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Notes On Pakistan Studies

Stephen Cohen identifies several major factors that will determine Pakistan's future integrity, including its relationship with India, reviving its economy, balancing civil-military relations, more effectively fighting domestic insurgencies like terrorism and sectarian violence, and strengthening democracy. Modernity is difficult for Pakistan as globalization weakens institutions and empowers separatist and terrorist groups. Pakistan has resources and international importance due to its nuclear dispute with India, so the world has a stake in its survival and return to normalcy. However, Pakistan must focus on economic and political policies that foster growth and greater people's ownership of governance to move forward.

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Muhammad Mudassir
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39 views2 pages

Notes On Pakistan Studies

Stephen Cohen identifies several major factors that will determine Pakistan's future integrity, including its relationship with India, reviving its economy, balancing civil-military relations, more effectively fighting domestic insurgencies like terrorism and sectarian violence, and strengthening democracy. Modernity is difficult for Pakistan as globalization weakens institutions and empowers separatist and terrorist groups. Pakistan has resources and international importance due to its nuclear dispute with India, so the world has a stake in its survival and return to normalcy. However, Pakistan must focus on economic and political policies that foster growth and greater people's ownership of governance to move forward.

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Muhammad Mudassir
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Stephen Cohen in his book ‘The Future of Pakistan’ counts Pakistan’s relation with India, revival of

economy, balance of civil-military relationship, fighting domestic insurgencies (terrorism, Sectarian


violence, and Separatist movements) more effectively and strengthening of democracy as the major
determinant factors about the future of the integrity of Pakistan.

Modernity is difficult when a state is buffeted by the forces of globalization that weaken its institutions
and empower separatist and terrorist groups. Pakistan has resources. It is important in its own right, and
because of its nuclearized dispute with India, the international community has a powerful stake in its
survival and return to normality. But to move Pakistan ahead will require concentrated focus on
economic and political policies that foster growth and create greater ownershipf governance.

Lack of national targets (Subservient to in the interest of other States):

It is critical for Pakistan to set lofty targets for itself and to attempt to meet them with its own resources
rather than be subservient to the interest of other states, near or far. Given the short-term perspective
of virtually all Pakistani politicians, and the institutional obsessions of the military, it is hard to see how
such a debate can begin.

[As the notorious quote about the world politics goes, ‘there are no permanent friends, no
permanent enemies, only permanent interests]
[China supporting Pakistan is their national strategy for keeping the regional rivals off-balance (India).
However, China, which has emerged as a significant South Asian power in its own right, is itself is playing
a balancing game between India and Pakistan. Therefore, there is a dire need that the authorities in
power critically examine the national targets and amend the foreign policy accordingly rather than
blindly flowing with the narrative of natural friendship with China.]

Reluctance to Deal with Economic Issues:

Pakistan is still spending too much on defense and security: it must cut its commitments to the military
in the short term so it can grow in the long term by political arrangements that ease the defense
problem, and by trimming of lavish weapons projects and manpower. Economic growth is also the only
way to address dangerous demo-graphic trends, which in the long run will make Pakistan ungovernable
and for some, unlivable.

Inability to Rebuild State Institutions:

Years of unnecessary interventions have led to weakened State institutions. Education (Lack of freedom
of speech – academic freedom) case of sacking professors for the ideologies they hold, local
administration, or higher bureaucracies.

Private organizations and NGOs are not a substitute. The army will have to allow civilian competence to
develop, but this depends both on the army’s willingness to adopt a recessed role and the rise of
demonstrable civilian competence. Meanwhile, education and state-building should be given the same
priorities as defense policy.

Absence of Governance at the Top:

There was and is no coherent system of presenting alterative policies before the government, no
perspective planning, and no effective mechanism for coordinating the actions of different parts of the
government. Usually the military 57 has its way, but there is no question that the Pakistan army does
not have the strategic capabilities necessary to formulate a coherent strategy on any but the narrowest
military issues. This includes developing a response to the domestic terrorism that rages in all parts of
the country, especially the government-free zones of KP. If Pakistan does not create such a mechanism,
pre-sumably including a National Security Council (unlike the sham NSC created by Musharraf), it will
continue to stumble strategically.

Break the Begging Bowl:

Pakistan has fallen into a position of deep dependency vis-à-vis donors and the govern-ment is correctly
criticized for giving in to them one after another, whether they are individual states or international
lending agencies. Pakistan needs to adopt a relation-ship whereby its dignity and sovereignty are
protected. As with IMF loans the initiative for assistance must come from Pakistan, not outsiders.
Pakistan must develop the scope and criteria of assistance programs and gain the support of donors. The
conditionality should come from the Pakistani side, with the acknowledgement that if Pakistan fails to
meet conditions, then aid or support will be correspondingly reduced. This will require more capacity
than Pakistan has now, and thus the government should both seek help from known competent
governments to improve its budget and planning cycle, and from the private sector, where there is a
great deal of talent. “Tough love” is a suitable standard and Pakistanis should themselves insist on it.

Fresh Crises with India:

A more normal relationship with India is a necessary condition for Pakistan to avoid further
deterioration. Although India does not want to see an assertive Pakistan, a failing Pakistan has the
capacity to do India considerable damage. The nuclearization of their sixty-year conflict makes the
stakes even higher. Further crises, deliberate or inadvertent, will distract Pakistan from the rebuilding
task and endanger India itself.

Further Appeasement of Islamists:

Pakistan is becoming polarized, with liberal elements on the defensive. The global dialogue on
reforming Islam has a Pakistani dimension, but much ground has been conceded to doctrinaire Islamists
who receive considerable state patronage. This has already changed Pakistan markedly, and the
problem is not just the strength of intolerant and narrow Islamists but the weakness of modern
Islamizers and the tiny pro-Western elite. Pakistan is becoming one of the centers of global jihad.

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