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Modeling Ethnomusicology

TIMOTHY RICE

OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
 CONTENTS

OXPORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS

Acknowledgments vii
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 MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY

the Bulgarian People: Their Bulgarian and American Parallels. Pittsburgh; Tamburitza
Press, pp. 65-78.
------- . 1983. “The Politics of Folklore in Bulgaria.” Anthropological Quarterly
56(2); 55-61.
Slobin, Mark. 1993. Subcultural Sounds
Micromusics of the West. Hanover,
NH; University Press of New England.
Soja, Edward W. 1989. Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical
Social Theory. London; Verso.
Steinglass, Matt. 2001. “An Unlikely Prodigy in an African New World.” New York Times,
Reflections on Music and Identity
September 2, Section 2.
Stock, Jonathan J. P. 1996. Musical Creativity in Twentieth-Century China: Abing, His in Ethnomusicology
Music, and Its Changing Meaning. Rochester, NY; University of Rochester Press.
------ -. 2001. “Toward an Ethnomusicology of the Individual, or Biographical Writing in
Ethnomusicology.” The World ofMusk 43{iy. 5-19.
Stokes, Martin. 1994. Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place.
New York; Berg.
Sugarman, Jane C. 1997. Engendering Song; Singing and Subjectivity at Prespa Albanian
Weddings. Chicago; University of Chicago Press. The title of this chapter is a pun. To provide a systematic limit on a preliminary
Taylor. Timothy D. 1997. Global Pop: World Musk, World Markets. New York; Routledge. study of a vast and important topic, the chapter reflects on the treatment of the
Tenzer, Michael. 2000. Gamelan Gong Kebyar: The Art of Twentieth-Century Balinese theme of music and identity in the field of ethnomusicology through the prism
Musk. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. of one of its major journals, Ethnomusicology. Adding further constraints to the
Titon, Jeff Todd. 1988. Powerhouse for God: Speech, Chant, and Song in an Appalachian project in the interest of both completeness and brevity, I limit this reflection
Baptist Church. Austin: University of Texas Press. to articles in the journal with the words identity or identities in the title. As it
Turino, Thomas. 1993. Moving Away from Silence: Music of the Peruvian Aitiplano and turns out. the first such article appeared in 1982, and seventeen of them have
the Experience of Urban Migration. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
appeared in the twenty-five-year period from 1982 to 2006.^ This survey of the
------- . 2000, Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe.
literature provides one picture of how American ethnomusicologists have dealt
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Wachsmann, Klaus, 1982. “The Changeability of Musical Experience.” Ethnomusicology with the theme of music and identity in the last quarter century.
26(2): 197-215. I assumed at the beginning of this study that themes like music and identity/
Wailerstein, Immanuel. 1974. 1980, 1989. The Modern World System, 3 vols. ies, together with many other comparable themes (music and politics, music
New York: Academic Press. and gender, the meaning of music, the teaching and learning of music, etc.),
Waterman. Christopher Alan. 1990. Jitju: A Social History and Ethnography ofan African were ways that ethnomusicologists organized their research lives (readings,
Popular Music. Chicago; University of Chicago Press. conferences, edited collections of essays) because of the “gluttonous” nature of
Witherspoon, Gary. 1977. Language and Art in the Navajo Universe. Ann
our field.^ Our gluttony consists of defining ethnomusicology as the study (the
Arbor; University of Michigan Press.
metaphorical eating) of all music from all parts of the world, a definition that
contrasts with the suggestion of some of our founders that we focus primarily
on folk, tribal, and Asian art music. Organizing our thinking around a vari­
ety of theoretical perspectives (functionalism, structuralism, poststructural­
ism, semiotics, interpretive anthropology, French sociology, etc.) and general
themes is one way to bring some order, like a menu does, to our omnivorous

1. There is one “short contribution” ten years before Waterman’s: Potvin (1972),

2. This characterization of our field occurs in Nettl (1983).

 HU MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY Reflections on Music and Identity 141

interests. Focusing on themes forces us, in principle at least, to read broadly, Ethnomusicology in 1982. After that, the use of the term identity in an arti­
regardless of our particular geographical interest, to uncover general processes cle title occurs an average of once a year in those journals up to the present.
at work in music around the world. A search of the titles of the 100 or so book-length musical ethnographies pub­
The themes around which we build our research have multiplied since Alan lished in English in the last thirty years reveals that the first book with the word
Merriam provided the first list of twelve in 1964. Most of the themes he iden­ identity in the title was not published until 1991 (Sutton 1992). Looking inside
tified have endured in our work to the present, for example, native concepts the books, it is possible to discern the theme of identity and music emerging
about music; music as symbolic behavior (the meaning of music); and aesthet­ earlier, in the 1980s; one of the earliest is Manuel Pena’s 1985 study of class
ics and the interrelationship of the arts. identity among Mexican Americans in Texas. After that, the theme of identity
Conspicuous by its absence from Merriams list, given the topic of this chap­ and music forms an important element of most musical ethnographies pub­
ter, is the theme of the relationship between music and identity. This and many lished in English up to the present.
other themes that are now commonplace emerged after the publication of Tliere are probably three reasons that the theme of the relation between music
Merriams seminal work: encounters with modernity; individual agency; urban and identity emerges in the 1980s. First, identity as a psychosocial category of
and popular music; gender; migration and diaspora; nationalism; and global­ analysis gains strength in the literature of sociology, anthropology, cultural stud­
ization, to name a few. New themes have continued to pop up in the last decade ies, and philosophy beginning sometime in the 1960s; in other words, identity
or so and may soon become commonplace themselves, among them music in has a relatively short history in those fields that are foundational for ethnomusi­
relation to war, violence, and conflict; music and medical crises such as the cology. Second, American identity politics based on race, ethnicity, and gender
HIV/AIDS epidemic; and the music of affinity groups (as opposed to national gained ground in American universities and cultural life beginning in the 1970s.
or ethnic groups). Third, there has been, beginning in the 1990s, an increasing sense in ethno­
The theme of identity and its relationship to musical practice developed musicology, often from direct fieldwork experience, that people inhabit a world
relatively recently in American ethnomusicology. Not only was it absent from that is “fragmented” and “deterritorialized”; that they possess unprecedented
Merriams discipline-defining book in 1964, but also it was absent from more opportunities for geographical, economic, cultural, and social mobility untied
recent important summations of the field such as Bruno Nettl’s The Study of to ostensibly traditional ethnic, national, gender, and class identities and cat­
Ethnomusicology: 29 Issues and Concepts published in 1993 and the edited egories; and that life “routes” are becoming as or more important than “roots.”*
handbook Ethnomusicology: An Introduction, published in 1992 (Myers 1992). When I began this survey, 1 assumed two things about ethnomusicologists’
By 2005, however, I found, in surveying the program of the fiftieth anniversary research on the theme of music and identity. First, I assumed that we would
meeting of the Society for Ethnomusicology, that music and identity was by look at the general literature on identity to understand how it is being defined
far the best represented theme at the conference, forming the basis for some and discussed more generally in the social sciences and humanities. Second,
83 of about 500 papers (Rice 2005). Somewhere along the way the relationship I assumed that as we worked on this theme in relation to our particular area of
between identity and music became a major theme in our field. So what hap­ interest, we would cite and build on the publications of those who had written
pened? When and why did this theme emerge, and what has been its intellec­ on this theme before us. One of the results of my survey is that, sadly for me
tual payoff? Answering these questions is the topic of this chapter. at least, neither of those assumptions turns out to be true. In the first instance,
ethnomusicologists who have produced this corpus of work seem to take for
granted identity as a category of social life and of social analysis. They do not,
OVERVIEW OF THE LITERATURE with very few exceptions, cite more general work on identity in the social sci­
ences and humanities, nor do they define the term. In the second instance, their
A search of the three major English-language journals devoted to general particular studies are not contextualized, for the most part, in the ethnomusi­
ethnomusicology (Ethnomusicology, Yearbook for Traditional Music, and cological literature on music and identity I am left to infer that these authors
Ethnomusicology Forum) for article titles that employ the term identity sug­
gests that the theme emerges and begins to be deployed consistently in the
early 1980s. The first article was Christopher Watermans “Tm a Leader, Not 3. For two classic statements of this understanding, see Appadurai (1997) and Clifford (1997).
a Boss’; Social Identity and Popular Music in Ibadan, Nigeria,” published in as well as Rice (2003).
 142 Reflections on Music and Identity 144
MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY

understand implicitly that music and identity is a theme around which ethno­ has taken at least two forms in the literature on identity. One is a concern for
musicologists organize their work, but how previous work might impact their self-definition or self-understanding that implies questions like who am I? and
work or how their work might build toward useful generalizations or more what is my true nature? The other is a concern for the psychology of belonging
insightful treatments of the subject doesn’t interest them. They seem content, in to, identification with, and “suturing” to social groups.^
other words, to leave such work to overview essays such as this one. What wor­ Although ethnomusicologists have not tended to define identity let alone
ries me is that their failure to think more clearly about identity as a social cate­ make this distinction, a few can be read to have addressed these issues in their
gory and to understand their own particular ethnographic work in relationship work. For example, one way that music contributes to identity in the sense
to a growing literature on this theme in ethnomusicology is symptomatic of a of self-definition or self-understanding is in situations where people work in
general problem with the discipline of ethnomusicology, at least as practiced unrewarding hum-drum jobs but musical competence provides them with a
today in the United States. By not embedding our particular ethnographic stud­ sense of pride and self-worth. Lawrence Witzleben, for example, documents
ies in these two literatures, we are limiting the potential of our field to grow in the activities of nine amateur music clubs in Shanghai with a total membership
intellectual and explanatory power. of about 200 musicians. They specialize in playing a core repertoire of “eight
Having begun with one form of conclusion, I continue with a closer look at great pieces” in a genre called jiangnan sizhu (literally, south of the [Yangtze]
the theme of music and identity as it has manifested itself in Ethnomusicology. river silk and bamboo [string and wind music]). “Through participation in a
I am particularly interested in how it unwittingly intersects with the treat­ Jiangnan sizhu music dub an individual belongs both to a small community in
ment of identity more generally, especially in the field of cultural studies. As Shanghai society (those who know and play this music) and to a more exclu­
it turns out, the discussion of identity generally is riven with splits, distinc­ sive one (the club)” (Witzleben 1987; 256). Witzleben’s lack of attention to the
tions, and contradictions that ethnomusicologists would do well to consider psychology of the players, that is, to the psychology of self-understanding and
and respond to. of status, is striking. For example, one of the more interesting possibilities for
identity that is not addressed concerns the fact that people join these clubs from
all walks of life.
WHAT IS IDENTITY?
The environment of the club is one which minimizes demarcations based
Perhaps predictably the literature on identity is rather confusing on this point. on education, status or wealth.... Several players with menial jobs are
The term itself may have entered the lexicon through the work in the 1950s of among the Jiangnan sizhu musicians most highly regarded by both ama­
psychologist Erik Erikson, who was concerned with the developmental stages of teurs and professionals.... Factory workers are numerous, but there are
the individual and who gave us the cliche “identity crisis” (Erikson 1959). If the also retail clerks, engineers, doctors of Chinese medicine and retired
meaning of identity once implied, in philosophy for example, something iden­ farmers, (p. 249)
tical over time, then Erikson’s idea of the stages of life seems to have replaced it
with a "logic of temporality” (Grossberg 1996). In later years Erikson himself Witzleben suggests, but does not follow up in detail, the possibility that par­
broadened his work to include “the social context of individuals’ development” ticipation in musical clubs such as these may play an important role in self­
and “the moral and ethical implications of different forms of social organiza­ understanding in general and in this case in providing a sense of self-worth
tion for humankind” (Marcia 2002). While all subsequent developments in the rather more elevated than the one they get from their paying jobs alone and a
study of identity cannot be laid at Erikson’s feet, some of the main themes find source of pride absent from low-status and menial jobs.
expression in his work. An excellent study of self-identity as the psychology of belonging is
Christopher Waterman’s essay about how Dayo, a Yoruba juju musician in
Ibadan, Nigeria, sutures himself to two social groups: the upper classes for whom
Individual Self-Identity his band plays music and the lower-class “band boys” whom he simultaneously

One such theme is the idea that identity is fundamentally about individual self-
identity It is, in other words, a psychological problem for the individual. This 4. The evocative term suturingis given by Hall (1996).
 MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY. Refleciions on Music and Identity

cultivates and exploits (Waterman 1982), As a semiliterate musician, he works caste is a heterogeneous group with a variety of professions. Historically some
in the low-status occupation of musician, akin to being a beggar, along with of them were hereditary singers or reciters of epic praise poetry for the Hindu
other low-status musicians whose loyalty he must cultivate. However, since rulers [rajputs) of western India. Carans were apparently confidants of the rul­
people with money and wealth demonstrate their prestige through the hir­ ers and considered themselves on a higher social plane than hereditary musi­
ing of the best possible musicians, he, as a very successful musician and band cians, especially Muslim musicians, who never developed this level of intimacy
leader, has been able to elevate his status to that of a person with some of the with the rulers. Today, the rajputs of India are no longer able to support such a
same money, prestige, and honor of his clients. Waterman (1982: 66-67) turns function, and members of the caste are turning to other professions. The cur­
this concern for social position into a question of “self-identity” or, perhaps rent controversy concerns identity in the sense of self-understanding. Does the
better, self-identification through belonging by reporting that Dayo believes caste include singers and musicians or not? Those who seek to keep themselves
that he is a leader, not a boss. “A boss commands, I don’t command.” This self­ differentiated from and elevated over castes that continue to produce profes­
understanding corresponds to the Yoruba value of “in-group egalitarianism” sional musicians deny that there are or ever were professional singers among
and the redistribution of wealth, which he expresses in conversations with his the Carans. They argue that they did not sing, but rather recited their poetry.
“band boys” with the phrase “we’re all musicians.” However, he is vastly wealth­ They are particularly troubled by Carans who today emphasize the musical
ier than his band boys, whom he pays a pittance for each engagement. They aspects of their art by singing melodiously and using instrumental accompani­
remain poor and in some cases homeless, while he drives five cars, wears fine ment. This seems to be a case where the very act of making music is at issue for
clothes, and owns an impressive sound system, placing him closer to belonging self-understanding of the group. There is no doubt that the group exists and
to the upper-class group of his wealthy patrons. Dayo seems to construct a self- who is in the group. There is, rather, controversy among group members over
identity that at once places him close to the social group of wealthy clients he what characterizes the group, what its essential nature is, and how members
plays for and at the same time keeps him not so socially distant from his band of the group should be behaving professionally; “they ... dispute the status of
boys that they give up and leave his group to seek their fortunes elsewhere. As it singing as a characteristic of the caste and ... disagree, in part because the caste
turns out, both groups reject his constructions of identity, but for his personal is increasingly heterogeneous” in its modern manifestation (p. 389).
self-identity that may not matter.
It seems to me that these two processes, creating a sense of self-understanding
or self-worth and creating a sense of belonging to preexisting social groups, WHERE DOES SOCIAL IDENTITY COME FROM?
might be called authoring the self through music, especially through reflection
and discourse on one’s own musical practice.^ 'Ihere have been two answers to this question, captured in the words essentialist
and constructivist. The home of the essentialist position is the identity politics
of nationalism, on one hand, and of opposition to the powerful from subaltern
Group Identity positions defined by ethnicity, race, class, and gender on the other. The essen­
tialist position understands identity in terms of durable qualities and charac­
Much more common these days than studies of individual self-identity are teristics of the group that are thought to exist from time immemorial. Music’s
studies of group identity. This line of argument probably flows more from iden­ relationship to these stable identities is usually understood in terms of processes
tity politics in various countries than from Erikson’s work per se. Identity in of reflection, symbolization, homology, and expression. The constructivist posi­
most of these cases seems to be about collective self-understanding as repre­ tion, on the other hand, holds that identities are always constructed from the
sented by various characteristics, activities, and customs, including music. A cultural resources available at any given moment. Rather than durable and sta­
good example from this corpus is Gordon 'Thompson’s study of the self-under­ ble, identities are contingent, fragile, unstable, and changeable. The issue in this
standing or identity of an Indian caste called Carans (TTompson 1991). This view of identity becomes whether, to what extent, and how music making and
music listening participate in the construction of various forms of emerging
and changing social identities. While the latter position has gained the upper
5. Solomon (2000) provides another good example of people singing into existence their per­
sonal sense of belonging to a group, in this case particular small settlements of Indians in the
hand in recent work in cultural studies and in ethnomusicology, it has had to
highlands of Bolivia. contend with the on-the-ground continuing practice of the essentialist position
 146 , ^Reflections on Music and Identity i**/
MODEMNG ethnomusicology:

in such arenas as American identity politics and nationalist discourses in post­ j; through the music’s own iconically hybrid form. Of course, a new hybrid iden-
socialist Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Most of the articles in this corpus : tity in urban Africa does not qualify as a durable national or ethnic identity
deal with situations where new identities are in fact emerging for various politi­ : dating back for centuries or even millennia as most essentialist arguments have
cal and social reasons, rather than with situations, still rather common in the it. Still this case illustrates how hard it is for constructivist arguments not to fall
world, where someone or some social group or some government is positing a back on essentialist ones.
durable, essential identity Constructed identities become an issue in situations of change or where the
The authors of works in this corpus, almost to a person, repeat the mantra weak and the powerful are fighting over issues of identity. Some authors make
that music helps to construct social identities. In this context, then, it is surpris­ convincing claims for music participating in the construction of new or imagined
ing to see how often they fall back into a discussion in which the social iden­ identities.* Peter Manuel, for example, makes the point that flamenco is associ­
tity already exists, and music’s role is primarily to symbolize, or reflect, or give ated with three downtrodden social groupings in Spanish society: those living in
performative life to a preexisting identity. For example, whether reflection or the region of Andalusia. Gypsies, and people of the lower classes (Manuel 1989).
construction is at stake is confused in Lara Allens study of a new hybrid genre He argues that music is “not merely a passive reflection of broader sociocultural
called “vocal jive,” which developed in the Black townships of South Africa in phenomena that shape” it but can play an “important role ... in expressing and,
the 1950s (Allen 2003). As for reflection, we learn that as a popular recorded to a considerable extent, helping to shape modern Andalusian identity” (p. 48).
music, it “expressed a locally-rooted identity reflective of their everyday lives” Performers of flamenco seem to be constructing a new sense of group self­
(p. 237) by employing “local melodies, current township argot, and topical sub­ understanding through their creation of new genres of music that have begun a
ject matter” (p. 234). But it did it in an international jazz-pop-blues-based style process of “dignification” and professionalization of the tradition. These changes
that expressed a hybrid identity also evolving at the time. Later she says that the “enhance the image of Andalusia and its gypsies” and thus form a “particularly
music helped to “form” an identity: important symbol of their [more dignified] identity” (p. 57). This seems to be a
constructivist project aimed at expressing a new self-understanding and a new
The musical eclecticism of vocal jive was politically significant in that image for others to latch onto. In addition to the dignification of traditional fla­
its merger of Western and African elements to form a non-tribal, menco. two new genres are participating in the formation or construction of
internationally-oriented, urban African cultural identity was at odds identity. One is flamenco arabe, the setting of Arab songs to flamenco cantes
with policies of racial segregation promulgated by British colonials and (melodic forms). “Flamenco arabe represents a reaffirmation of Andalusia’s dis­
Afrikaner settlers, and consolidated under apartheid__ Even in particu­ tinct cultural heritage in the form of a celebration of its Moorish ties. At the
larly repressive political contexts, commercial popular music can arguably same time it may be seen as a willful renunciation of the economic and politi­
function in a seditious manner, (p. 238) m- cal domination imposed over the centuries by Madrid” (p. 59). Another genre,
flamenco pop, responds to the urbanization and migration of proletarian work­
She argues that ers to Barcelona and Madrid and is made up of a mixture of various influences
including rock and Cuban popular music. The texts “celebrate gypsy values of
hybrid styles such as vocal jive embodied the urban, non-tribal, partially freedom and hostility to authority” (p. 61) and participate “in the formation of a
Westernized experience and identity of township dwellers, whose exis­ new urban identity” (p. 62). The genre has “become an important symbol of the
tence the government wished to deny.... By nurturing the development new urban Andalusian consciousness.... Its fusions ... serve to influence and
of hybrid musical styles that expressed an identity rejected by the govern­ articulate aspects of modern urban social identity” (p. 62). Here it seems clear
ment, and by allowing dissident lyrics, the recording industry provided that new social groups with new social identities are not being formed. Rather
the mass of ordinary township people with a powerful means to voice cul­ what is at stake are new self-understandings, the need for which is created by
tural resistance, whether overtly, or more often, in a covert, ambiguous, long-standing social grievances and new economic and social conditions that
contingent, fluctuating manner, (p. 243)

In this case, the social identity seems to have come first, and music reflected 6, My favorite example of this line of thinking comes not from this corpus of articles in
the hybrid nature of that identity (part African, part urban, part Westernized) Ethnomusicology but from a musical ethnography by Sugarman (1997).
 148
MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY Reflections on Music and Identity 149

make life even worse than before. The point is made that the construction of agricultural song; segued into a set of waynos, the most important mestizo
identity as a form of self-understanding through music is accomplished when genre; and ended with a criollo waltz. Thus, separate or single performances
identities need to be or are being changed. Music helps that process by changing make public declarations of a sense of belonging to one, two, or all three of the
itself or, better, by being changed by the musicians who want to participate in multiple identities available to residents of this highland region of Peru.®
the construction of new identities (self-understandings) and the symbolic pre­
sentation or representation of that self-understanding to others so that others’
understandings of the group can change as well. HOW IS IDENTITY CREATED?

The notion that identity is constructed leads naturally to questions about who
HOW MANY IDENTITIES DO WE POSSESS? is doing the constructing. To answer this question, some sort of agency is
usually posited for individuals; that is, individuals become agents in the con­
One claim about identity associated with the constructivist approach is that struction of their own identities (their sense of belonging to groups, their self­
identity, rather than being unitary, is multiple and fragmented. Instead of a understanding) in the conditions of modernity.® In another line of reasoning
single self with enduring, deep, and abiding qualities, we possess multiple selves indebted to Michel Foucault, the self that could or would create an identity is a
(gendered, racialized, ethnidzed, nationalized, etc.) whose expression is con­ product of various “regimes” and "discourses” and thus is not a free agent in the
tingent on particular contexts and specific performances of the self in those creation of identities. As Nikolas Rose puts it, following Foucault, our relation
contexts. Music as a performance and as a context would seem to provide a to ourselves is less the result of active agency than “the object of a whole vari­
particularly fruitful arena for the expression of multiple identities in context. ety of more or less rationalized schemes, which have sought to shape our ways
Similarly, music as a complex semiotic form with multiple features (melody, of understanding and enacting our existence as human beings in the name
rhythm and meter, timbre, texture, and form) inherent in its very being would of certain objectives—manliness, femininity, honour, modesty, propriety,
seem to provide an ideal sign for symbolizing multiple aspects of identity civility, discipline, distinction, efficiency, harmony, fulfillment, virtue, plea­
simultaneously and temporally.^ sure” (Rose 1996: 130). He acknowledges, in fact, that although these regimes
A good example of music’s role in the articulation of multiple senses of iden­ exist, “human beings often find themselves resisting the forms of personhood
tity as both belonging and self-understanding is Thomas Turino’s study of three that they are enjoined to adopt” (p. 140). Though he claims that no theory of
forms of social identity in highland Peru, and of music’s role in their produc­ agency is required to explain this resistance, most writers, myself included,
tion (Turino 1984). The three identities are indigenous, or Indian; criollo, or would employ it precisely at this moment. Music can be understood in both
Hispanic; and mestizo, or mixed between the two identities. By altering their ways: as a regime of self-creation (subjectification) and as a tool of resistance
performance of music on a small guitar-like instrument called the charango, the to those regimes. In the latter instance, the ideology of creativity often asso­
residents of these highland communities can express their sense of belonging to ciated with music gives the sense that composers and performers of music
one or another of these identities. When, for example, musicians strum block have the power, the agency if you will, to model new and alternative forms
chords on a flat-backed, metal-stringed version of the instrument, they express of behavior not given by the "rationalized schemes” of everyday familial and
their sense of belonging and identification with the indigenous population. governmental discourse and discipline.‘“ On the other hand, music very often
When, on the other hand, they pluck melodies in parallel thirds on a rounded- is precisely one of the modalities, to use an intentional pun, or “technologies”
back, nylon-stringed version of the instrument, they proclaim their allegiance
to upper-class criollo values and a hoped-for suturing to that class identity. 8. Multiple identities are elucidated in three other studies in this corpus but not summarized
Finally, their mestizo identity is performed iconically when they structure per­ in the main body of the text: Summit (1993), about the clash of Jewish and American identities;
formances, as they sometimes do, to include references to all three identities. Reed (2005), on the clash of ethnic and religious identities; and Gerstin (1998), on the intersec­
Turino gives one example in which the performer began with a typical Indian tion of national, urban-rural, and individual identities.
9. For an example of this view, see Giddens (1992); for an application of this position to eth­
nomusicology, see Rice (2003).
7. For a more detailed explication and example of this position, see Rice (2001). to. For one of the most detailed elucidations of this point, see Sugarman (1997).
 ISO MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY Reflections OH Music and Identity

that conveys to a society its fundarnental values in such domains as manliness, and reinterpreted these actions” (p, 19), With that point in mind, he examines
femininity, modesty, distinction, and pleasure. These technologies, according the actions of three “subjects” to illustrate how each interprets and acts out
to Rose, work on two axes. One he calls “intellectual techniques” like reading, his understanding of processes enveloping the society. They, “through the force
writing, and numeracy, which can transform “mentalities.” The second axis of their actions and personal negotiations with ritual history and modernist
consists of “corporealities or body techniques.” One thinks of manners and powers, have helped shape the contemporary reality of the festival” (p. 20),
etiquette, for example, which “inculcate the habits and rituals of self-denial, Harnishs study provides a good example of the disarticulation of agency and
prudence and foresight” (p. 138). Musical practice would seem to be both an construction. In this case, agency helps the music to reflect the larger social
intellectual and a corporeal technology. At the intellectual level, its use or non­ and cultural conditions, discourses, and “regimes” that seem to be creating new
use of notation and its valorization (or not) of orality and improvisation may senses of identity in the first place.
create particular kinds of selves and self-understandings that function well
within specific social and cultural circumstances. At the corporeal level, many
traditions with strong teacher-student relations inculcate specific performa­ J' WHO DEFINES AND INSTITUTIONALIZES IDENTITIES?

tive forms of obedience and respect that create not just good music but good
people as well. While some authors seem content to claim agency for all individuals, others
One article that can be read as mediating these two perspectives is David raise questions about the link between identity, agency, and power. If identities
Harnishs study of shifting identities and their effect on musical practice at a are constructed, then who are “the agents that do the identifying” (Brubaker
temple festival at Lingsar on the island of Lombak in Indonesia (Harnish 2005). and Cooper 2000; 14)." Can everyone be an agent or only some people? Are
Two religious groups have historically claimed the festival as their own; the agents the creators of the discourses, or do individuals make choices among
Balinese Hindus and the Muslims, called Sasaks. Although “ethnic tensions the discourses available to them? Are agents an individual self, a clique of
and contestations” were a feature of the festival, both groups managed to coex­ politically motivated identity makers, or organs of the state? Does one iden­
ist. They explained to Harnish, who has been studying the festival on and off tify oneself, or is one identified by others? Identity politics is centered in the
for twenty years since 1983, that each element of the festival was necessary and ground between these extremes of identification. Who has the power to define
could not be changed. So he was surprised that, when he attended the festival identities, and do all individuals have the same range of identity choices and
in 2001, much about the musical practice had in fact changed. Some genres the same mobility in making identity choices? “Each society sets limits to
of music had disappeared and some new ones had been added. Still the par­ the life strategies that can be imagined, and certainly to those which can be
ticipants claimed that nothing much had changed. What was going on? “Some practised” (Bauman 1996: 35). As Lawrence Grossberg observes, “some indi­
forces both within and outside the government” were at work to differenti­ viduals may have the possibility of occupying more than one such [subject]
ate religious identities more clearly than they had been in the past (p. 3). One position,... some positions may offer specific perspectives on reality that are
Sasak group that had predominated on the island and that was only nominally different from others, [and] some positions come to be more valued than oth­
Muslim (“maintain[ing] indigenous, pre-Islamic customs and sharfing] a few ers___The question of identity is one of social power and its articulation to, its
beliefs with Hinduism and Buddhism”) had been superseded in importance anchorage in, the body of the population itself” (Grossberg 1996: 99). In terms
by another group that had adopted a much stricter form of Islam coming of agency, the question becomes: “who gets to make history?” As Grossberg
from Saudi Arabia (p. 5). In response, the Hindu Balinese were more anxious puts it, "agency—the ability to make history, as it were—is not intrinsic to sub­
to demonstrate their ties, their sense of belonging, to Balinese culture. These jects and to selves. Agency is the product of diagrams of mobility and place­
new political and religious beliefs were impacting the performance of music at ment which define or map the possibilities of where and how specific vectors
the festival. So in this case we have a clear case of changes in musical practice of influence can stop and be places__ Such places are temporary points of
reflecting larger social, political, and religious shifts in the self-understanding belonging and identification” (p. 102).
of Hindu and Muslim groups. Harnish complicates the issue, however, by argu­
ing that these outside forces are not enough to explain the musical changes, that
individual agency at the local level must also be described; “though the govern­ 11. I would like to acknowledge here the salutary impact this article has had. in a general way.
ment and other external forces promoted new actions, individuals negotiated on my thinking about identity.
 152 Reflections on Music and Identity 153
MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY

Conceived in the West as an archetypal instance of self-expression, musi­ recreational music from the town of Ponce that uses the tambourine (pan-
cal choices, whether in the making or the listening, allow individuals acting dareta) prominently plus scraper (guiro) and guitar or accordion. According to
as agents to identify with groups of their choosing and to escape the bonds of Manuel, none of these claims by their advocates have been successful because
tradition provided by parents, schools, and other governmental apparatuses. In each genre is limited by its origins in lower-class social groups in a context
some instances, music can literally give voice to the powerless to label them­ where most Puerto Ricans and Nuyoricans understand themselves as moving
selves and to express their existence as a group and their “nature” in contexts up in a cosmopolitan world. These genres are too associated with backward­
where the powerful either do not acknowledge their existence or label and ness rather than with modernization. This is certainly an interesting reversal of
identify them in ways they find objectionable. In societies where the powerful the claims of European folklorists that precisely such rural, “backward” genres
control education and propaganda through literacy and the literate media, the should be the symbols of an essentialist national identity. In effect, Manuel is
orality and performativity of most musical traditions provide the powerless or arguing that in the absence of government-imposed nationalist cultural poli­
those seeking power with an important and potentially very public and effec­ cies, mass mediation and popularity are crucial to a particular kind of music
tive mode of expression. On the other hand, music patronized and controlled working as a symbol of national identity. The key to his argument that salsa is
by the state through such institutions as cultural ministries and by such com­ the most potent symbol of national identity for Puerto Ricans and Nuyoricans
mercial institutions as the music industry, advertising, and media play a pow­ is “its appeal across a broad spectrum of Latino nationalities, age groups, and
erful role in creating and defining groups, in identifying and classifying them, social classes” (p. 271). Salsa “has become identified with a new sense of Latino
and in specifying who may associate or identify with them and who may not. In identity which is at once international, and yet rooted in local community^ cul­
these sorts of cases, ethnomusicologists tend to speak about “contestation” and ture” (p. 272). Salsa’s symbolic value has emerged in a particular social situ­
“negotiation” of identities and about different “subject positions” from which ation of racial discrimination, a sense of otherness in the United States, and
contested identities are proposed. the fact of living in “tight Puerto Rican enclaves” within New York City. It has
In this corpus, two articles stand out for their documentation of different participated in processes of “helping them to outgrow the cultural inferiority
ways powerful entities establish identities through music.*^ complex of the 1930s-1950s and discover a new pride in their language and
One is Peter Manuel’s study of salsa as a symbol of Puerto Rican national Latino musical heritage.” It is “not just reiteration and borrowing, but creative
identity despite the fact that salsa’s roots are in Cuban dance forms of the 1940s appropriation and reformation," or in other words, “the resignification of the
and 1950s (Manuel 1994). In fact, Puerto Ricans and Nuyoricans (Puerto Ricans borrowed idiom to serve as a symbol of a new social identity” (pp. 272-274). He
living in New York City) regard salsa “as local in character." He believes this is concludes that “there is little agreement as to what form cultural nationalism
because salsa has been “appropriated and resignified ... as symbols of their should take, just as Puerto Ricans themselves may hold varied forms of social
own cultural identity” (p. 250), which is cosmopolitan, urban, not European identity” (pp. 276-277). In that context, the popularity of the music in the mass
or North American, and linked to Latin American culture. The musical struc­ media seems to be the agent that makes salsa the music best able to express the
tures, which combine Afro-Latin music with modern, flashy popular music identity of contemporary, urbanized Puerto Ricans and Nuyoricans.
and with a few elements native to Puerto Rico, seem to provide an excellent The other example of music’s role in the contestation of power over the label­
iconic expression (though he doesn’t say so) of that hybrid identity. On the ing and assignment of identity is Chris Goertzen’s study of the small Occaneechi
other hand, not everyone agrees. Some argue that the fact of salsa’s roots in band of Indians in the state of North Carolina (Goertzen 2001). In this case
Cuban music is a fatal flaw in its claim to being a symbol of national iden­ the North Carolina Commission of Indian Affairs, a commission made up of
tity. They argue instead that other genres native to Puerto Rico should be its members of Indian tribes in the area, has the power to decide who is an Indian
symbol of national identity, including {\) jibaro music, a guitar-based music and who is not. They have so far denied the Occaneechi's application for Indian
of rural peasants (jtbaros); (2) bomba, a drum-based vocal music originating status and identity based on their gut feeling that they are not “really” Indians.
among lower-class Blacks; and (3) plena, a lower-class and lower-middle-class On the other hand, the Occaneechi understand themselves to be Indians due
to their kinship relationships with recognized tribes, their documented history
in the area, a lifestyle that values hunting and fishing in addition to whatever
12. For an interesting study in tliis corpus of a state apparatus determining a musical expression menial jobs they hold, and other Indian values such as sharing and giving away
of identity in the face of widespread opposition, see Daughtry (2003). their wealth. As far as music is concerned, the Indians of North Carolina have,
 MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY Reflections on Music and Identity

for all practical purposes, lost their original musical traditions and have taken social identity?'^ There seem to be four basic positions in the literature. The first
up the musical traditions associated with powwows of Indians from the central is that music gives symbolic shape to a preexisting or emergent identity. That
Plains region of the United States. These powwows were originally cultivated symbolic shape is inherent in the structures of music and usually constitutes an
in the 1960s by the larger Indian groups in the region as a way to assert differ­ iconic representation of elements of identity. Music’s temporality can be an icon
ence during a period when Indian schools were closing and integration with of the temporal logic of identity. Moreover, music has the ability to index dif­
the larger society was being forced on them. Unfortunately the smaller groups, ferent aspects of multiple identities through the multiplicity of its formal prop­
such as the Occaneechi, didn’t take up powwow music during this period and erties (melody, harmony, rhythm, timbre, etc.). Second, musical performance
so “remained ‘hidden in plain sight,’ as many North Carolina Indians phrase it” provides the opportunity for communities sharing an identity to see themselves
(p. 68). Even though they have started recently to host powwows and musical in action and to imagine others who might share the same style of performance.
performances, they can’t convince the larger tribes that they are Indians; these Third, music may contribute to an identity its “feel” or affective quality.
larger groups do not seem to accept the powwow as an unambiguous symbol of Christopher Waterman makes this last point in his study of music’s role in
Indian identity. For the Occaneechi themselves, on the other hand, powwows the construction of pan-Yoruba identity in Nigeria (Waterman 1990). Yoruba
work in multiple ways. First, they are a way to express enduring local values of as a label for an ethnic group in Nigeria was invented sometime in the early
community and sharing and to create a sense of belonging to and identifying twentieth century from an amalgam of local groups, who were understood
with a community of Indians. Second, “powwows provide adults with a focus to contrast with more culturally distant groups, such as the Hausa and Igbo.
for self-esteem and intellectual engagement that may be lacking in the work In this context, whatever is labeled Yoruba music, and especially its emergent
week,” characterized by “hum-drum jobs” due to low educational levels (p. 70), popular forms, is participating, along with politics, education, and language,
Finally, the powwows express a particular form of self-understanding; “each in a process of construction of a new identity rather than acting as a reflec­
local powwow, by representing traditional Indian and rural values and through tion of a well-established identity. However, although Waterman claims such
celebrating the history of given communities, asserts the primacy of spiritual a constructivist position, the main line of argument flows from a structuralist
health and community life over material improvement” (p. 70). If the large perspective: “the role of neo-traditional music in enacting and disseminating a
tribes do not find the performance of powwows a convincing sign of Indian hegemonic Yoruba identity is grounded in the iconic representation of social
identity, most non-Indians do. “Powwows are the main tool North Carolina relationships as sonic relationships” and. one might add, performative or visual
Indians have for defining their collective identity to outsiders.,.. Indians use relationships (p. 372). While his argument begins with the idea of reflection,
powwows to encourage the surrounding communities to respect both the he turns it into a constructivist argument by claiming that jujii performances
nature and the boundaries of their communities” (p. 71). So musical practice in “externalize these values and give them palpable form” (p. 376). 'The latter idea,
relation to identity works for insiders in one way (a sense of belonging and self­ palpability, seems to be one of the special claims about what music can do in the
understanding), for some outsiders (other Indians) not at all, and for Whites constructivist project. One gets the sense here that Yoruba identity actually has
as a symbol of a specific, “different” Indian identity. Until the North Carolina
Commission of Indians recognizes their Indian identity, the Occaneechi may 13. One point common to discussions of identity but omitted here is the idea that identity
partake of the psychological benefits of their own self-understanding, but not is always constructed out of difference; that is, one’s self-understanding is constituted by the
of the social and economic benefits that recognition of their identity by the construction of an “other.” On the other hand. Robbins (1996) argues that it might be possible
commission would confer. to transcend this position by focusing less on cultural identity and more on cultural exchange.
This entails on our part not imagining the other as essentially different from us, but as having
agency; considering the possibility of openness and change; and putting our selves in their
places with some knowledge of how they operate. Music would seem to contribute to both of
WHAT DOES MUSIC CONTRIBUTE TO IDENTITY? these two propositions. On the one hand, music gives groups a strong and immediate experi­
ence of the specificity of their favored styles of making music and its difference from other
groups’ styles. On the other hand, in the postmodern era, musicians delight in the opportuni­
While these questions do not exhaust the theoretical issues at stake in the study
ties music provides for specific and deeply satisfying forms of dialogue and exchange that coun­
of identity and how music studies might contribute to them, 1 turn in the inter­ ter the discourses of difference perpetrated in the linguistic and political domains by identity
est of space to a question that is specific to the ethnomusicological literature on makers of various political persuasions. Tlie authors of works in this corpus do not concern
music, namely, what are the particular contributions of music to discussions of themselves much with either point of view.
 MODELING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY Reflections on Music and Identity ib/

been constructed elsewhere (in dictionaries of the Yoruba language, in school­ South Asia (one), and Southeast Asia (one); only studies from the Pacific and
ing, and in political action of various kinds), but music provides the iden­ the Middle East are missing. All kinds of identity, including multiple identi­
tity with “its interactive ethos or ‘feel’: intensive, vibrant, buzzing, and fluid” ties in conflict, are examined; ethnic (five), national (four), regional (three),
(p. 376). Since music can’t name the identity, this claim maybe more persuasive class (two), religious (three), community (two), tribal (two), caste (one), hybrid
than the constructivist one. Or minimally one might claim that music partici­ (one), and individual (one).
pates in a constructivist project by giving it not its name but its “feel” and emo­ What is missing in all this variety is the desire to create a coherent, interre­
tional resonance. lated, unified body of work that connects with the larger literature on identity
The fourth contribution of music to identity is the claim that music gives to and works out the potentially fascinating cross-cultural theoretical implications
an identity, especially a subaltern identity, a positive valence. This argument was and general tendencies at work whenever music is used to create a sense of
made by Manuel for Puerto Rican music, by Allen for South African “vocal jive,” individual or social identity. I regard this failure to achieve coherence and refer­
and by Barbara Krader (1987) for singers in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. ence within this corpus as a structural weakness in our work on this theme. If
This topic is clearly an area where theories about the relationship between this pattern is true for the other themes around which we ethnomusicologists
music and identity could develop, but theories are not worked out in the eth­ organize our work, and I fear that it might be, then we have a structural weak­
nographic articles I have cited so far. Such a theory does appear, however, in ness in our discipline that diminishes the efficacy of our research in general and
an article by Thomas Turino specifically devoted to theory rather than eth­ limits the potential of ethnomusicology, at least in its American form, to make
nography (Turino 1999). Applying to music the semiotic theories of Charles a powerful contribution to scholarship on music.
Sanders Peirce (1839-1914), an American philosopher, Turino argues that it is
the iconic quality of music as a sign that is one source of its emotional power.
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