THE INVOLVEMENT OF MILF AGAINST THE PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT: AN

ANALYSIS

A Research Paper
Presented to
The Faculty of College of Arts and Sciences
Camarines Norte State College
Daet Camarines Norte

In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements in the Subject
History 105: Island of Southeast Asia

By:
Rosalinas, Maricar A.

.
BA HISTORY IIB

February , 2020
OUTLINE:

I. Introduction

II. History of Mindanao

III. Historical background of MILF

a) The Moros

b) The Conflict of Philippine Government

c) Local clan conflicts

d) Mindanao Conflict: In Search of Peace and Human Rights

e) Agreement with the MILF

f) Solidarity of Filipino People

IV. Conclusion

V. Reference
 Why does conflict occur and exist, especially in cases when the decisions involved are made

by careful and rational actors? The lack of unity it might cause of conflict? Multilateral

interaction where every potential agreement is blocked by some coalition of states or

constituencies who can derail it? There are several answers to this question. Given the

importance of the question, and the wide range of answers, it is essential to have a perspective on

the various sources of conflict. In this study we provide an analysis of them roots causes among

the government and other ethnic groups. In particular, we provide not just taxonomy of causes of

conflict, but also some insight into the necessity of and interrelation between different factors

that lead to war.

In terms of conflict in countries there are so many types that can affect our lives as well

as in our nation such as poverty, unemployment, ethnic group, lack of education, corruption,

judicial killing and war. The conflict in war of our country is caused by the natural forces of the

people or organization where great damages can bring in our whole nation and sometimes can

loss a hundred of lives because we cannot prevent this type of occurrences because of the

personal interests and their identity, but we can avoid the too much damages or reduce the

casualties when we have a unity, cooperation and specially the respect of everyone even though

we are have a different personalities and descent.

Let us offer a brief preview of the way in which we categorize causes of war. There are

two prerequisites for a war between (rational) actors. One is that the costs of war cannot be

overwhelmingly high. By that we mean that there must be some plausible situations in the eyes

of the decision makers such that the anticipated gains from a war in terms of resources, power,

glory, territory, and so forth exceed the expected costs of conflict, including expected damages to

property and life. Thus, for war to occur with rational actors, at least one of the sides involved
has to expect that the gains from the conflict will outweigh the costs incurred. Without this

prerequisite there can be lasting peace. Second, as cogently argued by Fearon (1995), there has to

be a failure in bargaining, so that for some reason there is an inability to reach a mutually

advantageous and enforceable agreement. The main tasks in understanding war between rational

actors are thus to see why bargaining fails and what incentives or circumstances might lead

countries to arm in ways such that the expected benefits from war outweigh the costs for at least

one of the sides.

History of Mindanao

According to Andaya, (2008) Southeast Asia consists of eleven countries and is

generally divided into “mainland” and “island” zones. Island or maritime Southeast Asia

includes Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines, Brunei, and the new nation of East

Timor (formerly part of Indonesia). In comparing these island nations, extensive diversity in all

aspects will be found. There are major differences in cultural, economic, and political dynamics,

and in the ethnic groups that make up the dominant majorities in each.

Beside these, some early peoples have been able to keep their own cultures over

thousands of years. At times there is conflict between different ethnic groups, values, beliefs,

symbols and presentations are as diverse as the ethnic plurality of the local and migrant

populations.

Mindanao’s was diverged early on from that of the rest of the Philippines simply because

of geography, and more specifically its proximity to centres of Arab influence. Islam was

introduced in the Sulu archipelago in the early 1300s, and was soon after brought to Cotabato

and the Lanao area. Afterwards, the region was united by the sultanate under a supreme council
and most of the population converted to Islam. When the Spaniards arrived in 1527, their

dominance was stymied by an already entrenched and semi-organized power, and they were only

able to establish outposts in northern Mindanao and Zamboanga.

Although many of the Philippine Islands suffered extensive damage in World War II,

Mindanao emerged relatively unscathed. As the chief frontier left in the difficult reconstruction

years, it was the object of government colonization projects. During the 1960s it experienced a

phenomenal population increase and very rapid development. These changes brought serious

problems. The native Moros, finding themselves outnumbered and in many cases pushed off

their lands, retaliated with terrorist activities. When the Philippine army attempted to restore

order, fierce fighting often resulted. In 1969 and the early 1970s several thousand people were

killed and hundreds of villages were burned.

Muslim missionaries and traders brought Islam to the islands of Southeast Asia in the

fourteenth century and converted indigenous tribes. When the Spanish colonized the Philippines,

they were unable to conquer and convert the Islamized sultanates in the southern islands. After

the Spanish American War of 1898, the U.S. purchased the Philippines, including the Moro

sultanates, from the Spanish. The Moros resisted U.S. colonial authority and were subdued by

the U.S. Army. Some Moro historians assert that they were incorporated into the Philippine

nation by U.S. colonial authorities.

According to Abuza, Z. (2005), The Moro Islamic Liberation Front was officially

formed in 1977 after breaking off from the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF),

which had been fighting the government since the 1960s. Hashim Salamat led the

break from the Moro National Liberation Front, which he believed had emphasized

Marxist-Maoist principles at the expense of Islamic principles. Under the leadership

of Salamat, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front was created with the objective of

liberating Mindanao and surrounding islands from the government and forming them

into an independent Islamic state in the southern Philippines.

In addition Brussels (2010) From the 1980s to 1990s, MILF gained power militarily and

socially, due to the secluded mountainous geography in the southern region of the Philippines. In

its areas of control, MILF created Islamic communities that reported to MILF’s own Islamic

governing and judicial system, thus in effect establishing a de facto Islamic community under the

weak rule of MNLF’s ARMM. MILF became the strongest representative for the Moros who

were disappointed with the weak conditions of ARMM.

According to the Article of Institute for the Study of Violent Groups, (2010)

tactics used by Moro Islamic Liberation Front members include high-profile

kidnappings and ambushing government security forces. Some members have

participated in terrorist activities, such as the bombing of civilian populations, in

retaliation for the government violating their ceasefire agreements. The Moro Islamic

Liberation Front has an estimated 15,000 members today.

The Moros

The Spanish called Islamized tribes they encountered in the Philippine islands “Moros”

their name for the Muslims of North Africa, who had ruled Peninsular Spain in late centuries. In

recent years, the term “Bangsamoro” (meaning Moro nation) has gained currency among both

the Bangsamoro themselves and the broader Filipino population.

The Moro people comprise the 13 Islamized ethnolinguistic groups of Mindanao, Sulu and

Palawan. Along with the group known as Lumad in Mindanao, the Moros are an indigenous

population that had been living on the islands long before the coming of Spanish colonialism.
 Today, the Moro people are found all over the Philippines. However, they are dominant in

the provinces of Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. They are also

numerous in some municipalities of North Cotabato, Lanao del Norte, Davao del Sur, South

Cotabato, Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga Sibugay and Palawan.

History of the conflict in the Philippines

According to Martin (2008), he stated that the Philippines has suffered two major

armed conflicts in recent years – in Mindanao involving the Moro Islamic Liberation Front

(MILF) and a countrywide communist insurgency with the National Democratic Front

(NDF). Because of the violence related to two main causes: a communist-inspired insurgency

and a separatist struggle in the southern Bangsamoro region.

The article of Brussels, (2007) said that at the heart of the disagreement in Mindanao

lies deep-rooted prejudices against a minority Muslim and indigenous population. The

conflict has roots in the colonial period, but the armed struggle for an independent state

began in 1969, sparked by discrimination and human rights violations under President

Marco’s dictatorship. Many armed groups, most notably the Moro National Liberation Front

(MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), fought against the government to

establish an independent Muslim region on the island of Mindanao. Over 150,000 were

killed in the decades-long insurgency that ensued.

In addition of Martin, (2008) the conflict between the Government of the

Philippines and the communist NDF began in 1968 and since then has caused immense

unrest for the civilian population and claimed more than 40,000 lives. Since 2001, Norway
has been the facilitator of the peace talks between the Government and the NDF but these

peace efforts have not resulted in further agreements, with the latest round of talks ending in

2017. Neither side has yet explicitly committed to a peaceful solution, which makes

confidence building and compromise more difficult.

Discontent arising from the repression of dissent and foreign interference in the

Philippines led to the formation of the Communist Party of the Philippines after World War II. It

aimed to overthrow the government, and remains active; peace talks between it and the

government have so far been unsuccessful.

Martin also said that on this conflict has primarily taken place in the Philippines. The

failure of campaigns in the 1960s to recognize local people’s rights led to the development of

nationalist movements, and various armed groups have since fought the government for greater

autonomy.

According to Coronel, (2010) in March 2014 a peace deal was signed between the

government and the largest of these groups, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. However, not all

of the rebel groups in Mindanao and Sulu archipelago have signed the deal, and clashes in early

2015 highlight the challenges associated with this long and protracted conflict.

However the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) that had split off in1984 from the

MNLF continued the fighting. Ceasefire agreements and peace negotiations with the MILF broke

down several times. The last two “all-out wars” happened in 2000 under President Estrada, and

then again in February 2003, but already in March 2003 peace talks were resumed. In July, the
government signed a new ceasefire with MILF ahead of talks in Malaysia. These negotiations are

under way, and are supported by the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC).

But violence in the South has been perpetrated by many more groups than MNLF and

MILF, including other armed non-state actors (Pentagon in Central Mindanao, Abu Sayyaf, the

South-East Asian Jemaah Islamiah etc.), Christian vigilante organizations and criminal gangs

(‘Kidnap for Ransom Groups’) and official and semi-official government agencies (human rights

organizations have counted at least 50 extrajudicial killings of drug offenders in the city of

Davao).

Local clan conflicts

Despite these successes, poverty and political tensions persist in Mindanao. It

remains the poorest region in the Philippines, and a lack of resources, along with corruption,

means the local government structures are weak. These all contribute to the prevalence of

conflicts. 

  Locally known as “rido” or clan wars, these conflicts are sporadic in nature yet last

for generations, often becoming flashpoints between the state and revolutionary armed

groups. While some cases have been resolved, the region needs improved social and

institutional structures for preventing and resolving these conflicts. Without these, the

security and safety of the people of Mindanao is fragile at best.

Based in an interview with ABS-CBN News in the Philippines (2010), the candidate,

Esmael Mangudadatu, who is a member of a powerful political clan, said that his wife and sister
were among the dead, along with several other members of his family, two lawyers and up to a

dozen journalists. Family members of the victims said that some of the dead had been beheaded..

Murder has become such a regular part of Filipino elections in recent years that a report from

ABS-CBN News on the massacre was headlined: “Beheadings mark start of election season in

Maguindanao.” As the BBC’s Vaudine England noted, “every election period features

assassinations of rivals, particularly in provincial areas where the forces of law and order are

often tightly connected to local clans.”

In 2007, for instance, at least 126 people were killed during that year’s mid-term

elections — including some who were in the process of counting votes when they were

murdered. At the time, the head of the country’s police force told the BBC that 2007’s election

had been “relatively peaceful,” compared with 2004, when 189 people died.

The Philippine Daily Inquirer reported that Mr. Mangudadatu’s wife, Jenalyn, managed

to call him after the convoy was first stopped and said that the group was being held by about

100 armed men working for the Ampatuan family, which has ruled the province of

Maguindanao, where the killings took place, for years.

The current governor of the province is a member of the Ampatuan family. According

to The Philippine Star, Monday’s violence appears to have been the result of a rivalry between

two powerful families in the region:The Ampatuans belong to an old and powerful Moro clan in

Maguindanao. Their ancestors fought the Spaniards as well as the Japanese during World War II.

The Mangudadatus are related to the Ampatuans both by blood and consanguinity. Like the

Ampatuans, the Mangudadatus also belong to a warrior clan. Both families are known for

stockpiling weapons for protection and as a status symbol.

a small number of powerful families: For generations, political dynasties have dominated

elections and governments in the Philippines. They are prominent and moneyed clans, like that

of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, whose father was president in the 1960s and whose son is

a congressman. Another son is running for congress.As these clans protect their reign, they often

resort to violence to frustrate any attempt by rivals to unseat them. Experts say the influence of

these dynasties has grown more pervasive in recent years. There are an estimated 250 political

families nationwide, with at least one in every province, occupying positions in all levels of the

bureaucracy, according to the Center for People Empowerment in Governance, a Philippine

nonprofit group. Of the 265 members of Congress, 160 belong to clans, the group says.

One outraged Filipino blogger, Patricio Mangubat, wrote on Monday that the patriarch of

the Ampatuan clan, Datu Andal Ampatuan, “is a certified warlord,” and charged that the Filipino

government “is using political warlordism as a counter-force against dissent and secessionist

groups in Mindanao.” Mr. Mangubat added, “I also blame the military. The Ampatuans and

others like them grew in influence and power because they took care of them and use them in

their counter-terrorism campaigns in Mindanao.”

In 2005 the Filipino Web site Newsbreak reported that the Ampatuan clan had a private

army of “about 300 armed civilian volunteers,” who were supplied with guns and ammunition by

the country’s military to help out in the fight against Muslim rebels and communist insurgents.

According to Newsbreak, as early as 2004 the military may have been having second thoughts

about the clan-based militias it was supporting and circulated a confidential memo “on the

effects of the family feuds in Maguindanao.”

largest Muslim rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, said the murders in Mindanao

were “gruesome.” The reported killing of journalists in the massacre Monday also offered a

reminder of the fact that the Philippines is also a very dangerous place to be a reporter.

Mindanao Conflict: In Search of Peace and Human Rights

The current armed conflict in Mindanao reflects the recurring call for the fulfillment of

the right to self-determination of the Muslim population in the Philippines in order to obtain

sustainable peace.

With almost forty years of on and off fighting between Muslim armed opposition groups

and the Philippine military forces, and the resulting high toll on human lives, the search for

sustainable peace and full respect for human rights remains a big challenge (Martin, 2008).

The current armed conflict started in late 1960s, when a Muslim armed group (Moro

National Liberation Front or MNLF) started to advocate for a “Moro homeland.” The Philippine

government responded through military means, resulting in numerous deaths among, and

displacement of, the civilian population (Muslims as well as Christians). In the 1970s, the

Philippine government initiated peace talks and obtained a peace agreement with the then main

Muslim armed opposition group (MNLF) to stop the conflict and address the problems. But

armed confrontations broke out every now and then, between the Philippine military and the

MNLF and also with another Muslim armed opposition group (Moro Islamic Liberation Front or

MILF). For every break out of armed hostilities, thousands of non- combatants are caught in the

crossfire, and suffer displacement and other human rights violations (Martin, 2008).
 To emphasize their deep sense of independence as a people, many Muslims in Mindanao

collectively call themselves “Moro,” the word used by the colonial Spanish government to refer

to the Muslim people. This extends to the use of the word “Bangsamoro” (Moro Nation) to

indicate a people separate from the rest of the Philippine population (Martin, 2008).

Agreement with MILF

According to the ABS CBN News Coronel (2010), The Government and the MILF met

again on August 22 and 23, 2011, and during this meeting the Government submitted its

counterproposal to the comprehensive compact submitted by the MILF. The MILF rejected the

plan and stated that it would refuse to hold further direct talks with the Government until it

agreed to discuss the MILF’s demand for an autonomous Muslim sub-state in the southern

Philippines. On October 19, 2011, 19 AFP troops were killed in a firefight with MILF rebels in

the southern province of Basilan. Despite this clash, the Government and the MILF resumed

peace talks in early December 2011.

In April 2012, the Government and the MILF agreed to a set of principles to guide the

substantive agenda of future negotiations and to work for the creation of a new autonomous

political entity that will share power with the Government. On July 19, 2012, the Government

concluded the twenty-ninth formal exploratory peace talks with the MILF. Over the course of the

three days of talks, the two sides discussed the realization of a new autonomous political entity to

replace the ARMM. Both sides agreed to hold further discussions in August 2012.

In exploratory talks held from August 7 to 11, 2012, the Government and the MILF both

organized their respective technical working groups on power sharing and wealth sharing. The

technical working groups reached consensus on certain issues relating to power sharing, revenue
generation and wealth generation. Both parties noted progress in the discussion of a framework

agreement and agreed to hold further discussions.

On October 7, 2012, the Government and the MILF concluded the thirty-second

exploratory peace talks with the release of a draft framework peace agreement (the “Framework

Agreement”), which provides a framework for replacing the ARMM with Bangsamoro, a new

autonomous political entity. The Framework Agreement defines the powers and structures of the

new Bangsamoro entity and describes the principles, processes and mechanisms that will shape

relations between the Government and Bangsamoro.

On October 8, 2012 it was announced that the Philippine government had reached a

preliminary peace agreement with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the country’s largest

Muslim rebel group, to end the four decade long insurgency that had killed more than 120,000

people. Under the agreement, a new political entity will be created in Mindanao, in the the

southwestern of the Philippines, where there is a Muslim majority. The new entity will be

authorized to raise its own sources of revenue and to levy taxes. The civil court system in the

area will be improved, while the Shari’ah justice system for Muslims will be expanded. The

national government retains jurisdiction over defense and security, foreign policy, monetary

policy and coinage, citizenship and naturalization and the postal system.

The Framework Agreement provided that the new entity will, subject to certain

limitations, have the power to levy taxes, borrow funds from foreign and domestic lenders and

share in the revenues generated through the development of natural resources within its

jurisdiction. The Framework Agreement reserves the powers of defence and security, foreign

policy, monetary policy and coinage, citizenship, and naturalization to the Government. The

Government and the MILF signed the Framework Agreement on October 15, 2012.
 In March 2014, the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed the

Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB), which paves the way for the creation of a

new, autonomous political entity by 2016 that will replace the existing and inadequate

Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). As of the reporting period, the Bangsamoro

Transition Commission, a body consisting of Philippine and MILF representatives, have

completed a draft of a Bangsamoro Basic Law, which the President plans to submit to Congress

for review, followed by a region-wide plebiscite for approval

In July 2018 President Duterte signed the Bangsamoro Organic Law, and agreed to a

referendum to give voters in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao the final say in the

future status of the Bangsamoro. The successful vote in January 2019 paves the way for the

establishment of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Regional Government that will replace the

current authorities. The regional government will have greater financial autonomy and a more

representative parliamentary system (Jacques, 2000. Pp. 37-54).

Solidarity of Filipino People

As part of the International Contact Group that supported the signing of the 2014

Comprehensive Agreement, we continue to provide support to the peace process between

the Government of the Philippines and the MILF, including on the implementation of the

agreement. In addition, the government and the NDF negotiation panel has requested us to

facilitate some of their meetings - particularly in the areas of human rights and ceasefires.

(Jacques, 2000. Pp. 37-54).

community safety and security. In the Bangsamoro region (Mindanao) we are working with

communities to resolve local conflicts, and strengthen relationships between them and local

authorities. Alongside our local partners, we have helped to establish 12 Community Safety

Working Groups in communities across four locations. (Martin, 2000).

Conclusion

Many of the tribes fear that because they lack titles for their traditional territory, they will

be unable to claim the resources and exercise their right to self-governance after a deal is signed.

The question is what can be done now to reassure them that they will retain control of their land.

While the peace process with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) may be ill-suited to

advancing indigenous rights because its structure and content do not prioritise these issues, the

government and the MILF should take steps both within and outside the parameters of formal

negotiations to respond more concretely to the concerns of the Lumad.

But the choice for nonviolence must not wait until conflict erupts. It must be built into

society: built into institutions for conflict forecasting, mediation, adjudication, and peacekeeping.

It must be built into education in the form of knowledge, perceptions, beliefs and values in short,

a culture of peace. Societies consciously prepare far in advance for the war response and so

perpetuate insecurity.

For peace to prevail, we must prepare equally far in advance for the better choice. If you

want peace, prepare for peace. The key to resolving conflict is identifying true rather than

perceived threats and then finding strategies to solve them.

cultures are able to creatively and freely express, celebrate and share this diversity and

connection with others. What better way to do this than by having families, communities, ethnic

groups and localities cultivate and share their local histories through the cultural thread that best

interconnects and binds them: the writing, telling, and understanding of history.
Reference

A. Books:

Abuza, Z. (2005) The Moro Islamic Front at Twenty: State of the Revolution. Studies in

B. Periodicals:

C. Electronic sources:

Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. (January 25, 2014). The Government of the
Philippines
and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front Agree on Final Elements of Peace
Agreement. Retrieve from
http://www.hdcentre.org/en/resources/news/detail/article/1390648821-the-
government-of-the-philippines-and-the-moro-islamic-liberation-front-agree-on-
final-el.

Coronel, S. (May 10, 2010). The Philippines Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
Retrieve
from
http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/02/05/us-philippines-rebels-factbox-
idUSTRE7140PP20110205.

Jacques, B. (2000). Peace and Conflict in the Southern Philippines: Why the 1996 Peace
Agreement Is Fragile. Vol. 1. Pacific Affairs. Pp. 37-54.
http://blogs.cfr.org/asia/2012/10/09/philippines-signs-framework-deal-with-muslim-
rebels/

The editors of Factbox. (February 5, 2011). The Philippines’ Moro Islamic Liberation
Front. Retrieve from
http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/02/05/us-philippines-rebels-factbox-
idUSTRE7140PP20110205
.
Malan C. and Solomon H. (December, 2012). Indian Journal of Asian Affairs. Vol. 25.
Manju Jain Publishing. Pp. 59-82. Retrieve from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41950521