Subject: PA224 SEMINAR IN GOVERNMENTAL MANAGEMENT (8:00-11:00 AM)

Professor: Dr. Roy N. Villalobos

Reporters: GHELVER A. VENTURA

PHILIPPINE FOREIGN POLICY

BRIEF HISTORY OF FOREIGN PHILIPPINE POLICY

The history of the Republic of the Philippines and that of the Department of Foreign Affairs
(DFA) are intertwined.  The important events marking the passage of the years at the Department are
also milestones in the rise of the Philippines as an independent nation.

Over one hundred years ago, the DFA had its auspicious beginnings when President Emilio
Aguinaldo appointed Apolinario Mabini as the Republic's first Secretary of Foreign Affairs on 23 June
1898, eleven days after the declaration of Philippine independence at Kawit, Cavite.  The DFA was
among the first government departments created following the establishment of the First Philippine
Republic.  Realizing the need for international recognition of the new government, Aguinaldo assigned
Mabini the difficult task of establishing diplomatic relations with friendly countries.  Members of the
Hong Kong Junta, a group of Filipino exiles in Hong Kong, served as the country's envoys for this
purpose.

The Philippines underwent colonial rule under the United States from 1898 to 1946, and
Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1944.  The country regained independence, including full control of
foreign affairs and diplomatic matters, on 4 July 1946.  Commonwealth Act No. 732 was passed creating
the Department of Foreign Affairs.  Shortly thereafter, President Manuel Roxas issued on September 16
of that year Executive Order No. 18 providing for the organization and operation of the DFA and the
Foreign Service.  The main tasks of the DFA then were to assist in post-war rehabilitation, formulate
policies for investment promotion, and establish diplomatic relations with other countries.

The DFA led in the conclusion of the RP-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty, as well as in the Laurel-
Langley Agreement, thus paving the way for a balanced yet robust trade and military relations with the
United States.

The DFA had a heyday during the post-war years, with its increased participation in the
international arena.  It became a founding member of the United Nations and one of the drafters of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  It helped forge the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT).  The country was also an early proponent of decolonization and global disarmament.   The
Philippines' dynamic participation in global matters culminated in Carlos P. Romulo's election as the first
Asian President of the UN General Assembly in 1952.  At that time, the international environment began
to change, requiring that new thrusts and priorities in Philippine foreign policy be determined.  During
the Cold War era, against the backdrop of the Korean War and rising communism in China, the
Philippines pursued an increasing internationalist foreign policy.

Realizing the importance of foreign relations, President Elpidio Quirino in June 1952 pushed for
the passage of the Foreign Service Act of 1952, embodied in Republic Act No. 708.  During the post-war
period, the DFA focused on institution building, closer engagement with Asian neighbors, and increasing
Philippine global linkages. 

The Marcos years, from 1965 to 1986, were marked by policy innovations and then difficulties
brought about by the excesses of the martial law regime.  President Ferdinand Marcos redefined foreign
policy as the safeguarding of territorial integrity and national dignity, and emphasized increased regional
cooperation and collaboration.  He stressed "Asianness" and pursued a policy of constructive unity and
co-existence with other Asian states, regardless of ideological persuasion.  In 1967, the Philippines
launched a new initiative to form a regional association with other Southeast Asian countries called the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).  The Philippines also normalized economic and
diplomatic ties with China and the USSR, which President Marcos visited in 1975 and 1976, respectively.
The Philippines also opened embassies in the eastern bloc countries, as well as a separate mission to the
European Common Market in Brussels.

Throughout the 1970s, the DFA pursued the promotion of trade and investments, played an
active role in hosting international meetings, and participated in the meetings of the Non-Aligned
Movement.  The Foreign Service Institute was created in 1976 to provide in-house training to Foreign
Service personnel.

The EDSA Revolution in 1986 saw the re-establishment of a democratic government under
President Corazon Aquino.  During this period, the DFA once again pursued development diplomacy, in
the active pursuit of opportunities abroad in the vital areas of trade, investment, finance, technology
and aid.  The Philippines became one of the founding members of the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) in November 1989, and an active player in regional efforts to establish the ASEAN
Free Trade Area.  In the 1990s, more diplomatic missions were established in the Middle East to improve
existing ties with Arab states and to respond to the growing needs of Overseas Filipino workers in the
region.

In 1991, heeding the growing nationalist sentiments among the public, the Philippine Senate
voted against the extension of the RP-U.S. Military Bases Agreement, thus putting to a close the
decades-old presence of the U.S. military at Subic Bay and Clark Field.

FOREIGN POLICY AND THE CONSTITUTION OF THE PHILIPPINES

The most important provisions of the 1987 Philippine Constitution which pertain to the framing
of Philippine foreign policy are as follows:

 Article II, Section 2: "The Philippines renounces war as an instrument of national policy, adopts
the generally accepted principles of international law as part of the law of the land and adheres
to the policy of peace, equality, justice."

2
  Article II, Section 7: "The State shall pursue an independent foreign policy. In its relations with
other states the paramount consideration shall be national sovereignty, territorial integrity,
national interest, and the right to self-determination."

Republic Act No. 7157, otherwise known as "Philippine Foreign Service Act of 1991", gives mandate to
the Department of Foreign Affairs to implement the three (3) pillars of the Philippine Foreign Policy, as
follows:

1. Preservation and enhancement of national security

2. Promotion and attainment of economic security

3. Protection of the rights and promotion of the welfare and interest of Filipinos overseas.

These pillars overlap and cannot be considered apart from each other. Together with the eight (8)
foreign policy realities outlined by the President, they reinforce each other and must be addressed as
one whole. 

These eight foreign policy realities are:

· China, Japan and the United States and their relationship will be a determining influence in the security
situation and economic evolution of East Asia;

· Philippine foreign policy decisions have to be made in the context of ASEAN;

· The international Islamic community will continue to be important for the Philippines;

· The coming years will see the growing importance of multilateral and inter-regional organizations to
promote common interests;

· As an archipelagic state, the defense of the nation's sovereignty and the protection of its environment
and natural resources can be carried out only to the extent that it asserts its rights over the maritime
territory and gets others to respect those rights;

· The country's economic policy will continue to be friendly to both domestic and foreign direct
investments;

· The Philippines can benefit most quickly from international tourism

· Overseas Filipinos will continue to be recognized for their critical role in the country's economic and
social stability.

FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE PHILIPPINES

Philippine International Affairs - are influenced by ties to its Southeast Asian neighbours, China, the
United States and the Middle East.

3
 The Philippines is a founding member of the United Nations; an elected member of the Security
Council and participant in the FAO, International Labour Organization (ILO), UNESCO and World
Health Organization. Like most nations, the Philippines is a signatory of Interpol. The Philippines
is a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and East Asia Summit. It was formerly
a member of the now-defunct Latin Union and the SEATO. Declaring itself as independent of any
major power block of nations, the Philippines is a member of the Non-Aligned Movement.
 Economically, the Philippines is a participant in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, Asian
Development Bank, the Colombo Plan, Group of 24, G-20, G-77, the World Bank, Next
Eleven and the World Trade Organization (WTO).
 The nation is currently actively engaging with regional neighbors in Southeast Asia through
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (as a founding member) with the intention of
strengthening regional harmony, stability, and prosperity. It has been a supporter of East
Timor since the latter's independence and has expanded trade links with its traditional
allies Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. Relations with Vietnam and Cambodia have
thawed in the 1990s after their entry into the ASEAN.
 Ties to the United States have affected Filipino international relations. The Republic of the
Philippines considers itself a staunch ally of the United States and has supported many points of
American foreign policy. This is evident in the Philippines' participation in the Iraq War and
the War on Terror. Speaking to this support, U.S. President George W. Bush praised the
Philippines as a bastion of democracy in the East and called the Philippines America's oldest ally
in Asia. President Bush's speech on October 18, 2003 was only the second U.S. Presidential
address to the Philippine Congress; U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower delivered the first.
 With a robust relationship to the United States, the administration of former President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo sought to establish closer ties to its earlier colonizer, Spain. This was inspired
by the attendance of King Juan Carlos and Queen Sofía at the June 12, 1998 celebration
honoring the centennial of the Philippines' independence from Spain. President Macapagal-
Arroyo made two official visits to Spain during her presidency.
 In recent years, the Philippines attaches great importance in its relations with China, and has
established significant cooperation with the country. [4][5][6][7][8][9]
 The Armed Forces of the Philippines has been a participant in various regional conflicts,
including the Korean War and the Vietnam War. Recently, the Philippines sent peacekeeping
forces to Iraq, in addition to civilian doctors, nurses and police. However, the Filipino mission
was later recalled as collateral for the release of a Filipino hostage. As part of a UN
Peacekeeping Operation, Philippine Army General Jaime de los Santos became the first
commander of troops responsible for maintaining order in East Timor.
 The Philippines is in tension with rival international claimants to various land and water
territories in the South China Sea. The Philippines is currently in dispute with the People's
Republic of China over the Camago and Malampaya gas fields. The two countries are also in
dispute over the Scarborough Shoal. Additionally, the Philippines has a disputed claim over
the Spratly Islands.
 Relations with other Asian nations have been strong. Japan, which has been an active donor of
aid, has close ties with the country. Relations with China have recently been expanded,
especially with regards to the economy. The presence of a large South Korean expatriate

4
 community has led to the expansion of relations between the two nations. Indiahas also been an
important partner, as have countries outside of Asia such as Australia, Mexico, New Zealand,
and Saudi Arabia.
 In recent years, the Philippines has been distancing itself from the West due to its active role in
the Non-Aligned Movement and the G-77. This trend is reflected in its recent positions
on Kosovo, Iran and Israel. Its relations with Japan, Indonesia, Australia, and Vietnam have
strengthened into a new depth due to closer regional diplomatic, economic, cultural, and
defense cooperation and the flaring tensions in the South China Sea dispute. Despite this, its
relations with its defense treaty ally, the United States, remains vigorously strong. On the other
hand, relations with China continue to deteriorate due to disputes concerning the West
Philippine Sea, which is in the eastern portion of the South China Sea. Relations
with Malaysia have been in a cordial and diplomatic stance due to safety measures since
Malaysia was found to have been funding Islamic terrorist groups in the southern Philippines in
the past due to the North Borneo dispute. The country is campaigning for Timor-Leste's
membership in ASEAN. The Philippines is an active member in ASEAN with close ties with most
of the members of the organization. It is expected to be the biggest economy in ASEAN by 2050.

THE PHILIPPINE FOREIGN POLICIES UNDER PAST ADMINISTRATIONS

Philippine Foreign Policy Under Ramos Administration

The Ramos administration from July 1992 to June 1998 defined the four core priorities of
Philippine foreign policy namely: the enhancement of national security, promotion of economic
diplomacy, protection of overseas Filipino workers and Filipino nationals abroad, and the projection of a
good image of the country abroad.

President Ramos boosted foreign trade, investments and official development assistance to the
Philippines through his state visits and summit meetings.  In 1996, the Philippines successfully hosted
the APEC Leaders' Summit, which resulted in the Manila Action Plan for APEC 1996 (MAPA '96).

The Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995 (R.A. 8042) provided a framework for
stronger protection of Filipino workers abroad, with the creation of the Legal Assistance Fund and the
Assistance-to-Nationals Fund, and the designation in the DFA of a Legal Assistant for Migrant Workers'
Affairs, with the rank of Undersecretary of Foreign Affairs.

Among the other significant events in foreign affairs during the Ramos years were: the adoption
by ASEAN in 1992, upon Philippine initiative, of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South
China Sea aimed at confidence-building and avoidance of conflict among claimant states; the
establishment of the Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Philippines (BIMP)-East Asia Growth area in 1994;
the establishment of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 1994 as the only multilateral security dialogue
in the Asia-Pacific region conducted at the government level; and the signing between the Philippine
Government and the Moro National Liberation Front on 2 September 1996 of the Mindanao Peace
Agreement.

Philippine Foreign Policy Under Estrada Administration

5
 The DFA, during the Estrada administration, hosted the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in July 1998,
and undertook confidence-building measures with China over the South China Sea issue.  President
Estrada strengthened bilateral ties with neighboring countries with visits to Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia,
Singapore, Japan and South Korea.  The DFA played a major role in the forging of a Visiting Forces
Agreement with the United States, which was concurred in the Senate in 1999.  The country also sent a
delegation of 108 observers to the Indonesian parliamentary elections, and engaged in cooperative
activities in the areas of security, defense, combating transnational crimes, economy, culture, and the
protection of OFWs and Filipinos abroad.

Philippine Foreign Policy Under Arroyo Administration

At the start of its administration in 2001, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo pursued foreign
policy based on nine realities:

 First,  the dynamics of relations between China, Japan and the United States determine the
security situation and economic evolution of East Asia.

 Second, Philippine foreign policy decisions are, increasingly, being made in the context of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

 Third, Europe will continue to play a significant role in promoting international prosperity and
stability.

 Fourth, the international Islamic community remains crucial to the country's search for lasting
and permanent peace in Mindanao.

 Fifth, inter-regional organizations will become increasingly influential in the global context.

 Sixth, the protection of the environment, natural resources and maritime territory.

 Seventh, the drive for foreign markets and foreign direct investments will form a focal concern
of economic diplomacy efforts.

 Eighth, international tourism will be a major driver of national growth.

 Ninth, overseas Filipinos play a critical role in the country's economic and social stability.

Philippine Foreign Policy Under Aquino Administration

 Under the pillar of promoting national security, our goal is to help create and sustain a strong
and safe regional neighborhood under the rule of law. On our own, and in concert with
international partners, we have pursued mutually beneficial security arrangements.
We designed defense and security relationships to manage new realities. In lieu of
traditional ideas of balance of power, we have emphasized engagement in new challenges,
including transnational crime, terrorism, and maritime security and cooperation, as well as,
cooperation on humanitarian emergencies.

6
 In addition to our treaty alliance with the United States, we expanded our defense and
security engagements with other countries such as South Korea, New Zealand, Italy, Spain and
France. More significantly, our Senate ratified a Status of Visiting Forces Agreement with
Australia in June 2012.
The Philippines is also working with Japan in enhancing maritime security in the region.
As one of two Strategic Partners aside from the US, Japan has been supporting our Philippine
Coast Guard in training its personnel and upgrading its equipment.

 Under the pillar of protecting Filipino nationals overseas, we continue to be guided by the
President’s call to be “even more responsive to the needs and welfare of our overseas Filipino
workers.”
Since 2011, we have repatriated nearly 20,000 Filipinos in countries torn by civil strife
and devastated by natural and other disasters. We continue to repatriate our compatriots  from
Syria and Egypt, where violence continues. Adhering to a policy that no one gets left behind, we
have also had the good fortune of not losing a single life that was within our control. We
additionally are addressing the challenges of Saudization and have so far repatriated a total of
over 4,000 undocumented Filipinos and assisted several thousand others in meeting
regularization requirements.
From 2012 until the first semester of 2013, we extended assistance to more than 34,000
overseas Filipinos and members of their families. Our Foreign Service personnel provide round-
the-clock legal and consular assistance, counseling, shelter, and labor mediation. They
undertake jail visitations, administer overseas absentee registration and voting, and help
Filipinos organize themselves into communities. They network with local organizations whose
purposes are aligned with our policy objectives.

 Under the pillar of economic security, the Department has worked tirelessly to support the
President’s twin goals of poverty alleviation and job creation. As a result, we have made
significant progress in economic cooperation with other countries.
In 2012 alone, we were able to finalize 43 agreements involving economic cooperation
in the areas of investment, tourism, development assistance, education, and air services
agreements. At the same time, we assisted in developing more than 700 inbound and outbound
trade and business missions.  
With Europe, the 2012 Philippines-EU Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, which is
in the process of ratification, will allow both sides to address new challenges on issues such as
customs and trade facilitation, energy and migration. Indeed, European countries are now
looking at the Philippines with invigorated interest.
In grants and loans, we have helped secure over three billion dollars from Japan in
official development assistance for, among others, infrastructure projects, disaster risk
reduction and peace and development for Mindanao.  In addition to a five-year grant amounting
to 434 million dollars from the Millennium Challenge Corporation for poverty reduction and
infrastructure projects, the US, in the past year, has provided over 400 million dollars in aid. We
have also secured approval in the last twelve months of nearly half a billion dollars from the
Republic of Korea in loans and grants and close to 141 million dollars in grants from Australia in
2013.
Meanwhile, the Philippine hosting of the 23 rd World Economic Forum on East Asia in
2014 and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation in 2015 provides invaluable opportunities for
the Philippines to promote itself as a business and investment destination.

7
ISSUES AND CRISIS ON PHILIPPINE FOREIGN POLICY UNDER DUTERTE ADMINISTRATION

Politics is swayed by the tempo and spirit of the times. Administrations in power, no matter how
visionary, would always be compelled to act on the demands of the present. The Duterte administration,
at the beginning of its term, presented itself as a cut different from past governments. The rhetoric of
pursuing an “independent foreign policy” caught the attention of many, critics and supporters alike.
Midway in its term, the “independence” of the country’s foreign policy remains contested.

In light of the latest maritime incident involving the ramming of the boat of Filipino fisherfolk by
a Chinese vessel, the administration is being pressured by its domestic constituents to act and show
proof that it truly is advancing the interests of the Filipino people. The problematic situation, however, is
that if the Philippine government takes a hard line position against China, it may fall into the “trap” that
China seemingly lays with this incident. It should be noted that in 2012, when the Philippine government
took a hard line position against the Chinese poachers in Panatag (Scarborough) shoal, China used its
military and economic power and swarmed the shoal. To this day, the Chinese militia have not vacated
Panatag shoal and has in fact de facto control over the area. The government, thus, may be concerned
that taking a hard line approach might result in a repeat of that incident and the Philippines may lose
control over Reed bank. Hence the soft approach. The downside of taking such a position, however, is
that the government is seemingly kowtowing to the interests and gameplay of China.

The Philippines has a Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) with the United States which was signed in
1951. In 1999, the Philippines signed the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), and in 2014 the Enhanced
Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). The “independent foreign policy” of the Duterte
administration, in as far as security matters are concerned, was initially interpreted as moving away
from the country’s over-reliance on the United States. But in a global competition that is dominated by
the polar forces of the US and the People’s Republic of China, moving away from the US will mean
gravitating towards China. Given that China and the Philippines are embroiled in a territorial dispute in
the South China Sea, this obviously is not an easy situation. Besides, the Philippine military’s umbilical
cord is attached to the USA due to the MDT.

In the early months of President Rodrigo Duterte's stay in Malacañang, the Chief Executive's
take on the mandated independent foreign policy was observed as a pivot to Beijing at the expense of
Manila's longstanding partner, Washington.

 Although the government seeks new ties with non-traditional allies, it continues to adapt
relations with traditional allies to the changing times.

 The basis of our external relations with other countries is, foremost, friendship; and not
whatever material benefit we hope to get from them.

Fear of being left out from the BRI

Duterte is determined to take advantage of China’s emergence as a major economic power through the
latter’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). He conducts a calibrated foreign policy characterized by gravitating
toward to China while at the same time creating a wide diplomatic and strategic cleavage between the
Philippines and the U.S.

8
He also declared that he is open to direct bilateral negotiations with China and that, echoing Beijing’s
position, the 2016 Permanent Court of Arbitration award to the Philippines as a bilateral issue, not a
concern for the regional bloc Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

His foreign policy agenda involves developing and maintaining an independent and pro-active posture so
he can adroitly balance the major powers in East Asia. This is aimed at creating a more positive and
conducive atmosphere in Philippine-China bilateral relations that can allow both sides to embark on
major infrastructure and investment projects, as well as other forms of cooperation to restore mutual
trust and confidence.

He is resigned to heightened Chinese island-building activities in the South China Sea. His administration
has adopted Beijing’s official line “that after several years of disruption caused mainly by "non-regional
countries" (Japan and the US), the South China Sea has calmed with China and Southeast Asian countries
agreeing to peacefully resolve [their] disputes.

In late 2016, the Duterte administration declared its desire totransform the Philippines’ confrontational
foreign policy on China, with Duterte noting that the country was not included as a BRI partner country
precisely because of the South China Sea dispute. He believes that the Philippines should be included in
China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Project as he sought Chinese investments for infrastructure
development in the Philippines.

Key administration officials observed that China has already helped build infrastructure in the poor
regions of Southeast Asia with billions of dollars committed to anything from a railway in Laos to
Cambodia’s first oil refinery. They are aware that the Philippines has struggled against its more
prosperous Southeast Asian neighbors to compete for foreign investments primarily because of the
country’s lack of infrastructure.

Duterte and his economic advisers saw how Chinese investments boosted infrastructure development in
Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia. They also observed that the BRI plans for increased connectivity among
Southeast Asian countries through roads, railways, sea routes, airways, and the internet to promote
unimpeded trade, policy-coordination, and financial integration.

However, Duterte was afraid that the Philippines would not be able to avail of the BRI’s economic
benefits if it challenges China’s expansionist agenda in the South China Sea. After he became president
in 2016, he reversed his predecessor’s South China Sea policy by affecting positive improvements to
Philippine-China relations through an appeasement policy. 

The power of fear in Philippine foreign policy

The power of fear is evident in the two administrations’ foreign policies on China. On the one hand, then
President Aquino was concerned about the Chinese naval threat to the country’s Exclusive Economic
Zone (EEZ) and strategic leverage as a maritime nation in the light of China’s maritime expansion.

On the other hand, Duterte was afraid that the US would not assist the Philippines as it has maintained
an ambiguous position in the South China Sea dispute, in particular, and China’s emergence as a major
power, in general. More importantly, he was afraid that if the Philippines continues to pursue a
balancing policy on China, the country would not be able to avail of BRI-related investments and aid. 

9
This drove him to pursue an appeasement policy characterized by strategically distancing the Philippines
from the U.S. and gravitating closer to China. He has also sidelined the 12 July UNCLOS award to the
Philippines and has turned a blind eye to the destruction of the coral reefs by huge Chinese fishing fleets
in several of the land features within the country’s EEZ.

The Duterte administration is convinced that an appeasement policy on China is worth pursuing because
its makes the Philippines a beneficiary of Chinese economic largesse and this would prevent conflict
between the Philippines and the expansionist power. 

10