Mass Media and Mental Illness: A Literature Review: Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario

Mass Media and Mental Illness:
A Literature Review
Prepared by Dara Roth Edney, MSW
Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario

www.ontario.cmha.ca
January 2004
Mass Media and Mental Illness: A Literature Review
Table of Contents
Mass Media and Mental Illness

• Introduction …1
• The Mass Media as a Primary Source of Public Information on Mental Illness …2
• Media Representations of Mental Illness Promote False and Negative Images and
Stereotypes …2
o Negative Images and Stereotypes in News Media
o Negative Images and Stereotypes in Entertainment Media
• Commonly Depicted Stereotypes and Images of Mental Illness …3
o Violence and Criminality in Entertainment Media
o Violence and Criminality in News Media
o Simple-Minded and Childlike Portrayals in Entertainment Media
o Social Outcast and Drain on Society in Entertainment Media
o Victim to Victimizer in Entertainment Media
o Depictions of Practitioners, Treatments, and Facilities
o Sympathetic but Inaccurate Representations
o Class Differences in News Media Reporting
o General Classifications of Mental Illnesses
• Negative Media Portrayals and the Public’s Negative Attitudes …7
• The Impact of Negative Media Portrayals on People with Mental Illness …7
• Negative Media Portrayals and Government Responses …8
• Examples of Positive Portrayals …9
• Conclusion …9
References …11
Appendix A: The Portrayal of Mental Health and Illness in the Media: Table of Key
Studies …15
Appendix B: The Impact of Media Portrayal on Community Attitudes to Mental Illness:
Table of Key Studies …19
Appendix C: Representations of Mental Illness in Film …22
Appendix D: Representations of Mental Illness in Television …24
Appendix E: Representations of Mental Illness in Advertising …26
Mass Media and Mental Illness: A Literature Review 1 of 27
Mass Media and Mental Illness: A Literature Review
Introduction
Over the past 30 years, a substantial amount of research has been conducted to determine the effect of
the mass media on the public’s belief systems. These studies have concluded that the media’s power to
influence public perception and the degree to which people are exposed to media representations
combine to make the mass media one of the most significant influences in developed societies.
In 2001, the Australian government published a large-scale literature review examining
portrayals of mental health in the media (Francis, Pirkis, Dunt, & Blood, 2001). After considering
dozens of studies that had analyzed news and entertainment media from around the globe (see Appendix
A and Appendix B for tables summarizing the results of those studies), the review determined that
media representations of mental illness promote negative images and stereotypes—in particular, the
false connection between mental illness and violence. Many other studies have found a definite
connection between negative media portrayals of mental illness and the public’s negative attitudes
toward people with mental health issues (Coverdale, Nairn, & Claasen, 2002; Cutcliffe & Hannigan,
2001; Diefenbach, 1997; Olstead, 2002; Rose, 1998; Wahl, 1995; Wahl & Roth, 1982; Wilson, Nairn,
Coverdale, & Panapa, 1999).
There have been fewer studies on the impact that negative public perceptions of mental illness
may have on government policies. But sufficient evidence exists to indicate that if the public considers
people with mental illnesses to be violent and/or unable to care for themselves, government policies and
resulting legislation will look more toward containment and control than toward recovery and
community living. If public perception of mental illness is based on negative and false images
perpetuated by the media, there is a danger that government responses to systems and people in the
mental health field will also be based on these false realities, rather than on the true needs and issues of
people suffering from mental illness (Cutcliffe & Hannigan, 2001; Rose, 1998).
This paper highlights studies that provide evidence to support the following five hypotheses:
• the mass media are a primary source of public information about mental illness;
• media representations of mental illness promote false and negative images and stereotypes;
• there is a connection between negative media portrayals of mental illness and the public’s
negative attitudes toward people with mental health issues;
• negative media portrayals have a direct impact on individuals living with mental illness; and
• there is a connection between negative media portrayals of mental illness and government
responses to mental health issues.
Specific negative portrayals of mental illness and stereotypical negative characteristics of people with
mental illnesses will also be explored.
For the purpose of this paper, the terms “media” and “mass media” include newspapers, radio,
television, and film. Various studies cited focus on one or another of these media, and others examine
some combination of media. Where the specific source is not mentioned, the reader can understand the
terms “media” and “mass media” to include all of the above, although the important distinction between
news and entertainment media will be made throughout.
Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

The Mass Media as a Primary Source of Public Information on Mental Illness
Considerable research has concluded that the media are the public’s most significant source of
information about mental illness (Coverdale et al., 2002 [citing Borinstein, 1992; Kalafatelis & Dowden,
1997; Philo, 1994]). Fiske (1987, cited in Rose, 1998) argues that television is the most powerful
medium for framing public consciousness. Cutcliffe and Hannigan (2001) further state that rarely does a
week go by without a reference to mental illness in the mass media. One study found that media
representations of mental illness are so powerful that they can override people’s own personal
experiences in relation to how they view mental illness (Philo, 1996, cited in Rose, 1998).
In 1997, the National Mental Health Association in the United States published a study titled
“Stigma Matters: Assessing the Media’s Impact on Public Perceptions of Mental Illness.” Hottentot
(2000) cites the following results from that study, showing where—within various media
classifications—the researchers found that the public gathers its information about mentally ill people
and about mental illness.
Popular Sources of Information about Mental Illness
TV newsmagazine shows 70%
Newspapers 58%
TV news 51%
News magazines 34%
TV talk shows 31%
Radio news 26%
Other magazines 26%
Internet 25%
Non-fiction books 25%
Talk shows on radio 18%
Women’s magazines 18%
Media Representations of Mental Illness Promote False and Negative Images and Stereotypes
The media play an influential role in shaping people’s attitudes about the world they live in and about
the individuals who inhabit the world with them. Stories about or references to people with mental
health issues are rarely out of the headlines in news stories or plotlines in film and television, yet
research indicates that media portrayals of mental illness are often both false and negative (Diefenbach,
1997 [citing Berlin & Malin, 1991; Gerbner, 1980; Nunnally, 1957; Wahl & Harman, 1989]).
Negative Images and Stereotypes in News Media

Researchers at George Mason University in Virginia conducted a study of 300 articles containing
references to mental illness that were taken from six different 1999 U.S. newspapers. Few of these

stories presented positive images of people with mental illness or depicted people with mental illness as
productive. This study and others like it have led researchers to conclude that the public, based on what
they see in the news media, are likely to presume that people with mental illnesses are primarily burdens
to society and incapable of contributing in positive ways to their communities (Wahl, 2001).
Cutcliffe and Hannigan (2001) cite a 1993 Glasgow University study that conducted a content
analysis of 562 newspaper items containing representations of mental health and illness identified within
local and national media over the course of one month. The study concluded that 62% of those stories
focused on violence toward others in relation to a person with a mental illness. Stories that garner the
most media attention appear to be those that make a link between mental illness, crime, and violence.
Yet according to Monahan (1996), only 3–5% of violence in the United States is actually committed by
someone with a mental illness.
The George Mason University Media Group Study mentioned above found that only 7% of all
stories about mental illness included mental health consumers’ viewpoints (Wahl, 2001). A similar
newspaper study conducted in Alberta over a three-month period found that the voice of a person with a
mental illness was present in only one of the 72 articles evaluated (Hottentot, 2000). The scarcity of
first-person accounts by people with mental illnesses in these stories limits the perspectives available to
readers and conveys the false impression that people with mental illnesses are incapable of developing
opinions and speaking on their own behalf.
Negative Images and Stereotypes in Entertainment Media

According to Diefenbach’s 1997 content analysis of television programming, depictions of people with
inferred psychiatric conditions or stated psychiatric diagnoses were highly correlated with the portrayal
of violent crime. Signorielli (1989, cited in Diefenbach, 1997) found that 72.1% of adult characters
depicted as mentally ill in prime-time television drama injured or killed others. Characters with a mental
illness were almost 10 times more violent than the general population of other television characters, and
10 to 20 times more violent during a two-week programming sample than real individuals with
psychiatric diagnoses in the U.S. population were over an entire year.
Yet in reality, people suffering from a mental illness who do not have a concurrent substance
abuse disorder are no more likely to commit a violent crime than anyone else (Steadman et al., 1998). In
fact, one study found that 95–97% of violent episodes in the United States are committed by people with
no mental illness (Monahan, 1996). Despite what is portrayed in the mass media, there is simply no
reliable evidence to support the claim that mental illness alone (without substance abuse) is a significant
risk factor for violence (Arboleda-Flórez, Holley, & Crisanti, 1996).
Commonly Depicted Stereotypes and Images of Mental Illness
According to Schneider (2003), some of the stereotypical depictions of people with mental illness
include the following: rebellious free spirit; violent seductress; narcissistic parasite; mad scientist; sly
manipulator; helpless and depressed female; and comedic relief. (See Appendix C for a list of films that
fall into one or more of these categories. See also Appendix D and Appendix E for representations of
mental illness in television and advertising, respectively.) Such characters have no identity outside of
their stereotypical “crazy” behaviour, and are primarily identified by an inferred mental illness. When
mental illness or behaviours commonly associated with mental illness are presented as a character’s
main personality traits, to the exclusion of any other characteristics, the illness or behaviour becomes the
only way of defining that person and the main point of the story (Day & Page, 1986, cited in Olstead,

2002). In such a one-dimensional depiction, people with mental illness become less than fully human:
the mental illness becomes an enveloping identity.
Violence and Criminality in Entertainment Media

Over the past four decades, the most common depictions of mental illness in the popular media have
involved mentally ill people who are violent and criminal (Cutcliffe & Hannigan, 2001; Olstead, 2002
[citing Day & Page, 1986; Nunnally, 1961]; Wahl & Roth, 1982; Wilson et al., 1999). Rose (1998)
argues that psychosis is portrayed on television, as well as generally in the media, as an unclassifiable
experience, and one that poses a threat. Mental illness is depicted as resisting clear meaning, and thus as
incomprehensible, unpredictable, and unstable. Simultaneously, the recurring theme of extreme violence
at the hands of mentally ill characters is the norm in mass media portrayals. Thus, asserts Rose, mental
illness threatens common assumptions and behaviours in that people with psychiatric diagnoses (or
those assumed to be mentally ill) are generally portrayed as unsafe, dangerous, and violent.
Violence and Criminality in News Media

Rose (1998) found that nearly two-thirds of all news stories examined involving those with psychiatric
diagnoses could be classified as “crime news.” Yet when news on the whole was examined, only 10% of
stories were “crime news,” with the other 90% of stories revolving around issues unrelated to crime or
violence, such as politics, entertainment, and health. Thus it is not that news overall is dominated by
stories about crime (as indicated by the fact that the majority of news stories focus on other topics), but
rather that news stories featuring people with mental health problems are overwhelmingly given this
specific and negative focus.
Simple-Minded and Childlike Portrayals in Entertainment Media

In an analysis of prime-time TV drama, Wilson et al. (1999) found that 43% of mentally ill characters
lacked comprehension of everyday adult roles and appeared lost and confused. Characters typically
spoke with grammatically simple language, in a childish voice, and were depicted as helpless and
dishevelled. They were almost always poor and/or homeless and were being held by police for a crime
about which they had little recall or understanding of having committed.
Social Outcast and Drain on Society in Entertainment Media

On television and in film, as well as in news reporting, there is an emphasis on people with mental
illness as separate from the general fabric of society. They are often portrayed as unemployed, homeless,
and without family or friends, roots or history. Olstead (2002) describes this as “lacking in markers of
social identity” (p. 625), and argues that representing people with mental illness in this one-dimensional
light supports a depiction of such individuals as subhuman. When mental illness is presented as an
individual’s only characteristic, that person becomes defined by the illness in totality, thus becoming
inherently different from others. The common association of mental illness and homelessness, without a
broader discussion of the systemic issues that lead to homelessness, perpetuates the impression that most
people with mental illness are dependent on others. This view maintains the idea that individuals with a
psychiatric diagnosis are incapable of being productive members of society and are a drain on
community resources (Day & Page, 1986, cited in Olstead, 2002).
In their previously mentioned analysis of prime-time TV dramas, Wilson et al. (1999) concluded
that 67% of mentally ill characters depicted were seen to be unproductive failures. The point was
illustrated by a lack of employment, ineffective or nonexistent interactions with family and friends, and
by living alone in either dilapidated apartments, or on the streets. Fifty-five per cent of these characters

were also portrayed as being totally asocial, lacking close relatives or friends and without any positive
relationships within the community. They were, in fact, seen to live on the fringe of the community—at
best, an inconvenience to those living nearby and at worst, a danger to them.
Victim to Victimizer in Entertainment Media

Wilson et al. (1999) found in their analysis of prime-time TV dramas that 55% of characters with mental
illness were portrayed as helpless, unable to control their lives, and dictated to by the will of others.
These characters were commonly subjected to harassment, false accusations, manipulation, or exclusion
due to their mental illness. Although originally shown as victims of verbal and/or physical abuse, when
pushed “too far,” they became dangerously aggressive and even violent, thus shifting from the victim to
the victimizer.
Depictions of Practitioners, Treatments, and Facilities

Entrenched prejudices against those with mental illnesses are often aided by negative and stereotypical
images of psychiatrists, psychologists, mental health treatments, and mental health facilities. Guimón
(cited in Freeman et al., 2001) asserts that the media present inaccurate and unflattering stereotypes of
the psychiatric profession that misinform the public and undermine the credibility of mental health care
practitioners.
Citing Glen Gabbard, author of Psychiatry and the Cinema, Grinfeld (1998) adds that since the
mid-1960s, only three films portrayed therapists sympathetically (Good Will Hunting, 1997; Ordinary
People, 1980; and I Never Promised You a Rose Garden, 1977). In every other instance, mental health
practitioners were portrayed in one or more of the following ways: neurotic, unable to maintain
professional boundaries, drug- or alcohol-addicted, rigid, controlling, ineffectual, mentally ill
themselves, comically inept, uncaring, self-absorbed, having ulterior motives, easily tricked and
manipulated, foolish, and idiotic. Such portrayals reinforce the idea that helping others is an unworthy
vocation requiring little skill or expertise.
In the United States, fewer than 50% of those who experience mental disorders seek treatment
(U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services, 1999); in Canada, this figure is less than 33% (Centre for
Addiction and Mental Health, 2002). Depictions of mental health practitioners as exploitative, mentally
unstable, and unethical may do irreparable harm to people who are already hesitant to seek treatment, by
making the prospect of getting help appear frightening and the help itself appear likely to be ineffective
(Freeman et al., 2001; Healthweek, 2003).
Sympathetic but Inaccurate Representations

Negative and inaccurate stereotypes do the most damage. But positive, yet inaccurate depictions can also
be harmful. In such cases, although the character may be presented in a sympathetic way, the inaccurate
depiction does nothing to further the public’s education. Instead, it hinders their understanding of mental
illness and of people living with psychiatric diagnoses.
In his book Media Madness: Public Images of Mental Illness, Wahl (1995) states that inaccurate
information in the media about mental illness (even if the portrayal of the character is positive) results in
misunderstandings regarding various mental illnesses and can have considerable practical consequences.
Inaccurate depictions of, for example, schizophrenia (which is often confused in the media with multiple
personality disorder) can lead to false beliefs, confusion, conflict, and a delay in receiving treatment.
Family members whose relative does not exhibit symptoms similar to what they’ve seen portrayed in the
media (symptoms that they believe to be a true representation of schizophrenia) may be confused and
may lose confidence in the diagnosing clinician. The ability of family members and of the ill individual

to recognize the onset of schizophrenia may be hindered by their misunderstanding of the true
symptoms. Frustration and discord can result in a false perception that behaviours due to schizophrenia
are in fact unrelated to the illness, and therefore without a reasonable cause (Wahl, 1995).
Class Differences in News Media Reporting

Olstead (2002) examined Canadian newspaper stories and analyzed representations of mental illness as
they relate to violence and class. He found that when the subject was a middle-class person, only 14% of
the stories reported details of the behaviours of the person with the mental illness. Rather, the focus was
on their high-status occupations, their affiliations with prominent and/or influential families, and their
socio-economic privilege. This is in contrast to the reporting style when the subject is poor and has a
mental illness. In such cases, 62% of the articles emphasized poverty as a significant factor both in the
mental illness and in the behaviours of the mentally ill individual. Of these articles, 89% went into detail
describing the behaviours of the person with the mental illness, highlighting in particular incidents of
criminality, violence, and dangerousness, as well as focusing on homelessness, panhandling, and the use
of soup kitchens and shelters. These more common ways of reporting about mental illness leave the
reader to surmise a link between mental illness, violence, criminality, and poverty, thus creating distance
between the reader and the person with mental illness. By emphasizing what poor people do
(behaviours) versus what middle-class people feel (emotions), such reporting encourages readers to
identify and therefore sympathize with only a certain segment of the population.
This differentiation is furthered by the reporting of and emphasis on specific diagnoses as they
are connected to people based on their income level. In 77% of the articles studied by Olstead featuring
middle-class persons, the diagnosis named was depression. These stories depicted depression as a
disease that imposed itself on the ill person. Conversely, 48% of the articles about poor people
highlighted a diagnosis of schizophrenia. In these stories, the illness (also seen to be related to poverty)
was portrayed as imposing itself not on the person, but on the larger society. This manner of framing
mental illness and class distinctions is a way of establishing a context in which the mentally ill person
can be seen as either part of, or apart from, society. Consequently, those people whose experiences are
not understood or empathized with (poor people) are more likely to be seen as “other,” and thus to be
isolated and ridiculed (Olstead, 2002). This stance further contributes to a sense that mental illness
happens to other people. Consequently, if people in power understand mental illness to be an illness that
strikes only disenfranchised peoples, it will continue to be viewed as something that affects only a small
minority of other people, and that therefore is not noteworthy enough to warrant appropriate levels of
funding for research, treatment facilities, and community resources (Wahl, 1995).
General Classifications of Mental Illnesses

Specific diagnoses of mental illness are commonly omitted when the media present a description of an
individual or fictional character. Rather, people are described in broad strokes as being a “psychiatric
patient,” “mentally ill,” or just “crazy.” It has been argued that in the absence of a clear diagnosis,
audiences are left to generalize from one particular description of behaviours to all people with mental
illness (Coverdale et al., 2002; Wilson et al., 1999). The likelihood of such generalization is high, based
on the general public’s pre-existing views on mental illness and the ways in which the media usually
depict people with mental illness. Coverdale et al. (2002) claim that such generalizations, and
subsequent stigmatization, can be diminished through an illustration of specific psychiatric diagnoses, as
well as by ensuring the relevance of such diagnoses to a reported incident. If a clear and specific
diagnosis is not available, journalists and reporters should limit themselves to describing behaviours
without implying that mental illness is the cause. There are a number of reasons why a person might be

acting in a bizarre manner that do not include mental illness: for example, someone with a substance
abuse problem or someone who is suffering from extremely low blood sugar may exhibit behaviours
that are erratic and unpredictable—and yet neither necessarily has a mental illness. One cannot presume
that unusual behaviour is an indicator of mental illness. Most importantly, if a person does indeed have a
mental illness, this should be reported in an accurate fashion and only when directly relevant to the
story.
Negative Media Portrayals and the Public’s Negative Attitudes
The few acts of violence committed by people with a mental illness are generally directed at family
members, not strangers (Arboleda-Flórez et al., 1996). But media depictions of persons with a mental
illness attacking a stranger shape public opinion. The saliency of such high-profile crimes, despite their
infrequency, makes it appear as though violent crimes committed by individuals with a psychiatric
diagnosis are common and that the general public has reason to fear people with mental illness.
In the United Kingdom, a 1996 Department of Health study found that news and entertainment
media representations of mental illness have a negative effect on public perception (Rose, 1998).
Another study, by the Glasgow University Media Group, confirmed the belief that people who saw a
strong link between mental illness and violence derived their beliefs largely from the media (Philo,
1993). Research from around the world has found that the way in which news media cover a story and
the way in which entertainment media tell a story in effect become the story. In other words, the actual
events take a back seat to the underlying messages about mental illness, and in particular, messages
about violence and unpredictability.
The media’s representation of people with mental illness as violent, dangerous, and
unpredictable has resulted in the “mentally ill suffering societal scorn and discrimination” (Corrigan,
1998, p. 201, cited in Hottentot, 2000). Mistaken and negative depictions perpetuate the public’s
damning image of people with mental illness and sustain continued intolerance and oppression. Such
erroneous and negative associations are woven so thoroughly into the fabric of the public consciousness
that sensationalism need no longer occur for the public to equate mental illness with dangerousness
(Allen & Nairn, 1997, cited in Hottentot, 2000).
The Impact of Negative Media Portrayals on People with Mental Illness
A report by Mind, a U.K. mental health charity, asserts that negative media coverage has a direct and
harmful impact on the lives of people with mental illness. Mind surveyed 515 people suffering from a
range of disorders about their feelings regarding media coverage of mental illness. Half of the
respondents said that the media coverage had a negative effect on their own mental health, and 34% said
this led directly to an increase in their depression and anxiety. A total of 22% of the participants said
they felt more withdrawn and isolated as a result of negative media coverage, and 8% said that such
press coverage made them feel suicidal. Almost 25% of respondents said that they noticed hostile
behaviour from their neighbours due to negative newspaper and television reports. A further 11% said
they required additional support from mental health services due to negative press coverage, and almost
25% of all respondents said that they had changed their minds about applying for jobs or volunteer
positions due to negative media coverage (BBC News Online: Health, 2000).
Wahl argues that the stigma due to negative media coverage impedes recovery, triggers
discrimination, and creates barriers to seeking and finding decent housing, employment, and education
(cited in NAMI, Oct. 2001). “People with mental illness are also readers and viewers of those [negative]

images; they are shamed by them and they’re embarrassed by them,” said Wahl in an interview in
Psychiatric Times. “They’re aware that they are depicted in negative ways and it damages their self-
esteem, it damages their confidence, and it increases their likelihood that they won’t tell anyone about
their illnesses. So they’re not going to seek treatment” (Grinfeld, 1998).
Wahl (1995) states that negative images in the mass media influence not only the general public,
but also health care professionals. He points out that although practitioners are trained, they are
subjected to and influenced by the same misconceptions and negative imagery as the public. This
influence can lead health care practitioners to approach, and thus potentially treat, mentally ill patients
with the same negative attitudes portrayed by the media and accepted by the general public.
Negative Media Portrayals and Government Responses
A 1996 U.K. Department of Health study (cited in Rose, 1998) concluded that a link exists between
negative media representations of mental illness and related social policies. If the public believes that
those with a psychiatric diagnosis are either violent or victimized—and in either case, unable to care for
themselves—government policies will reflect this attitude. Consequently, policy-makers will look more
toward containment and control than toward recovery and community living. If public perception of
mental illness is based on negative and false imagery perpetuated by the media, governments will react
to these false realities rather than to the true needs of people with mental illnesses.
In addition, a world view that upholds false and negative stereotypes of people with mental
illness leads to an increased level of fear in the community, which in turn translates to less support for
community care and for individual human rights. This can result in increased legislation allowing, and
social support for, forced treatment and hospitalization, as well as increased police power, as the public
has been frightened into believing that they are at risk of violence from those with mental illness living
in the community (Rose, 1998). Rather than supporting and welcoming diversity in the community, “it
[is] not an exaggeration to say that mental health policy is now motivated by the desire to deal with risky
individuals and to assuage the public disquiet” (Rose, 1998, p. 225).
Cutcliffe and Hannigan (2001) report that since the mid-1990s in the United Kingdom, mental
health policy has taken on an “increasingly coercive appearance” (p. 315). They point to recent
government proposals to tighten the English and Welsh Mental Health Act. They claim that there is an
implicit relationship between negative and inaccurate representations of mental illness in the mass media
and the development of current mental health policies and law in the United Kingdom. Holloway (1996,
cited in Cutcliffe & Hannigan, 2001) also found that a more controlling mental health policy framework
emerged in the 1990s due, in part, to a media-fuelled “moral panic”)—a public feeling of fright and a
belief that people with mental illness are morally deficient and thus a danger to society. Cutcliffe and
Hannigan (2001) state that “the shift towards a coercive policy has, in part at least, much to do with the
Government’s attempts to pander to inaccurate public perceptions, reactions, and intolerance.
Furthermore…the public may have been ‘whipped up’ into this position of intolerance as a result of
misleading, inaccurate mass representations of mental illness and mental health issues” (p. 318).
In a study of Canadian newspapers, Olstead (2002) concluded that in the current climate of cuts
to health care, a belief that the mentally ill are inherently violent dictates that scarce resources should be
used to safeguard the public, as opposed to filling the gaps in psychiatric and community mental health
services.

Examples of Positive Portrayals
The National Alliance for the Mentally Ill (NAMI) produces an Internet newsletter titled StigmaBusters
that reports on the mass media’s portrayals of mental illness. When positive depictions of mental illness
are noticed, they are highlighted. One example was the September 2001 issue of Rosie magazine, which
focused on depression. Rosie O’Donnell openly discussed her personal struggle, and other prominent
people who have successfully battled depression were also featured, including Rosemary Clooney and
Mary Wallace (wife of CBS correspondent Mike Wallace, who himself has suffered from depression—
NARSAD, 2003). The story accurately informed the public and discussed the importance of ending
stigma and discrimination (NAMI, Aug. 2001).
According to Wahl (cited in Healthweek, 2003), another example of a positive portrayal is the
1997 film As Good as It Gets, starring Jack Nicholson. In this film, Nicholson plays a romantic lead who
has obsessive-compulsive disorder. The film accurately portrays the symptoms of this disorder and, even
more encouragingly, shows the character, with the assistance of therapy and medication, winning the
woman of his dreams and learning to live with and control his illness.
A third example is the television series Monk, which debuted in 2002. Its main character, a
private detective named Adrian Monk, played by Tony Shalhoub, struggles with severe anxiety and
obsessive-compulsive symptoms triggered by the unsolved murder of his wife. Because of his mental
illness, Monk has been laid off from the San Francisco police department. But due to his skill as a
detective, he remains several steps ahead of his former colleagues and continues to solve cases. NAMI
reports that Shalhoub’s “portrayal of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) is realistic and respectful”
(NAMI, July 2002).
Conclusion
There is a complex relationship between mass media depictions of mental illness and the public’s
understanding. McKeown and Clancy (1995, cited in Cutcliffe & Hannigan, 2001) state that this link is
circular: negative media images promote negative attitudes, and ensuing media coverage feeds off an
already negative public perception. The media must play a role in changing such negative perceptions.
In the past, people with physical disabilities were depicted in the media only when the story was
about their disability. Today, it is becoming more common to see television characters whose physical
disability has nothing to do with the storyline (for example, Dr. Weaver in ER and Doris in The Young
and the Restless): they are characters like any other, and their disability is not significant to the story.
This is far from the case with mental illness. In popular media, mental illness is most commonly
portrayed as deviant and dangerous, and is also frequently the only noteworthy trait about the character.
For change to occur, accurate and positive messages and stories about mental illness and people
living with psychiatric diagnoses must become more commonplace. Thornton and Wahl (1996) found
that the influence of newspaper articles on people’s attitudes toward mental illness was more positive
when study participants had received accurate supplementary information, indicating that change in the
mass media’s depictions can produce change in public perceptions.
NAMI’s StigmaBusters newsletter has been responsible, through public letter-writing campaigns,
for successfully removing offensive ads from television and radio, and more importantly, for educating
media advertisers, producers, and writers about the impact of their negative and inaccurate depictions on
people with mental illness (for several examples, see NAMI, June 2001, #2, and March 2002). It is
essential that people working in the mental health field combat negative media portrayals and encourage
public education programs. The myth regarding the inherent connection between violence and mental

illness must be revealed, and accurate information must be disseminated to the public through the media.
It is vital to highlight stories of successful recovery. Such stories of resilience and hope, if presented
properly, can both educate and entertain audiences. Ultimately, the struggle of advocates for more
accurate and positive representation of mental illness and of the mentally ill in the mass media is
analogous to the struggles of other minority and disenfranchised groups. Wahl (1995) sums it up best
when he says, “the civil rights movement offers one big lesson, speak up.”

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Appendix A
The Portrayal of Mental Health and Illness in the Media: Table of Key Studies
(Source: Francis, Pirkis, Dunt, and Blood, 2001, pp. 24–27)
Investigators Content Type Study Type Country Method Key Findings

Ward (1997) News media: Descriptive United Content analysis of all mental - Almost half of the coverage related to
newspapers Kingdom health-related items from the violence and crime, and the majority of
UK print media throughout this was negative.
1996 (1035 items in total) - Negative items were given greater
prominence than positive items.
Philo et al (1996) News media and Descriptive United Content analysis of a one- - The majority of items related to
entertainment Kingdom month sample (April 1993) of violence, and this was generally
media: UK print and television items presented using negative and inaccurate
newspapers, related to mental health images.
periodicals and - Very few positive themes were
television presented.
- Negative items were given greater
Day and Page News media: Descriptive Canada Content analysis of 103 - The tone of items was negative overall.
(1986) newspapers newspaper articles selected - Very few statements (18 per
randomly from Canadian print cent) were positive.
media from 1977 to 1984 - Negative items were given greater
Matas et al (1986) News media: Descriptive Canada Content analysis of 90 - Most of the coverage was average or
newspapers randomly selected articles less than average on the rating scale.
from two Canadian - There were few differences in
newspapers from 1961 to 1981 coverage over time.
- Items relating to criminal issues were
generally rated as positive.


Wahl (1996) News media: Descriptive United Quantitative analysis of all - Coverage of schizophrenia was
newspapers States items relating to schizophrenia uncommon.
from three newspapers from - One-quarter of all items were related
1989 to 1994 (101 items in to controversial issues.
total) - Ten per cent of items were related to
criminal issues.
Hazelton (1997) News media: Descriptive Australia Discourse analysis of mental - The negative theme of disorder, crisis
newspapers health-related and risk was predominant.
items from two Australian
newspapers throughout
1994 (490 items in total)
Allen and Nairn News media: Descriptive New Discourse analysis of 12 - Mental illness was portrayed
(1997) newspapers Zealand newspaper items from a negatively, as a danger and a threat to
special report on mental illness the community.
from one New Zealand
newspaper. Analysis focused
on the category of
dangerousness.
Nairn (1999) News media: Descriptive New Follow-up study involving - Depiction of mental illness promoted
newspapers Zealand discourse analysis of seven negative stereotypes.
items from previous study of
one New Zealand newspaper
Meagher et al. News media: Descriptive Ireland Content analysis of 380 mental - Portrayal of mental illness was neutral
(1995) newspapers health-related items from or positive overall.
selected Irish newspapers from - More than one-third of items related to
July to December 1993 criminal issues.
Wahl and Kaye News media: Descriptive United Quantitative analysis of all - There was an increase in the number of
(1992) periodicals States mental health-related articles mental health-related items over time.
from popular periodicals from - There were indications of positive
1965, 1970, 1980 and 1988 changes in the portrayal of mental health
issues over time.


Wahl et al. (1995) News media: Descriptive United Content analysis of all articles - Very few items related to
periodicals States related to schizophrenia from schizophrenia, with no increase over
popular periodicals from 1964 time.
to 1992 (even-numbered years - The presentation of information was
only, 137 items in total). generally accurate.
Wahl (2000) News media: Descriptive United Content analysis of all articles
- Very few items related to OCD.
periodicals States related to OCD in popular - The presentation of information was
periodicals from 1983 to 1997 generally accurate.
(107 items in total) - Many articles about violence and
crime were inaccurately classified as
relating to OCD.
Wilson et al. Entertainment Descriptive New Discourse analysis of 14 - The depiction of mental illness was
(1999b) media: television Zealand television drama programs negative overall.
relating to mental illness - Mental illness was generally
associated with crime.
Wilson et al. Entertainment Descriptive New Case study of one television - Mental illness was strongly associated
(1999a) media: television Zealand drama program using discourse with violence and dangerousness in this
analysis example.
Wilson et al. Entertainment Descriptive New Discourse analysis of a one- - Almost half the programs portrayed
(2000) media: television Zealand week sample of 128 children's mental illness.
television programs - Portrayal of mental illness was
generally negative.
Diefenbach Entertainment Descriptive United Content analysis of all prime- - Almost one-third of programs
(1997) media: television States time programs from four portrayed mental illness.
television networks over a - Thirty per cent of characters with
two-week period (184 mental illness were associated with
programs in total). violence and negative images.
Signorielli (1989) Entertainment Descriptive United Content analysis of 1215 - The portrayal of mental illness was
media: television States prime-time drama programs generally negative.
selected from week-long - Mental illness was associated with
samples from 1969 to 1985 violence.


Rose (1998) Entertainment Descriptive United Content analysis of prime-time - Only four per cent of programs
media and news Kingdom programs from two television portrayed mental illness.
media: television networks over an eight-week - The most frequent themes relating to
period in 1992 (147 hours in mental illness were danger and violence.
total)
Hyler et al. Entertainment Descriptive United Description of selected films - A number of stereotypes of mental
(1991) media: film States related to mental health issues illness were presented in many different
films.
Beveridge (1996) Entertainment Descriptive United Description of selected Walt - Mental illness was depicted as
media: film States Disney films unusual behaviour, and
associated with dangerousness.
Rosen et al. Entertainment Descriptive Australia Description of 21 mental - Recent films depicted mental illness
(1997) media: film health-related films from more positively.
Australia and New Zealand - Negative stereotypes of mental illness
persist in certain films.
Rosen and Walter Entertainment Descriptive Australia Case study of the Australian - Negative stereotypes of mental illness
(2000) media: film film Shine. were depicted in the film.
Bokey et al. Entertainment Descriptive Australia Quantitative analysis of 94 - The majority of texts (69 per cent)
(2000) media: literature books selected from referred to mental illness.
contemporary Australian - The portrayal of mental health issues
adolescent literature. was generally negative.

Appendix B: The Impact of Media Portrayal on Community Attitudes to Mental Illness: Table of Key Studies
(Source: Francis, Pirkis, Dunt, and Blood, 2001, pp. 41–43)

Nunnally (1957) Sources of Cross-sectional United Survey of 1000 participants, - Media portrayal of mental illness
community survey States including the general public and was different from both public and
attitudes mental health professionals, about expert attitudes to mental illness.
attitudes to mental illness, and
comparison with content of mental
health-related media items
Granello et al. Sources of Cross-sectional United Survey of 102 university students - The media were an important
(1999) community survey States using CAMI questionnaire source of information about mental
attitudes health issues.
- Individuals citing the electronic
media as their primary source of
information had less tolerant
attitudes towards people with mental
illness.
Granello et al. Sources of Cross-sectional United Survey of 183 university students - Greater levels of television
(2000) community survey States on sources of information about viewing were associated with less
attitudes mental health issues, and analysis tolerant attitudes towards people
of CAMI questionnaires scores for with mental illness.
53 participants citing television as
their primary information source
Lopez (1991) Sources of Cross-sectional United Survey of 92 high-school students - The mass media were the most
community survey States using the OMI and VMHP important source of information
attitudes questionnaires about mental illness.
- Education about mental illness was
associated with more positive
attitudes towards people with mental
illness.


Steadman and Sources of Cross-sectional United Survey of 447 randomly selected - Public attitudes towards the
Cocozza (1977) community survey States households about attitudes towards criminally insane were more
attitudes the criminally insane and mental negative than those towards mental
patients patients.
- The criminally insane were
equated with depictions of
murderers reported by media.
Benkert et al. Sources of Cross-sectional Germany Survey of 2176 participants about - The media were the most important
(1997) community survey knowledge of psychotropic drugs source of information about mental
attitudes and information sources for mental illness.
health issues - Negative media reports were more
commonly recalled than positive
reports.
Angermeyer and Sources of Longitudinal Germany Six population surveys carried out - Levels of rejection of people with
Matschinger community survey from 1990 to 1992, during which schizophrenia were found to
(1996) attitudes period two violent attacks by increase immediately following the
people with a mental illness were two widely reported attacks.
reported by the media - Scheff's hypothesis that selective
media reporting reinforces
stereotypes of mental illness was
found to be supported.
Philo (1996) Sources of Focus group United Six focus groups of randomly - The media were an important
community Kingdom selected participants discussed influence on attitudes to mental
attitudes beliefs about mental illness and illness.
sources of beliefs. - Negative media images of mental
illness may overcome positive
personal experiences.


Domino (1983) Impact of media Prospective United 146 participants self-selected into - Participants who viewed the
messages States intervention and control groups. intervention film developed less
Intervention group chose to view positive attitudes to mental illness.
the film One Flew over the - Viewing the more positive,
Cuckoo’s Nest. Randomly selected explanatory film did not alter
participants shown explanatory attitudes.
documentary film.
Wahl and Impact of media Prospective United Three groups of participants - Participants who viewed the
Lefkowits (1989) messages States viewed either intervention film intervention film developed less
with negative depiction of mental positive attitudes to mental illness.
illness, intervention film and - Viewing the explanatory trailer did
explanatory trailer, or control film. not alter the development of
negative attitudes.
Thornton and Impact of media Prospective United Three groups of participants given - Participants receiving the
Wahl (1996) messages States a stigmatising newspaper article intervention newspaper article
with or without an explanatory developed more negative attitudes to
article about mental illness. mental illness.
Separate control group given - Receiving explanatory information
control newspaper articles. reduced the effects of the
intervention article.
Sancho-Aldridge Impact of media Retrospective United Survey of 2815 participants on - The study did not find evidence of
and Gunter messages Kingdom response to nationwide screening negative effects on community
(1994) of television drama series about beliefs about mental illness as a
psychiatry result of the television program.

Appendix C: Representations of Mental Illness in Film
Schneider (2003) developed the categories used here. Examples have been gathered from that source
and several others: Byrne, 2001; Grinfeld, 1998; Healthweek, 2003; NAMI, Dec. 21, 2001; NAMI., Oct.
31, 2001; Wahl, 1995.
; Positive and accurate representation

9 Positive but inaccurate representation
× Negative and inaccurate representation
Rebellious free spirit

9 K-Pax (2001)
9 Shine (1996)
× Lunatics: A Love Story (1992)
× The Dream Team (1989)
× Nuts (1987)
× Down and Out in Beverly Hills (1986)
× One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest (1975)
Homicidal maniac: most slasher/horror films, including the following examples

× Hannibal (2001)
× Dark Asylum (2001)
× American Psycho (2000)
× Freak (1999)
× Kiss the Girls (1997)
× Seven (1995)
× Silence of the Lambs (1991)
× Psycho (1960)
Seductress (most often violent as well)

× Swimfan (2002)
× Poison Ivy I, II, and III (1992, 1995, 1997)
× The Hand That Rocks the Cradle (1992)
× Fatal Attraction (1987)
× Dressed to Kill (1980)
× Lilith (1964)
× The Three Faces of Eve (1957)
Enlightened member of society

9 A Beautiful Mind (2001)
9 Shine (1996)
9 A Fine Madness (1966)

Narcissistic parasite
× Analyze That (2002) and Analyze This (1999)
× What About Bob? (1991)
Comedic relief
× Bandits (2001)
× Me, Myself and Irene (2000)
× Something about Mary (1998)
Mad scientist
× The Animal (2001)
× Back to the Future I, II, III (1985, 1989, 1990)
× Young Frankenstein (1974)
Sly manipulator
× The Cable Guy (2001)
× The Deceiver (1998)
Victimized/helpless/depressed female
× Crazy/Beautiful (2001)
× Don’t Say a Word (2001)
× Girl, Interrupted (1999)
× Sybil (1977)
Portrayals of mental health practitioners/facilities/treatments

× Anger Management (2003)
9 Good Will Hunting (1997)
× Asylum (1996)
× Disturbed (1990)
× The Couch Trip (1988)
; Ordinary People(1980)
; I Never Promised You a Rose Garden (1977)
× High Anxiety (1977)
× One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest (1975)
× A Fine Madness (1966)

Appendix D: Representations of Mental Illness in Television
; Positive and accurate representation

× Negative and inaccurate representation
The Practice, ABC, 2003

; A realistic story about a woman with schizophrenia whose plea of not guilty by reason of
insanity (NGRI) fails, and who is ordered to be medicated so she will be “competent” for execution
(NAMI, April–May, 2003).
The Practice, ABC, April 7, 2003

× A woman with bipolar disorder kidnaps the CBS-TV network president and holds him hostage,
threatening to kill him on national television. This episode reinforces the worst stereotypes of people
with mental illnesses and mocks the justice of NGRI verdicts (NAMI, April–May, 2003).
CSI, CBS, January 9, 2003

× A father sedates his adult daughter, who has refused to take lithium for her bipolar disorder. He
cuts her wrist to stage a suicide attempt so he can have her committed; however, she bleeds to death.
The episode is full of inaccuracies about bipolar disorder, stigmatizing language, and negative and
false representations of bipolar disorder (NAMI, Jan. 2003).
As Told by Ginger, "Lunatic Lake," Nickelodeon, November 2002

× The opening minutes of this cartoon refer to a character with bipolar disorder as being “on the
loose,” “a lunatic,” and “emotionally unstable.” Throughout the episode, this “crazy” character is
shown barking like a dog, with rolling “crazy eyes” and talking incoherently (NAMI, March 2003).
ER, 2001
; Sally Field realistically portrayed Maggie Wycenski, a woman and mother struggling with
bipolar disorder in six episodes (NAMI, June 14, 2001).
Car Talk, NPR, Dec. 15, 2001

× Episode begins with a parody of Christmas carols trivializing and mocking symptoms of mental
illness (NAMI, Dec. 21, 2001).
Drew Carey Show, Season Finale, May 2001

× Episode shows Drew Carey locked up in a mental institute, heavily drugged and in a straitjacket
(NAMI, Aug. 2001).
Once and Again, 2000

; Excellent portrayal of a man with schizophrenia in an episode of this show (NAMI, Aug. 2001).
Following are a few examples of episodes from prime-time television series that aired between
1980 and 1989. Each involved mental illness. Episode descriptions appeared originally in the
television-guide section of the Washington Post, and were reprinted verbatim in Otto Wahl’s 1995
book, Media Madness: Public Images of Mental Illness. Specific air dates are not listed in Wahl.

× The A-Team: Following the crash of their plane in the Appalachians, the team members are
stalked by a crazed band of mountain men.
× Baywatch: A psychopathic murderer who has escaped from prison takes Stephanie and Summer
hostage in a lifeguard tower.
× Cheers: Diane fears she is being followed by a deranged actor.
; Coach: Despite his team’s important victory, Hayden remains depressed over his breakup with
Christine.
; Dear John: Club members help Mary Beth overcome depression after she loses her job.
× Doogie Howser, M.D.: On Christmas Eve, Doogie gets sidetracked by a schizoid patient who
thinks he’s Santa Claus.
× Hart to Hart: An insanely jealous woman murders those she believes stand between her and her
obsession—Jonathan.
× The Jeffersons: A comedy of errors lands George in a mental hospital where he almost goes
crazy trying to convince the staff he is sane.
× Miami Vice: A stripper with a dual personality goes on a killing spree.
× Night Court: A paralyzing snowstorm leaves Harry stranded in the courthouse with a group of
lunatics.
× Quantum Leap (season finale): In a mental institution, Sam undergoes electroshock therapy
which results in his having multiple personalities—from past leaps—and Al loses contact.
× Taxi: Latka’s girlfriend from the old country is bombarded by romantic overtures from both sides
of Latka’s split personality.
× Three’s Company: Jack and Janet mistake Terri’s co-worker for an escaped patient from the
psycho ward.
; 20/20: Patty Duke talks about her fight to recover from manic depression, her suicide attempts,
her family, and the drug lithium.

Appendix E: Representations of Mental Illness in Advertising
× Negative, inaccurate and/or insensitive representation
Dairy Queen, TV commercial, 2003

× A recent Dairy Queen television commercial featured talking cakes proclaiming “I hear voices”
about the words decorated on them.
SUCCESSFUL NAMI FOLLOW-UP: After Dairy Queen’s communications director spoke to a
NAMI representative by phone, he acknowledged that other complaints regarding this commercial
had been received. The commercial was withdrawn, with a promise to keep a closer watch on
advertisements developed by their ad agency (NAMI, March 2003).
Wendy’s, TV commercial, 2002

× Wendy's has recently re-aired its television commercial depicting a small support group session
with the leader calling on the members to report. The last person announces that he bought
Wendy's Classic Double with Cheese and says: "Call me crazy but it felt great!" (NAMI, Nov.
2002).
Smith & Wollensky Restaurant Group (SWRG), Newspaper ad, May-June 2002
× The Smith & Wollensky Restaurant Group (SWRG) ran full-page ads in the New York Times for
the Park Avenue Café (located in New York and Chicago), portraying executive chef, David
Burke, wearing a straightjacket over the slogan: "There's a fine line between genius and
madness."
SUCCESSFUL NAMI FOLLOW-UP: The ads ultimately were discontinued in response to protests
and the newspaper's assessment that the ad violated its own standards. (NAMI, Aug. 2002).
Nissan, magazine ad, 2002

× A recent ad for the Nissan Altima had the slogan "Known to Cause Obsessive Compulsive
Behavior." This ad appeared in numerous magazines including, Fitness and Oprah.
SUCCESSFUL NAMI FOLLOW-UP: After NAMI contact, Nissan pulled the ad and promised it
will not be seen again in the future (NAMI, March 2002).
Sunny Delight, TV commercial, 2002

× A commercial for Sunny Delight aimed at children, depicted a bottle of Sunny Delight in a
straight jacket.
SUCCESSFUL NAMI FOLLOW-UP: After a phone conversation with NAMI, Proctor and Gamble
agreed to withdraw the commercial six months earlier than scheduled (NAMI, March 2002).
Sit n’ Sleep (U.S. mattress company), radio commercial, 2001

× A commercial featured someone selling a “used straightjacket” upon discharge from the
“nuthouse” (NAMI, Oct. 15, 2001).

Toshiba, TV commercial, 2001

× Commercial was set in a hospital ward, with a patient attempting to make photocopies in a
cardboard box, using a slot to send out paper (NAMI, Oct. 15, 2001).
Sprint PCS Phone, TV commercial, 2001

× Based on a scene from One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest, where patients line up to receive their
medication at a nurses' station. In this commercial, instead of medication, the nurses hand
patients a Sprint PCS phone, and a Sprint spokesman runs in and announces "You are free!"
Then the patients, as a chorus, wave their Sprint phones and sing "Freedom!"
SUCCESSFUL NAMI FOLLOW-UP: Within two weeks of NAMI phone and email contact, Sprint
wrote NAMI a letter apologizing for any offence, and assuring the discontinuation of this TV
commercial just as soon as possible. This commercial was quickly taken off the air (NAMI, June
2001, #2).
Star 94 FM (leading Atlanta radio station), billboard ad, 2001

× Billboard campaign spotlighting the radio show’s "morning-ride-talent", who are all depicted in
strait jackets with the slogan, "We are committed to having fun."
SUCCESSFUL FOLLOW-UP: A group of Georgia consumers organized campaign and were
successful in convincing the Vice President/General Manager of the radio station to remove the
billboards (NAMI, June 2001, #2).
Eastman Kodak, magazine ad, June 2001

× The ad depicts a camera tied up and in a padded cell, alongside the quotations, "I'm a video
camera," "No, I'm a digital camera," "No, an MP3 Player." "Shut up, I'm a video camera."
Underneath the picture a slogan reads: "Introducing the multiple-personality mc3. One minute,
it's a normal, full-featured MP3 player. But, flip its switch, and you have one hip digital video
camera in your hand." and "The new Kodak mc3. It's crazy!"
SUCCESSFUL NAMI FOLLOW-UP: After being contacted by NAMI, Eastman Kodak apologized
for any insult the advertisement caused, and vowed not to run the ad after July 2001 (NAMI, June
2001, #2).
Frasier, NBC promotional ad, 1999

× Picture of actor Kelsey Grammer tightly bound in a straightjacket, with the tagline, “You don’t
have to be crazy to be crazy about Frasier.” (Matisoff-Li, 1999).

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Mass Media and Mental Illness:

Prepared by Dara Roth Edney, MSW

Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario

Mass Media and Mental Illness

Mass Media and Mental Illness: A Literature Review

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

The Mass Media as a Primary Source of Public Information on Mental Illness

Popular Sources of Information about Mental Illness

TV newsmagazine shows 70%

News magazines 34%

TV talk shows 31%

Radio news 26%

Other magazines 26%

Non-fiction books 25%

Talk shows on radio 18%

Women’s magazines 18%

Negative Images and Stereotypes in News Media

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Negative Images and Stereotypes in Entertainment Media

Commonly Depicted Stereotypes and Images of Mental Illness

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Violence and Criminality in Entertainment Media

Violence and Criminality in News Media

Simple-Minded and Childlike Portrayals in Entertainment Media

Social Outcast and Drain on Society in Entertainment Media

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Victim to Victimizer in Entertainment Media

Depictions of Practitioners, Treatments, and Facilities

Sympathetic but Inaccurate Representations

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Class Differences in News Media Reporting

General Classifications of Mental Illnesses

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Negative Media Portrayals and the Public’s Negative Attitudes

The Impact of Negative Media Portrayals on People with Mental Illness

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Negative Media Portrayals and Government Responses

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Examples of Positive Portrayals

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Diefenbach, D. L. (1997). The portrayal of mental illness on prime-time television. Journal of

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

NAMI. (January, 2003). CSI: Criminal Stigma. NAMI Stigmabusters Alert.

NAMI. (March, 2003). Kudos to Dairy Queen. NAMI Stigmabusters Alert.

NAMI. (April–May, 2003). Protest The Practice. NAMI Stigmabusters Alert.

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Investigators Content Type Study Type Country Method Key Findings

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Investigators Content Type Study Type Country Method Key Findings

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Investigators Content Type Study Type Country Method Key Findings

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Investigators Content Type Study Type Country Method Key Findings

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca

Investigators Content Type Study Type Country Method Key Findings

Copyright © 2004 Canadian Mental Health Association, Ontario www.ontario.cmha.ca