A Worldwide State-of-the-Art Analysis PDF

A Worldwide State-of-the-Art Analysis
for Bus Rapid Transit:

Looking for the Success Formula
Dr. Alexandros Nikitas and Prof. MariAnne Karlsson
Chalmers University of Technology, Gothenburg, Sweden
Abstract
This paper’s intended contribution, in terms of providing an additional angle in the existing
Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) state-of-the-art knowledge spectrum, is a dual one. On the one
hand, it provides a detailed description of the mode, re-defining BRT as an overall concept
by identifying, discussing, and categorizing in a systematic way its strengths and its weak-
nesses in comparison with rail-based solutions and conventional bus services. On the other
hand, it presents in detail a number of selected scheme-oriented applications from around
the world, looking into some of the basic ingredients behind BRT’s success (or failure) stories.
This is a scientific effort that could inform the reader about the current status of BRT inter-
nationally and about the challenges and opportunities that exist when trying to materialize
BRT’s potential as an effective urban passenger solution that could challenge the merits of
more conventional mass-transit options.
Introducing Bus Rapid Transit

Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) is a modern breed of urban passenger transportation with a
consistently growing global importance due to evidence of an ability to implement mass
transportation capacity quickly and at a low-to-moderate cost (Deng and Nelson 2011).
Perhaps the most complete and focus-driven definition of what BRT intends to be is the
one addressing it “as a rubber-tyred rapid transit service that combines stations, vehicles,
running ways, a flexible operating plan, and technology into a high quality, customer
focused service that is frequent, fast, reliable, comfortable and cost efficient” (Canadian
Urban Transit Association 2004).
More specifically, BRT refers to schemes that apply rail-like infrastructure and operations
to bus systems in expectation of offerings that can include high service levels, segregated
rights-of-way, station-like platforms, high-quality amenities, and intelligent transport sys-
tems for a fraction of the cost of fixed rail (Currie and Delbosc 2011). This cautious phras-
ing means that BRT “does not necessarily represent transformation as such, but a means
to achieve transformation” (Mejia-Dugand et al. 2013). A combination of infrastructure
Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 18, No. 1, 2015 1

A Worldwide State-of-the-Art Analysis for Bus Rapid Transit: Looking for the Success Formula
and service-oriented elements that, in principle, mean to bridge together the best that
light rail and buses have to offer is the prerequisite to forming mass transit systems capa-
ble of responding to rapidly-changing mobility needs with a strong positive identity that
evokes to a unique image (Levinson et al. 2003).
BRT applications are designed to be appropriate to the markets they serve and their phys-
ical surroundings, and they can be incrementally implemented in a variety of settings and
types. Because of the inherent flexibility advantages of rubber-tired buses—e.g., unlike
rail systems, the same vehicle that functions as a line-haul carrier also can morph into a
neighborhood feeder—BRT also is suited for many lower-density areas (Cervero and Kang
2011). However, the vast potential of BRT could be used at its maximum rate in congested
urban environments where adequate mass transit services could not be provided to road
users by (or solely by) more expensive modal options such as light rail or metro.
BRT, thus, is a homogeneous system of facilities, services, and amenities that has the
potential to become an alternative far more competitive to car-oriented mobility than
conventional buses, to the degree that it could redefine the very identity of a city.
A BRT system is composed of the following ingredients:
• Vehicles, which not only contribute significantly to BRT’s image and identity, but
also play a strong role in achieving measurable performance success (Zimmerman
and Levinson 2004)
• Stops, stations, terminals, and corridors, which define the system’s area of
operation
• A wide variety of rights-of-way, including bus priority in signalized intersections,
dedicated lanes on surface streets, and, more importantly, special BRT busways
completely separated from road traffic; BRT routes can be operated almost
anywhere—on abandoned rail lines, within a highway median, or on city streets
(Jarzab et al. 2002)
• Pre-board fare collection, to disengage ticketing from the on-board user experience
and to provide a hypothecation mechanism for the system’s long term viability
• The use of information and communication technologies, to improve the quality
of the services provided in terms of customer convenience, speed, reliability,
integration, and safety
• All-day service that, according to Levinson et al. (2003), should operate at least 16
hours per day with peak headways of 10 minutes or less
• Brand identity, consisting of perceptual constructs substantiated by the strategic
deployment, placement, and management of communication elements that allow
people to recognize the unique qualities of a specific BRT system; these include visual
and nominal identifiers (e.g., system name and logo), a color palette, and long-term
strategic marketing and advertising plans (Hess and Bitterman 2008)
For the economy of the overall transport system of a city that employs BRT, some of the
infrastructure facilities (e.g., busways and stationary settings) could be shared with light

rail transit systems (with no loss of performance to either). In other instances, BRT can
allow conventional bus services to access certain key sections of its infrastructure, allow-
ing for bus-based service integration (Deng and Nelson 2011). BRT systems also can oper-
ate in mixed traffic flow when physical, traffic, and/or environmental factors preclude bus
lanes or busways from being implemented—something that could lead to decreased bus
speeds and service reliability and be a setback for the system’s image. However, there are
serious trade-offs with implementing BRT in mixed traffic flow; advantages include low
costs and fast implementation with a minimum of construction (Miller 2009). Therefore,
the amount of dedicated runway for a BRT system is a strategic decision that depends
on the city hosting the scheme and the city’s unique geographical, socio-economic, and
transport-related characteristics.
BRT, nonetheless, is a very demanding transport option that could change the balance of
a whole transport network within a city. This is because BRT would re-orient significantly
something as limited and precious as road space provision in favor of bus services. This
obviously will impact the rest of the road traffic in a severe way in case a decisive modal
shift would not be achieved. It should be noted that BRT is not suitable for every city.
There are population and topological criteria and thresholds that justify the implementa-
tion and the magnitude of such a scheme.
BRT systems have been approached from an institutional perspective (Filipe and Macario
2013; Lámbarry Vilchis et al. 2010), a social perspective (Delmelle and Casas 2012; Lin and
Wu 2007), an economic perspective (Cervero and Kang 2011; Hensher and Golob 2008;
Lindau et al. 2008), an urban planning perspective (Gómez 2004), an environmental per-
spective (Wöhrnschimmel et al. 2008), and a technical perspective (Hensher and Golob
2008; Hidalgo et al. 2012). All these authors agree that the BRT concept could be a feasi-
ble solution for many cities’ mobility problems and, furthermore, that “there is a lack of
studies analyzing the connection among the implementing venues, the transmission of
ideas from one to the other, and the impact that incremental improvements have had on
the geographical expansion of the concept” (Mejia-Dugand et al. 2013). Thus, any work
concentrating on such issues could be a timely and meaningful process adding to the
existing BRT knowledge.
The Advantages of BRT

BRT has been widely regarded as ‘‘one of the most wide-spread urban public transporta-
tion revolutions’’ of recent decades (Jiang et al. 2012; Levinson et al. 2003). This is because
BRT is a mass transit choice with considerable advantages in terms of its implementation
merits but also because of its vast potential to eventually benefit in a variety of ways the
urban environment for which it has been chosen. Wright and Hook (2007) and Hensher
(1999) support the view that BRT is a transport mode rapidly expanding around the world
because of its 1) low cost, 2) operating flexibility, 3) rapid implementation, and 4) high
performance (i.e., reliability/speed) and impact (i.e., user satisfaction/environmental ben-
efits). Based on a study by the Canadian Urban Transit Association (2004), Hensher and
Golob (2008) also report as BRT advantages over other mass transit systems the potential
for greater patronage and higher capacities, the possibility of incremental implementa-
tion, and the induction of land use changes. However, it has been well documented by

international experience, thus far, that all these advantages are not necessarily true for
every BRT case (Filipe and Macario 2013).
The first significant advantage of BRT over rail-based transit options is that it needs con-
siderably lower start-up capital investment while operational costs are moderate (Badami
and Haider 2007; Campbell 2009; Hensher and Golob 2008). System costs are a fraction
of those of comparable rail systems (Currie and Delbosc 2011; Hidalgo and Gutierrez
2013). Hodson et al. (2013) reported that the main antagonists of BRT, which are light rail
systems when compared to bus-oriented schemes in purely economic terms, were found
to be:
• too costly
• poor in terms of financial performance
• in need of significant local funding in addition to central government funding to
become a reality
Figure 1 shows the capital costs per kilometer for selected BRT corridors around the globe.
These costs range from the very moderate $1.4 million per kilometer for the scheme in
Jakarta to Bogotá’s $12.5 million per kilometer.1 Rail systems with similar capacities cost 3
to 10 times more (Hensher 1999; Wright and Hook 2007).
FIGURE 1.
Capital costs per kilometer for
selected BRT systems
Source: Hidalgo and Carrigan 2010
The system in Bogotá is considerably more expensive because it includes dual lanes, large
stationary facilities, and some non-grade intersections, as well as a large fleet of articu-
lated and bi-articulated buses, to provide for very high capacity and high commercial
speeds (Hidalgo and Gutierrez 2013).
1
These costs have not been adjusted to reflect inflation since the time of construction, the differences in
labor costs in different regions of the world, and the differences in the nature and extent of planning studies
required in various countries because BRT-related expenditure figures are extremely difficult to locate in a
form that could be treated accordingly. Rather, these costs are indicative numbers given by the operators
but could nonetheless allow rough comparisons between schemes.

Overall, accessing information about BRT costs is neither an easy nor a straightforward
task. In many cases, capital costs for specific BRT applications are fully integrated in much
broader transport improvement packages, and identifying the specific BRT-related figures
is near to impossible. For instance, the TranSantiago project has three main components:
the development of a BRT network, the expansion of the existing metro system, and
the integration across all transit modes in the city. The initial conceptual framework,
estimated at $250 million, was later revised to incorporate an extensive expansion of the
metro network with total capital costs of almost $2.5 billion. No specific information
solely related to the TranSantiago BRT framework per se is available.
Compared with other forms of mass transit, BRT systems are more flexible. The fact that
BRT systems have the potential to use the same operating infrastructure that could have
been already in place for light rail transit systems and, at the same time, allow conven-
tional bus services to access certain BRT infrastructure sections to facilitate interconnec-
tion and performance enhancement (Deng and Nelson 2011) underlines the interopera-
bility dynamics of this mode. Because BRT vehicles are rubber-tired, they can operate in a
wide range of environments without forcing transfers or requiring expensive running way
construction over the entire range of their operation. Through this flexibility, BRT can
serve a geographic range much wider than that in which dedicated BRT guideways do
exist (Levinson et al. 2002). BRT also may be implemented in combination with a variety
of travel demand management measures, such as congestion charging or traffic calming.
Moreover, BRT can be more adaptable to deal with changing travel patterns and is faster
to build than any rail-based scheme.
The capability of BRT to be implemented rapidly make this type of system attractive to
political leaders willing to complete systems before the next election cycle (Hidalgo and
Carrigan 2010). In comparison, the planning timescales and consultation processes for
rail-based systems are excessively long, and this is a key reason that a number of these
schemes have failed already in the planning stages (Hodgson et al. 2013). When there was
a clear BRT vision by a local champion or any other political leader, planning for imple-
mentation received priority and development cycles were short, at least for the initial
phases of project implementation (Hidalgo et al., 2007). For instance, the city of Guadala-
jara, Mexico, completed a high-quality corridor 16 km long for 125,000 passengers per day
in only 2 years from idea to implementation (Hidalgo et al. 2010). The successes of BRT in
Curitiba, Bogotá, Guangzhou, Istanbul, and elsewhere also are helping decisionmakers in
developing cities to adopt BRT concepts, although implementation in developed coun-
tries has been slower than elsewhere due to preferences of planners and decisionmakers
for rail systems and also due to compliance with planning and funding regulations, includ-
ing extensive public participation processes (Hidalgo and Gutierrez 2013).
Case studies summarized by Levinson et al. (2003) and Wright and Hook (2007) suggested
that BRT could be the most cost-effective way of providing a high-performance public
transit. The main indicators of performance of a BRT scheme are commercial speed,
capacity, and productivity (Hidalgo and Gutierrez 2013). The qualities represented by
these indicators are supported by special design features that BRT schemes offer. These
operational features that can define the individual quality and performance potential of
any local BRT application are described by the BRT Standard, a comparison tool meant

to assign points to BRT systems according to their serviceability. High points mean that a
system is in line with international BRT best practice. The assessed aspects that are being
considered in the latest BRT Standard designed from the Institute for Transportation and
Development Policy (ITDP 2014) include:
• BRT basics (dedicated right-of-way, busway alignment, off-board fare collection,
intersection treatment, platform-level boarding)
• Service planning (multiple routes, express/limited/local services, control center,
located in top 10 corridors, demand profile, hours of operations, multi-corridor
network)
• Infrastructure (passing lanes, bus emissions minimization, stations set back from
intersections, center stations, pavement quality)
• Stations (distance between stations, safe and comfortable stations, number of doors
on bus, docking bays and sub-stops, sliding doors in BRT stations)
• Communications (branding, passenger information)
• Access and integration (universal access, integration with other public transport,
pedestrian access, secure bicycle parking, bicycle lanes, bicycle-sharing integration)
Point deduction also exists that penalize BRT schemes for poor performance in commer-
cial speeds, service capacity, lack of enforcement of right-of-way, significant gap between
bus floor and station platform, overcrowding, poor infrastructure maintenance, and low-
peak and off-peak frequencies (ITDP 2014).
Regarding BRT transport-related impacts, most systems have showed better performance
than the bus operations they replaced regarding passenger demand, user satisfaction,
travel time, and reliability (Diaz and Hinebaugh 2009; Gutierrez 2010; Wright and Hook
2007). Currie and Delbosc (2011) report that BRT technologies not only improve service
design compared to conventional bus services but could potentially act as door openers
to increased ridership because of:
• their higher frequency and longer operating hours services
• their priority systems, which are known to reduce journey times and improve service
reliability
• their better-defined network/corridors, branding, and provision of new technology
information systems to improve the ease of understanding the system
An additional, positive impact related to BRT systems, which has been documented by
international practice, is the improvement of environmental conditions in terms of air
quality, noise reduction, and energy consumption; also, externalities such as traffic acci-
dents have been reduced considerably. Moreover, when looking at the broader picture on
a longer-term basis, one could suggest that some BRT projects, and especially those that
have received significant capital investments, may have the potential to bring broader
effects on urban economic, social, and environmental development (Deng and Nelson

2013) or at least deliver to the cities hosting them improved and more aesthetically-pleas-
ing urban environments in which their societies can live.
It is arguable that BRT systems have been considered catalysts for land development in
cities, such as Curitiba, Ottawa, Guadalajara, Guangzhou, and, to a lesser degree, Istanbul
(Deng and Nelson 2011). Since proximity to mass transit can greatly save time and money
costs of commuting, properties near transport facilities generally become desirable for
new development or re-development. As reported by Deng and Nelson (2011), there is a
growing body of evidence suggesting that BRT systems increase land values and, in some
cases, successfully promote high-density residential, office, and commercial land use. Perk
et al. (2013) report, for example, that the BRT stations located along Washington Street
in Boston, where the Silver Line BRT operates, had a considerable impact on the rise in
property market values, quite similar to that of light rail transit projects. Also, a detailed
analysis on the impact of BRT on residential rents provided evidence showing that acces-
sibility to BRT stations is associated with high value of residential properties (Rodríguez
and Targa 2004).
The Problems with BRT

BRT is connected to a complex set of actors and networks within the social and technical
dimensions of the city (Mejia-Dugand et al. 2013) and, thus, it is a system that could be
difficult to implement and operate in a flawless manner. Filipe and Macario (2013) report
that neither are all the advantages of BRT over other public transport modes always true,
nor are the stories of implementing BRT systems always successful ones.
There are reports of BRT systems that fail to fulfill their objectives and have produced
costly, in societal terms, side-effects—for example, the TranSantiago BRT system (in Chile)
and its initial implementation. The system’s performance (even now), belying expecta-
tions, has been rather dismal, making it a traumatic process for the whole of Chile, to
the extent that taboo policy discussions such as nationalizing or subsidizing the public
transport of the country became mainstream (Muñoz and Gschwender 2008).
BRT systems do not have a single meaning and image; on the contrary, they reflect a broad
spectrum of applications, spanning from supporting mechanisms that simply provide
infrastructure or marketing improvements to existing bus services operating on mixed
traffic to totally segregated systems. There is a need, thus, to refine the definition of BRT
and BRT-like systems and create categories based on objective performance measures to
improve the understanding among planners and decisionmakers (Hidalgo and Gutierrez,
2013). Notwithstanding the growing evidence that BRT could serve, if well-planned and
well-executed, as a viable transport “savior,” pro-rail attitudes are still dominant in the
public debate regarding best public transportation practice. BRT systems are still often
regarded as “second best to rail-based alternatives,” even if this is not justified by an
explicit evaluation analysis (Finn et al. 2011; Gutierrez 2010; Hensher 1999).
Despite the growing acceptance that BRT is a time-efficient mode to implement in
urban environments that face rapidly-growing mobility needs (Badami and Haider 2007;
Hensher and Golob 2008), especially in comparison with fixed rail schemes, the political
economy is often favorable to those candidates offering rail alternatives as part of their

proposals in electoral debates (Hidalgo and Gutierrez 2013). BRT is, aside from the evi-
dence provided to the contrary by Deng and Nelson (2011), still considered inadequate to
foster urban development, and planners often cite this as a fact (Hidalgo and Gutierrez
2013). This is because the flexibility that enables BRT to be implemented in a wide range
of environments—one of the system’s main advantages—is also one of its weaknesses
since a bus service is generally perceived as being less permanent than a rail service. Local
decisionmakers and transport planners may, based on this very reason, question its abil-
ity to stimulate land development. However, there is insufficient evidence, especially in
developed countries, to prove that development is favored by rail over high-quality bus
systems (Hidalgo and Gutierrez 2013). In addition, the fact that BRT is being prioritized
over any other road-based transport mode is perceived negatively by car users, who tend
to think that road space is reduced, even though, at least in theory, road capacity means
to be increased significantly.
The fact that BRT is cheaper to implement than a rail system does not mean that this is
not a capital-intensive system (Deng and Nelson 2011). On the contrary, BRT is far more
expensive than any conventional bus system that lacks sophisticated design features and
the need for dedicated road space. Actually, funding for some cities that introduced BRT
in the past was so scarce that the cities needed to rely on donations, budget allocations
from the national governments, and loans. The process of applying for funding could be
time-consuming as well, reducing the time window for the actual project implementation
(Hidalgo et al. 2007).
In addition, several BRT systems in developing countries suffer problems such as the
following (see also Hidalgo and Gutierrez 2013; Hidalgo and Carrigan 2010; Hidalgo et al.
2007):
• Rushed implementation – several components could be incomplete at the time of
commissioning, but gradual improvement over time has been observed
• Tight financial planning – systems usually do not receive operational subsidies;
there are exceptions, however, such as TranSantiago
• Very high vehicle occupancy levels – six to seven standees per m2, which is quite
frequent nowadays and can make the user experience unpleasant
• Early deterioration of infrastructure – lack of road surface reinforcement or
problems in design and construction result in maintenance issues
• Delayed implementation of fare collection systems – often requiring longer
timetables than initially expected and very tight supervision
• Poor communication during disruptions caused by construction – can erode
public support for the project, and insufficient user information and education
prior to the system launch can lead to chaotic conditions or even protests (Carrigan
et al. 2011)
• Integration deficiencies – for instance, in any urban transit system, the walking
catchment area tends to be particularly important since walking is typically the
primary access mode for urban stations (Hsiao et al. 1997); nonetheless, the reality is

that accessing BRT stations is not as easy or safe as it should have been (unpublished
research by the authors and some of their students shows that providing better
pedestrian safety is a significant issue for some BRT applications in China)—this
creates a serious integration issue that could adversely influence ridership numbers
These problems are associated with financial restrictions and institutional constraints,
rather than intrinsic issues of BRT system concepts. Actually, many of them are local prob-
lems with unique topological character that could not be duplicated by similar schemes
elsewhere. Nevertheless, these difficulties could influence to a certain point public atti-
tudes reflecting the social acceptance of BRT.
Finally, the critics of BRT often cite comfort issues when comparing bus systems with rail.
As a matter of fact, many past studies have found that, other things being equal, most
public transport users prefer rail to bus because of its greater comfort (Abelson 1995).
Due to the fact that most BRT systems in developing countries use very high occupancy
standards, as a result of financial restrictions that would allow the provision of a level of
service exceeding what customer fares can strictly finance for operation and vehicles,
the standard of comfort can be neglected (Hidalgo and Carrigan 2010). However, Currie
(2005) documents that there is actually evidence to support the fact that BRT has gener-
ally similar performance to light rail in the perceptions of passengers regarding comfort.
Indeed, the average results of his study suggest that BRT may perform as well as rail with
the other factors identified, depending on the scale of the BRT system and the quality of
its stations and facilities.
Table 1 is a synopsis of the strengths and weaknesses and the opportunities and chal-
lenges that BRT represents today.2 It is a practical framework that looks into BRT from six
different angles that refer to realistic concerns regarding BRT’s actual use: 1) economy, 2)
technology, 3) flexibility, 4) implementation, 5) performance, and 6) impact.
2
The authors recognize that some of strengths and weaknesses presented in Table 1 are of a broader nature
and, thus, could be in some degree applicable or could be generalized to other mass-transit modes.

TABLE 1. Synopsis of Strengths and Weaknesses of BRT Today
BRT Strengths BRT Weaknesses

Cost Moderate in comparison with rail-based schemes More expensive than conventional bus services
Moderate difficulties in allocating funds for building a BRT Could be still difficult to allocate; may be need for loans, donations, and support from
Economy Funding
scheme in comparison with rail-based schemes central government
Financial Planning Good fare policy could allow schemes to be profitable Tight, as systems usually do not receive operational subsidies
Improves quality of services provided in terms of customer
ICT Advanced technology could be perceived as expensive addition to costly system
convenience, speed, reliability, and safety
Disengages ticketing from on-board user experience and
Technology Pre-board Fare Collection provides hypothecation mechanism for system’s long term Challenging to achieve in initial phases and in need of very tight supervision thereafter
viability
Could be viewed especially by car users as a “threat to their rights,” thus reducing public
Priority Systems Reduce journey times and increase reliability
acceptability of BRT
Can operate everywhere, no need for exclusive use of
Operational Flexibility Could be viewed as proof that this is not permanent solution but temporary adjustment
infrastructure
Flexibility
Can be seen as supplementary service to others and not as a primary transport solution;
Integration Flexibility Can co-exist with metro, light rail, and conventional buses
integration deficiencies with other modes have been reported for existing schemes
No need for long consulting and funding allocation processes Could lead to rushed implementation in which several components could be incomplete
Rapid Implementation
associated with rail operations at time of commissioning
Can make BRT look like a project “too easy to deliver” in comparison with rail-based;
Straightforward Can make this type of system attractive to cities and their
thus, could be falsely perceived as marginal transport improvement, something that
Implementation political leaders
could be viewed as a disadvantage for ambitious politicians
Implementation
Better-defined network/corridors, branding, and provision
Insufficient user information/education and poor communication during disruptions
Road-User Engagement of new technology information systems to improve ease of
caused by construction can diminish public trust to BRT
understanding system
A strong political champion can be an asset in development and
Political Leadership When strong political support is not obvious, BRT planning could be highly problematic
implementation of BRT
High Capacity Can be “real mass transit” solution Very high occupancy standards could downgrade quality of service
High Speed Some BRT schemes have comparable standards to metro Some schemes only marginally improved conventional bus travel speeds in cities
Performance Is BRT that much more reliable from conventional buses to invest so many funds? Are
High Reliability Big improvement over conventional buses
time savings really enough?
Argued that comfort is comparable to that provided by rail
Comfort Can be argued that comfort is not up to standards of comparable rail services
services

TABLE 1. Synopsis of Strengths and Weaknesses of BRT Today (cont.)
BRT Strengths BRT Weaknesses

Improvement of environmental conditions in terms of air quality,
Environment Can be argued that metro/light rail are even greener
noise reduction, and energy consumption
Still not entirely disengaged by general road traffic; implies that there are still traffic
Traffic Safety Reduction in number of traffic accidents
accidents related to its use
Car users tend not to see significant BRT-related benefits, while some schemes have
User Satisfaction Majority of BRT users have been fairly satisfied with service
been deemed poor by their users
Impact
With right patronage and political support, can become iconic Needs support to be publicly recognized as system much more complete and superior
Image
for respective cities than slightly improved conventional bus service
May have potential to bring broader economic, social, and Can be argued that BRT's potential for positive societal impacts is not as significant as
Urban Development
environmental benefits on urban development the potential of fixed-rail
Can increase land values, rent values, and even promote high-
Land Use Metro and light rail could have an even greater positive land use impact
density residential, office, and commercial land use

An Introductory Review of BRT Systems Globally

The development of BRT systems worldwide has witnessed tremendous growth in recent
years (Delmelle and Casa 2012). Following a few pioneering implementations in the later
20th century, BRT has emerged as a leading mode of urban passenger transit in the first
decade of the 21st century (Deng and Nelson 2011). Many of these new implementations
are taking place in cities throughout the developing world, attributed largely to the rel-
ative inexpensive cost, easier implementation, and greater flexibility as compared to rail
systems, and their promise to foster economic revitalization (Levinson et al. 2003).
TABLE 2. Regions Passengers/Day No. of Cities Length (km)

Basic Review of Bus Rapid Africa 242,000 (0.76%) 3 (1.61%) 80 (1.68%)
Transit per Continent
Asia 8,529,322 (26.93%) 38 (20.43%) 1,317 (27.68%)
Europe 1,804,829 (5.69%) 53 (28.49%) 822 (17.27%)
Latin America 19,769,380 (62.42%) 60 (32.25%) 1,646 (34.6%)
Northern America 894,821 (2.82%) 26 (13.97%) 798 (16.77%)
Oceania 430,041 (1.35%) 6 (3.22%) 94 (1.97%)
Source: www.brtdata.org, December 2014
Currently, there are 186 cities in 41 countries with BRT systems or corridors, serving
almost 32 million passengers every day (www.brtdata.org, December 2014). New BRT
systems and BRT extensions are under development as well.
The most important point of reference for BRT systems worldwide is South America, the
birthplace of this mass transit mode. The South American schemes are widely appreci-
ated as the most advanced and widely-used BRT systems in the world and provide a vision
of how BRT can be used to radically change urban modal split in favor of public transpor-
tation. More specifically, BRT schemes have been implemented in 60 different locations in
South America, hosting 62.4 percent of global BRT passenger trips (as of December 2014).
Recently, several cities in Asia have adopted BRT operations. The potential for BRT imple-
mentation in Asia is still huge, but this has been recognized only recently by Asian policy-
makers. Actually, the newer cities joining the list of the urbanities with BRT corridors are
concentrated to China, followed by Indonesia, with the Latin American region coming
in third. China, fostering one of the fastest-growing economies in the world and experi-
encing an unprecedented urbanization and motorization that has greatly transformed
the nation’s urban landscape over the last years, is the most fertile ground for new BRT
schemes to prosper. Currently, 18 Chinese cities host at least one BRT corridor, but most
of these schemes are of minor scale for the magnitude of the Chinese mega-cities. This
trend is even clearer in India, where BRT operates in 8 different cities, serving only 390,000
passengers per day.

TABLE 3. Complete List of Cities Hosting BRT Schemes
Adelaide Cannes Evry Joinville Maubeuge Port of Spain – Arima Surat

Ahmedabad Cape Town Fareham-Gosport Jonkoping Medellin Porto Alegre Swansea
Almere Caracas Feira de Santana Juiz de Fora Merida Prague Sydney, Blacktown Rouse Hill
Amsterdam Castellon Fortaleza Kansas City Metz Prato Sydney, Liverpool
Auckland Caxias do Sul Gatineau Kent Mexico City Puebla Sydney Parramattarouse Hill
Bangkok Châlon-sur-saône Goiania Kesennuma-Tome Miami Pune Taichung
Barranquilla Changde Gothenburg Kunming Monterrey Quito Taipei
Beijing Changzhou Guadalahajara La Rochelle Montevideo Rajkot Tehran
Belém Chiayi Guadalupe Lagos Nagoya Recife Toulouse
Belfort Chicago Guanzhou Lahore Nancy Rio de Janeiro Twente
Belo Horizonte Chihuaha Guarulhos Lanzhou Nantes Rosario Uberlandia
Bhopal Chongqing Guatemala Las Vegas Natal Rouen Urumqi
Blumenau Cleveland Guayaquil Leeds Nazahualcoyoti Runcorn Utrecht
Bogotá Crawley Haifa Leon de los Aldama New Delhi Saint-Nazaire Vancouver
Boston Criciuma Halifax Lianyugang New York Salvador Waterloo
Bradford Curitiba Hamburg Liége Nice San Bernandino Winnipeg
Brampton Dalian Hangzhou Lille Niteroi San Diego Xiamen
Brasilia Diadema-Sao Paolo Hefei Lima Oakland Santiago Yancheng
Brescia Douai Indore Lisbon Oberhausen Santos Yinchuan
Brisbane Dublin Ipswich London Olinda Sao Paolo York
Bucaramanga Ecatepec Istanbul Londrina Orlando Seoul York Regional
Buenos Aires Edinburgh Jaboatao dos Guararapes Lorient Ottawa Snohomish County Zaozhuang
Caen Eindhoven Jaipur Los Angeles Panama Sorocaba Zhengzhou
Cali Enschede Jakarta Luton Paris Stockholm Zurich
Cambridge Essen Jinan Lyon Pereira Stokton
Campinas Eugene Joao Pessoa Maceió Phoenix Strasbourg
Campo Grande Everett Johannesburg Maua – Diadema Pittsburgh Sumare

Only three cities in Africa have introduced BRT: Johannesburg and Cape Town in South
Africa and Lagos in Nigeria. In Oceania, there are six cities hosting a BRT scheme; five are
in Australia. A seventh scheme in Melbourne (i.e., SmartBus) contains elements of BRT
infrastructure but is no longer listed as such in the brtdata.org database. The introduction
and usage of BRT in North America is limited compared to the potential opportunities
that exist in the U.S. and Canada markets. Most schemes that are operating have small
usage rates in relation to the dedicated BRT kilometers offered.
Europe, on the other hand, is a very different story when attempting to assess BRT’s oper-
ability, productivity, and success. In Europe, the bus sector has a long tradition of inno-
vation and development in introducing bus lanes, bus-only roads, traffic management
measures to assist buses, and automatic dispatch and control systems—in some cases, as
early as the 1970s (Hidalgo and Gutierrez 2013). Nevertheless, BRT has not been embraced
with the same enthusiasm. One explanation is that during the 1990s, tramways were
favored and received a lot of attention, while buses and bus systems were left behind.
Nonetheless, the number of BRT systems in Europe is steadily increasing, especially in
France and the UK.
Researchers and practitioners in Europe prefer to use the term Buses of High Level of
Service (BHLS) rather than BRT (Finn et al. 2011). This is the case because they want to dif-
ferentiate the European applications, which are based on improving passenger experience
rather than simply focusing their efforts on how to supply high-capacity mass transit. In
the report from CERTU (2005), BHLS is defined as “a public road transportation concept
for the structuring services of the network that meet a set of efficiency and performance
criteria, coherently integrating stations, vehicles, circulation lanes, line identifications, and
operating plans in an on-going manner.”
However, the BRT vs. BHLS theme is far from simply being a quantity vs. quality aspect.
The advanced bus schemes across Europe, with the exception of Istanbul’s Metrobüs, are
not BRT systems that resemble Bogotá’s TransMilenio or Curitiba’s RIT but rather are BRT-
Lite. BRT-Lite is a term that is more or less synonymous with BHLS, which explicitly refers
to a system of buses with a high level of service that, despite its advanced characteristics,
when compared with a conventional bus-line is not a fully developed BRT system, but
rather a French/European BRT version of significantly smaller scale suiting European city
needs. BHLS can have a considerable impact when implemented as part of the “co-modal-
ity” concept promoted by the EU—for example, working in cooperation between public
transport fleet operations and parking management systems to promote BRT corridors
(Deng and Nelson 2011).
A Brief BRT History Lesson

BRT is an evolution of bus priority measures, such as designated busways and bus lanes
(Hidalgo and Gutierrez 2013) and reflects a vision that was inspired almost 80 years ago.
The idea of using rubber-tired vehicles to provide rapid transit is well-documented in
plans and studies that have been prepared since the 1930s, with growing emphasis on bus
prioritization (Levinson et al. 2003). For example, in 1937, the so-called Chicago Plan called
for converting three west-side rail transit lines to express bus operation on super highways

with on-street distribution in central areas (Levinson et al. 2003). The term BRT was ini-
tially used in 1966 in a study for the American Automobile Association by Wilbur Smith
and Associates, but a proper full-scale implementation came almost two decades later.
The first real BRT system was implemented in Curitiba in 1963, although dedicated bus
lanes were not operating until 1974 (Rabinovitch and Leitman 1996). Curitiba, with 1.85
million inhabitants occupying a total area of 435 km2 (about 4,200 inhabitants per km2),
is the seventh most populated city in Brazil and the largest in the southern region of the
country. The city stands at the center of a metropolitan area that includes 26 municipal-
ities with a total population of 3.17 million inhabitants. As early as the 1960s, Curitiba’s
policymakers had the inspiration to direct the city’s growth by integrating urban trans-
portation, land-use development, and environmental preservation using bus-based tran-
sit innovation as their main apparatus.
In a December 2013 discussion with the authors, the Mayor of Curitiba, Jaime Lerner, the
political champion who introduced this first BRT application in the world, stated that
“the inspiration behind the creation of a metro-nized, in terms of performance bus sys-
tem,” was based on three parameters: 1) reflecting the restrictions of the local economy
that could not cater to the massive financial needs for building and eventually sustaining
a metro system; 2) understanding that the future of transportation was on the surface
(and not underground)—he explicitly referred to “the need to have an interactive urban
environment that integrates mobility, in a very visible way, with the overall sustainability
focus of the city”; and 3) maximizing the potential of an already-existing bus system by
transforming it in a cost-effective but yet unparalleled way that could fit his vision of a city
working, living, and moving as a whole like a living organism.
As originally described by Lindau et al. (2010), the Curitiba bus system evolved from
conventional buses in mixed traffic to busways, which were later fitted with floor-level
boarding, prepayment, and articulated buses, creating the first full BRT system in the
world. Later, the city introduced high-capacity bi-articulated buses and electronic fare
ticketing systems. In 2007, RIT (the name of the scheme) had 2.26 million trips per working
day transported by a fleet of 2,200 buses that produced 483,000 km per day. In 2009, the
RIT was upgraded with the introduction of the Green Line, its sixth BRT corridor, which
includes the operation of 100 percent bio-diesel articulated buses. As of 2010, some of
Curitiba’s corridors had achieved performance to levels that are typical for metro systems
(Lindau et al. 2010). The capacity of the Boqueirão Corridor, for example, serves up to
89,000 passengers per day, and its operating commercial speed for the express service is
approximately 28 km/h. Today, RIT is responsible for 508,000 passenger trips per day over
its 81 km (www.brtdata.org, December 2014).
Curitiba’s operational framework was adapted to a significant degree for introducing BRT
corridors in places such as Quito (1995), Bogotá (2000), Los Angeles (2000), Mexico City
(2003), Jakarta (2004), Beijing (2005), Istanbul (2008), and Guangzhou (2010), to name a
few. Nonetheless, sufficient time passed for this public transit philosophy to disseminate
to other locations. The vast majority of cities around the world that adopted BRT opera-
tions embraced this choice from 2000 onward, as illustrated in Figure 2.

FIGURE 2.
BRT Implementation History
Presenting and Discussing Local BRT Applications

The main focus of this section is to present updated information on specific local BRT
applications that could be representative of their geographical region, followed by appro-
priate discussions. These discussions could be generalized into wider context for cities
with similar characteristics and could serve as valuable lessons for building future BRT
applications. There are many more examples that could have been discussed, but due to
space restrictions, this was not an attainable choice.
South America
TransMilenio, Bogotá, Colombia
Other than Curitiba, the influence of Bogotá has been particularly important in setting
the standards for what BRT is really about. The TransMilenio BRT system is the most pow-
erful BRT reference for planners and practitioners worldwide (Gutierrez 2010). Bogotá is
the capital and largest city of Colombia, with 7,760,500 inhabitants. It is among the 30
largest cities in the world and has 20 localities, or districts, that form an extensive network
of neighborhoods. TransMilenio, widely known as the “Jewel of Bogotá,” has received
many tributes, including the Stockholm Partnership Prize in 2002. It is the largest invest-
ment in public transportation in Colombia in the last decade, with significant impacts on
travel times, transportation costs, the environment, accidents, and urban development
of the nation’s capital (Hidalgo et al. 2013). It was built in three years, effectively from
scratch, as the answer to the persistent demand for a metro system (Gilbert 2008). On an
average working day in 2014, the system carried 2.21 million passengers in 113 km of lanes
in 11 corridors (www.brtdata.org, December 2014).
TransMilenio began operations in December 2000. Its key features as described by Gilbert
(2008) include the following:
• The system was built in stages, aiming to cover 80 percent of the urban transport
needs of the city (Gómez 2004).
• Each corridor is built along the city’s major roads, and the construction of the bus
stations, garages, bridges and other infrastructure was financed by public funds.

• TransMilenio operates using a public-private partnership mechanism. City

administration is responsible for the construction and maintenance of the
infrastructure (through the Urban Development Institute) and for the planning,
management, and control of the service (through Transmilenio S.A., the private
operator). The system operated originally on a commission of 3 percent of the fares
collected, a percentage that has risen over time (Hidalgo et al. 2013).
• There is no operating subsidy.
• Red articulated buses operate along reserved corridors, with two exclusive lanes
each way on most routes; a feeder system takes passengers to the main stations.
• In 2011, 1,262 articulated buses and 10 bi-articulated buses were operating 114
stations around the city, in addition to 519 conventional 12m buses that operated
within the 83 different feeder routes (Hidalgo et al. 2013).
• Each articulated bus can carry 160 passengers, with 112 standing and the remainder
sitting.
• The red buses belong to 7 “modern,” private companies that have contracts with
the city; the green feeder buses belong to another 11 companies.
• Some buses stop at every station; others are express services.
• Passengers board and alight the buses at special stations, many of which can be
reached by pedestrian bridges to avoid accidents and to speed up loading.
• Passengers purchase travel cards before boarding. A fixed fare is charged whatever
the length of the journey. The use of the feeder bus system is free; passengers are
charged only when they board on the articulated buses. The payment system also
embraces the use of a smart card (Hidalgo et al. 2013). The fares are collected by
Transmilenio S.A.
• Transmilenio S.A. monitors and controls the system through a GPS system and
communicates with the drivers through a wireless telecommunications system.
• User information is achieved through a fixed signage and dynamic display panels
(Hidalgo et al. 2013).
• The buses have to be replaced on a regular basis, approximately every 10 years,
although this can be extended to 15 years if the buses have not completed an
agreed mileage.
• The drivers are salaried employees of the bus companies.
TransMilenio may be a minor miracle, but Bogotá is still in need of improving its transport
system. Perhaps the main lesson that other cities planning to invest in busways should
learn is that TransMilenio-type systems can work efficiently and should be encouraged,
but unless parallel changes are made to the rest of the transport sector, real progress will
be slowed and, in a worst-case scenario, vested interests may actually undermine the via-
bility of a new BRT system (Gilbert 2008).

MIO, Santiago de Cali, Colombia

Santiago de Cali (or Cali), the third largest city in Colombia, with a population nearly
2.5 million residents, is among the most recent South American cities to adopt a BRT
system and is in the process of replacing its traditional bus public transit system with an
integrated mass transit system. This city-wide transportation project is central to a larger
urban revitalization plan intended to encourage economic growth and to alter the image
of both the city and the country to residents and outsiders. What defines this scheme is
the intention of planners to create a system that prioritizes equity over other potential
goals. As Delmelle and Casa (2012) report, the policymakers’ ambitions focus on develop-
ing a scheme that promotes equitable access to all residents and access to a large number
of urban opportunities. This is a scheme that on a daily basis accommodates 530,000
passenger trips in its 6 corridors that extend to 39 km (www.brtdata.org, December 2014).
Lessons to be Learned by South American Applications

Since BRT has a long tradition in South America, a discussion about South American
scheme variety and success (or failure) as a whole is a meaningful process. This discussion,
nonetheless, could be generalized into a wider context since these findings could be
applicable to other systems that have not yet achieved the levels of maturity of the South
American schemes.
After Curitiba opened the first BRT system, other cities in Brazil introduced systems with
some of the same characteristics but with much lower speeds, capacities, and customer
comforts. These light BRT systems—São Paulo’s passa rápido corridors, for example—
brought some real benefits to passengers but were far less appreciated by the general
public. As a result, Brazil lags behind Colombia in terms of leading BRT development
(Weinstock et al. 2011).
BRT systems in South America (and in Asia, in this case, since there are similarities) feature
a diversity of scope and level of integration. There are single-corridor projects that do
not integrate with feeder services and other transport modes (e.g., Mexico City, Beijing),
projects with sequential implementation of non-integrated corridors (Quito, Jakarta),
schemes that gradually implement physically-integrated corridors (Bogotá, Guayaquil),
and others that deploy extended route re-organizations (São Paulo, Santiago, León) (see
Carrigan et al. 2011). A strong political champion has proven to be an asset in the devel-
opment and implementation of BRT (Lerner 2013).
The fares for South American BRT projects with competitive bidding for bus operating
concessions (e.g., Bogotá’s TransMilenio, Pereira’s Megabus and TranSantiago) often have
been determined through the bidding process itself. Initial user fares were calculated
based on prospective operator bids, and the contracts then issued for operating have
included adjustment formulas for future rises in labor and fuel costs over time. In other
systems, political authorities defined fares that did not reflect the actual costs of the sys-
tem or the required levels of subsidy. This approach can have adverse effects. For instance,
Quito’s system was unable to generate enough funds to pay the operators of the Ecovía
buses, and the BRT systems of Mexico City (and, similarly, Jakarta and Beijing) were finan-
cially challenged until fare increases were approved. Setting fares related to knowledge of
the costs and an understanding of subsidy requirements are necessary to ensure financial

sustainability for operators and funding authorities as well as continued political buy-in
(Carrigan et al. 2011).
It is also common for cities to incorporate existing operators into the new BRT system
to minimize political and contractual risks referring to service operation. Cities in South
America (and now in Asia and Africa as well) have encouraged small transport businesses
and operators to organize themselves into formal companies through restricted bidding
for operation contracts or through direct negotiations (Carrigan et al. 2011). This encour-
ages local communities and businesses to engage more actively with the scheme of their
city by sharing some responsibility for its functional operation. Even more important,
however, this helps to secure working posts that could be in doubt if a large contractor
was in command—something that influences local economic development positively.
This is an operational issue that perhaps deserves a study on its own, but since it is an
important success ingredient for BRT, it is reported as such for the sake of a more holistic
approach.
Europe
Metrobüs, Istanbul, Turkey
A scheme that is considered among the most successful is Turkey’s Metrobüs, the only
intercontinental BRT system in the world. This is a success story not related with South
American schemes, although it was inspired by them. The implementation of Metrobüs
started in 2007. It was initially built on the European side of Istanbul through a high-de-
mand arterial and received criticism for being preferred over rail alternatives. The section
that was built in 2009 runs over one of the two Istanbul Strait (Bosporus Strait) bridges
connecting Asia and Europe, by which Metrobüs has uniquely acquired the distinction of
crossing a major water barrier and connecting two continents. Istanbul Strait is a major
transportation bottleneck and source of congestion, and Metrobüs is the only transit
system for crossings.
Shortly after the opening of the bridge section, the whole system recorded a directional
capacity of 24,000 passengers per hour and patronage of 620,000 daily trips (Alpkokin
and Ergun 2012). The one-corridor BRT scheme after its fourth phase in 2012 extends
to 51.3 km (Yazici et al. 2013). Currently, Metrobüs carries 750,000 passengers per day
serving Istanbul, one of the largest cities in the world, with a population of more than 13
million inhabitants (www.brtdata.org, December 2014), which, similar to other megaci-
ties in terms of size and complexity, has a metropolitan area even larger. Metrobüs uses
the application of a median busway with center island stations that was built within the
median of the freeway D100 by removing a travel lane in each direction. Bus operation
is counter-flow to reduce costs and implementation times and uses conventional buses
with right-hand doors. The entire Metrobüs system has a dedicated right-of-way in Istan-
bul, with the exception of mixed traffic operations on the Bosporus Bridge.
Alpkokin and Ergun (2012) conclude their assessment of Metrobüs by reporting that
“all the information of improved ridership and capacity proves that Istanbul Metrobüs
achieves one of the highest patronage levels amongst similar BRT systems, which provides
evidence to support the effective operation of BRT systems.”

Stombussar, Gothenburg, Sweden

Gothenburg has approximately 540,000 inhabitants and is divided by the Gothia River,
with the south and the north parts crossed by two bridges and one tunnel. Public
transport accounts for 29 percent of all trips; 48 percent are by private car, 14 percent
by motorcycles and non-motorized vehicles such as bicycles, and 9 percent by walking.
The public transport system in Gothenburg consists of trams, BRT-Lite routes, and other
bus services including express buses. There is also a ferry service across the river and to/
from the archipelago. Most public transport journeys are made by trams (60%), but the
BRT system is gaining in popularity and carries around 15 percent of the passengers of
all public transport trips (Trafikverket 2014), that equal approximately 25,000 passenger
trips per day (www.brtdata.org, December 2014).
The BRT system, or, more precisely, the trunk bus system, was first introduced in 2003.
Currently, eight lines are considered trunk bus lines or “stombusslinjer.” Line 16 initially
had a 10-minute frequency during peak hours; the current frequency is 5 minutes during
most of the day and 2.5 minutes in the most demanding directions during peak hours.
The other seven BRT routes run with at least 10-minute frequencies during daytime, in
some cases reinforcing traffic during peak hours. To minimize the times at each bus stop,
travelers are allowed to get on and off through all doors, a so-called “open visa” regime.
This corresponds to the principles that apply to trams in Gothenburg, but is not allowed
in other, ordinary bus lines.
Buses are given priority at all traffic lights en route. The position of all bus stops was
reviewed, leading to a minimum number of bus stops in relation to traveler needs, and
special bus lanes and bus streets were created. When planning the routes, efforts were
made to avoid sharp curves and lateral movements; this has been achieved by providing
a straight line into and out of the bus stops and bus lanes, which run straight through
roundabouts, etc. All these actions lead to a higher average speed. Most bus stops in the
BRT system are equipped with real-time information displays, presenting information on
next departure as well as disturbances and delays. On all buses, internal displays inform
the passenger about the next two stops. A special road map presents the trunk bus lines
together with the tram system to further stress the relationship between the two. The
ticketing system is an electronic smart card system. Tickets cannot be purchased on
board, but individual tickets can be purchased via SMS just before the trip and are valid
for 90 minutes, or cards can be purchased from local shops. Approximately 65 percent of
passengers use monthly passes.
The entire bus fleet consists of low-floor buses with wheelchair ramps. In addition, all
stops have a raised platform to improve accessibility for mobility-challenged passengers.
The buses have a unique and uniform design to make them easily detectable in city traffic.
For interior design, care was taken in the choice of colors, materials, and lighting to make
the travel experience more pleasant for travelers and to assist passengers with disabilities.
It should be noted that this BRT scheme is substantially scaled down compared to the
world’s leading BRT schemes; it is not oriented towards dealing with higher capacities
but, rather, emphasizes the provision of high-quality services. Conclusions from previous
Swedish research on BRT indicate that there is no place for full-scale BRT schemes in

Sweden, even though Swedish towns and cities could benefit from the image, flexibility,
speed, and quality that BRT symbolizes (Stojanovski 2013). The urban form, the road hier-
archies, and the dispersed and fragmented urban structure of Swedish towns and cities
and low densities were identified as main obstacles (Kottenhoff 2010).
Asia
TransJakarta, Jakarta, Indonesia
Jakarta is the capital and largest city of Indonesia and is located on the northwest coast
of the island of Java. It is the country's economic, cultural, and political center and, with
a population of around 10 million, is the 13th most populated city in the world. TransJa-
karta BRT System launched its first corridor on January 2004 on a trial basis, beginning
revenue operation on February 2004 (Ernst 2005). This was the first fully operational BRT
system in Asia. During its first year, it served 15.9 million passengers. Beginning with just
12.9 kilometers, TransJakarta is now 206 km (www.brtdata.org, December 2014), larger
than the BRT systems in Curitiba and Bogotá (Yunita 2008).
This is a scheme that has all the key elements of a BRT system. It is founded on a desig-
nated busway that is physically separated from mixed traffic, except for very few cases
where segregation was not feasible. TransJakarta offers facilities such as air-conditioning
and pre-paid boarding that distinguish it from other buses. Currently, 12 corridors oper-
ate, serving 370,000 passenger trips per day (www.brtdata.org, December 2014). In its
first year of operation, TransJakarta was responsible for a significant modal shift, with 14
percent of private car users using BRT (Susilo et al. 2007), a measurement that reflects the
period occurring four months after the launching date of the first eight corridors.
TransJakarta’s ridership is rather low, with systems that have less than one-quarter of
TransJakarta’s infrastructure carrying more passengers per day. For example, Belo Hor-
izonte’s BRT system is approximately 5 times smaller than TransJakarta, with 5 fewer
corridors and carrying 682,000 passengers per day on its articulated buses. One effort to
improve the customer experience and attract ridership included the installation of water
fountains in several stations, intended for passengers observing Ramadan, the Islamic
month of fasting, to be able to break their fast in the station during their commute home.
The cost of the water purifiers was about $2,136 each (Yunita 2008).
The main problems of the scheme are long queuing times and insufficient bus frequency.
The initial corridors were constructed for buses with only one door, constraining the
number of people who could get off or on the bus at one time. The new corridors will
include a fix to this problem. Information provision is not efficient since it is provided
only in stations by ticketing officers, security officers, and a display board. Cleanliness and
maintenance are important concerns as well.
BRT1, Beijing, China

Beijing is the capital of China and one of the most populous cities in the world, with more
than 20 million inhabitants. The metropolis is governed as a direct-controlled munici-
pality under the national government, with 14 urban and suburban districts and 2 rural
counties. Beijing Southern Axis BRT Line 1 (BRT1) is the first BRT system implemented in
China and the first large-capacity rapid bus line based on the needs of developing public

transportation, which was designed using foreign advanced ideas and technology as ref-
erence (Lin and Wu 2007). BRT1 started commercial operations in December 2004 with
a pilot line of only 5.5 km in length. In December 2005, BRT1 began full operations and
was extended to 15.8 km. It should be noted that from proposal to trial operation, the
time span of implementing BRT1 was relatively short. Most lanes are physically segregated
in the median of the road, except for 2 km from Qian’men to Tian’an’men. Six of the 17
stations of the corridor are transfer stations (Deng and Nelson 2013). Accessibility to the
city center has been significantly improved for residents along the BRT corridor.
The BRT system investment at Beijing Southern Axis Corridor included significant
expenses for the creation of the necessary road-reconstruction project, stations, and
intelligent transportation systems (ITS). The investment in the road reconstruction proj-
ect was about 321.31 million yuan, and the investment for the stations and ITS (including
operation for stations, parking lots, vehicles, etc.) was approximately 288.19 million yuan,
for a total cost of 609.5 million yuan; construction cost per kilometer was about 38.1 mil-
lion yuan (Lin and Wu 2007), a cost in American dollars (in 2014 values) of approximately
$6.2 million.
In Beijing, the local authority has faced increasing difficulties in paying off debts for sub-
sidizing its metro and light rail operations and for expanding the rail network to increase
coverage. In a pre-implementation cost-benefit study on three transport improvement
alternatives (busway, street-level light rail, and elevated rail) in a congested corridor in
Beijing, it was found that only the busway showed a positive net present value (Deng
and Nelson 2013). This rationale led Beijing policymakers to implement, on a relatively
small scale (for the city standards), BRT to save costs and eventually provide high-quality
services within a short implementation time.
Currently, Beijing has 4 corridors covering 74 km of routes and hosts on a daily basis
305,000 passenger trips (www.brtdata.org, December 2014). The lines use vehicles with a
passenger capacity of 180 persons (Lin and Wu 2007), and all are low-floor buses and cost
about US$250,000 each, including features such as automatic stop announcements, three
double left-side doors, and air conditioning (FTA, 2006). The buses are mounted with
GPS terminal equipment and meet universal emission standards. The speed of the buses
reaches 26 km/h, and (according to Lin and Wu 2007) the overall travel speed of general
traffic after BRT implementation of the Southern Axis Line has increased by 2.26 km/h.
A user survey conducted by Deng and Nelson (2012) suggested that passengers were
generally content with the BRT service provided in the Beijing Southern Axis BRT Line 1,
with 85.5 percent rating overall satisfaction as “very satisfied” or “satisfied.” High speed
and convenience were the main factors encouraging passengers to use BRT. It was also
found that passengers who had a car alternative were more likely to give lower satisfac-
tion ratings regarding the reliability, comfort, cleanliness, and overall satisfaction of the
BRT service.
Overall, the implementation of BRT in Beijing is regarded as a considerable success
because of its prominent flexibility, transit speed (close to that of the Beijing Metro), and
user satisfaction (Deng and Nelson 2012, 2013; Lin and Wu 2007). However, some prob-
lems do exist. In Beijing, an impressive feature of BRT stations is a pedestrian overpass or

underpass, which provides safe pedestrian access; adding lifts and elevators would make
these stations even more accessible to mobility-challenged groups. Fares are below the
operation cost level, which has generated considerable financial difficulties for the oper-
ators. Currently, Beijing’s BRT is heavily subsidized by the local government, but because
it has high passenger volume levels and low labor costs, it could be profitable, provided
that the system operation structure is redesigned accordingly. The local authority needs
to re-examine the effect of subsidies on operational efficiency and conduct a full review
of its fare policy and structure to improve the operational sustainability of BRT. Adding
more express buses at large stations and intersection services during peak-hours while
reinforcing the fleet with super-capacity vehicles could, according to Lin and Wu (2007),
bring immediate improvements to the system.
Unrealized Potential for BRT Investments in Asia

In many developing Asian cities, the growth of transportation needs is very rapid and
uncontrolled, causing various impacts on the environment and human welfare (Satien-
nam et al. 2006). The reality is that until recently, heavy investments have been made
exclusively in building metro and light rail systems as a means to meet massive travel
demand. Pucher et al. (2007) suggest that although metro and light rail projects have
gained extensive political support in Asia, in some cases, this is mainly because “rail
symbolizes modern, advanced technology and offers politicians tangible, highly visible
achievements to impress their constituencies and the rest of the world.” Thus, the pri-
oritization of rail-based solutions was primarily founded for image and national pride
purposes and not on the provision of a mechanism adequate to deal with urgent traffic
congestion problems.
BRT has recently emerged as an attractive urban transit alternative in many Asian cities
due to its financial sustainable, ecologically-friendly character and its flexible implemen-
tation. However, it seems to be difficult to introduce BRT, at least on a scale that reflects
the size and traffic challenges of Asian mega-cities. Ten countries and 38 cities in Asia have
a BRT scheme to date, but none is comparable in size or performance to the schemes
of South America. Some of them also lack innovation and are limited to unsuccessfully
adapting BRT operations that do not fit the local needs of the city hosting them. For
instance, after Indonesia opened TransJakarta, a system with significant problems of its
own, other cities across Indonesia began opening copycat systems, the best of which
brought about only marginal improvements and the worst of which made conditions
worse. Chinese and Indian cities, after gaining some limited familiarity with Bogotá’s
TransMilenio, also made a number of sub-optimal bus system improvements that were
branded as BRT but which could not be judged as cost-effective (Weinstock et al. 2011).
Furthermore, the lack of upfront integration of road design, public transportation plan-
ning, land-use planning, and early-stage public consultation has created challenges to
providing high-quality public transport services on many new urban corridors (Jiang et al.
2012). Deng and Nelson (2010) add that, despite the fact that BRT systems are successfully
in operation across the world (and in Asia in particular), the image of BRT is not yet well
understood by most decisionmakers. This means that it is difficult for them to transform
a concept that is often misunderstood into new local applications that could genuinely

improve road traffic conditions. Yet, with more than 100 cities of more than 1 million
in population only in China, the urban transportation market in Asia is very large (FTA
2006)—too large to address by simply supporting car-orientated operations and conven-
tional public transport services.
North America
HealthLine, Cleveland, USA
The most successful example of BRT in the U.S. (with a BRT Standard score of 63/100 com-
pared to Eugene’s EmX 61, Los Angeles’ MetroRapid 61, Pittsburgh’s Martin Luther King,
Jr. East Busway 57, and Las Vegas’ MAX 50) is the 11.4 km Euclid Corridor Transportation
Project, also known as HealthLine. This is a scheme that is not really comparable to the
productivity, efficiency, or size of a scheme such as Bogotá’s, whose BRT Standard score
is 93. Healthline is a one-corridor scheme serving 15,000 passenger trips per day (www.
brtdata.org, December 2014).
This project was created in response to the need for providing an efficient public transit
service connecting the city’s main employment centers. The Greater Cleveland Regional
Transit Authority (RTA), the Northeast Ohio Areawide Coordinating Agency (NOACA),
and the City of Cleveland had studied transit options in Cleveland for four decades, cul-
minating with the consensus in 1995 that BRT would be the most cost-effective option
to provide high-capacity transit service for the city (Weinstock et al. 2011). The project
details for the Euclid Corridor Transportation Project were finalized in 1999 following a
series of 12 public consultation meetings.
Before the system opened, average bus speeds in the corridor were only 15 km/h. Line
6 on the Euclid Avenue corridor was one of the most heavily-used routes in the city,
accounting for 10 percent of the total passenger trips. Euclid Avenue also had lines 7 and
9 operating on part of the corridor. The operational plan for the HealthLine converted line
6 into an upgraded service with new articulated BRT buses that operate mostly within
a newly-constructed segregated right-of-way. The original low-floor 7 and 9 buses also
are able to use the BRT infrastructure at station stops with right-side boarding. A total
of 32 buses also use the BRT corridor in some places. Together, these 4 lines average an
interval of 2.1 minutes between buses during the peak, and speeds in the corridor average
a respectable 20.11 km/h (Curitiba BRT averages about 21.06 km/h and Bogotá averages
26.2 km/h). More than 13 additional routes that overlapped the corridor for short dis-
tances or were in the impact area of the corridor have been rerouted. Some of the speed
increase resulted from the elimination of stops, which some residents complained about
along with the inconvenience resulting from the changes in routes, but that was the only
negative side-effect.
Daily ridership increased by 60 percent after 2 years of operation. The project’s total
budget was approximately $200 million, but only $50 million was allocated for buses and
stations; the remainder was directed towards other corridor improvements such as road-
ways, utilities, new sidewalks, and street furniture. The cost of the busway itself, therefore,
was only about $7 million per mile, including rolling stock. The investment has resulted in
nearly $4.3 billion in economic development for the area (Zingale and Riemann, 2013) in

real estate investments along Euclid Avenue, one of the city’s most historically-significant
corridors.
A very intriguing factor of the scheme (that perhaps could be a point of reference for
more BRT schemes) relates to the fact that Greater Cleveland sold the naming rights of
the line to help fund the system. The Cleveland Clinic and University Hospital jointly pur-
chased the naming rights, resulting in the HealthLine name. This partnership will provide
the system with $6.75 million in additional funding, dedicated to maintenance, over the
next 25 years.
North America is Still “Testing” BRT

The development of BRT systems is relatively recent in the United States; however, several
systems are operating, and many more are being planned (Perk et al. 2010). Until recently,
the U.S. and Canada (partly because BRT is not ideal for the population density of the
typical Canadian urban structure) have not yet relied heavily on BRT. Having witnessed
the success of BRT schemes such as those in Curitiba and Bogotá, a number of American
cities began developing BRT-type systems. Some of these systems have brought signifi-
cant benefits and won public approval. However, even the best U.S. systems lack some
key characteristics of the world’s best BRT systems, and none have fully captured the
imagination of American motorists and voters (Weinstock et al. 2011).
American cities started investing in BRT as a viable alternative after it was solidified as a
worldwide phenomenon. However, the concept of employing rubber-tired vehicle fleets
to provide rapid transit and the term BRT itself could be of American origin (Levinson
et al. 2003). Since there is still no consensus on what constitutes a full-scale BRT system
(Wirasinghe et al. 2013), the not particularly infrastructure-heavy American BRT systems
have been labeled by some (e.g., Weinstock et al. 2011) as “modest bus system enhance-
ments corrupting the BRT brand.”
Nonetheless, each BRT system is a unique solution fitting the needs of the city in which
it is implemented and should be addressed as such. The role BRT is asked to play in the
U.S. because of federal and other cultural and institutional differences is that of a com-
plement and not of a sole solution. Similar to Europe, there is a focus on quality rather
than quantity. Perhaps, to allow for BRT to grow to its full potential in North America,
more comprehensive understanding is needed of the relationship between land use
and BRT, particularly in comparison with other fixed-guideway modes (Perk et al. 2010).
Understanding the mode’s impacts on property values, in particular, could be another key
for embracing the measure if the impact is somewhat comparable to that of rail-based
services (Perk et al. 2013). The emergence of BRT, in this sense, should not be seen as a
problem despite all its current limitations, but rather as “a unique opportunity to change
negative perceptions regarding public transit in North America,” as Hess and Bitterman
(2008) argue.
Currently, 18 cities in the U.S. host 32 corridors and 548 km of dedicated BRT road infra-
structure, but only 365,000 passenger trips per day (www.brtdata.org, December 2014)
take place, which, in comparison, is less than half of those completed daily in Instabul’s
Metrobüs. Canada, in respect, has 8 cities with BRT schemes, hosting 530,000 passenger
trips in 18 corridors spanning 250 km (www.brtdata.org, December 2014).

Africa
Lagos BRT-Lite, Lagos, Nigeria
Among the three African BRT applications, the most recognizable is perhaps the one in
Lagos, Nigeria. Lagos is one of the fastest growing cities in Africa. Data for “building up”
urban area population is a particular concern in Nigeria; the 2006 census results were
highly disputed. For example, the federal census indicated a population for the state of
Lagos of 9.1 million; a parallel census conducted by the state found the population to be
17.5 million (Demographia 2014).
The 22 km Lagos route is Africa’s first BRT scheme and became operational in March
2008. It is termed “BRT-Lite,” meaning that it is not a scheme of the highest specifica-
tion such as TransMilenio in Bogotá. It is a new form of BRT, focused upon delivering a
system to meet key local user needs, with the aim of improving quality of life, economic
efficiency, and safety within a clearly-defined budget. The implementation of a 15-month
conception-to-operation program, together with its delivery at a cost of $1.7 million per
km, makes its development unique internationally (Brader 2009).
The Lagos BRT-Lite carries almost 200,000 people per day (www.brtdata.org, December
2014). Its single route is 65 percent physically-segregated and 20 percent separated by
road markings. However, its success is not purely based on its infrastructure but on a
holistic approach that involved the reorganization of the city’s bus industry, financing
new bus purchases, and creating a new institutional structure and regulatory framework
to support it, together with the training of personnel to drive, maintain, enforce, and
manage BRT (Brader 2009). An early evaluation of the scheme showed that users were
saving journey time, had fewer interchanges en route, were traveling cheaper, and felt
safer (Brader 2009). Adebambo (2009) also suggests that BRT has a significant impact on
passenger satisfaction in Lagos metropolis; it has helped to improve the quality of life of
not only its users but also those that travel along the corridor using other modes, as well
as those who choose to locate their businesses there. Businesses within the corridor saw
the scheme as a positive addition, improving accessibility and aiding their access to staff
and the ability of their staff to travel for work-related duties (Brader 2009).
Negative aspects relate primarily to the need for more buses and more routes. Problems
exist, and improvements relating to the system’s efficiency are necessary. According to
Adebambo (2009), there is a need, for instance, to ensure greater coordination with
local planning and operating agencies for the purpose of identifying BRT potential, and
a need to conduct research, develop operational techniques, and promote the use of ITS
technology to enable safe and efficient deployment of BRT. BRT implementation also
may require policy and institutional reforms, such as changes in transportation planning
and roadway management practices (to give buses priority in traffic), vehicle purchasing,
transit regulations and contacting (to maintain a high quality of service), and urban design
(to increase development near BRT routes). The scheme overall seems to have a beneficial
effect upon the quality of life of the commuting population of Lagos.

Oceania
Brisbane Busway, Brisbane, Australia
Australia and New Zealand, due to their small populations compared to their vast land-
masses, are more likely than most countries to have strict limits on public spending,
including transport infrastructure and operations. This means that bus-based systems
can be the only viable solutions for some Oceanic cities. Australian BRT systems have
been noted as being particularly diverse in design (Currie 2006), with systems now
operating in Sydney, Brisbane, Adelaide, and, to a lesser extent, Melbourne (Currie and
Delbosc 2011). The system in New Zealand is the one-corridor Northern Busway in Auck-
land, operating 22 km and generating 22,900 passenger trips per day (www.brtdata.org,
December 2014). The Adelaide O-Bahn is the oldest BRT system in Australia and one of
the first BRT systems worldwide; it opened in 1989 (Currie 2006).
The Brisbane Busway is the largest BRT system in Oceania, with 3 corridors running on
28 km and serving 356,800 passenger trips per day (www.brtdata.org, December 2014),
which is about the same passenger volume as the huge TransJakarta scheme that was
built to cater the needs of a city five times the size of Brisbane. The system is recognized
as one of the most successful BRT systems in a developed economy, and, by Australian
standards, is regarded as one of the most successful mass transit systems, delivering fast,
comfortable, and cost-effective urban mobility through the provision of segregated right-
of-way infrastructure, rapid and frequent operations, and excellence in marketing and
customer service (Gollota and Hensher 2008). For the high-level strategic criteria of value
for money and increased accessibility, connectivity, and visibility, the Brisbane BRT excels,
according to Gollota and Hensher (2008).
Conclusions
BRT systems are celebrated worldwide as an increasingly popular public transport devel-
opment option (Currie and Delbosc 2011). This is due to their promise for delivering
relatively low-cost, rapidly-implemented, flexible, and high service quality solutions to
developing cities’ transportation needs (Wright and Hook 2007). There is an increasing
number of highly-congested urban environments in need of a public transport mode with
a vast potential for eco-innovation that could be assessing the merits of BRT. As pointed
out herein, if BRT is well-designed and supported adequately by local policymakers, it
can be a high-capacity public mode that could capture road-user loyalty. Furthermore,
by reviewing BRT examples from all over the world, and especially concentrating on cases
that have been revolutionary, this work provides an identification of prototype mecha-
nisms for reconstructing success.
Combining the quality standards of a tram or metro system with the flexibility and ease
of a conventional bus system at a significantly lower expense than that related to fixed rail
operations could challenge the merits of car-oriented mobility in any eco-friendly society.
International practice supported by current BRT user satisfaction levels (as reported, for
example, for Beijing by Deng and Nelson 2012) suggest that BRT schemes could be high-
ly-acceptable strategies for relieving traffic problems and promoting sustainable living
conditions.

BRT is a very demanding public transit medium that could transform the whole transport
system within a city with two distinctive approaches—by re-allocating road space and
by reforming the priorities of the city’s urban development policy. In addition to BRT’s
dedicated road space requirements that call for the introduction of bus lanes on existing
streets and bus streets completely separated from traffic, BRT is based on a wide variety
of other rights-of-way, including bus priority in signalized intersections. These could
radically affect the current balance of traffic prioritization, minimizing the dominance of
automobiles in streets. Thus, introducing a full-scale local BRT scheme could rearrange
the entire dynamics of a city’s mobility and, ultimately, force dramatic changes in modal
share.
Nonetheless, if the system fails to be attractive to the commuting audience, it could end
up as an expensive fiasco. In such a case, the scheme could, instead of promoting alterna-
tive and greener mass transportation, worsen the inner-city road conditions in terms of
traffic congestion by depriving road space from other more successful transport modes.
Therefore, strong political consensus, branding, image-making, marketing promotion,
and the provision of user education are of invaluable importance for 1) easing the transi-
tion from conventional bus services to BRT and 2) solidifying BRT as a tangible long-term
solution that could provide vital societal services for all road users and eventually become
iconic for the very identity of the city hosting it.
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About the Authors

Alexandros Nikitas ([email protected]) has a Ph.D. in Transportation
from the University of the West of England, UK. He is a Senior Academic Researcher work-
ing in the field of urban futures and transportation for the Division of Design & Human
Factors, which is part of the Department of Product and Production Development at
Chalmers University of Technology in Gothenburg, Sweden.
Marianne Karlsson ([email protected]) is Professor (chair) in Human Factors Engineer-
ing and Head of the Division of Design & Human Factors at the Department of Product and
Production Development of Chalmers University of Technology in Gothenburg, Sweden.

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A Worldwide State-of-the-Art Analysis

for Bus Rapid Transit:

Introducing Bus Rapid Transit

Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 18, No. 1, 2015 1

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The Advantages of BRT

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Source: Hidalgo and Carrigan 2010

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The Problems with BRT

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TABLE 1. Synopsis of Strengths and Weaknesses of BRT Today

BRT Strengths BRT Weaknesses

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TABLE 1. Synopsis of Strengths and Weaknesses of BRT Today (cont.)

BRT Strengths BRT Weaknesses

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An Introductory Review of BRT Systems Globally

TABLE 2. Regions Passengers/Day No. of Cities Length (km)

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TABLE 3. Complete List of Cities Hosting BRT Schemes

Adelaide Cannes Evry Joinville Maubeuge Port of Spain – Arima Surat

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A Brief BRT History Lesson

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Source: www.brtdata.org, December 2014

Presenting and Discussing Local BRT Applications

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• TransMilenio operates using a public-private partnership mechanism. City

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MIO, Santiago de Cali, Colombia

Lessons to be Learned by South American Applications

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Stombussar, Gothenburg, Sweden

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BRT1, Beijing, China

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Unrealized Potential for BRT Investments in Asia

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North America is Still “Testing” BRT

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About the Authors

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