 8): end of hypothesis of Ag., Ag. I-13 end
VOLUME II
A SELECT LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS vi
COMMENT ARY ON l-1055 I
VOLUME III
COMMENTARY ON xo56-:i:673 .
APPENDICES
A. On the Postponement of certain Important Details in
Archaic Narrative . 805
B. On the Weapon with which, according to the Oresteia,
Agamemnon was murdered 806
c. Cho. 991-xoo6 . . 80.9
D. The Footprints in the Choephoroe . 815
E. Short Syllables before Initial Mute and Liquid in the
Lyrics of Aeschylus . 826
F. The Word-order in Ag: 1434 oiJ f'O' #Pov µJ>.a8pov J>."'ls
lp.'11'G.TE'i , 827
ADDENDA ET CORRIGEl{DA TO COMMENTARY
INDEXES
xvi
PROLEGOMENA
I
THE MANUSCRIPTS
OuR oldest manuscript of the Agamemnota. is a very small fragment
oh papyrus, Pap. Oxy. 2178, ascribed by Lobel to the second century
after Christ. It contains a few letters (varying from one to ten a line)
of the beginnings of 11. 7-go. As one would expect, it agrees at 23
with MV (4>&os) against FTr (vGv cf>ws) and contains I. 7, an interpola-
tion which is presumably pre-Alexandrian.
Next comes M {the Med.iceus), codex Laurentianus xxxii. 9, parch-
ment, written as it seems at the beginning of the eleventh century,
one of the most illustrious of Greek manuscripts. There is no need
to describe it again here or to outline its history. To peruse the
splendid facsimile published by the Italian Ministero dell' Istruzione
Pubblica in 18¢ is a continuous delight; any student of Aeschylus,
however young and inexperienced, should attempt to make himself
familiar with the cleat and easy script of this great book. A good
guide to the part of the MS which contains the text of Aeschylus,
the only part that concerns us here, is provided in Rostagno's
succinct and learned introduction to the facsimile; to this should
be added Wilamowitz's remarks in the prefate to his ~dition of
Aeschylus. For further l.nformation on M cf. H. W. Smyth, Harva}>i/,
Studies in Class. P/lilol. xliv, 1933, 17 ff., and A. Turyn, Tlie Matm-
script Tradition of the Tragedies of Aesclryfas (Polish Institute of
Arts and Sciences in America, New York City 1943), 17 ff., and the
books and articles quoted by him.
As regards the corrections in the Mediceus, ,.;e are not concerned
here with the several correctors of the Renaissance (14th or 15th
century), who confined themselves almost entirely1 to the pl~ys of
the 'Byzantine triad', i.e. Prom., Sept., and Pers. All that is relevant
to our present purposes is the body of corrections made by the first
8iop8wnjs. These corrections are contemporary with the text of the
codex.~ Here, as in many similar cases, the person responsible for
1 'quasi esclusivamentc' says Rostngno, op. cit. :r4 (in his select examples he quotes
a. few corrections by Renaissance correctors Crom the Choephoroe, but none from the
Agamernno11 and the Emnern'des). Perhaps this point should some time be examined
afresh by another scholo.r, who ought to be no less experienced a palaeographer than
was Rostagno.
:a This would be the case, as far as the bulk of the text of Aeschylus (i.e. all save the
.first eight leaves containing Pers. I-'TOS) is concerned, even if Rostagno was right when
he assumed, though with noticeable hesitation, that the text of the first eight leaves
was written in the second half of the xoth century and the rest in the nth century. On
this point I cnnnot venture a judgement of my own, but for the reasons put forward by
x
PROLEGOMENA
a fresh copy of a classical text intended from the outset that a
s,op0con1s should join the copyists and supplement their work: the
book would not have been regarded as complete until his corrections
were entered. I have used the sign m for the corrections and additions
of the 8wp8con1s.
It was the opinion of Rostagno (op. cit., p. 12) that the 8wp8con1s
of the Mediceus had access to another exemplar, with the help of
which he emended his text and added the scholia and also variants
and interlinear glosses. This idea was emphatically repudiated by
Wilamowitz (Aescliyli tragoediae, p. xi f.). For a further discussion
of the problem see H. W. Smyth, op. cit. 45 f., who on the whole
seems inclined to agree with Wilamowitz. In a case like Ag. u27
it would be helpful if a clear answer to this question could be given.
When, between 1421 and 1423, Giovanni Aurispa acquired the
Mediceus, the codex had already suffered the damage which has had
such serious consequences for the text of the Agamemnon and even
worse consequences for the prologue of the Choej>lwroe. 1 'At a period
which nothing in the book itself enables us to fix, the quires of
Aeschylus became unsewn, and one whole one, and three quarters
of the next were lost' (T. W. Allen,]. Phil. xxii, 1894, 183). This loss
of the entire 18th quaternion (eight leaves, or sixteen pages) and six
leaves of the 19th meant the disappearance- from M of Ag. 3u-xo66
and n6o-end, and of the -Vn&8t!o's of the Clwej>lioroe and the beginning
of its prologue.
The 'codex Bessarionis', Venetus Marcianus 468, paper, in the
Biblioteca Nazionale di San Marco,:& was, as it seems, written in the
thirteenth century. With Wilamowitz and others I call it V (in
Weil's and Mazon's editions it is B). It contains the Byzantine triad
with scholia, followed by a list of tl1e plays of Aeschylus, the w&Oeo's
to the Agamemnon, and Ag. 1-348 (written in three columns to a page,
whereas the text of the triad is written in two columns to a page ;-cf.
Turyn, op. cit. 28). There are in V no scholia to the Agamemnon.
'Apparet scribae praeter triadis librum commentario instructum in-
notuisse codicem, e quo supplementa ilia [the list of plays, the
-Vn&O"o's to Ag., and Ag. x-348) sumpsit' (Wilamowitz, p. xv). In the
text of the Agamemnon the words are often rather crowded together
(in consequence, apparently, of the arrangement in three columns);
Wilamowit:z in the preface of his edition, p. xi, Rostagn.o's hypothesis seems to me im·
probable. However, leaving aside this minor issue, we arc justified in regarding the
whole pre-Renaissance Aeschylus matter in M, i.e. the text, the scholin, Md the corrcc·
tions of the 81op91A>nfr, as a product 'ciusdem aetatis ct eiusdem scholne' (Wilamowitz,
Joe. cit.); cf. also T. W. Allen,]. Phil. xxii, 1894, 168, and Turyn; op. cit. 18.
1 Sec the letter written by Ambrogio Travcrsari to Niccol~ de' Niccoli in May 14~
(reprinted by Rostugno, op. cit. 8 n. 2), from which it appears that the 14 leaves had
already been lost at that date.
s 'The number now used in the Library, but not published in any catalogue, is 6531
(H. W. Smyth, op. cit. 29 n. 1).
THE MANUSCRIPTS
they are, however, perfectly legible, except in the upper lines of the
pages, where the ink has faded.
The next MS in order of time is presumably Tr, 1 in the Biblioteca
Nazionale in Naples, cod. II.F.31, formerly called Famesianus ;::r.
paper. It is written by the hand of Demetrius Triclinius ;J conse-
quently its date is about the first quarter of the fourteenth century.•
It contains the Byzantine triad and Ag. (complete) and Eum. (with
two large lacunae; see p. 7). There are rich scholia. These fall into
two groups: (x) o-x&A,a. 11a.\a«l, 'introduced by capital letters (which,
in the commentary, occur only for this purpose) and by the projection
of their initial part from the rest of the column' ,s and (2) Triclinius'
own scholia, marked as such by the note ~µ.1.-r~pov (or .J,µ.&~pa.) and
1 I sympathize with the point of view of D. S. Robertson, who declucs himself
{C.R. lvii, x943,.n1) in favour of the symbol T instead of Tr; but there have already
been so many embarrassing alterations in Acschylcan nomenclature that I prefer to
continue the practice introduced by Wilamowitz and accepted by Mazon, Murray, and
G. Thomson. This has also the advantnge of reminding the reader of the fact that the
editor of this book, Demetrius Triclinius, has a distinct individuality of his own.
a For further details {such as size, etc.) of this and other MSS, and for modern publica·
tions dealing with them, I refer once and !or all to H. W. $myth's thorough monograph,
'Co.talogue of the Manuscripts of Aeschylus', HaTtJOrd Studies in Cla.u. Philol. xliv, 1933,
:x tr., and to Turyn's book quoted above.
i This has been stated by scvera1 scholars; recently by Turyn, op. cit. 102 f. E. Lobel
nnd P. Maas have examined with me many pages of the photostats of the Naples llS
(Tr) of Aeschylus and compared them in th'c Bodlcinn Library with the original of
MS New College 258, containing Aphthonius and Hcrmogenes, which bears the sub-
scription Sul ;(CC~ s.,,p.TfTplou .,oo .,p11<'Ml"'I and the date August J3o8 {cf. Turyn, op. cit.
103 n. Sg}; we have also compared the facsimile (Wattenbach-Vclsen, Exempla cadd.
Rraee., pl. 21} of the last page ofTriclinius' dated (1319) autograph of Hesiod {in Venice).
l>cspite certain differences in detail, the general character of the script is very much
the so.me. Lobel and Maas nrc agreed that Tr was in all probability written by Triclinius;
nt nny rate (as Lobel puts it) anyone who tried to deny the identity of the hands would
hnvc to produce very strong arguments to prove his point. No such argument is pro·
vldcd by an assertion which was first put forward by Friedrich Kuhn, 'Symbolae' etc.,
Breslauer PhiltJl. Abha11dlunga1, vi, 1892, xox, and repeated by W. I. W. Koster, Se/iolia
ill Ari.rt. Plul. el Nr1b. (Leyden, x927), p. iii f., nnd by~ Bohingcr in XAPLETHPIA
Alois R1aeh dargebracht (Prague 1930), p. 75 n. 21. These scholars say that some of the
111ctrical scholia on the Agarnem11011 in Tr, though obviously Triclinian, arc marked as
ox6>.A~ 11~cu& 1 and that since such an error could not possibly be ascribed to Triclinius
himself the MS must be regarded ns 11 copy of his autograph. This assertion is based
on OJ\ inaccuracy in van Hcusde's edition: all the metrical scholia on the later part of
the plo.y (from 930 [852 van Heusde) on; for the earlier part van Heusde's notations arc
1~rrcct} which he alleges to be ,,~cue£ are in the :MS clearly marked as Triclinius' own;
In this respect Dindor£'s publication (Philol. xx, 1863, 46 f.) is more rcJiable.-0£ the
differences between Tr and the other two Triclinian MSS referred to above I will mention
one which struck my eye at once : in the New College MS of the rhetoricians and fa the
Venice Hesiod the breathing signs, for both asper and Jenis, have the common rounded
form of the later period, but in Tr they arc invariably angular, and, furthermore, of
tho earlier, 'completer' {ct. V. Gatdthausen, Griech. Palaugraphie, 2nd ed. ii. 386)
nngular type, i.e. t- and ~, not L and _J. According to Gardthauscn, op. cit. 388, this
liJ n feature of the archaizing minuscule of the later period; I do not know whether in
Ille case of Triclinius' Aeschylus this deto.il could be ascribed to the inOucnce of his
~xcmplar.
~ CC. Turyn, op. cit. 103 f.
• H. W. Smyth, Harvard Studies, xxxii, x921, 93.
3
PROLEGOMENA
a cross or simply by the cross. 1 On the left-hand margin of the page
reproduced as plate I the two types can be easily distinguished :
beneath the ornament opposite the interval between the first two
lines of the text is the heading ax&~ca 11<ll\<U<£, and undetneath it are
the two 'old' scholia, the one beginning with 14.UT!'lws and the other
with Kvv~s 8il<7}v; while at the top of the marginal column i$ the
heading -1,µb"pov, and underneath it a cross and then .;, ~'to6ttcns "ToG
8paJ14TOS K'T~. .
The next MS is F, in the Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence,
cod. xxxi. 8, paper.: For evidence of its date we do not have to
depend on palaeographical indications, which for :MSS of the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries at any :i:ate seem to be rather elusive.
An approximate terminus post tpUm, viz. after the first two or three
decades of the fourteenth century, is provided by the fact that the
metrical scholia, written by the same hand as the text, are derived
from the commentary of Triclinius (see below, pp. x6 ff.); and a
precise terminus atite quetn is provided by a note on the last page of
the MS (after the subscriptio at the end of the text of Lycophron)
in which somebody whose hand is entirely different from that of the
copyis_t, presumably the owner of the book, mentions the death of
his wife in the year 1374· This important entry,:i which was pub-
lished in the eighteenth century by A. M. Bandini, Catalogus codicum
Graecorum Bibliothecae Lat4Yentianae, ii. 84, is never mentioned by
editors of Aeschylus;• there is, however, a reference to it in M. Vogel
and V. Gardthausen, 'Die griech. Schreiber des Mittelalters und der
Renaissance', Beihefte zum ZemralblaU filr Bibliotllekswesen, xxxili,
1909, 259 n. 4, and in Turyn, op. cit. 70 (for H. W. Smyth, see foot-
note 4 below) ; let us hope, then, that future editors will not forget
it again. The MS contains the Byzantine triad, Ag. (complete), and
Eum. (with the same two lacunae as Tr).
The corrections in F, and its scholia (metrical and others), glosses,
and variants, will be discussed in detail later on. Here it will be suffi-
• For the manner in which Triclinius in his edition or the bucolic poets distinguished
his own scholia from the ,,a).Q,4 see C. Wendel, 'Ubcrliererung und Entstehung der
Theokrit·Scholien', Abhandl. cl. Gesellsch. cl. Wissensch. iiu G61lingen, Phil.-hist. Kl.,
N.F. xvii. 2, 19211 31 ff.
:a Since Tr is older than F, it may seem strange that I have generally referred to the
two MSS in the order Frr. My reason for doing so is that the text of Fis pre·Triclinian,
as will be shown below.
, I have a photograph or it.
4 The consequences or this ovClSight are remarkable. Blass, Die Eume11Ule1i des
Aisdrylos, p. 18, criticized Wecklcin for dating F to the first half or the 14th century,
and added that he himself did not know why the .MS should be older than the 15th
century. Wilamowitz (p. xix) said 'saec. xiv, vcrgcnte, opinor, scriptus'; Mazon (vol. ii,
p. xx) 'xtv9 ou XVo si~cle'; Murray 'saec. XlV vcrgente scriptus'; and even H. W. Smyth,
Banxutl Studies, :xliv, 1933, 16, though he quotes from Vogel-Gardthauscn the entry
or the year 1374, dates the MS 'xiv-xv'. So here, once again, 'non impunc Bandinium
n~lcxerunt editorcs' (Wilamowitz, Anal. Eur. 4 n. 6).
4
THE MANUSCRIPTS
cient to state briefiy that at any rate in the section containitig the
A.gamemmm not only the variants but also the scholia and most of
the glosses a~e by the same hand as the text, 1 but that some of the
glosses show a different, and perhaps later, hand.
The last MS to be used by me is the Venetus Marcianus 616 (now
663),: which I call G with Wilamowitz and others (in Mazon's edition
it is V) ; parchment. The more recent editors ascribe it to the fifteenth
century. It contains the Byzantine triad and Ag. and Eum. In the
Eum. there are the same two large lacunae as in Tr and F, but unlike
those MSS G does not contain the whole Ag. : eight leaves, containing
11. 46-1094, are missing. It has metrical scholia on Pers., Ag., and
Eum., but no other scholia. On the relation between F and G see
p. 30 f. ; from what is· said there it will appear that in most cases it is
unnecessary to mention the reading of G, but that, on the other hand,
this MS is by 110 means without its value for the reconstruction of the
hyparchetype.
About the 'codex Romanus' (E in Wilamowitz's edition), in the
Biblioteca Nazionale in Rome, cod. graec. 5, one sentence will
suffice. After Pasquali's re-examination of the MS and his clear ver-
dict (in the article quoted in footnote x below) this book should meet
with its deserved fate : oiJ.r' J11 .:\&yw' oiJ.r' b &.ptfJµGJ,,
ll• ~39/iie relevant sentence from his Oralw de arte i11terprelandi (18.f7) is quoted by
A. C. Pea.non in his Oxford edition of Sophocles, p. iii f,
• Sec cspcclally Philol. xviii, 1862, SS f.
• To those whom I shall mention presently we may add Th. Bergk, Neue JahrbfkMr
jar Pln1ol. und Padag. xcvii, x868, 374.
' The caution of this early remark is very different from the easy optimism in his
llltcr treatment of the same subject.
5
PROLEGOMENA
lack of really decisive passages. This being so, it is not only useless
but positively harmful to amass inconclusive instances in an attempt
to prove that the later MSS are independent of M. No purpose is
served by referring, for example, to Ag. 297 (7Ta,8lov dmoO MV, 11'e8lov
duw7ToG FTr), as was done by H. L. Ahrens (he regarded it as 'incon-
ceivable' that the correct reading here should have been the result
of a Byzantine conjecture), Wilamowitz, 1 p. xix, and Turyn, op. cit.
in. For it would be very difficult to reject Weil's argument (p. iv
of his Teubner edition) : 'potuit vera lectio felici coniectura reponi
a grammati~ Byzantino Persarum versus 8o5 [µlµvovu' 8' lv8a. 11"e8lov
14uCl'1Tos poa.ts I ~£'] memore'. Fortunately we need not rely on
such doubtful support. Even for Ag. and Eum. (and it is the text of
these plays only that concerns us here) the evidence, though not
ample, is yet sufficient to show that VF(G)Tr are independent of M;
in a later section some instances from the scholia will be added.
The main credit for refuting with substantial arguments the
assumption that the later MSS containing Ag. and Eum. are derived
from M goes to Ahrens (Philologus, Supplementband i, 186o, 216 f.),
F. Heimsoeth (in his book Die i1ulirecle Oberlieferung des aescliy-
lei.sclieti Tex/a, 1862, x8o ff., and in several 'Indices lectionum' of
Bonn), C. Brennan ('On the Manuscripts of Aeschylus',]. Phil. xxii,
1894, 49 ff.), and F. Blass (introduction to his commentary on Eum.,
p. 19 f.). Although each of these scholars included in his list passages
which do not in fact prove his point, each of them nevertheless was
able to produce really conclusive evidence, e.g. Ahrens Ag. 1133
and n52, Brennan Ag. 79, 137, and xx43. Most of the instances dis-
cussed below were adduced by Blass.
I begin with V (including readings of V shared by FTr). Here the
harvest is bound to be meagre, for we have only 348 lines to go upon,
and, moreover, the readings of V agree to a large extent with those
of M (see below). But what we do find is not to be despised. At Ag. 79
-r&8t11'Efflpws in VF is a step nearer to the original reading than
-rl8,11'ef'Yl1pws in M, but since it is equally unintelligible it cannot be
regarded as an attempt to emend .,{8,11'Efflpws, and consequently
must be derived from a source independent of M (for an explanation
of the wrong ending see the commentary) ; when Dindorf, Philol.
xviii, 1862, 64, ascribes the reading -r&8,11'ef'Yl1pws to mere accident
('beruht wohl nur auf Zufall'), he shows clearly to what subterfuges
he is driven by his prejudiced view that M is the only source of the
other MSS. At Ag. 72 V's &.-rbra.w., again independent of M, is in all
probability conflated from the variants &.-rl-ra' and &.-rl-r~. An even
more interesting varia lutio is preserved by V at Ag. 137 (rightly
appreciated by Brennan, op. cit. 53) : 11'TtUuvKa. is presumably the
1 The conclusion which in the same context Wilamowitz draws from E11111. 959 1<Jpus
has been shown to be wrong by P. Mnas: sec my note on Ag. 562 (vol. ii, p. 284 n. 2).
6
. THE MANUSCRIPTS
result of llTAKA in the archetype, whence M chose 7"'<1Ko. and the
1
I cannot make out from the facsimile what letter has disappeared in the erasure
between ~ and o. :a Brennan, op. cit. 53, reserves judgement on this point.
J Blass (Eum. p. 20) quotes two pnsugcs from the F scholia. on the Ag. in order to
show that they arc independent of M. One of them, on 283 (adduced for the same
purpose from Tr by F. Heimsoeth, 'De scholiis in Aesch. Ag••••', Index kelionum
of the University of Bonn, 1868/9, ix), docs not prove the point, for from the name
'Bpl'o.'io ... anyone could infer that this was a place bi CZ. bcl'&-ro & 'Bpl'if; the other, on
,58, makes a much better case, and will be discussed in our examination of' the F scholia.
Wilamowitz (p. xix) mentions four scholia in Tr which in his opinion prove that the
group FGTr is independent of M (all of them had been used for the same purpose by
Heimsoeth, Die indirede Oberliefenmg des aeseh. Tates, 181 f,, and 'De scholiis in
Aesch. Ag.', vii); but none of them is really conclusive. One 0£ them is the note on
Ag. l09J, where the ax&>.. "a.>.. in Tr have C:,s "*""' (Uplf {w(r... (slightly misquoted by
Wilamowitz). Here Wilamowitz admitted himself (Hermes, xxv, 189<>, 162 n. 11 where he
also acknowledges his debt to Hcimsoeth) the possibility that the reading in Tr is the
result of a Byzantine conjecture, and this is in fact very likely : no scribe who bad his
eye on I. 1093 as a whole (and, perhaps, remembered the beginning of the Ajax) could
fail to recover the original reading (UP'S (or &p,s) from the slight corruption (~p(o"°'
8
THE MANUSCRIPTS
of them have come down to us in a rather attenuated form. We shall
be in a slightly better position when we come to analyse the non-
metrical scholia in F (p. 24 f. below). For the moment I shall confine
myseli to drawing attention to two remarkable pieces of evidence
which provide a welcome confirmation of what bas been stated above.
It is surprising that the strange 8uou1etSts (or 81JOU1eLvtSt~ as the MSS
have it) in Ag. 87 is in M left without any.explanation; and when we
then find in the uxo>.. '71'~. of Tr a variant {f.VP7]T<U KcU IC'T'A.) and added
to it a substantial comment (see my note), there can hardly be any
doubt that this comes from the original stock of the scholia and
consequently shows the hyparchetype of FTr to be independent of
M. We are probably justified in drawing the same conclusion from the
scholion on Ag. 177 µ&.IJos. M has no note at all, but in the uxo>.. w~.
in Tr we read this: L1JuxP7JCTTos µ& 7j Mf,s, c:LU, J4.TT,~' ws y?J.p To
plos 1ea2. 'TO ff>..lwos, oihw 1ea2. TO µ.48os 1eal b, 'TO 8{Aflos Ka~ 'TO {J>.&.{Jos 1eai
TO 1e'M•.,,os. For similar comments cf. e.g. Prom. 400, where (on plos)
M has the scholion pf.OJ.W.. wa,,O. TO plw plos ws 1e>.l.m-w 1e'A&ros 1CT'>...,
and cf. also Schol. Ar. Pem:e s28 (on 7r'MKos). It is not of course
inconceivable that a Byzantine scholar whose knowledge of the text
o.nd scholia of Aeschylus was confined to what he found in the
Mediceus or one of its descendants should have added at Ag. 177
o. note on µ.J.IJos which he compiled from the lexicographers, but this
is most unlikely, especially as we do not find the words µ.J.Oos, 8{A/los,
{JM.{Jos, 1<U.,,os in the list of similar formations which comes nearest
to that in our scholion, viz. the one in Suid. s.v. 7r'Al1eos.
Before examining in detail the relation between F and Tr and the
changes which the text and scholia of their common hyparchetype
llave undergone in each of them, something must be said about the
position of Vin regard to M on the one hand and to FTr on the other.
This position has been well summed up by Brennan, who says
(p. SS) 'V sides now with M against FGTr, now with the latter against
M', and by Wilamowitz, p. xxi, who in discussing the text of Ag.
I-g48 as presented by V says -'neque ad Mediceum haec redeunt
ueque ad idem exemplum quo FGTr usi sunt, sed modo ad hoc modo
nd ilium se applicant'. So V shares with M (against FTr) the genuine
readings S 8lpos {JpOTots, 23 tf>&.os, 48 1<A~oVTtSS, 8o .,.p{.,,o8as, etc., and
the corruptions 2 µfj1eos 8' ~v, 29 brop8pc&C~w, 82 1,µtSp/K/>a:rov, 123
~oyo&z.tras, etc., r and on the other hand shares with FTr (against M)
of the scholion in M. Again nt Eum. 541 where the last word of the line was corrupted
Jn the Tro.pc{Boars, the scholion in M, oro,, alpo:rTJph (cf. Clio. 1058), would enable even
o. poor scholar to elaborate it and write o.lpo."lpO>' crr~o.yl'&,, (crxd-\. "~· in Tr). The last
Jtem in this group (for Ag. 1672, where Mis mming, is of no use here) is Eum. 56o; here
ngnin Hcim.soeth and Wilamowitz have not proved their point, for Triclinius, as was
his wont, changed the 8'pJJO'fY'IG>' of his exemplar's text to 8tpp6',, to square the metre
with that of the antistrophe, and then added the fonncr word as a gloss, ifyow Q,pµ.oun{.)1.
1 At 198 V provides a typical example of accumulating corruption, for the starting·
9
PROLEGOMENA
the genuine readings 79 ,,.oo. (cf. p. 6), u9 ~pt1<vµova., 141 cU7TTo,s, etc.,
and the corruption 26 '"Jµ.a.vw.
The first few items in this brief list, besides illustrating the relative
value of V, may also serve a different purpose: they reveal certain
changes which the text has undergone in the hyparchetype of
F(G)Tr and thus lead to the unwelcome conclusion that for the part
of the Agamenmon in which only F(G)Tr are extant, i.e. for x,232
lines out of x,673, the foundations of the text are far from reliable.
The worst feature is not deterioration through inadvertent miscopy-
ing such as is bound to happen in the course of transmission, but
a number of deliberate and wanton alterations, as e.g. at 5 {JpOTots
8lpos instead of 8lpos {JpOTo'is, at 23 vtiv t/>Ws instead of rpaos, at 48
~d.yfo.VTES instead of ~a,oVTES', to which we may add, e.g., 98 d'l'l'E'iv
instead of o.lvE'iv, 286 VtrElp 1>.71s instead of VTrEP'f'EA~s, 1094 ltf>Evp{Jcm
instead of ~v €Vp~crtJ (or civw~crtJ), 1095 µ.a.p1'1Jp{o,s ply yO.p instead of
µo.p'T'Vplo,s yap (interesting because it shows a pre-Triclinian1 metrical
interpolation in lyrics), uo6 {Joa., 'l'l'OAts instead of 11&>.,s {Jo&t (cf. 5).
In some of these instances it would be very difficult to detect the
mischief without the assistance of MV or M. At 340 (where M is not
preserved) the civt°AOVT6 of V reproduces the archetype, and av y,
~AOVTEs in FTr is a metrical conjecture.
Now that I have discussed the degree of reliability of our MSS of the
AgatMmtwn, I will dwell on this question for a moment and will add
an observation that takes us beyond the description, comparison,
and valuation of the extant MSS. The precariousness of the authori-
ties on which in the main our text of the Agamenmon rests comes
out even more strikingly when we look at the quotations furnished
by ancient writers, lexicographers, etc. In the case of this play they
are not very numerous, but nevertheless are quite sufficient to give
us a salutary warning. It is to the text of Aristophanes' Frogs that
we owe at xo9 the genuine T;Pa.s and at III Kal XEP£ (which in the MSS
of Aeschylus has been ousted by a gloss, and could hardly have been
recovered by conjecture). At x41 the gap in our MSS has been filled
with the help of the Et.ymol-Ogicum Magnf4m; at both 282 and 284
a rare word has been replaced by an ordinary one, which would
have been accepted without hesitation if the lexicographers (and
Athenaeus) had not enabled us to recover the original reading. At
448 the true form a,o.£, before it was found in the quotation of the
point of its Ka-rdt(l'Ov was obviously the Ke&Tct(l'Ov which we find also in M.-Among the
features which link :M and V together, the colometry should not be overlooked: in the
ode 104 ff. the arrangement of the metrical K<Al~ in V agrees to a considerable extent
with that in M against the arrangement in Frr.
• The proof will be given bclow.-It seems to me probable that at 1096, too, the
change in Ffr of -r&B~ to Tel is due to nn attempt to make the line correspond to 1091
(awo</Jd~ """cl KGpT4vo.&), Such 'corrections' do not presuppose an elaborate metrical
system: a mere counting of the number of syllabics was sufficient !or the purpose.
IO
THE MANUSCRIPTS
'Epimerismi', was restored by Hermann; but at 1356 it was only the
discovery of the so-called Tryphon that revealed the nature of a
particularly insidious corruption, which had been glossed over by
many editors, though S. Butler had the sense to protest 'sed sanum
csse hunc locum nemo mihi persuadebit'. Of these seven instances,
the first five occur in a part of the play which is preserved in all our
MSS of the Agamemnon, and so prove irrefutably that we are by
no means on safe ground even where we have MV as well as FTr:
the corruptions in question are not peculiar to one or another group
of MSS, but go right back to the archetype. It may be useful here
to repeat the warning in which Wilamowitz (p. xxix) sums up the
inference to be drawn from a longer list of passages from all Aeschy-
lcan plays, passages in which faulty readings of the MSS are corrected
with the help of quotations: 'sufficiunt haec, ut intellegamus vitia
in archetypo infuisse multa, nee pauca ex his coniectura probabilis
tollere numquam poterat. Apparet etiam subinde voces rariores
glossematis expulsas esse, perniciosum corruptelae genus, quoniam
verum deficiente testimonio perraro recuperatur atque studio rariora
captandi multi in avia abrepti sunt.' The last remark applies parti-
cularly to the large group of scholars who, especially in the course
of the last hundred years, have endeavoured to find a place in the
text of Aeschylus for some homeless gloss in Hesychius. The tempta-
tion to do so and to toy with ingenious combinations will always be
great, but anyone who strives in earnest to deserve the name of
1epmK&s should at least form a clear idea of the pitfalls of this game.
One of the considerations which ought to make us pause was recently
emphasized by Latte, M1iet1ws. Ser. III, x, 1941, 87 : ·the quantity
of tragic texts from which excerpts were made by Didymus and
Diogenianus, the lexicographers from whose works the bulk of the
material contained in Hesycbius is derived, was more than ten times
ns large as what is now preserved. I therefore prefer to err on the
side of exaggerated caution. Even in the case of 11. 639 and 677 (see
the commentary on these two passages) it does not seem to me beyond
doubt that we are justified in replacing the text ,".'f FTr, poor though
the authority of these MSS often is, by readings gathered from
nnonymous quotations in Hesychius.
To return now to the mutual relationship of the extant MSS: it
is of vital importance to the task in hand to form a clear idea of the
character of F(G), and especially of the relation between F(G) and
'l'r. We have seen that the text of F(G}Tr in many places shows the
marks of arbitrary interference. That is bad enough. But our position
would be worse, and indeed almost desp~rate, if those critics were
right who hold that F(G) as well as Tr represents a substantially
Triclinian text. 1 In that case all we should have to go on for about
1 Sec F. Blass, Die E1m1enidm des Ais&liylos, p. x8; G. Thomson, The Ore.steia, i. ']6;
:r:I
PROLEGOMENA
three-fourths of the Agametmum. would be a text into which, from
what we know about Triclinius, we should have to expect that many
violent changes had been introduced by that learned and ingenious
but extremely reckless doctrinaire. Fortunately we may comfort
ourselves on this head.
It is possible to obtain a small-scale picture of the typical difference
between the Triclinian and the pre-Triclinian text (F) by glancing,
for instance, at the first part of the first stasimon {355 f.). In 356
Triclinius gives way to bis dislike for the paroemiac and consequently
barbarizes the line. To secure corresponsion between strophe and
antistrophe he inserts a stopgap in 379 (cf. 397), adds <l>s at the
beginning of 387 (cf. 369), prefixes b- to 8tls in 395 {cf. -377), reads
110AM S' lcn&0v instead of 110Au S' avlo-reoov in 4o8 {cf. 425), and adds
a preposition in 383 and the article in its corresponding line 401. The
'rhythmical refrain' of the. second strophe and antistrophe he giyes
in the following form :
str. (416 ff.) t?iµopif>wv yap KoAoaawv
q8era1. xap'S Tav8pt, I
tJµµdTWll 8' lJI amv{a,S
~PPE' 'Ttoo' &.if>po8lTa.
ant. (433 ff.) olJs plv yU.p 11IJAA/1Ev ol8Ev·
&.vri 8~ ppo'Twv TEVX1J
KcU 0'7T000S 'TtpOs JKd.cnov 'TOUS
8&µovs '"'°""'""''""°"·
The changes in 433 ff. are especially violent; yet the only flaw in
these eight lines as they were written in the hyparchetype of FTr
was the omission of Tts in 433. It would be easy to go through all
the lyrics of the play and collect a rich harvest of meddlesome re-
writing of this kind;:. but it seems more profitable to dwell for a
moment on the eight lines we have just noticed and to use them to
demonstrate that the text which was so boldly altered by Triclinius
was very similar to the text of F not only in its words but also in
the arrangement of the lines, i.e. the KWAoµerpla. If we want fully to
understand the textual manreuvres of Triclinius, we have to realize
and especially A. Turyn, op. cit. uo ff. D. S. Robertson mys in his review of Turyn's
monograph (C.R. lvii, 1943, 111) 'no one can doubt that FGT have a common source,
and that this source had been edited in a thoroughly Triclinian spirit'. It is the second
part of this sentence which has to be exnmincd here, for the first part is obviously true.
Ben E. Peny (Class. Phil. xl, 1945, 26o) and R. <Antarella (Diolfiso, x. 1947, 149 and xs2)
also accept Turyn's results, including his assumption that FG represent Triclinius' first
edition.
1 Interpolation of the article, ns here and in front of Uµo~ in 4J6, is one of the best-
undergone in Tr was given long ago by PetIUS Victorius (p. 2 of his prefaoe).
I2
THE MANUSCRIPTS
that to him the colometry which he found in his exemplar was
invested with the authority of an authentic .,,a,p&&a,s, and, moreover,
that the colometry of the hyparchetype of FTr is on the whole
faithfully preserved in F. It was equally well preserved in the
exemplar of Tr, and where Triclinius did not have a special reason
for altering it he left it as he found it. This can be seen, for instance,
from the beginning of the lyrical part of the parodos, xo4 f., where
the colometry in FTr is different from that in MV. The same appears
e.g. at n34 f. That passage in M is arranged thus :
1TOAVE7TEtS' 'Td)(J'O.L
8(cnrWJr.8ov 4'0/Jov
#povu' µ.a.0,rv.
but in FTr thus:
'TWO.' 8(cnrUlJ8ov
1TOAU(11'(tS'
#/Jov </>lpoua' (-aw Tr) µ.a.8,rv.
To return now to the rhythmical refrain 433 ff., we find that in F
the lines are arranged as follows:
o~ ,Uv yap l7TEJ»/lw ol8EV·
civr~ 8E fw-rli>v '1'(1$)(11
KcU 0'7Tooos ,zs l Kdcrrov
80µ.ous ac/JucvEtTO.,,
A comparison of this form of the lines with the form in which they
nppear in Tr (see p. I2) puts it beyond doubt that what we have in
F, so far from being a Triclinian product, is in fact the foundation
on which the metrician Triclinius erected theedificeofhisconjectures.
Of the many passages by which the same point could be illustrated
I will for a special reason mention xo15-17 = xo30-4. These lines
appear in F and Tr in the following fonn :
1015 ff. in F : lOIS ff. in Tr:
7To~<L TO' 8&o,s lt< Alos 1TO~cL TOL 8&a,s 8c.Os •
aµ.c/JiAa4>1Js T( K~ 0.µ4>~a"1"'1s TE 1<0.i
&.\oKWV t1T('T(lQ.v i~ &.\&i<wv bre-r"O.v,
vija-r&V ~AEOEV v&aov. vij<M'W <ZAEOEV v&aov·
13
PROLEGOMENA
exact corresponsion between strophe and antistrophe. This was
not very easy, for in the strophe, either after 1004 or after 1005,
- v v - v v - had dropped out. Nevertheless, by means of a few
minor alterations and a bold cut after 1030, he succeeded in producing
two symmetrical stanzas of fifteen 1ewAa. each ; and having done this
he states, in his metrical scholion on 975, 1ea~ lent. -rijs µlv 'frpWrqS
cnpo#js 'Ta KWAa. ,..y' . • . -rijs Se 8Ewlpas tE' 1eal 'Ta -rijs aV'TtaTpo#js
TouaGTa.. This makes it clear that the omission in Tr of the eight
syllables after 1030 is due, not to an inadvertence as was assumed
by Blass {p. 18 f. of his edition of the Eum.) and Wilamowitz (on
Ag. 1031; he wrongly concluded that the arrangement of the lines
in the exemplar of Tr was different from that in F), but to a deliberate
act of harmonization on the part of Triclinius.
Compared with the lyrics, the trimeters did not provide Triclinius
with quite so many opportunities for alterations on metrical grounds,
but here too he found enough instances of faulty scansion to reward
his labours. 1 See e.g. the following Jines: Ag. u39 (o.IBbror' FG:
ov &j '"or' Tr), 1231 (here he had ToAµci(t) before him and consequently
took Tota8E as neuter accusative), 1295, 1356, Eum. 306 (where the
absence in his exemplar of 8, induced him to change uµ.vov ••• 'TOv8e
to vµ.vwv ••• 'Twv8e), and probably Ag. 539 (ovK aVTepw F: ov1e&'
av-rt!pliJ Tr; for the schol. vetus see the commentary). At Ag. 1652
he produced a correct trochaic tetrameter by writing 'frpOKO'fr'Tos
instead of the 7Tpo1e0Tros which he found in bis exemplar.
It would, however, be wrong to suppose that Triclinius confined
himself to correcting the metre. To show that this was not so it
will suffice to quote a small number of passages the text ·of which
(as preserved in the hyparchetype of FTr) was altered by him on
grounds other than metrical. At Ag. 184 ff. he missed (or did not
like) the anacoluthon, common though it is in Aeschylus, and con-
sequently in 187 changed uvµ.TTvlwv to uvµ.7TVlet. At 231 he sub-
stituted b ouuoLs for &.O{ots, which he probably did not understand.
At 304 he attempted to emend the hopeless µ.~ xa.pl{ea8m by writing
&q instead of µ.~. At 455 he failed to see the ,Point of lx,oVTas (and
perhaps mistook €x_8p&. for the neuter plural), and therefore wrote
J.x8pws, with the gloss €x_Opw8ws 8ta1e~Lµlvous 'ltepl a.lm]v. At 98o ff.
again (cf. above on 184 ff.) he thought the anacoluthon objectionable,
so he removed the apparent harshness by the conjecture a7T07TTl1uat,
explaining the construction in his paraphrase: ov8e ~n E7T~ Tov cf>O..ov
Op&vov -rijs cf>pEVOS µ.ou 8&puos dn1'8ts . • . WO"T~ a71'0'fr'TVO'a' 1ea2 a'frO-
{Ja.AE'iv 'ToGTo K'TA. At 1<>84 he altered the meaningless 11'ap& to 11'apov.
1 Trimeters which did not scan until Triclinius corrected them existed even in the
much more intensely studied plays 0£ the Byzantine triad, although, of course, con·
jeetures on metrical grounds were made there at an earlier period too (c£. e.g. Pers. 326,
6871 782). In .Ag. 340 the metrical conjecture cr,. y' I>.&"<$ (FTr) is pre-Triclinian.
:r4
THE MANUSCRIPTS
At l6II he put lS&VTi. in the place of l8&VTa. and thus destroyed a fine
idiomatic peculiarity.
In all these instances, and in several similar ones, the readings
which gave rise to Tridinius' conjectures are still preserved in F. It
is therefore quite wrong to call the text of F Triclinian or to regard
it with Turyn as a first immature edition by Triclinius, for a Tri-
clinius who would have let by all the things which, in striking con-
trast to the alterations in Tr, we find in F, would be no Triclinius
at all. I am not even prepared to confer on the te>..-t of F the doubtful
honour of calling it 'proto-Triclinian', since it is definitely pre-
Triclinian.
This can best be illustrated by a comparison of the primary
readings of F with its interlinear corrections. The following list con-
tains a selection of passages in which a word in F bas been corrected,
by the superscription of a letter or two, 1 in such a way that the
corrected form agrees with the reading of Tr against the original
reading in F: Ag. 5n ~.\8' F, ~.\Oq- TrF2 ; 68o KAvwv F, KAU£w TrF2;
718 f. o~os F, oiJ.Tws TrF2 ; 145 '"'Kpofi F, 'ITLKfXIS TrF2 ; 920 f3&aµ.a. F,
/36'1]µ.a. TrF2 ; 957 8&µ.ovs F, 8&JU1Jv TrF2; 974 µ.l.\n F, µJAoi. TrF2;
1252 '1Tap£aK&1ms F, '1Tapea1<6rrqs TrF2; 1477 ylwr,s F, ylwa.s TrF2 ;
Eum. 217 µ.&pu'f'O' F, µ.&puLf'OS TrF2; 218 opKOVS 'Tl F, opKOVS 'TE TrF2 ;
435 at:f3&µ.a'a' F, ulf3o,µ.b TrF2 (this, at any rate, is what was intended
by F2, though actually the scribe, while writing 01. above the o,
1 For detnils of the interlinenr letters see my npp. crit. and Blass's npp. crit. to the
Eumenides. I have not included in this list Ag. lOJO (ftMwn F: fJplµ<& TrP) and 1267
(dµcl/Joµa& F: tlp.clt/>0µ41 GTrP), for I think it likely that in these two instances all that
hnppencd is that the scribe ofF made a slip and then corrected it, and that the correction
represents what he found in his exemplar; in the cnse o! 1267 the reading o! G is in
favour of this assumption (1030 belongs to the part Jost in G). Whereas almost all
the 'Triclinian' corrections arc mo.de by writing fresh letters in a tidy script above the
letters written in the te.xt, these two alterntions look quite different: the letters of the
text have been transformed in n crude nnd ugly manner, so that (e.g.) the p is still
clearly distinguishable under the .;. The snme is true of the correction of lxoU<7a.t1 to
(xoua' at 367; for this er. Pasqua.Ii, 'I codici infcriori della trilogia eschilea', Rmdie.
dell' Aaad. dei Li11eei, Ser. VI, vol. vi, 1930, 41: 'll tmtto di pcnna che ha cancellato
CUI' ~ senza dubbio dello stcsso inchiostro. Si ha l'impressione che F si sia accorto dell'
errore tm Jo scrivere e abbia subito riparato. Ora una ideotica impressione si ha per
il p'A.bm-fJplµc' del v. 1030 [sec the beginning of this note), tmnne chc qui rimane qualche
dubbio, perche l'inchiostro della correzione pare pi~ scuro.' This clumsy method of
changing one Jetter into another is often employed by the scribe of F in cases where
there can be no doubt that the fonn fust written down was due to a mere slip or over-
sight; e.g. at I. 19 of the w&9co•s (l91Ux911 corrected to l818·) and in the tc.xt of the play
at e.g. 66 (KJµ(U(os to 1e&1'·), xo8 (8lTpo..o,, to 818p·), 230 (ftp4xds to ppo.fh&s), 242 (wpow·
whrc111 to wpoo0fl'l11c"'), 622 (w'A.s to w(l)s}, 716 (pD.aco" to µ/'A.to,,), 746 (8.Sucp· to 8.Sut8·),
762 (1tci».lww- to 1tci».lwo.·), 809 (110Mc91' to wo'A.m:>,,}, 881 (&µ;O.<~o. to d1'4l>.c1tTa; the
original Jetter is indistinguishable in the photostat), 1486 (tr4rcpy({Tal' to -yb-).-It is
possible that this cruder method of transforming the letters themselves instead of
writing the correction nbove them was exceptionally used also for the purpose of
inserting a Triclinian reading. That seems to be the case at 1279, where the fact that G
o.s well as F 1 has ir,.,p.4,, mnkes it probable that this was the reading of the hyparchetype,
and that the change of the fino.J ,, to ' in F is due to the influence of a Triclinian )IS.
IS
PROLEGOMENA
forgot to delete the final cu) ; 56~, where the verb wl>..E,, with which
Triclinius patched up the incomplete trimeter (EtT' ovv 8u£K,,.opos
wb..t, TVpcrt]vuc.q Tr), is added in F in the right-hand margin; 674
Toi1cr8' F, ,,.&a8' TrF~.
Two of the passages of the Agamemn0ti mentioned in the preceding
list are quoted in the metrical scholia of F: 68o in the scholion on
4~ (494 Wecklein), which ends <liv T~un-a'i'os '-roaa<Yr' <Lco&aas 'fu8,
-r&>..118fj KA6Ew ', 1 and 974 in the scholion on 810 (Sox Wecklein), which
ends WV -rEJ\wraws ' p.l>..o, Bl ao' 'TO' -rllwrrep av µl>.A11s -rEJ\E'i'V '. In other
words, we find in these F scholia the KME,v and p.IAo' of the text of
Tr as against the KMwv and ~n of the text of F before its correction.
That is precisely what we should expect : just as the interlinear
corrections in F are derived from a text edited by Triclinius, so are
the metrical scholia.
It is the character of these metrical scholia in F that has been
chiefly responsible for the assumption that this manuscript is in all
respects Triclinian, and for Turyn's· view that it is a copy of 'Tri-
clinius' first recension'. Now there can certainly be no doubt that the
metrical system underlying these scholia is the system of Demetrius
Triclinius, and (more particularly) that the metrical scholia in F
are closely akin to the metrical scholia in Tr. But it seems to me no
less obvious that the metrical notes in F, so far from belonging to
an earlier recension, are in fact simply an abridged and simplifi.ed
version, or rather rearrangement, of Triclinius' metrical commentary.
Any section could serve to illustrate this; I select, on account of its
comparative simplicity, the metrical analysis of the first st~imon
(355-488). Opposite 1. 355 Tr has the following scholion, marked with
the note ./iµbepa and a cross : wZtG {Jaac'AEG: E'tpryra' -,)µiv b 'T~ -r6lv
llepawv 8p&.µa:r,,, 7r~pl -roG Ei'8ovs 'TO&r(l)v ('To&rov Tr) -r6lv xop(i')v· Jµoiov
y&p Jcrr,v lKt(vo,s Ka! 'T'OVTO' lX" yup b &pxfi ,UV cnJCT'M'Jµa bruf>OeyµaT&KOV
tls 800 8c71pYJµlvov 7rEp~vs, Kd>Awv &va11<UO"TiKWV ,p', t~s 8€ a-rpoif>?is TpEis
Kal UVT&crrpo#J.s 'T'OCTaVrOS Kal l11~&v· KaAE'i' TCU o~ -raOTa. brrO.s br<.p8uc"1. hr!
'Tats a:rro8laEa' wap&.ypa.t/>os. lwl OE 'T~ -rJ'>..n rijs brqJ8oiJ 1<opwvls KcU wap&.-
ypatf>os. Then, opposite 1. 367, and marked in the same way : LI cos w'>..a.-
y&v: mEG8ev al KaTe <TX,EUW lf.pxoV'Tar. crrpoif>al• KcU El<rl rijs p.& 11pcfrnis
crrf'04>fjs Te K@Aa. er]', Kal -rO. Tfjs aVTunpoifriis -roaaih-a.· rijs 8wrlpas ,,,,
\ \ "" , ,La e-_ "" ' t ' y1 I ' ... >
Kcu Ta. '1"1}S a.vrunpo't''ls Toaa.~a· '"JS -rpc7i1s ,oµo,ws '~ • Ka' Ta '"JS aVT'-
crrpoifriis -roaafrra· rijs 8€ br~o8oG cE', ~ Kal p.ETfY'laE'S Tots 'TTpOTlpo's
br&JUVOs. Ewl yO.p 'Taµ& &.VTWTTao-ruecf'T'O. 8£ 'T'pox<Wc&.· 'Te 8£·xopr.a.µpc1e&.·
1 Vitelli-WeckJcin, in their account of the F scholia (Wcclclcin, vol. i, p. 337), print
~Jc.iv here; but F has l()..S,"', clearly written and with no trace of a corr«tion.
1 This refers to Triclinius' own scholion ("1µ1-Hpov) on Pers. 532, the second sentence
of which reads: lx" yap •p/inov b -r&t,, .,,poqi3oo tnfo.ntµa.. bri#J,yµa-rucdv oroµa.C&µcvo,,
d.roµocoµ<p/r, itGUClll' d.-O.'frCUOTUCc'iil' '"' 4fT'a. tn~ ital oYntn~ y, Cf, lllso TricJinius'
note on the parodos of the Ag. (40): -rel T'Oca.GT'a. ci'S11 -rc'iiv xop(;JI', Wr cfpirrac ical lv -rfl
dpx6 T'OO "Q,, llcpoc'iiv 8p&µa-ror, bip"1f <lalv laX"lµanaµl11t1 ""~
x6
THE MANUSCRIPTS
..,.a
St la.µ.puul.. ltf? l1<~s a-rpcx/>'Tjs 1<a1 &.vr,a-rpo#js 7rap&.ypo.t/>os. br2
St ..,.~ ..,.(>.," rijs br~Sou 1<opw112s Kai '1Tap&.ypaef>os. The substance of
these two scholia is given in Fin the following scholion (on 355):
tJ; Zt:iJ {Jaac>..t:U: & 'TT<lpWV xop~s l~ KWAWll p').s'. WV ..,.a 'TTpGrra
<TVllt<1T'f}l<t:ll
Q' > \ ~I > _l'\\ _ '\ \ II 1.J..O A
'I'1 (Ul<l'TT<lWTUCQ. Ql.Jl.e1"pa K<lt. l<<l.'TaJ\'fll<T'Ka
<lK<l'TaJ\'f/KT<I. 7fTOI. ff.'t' 'Y/fUJ.'l:P'fl"
Kd f"'110p.e-rpa· 1 ..,.a Se
J~s pKS', xopr.a.µ.{3,KO. Slµ.e-rpa. a1<a'TttA'flKT(I. Kd
1<aTaA'YJKT'KO. ?froc. lt/>B'rJfUp.t:pfj Ka2 TrE'v87ifU/UPfi K<l11}µ<0.\r.a.· Kai -rplfU"Tpa
fJpa.XtJK«TttA"f'/KTa 1<ai 1<aTaA"f'/KT'K&., wv
'TE'AWTawv· ' yv11a&1<0'Y'>7p1JT011
o>.wac. (sic) 1<>..los '. Without going into too many details or discussing
some minor alterations, it may be said that the scholion in F is
a typical example of the boiling-down of a fairly learned commentary
into the bare minimum of notes indispensable for the purposes of
a school edition. The information concerning the general structure
of the ode has been ruthlessly cancelled, and along with it the
reference to the analogous structure of an ode in the Persae; more-
over, all avoidable technical terms have been cut out, and all that is
left is a very reduced description of the actual metres. In particular
there is no longer any mention of the colometrical Cl"f'/fU'ta. such as
,,,ap&.ypaef>os and 1eo1x1wls; this omission is characteristic of the metrical
scholia in F throughout.2 Their retention there would have been
senseless: in Tr all the '1Tap&.ypaif>oc., 1eopwvL'SE's, etc. referred to in the
metrical notes are to be found in the te.'\.-t column, but the editor
of F did not furnish his text with any such signs and consequently
could not refer to them in his metrical notes. This system3 of carefully
differentiated signs, with reference regularly made to them in the
metrical scholia, is perhaps the most characteristic feature of
Triclinius' editions of the dramatists. 4 Other considerations apart,
µo'Vdp.ttpc. is left out by Vitelli-Wecklein (vol: i, p. 337).
1 Kal
I will give two more examples, from the fust two metrical scholia on the Agamemnou.
s
At the end of the very first scholion (that which begins ~ ctaBtolf .,.oo Ttap411'1'ot 8pdp.ll'Fot
[roO 8pdp.a.TOf T:r)) Tr has brl .,.~ .,l>.Cl Ko~11lr <la'4vrot TOO XopoO; at the end of the
scholion nt the beginning of the anapa.ests (40) T:r has lwl .,.air dnoOlacoi n&oa.ir .,,ap&·
ypc.;os. Neither of these remarks appears in F.
J Triclinius took it over from Hephaestion wcpl "'IP.'l"°"'i see the Triclinian scholion
on Ar. Plut. 253 (p. 338 Dllbner), nnd cf. K. Holzinger in the FestschriftXAP/E.l'HPIA
Alm Rzaeh dargthraeht (1930), 70 nnd 72.
4 A general picture of these scholia can most rcndily be obtained from the following
sources: for the first three plays of Euripides (Hee., Or., Phom.), the relevant sections
in Dindorf's unreliable edition of the scholia. (vol. i. 2o6 ff.; vol. ii. xo ff.; vol. iii. 12 ff.);
!or Sophocles, Tumebus' pretty little volume ~ring the title '·.d71µ.,,.,.p1o11.,.oO Tpocl111lcw,
Bl$ .,.4 .,.oo J:oloK">.lo~ brr4 8pdp.aTa, Parisiis, )(J)Lm, npud Adrianum Tumebum typo·
graphum regium'; for Aristophnnes, the scholia printed between double squnre brackets
([ ]]) in the old monograph by C. Thiemann, Hdiodori. eo/.oni. Aristoph. qua11lum
superest, Ho.Ile, 18691 or (for more accurate information) Bachmo.nn's appendix to
Zclcher's edition of the Peace (x909), where (pp. 109 ff.) a special column is o.llottcd to
the metrical scholia of Triclinius as printed in the .Aldina. The scholia in the codex
Fo.mesianus (Tr) of Aeschylus have been published by the following scholars: Pr<nn.
by H. W. Smyth in Harvard.Stlldies iu Class. PhiloL xxxii, 192r, I ff.; Sept. by W. Din-
dorf (unsatisfactory), in Philol. xx, 1863, sSs ff. (the Thoman scholio.), and xxi, 1864,
193 ff. (Triclinius' own scholio.); Pers. by Lydia Massa Positano, in C0Ua11a di stlldi
.fl71-I I7 C
PROLEGOMENA
their presence in Tr and their complete absence from F might make
us hesitate· to accept Turyn's assumption (op. cit. xr2 f.) that the
exemplar of FG 'represented Triclinius' first recension' and that he
'afterwards wrote down his seco11d recension of the Aeschylean text in
the Naples codex, elaboratibg more exactly the metrical scholia', etc.
The metrical scholia in F, compared with those in Tr, show not
only the omissions which we have just noticed. but also the regular
addition of a certain item. In both the Tr and the F scholia the
metrical summary of a piece of dialogue is always followed by the
quotation of its last line; e.g. on Ag, x they have wv TUiWTal'os
I µ.q.Oooo&v a~86) KO~ µaOoGa' >.~Ooµa' on 258 @v 'Tt"AWT<IWS' x&.p,S' 10.p
I' I
O~K a:r&µoS' <tn<WT<U (F, <tpy<o8a1. Tr) '71'0VWV • ' etc. In F the same
pra:~tice is followed in the summaries of the lyrical sections; e.g.
on 40 wv T<Awral'ov ' 1afus µov&rf>povpov ;pKOS' ', on 355 wv TUi('l)'T(awv)
' yuvaU<o"71pVToJI o>.wa1. [sic] K>.los ', etc. But hardly ever 1 in the
colometrical scholia in ·Tr is there a similar reference to the con-
cluding line of° lyrics. The same practice as in Tr is noticeable in the
Triclinian metrical. scholia on Sophocles and Euripides; these too
always quote the last lines of the trimeter parts but never those
of the lyrics. The reason for this difference is obvious. No one who
glances over the pages of a Triclinian manuscript such as our Tr
can be in doubt for a moment as to the precise point at which a
canticum comes to its end : not only does the very conspicuous
Kopwvls attract the reader's attention, but the very shape of the
slender columns of ly.tics distinguishes them from the broader
columns of trimeters. But \vhile Tr is· wasteful of space, F is not :
wht're Tr gives ·~ch of two lyrical cola a separate line, F often has
~hem on the same line (though separated by a small blank). This has
liappened, for example, at the end of the lyrical part of the parodos
(dow,n. to 257) and at the end of the first stasimon (down to 487);
so that here, quite apart from the absence of a Kopwvts, the column
of the canticum and that of the following dialogue look (at any rate
at first sight) very much alike. Therefore, to spare his reader trouble,
the editor of F added a note which in Tr would have been quite
unnecessary.
The colometrical signs such as 11'ap&ypa.4>os and Kopwvls are not
the only Triclinian. <rf/µE'ia. that are conspicuously al?sent from F.
Triclinius, who in his Hephaestion (pp. 3 ff. Consbr.) found ~ chapter
'71'<p1 Kowij~ (av>.Aap;j~) which discussed among other things ~e
crui direlta da l'. De Falco, xiii, Napless.a. (1948] (I am very grateful· to Signora Massa
Positnno for sc1111ing me a oopy of her. edition); Ag. by Dindorf, P/11'/ol. xx, 1863, 16 ff.
(the w~aul nnd the Triclinian St'.holia scpamlc), and by van Heusde (more accurately),
in hili 1-1l11io11 (18f'1) of the play. For my o\m quotaiions from the Tr.scholia on the Ag.
I ha\'r :1lways c-onsultccl the photostats. The Tr i;cholia on the Eum. arc cdittd in
A. Tu1y11', !J,10k '/he Ma11usuipt Tradition ••• of Atsdiy/11s, 125 ff.
• 1 Tht: Mn:uk in '><'hol. Ag. 915, ~""r<).<VTaior' C1A1J111po11µlYGS 9pak ', iS exceptional.
I8
THE MANUSCRIPTS
shortening of a diphthong in front of a vowel {Totolhos = ...., - . . . ,
11CZJ\cucSs =....,...., ....,, etc.) and the treatment of nu1ta cum liquid.a,
thought it would be a good thing in the case of such prosodically
ambiguous syllables to use a special sign to show the reader whether
he was to scan To,olhos as - - ...., or as ...., - . . . , On->.a as - ...., or as ..., . . . , etc.
So he added two new symbols to the traditional prosodic symboJs,
accents, and breathing signs. He gives an account of this invention,
of which he is exceedingly proud, in the short treatise which he
incorporated in the introduction to his commentaries on Aristo-
phanes' (Proleg. xvii, p. 43 f. Dindorf, p. x.'CX f. Diibner) and
Aeschylus (cf. H. W. Smyth, Harvard Studies in Class. Phil. xxxii,
192x, I, and Turyn, op. cit. xo6) under the title 11t:p2 <TfJµ.tdwv Tiis
1<otvfjs avMapijs Twv bros 1wµJvwv Tiis ptp>.ov. After saying that it
was he who introduced a sign for the icon'1) avMafh'I ' 8tcl 'M}v TWV
110Mwv 11>.&V1111 ', he continues: br010~lh, 8€ 8t11>.0Gv To <Tf/fLE'iov, Sea
7'~ 8t11>.71v 7Wa. ica2 Ta.th-r]v (i.e. -n}v icon'1)v CTVAAa/Nv) ~EW -n}v 86vaµ.w.
~€ µ.tv O~JI avr~ /Jpaxt:la.s &ef>t:fAE, >.aµ.p&vt:a8a,, <Tf/fLt'.WJI J11&<nj871 T002 '- ,
µmcpO. &,>.ov&Tt ICO.Tapxas avw fJM-rrov TO 'TOV lWTa. crro,xt:lov <Tf/fLEWV
lxouaa, ;;,,.E 8' avr2 µ.aicpO.s, TOWO avrE<:rrpaµ.µ.lvov oin.wu2 ......, µ.aicpd.
&,>.ovon b T~ Tl>..Et ic&.Tw v&ov To TOG l6l'Ta. <TfJµ.t:iov lx,ovaa." In Tr these
signs ~e often to be seen above the vowel of a syllable whose quantity
is ambiguous. For example, on the plate facing p. x of H. W. Smyth's
nrticle (in Harvard Studies, xxxii) the sign ..., can be seen at line 5
(Prom. 795) above the v of 1<11icv&µopi/>ot, and at line 3 from the bottom
(Prom. 8o3) above the first a. of &xpa:yE'is, while at line 8 (Prom. 798)
._ has been written above the E of Twv8E to indicate that it is not
lengthened by the TP of the following TpE'Ls ;3 similarly plate II of
Wilamowitz's edition, at line 5 (Pers. 949), shows :.., above the
second a. of &pl8axpw. The sign ._ is also used to mark the shortening
of a final vowel in front of an initial vowel, e.g. above the 71 of ica1<wv
ya.p &} al at Ag. n33; this is in keeping with the fact that Hephaestion
begins his discussion of the icon'1) crvMafYJ with· instances of such
shortenings. There are no such signs in F, at any rate in the part
containing the Agan~mi<m (of which alone I have photostats).
Nevertheless, the editor of this text was not wholly insensitl.ve to
the advantages of Triclinius' innovation. In the case of muta ctmi
liquida he would let his readers fend for themselves as best they
could, and whereas Tr uses one sign to warn them that (e.g.) lOp,aEv
IFor the llSS contnining this treatise er. Hownger, in t.he artiCle cited on P· 17 n. 3.
s Cf. e.g. the Triclinian 5Cholion on Ar. ·PluJ. 14 published from a Paris MS of the
15th century (Coislinio.nus 192) by W. I. W. Koster, Sdwlia in Arislophanis Plulum el
Nubu (Leyden I'P/), p. 2: "'H .,,pov;;ic' a~ip ~ci11: ~ O'UM.afttflcrn .,.~ rro1, AlS' 'H~1-
rn{01., fnlolv, cim Ppo.xtlo.s >.oppCll!Op.OfOY. o~ Bet OUY "°"" yp0.9<11'.
, Conversely, at Ag. 492 (l~>.woc [FI'r) 9pbias:).Triclinius put the sign -. above the
ending of the verb, thus implying a false prosody; he did not take advantage of the
rending l9~>.oxtc" of his oxd~ rra.\. which he copied in the margin.
19
PROL'EGOl\lENA
(536) and d.~P's (nos) have their first and second syllables respec-
tively long, and another to indicate that (e.g.) the -rp of Tpoku (529)
does not make position and '"&.-rpwv (u57} has its first syllable short,
F gives them no assistance either here or in any similar instance.
But it is different when it comes to the shortening of the first syllable
of -ro&olhos and the like. Obviously the editor of F was too shrewd
a schoolmaster not to see that this might become a most unpleasant
stumbling-block and upset the scanning of the whole line. So some-
thing had to be done about it. But it was against his general principle
to use a technical symbol which he would have had to explain at
great length. Consequently at the six places in which the oi of forms
of To&olhos (315, 593, 1075, 1352, 136o} and of otov (1256) is in Tr
marked as short by the sign '- written above it, F has the word
Kounj written above the oi. 1 It appears, then, that of the large amount
of information on prosody which Triclinius had provided, only the
indispensable minimum found its way into F, and that in this MS
the notation by means of special signs is given up altogether, ob-
viously because it was thought unsuitable for an edition which laid
no claim to methods of technical learning.
Since the Triclinian sign '- was correctly interpreted by the
scholar responsible for F in its final form, it follows that this man,
probably a pupil of Triclinius or at any rate brought up in the
tradition of his doctrine, did not merely rely on what he found in
Triclinius' edition of this particular te.xt but was able to supplement
it from bis knowledge of his master's system in general. This observa-
tion is corroborated by another feature of the metrical scholia in F,
namely the formula with which they introduce the description of
dialogue parts (in trimeters and in tetrameters, and including the
<lµo&{Ja.&ov between Cassandra and the Chorus). In F these descriptions
begin regularly E'WOEa&s 8&7rAijs clµo&{Ja.la.s or Eia8Ea's 8i1TAijs µovo-
C1Tpo4>ucfis or simply Eia8Ea&s s,'">.~s: see (following Wecklein's
numeration) the scholia on 270, 494, Sox, 1019, 1056, II77, 1342, r577,
r649, printed in Wecklein's edition on pp. 337 ff. Tr, however, follows
a quite different practice; e.g. the metrical scholion on 258 (270
Wecklein) begins al (~s a~a' OV'1'T'1Jµ«'T,Ka.1 '"~pto801. <17'lxwv Elalv
laµ{Jucwv .,.p,µ.bpwv <1KaTaA1]1<'Twv 9{', that on 489 (494 Wecklein}
begins al ov'1'T'J}µ.a.T&Kai <Wra.' 1T~pfu8o, C1Tlxwv ~lalv la.µ{Jucwv -rp&µ.bf""v
<1KCX1Ta.>.1]l<'Twv, and so on, and the same or a very similar formula is
used for the colometric description of dialogue parts throughout the
manuscript, not only in the scholia on Ag. and Eum. but in those
on the Byzantine triad as well. The formula which we have found
1 It should be noticed that K0&"'1} at J36o is by a later hllnd than the other instances
of this glOS$. The 1eolt'I} at 1075 (1059 Wccklcin) has been overlooked by Vitclli-Wecklein,
vol. i, p. 338.-The one instance in this play (1663) of the Ol in -rocolh'os being shortened
in tetrameters is marked neither in Tr nor in F.
20
THE MANUSCRIPTS
in F, ~ta8((ns 8L71'A~s J(TA., is completely absent from the scholia in
Tr ; 1 nor does it seem to be found anywltere else in Triclinius' com-
mentaries on tragedies. In Triclinian metrical scholia on Aristophanes,
however, it does occur; cf. e.g. the scholia on Clctuls 314, 889, ¢1 1
etc. (Hel.iodori colcmetriae, ed. Thiemann, pp. 34, 42 f.), on Peau
124, 301, etc. (in Zacher-Bachmann's edition, p. no, right-band
column), and again on Clouds 314 in the specimen from cod. Vat. 1294
published by Zacher, 'Die Handschriften . . . der Aristopbanes-
scholien', ]allrb. f. class. Phii<Jl., Suppl. xvi, 1888, 316. On this late
use (or rather abuse) of 8L71'A~ and related technical terms, cf. Thie-
mann (op. cit. 98 f.; cf. also 105), who points out that 'usus ille,
quem apud scholiastas Byzantinos cognoscimus, nominandi totas
periodos signorum nominibus' is quite alien to the practice of the
earlier commentators, who use the word 8wA~ only to denote 'TO
<rrJJU'iov ~s 8Lm\~s. 2 We cannot say why the editor of F, when he
adapted the Triclinian colometrical notes to his own more elementary
requirements, preferred the formula '!w8~ai.s 8L71'A~s to the expressions
which Triclinius himself used in his commentaries on tragedy, but
the fact that he did choose it shows that he was familiar with certain
variants in Triclinius' terminology and could therefore do a little
more than copy him slavishly.
The simplification which is characteristic of F's treatment of
questions of metre and prosody can be seen also in its practice of
packing into a single paragraph the whole of the colometrical in-
formation about a choral ode, however long and varied. An instance
of this practice can be seen in the scholia on the first stasimon quoted
above (p. r6 f.): at 355 Tr, after describing the g~neral arrangement
of the ode, discusses only the introductory anapaests, and reserves
the more detailed examination of the lyrics proper for the scholion
on 367; F, on the other hand, gives right at the beginning, at 355,
the whole of the information which the editor of this school edition
wishes to impart, and then has done with the many metrical
problems of the ode. Similarly, F includes the whole of its metrical
comment on the parodos (11. 4CHZ57) in the note on 40, whereas Tr
has separate pieces of metrical analysis in the scholia on 40, 104~ and
16o. The latter method is in keeping with Triclinius' general prac-
tice ;3 that of F is not.
1 Compare, for CXllDlplc, the Tr scholia on Sept. x8x, 422, -486, 792 (Dindorf, Phil41.
xxi, 1864, 200 ff.) and on Eum. 179, 276, m (Turyn, op. cit. IJO ff.) with the corresponding
scholia in F (sec the eclectic publication by Dindorf in vol. iii of his Aeschylus, Oxford,
1851, pp. 513 ff. and 528 tr., which UULY suffice for our purpose). The fonner always begin
a/. µ.owxrr~a.l ci!Wcn wcp/o8o' and the like, the latter always cw9«1lS S1w~jjs- l.:'T.\. and
the like.
s In the Triclinian scholion on Plut. 253 quoted by Thiemann we find this remark
nbout a. .,,,pt~ of Jines spoken by the actors: &To&00Tor oX'/J'4T111p.6r ica.l«Tci& Scw~fj.
> Compared with what is found in Triclinius' commentaries on Sophocles, Euripides,
Aristophanes, and the Byzantine triad of Aeschylus, his metrical scholia. on Ag. and
2I
PROLEGOMENA
But enough of the metriCal scholiain F. Great asis their importance
as a clue to the problem of the relation between F and Tr, they are
not our only clue, and it is unfortunate that Blass and Turyn based
their belief in the Triclinian character of F entirely on the evidence
of its metrical scholia, to the exclusion of its text and of its non-
metrical scholia. 1 Of the latter something must now be said.z In
number they are not many: whereas the metrical scholia in F extend
over the whole of the Agamemtwn (they begin at I and end at 1649
with the colornetry of the trochaic tetrameters), the non-metrical
marginal scholia (as distinct from interlinear glosses) cover only the
prologue and the parodos (the last is that on 252 (264 Wecklein],
ue1va1TTE -ro -rrpoxaipl-rw Els 'TO -rrpoKMEw), and only on the prologue are
they at all full; on the parodos all that we have (apart from mere
glosses) is a few pieces of paraphrase (on 58, 104, and 124 (128 Weck-
lein]), and no explanatory comment at all. Nevertheless, despite
their paucity, these non-metrical scholia provide important evidence
for the relationship between F and the other MSS.
The F scholia taken as a whole (metrical and non-metrical together)
fall into two groups : those which are marked with a cross before the
first word, and those which are not. 3 The notation is on the whole
executed with great accuracy: not one of the very numerous metrical
scholia lacks its cross (this, if nothing else, would leave us in no
doubt about their Triclinian origin). Now we also find the cross
affixed to two scholia which in Tr are marked as -rra.\au!, viz. that
on 2, &.o-rElws EtfY'l'Ta.r. -ro KoiµdJJUVos K'TA. (for Tr see plate I, for F see
plate II), and that on 21/22, 8Ei 8,a.<mjµo:ros &Alyou IC'TA. The former
case is simple : the wording of the F scholion differs only in negligible
details4 from that of the axoA. '71"a.\. in Tr, from which it is obviously
derived. But the F scholion on 21/22 cannot derive from Tr, for the
stage-direction with which it begins (8Ei 8w.onjµaTos &Alyou • • . -rov
mJpuov (cf. vol. ii, p. 15, on 1. .z1]) is follo\ved by these words: To 8t
vul<'Tos c:Wr-1 -roG JK vu1<Tos ~p.lpav ~p.rv 8'8oi1s. This gloss is almost
Eum. give the impression of being mther sketchy. By the time he had reached these two
plays he was probably tired of his job. Cf. also the many back-references such a.s ct 1Ce1l
l'CTptfa<&s TOtr vpo-rlpo1r lw&l'<YOS (on At. x6o), ofu vow..cis ctP11M' (on Eum. 244), etc.
1 From Wilamowitz's description (p. xix of his edition) we might infer that F con·
1 Turyn, op. cit. 101, speaking of the part of F which contains the Agamemnon,
asserts that there 'the Triclini:m scholia, designated ns such in T by a cross t and the
word .//µlnpo,., or only by a cross, appear in F with a cross; the scholia w~CHa, designated
in Agam. and Eum. in T by a general title at the beginning of each of both plays and
differentiated by a capital initial letter •••, appear in F without any special qualifica·
tion'; this assertion is based on an error.-It is to be regretted that in Vitelli-Wccklein's
edition of the F scholia on the Agame1m1on the important differentiation by means of
the cross has not been taken into account.
23
PROLEGOMENA
reads ;; 1ea:ra civ8pos pov')..rooµlV'f'Js, which is obviously the genuine
version). 1 It would be wrong to exclude from this survey some of
those shorter scholia (or excerpts from scholia) which in Wecklein's
edition are marked as glosses by the note '(Gl.)'.:i Some of these
also are found in M in more or less the same form as in F, but are
absent from Tr, viz. 3 &.v,Ka8£V d.vw8&. (f cip~s. 32 oumdJuoµo.,, 56 0
&pt'°S'·
The fact that in all these instances the scholia and glosses in F
are closely related to those in M and have nothing corresponding to
them in Tr must not tempt us to assume that the basic material of
the F scholia is derived from M. On the contrary, some of the non-
Triclinian scholia in F provide excellent confirmation of the view
expounded above (pp. 7 ff.) that the hyparchetype of FTr was inde-
pendent" of M. The scholion on Ag. 33 appears in F, M, and Tr in
the following forms : in F (in the margin, not marked with a cross,
i.e. not derived from the Triclinian stock) .,,o.po&µ.lo. TO Tp!s 2e p&>.)..Ew
hr! T<llV d.i<pws rorvxoifvrwv ; in M Kal 'Tfapor.µlo. ' aE! y?J.p & 'Tfl'TTTOVO'&V
ol Llr.Os 1<if{Jor. '; in Tr (axo.t .,,a.\.) Ilapor.µ.la. 'TO 'Tpls 2e P&ME&V hr~ 'T<llV
.. • _{.__ } ' \ .. 0 .. • .. .'\ '- - _(_
a.1<pws EVTVX01.WTt.1JV 0e'TfEC. Ka& 'TOLS' KV,.,roTa.&s ovK EO'TL 1Tl\EtW TOVTWV
dJ8vfJoMjuo.r.. ').."'ovuc. 8~ 1"0.~J,1 Ka! h'pws. ' aEl y?J.p EV 'TflTr'TOVO'W ol
Llr.Os KIJ{Jor. '. It is obvious that the oldest form of the scholion (perhaps
with a few slight alterations) is preserved in the 1Ta')... of Tr, and that
what we have in F and M is two different e.xcerpts, that in M of a
particularly unfortunate kind. A similar relation between F, M, and
Tr (.,,a.\.) may be observed in the case of the scholion on 36: F has
(in the margin, with no cross, but preceded by a sign corresponding
to a sign in the text above {Jous} .,,apo'µJ,a. l0'1'2v l.,,i T<llv &A&Awv ;;
• All that Tr has here is T& itClnl l..8pa. Poii>..®µ0'0111 written ns o.n interlinear gloss
above h3pdflo11N.11. It appears that the hyparchetype of Ffr contained the full scholion,
with the last clause already conuptcd (partly because of the prcccdin¥ Kcml yw;siKa.)
from KClTcl cl1'3pdS' {Jou.\cuoµ&r,S' to Ka.Tel hapa. po11.\c11&µ0011, o.nd that F copied the scholion
in its entirety while Tr was content with its last clause.
:a This distinction between 'glosses' and other scholia is (at any rate in many instances)
inevitably arbitrary. For example, at 3M has the two notes wpdf T& ~11>.aJtT1icd111CT.\. and
T& U dyKo.8cr 1CT>.. written in the margin, and Wecklcin consequently prints them (p. 255)
u ordinary scholia; on p. 335 he marks the corresponding notes in Fas 'GI.' because
they arc there written above the words of the text (interlinear). But this differentiation
is not consistently maintained in Wecklcin's notes. On p. 335 he adds 'GI.', e.g., to the
interlinear glosses at Ag. 8 (above 9uMrrrraJ) 1"'1,,,JGJ and at Io (above /JQt"') f>-ifl"'l"i but
not to those at n (above l.\wlC011) J).,,{8a lxo11 and at x6 (above µi.iNpco8o.i) >.iyc111 JC).o/c111.-
The choice between the marginal and the interlinear position depends often not on
the nature of the note but on the space o.t the disposal of the copyist.-It is especially
unfortunate that Dindorf, in his publication of Triclinius' commentary on the Ag.
(PJri/ql. xx, 1863, 30 ff.), should have left out o.ltogether all interlinear scholia and
glosses without exception. This results in the o.bsurdity that a scholion like that on lo.f,
..Jyow 8waTdS' clµ, cz.,,,u. ~ ""',µ., Clthoi'S' 01/fl<io11 b 08/i) lliofkl111, dya.8&11, which is sub·
stantfally pre·Triclinian and is important because it shows that the F scholion here is
not derived from Tr (see p. 26), cannot be found in Dindorrs article at o.ll. In such cases
(and they arc many) one has to have recourse to a photograph or to van Hc:usdc's badly ,
arranged edition.
THE MANUSCRIPTS
al'Ti TOG fJ&pos brlKf:L'TQL ;; t/Jo/JoGµaL ,.,,µJa.v bruc€woµlp:qv JLO'; M has
~ fJ&pos brlK€LTal.';; if>o{JoGµa' {.,,µlav l:mK€woµbqv µo'; Tr (ax&A. '7TaA.)
has '7TapoLµla. lO"T! -ro {JoGv br~ yAWTn]s t/Jlp€t., br! -rwv µ~ A<IAotfv.rC1Jv
8'4 TLva. al-rlav. AEy€c. oJv 1ed o~os i} clan-! -roG {J&.pos JLO' brbu,-rat., ;;
t/>ofJoGµ«f. t"fJµ.la.v br&K€woµbr,v JLO'· Here too the form in Tr comes
nearest to the original form of the scholion ; the omissions in F are
this time les$ considerable than in the scholion on 33, but in M only
the tail-end is preserved. The same kind of relation between the
Tr scholia (the fullest version and that which comes nearest to the
original) and those in Mand F (excerpts) can be noticed at 49, where
the axoAiov '71'aACUOV which Triclinius had before him, although it is
not copied by him verbatim, can, up to a point, be recovered from
his own scholion. F has, without a cross, lK'TTa-rlo,s AEXlwv aan-i -roG
lfw rijs awwv obclas, M has in the right-hand margin (as a gloss to
d1C1Ta-rlo,s) TO'S' ;fw Tijs o8oG, and in the left-hand margin the para-
phrase otTtV(S' Vrra.TOL Ol'T€S', oMaavr~ 8( 'TOV '71'0VOV 'TWV &,,..,<EAlx<AJv, 'TOV
dv -ro's 8€µ.vlot.s '"lpovp.wov, br! -rwv AEXlwv UTpot/xJ8woiil'T4', and Tr
llas above (1C1Ta.-rlots the interlinear gloss '1'-<>'s ;fw rijs o8oG, and in
the margin this scholion (Triclinius' own, marked by a cross) :
dK'7T<L-rlots· -ro's lfw Tijs o8oG. '71'&.-ros yd.p -1} o8&s. ;j fK'Tra.-rlots °AEXlwv,
• ' ' 8 \ •\ •
aVTC. 'TOV" 'TOLS'
" "I: " • / __ _t_,.,_ > \ I
Es<AJ TYJS' OtK~S aVTwV. 'TO E 01\0V' OC.'TLV~ a1TOl\EUavTES 'TOV
\
phtasc:S like v4ro:rrH 11pdS' 1CTA.. arc much more common in those Aeschylus scholia. which
go back to Thomas M'agistcr than in those added by Triclinius. For another awarrc·
scholion (in Tr) see vol. iii, p. s61.
THE MANUSCRIPTS
decrease of real scholia after the prologue was a feature of this
exemplar1 or is due to the dwindling zeal of the copyist we cannot
determine with certainty; the latter, however, seems far more likely
when we consider that the man had an ample supply of Triclinian
scholia (both na.\cud and others) at his disposal throughout the
Agamemmm and yet, with the exception of the colometrical notes,
hardly copied them at all after he had reached the end of the ana-
paests of the parodos.~ He evidently thought that for the purposes
which his edition was to serve short interlinear notes were quite
sufficient as far as the understanding of the text was concerned. It
was different, however, with the metre. No section of the Agamemnon
fs in F left with~ut a colometrical comment. It is easy to guess the
reason for this persistence, which forms such a striking contrast
to the indolent treatment of the non-metrical notes. The activities
of Triclinius and his followers seem to have had the result that in
the practice of the schools some kind of colometrical illustration,
though in a simplified form, was regarded as necessary. It was mainly
tQ satisfy this demand that the editor of F added to the copy of his
primary· exemplar considerable e.xcerpts from the commentary of
'friclinius. In doing so he also incorporated, to begin with, a certain
nmount of non-metrical Triclinian matter, but, as we have seen, he
soon gave it up except for corrections of the text and short glosses.
It was only after copying the text and scholia of his first exemplar
that he made use of Triclinius' edition; the proof of this lies in the
nrrangement of the scholion on 2 (one of Triclinius' naA<ll<f), &.oT.:lws
e&'p,.,,.ac. 1CT'A., lines 3-5 of which have been pushed aside from the
normal left-hand edge of the scholia column because the earlier
scholion Sul 'TO i/>v'Aa1e'Tucov 1CT'A. was in their way (see plate II).3
The pre-Triclinian text of F and the Triclinian colometry in its
margin do not always live together in perfect harmony. There is
nt least one place where we can observe a clash between the two
heterogeneous elements. The F(G) scholion on Ag. x537 ff. (1539 ff.
Wecklein), duly marked by a cross in F, runs &.van<UOTucd. Kw'Aa. c.',
WY 'TO a. I' 'TO r'' 'TO r' KcU 'TO O' µ.ov6µ.ETpa., 4 Tel 8E .\o,na 8lµerpa. 4iKo.Tc£-
I This was the view or Blass (Die Eum. tla A iseh., P· 20: 'an Scholien hat das Original
von r g h [FGTr] nur wenig gchnbt'); but he had not noticed the indications in the
lt' &eholia which enable us to form e. more precise idea. of what lies behind them.
a As regards the Eumet1Ulu, F contnins a. few marginal glosses and the Triclinia.n
metrical scholia, but no other scholia.
> It can also be observed elsewhere in F, e.g. fol. 28 recto (beginning of the Septem),
!ol. 30 recto, fol. ~ recto, tha.t the beginnings of some of the lines of the Triclinian
ncholia in the margin a.re not, as is the rule, o.rrnnged in a perpendicular line, each
hcginning strictly beneath the first letter or the preceding one, but recede to the right·
hond side bca\usc some interlinear scholia or glosses protrude into the margin. In such
cnscs the late-comers, viz. the Triclinian scholia, had to squeeze themselves into what
upncc was left.
~ This description is quite accurate, since the first, third, sixth, and ninth K<ilMI, viz.
PROLEGOMENA
~'Jl<'Ta., TO St ,' lcf>8'11-"/UP4· The statement T<l 8€ ~om<l Slµ.ETpa c:bca.-
..,.&A71ma. is perfectly correct as far a.~. Tr is concerned, for in that MS
the fourth colon is disfigured by a horrible Triclinian interpolation
and appears as Spot..,.a.s vGv 1<o:rlX,ovra xaµ,uvav, i.e. an acatalectic
dimeter; but the original text, as preserved in F, has 8pol..,.a.s 1<a..,.l.-
xovra. X~VOJ1, i.e. a lcf>87Jl-"/UPls, in :flagrant contradiction to the
colometrical description. We are fully justified in insisting on this
detail, as the statements of the colometries on points like this are
very accurate: the Byzantine metr.i.dan, when describing an ana-
paestic system that contains more than one (i.e. the concluding)
paroemiac, will not say (as he does at x537 ff.) ..,.a 8~ ~o,71Cl 8lµ.erpa.
&xa.T&.\17ma, but will speak of a certain number of ci.va'1T<UOTU<d.
8{µ,..,.pa. cbcaT&.\'J1<'7'a. 1<al 1<a...,.~71m,1<&. (cf. e.g. schol. F on Ag. 355
(367 Wecklein] and 68x (686 Wecklein]).
Of many of the interlinear scholia and _glosses in F we cannot say
whether they come from the pre-Triclinian stock of the hyparchetype
of FTr or are additions derived from the commentary of Triclinius.
It is certain, however, that both types are to be found in F. There is
a clear instance of a Triclinian gloss, e.g., at 5x2 (5x7 Wecklein) : in F
the gloss ci.'"&µa.xos, written as it is above Kai 'ITo:ydJVtos, does not make
sense, but in Tr, where the reading of the text is KOmaydJvios, it is
perfectly intelligible. On the other hand, there is a gloss of a quite
different type at 5r3, where over ci.ywvlous e~o~s F has 7'0~S aµa. Jvi
T6rrq> l8puplvous (Tr has instead the commonplace rendering To~s
Jcf>&pous TWV ci.ydJvwv) ; this remarkable interpretation is probably
correct (see the commentary), and in any case looks like an excerpt
from some very good lexicographical authority. 1 Again, the short
paraphrase of 1365 in F (quasi-interlinear, i.e. written on the narrow
inner margin, beginning between x364 and x365, and not above x365,
because the space there was already filled by the gloss </JptJLOTlpa,
yAvKUTlpa.), 1j8ah-~pos-, "171alv, & 80.vaTos rijs TUpa.w!Sos, possibly repre-
sents the original version, while the less sensible version in the ax&A.
1T~. of Tr, ·man-~pos lcrr,, cf>YJalv, & 8ava7'0S & ~Ep 'TWV s~0"7TOTWV rijs
TUpawt8os, may be the result of an enlargement.
Our close examination of F has led us to the conclusion which was
briefly formulated by Wilamowitz (p. xix f.). viz. that the text of
this MS is free from Triclinian elements, although these are to be
found in its corrections and its scholia and glosses. By this statement
the assumption that the hyparchetype of F(G)Tr went back to
Triclinius or was influenced by his edition is implicitly rejected.
I now come to an important point, which does not seem to have
(1) l~ yci y&, (3) dpyvpo-roixou, (6) 1} a~ .,.&s' lf>!at1 f.9) x&,i..., c{..,,-' 1py"1'111 arc separated from
the rest and written as monometcrs not only in Tr but also (with less spacing, but
clearly enough) in F.
1 For the use of the word T&s:os in the interpretation of clyW... cf. Schol. Hom. E 376 -
Etym. gen. B = Elym. M. 15. 47·
THE MANUSCRIPTS
received sufficient attention :1 the hyparchetype of FTr had variants
in the margin, marked by the usual yp(&.t/JETac.). They cannot be
expected to have survived in this form in Tr, for H. W. Smyth's
remark (Harva.Yd Stiulies in Class. PMlol. xxxii, 1921, 83) about the
Tr scholia on the Prometl~us seems to be true of these scholia in
general: 'statements about various readings are contained in the
body of the scholia and are never indicated by an interlinear or
marginal yp.' F, however, still preserves sufficient instances of such
marginal variants indicated by yp. 2 O!l.e occurs at Ag. 45, where in
the margin of F we find, exactly as in the margin of M, yp. ~cov
alh-c!v, 3 another, an abortive one, at Ag. 3, where, above the word
1/niAa.K7'uco11 of the interlinear gloss 8id. 'TO t/J1iAal('TcK011 K'T.\., one can
clearly read yp. a (cf. plate II); the smirch on this yp. a shows that
the scribe tried afterwards to wipe it out; what he intended to write
before he stopped was obviously yp. &.vlKa8a1. Both these variants
proceed from the hand of the scribe of F himself, as do certain
marginal variants in the Byzantine triad, e.g. on PYoni. 56 (there the
reading of Fis 11cwu&..\al Jppwµlvws), +yp. 7Tpos 7Tbpacs, and on Sept. 16,
Q -
YP· ,.,pO'TWJI. s
It is a priari the most probable assumption that these variants
marked by yp. which we find in F are a faithful reproduction of
corresponding features in the hyparchetype of FTr, which in this
respect will in principle not have been different from M. A valuable
confirmation is provided by a few passages where F does not contain
1 :Mnzon, vol. ii, 2Dd ed., p. xxiv, considers the possibility of vnriants in the hyparche-
1 Jn the margin of M the variant yp. Cl"8&(') is followed by the gloss d µ&nis 8ij>.o., ha,
and in Tr aM~ is glossed (above the line) by >.lye' d µ0.""f·
:i (Cf. Addenda, vol. iii, p. 832.]
, Wilamowitz's note (Mt" P) is inaccurate: 'F never had anytbing but .>.lfe& {not
>.lte&', as Frcmz and Hennann say). ·
30
THE MANUSCRIPTS
(11,pwro,x- F), 1446 4Mfrrwp, r464 JliTpli/r'Js, x5r7 &.cu{Ui, r571 8~0'T>.71Ta.,
x594 X'pliiv, l6r7 vfp·rlpa., 1658 lpfavra., 1665 7rpoaaalv"v. From the
1hr&8~a's the following instances may be added : three times (r6, r8,
27) GTr hav~ a.ly,afJ- where F has aly""-; twice (19 and 27) the 8~
which is wrongly added in F is absent from <:J.Tr. If we were to
nssume that in these cases F alone has preserved the reading of the
hyparchetype, we should be obliged to conclude either that Tr and
G hit independently on the same corrections or that G took them
over from a Triclinian text. The latter aitemative is extremely
unlikely, since all the characteristically Triclinian alterations which
we have discussed above are absent from G; the former, involving the
assumption that the copyist of G was occasionally ~ much bent on
conjectural criticism as Triclinius, is ruled out by the general char-
o.cter of G, which is a dull and mechanical piece of work. 1 The correct
conclusion ·to be drawn from our list is that in all these cases the
readings of GTr are those of the hyparchetype, and that those of F
nre individual blunders of this MS, several of them due to great
carelessness or haste. Thus G (and this is its chief value): warns us
ngainst the belief that wherever Tr exhibits a reasonable reading
where F has a corruption this reading should be regarded as the
result of a conjecture by Triclinius. G, then, was not copied from F.
This is confirmed by Ag. r279, where G exhibits the a:r,µ&v which was
originally written in F (cf. p. xs n. x). In F the final v. is hardly
recognizable, having been obliterated in the correction to amµol;
IC G had been copied from F, we should find 4-r,µot in G.
The possibility must be admitted that sometimes, when GTr agree
ngainst F, the reading in F may be due not to an individual error
in F but to a variant in the hyparchetype: 1658 lpfaVT's is" possil;>ly
n. case in point.
The manner in which the metrical scholia in G (it has no others)
nre badly crowded together in its narrow margins seems to show that
originally it was not intended that scholia should be added here at
nll. It is possible, though it cannot be proved, that when the text
of G was completed (its source, as we saw, was not F), the scribe
used F, or a 'gemellus' of F, for the metrical notes which, on second
thoughts, he had come to regard as useful. In the part of G following
the large lacuna; i.e. from x095 to the end, the scholia are identical
with those in F, but at the beginning of the play, where the metrical
ticholia in F are rather detailed, G has a shorter version : in the first
' In the part of G contnining the Agamemnon there nrc no signs of original conjectures.
It is true that nt 2652 wp01<011ot has been changed (by the same hand?) into Ttp01<01rrot,
but this even a. stupid man could do j{ he had his eye on the prcctding line. However,
It is perhaps to the credit of the scribe of G thnt he sometimes leaves a t?lank when he
1locs not undcrstnnd the reading of his exemplar; cf. 1221 (yi instead of ylµt>f) and 1664.
2 I cnnnot therefore ogree with Mnzon (vol. ii, 2nd ed., p. xxi n: 3), who wants to
cllminnte G completely from future editions of the Oresteia. ·
3I
PROLEGOMENA
metrical scholion (p. 335 Wecklein) the words <Zv T~wra.ios to the
end of the scholion are missing in G; in the next (on 40 : d na"'1v
xopos IC'TA.) G agrees with F only up to the words ?frot J4>fhil"P.'pij
1e<U p.ov&µ.ttpa, and then (where F continues Jff;s 8~ µ.era.pas ,zs
l:rlpa.v V1r&9,o,v IC'TA.) has merely the crude abridgement &p.olws 8~
KO.' lTtp(JJS' 'TOCTaGra. 'Ta 8~ AotnO. xopw.p.{Jt1<&..
Fate has not been too kind to.the text of the Agamemnon. Above
all, the loss of the fourJeen leaves of the Mediceus entailed irreparable
harm. The verdict of Wilamowitz (p. xxii), grim though it is, is none
too pessimistic: 'Agamemnonis ea pars, quam deficiente Mediceo
haec [sci!. memoria, i.e. FGTr] sola tradit, tam incerto nititur funda-
mento, ut aperta damna coniciendo reparan vix possint, alia ne
animadvertantur quidem.' But still, looking at the history of the
text as a whole, there is a good deal to be grateful for. To begin
with, mankind will for ever be indebted to the wise decision of the
unknown editor who, at the beginning of the Roman Empire, in-
cluded the Oresteia in his selection of seven Aeschylean plays. 1 In
the next place it was a most fortunate circumstance that a copy of
this selection, written probably not earlier than the fifth century
(see Wilamowitz, p. xxv), survived the Dark Ages, so that it became
possible for a Byzantine scholar of the ninth century to transcribe
this uncial codex into the new minuscule. 'Ignotus hie vir et est et
semper erit, sospitator baud dubie Aeschyli appellandus, nam ad
exemplar ab eo ita transcriptum ut suae aetatis necessitates et
desideria postulabant codices nostri redeunt, ~ per hoc exemplar
demum ad librum vere archetypum [i.e. the uncial codex]' (Wilamo-
witz, p. xxiv). One of the descendants of this earliest minuscule text
of Aeschylus is the codex Mediceus, another was the ancestor of V,
and a third was the MS whose remote and rather degenerate descen-
dant was to become the hyparchetype of FGTr. At that late stage
there happened something that proved providential for the preserva-
tion of the greater part of the Agamemmm. The compiler of the book
which is here called the hyparchetype of FGTr was not content to
follow the common practice of his time and copy only the Byzantine
triad, but added to it the Agamemnon and the Eumenides. But for
this lucky accident the 400 lines extant in the Mediceus and the
additional 38 lines in V would have been all that was left of the
Agatnemmm. But even when the preservation of the complete play
1 Cf. Wilamowitz, Ei11leil1111g fo die grieehisel1e Trag4d.ie (- J!.'ur. Her. i, xst ed.), 195.
:1.Several arguments have been put !onvard in order to demonstrate that the common
source of Mand all the other MSS was a minuscule codex. Here it wm suffice to mention
two groups of errors common to all extant MSS: (x) wrong division of words, e.g.
Eum. 117 'K(c)lwv, 204 8' ll(Twp, 269 8' 'Kci Tis-; (2) typical misreadings of minuscule
letters, e.g. Eum. 246 vcKp&Y. These examples are taken from theOresteia; many analogous
instances could be added from the B}'%1lntinc triad.
32
THE MANUSCRIPTS
had thus been secured there was still a serious danger ahead. It
might easily have happened that the text of the parts missing in the
Mediceus and V survived only in the form into which it had been
brought by the violent critical manreuvres of Triclinius. That would
be the case if only Tr or a similar MS, and not F, had come down to
us. Fortunately we possess F as well, and, as has been demonstrated
above, F, though of later date than Triclinius' edition, contains
a pre-Triclinian text, a te.xt which in the course of time had con-
tracted all kinds of disfigurement, including a number of arbitrary
alterations, but was at least free from the particularly reckless,
though often ingenious, conjectures of Triclinius.
33 D
II
SOME EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES
NEITHER Robertello's 1 skill nor the genius of Tumebus2 was given
sufficient scope in the text of the Aga~mm, of which at that time
only the 11. 1-s10 and 1o67-1159 were known. It was not until Petrus
Victorius (Pier Vettori), using the codex F, included the whole play
in his edition (1557) that scholarly work on the Aga~mm. could
begin in earnest. Victorius had also at his disposal a collation of Tr,
then in the library of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese. He rightly con-
cluded that of the two forms of the text the purer one was on
the whole that of F (cf. p. x2 n. 2). But he was so much biased in
favour of his Florentine manuscript that in many places he preferxed
to the corxect readings of Tr the obvious errors of F, e.g. 331 vij<IT,s,
556 KaKOTpWT'OVS 1 577 -rpol"f}V1 791 8E'iyµ.a., 907 ava,f, 937 amEu8(aS, 1255
8vC17Ta~, etc. Considering that Victorius, as far as the greater part
of the Agamemnon is concerned, produced the editio prin~s, it is
surprising how little he did to emend the text. Even such obvious
corrections as 587 avwAoAvea µ.&, 999 i/168-ri had to be introduced by
his 'printer', Henricus Stephanus (Henri Estienne). whose appendix
to Victorius' edition is a very important contribution. In the only
three cases {apart from mere orthographica) where Victorius diverged
from the MS reading he did nothing more than make an all but
inevitable change in the mood or the voice of a verb : 1381 ap;Jv,o8a,,
1654 oprf.uwµ.&, 1658 l:rrpaeaµ&.
Victorius' preface shows that he had some very sound ideas about
the genesis of our scholia ;l he realized e.g. that the scholia in the
margins of the MS texts are ultimately derived from ancient books,
V?roµ,,,,µa.Ta (he says 'iusti commentarii'), and he also saw that the
merely periphrastic scholia are of late origin (cf. on this point Wila-
mowitz, Aesc/Jyli. tYagoediae, p. xxiv). But when he added a selection
of scholia to his text of Aeschylus, he was bent solely upon the
practical purpose of providing the reader with pieces of information
that might help him to understand better what the poet meant. 4
Consequently he made no attempt to keep separate the pieces of
1 Some scholars call him Robortelli. I have followed the guidance of E. Rosto.gno,
L' Esdiilo Laurensiano, Facsimile, 10, and of the Endclopulia Jtalia11a, xxix (1936), 519.
:a Of his edition of Aeschylus Wilamowitz (Aeschyli lragoediae, p. vi) says 'ingenium
et doctrina cditoris tantum pracstitit, ut superare cum me quidcm iudicc potucrit
ncmo'.
3 Wilamowitz in his brilliant appreciation of Victorius' work ('Gcschichte der
Philologie' in Gerckc-Nordcn, Eitileitung in die AllCTtumS111. i, 3rd ed., p. 14) praises
him for discovering an important branch of the scholia on Homer (cf. E. Maass, Sdiolia
i11 Hom. ll. T01Dnl. i, p. viii f.).
4 Musurus' practice in compiling his scholia on Aristophanes seems to have been very
much the same.
34
SOME EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES
different provenance which he found in Tr, i.e. the axoAta 1TaAcu&,
Triclinius' own additional scholia (-IJµl-repa), and the interlinear
glosses, but conflated them fr~y. When Dindorf reprinted this con-
glomerate in his edition of the scholia (pp. 504 ff.) without indicating
its source, this was merely useless; it was immensely more harmful
when Wecklein mixed up the ax&>ita 1TaAatc£ with the scholia 'quae
Victorius exhibet' (p. x; what he says there to justify his procedure
shows that he had no clear idea of the nature of Victorius' scholia).
Consequently we read in Wecklein's edition, e.g. at Ag. 838 (829
Weckl.), 926 (917 Weckl.), 937 {928 Weckl.), 938 (929 Weck!.), scholia
which are entirely Triclinius' own Mµl.,epa.) and were taken over by
Victorius, and, worse, at 822 (8x3 Weckl.) Wecklein prints Suidas'
article 1Tc£yas· 8lm-va., 1Ta.yl8as l<"TA., because Victorius had inserted
it into his scholia for the benefit of his readers.
Victorius' ultra-conservative treatment of the text of Aeschylus
offered a wonderful chance to his contemporary, the true initiator
of the study of Greek poetry in France, Auratus (Jean Dorat). 1
This enthusiastic and highly influential teacher was not interested
in publishing the fruits of his learning; his emendations were pro-
pagated by his admiring friends and pupils,:i above all by the greatest
of them, Scaliger. In the AgamemnonAuratus' emendations (counting
only those which either have been almost generally accepted or at
any rate are highly probable) amount to 29, that is to say they far
outnumber any other set of successful corrections proposed here by
one single scholar. Among them are of course some which anyone
might have found on what was practically virgin soil, but there are
others which show the touch of the master critic and make us sec
the reason why Hermann said (on Ag. 1434 [rs¢ Henn.)) 'ille omnium
qui Aeschylum attigerunt princeps Auratus'.
In x58o, i.e. twenty-three years later than Victorius' edition,
Willem Canter's text of Aeschylus was published after the premature
death of the editor (born x542, died x575), 'quem, si fata iuveni illi
pepercissent, inter summos omnium temporum philologos nu:Qterare-
mus' (Bruno Keil in his edition of Aelius Aristides, vol. ii, p. :xxxv).
In his Aeschylus the progress beyond Victorius is considerable. That
Canter should be praised because he paid special attention to the
arrangement of the lines in the lyrics and to their strophic responsion
(cf. Wilamowitz, Ei11leitung in die griecli. T1'aglidie, 222, and AeschyU_
tragoediae, p. vi) is just, but it is not enough to acknowledge this
feature of his editions of Euripides (completed by himself) and
1 A lively portrait of this fascinating man is drawn by Marie Pattison, Essays, i. 2c6 ff.
s Consequently we cannot in every case be sure whether a particular emendation
really belongs to Aurutus. I have not done anything to check the authorship of those
conjectures which, on the basis of earlier matginnl notes, were ascn"bed to Aumtus by
Butler, Blomfield, Hermann (cf. M. Haupt in the preface to Hermann's edition, p. xvi f.),
and others, o.nd which appear under his name in Wecklein's app. crit. or in his 'Appendix',
35
PROLEGOMENA
Aeschylus. A fairly adequate idea of his capacity for textual criticism
may be obtained even from going through a single play. Canter knew
that faulty division of words is one of the main sources of trouble
in most of our MSS. This knowledge he turned to very good account
when he restored in Ag. 701 f. a:rlJ.l.(IJULV, in 963 8, EiµO:rwv, in 1229
K<ix-rElvaaa, and in 1599 aµ:rrl1rm. Observation of the laws of the
trochaic metre led,;.him to substitute in 1671 W<M'E for l!J<nrEp. His
bl/JYJS in 1567 and, perhaps, his 'TElVOJIT£S in 1362 may seem pretty
obvious, but the emendations in 12n (civa-ros) and in 1418 (awuf.-rwv)
are truly admirable.
The giant Scaliger never worked through a Greek or a Latin .text
without jotting down in the margins a number of conjectures, ·of ten'
mere freaks, sometimes real pearls. In the Agamenmon he hit the
mark in six passages;• special praise is due to him. for restoring
otKTw' in 134 and continuing the speech of the coryphaeus at 501.·
But what he did for this play in his odd moments is as nothing com-
pared to the sustained effort of his younger friend Casaubon.
'Io the part played by Isaac Casaubon in the study of Aeschylus
general opinion does less than justice. The reason is that the docu-
ments which furnish the chief evidence of his activities in this field
have not met with the attention which they deserve: I shall deal
with these documents and the inferences to be drawn from them
in Appendix I (pp. 62 ff.); here I shall confine myself to an attempt
to outline a few characteristic features of Casaubon's treatment of
Aeschylus and in particular of the play on which, as time went on,
he concentrated more and more, the Agamenmoti.
When Casaubon first set himself in earnest to work on Aeschylus,
his attention was primarily, though not exclusively, directed to
textual criticism, i.e. to the improvement of the text which he found
in the printed editions, especially those of Petrus Victorius and of
Canter. Nor did he at any later stage neglect what he justly regarded
as the backbone of any scholarly effort. This greatest of the editors
of Athenaeus recovered from that author the genuine reading ?Tavov
at Ag. 284, which in the MSS of Aeschylus had been ousted by tjiav&v.
At 69 he bit the mark with the simple change to V1ro1<alwv. At 336,
unlike his predecessors, he did not tolerate the nonsensical 8uu-
8alµov£S, but emended the passage once and for all. At 1092 (&vSpo-
a<foa.yE'iov) he recognized the bold Aeschylean compound, at 1122 he
achieved what is likely to be the final emendation. On 1410, wl;lere
the editors. tell us that it was left to Hermann's pupil Seidler to set
the dochmiacs right, Casaubon makes this comment : '!ego <t?Tcmoi\,s
vel a7J'&m-o~'s ex contrario versu 0.VT,<M'po4>.', and at 1430 he restored
both sense and metre by reading r&µ.µ.a(n)."
1 For the copy of Victorius' Aeschylus annotated by Scnligcr seep. 67.
2 That be was in the habit of paying attention to the metre of the lyrics may be seen,
36
SOME EDI-TIONS AND COMMENTARIES
One of the most important tasks of the editor of a dramatic play
may be included in the category of textual criticism without unduly
stretching the term, viz. the task of ascribing every line to its proper
speaker. Here Casa.ubon's penetrating interpretation led him to real
triumphs. Before him not even Canter had found fault with the
notation of the MSS at 258-354, which turned this scene into a
dialogue between an ~yy~os 1 and Clytemnestra, and thus made
havoc of the structure of the whole tragedy. A no less silly mistake,
though on a minor scale, dis.figured the dialogue 622-35, and here it
was again Casaubon who first spotted and corrected the blunder.
Only those who degrade the noble craft of textual criticism to
a plaything fancy that it is easier or less important to give the right
interpretation of a difficult passage than to change the text by a
brilliant conjecture. In the centuries after Casaubon the phrase
Ag. 2 4'povpas hEtas p.fj1<os has been exposed to all sorts.of distortions
or far-fetched suggestions. He himself, with his firm grasp of Greek
and his unfailing common sense, kept clear of violence as well as
artificiality and so understood the construction of the sentence far
better than many later critics. In the margin2 at 237 tf>9&yyov apai'ov
o~ots he observes: 'haec verba add. ut sint l'7Jy. praecedentium, ita
prorsus ut fabulaeinitio adiecit 1'povp&s l-rElas p..' As another instance
of Casaubon's ars interpretandi I choose Ag. 931, which Casaubon,
clinging strictly to the fixed meaning of a set phrase, correctly
rendered 'Responde mihi ex animi tui sententia'. Here several
eminent scholars have missed the sense and the tone of the sentence
and consequently have taken as a plain expression of obstinacy what
is in reality a significant piece of Clytemnestra's subtle cunning.
Casaubon is fully alive to certain stylistic devices of which
Aeschylus is particularly fond. One instance roust suffice here. He
says (Paris MS, fol. 15) 'debemus notare . . . Aeschylum solitum esse
quod dixit obscuris verbis postea quid intelligat e."Cplicare' and again
(ibid., fol. IO'/) 'ut iam diximus semper solet Aeschylus illa quae satis
obscure dixit postea illustrare clariori sententia'; for the pheno-
menon in question, cf., for example, my no~es on 136 and 238.
A sixteenth-century scholar cannot perhaps be expected to give
much thought to the details of the action on the stage when some
effort is needed to work them out; it is the more gratifying to find
Casaubon making on 83 ff. the observation 'senes Clytaemnestram
compellant absentem', etc. (cf. vol. ii, p. SI n. 1).
Casaubon's keen interest in all branches of RealietJ, institutions of
private life, sacred rites, details of political and military organization,
e.g., by his remark on 427 (Paris MS, loose sheet fol. 20) 'doctissimi viri (i.e. Auratus]
ccnsuerunt tollendum essc illud J;• JC1Tla.s •• • scd metrum corrumpunt'.
1 Consequently the ciyy~s obtained a place in the list of dramatis personae after
the 'Y11cSllcol$'.
i i.e. of the 'Cambridge Aeschylus' (see p. 62 £.).
37
PROLEGOMENA
and so on, is as manifest in his notes on the plays of Aeschylus
as in anything else he wrote; it is unnecessary to quote particular
instances. Of greater interest is the deep religious feeling that this
fervent Calvinist applied to the tragedies of an intensely religious
poet :1 the instances quoted in Appendix I, pp. 65 and 76 f., will be
sufficient to illustrate the point.
But far more important than any details is the general character
of the commentary on the Agamemnon which Casaubon planned and
to a large extent executed. Its characteristic features emerge clearly
from the notes and manuscripts that have survived. We see here the
endeavour of a great and good man to blend the kind of instruction
that would be welcomed by an, all but Greekless reader with the
communication of the highest technical knowledge, to combine the
discussion of choice grammatical and antiquarian problems with
moral and religious edification, and above all to do full justice to the
dominating ideas and the artistic qualities of the Aganietmwn (as
the commentator saw them) and at the same time not to shirk the
minutest detail, however thorny. Such an effort devoted to such
a subject was a novelty in the history of European scholarship.
The first Englishman to leave his mark on the study of Aeschylus
was Thomas Stanley. In this amiable, gifted, and industrious man
there is nothing that could justly be called great; and yet the
enormous success with which his edition of Aeschylus met and the
influence \vhich it has exerted and is still exerting after nearly three
centuries are not undeserved. Stanley represents in a pure form the
type of the learned amateur,: with his undeniable advantages over
the professional scholar and also his inevitable shortcomings. The
son of a respectable and well-to-do house (both his parents belonged
to the gentry), Thomas Stanley had never to worry about the
necessities of life. His mother came from a family several members
of w}lich distinguis'b.ed themselves by their literary activities. In his
youth he enjoyed all the advantages of an·expensive and carefully
directed education, including the 'gralld tour'. Throughout his life
'he cultivated literary society, and his wealth enabled him to aid
many less fortunate men of letters'. 3 He first gained a reputation as
a writer of lyric poems and a translator of ancient and modem
(!tali~, Spanish, French) poetry. A competent judge pronounces the
verdict that ·Stanley's work 'possesses very considerable charm' and
• Throughout Casaubon's life and ~vork it is true that his 'literary ardour was liable
to be checked by a controlling religious sentiment' (Mark Pattison, lsaae Casauhon,
:md ed., 49).
2 This classification is not based on the general circumstances of the man's life or
the fact that he never held an academic post. No one would, e.g., call Musgrave, one of
the masters of textual criticism in Euripides, an nmateur because he was by profession
a physician, nor should we apply that tenn to the cxocllent Homeric scholar Walter
tear, who was a highly efficient and influential banker.
, Didwnary of Nalional Biography, Jiv. ?9·
38
SOME EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES
that in many of his translations and throughout his original verse
'he has succeeded in maintaining a very high level of favour and of
prettiness' . 1
Before he had reached the age of 30, Stanley turned to a far more
ambitious scheme. His History of Philosoplz.y, even when judged
merely by the exertions which the compilation of its materials and
the actual writing required, must be considered a very creditable
effort. He cast his net widely and brought together an impressive
body of evidence,:i which he shaped into a very readable and ex-
tremely well-arranged account. Methods of historical criticism or
anything like an analysis of the sources cannot be e>..'}>ected in a book
of that period. The Hist<Jry of Ph°i.l-Osophy is linked up with Stanley's
earlier production by the translations {all of them in verse and most
of them rhymed) of certain poems which it contains, e.g. of Solon's
elegies, Plato's epigrams, Aristotle's hymn on Hermias, the car11ie1s.
ar"eu"" of 'Pythagoras', the greater part of Aristophanes' Cloi«ls,
and the whole of Ausonius' Luaus septem sapientuni.. But what here
concerns us most is the remarkable instinct for the needs and tastes
of an educated public which Stanley showed when he embarked on
his bold Wldertaking. The success of the Hist<Jry of Philosophy (it
maintained its position as a standard book well into the eighteenth
century) proved that this bulky work with its mixture of scholarship
and deft popularization was excellently calculated to satisfy the
demands of many generations of readers. The same instinct prompted
Stanley to plan the work with which his name will for ever be con-
nected, his Aeschylus. One can easily understand the enthusiasm
with which this edition was greeted by his contemporaries. Here was
to be foWld, in the compass of a single folio volume of moderate
size, the whole of Aeschylus, including the fragments, accompanied
by a translation in straightforward Latin prose and followed by a
commentary. Thus the work of one of the greatest poets, which up
to that time had been reserved for a small minority of highly skilled
scholars, was suddenly made the common possession of thousands
of readers all over the civilized world.
Apparently it was not until the first volume of his History of
Philosophy (published in x655) drew near its completion that Stanley·
began serious preparations for editing Aeschylus. 3 At that time his
1 G. Saintsbury in The Co111/m"age Hisw,y of English Literature, vii. 83 f.
from various authors. The large mass of his notes on Euripides is particularly instruc·
tive: there it is obvious that all the time Aeschylus is uppcnnost in his mind (the
marginal note ':\gam.' occurs very often). It is also noticeable that he constantly drn.ws
on the ancient lexicographers, the Etymologica, the paroemiogrnphi, and the scholia
(including Eust.athius).
1 I cannot agree with Bywater, who in his inaugurn.l lecture Four Ce11luriu of GruA
Butler in his re-edition of Stanley. But Butler printed only what he consider~ impor-
tant, leaving out not only the long quotations from earlier scholars (P. Vic:torius,
Casaubon, etc.), but nlso remarks by Stanley himself. Sometimes the manner in which
Butler abridges makes it impossible to see Stanley's point.
PROLEGOMENA
detail of his felicitous phrasing seems at first to add plausibility to
the aspersions cast by Blom.field upon his honesty. We should,
however, beware of rash conclusions. In Appendix II it is demon-
strated that in using Pearson's materials without restriction Stanley
certainly did not act as a thief. Therefore the accusation rests on
the character of his borrowings from earlier scholars. To begin with,
it must be conceded to Butler (Aesch;ylus, vol. viii, p. xxi) that no
charges of dishonesty should be based on the notes which Stanley
wrote down after the publication of his Aeschylus, for we do not
know in what form and with what kind of acknowledgement he
intended to use them in the second edition. Then we have to take
into account the literary conventions of the period. A scholar of the
sixteenth or seventeenth century, when he says 'legendum', 'lego',
or something to the same effect, does not imply that he claims the
reading in question as a conjecture of his own, but merely states that
he adopts a reading different from that which he finds in the edition
he uses. Moreover, ?-t that period, when many suggestions of many
scholars drifted about in the margins of classical te.xts, the author-
ship of a conjecture was, broadly speaking, regarded as a matter of
much less consequence than at a time when the means of registration
had become easier and the ambitions of most scholars were different
from what they used to be. Finally, in the case of Stanley ample
allowance must be made for carelessness, haste, and slips of memory. 1
A good illustration is provided by the way in which Stanl~y mentions
certain readings which had in fact been advocated by Canter. On,
e.g., Ag. 8o3 (812 St.) Stanley's commentary says 'lcge 8&paos d.1eouu&ov',
on l2II (1220 St.) 'legendum censeo /l.vaTos. Hesychius, '1vaTos,
&.p'Aa/Jt,s', on 1474 (1483 St.) 'mallem l'1T~€a,', on 1637 (1646 St.)
'lege ~.,·, on 1672 (1681 St.) 'manca haec sunt, et e.x Scholiaste sup-
plenda hoc modo ... .' All these suggestions were made by Canter,
and all are printed under Canter's name {i.e. excerpted from Canter's
edition) in Stanley's edition, p. 688 f. ; therefore it would be fantastic
to assume that Stanley wanted to conceal that they were Canter:.s.
But when he uses precisely the same expressions in recommending
conjectures made by Auratus or Scaliger, he is called a plagiarist.
Still, it may be argued that he bad a much better chance of getting
away with his 'theft' if the emendation in question was not taken
from a printed book but from some marginalia or had been made
known to him in some other way, and that therefore in such a case
there is a strong suspicion of mala fides. Against this it must be said
that there are many instances where he carefully records the author
of an unprinted conjecture, e.g. on Ag. 547 (556 St.) 'legimus cum
Aurato UTpa.Toli', u72 (u8x St.) 'legit Jacob .. .', I26I (1270 St.)
'laborat sensus, qui tamen melius constabit si legarnus . . . vel, cum
1 This was rightly pointed out by Butler, Joe. cit.
SOME EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES
Jacob, .. .', 1555 (1564 St.) '!ego ... quod et ad oram libri sui obser-
vasse Jacob video', and similarly in the 'Addenda', e.g. on 427
(437 St.) 'Auratus glossema putat', 98o (989 St.) 'ad oram cod.
Scaligeriani, a11on-n1aav.', lo6l (1070 St.) 'f. Kap/Ja.vov, et ita Auratus',
1664 (1673 St.) 'sunt qui malint alpodµ.t.9a. Auratus alpooµit9a',
etc.
In this connexion two factors ought not to be overlooked. First,
it was almost inevitable that during the early stages of the study of
Greek Tragedy, o-r· a~pa'TOS ~JI bt. 'Anµ<f,v, in certain places certain
emendations should occur to any scholar who knew a sufficient
amount of Greek and read his author with some attention. Stanley,
as we have seen, made considerable progress in scholarship after the
time when he gave his copy of Aeschylus to Pearson. There is there-
fore nothing improbable in the assumption that he hit independently
on a number of corrections which, without his knowing it, had been
made by other scholars before him. Secondly, many scholars have
had the unpleasant e>..l>Crience of fancying that they have emended
a corrupt passage entirely on their own, only to discover afterwards
that they had previously seen the emendation somewhere else. What
happens in such cases is that the improved reading sinks into our
mind, but that we forget all about the circumstances under which
we first met with it. The picture of Stanley's personality which has
gradually formed itself in my mind makes me inclined to believe that
his- memory played him such tricks more than once. I do not think
that he was dishonest when he made such comments as in his note
on Ag. 1595 (16o4 St.)-1 deliberately choose an instance where
appearances are strongly against him-'suspicabar legendum lKpvrrr'
civ"' 9E2s a118pa1eas 1ea.O,,µ.lvo1.s'. I do not deny that he must somewhere1
have seen that this version of the line, involving three alterations,
belonged to Casaubon, but I very much doupt whether he remem-
bered it when he wrote his note. Carelessness, yes; dishonesty, no.
The discussion of Stanley's so-called plagiarism has also suffered
from a lack of sense of proportion. This becomes clear as soon as his
commentary is viewed in its entirety and judged by its author's
intentions. Stanley does not make much of his emendations. To
him the correction of the text is but a minor, if necessary, ingredient
of his work. His main objective is a full and scholarly illustration of
the plays. He is often remarkably successful in penetrating beyond
mere details; sometimes he even catches a glimpse of what a later
age would have termed dramatic technique. On Ag. 2,s8 (266 St.) he
observes 'non lac lacti magis simile atque hie locus illi est in Persis
[155], ubi senes Persici (ex quibus constituitur Chorus) de expeditione
Xerxis valde solliciti (ut Graeci nostri de Agamemnone) longa
' For a possible source see Blomficld, Musemn Critia1111, ii (Cambridge 1826),
488{.
43
PROLEGOMENA
adhibita oratione, tandem ingredientem Reginam, mutato genere
carminis, salutant: quod videntur non animadvertisse qui Nuntium
hie ingressum, et Trojae expugnationem quam ab accensa face
didicerat exponentem, commenti sunt'. This is excellent. The refer-
ence to the close analogy in the Persae would be extremely valuable
even if Stanley knew that the lines had already been restored to
their proper speakers by Casaubon. It seems, however, obvious that
a scholar who studied the structure of Aeschylean scenes in this
manner needed nobody's assistance to reject the monstrous arrange-
ment of Ag. 258 ff. in the MSS and the earlier editions. In his notes
on 27x (279 St.) and 277 (285 St.) he adds some sound arguments on
the same point. Nor is this an isolated instance of Stanley's readiness
to interpret the dialogue in the light of the dramatic action. His
discovery that Ag. x650 must be spoken by Aegisthus was a fruit
of the same kind of alert attention. Perhaps even our generation has
still something to learn from a man who brought so adequate an
understanding to the reading of ancient Drama.
Stanley's edition was re-edited by Jan Cornelis de Pauw (in 1745),
'adiectis etiam suis, hoc est audacissimis, saepe etiam inanissimis
adnotationibus' (Butler). This scholar, like Canter, hailed from
Utrecht, but there the similarity ends. Pauw, a very unpleasant
character, was in the habit of making a fool of himself, though he did
not invariably do so. 1 That he sometimes hit on excellent emenda-
tions is shown by e.g. C/i(). 532 oi58o.p ~v and 734 Tots e1v0Ls. In the
Agamemn()n his alterations of the text are confined to the subordin-
ate, if necessary, process of restoring in the lyrics syllabic responsion
(e.g. in 165 and 758), mostly by adding a final' or w to datives in-a's
or -o's (683 f., 777, 1095, II73, x536). However, Pauw went beyond
such trifles when he suspected Ag. 7, and every now and then he
understood correctly some not quite obvious construction, though
on the whole there is little useful information to be found in his
boastful notes.
Two years before Pauw's edition the first two parts of F. L.
Abresch's Atiitmulversiom1m ad Aeschylm1i libri tres (the third book,
dealing with Em1i. and Su.ppz., appeared in x763)z were published in
Holland, where Abresch, a German by birth, had settled (like his
great contemporary Ruhnken). These Animadversiones are in fact an
extensive commentary on a large selection of passages in Aeschylus
(many of them difficult ones). A glance through the book will at
once assure the reader that he is in the company of· a good scholar
1 Even in Pindar, where Pauw's name has become a byword, some of his suggestions
arc valuable; sec the balanced judgement of Tycho Mommsen in the Pracfatio to his
edition (1864), p. i.'(•
.. I have used the reprint published at Halle in 1832, which \vas supervised by the
great Ritschl, who at that time had to stoop to such drudgery in order to make some
money (cf. 0. Ribbeck, Friedrieh Willrtlm Ritselrl, i. 92, 98).
44
SOME EDI~IONS AND COMMENTARIES
distinguished by wide reading and a firm grasp of the Greek language.
Abresch showed better judgement than Stanley and others when he
recognized the effect of the parenthesis in Ag. 14 f. on the construc-
tion of the whole period, and consequently rejected the attempt to
alter the beginning of 12. 1 Among the rich parallel material furnished
in his notes the collections of certain thought-patterns and of
formulas· of ordinary speech are particularly valuable, e.g. on Ag. 37
d #J~v 'A&fJo,, and on 67, where he pointed out the common
element in, and the meaning of, expressions like Jaµiv ol&v Juµ&,
tier oQ-nlp ~lu, etc. In his note on Ag. 664 he demonstrated that
8lAovuo. in such a context goes back to the language of prayers, and
thus showed the wantonness of the conjecture va.v<M"o°Aoiia', which
nevertheless found admirers long afterwards. His restoration of
1<apal&0111<'1'011 in 1471 is generally accepted. Abresch deserved well of
Aeschylus; therefore he may be forgiven the crude misinterpretation
of 1428 'Al11os br, &µµ&:rwv a.tµ.a:ros t~ 1tpl11n which has endeared itself
to almost all his successors.
Benjamin Heath's book, Notae sive lutiones ad ••• AescliyU,
Soj>lwclis, Euripidis qitae supersu1u dramata deperdirorutnque 1'eUi-
quias, was published about the same time (1762) as Abresch's Observa-
ti01ies, and its general plan is very simil~; but in learning and
intensity of interpretation Heath is inferior to Abresch. Some of
his interpretations are of course correct (not only when he rejects
Pauw's wild suggestions), but, without passing judgement on bis
whole book, it may be said that the chapter on the Agamemnon is
of no great importance.
The notes of Pauw, Abresch, and Heath dealt with select passages
only. It was not until the publication of Schlitz's fully annotated
edition of Aeschylus (from 1782 on) that a substantial advance
beyond Stanley was made on the whole front. To call the mind of
Christian Gottfried Schiltz 'lentum ingenium' (Wilamowitz, Aescliyli
tragoediae, p. vii) is hardly fair. Hermann's verdict, which I have
quoted in vol. ii, p. 254, seems to be nearer the truth, even if we bear
in mind that this compliment was written during the lifetime of 'the
veteran Schutz' (as Hermann. calls him) and was obviously meant
to please the old gentleman. Speaking for myself, I gratefully remem-
ber that at an early stage of my struggles with Aeschylus Schlitz's
clear, honest, and tactful commentary helped me a great deal to
find my way through the text. Schutz is not content with a selective
method, but tries to comment on every section of a play in its
entirety. Moreover, his contribution to textual criticism is far from
negligible. Here is a list of successful emendations of his, culled from
the Agatnem1i01i only (omitting minor corrections): 69 J..,,V..tl/Jwv,
307 f. Vnf.p/J&XA'-' ••• if>'Alyowa., 312 'J'O&ol8f. 'TO[ µ.o,, 948 8wµ.o.Toi/>8opf.'iv,
1 I ought to have quoted him in the commentary ad loc.
45
PROLEGOMENA
1012 '"'A't}aµovas, lo84 '"~P w, II65 deletion of KCXK<l, 1174 KaK~povwv,
1332 8(U('T11>.08EllC'l'"'v thus rightly understood, x563 Op/w"''' 1655 81pos.
Several of these changes are ~ndaJi01us palmares. Furthermore,
Schutz recognized the interpolations of 871 and 1290. In the latter
case he afterwards changed his mind for the worse and decided in
favour of an unsatisfactory transposition, for as he grew old his
courage began to fail him. The same decline of critical vigour can
be observed in his later treatment of the lines Ciro. 205-10 and 228,
which he had once suspected to be post-Aeschylean insertions (for
details see vol. iii, Appendix D). This discovery, which paves the road
to the true appreciation of one of the finest scenes in Greek Tragedy,
is a good e."<ample of Schlitz's sympathetic understanding of what is
characteristically Aeschylean.
A short anonymous review (writtell"in May 1783) of the first volume
of Schutz's Aeschylus was the earliest publication of an unknown
young Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, Richard Porson. 1 This
man was soon to do for the text of Greek plays what none of his
contemporaries would have been able to do. Here, where we are
only concerned with his contribution to the study of Aeschylus, we
should bear in mind that if this part of his work did not exist, it
would make no difference to Porson's fame. However, his approach
to textual criticism in Aeschylus is characteristic of the man. Porson
was probably the first scholar who fully realized that a truly critical
edition of Aeschylus was impossible unless it was based on reliable
information about the readings of the Mediceus. 1'he tragicomic
failure of his attempt to obtain that information is well known::
when the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press 11ad entrusted
Porson with the editorship of a new edition of Aeschylus, he applied
to them for a small grant to enable him to go to Florence and collate
the manuscript, but was told 'Let Mr. Porson collect his manuscripts
at home'. What follows is a sad story. 'In 1795 a folio Aeschylus was
issued from the Foulis Press at Glasgow, with some corxections in
the text. These were Porson's; but the book appeared without his
name, and without his knowledge. He had sent a text, thus far
corrected, to Glasgow, in order that an edition of Aeschylus for a
London firm might be printed from it ;3 and this edition (in 2 vols.
8vo) was actually printed in x794, though published only in x8o6, still
without his name [and without a preface or notes]. This partly
corrected text was the first step towards the edition of Aeschylus
1 ·Reprinted in Traels .•. of tk late Richard Porso11, collected by Thomas Kidd
(1815), 4 ff.
:a Cf. e.g. Jebb in Dietio11ary of Natio11al Biography, xlvi. 16o; M. L. Clarke, Richard
P,,,son, 15 f., and the same author's Greek Studies in E1igla11d z700-z830, 70.
> This text, a copy of Pauw's edition, aucfully corrected by Porson, is now in the
Library of Trinity College, Cambridge (Adv. b. 3. :r); 'it was obto.ined witl1 the other
books and papers bought by Trinity College at Porson's death'. .
46
SOME EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES
·which he had meditated, but which he never completed' .1 What we
have, then, is a mere torso, but it is adorned with some magnificent
emendations such as at Clio. 1052 </>&Pov vU<6> (cf. my note in vol. ii.
214 n. 1). Some of Porson's most brilliant readings, however, are not
to be found in the edition (nor is his elimination of the sparrows
from Ag. 145), but were afterwards made known by Blomfi.eld and,
partly from Dobree's notes, by Kidd, Tracts, 208 ff., e.g. Ag. 850
nfjµ,> &:rro(f"t'p"fi°" v&uov, 1391 f. 8ioa8&T(I), y&.vt,,
Porson's greatest pupil, Peter Dobree, made a few very good
emendations in the text of Aeschylus; after his premature death
they were published in his Adversaria, vol. ii. 14 ff. Another member
of the Porsonian school, a less eminent figure, did a signal service
to the study of Aeschylus by producing a carefully planned and
executed w~rk on a large scale. C. J. Blomfi.eld began his edition in
1810 with the Promdl~t~ and continued it until 1824, when he was
appointed Bishop of Chester and thus prevented from editing the
last two plays, Eumenides and Supj>lices. 2 At Ag. 1356 he used a new
source discovered by him and was thus able to restore the genuine
text of a passage which had seemed hopelessly corrupt. 'Haud
spernendas protulit coniecturas' (Wilamowitz)-from the Aganietn-
tum I will mention 236 4'u'i\a.1<at, 1590 cuh-&s, and especially 1566 ,,,p;,s
ciTat-but the most valuable part of his edition is the 'Glossarium'
appended to each play. Here a wealth of linguistic information is
brought together, from literature as well as from the lexicographers,
scholiasts, etc. Blomfield very properly drew on materials collected
by his predecessors, but he greatly added to them from his own
extensive reading. The influence which these 'Glossaria' have exerted
on our dictionaries and almost all later interpretations of Greek
Tragedy can hardly be overrated ; sometimes it requires a deter-
mined effort to disentangle oneself from the net of the fable convem1e
that originates from Blomfi.eld's renderings. ·
Elmsley used a brief stay at Naples to make a collation of the text
of the Agamemtum in the 'codex Famesianus' (Tr); he published it
in J.\1usemn Criticmn, ii (Cambridge 1826), 457 ff. That the notes in
his editions of three plays of Euripides have done a great deal to
elucidate certain points in the language of Aeschylus may be seen
at several places of my commentary.
When we now turn to Gottfried Hermann, we meet for the first
time in the course of our survey a scholar of the first magnitude in
whose life (and a long life it was) the work on Aeschylus never ceased
to occupy a central position. Hermann's book De nietris poeJar11,m
1 Jebb, op. cit. 161; cf. Blomfield, Museum Critieum, i (Cambridge 1826), no f.;
graduates working their way through Hermann's Aeschylus; they soon spoke of the
book not merely with admiration but with delight.
s 'Der fran%3sischen, englischcn und itnlienischcnSpmchc warcr[Hcrmann) miichtig,
von ihrer Litcratur fes.1Clten nur Shakespeare und Dante ihn dauemd' (Otto Jahn,
Biograplriselre Aufs61u, 114).
' From this paper it may also be seen how much the vigorous old fighter had learnt
from his adversary Otfried Maller, not only in details but in general outlook.
49 E
PROLEGOMENA
W. v. Humboldt's translation of the Agamamwn, which has been
mentioned in connexion with Hermann's notes, has also a claim of
its own to be considered here. The translation, and even more so the
introduction, is a great· monument of the deeper understanding of
Greek poetry and art that had been made possible by the ideas
of Winckelmann, Goethe, Friedrich Schlegel, and their followers, and
to no small e.xtent by Humboldt himself. A typical example of the
way in which the new spirit freed men's eyes from conventional
prejudices will be discussed when we come to Humboldt's solution
of a vexed problem of interpretation {vol. ii, pp. 254 ff.).
The most momentous result .of Humboldt's translation was that
it brought Goethe into fresh contact with the Agamemnon. His
immediate reaction is contained in the famous letter to Humboldt
of 1September1816 {Goethe's W erke (Weimar edition], iv. Abtheilung,
27. Band, pp. 156 ff.), from which a few sentences must be quoted
here:
' ... eine solche uralte Riesengestalt, gefonnt wie Ungeheuer, tritt ilber-
raschend vor uns auf, und wir miissen alle unsere Sinne zusammennehmen
. um ihr einigerma6en wilrdig entgegen zu stehen. In einem solchen
Augenblick zweifelt man keineswegs hier das Kunstwerk der Kunstwerke,
oder, wenn man gemaBigter sprechen will, ein h6cbst musterhaftes zu
erblicken .... Das Stilck war von jeher mir eines der betrachtungswiirdig-
sten ... Verwundersam aber ist mir jetzt rnehr als je das Gewebe dieses
Urteppichs: Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft sind so glilcklich
in eins geschlungen, da6 man selbst zum Seher, das heiBt: Gott ahnlich
wird. Und das ist doch am Ende der Triumph aller Poesie im GroBten und
Kleinsten. . . . So hat mich auch wieder auf's neue ergriffen daB jede
Person, auBer Clytemnestra, der Unheilverketterin, ihre abgeschlossne
Aristeia hat, so daB jede ein ganzes Gedicht spielt und nachher nicbt
wiederkommt uns etwai auf's neue mit ihren Angelegenheiten beschwcr-
lich zu fallen.'
edition of the Agamermwn (Utrecht 1855), the notes and commentury of which arc
learned nnd by no mcnns dull, but very extravagant indeed; it is only occasionally
that I have been able to profit from them. However, his emendation at 1163 is excellent.
2 First I.cip:tig 1827 and Oxford 1832 (with C.\:tensive Llltin notes 18.Jx), then in the
Teubncr collection (sth edition x87o).
> 'l'his even Wilamowitz acknowledges, Gesdrielrte der Philowgie, 65.
4 I do not take into account mere orthographica.
53
PROLEGOMENA
·Aeschylus he succeeded in making some less easy emendati~ns. ~or
was he insensible to the dramatic life in a scene or to a change of
style: he noticed, e.g. the major inconsistency in Orestes' first speech
after the murder (Cho. 973-Ioo6),1 and he stressed the very odd
stylistic character of the exaggerated imagery in Ag. 895-902 ;:i the
rash conclusions to which he jumped in both cases do not concern
us here. But his greatest service to Aeschylean studies was the
publication of his Lexic<m Aeschyleum (1873). This book, if far from
perfect, is a very valuable instrument. It has considerable merits
of its own, although it owes a great deal to the earlier works of
Wellauer and Linwood (the latter scholar's Lexico11- ro Aeschyl11-S,
which shows in many places a remarkably independent judgement,
is still worth consulting).
Hartung's commentaries are largely animated by his envious
hatred of Hermann, but some excellent observations compensate
the reader to a certain degree for the poison he has to swallow. His
emendations at Ag. 245 f. and 386 are among the best made in this
play.
Schneidewin in his commentary on the Agamemmm (1856) went
deeper into the secrets of the play than any editor had done before.
He detected in many passages an undertone or an implication that
had not yet been noticed. It was inevitable, on the other hand, that
so keen a searcher after hidden meanings should more than once be
tempted to find mysteries where there were none. But on the whole ·
the commentary profited greatly from Schneidewin's vast learning
and especially from his intimate acquaintance with the iambo-
graphers and elegists, the lyric poets, Sophocles, and the collections
of proverbs. When 0. Hense re-edited the book in x883, he sobered
it down a good deal and added valuable notes of his own.
Of a very different character is Nagelsbach's unpretentious edition
of the Agamemmm, posthumously published from his drafts in 1863.
Its honest prose-translation and straightforward notes often prove
helpful.
The Dutch scholar J. A. C. van Heusde's Aganiemncm (x864) is
a terrifying book; it displays its materials in the crudest possible
manner. But my debt to it is great: before I obtained photostats
of Tr, it was only here that I could look for reliable information
about all the Tr scholia, and the 'commentary' provides an almost
.inexhaustible store of rare parallels (many of them have found their
way into Blaydes's farrago). But the whole thing is like a charnel
house. It will be best to leave it quickly and walk back into the
sunshine.
Heinrich Ludolf Ahrens,3 who once and for all placed the study of
1 Cf. vol. iii, pp. 813 f. '" Cf. vol. ii, p. 410 n. 3.
J 'This eminent scholar is meant wherever in the app. crit. or in the commentary I
54
SOME EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES
the Greek dialects and the textual criticism of the B11C-Olici Gr~ci
and their scholia on solid foundations, was a very great grammarian
and a masterly editor, but he was far more than that. If we want to
form an idea of the wide range of interests, the keenness of observa-
tion, and the sympathy with Greek thought which are characteristic
of this pupil of Otfried Miiller's, we may turn to his paper Ober die
GliUin Thetnis (Hanover 1862); there it can also be seen that the
archaeological material is as a matter of course taken into account
just as conscientiously as are the literary sources. Aeschylus was in
the centre of Ahrens's studies from the days of his youth. A specimen
of his earliest article on the text of the poet (published in 1832 ;
Ahrens was born in 18o9) is quoted in vol. iii, p. 676, n. 3. Then (to
leave aside minor contributions) he co-operated in J. Franz's edition
of the Oreskia (1846), and finally published in Philowgus, Suppl.-
Ed. I (186o), three articles, 'Studien zum. Agamemnon des Aeschylus',
which contain a full commentary on select passages from the begin-
ning of the play to I. 1252. Several mistakes in the more recent treat-
ment of the Agamemnon might have been avoided if more attention
had been P"jd to this work of Ahrens; but none of the editors after
0. Hense (1883) and Wecklein has properly studied it, and most of
them do not even seem to know that it exists. 1 The 'Studien zum
Agamemnon' belong to that high class of works of scholarship in
which, even where the author's conclusions are wrong, his criticism
of his forerunners, his own line of argument, and the evidence pro-
duced by him will always be of the greatest value to anyone who
attempts to tackle the problems in a critical spirit. The first article
opens with a sound r~ume of the MSS and their inter-connexion.
As has been stated above (p. 6), Ahrens was among the first to
challenge the then current assumption that the Mediceus is the
source of all our MSS. His conjectural criticism is on the whole
rather violent. However, among his successful emendations or correct
interpretations of MS readings are the following: Ag. IOI as ava-
t/>alv~ts, 170 'Mferat, 190 f. -rra>..tpp/,xOo,s, 542 ~OT€, n94 1eupw, 1231
,,.&~, 1657 OT€lxe-r• alBotot. He also saw that 863 is interpolated. But
brilliant emendations and convincing deletions have been made by
other scholars as well; Ahrens's specific contribution to the inter-
pretation of the Agamenmcm consists in his thorough examination
of certain lexicographic, and especially semasiological, facts relevant
to the meaning of difficult words and phrases in this play. Impressive
though the mere bulk of the accumulated material is, what Ahrens
gives is not dry lists but a lively and penetrating discussion carried
say simply 'Ahrens'. On the few occasions where I have to mention E. A. J. Ahrens,
who happened to edit Aeschylus for Didot, I shall add his initio.ls.
• Wecklein's Appetulix has made it possible to quote Ahrcns's conjectures withou.t
rQding his articles.
55
PROLEGOMENA
out by a great philologist who had long been intimately conversant
with Greek literature from Homer and the lyric poets to the Byzan-
tine lexicographers and scholiasts. I will ~ention a few instances as
deserving special attention: on 17 brlp.vE&v, 72 &:rlTTJs, 275 (where, by
establishing the connotations of the phrase oi>1e av 'A&{Jo'Jl.', · Ahrens
made the meaning of the line clear), 276 11..,,.,.~pos, 4u crrl{Jor. tjJ&A&.vopES,
8o6 df<Ppwv (if the results of this investigation had been taken into
account in our lexi.ca, we should have been spared some bad mis-
interpretations of certain passages of Greek poetry), u9() t1<p.afYTVpE"iv.
Ahrens's 'Stuclien zum Agamemnon' constantly refer to Weil's
edition of the play. H. Weil, 'der zum Franzosen geworden war, weil
ihm in Deutschland der vercliente Lehrstuhl unerreichbar war'
(Wilamowitz, Erinnerutigen, 179), published a text of the Agamemmm,
with critical and explanatory notes in Latin, in 1858 (there followed
in 186o the Clwejilwroe, and in 1861 the E-mnenides, with important
'Addenda et Corrigenda' to the Agamenmoti). This is a work of a high
standard, despite the overbold textual criticism which the editor
mitigated considerably in his later editions of the te..xt (in the
Teubner collection). Weil's succinct comments are almost always to
the point and help the reader, no matter whether he agrees with the
editor's conclusions or not, to see more clearly where the difficulty
of a disputed passage lies. Many of his interpretations are convincing,
and it does not often happen that his remarks jar with the nature of
Aeschylus; poetry. A clear thinker, a very learned scholar, and a
p.ooo1.1<os &.~p, Weil in his later essays says a great deal on Greek
Tragedy in general and on Aeschylus in particular that is worth
remembering.
We pass from a wide range of learning to narrow specialization
and, what is more distressing, from the harmony of sympathetic
undei:stancling to the petty prejudices of Philistinism when we now
turn to Wecklein. Both language and thought in his annotated
German edition of the Oresteia (1888) often reach such a depth of
crude vulgarity that even the most hardened scholar may find it
difficult not to lose his temper. And yet it would be wrong and
indeed harmful to despise Wecklein's work, the result of a lifetime's
devotion to Attic Tragedy. The main value of his critical edition of
Aeschylus (1885-93) lies in its Appendi.:&. Shortly ~er its publication
Housman (]oum. of Philol. xvi, 1888, 244) greeted the Appendix with
a sigh of relief, and with a groan when be thought of the time and
labour which scholars had been forced to waste before such a com-
plete register of the conjectures of critics existed. But Wecklein was
no mere compiler. In the course of a long and industrious life he
acquired an uncommon familiarity with the language and the
dramatic technique of Tragedy, and, moreover, by dint of common
sense he of~en avoided the snares of improbable artificialities in
56
SOME EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES
which many of his betters were caught. Some of his conjectures are
very good, and some of his solutions of vexed problems carry con-
viction. The perusal of his commentaries.on Aeschylus and Euripides,
though never enjoyable, is never entirely without its reward.
A great Greek scholar, whose many-sided activities spread over
a large field outside Tragedy, F. Blass, wrote towards the end of his
life a commentary on the Clweplwroe (published in 1906) and one on
the Eumetiides (posthumously edited in 1907), both of which are also
relevant to the interpretation of the Agamemnon. The chief value
of these books lies in their observations on language and style, but
other important issues are discussed as well., Two earlier papers of
Blass dealt with passages in the Agamamum: he emended the end
of 1. 429 and gave an admirable interpretation of the sentence in
926 f., which had been generally misunderstood:
Towards the end of the nineteenth century the most original
contributions to the study of Aeschylus and Euripides in England·
came from Verrall. His contemporaries were partly enthralled, partly
amused, and partly revolted, but no one could disregard or whittle
away the force of his influence. Nowadays there seems to be a certain
tendency to take no notice of him. If such a tendency exists, it ought
to be strongly resisted. It is probably true that to very young
students Verrall may become a danger, for they are usually not in
a position to protect themselves from the incantation of his brilliant
and enthusiastic sophistry. But adults should not forgo the benefits
that may accrue to them from listening to Verrall and, if possible,
refuting him. When all is said and done, there remains the fact that
we are here in the presence of a first-rate mind and a real artist's
soul. Verrall was by nature out of sympathy with fifth-century
Athens and all it stands for (the Silver Latin poets on the one hand
and Dante.on the other are far more congenial to him). Aeschylus
was too simple and solid for his taste; he wanted him more complex
and refined. Therefore he was always ready, by assuming an in-
nuendo or a double meaning, to read some psychological subtlety
into the words of the poet. Still Verrall l"Jlew a great deal about
things Greek, and-despite the long catalogue of his linguistic sins
drawn up by Headlam-he knew the language exceedingly well.
Moreover, he was endowed with a quality which made him parti-
cularly fit to expound the works of the Attic tragedians: he had
a lively idea of the conditions of dramatic poetry. No English scholar
before Verrall, and no earlier scholar at all save Otfried Muller (to
whom in this respect Verrall's contemporary Wilamowitz was equal
from his youth), was possessed of a similar capacity of visualizing
a Greek tragedy as a play to be performed on the stage. Consequently
one vital aspect of this poetry was more adequately brought out in
Verrall's commentaries than in those of his forerunners. There are
57
PROLEGOMENA
a great many other points where the freshness of Verrall's approach·
enabled him to shed time-honoured prejudices and reinstate the
truth; his interpretation of Ag. x428 provides a good instance.
Unfortunately he had little patience and even less of that special
gift of scholarly perseverance that enables a man to swallow vast
clouds of dust in the faint hope that in the end his labour may be
rewarded by a small grain of gold. Verrall would not pause to con-
sider various possible answers to an intricate question; his lively
imagination carried him quickly to the point where a shining
phantom appeared, in shape and colour very much like the real
thing, but with a seductive glamour of its own. His textual criticism,
following as it does the uncompromising 'conservative' method (even
where all that we have to go upon is Ffr), is the least interesting
part of his work : it is so monotonous as to become dull, while every-
thing else in his books sparkles with life. It would not be surprising
if Verrall's keen inquisitiveness and powerful fantasy should con-
tinue to stimulate serious scholars at a time when the methodical
conclusions of more judicious critics have long been absorbed in the
stagnant reservoirs of recognized opinions.
A violent invective against Verrall's treatment of Aeschylus was
(apart from a small volume of translations from Meleager) the first
book published by Walter Headlam (On Edititig Aesc/i.ylus, x89x).
Afterwards he wrote many articles on passages in Aeschylus 1 and
translated for the series of 'Bell's Classical Translations' the Pro-
nietheus, the Oresteia, and the S14.pplia1ats, with brief but valuable
notes. His death in x908, .at the age of 42, cut short the high expecta-
tions of what he might have done as editor and commentator of
Aeschylus. In x9xo A. C. Pearson published a text of the Agamemn01i
from Headlam's materials, with Head.lam's verse translation and
some of his notes. 2 Recently it has become possible to lmow far more
of Headlam's work on the Oresteia thanks to the piety and patience
of George Thomson, who undertook the arduous task of deciphering
and transcribing Headlam's notes in the margins of two of his copies
of the plays. To these materials and those published by Pearson,
Thomson added the relevant sections of Headlam's printed articles,
and finally included the whole in his own edition of the Trilogy.
We should be guilty of gross injustice if we measured the torso
of Headlam's work by the same standard which would be applicable
if he had been able to complete his edition. What we can safely do
is to try broadly to assess the value of his unfinished work. Headlam
was inferior to Verrall in brilliance and originality, but greatly
1 A bibliography (by L. Haward) is appended to the book Walter Headlam, His
Auchylru, vol. i, p. x; on the mistake by which the Introduction was inserted o.s if it
were Hcadlam's see ?ti. R. James in Alha1aewn1 no. 4368 (15 July x9u), p. 73.
58
SOME EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES
superior in seriousness and devotion to the search for truth. For him
a pleasing possibility was not good enough; his mind would nQt be
at ease until he had e."<hausted every means of getting at the sense
of an obscure passage or emending a corruption. Again and again
he would return to the same cru.x and attempt a fresh solution. With
unfiagging industry he piled up materials from the classics as well
as from remote comers of Greek literature in order to exploit them
for the interpretation of Aeschylus. In doing so he did not always
escape the danger of a method which, however laudable in itself,
requires careful discrimination and a strong historical instinct if the
issues are not to be confused. Headlam was sometimes apt to intro-
duce into the thought and the language of Aeschylus elements which
belong to a much later period in the life of the Greek people. Like
Verrall, Headlam was more attracted by psychological comple.'Xity
than by simple grandeur; consequently he preferred in many cases
the glittering fluctuation of a double meaning to the straight line
of a plain thought. But unlike Verrall, Headlam was not very much
interested in problems of dramatic technique and in the links by
which the plays are insolubly tied to the conditions of a given stage.
In his conception of the figure of Agamemnon he followed the con-
ventional misrepresentation which turns the great and noble king
into a boastful and weak little man. 1
Headlam's progress beyond the earlier commentators is not to
be found in a very different general view but rather in the more
correc~ and penetrating interpretation of certain details, some of
which are of great importance. Several felicitous emendations appear
as the natural result of hls intense struggle foe a deeper understanding
of the te.'Ct. Of the passages in the Agametmion where his interpreta-
tion seems to me particularly successful I will mention 345-1, 527
(where his argumentation should convince even the most conserva-
tive critic that Salzmann's deletion of the line is necessary), 637
xwpls ?} ,,.,µ:q 8€wv, 934 (on & €l8ws), 1657 (on the absurdity. of the
phrase 77p&s S&µovs 7Terrpwµ.lvovs), and above all his recognition of the
meaning and origin of 900 and 902 .
. We have to go a long way back, at least as far as Hermann, and
perhaps still farther, to Bentley, if ,\re want to find a classical scholar
whose stature is comparable to that of Wilamowitz. Although it is
not in his work on Aeschylus that· his greatness is most clearly
expressed, yet the effect of what he has done in this particular
province is enormous; in this domain, too, 'there is after all no getting
away from Wilamowitz' :1• The three books which are the major
representatives of his Aeschylean studies, the commentary on the
Choeplwroe, the edition of the seven plays, and the biterpretationen,
1 On this point cf. Hcadlam's remarks in Cambridge Pradedions, 190(), pp. 126 ff.
6x
APPENDIX I
THE EVIDENCE FOR CASAUBON'S WORK ON AESCHYLUS
THE book which is our main source of information for Casaubon's study
of Aeschylus does not seem to have been properly e."<amined as yet,
although it has not remained entirely unnoticed. :About the middle of
the eighteenth century a Dutch scholar, Simon de Vries, excerpted from
it the notes on the EunienUks for the benefit of F. L. Abresch, 1 who
acknowledges his debt in the preface to Book Ill of his Animadversiones
ad Aeschylm11. Then Butler, in his edition of Aeschylus, vol. viii (Cambridge
1816), p. xxx f ., touched upon it with a few rather misleading remarks ;i
it was also mentioned by Blomfield, Museum Criticum, ii (Cambridge
1826), 489 n. 1, and by H. W. Smyth, Harvard Strulies in Class. Philol.
xliv. 54 n. 1.3 The book in question is a copy of Petrus Victorius' edition
of Aeschylus (published by Henr. Stephanus in 1557), bound together with
Apollonius Rhodios (by the same printer, 1574) and Callimachus (by the
same printer, 1577). From Bishop Moore's library it came into the Library
of the University of Cambridge (shelf-mark now Adv. b. 3. 3); cf. A Cata-
logue of Adversaria ... in 'lhe Libr. of Ille U1iiv. of Cambridge (1864), p. 34,
Nn. vi. 5. As is shown .by Is. Casaubon's name written in bis own hand
on the title-page of the volume and by numerous marginalia, the book
belonged to Casaubon.
Glancing over the margins of this Stephanus edition one cannot but
feel bewildered. At first sight it looks as though several hands have been
at work. Inks of different colour and pens of different shape have been
used. The letters vary greatly both in size and in shape: there are,
especially in the outer margins, brief notes written in large, bold strokes
and stretching out comfortably as if no consideration of space disturbed
the writer's mind; on the other hand, the longer comments and, the
translations show small timid letters and are crammed into a minimum
of space, since the better part of the margin had already been taken up
by those entries which '\l{ere fortunate enough to come first. Some notes
are written horfaontally, while othets slope; some seem to have been
jotted down with a rushing pen, while others indicate meticulous care.
And yet there can be no doubt that all these marginalia, save one small
group to be discussed Jater on, are by the hand of Isaac Casaubon. 4
1 r.
Cf. p. 44
:1 He nlso excerpted from il n. number of Cnsnubon's rcnclings, which he incorpomlcd
into the 'Varr. Jcctt.' printed in the second part 0£ each volume, but these excerpts arc
far from complete. In several cases suggestions of Cnsaubon with which suggestions
made by Stanley coincide o.rc omitted by Butler, even i£ they arc very clearly written
on a page from which Butler copied other notes of Casaubon's.
' Smyth nlso mentions Casaubon's rnarginalin in the Canter edition of Aeschylus
preserved in the University Library of Cambridge (Catalogue of Adversaria, p. 26,
Nn. iv. 39, now Adv. c. 3. 2). These entries nrc uninteresting: they consist of brief
notes of a. very elementary kind. Apparently Casaubon used this Canter text mainly
at nn early stage of his study of Aeschylus.
4 In the Cambridge Catalog11e of Adversaria, loc. cit., it is asserted that 'some of the
notes are by Bishop PeatSOn'. This misstatement is based on n blunder by Butler
62
CASAUBON'S WORK ON AESCHYLUS
Anyone who has carefully e.xamined the large store of Casauboniana. in
the Bodleian Library1 must reach this conclusion. The document that
clinches the matter is Casaubon's copy of the Basle edition (x529) of
Polybius, Bodl. MS Casaub. x9. Its abundantly rich marginalia furnish
in the forms of the letters as well as in the arrangement of the notes exact
parallels to all the strange features and puzzling irregularities of Casaubon's
notes in his copy of the Stephanus text of Aeschylus. In the latter book
I have rigidly scrutinized any entry that did not at first sight show un-
mistakable signs of Casaubon's hand, and invariably I found the authenti-
city of every detail con.firmed by notes in the Polybius. •
In the Cambridge Aeschylus (as I shall call CaSa.ubon's <;<>PY of Vic-
torius' edition) several stages in the growth of the marginalia can easily
be discerned. The earliest stage is represented by certain short notes in
the outer margins written with a broad, soft pen and executed in swift
strokes; they keep a fairly regular distance from the column of the text.
By far the greater part of these notes consists of 'variae lectiones', i.e.
discrepancies from Victorius' text, often introduced by '1. ', which is
sometimes written in full, viz. 'lege', or by 'f.' (fortasse) or 'al.' (alii).
The variants are partly readings which had been adopted by earlier
scholarsz. and partly conjectures of Casaubon himself. These notes are
all as succinct as possible, e.g. at Ag. 468 (V7re-pK6TwS') Casaubon underlines
OT(J) and writes in the margin 'fr<US', at 834 (Ka.p8la.v) he underlines a.v and
writes in the margin 8~, at 1092 (11'8ov) he underlines Sov and writes in
the margin 'f. 8ov', at n34 (OccmcqJSov) ov is underlined and 'f. 8@v' written
in the margin, at Eum. 581 (1eup@awv) wv is underlined and in the margin
we find 'v. [ = vel] pwaa.' v. pwaov'. To this group belong most of the notes
on the greater part of the Clwephoroe (from p. 245 on) and those on the
Eumenides and Supplices. Occasionally the notes of this earliest class
contain references to parallel passages, e.g. p. x83 (Ag. 233) ' rop,·m8.
Itf>. 11p. p. 396 ' (Casaubon quotes Euripides after Canter's edition, Ant-
werp, x57x; so the reference is to the Messenger's speech Iph. A. 1540 ff.),
p. 191 (Ag. 494 1e.\&8o'S' i\a.l4S') 'Festus [Paulus Festi, p. 192 M.). Oleagineis
coronis ministri triumphantium utebantur etc.', p. 204 (Ag. 914) 'Sic
dJp,11'8. p. 383 [Iph. A. no6] . .\1]Sa.s -ylv(O.\ov, lv 1ea..\t!) etc.', p. 216 (Ag. 1293)
'Ita Soph. Aiace [833]', p. 270 (E1mi. 2) 'Eurip. p. 437 [Iph. T. 1259 ff.]',
p. 322 (Si,ppl. 440 f.) 'similis locus p. 338 [Suppl. 944 f .]'. Finally there are
in this group a few isolated quotations from works of modem scholars,
e.g. p. 177 (Ag. 32) 'vide Hadr. Junii Animaduersat. 2 c. 4'.
(edition or Aeschylus, vol. viii, p. xxxi), who mshly identified Casaubon's copy of
Victorius' edition (in Cambridge) with the copy of the same edition to which Needham
(for his Acschylcan studies cf. E. B. Ceadcl, C.Q. xxxiv, 1940, SS ff.) had referred as
'Rawl.' and in which he had rightly recognized Bishop Pearson's notes. For a full dis-
cussion of this important book in the Bodleian Library, MS Rawl. G. 193, sec pp. 78 ff.
Further specimens of Pearson's matginalia arc to be found, e.g., in two or his books
now in the University Library of Cambridge, viz. his copy of Iustinus Martyr (Adv.
a. 41. 4) and that of Photius' BibliotJreea (Adv. a. 41. 3).
1 I have also compnrcd the very rich and interesting notes in Casaubon's copy of
Pamelius' edition of Tcrtullian (Paris 1,S83), which is in the Library of Corpus Christi
College, Oxford, nnd the marginalia in his copy or Nonnus in the snmc library. ·
: Some of them arc marked 'P.',which probably means Franciscus Portus, Casaubon's
teacher at the Academy of Geneva.
APPENDIX I
)
scribes o( the Paris lfS arc less accurate than Casaubon himself.
CASAUBON'S WORK ON AESCHYLUS
great length, and also with the 'Argumentum Agamemnonis Aeschyli' on
the first inserted leaf of the Paris MS, in the middle of which we find a
brief comparison of the Aeschylean play with Seneca's AganimiM and
then 'hie autem egregie Aeschylus decorum obseruat: nam antequam
Agamemnonem introducat redeuntem multos praemittit', etc. 1
The Greek text of the Paris MS is on the whole based on Victorius'
edition, but in the choruses Canter's division of lines is sometimes taken
into account, without, however, any consistency. Where the word-order
is slightly involved, the reader is assisted by Greek letters marking the
'natural' order,2· not only in the lyrics, but even in dialogue sentences
which seem to us quite simple. So we find, e.g. at 504 " above a(, p above
&.~1.1<6p:qv, y above ~1..yy(,, 8 above frovs, (above 8(1<d.TqJ, and {above To/8'.
That Casaubon's edition of the Agamenmon. was meant to serve not only
scholars but also readers with only a very elementary knowledge of Greek
becomes still more apparent from the translation. In it every Greek word
has its Latin equivalent written above it. The resulting word-order is
downright barbarous, and the whole thing reminds us of the Greek cribs
composed in the eastern half of the Roman Empire for the benefit of
schoolboys who had to plod through the Aetieid. 3 Nevertheless it is per-
fectly clear that the crude version in the Paris MS is nothing but the
aisiecta membra of Casaubon's fine and scholarly translation. To see this
we have only to glance at any piece of the continuous Latin rendering
in the margins of the Cambridge Aeschylus. Take, e.g. (p. x8o lower
margin) xo8 ff. 'quomodo ales impetuosa, i.e. aquila, miserit cum hasta
{excrcitu) poenarum exactore, in tcrram Teucrida, i. Troiam, imperium
geminum, i. duos imperatores Atridas, Graeciae pubem, i. principes
Graecae iuuentutis, ducatum consentientem, i.e. duces belli inter se
consentientes. Volucrium rex [corr. ex reges], Re.-..: et ille qui aquilini
coloris erat, et ille qui posticam partem albam babebat, h.e. aquilae duae,
cum apparuissent prope palatium regibus nauium Atridis, a manu fulminis
iaculatrice (h.e. missu Jouis), depascentes sobolem leporinam, i.e. leporem,
valde faetam h.e. multos lepusculos in utero habentem, laesum in extremis
cursibus: h.e. post longum cursum tandem cap tum,• vescebantur in
sedibus undique splendentibus i.e. in ipso palatio'. And this is the inter-
linear version of .the same passage in the Paris MS: 'quomodo achiuorum
geminum imperium i.e. fratres Atridas pubem graeciae ducatum con-
sentientem i.e. duces belli consentientes miserit cum hasta i.e. exercitu
poenarum exactori [sic] impetuosa ales i.e. aquila in teucridem terram
auium rex i.e. duae aquilae regibus nauium Atridis una quae erat fusca,
aquilini coloris et altera candida a parte postica cum apparuissent prope
r Casaubon had lea.med a lesson at the court of the French king; cf. e.g. his observa·
tion on the parodos (Pa.ris MS, loose sheet, fol. 6) 'nnm emt e regia maiestate Clytem.
ut non statim admittercntur in domum [sc. the Elders), scd pauxillum nd !ores cx-
pectarcnt'.
~ This system corresponds to the practice in the scbolfo. of straightening out the
word-order of complicated passages under the heading Td ~r.
' Cf. e.g. Pa.p. Rylands 478 (Calawgu6 of ll1e Gruk a11tl Laliu Papyri in tlr6 ]oh11
Rylat1ds Library, vol. iii, 19,38, pp. 78 ff.) with C. H. Robert.s's introduction.
• The words 'Jacsum ••• captum' arc added in the lcft·hand matgin, which probably
accounts tor the change of gender.
7I
APPENDIX I
palatia a manu fulminis jaculatrice ie. missu Jouis in undique splen-
dentibus scdibus i. in ipso palatio depascentes leporinam i.e. unam
leporem faetam multis lepusculis pascebantur sobolem quae laesa fuerat
in extremis cursibus i.e. post longum cursum tandem captam'.
The dependence of the .first scribe of the Paris MS on Casaubon's entries
in the Cambridge Aeschylus is no less obvious in his text and marginal
notes than in his interlinear translation. The evidence is plentiful; a few
specimens will suffice. 627 (O:x8os) : Cambr. has in the margin 'f. Ex8os.
Hesych. exp. '71'&vov' ; Paris has <i.x8os crossed out in the text, and in the
margin 'Ex.Bos potius quam O:xOos. ex emendato Is. Casaubon'. 68o:
Cambr. has K'AOO>v underlined in the text, and in the margin 'uwv scr.';
Paris has K'AV"'v underlined in the text, and in the margin 'K'J\~v. melius',
with 'Ex emendatione Is. Casa.uboni' above. 682 ff. : Cambr. and Paris
both have brackets round the words µ.~ .,.,s ... Jv -nix'f v'tJ."'V. 696: Cambr.
has 1<t'ACTCV'T(IJV underlined, and in the margin 11<lAuo.v, .,.oG z:; Paris has
Kt'AuaVTwv crossed out, and in the margin 1K'l>t.uOJ1, ToG', with 'Ex emendat.
Is. Casauboni' above. 697 : Cambr. has &.e«Pullous underlined, and in the
margin 'Sc. o.~€«P. vel &.t"f«P.' ; Paris has &.f«PJllous crossed out, and in the
margin '~fuf>ullous', with 'Ex emend. Is. Casa.uboni' above.
Sometimes the first scribe of the Paris MS was not very intelligent in
the way in which he copied what he had before him in Casaubon's book
(Cambr.). This may be illustrated by two instances. At x65 he first wrote
µ.&.,.o.v, which he found in Victorius' (or, for that matter, any other) text,
but then changed the final v to s. The reason is that in Cambr. Casaubon
underlined µ.4-rOJ1 and wrote in the margin 'Aur. µ.&.-ros', then left a small
blank and went on 'optime µ.&-ro.v explicat Hesy. µ.c.-raumrra. ut hie schol.'.
The copyist in his haste noticed only the first part of the marginal note
and wrongly concluded that Casaubon accepted Auratus' conjecture. At
718 the copyist crossed out ov-ros &.V1}p and wrote in the margin 'o '7J'a.~p ex
emendat. Is. Casauboni'. Of this 'emendation' Casaubon is quite innocent.
In Cambr. we see that he underlined ov-ror in the text, added a sign to
it, and repeated the sign in the margin with the note'& '71'a.njp'. In other
words, since the theme of the preceding sentences is Paris, and since
the scholiast also refers the stanza 717 ff. to him, Casaubon thought that
by ov-ror &.~p Priam was meant (cf. also his translation, 'Huius pater
leone~ aluit exitiosum aedibus', etc.); the idea that he wanted to alter
the text is excluded by the form of his note.
Probably the copyist of the Paris text, who, as we shall see, must have
acted on Casa.ubon's orders, did not depend solely on the Cambridge
Aeschylus but also had at his disposal other materials collected by
Casaubon1 for his 'interpretation' of the Agamemmm, and especially a
Latin version of the pieces of which there is no translation in Cambr:
I should hesitate to infer from an interesting self-correction of the Paris
scribe at 93x that Cambr. was his only exemplar. In the Paris MS the
interlinear translation of µ.~ 11'apa YvWP.f'/V was first given in the form 'non
contra sententiam meam', which was then deleted by the scribe himself
and supplanted by 'e....-: animi tui sententia'. From a marginal note in
Cambr. we see that Casaubon translated 93x f. 'Responde mihi ex anjmi
1 Some o( them may still be lurking in some library.
72
CASAUBON'S WORK ON AESCHYLUS
tui sententia. Scito me sincero animo responsurum' (for the correctness of
this interpretation see my commentary). It is tempting to assume that
the Paris scribe, left in this section to fend for himself, .first translated
931 as best he could (in misunderstanding the line he is in the company of
Paley, Wilamowitz, and other good Hellenists}, and then, after glancing
at the margin of Cambr., adopted Casaubon's translation. But it is equally
possible that, although he had a complete translation by Casaubon before
him, •he first gave inadvertently the translation of .,,a.pa ')'VWJ-'"'1V which
seemed to be suggested by the immediately following Jµol, and only then
looked at his exemplar and realized his mistake.
Now I tum once more to the far more interesting part of the Paris MS,
the additional notes. All of them, from the briefest comments crammed
into the pages of the original book to the longest digressions written on
loose sheets, are the genuine product of Isaac Casaubon. 1 Whether they
are of an edifying or an antiquarian character, whether they deal with
religion or with grammar or with institutions of ancient life, they reveal
the powerful approach, the critical acumen, the unfailing sense of responsi-
bility, and the almost boundless learning of one of the world's greatest
scholars. Nor does their author attempt to conceal his personality. I
select a few typical examples which show this attitude of the commentator
and at the same time illustrate his extreme caution. On 1639 he observes
'Ios. Seal. legit O.px~w 'TO .\o,.,,o..z sed nostra lectio (i.e. the MS reading]
melior est' ; on 103 .\Vrrr,s t/.plva. 'hypallage pro .\Vm,v t/.pEVos; hypallage dura
et plane Aeschyli. vel legendum .\Vm,v ~pEVOs: sed tamen nihil volo
mutare' ; on 1498 µ~· lTTIA€)'.fH/s 'hie locus est corruptus sed non ausim
emendare quia nonnulla verba hoc loco desunt; quam autem potui horum
versuum commodiorem ex-plicationem ego dedi'. Perhaps the most
remarkable of the notes of this type is the one (fol. 73) on 1267 tT• ls +o&pov
X'TA. : 'hie versus non multum mihi placet, et quoquo modo vertam nulla
expositio mihi arridet, quare crediderim corruptum esse, sed non ausim
corrigere; quam autem potui commodiorem explicationem dare dedi.'
This is the great critic's last word on a corrupt passage with which he had
struggled desperately for many years, perhaps decades, as is demon-
strated by the evidence in the Cambr. Aeschylus: there we .find first a
cross put against the line; the size of this cross, its place in the margin,
and the ink in which it is written (&.ya.Ow 8' &.µ<(,fop.at in the text is under-
lined in the same ink) prove beyond doubt that it belongs to the earliest
group of Casaubon's notes; to the cross there was later added, in the small
letters and the ink typical of group III, the note 'non intelligo. fort. t-r'
ls ~O&pov· '71'~u&VT' lyw 8' &.µ. ego proiecta respuam'.~ As little as on ques-
tions of textual criticism does Casaubon allow himself to comment on
1 It is only in subordinate details tho.t the ipsissima wrba are occasionally overlaid
with the provisional phrasing of the copyist. For C."<ample, the note on 32 (loose sheet,
fol. 6) concludes 'plum vide in Comment. Casaub. o.d Sueton.' The way in which
Ca.saubon himsclf would have given such a reference is shown e.g. by the end of his note
on 498 f. (fol. 24), 'de his multa vide ad Theophrnsti carnet. cap. .,,,pi Svax<f"la.~'
(Casaubon in his commentary on Theophr. Char. 19. 8 quotes the Al. pDSSAge).
a In the margin of the Cambridge Aeschylus we find at x639 .,.6 M>1116v S.', with
110.\1Tc<i" underlined in the text.
' It wo.s in consequence o! this note that the first scribe of the Paris MS crossed out
73
APPENDIX I
any point of interpretation with greater confidence than was justified
by his searching scrutiny; sentences such as (fol. x8, on 4o8 11.TATJTa. -r'Aciaa.}
'duarum explicationum quam volueris elige, nam ambae huic loco bene
conueniunt' occur several times.
The tone, the contents, and the very size of the additional notes in the
Paris MS make it abundantly clear that what we have here is neither a
mass of 'private' notes nor mere materials for a commentary, but to all
intents and purposes Casaubon's commentary on the Agamemnon in as
nearly .final a form as it was possible for him to produce in the harassed
conditions of the last few years of his life. To begin with, why should
Casaubon have gone to the trouble of working out an elaborate 'Argu-
mentum Agamemnonis Aeschyli' (cf. p. 7I), had not his intention been
to give the general reader an introduction which would enable him better
to understand and appreciate the play as a whole? It is with the same
object in view that the bulk of the more extensive notes is written.
Casaubon is always at pains to make it easy for the reader to grasp the
gist of an ode or a section of the dialogue and to prevent him from losing
his way amidst the difficulties of the detail. Introductory formulae such
as 'sensus horum versuum hie est' are common. At the beginning of the
somewhat enigmatic ode 975 ff. we find (fol. 55) the note 'quia hie chorus
est paulo obscurior ideo verum sensum et veram interpretationem hoc
loco dabimus ut omnia sint clara et perspicua'. The considerable number
of French phrases, especially proverbial sayings and the like, with which
the supplementary notes in the Paris MS are interspersed provides
additional evidence of Casaubon's eagerness to win the interest of the
general reader, who, though he could be expected to have sufficient Latin
to understand the commentary, would react more readily to a striking
illustration from his native tongue. See, e.g., at the end of the note on 73
wo'Atvf>8'n~ (fol. 8} ''AdTl'ETa.t owos J1Ctlaiov il vaut bien moins que l'autre';
on 395 'TrpO<TTpcµ.µ.a. 'macula ex attritu, comme quand Ion passe aupres d'une
roiie de charrette, et qu'elle touche au manteau, !'ordure et l'impression
que laisse la roile s'appelle proprement en grec '"p/,<TTp,p.µ.a'; on 709
µnaµ.a.v80.vovaa. 1CT.\. (fol. 37) 'gall. leurs ris sont toum~ en pleurs'; on 934
·d'Aos (fol. 51 ; the note has been wrongly inserted by the copyist between
a note on 942 and one on 945), after a comment on the variety of meanings
of -rlAos, the remark 'et multae sunt ap. Graecos voces quae ita Iatam
habent significationem quae pro variis locis varie quoque sunt accipiendae
ut prouerbio gallico possent appellari selles a tous cheuau."<' ; on 1033
l1CT0A1J1Tttlaf:'v 'proprie hoc verbum significat deuider sa quenoilille'; on
1421 ff. (fol. 82) 'Gallice recte verteremus, ie vous aprcndrai a estre sage,
aliter ie vous ferai bien soustenir' (here, as elsewhere, Casaubon shows
a fine instinct for the tinge of colloquialism in certain parts of the Aeschy-
lean dialogue); on x668 J'A'"~as atTovpbovs 'gallice viure d'esperances'.
Cf. further the additional notes on x3I ofoai, x6o Zak, 456 {Japcia. s· aC7'TWV
#:m (fol. 22), Sos B1T' axpas 4'ptv&s ~fol. 44), Io88 7rpJs 'T?}v ~Tpt18wai (fol. 6x).
It is part and parcel of this tendency towards 'popularization' (though
Casaubon's insatiable appetite for minute points of Realien also plays
dya9w, which he had written in the text, a.nd added the note 'lyt1 ex emend. Is. €asau-
boni'.
74
CASAUBON'S WORK ON AESCHYLUS
a ·part in it) when he more than once goes out of his way to compare or
contrast ancient institutions and customs with what corresponds to them
in the modern world. One of these digressions is especially welcome since
it enables us to fix the time at which Casaubon wrote the notes which were
to be his last contribution to the study of Aeschylus. Commenting on 519
and discussing the meaning of Oiixos he says (fol. 26) '8iixos etiam aliud
signi.ficat, nam Oa1<0' exponuntur latrinae publicae1 ut in multis urbibus
videre est ut Geneuae et Londini'. In other words, Casaubon wrote the
notes copies of which are inserted in the margins and on the separate
sheets of the Paris MS some time after his arrival in London (end of October
x610), where he died on 12 July 1614.
The date thus established for Casaubon's supplementary notes, i.e. his
real commentary, on the Agammmcn will be seen in its full significance
when we combine with it the colophon at the end of the te.ict in the Paris
MS, 'Absoluit Isaacus Casaubonus 5. Kai. Mart. 1610'. Now at last we
are in a position to form a clear idea of the story that lies behind our
documents.
As a very young professor at the Academy of Geneva: Casaubon planned
an edition of the whole of Aeschylus with a full commentary. This intention
he announced in two places' in his commentary on Strabo (published
1587), viz. p. 15 of the first edition (p. 18 of the Paris edition of 1620)
'Comparat eum [Homer] Strabo cum Sophocle et Euripide: tertium
Aeschylum potes his addere: qui caetera summus, mirabilem tamen
Geographiam habet : quod nos aliquando Deo dante ostendemus, quando
illum poetam cum nostris Annotationibus edemus', and p. 87 (104),
dealing with the lli>.arryi1</w ~pyos, 'Aeschylus autem & </>i)toµ:qpos (ut et
Soph.) hoc non ignorabat, quum fecit Regem Argiuum gloriantem suae
ditionis fines esse Strymonem et Pindum, ac Perraeborum Paeonumque
fines: quem locum [Suppl. 254 ff.] paucissimi intelligunt. Nos autem si
Deus dederit, in nostra illius poetae editione explicabimus.' 4 Many years
later he obtained from Charles Labbe Scaliger's readings of a number of
passages (cf. p. 67 f.); he would .hardly have asked for them if by that
time he had given up the idea of editing Aeschylus. Of the sustained
efforts which he continued to devote to the poet the Cambridge book
provides full evidence. But that book also shows ~at, as time went on,
1 For the evidence and IL detniled discussion see Casaubon on Thcophr. Char. 14. 5.
:r. There is just the barest possibility that at Genev1L Co.saubon sometimes lectured
on Aeschylus; he certainly did not do so at Montpellicr (Cor the subjects o( his lectures
there sec ifark Pattison, lsaae Casa11bon, 211d ed., 99 ff'.). In any case his work on
Aeschylus at its maturer stnge was not the outcome of, or connected with, any lectures
on the poet.
, Quoted, on the advice of John Pcnrson, in Stunley's PrcCacc (see p. 78 below).
4 This plan o( nn edition of Aeschylus would seem to deserve nt least a brief mention
in IL biography of Casaubon. But the name of Aeschylus is not to be found in }wk
Pattison's Casa11bon. This book is justly famous; it is brilliantly written and highly
instructive so far as it goes. It fails, however, to convey nn adequate idea of the true
nature of Casaubon's scholarship and of the originality and greatness of his work.
There is very little in the book to show that Pattison was sufficiently familiar with even
the published editions nnd commentnrics of Casaubon, to say nothing of the wealth
of unpublished materials in the Bodlcian, the most important piece of which is the
annotated Polybius.
75
APPENDIX I
Casaubon contributed less and less to the other plays and concentrated
more and more on the Agamemnon. Finally, as the horizon of his personal
life increasingly darkened and his health also began to give way, he seems,
presumably in the winter of x6o9/xo, to have resigned all hope of ever
completing an edition of Aeschylus on the scale on which he had planned
it in the buoyant days of his youth. After the wreck of his more ambitious
scheme he decided to salvage at least the Agametmum. He therefore gave
one or two annotated copies of the text, and probably a draft of a comple~e
Latin translation and a collection of short explanatory notes, to an
amanuensis, whom he advised in general terms as to the manner in which
the work was to be executed. Apparently it was his intention to proVid.e
not only for the experienced scholar but also for.the reader who had little
Greek but was nevertheless keen to grope his way through the text of
Aeschylus. Hence the crude word-for-word translation, the notation that
was to help in disentangling the word-order, and the many notes of a rather
elementary character. However, features of d~per learning were by no
means excluded from the work at this stage. The colophon 'absoluit
Isaacus Casaubonus', etc., seems to imply that when Casaubon put his
materials into the hands of his amanuensis it was his intention that the
copy which he ordered him to produce should be the final form of his
'interpretation' (cf. the title-page) of the Agamemnon. And indeed the
Paris MS, leaving on one side the additional notes entered by the later
scribe, looks in every respect like a fair copy: it was in all probability
designed for the printer. But when Casaubon received it back he was not
satisfied. However, this was not the time to do anything about it. The
grave anxiety caused by the murder of Henry IV (May x6xo), the restless-
ness preceding Casaubon's emigration to England, then the difficulties of
making himself familiar with his new surroundings, the fresh obligations
inflicted on him by King James and others, all these were circumstances
utterly averse to the completion of a work which, however much he had it
at heart, seemed less urgent that the many demands of the day. Still, no
sooner had he somehow settled down in London than he returned to the
Agamemnon. At a period when all his time seemed occupied with rejecting
Baronius, fighting the king's campaign against the Pope, plunging deeper
and deeper into all sorts of ecclesiastical writings, and complying with the
wishes of the Court and his many friends, the heroic scholar made it
possible to escape every now and then from the turmoil of his various
obligations and bring a serene and fresh mind to the study of the great
Attic masterpiece. No doubt in doing so he also satisfied his own religious
conscience. In this regard the latest form of his commentary bears witness
to the same spirit as several of his early notes in the Cambridge Aeschylus
(cf. p. 65). Sometimes he identifies, perhaps unconsciously, the Zeus of the
poet with his own Christian God, 1 e.g. fol. 8 on 65 lv '"fXYT€'>.t.lo&s 'sensus
autem horum versuum [6o ff.] hie est. Deus mittit Atridas contra Paridem
... imponet tamen Deus Graecis et Troianis graues luctus', etc. (in the
same paragraph he goes on to quote from the Bible the fate of Nineveh),
and fol. xo on xo4 ff. 'ex hoc autem loco possumus cognoscere quam optime
de Deo sentirent Pagani qui omnem in eo spem et fiduciam habebant~; on
1 For the similar outlook of Demetrius Triclinius see vol. ii, p. 102, n. I.
CASAUBON'S WORK ON AESCHYLUS
other occasions he stresses the Greek mode of expression, as fol. 5x on 928
8toii 'notandum est hoc loco Agamemnonem potius dicere e,oo quam
8"ilv. veteres enim qui de Diis male sentiebant tamen instinctu quodam
naturae in rebus maioris momenti Deum potius dicebant quam Deos.
hoc obserua'. But this keen interest in the religious thought of the poet
cloes not blind Casaubon's eye to other aspects of the play or to the many
points of scholarship which its interpretation raises. Nor does he waver
in his determination to satisfy alike the demands of the interested amateur
and those of the professional schoJar. 0£ this twofoJd pwpose of the supple-
mentary notes there is evidence on almost every page. Casaubon's vigour
seems to be quite unbroken, his mastery of innumerable details as un-
failing as ever. At the same time (as has been shown above) he spares no
words to li!t his reader above the mere detail, to guide him safely through
the maze of many a difficult passage and direct his attention towards the
important issues. Perhaps the most noticeable feature of this commentary
is the historical sense (of course within the inevitable limitations of
Casaubon's time) which permeates the whole and in.8.uences the treatment
not only of antiquities of all kinds but·even of textual criticism. We late-
comers, with all the facilities of modem libraries at our disposal, may well
pause for a moment to admire the resourcefulness of Casaubon when
(fol. 40 on 767 ~&.ous 1e&To11) he wants to illustrate in truly historical style
what he regards as a peculiarity of ancient scribes, i.e. their apparent
economizing of letters by writing only a single letter if one word ended
with the same letter with which the next word began. As he has no
facsimiles of uncial manuscripts to which he can refer, he does the next
best thing and quotes in support of his assertion the practice of the scribes
of the Florentine Digest. 1
Some of Casaubon's best emendations in the text of this play do not
reappear ¥i the Paris MS. We do not find there 69 ~01eafu>11,. (on the con-
trary, the fust scribe has appended to ~oli).alwv the note 'K).alfV minus
quam 8axp1fo.v'); at x41x there is no trace of Casaubon's fine correction
47T&7To~'S' (ci'77o~'s"is not only in the text but also in the lemma of the note
on a loose leaf, fol. 82); x547 bm·iJµ./Jt.0s alvor is left unaltered. It is possible
that these omissions are due to mere oversight, but it seems equally
possible that Casaubon, like other great scholars, grew more sceptical as
the years went by and consequently dismissed in later life some excellent
suggestions of his more daring period.
I do not know whether Casaubon carried the completion of his com-
mentary to the point where he did not want to make any further additions.
In any case, the supplementary notes in the Paris MS go right to the end
of the play (although they are comparatively short towards the end), and
the last of the inserted leaves (fol. 92) contains a note on x587 .,,porFTphaws
and another note on 1595 1.8pwrr• G.vw8w. All the additional notes in the
Paris MS are undoubtedly copied from notes written by Casaubon.
1 <Asaubon presumably used the Digest ('Pandectae F!orentinae' as he quotes it)
in the edition of Taurellus (Florence 1553), who 'digesta in omnibus, eticun ortho-
graphicis, ad Florentin.um codiccm repraesentauit' (Mommsen, PrefRcc to his edition,
p. xvii f.).
:a Butler recovered it from the margin of the Cambridge Aeschylus.
77
APPENDIX I
Whether it was he himself who had these notes copied and inserted into
the Paris MS, or whether the copy was made after his death, it is impossible
to say so long as the hand of the second scribe has not been identified
(cf. p. 69 n. 6).
APPENDIX II
JOHN PEARSON'S SHARE rn STANLEY'S AESCHYLUS
THE MS Rawlinson G. 193 in the Bodleian Library was briefly described by
Needham (repeated in Butler's Aeschylus, vol. viii, p. :-co.:). It is a copy
of Victorius' Aeschylus (published by H. Stephanus, 1557). Its fly-leaves
and margins are covered with notes, some of them very long, in the virile
and beautiful hand of John Pearson. Among the authors quoted in these
notes Hesychius, for whom Pearson did more than anyone before him,
is very prominent, nor is there a lack of other references, ~th to classical
and patristic texts, which bear the hall-mark of the great scholar and
theologian. Special attention is paid to the scholia, not only those on
Aeschylus. 1 Suggestions of readings different from those in Victorius' te.xt
are numerous. Several of them have 'Jae.' added to them, i.e. they are
conjectures of, or readings recommended by, that erratic and original
scholar Henry Jacob (16o8-52) ;: Pearson had presumably copied them
from the margins of a text belonging to Jacob.>
When I opened this book I saw to my amazement that whole para-
graphs of Stanley's commentary, and as a rule those which contain the
most remarkable pieces of real erudition, are nothing but copies of
Pearson's marginal notes, with hardly a word altered. One has not to go
far to find abundant proof of this. On the back of the title-page Pearson
wrote 'Post Victorium et Stephanum Aeschylum edere et illustrare voluit
Is. Casaub. ipso teste ad Strab. p. 18'; in the last paragraph but one of
Stanley's preface we read 'Aeschylum etiam, post Victorium et Stephanum,
edere et illustrare voluit Vir incomparabilis Isaacus Casaubonus, ipso
teste ad Strabonem. paginis xS, et 104' (the latter passage could easily be
added with the help of the 'Index Auctorum' in the then current edition of
Casaubon's Strabo, Paris x62o). When we pass on to theBIOE AJEXYAOY
in Victorius' edition, we see that the greater part of the learned material
in Stanley's notes on this chapter comes from Pearson. Nor does the
picture change when we reach the .first play, Prom. There, right at the
beginning, Pearson entered in the lower right-hand comer of p. 4 the note
2 As I glanced over the pages of Pearson's Exposition of the Creti., my eye was struck
in Article II, 'Our Lord', by a huge footnote (p. 295 f. of the first edition of 1659) on
Kllpco~, 1eJp<,11, KVpc'i". It begins, charnctcristically, with a reference to Hcsychius, and
passes on to a scholiast on Sophocles; then comes a quotation from A. Prom., two from
the scholiasts (differentiated according to their rel11tive chronology) on SeJ>I., one from
11 scholion on Pers., and several from passages of Euripides with the scholia on them.
~ Sec DUtU»Sary of National Biography, xxix. n8.
, Stanley's note on Ag. 2o6 (214 St.) shows th11t he, too, had acccsstoacopyofCnnt~'s
Aeschylus annotated by Jacob.
JOHN PEARSON'S SHARE IN STANLEY'S AESCHYLUS
'Prometheum caput Jovis secuisse tradunt aliqui cum Minerva nasceretur.
Pind. Schol. 64. b' ; in the inner margin of p. 5, with a sign referring to
Prom. 7, 'non Vulcani solum sed et Minervae. Plato' ; and in the lower
margin of the same page, referring to the same line, 'Prometheum ignis
inventorem negabant Argivi, et Phoroneum fuisse asserebant. Paus.
p. xx9.' These three separate notes are nicely run into one in Stanley's
commentary on Prom. 7, the only change being the replacement of
Pearson's 'aliqui' by 'sunt vero qui' in order to attach the sentence to
the preceding one. To select at random a few similar instances from the
commentary on the same play: Stanley's note on 323 down to the quota-
tion 'Act. Apost. 9. 5' is an exact copy of Pearson's note; Stanley's long
note on 362 l~a)..w9r, is taken in its entirety, and without any change,
from Pearson; Stanley's whole learned comment on 48o (479 St.) o~
xpurrov oi>S~ wurrov is patched together from four difierent notes of
Pearson's; the note on 7xo (709 St.), with the quotation from Tertullian,
goes back to Pearson; the last four lines of the note on 793 (792 St.), with
the emendation of the scholion and the references to out-of-the-way
passages, belong to Pearson; and so does the note on 853 (852 St.) '"W'T'7J'"
KoVT&7ro.cs. Nor are things different in the other plays. I will take a few
instances from the commentary on the Agamenmoti. In the notes on the
dramatis personae compare Stanley's remarks on the 'Nuntius' and on
the <J>1fAae with Pe:trson's notes, 'hie nulla Nuntii mentio, ergo qui Arg.
scripsit N. non agnovit' and 'Hom. Oovcrcr. 8. in descriptione reditus
Agamemnonis. ?'Oii s· &.p' &.110 CTKO'll',fjS ••• '1TO&Jlo'"' Ao.wv' 1 • From the com-
mentary on the text of the play I will give the following selection; I quote
Pearson's notes, with which the corresponding notes of Stanley's should
be compared. On 3: 'Hesy. legebat, opinor corruptc, O.ypla.8w. 'A.ypfu8w,
O.vl1ea.8w. Al<JxJAos 'A.yaµJµ.vov,. Ita alibi idem :JJ:y1ea.8w. O.vl1ea8w.' On x7 :
'v. Eurip. Med. EJ-r• &.v-rlp.0A11ov ••• KC.rJKVTov. v. Schol.' On 53: 'Hesy. de
pullis nidos servantibus, ego potius de vulturibus' (neither here nor else-
where did Stanley blush to take over Pearson's 'ego'). On 79: 'J.crxa..,.&-y-r,pws.
Eus. Hist. xx6. a. a.'. On 87: 'v. Hesych. Eur. Bacchis p.a&v&.8as 8uocr1e&o~.'
On x09: 'mallem .;;pas. sed Aristoph. ?;Pav dixit.' On 137 (x40 St.): 'ut
aiJ.ro.v8pov. r.Wv a.V1-ois -rois &.v8p&cr,, Hesy. o.V1-lmptµ.vos.' On 141 (145 St.):
'Alaxi$Aos lv 'AyaµJµvov' .•• 8p0cro~ 1elKA1]1Cf!. Etym. in "Epcra,' (in the
upper margin) and (on the scholion, where the text printed by Victorius
is xwpis 8' av -rlf'<To.') 'J. xwpis 8' o.v.r• ~pcro.i. vel o.36' lf><1ai. Odys. , 222.
v. Etym.' On 234 (243 St.): 'Hes. 'A.Jp&r]v. ~vC.rJ, '1 r/>op&°'1jv. male scribitur
~~p8~v.' On 304 (3x2 St.) : 'ignis mandatum. i. igncm quern ut transmit-
terent in mandatu habebant. p.p. AaµTTairq</>&pwv v&µ.o,.' On 5x3 (522 St.) :
'Suppl. 1¢ (189]', on which passage Pearson gives a note referring to the
other instances of ciywvw' 8<ol in Suppl. and to Ag. 513. On 884 (893 St.) :
'consilium projectum iniret, sc. occidendi Orestis. Jacta est alea.' On 908
(918 St.) : 'Reg. IX, x3. Matth. XXI, 8.' On 942 (951 St.): 'vel-rijs8e legendum.
vel a 8~1"1· ~pios. pertinax.' On 1o6x (x070 St.) : 'lnde fortasse Barginus.
Lex. Graecol. Ilpocr"1wVYJais ••• Glossarium Vetus. Barginae. peregrinae'
(with this compare the second half of Stanley's note). On 1344 (1356 St.):
'Peccat Aeschylus cum apud cum Agamemnon tanta celeritate et occiditur
1 The omissions here and in the following quotations are mine.
79
APPENDIX II
et tumulatur ut actori vix respirandi tempus detur. Voss. Inst. Poet.
I. x p. 22.' On x382 (1391 St.): '1eo..,.a &,} ,,.o~ "1'pa:yt1eo~ ••• b8VO'w .,.po.x1]>.01J.
Schol. Hom. I>.. o.. 7.' On 1462 (147x St.): 'haec ad Strophen primam
referenda' (cf. also Pearson on 1464, 'ista ad Anapaest. immediate
anteced.'). On 1476 (1485 St.): 'qui per tres generationes huius familiae
gravis est.' On 1602 (16u St.) : ~'p&m,v ,dv C'Y"JP.' ••. ETt!K<. Apollod. I. 3.
133· at quomodo iidem et Pelopidae et Pleisthenidae. ~yajdp.v(A)v 1ea1"¢ µlv
"0µ.71pov • •• ll>..€w8lvo1Js. Schol. Hom. &A. a. 7' (it is .evident that in Stanley's
note all that is not mere commonplace comes from Pearson). On 1640
(1649 St.) : 'elegantissima haec sunt. Quadriga 4 equis constabat, quorum
2 Jugales, Funa.les 2. vid. Salm.', etc.
Pearson's emendations of the text and his suggestions of possible
readings were appropriated by Stanley in the same manner as were his
interpretations. Here again I must confine myself to a selection; again
I quote Pearson's notes, with which Stanley's should be compared. On
Prom. 55 : 'lu' •1 Ba>.wv viv O..p.tf>l X· i. &.p.t/>t{Ja>.wv. ut ante '"'PifJa.>.i'iv et p. p.
ill' &.p.t/>1 .,,.).~pats 71. Pers. 51.' On Prom. xr2: 'si retineamus fh,p<iiJ.14',
videtur legendum 'T0&6iv 8t.' On Prom. 187 : 'aut lµ..,,a.s aut ot(A) delendum
suadet carminis ratio. lµ.'TTas agnoscit Hie Schol. utrumque Arund.':i On
Prom. 1013 (1012 St.): 'tu. oi)8EV~ p.t!iov.' On Sopt. 225 (231 St.): 'lu.
"wrifptos.' On Sopt. 667 (673 St.) : 'Schol. legisse videtur .,,.poCT€i8c.' On Sept.
830 (836 St.) : 'ut Castores. nisi versus desit qui ad Eteoclem pertineret.''
On Ag. 2": 'lo-. µ.fixos. vel µ.fixap. 2o8.' On Ag. 645 (654 St.): 'lu. T<iiv.' On
Ag. 1266 (1275 St.): '"1'(.' On Ag. 1625 (1634 St.): 'f. To08' .qKoVTos' (in the
next line Pearson placed a comma in front of aµ.a. and deleted the comma
after Jµo.). On Ag. 1664 (1673 St.) : '8iJo.1'opov vel tale quid deest.'
Before leaving the subject of te.xtual criticism I want to mention two
instances where Stanley's scholarship was not good enough to enable
him to see the value of Pearson's suggestions and where he therefore
.thought it unnecessary to take them over. At the end of Prom. 945, where
Stanley gives the kxtus rueptus TOv l1'71µlpo,s, without any note, Pearson
observes 1'1'0v delendum'; and on Sept. 619 tf>i.\c' 8~ "'yav ;; >.J.y,w ,,.a. Kaipta.
(no comment in Stanley's edition) Pearson has the note 'versus hie videtur
superft.uus' and adds in the inner margin 'Choe. 570 [s82]'. 4
Some entries of a more general character indicate the liveliness of
perception and the keen interest in literary history that are no less
noticeable in John Pearson than is his enormous learning. As an example
I quote his observation on the last item in the list of the dramatis personae
1 Stanley, even when he leaves everything else unaltered, invnriably replaces
Pearson's 'laa1r by 'forsan' or 'fortassc'. .
::i For these scholia see Stanley at the end of his preface.
i This observation, like many others in this list, shows the vigilant mind of the true
KP'T&JCOr (cf. Hermann's discussion of the passage). For a conservative view sec, e.g.,
Verra!!, ?tfazon, Grocncboom ad loc.
• I have always regarded Sepl. 619, which disrupts the context, as interpolated (the
same view was held, according to Wccklcin's 'Appendix', by Jacobs and C. G. Haupt);
other scholars have resorted to transpositions. A particul1Uly unfortunate excuse wns
cxcogitatcd by Stanley in his posthumous note, 'quasi diccret Eteocles, Amphiaraus
ad commilitoncs suos dchortatione ilia non usus fuerat, nisi cos victos fore pracvidiS!(Ct';
this coincides almost exactly with Wilamowitz's note 'talis vir tacuisset nisi certus cssct
futuri'.
80
JOHN PEARSON'S SHARE IN STANLEY'S AESCHYLUS
at the end of the 'Y'11&8<uLS of Pers. (p. x24), '11poAoyl!~' 8( & xop&s: 'ita et
in Eurip. Rheso. male igitur Chorus a Scaligero1 definitur, Pars fabulae
post Actum: et ipse Aristoteles, cum TO xopU<.ov dividit et definit, ad -ro
'1ToAv, non 'T~ cM respexit'. ~ This note, without the slightest change, is
printed in Stanley's commentary, p. 755.
The section 'Henrici Stephani Obseruationes' etc. which is printed as
an appendix to Victorius' edition of Aeschylus (pp. 359 fi.) called for
several marginal comments on the part of Pearson. These notes were
fused by Stanley with those which he found in the margins of the texts
of the plays. So e.g. in Stanley's note on Prom. 35 the whole of the criticism
of Stephanus ('Sed haec observatio est nihili' to the end of the paragraph)
comes from Pearson on p. 36o; the note on Prom. 37x is copied from
Pearson on p. 362 ; the quotation from Themistius in Stanley on Prom. 378
was written down by Pearson on p. 363 ; and all the passages quoted by
Stanley on the 'Y'1Jo8euis of Soi''· in the section which begins 'De Tragoediae
inscriptione lis est' (p. 737) can be found in Pearson's note on p. 366.
This is indeed an astounding affair. One may feel tempted to address
Stanley in Cicero's words, '(a Ioanne) vel sumpsisti multa, si fateris, vel,
si negas, surripuisti'. And yet, though no sign of a confession can }>e found
in Stanley's commentary, any idea of what we commonly mean by theft
or plagiarism is in this case out of the question. But we have interrupted
the book in the middle of its tale; we must wait until it has finished.
What, on fresh inspection, the MS Rawlinson G. 193 tells us about its
own history is this. It belonged to Thomas Stanley, who first used it for
a time, then asked Jolm Pearson to enter his observations into it, then,
several years before the completion of his commentary, received it back
and continued to use it. We have now to examine the evidence in
detail.
Needham said in his description of MS Rawl. G. 193 (cf. p. 78) 'olim fuit
Th. Stanleii ut manus ejus abunde testatur'. This is perfectly correct, as
anyone will see who knows Stanley's hand from the Addenda to his
Aeschylus (Cambr. Univ. Libr., Adv. b. 44. x-8) and from his 'Adversaria'
(ibid., Stanley MS, Gg. Ill. x5). Stanley first entered into the book in
large characters a number of 'headings', glosses, and fairly elementary
notes; later on he added in a smaller hand pieces of a Latin translation,
some of them very long. Then the book passed into the hands of Pearson,
who wrote down his own notes. The relative chronology of these three
stages is obvious throughout the book. A clear instance can be seen e.g.
on p. x29, where in the lower half (opposite the scholia) of the outer margin
we find one of Stanley's early notes, then, surrounding this note, his
translation, and finally, underneath Stanley's translation, Pearson's note
in the lower margin. Perhaps still more mstructive is the case of the lower
part (opposite the scholia) of p. 242: in the outer margin Stanley first
wrote a few notes; round these notes he drew simple rectangular frames,
and going round these frames he wrote a translation of the whole text,
I er. Iulius Caesar Seo.tiger, Poelite, lib. i, cap. ix (p. 38 of the edition of 1594): 'Chorus
est pars inter actum ct o.ctum ••• tutior crit dcfinitio quac dicat: post actum'.
s For the difficulty of reconciling chapter 12 of the Poctia with the known facts o!
earlier Tlngcdy sec Bywatcr's commentary, p. 2o6 f.
~~I ~ G
APPENDIX II
which covers the outer margin and the greater part of the lower margin.
In the space left free by the translation, i.e. the lowest part of the lower
margin, we find, in Pearson's hand, the correction of a detail of Stanley's
translation, and, furthermore, in the narrow inner margin, very crammed,
Pearson's note on the scholion •y,,,~pfJoplou (1. 5 from the bottom).
Pearson's notes are often written round one of Stanley's; in other cases
they begin on the same line on which a note of Stanley's ends. Nor is it
uncommon for one of Pearson's remarks to refer to the note of Stanley's
that precedes it. See e.g. p. 142 top, where Stanley copies in the margin
the silly remark of the scholion (on Pers. 371) T~ Kp&.Tos &."l ToO Kp0.Tous,
and Pearson, continuing on the same line, adds 'male. ut ex quantitate
patet'. The result of this joint effort appears in Stanley's commentary:
'Scholiastes male notat hie· &."l'TrT(l)CTW, ut ex quantitate patet.' On Ag. 70
cim$~v l~p{l,v we find first a long note by Stanley, 0.mJp(l)v pro Sia a.'ITVp(l)v
1
... sic igitur intellige: neque fl.ens per non ignea sacra erynnium (ignem
ad sua sacra non admittentium) iras graues mulcendo decipiat', to which
Pearson, continuing on the same line, adds this : 'recte. nisi quod Sul. non
sit intelligendum. sed sacra pro Diis ponuntur'. After receiving this crumb
from the great man's table, Stanley rides a high horse in his commentary:
'per 0.7TVpa. kpO. ipsae hie intelligendae Eumenides, sacra pro Diis: qua
metonymia non perspecta frustra se torsit vir eruditus.' 1 Still more
amusing are the antecedents of Stanley's comment on Ag. 103 as he
published it. Stanley wrote in the margin of his copy of the Stephanus
edition '-n}v Ouµ,o/Jopov. anapaesticus est versus. quod superest >.Jm.,s 1-p~a.
e.x scholiaste irrepsit in conte.xtum, cum apud ilium legeretor AVl'l'oOO'a.v
1-plva', to which Pearson added 'neutiquam. Schol. enim non exponit
8uµo{J&pov, sed constructioncm aperit. vult enim Poetam dixisse >.Vm,s
1-plva. pro >.Vm,v 4'p<11os', and finally we read in Stanley's commentary this:
'Cave vero ne putes >.&m,s 1-plva e Scholio irrepsisse in textum. Scholiastes
enim non exponit 8uµ,ofJ&pov, sed tantum constructionem aperit : vult enim
Poetam dixisse A&m,s 1-plva pro >.Vm,v +pw&s.' At Ag: 220 (229 St.) first
Stanley notes 'leg. TOTc', then Pearson 'immo 08011 ; the result in the
printed commentary is 'Legimus, cum Scholiaste, oOw'. Of Ag. 637 (646 St.)
Stanley gives in the margin a paraphrase \Vhich agrees with P. Victorius'
interpretation, but Pearson vetoes t1iis with 'non. sed alius honor eorum
Deorum qui bona mittunt, alius eorum qui mala ut Erinnyes'; the result
is that Stanley in his commentary, after quoting Victorius, continues
'Ego vcro postremum illud aliter interpretandum censeo, nempe .. .' and
then gives Pearson's ipsa verba. At Ag. 1046 (1055 St.) Stanley writes in
the margin 'fort. leg. ceccs', Pearson protests 'imo. babes a nobis (dicta
sc.) quae fieri solent', and consequently Stanley says in his commentary
'Poterit legi lf£cs •.• Sed nihil exigit' and gives the translation 'Habes
a 1wbis (dicta sc.) qfUU [Jeri solent'. z It will have become abundantly clear
that Stanley, like a diffident pupil, bows everywhere to the master's
superior judgement.
Fortunately we can .fix with a fair degree of accuracy the time at which
Pearson wrote his notes in Stanley's copy. On p. 31 he illustrates 8&&8oxo&
1 i.e. Henr. Stephanus, whose note is printed on p. 378 of the edition of 1557.
s For the concctncss of this interpretation see my commentary.
82
JOHN .:PEARSON'S SHARE IN STANLEY'S AESCHYLUS
(Prom. 464) by the marginal note 'idem quod alibi (Aesch. fr. 194 N.]
l1eSl1<TOp€S ab eodem. v. Plut. de FortunA. p. 98', to which he later added
in a different ink 'et Hierocl. Fragm. 212'. 1 The latter reference is to the
edition of Hierocles De Providentia published in London in 1655 with
notes by Merle Casaubon and very learned Prolegomena by John Pearson.
The passage referred to, p. 212, is ovµmafJris ••• lv Tois lvavrUJ&S' 1ea.cpo'is
S&d8oxo' Ti.Uv dv~p<Uv. It is obvious that, in contrast to the Aeschylus frag-
ment quoted from Plutarch, this passage is not very much to the point;
it is the sort of 'parallel' which a reader likes to jot down if it is thrown
in his way. Only when his own and Merle Casaubon's edition of Hierocles
had reached the stage of page-proofs was it possible for Pearson to give
his reference in the form in which he did give it. In other words, this
particular entry was made in x655 (or, at the earliest, late in 1654). The
fact that the reference to Hierocles was added afterwards to the original
note, showing as it does that this passage was not in Pearson's mind from
the beginning, makes it unlikely that he added it long after the publication
of his little edition of the Neoplatonist.
Since the reference to Hierocles is contained in an additional note, it
follows that Pearson, when he made this entry, had already been engaged
for some time in annotating Stanley's copy of the Victorius edition of
Aeschylus. Nor is this the only indication of a successive growth of
Pearson's marginalia in this book. To quote only one example, the outer
margin of p. 3x shows clearly that he began with writing a few brief notes,
especially variae kctumes (ypcii •••), and added the more extensive com-
ments afterwards, using a different ink and pen. A. scholar of Pearson's
gigantic capacity for work is not likely to have spent an unreasonable time
on collecting and bringing to paper notes like these marginalia. Besides,
the years into which this '"&.p£pyov fell were perhaps the most active in a
very active life :2 from 1654 on Pearson delivered at St. Clement's, East-
cheap, 'the series of discourses which he published in 1659 under the title
of "An Exposition of the Creed"', thus producing the work on which,
outside the circles of specialists, his· fame primarily rests. Of a very
different kind of work undertaken during these same years we get a
glimpse through the entry on the title-page of his copy of Hesychius,"
1Hesychium integrum primo perlegi MDCLV. Oct. :ii.."V-Iterum MDCI.XVII.
Mart. XXVI'. Probably there were many other activities, both ecclesiastical
a'(ld secular, that filled his days at that time. At the .end of his Prolego-
mena to Hierocles (x655) he says he must now conclude 'ut reliquis studiis,
quae me imperiosius avocant, vacem'. Taking all this into consideration,
it is safe to assume that Pearson returned Stanley's copy to its owner
not later than 1656. This means that Stanley received the book back six
or seven years before he completed his edition (published in 1663) ; he
therefore had plenty of time to profit from the gift of.his benefactor, not
only by taking over almost ever}'thing that the great scholar had written
in the margins, but also by trying, to the best of his own capacities, to
follow the master's model in collecting further materials. His attempts
• Needless to say, these notes reslppenr fo Stanley's commentary.
2 Cf. D1a1imary of Natio11al Biography, xliv. 269. .
J Ibid., 273.
APPENDIX II
to add something to Pearson's notes have sometimes left their traces in
this very copy of Aeschylus. For example,_ .on. p. :z the whole note (now
in Stanley's commentary, p. 707, right-hand column, middle) 'i~o vero
Geloi' down to a.Wo w:ra{J&.v-ras is Pearson's, but Stanley, continuing on
the same line, adds 'et Athenaeus deipn: lib. 14 p. 627 ••. M718os brurra.-
p.OIOS'. Similarly on p. 24 (schol. on Prom. 323) a wealth of parallels to TTpOs
1<brpa. ).(JJ('Tl{~w is quoted by Pearson, but at the end of them Stanley
is at least able to make this contribution of his own: 'vide Agam. p. 226
(1. 1624].'
The facts, then, as they emerge one by one from the margins of MS
Rawl. G. 193, are perfectly clear. But we are faced with a very different and
indeed puzzling problem as soon as we try to intexpret these facts in the
light of our common experience of human relations or to apply to them
what we regard as normal standards of a scholar's decent behaviour. One
thing, however, remains certain: the idea that Stanley in this matter acted
as a thief must be discarded. A thief, according to the Oxfortl Englis.'IJ
Dictionary, is 'one who takes portable property from another without the
knoMedge or consent of the latter, converting it to his own use', 'one who
does this by stealth, esp. from the person'. Now nothing can be farther
removed from stealth than what Stanley did in this case. He gave his
copy of Aeschylus to Pearson and received it back with the great scholar's
notes; he must have told him for what purpose he wanted his contribu-
tions. It is practically certain that Stanley, in using Pearson's materials,
did it witli 'the knowledge and consent of the latter'. But even supposing
that Stanley did not at once inform Pearson of his plan of editing Aeschylus
with a commentary, it is inconceivable that at the time when he published
his edition {1663) he could have hoped to get away with his enormous
borrowings if he had not previously obtained Pearson's consent. At that
time Pearson, who had for many years been known as one of the most
eminent English divines and scholars, was Master of Trinity College,
Cambridge. Unless you are a lunatic, you will not attempt to steal products
of scholarship from a man in such a position. That Stanley did not feel
any qualms about his appropriation of the fruits of Pearson's learning
can also be inferred from the fact that he did not destroy the book which
might at any time have given its secret away (Pearson's characteristic
hand must have been known to many contemporaries).
But why did Stanley not acknowledge, at least in a general way, his
debt to Pearson, which he could have done once and for all in his Preface?
The most probable answer seems to be that, for reasons unknown to us,
Pearson did not want his name to be mentioned in this connexion. Perhaps
his generosity was such that be preferred to make a complete and un-
qualified present of the precious things which he had put at the younger
man's disposal: a king can afford to be lavish. However that may be,
by the manner in which Stanley used the notes he paid a very high tribute
to Pearson's character: he must have felt that he could rely absolutely
on his benefactor's silence. This fits in with what we are told about
Pearson's excellent temper and equanimity.' So far as Stanley is con-
cerned, we might perhaps wish that he had taken a little less advantage
1 Cf. op. cit. (p. 83 n. 2), 170.
84
JOHN PEARSON'S SHARE IN STANLEY'S AESCHYLUS
of Pearson's generosity and used a more modest language when he paraded
the great man's observations as his own. But in order to be able to judge
the true no.ture of the relation between Pearson and Stanley we ought to
possess some direct documentary evidence, e.g. letters exchanged by
them; thus far I have not succeeded in finding any, despite all my
efforts. 1
• 1 Butler in his edition of Aeschylus, vol. viii, pp. xvi !f., prints a number of 'tcsti-
monia' which Stanley had prepared for the second edition of his Aeschylus (Butler
copied them from the .fly-leaves of the first volume of Stanley's interleaved copy of
his Aeschylus in the University Library at Cambridge, Adv. b. 44. x). The first of them
is Stanley's copy of a letter written to him in Februuy 1664 by Isaac Vossius; it con-
tains the following sentence: 'quod de Xo'l9&P,,.,.,. initio significavit tibi Dom. Pearson,
id male intcllectum', etc. Now in Stanley's edition there is no hint of any such remark
by Pearson. The obvious inference is that Stanley had infonncd Vossius that PcatSOn,
either by word of mouth or in a letter, had given him his views on the beginning of the
Choephoroe.
85
SIGLA LIBRORVM
pap. : frustula papyri Oxyrhynchiae • cf. p. I
M: Laurentianus XXXII. 9 cf. p. I
m: eiusdem libri corrector vetustus cf. p. xsq.
V: Venetus Marcianus 653 (olim 468) cf:.P· 2 sq.
Tr: Triclinii liber, Famesianus Neapolitanus ll. F. 31 cf. p. 3 sq.
F: Laurentianus XXXI. 8 cf. p. 4sq.
G: Venetus Marcianus 663 (ollin 616) • cf. p. 5
86
AILXYJ\OY ArAMEMNlUN
'Aycxµ~µvovoS \Jrr60ecns
•Ayo:µ~µvoov els ..IAtov &rrtoov -rf\ t KAVT<Xtµf)<Trpo:t / el irop&{\0"01 To ·1A1ov/
••• -rils aVrils t'iµ€f>o:!> O'flµo:lvsw Sta 1TVpuov. 66Ev O'l(O'JTov S<Ctetow
rnl µtoet.St IO.VTCOµf)<Trpa, Tva 'TT\po(fl TOV 1TVpu0\I. Kerl 6 µw lSoov
&rrfiyyetAal, cxVTI1 s~ T&\I 1t'f'Eai3VTOO\I 6XAO\I µirrcxmµm-rca, mp\ TOV
S 1TVPCJOV lpoVO'<X' !~ @v Ka\ 6 XOpOs O'W(O"To:TCXl' ofTIV€S &Kooo<XVTES
1t'atCXVl30VO'l\I. µe-r' ov TrOAV s~ Kal To:Ae\'.1~105 rrap<xylVFTat Kal TeX Kett'~
TO\I TrAOW StT)yetTat. 'Ayaµ~\1(1)\1 s· rnl &rrii\ITlS ff>XETO:t' efm-ro s· a\J-
T&l htpa &m\VT), Ma {iv TeX ACxcpvpa Kerl t'i KCXO'O'CxvSpa. a\JTO!>
µW ow npoetoipxerca els Tov oTKov C1Vv Tiit l<AVTcaµfi<TTpat, KaCTaav-
xo Spa S~ irpoµavm'.teTca, irplv els -ra ~cxafAeta el<TEA&Tv, 'Tov ~<XVTiis
Kal Tov •Ayaµ~µvovas 6Cxvo:Tov Ka\ Ti)v t~ 'Opt<Trov IJ1lTpoKTovla\i,,-t<al
el01TT)OOt oos 6avovµ£vT), p!'f'CXO'CX TeX rnµµo:Tcx. TOVTO s~ TO µtpos
ToO Sp&µctr0s 6avµ~ercxt 00s krrAT)~l\I ~ov Kcxl olKTOv IKavov.
lSfoos .s~ Alax:vAas TO\I •Ayaµtµvovcx ml O'Kfl\lf)S avatpeTaeat 1TOtei,
15 TO\I s~ KaO'O'Cx\ISpo:!> O'loom'iO'<XS 6Cx\lo:Tov \IEKpcXv aVTf\v Vnt0e1~,
imtoffl~\l 'TE ATyta6ov Kal KAvratµfi<TTpav b<<rnpov Suaxvpt36µevov mpl
Tils avcop~ lvl KEcpo:Aafoo1, -rliv µlv -rf\t &vcxtptO"et 'Jcprywefo:!>, TO\I s~
Tats TOV Trctrpbs evfO"TOV t~ •ATptoos avµcpopais.
!StSCxx,OT) TO Sp(iµcx ml &:pxo\ITOS <l>tAOKAfovs OAvµmaSt oySoT}-
20 KOO"Tfjl mt Sevripoot (a. Chr. n. 459/8). irp(A)Tos Alaxv"Aas 'Ayaµtµ-
88
-ra -rov Sp&µa,-os irp6CJooira
cpv~a~ xop6s ayyEAoS
!<A1.Tra1µficrrpa T<XA~loS Kfipv~ :zs
•Ayaµtµvc->v Kaaa®Spa
Afy1a6oS
mVF(G)Tr
v
26 sq. l((lOOrU~pg.: d.y11p.lµ>""'I': ary1080S' 27 4fy&crroS' F post A.ty1080S'
P'GTr habcnt ..poM>ylC" (B~ o.dd. F; cf. 19) o ~.;~, 8~P4•01., (o 9tp. G) dyap.l,_,roS', post
fabulae nomen m inscruit 8t,&•01., dyap.lp.roroS' o Trpo:\oyiCop.tPOS', oilxl o V.cJ alylolou
Tax8clS'. haec olim argumenti fabulac partem fuisse apparet
<!>Y /\A%
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cppovpCXS rn{(XS µ1'KoS i')V KOlµOOµEVQS
crrfya&s •ATpe1Soov O:yKa&v, KW6s Sf1<11v,
&crrpCA>v K<hotSa VVKiipc.>v 6µ1\yvptv
Ka\ TOVs cptpoVTaS xeTµa Kal 6tpos f3poTOTS 5
1'aµirpovs Swacrras ~µirprnov-ras aletp1.
[&crrtpas 6-rav cp6{vc.oo'IV mo1'6:s Te TOOV.]
Kal vOv cpv1'6:aac.> 1'aµir6:8oS ,.0 a\1µ13o1'ov,
aVyriv irvp6s cptpovaav ~ T pokes cp&r1v
&Aoocnµ6v -re 136:~1v· ~Se yap 1<pcm:i XO
ywatKOs &\IS~OVAO\I thir{3ov !<tap.
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eWfiv 6vef pots OUK rntC1KOTrOVµ!vr\\I
~µfiv· <l>613os yap &ve· -Yirvov irapacrrcm:i
-ro µfi f3e~fCA>S f3Mcpcxpa avµf3aMTv \irrvc.>&· 15
6Tav 5• ru(Sew TJ µ111vpeo6cn 801<00,
\irrvov -r6s• &VT(µo1'irov WtlµVCA>v &KoS,
l<Aafc.> -r6T ofKov -rov8e avµcpopav cnivc.>v
oV)( oos -rec irp00e• &p1crra S1cmovovµtvov.
vw s• MvxftS yt\701-r' &rrc:OO.cxys) ir6vc.>v 20
XO POI
6iK<X"Tov µw hoS -r68' lm'el Tipt&µov
µfyas &v-rlStKos,
M~<XoS &va~ ,;s• •Aycxµeµvoov,
816p6vov .6t60ev K<Xl 6taKi')irTpov
Ttµf)s 6xvp0v 3e\iyoS •A'Tpe16Civ,
a-r6i\ov ,Apyelc.>v x1i\1ovro'.m}v
'Tfias• «rro x&>pas
~pav, crrpttrt&mv &pooyi')v,
µfyav B< 0vµov Ki\lqovn:s .,Apfl,
Tp61Tov alyvmoov
of-r' hcn"ttrfots &i\yeat iral&>v so
Vrr<XTOt "'A£xt6>v o-rpocpo8lVOWT<Xt
11'TEpVyc.>V ~pETµolcnv ~peaa6µevo1,
6eµv10Tfipfl
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i1 TT<Xv i\ ZeVs
oloov6epoov y6ov ~~6av,
T6>v 6~ µerofKOOV * * ·• * * *• 57
94
realm, sends on the transgressors her. who brings punishment
though late, Erinys. Even so the sons of Atreus are sent by
the mightier one against Alexandros, by Zeus, guardian of
guest-law, who over a woman of many husbands will bring
about wrestlings many and wearying, where the knee is
pressed in the dust and the spear-shaft snapped in the initial
offering, for Danaans and Trojans alike. The matter is where
now it is; it will be fulfilled to its destined end: neither by
l;>urning sacrifices nor by libations (nor by the spell of (?))
:fireless offerings shall he (i.e. the guilty man) soothe aside
the relentless wrath.
But we, insolvent (i.e. unable to serve as soldiers) with our
aged frames, were left out of the supporting expedition that
then was sent, and remain behind, moving a child-like
strength upon staffs. For as the young marrow leaping
upward within the breast is like (that of) an old man, and
Ares is not therein ..., so extreme old age, its foliage now
withering, goes its way on three feet, and no stronger than
a child he (i.e. the old man) wanders, a dream-phantom
appearing in daylight.
But thou, daughter .of Tyndareus, Queen Clytemnestra,
what is it now? what fresh tidings ? what intelligence hast
thou received, what message has prevailed upon thee, that,
by sending (messengers) around, thou arrangest sacrifices?
The ~tars of all gods that dwell in our city and rule it-gods
supreme and gods infernal, those of the sky and those of the
95
'T&Sv T ovpavfo.)V T(i.)v T O:yopa(oov, 90
~ooµol Soopo1cr1 cpAtyoVTCXl'
aAATJ s· moew ovpcxvoµ{\KTJs
71.aµnas &vraxe1,
cpapµacraoµM, Xp{µCXToS ayvo\i
µai\.CXK<XiS a86i\.01a1 1Tap11yop{a15, 95
mi\.cxv&.>1 µV)(66ev ~acr17'.e{oo1.
-ro\rroov M~a:cr' o Tl K<Xl SwCXTov
1<al etµ1s cdve1,
ira1cl>v &e yevoO TiiaSe µep{µVfls,
ft vW TOT~ µw K<XK6cppoov ~I, IOO
'TOTi 8' ac 6vCTIOOV cXS avacpcdve15
~nls aµ\Jve1 cppoVTfS' &rr7'.11a-rov
t-n'iv 6vµocp66pov 71.Vm)s cppwa. t
MVFTr
91 3r,f,pom Tr: 8C:.poas rell. 94 xp/p.o.Tos M : Xf1'1µo.Tos V : XP{qp.o.Tos FTr 96
trf'.\o.vQ M: wcUvcu (-'*' Tr) rcll. 98 czfw& Wicsclcr: o.lvciv MY: clwciv FTr IOI ls
O.va.9czlr<&s Ahrens: d.yo.va 9o.lv(&S M: clyo.vcl 9o.lvi& V: d.yallli 90.lvoua' FTr I02 ci.,,,\c1a-
Tov ?d 103 8up.op&pov Frr (cf. schol. :M 'tfr1s laTl 8ul'oft&pos ,\~ rlfs f>pcr&s) .\.S,,.,,s
9plVC1 1llVF: .\U'11't>fplvo. Tr; cf. schol. ipsius .\IJ'll'of>plvo. U yp&f>c. owcu yap lx" wpds Td
µ.lrpov op8Qs 104 vcrsum affcrt Aristophanes Ran. 1276,, ubi 8s 8io11 (in archctypo
081ov Cuissc conicins) R, oa1411 rcll.; in vctustis Aristophnnis libris vnrinm scripturnm
fuissc c scholio quamvis oorrupto 11pparct 105 lKTcM"w codd.: oorr. Aurntus
Ko.To.1Jl/(lo Aid. : KC1Tczmrtt" ('una. post I littcra crasn quac u Cuissc potcst' Vitelli) M:
KC1rC1ff)l(Jc, rcll. Io6 ex po.\w&v Cccit µ.o.\wci11 M: µ.o,\,,O.v rcll. 108 sq. o•c.is •••
-iiPo.s affcrt Ar. Ran. r285 ;;pas Ar.: ;;p"" (corr. ex fiP&v M) codd. II0-12
(fJµ.9powi ••• o.lo.11) om. M spatio vacuo rclicto, supplevit corrector (m) IIO a.Sµ-
f>povo. VFTr Tell' y&ll m (scd -n}v oµ#pollCI wcpl Tel TCllCTIKO. schol. l\l) III aw 3opl
KCZl xcpl 'll'pGICTOp& Ar. Ran. 1289 (ubi 8o.S(M$ oplllS quoque aff'eruntur): fw (aw m) 3opl
3/icczs wp41CTop1 codd. II3 olc.i11Giv p"aV.ci>s om.Vin initio paginac XIS dpylo.s
oodd.: oorr. Heath (dpyifi:) ct Blomficld XI6 ot 9o.vl:ms F xccpds V 8opU'll'cUTou
codd.: oorr. Tumcbus II7 waµwplTtT01s (""f'"plwo1s m) lv (8pa1aw (-ii\ V) MY:
11aµwpl1101a111 lSpcz&S F: ""µ.rrplTtTca1v l3po.&s Tr 118 poaicoµ.l"I" Tr II9 lpcicJpC1rcz
!ii f>lpl'czT1 MY : 9lp/Jo11ro FTr
96
market-are ablaze with gifts; and torches, from here, froin
there, rise up heaven-high, medicined by the gentle guileless
persuasions of hallowed ointment, the offering of the royal
household~s oil from the inner store.
Of these matters do thou consent to tell what thou both
canst and mayest, and become a healer of this anxiety,
which now at one time proves laden with thoughts of ill,
while at another from the sacrifices which thou makest
appear comes Hope and beats off the insatiate care and grief,
a bane that consumes the heart (?). 1
97 H
<XJA\VOV <XIAIVOV ehr~, 'TO s• eV V\Klhc.>. -
KESvas s~ crrpcrr6µCXVTIS IS<l:>v Mo i\{iµO.:O'I SIO'O'OVs
•A'TpelSas µcxx.lµovs ts&t} i\ayoSalTas
1T0µ1TOVs [.,..] ltpxas· OVT(A) s· eTm np&13CA>V' 125
• XpOVCA>\ µW «ypet Tlp1&:µov ir6i\1v &Se K~i\ev0os,
n®'Ta s~ iWpyoov
KTftVTI np6o& 'Ta S1w\01Ti\f\0ta µoipa i\an&:~e1
npbs 'TO ~(aiov· 130
oTov µfi TIS &ya 0e60ev Kvecpc:X-
O'f\\ npo'TV1T~v crr6µ\ov 11fya: Tpo las
O'Tpcrrc.>etv. ofK'TOOI yap mlcpeovos "Ap-reµ15 &yva 135
lT'TaYOTO'l\I KVO'l ncrrpbs
ooiT6ToKov npb i\6xov 11oyepav lT'Tlo<a: 0voµwo\uw·
<ml)'Ei s~ Sei1TVO\I o.:le-r&>v:
cdi\1vov <X?Awov elm, 'TO s• eV YIKlhc.>. =
Now when the wise seer of the army saw the two Atridae,
twain in temper, he knew the warlike devourers of the hare
for the conducting chiefs; and thus he spake interpreting the
portent: 'In course of time this expedition captures Priam's
town; and all the herds before the walls, the plentiful posses-
sions of the people, shall fate lay waste with violence: let
only no envious grudge from the gods strike beforehand and
overcloud the great bit for Troy's mouth, the army on its
campaign. For out of pity pure Artemis bears a grudge
against the winged hounds of her father which slaughter for
a sacrifice the poor trembling hare with her young before the
birth; and she loathes the feast of the eagles. ' Say 'woe,
woe I ', but may the good prevail I
then it was that the elder chief spake thus and said: 'A
heavy doom indeed is disobedience, but heavy, too, if I rend
my child, the delight of my house, defiling a father's hands
with streams from the slaughtering of a virgin at the altar's
side. Which of these courses is without evil? How can I fail
in my duty to the alliance and thus become a deserter of the
fleet? (I cannot,) for it is right and lawful that one should
with over-impassioned passion crave the sacrifice to stay the
winds, the blood of the virgin. (It shall be done;) for (my
hope is:) may all be well.'
Her prayers, her cries of 'Father I', and her virgin youth,
the war-thirsty commanders counted as nought. Her father,
after prayer, _gave word to the attendants to take her
resolutely as she drooped forward, wrapped round in her
robes, and to hold her, like a kid, above the altar, and, by
guarding her fair mouth, to check a sound that would be
a curse upon the house,
KAYTAI MHl:TPA
ruayyiAoS µtv, oocrrrep i) 1TCXpo1µ(cx,
fo>s ytvot'To µ11Tp0s ruq>p6v11s 1Tapa.
1TeVOT)l s~ xapµcx µei3ov ~i\1T(S05 AAVEl\I'
Tip1aµov yap f\1pf}Kcxow •Apyeio1 ir6i\1v.
XO. 1T&Ss cpfis; 1Ttq>ruye TOVrroS ~~ an1aT(cx5.
KA. Tpo(av •Axoooov o~a<X1J• 'fli TOpoos i\tyCA>;
XO. xcxp<X µ• vq>tp1Te1 SOO<pvov ba<o:Aovµtv11.
KA. EV yap q>poVOVVToS oµµcx aov Kcmwopei.
XO. 1} yap Tt 1TtO"T6v taT1 T&>vst ao1 -dtcµap;
KA. lcrnv, T{ s· oV)(f; µ1) Soi\cbaCXVToS eeov.
XO. 1T6°TI:p<X s· 6v£fpCA>V cpaaµcn• e\lm16i'j at~ets;
KA. ov S~av av i\&~01µ1 ~p13ovaris cppev6s. ~75
xo6
be greeted in advance-but that is equal to being lamented
in advance, for it will arrive clear together with the rays of
dawn.
Clytemnestra appears at the il-Oor of the Jwuse
Howbeit, may for the rest achievement be prosperous, as
is the wish of this nearest sole-guarding bulwark of the land
of Apia.
I am come, Clytemnestra, reverencing thy power; for it is
right to hold in honour the wife of the sovereign when the
man's throne is left empty. But now, whether it is because
thou hast received some happy news, or whether thou hast
not and it is in hope of good tidings that thou offerest sacri-
fice, I would in loyalty hear; but if thou keep silence, I do
not grudge it.
Clytemnestra. Bearer of good tidings may the morning be,
coming-as the proverb goes-from (and taking after) its
mother night I But thou shalt learn of a joy which to hear is
beyond all hope: the Argives have taken Priam's town.
Chor. How sayest thou? thy words have escaped me,
since I could not believe them.
Clyt. (I say) that Troy is in the hands of the Achaeans;
do I speak clear? ·
Chor. Joy steals over me, calling forth a tear.
Clyt. Yes, thine eye gives evidence of thy loyal heart.
Chor. Hast thou some sure proof of this?
Cf,yt. I have-assuredly I have-unless the god has
played me false.
Clacr. Is it to persuasive visions of c1reams that thou
payest regard?
Clyt. I would let no one sell me the mere fancy of a
slumbering mind.
Chor. Can it be then that some swift-winged rumour has
made thy wit grow thick?
xo7
KA. irat50s vfos ~ KapT' tµooµfia(.t) cpptvcxs.
XO. iro(ov xp6vov Se KCd miT6p61rrcx1 ir6i\15;
KA. Tiis vw TEKOVC1T\S cp(;.)s T65' e\lcpp6vT1s i\fyoo.
xo. Kcxl Tfs T68' tsfK01T· av &:yyfAoov .,.axes; :180
KA. •Hcpcxuncs, "ISns i\cxµnpbv acmµtr(.t)\I afAcxs.
cppVK"ros Se cppVK"rov Se\ip' O:rr' &:yy&pov nvpos
frreµ1mr "IS11 µw lfpOs •Epµcx1ov Mmxs
Afiµvov· µfyav Se iravov h< vfiaov Tphov
•A6C:,1ov cxTncs Z'l)vos lseSts<XTo' :18.s
Vireprufis Te 1TO\l'TOV 6xrre V(.t)Tfaat
laxvs ll'opE\l'Tov i\cxµn&8cs irpc)s fioovt'lv
• • * * * • • • •
1feVKfl, TO xpvaocpeyy~ ~s TIS ni\1cs
afAcxs ircxpcxyyefAcxacx Mcx1do-rov m<omxTs.
6 s· OVYI µi~C'>V ovs• &cppcxaµ6v(.t)) VnvOOI
v1Kooµevcs ircxpiiKEV «yyfAov µtpcs,
~as 8~ cppVK'Tov cp6>s rn-• Evpinov (;OOs
MeaaCX1Tfov cpvi\cx~1 OTlµcdve1 µoi\6v.
ol s• &\l'TfAcxµ~av KO:l ll'O:pfi~ti\av 1f~Gt) 1
ypcdcxs tpe(KflS 6(.t)µov &f/<XVTES lTVpL ~~ :l9.S
aetvovacx i\cxµ1Tas o• ov8rn(.t) µavpovµM)
Vn-ep6opovacx mo(ov •Aa<imo\i 8(Kflv
cpoo8pas aei\fiVTI> 1TpOs K16cx1p(J,vos i\rncxs
fiye1pev <XAA11v ~aoxt'lv noµlfov ilvp6s.
cpacs 8~ TI)Arnoµlfov oVl< f}vcxf VETo 300
cppovp&, 1Ti\fov Kcrlovacx T6>v elp11µwoov·
i\(µVfl\I s· Vrr~p yopy(;.)mv WKfl~\I cpacs
OpoS T W cxlyf1Ti\cxyKTov ~StKvo(Jµevov
~Tpwe &aµov fµn xcxpf3ea&CX1t 1fVp6s.
mµlTOVal 8' &\18cx(oVTE) acp60Y(.t)I µWei
?ilVFTr
277 c3s VFrr: Ws- M 28o Kal 11c:ls T&8' Tr ~I K;\.UTaip. quod iuxta
paragmphum praefixit M delevit m ct O.yyc(>.os) apposuit; dyy1los pracfuccrunt rell.
282-s ex Aelio Dionysio (p. 87 Schwabe; cf. Eust. ad T :l8 p. 1854. 27) toti afferuntur
in Photio l3erol. p. 10. 22; cf. Et. gen. B - Etym. M. p. 7. 18 Al11)(1S;\.os ,,0011 b Jl.yaµJµvo"'
l;.,,,
Tdl' be &4Box*}r 11u/X1dt1 'ct,,.• cl,,,,Opou 11u,&s' Suid. s.v. O.yyapo& 282 dyydpou
Etym. M., Phot., Suid. (unde Canter hunc locum c:orrcxit), Eust. : ctrrlAou c:odd.
283 lpp.al0t1 M: lpµaTOv V: Jpµa'U>Y Fl't 284 cf. Athcn. XS· 700 c ,,.p&-rcpor 8~
'TOVTClll' (Menandrum ct Diphilum dicit) AlqxJAor b XyaµJµ.on µlµ...,,.,.a, ToO 'IJa.oO
11a~t1 (quod C."< Athcnaeo rcstituit Casaubon) Phot. Berol.: fl»'d" oodd. 285
XBGH011 Blomfield: il0010v MFTr (de acccntu in V posito mihi non oonstat) 286
ihrtp<A~ MV: ~'"lp lA.,,s Frr ct Triclinii schol. vet. (cf. comm.) post 287 lacunam
statuit Paley 288 yA1X1o9qyls V 289 11Ko1r&r c:odd.: oorr. Tumcbus
292 ~pl'll'flOU MV 293 l'fl1Qff{ou VFl't µo~I' 'F 294 or T' F • 295
'pckqr mVFTr: Jpl""IS' M 297 11c8lot1 ci11amoO FTr : 11'G&8lo., wnoO 1'1V
303 (llyl'll'MKTO't' v 304 "~ xapl{co9al nondum sanatum: 8~ xo.pi{10Ba1 Tr
108
Clyt. Thou judgest my intellect to be faulty indeed, as
if I were a young child.
Clwr. And since what time has the town been destroyed?
Clyt. Since the night, I say, that has just now given birth
to the light of this morning.
C/i()r. And whii-t messenger is there that could arrive with
such speed as this ?
C'tyt. Hephaistos, sending forth from Ida a bright
radiance. And beacon ever sent beacon hither by means of
the courier fire: Ida (sent it) to the roe~ of Hermes in
Lemnos; and a huge torch from the island was taken over in
the third place by Zeus' peak of Athos; and paying more
than what was due(?), so as tQ skin1 the back of the sea(?),
the strength of the travelling torch joyously (went on ... )
the pine-tree blaze, after (?) transmitting, like a sun, its
golden radiance to the look-out of Makistos. And he (i.e.
Makistos), not dallying nor heedlessly overcome by sleep,
did not neglect his share in the messenger's duty, and afar,
over the stre~s of Euripus, the beacon's light gave the
watchers of Messapion the sign of its arrival. They kindled
an answering flare and sent the tidings onward, by setting
fire to a stack of aged heath. And the vigorous torch, not yet
growing dim, leaped, like· the shining moon, over the plain
of Asopus to the rock of Kithairon and there waked a new
relay of the sender fire. And the far-sent light was not re-
jected by the watch-post, which burned more than it had
been ordered; and the light shot down over the Gorgon-eyed
lake and reaching the mountain of the roaming goats urged
(the watch-post) not to neglect (?)1 the ordinance of the :fire.
And they with stintless might kindled and sent on a great
1 Text uncertain.
Iog
q>Aoybs µfycxv ncbyoovcx, Kcd 2cxp<»v1Kov
nop0µov KttrOTI'Tov np&>v' \mtp~1 np6aoo
qi"Myovua: teh't foKT)'J'EV teTT't aq>(Ke"To
•Apcxx.vcxio\I alnas, acnvyelTovas UKOTTas·
K00re1T• •ATpe100>v ts T6Se UK1\TI"TE1 UTfyas 310
qi&:as -r6S' o\JK lrnamrov 'JSa(ov TNp6s.
Toto(Se -ro( µ01 AaµnaST)q>(>poov v6µ01,
l!tXAas nap• l!tXAov 81aooxais TrAT)povµevo1·
v1Ka1 S' 6 TrpOOTOS Kal 'TMEVTcxiOS Spcxµt:>v.
mµcxp 'TOJOVTO\I o\Jµ~A6v ·d (101 Afyoo 315
&vSpbs napayyefACXVToS lK T pofcxs tµoC.
(XO.) 6eois µw ®e1s, c'r> yWai, Trpoaev~oµcx1·
A6yovs s· la<OVO'CX\ 'TOVUSe K&:rro6avµ&:ua1
Sinva<&>s 6°'01µ• &v, 00s Afye1s, naA1v.
KA. Tpo(cxv 'Axa1ol 'TiltS' ~ovu• w l}µtpa1. 320
oTµat ~o'!'iv &µencrov w n6A61 nprne1v.
~~os ,.. &:Aeiq>&: T' fyxl.as -ra\rr&:n KV-re1
81xoo-ro:r0Vvr' <Xv o(J qifAoos Trpoaewtrro1s·
1<al T6°>v aA6VToov Kal KpaTT)CJ&:VToov SLxcx
qi6oyyas &Ko6e1v fern, avµqiopCis S1irAi\s· 325
ol µW yap &µqi\ a&lµcxaJV 1T£1T-rOOK6-res
avSp&>v KCXO'lyv1\TCl>V Te Kal q>v-r<XAµ(oov
natSes yep6VToov ovm• t~ ~evetpov
StpT\S &:rro1µcb3ova1 q>tATttroov µ6pov·
To\Js 5' aVTe VVl<ThTACX)'lcroS lK µ0:xns ir6vas 330
yfiO'TelS 1Tp0s 6:pf<TTOIO'IV c':'>v ~£1 n6AtS
TaO'O'El 1Tp0s ovSw w µtpe1 -r£Kµ1\p1ov,
&JV..' 00s lKCX<TToS f0'1TCXO'E\I -nJx.T\S 1TaAOV
w cxlxµ<XAcbT01s Tpoo11<0Ts oha'}µcxaav
va(ovCJt\I fiSfl, TOOV \rrrat6p(oov n&:yoov 335
BpOaoov "f'. &:rr<XAAaxetVTes, oos s• roSa(µoves
aq>VACXK'TO\I roSfiaovat 1TCXO'<XV roq>p6VflV.
3o6-10 MVFrr 311-a7 VF.rr
3o6 µlyt1. V 307 1e4:ro'"po"' codd.: corr. Canter wpGJN (ex quo wpGJv' fccit m) M
307 sq. ihr'pPO».co• ••• f>.lyouaaJ1 codd.: corr. SchQt:z (ihrtpft&)).o iam Cnsaubon)
308 dr' ... d,.' vix sana; hacc fcrc fuisse putcs: 1ed."'"""""' ~r d;/1e~o 309 t1.frros- V
310 dr V .,.&& "~" FI'r: ...~· '""~" V: T&yt "~" M post vcrsum
310 deficit M; c:f. ad xofn 312 .,.ocolSc -rol µo' Schiltz: Tocola' fro1p.o' (mJ'O' F)
VFrr 315 'J'O&OGTOV FI'r: TO' owo' (sic) v 317 XO. Co.ntcr: om. c:odd.
319 >.<Y''S' V: Myo1r FTr 320 KA. hie posuit Casaubon, ante 321 codd. .,.pot.,,.,
V 321 4p.11CTOv codd. 322 d).ct;ar• V llQ(lt&S" codd.: corr. Canter
323 8c&XOT'1.T00W v 324 ci>.&naJ>' a~ Kt&l F, scd 8~ Jincola. tmnsvcrsa dclctum
325 Jcrrlv F 326 awµo.a' V 329 d.ntHµtfiforxn (f ex t factum; cf. 443, 7851
1599) F 330 INKTlff)ID.ICTOS' Tr 331 "1jOT<£S' Tr: irljcrrl$ F: 'l!ljcrrca& V dpplcno1a1v
(altcro p infra lineam addito) cum glossa Seel ~ µbpov Tr 333 ('1tro.a' V 334
oz.c..jµao& V 336 dnO..Ut1.yl..,.,r FI'r a• tl)&lp.oY<$ Casaubon: Sua8alp.or<s- codd.
et schol. vet. Tr
IIO
beard of flame, and it passed beyond the promontory that
looks down on the Saronic straits, blazing onward, and shot
down when (?)1 it reached the Arachnaean peak, the watch-
post that is neighbour to our city; and then it shot down
here to the house of the Atridae, this light, the genuine
offspring of its ancestor, the fire from lVIount Ida. Such, thou
seest, are the rules I arranged for my torch-bearers,-one
from another in succession supplied to the full; and victor
is be who ran first and last. Such is the proof and token that
I give thee, transmitted to me by my husband from Troy.
Clwr. To the gods, lady, my prayers shall be addressed
hereafter; but for this tale-I would fain hear it again com-
plete to the end, and wonder at it, the tale as thou tellst it.
C'tyt. Troy is this day in the hands of the Achaeans.
Methinks cries that will not blend are clearly heard in the
city. When thou hast poured vinegar and oil into the same
vessel, thou wouldst address them as beings2 at variance in
no friendly manner; so one may hear the voices of the
captured and the conq~erors separately, voices of the
different fortunes that have befallen them: the one, having
flung themselves down upon the bodies of husbands and of
brothers, and children upon those of aged men whose off-
spring they are, from throats no longer free are bewailing the
death of their beloved ones; while the others-the battle's
night-roving toil sets them famished down to make their
breakfast on what is in the town-not after ~ny billet in due
apportionment; but just as each drew the lot of chance, they
are now lodging in the captured Trojan houses, delivered
from the frosts and dews of the open sky, and like men of
blessed fortune they will sleep aUthe night without a watch
to keep. And if they reverence the gods who are the city-
1 Text uncertain. 1 i.e. 'apply to them the name of being . . • '
llI
el s· e\JO'Ef3ov<n 'TOVS TTOAIO'O'OV){ovs eeovs
'TOVS Tfis cXAOVOi)S yfls 6eoov 6' lSpvµCXTcx,
o<I 'TCcv ~i\6vns <XV61s &veWl.oiev av.
fpca:>s S~ µfi TIS Trp6TEpov tµTrht'Tl)l CM'p<XTOOl
nop0eiv & µf\ XPil KipSeaw VIK(t)µi\lovs·
Set yap irpos oTKovs voO"T{µov a(t)Tl)pkxs,
KCqi'f'oo S1<XVi\ov echEpov Kooi\ov n&Aiv.
6eoi5 S' avcxµiri\cXK1)ToS el µ6i\01 O"TpCXT6s, 3-f.5
tfypfiyopovt 'TO iriiµa 'TOOV 6i\ooi\6TOOV
yWol'T' av, el irp6airooa µf\ TV){o1 K<XKa.
To1cxV'Tec '1'01 yvvooKbs t~ tµov 'KAve1s. •
'TO s· eo KpCXTo{1), µti S1xopp6Tr(t)S ISeiv·
noAA<;w yap ro6i\CA>v TI)v 6Vf\alV eli\6µT\v.
XO. y\lva1, KCXT' avSpa a&lcppov· e\/q>p6V(t)S i\fye1s.
fyoo S' &'KoVO'<XS 1TICM'Cc O'OV 'TEKµTJpl<X
6eovs irpoae1ireTv ro irapaaKev~oµa1 •
xap1s yap OUK &nµcs efpy<XO"T<XI n6voov.
KHPY%
loo 1To:rp(;')tov ovSas •Apyelcxs xeov6s·
6a<O:rc..>l CJ"E cpfyye1 TOOtS' acplK0µ1)V hovs,
iroM&>v fXxYEtaoov ~1T£Sc..>v µ1cxs wx&>v· sos
ov yap 1TOT. n<Jxow Ti)tS' tv •Apyelcx1 xeovl
6av6lv µ~~ew cp1"'ATO:rov Tacpov ll~PoS·
vw xcxipe µW xe&>v, xcxTpe s· fl"'Alov cpCcoS
Frr
476 -n)v wdA111 Tr 477 '"rnll'"'S Frr: corr. Auratus 478 '1 (supcrscr. n),
.,o, F: ~ "'°' Tr: d n Hcnnann JOTU. F µ~ dcl. Dindorf 480 wap11yyO.,,.a.o111
Tr: •01 F 481 sq, '"" in fine vcmis 481, l1mT' in initio versus 482 F 482
Myour F 483 b del. Scaliger 489 KAw. praefixcrunt Frr: dcl. Scaligcr
<lo&µ<04 F 490 9pvKTCdpcGi" Frr: corr. Wilamowitz · 492 J4nSAoiaCP
schol. vct ••'.fr: ·oc Frr 496 oms, oi) Wilamowit:: oa .,, "°' Frr 500
trpoa9ijKu Tr {scd in scholio ipsius wpoa9~q icciMO .,uyx&- &..) 501 '}(Op&r
prnefixcrunt Frr: del. Scaligcr
I20
From the fire that has brought good tidings a swift rumour
has spread through the city: but whether it be true, who
knows ? or whether it be some deception from the gods. Who
is so childish or so crazed of wit, the sort of man that would
let his heart be fired by a flame's unexpected message and
then be distressed when the tale is changed ? It is fitting for
a woman's rule to agree to give thanks before the thing itself
has appeared. Too easily persuasive, a woman's ordinance
spreads fast-travelling, but fast-dying does a rumour voiced
by women perish.
KA YT Al M Hl:TPA
&vooi\6i\v~a: µW ircXi\cn xapeis Vn'o,
o-r· iji\6' 6 1t'p(A)-roS v<rx1cs &yyei\cs 1t'Vp6s,
cpp&3oov &Ac.oow 'li\lov T• &v&O'Ta<JLV.
Kerl Tis µ• ~v('lt'Toov eTire· • cppVKTG>poov Sia 590
m1o&Taa: Tpo{a:v vw irmopeii~a:1 ooKETs;
ii KapT<X 1t'pos .yvv<XIKOs cdpe~<Xl lda:p.'
i\6yo1s TOlOVTOlS 1TAayK"t'Os o\'ia" lcp<XlYOµl)\I.
6µCl)S s• gevov, Ka:l yvva:iKE(<Jll \IOµCi>l
oi\oi\vyµov &XA.cs &XA.o6ev KCX'Ta 1t'T6Al\I 595
~a:aKov ElicpT'lµoW-res, w 6e<A>v Wpcx1s
0vncpayov Ko1µ00\1TE5 eV&>8l) cpi\oya.
Ka:l v\N -ra µaaaoo µEv -r{ Set a• ~µol i\fyeLV;
&vcocrcs o:VTov irma: ireVaoµa:1 i\oyov.
Oirc..>s s• ap1aTa: -rOv ~µov a:ISoiov irOaiv 600
0'1Truaoo 1t'cXi\1v µoi\6VTa: st~a:~cx1· -r( yap
yvva:iKl -roV"Tov cpfyyos f\S1ov Sp<XKeTv,
&iro O'Tpcrrefo:s &v8pa: a&>aa:v-rcs eeov
m'.li\a:s avo~cx1; -ra0-r· &irayye1i\ov 1TOOel.
i)KE\\I (S") oiroos T&)(10'T' tp&aµ1ov ir6i\e1· 605
yvv<XiK<X mcrn1v s• W 86µ015 e\tpol µoi\~\I
ofa:vrrep ovv fAe1m:, Sooµ&roov J<Vva:
W6i\i')v ~{voo1, iroi\eµ(a:v -rots Svacppou1v,
xcxl Ta)\)..' 6µo(a:v 1t'6:\1Ta:, O'flµa:v-rfip1ov
ovS!v 81a:cp6e(pa:aa:v W µ~KEl XpO\IOV. 610
ovS' oTSa: 'lip'fllY, ovS' trrl'floyov cp6:nv,
a>J..ov irpbs &vSpbs µaMov Ti xa:AKov ~a:~as.
To16a6' 6 K6µircs· Tiis (6") &AT16ekxs ytµoov
FI'r
S84 ~µaM" Headlam : & µa.O<ill FTr S8S ~acl'V40TP9- FI'r 587
cbiw.\o~IS!"I'"' FTr: distinxit Henr. Stephanus 590 Mmrwv F Sea recto
accentu FTr 593 ,,.~a'"'dr Tr 595 o~o~uyµdv (sccundo o superscr. 01) I<'
S96 l.,/Jl"'" F 6oS S' supplevit Weil 613.sq. Clyto.emestrac continuavit
Hermann, K'lfp11E pracfixcrunt FTr 613 S' supplevit Headlam
I26
and these are the spoils which, to the gods throughout Hellas,
they nailed upon their temples as a glory like those of old. '
Hearing this, men must needs praise the city and her
generals ; and the grace of Zeus, that has accomplished this,
shall be duly prized. Thou hast heard all I had to say.
Chor. I am conquered by thy words and am not sorry for
it, for to be teachable (is a thing that} remains always young
for those who are old. But it is meet that this should most
concern the house and Clytemnestra, while at the same time
enriching me as well.
Enter Clytemnestra
Clyt. I raise<:\ a cry for joy a while ago, when the :first fiery
messenger came in the night, telling of the capture and the
razing of Ilion. And there were some who upbraided me and
said: 'Have fire-signals prevailed upon thee to believe that
Troy is now laid waste? How like a woman to be uplifted in
heart I' Such talk made me appear as one astray. But for all
that I made my sacrifices, and they, in woman's fashion,. one
here, one there, throughout the city, shouted out the jubilant
cry, lulling in the shrines of the gods the incense-fed fragrant
:Bame.
And at present, for the fuller story, what need is there for
thee to tell me ? From the king himself I shall learn it all.
But I must hasten to receive in the best way my revered lord
on his return; 'for what light is sweeter for a wife to behold
than this, when, as the god has preserved her husband safe
from the field, she opens the gates for him? Take that as a
message to my husband! And bid him be back with all speed,
the people's darling I But as for his wife-may he return and
find her in his home faithful, even such as he left her, a
watch-dog of the house loyal to him and an enemy to those
who wish him. ill, and alike in all the rest, never having
broken any seal in all this while. And of joys from another
man-aye, or scandalous rumour-I know no more than of
tempering1 metal. Such is my boast, and since it is full of
1 The meaning is not quite certain; sec the commentary.
127
oUK alaxf>Os oos ywcnKl yevva{cn •A<XKETv.
XO. CX\iTr\ µbl oV-rc..:>S elm:, µav0avoVT{ aoa 61 5
'Topolal\I ~pµT)VeVO'l\I e\rrrprni\ A6yov.
aV &· elm, Kiipv~· MevtAeoov s~ ireVeoµcn·
el v6cmµ6s 'TE Kal cnac.>µWoS 1TaAl\I
fi1<e1 aVv vµTv, -rf\aSe yiis cpfA.ov Kpttros.
KH. oUK ~ae· 6TI'c..:>S At~cnµ1 ,.a 'f'EVSi) K<XAO: 620
ls _'TOV 1TOAW cpfA.olO'l KapTI'oV0"0<Xl xp6vov.
XO. TI"(A)s Si\,.• av elir6>v KESvO: 'TaAT)0i\ .VX01s;
ax1a6Ma s· OUK Mcp\ITM'a yfyvcra1 ,.&:se.
KH. Qviip &q>aVToS ~ •Axcn1Kov a-rpCXTov,
cx\rr6s 'Te Kal -ro irA.oTov. o<i 'f'£V6i) 1'fyoo. 625
XO. ircrnpov avcxxeels ~µ~oos l~ •1Mov,
Ti xeTµa, KOl\IOV &xeoS, i)pmxm: O'TpaTOV;
KH. fKvpaas ooO'TI! -r~6TI)s iXKPoS O"KoiroO·
µ<XJ<pOV 6~ Tlfiµa O"VVT6µCo>S lcpriµf aoo.
XO. ircrnpa ·yap c:Wrov 300\l'fOS Ti -re6VT)K6-roS 630
cp6ms irpbs 6XA.oov vavTfA.oov hl1'13e-ro;
KH. OUK ol6ev ovSels OOoT O:rrcxyyelAa1 TOpOOS
1TA-iiv TOV -rplcpoVToS 'HMov xeov<>s cpVO'l\I.
XO. TI'c;)s yap Afye1s xe1µoova \ICX\TTIKOOI O'Tpo:r6>1
lMeTv "TEAEVTilaaf 'TE Scnµ6voov K6-roo1; 635
KH. E'licpnµov fliµap ov irprne1 KaKcxyytA.001
YAOOO"O'fll µ1a(vew· xoopls 1'! -r1µ1) &&>v.
6Tav s· O:rrevKTa 1f1'µq:r• &yyeft.oS 1TOAEI
crruyv&>1 irpoO'OOlf(A)I 1t'TOOO"lµov O'TpCXTOV cptpl)I,
n61'e1 µW lAKos ~\I 'TO 6~µ1ov -ruxeiv, 6-to
iroAAovs s~ iroXA.&v ~~ay10"0mas S6µ(j)v
&v6pcxs 81TrAfi1 µ&:O"T1y1, Tl)v .,Apl\S cp11'ei,
617'.oYXOV &ii)v, cpoavlav ~vvoop(Sa·
To1oov6e µtVT01 1t'T)µCn-oov cnO'ayµwov
irptrre1 Afye1V ira1ava -r6v6• •Ep1woov· 645
O"OOTI)ploov 6~ npayµCn-oov e\J&:yyeft.ov
ftKO\ITCX 1Tp0s xafpoVO'a\I eVeO'TOi 1T6AIV1
iroos 1<eSva Tois Kca<oiO'l avµµef~oo, Afyoov
xe1µoov' ·Axa10Ts OUK &µ~\llTOV ee&>v;
Frr
616 dmp«tlilf Fl'r: corr. Auratus 618 f l Hcrmnnn: ye Fl'r ocooooµ'W>$
Frr: corr. Wccklcin (acoW&µ- Wilamowitz) 619 -9!" Fl'r: corr. K.nrstcn 622
1e..\w. hie ct 626, 6301 634 praefixcrunt Fl'r: corr. Casaubon -rJw FTr: corr. Porson
623 ylv<TCu Fl'r 624 dvi}p Hermann: ctvi}p Fl'r 639 Hesychii aµ.occil'
(aµ.o10~ cod.: corr. Musurus) -rrpoacfntC1w ~~Plil' ;) aTll)'t'<OH1 aicu8pwrrcil' hue rcttulit M.
Schmidt, forrasse rcc:te 644 ocao.yµl11w.,. Frr: corr. Schatz 645 JP'wiX»11
Ffr 648 avµp.lf"' FTr 649 oxa1cii11 ••• 8<oir FTr: corr. lllomficld,
Dobrcc
truth, there is nothing shameful-for a noble lady-in my
proclaiming it aloud. Exit C/,ytemnestra
CJiqy, Thus she has spoken, a speech which, if thou under-
standest it through clear interpreters, looks fair. But tell me,·
herald,-it is of Menelaus I would learn-is he on his way
home and back safe with you, the beloved ruler of this land?
Her. It is impossible for me so to give a fair tale of what is
false that my friends might reap fruit of it for the long time
ahead.
ChQr. Would then that thou mightest give a good tale of
what is true and hit the mark I When these things 1 are
severed it is not easy to conceal it.
Her. The man is vanished from the Achaean host, himself
and his ship as well. It is no false tale I tell.
ChQr. Did he sail from Ilion in your sight, or did a storm
fall upon all alike ·and snatch him from the host ?
Her. Like a master archer thou hast bit the mark, and
hast voiced a length of suffering in a brief phrase.
Chor. Which was it, living or dead, that he was said to be
in the tale told by the other voyagers ?
Her. No one knows, so as to be able to give a clear report,
save Helios who fosters all life on the earth.
Clwr. In what manner dost thou say that the storm came
to the fleet, and ended, by the anger of the gods ?
Her. It is not fitting to defile an auspicious day with the
voice of evil tidings: such a celebration is apart from the
gods (of heaven). When a messenger with gloomy coun-
tenance brings to a city the dread2 calamity of an army
fallen-how a wound has befallen the city, .at once one
common wound for the whole people, while also many men
out of many homes are banishedJ by the double scourge
which Ares loves, a two-speared bane, a bloody pair-when
he carries on his back such a load of calamities, then it is
fitting that he should utter this paean of the Erinyes ; but
when one comes with the good tidings that all is safe to a
city rejoicing in her well-being-how shall I mix the good
with such an ill, speaking of a storm which lacked not the
• i.e. the good and the true.
z Lit. 'such as one prays may not come to pass'.
' Or 'devoted (to the avenging deities)'?
129 K
~µooav yap 6VTEs tx010To1 To irplv 650
n\ip KCX\ 0~CXO'O'CC1 KCXl TeX ir(o-t:' tSet~«n\V
'6elpov-re -rov 6\J<rn)vov •Apye(oov cr.rpo:r6v.
w VVK-rl Svm<Vµcancc s· &>p&:>pe1 KCCKa·
vcxOs yap irp6s &AAftAflC7l 0p{\11<1cx1 irvoccl
'f;p€1KOV' cxl 5~ 1<Ep01VTt'O\JµevCXI !3(0:1 655
xe1µoov1 'TVcpCi> aW 3CxAfll ,.. 6µj3poK"T\nr(A)1
~IXOvT &q>CXVTOI iro1µw05 KCXKOV OTp6j3(A)I.
ml s· avf\A0e ACCµ1TpOV T\'A(ov cpacs,
op&µev &veow ir~ccycs Aly<XTov va<pois
avSpoov •Axcc1oov VCCVTIKois ,.. tpe11do1s. 660
T}µas ye µEv Si} V<XW T' &Kflparov O'Kacpos
i\TOI TIS lsa<AE'\f/ev Ti 'Sri1Tfiaa-ro,
6e6s TIS, OUK &vepci>'TTOS, ofCCKoS e1y&.>v.
""xfl s~ ac.m)p vcxOv e~ova' tq>~ero,
&>5 µf\T' W 6pµoo1 K</µo:r05 3CtAflV ~EIV 665
µfiT t~ol<Ei?l.O:t 1Tp0s Kpo:TCX(AEOOV X06vcx.
fuel TO: s· ..A1Sr)V 1TOVTIOV irecpevyms,
Aevi<ov KccT i'jµccp, ov irrno166TEs ~n1,
t~VKoAovµev cppov-r(aiv vfov ir6;005,
chpo:roO 1<aµ6v-r05 Kal KCXKOOs a-rroSovµwov.
Kal v\iv h<e(voov ef TIS tOTlv tµmitoov
Afyovaiv T}µas 00s 6Aoo'A6Tcxs, ,.( µfw;
fiµeis ,.. h<elvovs TcxOT ftxe1v ~&3oµev.
ywo1To s· oos &p10"Tcc. Mev~eoov yap oov
1Tp00TOV TE Keel µCxAIO'TC( 1TpoaS6Ka µoAeiv.
el 5• OW 'TlS &J<Tls f}'A(ov VIV lOTopei
Kal 3oov-rcc Kal 13MrroVTa, µnxavcxis .610s
oViroo e~oVToS t~avc:V.OOO'a1 Y~VoS
~irls TIS a\JTov irpc)s S6µovs 1'~1v ir~1v.'
'TocrcxO"T' &Kovaas foe1 TexAfleii l<Avoov. 680
XO POI
TfS 1t'OT OOVOµC£3EV @5•
~ 'TO 1TCiv ht)iVµoos·
µfi TIS OVTIV' oVx, op&µev 1Tpovo(-
C(IO'I 'TOV mirpooµWoV
FTr
654 cLU~Mico' Tr 655 tfpcnroll Tr 1<<pomnroJµcva' FTr 659 vcrsum
affcrunt Ammonius qui ~crtur (in cxccrpto •· /Jap/JaP'oµoO) p. 197 Valek., Phot. Derol.
p. IJB. x6 66o va11Tuciiiv T' lpcrrlt»v FTr: corr. Auratus 6r1. Tl I'~ FTr: corr.
Linwood 677 Hesychii x'Al.Jf>&v T< 1<cd JJ'Abromr.• cU-Tl TOO {cih•TC1 hue rcttulit Toup.
forh\ssc rccte 679 T'S Tr: Tif F 680 ic'AJwv (ultimis duabus litteris supcrscripto
"") F (aoristum cssc vidcrunt Casaubon, Kucek, nlii): K'AJccy Tr ct scholium mctricum
in FTr ad 489 adscriptum 681 clJ..&µaf<v F 683 sq. Trpovolacf FTr: corr. Po.uw
x30
wrath of. the gods against the Achaeans? For they who had
hitherto been utter foes, :fire and sea, now swore alliance, and
displayed their covenant by destroying the unhappy Argive
host. In the night-time the disaster of evil waves arose:
Thracian blasts shattered the ships one against another; and
they, being violently rammed beneath the storm of the
hurricane and the rush of drumming rain, sank from sight,
lashed round by an evil shepherd. And when the.bright light
of the sun came up, we saw the Aegean sea afiower with
corpses of Achaean men and wrecks of ships. But ourselves
and our ship, uninjured in its hull, someone either stole
away or begged off, some god, not a mortal, who laid hand
upon the helm. And Saving Fortune sat graciously upon our
ship, so that it neither had to stand the welter of the waves
at anchor nor ran aground on a rocky shore. And afterwards,
having escaped the watery grave, in the clear bright day,
not trusting our good fortune, we let our thoughts dwell
upon the unexpected disaster, our 'fleet being wrecked and
miserably pounded. And at this moment, if any of them is
yet alive they speak of us as perished, of course; while we
imagine that it is they to whom that has happened. Well,
may it turn out in the best way possible: for as far as Mene-
laus is concerned, first and chiefly thou must suppose that he
is back again. But1 if any ray of the sun does descry him safe
and sound, there is a hope that by the contrivances of Zeus,
who is not yet williri.g to destroy the race entirely, he may
return home again. Having heard thus much be assured that
thou hast been told the truth.
Exit llera!a, i1i. the direction of tlz~ sea
Cher. Who can it have been who gave the name with such
entire truth-was it someone whom we do not see, guiding
• Referring to an unexpressed thought; sec the commentary.
I3I
y">i.l1x1csav w "fVxa1 v{µoov· 685
Tclv 6op(yaµ~pov aµ<pl\IEIKi'j e•
'EAwav; mel 1Tprn6VTCA>S
~Awavs ~avSpos ~~
1TTOAlS h< 'TiA>V a~pom'\voov
irpoK<XAuµµa,.oov hrMv<Tev
le<pvpov ylyanas cxOpa1,
iro1'vavSpo( TS ~pao1nSes KVVayol
KaT, txvas TI'AaT<iv lX<paVTOV
KeAC!OOnCA>V Ltµ6WToS &K-
T<ls rn· ae~l<pVAAOVS
sa• •Epav alµaT6Ecscsav.
f6pE\f/EV Se MoVT<>s T-
VIV S6µ01s ayO'.A<XKTov ov-
'TCA>S &vi;p <plA6µaO'TOV,
w ~16-rov irpo~{o1s 720
aµepov, e\Jcp1A6ira1Sa
Kal yepapoTs rn(xap-rov·
Frr
688 /Alro.~ DlomfieJd: 'Mvas FTr 690 Q/Jptwlp.f>lr FTr: corr. SalmtlSius
695 trMTciY Heath: trM!TClV Frr 696 sq. &..c-r&r F 697 ltr' o.,f,9.SUour
Abrcscb: l11' dt~J:UO~ F: <lr dcfif.sUour (super 0.<f& scr. ow/C7101r) Tr 700
-r<Mo{9pf>lv F 7011f.\4ac FTr: "adiecit Porson (cf. ad :.zox) 701 sq. 0.-rlp.wair
Canter: tiTlflf>IS' r,,• F: t1Tlp.01S' Tr 707 sq. hlpp<11& F: l"'"f"7'"' Tr: " dcl. Porson
714 sq. quac poeta scripsit recupcrari ncqueunt 715 troM-rciY Auratus, pro·
babilitcr, sed in versu corrupto ne hoc quidem ccrtum est 716 p.D.co" ex p.D.o.&o"
corr, F 717 sq. Uovra. al"'" Frr: corr. Conington 718 sq. owor (superscr. tJJS') F
I32
his tongue aright to the mark with thoughts anticipating
destiny ?-to her of the spear-wedding, for whom two sides
contended, Helen? For fittingly it was that ship-destroying, 1
man-destroying, town-destroying, she came out of her
luxuriously woven chamber-curtains and sailed forth, before
the blast of giant Zephyrus, and (after her) many men,
shield-bearers, hunters upon the vanished trail of oars, the
trail of those who had landed2 on tl~e leafy shores at the
mouth of Simois, by the will of bloody Strife.
•••••• •• ••
&rns s· &:yae0s 1Tpo~crroyvooµoov, 195
oUK fa-rt i\a&tv 6µµcrnx q>CA)TOs
"1'a SoKoWT• e\/q>povcs b< S1cxvo(a.s
VSapet <700VEl q>aA6-rr}TI.
aQ O~ µ01 Tm µtv O'Tf>Ji.(.i)V O'Tpo:nav
·EMv11s Wac', ov yap (a') rn1K.EVaoo, 800
Kap,.• O:rroµovaoos i)aaa. yeypa.µµwos
ol'./S' ei'.i 1Tpo:TT(Soov ofCXKa. vlµoov,
t6pCcO'oS lKOVO'IOVt
av8p6:01 evfitm<OVO'I K0µ{3(.a)V"
v\iv s· oUK cm· 6xpa.s q>pev0s ovs· 6'.q>li\oos 805
e\Jq>p<i)V * • * • * * * *
' * * 1T6VOS eV Ttft.foc:J.O'IV 1•
yvoo<11lt Se xp6voo1 S1CX'Tml06µev<>s
T6v 'Tii S1Ka.foos Ka.l Tov &Ka.fpoos
1T6i\1v oh<ovpoVv-ra. 1TOAITOOV.
ArAMEMNWN
1TpOOTOV µev ..Apy<>s Ka.l eeo~s fyxoop(ovs 810
S(K1) 1Tpocre11TeTv, "l'OVs tµol µET<XtTlovs
v6o-rov OIK<X(oov e· 6>v rnpa.~{xµ1)V 1T6AIV
Tip1{xµov· SIKa.s yap oUK O:rr~ y:A&x1'<71ls &ol
KA.v6V'TE5 &vSpo6vf1Ta.s 'li\1oq>06povs
ls cxtµ<XTflp0v -re\ixcs ov s1xoppbrroos 815
\flftq>OVS' rowro· TOOi s· WcxvT((.a)t Kli-n1
~1TlS' 1Tpooi)IEI XElpOs OV 1TA1)poV~V(.a)I.
KCXTTVOOI s· cXAOVO'<X vVv tr• EV0'1)µcs 1T6i\1s.
&Tris eveAAoo 3&>at· avvevf\1m<ovaa. Se
0"1To80s 1Tpomµm1 irlovo:s 1Ti\o\rrov irvo&s. 820
TOVrOOV 6£oTcn. Xr>fl TrOAVµV1)<JTOV XCcPIV
TIVEIV, rne(mp xapirayas VmpK6-rrovs
rnpa~{xµ&aao:, KO:l ywc:J.IKOs OVVEKO:
Frr
794 ' ciyl.\CM1Ta' 8~ ' Tr,4aoma ' Al'1](11>.os ex Phrynicho ut videtur (fr. 6r de Borries)
aft'cront .L'Wllycoyi) >.If. XP'1"· Anecd. Bekkeri i. 336. 30, Photius Bero!. 15. II
p>St 794 Jacunam statuit Hermann, paroemiacum cxcidissc ratus 795 flf"IJ/Ja·
-royw{Jµ"""' (JJ ex T corr.) F 798 aa/wc'I' Frr: corr. Casaubon 8oo a• suppl. Musgrave
8o3 8p4.uor F: Bapaor Tr locus nondum expeditus est, quo fit ut nc de reliqua
quidcm sententiae parte (So.4) certe iudioarl possit 804 .Wp&ac11 <~ 8yrja1<01xu Tr;
cf. ad 356 8o6 lacunam post &;pw11 statuit Hense (ante &;pwr Schncidcwin,
Headlam); luscris fcrc sic: &.;pow (alY&i .,.&S' bror TrpoTlf"I""· '~8~) no"°r &+JX»"'
.,.er Tr; cf. ad 356 814 "~Jovr<r Frr: aoristum csse vidit Wilamowitz; cf. 68o Wou
~opd,r Fl'r: corr. Karsten 822 ;(dpirayds Tyrwhitt : 1<al trClyCS Ffr ihr<p1thf>ur
Frr: corr. Heath
aspect men who share another's joy, forcing their unsmiling
countenances, (they ... ). But if anyone is a good judge of
a flock, he cannot be deceived by the look in a man's eyes
which, while feigning to come from a loyal mind, blandishes
with a watery friendship.
Thou, in past time when thou ledst forth the army for
Helen's sake, wast pictured in my mind-for I will not keep
it hidden from thee-in exceedingly ugly colours, and as not
wielding well the helm of the mind. . . ; but now deeply and
in true friendship loyal (do I approve of the old saying,
'sweet) is labour to those who have brought it to a good end'.
In course of time thou wilt learn by inquiry who of the
citizens stays at home in the city with justice and who does
so out of season.
KJ\YTAI MHLTPA
&vSpes iroATTCX1, irp~os •Apyeloov "T0Se, 855
~ cxtaxvvovµcx1 To\Js q>11'&vopa5 Tp6irovs
Ai~al 1Tp0s \JµCis· tv XpOVCA>l s· 6:troq>6(ve1
:r40
robbery, and for a woman's sake the city was laid in the dust
by the fi.~rce beast of Argos, the brood of the horse, the
shield-heiring host, which launched itself with a leap at
the setting _of the Pleiades ; and springing over the wall the
.. licked bis fill of the blood of princes.
ravening li;n
To the gods I have spoken this long preface; but with
regard to thy feelings, I have heard andie'member them, and
I agree, and thou hast in me one who will speak on thy side.
Yes, rare among men are those to whom it is natural to
respect without envy a friend who is fortunate; since the
venom of malevolence, besetting the heart. doubles the load
to the owner of the disease: at one and the same time he is
weighed down by his own sorrows and groans at the sight of
the other's prosperity. With knowledge-for I am well
acquainted with that mirror, intercourse-I may pronounce
image of a shadow those who seem most devoted to me.
Odysseus alone, the very man who did not sail of his own
will, when once in harness proved to me a ready trace-horse,
whether he of whom I am speaking be dead now or alive.
And for the rest, for what concerns the city and the gods, we
shall arrange general · meetings and take counsel in full
assembly: and where a thing is well, our counsel must be how
it may endure so and abide; but where, on the other hand,
anything is in need of healing remedies, we shall endeavour
to turn to flight the harm of the disease by sage use either of
knife or of cautery. But now I will go to my house and my
home with its hearth and first salute the gods, who sped me
forth and have brought me back. And now that victory has
attended me, may it abide securely I
Enter from the house C~temnestra, f ollowe.d by
maidservants
C~temnestra. Men of the city, noble elders of Argos
present here, I shall not be ashamed to describe to you my
love for my husband: in time men's timidity fades away. It
I4I
TO TapJX>s &vep&rro1aw. oVi<: @v..ooy irapa
µa6ovo-' tµavTi)s Sva~poY At~oo J3loY
T00'6YS' 0aOV1TEp OVToS ~y w·
·1i\.(001. 860
TO µw yvv<Xi'Kcx Tl'p(A)ToY cS:pawos 6lxa
i'}a6<n 86µ01s lpf'iµoy EK-rrayi\oy K<XK6Y,
[iro1'Aas t<Avovaav i<A11S6Ycxs ir<XA1yK6-rovs,)
Kerl TOY µw t'\KElV, TOY s· mc1acptpelV K<XKOV
K6'.K10Y mo 1Ti1µcx 1-.aaKoVT<XS 66µ01s. 865
Kerl Tpavµerrooy µw El 16aooy h'Vyxavw
&viip 68• ~ irpes ofKOY OOXETEVETO
cp(rr1s, mpfl'T<XI S1KTI'.lov 'Tl"Ai6> AEyElV.
el 6' ~y ~Kcl>S ~ rni\i'}6voY i\6yo1,
'Tp1aooµ<XT6s 'Tew rt'\pvooY 6 S£VTepos
[iro1'A11iv avc.>6ev, -riiY KCrr6> yap OV i\eyoo,]
xeoYbs 7p(µo1poY XA<XiYav t~\'Jxe1 i\aJ3eiY,
&rrcx~ tK6:aT001 KceteavooY µopq>ooµ<X"TI.
'To16.Sy6• fl<<XT1 KAflS6YOOY ir<XA1yK6-r<.a>Y
Tro1'Aas cS:voo6EV ap-r<Xvcxs lµf)s Stpt'\s
~vaav &XA.01 irpbs J3lav, AEAfl~t'\S·
lK Tli>vSt TOI ircxts tveo:s· o'i.J 1T<Xpa<rr<XTET,
tµ&Sy Te Kerl a&SY Kvp1cs 1TlaT<.a>µerrooY,
~ XPflY, 'Of)iO'TflS' µflSE 6avµaO'T}lS 76&.
Tpi~1 yap cx'i.JToY ruµe\rlis Sopv~wcs, 88o
:r'Tpoq>(oS 6 <l>ooKE\'Js, &i.tcpli\amx iri'}µ<XTcx
lµo\ 1Tpoq>OOYOOY, T6Y e• W •li\(001 O'teEV
KlvSwoY, ei -re S11µ66povs &vcxpxlcx
(3ovi\fiy K<XT<Xpp('f'E&EV, ~ Tl a\ryyovoy
J3po-roim TOY ma6VT<X AaK·rfooo irAroY. 885
To16:Se µarro1 O'Kll'Y'S ov 661-.oY cptpe1.
{µ01ye µW Si) l<AauµCrr<.a>Y rn(aavTOI
1TflY<Xl KCXTE~TtK<XO'lV, o'i.Js· WI <rrayOOY.
lv O'VIKOhOIS S' oµµCXCTIY ~i\aJ3as f){OO
TCxS &µcpl 001 KA.afoVO'cx i\cxµTr'T'Tlpovxlcxs
Cn-flµeAf)-rovs aftv· tv s· ovefpaaw
i\rnT<XiS \rrral Koovoo'Tl"os t~nye1p6µ11Y 1.~
Frr
86o br' W'l' Tr 862 lt>"lllo" FTr bnra,.,,.Mv Tr 8631}8ol'lir FI'r: corr.
Auratus ve.rswn intcrpolatum essc vidit Ahrens 867 ~XcTa11To FI'r
868 #.Ttr (non +J.01r) etiam F -drf>"ITa' Ahrens: -rbporro.t FTr 869
l11>.1fewov FI'r: oorr. Porson S70 .,4.., Wcllaucr: .,.• 411 FTr 871 eiccit
Schatz 872 '>.aµ,., FI'r: corr. Paley 876 '>.U..,,p.p.l""IS' suspcctum 878
WIOTCllµ4TCIJI' FI'r: corr. Spanhcim 879 Fl} s~ Frr 881 OT/>#coS FTr de
vocc dµ~1CTa est quod dubitcs 882 ,,• im' (supcrscr. glossa l"""'"d") Tr 884
~S' .,, Hartung (scntcntfa parum intcllccta): ciiarc F'l'r 888 1<0.T<a.Ptf1<aa1.,, (su~r T
scr. 81 super fJ scr. T• i.e. ""9'cmj1Ca01>') F 889 K'>.&/Jar F 890 ~ ool Frr
r42
is not from others that I have learnt: it is my own life of
whose misery I shall tell, all the long while he was before
Ilion. In the :first place it is a fearful grief that a woman
should sit at home all alone without the man, and that one
should come, and on top of him another (and another) should
bring fresh reports of evil, each worse than the last, which
they cry out for the house to hear. As for wounds, if this man
received as many as rumour thereof was led, like water in
conduits, to our home, he has holes in him more in number
than a net. And if his deaths had been as plentiful as were
the stories, he might truly have boasted, triple-bodied
Geryon the second, that he had got a threefold cloak of
earth, slain once under each form. In consequence of such
adverse rumours many a time by force did others loose the
suspended noose from my neck when I was caught in it. 1
And this is why our son is not standing here by our side, the
warrant of thy pledges and mine, as he should be, Orestes;
and do not think this strange. He is in the care of our
friendly ally, Strophius the Phocian, who warned me of two-
fold (?) disaster, thine own peril before Ilion, and the chance
that lack of a ruler, asserted noisily by the people, might
overthrow deliberation, as it is part of men's nature to kick
a man all the more when he is down. In such an excuse as this
there can be no deceit.
For myself now, the gushing fountains of my tears have
run dry, and there is no drop left therein. And my eyes which
went late to bed are sore from weeping for the light-bearings
concerning thee that were ever neglected; and in my dreams
I would be woken by the faint rushings of a gnat, and hear it
1 I have attempted to render >.~'llAl'lvrzr, but sec the commentary.
x43
pl1TaTa1, 600\JaaoVToS, aµcp( 0'01 ir<X6r\
6p(;.)aa: irAe(CA> iOV ~vro8011iOS Xp6vov.
v\iv, 'TcxVr<X 1T<wra: T7i.f1.a', &mvei)Too1 cppail
7i.fyo1µ• av &vSpa: -r6v8e T(;)v a-ro:6µ6Sv KWa:,
aooTilpcx va:Os" irp6-rovov, ~T\AilS cnfyf'\s
a-rv"Aov no8fipf1, µovoyevis "TiKvov ircrrp{,
ya:Tcxv cpcxveiacxv va:v-rl7i.01s ira:p• ~n(Scx,
(K<JMIO"TOV i'jµcxp ela18eT\I he xefµctr<>S,) 900
68ol1T6pCA>I 81~6>~ 1t'f'\Ya:TOV pros.
(-repirvov 8~ Tava:yKO:Tov h<cpvyeiv O:rrcxv.)
'TOIOTaSt TO( VlV &~16> irpoacp6fyµcxa1v·
cp06v05 8~ arrtO"TCA>' 1f07'.7i.Cc yap 'TCc irplv KCXKCc
T,ve1x6µea6a:. viiv Se µ01 cpf7i.ov Kapa:
ac13<nv• lnrfiVflS 'Ti)a8e, µ1) X<Xµa:l Tl6els
'TOV aov ir6S•, ©va:~, '17i.(ov irop0ftTopcx.
8µ0010:(, T( µtAAe6', a:Ts rnfo'TaAT<Xl -dA05
irtSov KEAeVeov a-ropwva1 ire"Taaµcx<Jav;
eOOVs yevlaeoo iropcpvp6a-rpoo'T05 ir6P<>S, 910
ts 86)µ' CXeh1T'TO\I ~s av fiyilTCXI 6{Kf1.
Ta 5' &Mex cppovTls oVx. Vitvoo1 v1KooµtVT)
6fiae1 81Ka(005 oVv 6eoTs felµcxpµlva:t.
Ar. Af}Scxs ytve07i.ov, 5ooµ6:roov tµ(;.)v q>v'Acx~,
O:rrova(cx1 µw elira:s elK6Toos tµi)1,
µ<XKp<Xv yap t~rnavcxs· &XA• tvcx1alµoos
cxlveiv, ircxp' a>J...oov XP1' "T68' lpxeaecn ytpa:s.
Kal 'T~<X µ1) ywcnKOs" tv "Tp6iro1s tµ~
&f3pvve, µ118~ ~apf3apov cp(l.')'TOs" 5(Kf1V
xaµcxa1T£1'ts f36a:µa: irpo<J)(CM)as tµo{,
µns• eTµa:aa O"Tpcbaa:a' rnfcp0ovov ir6pov
-r(6e1• 6eo\Js TOI 'TOTa8e TlµcxAcpeTV XpEOO\I,
W 1fOtKfAOIS 8~ &vt)TO\I 6VTO: KaAAEO'IV
Fl'r
893 aµ~ aol Frr 897 ~V.~ Tr 898 cm1.\o,, Tr: vr&>.o11 F 899 yaiav Blom-
field: Kal yfjv Frr wGp(>.11lS11 Tr ~ eiccit Headlam {9o2 iam Blomfield);
9001 902 hue non pcrtincrc manifcstum· est, de 901 dubito 901 cf. Suid. s.v. wMicos:
ical &,,.d ToO />I"' pior. .AloxJ.\os d801,,.&pt111 ••• pios 903 Tol "" Schntz : Toll'w FTr
wpoo{>'yµaa1v Tr 905 Sl µ01 Bothe: 3' lµol Fl'r 907 l11af F 908 .,/.\os
F: .,&.& Tr 909 OTP'1J.,.,J..cu Frr: corr. Elmslcy 913 clµapµl"°' nondum cmenda-
tum 919 µ~ 8~ Frr Pap{UBou (super 0 scr. p) F 920 /J&o.µ11 (priori a supcrscr.
-,,) F: ~I'" 1'r 921 µ~a• Frr 923 vcrsum attulcrunt Eclogae, Cramer Aneod.
Oxon. ii. 455. 4 ic;U.\71• .,ei woP9upll. lµO.Tua. E~o.\w 1 {Jcf.TJT<1v Tei iccW.i, ' (fr. 333 K.). Kal
u
iclpa.µos ical.\&rros. AloxJMr' I '" 11'011(£\0ls e..r,r~.. ovra. Kcf..UColV I (AlaxJ>.os ••• Kcf..UColV
omisit Cramer, tcste A. Adler ad Suid. m. 17 s.v. ic&».r,), Suid. (s.v. Kd».71) Tei TJO~Upll.
lµ4.T1a. ••• Alax.S.\os· 1 "'"°'"l>.o1s KcU>.<01,, ', Suid. (s.v. K&Aarr) ••• Alax.SMr' 1 Iv "'°'"lMxs
'XPtftp.aaw •, Etym. gen. B s.v. 1CcU>.a1a (- Etym. Magn. p. 486. 49) ••• Tel •o/>fup&. yelp
KcU>.'1 l1ea.\oOvro. B~o>.w 1 P°''""" , .. 8clil1 •. Kal .Alax.s>.cw ' Iv rro11cl>.o1s ••• Kdllcoav ',
Etym. Gud. s.v. 1Cdllc11 (cod. Par. :z631, Cramer Ancod. Po.r. iv. 23. 13; Par. :z6:36,
ibid. p. 63. 21; ' Sorbon.' ap. Gaisford o.d Et. M. I.I.), ubi post Eupolidis locum AlaxJ>.os
"'Tlik Xyal'lµ>'OPI (b T, JI. om. Par. :z636)· I"' WOIKlMxs a~ (8~ Po.r. 26Jt,. Sorbon.': ,,Op
Par. 2636) ••• 1C&.Uca1.,.
trumpeting; since I saw there things befalling thee more
than could have passed in the time that slept with me.
Now, after enduring all this, with a mind freed from
mourning I would pronounce this man here the watchdog of
his abode, the saving forestay of a ship, the grounded pillar
of a high roof, a sole-born child to a father, land appearing to
sailors beyond their hope, to the thirsty wayfarer a :flowing
spring. 1 Such are the terms wherewith I deem him worthy
to be addressed; and far be envy, z for many are the evils of
the past that we endured. But now I pray thee, beloved,
come down from this car-but set not on the ground, 0 king,
thy foot that has destroyed Ilion. Handmaidens, why do ye
delay, ye upon whom the office has been enjoined to strew
the ground he walks upon with tapestries ? Straightway let
there be made a path spread with purple, that Justice may
conduct him into his unhoped-for home. And for the rest,
care not overcome by sleep shal,l arrange it in just fashion,
with the help of the gods.3
In the tMantime the handmaids have begun to spread out
the tapestries
Ag. Offspring of Leda, guardian of my house, thy speech
was indeed well-suited to my absence, for thou hast drawn
it out to great length; but fitting praise-that is a gjft of
honour that should come from others. And for the rest, do
not pamper me as though I were a woman, and do not adore
me as if I were a man of the East, with prostrations and
open-mouthed acclaim, nor, by strewing my path with
vestures, bring down envy upon it. I~ is the gods whom we
should honour with such ceremonies: to tread, a mortal,
' It is not quite certain whether this line (9ox) is in its original place.
~ 98&.-os gives one of the kcy·notcs to the following scene. I have therefore kept the
one rendering, 'envy', although in some of the passages 'jealousy' (of the gods) might
seem more nppropriatc. > At the end of the line the text is uncertain.
X45 L
J3a{vew lµol µW ovSaµ&>s &vev '6J3ov.
(Afyoo KCXT' &vSpa, µ1) 0e6v, <7ll3etv ~.]
xoopls 1To8oqn\<rrp<UV 'TI: Kal T&>V 1TOIK(i\c.>v
KAT\~V &\mi· Kal TO µ1) K<XKOOS cppoveiv
&ov µfy1crrov S&>pov· 61'J3{aa1 S~ XPii
(3{ov TeAevn'\acwr• w MO"Toi cpfi\111.
elirov, TaS' &>s 'Tl"paaao1µ• av eVeapafis fy&>. 930
KA Kal µi'}v T6S• elire,· µfi irapa yvcbllflv, lµof ·
Ar. yv&>µ 11v µw iae1 µ1) S1acp&poW1'' ~µe.
KA. 1)V~OO eeoTs Se(aas av ©s· ~i*lV TaSe;
Ar. etirep TIS elS&>s y• ro T6S• l~Tmv TEi\05.
KJ\. Tf s· av SoKei 0'01 Tipfaµos, el Tao· i)waev; 935
Ar. w 1TOIK(i\01s av KapTa µ01 '3ilva1 OoKET.
KJ\. µfi wv TOV &vepcbimov a1Sea6il1s \fl6yov.
Ar. cpfiµn ye µEv-ro1 S1iµ60povs µfya ~'·
KA. o s· &cpe6vnT6s y• oVK rnl3T\'hos irEi\e1.
Ar. 0V"To1 yvva1K6s ~crrw lµelpew µaxT\s.
KJ\. Tois s· 61'J3(01s ye Kal TO VIKCCa6at 'Tl"pem1.
Ar. ii Kal <N v(l<flv Tf}vSe Sfip105 T(e1s;
KJ\. m0ov· KpaTEiS µhrro1 irapels (y) ~oov lµo(.
Ar. m· el SoKET 0'01 Ta00', \lrral TIS &p(3v1'as
i\001 TcX)(oS, irp6Sovi\ov ~µJ3aaw 'Tl"oS6s· 945
Kal ToiuSe µ• ~µ(3cxlvove• (cAovpyfow 6e6lv
µJi TIS irp60"ooeev 6µµCXToS J3(cA01 cp66vas.
iroAi\1) yap cxl~s &:>µcnocp0opeiv iroalv
cp0elpoV'Ta iri\o\iTov apyvpc.>yfiTOVS 6' vcpas.
TolJToov µw o\i-roo· -rl)v ~EVT)v 8~ irpevµev&)s 950
TI')vs· tc1<6µ13e· 'TOV KpttTOVVTCX µcxi\0c.O<&)s
0£c)s irp60"c.>eev e\lµevc;)s irpoa8~pKETCX1"
~cbv yap ovSels 8ovi\(001 XPT\Tal 3vy6>1.
aVrr} 8~ iroAi\&v XPflµ6:roov t~cx(pETov
&veos, crrpttTov s&>pT\1.1', lµol. ~ta-rre-ro. 955
Ml 8' &l<OVelV C10V Katlo-rpaµµa& TcX8e,
etµ• is S6µoov µ~a0pa iropcpvpas 1TaTOOV.
Frr
925 eiecit Wilamowitz 930 ,f,,011, TIU' WI: Weil: cl .,&.,,.a s· ~ Frr 932
&o.#<poOvr' ex &o.#apOfT' corr. F 933 mira collocatio verborum; S<laa.s a»' 'I~°'
8coiow cM' temptnbat Hermann, fortaSse rcctc lptci11 Headlam: lpS<111 F: lp&w
Tr 934 ~<iwo11 Frr: corr. Auratus 935 Soicif Frr: corr. Stanley 936
SoKtj ex 8oK<i (a.ctum F: SoK<i (supersc:r• .,,} Tr 937 µ~ l'Ol1 F o.lSco9ijr Tr: o.l8<o8<lr
F 943 Kpo.T<is Weil: K,4TO$ Frr wapclr Bothe: rr&p<i: Frr y' del. Weclclein
646 oi),. To'iolil 11-' Tr Jp.{Jal.'On' cU· Frr 948 at.Jp.aTo+9op<W Fl'r: corr.
SchQ~ rr&o111 Frr (superscr. gl. 0....Spo. dir.\Ws- Tr) 954 a.VT,, Aumtus: o.im} Frr
956 1<aTlOTaµa1 (superscr. gl. l<.irucdv Ka.T'OT'I") Tr, qui in scholio nota ~p.,npo11 distincto
ha.cc profert: cVP'1Ta1 KcU KaTIOTpo.µp.a1, tfyow 1Ca.T<fJ.\.q87111 1<T.\. 957 Uµol/S (in .fine
superscr. c.111) F ·
:146
upon embroidered fineries is to me by no means free from
fear. Different is the ring of the words 'footmats' and
'embroideries', and a mind without presumption is the god's
greatest gift; one should praise a man's fortune when he has
ended his life in welcome prosperity. I have said how I for
my part should act herein with good confidence.
Clyt. Aye, and tell me this too, of thine honest mind,-
Ag. My mind, be assured, I shall not allow to be falsified.
Clyt. Wouldst thou, in an hour of terror, have vowed to
the gods to do this as I request thee now?
Ag. Yes, if any man with full knowledge had prescribed
the performance of this ritual.
Clyt. And what dost thou think that Priam would have
done, if he had achieved such a deed? [embroideries.
Ag. I think that for sure he would have walked upon
Clyt. Have no scruple then for the reproach of men.
Ag. And yet the voice of the people has great power.
Clyt. Aye, but if a man is not envied no one vies with him.
Ag. It is not a woman's part to long for strife.
Clyt. Nay, but for the fortunate even to yield victory is
becoming.
Ag. What ? This 'victory' in this contest-does it mean
so much to thee?
Clyt. Yield; truly thou art the superior if of thine own
will thou hast left it to me.
Ag. Well, if this be thy will, let someone quickly loose my
shoes, which in slaves' stead serve the feet to step on; and
as I walk on these purple draperies of the gods, may no
glance of envious eye strike on me from afar. For a strong
feeling restrains me from wasting our house's substance with
my feet, spoiling therewith wealth, textures purchased for
silver. -
In the meantime one of the handmaids lias ·
fi1iished untying and taking off Agamemnon's
shoes. The king steps down from the car
So much, then, for that. But this stranger here, bring her
kindly into the house; at him who uses his power gently the
god looks with favour from afar, for no one bears the yoke
of slavery of his own will. And she has come with me as the
flower chosen especially for me from among much wealth,
the army's gift. But now, since I have been borne down and
must listen to thee in this, I will go into the halls of my house
treading purple underfoot. He walks slowly towards the door
147
KA. fcrr1v ~aaaa, T{s Se vtv KCXTaaj3foe1;
Tpecpovacc iro1Vt.ils iropcpvpas laapyvpov
KflKlScx ircxyKc:dv1crrov, elµ&rCi:>v ~acpas·
ofKOlS 5• wapxe1 T(.\)v8e aW 0roTs, &vex~,
l)(e1v· m~at s· OUK rnlcrr<XTat 56µ05.
iro1Vt.oov lT<XTT\O'µov 5• elµOcTCl.>V av 1'}V~cXµT)v,
SOµo1a1 1TpoWex6ivroS w XPTlO'T1lPIOtS
'INX.ilS K6µ1crrpa Ti\aSe 1.1nxcxvooµtv111.
~l311s yap ovOT\s cpv1Vt.as fKET' ts S6µovs
O'Klav Virep-relvaaa ae1pfov KVVOs'
KOO aov µoi\6VTOS OCi:>µClTTTIV mlav
0CcA1ToS µw w xe1µ(.\)v1 OT\µa(ve1s µo'A6v·
O-rcxv Se -m'.Jx111 ZeVs [-r'] cX-rr' oµcpCXKoS ir1Kpexs
oTvov, TOT fiS11 'IJiixoS w 86µ01s irtAe1
&vSpbs 'TEAe{ov 86)µ• brtcrrp«>cpCi:>µWov.
:zev ZeV -rfu1e, Tas tµas eVx.as -rtAE1·
µf.Aot Se TO( O'Ol TOOV1Tep av µ~1)1S ™elv.
XO POI
Tf1TTE µ01 T6S' tµmSoos 975
SeTµa irpcxrr<X'Tt\ptov
KcxpS(as TepaaK6Trov
1TCIYTOrrat1
µaVTtiro'Aei s• OOdArucrroS aµta0oS &015<X,
ovs• cX-rrolT"TVO'CXS S(Kcxv 980
Sv01CphC1.>v 6ve1p6:rC1.>v
06:p<7oS aitmets f-
3e1 cppevbs cpli\ov 0p6vov;
XpOVoS o•, rnel 1TpVµV1)0'(Cl.>V ~W t~i\cxis
'f.'CclllloS &!.11T"Ta, irapft-
13T\aev, roe· w· "l?l.tov
c'r>p-ro vavf3Crras crrpa-r6s· -
Frr
958 personae nota decst in F 959 <~ 4.pyvpov Frr: corr. Salmasius 961
ol.ocos- Frr: corr. Porson 963 8nµ4Tai.,, Frr: distinxit Canter cllfdµ71.,, Frr
965 icoµltnpflo F l''IXo..,,aiµlvqs- F.l'r: corr. Abresch 967 W<f>Tlro.oflo F
969 µo~w . . Frr: corr. H. Voss, Blomficld· 970 .,' dcl. Auratus 972
'"''"f>Ofaip.l11011 Tr: Jw107pc;,. F: corr. Victorius 974 p.0.0& Tr ct schol. mctr.
Triclinianum in Frr ad 810 ndscriptum: p.l}..zz (supcrscr. ex) F TO& oo& Tr et
scbol. metr. (nd Sto) qunle exstat in Tr: ooi "°' schol. mctr. quale cxstat in F (mcro
lapsu): oo& F 976 B«yp.a. F 978 1r0TciTa.1 F: "oTciT' Tr: corr. Meineke
979 aJ.Uo60S' doc8d. µo.vruro~<t 8' clic0.<llOTOS' Tr 98o awoimSo"" Tr 982
Mril~s- Frr: corr. Jacob 982 sq. ZC" Scaliger: ff" F: ifn Tr 984 br<l F:
M Tr f'W<fp.p&Ni1s- Frr: corr. Casaubon 985 .µ.µp.os- Wccklcin: ~a.p.µla.s- FTr
df'JFTG Wilamowit:z: cLc4Tflo F: dic4Ta.r Tr 985 sq. "apif/J'lo' Tr
148
C'tyt. The sea is there-and who shall drain it ?-that
breeds an ever-renewed gush of abundant purple, precious
as silver, for the dyeing of vestures. Our house, by the gods'
grace, 0 King, has a supply of these things, and the house
knows not how to be poor. I would have vowed the treading
underfoot of many robes, if at the seat of an oracle I had heard
that task declared for the house when I was devising means
for bringing safely back this man's life. For as, when the root
remains, the foliage returns to the house, stretching over it
a shade against the dog-star, so, by thy coming home to the
hearth of thy house,· thou dost signify that warmth has come
home in winter, and when from the sour grape Zeus is
making wine, then at once there is coolness in the house when
the consummate master is moving about his home.
Agamemnon goes within
Zeus, Zeus Consummator, consummate my prayers; and
mayst thou take thought for what thou dost intend to con-
summate. She follows Agame~n into the Jio'use
.. * • • • • *
&vsp<>s Eirooow O:q>CXYTov fpµa.
Kal .,.o µw 1Tpo xpnµ<hCA>v
KTf\<7(Cl)v 6i<v<>s j3aA©v
acpevS6vas an-• e\iµhpov, 1010
o\JK ~Sv Trpomxs S6µcs
1t'Aflaµovas y~µCA>v lcyav,
ovs• rn6VT1oc <7K6'.q><>s.
1ToMa '1'01 S601s ac tubs &µq>1'ha- 1015
q>1\s "TI! Kal l~ aAOKCA>V hwretOOI
vfl<rrav &'>'heat:v v6<7ov. -
to bring. no fulfilment .
skipper) drown his ship in the sea. A large gift from Zeus,
of famine.
could not have happened that even he who knew the right
xsx
'T6>v ~1µwoov &v6:ye1v
Zeus av frrcruaw rn• ~Aape(a1.
el Se µi\ ivrayµtva 1025
µoTpa µoTpav h< 6Eoov
elpye µi\ ir1Jov cp~pelV,
irpoqt66'.aaaa KapS(a
yA<;:,aaav av 'Tas• ~~txe1·
v0v 5• \nro O'K6Too1 ~~µe1
0vµciAy1is TE KOO o\JSw breAiroµt-
va iron Kalp1ov moAvnWO'EIV,
36>1TVpovµwas cppev6s. =
K/\YTAIMHITPA
efaoo Koµl3ov Kal O'U, KaaaavSpav 'Myoo, 1035
rne( o> let\KE ZeVs &µ11vh6)s S6µ01s
KOIV6)\IOV elva1 XEpY(~v, 1TOAAOOV µhex
SoVA(l)V O"Ta6eTaav K'Tl)a(ov ~ooµoO ireA.cxs.
~~v· c!mi'iVT1S 'filaSe µris• \nrepcpp6ve1.
Kal irat5a yap 'Tol cpaaw •AAKµ{)VT)s irOTe
irpaeiVTa 'TAflva1 SovAlas µ<X3ns t~<at.
el s• ow &v6:yKn Ti\aS• rn1pprno1 WxflS,
&pX<Xt01TAOVr6)V 8e0'1ToT&>V 1TOAA'l'i xap1s·
oi 5• OVrrOT, tAir(O'<XV'T'ES fiµ1'\0'aY KcxA6')s,
ooµo{ TE Sov1'01s ir<XVTa, Kal mxpa O"T&6µ11v 1045
• • • * * * * • * • • •
()(e1s irap• 'i}µ&)v ol<Xirep voµ{3era1.
XO. ao{ 'Tot 'hfyovacx ira'Verat, aacpfl 'hoyov.
WTQs 5• aAOVO'a µopa{µCA>V aypevµttr6)\I
m(601· av, el ml601·· &:nt16olns 5• Taoos.
Kl\. &AA· direp ml µn X°''S6vas SfKnv 1050
&yv~a cpoovnv ~6:pf3apov KEXT1'}µM),
tfooo cppEVOOV Afyovaat mleoo VIV 'h6y6)t,
XO. brov· Ta M>10"Ta TC'l>v irapeO"T~oov 'Mye1.
ire(6ov 'htirovaa 'T6v8• aµcx~pfl 6p6vov.
1024 civ lHW<'I Martin: aih' brauo' m a~Aapcla F: dpAafkllf ,., Tr 1030
fJpl1m ex fJ'Mrm factum F 1031 81JµaAyifr T< ical o.>ao '"om. Tr (cf. p. 13 sq.)
1035 ic<Wd."3pall FTr 1039 I'~ 8' FI'r l04I Sou~cla.r µd.(71S' /Jla F: 1eal Cvyano
8lycro1 P'llo Tr: SouMos "4C'1S' s,ycw Keck; non liquet 1042 hcppl"" Tr
1044 01'8' FTr: rclativwn agnovit Stanley 1045 wap<l aTtlDµ71v Tr: -rra.pa.OTJ.811'1>.,,
F post 1045 lacunam statuit Hartung 1048 ciAc>Oaci C. G. Haupt: civ o~a FTr
1050 hue pertinere videtur Hesychii gl0$$l xmUvoS' 81"'1• (xcl&S&a, cod., ordine
alphabctico interrupto: corr. M. Schmidt)· TOils fJap/lilpollS' xwUa111' clrr<ucd.Couocv &A
~· dcM(O]nov (corr. Wihunowit:z) AaM&v 1052 law ~pcvGJ• Myouaa non sanwn;
an corruptela latius pa teat inccrtum est
way to raise up from the dead was stopped by Zeus that no
harm might be done. And did not established destiny prevent
my portion from winning more from the gods, my heart
outrunning my tongue would pour this out; but as it is, it
mutters in the dark, pained to the core and without hope
ever to accomplish any timely purpose, while my mind is
ablaze.
Enter Clytemnestra
Clyt. Get thee within, thou too; thou, Cassandra; since
Zeus without anger has made thee to share with our house
its lustral water, standing among our many slaves by the
household altar. Come down from this car, and be not over-
proud. They say that even Alcmena's son once was sold to
bondage and endured to touch1 the bread of servitude. But
if the constraint of that lot should indeed befall one, then
to have masters old in wealth is a thing to be deeply thankful
for; whereas those who have reaped a rich harvest that they
never expected are harsh to their slaves in all thiiigs, and
with exact strictness (allot to them no more than their due.
With us, on the other hand, the s~rvants ....) Thou hast
heard from me what our custom is.
Clior. It is to thee she has spoken, and now she has
finished, a plain speech. Taken as thou art within the toils
of fate, pray obey her, if thou wilt obey; though perhaps
thou wilt disobey.
Clyt. Nay, if she is not, like a swallow, possessed of an
unintelligible foreign tongue, speaking . . . I attempt (?) to
persuade her by my words.
Chor. Go with her; she says that which is best as things
now are. Leave thy seat here on the wagon and obey.
1 Text uncertain.
x53
KA. o<fro1 Ovpcdcn Ti\1S• ~µol ax,oAt'I irapa 1055
Tpl~e1v· Ta µw yap mlcxs µ£aoµq>aAov
fO'Tf\KEV i\STI µfl~a tlTPOs aq>ayas m1p6st·
(~ OWoT' ~1T{aacn Tf\vS• f~IV XCtplV')
uO s· eT Tl Sp&cms ToovSe, µi) <JXOAtlV T(6e1·
Et s• &~µoov o\'.iaa µi) Stxf11 A6yov, 1060
u0 5• c!arr\ q>OOvTlS q>fXXlE K<Xp~cXvOOl XEpf.
XO. ~pµT}vt6>s lo1KEV 1' ~WT} Topov
Seraeoo· Tp6TroS Se erip0s ~
vecx1phov.
KA. i'i µcx(ve-ra( ye Kal KCXK&lv l<A\Je1 q>pev&)v,
1)TIS A11100acx µW 1TOAIV vecxlperov 106.s
TtKEI, xo:Awov s· OUK rnlo-r<XT<XI q>tpeiv
irplv cdµCXTflpOV ~~aq>p{3eo6cn µWos.
ov µt'lv nAt6> ~{~er &-nµcxo&i\aoµa1.
XO. fyd> s·,rnoucr{p6> yap, OV Ovµ&>aoµcn.
te•, er, 'T~a1va, T6vs• tpflµ&xraa• oxov
~ova• &v«yl<11s Ti\O"SE K<XIVIO'OV 3vy6v.
KAIIANti.PA
6TOTOTOl lTOlTOl S(i•
"AiroXA.ov, "A1To'XA.ov.
XO. T( TcxVT avooTOTv~<XS &µq>l J\~{ov;
ov yap To100ToS ooO"TE 6p1)Vf1To0 -rvxetv. - 1075
Cass. Yes, for here is the testimony that I trust: here are
babes crying because of their slaughter and their roasted
:flesh that their father devoured I
Ch<>r. We had heard of thy renown as a seer; but we seek
none of those who speak in the name of the gods.
Cass. Ah, ah! alas, alas! what is this that comes in view?
some net·of Hades? Nay, but the snare that shares his bed,
that shares the guilt of murder. Let insatiate Discord raise
to the race an exulting shout over the sacrifice that is to be
avenged by stoning.
Chor. What dost thou mean by thy Erinys whom thou
summonest to raise her voice over the house? Thy words
cheer me not. To my heart there rushes a drop of saffron dye,
the very one which to men fallen by the spear arrives to-
gether with the rays of setting life; and doom is at hand.
Cass. Ah, ah I Look, look I Keep the bull from the cow I
In a garment she has caught him, y;ith black contrivance of
the horned one, and strikes; and he falls in a vessel of water.
It is the device of a treacherous murdering caldron whereof
I tell thee.
Chor. I would not boast high skill as a judge of oracles;
but this I liken to some evil thing. But from oracles what
good message ever comes to men? By (uttering) evil do the
wordy arts of prophets bring fear to learn. 1
KA. I&>,
yaµo1 y&µo1 TT&p1Sos 6Atep101 cpl~6>v.
loo ~cxµavSpov 1T6:Tp1ov irOT6v·
T6TE µw aµcpl CJcXS ai6vcxs TaACXIV•
fivv-r6µcxv TpocpcXrs·
vW s· &µcpl K6>KVTOV TE K&x_epova(ovs u6o
6xeovs fo1Kcx 6e<rn16>18{\aeiv TCcxO:.
XO. T( T6Se -rop0v &ycxv hroS lcpflµ(a6>;
veoyvbs av &tc..>v µcXeo1.
irm~1lyµcx1 s• &rrep Sfiyµcrr1 cpo1vlc.>1
KA. kb,
11'6vo1 11'6vo1 11'6Ae<>s 6).oµWcxs 'TO 'Tl'av.
Id:> 'Tl'p6nvpyo1 6vu{cx1 'Tl'<XTpOs
'Tl'OAVKaveTs f3oT&>V 'Tt'Otov6µc.lV' OO<<>s
s· o<JSw ml}pKEacxv 1 r70
'TO µ1'} (o\J) ir6Atv ~v 6Xrnep ow l)(et 'Tl'cx6etv·
fyd:> 8~ t&pµ6vovst 'Ttf.x: tµ m8001 ~<XA&>.
XO. moµeva irpo-dpotO'l Ta8• tcpnµ{aoo,
Ka( 'TfS (J'E K<XK04Ppov&>v T(6t)-
O'I Scx(µc.lV Vm:p~cxpi\s q.l'Tl'(TVCAlV 1175
µEA(3e1v Tra6t) yoepO: 0cxvcm)cp6pcx·
Ttpµcx 8' aµ11xcxv&>.
XO. Sa:Tµov, as
tµnhrre1s S&>µaa1 K<Xl S1q>vl-
01cn Ta:vTaA.ISa1aiv,
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Ka:pS1681)KTOV tµol Kpo:nivEIS'
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\Jµvov vµveTv rnevxera1 * *· =
Oh, thou mad Helen, that didst alone destroy those many,
all those many lives, under the walls of Troy I now thou hast
crowned thyself with the last and perfect garland unforget-
table, blood not to be washed away. In truth there was an
Eris then in the house, strong-built (?), a husband's bane.
Clwr. 0 daemon, that fallest upon the house and the two
Tantalidae, and boldest a sway ... 1 that works from women,
and my heart is sore for it; he has settled, like a hateful
raven, on the body, and glories in singing tunelessly a
song....
Clyt. Now thou hast mended the opinion thou didst utter,
by invoking the thrice-gorged daemon of this race; for it is
by his doing that a craving for blood to lap is nourished in
the belly, new pus before the old woe has ceased.
1 I cannot understand this passage.
181
XO. i) µfyav olKoa1vf1
Salµova Kal ~Vµriviv alvei5,
cpEO cpw, KaKov alvov,
chr\p(iS' -NxaS' 00<6pwrov·
k).) h'i, Saal ~10s
iravooTlov mxvepyha·
Tl yap ~p<YTOTS' &vev .6105 TeAeTToo;
Tl T&>vs· o(/ &6KpavT6V tOTav;
F(G)Tr
1481 olicouurij Wilamowitz: oLco&s- Toio8c Frr: olKo.-&µ011 Schncidewin 1484 dicopl·
vrou Fl'r: corr. Todt 1486 rro.wpylTa. Tr: rra.wpyba.11 FG (in F ·yl.,... ex -yoT- corr.;
cf. Christ. pat. r457 wrroi ff<P'Cl'-rl<iu 8co0 rro11npy4-ro) 1489 nulla nota in FG;
"il''X&P'o" prae6xit Tr, scilicet 'in cxcmplo paragmphus ephymnium distinguebat '
(Wilamowitz); cf. 1513 l~ semel F l49I ,,o-r' dp' cl1r0> Tr; cf. ad 356 14~3
l1CTJW""' Tr; cf. ad.356 1494 .,.s,.s• F dw'AcJBcpa. Tr 1495 in fine 84µapr'o't
(suppl. Enger} vel aliquid simile cxcidissc si minus certum est at probabile videtur
1497 To~pyo11 lp.d11 .,.JSc; Tr 1498 µ!} &' Fl'r bn'A<](81j,s-, quidquid sibi viri
docti de hoc verbo finxerunt, pcrobscurom est; atque nc de voce µ!J3' quidem satis
coostat, nisi quid forte ante hunc versum cxcidisse putcs 1503 d1rb&11& FTr
IS04 11cicpois- Tr ISO"/ Sl om. Tr
:182
Chor. Truly a mighty house-wasting daemon, one of
a loss where to turn, now that the house is falling. I fear the
drumming of the rain of blood that will wreck the house: the
scattered shower is ceasing. And justice, to bring about a
new deed of harm, is being whetted on new whetstones by
the :Moira.
z85
loo ya ya, ere· fµ' ts~(!)
irplv T6v8• hnSeTv apyvpoToixov
SpolTtlS Ka-rix,oV"Ta xaµevvav. 1540
TIS 6 e•v vw; TIS 6 6p11vf\ac...w;
i) C1V T6S' ~~a1 TAflO't)•, 'lcrdvcxa'
avSpa TOY cWrils d:rroKCt>KVC1CX1
'fNXTll T' axaplV, xap1v M' fpyCt>v 1545
µeyaACi>V &SIKCt>S hnKpavoo;
TIS 8' hr1~1ov cxlvov W &vSpl 6e{Ct>1
C1Vv S00<p601s l6:rrroov
~n6efa1 cppev&>v novfiae1; -c 1550
F{G)Tr
1537 fJfUxOP'o" pracfixcrunt FTr d8' 1,.·F: ,rec I'' Tr 1540 Bpo/Tas FTr
cf. Eust. ad I' 357, p. 1726. 11 t}r (scil. vocis 8pol"I) xpilo1r ical •ap' AloxJ,\aii b 'Ayaµlw
llOI'' "°" KaTIXo"a Tr j cf. ad Js6 XOpcWo" FTr 1542 lpta, GTr:
lpfa1 F IS43 d.rroK"'"'aa1 F 1545 i>iWi" l.xapi" FTr: corr. E. A. J. Ahrens
15471Jf"x&pio11 pracfuccrunt Ffr ~.1T'11µ./J1os ofros Frr: corr. Cllsaubon IS49
8aKpuo1" (" ex a facto) F ISSI oiS a' F: oi$r, Tr µl>.J,µ"' Myc1" Fl'r: rcctc
distinxit Karsten 1553 icdmco< KilT8a11a1 Tr xsss l~iybna11· r,,• FTr:
dist. Auratus 1558 d.x/0111 ex d.xcuci>v corr. G ISS9 x«P' Porson
fi.\~ FTr: corr. Stanley 1563 8p411on Schtltz: XJ>O'"' (~Tr) FI'r 1565
dp4io11 Hcnnann: pe.011 F: Pfo., Tr 1566 •,,dr cr,.cu Blomficld: .,,pootf.;a... FTr
1567 blfJ71 Ffr: corr. Canter e7W G 1569 •.\cca8MB&Y (supcrscr. c.1,. Tr)
Frr
I86
0 Earth, Earth, would thou hadst received me, or ever
I had seen him occupying the lowly bed of the ·Silver-sided
bath I Who will it be that shall bury him? who that shall sing
his dirge? Wilt tlwu dare to do this-to bewail the husband
whom thine own hand has slain, and unrighteously to fulfil
for his shade an unkindly kindness in return for his great
deeds ? And who will pour forth with tears the funeral praise
over the hero's grave, and labour thereat in sincerity of
mind?
Chor. Taunt has now been met with taunt; hard is the
Ckft. On this oracle thou hast entered with full truth; but
x87
6pKous t1eµWr\ Ta8e µw o-rtp~iv
SvcrrAriTa mp 6ve·, a 86 Ao11T6v, t6VT"
ii< T&>v8e 86µc.>\I 6:AA1)\I yeveav
Tp(~elV 6avarOlS <XV6WTcn01\I,
KTEOOi(l)V 86 µtpos ~cnov ixoVO'fll
1TCiv &:rroxpri µ01 µavlcxs µeA&ep<i>v 1575
lYJ\flAOcp0\10\JS &:qieA.0Vo"Ti1.
Alrll:90l:
er> q>fyyos wqipov t'lµtpas 81K11cp6pov·
cpa(fl\I av i\811 \IW ~poT&>\I
T1µ0:6povs
6roVs &vooeev yils rnO'l'T"Ta'Je1v &xri.
lSoov Vq>CXVTOTS w 1TrnAOlS 'EplW(l)\I 1580
TO\I &vSpo: T6v8e Kefµevov, q>(A(l)S tµo(,
XElpOs 1T<XTp@lO:S ScT(\IOVTO: µ1)Xo:v<Xs•
•ATpros yap &px(l)v Tfia& yils, To6Tov ;rcm'ip,
ncnipo: evt<MTl\I TO\I lµ6v, 00s Top(.;)s q>paacn,
o:Vrov s• &:SeA.qi6v, &µq>lAElC"t'oS c'::lv Kp6:re1, 1585
t')vSpnAO:Tflcnv ti< ;r6Aeoos Te Ko:l Soµ(l)v.
Ko:l npocrrp61Tcnos ~crrlas µoM>V irCU..w
TA{)µoov 0vt<rrt\s µoTpo:v flVoper" &:aq><XAfl,
1'0 µ'fl e~v 1T<XTp&>1ov cdµa~O:l irtSov
o:Vr6s· ~\110: 86 TOV6e SVo6EoS 11'cm'tp 1590
•ATpe(/s, 11'po6Vµ(l)s µaMov r.
q>IAoos, 11'<XTpl
T&lµ&>1, Kpeovpyov fiµa:p eVevµoos &yew
SoK&>v, 11'apeaxe So:lTo: 11'0:1Sefo>v Kpe&>v.
-ra µ!v n0Sftp11 KO:\ xep&>v &Kpovs K"Tfvcxs
lepVlrr" &v(l)eev • • • • • • •
• • • • • c!cvSpo:K((s Ka6fiµev05· 1595
&a1)µa: S' o:V-roov o:VTIK' &yvolo:t A~oov
fo6ea, ~opav &ac.nov, «>s 6pcils, yive1.
KatrEIT" rn1yvovs lpyov o\J K<XTO:(O"IO\I
ooaµ~EV, &µirl1TTEI S' OOrO O'q>o:yiiY tp&>v,
F(G)Tr
1570 8tl'ba. (m fine superscr. "I) Tr 1571 SJo.r~~ GTr: S~~'JT4 F &S~
Auratus: d U m 1573 om. Triclinius, mero lapsu, n1Un in scholio metrico
ad xs67 adscripto cboa.rra1cn"1xcl xc<>M &' essc dicit, cxhibet vcro novcm 1574 S~
Auro.tus: T< m 1575 sq• ..s.., d,,4Xl"l l'O' s· m.,,~~r'Ollf µa.Kar lliNJ.Opwl' ~.sa.,,
(·OD Tr) m: s· dcl. Canter, cl.UJi~~r'Ollf post µtUSpw .. tnmsposuit Erfurdt, pro-
babilitcr 1577 &fpo.. FTr l58o lpcWISoJ11 FTr 1582 xt1,,ds Tr: X'tM F
1585 a.woo S' Elmsley: ai}roO T 0
m 1588 dprr' FTr 1590 ah&s Blomfield:
a.Woo m to4 Tr 1594 xtpC." GTr: XP'c," F 1595 loci diffi-
cillimi sive intcrpretntioncm sive emcnd11tioncm ncmo adhuc absolvit post G.rw8cv
lacunam indicavcrunt Hense ct Wilamo,vitz on scribendum 1<a.0111llro1f (Cv.sau-
bon) ve) ·µbt»v? 1599 cZµcofcv ex cZllwCa corr. F (cf. ad 329) dµrrlrrr<& <Anter:
J.v· "''"" m a;a,yijs Fl"r: corr. Auratus
188
I for my part am willing to swear a compact with the daemon
of the house of Pleisthenes and bear with all this, hard
though it be; while for the future he shall leave this house
and wear out some other family with deaths by hand of
kindred. And so long as I have a small part of my posses-
sions, I have enough of everything, once I have rid our halls
of the frenzy of mutual bloodshed.
195