A STUDY OF

THE EVOLUTION OF INDUSTRIAL ENGINEERING

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the
Graduate School of The Ohio State
University

By

DAVID FLOYD BAKER, B.I.E., K.Sc.

*****

The Ohio State University

1957

Approved by:

W. L 16^ __________
Adviser 7 J
Department of Industrial Engineering
 PREFACE

It is considered proper and customary to acknow­

ledge the aid of those who had a part in the formula­

tion and creation of the study in its final form.

Much of the contribution of others is clear and ex­

plicit, and because it is documented in print it is

readily recognized in the conventional manner by re­

ference to the Bibliography. The writer acknowledges

the influence of those in the industrial enginnering

profession who have contributed to the understanding

of the methodology and pedagogy of the industrial

engineer. As an undergraduate and graduate student

in an area of study undergoing relatively rapid change

at The Ohio State University, the writer readily admits

the Influence of teachers and colleagues who permitted

and encouraged critical investigation of industrial

engineering techniques and their supporting value

systems and opinions.

As adviser and counselor, Dr. Paul N. Lehoczky

has had a direct influence on the study undertaken.

It was through him that interest was stimulated in the

industrial relations aspects of industrial engineering.

He arranged and made possible the author's particip­

ation as a n observer in arbitration proceedings which

he conducted. The hearings provided information con­

cerning the conflict of values and opinions arising

from the industrial relations aspects of industrial

engineering. The long trips with Dr. Lehoczky to and

from the hearings afforded valuable opportunity for

discussion of issues and current problems of labor

relations.

The assistance of Dr. Loring G. Mitten in con­

structively criticizing the development of the manu­

script is gratefully acknowledged. In addition to

his encouragement during the writing of this study,

Dr. Mitten i n his role as teacher and colleague has

been a significant and stimulating influence.

Others who in a similar way were helpful to the

author in the course of the background preparation for

the study w e r e Dr. Glenn W. Miller of the Department

of Economics, Dr. Robert P. Bullock of the Department

of Sociology, and Dr. Harold 0. Davidson, formerly

of the Department of Industrial Engineering.

My heartfelt thanks are extended to my wife,

Martha, who willingly helped in many ways in the pre­

paration of the manuscript*

iii
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION........... 1

II. THE ORIGINS OF INDUSTRIALIZATION (to 1800).. 8

Introduction................................. 8

Science - Prologue to Technology.......... 9

The Role of Innovation ..................... 13

The Beginning of Engineering in Industry.. 16

Socio-Economic F a c t o r s ........ 19

III. NINETEENTH CENTURY DEVELOPMENT (1800-1870) .. 28

Introduction................................. 28

The Role of S c i e n c e ....... 29

Innovation and Invention.......... 34

Early Nineteenth Century Engineering 39

Political and Economic Influence.......... 42

Social Groups and Social Pressures........ 48

IV. THE AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION

(1870-1910) 56

Introduction................... 56

The Role of S c i e n c e ..... 57

Industrial T e c h n o l o g y ...................... 62

Industrial R e f o r m ........ 6?

Socio-Economic Groups and Influences 76

V. CONFLICT AND PROGRESS (1910-1930)........... 8?

Introduction ..... 87
iv
• • 7
 TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

CHAPTER PAGE

V. The Growth.of Science.................. 87

Innovation and Engineering Technology. 94-

Industrial Ideology and R e f o r m 102

Social and Economic Influences........ 119

VI. THE EVOLUTION OF THE "ONE WORLD" CONCEPT

(1930-1950' s ) .......................... 130

Introduction........... 130

Social Groups afid Pressures........... 132

Technology................ 142

Science 158

The E n d of the Era of Industrial Reform 164

VII. SUMMARY A N D CONCLUSIONS.................. 179

BIBLIOGRAPHY. .................................. 188

v
 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

It is the purpose of this study to examine the

practice of industrial engineering in terms of the

fundamental determinants which have tended to shape

its development. The belief persists on the part of

many members of the industrial engineering profession

that organized labor and the macro-environment of shop

economics are two of the most significant factors in

the evolution of the relatively new discipline of

industrial engineering. It is to be shown that

neither of these factors has had more than a transient

effect upon Its development and that the primary

factors lie much deeper in the cultural stream assoc­

iated with industrialization. It Is for this reason

that emphasis is often directed to the evolution of

organized labor, but the major development of the study

is oriented to the development of science, technology,

engineering, and the socio-economic conditions and In­

stitutions of the environment in which industrial en­

gineering developed.

It is not easy to establish the beginning of in­

dustrial engineering, nor indeed to identify industrial

engineering by a precise definition that is entirely

satisfactory. The Long Range Planning Committee of

1
the American Institute of Industrial Engineers, com­

posed of nineteen industrial engineers representing

the fields of industrial, academic, and consulting

practice, agreed on the following definition:

...Industrial Engineering is concerned with

the design, improvement, and installation of
integrated systems of men, materials, and
equipment. It draws upon specialized know­
ledge and skill in the mathematical, physical,
and social sciences together w i t h the prin­
ciples and methods of engineering analysis
and design to specify, predict, and evaluate
the results to be obtained from such systems
(121, p. 98).

This definition is certainly not precise, and it would

require further extensive definition in order to be

effective as an operational tool for the education,

selection, and/or assignment of w o r k to an industrial

engineer. As to the problem of the "beginning1*, it

becomes immediately clear that the start of industrial

engineering so defined would be obscured and lost in

antiquity.

It is not the purpose here to pursue either the

beginning point or the definition of industrial en­

gineering except in terms of broad trends that are a

part of the development of the modern industrial com­

plex. In general, it is not considered sufficient

to limit the search for trends to a consideration of

 . . . 3
techniques alone, for, in the broad sense of the terra,

a case could be presented for the existence of in­

dustrial engineering and industrial engineers in the

early phases of the Industrial Revolution. For almost

every phase of industrial organization and control an

isolated example can be found which is precedent to the

work of Frederick Winslow Taylor (1856-1915) and other

engineers of his era. In support of this contention

Urwick and Brech (117, II) cite the work of those who,

at this early stage in industrial development, recorded

their practice and philosophy of industrial organi­

zation and control. The documentation is, for the

most part, to be found in original company records only

relatively recently studied and interpreted by the

historian. A case is made for the contention that

the establishment of Soho (the factory of Boulton and

Watt) had incorporated much of the system of Taylor,

with respect to organization, planning, standards,

specialization, etc., as early as 1795* The authors

quote from Professor J. G. Smith’s introduction to

Professor Eric Roll's study, An Early Experiment in

 4

Industrial Organisation;

...Neither Taylor, Ford nor other modern

experts devised anything in the way of plan
that cannot be discovered at Soho (the
Birmingham factory of Boulton and Watt)
before 1805, and the Soho system of costing
is superior to that employed in very many
successful concerns today. This earliest
engineering factory therefore, possessed an
organisation on the management side v/hich
was not excelled even by the technical
skill of the craftsmen it produced (117,
II, 24).

Ironically, Professor Roll's work was~not published

until 1930, over one hundred years after the occur­

rence of the events supporting the thesis that no

new basic techniques were original to the "scientific

management" era. In spite of the fact that there had

been no previous published account of the state of

development at Soho, all factors considered, the basic

contentions are plausible. The not unusual combina­

tion of Matthew Boulton, the practical engineer and

businessman, and James Watt, practical engineer and

inventor, could have produced a significantly ad­

vanced approach to manufacturing management.

In the vicious competition of the day it would

probably have been regarded as unwise to reveal too

much of either the technical development or the tech­

niques of planning, organizing, and controlling the

 5
production process itself. Roll does, however, support

the contention that, in fact, extensive consideration

had been given to planning and controlling the pro­

duction process one hundred years before Taylor's work

was known. There is no evidence that this relatively

high level of industrial systematization had any in­

fluence on other industrialists of the day or that

there was any continuing influence in the development

of techniques for production management and control.

In addition to the evidence of subdivision and

specialization of labor, extensive planning for plant

layout, and increasing utilization of machinery with

instructions and time standards for each of the

operations in a sequence of operations and standard

costs, there is also evidence of a concern for the

general welfare of the employees. The Soho records

indicate that the enterprise, while establishing

standards of worker performance and quality products,

found it necessary to institute and implement a policy

of-technical training in order to develop the necessary

work force. In the process, incentive standards, pro­

gressive wage increases, Christmas bonuses and a sick­

ness benefit plan were introduced as a part of the

 6
overall plan for achieving the necessary balance and

integration of the many factors contributing to the

overall success of the enterprise.

The Soho experience is but an example, and prob­

ably an isolated example, of the origins of indus­

trial engineering techniques that are to be found in

the British experience. There seems to be no unifying

influence in the isolated examples of very early

developments in organization and control, but it is

in these early industrial developments (factories)

that the origins may be sought.

To establish a reference point for the beginning

of the study, it seems appropriate to consider both

the time and the socio-economic climate of the era in

which these techniques developed, in order to perceive

the elements of "scientific management" and of in­

dustrial engineering which were essentially unique or

different. This study is developed by approximate

time periods: _____ 1800, 1800-1870, 1870-1910, 1910-

1930, 1930 to post-World War II. The selection of

time periods is arbitrary and is to be regarded only

as an organizational device, although in some cases

these dates correspond to socio-economic events that

 7
mark significant trends in the development of in­

dustrial civilization. Development of technology,

engineering, science, and socio-economic conditions

and institutions are considered as they seem to per­

tain to the evolution of modern industrial engineering.

There are several recognized restrictions in­

volved in such a grandiose undertaking. It is not

possible to interpret all events and details of

historical fact in broad and sweeping generaliza­

tions. On the other hand, sweeping generalizations

do not stand without the benchmarks of fact. The

thread of continuity of the study may be obscured

by detail, and in other instances the generaliza­

tions may be unsupported by adequate or appropriate

documentation.
 CHAPTER II

THE ORIGINS OP INDUSTRIALIZATION (TO 1800)

Introduction

In the Newtonian era we see the separation of

science and religion and of church and state. From

the beginning of the reign of William and Mary in

England in 1689, the essential characteristics of the

new monarchial democracy v/ere established. Men were

free to think and believe, to seek truth and fact,

and to write and speak as they chose to a greater and

greater degree with the passage of time. The flames

of the new freedoms were fanned by the liberal relig­

ious teachings and the promise of the liberated science.

The doctrines of the essential equalities of men and

the rights of democratic government tended to break

down the existing orthodoxy of church, government, and

social order.

The advent of physical science was a necessary

but not a sufficient condition for the development of

the factory. In the teaching of the doctrines of

liberal religion and of reason and science the artisan

and craftsman found encouragement in adapting man and

8
 9
materials to social use in the new factory setting.

New status and power became reasonable and desirable

goals for those thrifty and clever enough to succeed

in the unprecedented synthesis of the factory.

In this period the metal casting and machining

industry developed in organizational and operational

aspects essentially as it existed at the time of Taylor.

The pattern of the synthesis of men, machines, and

materials in the textile industry was the pattern re­

peated in industry after industry for the next one

hundred years.

Science - Prologue to Technology

The history of science reveals that science,

"defined as ordered knowledge of natural phenomena

and the rational study of the relations between the

concepts in which those phenomena are expressed" (24,

p. xi), has been the concern of men since the time

of the Greek nature-philosophers of Ionia. These

early nature-philosophere, Pythagoras, Euclid, and

Thales, provided the basis for the deductive science

of geometry. The Athenian School of Socrates, Plato,

and Aristotle introduced a new direction in their con­

cern for the study of nature and in so doing superseded

 10
nature-philosophy with metaphysics. The works of

Aristarchus, Archimedes, and Hipparchus incorporated

both philosophic schemes and scientific methodologies

not unlike that of a later period.

In Europe during the Dark Ages, science and re­

ligion were blended and confused by the Church in such

a way that little contribution was made to fundamental

knowledge until the Renaissance. The notable efforts

of Thomas Aquinas and Roger Bacon, while in themselves

not a significant step in the separation of philosophy

and theology, may have helped pave the way for the

period of the Renaissance, a renewal of interest in

science as well as in art and literature.

The two hundred year span preceding the transition

to industrialization is marked by many notable ex­

tensions in a search for knowledge. It was in this

period that advances were made in biology, anatomy,

and medicine, as well as in the physical sciences.

The concepts of physical science took modern form in

an evolutionary way in the works of William Gilbert

(154-0-1603), Francis Bacon (1561-1626), Galileo

Galilei (1564-164-2), Rene Descartes (1596-1650),

Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) and Robert Boyle (1627-1691).

 11
The separation of natural philosophy from medieval

Neo-Platonism and scholastic philosophy seems painfully

slow, but throughout the transition fact became less

and less obliged to conform with an authoritative and

rational synthesis. The transition is marked also by

the Reformation with its many and complex social ad­

justments. The separation of church and state and the

reduction of the influence of the church in higher edu­

cation are a part of this transition. Scientific

academies were formed in Naples (1560), in Rome (1603)>

Florence <l65l)> and in Paris (1666), and the Royal

Society of London for Promoting Natural Knowledge was

formally set up in 1662. All this was prelude to the

era of Newton which launched the rising technology of

industrialization. Sir Isaac Newton (1642-1727),

theorist, experimenter, philosopher, mathematician,

and scientist, stands head and shoulders above his

contemporaries, as coordinator of the elements of the

physical sciences. Although his works were assailed

by philosophers as being incomplete in that the ulti­

mate "why11 of gravitation had not been explained, his

work paved the way for great strides in the "how" of

the relationships of physical phenomena. Dampier

 12
indicates Newton’s position in the following passage:

Newton, in spite of his mathematical power,

tried to maintain an empirical attitude. He
continually repeats that he makes no hypotheses,
meaning metaphysical, unverifiable hypotheses,
and puts forward nothing that cannot be con­
firmed by observation or experiment. It was
not that he had no philosophic or theological
interests: quite the contrary. He was a
philosopher and a deeply religious man, but
he regarded these subjects as a vision to be
seen from the topmost pinnacles of human
knowledge, and not as the foundation on which
it must be built: the end and not the begin­
ning of science (24, p. 187).

Through the eighteenth century and particularly

in Western Europe, scientists contributed to funda­

mental knowledge through both discovery and the devel­

opment of methodologies of research and investigation.

Significant developments occurred in many areas of

study - medicine, chemistry, biology, etc. - in the

eighteenth century after the time of Newton and

Leibniz. Euler (1707-1783), Joseph Louis Lagrange

(1736-1813), and Pierre Simon de Laplace (1749-

1827) contributed significant works in the field of

mathematics. Others such as John Locke (1632-1704),

David Hume (1711-1776), and Immanuel Kant (1724-

1804) contributed to the origins of psychology;

Joseph Priestley (1733-1804), Antoine Laurent

Lavoisier (1743-1794) to knowledge in chemistry.

 13
While great strides Y/ere made in the field of

science, the role of science, as distinct from in­

vention and technique, is that of a supporting role

for the development of industry. Science was under­

taken in quest of knowledge, and industrial activity

was undertaken in quest of financial gain. Strangely

perhaps, both could lead to fame and/or fortune and

both were entered by men from a variety of social

stations. While the pursuits of science were uni­

versal in that scientific endeavor and exchange of

ideas between nations was common, the advent of rapid

technical development occurred almost entirely in

Great Britain during this period. The French did not

develop industrially at an early period, in spite of

the fact that they were well advanced in science.

The French Revolution, followed by Napoleon's military

activities ending in defeat in 1815? was perhaps re­

sponsible for the lack of industrial development.

The Role of Innovation

It is in the period of the evolution of indus­

trialization that innovation and inventions stand out

in the "course of human events." Most of the histor­

ians relate the advent of the Industrial Revolution to

 14
the inventions of the late eighteenth and early nine­

teenth centuries. In truth, the occasion of an in­

vention best serves as a benchmark for the broader

implications as ideas and innovations bear fruit in

application. In the latter part of the eighteenth

century, industrialization was but beginning in the

British Islands, a movement that has spread and grown

in magnitude to the point that there are only remnants

of cultures as yet unaffected.

In the very early phases the thread of the re­

lationships between the various inventions is in­

telligible to at least a limited degree. The textile

industry, not because it was typical but rather be­

cause of its importance in socio-economic aspects, is

usually singled out as an illustration of the role of

invention in the evolution of the factory. The series

of operations for the production of cloth was trans­

formed from hand operation in a completely mechanized

operation in a factory in the period from 1?80 to 1840.

The series of innovations which are directly related

to the textile industry are generally well-known from

the high-school history text. The flying shuttle was

an early Improvement of the loom by the English

 15
machinist, John Kay, in 1733. The weaver, James

Hargreaves, patented the spinning machine, called a

spinning jenny, in 1770. In 1769 Richard Arkwright,

one time barber, patented the water frame which re­

quired the power of a water wheel to drive the machine.

Later (1789), Samuel Crompton, a weaver, invented the

spinning mule, and finally in 1785 Edmund Cartwright

Invented the mechanical loom which is the forerunner

of the modern power-driven machines. Thus a succession

of innovations occurred, leading toward the factory

system.

During the same period in other industries, im­

provement in processes and materials supported develop­

ments which were incorporated in the factory. The

use of coke-fed blast furnaces for the reduction of

iron resulted in a substantial improvement over the

charcoal-iron. In 1783 and 1784 Henry Cort took out

patents for puddling and rolling of iron, which im­

proved the existing practices of the ironmasters

markedly. In 1769 an instrumentmaker, James Y/att,

patented a steam engine, which with evolutionary

improvement in design over a period of years was

ready for application in the textile mills near the

 16
close of the century. At every step of the process of

development, new innovations were a part of the evolu­

tion, John Wilkinson's patent on the boring bar (1774)

for boring cannon was adapted to boring cylinders for

the steam engine. The first engine, produced at the

Watt and Boulton Soho factory, was set up for John

Wilkinson, who in turn cast and machined the cylin­

ders for their steam engines.

In toto the innovations in machines and processes

tended to be cumulative and additive toward industrial­

ization and the factory system. Transportation in the

form of improved toll roads, plus the extension of

canals, tended to assist in the realignment and inte­

gration of the factory development. Eli Whitney's

cotton gin, patented in 1793, tended to support the

growth of the cotton textile industry by simplifying

the step nearer the raw material end of the process.

The Beginning of Engineering in Industry

Undoubtedly it was in the same period and in the

same setting as the innovations leading to industrial­

ization that the origins of industrial and mechanical

 17
engineering may be found. It is to be recognized that

what was later to be called civil engineering had al­

ready been in the process of evolution from the older

order of military engineering. In France and earlier

in Italy, engineering and engineering education, based

on fundamental concepts of the physical sciences, had

been in existence for some time. It is probable,

however, that this group had little influence on the

move to industrialization in its early phases in

England. Whether the French Revolution and later the

Napoleonic Wars were responsible is a matter of specu­

lation. It may have been that they were too much

science-and-theory oriented to bridge the gap between

the rising technology in industry and science (32,

chap. iii).

If there is a contact point between science and

the rising technology, it was probably to be found in

the work of Watt in the development of the steam engine.

It was at the University of Glasgow that James Watt

saw the demonstration model of Newcomen's engine.

Subsequent to his development of the steam engine he

had many conversations with Joseph Black, who still

held the "caloric*1 theory of heat, John Anderson, and

 18
especially John Robison of the staff of the University

of Glasgow (6 , p. 08). This contact point in the rise

of technology and industry, while probably not the

only one, was essentially an. example of the isolated

meeting points of science and technology in the early

industrial development of England and later of the

United States. It was in the shops of Soho that the

application of the knowledge of mechanics and the

early science to practical problems of factory tech­

nology took on a pattern of significance that continued

for half a century in both England and the United

States.

It was in such shops as those of Boulton and Watt

that men were trained in the solution of practical

problems of mechanization. These same men in turn

trained others in the use of the new tools and processes.

Many became famous in their right as inventors and

manufacturers. Their concern for tools and tolerances

led to the development of a new industry, the manu­

facture of machine tools. It was the originator and

contriver of machines and processes who initiated the

tools and pedagogy from which later evolved the tech­

niques of the early mechanical engineers. John

Wilkinson, who devised the boring bar; Henry Maudslay,

 ... 19
who transformed the wood-working lathe into a usable

metal-working machine tool; Joseph Bramah, who, in

addition to the development of the water closet and

the wood-planing machine, taught Maudslay and many

others - these served as engineers and teachers, per­

petuating the know-how and skills of the new tools

and techniques and tool developments. Even in the early

nineteenth century the Americans, Eli Whitney and

Simeon North, were in the process of developing

machines for the interchangeable manufacture of parts

for muskets. The milling machine was one result of

the developments in Whitney's shop. In this early

period there was a close relationship between the tool

and machine designer and the mechanic who actually

accomplished the work of building the new tool or

machine. In effect, the machine designer, tool en­

gineer, machanical engineer, tool maker, master

mechanic, and machinist of today have a common origin

in'"the early evolution of machines of industry.

Socio-Economic Factors

It is not possible to establish the cause-effect

relationships of the disturbances arising from the

transition to the industrial system. Nor is it

appropriate here to recount all of the events per­

tinent to the period of the transition. In the British

Isles the advent of the transition to industrial­

ization is popularly marked by social historians as the

cause and the seat of the social disturbance of the

first half of the nineteenth century. From accounts

of the conditions surrounding the life of the worker

in the handicraft and domestic systems, however, the

lot of the worker and his family was not as much of

a contrast with that of the factory worker as is

generally assumed.

In the initial phases of the transition to power,

the mills were moved to the streams, the source of

power, away in most instances from populated areas.

It is not unreasonable to assume the spinners and

weavers of the "cottage" industry would not readily

leave their homes and cottages for the remote mills,

so long as work remained for them at home under more

acceptable conditions. The mechanical devices for

spinning had reduced the work of the employee to a

simple repetitive task. The operations were stand­

ardized, simple and easy to learn, and required no

appreciable physical strength. The work, in fact, fit

the abilities of a child, I.e. a child could do the work.

 21
Thus the possibility, the practical feasibility

of using children aged seven to fifteen was seen and

employed. This marked the beginning, a period of

growing social disturbance and pressures for reform

in the history of industrial development, a period in

which the restraints of social values, as we now know

them, played little part in the integration of machines,

men, and materials for the production of goods for

profit* The first of the children so employed we re

taken from poorhouses and orphanges and bound as

apprentices until the age of twenty-one. They were

not taught a trade nor educated. They were housed

in dormitories under severe conditions, were worked

long hours, were ill-fed and generally abused. This,

in general, was a part of the industrial relations

picture of the initial phases of the application of

power to the machine in a consumer goods industry,.

As the factories pov/ered by the steam engine

were moved to urban areas, children were still em­

ployed in the factory, but these were the children

of the poorer classes whose parents consented to and

encouraged the employment of their children. In the

cottage industry the lot of the worker's family was

scarcely better than that of those employed in the

 22
factory. The influence of the factory system tended

to be cumulative in depressing the financial condition

of the laborer, while the employer group became in­

creasingly wealthy, by virtue of turning the profit of

operations to the expansion and improvement of pro­

duction facilities.

The period preceding the advent of industrial­

ization was marked by a great expansion of commercial

activity. The institutions of commerce and finance

had been growing steadily under the influence of trade

with the colonies. The national debt and the Bank of

England were established at the beginning of the

eighteenth century as a direct product of the French

wars. More important, these institutions were the

ready and powerful instruments of growing capitalism.

There had been a gradual merging and intermingling of

the landowners and the businessmen by entry into new

fields of activity through marriage of gentry into

families of the rich merchants (21, p. 13-14)*

All through the eighteenth century the number

and influence of the industrialists had been increasing.

They came from many stations in the social system.

The barber, Hichard Arkwright, became the wealthiest

 23
and most influential of the cotton spinners. Clergy­

men, Edmund Cartv/right and Joseph Dawson, joined others

in the search for means of improving cloth weaving

and iron smelting, respectively. The list of those

who joined the ranks in the rising technology, indus­

trial development and expansion grew. Vertical

mobility reached an unprecedented peak and subsequent

decline. In this period many of these men also became

extremely wealthy and in so doing joined the swelling

ranks of the capitalists-landowners, tradesmen, and

financiers.

In the period, most of the population worked on

the land in the open-field village with its graduation

from lord or squire to cottagers. From 1760 on, there

was a marked increase in the number of enclosures which

were initiated by the landholders. This, in effect,

forced many of the squatters and cottagers off the en­

closed lands and into new waste lands, or into a con­

dition of vagrancy and poverty. Coupled with an in­

creasing population, the increasing displacement added

to the general state of poverty of the working class

in the early part of the nineteenth century.

 24
The combination of the Enclosure Acts and the

rise of the factory system tended to depress the cottage

industry more and more during the early decades of

the nineteenth century. In some phases of the develop­

ment of machines, particularly in the textile industry,

the cottage industry prospered and actually expanded

with the industrial economy. In the long run, however,

the cottage industry was dying. Its death was not

sudden but slow and agonizing. The cottage craftsmen

clung tenaciously to their trade, in spite of the in­

creasing competition of the machine and the disappear­

ance of the opportunity to supplement income by farming

or feeding livestock on common lands.

There seems to be no general agreement among

the historians as to the extent of the development

and influence of group action in the period. There

were spontaneous and sporadic outbreaks of violence

in the mines, on the docks, in the mills and factor­

ies, but in the main the only unions in existence were

the skilled trades, millwrights in particular (6, p.

133-3^)• It seems likely that the growth of clubs and

societies of many types, of businessmen, of industrial­

ists as well as those of workers, may well be taken as

 25
harbingers of both the cartels and the trade unions

that became increasingly significant at the turn of

the century.

While some of the social institutions of society

were undergoing or had undergone change, others remained

essentially unchanged to near the end of the century.

The institutions of trade and exchange and finance,

while changing to a degree, continued to dominate the

mind of the statesmen. Land was the basis of the

socio-political system. The concepts of the time

value of land (rent) and the time value of money (in­

terest) were of long standing. While the transition

to industry was still in early development, Adam Smith

published a book (1776), developed over a period of

some twenty-five years as a series of lecture notes,

which served to catch the spirit of the transition

and served as the basis for the development of economic

thought for generations.

The state had been retreating from the economic

field for over one hundred years through disuse of

existing controls for supervision of the expanding

economy. It is to be noted that at the time Smith

wrote there were many "authoritative corporations" -

largely trading companies of foreign commerce and

 26
navigation - "that owed a continuance of their powers

to a grant from the Crown" (6, p.139). The object

of Smith's work was directed to reducing the restric­

tive influences of the older mercantilism with its

attendant trade barriers stemming from the guilds of

the feudal system.

It is possible to see hov^ it was desirable for

the rising industrialist to adopt and expand through

interpretation of the ideas set forth by Smith.

Ashton's interpretation of the influence of Smith's

work seems highly suggestive of a philosophy of a much

later period:

The Wealth of Nations gave matchless ex­

pression to the thoughts that had been raised
in men's minds by the march of events. It
gave logic and system to these. In place of
the dictates of the State, it set, as the
guiding principle, the spontaneous choices
and actions of ordinary men. The idea that
individuals, each following his own interest,
created laws as impersonal, or at least as
anonymous, as those of the natural sciences
was arresting. And the belief that these must
be socially beneficial quickened the spirit
of optimism that was a feature of the revolu­
tion in industry (6, p. 139).

Indeed it is quite probable that these early works

of the philosopher-economists, who were caught up in

the quest for "natural" laws pertaining to complex

interrelationships of the many aspects of society,

were in some way influencing the phenomena under

study. In any event, the doctrines proposed es­

tablished the pattern of thought which seemed to

persist for an extended period.

 CH&PTER III

NINETEENTH CENTURY DEVELOPMENT (1800-1870)

Introduction

The patterns of evolution established in the pre­

vious period continued throughout the nineteenth cen­

tury. The developments of the period may be summarized

as an extending technology based on fundamental con­

cepts of an earlier period, with attendant manifesta­

tions and slow recognition of socio-economic disloca­

tions and stress related to technological developments.

The rising technology was engineered and planned by

the artisan-mechanic-entrepreneur who, acting in self-

interest, was able to achieve unprecedented power and

status In the industrial economy. In Europe the socio­

economic aspects of the industrial environment were

viewed with alarm by the social reformer and philos-

opher-economist. In the United States the pattern

of evolution of industrialization was repeated on a

backdrop of a somewhat different social philosophy

and socio-economic matrix. While the major reforms

centered around individual liberties and human rights,

the influence of rising technology had permeated the

society at the close of the era.

28
The Role of Science

In the previous period the role of science in

industrial development was not clear. The ,,naturen

philosophers had served to pave the way for technology

by turning the minds of the artisans and craftsmen to

the development of machines and techniques of pro­

duction. It is true that scientific theory may have

helped Watt and others to develop the steam engine.

The fact remains that until the early part of the

nineteenth century heat, electricity, and magnetism

were still the "imponderable fluids."

Scientific endeavor remained for the most of

the nineteenth century universal, in that there was

relatively free exchange of information between the

scientists of the Western European countries and the

United States. There were often delays in the flow of

information due to lack of communication facilities

and interruptions due to wars, etc. The bulk of the

scientific developments was to come from Europe, for

the United States was relatively slow in producing

physical scientists or scientific discoveries of

particular significance.
 - - 30
The list of noteworthy developments in mathe­

matics, physics, and chemistry is far too lengthy to

enumerate here. From the foundation developments of

the preceding period, nev/ hypotheses, experiments,

and theories served to add to the fund of knowledge

in the physical science field. In the fields of

electricity and magnetism, in chemistry, and in

thermodynamics, the abstractions of the mother science

of mathematics continued to serve to demonstrate the

relationships of natural phenomena in the domain of

physical science.

One has but to list the names of those who con­

tributed to the developments of the century to call

to the mind of the engineers or scientists their work

and its import. Dalton, Gay-Lussac, Avogadro, Ampere,

Davy, Mendeleeff, Volta, Faraday, Ohm, Fourier,

Maxwell, Gauss, Weber, Helmholtz, Gibbs, Joule,

Bernouilli, Carnot, Kelvin, and Henry, are out­

standing contributors of the period in so far as the

knowledge of the physical sciences is concerned.

These men were the scientists, v/ho through their

discovery and development of fundamental relation­

ships paved the way for the inventor, and in the latter

part of the century for the inventor-engineer v/ho

 31
applied the information to the development of machines,

products, and services for society. Perhaps the rel­

atively sudden development of physical science and

its attendant experimental and scientific methodologies

of research led to the optimistic view of Taylor and

his contemporaries for discovering laws relating

variables of more complex phenomena. V/ho could deny

the hope and expectations of the new science, when

through science it was possible to reduce natural

phenomena to mathematical laws, to predict the exis­

tence and characteristics of nev; elements before their

discovery, and to reveal the composition of the sun

and stars through spectrum analysis.

The relation of science to application in industry

is more apparent in industries that were conceived

directly from the physical sciences concerned with

electricity and magnetism. The notion that Samuel

F. B. Morse's invention of the telegraph was the

result of a spark of Yankee genius in the mind of a

poor portrait painter is quickly modified by a look

at the details of his life and study. He studied

electricity under Silliman at Yale and worked with

both Dr. L. D. Gale of New York University and with

Henry of Princeton. Henry refused to patent his

 32
discoveries and Morse used them freely, giving credit

to the Princeton scientist for his help and encourage­

ment. Through the encouragement and help of these men

of science he was able to invent and incorporate the

relay into his telegraphic system. From 1832 when he

first undertook the problem to 1837 when he took out

a patent was but a short span, compared to the time it

took to get the necessary funds for development and

application. Adoption came relatively rapidly after

the initial demonstration in 1844, although the rail­

roads did not adopt the new system until 1851 (60,

chap. viii)•

The growth of the industries associated with

electricity and magnetism became more and more a pro­

cess of integration of science and application in the

laboratory. Capital resulting from industrial and

commercial activity stimulated science in the univer­

sities and provided funds for development and commerc­

ialization of ideas. Each new application of scientific

knowledge brought up new problems for the scrutiny

of science. At the end of the century the haphazard

meeting of science and application was gradually giving

way to planned investigation following scientific

methods of experimental research.

 33
The government was taking a part in the

sponsorship of fundamental research along specific

lines by the late l 8 0 0 ‘s. Many branches of science

were developing under the sponsorship of institutions

like the Smithsonian Institute and educational and

scientific associations. Along with laboratory r e ­

search in the physical sciences, the nineteenth

century was a period of extensive exploration and

investigation in the field of natural sciences. Many

significant developments in these fields contributed

to the general field of knowledge and some are be­

lieved to have considerable social or economic signi­

ficance.

It was in this period that Charles Robert Darwin,

a cautious and conscientious naturalist and scientist,

published his theory of evolution under the title of

The Origin of the Species (1859) * This work was

almost immediately controversial and catalytic in

effect, in so far as both the natural and social

sciences are concerned. 1. A. J. Quetelet demon­

strated that probability theory could be applied to

human problems. "He found that the chest measure­

ments of Scottish soldiers or the height of French

 34-

conscripts vary round the average according to the

same laws as are seen in the distribution of bullets

round the centre of a target or in the runs of luck

at a gaming table” (24, p. 306). Francis Galton,

Darwin's cousin, added further to the knowledge about

the difference between individuals of a race and

demonstrated statistically the influence of heredity.

The justification for including a brief mention

of natural scientists and their work in this dis­

cussion is that (1) this work was a part of the story

of man's quest for knowledge; (2) their work was a

forerunner to branches of science in both the natural

and social sciences; (3) there Was an immediate attempt

by the philosopher to fit man and his socio-economic

institutions into the theory of evolution or vice-

versa— which effort had an indirect bearing on the

subject under discussion; (4) the importance and role

of the social sciences v/ill be brought into the dis­

cussion in a later section.

Innovation and Invention

Innovation and invention in the immediate post ­

colonial stage of development, in so far as a trend

toward industrialization is concerned, did not play

 35
a significant role. British factories were well-

established as we have noted. In spite of a law in

force from 1774, prohibiting the export of textile

machinery, and other lav/s, 1781-1785, denying emigra­

tion of English workers engaged in making machinery

and tools, the basic techniques for machine manu­

facturing and textile mills came relatively quickly

to the United States.

The story of Sam Slater, the English apprentice

in the Arkwright factory who evaded the law, came to

the N e w World, and without tools or plans set up a

water-power textile mill complete with carding m a c h i n e s ,

mules, and warp frames within two years, is illustrative

of the speed at which the seeds of the Industrial

Revolution came to the N e w World. Within a few years

some notable progress in machines and tools of pro­

duction had been made in the n e w country.

Probably the most important early nineteenth

century developments, toward innovation and mass

production techniques in industry, took place in E l i

Whitney's gun shops in the early years of the century.

Under government contract he undertook to manufacture

 36
muskets on an "interchangeable parts" quantity basis.

In this often overlooked story of Whitney's experience

may be found the unique elements of the problems and

the patterns of solution to industrial manufacturing

that set the stage for the advent of widespread in­

dustrial development. To be brief, a shortage of

capital, practically no skilled labor, shortage of

material of suitable quality, were some of the , .

difficulties to be overcome. Under the influence of

an appreciative and understanding President, Thomas

Jefferson, he obtained an advance in funds, devised

special tools - jigs, fixtures, and invented the

milling machine. He pioneered in the transfer of

human skills to machines, and through rigorous (for

the period) inspection and experimentation established

quality standard of high order. In time he estab­

lished a successful and growing business concern that

later became a part of a corporation still in exis­

tence (82) •

From the beginning of manufacturing in the United

States both inventiveness and production were character­

istically oriented to high volume and low cost pro­

duction for a mass market. Frequently the inventor

 37
became a manufacturer, following but greatly exceeding

the British experience of an earlier period. Probably

because of the shortage of skilled labor, the machine

tool industry developed quickly, supporting the clock

and small arms plants of N e w England. Finch notes

that, although the United States had not entered

the later phases of industrialization at the time,

Britain sent a commission to the United States to

purchase 157 gunmaking machines in 1853 (32 , p. 80).

It is of interest to note that the American ex­

perience of the early eighteenth century in industrial

technology followed very closely the British pattern.

In the textile, ceramic, iron, shipbuilding, and

mining industries the technology was practically

identical. As illustrative of the comparableness of

the state technology, Faulkner notes that "Slater*s

Pawtucket mill, where the machines, tended by nine

little children, turned out satisfactory yarn, marks

the real beginnings of the American factory system...11

(30, p. 243-44). The factory and the factory towns

of Lowell, Massachusetts, and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

were not unlike those of Manchester and London in

many respects.
 38
In spite of early restraints by law and a short­

age of capital and labor, the factory system did grow

in the United States. In an area of plentiful natural

resources the factory and the mines developed rapidly

after the War of 1812. Inventors and invention or­

iginated with the practical men of the mines, the

m i l l s , the factories, and machine shops. New appli­

cations and developments in processing machines,

machine tools, agricultural machinery, and a host

of products of immediate utility for the mass westward

migration stemmed from the mind and bench of the

mechanic•

In this country it was indeed possible for the

inventor-mechanic to become a factory owner and

businessman of means. Vertical mobility by this

route reached its peak in this period. The myth of

the “American dream” , the “land of opportunity” con­

cept often emphasized by the early twentieth century

historian, was frequently not sufficiently qualified.

The concept, “build a better mousetrap and world

will beat a path to your door," is in reality hedged

with hurdles. Many became wealthy via this route,

but many times more were less successful for failing

to deal properly with one or more factors of the in­

dustrial environment - men, materials, capital, markets,

etc. The origins of many of our large corporations

of today may be traced to the practical mechanic-

entrepreneur. The route in retrospect, with details

dulled and obscured by the interval of time, may seem

easier than it would be in the present. The route of

the inventor-mechanic to riches was not easy in many

cases at least. Forbes, in reporting the life and

work of Cyrus H. McCormick, notes that, after the

development of the first successful reaper, "it took

nine years to find the first buyer of a reaper I From

I 83I to 1840 not one machine could be disposed of -

not even with the aid of an advertisement offering

the reaper at $50" (3?, p* 243).

Early Nineteenth Century Engineering

The origins of the art of engineering are to be

found in much earlier times. The art of engineering

had been practiced by the military engineers and civil

engineers for four hundred years. The art of engineer­

ing, like the mechanical arts, had heretofore been under

 40
the tutelage of the master engineer. In the early

nineteenth century the civil engineer was concerned

primarily with the construction of capital goods in

the form of roads, bridges, canals, buildings, and

structures. It was the mechanic and craftsman that

designed and built the machines and tools of the

factory.

It is not surprising that engineering in in­

dustry, particularly manufacturing industry, did not

encourage or depend upon university education of the

engineers. At the beginning of the century, the United

States boasted a total of twenty-four colleges that

in level of achievement were equivalent to the grammar

school. The libraries consisted of poorly arranged

old theology books (30, p. 215)* Under the encourage­

ment and ac t i o n of the Congress, as n e w territory was

opened in the West, land grants were made for univer­

sities. The Morrill Act of 1862 was the climax of this

trend to encourage the founding of schools of agricul­

tural and mechanical arts. In 1840 there were two

engineering schools and in 1870 there were seventy.

For the m o s t part, however, the orientation of these

early A m e r i c a n engineering schools was vocational

rather than science oriented, as in the case of the

early E u r o p e a n technical schools.

 41
Mumford notes the fact that technology and science

were relatively far removed in the early stages of in­

dustrial development in both Europe and the United

States. There is, however, evidence that the need for

engineering science was recognized at least seventy-

five years before there was any concerted move to wed

science to technology. He quotes the Fourth Essay of

Auguste Comte (1825) as follows:

...It is easy to recognize in the scien­

tific body as it n o w exists a certain
number of engineers distinct from m e n
of science properly so-called. This im­
portant class arose of necessity w h e n
Theory and Practice, which set out from
such distant points, had approached
sufficiently to give each other the
hand. It is this that makes its dis­
tinctive character still so undefined.
As to characteristic doctrines fitted
to constitute the special existence of
the class of engineers, their true
nature cannot be easily indicated b e ­
cause their rudiments only exist....
The establishment of the class of en­
gineers in its proper characteristics
is the more important because this
class will, without doubt, constitute
the direct and necessary instrument
of coalition between men of science
and industrialists by which alone the
n e w social order can commence (84,
p. 219- 220).

It Is probable that the most significant develop­

ment in engineering of the eighteenth century was the

slow evolution of engineering education in the university

 42
and the even slower recognition of the need for science

in engineering. The outstanding developments in science

were the direct forerunner of the application of the

physics of electricity to the practical electrical

devices of the late 1800's. Save for a relatively few

instances, the application was left to the practical

mechanic-inventor and the foreign-born engineer. In

so far as the application of new processes and m e c h ­

anisms to the practical business world of the factory

is concerned, the United States had at near the end of

the century already outstripped England in many respects.

W i t h the span of time so relatively short and the dis­

tances and obstacles to be overcome so relatively

great, the practical down-to-earth achievement was

unprecedented.

Political and Economic Influence

From the standpoint of a consideration of economic

life as a whole, the subject of political economy is

undoubtedly pertinent. The major difficulty Is that

this subject matter is by its nature so all encom­

passing, and has, in the period since Adam Smith,

become highly controversial and therefore subject to

many conflicting interpretations.

 43
Probably no single development in the period has

had more widespread and continuing import than the

economic theory of the nineteenth century. No better

example could be found for the often-repeated critic­

ism of the social sciences, that the theory in and of

itself predicts the outcome or behavior under study,

than the works of the economist. It is generally

agreed that Smith's work, followed by that of Thomas

Robert Malthus and David Ricardo, had considerable

influence upon the course of development of the

rising industrial economy of not only England, but

the United States as well.

Probably the ideas and concepts of the economist

were merely the perception of thinking men of the

socio-economic environment in which they lived, but

the fact remains that their search for and espousal

of the natural laws, relating the economics of land,

labor, capital, and government, in many cases tended

to perpetuate rather than alleviate the dismal as­

pects of the life and working conditions of the wage-

earning class.
 44
The traditional approach to the employer-employee

relationship had been that of master-servant, and much

of this ideology and tradition carried over into the

nineteenth century. Throughout the early eighteenth

century in England the factory system had deperson­

alized the relationship. The gradual disappearance

of the master-servant, master-apprentice relationship

for the entrepreneur-wage earner relationship had

not eliminated the traditional responsibility of the

wealthy for the wretched poor. The evidence of this

tradition may be found in the Poor Laws that under

the factory system had been used to exploit the

destitute of the parish poorhouses.

The growing tendency of class separations on

the basis of wealth was further accentuated by the

doctrine of Malthus. The entrepreneurs rejected

criticism and adopted such argument that seemed

serviceable at the moment. In the case of the pop­

ulation theory of Malthus, the interpretation of

Bendix is illustrative of the influence of the eco­

nomic theorist on entrepreneur ideology.

 45
W i t h regard to the "higher classes," he
merely contended that they could do little
to help the poor except through education;
still, he emphasized that they should do
what they could, and also that they could
do wrong. The thrust of his argument,
however, concerned the "lower classes."
Poverty was their lot; it was as in­
escapable as the excess of human passion
o v e r «reason. Yet, to some degree human
reason could have "not an inconsiderable
influence upon conduct."
In this view the differences between
the classes were put down to the exercise
of foresight or prudence. Indeed, virtues
and vices, diligence and indolence, success
and failure, and all the intangible emotions
of m e n were made to depend upon this cal­
culation of a man's resources. No virtue
of a poor m a n could henceforth exempt him
f r o m condemnation. The fact of poverty
showed that a man had married when he
should have stayed single, just as the fact
of success demonstrated that a m a n had ex­
ercised proper foresight. Malthus removed
vice and virtue from the vague realm of
religious feeling and exhortation. He made
the use of reason, i.e., the calculation of
chances with regard to supporting a family,
the touchstone of virtue and of a man's
fate in the world.
The implications of this v i e w were as
convenient and flattering to the rich as
they were outrageous to the poor. Land­
lords and manufacturers could use the
principle of population to explain their
own inaction, their unbending opposition
to all proposed reforms, and the inevit­
ability of misery among the poor. All the
evils attending the process of industrial­
ization could be put down to a law of nature
and of God and the same law tended to prove
that economic success was evidence of fore­
sight and moral restraint. It showed further­
more that all poverty and distress was both
the responsibility and the fault of the common
people, a view which "seemed to be intention­
a l l y adding the burden of misery and vice to
their already unfortunate lot" (9} p* 83-84).
 4-6
It Is not significant to this work that we pur­

sue the work of the political economist through the

century. The fact remains that in early eighteenth

century England the deplorable conditions of the

workers brought about by the economic drain of the

Napoleonic Wars, the rapid increase in population,

and the decline in r e a l wages, associated with the

continued rise of the factory, brought about different

conditions from those in the United States. The

advent of widespread industrialization did not come

until later in the century in the raw n e w nation,

and it. occurred under different political and economic

influences.

From the very beginning of the governmental en­

deavors of the Continental Congress there was m u c h

that was unique in the history of the new nation.

Looking forward to the day when independence would

be won, the Congress provided for the ultimate addition

of new republican states in the areas to the west.

W i th the signing of the Treaty in 17 83 the long and

sometimes bitter controversy, over the basis for

government began. The resultant constitution was

created not by the states nor by the whole people,

but by a few dedicated m e n whose major interests were

truly national in scope (30, p. 126). In spite of the

Bill of Rights, w h i c h seemed to protect both human and

property rights, it was s o o n apparent that the C o n ­

stitution, v/eak, loose, and vague to be sure, had

in fact laid the f o u n d a t i o n for power not expected

at its inception. T h o u g h subject to bitter debate

and a tragic and u n p a r alleled Civil War, it was to

emerge as.near to government of, by, and for the

people as the world had known.

The government was weak, in debt, and torn by

dissension, but there was land, hundreds of thous­

ands of square miles of it, and in the very early part

of the century m a n y acres more were added w i t h the

Louisiana Purchase. The Ordinance of 1787 (North­

west Ordinance) provided for federal control and

provision for statehood for the n e w states. The

land was for sale and government surveys starting

in Ohio territory divided up the land into townships

and sections. The dis t r i b u t i o n of the land through

stock companies followed almost immediately. Bur­

lingame notes that "for n o sooner had the squares

been plotted than laissez-faire took hold w i t h a

vengeance and a n era of speculation, swindles and

frauds ensued for w h i c h it is difficult to find a

parallel" (14, p. 1GQ). The development of the We s t

 48
w i t h the continued disposition of the lands to further

private interest, the case of the railroads for example,

no doubt had a good deal to do with the rapid develop­

ment and settlement of the West. By 1890 the frontier

had vanished.

The sheer magnitude of the transition from the

colonial era to the 1890 period, in terms of the space

and time and the compulsion of necessity, would cer­

tainly rule out rigid control,. It was in truth the

period when for want of any means of control the

laissez faire philosophy was in full flower. The

fruits of this philosophy were visible in the latter

part o f the period, and it was in this period that

social reform and social control began in the United

States.

S ocial Groups and Social Pressures

The early nineteenth century was a period of

intensive agitation for social reform. The American

Revolution and the tumultous French Revolution

followed by the Napoleonic Wars had considerable

influence on both British and American industrial­

ization. Spasmodic and ineffective rebellion in the

f o r m of strikes and attempts at organizing labor groups

had b e e n the practice during the earlier period.

 49
The early British experience with labor legislation

in the form of the Combination Acts of 1799-1800 may

be considered as reference points for the attitudes

of government toward the working class. Scholars

and writers do not agree as to the significance of

these early laws as they influence the growth of labor

unions (6, p. 135)- In spite of the fact that these

Acts made illegal all combinations that sought to

raise wages, change hours worked, decrease quantity

of w o r k or induce others to join disputes, unions

and union activity continued to grow. The Acts were

designed to apply to both employers as w e l l as em­

ployees but there were no reported cases of pros­

ecution of employers (81, p. 51). Though both

directly and indirectly the employer groups had in

fact acted in concert to control prices, etc., it

was not until the Reform Movement and later during

the era of the Chartist Movement, 1832-1842, and the

A n t i - C o r n Law Leagues that the entrepreneur class

was able to act collectively in government.

The whole of the first half of the nineteenth

century in England was taken up w i t h continuing but

 50
futile attempts of the worker class to improve their

lot. These efforts and their influence are often

carelessly ignored by the American historian. The

action of the Luddites and the social reformers had

both a direct as well as an indirect effect on the

thinking of leaders in America. For example, the

story of the Radicals, Francis Place and Joseph Hume,

and their successful attempt to repeal the Combination

Acts in 1824, by hiding the repeal of the Acts under

the cover of the repeal of the laws against emi­

gration of mechanics and craftsmen and against export

of machinery, has dual significance with respect to

our American technical and social development (21,

p. 59-62). The conspiracy doctrine as applied to

trade union activity under common law was transferred

almost directly to the court involvements of trade

unions in the United States.

The story of Robert Owen and his reform effort

is another example of the influence of social up­

heaval that carried across the Atlantic. Urwick

identifies Owen as the "pioneer of personnel manage­

ment" (117j II, chap. iv), citing the many examples

of the early attempts at improving the lot of the

worker in the textile factory which he managed and

 . -51
later owned. He rose from humble means to a position

of considerable wealth and influence. Owen, viewing

the widespread unemployment and extreme poverty of

many of the people from his position as manager of a

textile mill, developed over a period of years a

plan for social reform. In the beginning he had the

hearing of intellectuals, statesmen, and the clergy.

Due to overall inaction and the persistence of the

religious leaders in teaching individual responsibility

in matters of economic well-being, he denounced

religious teaching and became a champion of labor.

Neither the working group nor the ruling classes

were disposed to give his schemes for Villages of

Cooperation a trial. By chance and some forethought

he selected a community in the United States, New

Harmony, Indiana, which he bought from the Rappites in

1825. It was a village with 30,000 acres of land that

was partially equipped. He lectured extensively,

speaking before the House of Representatives with

the President of the United States in attendance. In

spite of the fact that he had already denounced

religious teaching and denounced the whole business

system as being deceptive, he was well received in

the United States (20, chap. xiv).

 52
Jaffe points out that the reason that Owen was

well received was that "the ugliness and abuses of

the English factory had already reached the United

States....Lowell, Massachusetts, which did not exist

in 1820, had a flourishing cotton mill in 1822, and

by 1840 was a city of 20,000 inhabitants, most of

whom worked in the cotton mills" (60, p. 133) • Those

who sought to escape from the factory system in Great

Britain were finding by Owen's time that the factory

was already in America. The alternatives open to

those who objected to the system were to go west or

to work for social reform. A few took the time to

listen to the ideas of Owen in keeping with the latter

alternative. Indicative of the tone of the time,

Emerson wrote Carlyle that America was 111 a little

wild with numerous projects of social reform. Not a

reading man you meet but has a draft of a new community

in his waistcoat pocket,H (60, p. 134).

New Harmony failed as have other experiments in

communal living in the United States. Owen returned

to England, leaving behind his four sons who remained

in New Harmony. Aside from the fact that considerable

work was encouraged in the field of natural sciences,

the experiment contributed little and was a costly

failure for Owen, personally and financially. Upon

his return to England "he had ceased to have much

contact with Cabinet Ministers, bishops and members

of the governing class, or with employers, who now

regarded him as a dangerous lunatic" (20, p. 257).

The seeds of Owenism had taken the form of

socialism and various forms of cooperative efforts.

Owen attempted to form a Grand National Consolidated

Trades Union which hoped to bring all of the various

trade and craft groups under one central control

which would be able to call a strike of all workers

with the immediate objective of an eight-hour day.

This movement failed for reasons that are obscured

by time and conflicting interpretations. Whether

the fact that Owen required denunciation of all

religions as a qualification for Trade Union member­

ship, as suggested by Cole, is a matter of speculation

(20, p. 291).

The trade unions themselves were not dead and

other movements developed, notably the Chartist Move­

ment of the 1840* s which included Owenite socialists,

agrarian individualists, currency reformers, some

rebels against the Poor Laws and the factory system,

educators, revolutionary nationalists, and a few

 54
modern-sense socialists. The main body of followers

were half-starved workers of factory towns who looked

upon the Chartist Movement as a bread-and-butter

question. The whole of the movement, over a period

of more than a decade, ended finally in 1848 without

any significant accomplishment for the benefit of the

rank and file, and without the armed insurrection that

was taking place on the continent.

It was the English socio-economic system that

provided the background for the work and the efforts

of Karl Marx; but the concentration of capital and

the inevitable destruction of capitalism, with the

assumption of power by the proletariat over the tools

of production, did not happen in England and was

never a serious threat in the United States. In both

countries, the concepts of laissez faire and individual­

ism with respect to the free enterprise capitalism

were to be modified through an evolutionary process

of social reform, by state intervention in economic

activity. The intervention took many forms. Nussbaum

outlines these forms as H...(l) the regulation of private

enterprise through labor laws, social insurance laws,

and discriminating taxation; (2) the establishment of

enterprises directed and carried on by the states, or

by specially organized public bodies..." (89* p. 421-22).

 55
3ji the period from 1840 to 1870 the struggle

for improvement of the conditions of the worker

group, through efforts of trade unions and social

reform groups, resulted in a series of laws that

gradually recognized trade unions as legitimate

activities. The Factory Act of 1871 is considered

to mark the beginning of a union movement in Great

Britain. In this period in the United States the

major social reform was centered about the question

of slavery. The situations under which these

social reforms took place are not comparable, but

they serve to mark the shift of interest from Great

Britain to the United States and mark the beginning

of the era in which Taylor lived and worked.

 CHAPTER IV

THE AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION (1870-1910)

Introduction

Many factors are significant in the rapid trans­

ition to industrialisation in this period. The social

utility of the physical sciences was demonstrated

again and again in application. The frontier vanished

and the era of reckless exploitation of natural re­

sources by the opportunist began to decline. Laissez

faire individualism was modified by the inception of

group pressures for self-protection of groups of in­

dividuals of common self-interest. The concept that

individual self-interest serves public interest was

challenged repeatedly. The West no longer afforded

haven for those seeking to avoid industrialism.

In this era a small group of mechanical en­

gineers evolved a plan designed to resolve industrial

conflict, and provide for improved economic.conditions

for all parties to economic enterprise. This effort

led directly to the establishment of the discipline

of industrial engineering.
The Role of Science

The period 1870 to 1910 is a very significant

one in the history of science. Insofar as the physical

sciences are concerned, the last decades of the century

produced no new fundamental concepts. A. N. White­

head (122) discussed the four fundamental concepts

of scientific thought that had been proposed by the

end of the century. The concept of physical activity

pervading all space even through apparent vacuum in

which the concept of the theory of electromagnetism

superseded the wave theories of light was proposed

by Clerk Maxwell. The atomic theory of matter in

the form of the cell theory of Pasteur and the atomic

theory of Dalton exemplified the second concept.

The two remaining concepts, according to Whitehead,

are "the doctrine of the conservation of energy,

and the doctrine of evolution1’ (122, p. 102). His

views of the role of science in the period are best

summarized in the following quotation:

 The convergent effect of the new
power for scientific advance, v/hich
resulted from these four ideas, trans­
formed the middle period of the century
into an orgy of scientific triumph.
Clear-sighted men, of the sort who are
so clearly wrong, now proclaimed that
the secrets of the physical universe
were finally disclosed. If only you
ignored everything which refused to
come into line, your powers of ex­
planation were unlimited. On the
other side, muddle-headed men muddled
themselves into the most indefensible
positions. Learned dogmatism, con­
joined with ignorance of the crucial
facts, suffered a heavy defeat from
the scientific advocates of new ways.
Thus to the excitement derived from
technological revolution, there was
now added the excitement arising from
the vistas disclosed by scientific
theory. Both the material and the
spiritual bases of social life v/ere
in process of transformation. When
the century entered upon its last
quarter, its three sources of in­
spiration, the romantic, the tech­
nological, and the scientific had
done their work.
Then, almost suddenly, a pause
occurred; and in its last twenty
years the century closed with one
of the dullest stages of thought
since the time of the First Crusade.
It was an echo of the eighteenth
century, lacking Voltaire and the
reckless grace of the French aristo­
crats. The period was efficient,
dull, and half-hearted. It cele­
brated the triumph of the pro­
fessional man (122, p. 103).
 The dull stage in scientific thought noted by-

Whitehead was of relatively short duration. Before

the end of the century new problems were posed and

research undertaken that would not have been possible

without the major advances in technology and manu­

facturing that had occurred in the interim. Supported

by the instruments that were now possible, a new

phase in the field of physics was inaugurated with

the discovery of X-rays in 1895 by Wilhelm Konrad

RBntgen. The cathode ray had been a subject of

interest and research for twenty years. Numerous

experiments had been conducted in an attempt to

determine the nature of cathode rays. By 1899

J. J. Thomson had measured the charge on ions produced

in gases hy X-rays. In 1900 M. and Mme. Curie were

successful in separating radium from pitch-blende.

Before 1910 the new era in physics was well under

way with the identification of alpha, beta, and

gamma particles, and the general field of radio­

activity was the subject of concern of the physicist.

Albert Einstein's theory of relativity (1905) and,

possibly equally important to the physicist, Karl

Planck's quantum theory (1901) were a part of the

evolution of the physical science field before

1910 (24-, chap. ix).

 60
The field of the physical sciences had already

laid the foundation for the atom homb before Ford

had produced his first Model T. Many advances were

being made in biology, chemistry, physiology, etc.

Even in this early period specialized fields of study

that crossed the indistinct boundaries of previous

disciplines began to emerge. Biophysics and biochem­

istry were in their beginning stages. Experimental

psychology and physiology developed rapidly during

the nineteenth century, although the origins are to

be found in a much earlier time. The experimental

methodology of science was well established in both

the physical and natural science areas.

The work of the biologist and particularly

Darwin's controversial "theory of evolution" were

directly responsible for work leading to social

studies. The natural selection concept of Darwin's

theory led Gregor Johann Mendel to seek, about 1865j

an additional or alternative possible explanation for

the change of organisms. His work was lost until

1900. By this time numerous other researchers were

working on the nature of change of living organisms.

With the rediscovery of Mendel's work on heredity,

renewed activity in the study of variation in

 61
organisms was undertaken, using the statistical methods

of Galton and Quetelet. The work of T. H. Morgan and

Karl Pearson is important here for the statistical

methods and probability theory that they used in the

mathematical analysis of complex experiments in which

variation is commonplace (24-, chap. viii). It is not

certain whether they settled the question of heredity

vs. natural selection, but they did use methods of

analysis that would be relatively foreign to the

engineer for another thirty years. First, the physical

anthropologist had a part in these controversies, and

later the social anthropologist took a new point of

departure leading to what is now known as sociology.

These developments will be taken up in a later section.

The meeting points of science and technology in

the industrial world were rather few and far between.

In this period there was a very slow but gradual change

in the thinking of the practicing engineers. Theo­

retical considerations were still considered rather

unimportant, but engineers from the engineering and

mechanical arts schools quickly found their way in

the industrial and business world. In some of the

better engineering schools, the engineering experi­

ment station served to bring science to engineers.

 62
For the most part, invention and innovation were the

product of the isolated individual. Graduate study

and research under the tutelage of teachers who had

been trained abroad was a desirable exception rather

than the rule. With the exception of General Electric’s

Menlo Park and E. I. du Pont de Nemours and Company

research laboratory founded in 1902, little industrial

research was undertaken. These isolated examples

represent a pioneering move in the direction of

organized research (32, p. 309) • During the late

nineteenth century and especially in Germany, organized

research became a part of graduate study and was

carried over into industry.

Industrial Technology

The technical development of the United States,

which occurred in the period of 1870-1910, is often

referred to as the American Industrial Revolution.

Many technical innovations as well as many changes

in socio-economic aspects of life were a part of the

transition. It is our purpose here to outline the

period on the basis of the significant developments

in technology associated with this transition. In

previous periods we noted that while science had paved

the way for industrial development, science and

 63
technology had only infrequent meetings in industrial

development. In the main, the inventor-mechanic, with

the help of an increasing number of engineers, devised

the machines, products, and processes which charac­

terize the period.

The mechanisms of industry that had expanded

and flourished during the Civil War continued to grow

and develop during the post-war period. Innovation

of the period consists of progressive development of

age-old devices, adaptation of discovery in the form

of new application, and a host of semi-mass produced

products. Many of these innovations were dependent

upon each other as well as dependent upon complex

economic, political, and social factors, which in toto

added up to accelerated industrialization.

The steam engine which had-helped launch the

Industrial Revolution in England had been improved

progressively as a power source, although as late

as 1876 the power needs of the United States were

largely met by water power from isolated mill

streams. The giant walking-beam steam engine

developing 1,400 hp from two 40’* cylinders with

10* stroke and operating at 36 rpm on 15 lb. steam

pressure was a sensation at the Philadelphia Centenn­

ial in 1876. This giant Corliss engine differed

 64
essentially only in size from the 8 to 9 hp Watt engine

of a century earlier, yet this engine was subsequently

used for thirty years in the Pullman shops of Chicago.

The largest reciprocating steam engines ever built

were only 7>500-hp and were erected in 1904. These

engines were used to drive the generators in the New

York Subway power plant. These engines were giant

size - 60" stroke, 42” and 86” piston, operating at

75 rpm and 175 lb. steam pressure. The steam turbine

was not used extensively until after 1910, although

by 1880 the essential ideas for the turbine were to

be found in 100 or more patents (32, chap. vi, x ) .

The first electric power distribution station

was Edison's Pearl Street Station in 1882. The

water power development at Niagara in 1895 was rela­

tively unique in that extensive water power development

did not occur until later in the twentieth century.

The Niagara installation marks the end of the a-c —

d-c dispute and was one of the pioneer hydroelectric

power developments. It is interesting to note that

of several proposals for transmission of power from

Niagara to Buffalo, 22 miles distant, electricity was

but one of three means seriously considered. Cable

drives and pneumatic methods were proposed and con­

sidered (32, p. 191).

 65
In addition to developments in prime movers, many

equally significant developments were occurring in

the development of processes. Extensive development

of iron and steel occurred in this period. The first

Bessemer steel was made in 1864, followed by the in­

creasingly popular open hearth furnace (1873).

Through improved practice in metallurgy and better

methods of rolling and drawing, the costs of steel

goods declined while both the quantity and quality

increased. In the year 1890, American production of

pig iron exceeded that of Britain’s best year (1882).

In the same year the Mesabi range vras discovered.

Production of steel and steel products progressed at

an increasing rate.

The processes for winning and refining of ores

of other metals — lead, zinc, copper, and aluminum —

came in this period. The direct arc electric furnace,

developed from 1887 to 1890, permitted alloying of

steels with tungsten, chromium, manganese, etc. The

field of metallurgy was very active in the period in

improving alloys for the new process. The thermo­

electric pyrometer was introduced in 1891 by Le

Chateller. This instrument led to better temperature

 66
measurement and control of processes. The P^rench,

in a similar way, developed the use of the microscope

in the study of metals and alloys as an aid in study­

ing their properties, and in so doing introduced the

field of metallography.

Innovation served to make possible a synthesis

of knowledge for the production of materials hereto­

fore not economically feasible. Charles Martin Hall's

electrolytic production of aluminum in 1886, duplicated

independently in Erance at about the same time, is

a good example of the evolution of technological

advance in materials and processes.

In the field of consumer goods and services the

period is marked by a host of firsts. The first

telephone was exhibited at the 1876 Philadelphia

Centennial by Alexander Graham Bell. Twenty-four

years and sis hundred patent suits later, a half

million telephones were in use. The first incandes­

cent electric lamp was developed by Edison. George

Eastman's Kodak'was introduced in 1888, followed by

a succession of developments in photography. The

phonograph, linotype machine, barbed wire, the motion

picture, the bicycle, the pneumatic tire, the steam,

electric, and finally the gasoline buggy were a

part of the consumer goods that developed pro-

 67
gressively in the period. Powered flight was achieved

in 1903 by the Wright brothers, but the advent of

barbed wire and new and improved agricultural machinery

were of more significance from the standpoint of in­

dustrial development, along with a host of improve­

ments in materials and processes.

Industrial Reform

Between 1870-1910 there was much agitation for

reform, and reform groups appeared in the society in

many places. In a relatively small group of industrial

plants, for the most part in the Philadelphia area,

a minor revolution was in the making. Even at this

early stage of development the complex relationships

between the social institutions and the group that

was in the process of creating the reforms are

difficult to trace. This group of men who either

fostered or followed "Taylorism1' had connections with

several professional organizations and institutions

that were a part of rising industrialization* The

social institutions of significance might well in­

clude religion, government, science, education,

business and finance, and industrial technology. The

reform movement is largely attributed to one man,

Frederick Winslow Taylor (1856-191?)> but there is

 68
evidence that the movement should be regarded not as

the work of an individual, but as a product of a small

group of men. In the previous sections attention has

been given to the evolution of groups and institutions

in the whole of the rising industrial society. In

this section, the objective is to investigate, how­

ever superficially, the macro-environment of the

scientific management group, the industrial setting,

the background and interrelationships of these men,

and their relationship to the social institutions

of the period.

From the period of the Revolution and the era

of Benjamin Franklin, Philadelphia had played a

prominent role in the history of the United States.

It was in the plants of the Philadelphia area that

the ”Taylor System” got its start. In the Midvale

Steel Company and in the William Sellers and Company

several men who later became prominent in scientific

management were employed, some before and some after

Taylor. William Sellers was an outstanding engineer,

machine tool builder, and from a family that had for

a century fostered the budding sciences of the United

States. He was one time President of Franklin

 69
Institute and a Trustee of the University of Penn­

sylvania for thirty-seven years. He had a keen regard

for science and education and as a matter of policy

employed and encouraged men with exceptionally advanced,

scientifically oriented background. Before Taylor's

time at Midvale, Henry H. Towne, Charles A. Brinley,

Russell W. Davenport, and Carl G. Barth had been

and/or were employees in one or the other of the

enterprises of Seller’s.

The financier, Joseph Wharton, was another who

at an early period encouraged scientific specialization

in education. He was instrumental in getting Taylor

to work at Bethlehem Steel and had sponsored study

abroad for 0, D. Allen who later became professor

of metallurgical chemistry at the Sheffield Scientific

School at Yale University. Brinley and Davenport

studied under Allen at Yale and were largely res­

ponsible for the early successes of Midvale Steel

Company. "In 1881, when the Navy's Ordnance Bureau

invited fifteen American steel manufacturers to submit

proposals for forgings for six-inch all-steel guns,

Midvale was the only plant that could undertake the

work; for it alone had developed a complete system

of experimentation and of records" (23, I, 114).

 70
Taylor's rapid promotion at an early age had not set

a precedent at Midvale, nor was the Introduction of a

young man with education and new- ideas unattended

by discord, "It was, indeed, a certainty that the

steel-making methods, introduced by Brinley and Daven­

port in those early Midvale days would be violently

objected to by all the "practical" men there employed.

Some quit cold, saying they had lived too long to be

taught by boys, and those that remained did so with

grim predictions as to results" (23, I, 112-13).

It is of interest to note that, under the direc­

tion and influence of Sellers who owned about half of

the stock of Midvale Steel Company, the company re­

invested all profits in the business. To what extent

the rather large sums of money invested in experimen­

tation and investigation paid off can not be evaluated.

About 1886 the controlling stock of the company came

into the hands of Charles J. Harrah Sr. and Charles

J. Harrah Jr., but no dividend was paid on the stock

until after Seller's death in 1905. The company was

able to resist efforts to bring Midvale into the

billiqn dollar combination of the United States Steel

Corporation (1901), but Harrah Jr. finally sold his

stock which had cost his father about $415,000 to a

 71
holding company in 1915 for about $9,000,000 (23, I,

119).

1'aylor received a mechanical engineering degree

from Stevens Institute in 1883, was made chief en­

gineer at Midvale in 1884 and held this position

until 1890. Through the contacts afforded by the

Navy contracts for ordnance, Midvale and Taylor

became known to the Ordnance Department. The Secre­

tary of the Navy under President Cleveland, William

C. Whitney, tried unsuccessfully to interest him in

the superintendency of the Gun Works. Later in 1890

he was persuaded to undertake the general managership

of the Manufacturing Investment Company. This ex­

perience represented a drastic change in environment

for Taylor. The company was greatly influenced by

the financial backer of the company which included an

inner circle of friends of Grover Cleveland and a

group of financiers associated with Standard Oil

interests. Taylor’s philosophy came immediately

into conflict with the business philosophy held by

many of the financiers of the day. He left Manu­

facturing Investment Company in 1893j a greatly

changed, if not an embittered, man. He had had previous

experience with conflict situations resulting from

attempts to change the work habits and philosophy of

workmen, but in this situation he experienced greater,

and equally significant and futile, conflict with the

contemporary philosophy of the financier and the

businessman (23, I, chap. iv)•

From 1893 to 1901 when he left Bethlehem Steel

his work was undertaken on a paid consulting basis.

During this period he developed the policy and

philosophy of undertaking to establish his evolving

system in only those shops which were truly interested

in a long term program of increased efficiency of the

facility. All parties to the enterprise - customers,

management, workers and owners, as well as the

greater society - were to participate in the savings

which accrued as the result of increased efficiency.

While it is customary to regard the work of

Taylor as being shop-oriented, the record of his

achievements in the promotion of mergers of manu­

facturers in the roadbuilding and chemical industries

refutes this concept. Apparently there was no in­

consistency between his promotion work and antipathy

to the large combinations of the day. Copley says that

“it would seem that the combinations he assisted to

bring about were designed to eradicate clearly-exist­

ing evils and so served good social ends" (23, I, 395).

 73
His work as a consultant took him to many shops

and involved problems at the worker level and through

all phases of industrial organization, including cor­

porate mergers. At the end of his work at Bethlehem

he began to work on the first of his books, Shop

Management (109)> first read as a paper before the

A.S.M.E. in June, 1903. Up to 1901 Taylor had no

group sympathizers for his principal ideas about

management, not even among the membership of the

A.S.M.E. or at Midvale. After the presentation of

"Shop Management" the first complete Taylor system

of management was installed at the Tabor Company

and the Link-Belt Company. Wilfred Lewis and James

M. Dodge were largely responsible for the decision

to go along with Taylor's ideas. Both were engineers,

and Lewis had been a fellow worker of Taylor's at

Midvale. Dodge was an outstanding engineer and a

progressive manufacturer. It was the group of Barth,

Gantt, and Hathaway that installed the program at

Link-Belt and Tabor, and all three had worked pre­

viously at Midvale. In 1905 Barth installed the

Taylor system in the Yale and Towne Manufacturing

Company, whose president was Henry R. Towne, a

mechanical engineer and past president of the

American Society of Mechanical Engineers.

 During the last five years of the decade Taylor

continued to devote a large part of his time to lec­

turing on engineering education and management, to

serving as president of A.S.M.E., and to reorganizing

the society. Kis only other publication had to do

with metal machining problems. It became clear thgt

Taylor hoped to achieve a major revolution in the

thinking of administrators and executives. He xrorked

tirelessly and without pay for what he thought to be

a just and worthy cause in promoting his system and

philosophy of management. In 1908 a Department of

Industrial Engineering was formed at Pennsylvania

State College under the direction of Hugo Diemer.

XJp to 1910 there were relatively few outside of

the A.S.M.E. that v/ere familiar with Taylor's system.

There had been many contacts with political, education­

al, as well as industrial institutions, and through

these contacts the work and philosophy spread.

Strange as it may seem, the group that formed the core

of the Taylor movement, Barth, Gantt, Hathaway, had

had little contact with labor unions or labor oppos­

ition up to this time. By far their greatest ob­

stacle up to this time was the conversion of the

 75
executive and business man to their methods. The

problem of labor groups had not come up. During the

discussion of Taylor's paper, "Shop Management,"

several questions are raised about the opposition of

labor unions to his system. Ke replied at length,

and in general indicated no particular pessimism,

but repeated his admonition to introduce change

slowly and work with the individual.

In this same period the efficiency movement had

begun under the leadership of Harrington Emerson

(1853-1931)j a management consultant. In addition,

changes were taking place in the educational in­

stitution. Schools of business and colleges of

commerce and business administration were being founded.

The advent of industrialization with owners separated

from the active control of the firm had created a

need for men to perform the functions of adminis­

tration. Taylor, above others in the technical

society (A.S.M.E.), had taken the initiative in

proposing a plan for the study, organization, and

control of organized business activity, including

such an unlikely situation as university adminis­

tration, although his major efforts had been in steel

and metal working industries (23, II, 267-68).

 76
Socio-Economic Groups and Influences

In this very rapid period of industrial growth

and development, there are many manifestations of

socio-economic stress. The evolution of groups and

group influences in political and economic affairs

bears evidence of the turmoil and strife attending

the industrialization period. There was a concerted

effort on the part of the farm groups, the labor

group, as well as professional and political groups,

to achieve social and legislative reform. These

various groups championed for many different social,

economic, and political objectives through many

different devices.

The end of the Civil War marked the end of

slavery in the South 5 it also marked the end of the

reign of the landed gentry. But with the end of

slavery the lot of the farm workers in the South did

not improve under the sharecrop or tenant farm

system. The population more than doubled in the

period from 1870 to 1900, and the number of farms

increased from 2 million to 6 million with some 500

million more acres being devoted to farming. By

 77
1890 the frontier had vanished. Railroads spanned the

prairie to the coast, and settlers of this period

travelled to the homesite by train, not by the stage

coach or wagon. One hundred and thirty-seven million

acres had been granted to the railroads outright or

had been set aside for them (30, p. 426).

Both agriculture and the railroads had over-

expanded greatly under the influence of the land

policy of the Congress. As the result of improved

agricultural methods, also stimulated by the Congress

(Morrill Act, 1862, and Hatch Act, 1887) 9 and the

improved agricultural machinery of McCormick, Hussey,

Oliver, etc. farm production increased relatively

rapidly. The production per acre and the production

per man-hour increased with the increasing acreage

planted. Declining prices, coupled with high interest

rates on mortgages and high and discriminatory

freight rates on farm products, brought distress to

the farmers and brought the farmers and the railroads

into conflict.

The farmers organized the first national or­

ganization of farm interests under the name Patrons of

Husbandry in 1867. State legislatures passed laws

 78
leading to control of freight and passenger rates

on the railroads. During the next twenty years the

railroads fought the “Granger laws" through a series

of “Granger cases" in the courts. The Supreme Court

finally ruled that the state could exercise no con­

trol outside its limits (Wabash Case 1886). In the

intervening years there had been so much agitation

for reform to correct obvious abuses that government

intervention was inevitable. In 1887 Congress passed

the Interstate Commerce Act. This law was, in effect,

a compromise between unrestrained competition and

government ownership. The farm group championed the

issues of the day which are equally pertinent from the

standpoint of economic-political activity, but the

case of the railroads v s . the Granger movement is

used here to illustrate group influence which cul­

minated in restrictive legislation over capitalistic

enterprise.

During this period of rapid industrial expansion

there were several attempts to organize a labor move­

ment. The position of the wage earner of the factory

was not greatly improved by the rapid expansion of

industry. With the introduction of machinery and

 79
the subdivision of labor there was a tendency for the

unskilled immigrant to underbid the indigenous wage

earner for factory jobs. There was a population in­

crease from about 39,813,000 in 1870 to 91,172,000

in 1910. (11, p. 257)* Immigration had a signif­

icant influence on this Increase in population. In

the latter part of the period immigration averaged

approximately a million per year (93, p. 9).

Labor unions made numerous, but relatively in­

effective attempts, to organize a concerted labor

movement. There were a number of national trade or

craft unions, such as the typographers (1852),

machinists (1857), molders (1859), that were in

existence before 1870 and are still in existence.

The forerunner of the modern industrial union, the

Knights of St. Crispin (1869), was organized to protect

journeymen from the influx of “green hands” into the

shoemaking Industry. The introduction of labor-

saving machinery accompanied by drastic wage cuts

which they could not prevent led to the failure of

the union within a decade (92, p. 3). The National

Labor Union, a loose federation of trade unions,

 80
which proposed various social and economic reforms dis­

banded in 1872 after an unsuccessful attempt to form

a National Labor and Reform party. The Knights of

Labor (1869), at first a secret order formed by

Philadelphia tailors, had a varied history. At one

time this organization represented 10 percent of the

industrial wage earners. It was organizationally

defective and lacked leadership. Although its broad

objective was to substitute a cooperative society for

the wage system, its immediate objectives were to

improve hours, wages, and to eliminate child and

convict labor. Strikes for an eight-hour day which

were met by united employer opposition led to the

disintegration of the order as a labor movement.

The continuing stable labor group, the Feder­

ation of Organized Trade and Labor Unions (1881),

which became the American Federation of Labor ±n 1886,

was organized and directed along different paths from

its predecessors. From the first they embraced craft

and trade unions and shunned political action and

social reform. The basic objectives were improved

wages, hours, and working conditions. The number

of national trade unions increased from thirty in

 81
1870 to about ninety in 1910, most of which were

affiliated in the AF of L.

At the same time other groups formed to protect

their interests. This was the period of business

combinations. The period of the transition to an

industrial economy was marked by a significant expan­

sion of facilities of production by plowing back the

profits into the business. During the period, the

average manufacturing plant had multiplied its

capital by thirty times, the number of wage earners by

seven times, and the value of output by more than

nineteen times. In the period after the Panic of

1873> competition between competing concerns became

predatory in nature, and profits were seriously

threatened for all concerns in the industry. In

order to protect themselves and their businesses,

owners sought by various means to control profits

by acting collectively to apportion business and fix

prices. The pool or pooling was the first of such

devices. Later the trust became the device for

achieving monopoly control. The Standard Oil Company

achieved virtual monopoly by trust agreements in

 82
1879-1882 and actually controlled 90 percent of the

refining capacity of the country. Other trusts

followed rapidly, "the most important of which were

the American Cottonseed Oil Trust (1884), National

Linseed Oil Trust (1885), National Lead Trust (1887),

Distillers' and Cattle Feeders' Trust (Whisky Trust,

I887), Sugar Refineries Company (1887), and National

Cordage Company (1887)" (30 p. 488). The Sherman

Antitrust Act of 1890 which sought to eliminate

the threat of monopoly did not eliminate the trend

toward consolidation. Between 1897 and 1904 the con-

solidation continued under the device of the holding

company. Under the relatively lax corporation laws

of states such as New Jersey and Delaware, many modern

day corporations were formed. Some were monopolies

and some were not; some were forced to dissolve under

court ruling; others were not bothered. The corporate

organization which evolved as a product of consolid­

ation is the organizational basis for a large part

of the modern day industrial enterprises.

The economic entity in the form of the corpor­

ation had, in theory, perpetual life, and its owner's

personal liability was limited to the price he paid

for stock in the company. The owner left the

management or direct control of the facility up to

a new group of managers, and the traditional con­

flict between capital and labor became conflict be­

tween management and labor. The institution of

finance, i.e. the capitalist, did not withdraw from

the area of conflict suddenly. In fact, the trans­

ition took place over several decades, Y/ith the

financier exercising considerable influence over

labor-management relations beyond the period.

In those shops in which the most serious de­

feat to organized labor occurred, the capitalist was

still in control. The Homestead Strike of 1892 and

the Pullman Strike in 1894 testify to the state of

conflict and the length to which the capitalist would

go in defeating labor unions. After the Homestead

Strike and the consolidation of the steel industry

(U.S. Steel Corporation) in 1901, organized labor

was eliminated from one shop after another. The

Pullman Strike marked the beginning of the use of '

the injunction against organized labor under the

provisions of the Sherman Act.

 The managerial group picked up the fight against

the unions, and a number of manager-employer groups

engaged in activities directed at eliminating unions.

The most important of these associations in.this

period were the Railway Managers Association, National

Founder's Association, National Metal Trades Assoc­

iation, National Association of Manufacturers and

American Anti-Boycott Association. Numerous local

employers' associations and "citizens' alliances"

came into being to aid employers with labor diffi­

culties (92, p. 8).

It is not possible or necessary to attempt to

relate all of the influences that were a part and/or

a product of the transition to industrialization.

The socio-economic stresses and abuses were made

known to a general public in which illiteracy was de­

clining, in spite of mass immigration of people that

were unable to read or write even in their native

country. The people were made aware of the short­

comings of the laissez faire capitalism and individual­

ism, through the mass communication media made possible

by the telegraph, telephone, the Mergenthaler linotype

machine (1885), faster presses, color printing, the

practical typewriter (1878) and fountain pen (1882).

 85
The influence of “yellow journalism” under the

direction of men of the caliber of Joseph Pulitzer

and Frank I. Cobb of the New York World (1883) is

difficult to evaluate. Samuel S. McClure founded the

fifteen cent (later ten cent) magazine McClure1s in

1893. In 1902 Lincoln Steffens published in McClure1s

an article on the flagrant municipal corruption in

St. Louis under the title “Tweed Days in St. Louis.”

The same issue announced a forthcoming series on the

Standard Oil Company. These articles and their

immediate popular success launched an increase in

popular magazines and the era of the “Muckrakers.”

Some of the work was largely sensationalism, but a

great deal of the reporting was done with conscientious

accuracy. “To list the most important of the articles

would be difficult, for the muckrakers prodded into

every phase of our civilization - political corruption

state and national, big business, child labor, vice,

religion, the newspapers, fake advertising, and impure

food, to name but a few” (30, p. 575).

 86
Some but not all of the reform writers of the

period deserved the term muckrakers. Indeed some of

the needed reforms in the form of legislation may

be traced to their efforts. In addition to their

support of a general reform movement, they were more

"directly responsilbe for certain definite reforms —

the pure food and drug acts, the Meat Inspection Act,

the reforms in life insurance, the improvement of

advertising” (30, p. 576). Each of these reforms

was in effect a progressive restriction on the

laissez faire philosophy of business.

 CHAPTER V

CONFLICT A N D P R O G R E S S (1910-1930)

Introduction

On the b a c k d r o p of r a p i d scientific development

and of the dislocations a n d stresses of W o r l d W a r I,

the scientific m a n a g e m e n t m o v e m e n t became know n

through controversy, w o n w i d e s p r e a d recognition,

underwent fun d a m e n t a l changes in philosophy, and

became diffused and a b s o r b e d in the institutions of

the industrial c i v i lization. No single factor was

r e s p o nsible for these t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s ; but science,

t e c h nological development, a n d the interaction of

socio-economic groups, e a c h had a part in the shaping

o f the fate of the m o v e m e n t .

The G r o w t h of Science

The phys i c a l sciences r e m a i n e d on the top rung

of the ladder of sc i e n t i f i c attainment during the

period from 1910-1930. T h e b i o l o g i c a l sciences w e r e

also progressing, and b o t h w e r e to a greater degree

than ever before s u p p l e m e n t e d and subsidized by the

instruments, machines, and capital provided by in­

dustrialization. T h e r e w e r e frequent shifts and n e w

alignments b e t w e e n the disciplines, w i t h n e w areas

of study being d e v e l o p e d as a result.

87
 88
Psychology, physiology, physics, chemistry, and

biology were major fields that through subdivision

and combination provided the basis for extensive

development of new areas of study. The methods of

science were applied to a wide variety of problem

areas by the physiological and experimental psychol­

ogist. During the major portion of the period the

relations between groups and institutions remained

the concern of institutional economics and political

philosophers, but social psychology and industrial

sociology were in their infancy. Industrial psychol­

ogy developed and was well established by 1930.

The physical sciences, particularly physics and

astronomy, continued to push back the frontiers of

knowledge. J. J. Thomson announced in 1897 that

cathode rays are particles of electricity or electrons

and predicted the weight of one of these particles.

By 1911j C.T.B. YflLlson had successfully demonstrated

their existence by fog tracks on photographic plates.

In 1923 Robert Andrews Millikan was awarded the Nobel

Prize for his ingenious scheme (oil drop method) of

measuring the mass of the electron. Ernest Rutherford

using the alpha particles from radium as projectiles

bombarded numerous materials. During the war he dis­

appointed a committee of scientists working on a method

for detecting submarines. "He explained that he was

going to be delayed because he was at the moment com­

pletely taken up with experiments which seem to in­

dicate that nitrogen atoms were splitting in two

parts. 1If this is true,1 he told the startled commit­

tee, which, included Millikan, 'its ultimate importance

is far greater than that of the war1" (60, p. 509)*

In 1919 Rutherford announced the proton as the

positively charged building block of the atom. In

1920 the neutron was announced. The existence of

isotopes of neon was discovered in 1913 and by 1930

many other isotopes, including the three isotopes of

hydrogen, were known. Ernest Orlando Lawrence had

built his first magnetic resonance accelerator

(cyclotron) by January 1930. The electron micro­

scope was produced at about the same time.

The work in the field of nuclear physics con­

stituted a synthesis of effort of the mathematician,

the theoretical physicist, and the facilities and

talents of a number of scientists from universities

and research laboratories. General Electric, Bell

 90
Laboratories and other research institutions, including

facilities of the universities, participated. By 1930

the field of physics was well advanced toward a new

and fruitful area of activity.

Other fields of science were making highly

significant discoveries. The fields of embryology,

endocrinology, genetics, physiology were applying

scientific methodology and experiment with marked

success. The v/ork of Thomas Hunt Morgan, Frederick

G. Banting, and Herbert McLean Evans in genetics and

endocrinology are but examples of the expansion and

continued progress in the field of science.

One of the outstanding tendencies of the period,

insofar as scientific development is concerned, is

the tendency for deterioration of the boundaries

between disciplines in the fields where progress is

made. The instrumentation of industrial laboratories

and discoveries of different special fields of study

were integrated and applied in new areas with greater

progress resulting on a broad front.

The field of psychology was in this period, as

in the present, a multifaceted area of endeavor

ranging from pseudo-science to what is now considered

scientific methodology. For example, the field of

 91
phrenology had a long and not completely useless exis­

tence. In 1912 the Institute of Phrenology was still

in existence in New York and the Journal of Phrenology

ceased publication with the 124th volume in Philadelphia

in 1911. "As recently as 1938 there existed an Ohio

State Phrenological Society which published a magazine,

but in general it can be said that the popular appeal

of phrenology had been drained off by the numerous

unscientific societies which nowadays claim to pro­

vide more direct ways of understanding human nature

and of helping people out of trouble" (12, p. 60).

On the other hand, physiological psychology had had a

long and fruitful existence.

It is conjectured that Darwin’s work in bio­

logical sciences had a considerable influence upon

the field of psychology as it developed in the United

States in the early twentieth century. “Survival by

adaptation to environment was the key to the culture

of the New Y/orld. America’s success-philosophy,

based on individual opportunity and ambition, is

responsible for shirt-sleeves democracy ('every man

a king’), for pragmatism ( ’the philosophy of a

dollar-grubbing nation') and functionalism of all

kinds, within psychology and without” (12, p. 507).

 92
In this period functional psychology flourished and

grew. Applied psychology, experimental psychology,

industrial psychology, educational psychology (psy­

chology of learning) were some of the controversial

hut progressive fields of endeavor. By 1929 there

were 117 psychological laboratories in the United

States. “Functional psychology looks for functional

relations, for the dependency of this on that, and it

thrives on correlations" (12, p. 560). From the

beginning of the work of Quetelet and Galton, statis­

tical methods and the methods of the experiment were

subjects of study. The work of Pearson was extended

by Charles E. Spearman, Godfrey H. Thomson and R. A.

Fisher. By 1930 the fundamentals of statistical

analysis and experimental design were established.

The techniques of factor analysis and analysis of

variance remained to be developed in the 1930’s.

Industrial psychology was introduced as a new

area of psychology by Hugo Miinsterberg (1863-1916).

From about 1910 he and his students began experi­

mental research into the application of psychology

in industry. The results were published in 1913 as

Psychology and Industrial Efficiency. The new field

 93
was greatly extended at the time of the war when a

great number of men were subjected to the tests deve­

loped for the military. In addition to the Army Alpha

tests, trade tests, aptitude tests, and rating scales

were devised and some consideration was given to pro­

blems of morale and the identification of psychoso­

matic individuals. By 1930 a number of psychologists

were incorporated into the staff organization of

industrial firms, and consulting services were es­

tablished.

Applied psychology fitted nicely into Taylorfs

plan for selecting and training workmen, and, al­

though there was no indication that Taylor had train­

ing in the field of psychology, this field was re­

garded as a welcome supplement to scientific manage­

ment. Urwick says that “in great measure owing to

Munsterberg’s work, industrial psychology was, by the

end of the war, firmly established as one of the most

important aspects of the science of management’1 (115>

p. 98). In spite of the fact that industrial psy­

chology brought experimental method and statistical

 94
tools to the industrial setting there is little evi­

dence that the industrial engineer was immediately

aware of the statistical methods used in measuring

human performance. The application of statistics to

industrial problems was originated by workers in the

Bell Laboratories in the 1920's and v/as not adopted

generally until a later period.

Innovation and Engineering Technology

The span from 1910 to 1930 is characterized by

the development of industries 7/hose products were

directed to mass markets. Though World War I un­

doubtedly stimulated industrial innovation and deve­

lopment, the tendency to large-scale integrated produc­

tion v/as under way before we became actively engaged

in war. Instead of isolated mechanic-inventors, teams

of industrial research and development engineers be­

came the significant contributors to the stream of

industrialization. Innovation may be thought of in

terms of the inception of new industries and of the

expansion and development of the old with increasing

interdependence and integration of the industrial

complex. Thus, rather than attempt to outline signi­

ficant inventions, it seems v/orthwhile to note the

 95
advent of new industries and the development and ex­

pansion of the old in reference to the mass production

concept which took new form in the period.

The backbone of the tendency toward greater pro­

ductivity is to be found in the development of power

and power distribution systems. The steam turbine

replaced the steam engine of the previous periods

and the 5*000 kw units of the 1910 era were super-

ceded by units of 208,000 kw. Boiler units became

appreciably larger and more efficient with improved

condensers, stokers, and forced draft. Operating

pressures of boilers increased from 200 psi to 1,400

psi and operating temperatures increased to 725° F.

Water power development occurred rapidly in the

twenties, with improvement in “wheel characteristics,11

and by 1929 54,000 hp. turbines were operating at 92

percent efficiency. Power transmission through over­

head lines increased from 110,000 volts to 220,000

volts by 1929 and from 13,000 volts to 132,000 volts

in underground lines through improved insulation and

switchgear. In order to achieve efficiency between

the fluctuating water power plants and plants using

fossil fuels, transmission lines were joined, and

 96
power networks covering large areas became an accom­

plished fact. The installed horsepower of electric

motors in factories was about 50,000 hp. in 1900,

500,000 hp. in 1910, and about 30,000,000 hp. in 1927.

The percentage of electrified tools and machines in

factories was about 4 percent in 1900, 23 percent in

1910, and 75 percent in 1927* The use of electricity

was not limited to the electric motor. Electric

lighting became in the period a significant factor

in industrial development (32, chap. x ) . The pro­

duction of electric power increased from 7,500,000,

000 hp. in 1912 to 43,200,000,000 in 1930 (91, p. 612).

If one area of innovation can be singled out as

having occurred during and being essential to the

development of the period, the distinction should go

to the field of electronics and the development of the

vacuum tube. In 1912 a young Columbia engineering

student, Edwin H. Armstrong, discovered the regenerative

detector circuit and his continuing work, supple­

mented by that of many others in the development of

the vacuum tube, made possible the development of

radio, sound movies, and a host of applications that

are a part of modern electronic development (32, p.

221)• The unification of telephone services under

 97
the American Telephone and Telegraph Company (1907) j

plus the research and development which incorporated

the electronic developments, resulted in rapid ex­

tension of telephone service. Intercity service was

extended from New York to Denver in 1911, to Salt

Lake City in 1913, and from cities coast to coast in

1915* Key West and Havana were joined by telephone

cable in 1921. ’’Regular trans-Atlantic service by

wire and radio was inaugurated, however, in 1925* In

1930 parts of South America were joined to the United

States and communication with Australia was established

via Great Britain” (32, p. 219).

There were few radio sets and no regular radio

broadcasts before 1920, although amateur radio re­

ception had been a popular pastime for boys (chrono­

logical age, twelve to seventy) for a few years.

Radio was a fascinating toy except for marine communi­

cation, etc., until the method of making it pay was

conceived. Advertising was already an established

institution and, when the potential was recognized

for linking the fascination of radio and the money

making of advertising, a new industry was born.

From one broadcasting station, KDKA, the Westinghouse

Station in Pittsburgh, in 1920 the number rose to

 98
732 different stations in 1927. The Federal Radio

Commission was created in 1927 (became Federal

Communications Commission in 1934) for the purpose

of controlling the growth of the industry to avoid

interference and thereby improve reception.

The moving picture that told a story was in­

augurated in 1903. And before the war Hollywood

had become the center of the silent film industry

with such stars as Mary Pickford and Charlie Chaplin.

By 1926 there were 20,000 movie theaters in the

United States, with an average attendance of

100,000,000 persons per week, a figure only slightly

smaller than the total population (91? p. 613). The

talking picture came in 1927 with The Jazz Singer

starring A1 Jolson*

The beginning of aviation took place in the last

years of the previous period. The war potential of

air craft was largely recognized in World War I, but

its commercial application was slow in development

although regular passenger service was started between

Hew York and Atlantic City in 1919* Planes continued

to set new altitudes and speed records and American

Navy planes crossed the Atlantic in 1919* The

crossing of the Atlantic alone and non-stop by

 99
Charles Lindbergh in 1927 tended to strengthen the con­

fidence of the people in the airplane as a mode of

transportation.

In the field of manufacturing the greatest in­

fluence of the period is to be found in the mass pro­

duction trend. The development of the automobile has

a story with many socio-economic implications that

could not possibly be adequately treated here. In

an earlier period the automobile was a steam ,

electric, or gasoline engine-driven horseless carriage

that served as a toy for the rich or an item of

novelty for the sportsman. There had been consider­

able experimentation and development of these new

mechanisms by many men, both here and abroad. The

story of Ford embodies both the tendency to mass

production and its influence upon society. In the

experimental stage various models had been tried and

modified with the thought of a standardized model -

tough, serviceable, inexpensive enough for every

middle class family to own. Burlingame notes that

"in the interval, A,B,C,F,K,N,E, and S were experi­

ments and concessions. He knew the publicity value

of speed and conceded it contemptuously in "Arrow”

and ,,999"> driven to victory by the daredevil Barney

Oldfield" (15, p. 391). In 1909 production was

 100
started on the Model T. Twelve years and five and

a half million Fords later, Ford saw no end to the

market for the Model T and production continued on the

Model until 1927. The price of the earlier models was

on the order of $1200-$1500 and the price of the Model

T $800. In the years from 1910 to 1914, first one

then another of the sub-assemblies had been put on a

moving assembly line basis until in 1914, for the

first time, the ehain-drive chassis line was put in

operation. The price of the car had dropped to

about $500 and Ford announced the $5 pay for an

eight-hour day. In 1919 the $6 day was announced;

the price of the Ford had dropped to about $300 by

1924; and in 1926 came the five-day week. (14, chap.

xv).

The advent of mass production had many facets.

In this era the principles encouraged by the pioneers

of scientific management were applied with mixed

results. The synchronization of the flow of materials

and products of many industries to the chain-driven

sub-assembly lines, which in turn were synchronized

with the final moving assembly line, was of necessity

achieved by minute study and planning of every detail

of the operation. Each part, nut, bolt, and screw

 101
and each pass or cut of the machine tool had to he

accounted for and set to time and synchronized with

the mechanically driven line. Great strides v/ere

made in planning for production and control of pro­

duction that extended well beyond the walls of the

factory at the assembly point and into the many

plants supplying the materials and components of

the final assembly.

The advent of mass production in the auto­

mobile industry as exemplified and popularized by

Ford was duplicated before the end of the period in

other industries in durable consumer goods too

numerous to mention. Ordnance and munitions for

the expeditionary forces stimulated technological

improvement. There was, however, a continuing growth

and expansion of facilities and services associated

with the tendency toward urban living. Improvements

in water, sewer, transportation facilities were in

great demand. Roads and highways, bridges and

tunnels were a part of the engineering achievement

of the period.

More important perhaps than the development of

the products of industrialization and technology was

the increasing interest in education. Engineering

 102
education was receiving greater and greater acceptance

by industry and the outstanding accomplishments of

graduate engineers in executive and managerial posi­

tions associated with the war effort tended to im­

prove the status of the institution of engineering

education. The Society for the Promotion of Engineer­

ing Education, organized in 1893, started in 1923 a

comprehensive study of engineering and technical

education. The work was not completed and published

until 1934- (123). In toto these studies provide a

highly significant and pertinent reference point for

the beginning of the subsequent period and also pro­

vide an interesting insight into the history of

development toward modern trends.

Industrial Ideology and Reform

The events of the two decades, 1910-1930, are

highly significant in the development of the indus­

trial civilization. The extent of the influence of

Taylor's work and philosophy was for the most part

irrevocably lost in the dynamic industrial complex

associated with the war and in the adaptation of

society to industry and industry and business to

 103
society. The effort here is directed to the identi­

fication of the benchmarks of the evolution of scien­

tific management and their relationship to industrial

development,

The outstanding works of Jean Trepp McKelvey (70)

and Milton J. Nadworny (87) in developing the history

of the conflict between scientific management and

organized labor are suggested for the details of the

contributions of those responsible for the develop­

ment. The movement on the whole was a largely un­

popular and suspect reform that was adopted in pieces

and parts into the institutions of our society in

the United States as well as in the rest of the in­

dustrialized world. It is conceded that in a brief

summary it is impossible to accord recognition,

commensurate with the contribution, to the work of

the many who have-contributed to the development of

the scientific management movement and its docu­

mentation. A knowledge of specific tools and tech­

niques of scientific management is assumed in the

treatment that follows.

The years 1910 through 1915 were very significant

in terms of both the recognition and documentation

of the Taylor system. The Eastern Railroad Rate

 104
Case (1910-11) served to bring the influence of the

progressive attorney, Louis D. Brandeis (1856-1941),

into the sphere of the Taylor system. Taylor did not

appear as a witness, but Brandeis met Taylor and many

of those connected with the Taylor group and probably

had some influence on their attitude toward labor.

The name “scientific management*' became attached to

the scientific management movement as a result of the

case and, more important perhaps, Emerson's claim that

railroads could save $1,000,000 a day through the

adoption of efficient methods of scientific manage­

ment created widespread publicity (23, II, 369-377)•

*5

Aside from the Bate Case, Brandeis continued to have

an active part in lab or-management affairs up until

he was made an Associate Justice of the Supreme

Court in 1916, a position he held until 1939*

Taylor submitted the first draft of his paper,

"The Principles of Scientific Management" in early

1910 to the Meetings Committee of the American

Society of Mechanical Engineers which held the paper

for nearly a year without action. Taylor withdrew

the paper from A.S.M.E. and published It in The

American Magazine in 1911. In this paper he

 a t t e m p t e d to explain the philosophy u n d e r l y i n g the

s y s t e m that he had put together in the course of

thirty y e a r s of work, drawing freely on his per s o n a l

experiences and n o w w e l l -known experiments. The

principles set forth were little u n d e r s t o o d generally

a nd subject to considerable d i s c u s s i o n a n d controversy.

In the main, these principles constitute the goals

a nd ideals espoused in mo d e r n times. The d e v e l o p ­

m e n t of a science, scientific selection, scientific

e duca t i o n and development, c o o p e ration b e t w e e n m a n ­

agement and m e n are the basis for m o d e r n d a y activities

in n u m e r o u s activities.

The m e t h o d proposed by Taylor and g e n e r a l l y a d ­

h ered to b y the scientific m a n a gement group for

a chieving c o o p e r a t i o n between m a n a g e m e n t a n d w o r k m e n

led to the g e n e r a l r e j e c t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t

by organized labor* In the m a i n this m a y be a t t r i ­

b uted to T a y l o r ’s failure to recognize that his s y s t e m

could be u s e d in parts-time study, control, etc.-with­

out the “m e n t a l revolution" that was the essense of

his system. He strongly rejected the r e s t r i c t i o n of

output b y w o r k m e n and associated s o l d i e r i n g w i t h con­

certed efforts of organized labor.

 106

Th e b r e a c h between organized labor and scientific

m a n a g e m e n t was widened during hearings of the House

I n v e s t i g a t i n g Committee in 1912. Taylor was forced

to r e i t e r a t e and expand considerably on his s y s t e m

an d his p h i l o s o p h y during the hearings a n d his testi­

mony provides the basis for m u c h l a t t e r - d a y comment

(107). T h e c o n t r o v e r s y bet w e e n the scient i f i c

managers, Taylor, Barth, Gantt, etc., a n d labor served

not o n l y to a t t r a c t public attention to the scient i f i c

m a n a g e m e n t systems but also brought the s o c i a l

sc i e n t i s t into direct contact w i t h the w o r k - a - d a y

p r o blems of industry.

R o b e r t F. Hoxie (1868-1916) was c h a i r m a n of a

c o m m i t t e e d e s i g n a t e d by the United States C o m m i s s i o n

on I n d u s t r i a l Relations to investigate the conflict

b e t w e e n o r g a n i z e d labor (AFL) and scient i f i c m a n a g e ­

ment. H o x i e was a n outstanding social scien t i s t

and p r o b a b l y the most objectively orie n t e d m a n of the

t h r e e - m a n i n v e s tigating committee. R o b e r t G. V a l e n ­

tine (1872-1916) was scientific m a n a g e m e n t ’s r e p ­

r e s e n t a t i v e a n d was in sympathy w i t h b o t h sides,

ha v i ng s e r v e d as a n industrial relations consultant.

T h e other r e p r e s e n t a t i v e was J o h n P. Frey, editor

of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Holders 1 Jou r n a l (56, p . 2-3)•

 10 ?

Their report, submitted September 1, 1915, stands as

an objactive and useful analysis of the industrial r e ­

lations aspects of the systems employed at the time,

although some of the scientific managers raised ob­

jections to it (31, P* 117-128). The essential points

of Hoxie's conclusion revolve about the concept of

mental revolution, m e n t a l attitude, or value system

without w h i c h Taylor said that scientific management

could not exist. In part, his conclusion is as follows:

Our industries should adopt all methods w h i c h

replace inaccuracy with accurate knowledge and
w h i c h systematically operate to eliminate eco­
nomic waste. Scientific management, at its
best, has succeeded in creating an organic
whole of the several departments of a n in­
stitution, establishing a coordination of
their functions'.tihich had previously been
impossible, and, in this respect, it has
conferred great benefits on industry. The
social problem created by scientific manage­
ment, however, does not lie in this field.
It is in its direct and indirect effects
u p o n labor that controversy has arisen, and
it was in this field that the investigation
was principally made. For the present, the
introducers and appliers of scientific
management have no influences to direct them,
except w h e r e labor is thoroughly organized,
other than their ideals, personal views,
humanitarianism or sordid desire for
immediate profit with slight regard for
labor's welfare.
The second point is that neither organized
nor unorganized labor finds in scientific
management any adequate protection to its
standards of living, any progressive means
for industrial education or any opportunity
for industrial democracy by which labor
may create for itself a progressively
 108
efficient share in efficient manage­
ment (56, p. 137-38).

The ideals, personal views or philosophies of

these scientific managers were in keeping with the

best interests of labor organized or unorganized.

The major stumbling blocks to agreement were the

contention that unions were unnecessary under

scientific management and the unions' practices

of restriction of output. On the basis of these

seemingly unreconcilable differences the report

was written.

That the scientific managers themselves were

aware of the socio-economic ills and limitations of

the industrial system cannot be seriously questioned.

They were not aware of the limitation of their

techniques for curing the ills, however. Much of

their time and effort had been devoted to the per­

suasions of financiersand businessmen to abandon

their immediate profit motive as a basis for business

decisions. Morris L. Cooke's experience with public

utilities and political corruption illustrates a

marked degree of personal integrity and social

awareness and responsibility (23, II, 394-97).

 109
By 1915-1916, they, as a group, had given attention

to every major function of the business activity,

from purchasing to distribution of the products,

and had formulated conceptual references for the

relationships of the institutions of business with

other institutions in the society. One of the most

significant institutional relationships that had been

achieved was the business and industry vs. education

relationship. Scientific management constituted a

collection of techniques that could be taught and/or

applied individually or in groups. The thread of

philosophy that made the system whole was probably

never incorporated in an educational institution.

The establishment of curricula designed for manage­

ment of business and industry took place rapidly

during this period. The foundation and essential

features of modern academic orientation stem from

their early inception in a particular educational

institution.

The most sweeping proposal for industrial and

business reform that can be associated with the

management movement was the proposed ’’New Machine.”

Henry L. Gantt was the only engineer of the immediate

Taylor circle involved and is considered largely re­

sponsible for the organizational activity and the for­

mulation of the proposed plans and philosophy of

“The New Machine.” It is to be recalled that the

period from 1912 through 1918 was a period of liberal

progressivism and reform with many proposals for a

new social order in business, in government, and

in international politics. The Socialist movement,

Wilson’s Fourteen Points, and the League of Nations

may be taken as indices of the breadth of the move­

ment. Alford gives an account of Gantt's proposal for

“The New Machine” which was originated at a meeting

of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, in

1916. In essence the proposal was inspired by the

philosophy and work of Thorstein Veblen (2, chap. xix).

Veblen's central idea was his

distinction between industry and
business. Industry, or the pro­
duction of wealth, was an expres­
sion of the chief constructive force
in human affairs* the instinct of
workmanship. Business, on the other
hand, was a series of devices by
which acquisitive and predatory
characters took possession of the
wealth created by the skill and
labor of other people. According
 Ill

to Veblen, the millionaire should

not he given credit for the creation
of the industrial technology; he was
essentially the same type of man as
the robber baron who had exploited
the industrious peasantry of the
Middle Ages or as the barbarian
conqueror of still earlier periods,
Veblen insisted that many aspects
of business were positively detri­
mental to human progress and would
become even more so in the future,
and he was inclined to predict that
as business became more consolidated,
it would culminate in the establish­
ment of some kind of militaristic
and imperialistic dictatorship.
This might be prevented if groups
imbued with the instinct of work­
manship, especially the technicians
and engineers, took control of the
economic system; but Veblen did not
regard this as very orobable (91*
p. 493).
Gantt in essence proposed that much of industry

and business be socialized, that service, not profit,

should be the major motive in industrial and business

activity, and that a political institution,

constituted by the free association of competent men

i n the spirit of the university, to improve the normal

operation of the business system** be established

(2, p. 274). The movement never got much support

and with Gantt’s death in 1919 largely disappeared.

It is significant, however, in that it marks the

extent to which the interventionist philosophy

carried in the scientific management movement v/hich

 112
was contemporary with a general attack on the laissez

faire philosophy. In general, his predictions for -

the economic system as he saw it in 1919 were not far

off. Alford quotes an article, written by Gantt

which was published in the Sunday World October 12,

19193 a little more than a month before he died,

as follows;

The business system as at present

organized cannot maintain itself much
longer. It Is entirely out of gear,
and it is only revealing more clearly
Its own condition by trying to run
everything and everybody, including
the Government* The workers can no
longer be forced to work under an
arbitrary and autocratic rule. The
workers have learned to read statistics
and financial reports, and they clamor
for a larger share of the tremendous
profits made by those who sell. The
consumer will not endure forever the
mad race of the sellers of things to
drive prices up. The system cannot
last (2 , p. 287).

In the few years immediately after the v/ar a

change in the position of both organized labor and

the remaining scientific management group had changed

180°. The AFL had adopted a new philosophy toward

production and had a change in attitude toward

scientific management. On the other hand scientific

management had a complete reversal in attitude

 113
toward organized labor* The fact remains that the

influence of the scientific managers declined during

the period of cooperation which was initially in the

last years of the war and continued during the

twenties. Nadworny notes in his summary chapter as

follows:

It was the war that acted as a catalyst

in coalescing the growing concern for
the somewhat abstract "human element"
and the persistent, though small,
pressure for collaboration with or­
ganized labor, for the war forced the
scientific managers into situations
where they had no choice but to work
with unions. Apparently such practical
experience strengthened, rather than
weakened, the willingness of the en­
gineers to tolerate and participate
in collective bargaining. As the
heirs of Frederick Taylor moved to­
ward a liaison with the unions, in­
dustrial leaders and the Federal
government grew increasingly hostile
toward organized labor; indeed, the
contrast between the official program
of the Taylor Society and the prevail­
ing attitude of the industrial commu­
nity increased during the twenties.
In ten years, the management movement
moved one hundred and eighty degrees
from TaylorTs position. Perhaps not
every member of the Taylor Society
embraced this change, but it was
editorial policy, ana more important,
the policy of the leaders of the
group (87, p. 145).
 ...But such a change had to be, and
was, grounded in specific developments
that generated a rejection of the earlier
attitudes. It stemmed from a combination
of forces. One was a belief that after
the war, unionism would continue to ex­
pand until it enlisted most of the workers
of the nation, making it impossible to
avoid union recognition and collective
bargaining. In view of what appeared
to be inevitable, the scientific managers
began to revise their conception of in­
dustrial management. The cordial r e ­
lations they maintained with labor
leaders on government boards during
the war made the change more palatable
and acceptable. Although the expected
growth of unions did not materialize
after 1921. the Taylorites had alr e a d y
fashioned their new philosophy; since
labor subsequently did nothing to
contradict it. they were forced by
the logic of their own arguments and
their personal inclinations to continue
to propound and accept it. Oddly
enough, It was the probability, rather
t h a n the long-term reality, of u n i o n
growth that played an important part
in the revision of scientific m a n a g e ­
m e n t philosophy.
Another force was the acceptance
of the Brandeis-Valentine argument
that the techniques of scientific
management were only tools, to be
combined with industrial democracy
("consent of the worker") in the pur­
suit of industrial efficiency. The
impact of V a l e n t i n e ’s work cannot be
underestimated. It is indeed s i g n i ­
ficant that Morris L. Cooke, w h o
exerted the greatest individual in­
fluence in effecting the basic change
in the attitudes of union and scientific
management leaders, cited Valentine o n
the signal occasions when Gompers a n d
G r e e n gave their blessings to the
Taylor-inspired movement. V a l e n t i n e ’s
 program was reinforced by the practical
experience gained during and after the
war, when the Taylorites and the unions
worked in mutual cooperation in various
firms and industries. The concrete
examples of such cooperation experienced
by Valentine, Thompson, Cooke, and the
other revisionists, in addition to the
w a r m reception given such activities by
the spokesmen for the labor movement,
created an atmosphere in which it was
almost impossible to view labor re­
lations in the same manner as did the
"patent medicine" manager or the
majority of the big business leaders
and financiers.
Still, there remained the factor
of the obvious unpopularity of these
views among the employers; the Taylor
Society and its leaders stood in brazen
opposition to the dominant currents of
industrial thought. The willingness
of the Taylor heirs to take an in­
dustrially unpopular stand was not
strange. Throughout the history of
the scientific management movement,
employer resistance to one or another,
or all, of the parts of the Taylor
system was common. Taylor and his
disciples were, after all, critics
in a real sense; they had for many
years complained that most of their
difficulties came from the employers,
a fact w h i c h had the effect of
strengthening their resistance to
employers 1 attitudes (87, p. 145-46).
A t every step along the path of
this change the influence of organized
labor was decisive, for the industrial
engineers* original acceptance of the
principle of cooperative action had to
be answered by such statements and
practices as would justify the new
 position. The public statements by
federation leaders and the resolutions
approved by the organizations' conven­
tions, the apparent enthusiasm of the
union leaders involved in cooperative
schemes, and the success of the schemes,
however temporary, were necessary com­
plements to the Taylorites' program.
Without these, it becomes impossible
to explain the Taylor Society's apparent
approval of the suggestion that its
task was not only to advocate collabor­
ation with unions, but actually to en­
courage the unionization of workers
(87, p. 147).
The twenties were years of utmost
importance in the history of American
labor. It was a period when organized
labor did not achieve its expected
gains; when it expressed violent fears
and antipathies toward the growing army
of unskilled workers* and when it met
determined resistance from employers
and employer organizations. During the
same period, the trade union movement
was fundamentally influenced by a
scientific management movement that
v/as revised and given n e w direction
by the Taylor Society leaders. In
the face of hostile industry, and as
a means of ingratiating itself with
employers, "union-management cooperation"
became a rallying cry of the federation,
as well as a particular program of a
number of unions ( 87, p. 148).

The scientific management movement was dying out

rapidly in the closing years of the period , but

the tools, techniques, and their accompanying philoS'

ophy had spread around the industrial world. The

issue of unions vs. company-employee organizations

 117
(open shop) brought a division in the ranks of those

advocating the tools of Taylorism to management, a

difference that was very subtle and difficult to

evaluate, but nevertheless difficult to deny. Those

adhering to the open shop or company-union philosophy

were more in line with the ideology of Taylor, but

the question remains as to the influence of the

anti-union employer. The fact that the tools and

techniques of scientific management could be used and

incorporated in any philosophy is clearly evidenced

by the way in which they were adopted piecemeal

internationally in educational and industrial in­

stitutions. Bendix quotes from Lenin, Selected Works.

Vol. VII, pp. 332-33» written in 1918, one year after

the revolution, as follows;

The Russian is a bad worker com­

pared with workers of the advanced
countries. Ror could it be other­
wise under the Tsarist regime and
in view of the tenacity of the rem­
nants of serfdom. The task that the
Soviet government must set the people
in all its scope is - learn to work.
The Taylor system, the last word of
capitalism in this respect, like all
capitalist progress, is a combination
of subtle brutality of bourgeois
exploitation and a number of its
greatest scientific achievements in
 118
the field of analyzing mechanical
motions during Y/ork, the elimination
of superfluous and awkward motions,
the working out of correct methods
of v/ork, the introduction of the best
systems of accounting and control, etc.
The Soviet Republic must at all costs
adopt all that is valuable in the
achievements of science and technology
in this field. The possibility of
building socialism will be determined
precisely by our success in combining
the Soviet government and the Soviet
organization of administration with
the modern achievements of capitalism
(9, p. 206-7).

The interpretation of the concept of scientific

management from this period on has broad political,

economic, and social implications that were only

beginning to be recognized by the social scientists

and industrial engineers who v/ere close to the

movement in the 1910-1930 period. The Hav/thorne

experiments were in progress, but relatively un­

known, and they, like the near irrational optimism

of the twenties, were brought to an end v/ith the

collapse of the stock market in 1929.

 119
Social and Economic Influences

The two decades that preceded the economic de­

pression of the 1930’s provide the historical basis

for much conjecture of a highly speculative nature

concerning our economic health. Speculation as to

the probable influence of present day organized

labor, IF this institution had existed in the 1920's,

is of more than academic interest; for it provides

the historical basis for the concepts of distribution,

the merits of which are argued in the present era.

The period was ushered in on a wave of reform

that penetrated to the core of social and economic

institutions. Interrupted by World War I the re­

form movement declined. In the period during and

following the war great strides were made in mass

production industries. Interventionism and reform

could not dominate in a period of general but in­

complete prosperity, and a mass optimism for the

scientific age led up to the day the bubble burst.

One important aspect of the period was the

tendency for reform in the form of legislation to

improve the conditions of employment. In general,

 120
labor legislation was not viewed favorably in the

courts. Federal intervention became common during

World War I, and there was continued agitation for

uniform legislation by the federal government. For

example, child labor laws had been sought by labor

and civic groups for several decades. Miller notes

that "in terms of the total number of children and

the percentage of children employed, the situation

grew progressively worse until 1910. By that year,

almost 2 ,000,000 boys and girls from age ten to

fifteen years, nearly 18& per cent of the children

of that age, were at work" (81, p. 147). The Congress

enacted a child labor law in 1916 which was held

invalid by the court in 1919 and another law in 1919

was held invalid in 1922. In 1924 a constitutional

amendment was proposed but only five states had

ratified it before 1930 (81, chap. xiii). State

laws having to do with wages, hours, working con­

ditions, and workmen’s compensation remained a slow

and non-uniform pattern toward needed legislation.

The right to organize and the right of injured

workers to compensation were at first not recognized

by the courts.
 121
The Department of Labor was set up as a special

agency in 1913. And the United States Employment

Service was established in the Labor Department in

1918. The federal government took an active role in

labor relations during the war by setting up various

agencies to promote industrial harmony and continued

production. The War Labor Conference Board proposed

a National War Labor Board for the purpose of set­

tling disputes. The right to organize had been re­

cognized from the beginning of the Board's activity.,,

but the wording of the provisions did not eliminate

the possibility of "company unions." The net result

was the growth of not only bona fide unions, which

reached a membership peak of 5j000,000 in 1920, but

company unions as well. Federal legislation, and

finally federal seizure and control of the railroads

after December 1917? provided the basis for es­

tablishing the eight-hour day, wage increases, and

elimination of the yellow dog contracts in railroad

labor relations (81. chap. is).

The end of the war did not end labor disputes

or establish the right to organize in industry. Many

strikes followed the war. During 1919-1924 there was
 122
a great deal of unsuccessful strike activity. The

reasons for the lack of success are rather uncertain,

but the evidence indicates that the post-war recession,

wide-spread and well-organized employer opposition,

and failure of the AFL to organize the mass production

industries were responsible, A half-hearted attempt

to organize the anti-union U.S. Steel Corporation

through strike action in 1919 was the last serious

effort to organize basic steel for fifteen years.

The failure of the union to organize steel was

followed by the rejection of the union agreement

in the “Big Five*1 meat packing companies in 1921,

and numerous other unions lost members, benefits

and concessions previously won. By 1924 union

membership had dropped to 3 ,500,000 and continued

to decline (92, p. 17-18).

While total union membership continued to

decline during the period some craft unions,

notably the building trades, machinists and printers,

actually maintained or increased their membership.

The rapidly expanding mass production industries,

automobile and rubber, remained unorganized and

only a few skilled trades were organized in such

other industries as steel, glass, electric products,

etc.
 123
Among the significant changes that were a part

of the labor-management strife of the 1910-1930

period was the development of the personnel depart­

ment. Many factors were responsible for this develop­

ment. Increase in size and the number of employees

made initial contact with the employee a function

of the hiring office. The functions of the

personnel department increased with the addition of

employee training, recreation, welfare programs,

communication (in the form of a newspaper), industrial

compensation and safety. The objective of the

humanitarian movement was to keep the employee

happy and to encourage cooperative efforts with

management for maximizing production and minimizing

costs. Some plants were organized, many had company

unions, and others had no union or labor represen­

tation. The means of promoting employee contentment

was relatively the same for organized as well as

unorganized shops. The ends were markedly different

with respect to organized labor in that the same

organizational machinery and employee programs

could result from and operate with collective

bargaining or could be used for maintaining an

unrelenting effort to keep organized labor out of

the plant. In the period of the twenties, the

 124
latter case prevailed and is to be found in unor­

ganized plants today. The policy and practice of

unorganized plants with respect to employee programs

led some unions to attack these programs in an

attempt to win recognition.

In this period the old struggle with monopoly

was still a part of political and legislative con­

cern in the United States.

...Congress passed the Federal Trade

Commission Act and the Clayton Anti­
trust Act. The Federal Trade Commis­
sion (FTC), modeled on the ICC, was
to police business practices, with
power to issue “cease and desist"
orders, against which corporations
might, if they chose, appeal to the
courts. The Clayton Act specified
as illegal a number of practices
tending to prevent competition. It
also included two sections which
Samuel Gompers described as the
Magna Carta of labor. Section 6
exempted labor unions from the anti­
trust laws, and Section 20 restricted
the use of injunctions and declared
that strikes, boycotts, and picketing
were not contrary to any Federal law.
The Wilson administration continued
the trust-busting campaign initiated
by Eoosevelt, bringing a total of
ninety-two cases in eight years; but
it hoped that, through supervision
by the FTC, the problem of monopoly
would be solved by prevention rather
than by cure. Between 1915 and 1921
the Commission issued 788 formal com­
plaints and 379 cease-and-desist
orders (91, p. 563),
 125
In the extreme Instances of labor's role in

social reform there was an attempt to generate a

labor movement based on a doctrine clearly and frankly

dedicated to the overthrow of the capitalistic system.

The extent of the influence of the Industrial Workers

of the VTorld (IWW) has been the subject of debate

for y e a r s . The press built up the "wobblies" as a

tremendous organization (11, p. 50). They are credited

with demonstrating for the benefit of conservative

labor leaders the advantages of both militant union­

ism and industrial unionism. The fact remains that

they did champion the cause of the unskilled worker

and did demonstrate militancy. Their opposition to

American entrance into the war, coupled with the

preaching of sabotage to prevent it, led to the

arrest of their leaders and ultimate decline of the

organization.

Labor and politics met in the Socialist party

and the Idealistic labor leader, Eugene Debs, ran

for the presidency on the Socialist party ticket

in 1912. This election marked the greatest show

of relative strength achieved by Socialism in the

United States. The 900,000 votes cast for Debs

 126
amounted to nearly 6 per cent of the total vote cast.

In no subsequent election has a Socialist party

candidate achieved this percentage (91, p. 560).

In 1919 a group of radicals seceded from the Social­

ist party and established the American Communist

party which was affiliated with the Russian con­

trolled Third International. The Communists seized

leadership in labor relations situations, in some

of which real grievances existed to agitate for

revolution. In general, the Communists remained

a minor force in American life and won no lasting

strength in unions. Many leading citizens and

businesses dismissed strike activity and agitation

for reform as stemming from revolutionary agitation

rather than from real grievances, and all union

activity was suspect and likely accused of being

Communist whether guilty or not. The fact remains,

however, that in this period, from the time of the

Russian Revolution in 1917 to the beginning of the

first Five Year Plan in 1928, the influence of

Communism had greater and greater significance in

world developments. Burlingame summarizes the

evolution of the conflict in ideology arising from

technology as follows:
 In the United States, the history
of ’’monopoly in restraint of trade"
is heset by tides of Y/arm emotion at
odds with the technological trend.
As we have seen, the American people
has moved, since before the middle of
the nineteenth century, in the fear
of two ogres which stood on the margins
of their activity; Monopoly on their
right; Socialism on their left. Both
present primarily economic aspects,
yet the fear is not really an economic
one. It is social rather than economic
at bottom— for we are not now thinking
of the few nightmares of the very rich
or the very poor. What Americans have
feared is damage to their great and
precious abstractions; the rights to
life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness which Jefferson thought
"unalienable" to men created equal.
Monopoly limited a man’s right to
enterprise, socialism his right to
own proper-cy. Neither of these is
a wholly economic concept; both in­
volve talent, family, privacy, freed­
om of will and thought, and an inter­
pretation of the quality doctrine
which, while it does differentiate
in practice among men, at least con­
cedes equality of opportunity.
Monopoly and socialism are, of
course, the same character in different
costumes. Socialism is monopoly by
the state but the monopoly business­
men whisper about when they are not
shouting about "free enterprise"
rejects the state, yet often tries
to govern society by indirection.
It Is this disguised government
moving in a postulated anarchy which
the people fear. They fear it most
because it is oligarchic rather than
democratic: it is a small background
of great power. That socialism could
in theory be a large background of a
 128
people's power does not blind coramon-
sense folk to the fact that it never
has been. And Americans, notwith­
standing the abstract blue empyrean
in which their flag flies, are ex­
tremely canny in their pragmatism
(14, p. 333-4).

The federal government continued to exert in­

fluence in socio-economic affairs through inter­

vention by legislation, subject to interpretation

by the courts and by the current administrative

attitude. There were many areas in which inter­

vention occurred and almost all had broad social,

economic, and political repercussions. The period

is marked by the advent of Woman Suffrage (1920),

Prohibition (1920), the Ku Klux Klan (founded 1915

with membership approaching 5> 000,000 in 1924),

the rise of gangsterism in the cities and the

corruption of law enforcement agencies, and The

Federal Bureau of Investigation (1924, under J.

Edgar Hoover). Immigration, tariff, taxes, govern­

ment finance, foreign trade, farm relief, and dis­

armament were a part of the concerns of a new nation

that had in a few years become a rich and influential

world power.
 129
The mass optimism that preceded the financial

disaster in 1929 and the economic influences that led

to the western world depression have been the subject

of discussion of many authors and no attempt will be

made to review them here. The great bulk of the

farmers and the wage earners did not participate

in the general prosperity (of 1924-1929) to the

same degree as did other groups. Savings were

placed in hands of expanding industries for more

production facilities, but millions of dollars

were placed in speculative ventures, such as real

estate and stock speculation. The public debt

increased and the widespread practices of install­

ment buying generated a large private indebtedness.

The collapse of the stock market marked the close

of a wild era of mass optimism and financial•

speculation and launched an era of economic de­

pression.
 CHAPTER VI

THE EVOLUTION OF THE “ONE WORLD*1 CONCEPT (1930-1950*s)

Introduction

It is recognized that there is little historical

perspective from which to look for significant devel­

opments in the recent past. The economic disaster

of the early thirties had an important influence on

the philosophy of the institutions of business and

finance. The question of the social purpose of in­

dustrial and business enterprise was raised. The

social scientist was called upon by the government

to help to find a solution to the recurrent dis­

ruptions in economic and business activity. The

economist had a significant influence on the leg­

islative proposals for recovery. Among these pro­

posals was the legislation which provided for

collective bargaining between management and a

protective organized labor.

World War II required the greatest effort in

history toward synthesizing men, materials, and

machines of production in the war effort. Teams

of scholars and scientists of many disciplines

were called upon to assist in the planning, control,

030
 131
and integration of the factors of the industrial

complex. Direction, utilization, and control of

a whole society toward the war effort made the in­

clusion of the social scientist in staff teams not

only desirable but essential.

In the years prior to, during, and following

the war the social scientist turned his attention

to problems that had been the immediate concern of

the industrial engineer. The social anthropologist,

industrial sociologist, labor economist, psychologist,

social psychologist, and scholars of other disciplines

from the social sciences had concerned themselves

with the affairs of business and industry considered

to be the domain of the industrial engineer. This

approach to complex operational problems carried

over into business and industrial institutions, and

has become a significant tendency. The engineering

detail was often undertaken with teams of engineers

from many branches of engineering.

Continued world tension, in a l5cold” war of

ideological conflict on a backdrop of a world

markedly smaller by virtue of phenomenal technological

advances, tended to create an environment in which

traditionalism was subject to critical analysis*

 132

In this period the concerns of and for man in a

rapidly developing industrial civilization seem to

stem from the new orientation toward man and social

institutions. For this reason the socio-economic

developments are considered first in the subsequent

discussion.

Social Groups and Pressures

In the immediate past decades the industrialized

nations of the world have been subjected to a series

of events that are at once identified with the advaat

of industrialization. The economic depression that

spread to almost all of the industrialized world was

followed by an intensified application of industrial

technology under Fascism that led to global war.

In the same period the doctrines of socialism became

incorporated into Communist totalitarianism. These

major developments have had a direct bearing on the

institutions of world society and their influence

has been felt in many ways in the empioyer-employee

relationship. It is not intended to give here a

detailed analysis of any aspect of the complex in­

fluences or their development. Rather, it is hoped

that the scope of the problem may be perceived in

the brief and incomplete discussion which follows;

 The general decline of business and industrial

activity of the early thirties had a widespread in­

fluence on the economics of the industrialized world.

Once started, the decline continued w i t h further

curtailment of investment, of production of capital

goods, and of durable consumer goods, a l l tending

toward more unemployment and further restriction on

purchasing power. These manifestations of decline

were related in a cumulative way, such that by 1932

new lows were being established w i t h 1929 as a re­

ference. National income dropped from $82,000*000

to $40,000,000? wages dropped from $10,909,000,000

to $4,608,000,000? unemployment reached a high of

from 12,000,000 to 16 ,000 ,000'corporate profit

changed f r o m $8,740,000,000 to a deficit of $5,640,

000,000;f a r m income dropped from $12,791,000,000 to

$5,562,ooo,ooq.
B y 1932 the influence of the depression had

spread to other countries of the industrial world.

The major indices of world trade reveal a decline

from $5,240,000,000 to $1,611,000,000 in exports

and from $4,399,000,000 to $ 1 ,322 ,000,000 in im­

ports (91, P* 622).

 134
Throughout the w o r l d economic c o n d i t i o n s w e r e in­

f l u e n c i n g t h e s h a p e o f events of p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l

significance. I n the e a r l y 1 9 3 0 * s J a p a n had d e f i e d

t h e L e a g u e of N a t i o n s a n d had a s s u m e d c o n t r o l of

Manchulcuo; and both Hitler and Mussolini were well

o n the w a y t o the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the d o c t r i n e s of

Nazism and Fascism. I n C h i n a Ch i a n g K a i - s h e k was

h a v i n g t r o u b l e n o t o n l y w i t h J a p a n but w i t h the

Communists in the Northern Provinces. Of the m a j o r

nations of the -world, R u s s i a se e m e d l e a s t a f f e c t e d

b y economic d e p r e s s i o n a t the end of the first of

t h e Five Y e a r p e r i o d s o f a p l a n n e d economy. Thus in

the e a r l y p a r t o f the p e r i o d the st a g e was set for

the p l a y of m a n y acts i n w h i c h the i n s t i t u t i o n s o f

science, engineering, te c h n o l o g y , government, mana g e ­

m e n t a n d l a b o r w e r e to p l a y m a j o r roles. The events

o f the l a s t t w e n t y - f i v e y e a r s s h o w the p a t t e r n of

engineering and technical development organized and

d i r e c t e d to a g g r e s s i o n , leading to a g l o b a l w a r a n d

t o cold w a r w i t h p o l i c e actions, and a continued

c o n f l i c t o f i d e o l o g y i n a state of a r m e d p r e p a r e d n e s s

f o r a w a r of p o s s i b l e h u m a n e x t i nction.

In n o o t h e r c o u n t r y was the e f f e c t of the e c o n o m i c

d e p r e s s i o n a s k e e n l y f e l t as in the U n i t e d S t a t e s . For
 135

various reasons we had achieved a high standard of

living, and, because vie were never as impoverished as

in those countries conditioned through the centuries

to famine and mass starvation, the practical inability

of millions to earn a livelihood was a severe shock*

In this frame of reference it is rather remarkable

that the population was patient and quietly hopeful

throughout the worst years. In the period of the

New Deal, particularly in its early years, the federal

government opened the doors of the White House to a

group of scholars and intellectuals - economists,

sociologists, etc. - in amanner surprisingly in

keeping with the proposal of Gantt's "New Machine."

The influence of the "brain trust" cannot be

adequately evaluated, but it seems plausible that

some of the intellectuals were aware of the efforts

and contemporary accomplishments of governments that

promised a classless society and a planned economy

under totalitarianism and Communism. Probably few,

if any, became converted to Communism, but their

proposals for control were viewed with alarm by the

conservatives. In the early thirties legislation aimed

at relieving economic distress was passed and some

legislation subsequently invalidated by the courts.

In other instances where various bureaus and boards were

established, the intellectuals were placed in charge

and continued to exert influence beyond the short­

lived "brain trust" era.

In the period of greatest economic distress,

no general revolt or revolution occurred in the

United States that was comparable with the seizure

of power in Europe, although both Communist and

Fascist elements were active here. The Communist

group, as a matter of policy, directed its efforts

to setting up organizations to promote trade unions,

racial equality, anti-fascist policies, friendship

for the Soviet Union, etc. The influence was prob­

ably greater than the voting strength of the

Communist party would indicate per se. The extent

and influence of Communists into government, unions.,

etc. is not easily evaluated.

It is significant to note that legislation

recognizing the rights of workers to organize and

bargain collectively came in the 1930's. The

Norris-LaGuardia Act (1932) was the greatest

 137
legislative triumph of organized labor up to that time.

The Wagner Act (1935) further strengthened the positions

of unions and made widespread organization possible.

The AFL leadership, however, did not attempt to take

the initiative in organizing the mass production in­

dustries. The Congress of Industrial Organizations was

formed under the leadership of John L. Lewis, David

Dubinsky, and others in recognition of the long overdue

need and the possibilities for industrial unions. Lewis

served as president of the CIO from 1935 to 1940 and in

the intervening years was instrumental in bringing about

industrial unionism.

In this period Lewis was largely responsible for

the hiring of Communist party members as organizers.

They were aggressive and militant organizers and they

were later able to assume important positions in and,

in some cases, control of the unions. Without doubt the

Communist elements in organized labor have had a signif­

icant influence on labor relations development. The

war period (1942-1946) with Russia as an ally disguised

the fact that loyal Communist party members were in fact

directed by and dedicated to the Communist party more

than to American labor unionism, except as it served

their purpose. In 1947 the Taft-Hartley Law was

enacted. The provisions of this law were directed to

the correction or certain labor abuses and provided

for the denial of National Labor Relations Board

service for Communist-dominated unions. At the 1949-

1950 conventions of CIO a number of unions were dis­

affiliated from the CIO for alleged Communist domina­

tion. A number of unions that are allegedly Communist-

dominated still exist (11, Chap. ii).

In spite of a great deal of controversy and

charges of Socialism and Communism, etc. ih unions,

the history of labor organization in the last two

decades seems to indicate that the labor movement of

the United States is the result of evolution not

revolution. In a sense there has been no labor

movement in the United States that is comparable

with organized labor activity in othercountries.

Even noY/ only about one third of the potentially

organizable labor force is organized (11, p. 71-73).

The reasons for the growth or lack of grovrth are

not easily explained. Employer resistance, phil­

osophy of individualism among employees, federal and

state government policy and legislation, heterogene­

ity of labor force, sex, race,ethnic and skill factors,

 139
social and economic differences associated with parti­

cular industries— all contribute to the labor complex.

It is not unheard of for competing companies, in the

same city with comparable conditions— employee group,

etc.— to differ with respect to unionization. Both

the reasons for and the effect of such situations

are subjects of concern of the labor economist, in­

dustrial sociologist, and others. The explanations

as to reasons for such situations ultimately lead

to deep-rooted values or beliefs associated with

the unique American system.

Probably the most significant development of

the period is the increasing acceptance of the im­

portance of the intangible institution of the

federal government. Its greatest strength seems to

stem from the fact that at its inception it was

deliberately divided into three major branches and,

as an afterthought, its power further limited by

amendments to the original constitutional provisions.

This institution, in spite of built-in weaknesses -

proneness to corruption, stumbling inefficiency, and

 140
resistance of the individual to government - has, with

the passage of time and the advent of economic distress,

wars and continued threat of war, assumed greater and

more extensive controls of the social and economic wel­

fare of the nation. Depending upon whether the value sys­

tem of the individual or particular institution is con­

servative or progressive in a particular aspect, the

direction and/or the rate of movement toward this tend­

ency is either too much or too little, but the trend

continues.

The crushing depression of the early thirties led

directly to the recognition that in the highly integrated

industrial society there are hazards with which the

individual cannot reasonably be expected to cope. As

widespread unemployment increased the load on existing

private and public v/elfare agencies the available funds

were rapidly depleted. As a part of a general plan for

econosaic recovery and economic stability the compre­

hensive and at the time the highly controversial Social

Security Act (1935) was passed. The concept of social

insurance and social welfare which was the subject of

much debate and opposition has been largely accepted. In

the intervening years both the benefits and coverage of

 141
legislation have been increased to cover contigencies

of unemployment, old age, etc. While this legis­

lation was a significant departure from previous

experience in the United States, it did not provide

for health insurance, invalidity insurance,or

maternity insurance as was the case with many foreign

social security measures*

In the years immediately following World War II,

the United States assumed y/orld-wide responsibility

in the post-war recovery of foreign nations. As the

"cold war" intensified there was an increasing com­

pulsion and urgency for the United States to assist

foreign nations in achieving economic and political

stability. The alleviation of human suffering and

the promotion of democratic principles went hand in

hand as the United States shouldered the burdensome

role of world power in a conflict of ideology. Through

the institutions of science and technology, socio­

economic and political problems of peoples and nations

once remote were near at hand. In addition to dip­

lomatic emissaries and economic and military assist­

ance, the businessman, labor leader, technical

expert, and educator became the spokesman for and

representative of our socio-economic institutions

 142
in foreign countries around the world.

In the process of evolution there are many

apparent inconsistencies in the system. These in­

consistencies range from logically inconsistent

legislation to the logical inconsistency of the in­

dividual who by membership or association with more

than two or three of many possible organizations or

institutions to which he may belong - political party,

veterans organization, church, union, professional

society, employers' association, etc. - is often im­

plicitly supporting views in direct conflict with

respect to particular national issues. In spite

of these apparent inconsistencies in our system, the

overwhelming majority of the citizenry accepts the

democratic philosophy of argument and bargaining

that permeates the institutional frame work of our

society from the smallest social institution to

international relations.

Technology

This section concerns itself, in outline form,

with the extremely rapid technological development

of the period, and to examine in only somewhat

 143
greater detail the relatively slow evolution of the

philosophy and conflict in engineering education. For

the greater part the discussion is based upon the

published literature of the Society for Promotion

of Engineering Education and that of the professional

societies of engineers and engineering education.

Many changes have come about during the last two

decades in the technology of production processes

as well as in the products of technology. The aero­

plane of the late 1920's has progressed through

several stages of development. New propulsion de­

vices, fuels, construction techniques and control

systems have been engineered which, as of the present,

lead up to pilotless craft (missiles) capable of de­

livering atomic warheads to targets at great dis­

tances from launching sites. Unlike the situation

following World ?/ar I the development of machines

and techniques of war have been developed extensively

since 1945 and tested in conflicts of "police actions."

Through continued development and expansion a wide

variety of consumer-goods products have been designed

and produced. Applied technology and engineering

have, through product and process development, served

to provide a great number and a wide variety of im­

proved products. Products that were once luxuries

 144
have become necessities that are incorporated into

a continuously changing standard of living.

The evolution of technology and engineering was

a part and product of the social, political, and

economic environment that existed during the period.

In preceding sections attention has been directed to

significant developments in science, technology,

engineering, and socio-political aspects contemporary

with specific product or process development leading

to industrialization. In this section the emphasis

is shifted to education and its role in the industrial

society. Engineering education, because of its

uniquely direct alignment with industry, grew with

expanding industry. With increased specialization

in industry, the various specialized branches of

engineering training grew. By the late 1920's the

institution of engineering education had become firmly

established in a pattern of largely undirected growth,

with neither philosophy or objectives upon which

general agreement could be reached.

Engineering, while an activity of a long history,

took on an entirely different aspect under the in­

fluence of industrialization. Engineering education

 145
in both Great B r i t a i n and, only to a lesser degree

in terms of time, in the United States tended to

follow industrial development. Early engineering

education in universities was, as noted earlier,

equivalent to a m o d e r n sub-standard vocational

school. As technology progressed, so did engineering

education, but because of its unique situation in

relation to the institutions o f business and industry

and the educational institutions, there were many

obstacles to change. The attitude of industry toward

college engineering graduates was one of increasing

acceptance as the number of graduates found their

place in industry. Since the institution of engin­

eering was relatively independent of industry at

its inception, it developed largely under the

direction of engineering educators within the frame­

w o r k of educational institutions established to

teach the mechanical arts. There were notable

exceptions to the general rule that engineering

colleges were evolved from vocational rather than

scientific stems. Two cases in point were the

electrical engineering curricula that were fostered

 146
in the departments of physics at Massachusetts

Institute of Technology and Cornell University.

Later chemical engineering followed the same

evolutionary steps (106, p. 546).

The study of engineering education and its

relation to the other institutions in our society

is worthy of far more extensive treatment than can

be accorded to the subject here. The “Final Report

of the Director of Investigations*1 (1933) (123)

William E. Wickenden provides an excellent summary

of the results of a decade of investigations broadly

conceived and carefully if not expeditiously executed.

It is considered pertinent to indicate some of the

problem areas, trends noted, and questions raised

as a result of this comprehensive study.

The investigation enlisted the cooperation of

educators, college administrators, professional

societies, and public groups; and while Wickenden

raised the question about the social desirability

of leaving any activity, which touches public wel­

fare so vitally as engineering education does, to

the direction and self-guidance by “its own inner

lights" he nevertheless concluded as follows:

 147
The experiences of the investi­
gation have made it clear that
engineering educators must look
chiefly to themselves for guidance.
Practicing engineers and industrial
leaders alike have been most cordial
in their readiness to draw on their
experience for factual data and for
specific criticisms and suggestions.
The profession, however, has not yet
been able to formulate a code of
educational qualifications, nor has
industry yet been able to express
its requirements in other than
general terms. Experts in educa­
tional theory and method who have
worked with teachers of engineer­
ing in the summer schools have thrown
much light on the processes of teach­
ing and learning, but have not been
able to contribute greatly to our
problems of objectives, policies and
programs (123, p. 1042).

The educational problem of specialization in

science - engineering vs. broad general education

with science orientation - was recognized as a con­

flict that was not and has not been completely re­

solved. This problem like many others stems from

the fact that Industrfelization was a sudden develop

ment into which rapidly expanding engineering ed­

ucation was drawn, and for which no philosophy has

been developed. Writing at the end of the most

rapid industrial expansion in recorded history,

which was attended by a continuing tendency to

specialization, Wickenden writes as follows con­

cerning the engineers

 148
The revolution he has wrought in
social institutions is so over­
whelming that he would be less than
human did it not rouse his curiosity
concerning its workings and signif­
icance. That engineers have begun
to produce in recent years an inter­
pretive as well as a technical
literature, probably marks a signif­
icant epoch in the maturing of the
profession.
Those who looked to the investi­
gations to disclose some big, trans­
forming idea were due for a measure
of disappointment. At the other
extreme, the enthusiasts for modern
personnel techniques suggested that
the engineering colleges recast
their programs on the basis of de­
tailed job analyses. Each type of
e n g i n e e r ’s w o r k was to be dissected
into its elements, and a synthesis
made by counting the frequency of
occurrence of each unit of activity
or duty. The precedents for this
mode of procedure were mostly con­
cerned w i t h training for highly
unitary callings on a moderate
level of responsibility (123 . p.
1045).

The net result of the attempt to resolve the con­

flict between educators was a somewhat confused doc­

trine to w h i c h it was difficult, if not impossible,

to come to agreement on the details of an educational

program. The major difficulty was recognized as

being associated with the practical impossibility

of validating opinions of any m a n or group of m e n

as to what to teach or h o w to teach, aside from the

 149
greater problem of developing specific engineering

curricula. The problem of developing in a single

curriculum the educational requisites for under­

taking teahnical research and development work with

its increasing emphasis on science, and at the same

time prepare the studeht for undertaking a role of

leadership involving broad social responsibility,

was identified then and has remained unsolved to the

present time. In spite of many studies and hundreds

of articles and commentaries, the basic problem and

the institution of engineering education remain

essentially unchanged (58). The recent report of

the Humanistic-Social Research Project (1956) (40)

identifies the problem in essentially the same way

as the Wickenden report. The introduction of the

report is quoted as follows:

The most abstract and theoretical

of the problems confronting the
humanities and social sciences in
engineering education is also the
most practical. This is the prob­
lem of defining objectives, of
specifying in a philosophy upon which
programs may be built. "Administrative
arrangements, course content, staff
effectiveness, adequate curricular
time and the most efficient use of
that time, all are directly dependent
on the existence of a carefully
thought out philosophy of general
 education that is suitable to the
needs and possibilities of particular
institutions. The conflicts and
misunderstandings which bedevil many
campuses depend ultimately for their
resolution on the working out of an
educational philosophy that is
mutually acceptable to the engineer-
ing and the liberal arts faculties,
and to which both can give their
wholehearted support.
The committee did not, in fact,
anticipate the confusion over ob­
jectives which it found to exist
on so many campuses. More than ten
years ago the Hammond Report came
to grips with this problem, and
made recommendations which were
approved by the Society. The goals
of what that report called the
humanistic-social stem were stated,
not in terms of subject matter, but
in terms of competences it was
believed the humanities and social
sciences could help the students
acquire:

1. An understanding of the
evolution of the social
organization within which
we live and of the in­
fluence of science and en­
gineering on its develop­
ment.
2. The ability to recognize
and make a critical analysis
of a problem involving social
and economic elements, to
arrive at an intelligent
opinion about it, and to
read with discrimination
and purpose toward these
ends*.
3. The ability to organize
thoughts logically and to
express them lucidly and
convincingly in oral and
written English.
 151
4. A n acquaintance v/ith some of
the great masterpieces of
literature and an understand­
ing of their setting in and
influence on civilization.
5- The development of moral,
ethical, and social concepts
essential to a satisfying
personal philosophy, to a
career consistent with the
public welfare, and to a
sound professional attitude.
6. The attainment of an interest
and pleasure in these pursuits
and thus of an inspiration to
continued study.

Our study indicates that while many in­

stitutions have found this statement of
objectives practical and suggestive, al­
most none have been able to adopt it
without modification for their own pro­
grams. Instead, the usual procedure has
been for a committee, or a series of
committees, to hammer out a set of princi­
ples that would take into account local
conditions and local needs. In view of
this fact, the present report will not
attempt to formulate a supplementary or
competing statement of objectives, but
will reaffirm, in principle, the over­
all objectives for the humanistic-
social stem as stated in the Hammond
Report (40, p. 1-2)

The Wickenden report, written in the early 1930's,

indicates a keen appreciation for the interrelation

of the institution of engineering education and the

many other social groups and socio-economic influences

in the complex of industrial society. There have been

changes in engineering education but they were not

revolutionary. Instead, the changes that occurred

followed the pattern of local adaptation and slow

 1?2

evolution. Since the Wickenden report, numerous

efforts have "been made to study the problems of en­

gineering education and suggest improvements in

organization, teaching techniques, curricula, etc.

These efforts have been helpful in identifying

problem areas, but relatively sterile with respect

to providing solutions or initiating change. Thus

the problem areas remain essentially the same; but

they are more compelling because the roots of the

problem are to be found in a rapidly changing

technology based on greater physical science orien­

tation, and in an increasing compulsion toward

socio-economic awareness based on social science

orientation.

From the studies that were taken in the late

1920's and subsequent commentary, the ultimate

occupation for up to 75 per cent of the engineering

graduates was recognized as being administrative

or managerial rather than purely technical. The

financial and status rewards of the culture tend

to be greater for managerial rather than technical

pursuits. The engineering educator tends to regard

the assumption of managerial responsibility by his

student as evidence of success, and recognition and

 153
awards are apt to be based on administrative ability

rather than technical accomplishment. The question

as to whether engineering education is a superior

academic basis for management responsibilities has

not been resolved.

In the preceding chapter the alignment of

scientific management with the American Society

of Mechanical Engineers was noted. From its in­

ception the concept of teachable management has

been a controversial part of the attempt to develop

both philosophy and curricula for engineering edu­

cation. In general, the roots of the controversy

may be traced to the differences of opinion as to

the philosophy and social purpose of education.

The debate will probably continue so lohg as we

retain the right of the individual to hold beliefs

and form opinions in matters where indisputable facts

are unknowable. In the recent past the apparent

advances of education in technology and technological

development in the Soviet Union, where technical

education like other institutions is subject to

rigid planning and control, have been viewed by

engineering educators with some alarm. Few en­

gineering educators, if any, would hope to advocate

 154
with success radical changes that incorporated cen­

tralized and dictatorial control over education.

In spite of the continued trend toward speciali­

zation and the continued search for fundamental

physical science concepts underlying the materials,

machines, and processes with which he deals, there

is considerable evidence which indicates that the

engineer-educator is also increasingly concerned

with social responsibilities implicit in the use

of science. During World War II many technical

problems developed which required more fundamental

physical science knowledge and mathematics than the

average engineer had at his command. As a result

new impetus was given to physical science and mathe­

matics in engineering education, an impetus that was

characterized as a "gun-point wedding1' of science

and engineering (76, p. 13). At the same time and

often in the same context, social science and

humanities are championed with equal vigor.

Among the many problems associated with the

paradoxical conflict of objectives and orientation

of engineering education and engineering application

is the status of the engineer in the social structure

in industry. In the various engineering and pro­

 155
fessional journals an Increasing concern is in evidence

as to the role of the engineer in society. In spite

of the shortage of and great demand for engineers in

an increasingly more technically oriented industrial

society, significant numbers of engineers have

associated themselves with professional unions.

Perhaps this is a result of the increasing number of

technical employees, technicians who design, build,

and maintain complex industrial machines and processes

approaching automation, whose socio-economic needs

are little different from other groups in industry

and business who have no direct voice in management

decisions. As the engineer and engineering educator

concern themselves with these problems which are

deep-rooted in the complex social matrix, he is at

once confronted with the prospect of unraveling com­

plex value systems. This is a task with which he

is largely unfamiliar and for which his engineering

background does not necessarily prepare him. It Is

these concerns for socio-economic groups and institu­

tions and their influence on his status that he sees

as leading up to a "gun-point wedding" of the social

sciences and engineering.

 156
Science

Scientific methodology and endeavor.developed

rapidly during the period. The economic crisis of

the thirties created an environment conducive to the

participation of the social scientist in the search

for solutions to problems of industrial society.

The educational institutions, government agencies,

and research foundations sponsored most of the early

social science research, but to an increasing degree

the social scientist was sponsored by business and

industry as well. World War II served to encourage

and stimulate scientific endeavor in nearly all fields

or disciplines of science. The period, however, may

be noted for the greater degree of applied science

activity on the part of the social scientist. Psy­

chology, sociology and other disciplines contributed

to the application of scientific methodology in a

wide variety of problem areas associated with the

industrial complex through the eras of widespread

economic crisis, of military conflict, and of military

preparedness and ideological conflict.

On the basis of the theoretical constructs of

previous periods a vast amount of experimentation

 157
and application in the physical sciences has occurred.

The electronic computer, atomic bomb, and a host of

significant applications of physical science research

have been a part of the phenomenal development of the

recent past. Iiore important perhaps is the fact that

in recent years the experimental physicists have ob­

served phenomena which do not fit the known theo­

retical constructs. The basic "law" of symmetry that

steins from the theoretical constructs of quantum

theory has been challenged by the observed behavior

of fundamental particles under study by the nuclear

physicist. The theoreticians and mathematicians are

placed in the stimulating position of having been

released from inhibitions associated v/ith the "laws'*

of recent but previous theory.

The radical departure of the theories of rel­

ativity and quantum theory with the implication of

indeterminacy.had by the early part of the period,

"undermined traditional certainties, and made matter

more insubstantial, laws of causation less universal,

and all human knowledge more subjective" (91? P- 730).

Thus the way was paved for the academic acceptability

of the social scientist. With the passage of time and

 158
the depression of the thirties, a global war, the

development of nuclear weapons and the ideological

division of nations and subsequent realization of the

possibility of human extinction, a new perception of

the interdependency of the broad political, economic,

and social aspects of industrial civilization has

evolved. As a result, redoubled interest and urgency

have been generated in the field of social science.

In this period the position of the social scien­

tist has changed from a place of academic acceptability

to a role of major significance. This change has not

been based on single major accomplishments or on all

encompassing theoretical constructs, but stems from

insight achieved through observation and experiment

by many investigators. The concerns of the social

scientist range from the study of man as an isolated

individual to the study of man as a part of the con­

flict of ideology that is part of the milieu of in­

dustrial civilization. The manifestations of the in­

fluence of the social sciences may be found in all-

aspects of the modern life from child psychology to

international relations. Few social institutions,

if any, remain untouched by those seeking to bring

scientific methodology and analysis to bear on the

 159
problems and the complexities of modern industrial

civilization.

Probably the most significant trend of the period

is that of the tendency toward adoption and extension

of the use of mathematical models in many fields of

research and applied science. The social and bio­

logical sciences from the late twenties and early

thirties adopted statistical methods in research and

experimental work. Ronald A. Fisher*s Statistical

Methods for Research Workers (1925) was extended

and further developed in The Design of Experiments

(1935) (34*) • Mathematical statistics and statistical

theory evolved rapidly and formed the basis for ex­

perimental desigh and research in both physical and

social science research.

The variety of tests for individual abilities by

psychologists grew, and during the thirties single

tests, such as the intelligence test, trade tests,

etc., gradually went out of style. In the period

1930 to 1950, L. L. Thurston, C. L. Burt, and G. H.

Thompson developed the technique of factor analysis.

The problem of selection and training was recognized

as being extremely complicated as the scientific

approach to testing and measurement of human abilities

 160

turned up unexpected complexities. Boring notes as

follows;

If up-to-date authority wanted to

select men for a given skillful
performance, they might find a
combination of tests of primary
abilities that would do, or some
test of a comparable skill; but,
if they failed in their search
(and they usually did), then they
would invent a n e w test, perhaps
a combination of acts which seemed
to be included in the desired skill,
and eventually by validation and
revision, they would come out with
something better than anything else
available but quite special (12,
P. 577).

Problems of utilisation and integration of men

and machines during World War II produced applied

research involving many disciplines. The experi­

mental psychologist was called upon to conduct ex­

perimental research aimed at aiding the engineer in

designing machines to fit the abilities of the

operators. Conversely the operators had to be tested

to assess the abilities to operate the machines.

The psychologist and engineer participated in a joint

effort toward designing experimental and training

devices in support of the development of increasingly

complex man-machine systems. This particular phase

of research and development activity became known as

"human engineering." The connotation of the term as

currently used is radically different from its human

relations connotation of the twenties and thirties.

The human relations aspects were not neglected

in the period as the scientists of many disciplines

turned their attention to practical problems of

effective utilization and integration of individuals,

groups, and institutions in the social milieu. The

tendency toward divergence and specialization between

academic disciplines seemed to be reversed in the

period as new liaisons were created between discip­

lines and branches of disciplines and between bio­

logical and social science stems and mathematics.

While semantic differences continued to prevent

interdisciplinary understanding, this difficulty

seemed to be disappearing as theoretic constructs

of mathematics promised to become the common language

of scientific endeavor. Kulti-disciplinary team

research, directed to a wide variety of problem areas,

further stimulated the search for definitive con­

structs that were empirically testable.

Many social science areas contributed directly

to the growing fund of knowledge pertaining to the
 162
industrial relations aspects of the industrial complex.

In 1951 Hiller and Form (80) published the first book

which attempted to synthesize the knowledge of in­

dustrial relations on the basis of a new discipline

of industrial sociology. The fields of institutional

economics, industrial and labor economics, industrial

management, sociometry, sociatry and group dynamics,

applied anthropology, and industrial psychology were

some of the fields contributing to the study of m a n

in the industrial relations aspects of the work-a-day

industrial society (80 , p. 11).

Following World War II the device of interdisci­

plinary t e a m research penetrated the industrial and

business w o r l d in a pattern not unlike that of the

previous decades in large-scale governmental activity.

The effort was compelling and captivating as industrial­

ists found the sophisticated and rigorous techniques

of the researchers useful in structuring problems in

1
such a way that the basis for industrial decisions

seemed to be less intuitive and subjective. The fact

that the rigorous mathematical constructs were formu­

lated on the matrix of assumptions and values of un-

testable validity held by the decision makers them-

 163
selves was often overlooked. In essence the new

approach of management science brought science to

management in such a way that science of operations

could be used to optimize those values deemed im­

portant to the decision maker. To the extent that

these limitations were recognized, the concern of

the teams of mathematicians and scientists served to

focus attention on values, goals, and objectives to

a greater degree than before.

As the behavioral scientist adopted more

rigorous techniques for the analysis of human be­

havior, he in effect was able to supplement the work

of the operations researcher. The combination of the

operations analyst with his mathematical models for

operations problem areas, the behavioral scientist

with new mathematical constructs proporting to lead

to prediction and control of human behavior, and the

new methods for processing information for problem

solutions holds out the promise of unprecedented

ability to synthesize the factors of production.

 164
The End of the Era of Industrial Reform

In the preceding chapter we noted the general

interest and attention aroused by the sciehfcific

management movement and its gradual disappearance

by absorption into business, industrial and educa­

tional institutions. It is significant to note, that

as scientific management was dissolved into these in­

stitutions, Taylor*s system suffered the fate that

he had repeatedly warned against, i.e., it was sepa­

rated into various teachable parts and its substance

often lost. The scientific management movement was

contemporary w i t h the development of absentee owners

ship and m anagerial direction of manufacturing and

industrial activity. Many engineers found employment

in managerial and administrative positions in the

rapidly expanding industrial operations.

Since engineering edudation had originated and

developed rapidly ■veil in advance of the commercial

school and the engineers were in on the beginning of

the development of teachable management, the engineer­

ing schools adopted at an early date some phases of

Taylor*s sytem. It is pertinent to note the pattern

of adaptation of teachable management to the educational

 165
institutions. A study published in 1932 (69) pro­

vides an insight into the parallel development of

incorporation of management courses in the business

and engineering college. Lytle in 1932 conducted a

study of the early development which is quoted as

follows:

Origin of the Business College

The first college offering a specific

course in management of any kind was the
University of Pennsylvania, through the
Wharton School of Finance, established
in 1881 at the recommendaii on of a
Philadelphia business man, Joseph
Wharton. He had no new science of
business but he did have a definite
objective. ‘‘All teaching must be
clear, sharp and decisive, not lan­
guid or uncertain. The students
must be taught and drilled, not
lectured without care whether or
not attention is paid. Any lazy
or incompetent student must be
dismissed.” From the beginning
courses were offered in accounting,
finance, commercial geography, etc.
which undoubtedly assisted men in
their business careers. The curri­
culum did not, however, include much
of the sciences or mathematics, and
in this respect lost some of the
advantages which had existed under
liberal arts curricula (69» P« 806-7).

From this early beginning the business college ex­

panded by imitation though there was wide variation

in the programs of the various schools. There were

seven undergraduate business schools in 1900 and

 166
thirty-eight in 1928. The number of undergraduates

in 1928 was 4,368 for the business schools with an

additional 2,331 from the graduate schools (69» P*

808).
The earliest single course in shop
management, so far as we can ascertain
was offered in 1902 at the University
of Kansas and was taught by Hugo Diemer.
Col. Diemer had previously written
articles on the subject for Charles
B. Going's Engineering Magazine and
through these articles had become
acquainted with Taylor. In 1907
General Beaver, ex-Governor of Penn­
sylvania and President of the Board
of Trustees of The Pennsylvania State
College, had a conversation with Taylor
at the union League Club of Philadelphia.
Beaver told Taylor that he was looking
for a man to head their M.E. Depart­
ment, who could "teach M.E. from the
standpoint of manufacturing rather than
from the standpoint of power plant tests
and higher mathematics." Taylor re­
commended Diemer and in this way Diemer
became, in 1908, the head of the first
Industrial Engineering Department in
the United States. His first class
of two men was graduated in 1911. In
1910, C. E. Benjamin, at the demand
of alumni, started a department at
Purdue University and his first class
of 50 was graduated in 1912. G. H.
Follows of Carnegie Institute was the
next to follow in 1912, producing a class
of five in 1915. Cornell University,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
and Hew York University followed in
1914, etc. At Cornell, D. S. Kimball
had given a single course since 1904.
He had returned to teaching after an
 167
interval in industry and was impressed
with the careers of such engineers as
C. C. Chesney, since in charge of all
production in the General Electric
Company. Kimball found it difficult
to convince other faculty members that
industrial engineering was a coming
field but at the end of ten years he
succeeded (69 , p. 807-8).

The number of engineering colleges with full indus­

trial engineering courses increased from 6 in 1914 to

3 5 in 1931 with a total of something over 596 gradu­

ates in that year. The differentiation of curri­

culum on the basis of the degree granted, or vice

versa, is difficult. Some schools granted business

or engineering administration degrees on the basis

of a program of largely engineering courses in one

or more engineering branches - civil, mechanical,

electrical, etc. - while other schools granted a

bachelor of science in engineering on the basis of

a program which included little science or engineer­

ing.

There were a number of different programs lead­

ing to a so-called “management” degree. Industrial

engineering was considered a management program.
While the industrial engineering program of Ohio
State University, which lytle cites as an example,
followed the core courses proposed for engineering

curricula by the Society for the Promotion of E n ­

gineering Education, other programs followed entirely
 168
\te

different patterns and incorporated ''scientific

management" subject material in different type core

curricula. In general, however, two patterns can

be distinguished in the 1930's (69, p. 820-22),

The core courses for the business school type

c urriculum were business law, business statistics,

marketing, money and banking, corporate finance,

advertising, business English, commercial geography

and selling. In the engineering school the core

courses were mathematics, physics, chemistry, en­

gineering drawing, surveying, mechanics (strength,

dynamics, hydraulics), heat power, electric power,

metallurgy, and shop practice. Most of the core

courses for the engineering curriculum had laboratory

courses w h i c h provided an opportunity for application

and experimentation. In addition there were other

courses that were common to b o t h commerce and en­

gineering curricula. These courses were often

English, accounting, economics, organization and

management, personnel administration, and sometimes

applied psychology and sociology.

 169
In general, the framework for present educational

programs of both types was established in the early

1930's. Scientific management systems had been broken

down into functional segments that could be adapted

to specific courses. Personnel administration, human

engineering (human relations), production control,

engineering economy and time study texts were available

in addition to the more comprehensive and somewhat

superficial management texts that attempted to cover

all aspects of management. Both programs were directed

to preparing graduates for the rising institution of

professional management.

The educational institutions were not the only

influence acting to separate the various aspects of

Taylor's system. Ad industrial enterprises ex­

panded they tended to follow a pattern of functional

development. Specialization in accordance with the

major functional requirements of an organization

tended to increase with increasing size and complex­

ity of operations. Purchasing, finance, production,

accounting, engineering, marketing, standards, etc.

were established; functions in industry by the 1930's.

In some companies industrial engineering departments

were established. In a few cases the specific

functions of these departments were specified and

 170
limited to methods and standards, costing, production

control, tool design and layout functions. In most

cases the industrial engineering department, if it

existed, would serve as a staff function in methods

and standards with the possibility of acting as a

service group for other departments qnd divisions in

a problem solving capacity. In some companies the

term, industrial engineers, was not used and the

specific functions were defined and set up in a number

of different ways.

For those in and closely associated w i t h the

scientific management group the piecemeal adoption

of various aspects of the Taylor system by management

in industry was viewed with mixed reactions. Some

recognized the potential danger of adopting Isolated

elements such as -time study or wage incentive, etc.

as proposed by the management consultant. The

"industrial patent medicine men," "efficiency experts,"

"stunt peddlers," and "fakers" were quick to exploit

a n y part of the Taylorism methodology in their various

get-rich-quick schemes. In spite of repeated warning

to management of industry by those associated with the

movement who were able to grasp the significance of

the concept of "totality," which was inseparable from

 171
“mental attitudes," management continued to nurture

the narrowly oriented and greedy "industrial patent

medicine men." In the late' twenties and early

thirties the influence of the Taylor heirs declined

and the whole of the scientific management movement

was effectively dissolved and diffused in the in­

dustrial society through its institutions of labor,

management, and education. Nadworny summarizes this

transition as follows:

Scientific management constituted a

most effective systematic approach to the
problem of increasing worker output
through the use of methods other than
the more commonly employed device of
introducing new machinery into a plant.
The immediate unfriendly and fearful
reaction of labor to the system was
indeed hardly surprising. However,
during the twenties the unions found
themselves in a unique situation.
They had neither the strength nor the
technical competence to cope with the
introduction or use of the techniques
of scientific management which were
being more widely adopted by industry;
yet, at that very juncture, the devel­
opers and proponents of the scientific
management program not only encouraged
the trade unionists to participate in
their organization and technical meet­
ings, but also proposed that the in­
stallation of their management methods
in business firms take place under
conditions of union participation.
Instead of having to wait until the
methods were introduced before coming
; face to face with their structures,
their implications, and their effects,
the unions were invited to partake in
the "secrets" of the new craft by the
 Taylorites themselves. The labor
organizations had the choice of re­
jecting any association with the in­
dustrial engineers or of taking ad­
vantage of a rather unusual oppor­
tunity to prepare themselves to cope
with important industrial develop­
ments; they chose the latter. This
step, or, more correctly, this series
of steps, put labor leaders into a
position of apparently lending
approval to scientific management
procedures, and even led to their
adoption of the program in efforts
to preserve gains won earlier. It
was quite uncharacteristic of labor
union programming and activities of
former years. The "new unionism"
talked "the language of the efficiency
engineer" because, for once, it had
been invited into a sort of inner
circle to participate, h o w e v e r ; in­
directly, in the development of a
managerial program. However super­
ficial the talk might have been, it
was the language of some friends and
allies, and therefore relatively
acceptable. The end product was that
organized labor acquired the makings
of a technical competence and awareness
it never before had, as well as a con­
cept of production and productivity
factors that it might, given the
opportunity, apply with effectiveness.
The very early thirties mark a
logical culmination in the relation­
ship between the Taylor-originated
scientific management movement and
the unions. The depression drew
the attention of both groups to matters
of unemployment, relief, recovery pro­
gramming, and even self-preservation.
W h e n economic recovery did take place,
there was n o resumption of the close
mutual attention or association of
previous years. It is true that some
 contacts between the labor movement and
management associations were preserved,
but these were more or less channels of
cordial acquaintanceship. Most im­
portant is the fact that during the
thirties the management movement itself
underwent a fundamental change. The
leadership of the Society for the A d ­
vancement of Management, formed in 193?
by the merger of the Taylor Society and
the Society of Industrial Engineers,
passed increasingly out of the hands
of the Taylor-Valentine associates
and "direct disciples" into the hands
of the business-affiliated specialists.
Although there appeared to be no change
in editorial policy in the organ of the
n ew society, the "crusade" of earlier
years was just about at an end. The
Taylor-inspired movement was succeeded
by a management movement with somewhat
different loyalties and a more varied
background. Even words and phrases
like "Taylor" and "scientific manage­
ment," so dear to the Taylorites, fell
into disuse by the end of the thirties.
At the same time, the system and
philosophy of scientific management
became further diluted as It was a b ­
sorbed piecemeal by industry and
business. As a result, it was no
longer possible to identify a "scien­
tific management movement" in the same
terms by which it had been defined for
some thirty years. Its apparent
successor had its roots only partly
in the soil prepared by Taylor and
his associates.
Without doubt, the effects of more
than twenty years of mutual contact,
hostility, and friendship between tne
management and labor movements exerted
a strong influence on the development
of the Amer ican trade union movement
and industrial management programs.
 To measure precisely the long-range
effects of these relationships is
difficult, if not impossible, since
each group was, of course, subject
to a multitude of influences from
other sources and developed along
certain lines as a result of a com­
plexity of factors. The Taylor en- .
gineers spoke only for themselves; the
adoption and method of application of
their ideas and techniques depended
upon the particular attitudes of em­
ployers and business managers. The
contribution of the scientific managers
to industry was not that of a program
of union recognition and collaboration,
but rather a program of work measurement
and production and cost control, which
sometimes were employed as antiunion
weapons. On the other hand, when labor
organizations voiced their approval of
scientific management techniques and
signified willingness to cooperate in
applying them, they appraised the pro­
gram in terms of the management en­
gineers1 frame of reference, and not
necessarily the employers'. While the
crusade of the scientific managers to
gain the adoption of their prescriptions
for human relations along with their
technical program did not succeed, the
labor organizations acquired some tech­
nical proficiency through the training
provided by the engineers themselves and
the union-management cooperation experi­
ences. Regardless of the means by which
the Taylor-originated methods were intro­
duced and employed, the unions were
better able to understand and deal with
methods of advanced management. Of parti­
cular significance is the fact that al­
though the major function of American
labor unions is still to "battle over
the division of the product," a large
proportion of them are able to, and do,
 175
bring to bear on this problem a much
broader approach in terms of an under­
standing of. and familiarity with, the
various factors and facets involved in
the drive to achieve their immediate
objectives. It is true that, given
the development of American industrial
methods in the twentieth century,
labor unions ultimately would have been
forced to acquire a close working know­
ledge of time study, production methods,
incentive systems, and the rest to en­
hance their own bargaining strength.
The fact remains, however, that the
process was speeded up by the Taylor
engineers, since they gave the unions
their first real instruction as well
as a kind of engineering insight into
the problems, the possibilities, and
the methodology of today's "advanced
management" procedures, Regardless
of how the unions have used this kind
of managerial know-how, or of precisely
how widespread it may be, the acquis­
ition of this particular kind of com­
petence is traceable to the period
of friendship with the Taylor heirs.
The scientific management movement
thereby achieved a unique distinction:
it decisively shaped the course and
development of industrial management
programs, and also exerted a direct
influence on the evolution of American
trade pnion policies (87, p. 150-54).

The attitude of antagonism toward labor groups

which tended to pre ominate in the thinking of business

leaders and management consultants of the earlythirties

did not carry over completely into the educational in­

stitutions. Although it was generally unpopular,

 176
there were a few engineering educators that continued

to urge understanding and participation in industrial

relations problems (111). These few were for the

most part heirs of the older Taylor school associated

with the industrial engineering programs. Increasing

pressure of adverse opinion in engineering colleges

prevented any major shift in interest to problems of

organized labor and labor-management relations within

the engineering colleges. There was an increasing

number of colleges and universities that set up

research and graduate programs in industrial re­

lations research. In 1947 the Industrial Relations

Research Association was formed. The membership of

this association included representatives of labor,

management, universities, and government agencies.

The industrial engineer was, in general, too pre­

occupied 7/ith more immediate concerns associated with

the depression and the compulsion of production of

World War II to note the increasing interest and

participation of the social scientist in labor-manage-

ment problems. The period immediately following the

war was a period of rapid transition adjustment to

a wide variety of changed conditions. The field of

industrial engineering was subjected to many influences

 177
that tended to have a cumulative effect. All discip­

lines were contributing rapidly to the fund of know­

ledge and many disciplines were conducting research

that pertained to the materials, machines, methods,

money, and man-working environment of the industrial

engineer. Planning, organizing, controlling and

integrating all these factors of production in light

of new knowledge on a broad front posed many problems

for the engineering profession. Technical and pro­

fessional societies of engineers, managers and edu­

cators alike were faced with the difficult problem

of keeping abreast of developments in limited and

specific fields, while to an increasing degree they

recognized that each specific field was related to

other areas in the complex of industrial civilization.

There were many manifestations of this effort to adjust

to and keep up with new developments. Technical

societies with technical journals whose purpose was

to disseminate new knowledge were initiated at a rapid

rate. Other devices, such as institutes, conferences,

seminars, etc., were directed to adult education for

the same purposes.

 178
In some fields the role of the educational in­

stitutions as fountainheads of new fundamental know­

ledge in applied sciences was threatened, if not

taken over, by large private and public research

organizations. In the last ten years there has been

a continuing, if not a concerted, effort on the part

of engineering educators in the universities to develop

a philosophy and objectives for undergraduate, graduate,

and research programs. In this respect industrial

engineering has been no different from other areas

in engineering education. This introspection has

been undertaken in several areas in the search for

fundamental concepts associated with particular

problem areas. The problem is more complex for the

industrial engineer in view of the fact that his

field of endeavor has roots in both the physical

sciences and social sciences.

 smmm and conclusions

Industrial engineering practice has had a long

and relatively obscure and unrecognized evolution

that antedates Taylor’s work. The early methodology

consisted essentially of the practice of the crafts­

man and the synthesis of men, money, and machines

by the industrial entrepreneur who was often initial­

ly a craftsman. Social, economic, and techno­

logical factors tended to shape the state of the

practice through the various stages of development—

stages that are recognizable at least back to the

early British experience in factory development. The

development of machines which replaced and supple­

mented human power and the simplification of in­

dustrial work to simple repetitive tasks have had

a long and continuing history*

The early twentieth century education of en­

gineers was stimulated by the rising technology and

the recognition of the social use of technology.

Engineering education was aimed at pre-employment

training of the craftsman and later the mechanic for

industry, with little recognition of the methods of

science and fundamental scientific concepts of

materials and machines. As technical development

179
 180
occurred over the period of the nineteenth century,

both physical science theory and methods of r e s e a r c h

were adopted by the engineers in industry and the

application of physical science in industrial te c h ­

nology was compelling evidence of the power of science.

Taylor and other engineers of his era proposed the

utilization of scientific methods for the solu t i o n of

operational p r o b l e m s . Problems of organization a n d

control of the factors of production were subjected

to the mechanistic approach w h i c h was a characte r ­

istic of the physical science methodology of the

late n i n e t e e n t h century*

These early mechanical engineers were aware of

some of the socio-economic ills or failures of the

traditional appr o a c h of the factory systems and t h e y

proposed that investigation and experimentation w o u l d

reveal n a t u r a l lav/s that would bind and benefit h o t h

the employer-manager and the employee. They believed

that they had found “laws” and principles w h i c h w e r e

as valid and as universal as the laws of phys i c a l

science* The elimination of the traditional a n d in­

tuitive m a n a g e r i a l methods for lav/s derived f r o m

scientific investigation v/ould, they believed, serve

to reduce industrial controversy and to protect the

individual employee, thus making labor org a n i z a t i o n

 181
unnecessary.

In the early part of the twentieth century the

discipline of industrial engineering was established

in the engineering college.. For the most part, the

curriculum followed the pattern of mechanical en­

gineering in that the basic science and mathematics

courses were offered along with the industrial craft

courses such as machining, patternmaking, millwright-

ing, foundry, etc. In an evolutionary way, specific

courses in production control, engineering economy,

plant layout, materials handling, and motion and time

study were developed.

The pioneers of scientific management were men

of strong convictions and a system of values which,

coupled in application with the techniques that they

had developed and codified, provided what was in

essence a major departure from traditionalism amount­

ing to a desirable industrial reform with broad

socio-economic implications. The recording of the

techniques permitted their widespread adoption by

others who had different and perhaps less desirable

socio-economic purposes and objectives. The industrial

consultant, business manager, and others of a different

system of values could, and did, apply the techniques

 182
in such a way that neither the interests of the in­

dividual workman nor of groups of workmen were assured

by the application of these various techniques per se.

Thus the way was paved for mutual recognition and

respect between organized labor and the pioneer in­

dustrial engineers.

During the twenties and early thirties, while

labor leaders and the immediate followers of scientific

management were making notable advances toward a

mutual understanding in cooperative installations,

these same techniques were adopted and applied uni­

laterally in various industries without the partici­

pation of either industrial engineers or organized

labor. During the period of rapid union growth many

plants were organized Y/hich had previously installed

systems of various types which the employee group did

not wish to eliminate. The labor union leaders had

little choice but to accept the existing system if

it was desired by the local group. Thus, in spite

of stated opposition on the part of national or inter­

national union policies, time study, wage incentive,

and job evaluation techniques became part of the

working relationship between labor and management.

 183
The advent of collective bargaining served to

focus attention on the methodologies of time study,

etc. The unilateral establishment of work standards,

supposedly based on scientific techniques for deter­

mination, was challenged. The necessity for continued

production during the war led to the creation of

boards and procedures for settling grievances per­

taining to standards and job classification. The re­

sult was that standards were ruled "subject to the

grievance procedure" and in many cases subsequent

contractual provisions provided for arbitration of

disputes pertaining to work standards.

The question of the validity of work standards

and work measurement procedures has been the subject

of recent research and investigation. Gomberg (47),

Davidson (26), and Abruzzi (1), among others, have

done much to refute the claims of proprietors of

scientific systems of time study, more important,

perhaps, than the fact that these systems were exposed

as being something less than scientifically adequate,

is the fact that the way was open for new approaches

to problems of predicting the performance of and re­

warding the human factor in the production activity.

 184
It is probable that neither the criticisms of time

study, job evaluation, and wage incentives systems nor

their incorporation into the realm of collective bar­

gaining had any significant effect on these techniques.

For the most part, these techniques were incorporated

into industrial relations as modified and developed

in the working relationships by negotiation.

Even before they were generally recognized as

being simply procedures for rationalizing the in­

dustrial relations procedure, the methodology and

pedagogy of industrial engineering had been in a state

of rapid evolution. University courses identified

with these specific techniques had either evolved as

“applications11 courses for the development of analytic

methods involving statistical mathematics and other

problem-solving and research techniques, or had been

incorporated in courses pertaining to industrial

relations. This tendency was a part of the trend in

engineering education toward a core of fundamental

science and applied science courses. Mechanical

engineering and industrial engineering, as well as

other departments which had developed from vocational

or shop orientation curricula, reduced shop or manual

skills courses and expanded the areas of applied

 185
science, mathematics, and the humanities. Rather than

incorporate more physical science courses the industrial

engineering educators in some universities had experi­

mented with and incorporated courses in physiology,

sociology, psychology, probability theory and statis­

tical mathematics, and the social study areas.

While on the surface this shift in emphasis seems

to be away from the engineering approach to industrial

activity, in essence it provided the fundamental basis

for new insights into a wide variety of behavioral

phenomena that are an integral part of the industrial

society. Not only the problems associated with work

standards, wage payment, and job classification but

problems of organization, communications, safety,

leadership, etc. could be approached with broader

understanding and insight. Instead of being specific

"problem area" oriented, the educational basis tended

to become more universally applicable to behavioral

phenomena involving socio-economic groups and institu­

tions.

In this sense the methodology of the industrial

engineer has changed, but organized labor has been but

one factor in an increasingly complex Industrial

 186
civilization that has led to this shift in emphasis.

The industrial engineering educator's search for a fun­

damental curricular program, the advent of multi­

disciplinary teams which incorporate the social

scientist, the widespread development and utilization

of mathematics and more explicit theoretical constructs

have had an equal, if not more important influence,

on the methodology and pedagogy of the industrial

engineer*

This changed emphasis does not imply that the

problems have been resolved, for they have not; but

the problems have been brought into sharper focus

in keeping with the demands of a dynamic industrial

economy. Management and organized labor have achieved

the status of dominant institutions in the industrial

system. Both management and organized labor have

accepted the rationalization of the industrial engineer

as a basis for agreement. The affairs of an in­

creasingly complex industrial v/orld have necessitated

a regulated and regimented industrial system which

has the advantage of predictability and cofatrol. It

becomes increasingly plain that there are many questions

w hich remain unsolved as to the protection and preser­

vation of the human rights of the individual in the

system. Cooperation and agreement between management

 187
and labor on these or other matters does not assure

in itself the preservation of human rights and dignity.

It is only a small shift from cooperation to collu­

sion, and the pressing issue found in many problem

contexts of the day revolves around the preservation

of individual rights and dignity in a complex society

involved In ideological conflict. The concepts of

human rights and dignity have been modified in a long

time interval over several centuries. The recognition

of individual rights and the rights of the common

people to a voice in affairs of government, to whi c h

they were subservient, was prologue to the concerns

of man for the exercise of his individual right to act

collectively in matters pertaining to his means of

livelihood. The collective action of men in govern­

ment, professional societies, and labor unions Is a

part of the evolution of the concept of the democratic

process in an industrial environment. The influence

and interactions of pressure groups and social in­

stitutions have a n important part in the work environ­

ment of the industrial engineer. Thus the industrial

engineer must of necessity be broadly educated in order

to perceive, if not to measure, human values that are

not readily incorporated into the rational synthesis

of men and machines in economic endeavor.

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 AUTOBIOGRAPHY

I, David F. Baker, was born in Blue Springs,

Missouri, September 19, 1919. I received a public

school education in the secondary schools of Jackson

County, Missouri and Pickavray County, Ohio. I served

in the United States Navy from 194-0 to 1947. Upon

completion of military service I enrolled at The

Ohio State University in the College of Engineering.

I received my Bachelor of Industrial Engineering

degree and Master of Science degree from Ohio State

in 1952. The work for my Bachelor's and Master's

degrees was completed in the Foundry Option area of

the Industrial Engineering Department. After one

year of graduate work in the Foundry Option area

I was appointed Instructor in the Department of

Industrial Engineering. Since 1953 the major em­

phasis of my studies has been directed to the in­

dustrial relations aspects of Industrial Engineering.

199