BENEMÉRITA UNIVERSIDAD

AUTÓNOMA DE PUEBLA

Facultad de Lenguas

Thesis title:

The influence of classroom culture on

teaching and learning within EFL lessons: A
multimodal critical classroom discourse
analysis

A thesis submitted to the faculty of languages for the

degree of:

Maestría en la Enseñanza del Inglés (MEI)

by:

Areli Nailea Flores García

Puebla, Pue. November, 2015

 Abstract

The current research project presents a series of significant phases within two

English as a foreign language (EFL) lessons in different institutional settings. The

study involves a multimodal critical classroom discourse analysis of the teaching

and learning practices within the lessons. Ethnographic techniques were utilized in

order to capture classroom life within authentic instructional spaces (Jewitt, 2008,

2009; Kress & van Leeuwen, 2005, 2006; Kumaravadivelu, 1999; Norris, 2004;

Prabhu, 1992; Scollon & Scollon, 2003; Wysocki, 2011).

The aim of this study is to explore how classroom culture is constructed and

maintained. In addition, the analyses intend to reveal the impact that EFL classroom

culture and its social dimension has on teaching and learning dynamics through the

selection and employment of different communicative modes. As such, the manner

in which teachers and learners engage with and respond to embodied and

disembodied modes such as furniture arrangements is examined. In sum, all of the

factors involved within an educational space may facilitate or constrain students’

opportunities for learning, which are part of classroom life but also required to

successfully participate within the community of practice that participants create

over time (Gee & Green, 1998; Green & Weade, 1990).

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“Wer fliegen lernen will, muss zuerst mit beiden Beinen auf dem Boden stehen”

(Friedrich Nietzsche)

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 Table of contents
Chapter 1: Introduction to the study
1.0 Introduction 1
1.1 Significance of the study 1
1.2 The research niche 2
1.3 Setting of the study 3
1.4 Aims of the research 4
1.5 Research questions 4
1.6 Conclusion 4
Chapter 2: Literature Review
2.0 Introduction 6
2.1 Classroom as culture 6
2.1.1 Classroom ritualization 7
2.1.2 Classroom social dimension 10
2.2 Power and authority 11
2.3 Methodological approaches 13
2.3.1 Multimodality 14
2.3.1.1 Visual semiotics 15
2.3.1.2 Multimodal interaction analysis 17
2.4 Critical classroom discourse analysis 19
2.4.1 Classroom communication 21
2.4.1.1 IRF Pattern (3Part exchange) 23
2.4.2 Intertextuality 24
2.5 Multiliteracies and identity 26
Chapter 3: Study Methodology
3.0 Introduction 29
3.1 Research methodology 29
3.2 Research locations 30
3.2.1 Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla (BUAP) 30
3.2.2 Benemérito Instituto Normal del Estado de Puebla (BINE) 31

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3.3 Study participants 33
3.3.1 BUAP participants 33
3.3.2 BINE participants 34
3.4 Data collection and analysis procedures 34
3.4.1 BUAP setting 35
3.4.2 BINE setting 35
Chapter 4: Analysis and findings
4.1 Introduction 36
4.2 Research questions 36
4.3 Findings 37
4.3.1 Teacher and student communicative practices 37
4.3.2 The constraining classroom layout 41
4.3.3 On the (dis)empowerment of the teacher 42
4.3.4 Affordances of multimodal/intertextual interaction 48
4.3.5 Authority reallocation and disruption of the communicative exchange 53
(IRF pattern)
4.4 Conclusion 59
Chapter 5: Conclusions
5.0 Chapter overview 60
5.1 Discussion of key findings 60
5.2 Limitations of the study 65
5.3 Conclusion 66
References 74

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 The influence of classroom culture on teaching and learning within EFL lessons: A

multimodal critical classroom discourse analysis

1.0 Introduction

The current research is focused on English as a Foreign Language (EFL) classroom culture.

Teachers as well as students engage in various types of interactions under specific

circumstances during each lesson when certain plans and/or methods are employed in class.

However, there is a socio-cultural situation constantly transforming the classroom context,

which is often in tension with the teachers’ materials and/or the lesson plan. In other words,

the EFL classroom environment is a social situation that provides various structures for

participation among the members within it. These participants assume different institutional

roles, for particular purposes and certain periods of time (Green & Weade, 1990). In

addition, participants enroll in a type of social contract, which gives them certain rights and

obligations as they construct the classroom culture through their interactions with each

other (Prabhu, 1992).

1.1 Significance of the study

The present research addresses the different learning affordances and constraints within

EFL classroom settings (furniture arrangements, administrative staff, curriculum, materials

and more), as well as the power relations established during the interaction among the

participants involved. Thus, this study intends to: 1) explore the impact that the EFL

classroom culture has on teaching and learning practices and 2) provide a perspective

where the teaching and learning of a second language (L2) can be conceptualized as an

enduring yet dynamic social interaction within a cultural based framework. This research is

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meant to raise awareness among teachers, researchers and learners (or any other participant

indirectly influencing the lesson’s social interaction) as they recognize how classroom life

is constructed and better understand its dynamics.

This investigation will adopt qualitative research (Creswell, 2008; Denzin &

Lincoln, 2000) procedures as it explores two distinct research settings in tertiary education

institutions (see section 1.3 below for further details). It will be utilizing ethnographic

techniques such as extensive classroom observation, field notes and video footage with

accompanying transcripts (Kumaravadivelu, 1999; Watson-Gegeo, 1988). Finally, since

this study presents ethnographic features, the researcher will be considered as a participant

within the dynamics of the setting as well.

1.2 The Research Niche

This section describes how the current study fits into similar lines of research that scholars

have conducted in the past. First, it is important to point out that previous studies have

demonstrated that classroom culture, power negotiation and ritualization can interfere or

facilitate language learning; thus, various educational dynamics may be modified or

improved to provide more learning opportunities to L2 students (see Jewitt, 2008). The

current study draws on past research findings and methodological techniques in order to

achieve its aims (Green & Weade, 1990; Jewitt, 2008; Prabhu, 1992). To address the

construction of classroom culture, the use of critical discourse analysis will be essential to

analyze the participants’ interaction (Fairclough, 1996; Kumaravadivelu, 1999). Also,

findings from studies on identity, multiple literacies and intertextuality will support the

analysis of how participants engage in ‘secondary discourses’ when using their own

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‘semiotic styles’ (attitudes, values and personality traits) and the relationships established

through these styles within social communities or institutions (Gee, 1998; Lemke, 2004;

van Leeuwen, 2009). Finally, multimodality will provide the basis to analyze the

characteristics of the different settings presented (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). This focus

will allow the study of the participants’ behavioral prompts through the analysis of gesture,

gaze, posture, the use of artifacts in the classroom as well as the participants’ identity kits

(Goffman, 1981; Green & Weade, 1990; Scollon & Scollon, 2003).

1.3 Setting of the study

The data for the current study was collected at two public institutions that offer tertiary

level teacher education programs. Both institutions can be characterized by different types

of infrastructure, students and ‘traditional’ versus ‘progressive’ institutional policies

regarding their educational philosophy (see Chapter 3 for further detail). A brief overview

of each institution is provided below.

The first institution is called Benemérito Instituto Normal del Estado (BINE). This

institution has a teacher education program to train teachers to work in the public school

system (K-12). Almost all teachers who work in the Public K-12 school system in Mexico

must graduate from this type institution. The BINE has recently begun to include EFL

courses into their curriculum, and it was within one of these classroom lessons that data

was gathered for the current research.

The second institution is called the Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla

(BUAP). This institution is the state university in Puebla, Mexico. The BUAP is a complete

university offering a wide variety of majors. Within the BUAP, the Facultad de Lenguas

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offers a BA in Teaching English as a Foreign Language. As such, the BA focuses on

teacher development in EFL. It is within an EFL lesson of the BA program where data was

collected for the current study.

1.4 Aims of the research

This study aims to explain how classroom culture supports or constrains the participants’

opportunities for learning by focusing on multimodal resources. In addition, it aims to

discuss how roles within the classroom setting are negotiated and established and to

analyze what rituals (or moves) are followed during the lessons. Finally, this research seeks

to explain how power relations are carried out and dealt with inside the lessons under study.

1.5 Research questions

This investigation sets out to answer one main research question (MRQ), which can be seen

below. In order to answer the MRQ, three subordinate research questions are posed, the

composite answers of which are believed to constitute the answer to the MRQ. In other

words, the insights provided when answering RQ1, RQ2 and RQ3 below will provide the

answer to the MRQ. The research questions are presented below:

MRQ: What factors influence the construction and maintenance of the classroom culture?

RQ1: How are classroom roles negotiated and established during the lessons?

RQ2: What rituals (or moves) are followed during the lessons?

RQ3: How are ‘power relations’ negotiated between participants during the lessons?

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1.6 Conclusion

The culture of the classroom may be viewed as a community of practice (Gee & Green,

1998). Thus, it is essential that teachers as well as students raise their awareness about the

occurrences within these communities which contribute to the construction and

maintenance of the classroom culture. Classrooms may be viewed as mini societies since

they are constituted by groups of people (or members); however, norms, rituals,

regulations, violations and rewards are established as interaction among participants takes

place (Green & Weade, 1990).

In sum, the value of an EFL lesson does not only imply its potential to provide

linguistic data; but the teaching/learning practices have also the liberatory potential to

negotiate and alter social empowerment, in which the participants can reconstruct their own

cultures and identities to their own advantage (Canagarajah, 1999). Thus, it is worth

pointing out that “knowledge constructed in classrooms shapes, and is shaped by, the

discursive activity and social practices of members; patterns of practice simultaneously

support and constrain access to the academic content of the "official" curriculum and

opportunities for learning are influenced by the actions…beyond classroom settings” (Gee

& Green, 1998, p. 119).

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Chapter 2: Literature Review

2.0 Introduction

The current research performs a multimodal discourse analysis on classroom interactions

with the intention of demonstrating the impact that the English as a Foreign Language

(EFL) classroom culture has on teaching and learning practices. The study examines the

semiotic resources employed such as gaze, posture, body language, furniture arrangement,

and the communicational modes among participants within the lessons under investigation.

The strategic use of such semiotic resources can facilitate or constrain students’

opportunities for learning and are also required to successfully participate within the

classroom’s community of practice.

The aim of this chapter is to provide a review of scholarly literature that is relevant

to the current study. The purpose of this review is to inform the reader of the pertinent

theoretical issues which underpin this research as well as provide support for the analyses

and findings. Thus, the ensuing sections review the literature on the primary concepts of

classroom culture, the negotiation of power and authority, and multimodality as a

methodological approach. Critical classroom discourse analysis, multiliteracies and identity

are also central themes that surface within the study and will be reviewed as well.

2.1 Classroom as culture

Central to this research project is the concept of classroom as culture. From this

perspective, classes can be viewed as cultures and the process of creating culture as

dynamic (Apple, 1992; Green & Weade, 1990). This type of culture involves patterns of

behavior, artifacts, and knowledge that people have learned or created (Green & Weade,

1990), and the access to such knowledge depends on the opportunities members have to

participate in the dynamics of the class (Goffman, 1964). Therefore, in classrooms,

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participants assume institutional roles (for example, teacher or student), which are intended

to facilitate their interactions and together construct knowledge. Such institutional roles are

assumed under certain social conditions and for specific purposes, hence a group develops

their own cultural behavior (Breen, 2001b; Green & Weade, 1990; Prabhu, 1992).

Subsequently, among class participants, there is a creation of patterned ways of acting and

interacting in the overall events of classroom life, such as, whole class or small group

interaction, teacher-student or student-student talk, which may be formal or informal (ibid.,

1990).

As stated above, classrooms are environments rich in culture and communication

where teachers and students make meanings to construct educational and social life. The

concept of culture, in this case, does not refer to a cultural curriculum or lists of concepts to

make the participants ‘culturally literate’. On the contrary, the culture of classroom should

permit all members to participate in the re-creation of meanings and values; a democratic

process where everyone is involved in the determination of what is important in class

(Apple, 1992, p. 10-11). In sum, classroom culture can be the gateway to lesson inclusion.

The interaction patterns within a classroom culture, when properly understood, may

also reveal the existence of rituals (Quantz, O’Connor & Magolda, 2011). Prabhu (1992)

reminds us that classrooms are stereotypical and commonly ritualized, varying to some

extent from culture to culture. Thus, the following section will address the subject of

classroom ritualization.

2.1.1 Classroom Ritualization

The ritualization of the educational space is a major concept in this study. As previously

mentioned, Prabhu (1992) proposes that classrooms are stereotypical and ritualized, which

makes them a type of social genre. First, they are stereotypical because they may be
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commonly perceived as institutional spaces with teachers acting as educators and

authorities instead of facilitators. Students are conceived as receptors of knowledge instead

of autonomous pupils. Second, classrooms are ritualized, though not generally noticed as

such when conformed to, yet disturbing when they are violated (Prabhu, 1990). According

to Quantz, O’Connor and Magolda (2011), ritualization in educational spaces is an invisible

aspect of everyday school patterns. In other words, “one rule of ritual is that the more we

recognize it as a ritual, the less likely it is to affect us; while the less we realize we are

participating in a ritual, the more likely it is that its effects will be realized” (ibid. p.3).

Prabhu (1992) exemplifies this notion in the following quotation:

The ritualisation may or may not take the form of dress regulations, standing up to

show respect, the use of honorifics, first names or last names, not speaking unless

asked to, procedures for assignment and submission of work, procedures for

punishment and reward, opening and closing moves for the lesson as a whole or for

any phase of it, and so on; but there is at least a set of shared notions about the

different phases of a lesson, legitimate and deviant behavior, the extent of teacher's

authority and learner's rights, and duties and obligations on both sides (p. 228).

Classroom ritualization is quite complex since the real work of schooling takes

place in the small actions that are rarely even recognized as ritual (Quantz, O’Connor &

Magolda, 2011). Many of these rituals also involve the various ‘artifacts’ utilized during

classes. These may belong to the teacher or student-space items, such as, whiteboards,

desks, markers, uniforms, cellphones or books (Apple, 1992). Over time as these ‘artifacts’

are being managed, groups develop classified ways of communicating about them

according to their purpose (Green & Weade, 1990).

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 Classroom ‘moves’ are another example of ritual. These are actions included in an

“agenda” and associated with the classroom lesson since it is a planned and structured event

with different stages and goals (Prabhu, 1992). Such ‘moves’ take place through verbal

communication or symbolic signs that the group has learned to respond to. Usually, the

teacher acts as the conductor, orchestrating the classroom procedures. Some examples of

‘moves’ may be the opening and closing of a lesson, whether or not the teacher sits behind the

desk or on it (Prabhu, 1992; Quantz, et. al, 2011); “it is the ritual performance of a teacher

that is the most important indicator used by administrators when evaluating teachers” (Quantz,

et. al, 2011, p. 5).

Verbal communication in class is commonly ritualized as well. In classrooms it is usual

to use the rituals of obeisance, submission, and propitiation when someone under authority

(generally students) show respect to someone in authority (generally teachers) (Goffman,

1964). Quantz, O’Connor and Magolda (2011) agree that:

There are rituals of deference that students are expected to show their teachers (i.e.,

their “superiors”): the lowering of the eyes when being spoken to or, when being

disciplined, the meeting of the eyes in an unchallenging manner, and the closed-in,

unaggressive posture taken, the crispness in the voice when speaking the sacred

words, “yes, ma’am, sorry ma’am”. Perhaps the quickest way for a student to be

expelled in school is to fail to show ritual deference to one in authority (p. 4).

To conclude, control of context prevails in classrooms (van Dijk, 1997). The

powerful control the aims and goals of the ritualized communicative event; for example,

who may speak (or must speak), about what, who responds to questions; the (students’)

roles and actions, the lesson schedule, and more. Van Dijk (1997) claims that by ritualizing

classroom communicative interactions, teachers take control over their students learning

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and thus enhance their language performance (for further information on classroom

communication see section 2.4.1 in this chapter). As a result, each participant adopts an

implicit role (‘who is in control’ and ‘who is not’) allowing the construction of a social

configuration as communicative events occur (ibid). Since “many rituals overflow with

meaning and have important social impact” (Quantz, et. al, 2011, p.4), the following

section will review the social dimension of the classroom.

2.1.2 Classroom social dimension

This study also focuses on the social aspect of classrooms. Green and Weade (1990) claim

that every human society is culturally founded and that a classroom is a bounded setting

where a group of people constitutes a 'mini' society. According to Prabhu (1992)

a classroom lesson is an event of several different kinds: It is a unit in a planned

curricular sequence, an instance of a teaching method in operation, a patterned

social activity, and an encounter between human personalities. But several factors

involved in the social...dimension of the classroom…are characteristics of

individuals (p.225).

In a ‘society’ with different personalities, goals and interests, individuals need to

affiliate and assume a type of social contract with rights and obligations over time (Green

& Weade, 1990). Thus, classrooms may be perceived as routinized social events, with roles

and role relationships established by tradition and with a ritualistic aspect to the actions

performed (Prabhu, 1992).

The classrooms’ social facet may, indeed, support or constrain the participants’

opportunities to learn as they interact. Social forces within learning contexts will always

outline what is available to be learned and will shape the interaction of leaners’ minds with

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external linguistic or communicative knowledge, establishing how individuals are to

conduct themselves, and socially organize their behavior (Breen, 2001b; Goffman, 1964).

Therefore, as in any other type of society, the classroom also needs to operate in an

organized manner. It could hardly work without the establishment of roles or hierarchy of

functions (Green & Weade, 1990; van Dijk, 1997).

Finally, hierarchies lead to a close relation between social interaction, power and

authority within classroom settings. From this view, authority resembles an ‘axis’, allowing

power to circulate among the classroom participants as they construct and gain knowledge

through teaching and learning practices. Beyond the teacher’s influence, it becomes

apparent that other forces are in play during lessons, and they all exert power, which

influences classroom actions and interactions. Thus, the following section will address the

presence of power and authority within the classes.

2.2 Power and authority

First, authority in new social contexts, especially in educational settings, means a

transformation in interpersonal relations. As such, authority could evolve and should help

usher in a positive, rather than a negative sense of power. However, teachers as ‘authority’

have special access to power resources, for example, speech acts (commands or orders).

Teachers can also use the control of action and mind by managing desired social symbolic

resources (knowledge, education or esteem). In other words, teachers through authority

make use of a persuasive power by ‘suggesting’ or simply ‘asking’ to do what is planned in

the lesson. Over time with these practices, students acquire beliefs about how classes

should function and absorb the dynamics of power relations and the character of authority

within educational venues (Apple, 1992; Luke, 1995; van Dijk, 1997).

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 Second, power in social contexts is defined as a “specific relation between social

groups or institutions. That is, we [might] ignore various forms of personal power between

individuals, unless such power is based on group membership” (van Dijk, 1997, p. 5). From

this perspective, power is grounded in group membership, which affords individual

members (teachers and students) access to spaces (classrooms) or events (lessons) (Gee &

Green, 1998). For instance, the power invested in membership allows students the physical

entrance to the room, to be part of the class-list, activities, team-work or have an evaluation

at the end of the course (to mention just a few). In the case of teachers, group membership

allows them to open and close the lesson, give homework, take attendance, reward or

punish students and make explicit the need for directed attention. Students’ or teachers’

membership grants power in the form of access to learning, teaching and rituals, social

practices that are prime goals on both sides.

As described above, the presence of power through authority is emphasized by the

practice of rituals (discussed in section 2.1.1). Luke (1995) claims that school is a public

space in which particular relations of power and authority are ritualized and control the

narratives of school traditions and policies. This reveals asymmetrical relationships, which

make interaction among participants turn complex and unbalanced since the access to

power is not equal (Breen, 2001b).

However, students can eventually access power as they search for learning

opportunities (Gee & Green, 1998). And even though, education and power are terms of an

indissoluble couplet, all participants can negotiate the access to power resources (as

knowledge or inclusion) through the division of power; from the teacher (or the powerful

one) narrowed down and spread to each student (Apple, 1992; van Dijk, 1997). Van Dijk

(1997) proposes that authority’s complexity should not obscure power relations,
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emphasizing that power is not inherently evil. There are many examples of acceptable

power enactment, such as the one between parents and their children, or (in this case)

teachers and students. He goes on to say that each context:

…needs to develop a system that allows their members to act as such, to know what

is good and bad for them, and what to do in situations of conflict, threat or

competition. In sum, socially, ideologies function… to serve as an interface between

collective group interests and individual social practices (p. 27).

Finally, power, authority and socio-cultural practices within educational spaces can

certainly be negotiated and managed by all participants. Classrooms, instead of a collection

of ritualized procedures, can become spaces where instructors portray themselves as

facilitators and guides through knowledge. Students can be more autonomous agents, who,

through the use of class memberships and (well employed) power resources can feel

encouraged and afforded for learning opportunities.

2.3 Methodological approaches

In order to analyze the lessons under investigation, the present thesis uses multimodality as

a methodological approach. Multimodality was chosen as the methodological approach for

the current research because it provides tools for analyzing and describing the full

repertoire of meaning-making or semiotic resources, which students and teachers use to

communicate or participate in particular social situations (Goffman, 1964; Jewitt, 2009).

With this in mind, the first section that follows addresses the foundations of multimodality

as well as the concepts followed during the analyses of the data presented in the findings

chapter. Then, visual semiotics are explored, providing the basis to comprehend the

meaning potential of visual images. Finally, a section is presented on multimodal

interactional analysis.
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2.3.1 Multimodality

Multimodality describes approaches that understand communication and representation

beyond language (Jewitt, 2009). All interactions are multimodal within social contexts, and,

multimodality takes all communicational acts to be socially constituted (ibid., 2009; Norris,

2004). As the term expresses, multimodality consists of the simultaneous employment of

various communicative modes. These modes that are employed by participants during their

interactions may be: 1) embodied, which ‘belong to the human body’ and are real-time

actions (e.g. gaze, gesture, spoken language); 2) disembodied ‘do not belong to the human

body’ and are frozen actions (e.g. writing or furniture arrangement in the classroom)

(Norris, 2004, pp. 13-14). Such modes are co-dependent on one another in various manners,

and the hierarchical structure they assume in relation to each another depends on

interactions, thus making classroom multimodal interaction a subject for careful analysis

(ibid.).

In general terms, a mode of communication is a semiotic (meaning-making) system

with rules and regularities (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2001 in Norris, 2004). In educational

settings, the communicative modes present are shaped by the daily social interaction of

participants (Jewitt, 2009). Students and teachers orchestrate meaning through their own

selection and configuration of modes for communication. They make choices across

different semiotic resources simultaneously and these combine in a multimodal phenomena

(ibid.). Some examples of commonly used embodied modes in classrooms include gesture,

gaze, posture, proxemics, head movement and spoken language (Jewitt, 2009; Norris,

2004).

Disembodied modes are also analyzed in this study. They carry great significance

because “These actions are frozen in the material objects themselves and are therefore
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evident.” (Norris, 2004, p. 14). The most “evident” in an educational institution is the

classroom. That is to say, the physical characteristics within the room, furniture

arrangement or layout, the artifacts used (posters, books, desks, uniforms or markers) just

to mention a few examples of disembodied modes. In sum, all of these visual elements of

the classroom and its context are very important features since they contribute to a global

experience (Jewitt, 2008; Wysocki, 2011).

The relevance of such a complex relationship between physical artifacts and settings

and the selected communication modes among classroom participants is the production of

school subject knowledge, in this case, English learning. Overall, the use of multimodal

analysis within educational contexts attempts to interpret classroom interactions beyond

language. Multimodality is a potential method for the current study because its procedures

lead us to realize how students and teachers co-produce notions of ability, inclusion,

participation and (at times) resistance with the use of semiotic resources at their disposal

(Norris, 2004). Therefore, the following section will address the importance of visual

semiotics within classrooms.

2.3.1.1 Visual semiotics

The core unit of semiotics is the sign, which is the fusion of form and meaning (Kress,

2010). In visual semiotics, there are principles for connecting the visual signs with

meanings. In other words, once two or more people have understood the same code, they

can connect the same meaning to the same graphic patterns in mutual understanding. Signs,

modes and meaning-making are viewed as dynamic and open systems that are closely

connected to the social context of use (Jewitt, 2009).

Images represent the real social world. They carry particular meanings depending

on where we see them and how they are used to accomplish different goals within society.
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As a resource for representation, images, like language, display regularities, which can be

the subject of relative formal description. However, language does not have or need angles

of vision to achieve perspective, nor does it need spatial dispositions of elements to achieve

the meanings of syntactic relations, yet images have and need both (Kress & van Leeuwen,

2006; Scollon & Scollon, 2003).

The images from the lessons under investigation in this study will be analyzed using

three semiotic systems from Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) grammar of visual design

framework. These are: 1) the represented participants, 2) the interactive participants and 3)

composition, which, according to Scollon and Scollon (2003), are semiotic systems that can

demonstrate “how interaction order is visually depicted” (p. 86). First, represented

participants are the construction element used in a picture (person, image, text, graph or

logo). The representation of the participants in pictures also understands the vectors

(directions of gaze) present when one participant looks at another one. Second, the

participants’ interactions are of three types: a) between the producer of the image and the

participants represented within the display; b) among the represented participants within the

image; c) between the represented participants and the viewer/reader/user (ibid.). The last

semiotic system is composition. Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) propose there are two basic

parts to information composition: centered and polarized. At the same time, polarized is

divided into left/right (given and new) and the upper/lower parts (ideal and real).

Visual semiotics help to create an understanding about how images display different

ideas for specific purposes depending on the design of the images. However, the use of the

visual mode is not the same from one society to another, and it is not the same from one

social group or institution to another. Thus, anyone interested in communication through

images should not only focus on the aesthetic and expressive dimension, but also on the
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social, political and communicative dimensions (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). We shall

then also focus on the interaction among the participants within groups in society (such as

the classroom). This communication among the participants is also an important dimension

that requires multimodal analysis. The following section addresses the foundations to

analyze multimodal interactions.

2.3.1.2 Multimodal interaction analysis

This approach grants considerable attention to the notion of context and situated interaction

because both, language and visual communication express meanings belonging to and

structured by cultures in society (Jewitt, 2009; Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). The focus is

on the action taken by a social actor with or through multimodal means, that is, how

various modes are constitutive of social interaction and identities with interest in habitus

and embodiement (Jewitt, 2009; Norris, 2004). As such, it is worth recalling the variety of

physical multimodal means used during interactions since multimodality’s focus goes

beyond perceiving interaction as “linguistic-only”. Thus, the interest is in how actors utilize

embodied and disembodied modes (Norris, 2004) as well as how people use real-time

actions, such as gaze, gesture, posture, spoken language, or frozen-actions such as objects

or spaces whilst interacting and communicating (see section 2.3.1. of the current research

study).

On the other hand, communicative modes in social interaction may be

overwhelming for analysts. As participants move their bodies, hands, arms and head, the

observer attempts to understand the content of what each actor is reacting to through each

mode (Norris, 2004). Hence, multimodal interactional analysis sheds light on understanding

and describing what is going on within interactions as well as what individuals express and

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react to in specific situations (Jewitt, 2009). To understand mediated modes or actions

utilized by the actors as they interact, units of analysis are classified as smaller and larger

actions, and in turn defined as lower-level and higher-level (a chain of lower-level actions)

(Norris, 2004). For instance, in spoken language, a most commonly lower-level action

analyzed is the intonation unit. In the case of a higher-level action, it is a series of lower-

level actions constructed by individuals’ interaction such as, a question-answer construct

with the objective to search for specific and contextualized information (ibid.)

In multimodal interaction, contextualized expression and communication is the aim

of social actors. According to Norris (2004), communication can be defined as actual

interaction:

Communicating is interaction if one person conveys a message and another person

perceives it. The modes utilized for interacting do not create a communicative moment

as an interaction, but rather the process of doing something to or for or with people

allows us to understand a communicative moment as an interaction (p. 149).

However, interaction has regularities and is usually rule governed (Kress & van

Leeuwen, 2001). Contextual contingencies are always present and functioning

simultaneously as actors or participants to share ideologies and exchange messages through

communicative modes. It is worth repeating that multimodal interaction is attached to

context, and its employment in classrooms develop meaningful forms of learning beyond

language. Taking into account that semiotic modes are based on context; then, discourses of

gender, social class, race, institutional norms and other articulations of power shape and

regulate people’s use of these meaning-making modes and resources (van Leeuwen, 2005).

However, the study of linguistic behavior during the lessons under analysis is also

of interest to this research. Linguistic behavior is, of course, an important mode in any
18
multimodal investigation. Therefore, the following section will provide a discussion of

critical classroom discourse analysis (CCDA).

2.4 Critical Classroom Discourse Analysis

The aim of this section is to provide a review of Critical Classroom Discourse Analysis

(CCDA) to better understand the focus of the study on classroom culture and

communication dynamics. The analyses regarding classroom interactions (presented in

Chapter 4 in this study) employ CCDA to describe crucial and significant moments during

lessons in which “the teacher's own personality is a major factor in the interplay of forces,

and conflict resolution” (Prabhu, 1992, p. 231) and how in some classrooms the social and

personal dimensions are stronger than the pedagogic ones (ibid.).

First, discourse in the field of English Language Teaching (ELT) may be defined as

any form of language in use or as naturally occurring language (Brown & Yule, 1983).

Another perspective of discourse refers to the specific contexts of language in use.

According to Kamberelis and Scott (1992) “Discourses are perhaps best described as

socially and culturally informed systems of possibilities for knowing, being, and acting” (p.

361). Therefore, various types of discourses can be found in ELT. One of the main

examples applied to this field is classroom discourse. This can be conceptualized as the

language that teachers and students use to communicate inside the classroom. Teachers and

students mutually construct through their interactions a unique discourse with its own roles,

rules and even expectations, thus creating social action (Green & Weade, 1990; van Dijk,

1997). Green and Weade (1990) claim there are five principles to understand classroom

discourse based on the theoretical framework from Cazden, (1986), Erickson (1986) and

Green (1983). Such principles are: “1) Face-to face interaction is culturally patterned; 2)

19
Meaning is situation specific; 3) Frames of reference help guide individual and group

members’ interpretations and construction of meaning; 4) Complex communicative

demands are placed on teacher and students; 5) Communicative performance can lead to

positive and negative assessment of ability” (Green & Weade, 1990, p. 329).

Most work on discourse as action focuses on conversation and dialogue since

discourse is naturally associated with the use of spoken language (van Dijk, 1997). Hence,

critical classroom observation is generally performed because it is characterized by

studying interactions and discourses in real time. As a result, CCDA proposes a compound

of categories to describe verbal behaviors of teachers and students as they interact in the

classroom, also using the concept of text for spoken language to reveal it as an analytical

and observable behavior (Kumaravadivelu, 1999).

In classroom dynamics, spoken language exposes the different participants’

personalities and objectives they (desire to) possess or achieve. They come out implicitly or

explicitly, through positive or negative channels. Teachers are the only entity having the

concession to express themselves or act openly. But even teachers engaging in

communicative language teaching, attempting to make their classes as learner-centered as

possible “can fail in creating opportunities for genuine interaction in their classrooms”

(Kumaravadivelu, 1993, p. 13). The manner in which most lessons are structured does not

stimulate the wish of learners to say something, nor does it concern itself with what they

might have to say, learners (at times) do not find a space to speak as themselves, to use

language in communicative encounters, to create text, to stimulate responses from fellow

learners, or to find solutions to relevant problems (Thornbury, 1996, p. 279).

20
 There are various manners in which participants can interact through their

discourses. Thus, the use and citation of classroom transcripts as a technique of critical

discourse analysis for classroom observation to study interaction plays a major evidence

role (extracts from participants’ interactions) (Lemke, 2004; van Lier, 2001). In addition,

the use of such techniques to observe discourse interaction undoubtedly result in a much

better understanding of classroom aims and events, particularly in terms of teacher talk and

student talk, unveiling its crucial limitations (Kumaravadivelu, 1999). From this

perspective, it is notable that communication during lessons allows social actors to

participate and be involved in the dynamics (Norris, 2004). Therefore, the following section

gives a brief review on classroom communication.

2.4.1 Classroom communication

As previously mentioned, classrooms are environments rich in culture and

communication where teachers and students (through interaction) make meanings in order

to construct classroom life (see section 2.1). The purpose of exploring classroom

communication, in this research, is to gain a better understanding of language from a

linguistic point of view. Classroom communication is also examined in order to be aware of

what is required by community members to participate in the social events taking place.

Green and Weade (1990) adopt a similar view and claim that classroom discourse and

communication are closely studied to understand the communicative requirements of

participation in instructional and social events of classrooms to discover the factors that

support and/or constrain meaning construction, interpretation of language, and access to

learning.

21
 Since classrooms may be perceived as a ‘social situation’ according to Goffman

(1964), communication occurs “where two or more individuals find themselves in one

another's immediate presence and it lasts until the next-to-last person leaves” (p. 135).

However, social interaction and actual communication within educational settings is based

on contextual configurations as well, turning communication practices into a complex

interactional system. Classrooms have very specific characteristics that should not be taken

for granted, as they define the interface scenarios. Therefore, van Lier (2001) reminds us

that research must be focused holistically but also on the smallest details, and should “allow

us not to generalize but to particularize, that is, to adapt our skills, ideas, and strategies to

the changing circumstances and the multifarious influences of the context in which the

investigated processes occur” (p. 90). From such a perspective, close attention is required to

the macro and micro details of classrooms (participants’ power access, identities, intentions

and purposes; institutional and cultural characteristics; lesson dynamics or even the actual

objects managed within the space), which make communication to be distinct and different

from other everyday talk in non-educational settings.

The factors described above may help to differentiate communication in educational

and other settings in society. Another approach to find the difference between classroom

communication and talk in non-educational settings, is to notice that interaction during a

lesson is commonly characterized by teachers talking most of the time while students

respond passively and only follow directions; thus, the fact that “such classroom interaction

is easily recognizable and is often taken as evidence of its artificiality” (van Lier, 2001, p.

91). This is a characteristic that everyday talk in non-educational contexts does not possess.

People (i.e. on the street, at the market) do not plan to have a regular conversation. They

may not ritualize the interaction nor obey patterns for information exchange; practices that
22
do rule ‘lesson talk’. Therefore, the section that follows, will examine in more detail the

dynamics related to the initiation-response-feedback communication pattern within the

classroom.

2.4.1.1 IRF Pattern (3part exchange)

Teaching-centered instruction may focus mostly on providing significant amounts

of knowledge and information from teacher to student. Thus, the pattern of Initiation-

Response-Feedback is one of the most frequently occurring types of classroom

communication, and is characterized by its three-part cycle. The teacher initiates, the

student responds, then the teacher provides feedback: the IRF format (van Lier, 2001, p. 94;

Sinclair & Coulthard, 1975). As such, educational spaces become domains constraining the

types of talk within them as they have to stage ritualistic procedures to be considered

“adequate” (Prabhu, 1992; Quantz, et. al, 2011; van Lier, 2001). Classroom participants

construct cultural knowledge about what to do (say), to (with) whom, when, where, under

what conditions, and for what purpose (Green & Weade, 1990, p. 328). Therefore,

interactions within groups become a communication chain. In other words, if we want to

determine if such a communication chain is the ‘correct’, ‘expected’ or even the

‘appropriate’ one, we shall consider the teacher as the typical initiator (Green & Weade,

1990). For instance, teachers pose a question placing an obligation on the listeners for a

response. Then, a responder is designated. Hence, “the designation of the responder by the

questioner (teacher) signals a style of discourse that is governed by a controlled exchange

of turns rather than a style that permits multiple or open responses” (ibid., p. 330). Within

the analyses sections that follow in Chapter 4 of the current work, the concept of

23
‘intertextuality’ (Lemke, 2004) becomes a salient focus of analysis; as such, the following

sections will provide an overview of this concept.

2.4.2 Intertextuality

In social communities, intertextuality is an important characteristic of the manner in which

language is used (Lemke, 2004). From this perspective, the term text does not only imply a

written product. A text is a unit of language in use that makes sense to anyone who is

familiar with it, whether written, spoken or enacted (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004). Thus,

the ways in which meanings are made through texts and meanings themselves depend on

the prevalence of other texts recognized as having certain kinds of relationships with one

another (Lemke, 2004). That is to say, meanings are made through the relations between

two texts; meanings that cannot be made within any single text (ibid.).

In classrooms, culture itself can be understood as a text that is read by cultural

participants. As a gesture in dialogue, performance is an utterance and carries meaning

from both the individual participants as well as the socially constructed interaction (Quantz,

O’Connor & Magolda, 2011). Performance, then, may become central to intertextual

analysis. Kamberelis and Scott (1992) have a similar view and make a contribution to what

can be also perceived as text:

from a semiotic point of view, any meaningful artifact may be viewed as a

text…there are many kinds of texts (e.g., smiles, road signs, paintings, films, dance

productions, novels)…Language almost always occurs as a text, and not as isolated

words and sentences. Texts are produced in specific social situations and for

specific purposes (p. 361).

Lemke (2004) points out that in current educational research data is presented in the

form of texts: “transcripts of classroom and small group discourse, talk-aloud protocols,
24
and interviews; textbooks; syllabi; test questions and written responses; institutional

documents; student writing in various genres; and observer fieldnotes” (p. 257). In more

specific terms, the intertextual relationships this study concerns itself with are between

teacher question and student reply; between teacher, language and community language;

and between written curriculum document and records of classroom discourse (ibid.).

Intertextuality viewed in such a manner presents us with various types of text relations in

real-time interaction (a discoursive event such as a class or a conversation) and other

actions taking place in frozen time (filling in the blanks in a textbook) (Gee & Green, 1998;

Norris, 2004).

As mentioned in the discussion of IRF patterns, students’ responses that parrot

teachers’ previous utterances or performance is certainly another example of intertextual

connections if we see lessons as a patterned dominant interaction. In other words, teachers

and students are continuously constructing intertextual relationships. The construction of

these relationships can be viewed as an assembling cultural ideology, a system for

assigning meaning and significance to what is said and done; therefore, socially defining

participants (Bloome & Bailey, 1992 in Gee & Green, 1998). As participants engage in text

and talk, they do it in a complex blend of social roles and identities. Thus, the following

section will briefly address the concepts of multiliteracies and identity, as they are part of

classroom interaction and culture.

2.5 Multiliteracies and identity

Individuals, throughout their lives, develop primary discourses as a result of a natural

process of enculturation. This serves as a “framework” for their acquisition and learning of

other discourses later in life (Gee, 1990). Family is a clear example of a society of intimates

considered to be a primary institution. Here, the process of enculturation takes place when

25
we are raised and taught values and behaviors (ibid., 1998). However, there are other

discourses beyond the primary discourse called secondary discourses. These are developed

to access secondary institutions that require one to communicate with non-intimates

(schools, churches, stores) (ibid.). Secondary discourses are built on and go beyond the

uses of language we acquire as part of our primary discourse. Gee (1998) calls those uses of

language in secondary discourses ‘secondary uses of language’.

As such, an EFL classroom is considered a secondary institution. All participants

can identify themselves as a part of it through the mastery of their secondary discourses. In

other words, individuals become ‘literate participants’ with access to classroom life and

successfully interact with non-intimates. However, the traditional meaning of the word

“literacy” (ability to read and write) only situates literacy in the individual person, rather

than in society and it shades the multiple ways in which literacy relates with other skills

(Gee, 1990, p. 31). Thus, this study intends to portray the concept of literacy as also having

great impact in historical, social and cultural practices in education. From this perspective,

literacy is involved in talk interaction, values and beliefs; making individuals move forward

in a process of enculturation (Gee, 1990; Jewitt, 2008).

Literacy is becoming a more pluralized and multifarious concept in educational

discourses. Thus, multiliteracies is introduced as it takes literacy beyond the standard forms

of written/spoken language; providing a better understanding of how various literacies

function and emerge in other contexts besides the educational one (Jewitt, 2008). The

concept of multiliteracy emerged as a response to new social conditions and changes in

communicational practices, emphasizing what it means to be literate nowadays. Thus, the

social objective of multiliteracies is to situate teachers and students as active participants in

wider literacy practices across boundaries of difference as: student values, identity and/or
26
power (Appadurai, 1990; Cope & Kalantzis, 1993, 2000; Freire & Macedo, 1987; Harvey,

2003 in Jewitt, 2008).

Even though the concept of multiliteracies is situated in a social setting, it is also

necessary to see participants with individual backgrounds as affecting their social

performance. Being a ‘particular who’ to display a ‘what’ requires to always act, think,

value, interact and use language in sync with and in coordination with other individuals,

and with various objects or “props” in appropriate locations and appropriate times (Gee,

Knorr Cetina, Latour in Gee, 1990, p. 159). Hence, when classroom participants master

their secondary discourses of ‘being a teacher/student’ this will shape their identities. The

role of a teacher as authority will let him/her shape the ‘right’ secondary discourse of

his/her students at the appropriate time and place. And at the same time, the identity of the

student will create a role, which will require being ‘literate’ to take part in the classroom

interaction at the appropriate time and place. However, participants should also be aware

that in academic discourse "there is a whole dimension of authorized language, its rhetoric,

syntax, vocabulary, and even pronunciation…[which] exists purely to underline the

authority" (Bourdieu in Kumaravadivelu, 1999, p. 462). Then, students are able to examine

social dimensions of their own literacy practices and understand how social, cultural,

economic and political conventions build their formation as particular individuals.

To sum up, life in classrooms may facilitate the development of students’

discourses. The management of the wide variety of tools for teaching can be rethought and

refreshed. Inevitably, social situations, settings and individuals will continue changing.

Consequently, teaching methodologies, approaches to language and pedagogy will attempt

to keep up with social changes. Therefore, what can be actually done is to include students

in the lesson text and classroom decisions; what they believe it is important for them to
27
learn. In addition, teachers should aim to harmonize the intertextuality of lessons and

familiarity with intertextuality in their first language creating innovative fashions to

approach their foreign language learning skills (Breen, 2001b). Better understanding such

collaborative practices as well as properly managed social, discursive, communicative and

multimodal patterns can demonstrate that lessons and education overall are jointly

constructed. Teachers and learners, as equal participants, will acknowledge and respect

each other’s identities, difficulties and autonomy (ibid.).

28
Chapter 3: Study Methodology

3.0 Introduction

This chapter will discuss the methodology used to gather and analyze data for the present

research study. First, the two locations where data were gathered and the participants will

be described. Then, the techniques for data collection as well as the analysis procedures

will be addressed. Finally, the last section will provide a brief conclusion for this chapter.

3.1 Research methodology

This study adopts as its methodological framework, a multimodal ethnographic classroom

discourse analysis. From Watson-Gegeo’s (1988) perspective “one of the hallmarks of

ethnographic method is intensive, detailed observation of a setting” (p. 583). The term

ethnography “refers to a range of diverse and ever-changing research approaches

originating in anthropological and sociological research…[whose purpose] is to come to a

deeper understanding of how individuals view and participate in their own social and

cultural worlds” (Harklau, 2005, p. 179).

The current study also uses multimodality and critical classroom discourse analysis

(CCDA) as methodological approaches to analyze the lessons under investigation. First,

multimodality provides tools for analyzing and describing the full repertoire of semiotic

resources that participants use to communicate or participate in particular social situations

(Goffman, 1964; Jewitt, 2009). As such, theoretical framework on multimodal interaction

analysis and visual semiotics provide the basis to comprehend the meaning potential of

visual images and meaning-making practices enacted by social actors. That is, how various

modes are brought into social interaction and identities with interest in habitus and

embodiment (Jewitt, 2009; Norris, 2004). Second, the use of CCDA has the potential to

29
offer rich representations of our classroom practices. With a focus on participants’

discourses by means of critical ethnography, this approach presents a disciplined

questioning of the ways in which power works through the discursive practices in

classrooms (Kumaravadivelu, 1999).

3.2 Research locations

The data were collected at two public institutions that offer tertiary level teacher education

programs. These institutions present different types of infrastructure, students and

‘traditional’ versus ‘progressive’ institutional policies regarding their educational practices.

Thus, the following sections provide a detailed description of each institution.

3.2.1 Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla (BUAP)

The BUAP is an autonomous state university of higher education providing a full offer of

majors in both the hard sciences and the humanities. The university aims to serve the

community by providing high quality and affordable education that is available to

everyone, including underprivileged citizens. This being the case, the student population at

the university is quite heterogeneous, consisting of learners with diverse sociocultural

backgrounds (socioeconomic, rural/urban, educational, indigenous heritage, among others).

It is worth mentioning that the university is considered autonomous because it is not overtly

regulated by outside institutions, and it is responsible for establishing its own institutional

and educational policies.

Within the BUAP, the Facultad de Lenguas offers a Bachelor’s Program in

Teaching English as a Foreign Language. As such, this degree is exclusively focused on

teacher development in EFL. According to the official curriculum of the BA program in

30
ELT, the general aim is to educate competent teachers of English who are able to “utilize a

diversity of modes, approaches, technologies, strategies and techniques in order to facilitate

the learning of English as a foreign language in distinct educational and socioeconomic

environments” to meet the needs of the Mexican community

(http://www.escueladelenguas.com/lenguas-modernas.html). However, learners enter the

program with very little proficiency in English and receive target language instruction,

linguistic courses, ELT methodology courses, and English-speaking culture courses given

only in the L2 (English) over a period of five years. As such, the study program is divided

in two levels, basic and formative. The basic level requires the students to take eight EFL

courses throughout the program, which are meant to provide them with adequate

proficiency in the target language to course the formative level of the program. In the

formative level students follow a wide scope pedagogy program in order to become

specialized professionals in the field of ELT. Upon graduation, learners are expected to be

bilingual teachers of English with a solid understanding of English-speaking cultures, and

with a sound base in linguistics and ELT methodology. The data collected for this study

from this institution were collected during an ELT lesson.

3.2.2 Benemérito Instituto Normal del Estado de Puebla (BINE)

This institution is part of the ‘Normal’ Mexican system. That is to say, the BINE is a

teacher education program sponsored directly by the Mexican Ministry of Education that is

specifically designed to train teachers to work in the public school system. Almost all

teachers who work in the Public school system in Mexico must graduate from an institution

that belongs to the Normal system.

31
 According to the objectives of the institution, teacher training involves a

professionalization process that employs updating and ongoing evaluation (www.bine.mx).

They further include the presence of strategic planning and management to optimize the

institution’s levels of competition, efficiency, effectiveness, equity, relevance and

transparency (ibid.). As such, the main strategy employed for teaching training is to

designate students to different public institutions outside the state of Puebla (usually in

rural areas) to serve as teaching assistants from very early stages of the BA program.

According to the institutional philosophy, this procedure is followed to develop and

enhance teaching practices in the areas of instruction students want to specialize in (ibid.).

The BINE has recently begun to include EFL courses into their curriculum, and it

was within one of these classroom lessons that data were gathered. However, the institution

outsources the English classes from a different university, and there is no classroom

designated specifically for EFL lessons. Classes take place in a multiuse room that was first

designed to be a library but the room was modified later to serve as a library/computer lab

simultaneously. The institution has assigned different staff to be in charge of the room and

the equipment. In addition, each semester, if the institution lacks cubicles for full time

teachers, they are sent to this multiuse room. It is evident that the space is often

overcrowded as it is occupied with individuals attempting to fulfill a variety of often

conflicting objectives that may include teaching-learning, solving administrative problems,

cyber-surfing, and the (re)organization of books among others. As a result, the learning

environment overwhelms students with several authority entities. The classroom

arrangement and the lack of a designated classroom for English classes may project the idea

that the subject is not taken seriously in the institution.

32
3.3 Study participants

This study required the observation of authentic EFL lessons. The selection of the

institutions was based on two main reasons. First, the lessons within the BINE setting were

taught and recorded by the researcher of the present study. The decision was grounded on

convenience of time and access to the institution. Second, the data gathered from the BUAP

context were part of a previous larger study. However, the researcher of the current thesis

was part of the lesson as a student of the BA in ELT (described above). Furthermore, the

institutions have a diversity in their educational policies and infrastructure; perceptions and

objectives for English courses. In both contexts, the participants are college students who

take English lessons as different parts of their BA programs (including the researcher as a

student). For this study, to have more than one type of cultural response to English classes

is relevant. One group from each institution was chosen, but the groups’ language level and

BA stage were taken into account because of the difference in: general social behavior

(with classmates and towards the instructor according to their age), language confidence,

and interest in the subject due to previous experience. The students from both contexts were

informed of the purposes of the current investigation and consented to be video recorded as

research participants.

3.3.1 BUAP Participants

There were 30 students (20 female and 10 male students) in the group, whose ages ranged

between twenty to twenty seven years. They were enrolled in the EFL course level V, their

current level of English is B1 within the Common European. The learners represent a

diverse population with: rural/urban backgrounds, a wide range of socioeconomic classes

and multiple motivations for wanting to learn English. However, the analyses reveal (see

Chapter 4) that these individuals clearly interact and build a distinct community of practice,
33
with established norms, roles, artifacts and culture (Breen, 2001b; Gee & Green, 1998;

Green & Weade, 1990) which is an important focus of the current study.

3.3.2 BINE Participants

The group was composed of young adults (33 females and 1 male) whose ages range

between eighteen and twenty-five years of age. They come from a lower socioeconomic

class, yet have quite limited experience with English as a foreign language. They are in the

first semester of the BA in special education, and their current level of English is A1 within

the Common European Framework. The lesson under examination is part of their first

English course. In addition, the teacher/researcher is also a participant within this lesson.

She is a twenty-six year old female with a degree in ELT from the BUAP.

3.4 Data collection and analysis procedures

It was interesting to gather data from two locations and be able to analyze different

contexts. As such, consent had to be acquired from the school administrators, students, and

teachers who were participants. Written consent from all of the aforementioned participants

was successfully acquired. Each lesson was recorded with a mini-DV camera from its

opening to its closing. Field notes were taken to complement the analyses of the footage.

Thus, the following sections briefly describe specific procedures for each setting. Specific

data samples were selected from different phases of the lessons for their analysis. The

criteria for selection were based on the amount of cultural, social, and/or ritualized activity

that shed light on meaningful ‘discursive events’ (Fairclough, 1992) within the lessons in

regards to the construction and maintenance of the culture of the classroom (Gee & Green,

1998; Goffman, 1964; Prabhu, 1992). The data selection also considered technical issues

where large sections of audio/video were unclear or inaudible.

34
3.4.1 BUAP setting

The teacher and researcher (who analyzed this data previously as part of a larger project)

would arrange a recording session, and students were notified that the lesson would be

recorded in advance. First, for the data to be collected the teacher leading the lesson under

examination agreed on setting up the time for recording different sessions and requested the

right to choose which lessons would be video recorded. The lessons were recorded from the

beginning until their closing.

3.4.2 BINE setting

For the data collection, the researcher/teacher recorded three EFL lessons from the

beginning until their closing. The lessons to be recorded were decided more or less

randomly; however, the lesson analyzed in this study was chosen due to the major content

of cultural, social, and/or ritualized activity among the participants and the setting. It is

worth mentioning that this setting presented physical constraints. The classroom’s complex

furniture arrangement caused the researcher certain difficulties to set up the camera in a

convenient angle where all the interaction could be visible.

All the footage gathered from both locations was transcribed to analyze the dialogue

structure and other features of the discourse that was present. Then, the key phases of the

lessons under examination were represented with still shots from the video recordings and

their accompanying transcripts not only to know what was being said and how it was being

performed as part of classroom discourses, but also to identify the amount of multimodal

prompts such as gesture, facial expression and posture. Once the data were gathered and

strategically organized, a deeper and full multimodal and critical classroom discourse

analysis of all the classroom contexts was executed.

35
Chapter 4: Analysis

4.1 Introduction

In this chapter, a discussion of the research findings that were obtained as a result of the

data analysis procedures (see Chapter 3) is presented. The following sections present the

analyses of various linguistic and multimodal interactions between students and teachers

during classroom lessons, which are illustrative of the manner in which classroom culture is

constructed and maintained.

The first three sections are analyses from one of the EFL lessons at the BINE

(Benemérito Instituto Normal del Estado). These data samples show that the interactions

taking place restrain students’ participation due to various factors, which are discussed

below. This results in limited learning opportunities, complete or partial loss of authority

and asymmetrical relationships within the classroom community of practice (to mention a

few) (Breen, 2001b; Green & Weade, 1990; van Lier, 2001). Sections 4.3.4 and 4.3.5

present classroom analyses within the BUAP context. In these analyses, the multimodal

resources that are employed by the teacher take on particular importance. It is evident that

the teacher has a common tendency to ‘embody’ the communicative events (instructions,

commands) within the classroom, which provides particular insights into the importance of

multimodality within classroom contexts.

4.2 Research questions

MRQ: What factors influence the construction and maintenance of the classroom culture?

RQ1: How are classroom roles negotiated and established during the lessons?

RQ2: What classroom rituals (or moves) are followed during the lessons?

36
 RQ3: How are ‘power relations’ negotiated between participants during the lessons?

4.3 Findings

With the use of multimodality and critical classroom discourse analysis (CCDA) the data

collected were analyzed in order to study the construction and maintenance of classroom

culture. Firstly, the data were explored through multimodal analysis of the semiotic

resources (embodied/disembodied modes) found within the classroom such as: gaze,

posture, body language, and furniture arrangement among other resources within the

contexts under investigation (Norris, 2004). In the case of CCDA, it involved the careful

identification and description of verbal and multimodal behaviors of participants as they

negotiated power and interacted in the classroom (Kumaravadivelu, 1999; see section 2.4).

4.3.1 Teacher and student communicative practices

The analysis that follows examines a series of multimodal interactions during one of the

English language lessons under investigation within the BINE context. The analyses of

spoken exchanges reveal significant power issues through the exercise of authority by the

English teacher. This exchange exemplifies the manner in which teachers use the IRF

structure as a control mechanism (see section 2.4.1.1) and how classroom discourses

manifest implicit power relations (Apple, 1992; Kumaravadivelu, 1999; Luke, 1995; van

Dijk, 1997). The following analysis unveils the manner in which the teacher exercises

power through spoken discourse. The analysis revealed that during the ninety-minute class,

the teacher makes use of the IRF pattern most of the time. In addition, other types of

linguistic (dis)empowerment are also found in the data.

Table 4.1 below exemplifies a phase of the lesson in which the Initiation is

successfully accomplished but the Response corresponding to the students is not

37
exhaustive. Lines 2, 4, 6 and 8 show the amount of information given by the teacher, which

is larger than a student’s or all the students’ combined responses (see Line 3, Line 5, Line

7).

Table 4.1.
Teacher’s initiation and students’ responses. T= teacher, S+#= one student participating,
SS= several students talking.

Line Speaker Text Observations

Ok, entonces... take your seat, take your Opening of the class. The teacher
2 T seat...ok, entonces...sh sh sh sh...ok, entonces asks the first question to review the
habiamos dicho que “space”…y todos lesson vocabulary (Initiation)
calladitos..”space stat….station” ¿es qué?

3 SS Estacion espacial Students’ response

Estacion espacial, la segunda palabra Exhaustive teacher feedback and

4 T “neighborhood” ya la habíamos visto en second vocabulary question
nuestro ejercicio la vez pasada que les (Initiation)
pregunte donde querían su casa de los sueños

5 S1 ¿Qué?

“neighborhood”! Que les dije dónde estaría la

casa de sus sueños y entre paréntesis les puse
6 T “neighborhood”…¿no se acuerdan? Qué les
dije que podía estar en Polanco, en la Vista,
en…

7 S2 Sí Student’s response

Aha, podría ser, podría traducirse como barrio Teacher’s feedback

o colonia, “neighborhood”, y les dije también
8 T
que podía estar en las Lomas…yes?, y luego
tenemos “view”…

38
Figure 4.1. Teacher’s symbolic posture and hand position.

According to the excerpt of the lesson (see table 4.1 above), power negotiations and

asymmetrical relationships seem to be well established and are maintained mainly through

linguistic interaction, which the teacher strictly controls through the use of the IRF

exchange (van Lier, 2001; Sinclair & Coulthard, 1975). However, another focus of this

study is to analyze the participants’ embodied communicative modes (Norris, 2004). Figure

4.1 above demonstrates the manner in which asymmetrical relationships are manifested

multimodally within the classroom. The linguistic representation in Line 2 corresponds to

the moment when the image was taken as part of the “lesson opening” phase (see Table 4.1

above). In the image we find a symbolic posture and hand position as part of the teacher’s

body language; a ritual carrying interactional meaning (Goffman, 1981). The teacher’s

hand position as a visuospatial modality (Stivers & Sidnell, 2005) attempts to capture the

attention of the group; but simultaneously, this modality aims to communicate a sentiment

of “peace”. This may resemble a ritual of greeting acting as the teacher’s aide to control the

context (Van Dijk, 1997). Therefore, it becomes evident that the use of such semiotic

resources ritualizes the opening of the class.

39
 Furthermore, Table 4.2 below shows a similar tendency with the employment of the

IRF pattern. Although the turn-taking is sequentially segmented, there is no notable

increase in the responses of students (i.e. see Line 12, Line 16 and Line 20). The teacher

executes a rather mechanical exercise where she is mostly defining (by herself) the

vocabulary listed in the textbook, thus, clearly creating an intertextual relation: teacher-

textbook (Lemke, 2004). As such, the instructor controls the type of interactions that the

students engage in, not allowing them to infer the meaning on their own nor to ask each

other questions related to the meaning of the words. She does, however, provide a series of

explanations that lead students to retrieve general meanings of the vocabulary. This can be

seen in Line 15, Line 19 and Line 25 (see Table 4.2 below).

Table 4.2.
Teacher student interaction. T= teacher, S+#= one student participating, SS= several students
talking

Line Speaker Text Observations

11 T Que es “view”? Initiation

12 S4 Vista Response

13 T Aha vista, exactamente “vista”…mhm Feedback

14 SS (laughter)

Chores! What is chores? Algo que Initiation

15 T
seguramente les choca hacer en su casa…

16 SS Quehacer! Response

17 T Haber, haber todos hablaron al mismo tiempo

18 SS (laughter)

19 T Sweeping and brooming and cleaning

20 SS Quehacer! Response

21 T Exactamente esos son los chores… Feedback

40
22 S5 Aghhh!

23 T Qué es”dust”? Initiation

24 S6 Yo no veo!

“Dust”! que si llegamos aquí después de

25 T
vacaciones y le hacemos así a todo…

26 S7 Sacudir! Response

27 S8 Polvo! Response

4.3.2 The constraining classroom layout

From a multimodal perspective, it is worth mentioning, that this setting presents several

furniture arrangement constraints making joint focus difficult (Kress & van Leeuwen,

2006). Students can easily ‘hide’ behind the computer screens or hardly look at the board.

Figure 4.2 provides an angle of the classroom layout and its represented participants (Kress

& van Leeuwen, 2006; Scollon & Scollon, 2003). As depicted in the photo, the vectors of

the participants’ gaze are distributed in different directions due to the classroom

arrangement (ibid., 2006). It seems that the lack of joint focus may be a direct result of the

non-traditional/functional furniture arrangement within the classroom space.

Figure 4.2. Class with little joint focus: disoriented participants’ gaze.

41
 We can see that the non-strategic use of space is a mode that has not received

adequate attention within this particular learning context, and it produces a negative effect

for the learning/teaching process. In contrast to the typical classroom, Figure 4.3 illustrates

the actual teaching context of the classroom under analysis where this semiotic ‘hot zone’ is

absent. Students all face in different directions, computer screens block the view of the

teacher, and the white board is placed behind computer terminals.

TV Proj. screen White board

Desk
Teacher’s Desk
desk
W

Book Shelves
Piles
Book
o

r
door
d

Figure 4.3. Typical classroom layout versus classroom layout under investigation.

In this case, furniture plays a significant role since it is part of classroom interaction,

and works as a structured mode (Norris, 2004). The furniture constraints and the lack of a

designated classroom for the English subject may be interpreted by students as ‘English is

not taken as a serious subject at school’.

4.3.3 On the (dis)empowerment of the teacher

Regarding the teacher’s role as the expert, a series of significant interactions are found (see

Table 4.3 below). During one of the phases of the lesson, students stop paying attention to

the instructor. This presents a conundrum for the teacher since she perceives this interaction

(or the lack of it) to be disempowering her authority as the ‘stage performer’. Such a

moment presents a ritualistic failure since students begin to talk and concern themselves
42
with homework from other subjects (Prabhu, 1992; Quantz, et. al, 2011). The linguistic

behavior changes considerably modifying the communication exchange (Green & Weade,

1990). This can be observed from Line 3 to Line 7 (see Table 4.3), which represents a

linguistic interaction that takes place primarily between the teacher and student number 2.

Students can easily engage in this clandestine behavior since, as previously mentioned, they

can easily conceal deviant behavior behind the computer screens and ignore the

performance of the teacher (see Fig. 4.4 below) (ibid., 1992).

Figure 4.4 depicts two separate groups of students who are engaged in work for

other courses. The two students in the center of the image are particularly salient

participants (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2005; Wysocki, 2011): the young woman in a red coat

and white glasses (center shot) is cutting out figures and pasting them onto a collage. The

triad behind her appears to be engaged in the same activity, yet it is unclear as to whether

they are all preparing for the same group presentation or if they have separate agendas.

What is clear, however, is that they have competing aims and objectives with those of the

teacher since the material being used was never requested by the English instructor. While

we might acknowledge that such clandestine activity is not entirely uncommon in any

classroom when students have pressing obligations, further evidence exists in the same

image that this apparent lack of motivation is endemic to the classroom context.

Once these actions built up a rather tense atmosphere, a ‘move’ is made by the

teacher as an attempt to gain more attention from the students. This was achieved when the

typical linguistic thematic interaction (Lemke, 2004) was violated through the inadvertent

introduction of a taboo topic (Prabhu, 1992). The lesson move begins with the teacher

providing a grammatical explanation of the various meanings of the lexical item “can”, its

meaning as a verb and as a noun (see Table 4.3, Line 7) and how colloquially it may also
43
refer to the word ‘toilet’ (Line 9). As this move is enacted, we can see the reaction of a

student in Figure 4.5. The image is composed by a series of still shots displaying how one

of the students attempts to cover her face with a notebook; revealing her discomfort

towards the task of brainstorming a colloquial equivalent of ‘toilet’ in Spanish (Line 13 to

Line 22).

Table 4.3 Teacher student interaction. T= teacher, S+#= one student participating, SS= several

students talking.

Line Observations
Speaker Text

3 T Comida...Yes...y “can” que significa?...

4 S2 Poder!
Si ya lo vimos como verbo y me alegra que todos
5 estén muy …emocionados y ¡ay ya me lo sé!
“poder”! Teacher providing
6 SS (laughter) grammatical
Pero!…el problema con el inglés es que tiene explanation for the
palabras que a veces funcionan como verbos y a word “can”
7 T
veces como sustantivos como “nouns”…mhm...como
verbo “can” significa…me acaban de decir:…
8 SS Poder!
Poder, exactamente pero como como sustantivo, qué Inadvertent
es un sustantivo? se acuerdan qué es un introduction of a taboo
9 T sustantivo?...Un objeto, una cosa, como sustantivo topic with the
“can” quiere decir “lata”…y vulgarmente “can” explanation of can
como sustantivo también quiere decir el WC… colloquially meaning
10 S3 Woooo… WC too.

Entonces si voy…si alguien me dice este…”I am

11 T
going to the can”

12 S4 I am going to the can (whisper)

Teacher eliciting
13 T No? cómo dicen vulgarmente ir al baño en español?
students to think about
14 S5 Ir al pipisroom (whisper)
examples of colloquial
15 SS (laughter)
expressions for going
16 T Ahá, ahá…qué otro, qué otro dicen?
to the bathroom in
17 S6 No… excusado?
Spanish.
18 T No, no, no pero vulgarmente, bueno no vulgar

44
 no…pero…coloquialmente?
19 S6 El retrete?
20 T Hay otro que dicen…este…aha…cómo cómo?

21 S7 Ir a mi arbolíto!

Exacto! El del arbolito, así así es como suenan si Teacher’s feedback

ustedes dicen “I’m going to the can”…así igual pero towards the colloquial
viene de ahí que “can” es como un contenedor no? equivalency in Spanish
22 T Y si ustedes eh, llegan a ver una coca en lata es un for the expression:
“coke” en “can”…mhm? Ok? Entonces vamos a ver,
aquí vamos a ver el “can” pero como sustantivo
acuérdense que significa lata

Figure. 4.4. Students engaging in homework during class time

Figure. 4.5. Student’s reaction to the introduction of a taboo topic (L15 Table 4.3)

Once the teacher recaptures the students’ attention, she recovers control of the

context (Van Dijk, 1997) (see Line 13, Table 4.3). As a consequence, in the following

45
phase of the lesson (see Table 4.4), the teacher uses the control of action and mind by

managing the desired social symbolic resources, such as knowledge, education or esteem

(ibid.). In this excerpt, the teacher gives feedback towards the pronunciation performance

of the students (Line 75). As participants review the vocabulary from an exercise in the

book, students began to ask questions about the topic (Line 72). The teacher corrects

student 22 (see Line 72 to Line 77 in Table 4.4 below) emphasizing the appropriate

pronunciation for double “o”, which may present pronunciation difficulties to Spanish

speakers. Power is manifested when the teacher presents a contextualized example of how

Spanish speakers, nowadays, pronounce correctly the word “google” (line 77 and 79) since

it has become a common internet browser and how also people have begun to pronounce it

correctly without necessarily using the English language.

Table 4.4.
Teacher’s feedback on pronunciation as a symbolic desired resource; exemplifying the
control of action and mind in the classroom (Van Dijk, 1997). T= teacher, S+#= one student
participating, SS= several students talking

Line Speaker Text Observations

67 T Ahá! algo que esta empaquetado, las galletas no? Por Teacher explaining the
ejemplo...ok, y qué es ”spoons”? es algo con lo que meaning of a vocabulary
comen… item from the exercise in
the textbook (Initiation)

68 SS Cucharas! Response

69 T Cucharas, yes!...y “forks”?, también se parece a las Feedback - Initiation

cucharas

70 S21 Tenedor Response

71 T Tenedor yes! “forks” Feedback

46
72 S22 What is “espons”?

Student pronouncing the

73 T …eh? word spoon when asking
its meaning

74 S22 What is “espons”?

75 T SpOOns!

Teacher correcting
76 S22 Ah!
student’s pronunciation
on the use of double
“oo” while giving a
77 T Spoons = cuchara, acuérdense que doble “oo” se
sound example by using
pronuncia como una “u”, apoco dicen gOgle? haber
a common English
gOgoléa esto!…
influenced word

78 SS (laughter)

79 T Ahora ya dicen “google”, búscalo en “google”, ahí si

se les sale lo gringo verdad?, aha! ok…y luego
ah…forks son los tenedores y knives?…

In sum, the analyses of the communicative modes in the BINE lesson unveiled the

establishment, negotiation and maintenance of asymmetrical relationships (Breen, 2001a)

among participants, how power manifests in classroom contexts in different manners using

a variety of modes, how disembodied modes may influence teaching and learning practices,

the manner in which participant roles and authority are established and negotiated.

Depending on the contextual contingencies, power can be exercised by different

participants within the lesson as they adopt different strategies and multimodal resources,

including discourse structures and classroom artifacts. The analyses explore that there is a

tendency in the management of power that requires a constant control of context (van Dijk,

1997).

47
4.3.4 Affordances of multimodal/intertextual interaction

The following sections, present the analyses of a lesson within the BUAP context. As such,

in this section, a series of communicational modes throughout the EFL lesson under

investigation are analyzed. In contrast with the analyses presented previously, there are

distinct examples of classroom culture and management of authority in this context. Thus,

the following images along with their linguistic representation and analyses describe how

the EFL teacher tends to use embodied modes to reinforce her linguistic descriptions. This

data demonstrates that communicational modes commonly go beyond spoken language

when participants make meanings (Norris, 2004).

Table 4.5 shows how the teacher’s linguistic utterances in combination with her use

of the whiteboard realize an intertextual move. In Line 9 of Table 4.5, the instructor

attempts to link previous class content with the introduction of the new unit title, which she

writes on the board. As such, the new textbook unit introduced verbally, “dying for their

beliefs” acts an intertext between the text written on the whiteboard as well as the textbook

text (see Figure 4.6) (Lemke, 2004). In addition, the manner in which the teacher uses

space on the whiteboard is significant in its meaning making potential as the teacher

designs a polarized arrangement when utilizing the ‘Given’ and the ‘New’ zones of the

board strategically (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). According to visual semiotics and the

composition of textual space (see section 2.3.1.1 in chapter 2), the teacher places the words,

‘conventional medical treatment’ within the area of Given information and the words,

‘nonconventional medical treatment’ within the area of New information (see Figure 4.6)

(Scollon & Scollon, 2003). That is to say, the teacher creates meanings through the design

of textual space which positions ‘conventional medical treatment’ as “common-sense and

self-evident” while simultaneously positioning ‘nonconventional medical treatment’ as

48
“problematic, contestable, the information at issue” (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2005, p. 189).

It is worth noticing that the teacher seems to be reinforcing the textbook’s visual

representation of ‘conventional’ and ‘nonconventional’ medicine, which polarizes these

concepts in the same manner that the teacher does through the design of textual space

(ibid.). The textbook visually represents conventional medicines as traditional prescription

drugs while nonconventional medicines are represented visually as herbs, teas, and odd

shaped pills with alternative names like ‘Ginkgo Biloba’ (see Figure 4.6). As such,

intertextual meanings are conveyed that interact with: the audience (students) as the teacher

strategically employs one of the classroom’s most salient and symbolic pieces of furniture,

i.e. the whiteboard in conjunction with the textbook and embodied, verbal utterances during

her stage performance (Goffman, 1981; Lemke, 2004). The presence of this symbolic

artifact shapes the production of lesson knowledge (Jewitt, 2008). The teacher directs the

students’ gaze with a deictic type action towards the whiteboard, learners then follow the

motion of her hand to exhibit the information previously written and mark a strong

transition between units assuring the name of the new topic (see Figure 4.7) (Norris, 2004;

Scollon &Scollon, 2003).

Table 4.5

Teacher’s introduction of the new textbook unit (Transition of discussion). T= teacher,

S+#= one student participating, SS= several students talking

Line Speaker Text Observations

5 T That he writes every week?

6 SS Yes

49
 7 T Mhm...and did the priest believe that?

8 SS No

9 T What did he say?... I don’t know why you come to Teacher points at the
church, and then the priest believed that Frankie board where the title of
wrote to his daughter. Ok, well ... that was unit two. the new textbook unit is
We talked about “dreams never die” but today we (written on the board at
are going to start something different and that is the opening of the class).
“Dying for their beliefs”. Why are we presenting
that? “Dying for their beliefs”

Fig. 4.6. Teacher’s strategic use of whiteboard to reinforce textbook meanings.

50
Figure 4.7 Teacher directs students’ gaze (attention) to the board by pointing at the unit

title (text).

Similarly, there is another phase of the lesson where the teacher uses embodied

modes as an aide for clear instruction (Norris, 2004). As displayed on the still shot

sequence below (Figure 4.8), the EFL teacher makes use of both of her hands attempting to

reinforce the linguistic instructions given to students. These commands are found in Table

4.6, in which the teacher asks students to work in pairs (Line 18). According to Norris

(2004), modes (in this case the embodied teacher’s hand movement) are not expressed in a

continuous fashion. They have rest periods or pauses that anticipate or follow activity in the

mode. The teacher’s symbolic prompt of ‘working in pairs’ is not continuous. It starts and

ends from a rest position as shown in the first and last image in the picture sequence in

Figure 4.8. In the case of the second and third picture it is clear the contrast in the hands’

position and movement. This allows participants to perceive communicative modal hints

and respond successfully to them. Thus, students focus on a small amount of information

and immediately shift focus to other modes. The result of this alternation of embodied

modes or signs is that attention is drawn to a mode at certain moments (when there is a

shift). These modal shifts are quite significant when observing the communicative signs to

51
which participants learn to respond to as part of their cultural classroom knowledge (Breen

2001a; Green & Weade, 1990; Prabhu, 1992).

Fig. 4.8. Teacher using her hands to reinforce linguistic instructions.

Table 4.6 Teacher instructing students to work in pairs and assigning teams. T= teacher,

S+#= one student participating, SS= several students talking

Line Speaker Text Observations

15 S1 We had to look for something about alternative medicine

Aha! You had to look for some information about Non-

16 T
conventional or alternative medical treatment. Did you do it?

17 SS Yes

18 T Yes? Ok, so I’m going to ask you to work in pairs and Teacher moving
compare your medical treatments. You remember that I gave her hands in a
you like guidelines to look for that information, what kind of parallel manner to
medical treatment? how that works?.. how can that be used? instruct students to
Did you do that? Did you underline? Yeah, thank you. Some work in pairs as she
of you didn’t. So, if you didn’t do it, you’re going to identify assigns the teams as
that in pairs. I’m going to ask you to identify the main well.
aspects about that treatment that you brought. So, you work
together please? Two, two. Can you work together? Here we
have Cristina, you two, you two, you two. Then, can you
work Areli? Can you work together, please? Here you two.

52
4.3.5 Authority reallocation and disruption of the communicative exchange (IRF

pattern)

In this section, a specific phase of the lesson under examination is analyzed. An unexpected

turn in the symmetry of relationships within this communicative event results in an

authority shift (Breen, 2001b; van Dijk, 1997). As noticed, there is a common tendency for

the teacher to have control of the lesson aims, content and knowledge. However, in this

phase of the lesson, the teacher’s role of ‘expert’ is unintentionally threatened, which

causes a disruption in the classroom culture (Green & Weade, 1990). The cause of the

disruption is discussed in further detail below.

Preceding the classroom interaction in which the teachers role of ‘expert’ is

challenged (see Table 4.7), the usual presence of the IRF pattern in the classroom discourse

is prevalent (van Lier, 2001). The linguistic representation in Line 21 corresponds to a

moment when the teacher elicits students to provide examples of alternative medical

treatments (“Any other medicine or treatment, any other treatment that you have?”

[Initiation]). Then, student 5 participates by giving the example of “Chocotherapy” in Line

22, although he cannot finish articulating his statement since he does not know what the

translation of “nutrientes” is in English. Student 5 asks the teacher for the translation (see

Line 22), yet the instructor is unable to provide adequate assistance. Figure 4.9 shows the

embodiment of the instructor’s mental or emotional state due to this unwanted detour in the

discussion. This interaction seems to give her a sense of discomfort, which is made evident

by her facial expression, particularly the squinted eyes and frown (Figure 4.9 corresponds

to Line 23 in Table 4.7).

53
Table 4.7
Teacher asks to the group about the translation of “nutrientes” in English. T= teacher,
S+#= one student participating, SS= several students talking

Line Speaker Text Observations

21 T Any other medicine or treatment, any other treatment that you

Eliciting SS to talk
have?, just the name because some of you have just the name about
about different
that information about those.. ah treatments, the names that you
medical treatments.
have?
(Initiation)

22 S5 We were talking about chocotherapy, yeah, chocolate is used on

your body for you, you on your skin, to, to, to eh, how do you say? Response
to better the texture and also to add the… How do you say (Sub-Initiation)
nutrientes? Or for the skin to.. acquire the nutrientes.. How can I
say nutrientes?

23 T How can we say nutrientes guys?... I think you have a word there. IRF pattern
In your homework you have that word. So, what can you tell me disrupted, due to
about it?..when we talk about food maybe?. No? you have that the lack of
word. No? nutrientes? Can some of you look that word in the feedback. Pause.
dictionary? Also look at your homework because I saw that you Teacher elicits
have something about that, isn’t that yours Areli? In your students to look for
homework? Nutrientes? You have something about that? the word
“nutrientes” in
their
homework/notes.
24 S2 Ahhh...no, I don’t think so...

25 T Nutrientes? Someone? how you say nutrientes?...

26 S3 Nutrient! A student finds the

word in a
dictionary
27 T Oh nutrients then! The teacher makes
the word into its
plural form
28 S5 Yeah! So, Chocotherapy makes with chocolate, then the skin The student
absorbs all the nutrients that the chocolate provides for make better rephrases his

54
 the texture of all the skin and also for, for making people relax. statement.

29 T Mhm! So we have talked about this a type of medical The teacher points
treatments? Now, What can we?…What do we understand by to the treatments
conventional medical treatments? What’s that? written on the
board. Initiation

Fig. 4.9 Teacher displays discomfort when a student asks for a translation

This communicative exchange can be seen as an aberration within the typical IRF

ritual, which served as the catalyst for an unintentional shift in power and authority (van

Dijk, 1997; van Lier, 2001). Student 5 is solely responsible for the shift as he employs a

highly unusual Sub-Initiation as part of his IRF Response. While his question appears to

be a genuine request for assistance to the teacher, her inability to respond creates a face

threat as her traditional role of ‘expert’ or ‘knower’ is challenged. In line 23, we see the that

the instructor asks if someone knows the translation or has it in their homework; as a

consequence, she implicitly grants control and power over a desired symbolic resource to

students, which is knowledge (Van Dijk, 1997).

55
 The teacher begins to scan the room with a deictic sign by pointing her finger as an

open gesture for anyone with the answer to participate as she nervously produces the long

strand of questions in Line 23 (see table 4.7); however, the knowledge gap persists, which

seems to make the course instructor increasingly uncomfortable. Finally, the motion of her

hand stops as she creates a direct vector with her pointer finger and designates a specific

student to respond, “I saw that you have something about that, isn’t that yours Areli?” (see

Figure 4.10 below). In doing this, she returns to the IRF pattern, hoping to reestablish ritual

and order to the classroom culture.

Figure 4.10 Teacher’s request and pointing motion towards a specific student (“I saw that
you have something about that, isn’t that yours Areli?”)

Figure 4.10, as previously mentioned, represents the one on one interaction between

student 2 and the teacher; however, careful attention to the image at issue also reveals the

disorientation of the students’ gaze vectors. According to Scollon and Scollon (2003), “key

concepts in representing participants in pictures are the participants and vectors which

relate them” (p. 87). Hence, the lack of joint focus displayed by the learners’ gaze reveals

56
the interaction to be in a rather confusing moment. Although the image does not allow us to

identify the direction of the two last students’ vectors at the end of the row or the rest of the

class, we can still observe the gaze direction of the first four students. There is an evident

contrast between Figure 4.7 (see section 4.3.4 above) and Figure 4.10. That is, the ritualized

procedures for communicating (generally embodied in this case) following a common

exchange pattern (IRF) guide learners’ towards a “clear” focus of attention and task

understanding (Norris, 2004; Prabhu, 1992; Quantz, et. al, 2011; van Lier, 2001). Thus,

single direction in students’ gaze vectors, indicated by the teacher, result in a functional

joint focus (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). In the case of Figure 4.7, this is achieved as

learners look at the board. On the other hand, in the case of Figure 4.10, the first student

(from left to right) is looking in an upper-right direction (without certainty if she is looking

at the board or the teacher). The second participant is facing towards the board. The third

participant (by observing his posture) is likely to be following the teachers’ instructions by

looking for the translation in his homework/dictionary as his gaze is directed downwards.

Finally, the fourth participant’s gaze vector is oriented directly at the teacher. Therefore, we

can conclude that the discrepancy between the instructions, questions, requests and

suggestions made by the teacher all simultaneously occurring in Line 23, and the disruption

of the IRF pattern, have a major impact in learners’ orientation, (re)actions and learning.

The last phase of this communication exchange is represented in Line 29 (Table

4.7). This line represents the resolution of the discussion’s disruption when the teacher

recovers the rhythm of the IRF pattern. This becomes evident as the she asks, “What can

we?…What do we understand by conventional medical treatments? What’s that?” as a

clear Initiation. As Prabhu (1992) points out, classroom conflict and resolution are part of

57
the classroom dynamics or else it would be impossible for the class to function. The

successful realization of such resolution vary from one teacher to another. Hence, as an act

of “resolution” and authority recovery,

Finally, this phase of the lesson ends with successful conflict resolution and

communication reconciliation. It is important to point out that “social and personal

dimensions are so strong in some classrooms that they subordinate the pedagogic ones”

(Prahbu, 1992, p. 232). In this case, the active interaction between the teacher and students

to fulfill a joint objective (finding a translation for ‘nutrientes’) and the embodiment of her

communicative prompts exemplify classroom dynamics. Although this brief lesson event

occurred in a matter of a few minutes, it becomes evident that the interaction had differing

and multiple meanings between the various participants involved in the negotiation.

According to van Lier (2001), analyzing communication and interaction in classroom life

sheds light on a macro as well as on a micro level. Research should have a holistic focus,

yet it should also focus on the smallest details, “allow[ing] us not to generalize but to

particularize, that is, to adapt our skills, ideas, and strategies to the changing circumstances

and the multifarious influences of the context in which the investigated processes occur”

(ibid., p. 90). Close attention to the teacher’s (re)actions had a great impact on students’

overall (re)actions and learning outcomes throughout the lesson. However, this general

result is the sum of the various details involved in all the participants’ interactions (teacher-

student, student-student, board-students/teacher, textbook- students/teacher).

58
4.4 Chapter conclusion

To conclude, this section presented data with various examples of authority management

and multimodal prompts. It described how students and teachers draw on their cultural

understandings of modes to communicate and negotiate the meaning of classroom events.

Also, how power and authority may present shifts and rotate within the participants during

the communicative exchanges. As such, examples of deviant/reconciliatory behavior,

linguistic patterns, and layout constraints were part of the lessons analyzed as well (Kress

& van Leeuwen, 2005, 2006; Prabhu, 1992; van Lier; 2001). Finally, the analyses also

provided evidence that spoken language (although perceived as the primary mode in

interactional events) along with embodied prompts and artifacts/seating/spatial arrangement

have a significant effect on learning outcomes and classroom events (Norris, 2004).

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Chapter 5: Conclusions

This study aimed to identify what factors influence the construction and maintenance of

classroom culture. Therefore, this chapter presents the concluding sections for the current

research project. First, a discussion on the key findings in relation to the research questions

of the study will be addressed. These conclusions are drawn from close observation of

classroom roles, artifacts, rituals, and power relations as factors in the construction and

maintenance of classroom culture. The limitations of the study will be presented, and the

last section will provide a brief conclusion for this chapter.

5.1 Discussion of key findings

Based on the theoretical framework presented in chapter two, this study focused on key

concepts which are instrumental in classroom culture. It is worth mentioning, that

generalizations for EFL lessons cannot be drawn since contextual contingencies must be

taken into account. The analyses made evident that the establishment of asymmetrical

relationships (Breen, 2001b) among participants did not provide equal lesson inclusion. In

different moments during the lessons, either embodied modality or linguistic interaction

displayed significant prompts as to who was in control of the lesson and who had to follow

instructions. The dynamics of power negotiation demonstrated to depend greatly on the

institution (policies, infrastructure, objectives and perceptions of English courses, among

others). Thus, each participant managed classroom events in different manners during the

lessons studied.

The teacher/researcher within the BINE context encountered a variety of

(dis)empowerment situations. As a result, they were addressed as follows: 1) the instructor

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negotiated such situations by the use of an embodied mode. The symbolic posture

attempted to express a sense of peace and calm to students as an opening lesson ritual. 2)

The teacher introduced a taboo topic as a defense mechanism to draw learners’ attention

and re-capture their interest towards to the content of the EFL lesson by using cultural

information. This demonstrates that the teachers’ control of context takes more assertive

multimodal forms imposing authority through the use of intonation and symbolic gestures.

Power relations are structured and managed differently within the BUAP context.

There is a common tendency from this particular teacher to use the IRF pattern and

embodied modes to reinforce instruction to the class. The employment of ritualized and

explicit commands or instructions made by the teacher resulted in clear attention and task

understanding on the students’ side, which is the case during the first part of the lesson. As

such, ritualization plays a significant role in the construction of classroom culture.

Throughout the data analyses, it is evident that schools are regulated places in which

participants have certain roles, and rituals are important in reinforcing these roles within

classroom culture.

On the other hand, the rituals that define the role of the teacher or student may be

suddenly disturbed. Specific behavior is expected from both sides, and if these expectations

are not met, the classroom environment becomes unsettling. The disruption of rituals

during lesson interaction is exemplified in a phase within the BUAP setting. The moment

takes place as a learner ‘re-initiates’ the IRF pattern, thus contradicting the premise that

during the IRF pattern the teacher is unequivocally in charge (van Lier, 2001). Instructors

always have the power to decide when to initiate and close communication sequences

“making it extremely hard, if not impossible, in the IRF format for the student to ask

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questions, to disagree, to self-correct, and so on” (ibid., p. 95). In this particular lesson the

learner unintentionally re-arranges the communication turn-taking as he exposes a

knowledge gap. Van Lier (2001) claims that the social world is governed by rules that

allow certain moves to be made while disallowing (or disfavoring) others. These rules are

often tacit and ambiguous, and their precise interpretation or definition have to be

negotiated in interaction. The linguistic interaction teacher-student in this phase of the

lesson is negotiated in a class-ensemble (a macro level). The language instructor grants the

management of a desired symbolic resource to students, which is ‘knowledge’ (van Dijk,

1997). That is, she concedes the power of ‘information control’ and the identity as ‘expert

in charge of input’. This moment produces certain discomfort to the teacher and in the

classroom atmosphere making conflict resolution necessary. According to Prabhu (1992),

“an important concern for teachers and learners in the classroom is their sense of security

and the protection of their self-images” (p. 233). During conflict resolution, participants

tend to give priority to their self-images/esteem and, at times, leave them to play their roles

as teachers or learners (ibid.).

Although this project did not seek to compare two contrasting institutions, it was

found that there were many examples in which both locations differed. This is the case in

the examples of classroom conflict. There is a significant contrast in what these conflicts

consisted of. The teacher in the BUAP context employs suggestions, commands and

questions (regarding information) as reconciliatory tools to reestablish the communication

patterns and lure attention away from the knowledge gap. On the other hand, within the

BINE setting, the teacher/researcher is presented with a different type of conflict. All the

class’ attention is lost and drawn to an implicit/invisible presence of another teacher’s

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authority as learners focus on homework from a different subject; as a result, the loss of

attention is the teacher/researcher’s concern. These are clear situations where conflict

resolution also becomes part of the classroom culture. Thus, as previously mentioned,

classroom conflict and resolution must become part of the classroom dynamics or else it

would be impossible for the class to function (Prabhu, 1990). Common understanding

among individuals and how to address these situations are perceived and managed

differently from one instructor to another; “teachers come to terms with learners in a way

that least erodes their status, in their own eyes, in the learners' eyes, and perhaps in the eyes

of fellow teachers and superiors” (ibid., p. 233).

Apart from communication exchanges, various artifacts were also crucial in

classroom interactions. According to the data, the manner in which the participants referred

to or managed the artifacts nurtured patterns of behavior and the construction of knowledge

in much the same manner that culture is formed in other contexts (Green & Weade, 1990).

The settings studied displayed significant use of the board by the teacher and utilization of

textbooks, (English/other subjects’) homework and dictionaries for intertextual

connections, turning such artifacts into intertextual entities (Lemke, 2004). These artifacts

also served to indicate different phases of the lessons, clarify instructions, provide

additional information to the lesson as well as display participants’ attitudes towards the

class contents, such as (lack of) interest.

This study addressed classroom culture from a multimodal/critical discourse

analysis perspective (Jewitt, 2008; Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006; Kumaravadivelu, 1999;

Norris, 2004; van Dijk, 1997). As such, multimodality served as a functional approach to

describe and interpret communication and its representation beyond language in

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classrooms. Also, the employment of multimodality marked a tendency in which visual

elements and their context are very important features as they contribute to the global

experience (Jewitt, 2008; Wysocki, 2004). From this point of view, the analyses of each

semiotic mode included embodied and disembodied elements in institutional settings. It

was observed how teachers, learners, artifacts and physical classroom arrangement

communicate and project beliefs, policies, objectives and meaning negotiation. Overall, the

use of multimodality to study both contexts explored the nature of a complex genre such as

classroom interactions, which is characterized by a rich variety of multimodal texts (Jewitt,

2008; van Dijk, 1997; Wysocki, 2011).

Classroom discourse analysis demonstrates that classrooms are social situations in

which learning opportunities arise when the culture allows everyone to participate. Culture,

in the classrooms studied, presented participants with different lesson dynamics. However,

it was evident that power manifests itself in a variety of manners and each one may

facilitate interactions or constrain them. In a lesson such as the one in the BINE context, the

power of the teacher’s identity as the ‘expert’ was stronger due to the nature of the textbook

content. This included a significant amount of vocabulary not known by the learners. From

this view, CCDA revealed how cultural behavior configures actions and interactions in the

overall events of classroom life such as whole class or small group interaction, teacher-

student or student-student talk, which may be formal or informal (Green & Weade, 1990).

In this manner, the lesson carried out at the BUAP displayed different power dynamics in

communication. ‘Talk’ was less strained due to the kind of lesson and learners’ English

level. Although the teacher controlled the turns in the communicative exchanges, students

were elicited to provide information about the topic, which made possible the construction

of classroom dialogue.
64
 It is important to point out that previous studies have demonstrated that classroom

culture, power negotiation and ritualization can interfere or facilitate language learning;

hence, various educational dynamics may be modified or improved to provide more

learning opportunities to language learners (Jewitt, 2008). The current study was based on

past research findings and methodological techniques in order to achieve its aims (Jewitt,

2008; Green & Weade, 1990; Prabhu, 1992). It was meant to raise awareness and

understand that learning affordances “are constructed across time, groups, and events” (Gee

& Green, 1998, 119). Literacy and identity as key concepts also help us understand that

knowledge constructed in classrooms (as secondary institutions) shapes, and is shaped by,

the discursive activity and social practices of members (Gee, 1998; Gee & Green, 1998).

The aim of the present study was also to realize how, over time, the presence of couplets

such as: conflict and resolution, communicative patterns and their disruption, embodied

modes and disembodied elements, become part of the participants’ literacies as they learn

to conduct themselves in various situations and manage different semiotic resources for

pedagogical purposes. Finally, teachers and students’ should understand that opportunities

for learning are not only affected by participants within classrooms per se; but also

influenced by “the actions of actors beyond classroom settings (e.g., school districts, book

publishers, curriculum developers, legislators, and community members)” (Gee & Green,

1998, 119).

5.2 Limitations of the study

One of the major limitations of this research was the inability to collect the actual

participants’ responses to the analyzed texts. Another concern was to find more examples

of significant classroom interaction activity. However, due to space constraints this project

only focused on the two locations described in chapter three.

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 The search for substantial classroom activity during lessons is unpredictable. The

fact that this study involved different institutional contexts made us take into account that

data may not always display the activity theoretically predicted. The amount of events that

did not take place during the lessons observed for this study might be considered infinite.

As such, we might be tempted to conclude that one could never fully define and describe

the factors that significantly contribute to the construction of classroom culture.

On the other hand, the similarities that could be observed between the different

classrooms in regards to events that contributed to the construction of the classroom culture

were quite significant. It shows that there is, to a certain degree, a toolbox of strategies that

participants draw upon when participating in classroom life. The more that studies like

these observe and describe such events the more this will contribute to the field’s

understanding of how classroom culture is constructed and maintained.

5.3 Conclusion

To sum up, this chapter presented the closing discussion to data previously analyzed in the

study. The key findings described how classroom interactions have a significant impact in

all participants involved, including the teacher/researcher of the present study. Also, how

by closely observing significant activity within classrooms, we can raise awareness and

understanding towards teaching and learning practices. Classroom culture functions

implicitly and explicitly at different times depending on the rituals present within lesson

dynamics. This research encountered institutional activity that was not expected or

anticipated through theory yet enriched the study in various dimensions. Finally, this thesis

project terminates by agreeing with Prabhu (1992):

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Perhaps there are ways of helping teachers to try to articulate their pedagogic
notions and intuitions, such that the process of articulation acts as a form of
exploration, and any success in articulation helps to increase confidence as well as
ability for further exploration. Perhaps specialists should themselves take teachers'
theories seriously and interact with them in the way they interact with each other's
theories. I do not think that specialists in language pedagogy have any better source
for their theories than their own notions and intuitions, though of course they are
more highly skilled in articulating them and supporting them in academically
recognised ways. Perhaps it will be a gain for all of us to acknowledge
that…specialists and teachers can benefit through an interaction between their
theories. Perhaps teachers will be helped to function as theorists if those who regard
themselves as theorists begin to function as teachers (p. 240).

67
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