Master, International Affairs and Diplomacy

REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN WEST AFRICA:

A STUDY OF NIGERIA’S LEADERSHIP ROLE
IN ECOWAS
SAIED SULAIMAN TAFIDA

2011

Masters Theses, Usman Danfodiyo University, Sokoto

 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT AND DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to Allah, the Almighty who gave me the will and the strength to

further my education.

And with deepest gratitude, I wish to thank everyone who has made the completion of

this work possible and the study at large. My special acknowledgment goes to my supervisor, Dr

G.B. Muhammad and other able lecturers of political science department, Usman Danfodiyo

University, Sokoto. I would like to also use this opportunity to thank my family, friends and for

the most part my course mates for their priceless support.

Thank you all.

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ABSTRACT

Many years has elapsed, since the independent West African states handed their trust to

what Nigeria created and led as a ferry across their existing difficulties. They hoped that the

success of ECOWAS will significantly better their apparent stubborn socio-economic and

political problems of underdevelopment, poverty and external dependency. This however, after

more than 30 years of its invention, remains a toothless bull while the states plunder in their

glitches.

The Nigerian leadership is said to have failed to deliver the community to the promise

land in the target dates. Hence this study seeks to understand what went wrong and what the

possible ways out are.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE 1

CERTIFICATION 2

DEDICATION AND ACKNOWLEDGMENT 3

ABSTRACT 4

INTRODUCTION 7

i. Emergence of ECOWAS as a form of regional

Integration in West Africa 8

ii. Nigeria‟s leadership role in regional integration of West Africa. 12

iii. The Nigerian internal structure „Leadership‟ 14

iv. Leadership 17

RESEARCH PROBLEM 18

RESEARCH QUESTIONS 19

METHODOLOGY 19

LITERATURE REVIEW 20

i. Nigerian leadership role in ECOWAS and Africa 20

ii. Nigeria‟s foreign policies 22

iii. Internal structures and foreign policy 25

iv. The failure of ECOWAS 30

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 37

REFERENCES 40

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INTRODUCTION

Over the past three and half decades, West African States have been enmeshed in the

struggle to attain sustainable economic development and self-reliance through regional economic

integration. ECOWAS was established in May 28, 1975, by the sixteen member states of West

Africa (now fifteen, as Mauritania withdrew), as a practical approach in tackling the economic

dilemma of the sub-region that is devastatingly entangled in excruciating poverty,

underdevelopment and foreign dependency (Anadi 2005).

In addition, ECOWAS had strongly recognized the development and expansion of the

regional market as the corner piece of its comprehensive development strategy. As clearly

demonstrated in the preamble of chapter 2 Article 3 of its Revised Treaty, ECOWAS sought to

achieve economic integration through liberalization of trade between its member states, removal

of all impediments to free mobility of factors of production, as well as harmonization of national

economic and fiscal policies of member states.

First, ECOWAS set out to form a free trade area by undertaking a progressive removal of

all custom duties and other charges of similar effect, on imports and exports between member

states, as well as all quota and quantitative restrictions and other administrative impediments on

trade between the member states within the sub-region, as epitomized by Article 41 of its

Revised Treaty

Second, ECOWAS envisaged the gradual roll-over of a customs union that will

eventually metamorphose into a common market, with the eventual elimination of all obstacles

to free mobility of factors of production between them, while at the same time, maintaining

common external tariff structure in their trade with countries outside the union.

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 Finally, in the preamble of chapter 9, Article 54 of ECOWAS Revised Treaty, the

organization sought to cap its efforts by attaining a complete economic union through the

harmonization of agricultural, industrial, transport and communication, energy and

infrastructural development as well as common economic and monetary policies between

member states.

Nigeria a „major‟ power in this region has remained a leading figure in the struggle to

actualize the afore-mentioned dreams. The „giant‟ provided the headquarters of the organization;

provided fund amounting to more than 33% of ECOWAS annual budget; single handedly started

ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), a military community for the settlement of conflict in

the region; and made Africa and the ECOWAS the center piece of her foreign policies (Ichim

2006). Repetitively, different Nigerian governments have accorded special attention to the

difficulties and conditions of her neighbors in West Africa.

These independent states of West Africa had squarely believed in what Nigeria and Togo

are formulating as a ferry across their existing difficulties and hoped that the success of

ECOWAS will significantly ameliorate their seeming intractable socio-economic and even

political problems of underdevelopment, poverty and external dependency. Yet, more than thirty

years after its formation ECOWAS has essentially remained somewhat a “lame duck”, with

hardly any meaningful impact apart from providing employment for a number of civil servants

and the elaborate ceremonies of its summits. (Anadi 2005) Political and socioeconomic problems

still remains the face of the community, poverty: the leash of the states and insecurity, war and

conflicts the bridle of their movements. This is evident in the continued unstable government in

member states.

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 This general scope of the study is to outlines the emerging role of Nigeria, at the core of

the search for sustainable development strategy in West Africa. The rationale of analysis used in

this work can be better understood when ECOWAS and its performance is viewed in relation to

the efforts different Nigerian governments employed to achieve the ECOWAS goals; secondly,

the Internal challenges Nigeria as a country is facing. I focused on several interrelated factors in

order to view the role of Nigeria in regional integration of ECOWAS, firstly by considering the

strength of internal leadership structure in Nigeria and how it affects Nigerian foreign policies

and how indeed this led to impediment in the achievement of ECOWAS goals in West Africa.

The bases for the above analysis are derived from the review of the literatures and other

documents written about the subject under study. Leadership as a major variable in this study

will be operationalized

The emergence of ECOWAS as a form of regional integration in West Africa

Traditionally, West African peoples have earned their living from the land and that is

why agriculture remains the bedrock of all other indigenous economic activity in West Africa.

Other occupations such as trade and craft manufacture were rather undertaken on a part time

basis, while additional types of productive enterprises were often made possible by the financial

surplus from agriculture (Anadi 2005).

However, the nature of economic activities in West Africa was drastically changed with
th th
the arrival of the Europeans on the west coast of Africa between the 17 and 18 centuries, and

the subsequent transformation of the hitherto local servitude into a largely „profitable trans-

national commercial enterprise‟ gravely retarded socio-economic development throughout west

Africa. Also, the resultant partitioning and subsequent introduction of European colonial
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governance in West Africa with its colonial policy of legitimate trade in one or two cash crops to

serve the industrial needs of Europe further worsened the erosion of indigenous industrial skills

and the basis for the development of sustainable interactive economic activities throughout West

Africa.

In consequence therefore, by the time most of the new nation states of West Africa

gained their independence in the 1960‟s, they were left with structurally fragile and highly

disarticulated economies with inherent acute and devastating price distortions in the international

commodity market (Anadi 2005).

Earlier efforts to co-ordinate economic cooperation on a sub-regional level in West

Africa dates back to 1963, with a conference on industrial harmonization in the sub-region in

Lagos, Nigeria and the Niamey conference on economic cooperation in 1966. Similarly, in 1967,

another conference was held in Accra, Ghana where a tentative agreement on the Articles of

Association of a proposed economic community in West Africa was signed.

An interim Council of ministers mandated to prepare a Draft Treaty for the proposed

community recommended that the inaugural meeting of the proposed community be held the

level of heads of states and government. Though the Heads of States and Government actually

met in Monrovia in 1968 and signed the protocol for a regional group, neither the Draft Treaty

nor the Protocol on customs union submitted by the interim council was adopted.

In 1972, the process was revived by the Heads of State of Nigeria and Togo by mandating

their officials to streamline a framework for community cooperation based on the following

guiding principles:

“a) That, the envisaged economic community should cut across linguistic and cultural

differences.
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 b) Should pursue limited realizable objectives.

c) Approach adopted should be flexible and practical.

d) Necessary institutions are to be adopted allowing all countries to become members at

their convenience.” (Anadi 2005:42)

The proposals of a joint Nigeria-Togolese delegation embodied in a Draft Treaty was

th
reconsidered in yet another ministerial meeting in January 1975, and finally signed on 28 May,

1975, by the Heads of State and Government Representatives of the fifteen member countries of

West Africa, thus, marking the end of over a decade of unfruitful strenuous effort to

institutionalize a framework for coordinating sustainable development and collective self-

reliance in West Africa. ECOWAS was therefore established in 1975 to coordinate and promote

trade, cooperation and sustainable development throughout West Africa. The signing of the

ECOWAS Treaty of Lagos in May 28, 1975, was indeed a kind of radical response to the plague

of poverty and underdevelopment bedeviling West Africa, and as a result, practically provided

the much desired framework for the realization of rapid and sustainable socio-political and

economic development throughout the sub-region, and has till date the following member states:

Republic of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d‟Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea

Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and the Republic of Togo.

The ECOWAS Treaty provided for a gradual establishment of a customs union, common

external tariff and harmonization of economic and financial policies of member states within a

period of 15 years. It also made provision for compensation for losses encountered by member

states in the course of the implementation of the provisions of the treaty. The original treaty was

revised in 1993, to broaden economic integration and increase political participation and

cooperation throughout the sub-region. The revised treaty sought to attain an integrated common
8
market and a single monetary union with an institutionalized Parliament for stronger political

cooperation and participation within the sub-region. (Ichim 2006)

There is no doubt that the architects of ECOWAS were influenced by the overwhelming

assumptions of traditional integration theories, of numerous economic benefits that could accrue

to member states as a result of their participation in regional economic integration program.

One alluring assumption is the fact that integration positively affects the gross national

products of member countries; as the resultant enlargement of the size of the market increases

efficiency and greater advantages of economies of scale within the integrating area. Thus, as

competition increases, better specialization is ensured as producers concentrate on areas in which

they have the greatest advantage, thus better positioned to exploit large scale economies while at

the same time, restructuring the regional economy to enhance the production base of the region.

Another contention lies in the argument that the enlarged market offered by integration

will sufficiently sustain heavy industries and better ensure the least unit cost of production which

will in-turn stimulate demand and consumption as well as increased investment and economic

growth.

Similarly, as better allocation of resources is attained, prices go down in favor of

consumers in a way that is not detrimental to producers, thus, befitting both the producers and

consumers.

However, the problem to study here is that, with the efforts sets through history to

establish ECOWAS; to many of the member nation‟s dismay, their hoped messiah to improve

their seeming intractable socio-economic and even political problems of underdevelopment,

poverty and external dependency is more on a paper than a reality. Imohe (2007) defined the

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West African Economic community as a state that is glorified in name rather than execution and

implementation of the proper state policy to aid development.

Nigeria’s leadership role in regional integration of West Africa

Nigeria has since Independence been playing a significant leadership role in the West

African Sub-region and indeed the African continent. Africa has remained the centerpiece of

Nigeria‟s foreign policy since independence in 1960. With a population of about 150 million

people, almost one quarter of the African continent and being endowed with immense physical

and human resources, Nigeria is destined to play leadership roles in the affairs of the continent.

This is exactly what the country has been doing for decades, notwithstanding the financial,

political, social and diplomatic challenges (Okunno 2010).

Successive Nigerian governments have consistently accorded special attention to the

plight and conditions of her brothers and sisters in Africa, which has made the basic principles of

Nigeria‟s foreign policy “Afro-centric” and that of its brother‟s keeper, which is enshrined in all

the dominant cultures of Nigeria.

In Nigeria‟s Afro-centric foreign policy, the West African Sub-region remains the first

line of implementation. Given the vast size, natural, economic, human resources and large

market drive, Nigeria perceives itself as having a historic mission to exercise hegemonic

influence in the West African Sub-region and indeed, the black world. Her economic strength

and the high level of human resources at her disposal have allowed her a measure of autonomy in

the pursuit of Africa‟s genuine interests in global politics. This can be seen in her role in the

Organization for African Unity, which later metamorphose into the African Union (AU), Chad

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Basin Commission, Commonwealth of Nations and the sub region under study, Economic

Community of West African States (ECOWAS)

Nigeria has been supportive of ECOWAS and AU at large in the area of conflict

resolution. The country‟s participation in peace keeping efforts is a manifestation of its concern

and regard for the need to give priority and clear expression to the value of the bond which forms

part of history of all Africans, particularly those who inhabit the West Coast of the continent.

Nigeria had the largest contingent in the ECOMOG peace keeping force, committing huge

human and financial resources to the activities of the force.

Nigeria continuously plays crucial mediatory roles in crisis situations among African

countries and the rest of the international community. Her contributions towards peace and

stability in Africa are unparalleled. Specifically, she has participated in peace keeping operations

in the Chad, Liberia, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, Cote d‟ Ivoire,

Somalia and Darfur in Sudan, to mention but a few.

Among the immediate challenges facing Nigeria as a leading country in the ECOWAS

community, is resolving the many conflicts raging on the communities and the continent at large.

Nigeria and indeed the entire West African region have devoted considerable human, material,

political and diplomatic resources to the resolution of the crises in the sub-region, starting far

back with Liberia and then to Chad, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau, Democratic Republic of

Congo (DRC), Angola and more recently the Darfur crisis, to cite a few.

Within the West African Sub region, successive administrations in Nigeria have ensured

the promotion of cooperation with other African nations in all fields of human endeavor through

economic exchanges and regional integration of members. This has been achieved through

deployment of more Technical Aide Corps (TAC) volunteers whose services have been in high
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demand by other countries to assist in the areas of their manpower needs. In specific terms, there

have been considerable integration through sharing Nigeria‟s know-how and expertise with other

African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries; Promotion of integrated infrastructure in the

West African sub-region; Establishment of the ECOWAS free trade area; Promotion of sub

regional (ECOWAS) Economic integration; Establishment of the Ministry of Cooperation and

Integration (which was later subsumed in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs); Establishment of the

Second West African Monetary Zone; Complete eradication of all rigid border formalities;

Adoption of a common ECOWAS Passport; Establishment of ECOWAS Trade Liberalization

Scheme (TLS); Establishment of the ECOWAS Court of Justice; and Promotion of sub regional

peace and security initiatives(Okunno 2010).

This leadership role is no doubt a big task for a country like Nigeria which has her share

of internal challenges; however it is a task the different administrations of the country shouldered

and are willing to take to promise land.

ii. The Nigerian internal structure, ‘leadership’

Nigeria has a federal form of government and is divided into 36 states and a federal

capital territory. The country‟s official name is the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Lagos, along the

coast, until 1991 was the country‟s capital city and it is still the economic and cultural center, but

Abuja, a city in the interior planned and built during the 1970s and 1980s, is the present capital.

The government moved from Lagos to Abuja in 1991 in the hope of creating a national capital

where none of the country‟s ethnic groups would be dominant. (Stock 2009)

Nigeria long had an agricultural economy but now depends almost entirely on the

production of petroleum, which lies in large reserves below the Niger Delta. While oil wealth has
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financed major investments in the country‟s infrastructure, Nigeria remains among the world‟s

poorest countries in terms of per capita income. Oil revenues led the government to ignore

agriculture, and Nigeria now import farm products to feed its people.

The area that is now Nigeria was home to ethnically based kingdoms and tribal

communities before it became a European colony. In spite of European contact that began in the

16th century, these kingdoms and communities maintained their autonomy until the 19th century.

The colonial era began in earnest in the late 19th century, when Britain consolidated its rule over

Nigeria. In 1914 the British merged their northern and southern protectorates into a single state

called the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Nigeria became independent of British rule in

1960. After independence Nigeria experienced frequent coups and long periods of autocratic

military rule between 1966 and 1999, when a democratic civilian government was established

(Stock 2009).

Nigeria is by far the most populated of Africa‟s countries, with more than one-seventh of

the continent‟s people. The people belong to many different ethnic groups. These groups give the

country a rich culture, but they also pose major challenges to nation building. Ethnic strife has

plagued Nigeria since it gained independence in 1960. An America Author: Karl Maier, ones

wrote that:

“Nigeria was suffering from sort of national psychosis, political and military

leaders were corrupt. Crime were seen by many as legitimate avenue or

advancement and people in search of solutions were turning inwards to ethnic

prejudice and religious bigotry…We, the outside world, ignore Nigeria at our

peril…from any point of view Nigeria truly matters. However deep it sunk into a

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 mire of corruption repression and economic dilapidation, Nigeria remains one of

the world‟s strategic nations” (Maier 2000: xviii)

The importance of Nigeria as a strategic nation in African and west African development cannot

be over emphasized. However the country‟s misadministration and poor leadership remains an

issue.

Scholars and writers alike linked the rise of Nigerian poor administrative crises to the

military intervention in the countries polity. Dare (2007: 187) explain this in his words narrating

the Nigeria ordeal? “Forty six years after gaining political independence, Nigeria remains

unfinished business. Not because the materials and tools needed to complete the Nigeria project

are not available, but because Nigeria lacks visionary leaders and disciplined citizenry…the

blame rest upon self-imposed leaders at all levels of government”. This as well remains the

picture of the countries administration internationally.

In his words, Chinua Achebe (1983), a famous Nigerian writer, notes that:

“the Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or in ability of leaders to rise to the

responsibility and challenge of personal example which has the hall mark of true

leadership… Nigeria has many thoughtful men and women of concise, a large

number of talented people. Why is it that these patriots make so little impact on

the life of our nation? Why is it that our corruptions, gross inequities, our noisy

vulgarity, our selflessness, our ineptitude seem so much stronger than the good

influences at work in our society? Why do the good among us seem so helpless

while the worst are full of vile energy?” (Pp: 1 - 3)

Alas, this was written almost 30 years ago, but till date things continue to fall apart. Despite

these short comings, that threatens the existence of Nigeria as a nation, Nigeria is the major
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country in the running, hosting and financing the Economic Community of West African States

(ECOWAS) (Achebe 1983).

Such weaken international structures according to Akindele (1986) affect foreign policies

of a country negatively. He asserts that, the strength of a state outside its borders depends on the

strength of her internal structures. Nigeria will not be expected to lead ECOWAS to the promise

land unless it arrests her internal leadership problems. Tony Blair, a former British Prime

minister once said that “I have done lots of work with the previous presidents of Nigeria while I

was in the office and all of Africa and we know that without Nigeria fulfilling its potentials and

exacting its leadership, it will be greatly difficult for the whole of African development”

Leadership

Leadership has been described as the process of social influence in which one person can

enlist the aid and support of others in the accomplishment of a common task. Leadership is

ultimately about creating a way for people to contribute to making something extraordinary

happen. Encarta dictionary defines leadership as the Ability to guide, direct or influence people.

Not minding long and short definitions, Leadership is often linked to organizing a group of

people to achieve a common goal. The leader may or may not have any formal authority.

The search for the characteristics or traits of leaders has been ongoing for centuries.

History's greatest philosophical writings from Plato's Republic to Plutarch's Lives have explored

the question of What qualities distinguish an individual as a leader? Underlying this search was

the early recognition of the importance of leadership and the assumption that leadership is rooted

in the characteristics that certain individuals possess.

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 For decades, this trait-based perspective dominated empirical and theoretical work in

leadership Using early research techniques, researchers conducted over a hundred studies

proposing a number of characteristics that distinguished leaders from non-leaders: intelligence,

dominance, adaptability, persistence, integrity, socioeconomic status, and self-confidence just to

name a few. At the most basic level, a leader is someone who leads others. But what makes

someone a leader? What is it about being a leader that some people understand and use to their

advantage? What can you do to be a leader?

A leader according the Plato‟s republic should have a vision. Leaders see a problem that

needs to be fixed or a goal that needs to be achieved. It may be something that no one else sees

or simply something that no one else wants to tackle. Whatever it is, it is the focus of the leaders

attention and they attack it with a single-minded determination.

Whether the goal is to achieve economic integration, develop a policy that will solve a

certain problem, or start a diplomacy that can achieve the leader's dream, the leader always has a

clear target in mind. This is a big picture sort of thing, not the process improvement that reduces

errors by 2% but the new diplomacy process that completely eliminates the step that caused the

errors. It is the new policy that makes people say "why didn't I think of that". That's the kind of

vision a leader has.

RESEARCH PROBLEM

The problem of the study is to determine the leadership role Nigeria is playing in regional

integration of West Africa. That is, to address this problem by exploring the experience of West

Africa and the continent at large. The approach generally assumes that, due to the devastating

socio-economic and political circumstances in West Africa, it will be politically suicidal for
16
policy makers of Nigeria to pursue the long term benefits of regional economic cooperation in

preference to the short term national needs of their states that demand urgent attention.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The questions raised in this work attempt to tackle the several aspects of the challenges

confronting Nigeria as a leading figure in ECOWAS integration program, with the goal of

providing a clearer picture of the numerous overlapping factors that precipitated the failure of

ECOWAS in general. The questions are both descriptive and analytical and strive for causal

explanations: Why has regional integration process been very difficult in West Africa: What

went wrong and why? Has Nigeria failed in her leadership? And or, what are the best retracing

steps?

METHODOLOGY OF STUDY

This work will adopt a general method of Non participatory survey of historical records

of events that relates to the subject of study. It will review some of the selected literatures and

study the write ups that were done on the contending issues. A logical deduction will be deduce

from the literature review and analyzed in the summary and conclusion section of essay.

The essay will look and analyze the leadership role of Nigeria in the West African

states integration and the African continent at large. It will focus the interdependences of the

leadership within Nigeria and its consequences in the country‟s figure as a leader to other

nations. We will look at the effects of administrative changes and forms of leadership in Nigeria

and how it affects Nigeria‟s leadership role in regional integration and ECOWAS.

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 The paper will adopt qualitative method of data analysis by identifying the major

arising concerns and group them into themes and sub themes. The themes will then be grouped

and mapped, that is, concept mapping. The findings will then be analyzed in the summary and

conclusion section of this write-up.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Nigeria’s leadership role in ECOWAS and Africa

Since independence, Nigerian foreign policy has been characterized by a focus on

Africa and by attachment to several fundamental principles: African unity and independence;

peaceful settlement of disputes; nonalignment and non-intentional interference in the internal

affairs of other nations; and regional economic cooperation and development. In pursuing the

goal of regional economic cooperation and development, Nigeria helped create the Economic

Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which seeks to harmonize trade and investment

practices for its 15 West African member countries and ultimately to achieve a full customs

union. Over the past decades, Nigeria has played a pivotal role in the support of peace in Africa.

It has provided the bulk of troops for the UN peacekeeping mission in Sierra Leone

(UNAMSIL), the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), and many of the troops to the African Union

Mission in Sudan (AMIS). Nigeria is anticipated to do likewise in Somalia.

Otorofani (2010), in his article “Nigeria: Time for Leadership in Constitutionalism and

Good Governance in Africa” insist that, Nigeria assumed a leadership role in Africa after

independence because she was destined to be, courtesy of her size and natural resources: as no

other nation had the wherewithal to play that role or otherwise compete with her as Africa‟s pre-

eminent leading nation south of the Sahara. And the fact that the Republic of South Africa,
18
which would have been the natural leader was still a pariah nation, helped in no small way in

propelling Nigeria to the forefront of African leadership. Incidentally, apartheid South Africa

was to provide the litmus test for Nigeria‟s leadership role on the continent. Barely had the ink

dried on Nigeria Independence Declaration at Lancaster House, England, in 1960, than the racist

enclave began to feel the heat of the anti-apartheid struggle spearheaded by Nigeria as the leader

of the frontline states. This was intensified with continental ferocity until the atrocious regime of

Pete Botha crumbled under the unrelenting bombardment of the apartheid fortress by the

superior forces of history.

For Otorofani, Though situated thousands of miles away, Nigeria considered herself a

frontline state just like those bordering South Africa, placed by their geographic locations at the

receiving end of the regime‟s scorched earth policies designed to punish and/or intimidate the

frontline states into submission. As a frontline state, therefore, South Africa extended her tactics

of intimidation to Nigeria in several ways most notably when it secured or attempted to secure a

military base in Equatorial Guinea from which it planned to target Nigeria militarily and

destabilize her. It was in recognition of that leadership role that Nigerian leaders worked their

tails off to secure independence or majority rule for such states as Namibia, Rhodesia

(Zimbabwe), and of course, Angola, as well as her numerous internationally recognized peace-

making and peace-keeping roles in troubled spots in Africa and beyond. The numerous

international awards and letters of commendation received from the UN and other international

organization bear eloquent testimonies to Nigeria‟s leadership role in West Africa and Africa at

large, and by necessary implication, the world in general.

He further elaborated on the progressive evolution of Nigeria‟s leadership roles from

her early pre-occupation with decolonization to peace making and enforcement and all the way
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to the development of a pan African mechanism for good governance through the peer review

mechanism as a prerequisite for the socio-economic transformation of the continent. For

Otorofani, the peer review mechanism itself was designed to put African governments on a

sound, democratic footing and enables member states, under the auspices of the AU, to directly

intervene in the domestic affairs of other member states whose actions fall short of the ideals of

the organization. As the chief proponent and promoter of the peer review mechanism therefore,

Nigeria had had to condemn and, indeed, intervene in certain African countries when the actions

of their leaders fell short of the democratic ideals and principles enshrined in both the AU and

ECOWAS Charters subscribed to respectively by member states. For example, the condemnation

of the coup de tat and its bloody aftermath in the Republic of Guinea, and expulsion of the Niger

Republic from ECOWAS under Nigeria‟s leadership over the undemocratic power grab by its

leader, President Mamadou Tandja, (just ousted in a military coup), are the clearest examples yet

of the operation and implementation of the peer review mechanism spearheaded as always by

Nigeria. And recently, according to him Nigeria‟s President, Dr. Jonathan Goodluck, at the

ECOWAS Heads of States Summit in Abuja, talked tough about undemocratic actions of certain

elements in some West African states warning that there would be no comfort zone in the region

for such elements. Nigeria‟s leadership in Africa is therefore real, universally acknowledged, and

consequently unquestionable in general terms.

Otorofani‟s article is not the only one in such a field of recognizing Nigeria‟s effort to her

neighbors. The article was supported by Shoup‟s (2007) arguments in her article titled “Regional

giant, Nigeria looms over west Africa.

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 Nigeria’s foreign policies

Shoup (2007) went on to define some Nigerian foreign policies that kept her leadership in

ECOWAS. For Shoup, Nigeria's vast oil wealth, a population that includes one in every five

Africans and a willingness to wade into regional turmoil has made the country a power in West

Africa, and a political force across the continent. Focusing its foreign policy on African affairs,

Nigeria has deployed troops on peacekeeping missions to calm conflicts, sent diplomats to

negotiate political disputes and committed resources to organizations that promote development

and economic cooperation between African countries.

Shoup maintained that, Nigeria is the region's largest economy representing 55 percent of

West Africa's gross domestic product, the most populous nation on the continent at an estimated

150 million people and the continent's largest oil producer. She quoted Princeton Lyman, a

former U.S. ambassador to Nigeria and a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations saying:

"They are the big guy on the block in every way," This heavyweight status puts Nigeria in a

natural leadership role, one that both its democratically elected and military leaders have

embraced since gaining independence from Britain in 1960.

For her, Nigeria contributed significant financial backing, troops and resources that made

ECOMOG‟s creation possible. From 1990 to 1997, Nigeria troops made up 12,000 of the

organization's white helmets. As the war spilled over the border to Sierra Leone, ECOMOG sent

troops in 1998 to push back attacking rebels until United Nations forces arrived. She continued

that, Liberia's war ended in 2003 and the country's president, Charles Taylor, entered exile in

Nigeria as one of the conditions. In 2006, Obasanjo transferred Taylor to a war crimes tribunal

in Sierra Leone to stand trial for his role in the civil war.

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 She continued that, Nigeria foreign policy didn‟t just stop at the region, for her Nigerian

forces are present in all of the United Nations peacekeeping missions in Africa: Cote D'Ivoire,

Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Western Sahara. In total,

Nigeria commits 2,462 soldiers to U.N. missions across the globe, according to the United

Nations.

Peacekeeping remains the cornerstone of Nigeria's regional influence but the relatively

wealthy nation exerts an economic influence on the region as well. Nigeria is the only country to

set up a trust fund in the African Development Bank for poorer countries to borrow money. After

drafting economic reforms within her borders, Nigerian leaders helped policy makers in other

countries with their own reforms.

The Nigerian government also organized and finances a program to send doctors,

lawyers, teachers and other professionals to work in other countries. Obasanjo played an

instrumental role in creating the New Partnership for Africa's Development by encouraging other

heads of state to create a continent-wide strategy for development. He also has promoted

Nigeria's role on the international stage, not only as one of Africa's leading countries, but as a

one of the most populous countries in the world.

Both Otorofani (2010) and Shoup (2007) were not wrong. Nigeria‟s steps in the

leadership of ECOWAS and AU was, and still is obvious, but their argument didn‟t answer the

questions, why is ECOWAS still backward in the realization of her dreams? Their need for

answers were clear when Shoup (2007) noted that “Nigeria has years of experience securing

peace in other countries with the help of outside training and resources, its military may be better

equipped to handle operations in other countries than to suppress conflicts within its own

borders” (p: 3). The Nigerian military has failed to curb an uprising in the Niger Delta region that
22
threatens to shut down the region's lucrative oil. And Otorofani (2010) also added that, a leader

must lead by concrete examples in appropriate cases and not by mere precepts and properly held

accountable to the same standards he had set for himself and others whenever he falls short.

Hence the question, where lies the problems of ECOWAS?

Internal Structures and Foreign Policy

Akindale (1986) in article to Nigerian Journal of International Affairs, titled “External

structure and Nigeria‟s foreign policy: Perspectives on the future” defined strength of foreign

policies. For him a country must be well-built internally before it can portray a better foreign

policy. He proposed three (3) basic propositions to demonstrate the centrality to the importance

of state behavior.

i. The evaluation by the leaders of other countries of the polity and strength of the

domestic structures and capability is as important as the leadership perception of

that country.

ii. The foreign policy of a country can never be stronger than the domestic

environment, particularly the capability profile which support and sustain the

foreign policy.

iii. That the domestic structure of foreign policy is never in any known society

governed by state equilibrium, rather it is governed by dynamic of change and

whether is in the direction of growth or decay.

For him stable political, economic and social structures are central to the conduct and

administration of any country‟s external relations.

23
 Akindele‟s arguments are clear explanation to what may be expected in the foreign policy

of any county that has the character of Nigeria. Unfortunately the reverse is the case as noted by

Karl Maier (2000) and Chinua Achebe (1983), they both narrated in their books, what they see as

the weakness in the Nigerian internal leadership structure.

Maier started the preface of his book by explaining how chaotic and busy, scary and

insecure Nigeria is. He characterized it in his experience with a cab driver on the streets of

Nigeria. He uses Port Harcourt, a town in southern Nigeria as his example.

Maier continued his first chapter by narrating incidence that shows misadministration,

corruption and leadership (antagonism) confusion. He started with the May 29, 1999 Obasanjo

inauguration ceremony in the specially built Eagle Square stadium in Abuja, built at a reported

cost of $30m. There, he and other representatives of the international press joined over 20 Heads

of State, numerous foreign dignitaries, parliamentarians and traditional monarchs in witnessing

the installation of Nigeria's first civilian President in 16 years. “ the ceremony itself provides an

opportunity to sketch a brief history of what in fact was colonial construct and of the rapid rise

and fall of what was to be independent Africa” (Maier 2000:28)

His observations describes the simultaneously chaotic, festive and ironic occasion.

Amongst the Nigerian dignitaries on hand were Shagari and the soldiers that overthrew him -

Babangida and Buhari - as well as Abubakar who was to do what only one other military

strongman had ever done before: transfer power to an elected leader. That the only other military

leader to have handed over power was in fact Obasanjo himself 20 years earlier - in an

inauguration ceremony parade commanded by Abubakar - was the supreme irony.

Travelling the length and breadth of this huge nation, Karl Maier does not simply focus

on the power brokers, politicians and intellectual elite in his portrait of Nigeria, nor is the book
24
simply a historical treatise or political sceneries. Rather, the author has sought to listen and

report the attitudes of many ordinary Nigerians. Civil war veterans (including the Biafran leader

Ojukwu), area boys, angry youths (including Ganiyu Adams, gang leader of odudowa Congress)

from the slums of the cities, human rights activists, Muslim militants and Christian

fundamentalist

Intertwined in these narratives is a biting commentary on the cynical relationship between

international finance and Nigeria's corrupt rulers. “they lend Nigeria money, somebody here

steals the same amount of money and gives it back to them, and then they live this poor

Nigerians repaying what they never owed. The role of western powers has been totally

disgraceful” (Maier 2000: xxii)

Frequently the author relates his own experiences in Nigeria where he lived for two years

- like the Port Harcourt 'go slow' traffic jam and the quarrel between his driver and a traffic

policeman, or his first arrival at Lagos' airport, and the inevitable shakedown at the hands of

customs officers.

Karl Maier wonders, in his book on the future as Nigeria reaches what is surely a crucial

point. He pointed how the north boils, the south simmers and the east poaches: with each

region‟s leaders being corrupt as there counterpart in the other regions; the civilian as corrupt as

their equivalents in the Military and the poor just as corrupt as the rich.

The author quoted a Nigerian civil activist, Bilkisu Yusuf who explained to him the

Nigeria Dilema “The whole thing starts from the people themselves and their expectation… A

minister‟s family will expect him to do things that are impossible on a minister‟s salary; they like

spurious demands such as expecting them to buy a new car or take them to trips. Where does the

money come from...” (Maier 2000: 302) Bilkisu went further to tell the author as he quotes,
25
“now we have Nigerians looting money from their own people…if we are going to hold people

to account and really make meaningful change in Nigeria, we must first begin with ourselves”

(Maier 2000: 303)

The author showed his concerned about the strategic impotence of Nigeria in the West

African region and the world at large. For him the administrative turmoil‟s the country had

through self-impose leaders is enough to devastate it. In his words “Designed by aliens occupiers

(colonial masters) abused by army rule for three quarters of its brief life span, the Nigerian state

is like bruised elephant staggering toward abyss with the ground crumbling under its feet. Should

it fall, the impact will shake the rest of West Africa.” (Maier 2000: xx)

The author, during his short stay in the country, tried to provide an overview of the

country in a concise but elaborate manner. However, his short stay in the country is not enough

to provide him with overall understanding of Nigeria from the people‟s perspective, why are

things the way they are. More so, Maier uses historical documentation for most of his analysis,

which the authenticity may be faulty. The author attested that his pessimism about the country‟s

leadership is not what he can understand. This he made known in his account of interview with

Ibrahim Babangida, one of the former Military head of states of Nigeria. Babangida told him that

Nigeria will not fall because “God is a Nigerian” (Maier 2000: 74)

However, upon the short comings and shallow understanding of the complexities, of the

previous author, a lot of knowledge can be mapped from his write-up and how this experience

will help in understanding how such a country ransacked by its people will provide a better

leadership in an international integration, especially ECOWAS

26
 The Maier‟s arguments were nevertheless supported by a well-known Nigerian writer,

Chinua Achebe who further reiterates on the weakness of the Nigerian political structures. The

Author titled his book “The trouble with Nigeria”

For him, the trouble (supersites) supersede its borders, but affect the neighboring

countries that depends on it, The Author continues that “when two Nigerians meet, their

conversation will sooner or later slide into a litany of our national deficiencies. The trouble with

Nigeria has become the subject of our small talk in much the same way…Nigeria can change

today if she discovers leaders who have the will, the ability and the vision” (Achebe 1983:3)

Achebe insisted that, Nigerian leadership if adjusted will provide all that the country requires

including a better international integration.

He exemplified better governance in the country that had a reaching effect on the

populace of the country and a better international integration that enlightened the African

continents to stand against the dominant colonial masters. The example the author used is the ill-

fated Murtala administration “When Murtala took power in 1975 civil servant are found in office

by 7:30am, Even the known „go slow‟ of Lagos vanished over night” (Achebe 1983: 1)

He insisted that corruption is the major canker worm in the administration system of the

country. “The countless billions that generous providence poured into our national coffers in the

last ten years (1972 -1982) would have been enough to launch this nation into the middle-rank of

developed nations and transformed the lives of our poor and needy. But what have we done with

it? Stolen and salted away by people in power and their accomplices” (Achebe 1983: 12)

Achebe Faulted the Administration of the country quoting the egoist ambition of some of

the prominent leaders that were considered as better drivers of the country‟s administration under

a civilian rule. The author quoted Obafemi Awolowo, saying “I was going to make myself
27
formidable intellectually, morally invulnerable, to make all the money that is possible for a man

with brains and brawn to make in Nigeria” and in the same page, Achebe quoted the first

president of Nigeria, Nnamdi Azikwe saying “Henceforth, I shall utilize my earned income to

secure my enjoyment of high standard of living and also to give a hand to the needy” (quoted in

Achebe 1983:11)

The author in his attempt to portray the picture of Nigerian leadership said: “The trouble

with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership, there is nothing basically wrong with

the Nigeria character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian climate or water or air or

anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the

responsibility, the challenge of personal example which are hallmarks of true leadership” Achebe

(1983: 1)

Chinua Achebe‟s literature is inspiring and has a road map to the problems in Nigeria;

However, The author himself is an architect of some of the problems in the country. He was one

of the five most senior officials “Biafra republic” that section that wanted to break away from

Nigeria that led to a civil war that cost more than one million civilian deaths. Achebe‟s Picture is

still hung in “Ojukwu bunker”, the presidential Villa at the inferred headquarters of Biafra, in

Umuahia, Abia state, Nigeria. The place is now a war museum.

The apparent failure of Nigeria as a strong leader may answer the question on what is

happening to ECOWAS.

28
 The Failure of ECOWAS

Anadi (2005) in his work, itemize the failures of ECOWAS despite the over burdening

efforts by Nigeria to coordinate the regional body. Anadi asserts that, ECOWAS was established

to promote cooperation and sustainable development among the member states, in all fields of

economic activity for the purpose of raising the standard of living of the region‟s diverse

peoples. In order to achieve these objectives, the organization embarked on a program of

economic integration to attain accelerated and sustained economic growth within the region

through the complete elimination of all barriers to free movement of goods, capital and persons.

This is undertaken through a structured regional program of trade liberalization and liberalization

of migration barriers. Its main purpose is to ensure stability and economic growth throughout the

region.

For him, In addition, the potential economic benefits from liberalization in-terms of cost

reductions on economic agents (i.e. producers, consumers and government) are based on the

assumption that all tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade within the region are fully removed.

However, the welfare benefits that should accrue from liberalization are drastically reduced since

the realization of the ECOWAS internal market program remains largely incomplete.

The regional trade liberalization program was hinged on the complete removal of all

barriers to trade within the region, establishment of a customs union, establishment of a common

external tariff and the elimination of customs duties and taxes of similar effect. This was planned

over a transitional period of 15 years from 1975.

Its successful completion was envisaged to open up the door to greater economic gains

for the member states of the community in-terms of increased expansion in trade due to free

mobility of factors of production, increased capital flows and direct investment due to
29
attractiveness of the large integrated market, and balanced industrialization due to greater

specialization and economies of scale.

So far, ECOWAS internal market program remains largely incomplete due to the low

commitment and lack of effective compliance on the part of member states in the implementation

of regional decisions. Though the regional policy of trade liberalization offers a catalogue of

rational conjoint utilities and benefits to be derived when completed, which otherwise member

states cannot achieve alone, it‟s obvious that those utilities and benefits lack rationality in the

minds of member states actor‟s preferences as shown in their poor implementation.

For him, the first stage of ECOWAS trade liberalization scheme entails the establishment

of a free trade area, the benefits of which are regionally distributed and long term in nature. Free

trade area involves elimination of all customs duties and taxes of equivalent effect upon which

most of the member states depend heavily for raising government revenue for the provision of

social services to their people. This process will gradually result into a customs union with the

enthronement of a common tariff structure and other economic policies towards third countries

with the ultimate aim of an economic union through the harmonization of economic, agricultural,

industrial and monetary policies.

Anadi (2005) pointed that in West Africa, economic problems are the most consistent

catalyst for social change- this in-turn basically shapes the preferences of member states to

pursue low risk short-term policies with immediate national gains which are largely incongruent

with long term benefits that would accrue from liberalization of regional trade. Under this

condition, such a policy can only survive or elicit maximum commitment on the part of member

states if there is adequate compensation procedure for loss of revenue to member states

particularly the poorer states.

30
 Therefore, a major hindrance in the implementation of Articles 12, 13 & 14 of the

ECOWAS Revised Treaty which concerns removal of customs duties is that most of the member

states derive the bulk of their revenue from indirect taxation. Indirect taxation accounts for a

relatively high percentage of all budgetary income throughout West Africa – most of these taxes

are actually import and export duties. Thus, it is assumed that as member states economies

undergo structural changes, the rates of indirect taxes to total revenue will tend to fall, but in

reality this did not happen.

He maintained that, the existing tax structure poses the problem of how best to provide

adequate and appropriate compensation for those member states drastically affected by the

elimination or lowering of import duties through liberalization. Literally, liberalization is

expected to provide substantial benefits to member states in the long term from the envisaged

elimination of tariff barriers and other trade restrictions. But a close look at West Africa indicate

most of the member states are mainly producers of primary products, which compete with and

not complement each other. This indeed makes it quite difficult to achieve the principal aims of

Articles 12, 13 and 14 in relation to the attainment of a customs union.

In addition to the problems facing full liberalization, progress towards ECOWAS

liberalization and market integration is further retarded by the relative small size of the regional

market and lack of significant expansion in intra-community trade. The community‟s half-

hearted liberalization did not generate the much desired diversification in the national economies

of member states as the non-complementarities in the structure of their economies persist.

Further, reduced potential for increased intra-ECOWAS trade and the wide disparities in

resource endowments and income levels between the member states have significantly sustained

lopsided and marginal growth in both export and domestic production within the region; thus,
31
leaving the regional market relatively dominated by only a few member states [i.e. Nigeria, Cote

d‟Ivoire and Ghana], which are relatively rich in natural resources, accounting for more than

70% of the region‟s exports to the world.

Consequently, according to Anandi (2005) the narrow range of overlapping production

that characterize West African economies prior to liberalization remained unchanged and

severely limits member states to merely import-substitution types of production in consumer

goods. Further, due to the low degree of market expansion attained by the community,

compounded by the average size of existing firms within ECOWAS which are relatively below

the cost-minimizing optimum, neither the potential growth effects of economies of scale and

greater specialization accruing from liberalization nor the expected fiercer competition under the

internal market conditions were realized.

Also, since the internal market program of ECOWAS was so far unable to enhance

relatively fiercer competition, the potential for the usual behavioral changes accompanying

liberalization in terms of reorganization of production and management to reduce administrative

inefficiency, improved specialization, and better exploitation of locational advantages in

production facilities as well as intensified effort at scientific innovation were substantially

diminished. As a result, the existing level of the implementation of the internal market program

was not sufficient to effectively undermine national lobbies, so that inefficiency and inflexibility

remain significantly sustained.

The failure of existing liberalization measures to enhance production and expansion in

the community‟s internal market is shown in the patterns of their volume of trade within the

region, Africa and the world, with the percentage of intra-community trade remaining at a

32
relatively very low ebb, though a sizeable volume of intra-community trade remains unrecorded

and carried out through the informal sector.

Anadi kept explaining that, in practical terms, the community‟s market integration

procedures and instruments are not sufficiently equipped to generate a credible customs union in

West Africa. So far ECOWAS regional instruments rather than stimulate national economic

development, impose huge adjustment costs on member states, and therefore constitute real

obstacles to national economic policies of member states. This off-course, grossly inhibit the

ability of the private sector within the national economies to fully exploit the large opportunities

of economies of scale within the region.

Further, the community‟s preferential tariffs are usually calculated based on high custom

rates and are paid by the exporting member states. These procedures for compensation inflict

substantial revenue losses on the exporting member countries which at the meantime member

states find absolutely very difficult to offset. Also, even if efforts to finance compensation from

the community levy [the protocol which was approved in the 1996 Summit provides for a 0.5%

tax on the value of imports from third countries], is taken as an option, it faces the same

obstacles as this equally demands member states to fully comply with their financial obligations

to the community which at present is neither here nor there.

Added to the problem of inadequate compensation are the complications arising from the

regional mechanism for approval procedures for industrial products which are substantially

“incoherent, complicated and time-consuming”. The community‟s requirements for a certificate

of origin and an export declaration form for goods originating from the community particularly

on unprocessed goods, compound the problem and negatively impact on the expansion of intra-

community trade and output.

33
 For Anadi such failures are also obvious in other sectors of the Communities goals, He

asserts that the regional efforts at attaining macro-economic convergence of member states‟

economies through the framework of ECOWAS have so far yielded little or no dividends. It is

rightly assumed that the success of the ECOWAS internal market program would guarantee a

balanced distribution of wealth and significantly narrow the widening disparities between

member states, by facilitating the intra-ECOWAS movement of goods and factors of production.

But this is more a dream than a reality.

Anadi (2005) concluded that it is quite probable that member states of ECOWAS either

did not understand the full implications of economic integration or that they underestimated the

enormous sacrifices in terms of painful adjustments required to achieve meaningful regional

economic integration. These necessary adjustments comprise elimination of tariff barriers to

trade in terms of import and export duties upon which the economies of most member states

basically depend. It also demands adjustments in industrial policy in terms of harmonization of

investment legislations, agricultural policy involving near total.

The greatest dilemma of member states lies in the necessity to divulge some decision-

making powers to the regional body for meaningful economic integration to be achieved.

Unfortunately, the member states remain stunned and strongly resistant to the idea of losing

some aspects of their sovereignty to the regional body. Thus, the result is that ECOWAS has so

far remained an organization (a kind of a lame duck) with a large array of protocols and

decisions without the requisite political power to enforce them.

Further, there are quite profound contradictions between ECOWAS regional economic

integration policies and the national policies of member states. Whereas the benefits accruing

from numerous regional integration policies are long-term in nature, involving low/high risk
34
adjustments, and are regionally distributed, the harsh economic and political conditions of these

states demand urgent remedies and their policy preferences gravitate around policies that offer

short-term payoffs, with relatively low risk or total risk aversion for the maximization of

immediate national welfare. Therefore, this basic contradiction accounts for the lack luster

implementation of the community‟s protocols and decisions and consequently the failure of those

regional economic programs within the frame work of ECOWAS. The burden of which seriously

weakened their moral support and commitment to the implementation of those program and

subsequently their failure.

Anadi (2005) clearly outlined the major failures that hunt ECOWAS today, the causes of

the failures and there realities. But what he didn‟t point out is the failure of these members state

to cater for their internal problems as noted earlier by Akindele (1986). This will be looked at the

summary and conclusion session.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION.

The role of Nigeria in the West African region integration cannot be over emphasized,

from the literatures above it is obvious that regional integration in West Africa or otherwise

known as ECOWAS cannot be said to be a total failure, even though most of the establishing

principles are yet to see the lights of the day or the few existing ones are not functioning as

earlier imagined. More policies are formulated every year on strategies that can be followed to

achieve the targeted fruits. Among the establishing principles, Promotion of integrated

infrastructure in the West African sub-region; Establishment of the ECOWAS free trade area;

Promotion of sub regional (ECOWAS) Economic integration; Establishment of the Ministry of

Cooperation and Integration (which was later subsumed in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs);
35
Establishment of the Second West African Monetary Zone; Complete eradication of all rigid

border formalities and Establishment of current currency for the region, are among the principles

that are always on paper and strategies are drafted every year on how to reach them. (Anadi

2005)

However, Adoption of a common ECOWAS Passport; Establishment of the ECOWAS

Court of Justice; and Promotion of sub regional peace and security initiatives, are among the few

that are seen on ground. For example some of the West African states have already adopted the

ECOWAS passport.

Also, inferring from the above literature review, it is obvious that what Plato defines as

the major characters a state should have are lacking in Nigeria, a foremost economy in the region

which assumes a leadership role. Plato identifies three major elements of a well administered

state. According to him a well administered state should have experts as their heads of states;

there should be clear definition between contractors and leaders of the state and he stressed the

supremacy of state in all affairs.

What went wrong according to the preceding authors is that Nigeria has political bigot as

leaders who lead with less conviction and sincerity (Achebe 1983) The leaders are corrupt and

they share contracts among themselves (Maier 2000) and state affairs is run as a personal office

(Achebe 1983) These attributes relegates Nigeria‟s domestic leadership to the minimum, if not

disregarded in the international community. And this put the country, less of what Akindale

(1986) defined as the strength of foreign policies. According to Akindele (1986), foreign policy

of a country can never be stronger than the domestic environment. That is no matter how

Nigeria will try to influence activities of the foreign neighboring states, because of her internal

crises, the foreign activities may not be respected. Thus, the best retracing steps are, it is
36
politically suicidal for policy makers of Nigeria to pursue the long term benefits of regional

economic cooperation in preference to the short term national needs of their states that demand

urgent attention

Thus, the leadership role of Nigeria in the 21st century should focus on the need for

Nigeria to overcome its domestic problems without necessarily over stretching itself to attain

African unity. (Okunno 2010) The resources needed to back up her policies towards the sub

region and beyond should not be in short supply as this may bring with it complex problems at

the political and social levels. Therefore, she must continuously commit herself towards ensuring

peace and stability in the continent, most importantly in the West African Sub region.

With a successful political transition and democratization, and turning 50 on October 1st

2010, a new era has opened up for Nigeria towards improving its internal leadership and foreign

relations with other countries of the developing world. It is expected that she will not only

assume a very prominent position on African affairs, but will also serve as the fulcrum, together

with South Africa, upon which the economic and political integration of Africa will be built, in

the near future. It is also expected that, amongst other things, the new thrust of Nigeria‟s foreign

policy should be more inward looking by fixing the right internal structures that will enable the

country project power externally from a position of strength and not weakness, arising from the

resolve of all outstanding issues within the polity. On the basis of this, the country would do well

to utilize and improve on its position as a non-permanent member of the Security Council of the

United Nations. This would be a catalyst in her aspiration and desire to be a strong member in

the committee of Nations.

37
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