Am College Pediatricians - Mass DOMA Cases

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Case: 10-2204 Document: 00116162492 Page: 1 Date Filed: 01/25/2011 Entry ID: 5521401

Case Nos. 10-2204, 10-2207 and 10-2214


IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIRST CIRCUIT
COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,
Plaintiff-Appellee,
v.
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF
HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES, et al.,
Defendants-Appellants.
DEAN HARA,
Plaintiff-Appellee/Cross-Appellant,
NANCY GILL, et al.,
Plaintiffs-Appellees,
KEITH TONEY; ALBERT TONEY, III,
Plaintiffs,
v.
OFFICE OF PERSONNEL MANAGEMENT, et al.,
Defendants-Appellants/Cross-Appellees,
HILARY RODHAM CLINTON,
in her official capacity as United States Secretary of State,
Defendant.
Appeals from the United States District Court for the District of Massachusetts
Civil Action Nos. 1:09-cv-11156-JLT, 1:09-cv-10309-JLT
(Honorable Joseph L. Tauro)

BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE, AMERICAN COLLEGE OF


PEDIATRICIANS, IN SUPPORT OF DEFENDANTS-APPELLANTS
AND IN SUPPORT OF REVERSAL

David Ramos John Anthony Simmons, Sr.


Bar No. 82,633 Bar No. 1,139,144
Cond. Regency Park 886 Lafayette Road
Calle Carazo 155, Suite 607G Hampton, NH 03842
San Juan, PR 00969 Tel: 603-929-9100
Tel: 787-423-3114 Fax: 603-929-9101
Case: 10-2204 Document: 00116162492 Page: 2 Date Filed: 01/25/2011 Entry ID: 5521401

FRAP RULE 26.1 DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

Amicus curiae, American College of Pediatricians, has not issued shares to

the public, and it has no parent company, subsidiary, or affiliate that has issued

shares to the public. As it has no stock, there is no publicly held corporation that

owns 10% or more of its stock.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE............................................................................ 1 

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ................................................................................. 2 

ARGUMENT ............................................................................................................. 4 

I.  The District Court’s Acceptance Of The False Assertion That Children
Are Unaffected By Same-Sex Parenting Contradicts A Broad Base Of
Research Indicating That Children Raised By Their Married Biological
Parents Benefit In Significant Ways. .................................................................. 4 
A.  The alleged “consensus” that children are unaffected by same-sex
parenting relies on flawed studies and disregards a large body of
evidence, which casts substantial doubt on that claim. ................................ 5 
B.  The optimal parenting model is not a question of whether two
parents are better than one, but whether the optimal model links a
child with his or her biological mother and father through marriage,
which increases the probability of positive outcomes at many stages
of life. ......................................................................................................... 11 
C.  There is consensus that the presence of a non-biological parent—
which is a necessity among same-sex couples—correlates with
greatest risk for children............................................................................. 12 

II.  Children Benefit From Having Both A Father And A Mother. ........................ 17 
A.  Mothers and Fathers each provide different benefits for their
children that same-sex parenting is unlikely to provide. ........................... 17 
B.  Eliminating DOMA’s model of opposite-sex parenting will have
negative effects on children. ...................................................................... 25 

III.  Caution Is Appropriate When Using Social Science Data To Inform


Judicial Decision-Making. ................................................................................ 26 

CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................ 28 

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TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Cases

Gill v. Office of Personnel Management,


699 F. Supp. 2d 374 (D. Mass. 2010) ..................................................2, 3, 4, 5

Goodridge v. Department of Health,


440 Mass. 309, 798 N.E.2d 941 (Mass. 2003) ................................................ 7

Grutter v. Bollinger,
539 U.S. 306 (2003)....................................................................................... 24

Lofton v. Secretary of the Department of Children and Family Services,


358 F.3d 804 (11th Cir. 2004) ......................................................................... 7

United States v. Carolene Products Company,


304 U.S. 144 (1938)....................................................................................... 28

Other

Paul R. Amato, The Impact of Family Formation Change on the Cognitive,


Social and Emotional Well-Being of the Next Generation, 15 Future of
Children 75 (2005).........................................................................................10

Paul R. Amato, More Than Money? Men’s Contributions to Their


Children’s Lives?, in Men in Families, When Do They Get Involved?
What Difference Does It Make? (Alan Booth and Ann C. Crouter, eds.
1998) ..............................................................................................................20

Paul R. Amato, Parental Absence During Childhood and Depression In


Later Life, 32 The Sociological Quarterly 543(1991) ...................................12

Paul R. Amato and Fernando Rivera, Paternal Involvement and Children’s


Behavior Problems, 61 Journal of Marriage and Family 375 (1999) ...........23

Timothy J. Biblarz and Judith Stacey, How Does the Gender of Parents
Matter?, 72 Journal of Marriage and Family 3 (2010).................................. 27

iii
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Lorraine Blackman et al., The Consequences of Marriage for African-


Americans: A Comprehensive Literature Review, 24 Institute for
American Values (2005) ...................................................................................... 11

Boyz2Dads CD-ROM Pre-Post Pilot Evaluation Results Summer 2007,


National Fatherhood Initiative,
http://www.fatherhood.org/Document.Doc?id=39........................................25

Bureau of Labor Statistics, Women in the Labor Force: A Databook


(Department of Labor 2008) .......................................................................... 21

Linda Carroll, “Dads Empower Kids to Take Chances”, MSNBC,


June 18, 2010, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/37741738 .................................. 21

Scott Coltrane, Family Man (1996) ......................................................................... 19

Committee on the Judiciary Report on the Defense of Marriage Act, H.R.


Rep. No. 104-664 (1996) reprinted in 1996 U.S.C.C.A.N. 2905-23,
1996 WL 391835 ............................................................................................. 4

Daly and Wilson, Evolutionary Psychology and Marital Conflict: The


Relevance of Stepchildren, in Sex, Power, Conflict: Evolutionary and
Feminist Perspectives (1996) ........................................................................ 12

Suzanne A. Denham et al., Prediction of Externalizing Behavior Problems


From Early to Middle Childhood: The Role of Parental Socialization
and Emotion Expression, 12 Development and Psychopathology
(2000) ............................................................................................................. 27

M. DeWolff and M. van Izjendoorn, Sensitivity and Attachment:


A Meta-Analysis on Parental Antecedents of Infant Attachment, 68 Child
Development 571 (1997) ..................................................................................... 19

Martha L. Fineman, Custody Determination at Divorce: The Limits of Social


Science Research and the Fallacy of the Liberal Ideology of Equality,
3 Canadian Journal of Women and Law 88 (1989)....................................... 27

David K. Flaks et al., Lesbians Choosing Motherhood: A Comparative Study


of Lesbian and Heterosexual Parents and Their Children, 31
Developmental Psychology 105 (1995) ............................................................. 6, 7
iv
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Norval D. Glenn, The Struggle for Same Sex Marriage, 41 Sociology 25


(2004) ...............................................................................................................5

Susan Golombok, et al., Children Raised in Fatherless Families from


Infancy: Family Relationships and the Socioemotional Development
of Children of Lesbian and Single Heterosexual Mothers, 38 Journal
of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 783 (1997) ............................................. 8

Cynthia C. Harper and Sara S. McLanahan, Father Absence & Youth


Incarceration, 14 Journal of Research on Adolescence 369 (2004) ............. 13

Sandra L. Hofferth et al., The Demography of Fathers: What Fathers Do,


in Handbook of Father Involvement: Multidisciplinary Perspectives
(Catherine Tamis-Lamonda and Natasha Cabrera eds., 2002)......................19

Femmie Juffer and Marinus H. van Ijzendoorn, Adoptees Do Not Lack Self-
Esteem: A Meta-Analysis of Studies on Self-Esteem of Transracial,
International, and Domestic Adoptees, 133 Psychological Bulletin
1067 (2007) .................................................................................................... 10

M. E. Lamb et al., Effects of Gender and Caretaking Role on Parent-Infant


Interaction, in Development of Attachment and Affiliative Systems
109-118 (R. N. Emde & R. J. Harmon eds., 1982 ) ...................................... 18

Hilary M. Lips, The Gender Wage Gap: Debunking the Rationalizations,


Womens Media, http://www.womensmedia.com/new/Lips-Hilary-
gender-wage-gap.shtml (last visited Jan. 24, 2011) ...................................... 21

Robert Lerner and Althea K. Nagai, No Basis: What the Studies Don't Tell
Us About Same-Sex Parenting, Washington DC: Marriage Law
Project (2001) ..............................................................................................5, 6

Shelly Lundberg and Robert A. Pollack, The American Family and Family
Economics, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Spring 2007 ....................... 10

Eleanor Maccoby, The Two Sexes: Growing Up Apart, Coming Together


(1998) .................................................................................................19, 20, 23

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M. Main and J. Solomon, Discovery of an Insecure-


Disorganized/Disoriented Attachment Pattern, in Affective Development
in Infancy (T.B. Brazelton and M.W. Yogman eds., 1986) ................................ 25

Wendy D. Manning and Kathleen A. Lamb, Adolescent Well-Being in


Cohabiting, Married, and Single-Parent Families, 65 Journal of
Marriage and Family 876 (2003) ................................................................... 10

Jim Manzi, What Social Science Does – and Doesn’t – Know: Our Scientific
Ignorance of the Human Condition Remains Profound, City Journal,
Summer 2010 ....................................................................................................... 27

Sara McLanahan and Gary Sandefur, Growing Up With A Single Parent:


What Hurts, What Helps (1994) ....................................................... 10, 14, 21

C.A. Nelson and M. Bosquet, Neurobiology of Fetal and Infant


Development: Implications for Infant MentalHealth, in Handbook of
Infant Mental Health (C.H. Zeanah Jr., ed., New York: Guilford Press
2d ed. 2000) ................................................................................................... 18

Affidavit of Steven Lowell Nock, Halpern v. Attorney General of Canada


(2002), 60 O.R. 3d 321 (Can. Ont. C.A.) (No. 684/00 Ontario Sup. Ct.
Justice)................................................................................................................ 6, 9

Daniel Paquette and Mark Bigras, The Risky Situation: A Procedure for
Assessing the Father-Child Activation Relationship, 180 Early Childhood
Development and Care 33 (2010) ........................................................................ 22

Ross D. Parke, Fatherhood , Developing Child Series 7(Jerome Bruner et al.


eds., Harvard University Press 1996) ............................................... 19, 20, 22

Christi Parsons, Obama Pledges to Support Responsible Fatherhood, Los


Angeles Times, June 22, 2010,
http://articles.latimes.com/2010/jun/22/nation/la-na-obama-fathers-
20100622 .............................................................................................................. 25

Ellen C. Perrin et al., Technical Report: Coparent or Second-Parent


Adoption by Same-Sex Parents, 109 Pediatrics 341 (2002) ............................... 12

David Popenoe, Life Without Father (1996) ........................................................... 21


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Thomas G. Powers et al., Compliance and Self-Assertion: Young Children’s


Responses to Mothers Versus Fathers, 30 Developmental Psychology
980 (1994) ...................................................................................................... 22

Kyle D. Pruett and Marsha Kline Pruett, Partnership Parenting: How Men
and Women Parent Differently – Why It Helps Your Kids and Can
Strengthen Your Marriage (2009) ....................................................................... 26

Sarah H. Ramsey and Robert F. Kelly, Social Science Knowledge in Family


Law Cases: Judicial Gate-Keeping in the Daubert Era, 59 University
of Miami Law Review 1 (2004) ....................................................................27

Sarah H. Ramsey and Robert F. Kelly, Using Social Science Research in


Family Law Analysis and Formation: Problems and Prospects, 3
Southern California Interdisciplinary Law Journal 631 (1994) ....................27

Mark D. Regnerus and Laura B. Luchies, The Parent-Child Relationship


and Opportunities for Adolescents’ First Sex, 27 Journal of Family
Issues 159 (2006) ........................................................................................... 23

Michael J. Rosenfeld, Nontraditional Families and Childhood Progress


through School, 47 Demography 755 (2010) ........................................................ 9

Diana E. H. Russell, The Prevalence and Seriousness of Incestuous Abuse:


Stepfathers vs. Biological Fathers, 8 Child Abuse and Neglect 15 (1984) ......... 13

Walter R. Schumm, What Was Really Learned from Tasker & Golombok's
(1995) Study of Lesbian & Single Parent Mothers?, 94 Psychology
Report 422 (2004) ............................................................................................ 5

Shmuel Shulman and Moshe M. Klein, Distinctive Role of the Father in


Adolescent Separation - Individuation, 1993 New Directions for Child
and Adolescent Development 41 (1993) ....................................................... 22

Summary of Formative Evaluation Findings: Doctor Dad Pilot Test, Center


for Social Work Research, University of Texas at Austin, Spring
2004, National Fatherhood Initiative,
http://www.fatherhood.org/Document.Doc?id=52...................................... 26

vii
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Margaret Somerville, Children's Human Rights and Unlinking Child-Parent


Biological Bonds With Adoption, Same-Sex Marriage and New
Reproductive Technologies, 13 Journal Family Studies 179 (2007) ............. 14

Judith Stacey and Timothy Biblarz, (How) Does the Sexual Orientation of
Parents Matter? 66 American Sociology Review 159 (2001) ............................ 28

Fiona Tasker, Lesbian Mothers, Gay Fathers and Their Children; A Review,
26 Developmen and Behavior Pediatrics 224 (2005) ...................................... 6

Fiona Tasker and Susan Golombok, Growing Up In a Lesbian Family;


Effects on Child Development (1997).............................................................. 8

Pierre L. van den Berghe, Human Family Systems: An Evolutionary View


(1979) ............................................................................................................. 10

Jennifer L. Wainright and Charlotte J. Patterson, Delinquency, Victimization,


and Substance Use Among Adolescents with Female Same-Sex
Parents, 20 Journal of Family Psychology 526 (2006) ................................... 8

W. Bradford Wilcox et al., Why Marriage Matters:Twenty-Six Conclusions


from the Social Sciences, Institute for American Values (2d ed.
2005) ............................................................................................11, 12, 13, 23

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INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE


The members of the American College of Pediatricians (“the College”)

devote their professional lives to promoting the health and wellbeing of children.

As a medical association, the College has an interest in the broad spectrum of

factors that impact the physical, mental and social development of the young

patients in their care. This interest extends to family structure and environment,

which drives many of the outcomes for pediatric patients across a variety of key

developmental categories.

The collective membership of the College has observed firsthand the effect

of varied and changing family structures on the wellbeing of pediatric patients, and

it is also familiar with the significant academic analysis and sociological data that

augment understanding of these issues. The College submits this brief to present

to the Court its professional perspective concerning the effect of various parenting

models and family structures on the development and wellbeing of the children

under the care of America’s pediatricians.

This brief is filed pursuant to the consent of Counsel of Record for all

parties. No party or party’s counsel authored any part of the brief nor contributed

money that was intended to fund preparing or submitting the brief; and no

person—other than the amicus curiae, its members, or its counsel—contributed

money that was intended to fund preparing or submitting the brief.

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SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The District Court held that “‘there exists no fairly conceivable set of facts

that could ground a rational relationship’ between DOMA and a legitimate

government objective.” Gill v. Office of Personnel Management, 699 F. Supp. 2d

374, 387 (D. Mass. 2010) (citation omitted). The district court based its holding, in

part, on a severely flawed assertion that “a consensus has developed among the

medical, psychological, and social welfare communities that children raised by gay

and lesbian parents are just as likely to be well-adjusted as those raised by

heterosexual parents.” Id. at 388. The American College of Pediatricians

disagrees with the district court’s assertion. There is no such consensus. The

sources cited in support of the district court’s belief, id. at 388 fn.106, reflect an

incomplete and distorted understanding of the available data and professional

consensus concerning parenting models and family structure.

In fact, no study has yet been undertaken to reliably establish the impact of

same-sex parenting on children. We do, however, know that social science

strongly suggests that certain family structures and parenting models are more

likely than others to lead to successful outcomes for children. Correspondingly,

other family structures—such as the replacement of a mother and father with a

same-sex couple—are more likely in the aggregate to lead to negative outcomes

2
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for children. Social science also indicates that biological family ties are important,

and severing those ties is likely to produce unique risks for young children.

In addition to severing biological ties, it is also dangerous to dismiss the

importance of the unique contributions mothers and fathers provide to their

children. Broad legal, political, or cultural acceptance of the District Court’s

misinformed statement would significantly undermine the efficacy of efforts to

promote fatherhood in communities where the absence of fathers has contributed to

a variety of negative outcomes and social ills. We urge this Court to correct the

district court’s assertion that children are unaffected by significant parental

changes. If, instead, the federal courts embrace this false statement, societal and

governmental efforts to promote and encourage the parental choices that foster an

optimal environment for child rearing may be significantly undermined.

Surely an interest in defining marriage consistent with the optimal parenting

model constitutes a “‘conceivable set of facts that could ground a rational

relationship’ between DOMA and a legitimate government objective.” Gill, 699 F.

Supp. 2d at 387 (citation omitted). In light of the data available both when DOMA

was enacted and available now, it is entirely rational for our Congressional

policymakers to prefer that a child be raised by his or her own mother and father

over any two other adults.

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ARGUMENT

I. The District Court’s Acceptance Of The False Assertion That Children


Are Unaffected By Same-Sex Parenting Contradicts A Broad Base Of
Research Indicating That Children Raised By Their Married Biological
Parents Benefit In Significant Ways.

In order to justify a holding that Congress had no rational basis for its

passage of DOMA, the District Court needed to dispose of Congress’ clearly-stated

rationales for the law. Those rationales included Congress’ valid concern for

preservation of “the irreplaceable role that [traditional] marriage plays in

childrearing.” Committee on the Judiciary Report on the Defense of Marriage Act,

H.R. Rep. No. 104-664, at 14 (1996), reprinted in 1996 U.S.C.C.A.N. 2905-23,

1996 WL 391835 (citation omitted). Congress was rightfully interested in

preserving what was then and continues to be the ideal model for childrearing—

marriage of the child’s biological father and mother.

Yet the District Court dismissed Congress’ concerns with the erroneous

claim that “[s]ince the enactment of DOMA, a consensus has developed among the

medical, psychological, and social welfare communities that children raised by gay

and lesbian parents are just as likely to be well-adjusted as those raised by

heterosexual parents.” Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 388. While this is often asserted, it

is simply not true.

4
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A. The alleged “consensus” that children are unaffected by same-sex


parenting relies on flawed studies and disregards a large body of
evidence, which casts substantial doubt on that claim.
The District Court cited scant support for its conclusion that children are

unaffected by same-sex parenting. The alleged “consensus” in the health care

community consists primarily of unsupported policy statements from various

organizations and GLBT advisory committees within those organizations. Gill,

699 F. Supp. 2d at 388 n.106. Those policy statements cite to a limited number of

studies that purport to establish that same-sex parents are no different from a

biological mother and father. Those studies, however, have significant flaws and

do not support that finding.1

The cited studies suffer from a host of flaws, including insufficient sample

sizes,2 self-selecting participants,3 premature conclusions based upon one-time

1
Robert Lerner & Althea K. Nagai, No Basis: What the Studies Don't Tell Us
About Same-Sex Parenting, Washington DC: Marriage Law Project 6 (2001) (“We
conclude that the methods used in these studies are so flawed that these studies
prove nothing.”).
2
Norval D. Glenn, The Struggle for Same Sex Marriage, 41 Soc’y 25, 26-27
(2004); Ellen C. Perrin et al., Technical Report: Coparent or Second-Parent
Adoption by Same-Sex Parents, 109 Pediatrics 341,343 (2002)(conceding "[t]he
small and nonrepresentative samples studied and the relatively young age of most
of the children suggest some reserve."); Walter R. Schumm, What Was Really
Learned from Tasker & Golombok's (1995) Study of Lesbian and Single Parent
Mothers?, 94 Psychol. Rep. 422, 423 (2004) (urging policymakers to exercise
“extreme caution” in “interpret[ing] research on gays and family life . . . or any
[similarly] small subset” of a broader population).
5
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self-reported snapshots rather than sustained temporal monitoring,4 failure to

control for pertinent variables,5 a paucity of studies looking at gay fathers,6 and

politicized methodology that casts doubt on the validity of the conclusions

presented by those who authored or managed the studies.7 See generally Nock

Affidavit (detailing flaws in same-sex parenting scholarship and studies).8 Indeed,

one of the most glaring deficiencies of the gay parenting data is that not a single

study utilized a control group of married biological parents and their children.9

3
Affidavit of Steven Lowell Nock at paras. 39-40, Halpern v. Attorney General of
Canada (2002), 60 O.R. 3d 321 (Can. Ont. C.A.) (No. 684/00 Ontario Sup. Ct.
Justice) (hereinafter “Nock Affidavit”).
4
Lerner & Nagai, at 6.
5
Id. at 29-34.
6
Fiona Tasker, Lesbian Mothers, Gay Fathers and Their Children; A Review, 26
Dev. & Behav. Pediatrics 224, 225 (2005) (admitting that “[s]ystematic research
has so far not considered developmental outcomes for children brought up from
birth by single gay male couples (planned gay father families), possibly because of
the difficulty of locating an adequate sample.”).
7
Lerner & Nagai at 61-62, 67 (detailing weaknesses in the studies supporting
same-sex parenting because they fail to control the samples with measures of bias,
reliability, or validity).
8
Your amicus urges this Court to review the Nock Affidavit in its entirety, as it
provides the most thorough and comprehensive assessment of the shortcomings of
the handful of studies repeatedly relied upon by the policy statements cited in
support for the District Court’s holding. No study has emerged to alter Professor
Nock’s conclusion that “we simply do not yet know how the children of
homosexual and heterosexual parents compare at this point in time [because] this
research has not yet been done.” Nock Affidavit at para. 119.
9
We are aware of one study, not cited in the policy statements, that did include
such a control group. That study used non-representative sampling, recruiting both
its lesbian families and its heterosexual control group through a lesbian-mother
support group, ads in gay-themed publications, and the researchers’ friends and
colleagues. David K. Flaks et al., Lesbians Choosing Motherhood: A Comparative
6
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These critical shortcomings are one reason why other courts have quite

properly refused to allow the questionable “social science” reflected in these

studies to drive public policy and constitutional interpretation. See, e.g., Lofton v.

Secretary of the Dep’t of Children and Family Servs., 358 F.3d 804, 825 (11th Cir.

2004) (criticizing homosexual parenting studies due to “significant flaws in the

studies’ methodologies and conclusions, such as the use of small, self-selected

samples; reliance on self-report instruments; politically driven hypotheses; and the

use of unrepresentative study populations consisting of disproportionately affluent,

educated parents.”); Goodridge v. Dept. of Health, 440 Mass. 309, 387-388, 798

N.E.2d 941, 998-1000 (Mass. 2003) (Cordy, J., dissenting) (noting weaknesses in

the available data such as “the sampling populations are not representative, that the

observation periods are too limited in time, that the empirical data are unreliable,

and that the hypotheses are too infused with political or agenda driven bias.”).

In fact, some of the studies that purportedly demonstrate that the children of

same-sex parents fared no worse than opposite sex parents actually found that the

children of same-sex parents did suffer worse outcomes. But rather than exploring

Study of Lesbian and Heterosexual Parents and Their Children, 31 Dev. Psych.
105, 107 (1995). “[T]he resulting sample was predominantly White, highly
educated, and economically privileged.” Id. at 113. The sample was also tiny,
consisting of a mere 15 lesbian families and 15 heterosexual families, and the
sample did not include any children raised by gay male parents. Id. at 107. The
sample was also limited to young children between the ages of 3 and 9, and thus
sheds no light whatsoever on the comparative effect of different family structures
on adolescents and young adults.
7
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those troubling findings, those studies either ignored the differences or dismissed

them as statistically insignificant. See, e.g., Jennifer L. Wainright & Charlotte J.

Patterson, Delinquency, Victimization, and Substance Use Among Adolescents with

Female Same-Sex Parents, 20 J. Fam. Psychol. 526, 528 (table 1) (2006) (showing

that the children of same-sex parents involved in the study became intoxicated and

participated in binge drinking more frequently than the children of opposite-sex

parents, and were more likely to use marijuana; engage in the risky use of drugs

and alcohol; have sexual relations under the influence of drugs and alcohol; and

engage in delinquent behavior, than children of opposite-sex parents); Susan

Golombok, et al., Children Raised in Fatherless Families from Infancy: Family

Relationships and the Socioemotional Development of Children of Lesbian and

Single Heterosexual Mothers, 38 J. Child Psychol. Psychiatry 783, 788 (1997)

(finding that, “children in father-absent families perceived themselves to be less

cognitively competent … and less physically competent … than children in father-

present families”); Fiona Tasker & Susan Golombok, Growing Up In a Lesbian

Family; Effects on Child Development 133 (1997) (finding that the women with

lesbian mothers were more likely to engage in premarital promiscuous sex). These

differences in outcomes were dismissed as statistically insignificant because of the

miniscule sample sizes of the studies. But rather than dismissing the differences

that were discovered, the asserted justification of small samples merely

8
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underscores the limitations of the overall studies—and same-sex parenting

literature in general. In short, no study has considered a statistically-reliable

sampling of same-sex parents. See, e.g., Nock Affidavit, at para. 115, (“Not a

single [study] was conducted according to generally accepted standards of

scientific research.” Same-sex parenting studies contain “critical defects,”

including failure to obtain sufficiently large samples of random, non-volunteer

participants) (Id. at paras. 29-38, 116).

In contrast, there does exist an accumulated body of social science literature

on childrearing that includes studies with sufficiently large sample sizes, random

sample selections, and rigorous controls. These studies do not directly compare

children raised by same-sex couples with children raised by their married

biological parents, but do compare the outcome of children raised by their married

biological parents with children raised in a variety of other family structures,

including by single parents, biological and step-parent combinations, and adoptive

parents. This broad group of quality studies strongly suggests, contra the District

Court’s conclusion, that the ideal family structure for a child is a family headed by

two opposite-sex biological parents in a low-conflict marriage. Michael J.

Rosenfeld, Nontraditional Families and Childhood Progress through School, 47

Demography, Aug. 2010, at 755 (noting that “[s]tudies of family structure and

children’s outcomes nearly universally find at least a modest advantage for

9
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children raised by their married biological parents”).10 Unlike the statistically-

deficient same-sex parenting studies, most studies of the life outcomes of children

raised by their married biological parents involve broad national data sets and

encompass a variety of behavioral, cognitive, psychological and financial results.

The comparative reliability of this body of research further highlights the depth of

the scientific support for an objective preference for married biological parenting

in relation to other possible parenting models and family structures.

10
See also, Paul R. Amato, The Impact of Family Formation Change on the
Cognitive, Social and Emotional Well-Being of the Next Generation, 15 Future
Child., Fall 2005, at 75, 89 (suggesting family structure impacts “cognitive,
emotional, and social problems” and fewer problems are experienced in childhood
and adulthood by individuals raised by “two continuously married parents”);
Femmie Juffer & Marinus H. van Ijzendoorn, Adoptees Do Not Lack Self-Esteem:
A Meta-Analysis of Studies on Self-Esteem of Transracial, International, and
Domestic Adoptees, 133 Psychol. Bulletin 1067, 1067 (2007) (“Many studies and
several meta-analyses have shown that adopted children lag behind in physical
growth, school performance, and language abilities; show more attachment and
behavior problems; and are substantially overrepresented in mental health referrals
and services for learning programs.”); Shelly Lundberg & Robert A. Pollack, The
American Family and Family Economics, J. Econ. Persp., Spring 2007 at 3, 19
(discussing substantial benefit for children raised in traditional nuclear families
with regard to educational outcomes); Wendy D. Manning & Kathleen A. Lamb,
Adolescent Well-Being in Cohabiting, Married, and Single-Parent Families, 65 J.
Marriage & Fam. 876, 890 (2003) (finding that “[a]dolescents in married, two-
biological-parent families generally fare better than children in any of the family
types examined”); Sara McLanahan & Gary Sandefur, Growing Up With a Single
Parent: What Hurts, What Helps 1, 3 (1994) (“argu[ing] that growing up with only
one biological parent frequently deprives children of important economic, parental
and community resources, and that these deprivations ultimately undermine their
chances of success”); Pierre L. van den Berghe, Human Family Systems: An
Evolutionary View 33-60 (1979) (establishing that human marriage and family is a
flexible but beneficial system for reproduction).
10
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B. The optimal parenting model is not a question of whether two parents


are better than one, but whether the optimal model links a child with
his or her biological mother and father through marriage, which
increases the probability of positive outcomes at many stages of life.
Congressional interest in channeling responsible procreation through the

institution of marriage is grounded in the reality that only opposite-sex

relationships can produce children, and they often do so unintentionally. Children

conceived in such situations do not have the option of being raised by two mothers

or two fathers; the issue is only whether the child will be raised by his or her

mother and father, or by a single parent (usually the child’s mother). It is widely

accepted that a child reared by two parents is generally better off than a child

reared by one parent. But a belief that some gay couples may be successful parents

does not merit abandonment of the notion that Congress has a rational interest in

having children reared by their own married biological mother and father.

Married biological parenting has been shown to increase the probability of

positive outcomes and decrease the risk of negative outcomes across a wide range

of developmental categories and life outcomes. See, e.g., Lorraine Blackman et al.,

The Consequences of Marriage for African-Americans: A Comprehensive

Literature Review, 24 Inst. for Amer. Values (2005) (delinquency, self-esteem and

school performance); W. Bradford Wilcox et al., Why Marriage Matters: Twenty-

Six Conclusions from the Social Sciences, Inst. for American Values 32-33 (2d ed.

2005) [hereinafter “Wilcox, Marriage Matters”] (school performance,

11
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delinquency, smoking, and risk of suicide); Paul R. Amato, Parental Absence

During Childhood and Depression In Later Life, 32 Soc. Q. 543, 547 (1991) (risk

of adult depression).

C. There is consensus that the presence of a non-biological parent—


which is a necessity among same-sex couples—correlates with greatest
risk for children.

Any debate relating to the value of married biological parenting should

consider one of the clearest conclusions to be drawn from the pertinent social

science literature: Across a wide range of studies spanning several decades,

researchers have consistently found that the family structure presenting some of the

greatest risks for children is that of a biological mother coupled with a stepfather.

Researchers Martin Daly and Margo Wilson summarized that consensus, which is

very real, by observing that “Living with a stepparent has turned out to be the most

powerful predictor of severe child abuse yet.” Daly & Wilson, Evolutionary

Psychology and Marital Conflict: The Relevance of Stepchildren, in Sex, Power,

Conflict: Evolutionary and Feminist Perspectives 9-28 (1996). “Studies have

found that young children in stepfamilies are more than 50 times more likely to be

murdered by a stepparent (usually a stepfather) than by a biological parent. One

study found that a preschooler living with a stepfather was 40 times more likely to

be sexually abused than one living with both of his or her biological parents.”

Wilcox, Marriage Matters, at 32. Similarly, a study that utilized a random sample

12
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of 930 adult women in San Francisco “revealed that 17% or one out of every six

women who had a stepfather as a principal figure in her childhood years, was

sexually abused by him. The comparable figures for biological fathers were 2% or

one out of approximately 40 women.” Diana E. H. Russell, The Prevalence and

Seriousness of Incestuous Abuse: Stepfathers vs. Biological Fathers, 8 Child

Abuse & Neglect 15, 15 (1984).

Similar phenomena exist with respect to the risk of other negative outcomes

for children, including incarceration and teenage pregnancy. For instance, a recent

longitudinal study addressing juvenile incarceration emphasized that “The

adolescents who faced the highest incarceration risks, however, were those in

stepparent families, including father-stepmother families . . . This study showed . .

. that although children in father-absent households should be an important policy

focus, marriage is not necessarily the answer to prevent incarceration unless it is

between the two parents of the child; otherwise, children in single-parent

households fare relatively better than those in stepparent households.” Cynthia C.

Harper & Sara S. McLanahan, Father Absence and Youth Incarceration, 14 J. Res.

On Adolescence 369 at 369, 392 (2004). With respect to teenage pregnancy, “girls

in stepfamilies are slightly more likely to have a teenage pregnancy compared to

girls in single-parent families, and much more likely to have a teenage pregnancy

than girls in intact, married families.” Wilcox, Marriage Matters at 14.

13
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In all households headed by two homosexual partners, the presence of

children reflects either adoption by one or both partners, or a biological parent

sharing custody with a stepparent. See Margaret Somerville, Children's Human

Rights and Unlinking Child-Parent Biological Bonds With Adoption, Same-Sex

Marriage and New Reproductive Technologies, 13 J. Fam. Stud. 179, 181 (2007)

(observing that establishing same-sex families “unavoidably takes away [a child’s]

right to know and be reared within his own biological family.”). As described

above, and despite the District Court’s claim to the contrary, a substantial body of

social science research strongly suggests that neither of these family structures is

equivalent to married biological parenting in terms of producing positive outcomes

and avoiding negative outcomes for children.

The disparity is not as stark when adoptive married heterosexual parents are

compared with married biological parents. This is not surprising, because adoptive

parents, particularly those involved in private adoptions, are usually subject to

heavy screening, and often incur significant financial costs as part of the adoption

process. Such parents are disproportionately likely to be drawn from a wealthy

and well-educated demographic pool, and the evidence suggests that these

educational and financial advantages may partially offset the negative pressure

exerted on family structure by the absence of any biological tie between adoptive

parents and their children. McLanahan & Sandefur, supra.

14
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There is, however, no reason to believe that stepparent families, whether gay

or heterosexual, will enjoy these same advantages. Instead, the comparative

deficiencies and increased risks that appear to inhere in many stepparent families

are well-documented. To the extent these negative outcomes derive, in part, from

the relational asymmetry that exists when one parent has biological ties to a child,

and the second parent lacks such ties, the risk of these negative outcomes can be

expected to be equally present in gay stepparent families. Moreover, to the extent

these negative outcomes are also a consequence, in whole or in part, of unique

risks presented by men who lack a biological tie to their children, then gay male

parenting may actually embody a family structure that presents a uniquely

increased probability of the negative outcomes that social science has

demonstrated are correlated with the presence of a stepfather in the home. In either

event, the comparative problems associated with stepparent families, particularly

families involving a stepfather, undermine the District Court’s assertion that

children are unaffected by the various alternative family structures in which they

might potentially be raised.

It is, of course, always important to remember that the evaluation of social

science data involves averages, probabilities, and aggregate outcomes. At the

individual level, it is undoubtedly true there are some single parent, adoptive, and

stepparent families, both gay and heterosexual, in which the parent or parents have

15
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created a child-rearing environment that results in outcomes equal to or better than

the average outcomes for children raised by married biological parents.

Nevertheless, the labels and classifications that the law applies to various

social arrangements can communicate powerful implicit and explicit normative

judgments concerning the ideal social arrangements that are to be actively pursued

and embraced. The normative judgments communicated by political and legal

institutions can have significant impact on mores and behavior outside of those

institutions, because such judgments can create powerful cultural incentives for

pursuing (or avoiding) participation in particular social arrangements. The District

Court’s misstatement that there is a consensus regarding the effect that same-sex

parenting might have on children conveys an unmistakable normative judgment:

that the federal courts believe there is no legitimate empirical or societal basis to

prefer married biological parenting over any of the possible alternatives, including

the demonstrably risky alternative of stepparent families comprised of a biological

mother and a stepfather. It is difficult to predict the exact nature and magnitude of

the harm if that message is broadly embraced by the federal courts.

In light of the comparatively increased risk of juvenile incarceration, teenage

pregnancy, physical abuse, and sexual abuse presented by stepparent families in

relation to married biological parenting, Congress has a compelling interest in

maintaining a recognized distinction between married biological parenting and the

16
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alternative of stepparent families. To the extent this Court believes that social

science should inform its analysis of the issues presented in this case, we urge this

Court to recognize that Congress also has a legitimate interest in promoting the

family structure that has proven most likely to foster an optimal environment for

the rearing of children as a basis for DOMA. The District Court’s unsubstantiated

statement that a consensus has emerged is not an adequate basis for ignoring or

discounting those important interests.

II. Children Benefit From Having Both A Father And A Mother.


If it is actually true that children are unaffected by same-sex parenting, then

it would follow that children receive no benefit from having both a mother and a

father, and children receive no particular benefit from having a connection to or

relationship with their biological parents. Under the District Court’s asserted

“consensus,” the only relevant parenting factor is the presence of two reliable

caregivers. In the face of unrefuted research, that is a truly bold assertion.

A. Mothers and Fathers each provide different benefits for their children
that same-sex parenting is unlikely to provide.
As discussed in Section I, social science data invalidates the District Court’s

dismissal of heterosexual parenting. Social science data strongly suggests that, on

average, children derive a host of unique benefits from being raised by their

married biological parents. Common sense reinforces this. There are, of course, a

wide variety of differences between men and women in areas such as propensity

17
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for aggression and violence, health challenges and health outcomes, life

expectancy, and earning capacity. Data supports this widely-held understanding

that fathers and mothers often make unique contributions to the rearing of their

children, and that these unique contributions can have a significant positive impact

across a range of developmental categories. See, e.g., M.E. Lamb et al., Effects of

Gender and CaretakingRole on Parent-Infant Interaction, in Development of

Attachment and Affiliative Systems 109, 117 (R. N. Emde & R. J. Harmon eds.,

1982 ) (acknowledging prior authorship of statement that “[t]he data suggests that

the differences between maternal and paternal behavior are more strongly related

to either the parents’ biological gender or sex roles, than to either their degree of

involvement in infant care or their attitudes regarding the desirability of paternal

involvement in infant care”).

A broad body of social science data highlights the unique contributions

made by mothers and fathers, and the distinct ways in which separate maternal and

paternal contributions promote positive child development outcomes. For

example, the natural biological responsiveness of a mother to her infant fosters

critical aspects of neural development and capabilities for interactivity in the infant

brain.11 Mothers are also able to extract the maximum return on the temporal

See C.A. Nelson & M. Bosquet, Neurobiology of Fetal and Infant Development:
11

Implications for Infant Mental Health, in Handbook of Infant Mental Health 37-59
(C.H. Zeanah Jr., ed., New York: Guilford Press 2d ed. 2000); M. DeWolff & M.
18
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investments of both parents in a two-parent home, because mothers provide critical

direction for fathers in routine caretaking activities, particularly those involving

infants and toddlers. See Sandra L. Hofferth et al., The Demography of Fathers:

What Fathers Do, in Handbook of Father Involvement: Multidisciplinary

Perspectives 81 (Catherine Tamis-Lamonda & Natasha Cabrera eds., 2002); Scott

Coltrane, Family Man 54 (1996). Fathers need this direction, in part, because

fathers do not share equally in the biological and hormonal interconnectedness that

develops between and mother and a child during pregnancy, delivery, and

lactation.

In comparison to fathers, mothers generally maintain more frequent and

open communication and enjoy greater emotional closeness with their children,

which fosters a sense of security in children with respect to the support offered by

the family structure. Ross D. Parke, Fatherhood, Developing Child Series

7(Jerome Bruner et al. ed., Harvard Univ. Press 1996) [hereinafter “Parke,

Fatherhood”]. Mothers’ typical mode of parent-child play is predictable,

interactive, and geared toward joint problem-solving, which helps children to feel

comfortable in the world they inhabit. Eleanor Maccoby, The Two Sexes: Growing

van Izjendoorn, Sensitivity and Attachment: A Meta-Analysis on Parental


Antecedents of Infant Attachment, 68 Child Dev. 571-91 (1997); M. Main & J.
Solomon, Discovery of an Insecure-Disorganized/Disoriented Attachment Pattern,
in Affective Development in Infancy 95-124 (T.B. Brazelton and M.W. Yogman
eds., 1986).
19
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Up Apart, Coming Together 266-67 (1998) [hereinafter “Maccoby, The Two

Sexes”]; Parke, Fatherhood, at 5; Kyle D. Pruett & Marsha Kline Pruett,

Partnership Parenting: How Men and Women Parent Differently – Why It Helps

Your Kids and Can Strengthen Your Marriage 18-19 (2009). Mothers also impose

more limits and discipline more frequently, albeit with greater flexibility when

compared to fathers. Maccoby, The Two Sexes, at 273.

Mothers uniquely play a greater role in cultivating the language and

communication skills of their children. Parke, Fatherhood, at 6. Mothers help

children to understand their own feelings and respond to the feelings of others, in

part by encouraging open discussion of feelings and emotions within the family

unit. See Suzanne A. Denham et al., Prediction of Externalizing Behavior

Problems From Early to Middle Childhood: The Role of Parental Socialization

and Emotion Expression, 12 Dev. & Psychopathology 23-45 (2000); Maccoby, The

Two Sexes, at 272. Active maternal influence and input is vital to the breadth and

depth of children’s social ties, and mothers play a central role in connecting

children to friends and extended family. Paul Amato, More Than Money? Men’s

Contributions to Their Children’s Lives?, in Men in Families, When Do They Get

Involved? What Difference Does It Make? 267 (Alan Booth & Ann C. Crouter,

eds., 1998).

20
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Fathers also make distinctive contributions to the upbringing of their

children, and positive paternal contributions play a key role in avoiding a variety of

negative outcomes that arise with greater frequency in homes where a father is not

present. In two-parent households, despite the demographic changes in workforce

participation in recent decades, fathers continue to provide the larger share of

household income. See Bureau of Labor Statistics, Women in the Labor Force: A

Databook (Dep’t of Labor 2008), at Table 24. The comparatively higher

contribution that fathers make to household income may be attributable to the

earning power of men in the workplace, which is documented as being greater than

women’s earning power. Hilary M. Lips, The Gender Wage Gap: Debunking the

Rationalizations, Womens Media, http://www.womensmedia.com/new/Lips-

Hilary-gender-wage-gap.shtml (last visited Jan. 24, 2011). There is no dispute that

an increase in household financial resources correlates with an increase in positive

outcomes for children in areas such as education, physical health, and the

avoidance of juvenile delinquency. McLanahan & Sandefur, supra.

Fathers engage proactively in spontaneous play with their children, and

“children who roughhouse with their fathers . . . quickly learn that biting, kicking,

and other forms of physical violence are not acceptable.” David Popenoe, Life

Without Father 144 (1996); see also Linda Carroll, “Dads Empower Kids to Take

Chances”, MSNBC, June 18, 2010, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/37741738. A

21
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recent study conducted by developmental psychologist Daniel Paquette found that

fathers are also more likely to supervise children at play while refraining from

intervention in the child’s activities, a pattern that stimulates “exploration,

controlled risk-taking, and competition.” Daniel Paquette & Mark Bigras, The

Risky Situation: A Procedure for Assessing the Father-Child Activation

Relationship, 180 Early Childhood Dev. & Care 33, 33-50 (2010).

Paternal modes of play activity are only one example of the ways in which

fathers encourage their children to take risks. Compared to mothers, fathers are

more likely to encourage children to try new things and to embrace novel situations

and challenges. See Parke, Fatherhood, at 6. One study summarized this aspect of

paternal input and observed that “Fathers, more than mothers, conveyed the feeling

that they can rely on their adolescents, thus fathers might provide a ‘facilitating

environment’ for adolescent attainment of differentiation from the family and

consolidation of independence.” See Shmuel Shulman & Moshe M. Klein,

Distinctive Role of the Father in Adolescent Separation – Individuation, 1993 New

Directions for Child & Adolescent Dev. 41, 53 (1993).

Fathers also utilize a different discipline style than mothers, in that they

discipline with less frequency, but greater predictability and less flexibility in

terms of deviating from pre-determined consequences for particular behavior. See

Thomas G. Powers et al., Compliance and Self-Assertion: Young Children’s

22
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Responses to Mothers Versus Fathers, 30 Developmental Psych. 980-89 (1994).

Children respond differently to paternal discipline, and are comparatively more

likely to resist maternal commands and comply with paternal requests. Maccoby,

The Two Sexes, at 274-75. This may be one reason why a number of studies have

found that paternal influence and involvement plays an outsize role in preventing

adolescent boys from breaking the law, and lowering the odds that a teenage girl

will become pregnant. See, e.g., Paul R. Amato & Fernando Rivera, Paternal

Involvement and Children’s Behavior Problems, 61 J. Marriage & Fam. 375-84

(1999) (finding that paternal involvement is linked to lower levels of delinquency

and criminal activity, even after controlling for maternal involvement); Mark D.

Regnerus & Laura B. Luchies, The Parent-Child Relationship and Opportunities

for Adolescents’ First Sex, 27 J. Fam. Issues 159-83 (2006) (study of 2000

adolescents finding that father-daughter relationship, rather than mother-daughter

relationship, was key predictor of whether and when adolescent girls transitioned

to sexual activity); see also Wilcox, Marriage Matters, at 14, 17-18 (discussing

evidence suggesting that female sexual development is slowed by early childhood

exposure to pheromones of biological father, and accelerated by regular early

childhood exposure to pheromones adult male who is not child’s biological

father).12

12
It should be noted that any lack of consensus concerning the source of gender
23
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The distinctive maternal and paternal contributions to the optimal

childrearing environment highlight what should be obvious: there is no legitimate

empirical basis for a claim that there is no difference between a family structure

where a mother and father are present and a family structure that deprives children

of either a maternal or paternal influence. Even in the absence of a detailed

examination of social science data, common sense would suggest that children, like

adults, benefit from balanced exposure to the diverse approaches reflected in the

typical maternal and paternal parenting models.

In the educational context, the Supreme Court has recognized the

indispensible benefits that are attained by an environment that incorporates

significant levels of diversity, and has held that promotion of such diversity is a

compelling state interest sufficient to justify differential treatment that might

otherwise be thought to run afoul of the Equal Protection Clause. See Grutter v.

Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306, 329-33 (2003). In many ways, the home is the primary

educational environment for children, particularly in their most formative pre-

adolescent years. Congress plainly has a legitimate and rational interest, even a

differences is of little relevance. The source of the gender-based variances in


parenting style observed in the literature and studies discussed above may be
biological difference, cultural pressure, an outgrowth of evolutionary adaptation, or
some combination thereof. The State may legitimately recognize the existence of
gender differences, and account for their existence when fashioning policy, without
endorsing every cultural, social or biological input that may have given rise to the
differences in the first place.
24
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compelling one, in making special provision for family structures and parenting

models that facilitate the diverse and balanced childrearing environment that on

average offers the greatest probability for successful developmental outcomes, and

is most likely to avoid the negative outcomes associated with either maternal or

paternal deprivation. We urge this Court to recognize that if the federal courts

place a judicial stamp of approval on the notion that fatherhood and motherhood

have no meaning, the effect of such approval cannot be confined to the judicial

system.

B. Eliminating DOMA’s model of opposite-sex parenting will have


negative effects on children.

Fathers lack the gestational bond forged between a mother and her children.

To encourage the involvement of fathers in the increasingly common occurrence of

young unmarried heterosexual couples confronting an unplanned pregnancy, a

variety of government programs have expended considerable public resources to

persuade unmarried fathers to step forward and embrace the responsibilities of

active fatherhood.13 A number of these programs have met with considerable

success.14 But if there is no legitimate governmental interest in specifically

13
Christi Parsons, Obama Pledges to Support Responsible Fatherhood, Los
Angeles Times, June 22, 2010, http://articles.latimes.com/2010/jun/22/nation/la-
na-obama-fathers-20100622.
14
Boyz2Dads CD-ROM Pre-Post Pilot Evaluation Results Summer 2007, National
Fatherhood Initiative, http://www.fatherhood.org/Document.Doc?id=39
(describing positive results from a pilot program designed to promote more
25
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promoting “fatherhood” and “motherhood,” as opposed to the gender-neutral

concept of “parenthood,” one can easily imagine the host of legal and political

hurdles that will threaten the future survival of such programs.

By stating that children are unaffected by same-sex parenting, the District

Court essentially consigned the distinct concepts of fatherhood and motherhood to

legal and empirical irrelevance. But no one should be naïve enough to believe that

these findings, if broadly endorsed by the federal courts, will not undermine the

legal, political, cultural and societal support for fatherhood and motherhood in the

world beyond the courtroom walls.

III. Caution Is Appropriate When Using Social Science Data To Inform


Judicial Decision-Making.
The foregoing discussion reflects an attempt to present to the Court pertinent

social science data concerning parenting models and family structure. But great

prudence should be used when interpreting and relying upon such data in the

course of resolving a legal dispute. Social science involves assessments of

averages, probabilities, and aggregate outcomes, usually in connection with

complex aspects of human behavior where it is difficult to identify, let alone

responsible attitudes about fatherhood in teen and pre-teen males); Summary of


Formative Evaluation Findings: Doctor Dad Pilot Test, Center for Social Work
Research, University of Texas at Austin, Spring 2004, National Fatherhood
Initiative, http://www.fatherhood.org/Document.Doc?id=52 (describing positive
results from a pilot program designed to improve the awareness of young fathers as
to health and safety issues with raising young children).

26
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control for, all of the pertinent variables that might affect the outcomes under

review. See, e.g., Jim Manzi, What Social Science Does – and Doesn’t – Know:

Our Scientific Ignorance of the Human Condition Remains Profound, 20 City J.,

Summer 2010. Social science cannot predict with certainty the effect of changes to

complex societal institutions such as the family unit, marriage and parenthood.

Indeed, the questionable track record of social science influence on the

development of family law in the United States is well-established.15

This unpredictability is especially pronounced when assessing gay parenting,

civil unions, and same-sex marriage, all of which are practices of relatively recent

vintage. See Timothy J. Biblarz & Judith Stacey, How Does the Gender of Parents

Matter?, 72 J. Marriage & Fam. 3, 17 (2010) (“Because legal access to same-sex

marriage is so new and rare, we do not yet have research that compares the

children of married same-sex and different-sex couples.”). This Court should also

not ignore the role of politics in this field. Two supporters of redefining marriage

admit: “[T]he political stakes of this body of research are so high that the

ideological ‘family values’ of scholars play a greater part than usual in how they

15
See, e.g., Martha L. Fineman, Custody Determination at Divorce: The Limits of
Social Science Research and the Fallacy of the Liberal Ideology of Equality, 3
Can. J. Women & L. 88 (1989); Sarah H. Ramsey & Robert F. Kelly, Social
Science Knowledge in Family Law Cases: Judicial Gate-Keeping in the Daubert
Era, 59 U. Miami. L. Rev. 1, 81 (2004); Sarah H. Ramsey & Robert F. Kelly,
Using Social Science Research in Family Law Analysis and Formation: Problems
and Prospects, 3 S. Cal. Interdisc. L.J. 631, 674-84 (1994).
27
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design, conduct, and interpret their studies.” Judith Stacey & Timothy Biblarz,

(How) Does the Sexual Orientation of Parents Matter?, 66 Amer. Soc. Rev. 159,

161 (2001).

In light of the inherent limitations of the social science enterprise, this Court

should be particularly reluctant to accept the District Court’s cavalier dismissal of

the longstanding legal and cultural recognition of married biological parenting as

the family structure that on average embodies the optimal childrearing

environment for the next generation of our nation’s children.

CONCLUSION
Although persons challenging the constitutionality of legislation may

introduce evidence in support of their claim that the legislation is irrational . . .

they will not prevail if “the question is at least debatable” in view of the evidence

that may have been available to the Legislature. United States v. Carolene Prods.

Co., 304 U.S. 144, 153-55 (1938). The question of how children might be affected

by same-sex parenting is unanswered and highly debatable. As a result, we urge

this Court to reject any rationale or statement that contradicts societal support for

married biological parenthood, or that would undermine critical legal, political and

cultural support for the unique contributions that fathers and mothers make to the

successful upbringing of their children.

28
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For the foregoing reasons the judgment of the district court should be

reversed.

Respectfully submitted,
this 25th day of January 2011

s/ John Anthony Simmons, Sr.


John Anthony Simmons, Sr.
Bar No. 1,139,144
886 Lafayette Road
Hampton, NH 03842
Tel: 603-929-9100
Fax: 603-929-9101

Counsel for Amicus Curiae American


College of Pediatricians

29
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CERTIFICATE OF COMPLIANCE

This brief complies with the type-volume limitation of Fed. R. App. P.

32(a)(7)(B) because this brief contains 6,828 words, excluding the parts of the

brief exempted by Fed. R. App. P. 32(a)(7)(B)(iii).

This brief complies with the typeface requirements of Fed. R. App. P.

32(a)(5) and the type style requirements of Fed. R. App. P. 32(a)(6) because this

brief has been prepared in a proportionally spaced typeface using Microsoft Word

in fourteen-point Times New Roman.

s/ John Anthony Simmons, Sr.


John Anthony Simmons, Sr.
Bar No. 1,139,144
886 Lafayette Road
Hampton, NH 03842
Tel: 603-929-9100
Fax: 603- 929-9101

Counsel for Amicus Curiae American


College of Pediatricians

30
Case: 10-2204 Document: 00116162492 Page: 40 Date Filed: 01/25/2011 Entry ID: 5521401

CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE

I hereby certify that on January 25, 2011, I have electronically filed the
foregoing Brief Amicus Curiae of American College of Pediatricians in the
consolidated cases of Commonwealth of Massachusetts v. United States
Department of Health and Human Services and Hara, Gill, et al. v. Office of
Personnel Management, Nos. 10-2204, 10-2207, and 10-2214, with the Clerk of
the Court for the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit by using the
appellate CM/ECF system.

I certify that all participants in the case are registered CM/ECF users and
will be served by the appellate CM/ECF system.

s/ John Anthony Simmons, Sr.


John Anthony Simmons, Sr.
Bar No. 1,139,144
886 Lafayette Road
Hampton, NH 03842
Tel: 603-929-9100
Fax: 603-929-9101

Counsel for Amicus Curiae American


College of Pediatricians

31

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