Sociology of Fashion - Order and Change

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Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:171-192. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
1
Department of Sociology, Uppsala University, SE-751 26 Uppsala, Sweden
2
Swedish School of Textiles, University of Borås, SE-501 90 Borås, Sweden;
Access provided by 78.97.144.220 on 05/21/20. For personal use only.
email: [email protected]
3
Organisational Behaviour Department, INSEAD, 77305 Fontainebleau, France;
email: [email protected]
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013. 39:171–92 Keywords

First published online as a Review in Advance on diffusion, distinction, identity, imitation, structure
May 22, 2013
The Annual Review of Sociology is online at Abstract

http://soc.annualreviews.org
In this article, we synthesize and analyze sociological understanding
This article’s doi:
of fashion, with the main part of the review devoted to classical and
10.1146/annurev-soc-071811-145526
recent sociological work. To further the development of this largely
Copyright c 2013 by Annual Reviews.
interdisciplinary field, we also highlight the key points of research in
All rights reserved
other disciplines. We define fashion as an unplanned process of re-
current change against a backdrop of order in the public realm. We
clarify this definition after tracing fashion’s origins and history. As a
social phenomenon, fashion has been culturally and economically sig-
nificant since the dawn of Modernity and has increased in importance
with the emergence of mass markets, in terms of both production and
consumption. Most research on this topic is concerned with dress, but
we argue that there are no domain restrictions that should constrain
fashion theories. We identify venues around which sociologists could
develop further research in this field.
171
INTRODUCTION devaluated in academia because it is sometimes

seen as a “capitalist manipulation of the public”
Fashion is both a significant sociological topic
and is associated “with women’s pursuits.”
and a social phenomenon par excellence. As
Similarly, Kawamura (2005, p. 9) explains that
a sociological topic, fashion lies at the cross-
fashion is academically devaluated because it is
roads of several core subject matters of the disci-
“linked with outward appearance and women.”
pline (Crane 2000, Kawamura 2005), including
Despite these difficulties, many sociologists
collective and personal identity dynamics, pro-
have addressed fashion since the birth of the
duction and consumption patterns, and social
discipline. Classical works, for example of
distinction and imitation mechanisms. Hardly
Simmel (1904 [1957]) and Blumer (1969), still
any area of contemporary social life is not sub-
play a central role. Blumer (1969, p. 290) asked
ject to fashion, and it is a topic in which all
sociologists to “take fashion seriously and give
classical sociological questions reappear, from
it the attention and study which it deserves.”
the culture/structure conundrum to the mi-
Over the past 15 years, a new generation of
cro/macro debate. We argue that the increased

sociologists has paid heed to his call and shown
interest in fashion (see, for example, Giusti
great interest in this topic, highlighting the

2009, White & Griffiths 2000) should be ac-
difficulties of theorizing in fashion studies
knowledged as a sign of both its importance
(Tseëlon 2009) and calling for more of this
and its generality. And sociologists are well
type of work (Quemin & Lévy 2011). White &
equipped with theory and research tools to un-
Griffiths (2000, p. 1) showed enthusiasm for the
derstand and explain this phenomenon.
changing context: “The history and theory of
The fast-paced change patterns and easily
fashion has . . . become a field of unprecedented
observable mutations of fashion have led Bell
academic interest.” Fashion, we argue, is still
(1976, p. 17) to observe, “In sociological studies
largely a conundrum, but renewed interest
fashion plays the role which has been allotted to
opens up relevant venues for research. We
Drosophila, the fruit fly, in the science of genet-
foresee that a consolidation of the theoretical
ics.” As a social phenomenon worthy of social-
and empirical understanding of fashion would
scientific enquiry, fashion spreads far beyond
allow us to apply this knowledge to numerous
sociology to adjacent disciplines such as his-
social processes far beyond the current domain
tory, philosophy, economics, geography, and
of application.
cultural studies—which in turn influence soci-
In sum, research on fashion is in need of two
ology: “The ‘mystery’ of fashion changes has
interrelated developments: a clear definition
fascinated not only economists and sociologists,
and more academic legitimacy. The first aim
social historians and cultural anthropologists,
of this article is to review the field of fashion as
but also philosophers and moralists, poets, play-
a sociological topic, with a focus on fashion as
wrights, and novelists” (Gregory 1947, p. 148).
change. This focus allows us to offer a defini-
However, there is much confusion about
tion of fashion that is derived from the review
what fashion actually is. As explained by
of the literature and to clarify its underlying
Kawamura (2011), this confusion is due primar-
mechanisms. It also helps identify the type of
ily to the two meanings of the word—fashion as
research that remains to be done. The second
change and fashion as dress. To be thoroughly
aim is to provide accrued legitimacy to the
studied, fashion needs to be clearly defined, and
study of fashion. This is why we trace the ori-
a clear definition is still lacking. Furthermore,
gins of the field to its classical roots. We update
fashion research is haunted by “academic
classical theories with a focus on the revival of
devaluation” (Kawamura 2011). Many reasons
the field that has occurred in the past few years.
have been advanced to explain this situation.
Importantly, although fashion as clothing and
Crane & Bovone (2006, p. 320), for example,
dress constitutes a valuable setting in which to
explain that fashion, like consumption, is
study fashion as change, on which we focus, we
172 Aspers · Godart

suggest that sociologists would gain from using began to mean conforming to prevailing tastes
a more developed theory of fashion in which and to imply an idea of change. Mode and moda
the two concepts would not be confounded. come from the Latin word modus and refer
We have organized this article as follows. to manners; there is also a strong connection
We begin by briefly presenting the origins and to the concepts of modern and modernity.
history of fashion. This enables us to relate fash- These concepts in turn refer to capitalism,
ion to a few other concepts, and thus to clarify which historically emerged with Modernity
what it is not. We then turn to some academic (see Breward & Evans 2005, pp. 1–7). Both
disciplines related to sociology in which the etymologies relate to ways of making and do-
topic has been studied, first, to integrate knowl- ing things, and thus to a diversity of practices
edge; second, to show how more recent find- (Godart 2012, p. 27). Moreover, at least in
ings on fashion in other social sciences could English, the etymology of fashion refers to
be integrated into sociology; and third, to out- collectives. Only gradually and later did these
line what a specifically sociological perspective terms refer to change as explained by Luhmann
on this topic would entail. The rest of the arti- (2000).

cle consists of a review of sociological studies As noted by Welters & Lillethun (2007,
on fashion. Taking an international perspec- p. xxv), “the definition of fashion is contested.”
tive, we start by exploring the roots of fashion Additionally, a set of concepts are related to
theory in order to find core elements that can fashion and share some of its features but
constitute a sociological understanding of the do not fully exhaust its specificity. This lack
concept, and then move on to the more contem- of clarity does not facilitate research. To make
porary approaches, comparing and contrasting the concept clear, we suggest distinguishing the
production and consumption perspectives. To- concept of fashion proper from selected related
ward the end of the article, we suggest a defini- concepts: fad, innovation, style, and trend.
tion of fashion that synthesizes research on this Fads (or crazes) (Barber & Lobel 1952,
topic and that could serve as a stepping stone for Sproles & Burns 1994) refer to sudden changes
further theoretical and empirical developments. that often spread quickly and fade away rapidly.
Fashion differs from fads in two ways: First,
although fashions are related in some ways
THE ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION to previous fashions (Belleau 1987), fads ap-
OF FASHION pear to be random and impossible to predict.
Second, whereas fashions are intrinsically lim-
Etymology and Relationship with
ited in their diffusion because they are driven by
Selected Concepts
distinction, fads are not restricted by the num-
It is revealing to look at the etymology of ber of people following them because individ-
the word fashion in a few languages beyond uals do not use fads to distinguish themselves.
English, such as French (mode), Italian and Fashion, moreover, is different from
Spanish (moda), or German (Mode). All these innovation (Gronow 2009). Both fashions
terms have Latin origins. In English, fashion and innovations refer to change, and they
comes from the old (twelfth century) French replace or complement something that already
word façon, which designates ways of making exists—an older way of dressing or an obsolete
and doing things, highlighting the active role of technology—with something new. However,
fashion (Kawamura 2005, p. 3). It also has social compared with fashion, innovation alters social
connotations, given that the Latin word from practices in a deeper way and has longer-lasting
which façon is derived ( factio) refers to making effects. Furthermore, change in fashion does
and doing things together. In the sixteenth not necessarily imply improvement, whereas
century, fashion acquired a more contemporary it does for innovation. As soon as there is a
meaning (Luhmann 2000, p. 47): The concept standard against which change can be evaluated
www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 173

independently of taste or preferences, it is likely appeared in several civilizations simulta-

better to speak of innovation. neously. As Steele (1998b) points out, fashion
Fashion is also different from style. Welters phenomena can be found, for example, in me-
& Lillethun (2007, p. xxv) explain, for example, dieval Japan, where telling someone he or she
that a style in dress is a “combination of silhou- was imamekashi, or “up-to-date,” was a great
ette, construction, fabric, and details that exists, compliment. Likewise, in the first century, the
and which thus can be used, over time.” The Roman naturalist Pliny the Elder (ca. 77–79
punk style is one example. More generally, a [1952]) described fashion changes in the usage
style thus constitutes a “multidimensional self- of golden rings but did so without proposing a
referential aesthetic system produced and ex- fully developed theory of fashion.
tended over time” (Aspers 2006, p. 75). In this At the dawn of history, fashionable clothes,
sense, a style can constitute a lasting cultural which were produced locally, could be afforded
reference that can be subjected to fashions but only by the upper classes. Gradually, and when
is not a fashion in itself. groups of people developed better production
Finally, Welters & Lillethun (2007, p. xxv) skills and techniques, ideas, tastes, and fabrics
explain that a trend is “a direction in which could be diffused through war and conquest or
fashion may be heading.” A trend encompasses, traded, thus increasing the classes that had ac-
for example, several fashions and outlines some cess to fashionable garments. The relevance of
stylistic aspects, such as color or fabric. The key fashion increased with the modernization pro-
difference is thus a degree of generality: Fash- cess of the West, i.e., during the nineteenth
ions are less general than trends. century. In the 1920s, Marshall (1923, p. 260)
noted, “Until a little while ago it was only the
rich who could change their clothing at the
Where Does Fashion Come From? capricious order of their dressmakers: but now
A widespread position in sociology and related all classes do it.” With the recent growth in
disciplines is that fashion became a significant prosperity and the increased importance of con-
force in society only with the emergence of the sumption, mass markets, urbanization, density,
bourgeoisie and capitalism in Europe. More and at least some social mobility (Slater 1997),
specifically, many identify this transition during the role of fashion grew even further.
the European Renaissance in the fourteenth However, a lingering question remains. Do
century (Davis 1992, Steele 1998b). Others see the characteristics of fashion change with its
it happening later. Braudel (1992, p. 316–17), empirical context? Or does fashion present sta-
for example, wrote: “[O]ne cannot really talk ble features across cultures and historical peri-
of fashion becoming all-powerful before about ods? Craik (1993, p. 4), for example, proposes
1700,” even though he also acknowledged that we should see fashion as a general phe-
that “the really big change came in about nomenon that is not linked to the historical
1350.” development of European societies. It appears
Is finding an origin of fashion possible, and from our review that although fashion is a type
does it even make sense? For example, Heller of change that can be found at any historical
(2007) argues that theories about the origin period or in any culture, its extent and fea-
of fashion are biased because there are few tures depend on several factors related to the
sources that can be used to study dress before type of social order at play in the context un-
the medieval period. Similarly, Finnane (2007) der consideration. Beyond the important point
explains that the belief that fashion was born in highlighted above of the existence and extent
the West is probably related to a lack of inter- of a class structure, a crucial structural factor is
est in, and sources on, other civilizations (such whether the fashion is deployed in an industrial
as China) on the part of Western scholars. In context or not. This raises the question of the
fact, fashion is probably as old as dress itself and domain of fashion.

THE DOMAIN OF FASHION telecommunications industry (Djelic & Ainamo

2005), research in management (Abrahamson
Fashion as a social phenomenon is not
1991, 1996), or even science itself (Barnett
restricted to the domain of clothing and
1998). These studies, though few in number,
dress. For example, Blumer (1969, p. 275)
support what Blumer (1969) stated about the
lists the following fields that fashion affects:
domain of fashion: that it can potentially expand
“painting, sculpture, music, drama, architec-
to any field of human activity; this idea was also
ture, dancing, and household decoration.”
put forward and developed by Lipovetsky (1987
All of these have a clear aesthetic dimen-
[1994]) in his analysis of the spread of what he
sion, like fashion, but his list continues with
saw as the “fashion form” to other, nonsartorial
“medicine, . . . business management, . . . mor-
fields. Fashion is a central social phenomenon,
tuary practice, . . . literature, . . . modern philos-
mechanism, or process that can be applied to
ophy, . . . political doctrines.” Even scientific or
any domain. As Braudel (1992, p. 328) wrote,
philosophical truth may be a matter of fashion
“Fashion . . . is the way in which each civiliza-
(see Gadamer 1993, Luhmann 1997).

tion is orientated. It governs ideas as much as
It is nonetheless hard today to find studies
costume, the current phrase as much as the

and records of fashions—whether of objects,
coquettish gesture, the manner of receiving at
practices, or representations—that are not re-
table, the care taken in sealing a letter.”
lated to clothing and dress. There are, how-
ever, some notable examples such as the study
of the mechanisms that underlie the use and FASHION AS AN
diffusion of children’s first names (Besnard & INTERDISCIPLINARY TOPIC
Desplanques 1986, Lieberson 2000, Lieberson For a long time, fashion as a social phenomenon
& Bell 1992). First, as pointed out by Lieberson has had no specific disciplinary home, and only
& Bell (1992), first names constitute an intrigu- recently have “Fashion Studies” departments
ing case of fashion because, unlike clothing and emerged, as well as dedicated academic journals
dress or objects in general, the use and diffusion such as Fashion Theory, launched in 1997 and
of first names do not depend primarily on the edited by Valerie Steele, and Critical Studies in
organized actions of firms, professions, and Fashion and Beauty, launched in 2010 and edited
occupational groups. Similarly, institutional by Efrat Tseëlon, Diana Crane, and Susan
factors such as religious norms or legal con- Kaiser. Because of the current interdisciplinary
straints, if they sometimes determine the mech- focus of fashion research, we highlight the
anisms defining the choice of names, rather main sociologically relevant insights on fashion
define the pool from which they can be cho- from other disciplines, their limitations, and
sen. Zuckerman (2012, p. 225)—who broadly the extent to which a sociological approach to
sees fashion as a form of “temporal disconti- fashion can and needs to distinguish itself from
nuity” characterized by a “high degree of con- developments in other disciplines. Philosophy,
centration in social valuations at a single point economics, geography, and cultural studies are
in time”—reviews additional cases, including studied in more detail because of the greater
some diffusion studies of managerial practices amount of work devoted to fashion in these
(Strang & Macy 2001). He argues that fashion disciplines. We conclude with fashion studies
cycles can emerge when “quality differences are and ask whether there is a distinct sociological
relatively minimal” and when no principle an- voice in this field.
chors valuations in objective reality, giving way
to the social construction of value (Zuckerman
2012, p. 239). Philosophy
Other fields have been explored through a For centuries, in the Western world, the philo-
fashion lens; this is the case, for example, for the sophical debate on fashion—often confounded

with luxury—was focused almost exclusively while (Heidegger 1982, pp. 8–9). Hence, time is
on moral questions (Godart 2011), until Adam a central tenet in the understanding of fashion.
Smith (1759 [1982], pp. 194–98) switched the In sum, philosophy is a useful stepping stone
attention to the actual philosophical mecha- for sociologists of fashion because it suggests
nisms of fashion in which he saw the result of productive avenues for defining the concept,
an imitation process rooted in what he called even though it is often stuck in a “fear of fash-
“sympathy,” a feeling through which individu- ion” and a negative moral judgment on this so-
als relate to others. By imitating the fashions of cial phenomenon (Hanson 1990).
the rich, Smith argued, individuals participate
in their glory and happiness.
Kant, Nietzsche, Gadamer, and Heidegger Economics
have also discussed fashion. Philosophers, more In economics, fashion is often seen as being
generally, have echoed Kant’s (1798) dictum the opposite of rationality. The “irrationality”
that there is no utility to be gained from what of fashion is a widely shared view among
is in fashion. For example, Svendsen (2006, economists: Nystrom (1928, p. 68, emphasis
p. 157) recently adopted a critical perspective on in original) wrote that fashion is akin to, “for
fashion and concluded that what fashion “can want of a better name, a philosophy of futility.”
offer does not, despite everything, add all that Veblen (1899) analyzed money and the time
much to our lives.” Kant also mentioned gen- spent on fashion—which he lumped together
der, class, and diffusion, themes that Simmel with luxury—as a form of what he called “con-
(1904 [1957]) most likely later picked up from spicuous consumption.” According to Veblen,
him (Gronow 1993). fashion, and especially women’s fashion, is
Nietzsche (1878 [1996], pp. 363–65), more- merely an expression of the wealth of the head
over, was one of the first to explicitly link fash- of the family of its wearer. But this criticism
ion to modernity. For him, fashion—which he of fashion is a theme not only developed by
opposed to the “national costume”—emerged classical economists, but also prevalent among
with modernity. The existence of a fashion more contemporary scholars who imagine
capital, Paris, was a way to uproot dress from its conditions under which consumers would be
traditional origins and give way to modernity. better off “by banning the use of fashion”
Nietzsche, like philosophers in general, was (Pesendorfer 1995, p. 771).
ambivalent vis-à-vis fashion, seeing it as a pos- Economists are not only critical of fashion;
itive force driving modernity, but also echoing some are quite cynical. Marshall (1923, p. 244)
Kant, describing it as “the wheel of taste and wrote, “Rumour says that many a fashion
vanity” (Nietzsche 1878 [1996], p. 364). in dress has been planned at a meeting in
Philosophers have also discussed the ap- Paris of representatives of leading dealers
plicability of the concept of fashion to social and manufacturers.” More recently, Becker &
phenomena beyond clothing and dress. When Murphy (2000) have analyzed fashion and fads.
talking about the truth, Gadamer (1990, pp. 42– They see fashion as a case somewhat different
43), following Kant, acknowledges that there is from the standard markets oriented to material
an element of fashion in scientific practice and and individualistic value. Though the authors
work (Gadamer 1993, pp. 51, 228). Gadamer clearly make use of some sociological ideas as
suggests that fashion is highly important, but they expand the rational choice perspective, the
neither he nor Nietzsche can provide us with a analysis is essentially restricted to leaders and
definition. Heidegger, who is seen by many as followers. There is still a central assumption
extremely conservative, also could not avoid the “that utility does not directly depend on the
notion of fashion. He suggested that what is in consumption or status of anyone else” (Becker
fashion is characterized by newness and change, & Murphy 2000, p. 107). Other economists
but that additionally it lasts only for a short have attempted to model fashion (Bikhchandani

et al. 1992), focusing on diffusion and cascade that a producer-firm gets closer to the final
mechanisms among individuals, shedding some consumer market. There are at least three
light on how micro-individual decisions lead ways to upgrade: Producers can upgrade their
to macro processes such as fashion. work processes and their products; they can
Although economists, like philosophers, of- take the knowledge from one sector and make
ten perceive fashion as being immoral, superfi- use of it in another (Gereffi 1999, pp. 51–55;
cial, or irrational—a view that some sociologists Humphrey & Schmitz 2002, p. 1020); and a
might find unsatisfactory owing to their expec- firm can functionally upgrade, which involves
tation of value neutrality from social scientists moving into design and marketing.
(Weber 1958 [1991])—the modeling of fash- Geographers have studied the changing
ion phenomena by economists can be useful to pattern of global garment production chains
sociologists who are interested in fashion as a not only by focusing on areas in which pro-
diffusion mechanism. duction has grown, but also by looking at the
consequences of the increased pressure on
producers in Europe and North America who

Geography
are struggling against the competition from

In economic geography, the focus is on the countries with low wages (Evans & Smith
global production of fashion, the distribution of 2006). The geography literature has generated
knowledge, the features of industrial districts, new knowledge on the production of clothes
and the upgrading of the position of low-cost and has tied local consumption to global
countries in the fashion value or commodity markets and industrial chains reaching across
chain (Gereffi 1999). Geographers have, to a the globe. This knowledge, which helps shed
lesser extent, analyzed consumption. This field light on the spatial structure of fashion, can
has merged core geographical concepts such readily be merged with the research produced
as place and concentration with ideas from in sociology and cultural studies, and indeed
business economics, such as branding, and the disciplines of economic geography and
ideas from sociology, including networks. The economic sociology have often been fruitfully
interest geographers have shown in fashion combined in research (Whitford 2006).
needs to be interpreted in the light of their
attention to the spatial concentration of many
cultural industries (Power & Scott 2004). Cultural Studies
The notion of fashion brand is relatively Cultural studies and sociology are histori-
new in economic geography (Power & Hauge cally and intellectually intertwined through
2008), and it is a core product of the interrela- a series of common concepts and references,
tion between producers and consumers (Aspers but nowadays they constitute two distinct
2010b). The focus has been on the firms that academic disciplines with their own traditions
manufacture or retail the clothes (Tokatli 2007, and institutions. The interest in fashion by
Tokatli et al. 2008), whereas consumption cultural studies is multifaceted and in many
has been somewhat neglected. The uneven ways overlaps with that of sociology. Kaiser
development of the value chain is a leading (2012) gives an overview of the different fields
theme: The producers of garments get only a covered by the cultural studies of fashion:
small fraction of the value of the products sold nations and the transnational, ethnicity, class,
in stores to the final consumers. It is in this gender, sexuality, and the body.
light that one should see the relatively large The cultural studies of fashion arguably
discussion of upgrading within geography. started with the work of Hebdige (1979), who
Upgrading is about “enhancing the relative developed the concept of “subculture” as ap-
competitive position of a firm” (Schmitz & plied to youth cultures in the United Kingdom,
Knorringa 2000, p. 181), which often means notably the Punks. At the heart of this approach

lies the concept of homology, through which the context of globalization is whether it leads
all the different aspects of a given subculture to a homogenization of dress practices around
are characterized by correspondences. For ex- the world and how “national fabrics” fare in this
ample, Hebdige explained that the Punks talk environment (Paulicelli & Clark 2009).
like they dress, their opposition to mainstream Research agendas on fashion in cultural
society being expressed in both domains. This studies and sociology can certainly be merged.
approach has been further developed by, for ex- We argue that paying attention to structure, in
ample, Hodkinson (2002), who has studied the addition to culture (Friedland & Mohr 2004,
Goth subculture, also in the United Kingdom. Pachucki & Breiger 2010), is where sociology
Hodkinson’s central contribution has been to can add value to cultural studies of fashion, and
question the empirical validity of the concepts in this sense fashion is a great site to explore
of subculture and homology that, at least in the culture/structure conundrum.
the Goth context, are looser than what was
expected from Hebdige’s conceptual appara-
tus. The concept of a subculture, as related Fashion Studies: Toward an

Integrated Paradigm
to fashion, has since been expanded to non-

Western settings by, for example Kawamura As noted by Giusti (2009, p. 9), there has
(2012), who studied Japanese youth subcultures been a recent “explosion” of fashion studies.
from an ethnographic point of view and showed Fashion studies, or “fashion-ology” (Kawamura
how Japanese teens have become producers of 2005), is an interdisciplinary approach to fash-
fashion outside of commercial fashion houses ion. Several recent books pay heed to Kawa-
(Kawamura 2006). mura’s intuition and look at fashion from an
Another central theme in the cultural interdisciplinary angle. In these books, the so-
studies of fashion, notably as seen through a ciology of fashion, while playing a central role,
feminist lens, is its ambiguity and ambivalence, is mixed with other disciplines. For example,
a theme central in the work of Wilson (2003). Giusti (2009), synthesizing the developments of
Wilson explains that fashion should not be several disciplines dealing with fashion, has ar-
rejected by feminist theory, but rather should gued that organizations need to be at the center
be seen as a means of artistic and political of a reflection on this topic. In a special themed
expression. Nonetheless, she notes that fashion section on fashion in a 2011 issue of Organi-
is inherently ambiguous in the sense that it can zation Studies, the role of fashion in manage-
also be used for homogenization and oppres- ment studies is analyzed. The editor, Barbara
sion. This ambiguity has also been noticed in Czarniawska, writes that “an understanding of
the use of tattoos, which can be analyzed both fashion may be the key to comprehending many
as an opposition to the commodification, and puzzling developments in and among organiza-
as a commodification, of bodies (Fisher 2002). tions” (Czarniawska 2011, p. 599). This paves
The question of globalization and the role the way for adding managerial perspectives to
of fashion in this process are also central in cul- fashion-ology.
tural studies. For example, exploring the no- There are also concrete suggestions on
tion that fashion is an essentially urban phe- how a fashion-ological approach could be
nomenon (Wilson 2003), scholars have asked further developed. For example, starting with
how cities shape, and are shaped by, fash- the idea that fashion is a “total social fact” at
ion; this theme is most notable when ex- the crossroad of various spheres of social life,
amining the emergence of urban centers in Godart (2012) has detailed different regimes
the global fashion system (Breward & Gilbert and principles of fashion that have emerged
2006) beyond the traditional “big four” of historically. Tulloch (2010) has defined the ob-
Paris, New York, Milan, and London (Breward ject of fashion studies as “style-fashion-dress,”
2003). Another important topic explored in a conceptual system that constitutes a mixed

research object (Kaiser 2012). Carter (2003) processes of fashion: “reverential imitation,”
has laid a foundation of fashion studies by i.e., to follow the fashion of the upper class be-
identifying its classics, an important task that cause of its status; and the more challenging
we also undertake in this article. “competitive imitation,” i.e., to show that there
Nonetheless, the evolution of fashion re- is nothing special about the upper class. Tarde’s
search toward interdisciplinarity, which seems (1890 [1903]) approach was more neutral, axi-
to be a major trend, raises the question of the ologically speaking. He brought in the central
role of sociology in this moving academic con- aspect of diffusion of fashion in the form of imi-
text. More precisely, a lingering question that tation. He distinguished two forms of imitation:
sociologists need to address (Edwards 2011) customs, which are an imitation of the past and
is whether a specifically sociological point of the local; and fashions, which are an imitation
view on fashion exists. In addition, to what of the present and the nonlocal, such as styles
extent should sociologists integrate knowledge and designs created in another country.
from other disciplines into their own research? The idea of fashion as imitation and dis-
While we have, at least partially, addressed the tinction was further developed by Veblen (as
second question above, answering the first im- discussed above) and Simmel, who are usually
plies going back to the roots of sociological seen as the two modern fathers of the trickle-
fashion theory. down theory. Simmel (1904 [1957]) started
with an idea of two opposing forces in society:
unity (inclusion) and difference (exclusion).
THE ROOTS OF SOCIOLOGICAL Unity essentially entails an idea of belonging,
FASHION THEORY such as to a group, whereas difference refers
The study of fashion in sociology has presti- to the uniqueness that sets an individual apart
gious roots that are important to understand from others. Simmel argued that the upper
to better grasp the types of questions that the class drives the fashion cycle by making sure,
field is addressing today (Carter 2003; Godart when introducing a new style, that people in
2011; Kawamura 2005, 2011). Classical socio- classes below them are not dressed in the same
logical research has tied the theoretical analysis way. Thus, the upper classes maintain their role
of fashion to social structure. The first fully ar- by excluding other classes. For each member
ticulated sociological theory of fashion is the of a class, however, it is primarily inclusion,
“trickle-down theory” or the “class distinction not exclusion, that is the main issue, implying
approach” (Davis 1991). Its roots can be traced that class structure is partly constructed as a
back to the work of Mandeville (1714 [1924], result of fashion consumption patterns.
p. 129, original spelling): By imitating others, according to Simmel,
we decrease our psychological tensions because
We all look above ourselves, and, as fast as we can thereby belong to a group or a commu-
we can, strive to imitate those, that some way nity. By focusing on the collective level, Simmel
or other are superior to us[;] . . . the Women of rejects the purely psychological explanation of
Quality are frighten’d to see Merchants Wives fashion. This is most clearly expressed when he
and Daughters dress’d like themselves. . . . writes that “the [fashion] leader allows himself
Mantua-makers are sent for, and the con- to be led” (Simmel 1904 [1957], p. 549). How-
trivance of Fashions becomes all their Study, ever, to dismiss the psychological dimension of
that they may have always new Modes ready fashion is not to omit the existential experience
to take up. of individuals, each of whom has his or her
own unique experience. Simmel’s approach
Mandeville held a positive view of fashion set the tone for sociologists, not least because
and luxury in which he saw key drivers of pros- he rejected an object-centered analysis of
perity. Spencer (1897) identified two central fashion and focused instead on social dynamics.

Furthermore, Simmel offered a structural in which the movements of fashion come first,
analysis of gender and argued that gender followed by the distinction and imitation gam-
is—at least partially—made through fashion. ings of social classes. In his view, designers and
Finally, Simmel defined important conditions other tastemakers play a key role by translating
for fashion to exist: People must have the tastes into designs. This perspective opened the
chance to make choices, relatively unfettered way to multiple challenges to the trickle-down
from laws; and they must be economically approach, and empirical studies demonstrated
capable to act. other movements such as trickle-across or
The concentration of people in space, em- trickle-up that saw the evolution of fashions as
pirically observable in large cities like Berlin, being across social classes or from the bottom
is part of Simmel’s explanation of fashion. A up (Crane 1999, McCracken 1989). Similarly,
further component of his theory is the way he Vinken (2005, p. 4) saw fashion as inherently
connects fashion to the conditions of his time. “performative,” as a source of negotiated
Furthermore, Simmel’s work is not only a societal change rather than as a mirror of social
theory of fashion; it is also a theory of society. structure. The collective selection approach
Simmel’s approach implies that fashion is in has also been used to understand, for example,
society and part of its constitution, but it is also commercials (Solomon & Greenberg 1993)
something that can be studied as a result of and to constitute a full-fledged “symbolic
social interactions within societies. This goes interactionism” theory of fashion (Kaiser et al.
beyond the simple causal analysis that sees 1995). Finally, Davis (1991, 1992) used the
fashion as a product or a mirror of the evolution collective selection approach as a starting point
of society (Robenstine & Kelley 1981). The for his own sociological approach based on the
economic historian Sombart (1916) explained ambivalence of fashion and advocated for the
that the fast pace at which goods were regarded need to look at the industry to understand the
as obsolete and were replaced was caused by underlying mechanisms of fashion.
mobility, by the concentration of people in
cities, by the preference for change, and above FROM DIFFUSION TO
all, by the pressure to change. Sombart did not PRODUCTION
present a theory of fashion but did list char-
The Production of Fashion
acteristic traits of what he nonetheless called
a theory of fashion. The first is the increased Despite the potentially unlimited domain of
number of objects that are drawn into the logic fashion, sociologists have largely studied the
of fashion; the second is the general extension apparel industry when exploring fashion. On
of fashion; and the third is the increased the basis of these studies, one can outline sev-
pace of fashion. Sombart looked both at the eral themes that have captured their interest.
production side, for example the design of gar- We begin by discussing the production of
ments, and the consumption side when trying fashion. Essentially, this literature unveils what
to understand fashion. In fact, in contrast to is happening before the act of purchase by
Simmel and Veblen, Sombart stressed the role final customers in stores or online. Although
of the producing companies for the creation fashion, strictly speaking, comes into being
and maintenance of fashion. In doing so, he only when consumers make choices, their
also spoke about socialization of consumers as choices are framed by what is offered. We
key elements in modern capitalism. must remember that, although the existence
The trickle-down theory, which constitutes of a market is not a necessary condition for
the “standard theory of fashion” (Godart the existence of fashion (Lieberson 2000),
2011), was challenged by Blumer (1969), who any domain in which we find fashion can be
developed his own “collective selection” theory seen as an opportunity for profit making in

capitalist societies. We are not suggesting that The Fashion Industry’s Structure
production is more relevant than consumption,
As suggested by Aspers (2001, 2010a) and
but we do argue that to understand fashion, we
Godart (2012), the fashion industry, like any
must combine consumption and production, as
other industry, can be described using the
advocated, for example, by McRobbie (1997).
model developed by White (2002), in particular
The study of fashion diffusion has focused
the idea that a market is constituted by multi-
on two main topics: the understanding of the
ple networks that connect an upstream of sup-
overall process and the identification of fash-
pliers to a downstream of customers through a
ion leaders. The fashion process has been theo-
market interface made of producers. The fash-
rized in various ways, notably as a “product life
ion industry can thus be considered an interface
cycle” (Sproles 1981), but the nature of fash-
that links a set of suppliers, for example tex-
ion is such that some styles can come back over
tile makers, to customers all over the world. In
time (Cappetta et al. 2006). Moreover, fashion
this instance, producers may be luxury fashion
leaders have been defined as “the first members
houses such as Chanel, ready-to-wear firms like

of their social group to learn about and wear
Hugo Boss, or mass-market chain store produc-
a new fashion when it appears in the market”

ers such as H&M. These producers are orga-
(Goldsmith et al. 1996, p. 242). They make the
nizations (Giusti 2009) in which creative teams
success or failure of styles (Polegato & Wall
draw their inspiration from several sources—
1980) and thus are the ones who drive the fash-
for example, art (Hollander 1993)—to design
ion cycles.
items that will please customers. The study of
Barber & Lobel (1952) lamented the broad
the organizations and their fate can then be con-
use of the concept of fashion and suggested a
ducted from a “production of culture” (Crane
focus on “the American class structure, age-sex
1997) or a “genealogical” (Wenting 2008) point
roles, and economic system,” three interrelated
of view.
dimensions. They pointed out that what made
Although fashion, especially the produc-
the American fashion industry specific was the
tion of garments, is a global affair, national
existence of mass production, whereas France
fashion industries still prevail, each with their
was still emphasizing haute couture, i.e., high-
specific features. Djelic & Ainamo (1999) have
quality custom-made garments, mostly for
explored some of these features, distinguishing
women. They opened the way for comparative
the French model organized around umbrella
studies of the fashion industry. Blumer (1969)
conglomerates such as LVMH and PPR, the
focused on the producers themselves. Although
Italian model based on local economic clusters,
his perspective is a general statement about
and the American model based on licensing.
fashion, it is also an attempt to look at the cre-
Cities also have specific identities that are
ative process as one of gradual decisions of sev-
attached to the designs produced within their
eral actors, acknowledging the tension between
confines, such as in the case of Milan, which
art and commerce that exists at the heart of
represents a cachet of quality and excellence in
fashion. Bourdieu (1984b) offered a detailed de-
ready-to-wear (Segre Reinach 2006).
scription of Parisian haute couture by studying
The fashion industry, like all creative
the structure of this field. Specifically, he looked
industries (Caves 2000), is characterized by
at the polarization between conservative and in-
a high level of uncertainty (e.g., Bielby &
novative fashion houses and the ensuing field
Bielby 1994, Godart & Mears 2009). Thus,
dynamics. Fashion is a window on the economy
several institutions (Kawamura 2005) mitigate
and capitalism: “Fashion is the favored child of
the uncertainty in this industry—the “fog
capitalism. It stems from the latter inner char-
of fashion” (White et al. 2007, p. 194)—
acteristics and expresses its uniqueness unlike
and facilitate the production process, such
any other phenomenon of our social life in our
as fashion magazines (Moeran 2006) or fashion
time” (Sombart 2001, p. 225).

museums (Steele 1998a) that help diffuse the formation of long-lasting ties between
fashion knowledge to the population; fashion producers and their supplies (Aspers 2010a,
schools that create a common understanding Uzzi 1996). The buying and selling of clothes
of what fashion is, for example, in an urban are conducted not only in the consumer
setting (Rantisi 2002a,b); fashion fairs that market, but also in fairs (Skov 2006). In some
constitute “temporary clusters” (Bathelt & cases, garments are traded via several steps
Schuldt 2008) and help the exchange and dif- before consumers can purchase them, and
fusion of fashion ideas; or forecasting bureaus these intermediary traders have influence on
that diffuse industry-specific knowledge about what is available in retail (Entwistle 2009).
trends and styles to producers (Godart 2012, Strictly speaking, garments are the output of
p. 70). Additionally, the fashion industry is the production process; these become fashion
ordered around several professions such as items if and only if they are accepted first by
fashion designers—who are often organized in fashion editors and other gatekeepers and,
national professional associations, such as the above all, the final customers (Aspers 2010a).
Council of Fashion Designers of America in

the United States and the Chambre Syndicale

de la Haute Couture in France (Kawamura The Fashion Industry’s Environment
2004)—or fashion photographers (Aspers Fashions do not evolve in a social vacuum, and
2001), as well as occupations such as fashion their evolution and diffusion are constrained by
models (Godart & Mears 2009, Mears 2011). legal frameworks. First, sumptuary laws (Hunt
Fashion designers have been the objects of 1996)—which were abolished for the most part
specific research. For example, Volonté (2008) in the West but still exist elsewhere—constrain
explored the social role of fashion designers, the consumer regarding clothing (such as
noting that the fashion process would not exist the colors that can be worn and by whom),
without professions to bring it to life. food, and the like. However, the relationship
of fashion to regulations goes beyond the
existence of formal and legal norms about what
Manufacturing people can wear (keeping in mind that informal
The garment sector was one of the first to be norms always exist). Fashion, as an industry
industrialized in the eighteenth century (Farnie and change process, can be constrained by law
& Jeremy 2004). It is also one of the first to have as to what can be designed and produced. The
become global, initially with the supply of raw debate regarding intellectual property in fash-
material and later with full-package solutions. ion has been polarized between two positions.
However, as pointed out by Dunlop & Weil According to the first position, fashion is es-
(1996), large segments of the apparel industry sentially a status-based industry. What matters
are still characterized by the wide use of the are not the designs but the labels and logos,
“Progressive Bundle System” (PBS) established and they need to be legally protected (Raustiala
in the 1930s, in which each day is devoted to a & Sprigman 2006). The second position is that
single operation, whatever its length, leading to fashion needs intellectual property law to pro-
a slow production process. New, modular tech- tect innovation. In this perspective, a certain
niques have emerged, however, that accelerate level of imitation (“remixing,” which consists
production and sustain the rise of fast fashion of combining designs) could be authorized
that supplies customers with ever-changing de- (Hemphill & Suk 2009). This legal debate
signs at low cost (Doeringer & Crean 2006). addresses the question of the nature of fashion:
The production of fashion is often com- Is it located in the objects themselves, and thus
pleted in close collaboration with the buyers, capable of being owned, such as, for example,
and one strategy that is often employed through intellectual property rights, or is it a
to bridge the uncertainty of the market is purely social mechanism that is the result of

interaction between actors? This debate around Today, we must take into account the in-
intellectual property in fashion also sheds light creased importance of consumption facilitated
on the core mechanisms at play and on the by the Internet (Kawamura 2006). Indeed, in
necessity of imitation for fashion to exist. many Western economies, fashion is character-
Another set of constraints that weigh on ized by its reflexive character, shown in the way
fashions are moral norms. They explicitly the environment affects and is affected by fash-
make the link between the production and ion. In addition, we can increasingly see this
consumption sides because they often originate trend occurring in large emerging economies
from clients and modify practices among pro- such as India, Brazil, Turkey, or China.
ducers. The main research topic here is ethical Furthermore, fashion represents the clearest
fashion. Fashion, as an industry, has often been sign of a general “aestheticization” of social life
criticized because of poor working conditions, (Postrel 2004)—both material, including most
particularly in low-cost countries, and because consumer objects and the appearance of the
of its impact on the environment. Research has body, and immaterial, including ways to talk
shown that despite these concerns, consumers and express oneself. In line with this trend, some
are not necessarily ready to pay a premium sociologists have studied the role of fashion as
price for ethical fashion—that is, clothing an economically important phenomenon, using
that is produced under sustainable social and terms such as “aesthetic markets” (Aspers 2001)
environmental norms ( Joergens 2006)—unless and “aesthetic economy” (Entwistle 2009).
they trust the brands that produce ethical
fashion and have a good knowledge of their
practices (Shen et al. 2012). The Meaning of Clothes
Several approaches try to account for the mean-
ing people attribute to clothes and adornment
THE CONSUMPTION in modern societies, notably through the act of
OF FASHION consumption. The semiotics of fashion, for ex-
ample, by Barthes (2006) assumes that there is
Why Consumption Matters
a “lexicon and syntax” in clothing that resem-
First and foremost, consumption refers to ble the structure of a language. Barthes is also
the purchase of services and goods, such as clear in his approach; he does not focus on what
clothes, but more importantly, it also refers he sees as sociological factors, such as, for ex-
to the use of such services and goods and to a ample, manufacturing, but on fashion texts that
way of life in general. Consumption is largely are extracted from fashion magazines.
relational (Aspers & Beckert 2011), given that Extending the semiotic approach to fashion,
the act of purchase relates an individual to what some have seen fashion and clothing as a form of
others think and do. Hence, individuals are communication (Barnard 1996, Bohn 2000). A
not born with an innate interest in fashion and central semiotic idea is that the signifier, which
a propensity to make social distinctions, but may be a word or a garment, is given mean-
they are born into a society in which fashion ing by the signified. Thus, a signifier does not
and social distinctions are taken for granted stand by itself, and only those who know the
and valued. It is through usage that fashion “code”—that is, “a set of shared rules” similar
comes into being, for example when firms to a language—can understand the meaning of
use a certain form of advertising directed at the garment (Barnard 1996, pp. 78–79). An ob-
customers or when people exhibit and display ject, according to Barnard, both denotes and
their bodies in certain ways. We repeat, how- connotes. Denotation refers to the garment’s
ever, that fashion is not necessarily connected characteristics, such as its color or fabric. Con-
to a market context, in which producers offer notation refers to the meaning of the garment
alternatives from which consumers can choose. in terms of, for example, its regular users. As

pointed out by Aspers (2010a, p. 197), the semi- theorized by Goblot (1925 [2010]), in Euro-
otic approach cuts off what most sociologists pean bourgeois families men had to show their
consider the most central dimension of mean- focus on work through understated clothes
ing, namely how actors produce, interpret, and but simultaneously had to display their wealth
use fashion. Researchers that attempt to un- through the adornment of their wives. Today,
cover the “hidden meaning” of garments (van gender boundaries are not as clearly defined,
Leeuwen & Jewitt 2001) often forget that the even though they are still prevalent all over the
clothes by themselves, out of their social con- world. The more recent feminist approach to
text, have no meaning. They acquire meaning fashion has led to a deconstruction of binary
because they are embedded in social relations gender oppositions (Kaiser 2012), paying heed
and contexts. In this sense, clothing is, at best, to Wilson’s (2003) call not to dismiss fashion.
a code characterized by “undercoding” (Davis Ethnicity has been shown to influence fash-
1992, p. 11). ion (and to be influenced by it) in several con-
texts, including the role of designers from Japan
in French fashion (Kawamura 2004). Another

Body, Gender, and Ethnicity
example is Lieberson & Bell’s (1992) focus—in

The relationship between fashion and the body the case of the United States—on gender, eth-
is central. As Entwistle (2000, p. 1) pointed out, nicity, and class differences to explain the choice
“Fashion is about bodies: it is produced, pro- of first names. For example, their research
moted and worn by bodies” and, as Benjamin shows that among Caucasian Americans, girls’
(1999, p. 79) wrote, “Every fashion couples the first names tend to change more often than
living body to the inorganic world.” Tattoos, boys’ names and to be more novel. They ex-
for example, adorn and modify bodies. They plain that this pattern fits with the wider belief
are partially driven by fashion mechanisms and that women need to be attractive through their
are sometimes used to express “antifashion” first name, whereas men’s names are supposed
positions (Sweetman 1999). Fashion models’ to embody social stability. They conclude their
bodies are reified to fit industrial constraints study by stating that “[e]ven in situations where
(Czerniawski 2012, Entwistle 2002, Mears organizations and institutions seek to alter
& Finlay 2005); clothes are used to classify and manipulate tastes and fashions, as through
bodies, as well as to define and sustain gender advertising, it is likely that there are a set of
differences, such as the use of pink and blue for underlying societal and cultural dispositions
girls and boys, respectively, in the West since that set limitations and boundaries around such
the 1920s (Paoletti 1987). efforts” (Lieberson & Bell 1992, p. 549). More
Gender differences have a major impact generally, Eicher (1999) argues that ethnicity
on fashion, and in turn, fashion is a forceful and dress have to deal with space and time, in
purveyor of cultural norms and symbols that the sense that ethnic dress varies not only with
can shape and express gender differences. The the location of its wearers (Hansen 2004) but
feminine and masculine sides of the fashion also with the period under consideration and is
industry are clearly delimited, with different in no way stable. In this sense, ethnic dress is
creative and productive processes, such as dif- not akin to tradition. It belongs to fashion and
ferent fashion shows. Today, the feminine side is a major driver of identity.
clearly prevails (Manlow 2007). Historically,
this has not always been the case. For example,
in eighteenth-century Europe, men’s fashion Class and Identity
was at least as extravagant and significant as Over time, consumption of fashion has moved
women’s fashion. In Europe, the nineteenth from being class-oriented to lifestyle-oriented
century saw the emergence of a sober and (Crane 2000, pp. 134–36). Class fashion
simpler dress for men. This is because, as first was characterized by a centralized system of

production, whose output was followed by kinson 2002). Nevertheless, the expression of
buyers. Codes of dress and behavior meant that identity through fashion remains ambivalent,
variation of clothes and styles was limited. A mostly because interpreting fashion is loaded
more diversified society goes hand in hand with with uncertainty (Davis 1992). From a social
a more diversified set of fashions. Today, we psychological point of view (Kaiser 1997), iden-
have not only more fashion industry segments tity formation in relation to fashion needs to
than in the past but also more fashions compet- be understood in context. In this vein, Péretz
ing with one another, and there are many more (1992) argued that the “vestimentary iden-
fashion capitals, consumer groups, etc. Fashion tity” of fashion buyers is partially constructed
is far more diversified and also individualized. through their interactions with salespersons in
This diversity, however, has not erased impor- the concrete setting of fashion retail. More re-
tant questions related to consumption and the cently, the focus has been on cognitive factors.
political tensions that go with it (Enstad 1998): Adam & Galinsky (2012), for example, looked
Who is in and who is out? Research on fashion at the effects of specific clothing (lab coats) on
often assumes that anyone can have access to wearers. Under experimental conditions, they
the desired products, but in many instances, this found that wearing lab coats increased the “at-
is not the case, and research on fashion ought tentiveness” and “carefulness” of individuals
to take this fact seriously (McRobbie 1997). because of the identity change induced by the
Furthermore, issues of class and inequality clothes they wore.
can today be analyzed not only using occupa-
tions, professions, and positions in the labor
market, but also using consumption patterns DISCUSSION: TOWARD A
and lifestyle-based identities, as Bourdieu THEORY OF FASHION
(1984a) suggested. Class-based and identity We began this review by defining fashion neg-
fashions are not incompatible. For example, atively in relation to a set of key selected
in his study of the nineteenth-century French concepts—fad, innovation, style, and trend. We
bourgeoisie, Goblot (1925 [2010]) explained also analyzed its etymology. It follows from this
that this social class was characterized by discussion that fashion is a social phenomenon
a double mechanism that guaranteed the that may apply to almost any human activity.
bourgeoisie’s existence, development, and Drawing on the existing research by sociolo-
overall identity. First, there was the barrier gists, as well as by others who have researched
mechanism through which this class made sure this topic, it is possible to advance the discus-
it could control access to its ranks, and then sion by presenting the scientific stepping stone
the leveling mechanism that ensured that its that hitherto has been missing: a definition of
members were more or less equal in order fashion. We propose to define fashion as an un-
Fashion: an
to reduce internal conflicts. Fashion was a planned process of recurrent change against a
unplanned process of
key factor in the definition of the bourgeois backdrop of order in the public realm. recurrent change
identity in nineteenth-century France because, A condition of the existence of fashion is the against a backdrop of
via the trickle-down mechanism, the French possibility for free agents to act. Fashion is es- order in the public
bourgeoisie was able to exclude other classes sentially a social process of mutual adaptation. realm
while fostering its own identity. In this process, actors are free to decide if and
However, it is also true in other contexts. to what extent they will adopt a new object,
For example, most societies use clothing to practice, or representation. However, actors
define class- and occupation-based identities. can be influenced not only by their peers’ pref-
Social groups such as subcultures have been erences but also by third parties’ strategies and
identified as being a highly relevant site for institutional power. Fashion, in other words,
the exploration of fashion and its relationship can be influenced, but it cannot be planned or
to lifestyles and identity (Hebdige 1979, Hod- imposed. As Corona & Godart (2010, p. 286)

wrote, following Molotch (2003) and Benjamin through which something comes in and out of
(1999), there is “no bootcamp” for fashion. fashion is the core of the theory. Obviously, not
The contradictions and difficulties related to all objects, practices, or representations that are
planned fashion have been shown in studies of considered new in a given context will catch on
central agencies that tried to organize fashion and be adopted or mimicked by others. It is a
in the Soviet Union (Gronow 2003, Gurova selection process that takes place in which only
2009). Fashion emerges from a process of mu- some of the objects, practices, or representa-
tual adaptation and thus links micro decisions tions that are considered new are taken up by
to macro processes, but numerous attempts to others, and only these can become fashionable.
organize and tame it are made to reduce its It follows that fashion is inherently rela-
inherent uncertainty, such as when producers tional. For something to be in fashion it must
try to persuade people to use, and often buy, be adopted by a large number of actors. Only
what they offer, especially through advertising when a growing number of people or organiza-
(Luhmann 2000, pp. 47–48), or when they tions start doing what only a few are already
organize the production process via profes- doing can we talk about fashion. But once a
sional association, fairs, or forecasting bureaus. phenomenon is too common or too widespread
Fashion ceases when change is not driven and “everyone” has adopted it, it falls out of
by actors’ wants and unrestricted choices. In fashion. Social structure and status matter when
other words, fashion is likely to appear only we analyze the diffusion process through which
in societies in which distinctions are accepted we can understand the undulations of fashion.
and even desired, not in which similarity is a Some celebrities, role models, icons, popular
central guiding principle. peer group members, or high-status organiza-
Moreover, fashion is a process and, as such, tions are more likely to be imitated by others
is extended in time. In this process, something and thus can become fashion leaders (Aspers
new is introduced that replaces or complements 2010a, pp. 43–44). Being a fashion leader may
something that already existed (Belleau 1987). be a central element of a personal identity. But
Fashion need not be cumulative, although it fashion may be equally important to those who
can be (Godart 2012, p. 5). Adorno (2002, follow it, those who try to be antifashion, and
p. 463) explains this, referring to popular those who strive to be out of fashion. All these
music: “Any rhythmical formula which is groups further the fashion process because each
outdated, no matter how ‘hot’ it is in itself, attitude toward fashion, whatever it is, reaffirms
is regarded as ridiculous and therefore either its centrality. Notably, the process need not be
flatly rejected or enjoyed with the smug feeling fully conscious.
that the fashions now familiar to the listener are Fashion is simultaneously inclusive and ex-
superior.” Ferguson (2006) observed similar clusive. Some actors may want to create differ-
mechanisms in French cuisine. That this pro- ences, i.e., act to divert from what is existing or
cess of change and replacement of an object, too common. This is best interpreted as an act
practice, or representation by another has of individuality. Others aim to make sure that
no predetermined beginning or end makes it they, too, are on the bandwagon, which is to say
recurrent. It is ongoing and can, but must not, that fashion may also be seen as an act of col-
be characterized by cyclical elements. Hence, lectivity, as Nietzsche (1878 [1996], pp. 363–65)
cyclicality, in which older elements regularly observed. Besides, actors have different thresh-
reappear (Vinken 2005), is not necessary for olds for the adoption process (Watts & Dodds
fashion to exist, and innovations can become 2007) so that some are early adopters, others
the object of fashion. In fact, what is recurring jump on the bandwagon later, and still others
is change itself, not the elements that change. decide to stay out of the process altogether.
In this sense, we see cyclicality as a specific case Furthermore, fashion is public, and some
of recurring change. The logic of this process form of space is needed for its diffusion. For

fashion to exist, the object, practice, or rep- tion, and distinction—have been noted by most
resentation in question must be observable by researchers. What direction should the sociol-
most or by all, for example on the Internet or in ogy of fashion take now? There are two main
a mall. It must also be financially accessible to tasks that we have identified.
actors. Various theories of diffusion and adap- We have seen that although many scholars
tation can be used to explain how this occurs say that fashion is not necessarily restricted to
(Rogers 1983), but it is not necessary to specify apparel, most studies have focused on clothing
all their details here, such as diffusion through and dress. Like Edwards (2011), we suggest that
observations in public or via information that is a sociological understanding of fashion needs to
communicated in networks. go beyond dress, even though it is a privileged
Finally, our definition includes the notion setting for the exploration of fashion given its
of order. Change in fashion takes place against inherent features. Studying other empirical do-
a backdrop of order; not everything can change mains should be the focus of sociologists if they
at the same time, and fashion is somewhat want to develop a more comprehensive under-
constrained by what it replaces (Belleau 1987). standing of fashion as a social phenomenon

Consequently, there can be no fashion in a and to develop a sociological voice among all
situation of chaos or lack of structure. In these the disciplines that look at fashion. Further-
situations, there can be only fads. Fashion, how- more, most studies focus on one field only. We
ever, can take place only given a background have not seen comparative studies of fashion. It
that is more stable than what is about to change. would be intriguing to study not only fashions
But how is it possible to speak of both fashion of the same idea, object, or representation in
in management styles, which may change only different contexts (e.g., industries, countries, or
every other decade, and fashion in lipstick epochs), but also fashions of different objects,
colors, shoe styles, or drinks, which change so practices, or representations in the same con-
often? text. Such a perspective would allow a better
To do this we must see both order and understanding of social processes at play in the
change in relation to time. Something can be definition of identities, and in the development
in flux only if there is a relatively more stable of practices and representations.
background of order than what is changing. In The other main task is to further develop
other words, though nothing is inherently sta- theory. That would allow us to systematize ex-
ble, some of the social constructions, like styles, isting knowledge and to develop additional re-
institutions, habits, and so on, are more stable search. We have taken a few steps in this direc-
than others, and as such they may provide the tion, but much more can be done. For example,
background that makes people perceive certain if we look at the current field, production and
fashion changes. In sum, the phenomenological consumption could be further combined. This
perceptions of order and change are the condi- would allow a better understanding of the insti-
tions of how long a fashion is to exist and of tutional, organizational, structural, or cultural
whether we shall speak of fashion at all. conditions under which fashion as change is de-
ployed. Fashion shapes its surrounding social
environment and is simultaneously shaped by
CONCLUSION: WHAT CAN it. A focus on class, gender, ethnicity, nations—
BE DONE? to cite a few topics—can only help clarify the
We have reviewed the existing literature on fashion process, as long as its inherent features
fashion, including several disciplines related to as a type of change are not lost from sight.
sociology. The studies reviewed in this article, However, before further theoretical devel-
especially the more recent ones, have put fash- opments can be made, conceptual work is nec-
ion on the sociological map. We have seen that essary. The concept of fashion has not been
the central aspects of fashion—diffusion, imita- fully clarified. As we have explained, it is a way

of doing and making things that is bounded in 2006), from imitation and distinction mecha-
space and time and involves collectives. In this nisms to identity formation, ethnicity, gender,
sense, it is a type of change, like fads or in- and production and consumption. It is
novations. Exploring how these different types also closely related to canonical sociological
of change are intertwined would be a valuable questions such as being and order and the
exercise and would shed further light on the culture/structure conundrum. Developing re-
important sociological issue of the diffusion of search on this topic and phenomenon would
practices and representations. facilitate the understanding of the antecedents
Fashion is a key social process that can help and consequences of order and change in
us understand social relations in general (Erner general.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
P.A. gratefully acknowledges the support from ERC (CEV263699) and VR (2009–1958). The
authors thank Diana Crane, Priscilla Ferguson, Susan Kaiser, Thierry Maillet, Alain Quemin,
Katinka Quintelier, Sorah Seong, and Nebahat Tokatli for providing feedback, suggestions, or
intellectual support for this article. We are also indebted to Karen Cook and an anonymous
reviewer for their thoughtful reads.
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SO39-FrontMatter ARI 5 June 2013 17:48
Annual Review
of Sociology
Contents Volume 39, 2013
Frontispiece
Charles Tilly p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p xiv
Prefatory Chapter
Formations and Formalisms: Charles Tilly and the Paradox

of the Actor
John Krinsky and Ann Mische p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Theory and Methods
The Principles of Experimental Design and Their Application
in Sociology
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Steven Hitlin and Stephen Vaisey p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p51
Social Processes
Social Scientific Inquiry Into Genocide and Mass Killing:
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Interest-Oriented Action
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Healthcare Systems in Comparative Perspective: Classification,
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Institutions and Culture
Multiculturalism and Immigration: A Contested Field
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Sociology of Fashion: Order and Change
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Religion, Nationalism, and Violence: An Integrated Approach

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Formal Organizations
Race, Religious Organizations, and Integration
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Political and Economic Sociology
An Environmental Sociology for the Twenty-First Century
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Economic Institutions and the State: Insights from Economic History
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Differentiation and Stratification

Demographic Change and Parent-Child Relationships in Adulthood

Judith A. Seltzer and Suzanne M. Bianchi p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 275
Individual and Society
Gender and Crime
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White-Collar Crime: A Review of Recent Developments and
Promising Directions for Future Research
Sally S. Simpson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 309
From Social Structure to Gene Regulation, and Back: A Critical
Introduction to Environmental Epigenetics for Sociology
Hannah Landecker and Aaron Panofsky p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 333
Racial Formation in Perspective: Connecting Individuals, Institutions,
and Power Relations
Aliya Saperstein, Andrew M. Penner, and Ryan Light p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 359
The Critical Sociology of Race and Sport: The First Fifty Years
Ben Carrington p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 379
Demography
The Causal Effects of Father Absence
Sara McLanahan, Laura Tach, and Daniel Schneider p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 399
International Migration and Familial Change in Communities
of Origin: Transformation and Resistance
Patricia Arias p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 429
Trends and Variation in Assortative Mating: Causes and Consequences
Christine R. Schwartz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
vi Contents
Gender and International Migration: Contributions and

Cross-Fertilizations
Gioconda Herrera p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 471
LGBT Sexuality and Families at the Start of the Twenty-First Century
Mignon R. Moore and Michael Stambolis-Ruhstorfer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 491
Urban and Rural Community Sociology
Housing: Commodity versus Right
Mary Pattillo p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 509
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 30–39 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 533

Cumulative Index of Article Titles, Volumes 30–39 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 537

Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Sociology articles may be found at
http://soc.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml
Contents vii

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SO39CH09-Aspers ARI 24 June 2013 14:3

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013. 39:171–92 Keywords

The Annual Review of Sociology is online at Abstract

INTRODUCTION devaluated in academia because it is sometimes

cro/macro debate. We argue that the increased

great interest in this topic, highlighting the

172 Aspers · Godart

on this topic would entail. The rest of the arti- (2000).

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 173

independently of taste or preferences, it is likely appeared in several civilizations simulta-

174 Aspers · Godart

THE DOMAIN OF FASHION telecommunications industry (Djelic & Ainamo

(see Gadamer 1993, Luhmann 1997).

costume, the current phrase as much as the

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 175

176 Aspers · Godart

producers in Europe and North America who

are struggling against the competition from

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 177

tus. The concept of a subculture, as related Fashion Studies: Toward an

to fashion, has since been expanded to non-

178 Aspers · Godart

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 179

180 Aspers · Godart

houses such as Chanel, ready-to-wear ﬁrms like

a new fashion when it appears in the market”

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 181

Council of Fashion Designers of America in

the United States and the Chambre Syndicale

182 Aspers · Godart

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 183

in French fashion (Kawamura 2004). Another

example is Lieberson & Bell’s (1992) focus—in

184 Aspers · Godart

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 185

186 Aspers · Godart

constrained by what it replaces (Belleau 1987). standing of fashion as a social phenomenon

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 187

188 Aspers · Godart

innovation. Res. Policy 35:1273–90

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 189

Goblot E. 1925 (2010). La Barrière et le niveau. Paris: PUF

Godart F. 2011. Penser la mode. Paris: IFM/Regard

190 Aspers · Godart

J. Consum. Res. 16:310–21

www.annualreviews.org • Sociology of Fashion 191

Fairchild. 323 pp.

192 Aspers · Godart

Contents Volume 39, 2013

Formations and Formalisms: Charles Tilly and the Paradox

Religion, Nationalism, and Violence: An Integrated Approach

Differentiation and Stratification

Demographic Change and Parent-Child Relationships in Adulthood

Gender and International Migration: Contributions and

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 30–39 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 533

Cumulative Index of Article Titles, Volumes 30–39 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 537

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