Sustainable Transport in Freiburg Lessons From Ger

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Sustainable Transport in Freiburg: Lessons from Germany's


Environmental Capital

Article  in  International Journal of Sustainable Transportation · January 2011


DOI: 10.1080/15568311003650531

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International Journal of Sustainable Transportation, 5:43–70, 2011
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1556-8318 print=1556-8334 online
DOI: 10.1080/15568311003650531

Sustainable Transport in Freiburg: Lessons


from Germany’s Environmental Capital

Ralph Buehler1 and John Pucher2


1
School of Public and International Affairs, Virginia Tech, Alexandria,
Virginia, USA
2
Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy, Rutgers University,
New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA

ABSTRACT
This article examines changes in transport and land-use policies in Germany over
the last 40 years that have encouraged more walking, bicycling and public trans-
port use. It focuses on a case study of policy changes in the city of Freiburg, where
over the last three decades, the number of bicycle trips tripled, public transport
ridership doubled, and the share of trips by automobile declined from 38% to
32%. Since 1990, motorization rates have leveled-off and per-capita CO2 emissions
from transport have fallen—despite strong economic growth. The analysis ident-
ifies policies that are transferable to car-oriented countries around the world.
Key Words: climate change, Freiburg, Germany, land-use planning, sustain-
ability, transport policy

1. INTRODUCTION
Transport is responsible for about a third of all Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions
in the USA and one fifth of worldwide GHG emissions, mainly in form of CO2 (Inter-
national Energy Agency 2006; Sperling and Cannon 2009; U.S. Department of
Transportation 2009b). Governments throughout the world have recognized that
the reduction of transport related CO2 emissions plays an important part in combat-
ing climate change (Banister 2005; European Commission 2009; USDOT 2009b;
World Bank 1996). Many studies suggest that growing reliance on the automobile
for urban travel is an important reason for increased energy use and CO2 emissions
as well as other problems such as traffic congestion, air pollution, and traffic

Address correspondence to Ralph Buehler, Virginia Tech, School of Public and Inter-
national Affairs, 1021 Prince Street, Suite 200, Alexandria, VA 22314. E-mail: [email protected]

43
Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

fatalities (Banister 2005; European Conference of Ministers of Transport 2003;


Downs 2004; Hanson and Giuliano 2004; National Highway Traffic Safety Adminis-
tration 2004; Oak Ridge National Laboratories 2008; Texas Transportation Institute
2009; Transportation Research Board 2009; Vuchic 1999; World Health Organiza-
tion 2009). By comparison, public transport, bicycling, and walking are generally
assumed to be healthier, more energy efficient, and less polluting.
Climate change is only one of many aspects of sustainability. The World Bank,
for example, defines sustainability more broadly, including environmental, social,
and economic dimensions of sustainability (World Bank 1996). Environmental
sustainability conserves natural resources, minimizes pollutants, and mitigates
impacts on ecosystems, such as climate change. Social sustainability includes
considerations of health and safety, accessibility, and the distribution of benefits
and costs among groups of society. Economic sustainability focuses on economic
growth, cost effectiveness, and financial viability. Few studies actually consider all
these aspects of sustainability, but it is important to note that the concept is far
broader than just CO2 emissions.
The automobile accounts for the majority of trips in almost all Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries, but with consider-
able variation. The USA, Canada, and Australia are among the most car-dependent
nations in the world—with over 80 percent of passenger trips by automobile and
light truck, compared to a range of 45 to 70 percent in Western European coun-
tries. As shown in Figure 1, countries with a higher share of trips by public trans-
port, walking, and cycling have much lower levels of CO2 emissions from road and

Figure 1. Inverse relationship between share of urban trips by public transport,


bicycle, and foot and per capita annual CO2 emissions from road and
rail transport in Australia, Canada, the USA and Western European
countries, 2000–2008. (Bassett, Pucher, Buehler, Thompson, and
Couter 2008; BMVBS 1991–2008; IEA 2009)

44 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

rail fuel consumption. CO2 emissions per capita in Western European countries
are less than half as high as in Canada and Australia and less than a third as high
as in the USA.
The USA has led the world in motorization since the early 20th Century. Among
European countries, however, Germany has the highest motorization rate, the
strongest automobile industry, and the most extensive highway network. The
USA and Germany have many similarities: high per-capita incomes, almost univer-
sal car ownership, and similar economic and political systems. Yet travel behavior
in the two countries is very different, with far greater car dependence and more
CO2 emissions in the USA. Germans not only drive less, but the German vehicle
fleet is also more energy efficient and less polluting. It is the combination of less
car use and more advanced technology that accounts for Germany’s sustainability
edge over the USA. Our analysis of sustainable transport and land use policies
in Germany provides useful lessons not only for the USA but also for other car-
dependent countries—such as Australia and Canada—seeking to improve the
sustainability of their transport systems.
Germany’s transport, land use, housing, and taxation policies at all government
levels have increasingly promoted sustainability since the 1970s. The German
federal government has provided the framework for more sustainable transport,
but cities and states have played a crucial role in developing and implementing
innovative policies.
The southwestern city of Freiburg has been Germany’s leader in sustainable
transport and land-use. Many policies pioneered in Freiburg have spread to other
cities in Germany and worldwide. Today, Freiburg is considered Germany’s
‘environmental capital’ and its most sustainable city. Over the last three decades,
Freiburg’s coordinated transport and land-use policies have tripled the number
of trips by bicycle, doubled transit ridership, and reduced the share of trips by
car from 38% to 32%. Since the early 1990s, the level of motorization has leveled
off, and per-capita CO2 emissions from transport have fallen, in spite of strong
economic and population growth. Those are impressive accomplishments in a
country such as Germany with a powerful car industry, influential car lobbies,
and a love affair with the car perhaps even more passionate than in the USA,
Canada, and Australia.
This article first compares the overall sustainability of the American and
German urban passenger transport systems. Next it identifies key sustainable trans-
port and land-use policies implemented at the federal level in Germany over the
last 40 years. We then turn to a detailed case study of the city of Freiburg. The
paper concludes with lessons from Freiburg for other cities.

2. TRENDS IN SUSTAINABLE TRANSPORT IN GERMANY AND THE USA


Germany and the USA are both affluent western countries with extensive limited
access highway networks, high levels of motorization, and important automobile
industries and lobbies. In both countries, car ownership has grown rapidly since
the Second World War. In 2006, Germans owned 30% fewer cars per capita than
Americans (560 vs. 780 cars and light trucks per 1,000 inhabitants), and Germans
drove less than half as many kilometers by car (11,500 km vs. 24,000 km per capita;

International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011 45


Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

BMVBS 1991–2008; Federal Highway Administration 1990–2008, 2006). In


Germany, public transport, walking and cycling accounted for 40% of all trips
compared to roughly 10% in the USA (Bundeministerium für Verkehr, Bau und
Stadtentwicklung (BMVBS) 2004; Oak Ridge National Laboratory (ORNL)
2005). Americans drove for 70% of trips shorter than 1.6 km—compared to only
27% in Germany (BMVBS 2004; ORNL 2005).
Available data suggest that American reliance on the automobile for almost all
trips results in a less environmentally sustainable transport system. In 2006, per-
sonal transport energy use and CO2 emissions per capita were only about a third
as high in Germany as in the USA (18,000 vs. 58,000 MJ per year and 1,300 vs.
3,900 kg of CO2 emissions). The trend is also more favorable in Germany. From
1999 to 2006, per-capita energy use for personal travel in Germany fell by 8%
and per-capita CO2 emissions from transport declined by 7%—compared to
increases of 4% and 2% in the USA (BMVBS 1991–2008; Department of Energy
2007; FHWA 2006; IEA 2006; ORNL 2008; umwelt bundesamt (UBA) 2005a).
Economic sustainability also appears to be higher in Germany. In 2003,
American households spent an average of $2,712 more per year on transport than
Germans—and a larger share of disposable income (19% vs. 14%; Deutsches Sta-
tistisches Bundesamt (DESTATIS) 2003; U.S. Department of Labor 2003).
Per-capita government spending on transport in Germany is also less. In 2006,
for example, total government expenditures for roads and public transport by
all levels of government amounted to $625 per capita in the USA compared to
$460 per capita in Germany. Government subsidies accounted for only 30% of pub-
lic transport operating budgets in Germany compared to almost 70% in the USA
(American Public Transport Association 2006; Verband Deutscher Verkehrsunter-
nehmen (VDV) 2008).
Social sustainability may also be higher in Germany. In 2006, for example, traffic
fatalities per capita were 2.3 times higher in the USA than in Germany. For pedes-
trians and cyclists the traffic fatality rate per kilometer walked and cycled in
Germany is only a third as high as in the USA (International Road Traffic and
Accident Database (IRTAD) 2008). Moreover, most destinations in German cities
are accessible by some combination of walking, cycling, and public transport, thus
offering disadvantaged residents mobility even without cars (BMVBS 2004; Pucher
1998). In contrast, most American cities, and especially their suburbs, are so
car-dependent that households without automobile suffer from low mobility and
lack access to important destinations (Altshuler, Womack, and Pucher 1979; Deka
2004; Harvey 1973; Schaefer and Sclar 1980).
These comparisons between the two countries are only meant to be indicative,
but they suggest that the German transport system is more sustainable along all
three dimensions. As in the USA, the German federal government sets the policy
framework, while lower levels of government—especially municipalities—develop
and implement plans and programs. The Brookings Institution previously
published our detailed comparison of federal transportation and land-use policies
in Germany and the USA (Buehler, Pucher, and Kunert 2009). Here we briefly
summarize key differences in federal policies between the two countries, so that
the reader can gain an understanding of the institutional and policy context
in Germany.

46 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

3. FEDERAL POLICIES THAT ENCOURAGE MORE SUSTAINABLE


TRANSPORT IN GERMANY
In Germany, the federal government encourages more sustainable transport
through a series of policies and programs. Federal taxes and regulation make
car use more expensive and thus encourage the production and purchase of less
polluting vehicles. At the same time, the federal government provides dedicated
funding and subsidies for public transport investments. Certain federal transport
funds are flexible and can be used for walking and cycling infrastructure that
increases the safety and convenience of non-motorized modes. Federal regulations
also guide the land-use planning process by requiring cooperation among all levels
of government and discouraging suburban sprawl. Finally, the federal government
provides strategic leadership and integration of transport and land-use policies on
and across all levels of government, starting at the federal level with the consoli-
dated Federal Ministry of Transport, Building and Urban Affairs.
3.1. Federal Transport Policies
German federal government taxes and regulations make car ownership and use
more expensive than in the USA: sales taxes on automobiles are three times higher,
and gasoline taxes are nine times higher (Buehler et al. 2009; International Energy
Agency (IEA) 2008). The difference in gasoline price at the pump increased signifi-
cantly from 1999 through 2003 due to an environmental tax, which incrementally
raised the gasoline tax in Germany by the equivalent of 70¢ per gallon (U.S.) over
5 years (UBA 2005b). Strict EU vehicle regulations, high gasoline taxes, and
vehicle-registration fees favor less polluting cars and encourage more fuel efficient
vehicles. In 2005, the average fuel economy of German cars and light trucks was
50% higher than in the USA: 30 mpg vs. 20 mpg (BMVBS 1991–2008; Bureau of
Transportation Statistics 2006; FHWA 2006).
Revenues from gasoline taxes and vehicle registration fees in Germany have cov-
ered an increasing share of federal, state and local government expenditures on
road construction and maintenance—rising from 92% in 1975 to 259% in 2006—
compared to a history of net subsidies for roadways in the USA (BMVBS
1991–2008; FHWA 1990–2008). In contrast to the USA, the German federal govern-
ment did not permit limited access highways to penetrate cities (Pucher and Kurth
1995; Transportation Research Board (TRB) 1998). The lack of high-speed freeways
in urban areas, combined with widespread traffic calming of residential neighbor-
hoods, might help explain why the average speed of car travel in Germany is 25%
slower than in the USA (BMVBS 2004; Buehler et al. 2009; ORNL 2005).
German state and federal governments jointly develop the Federal Transport
Plan, which delineates the federal transport strategy. Until the early 1970s, this plan
primarily focused on automobile travel. Since 1973, however, the plan has included
societal goals, such as combating traffic fatalities, reducing transport energy use,
limiting vehicle emissions, and preserving open space (Koeberlein 1997).
Since the mid-1970s, the federal government has encouraged the coordination
of transport planning across modes and jurisdictional boundaries. For example,
the German federal government has provided dedicated matching funds to state
and local governments for public transport capital investments—if projects are

International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011 47


Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

part of local comprehensive transport plans, comply with land-use plans, and
address the needs of the disabled and the elderly (BMVBS 2005a; Bundesregier-
ung 1999; Rönnau 2004; Rönnau, Schallaböck, Wolf, and Hüsing 2002).
The German federal government only plays a minor role in promoting walking
and cycling—mainly limited to federal traffic laws protecting cyclists and pedes-
trians and making their safety an integral part of the German driver’s license test.
Most innovations, such as car-free pedestrian zones and integrated city-wide
bicycling networks were pioneered and then widely implemented at the local level.
The federal government supported these efforts with technical guidance and flex-
ible funding mechanisms, which allowed municipalities to divert highway funds
towards non-motorized modes.

3.2. Federal Regulation of Land-Use Planning


In Germany, federal, state, regional, and local governments interact in a
bottom-up and top-down land-use planning process, which is organized around
cooperation and mediation (BMVBS, 2000). In general, lower levels of govern-
ment participate in the preparation of plans at the next higher level of land-use
planning. For example, municipalities contribute to plans at the regional level,
regional representatives provide input into state plans, and state officials are repre-
sented at the federal level. Once plans are made, lower levels of government are
bound by the regulations, goals, and objectives outlined in that plan. The lower
the level of government, the more detailed the content of the plan.
Federal involvement in spatial planning is limited to defining the legal frame-
work for planning, ensuring consistency of planning techniques, and—in collabor-
ation with the states—setting broad strategic goals for spatial development, such as
sustainability (Wiegandt 2004). Moreover, the federal government regularly
publishes a report outlining trends, challenges, and projections for spatial develop-
ment in Germany (BMVBS 2005b).
Municipal governments draw up the actual land-use plans and decide where
different uses are to be built. Local plans in Germany, however, are restricted by
regional and state plans and must be in compliance with federal land use, trans-
port, and environmental laws (BMVBS 1993; Fuerst and Scholles 2003; Kunzmann
2001). At each level of government land-use planning is explicitly coordinated with
housing, transport, and environmental plans and neighboring jurisdictions are
mandated to seek input from each other, requiring states, regions and municipa-
lities to collaborate with their peers (BMVBS 1993, 2000).
The right to develop property is highly circumscribed in Germany. New develop-
ment is limited by law to areas immediately adjacent to already built-up areas—
though exceptions are made on a case by case basis (BMVBS 1993, 2000). Even
in the case of private land, developers and the municipality must convince higher
levels of government to permit development of areas not adjacent to already exist-
ing settlements. Land-owners cannot seek compensation if development rights are
not granted (Hirt 2007; Levine 2006; Wiegandt 2004).
Federal policies set the framework, but most policies that make transport more
sustainable were developed and implemented on the local level. The German city
of Freiburg has been a leader in innovative policies that later spread throughout
Germany.

48 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

4. SUSTAINABLE TRANSPORT IN FREIBURG


Freiburg has 220,000 inhabitants and is the economic, cultural, and political cen-
ter of the Black Forest region in southwestern Germany. The region has a popu-
lation of 615,000 and is less than an hour’s travel from Switzerland and France
(Gutzmer 2006). Freiburg’s economy is based on tourism, university teaching
and research, government and church administration, and a broad range of
services provided to the surrounding region (City of Freiburg 2009b).
From 1950 to 1970, motorization grew rapidly in Freiburg and was higher than
for West Germany as a whole. After the policy reversal in the early 1970s, the auto-
mobile ownership rate in Freiburg grew slower than the German average. As shown
in Figure 2, the motorization rate did not increase at all between 1990 and 2006,
remaining at 420 cars per 1,000 inhabitants – 23% below the German average in
2006 (City of Freiburg 2008c). While motorization levels stagnated, car use
decreased. Between 1982 and 2007, the car share of trips in Freiburg fell from
38% to 32% during a period in which the car’s mode share was increasing rapidly
almost everywhere else in the world (Bratzel 1999; City of Freiburg 2008f; University
of Dortmund 2001). At the same time, the bike share of trips in Freiburg almost
doubled, from 15% to 27%, and public transport’s share of trips rose from 11%
to 18% (see Figure 3).
Freiburg’s combined 68% share of trips by public transport, bicycling, and
walking is higher than in most other cities of similar size: 2 to 10 times higher than
in North American cities and 10% to 30% higher than in other German cities
(Figure 4). The nearby Swiss cities of Bern (69%) and Basel (73%) have slightly
higher ‘‘green mode’’ shares than Freiburg. In some respects, those Swiss cities

Figure 2. Trend in cars and light trucks per 1,000 population in Freiburg,
Germany, and the USA, 1950–2006. (BMVBS 1991–2008; City of
Freiburg 2009b, FHWA 1990–2008)

International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011 49


Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

Figure 3. Trend in percent of trips by car, public transport, bicycle, and foot in
Freiburg, 1982–2007. (City of Freiburg 2007c; University of Dortmund
2001)

Figure 4. Share of trips by public transport, cycling, and walking in Freiburg and
cities of comparable population size (200,000) in Europe and North
America, 2006=2007. (City of Freiburg 2007c; Gutzmer 2006, Social-
data 2009; Statcan 2009; U.S. Census Bureau 2009)

50 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

provided useful models to follow, since they introduced environmental tickets,


transit-first traffic priority, and other innovative measures a few years before
Freiburg (Bratzel 1999).
Available statistics suggest that Freiburg’s transport system has become more sus-
tainable over time. Vehicle km of car use per capita in Freiburg declined by 7% on
all roads and by 13% on residential roads from 1990 to 2006 (City of Freiburg 2007a;
Oeko Institut 2007; State of Baden Wuerttemberg 2008). From 1992 to 2005,
transport CO2 emissions per capita in Freiburg fell by 13.4% to a level that is
89% of the German average and only 29% of the American average (City of
Freiburg 2005; Oeko Institut 2007; UBA 2005a, 2008). Travel is also safer in
Freiburg than in Germany as a whole: 3.7 traffic fatalities per 100,000 inhabitants
vs. 6.5 in Germany and 14.7 in the USA (Indikatoren, Karten und Graphiken zur
Raum- und Stadtentwicklung (INKAR) 2005; National Highway Traffic Safety
Administration (NHTSA) 2004; Polizeidirektion Freiburg 2005). Moreover, social
equity is high since all parts of the city are easily accessible by public transport, cyc-
ling, and walking. Finally, the financial viability of public transport is relatively high
in Freiburg, requiring only 10% of its operating costs to be subsidized through
government funds, compared to 30% for Germany as a whole and 70% in the
USA (APTA 2006; Regio Verbund Gesellscahft 2008c; VDV 2008).
The trends away from car use and toward more sustainability in Freiburg
occurred in spite of strong population growth, rising incomes, and a booming
economy. From 1990 to 2007, Freiburg’s population increased six times faster than
the German average (17% vs. less than 3%). Employment in Freiburg grew at three
times the overall German rate from 1996 to 2005 (11% vs. 4%; INKAR 2005). In
2005, per-capita income in Freiburg was 29% higher than for Germany as a whole
(435,200 vs. 427,200). Freiburg’s economy has profited from its increasing focus on
sustainability. Since the early 1980s, Freiburg has fostered the development of its
environmental, solar, and biotechnology industries. By 2007 Freiburg had become
Germany’s leader in green industries, with 1,500 companies employing roughly
10,000 people and contributing approximately 4500 million to the local economy
annually (City of Freiburg 2009a).
Economic success and widespread political support for sustainability made
changes in Freiburg’s transport and land-use policies possible. Since the 1970s,
the city has increasingly restricted car use while improving public transport,
cycling, and walking. That combined carrot-and-stick approach has been crucial
to generating public and political support for sustainable transport. Perhaps most
important, car restrictive measures are not viewed as punitive, since car users are
offered safe, convenient, and affordable alternatives.

4.1. Integrating Transport and Land-Use Planning in Freiburg


Freiburg’s old town was almost completely destroyed in bombing raids during the
Second World War. That was the beginning of Freiburg’s remarkable history of trans-
port and land-use planning (see Table 1). In 1948, Freiburg’s city administration
decided to rebuild the city center in its historic compact form. Most of Freiburg’s
post-war population growth, however, was accommodated in new settlements at the
fringe of the existing city (Pucher and Clorer 1992). Indeed, similar to many
American cities, Freiburg’s land-use plan of 1955 endorsed geographic expansion

International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011 51


Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

Table 1. Timeline of important events in Freiburg’s transport and land-use


policy from 1945–2009.
Rebuilding the City to Serve the Needs of the Car
1944: Over 80% of Freiburg is destroyed in an air bombing raid
1948: Reconstruction Plan – specifies that the old town be rebuilt in its compact pre WWII
form
1955: First Land Use Plan – focuses on growth and geographic expansion
1961: Streetcar line Haslach-Herdern abandoned
1963–1971: Second Land Use Plan was prepared - focuses on growth and geographic
expansion (never implemented)
1969: First Transport Plan (Generalverkehrsplan) - focuses on accommodating car use, but
also recommends to preserve and potentially expand the streetcar system
Crucial Decisions : Laying the Ground Work for Sustainable transport
1970: First Bike Network Plan
1972: 29 km of unconnected cycling paths and lanes in the city
1972: City Council decides to expand the light rail network (referred to as ‘‘Stadtbahn’’)
1973: City Center converted into a pedestrian only zone. This was the largest pedestrian
zone in Germany at the time
1978: Construction of first light rail extension begins
1979: Second Transport Plan (Generalverkehrsplan) emphasizes ‘‘changed’’ political and
environmental circumstances, the connection of transport and land use, and favors
the so-called ‘‘green modes’’ (walking, cycling, and transport) over the car
Improving Public Transport, Walking, and Cycling
1981: New Land Use Plan–centers new development around public transport stops
1983: First new light rail line begins operation
1984: Introduction of Germany’s first transferable flat-rate monthly transport ticket: the
so-called ‘‘environmental ticket’’
1984: City of Freiburg and adjacent counties begin cooperation on public transport policy
and funding
1985: Transport providers in Freiburg and surrounding counties begin collaboration for
transport planning
1985: City council decides to continue expansion of public transport system
1985=1986: Two new light rail lines=extensions start operating
1987: City council decides to traffic-calm all neighborhood streets to 30 km=h by 1991
1987: 2,200 bike parking spots in the City
1989: Transport Plan Reauthorization (Gesamtverkehrskonzeption) with explicit goal to
reduce and restrict car use and to prioritize green modes
Restricting Car Use and Further Promoting the Green Modes
1991: Geographic extension of flat rate monthly ticket to include surrounding counties
(Regio-Umwelt-Karte)
1993–2006: Vauban neighborhood redeveloped around public transport with car free
neighborhood streets
1994–2010: New Rieselfeld neighborhood developed around public transport
1994: Regional Transport Authorities founded (Regio Verbund, RVF, and ZRF) – replace
less formal regional collaboration of public transport planning agencies and
operators from 1980s
1996: First regional public transport plan completed

(Continued )

52 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

Table 1. Continued.
1996: Regional rail service ‘‘Breisgau S-Bahn 2005’’ begins operation
1997–2008: Three new light rail lines and four regional rail lines (Breisgau S-Bahn) begin
operation
1999: Land Use Plan with broad citizen participation – citizen’s demanded more mixed use
and dense development than the city administration had proposed
2007: 410 km of bike paths and lanes in the city; plus two kilometers of bicycle only streets
2008: Land Use Plan focuses on high density development along transport routes,
sustaining local neighborhood centers, and mix of uses; this plan was closely
coordinated with the 2008 Transport Plan
2008: Transport Plan with three main goals: (1) shifting car trips to green modes, (2)
making necessary=unavoidable car trips more sustainable, (3) local accessibility with
short trip distances
2008: 90% of residents live in traffic calmed areas of 30 km=h and slower; there are 177
home zones with speed limits of 7 km=h
2009: 6,040 bike parking spots in the city
2009: Four new light rail lines=extensions planned

of the city, based on automobile transport. During this period, old streetcar lines
were abandoned and service was cut back, since buses and the automobile were
deemed the modes of transport of the future (Nahverkehr Breisgau 2008). Land-use
plans gave priority to new greenfield developments with wide streets and ample car
parking. Even the old town was adapted to the automobile—with new parking lots on
historic squares and a direct highway connection from downtown to the Autobahn.
During this time, car ownership and use increased, and so did air pollution, traffic
fatalities, and traffic congestion (Gutzmer 2006; Pucher and Clorer 1992).
Freiburg’s second auto oriented land-use plan of the 1960s was never approved
by the city council and got shelved in the early 1970s after long controversial
discussions between the public, council members, and the administration (City
of Freiburg 2008b). By then, public opinion had shifted away from supporting
automobile centered growth—due to various environmental and social problems
caused by the car and the oil crisis of 1973.
Moreover, during the early 1970s, the planned construction of a nuclear power
plant just 30 km from Freiburg’s old town made environmental protection a critical
issue (Hopwood 2007). Protests against the state government’s plan to build the
nuclear power plant lasted for years and forged an unlikely alliance of leftist students,
Catholic and Protestant church leaders, the conservative party, and local farmers.
Highly respected civic leaders were at the center of the local opposition to the state
government’s plan. Their role in the protests legitimized environmental protection
and alternative development ideas for the local population (Chaney 2008; Hopwood
2007). Over the last 40 years Freiburg has developed a strong tradition of cooperation,
negotiation, and consensus among city administration, citizen groups, and local busi-
nesses (Bratzel 1999). Public discourse, citizen participation, and cooperation paved
the way for a gradual change towards sustainability in Freiburg (Bratzel 1999).
Freiburg’s first integrated transport plan of 1969 had inadvertently laid the
foundation for the changes to come. Although still focusing on car use, the plan

International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011 53


Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

recommended preserving and potentially expanding the streetcar network—a


suggestion the city council followed in 1972. The early 1970s also saw Freiburg’s
first integrated bicycling network plan and a new car-free pedestrian zone in the
center of old town—the largest pedestrian zone in all of Germany at the time,
as illustrated in Figure 5 (Beatley 2000). Citizen groups had successfully lobbied

Figure 5. Policy changes in the 1970s have restricted car use in Freiburg and
increased accessibility by non-motorized modes and the quality of life.

54 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

the city administration to restrict car access to downtown—while local business


owners opposed this idea. Jointly, the city administration, citizen groups, and local
businesses reached a consensus of banning cars from downtown and providing
automobile parking garages along a ring road at the fringes of the car-free zone
(Bratzel 1999). Many of the fragmented policies implemented in the 1970s were
formalized into official transport and land-use plans in the late 1970s.
In 1979, Freiburg’s second integrated transport plan focused on environmental
protection and sustainable development. The new plan favored public transport,
walking, and cycling over the automobile and called for the integration of transport
and land-use planning. Priorities for land-use policies shifted accordingly. The
land-use plan of 1981 prescribed that new development was to be concentrated along
public transport corridors, especially the city’s expanding light rail system, whose first
new line opened in 1983 (Blatter 1995; City of Freiburg 2008b; Hilliard 2006).
During the 1980s, the city council—encouraged by neighborhood associations—
voted to traffic-calm all residential neighborhoods to 30 km=hr and to discourage
through traffic in residential areas (Blatter 1995). The cost of driving was further
increased by parking management schemes which limited long-term parking and
charged motorists higher parking fees (Blatter 1995). The re-authorization of
Freiburg’s transport plan in 1989 re-emphasized the explicit goal of limiting car tra-
vel and increasing use of the green modes—walking, cycling and public transport
(City of Freiburg 2007c).
From 1993 to 2009, Freiburg redeveloped two inner suburban neighborhoods
around newly extended light rail lines (City of Freiburg 2007b, 2008e, 2009a; Ryan
and Thorgmorton 2003). Rieselfeld was built on the site of a former sewage farm;
Vauban was built on the grounds of an abandoned French military base. Both dis-
tricts sharply limit car access and parking. All streets are traffic calmed at 30 km=hr
or less. Many neighborhood roads are designated as so-called home zones—streets
with speed limits set at 7 km=hr and traffic priority for pedestrians, cyclists, and
playing children (see Figure 6). Both communities are compactly laid out and
mix residential, commercial, educational, religious, and recreational land uses.
They provide a wide range of housing types for low-income as well as affluent
households and specifically favor inclusion of women, families, the elderly, and
persons with disabilities. Rieselfeld and Vauban feature attractive green spaces,
low energy construction methods, solar energy, and rain water re-use (City of Frei-
burg 2007b, 2008e; Ryan and Thorgmorton 2003).
Vauban is an example of Freiburg’s grass roots citizen involvement in planning
for land-use and transport. In the early 1990s, the city administration had plans to
redevelop Vauban into a family friendly neighborhood. This new settlement for
5,000 inhabitants was designed to attract young families and discourage them from
moving to the suburbs (City of Freiburg 2008e). In 1993, residents of Vauban
founded the not-for-profit-organization Forum Vauban, which worked together
with the city administration to use sustainable low-energy construction methods,
mix land uses, preserve old trees, and make large parts of the new development
car-free (Forum Vauban 2009). They had to overcome some major obstacles.
Similar to most local American zoning codes, the state of Baden Wuerttemberg
requires minimum parking standards for new developments (Forum Vauban 2009;
Gutzmer 2006). After long negotiations, Vauban was granted a waiver for minimum

International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011 55


Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

Figure 6. Car-free living in Freiburg’s Vauban neighborhood and a high quality of


life attracted many young families.

parking requirements provided that enough green space was preserved for poten-
tial future construction of parking lots. Building permits in Vauban are issued for
residential units without parking spots. Residents who decide to own a car can
purchase a parking spot in one of the parking garages at the edge of the develop-
ment for the equivalent of $25,000. Residents who wish to live car-free simply pay
a one-time fee of $5,000 to preserve open space at the edge of the development—
in lieu of a parking spot. This arrangement has proven successful. A recent survey
showed that there are 150 cars per 1,000 inhabitants in Vauban, compared to roughly
420 for the City of Freiburg and over 560 for Germany (Forum Vauban 2009).
Most daily shopping trips of Vauban residents are by walking or cycling and occur
within the neighborhood itself (Forum Vauban 2009). But there are good travel
options to destinations in other parts of the city and region. Vauban is well connec-
ted to Freiburg’s extensive bicycling network. In 2006, a new light rail line was com-
pleted down Vauban’s main street. It provides a direct connection to the center of
Freiburg in less than 15 minutes, with trains running every ten minutes. The Vau-
ban line connects with numerous other light rail and suburban rail lines that pro-
vide access to the entire region. Vauban also offers a car sharing program for
residents needing to make an occasional trip by automobile (Forum Vauban 2009).

56 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

Freiburg’s most recent land-use and transport plans of 2008 were developed sim-
ultaneously and are fully integrated. Both reiterate the earlier goals of reducing car
use, but they are more explicit about prohibiting car-dependent developments and
actively support car-free neighborhoods. The plans focus on compact development
along light rail routes, strengthening local neighborhood commercial and service
centers, and mixing housing with stores, restaurants, offices, schools, and other
non-residential land uses (City of Freiburg 2008b). Central development is explicitly
favored over peripheral development on the suburban fringe. The city has banned
all car-dependent big-box retailers such as home improvement stores, furniture
stores, and garden centers, not only because of the car traffic they generate but also
because they draw customers away from central city and neighborhood retailers.
Moreover, the new land-use plan identifies 30 priority locations for small retail busi-
nesses in Freiburg’s neighborhood centers, with the goal of keeping trip distances
short and assuring local accessibility on foot and by bicycle (City of Freiburg 2004).
The city coordinated its plans with 19 neighboring municipalities and 12 special
purpose governments in the region. Moreover, the plans were developed with
extensive citizen participation at every stage and reflect widespread support for
environmental protection. In fact, Freiburg’s citizen groups considered the city
administration’s initial draft of the land-use plan too car-oriented and the planned
development densities too low. In a second round the city and 900 citizens jointly
developed land-use strategies and goals and developed a new draft of the land-use
plan. This plan focused on higher density and more mixed-use infill development,
had broad citizen support, and was finally approved by the city council (City of
Freiburg 2004).
Through the political process, Freiburgers have consistently supported restric-
tions on the overall amount of land available for development outside of already
built-up areas. In the Freiburg region, as in most other German regions, large areas
of land in and near the city have been explicitly zoned for agriculture (many vine-
yards and fruit orchards), forest preserves, wildlife sanctuaries, or simply as undevel-
oped open space. Freiburgers value these undeveloped ‘green corridors’ throughout
the city as important destinations for everyday recreational activities. As documented
in the following sections, the complete turnaround in Freiburg’s transport policies in
the 1970s resulted in dramatic improvements for public transport, bicycling, and
walking, while making car use more expensive, slower, and less convenient.

4.2. Improvements in Public Transport


After two decades of cutting streetcar services in the 1950s and 1960s, only
14 kilometers of old streetcar lines were still in operation in Freiburg in 1970
(Nahverkehr Breisgau 2008; Schroeder 2009). Service was slow, infrequent and
outdated—and Freiburg’s public transport ridership had been continuously declin-
ing. Expanding and upgrading the light rail system was at the center of Freiburg’s
multi-faceted strategy to integrate public transport and land-use planning. Since
the opening of the first new light rail line in 1983, Freiburg has added four new lines
with a total extent of 36.4 km in 2008 (City of Freiburg 2009b). During the same per-
iod, the supply of light rail service almost tripled (from 1.1 to 3.2 million vehicle km).
In 2006, 65% of Freiburg’s residents and 70% of all jobs were located within easy
walking distance (300 meters) from a light rail stop (City of Freiburg 2008f).

International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011 57


Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

Since 1996, Freiburg has also improved regional suburban rail and regional bus
services (from 2.7 billion to 3.4 billion seat kilometers annually), which are
centered on Freiburg (Zweckverband Regio-Nahverkehn Freiburg (ZRF) 2008).
Passenger km of regional rail use rose 6-fold between 1997 and 2006 and total pub-
lic transport demand in the city of Freiburg and the surrounding region increased
by 70% (Regio-Verkehrsverbund (RVC) 2008a).
Light rail, regional rail, and bus services and timetables are fully integrated in
Freiburg. Real-time information is provided by digital displays at rail stations, light
rail stops, and key bus stops (City of Freiburg 2008f; ZRF 2003, 2008). Both light
rail and bus services are faster and more reliable because of traffic signal priority,
with lights turning green for oncoming trains and buses at key intersections.
These policies were complemented with an attractively priced, unified ticketing
system, which enables riders to use a single ticket for several trip segments and
different types of service. In 1984, Freiburg’s public transport system offered
Germany’s first monthly ticket transferable to other users—called the ‘‘environ-
mental ticket’’ (Bratzel 1999; Hilliard 2006). In 1991, the geographic coverage
of the ‘‘environmental ticket’’ was expanded to include the two adjacent counties
(ZRF 2008). These monthly tickets have offered bargain fares for regular public
transport users for unlimited travel within the entire region (Gutzmer 2006;
RVF 2006). The percentage of public transport riders using monthly tickets rose
from only 39% in 1974 to 92% in 2006 (RVF 2006; RVG 2008d). The environmen-
tal ticket introduced in 1984 contributed to the 42% increase in ridership between
1984 and 1990. Similarly, the introduction of the regional ticket in 1991 helped
increase public transport trips region-wide by 70% between 1991 and 2007
(Gutzmer 2006; RVG 2008b).
Services, fares, and subsidies for the entire Freiburg region are coordinated by a
regional public transport association (ZRF), which serves 625,000 residents in 75
towns. ZRF sets the overall public transport policy in the region and develops
and updates the regional public transport plan for 187 different bus and rail
operators, 90 different lines, and 3050 km of routes (RVG 2008e, 2008f; ZRF
2008). It is also responsible for receiving funding from federal, state and local gov-
ernments and then distributing those funds among public transport operators to
cover investment and operating expenses (RVF 2008).
In summary, Freiburg and its surrounding region significantly increased the
quantity and quality of public transport services. A higher share of trips by public
transport has increased its financial sustainability and reduced CO2 emissions.
Since January 1, 2009, Freiburg’s light rail system runs solely on electricity gener-
ated by wind, solar, and water power, thus further decreasing the carbon footprint
of transport in Freiburg.

4.3. Promoting Bicycling and Walking for Short Trips


The total number of bike trips in Freiburg nearly tripled between 1976 and 2007:
from 69,500 to 211,000—almost one bike trip per inhabitant per day (City of
Freiburg 2008f; Pucher and Clorer 1992; University of Dortmund 2001). Between
1982 and 1989, the share of trips by foot in Freiburg has fallen from 35% in 1982
to 23%, apparently due to an increase in trip distances and a shift from walking

58 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

to cycling and public transport. Since 1990, however, the walk share has remained
stable in Freiburg, while it has been declining in Germany as a whole.
The decline in walking in the 1980s may have resulted from the city’s focus on
cycling. Freiburg expanded its network of separate bike paths and lanes from only
29 km in 1972 to 160 km in 2007 (City of Freiburg 2008a; FitzRoy and Smith 1998).
Together with 120 km of bike paths through forests and agricultural areas, 400 km
of traffic calmed roads, and 2 km of bicycle streets, Freiburg’s cycling facilities have
been fully integrated into a 682 km bikeway network (City of Freiburg 2008a).
Cyclists can ride on separate facilities and safe, lightly traveled streets between
virtually any two points in the city.
The city has traffic-calmed almost all residential streets. In 2008, about 90% of
Freiburgers lived on streets with speed limits of 30 km=hr or less (City of Freiburg
2008f). Speed limits are even further reduced to 7 km=hr in 177 home zones—
where cyclists and pedestrians have priority over cars, as illustrated in Figure 6
(City of Freiburg 2008f, 2009a). Traffic calmed neighborhood streets and home
zones encourage more cycling and walking and make them safer (Herrstedt
1992; Morrison, Petticrew, and Thomson 2003; Tolley 2003; Webster and Mackie
1996). Freiburg allows cyclists to use half of the city’s 120 one-way streets in either
direction, while motorists are restricted to one—thus shortening bike trips com-
pared to car travel distances (City of Freiburg 2008a).
Over the past three decades, the city has been increasing the supply of bike
parking, improving its quality, and integrating it with public transport stops.
Between 1987 and 2009, the number of bike parking spaces in the city center
almost tripled, rising from 2,200 to 6,040 (City of Freiburg 2008a, 2008f; Gutzmer
2006). There are now 1,678 bike parking spots at public transport bike and ride
facilities. In addition, there is a major bike station at Freiburg’s main train station
offering secure, sheltered parking for 1,000 bikes (for 41 per day or 410 per
month), bike rental, bike repair, travel advice, and bike shipment to other cities
(City of Freiburg 2008a). Not only does the city provide bike parking directly,
but it also requires bike parking in all new buildings with two or more apartments,
as well as schools, universities and businesses (City of Freiburg 2008d).
Freiburg has encouraged walking primarily through the car-free zone in the
center, traffic calming of residential streets, and compact new developments that
generate short, walkable trips (City of Freiburg 2008b). Walking in Freiburg’s
pedestrianized old town has been thriving, with 69% of all trips on foot in 2007.
The latest transport plan foresees a westward extension of the pedestrian zone
by about 0.5 km toward the main train station (City of Freiburg 2008f). The city
acknowledges that its policies so far have only succeeded in stabilizing overall walk-
ing levels. In the future, Freiburg plans to improve the connectivity and safety of its
citywide pedestrian network and intends to establish more pedestrian friendly
neighborhood centers.

4.4. Restrictions on Car Use


Many of the policies that promote public transport, bicycling, and walking
involve restrictions on car use—such as car-free zones and traffic-calmed neighbor-
hoods. Freiburg’s official goal is to reduce car use as much as practical, but to
selectively accommodate car trips that cannot be made by any other mode. Thus,

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Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

the city combines disincentives to car use in the town center and residential neigh-
borhoods with improvement of arterials that have been widened or altered in vari-
ous ways to increase their carrying capacity (City of Freiburg 2008f; Gutzmer 2006).
Freiburg’s parking policy is designed to make car use less convenient and more
expensive. Parking garages are relegated to the periphery of the city center, thus
forcing motorists to walk or take public transport to access their cars. In many
residential neighborhoods, parking is reserved for residents only and requires a
special permit. On-street parking in commercial areas of the city becomes more
expensive with proximity to the center: 42.20 per hour in the innermost zone,
41.60 per hour in the intermediate zone, and 4.60 per hour in the outermost zone
(City of Freiburg 2006, 2008f). Almost all on-street car parking is limited in
duration to prevent long-term parking by commuters. Building codes have
reduced parking requirements for cars in new residential developments at the
same time they increased parking requirements for bikes (City of Freiburg 2008e).

5. SEVEN LESSONS FOR IMPLEMENTING SUSTAINABLE


TRANSPORT POLICIES
Freiburg’s success has depended to some extent on special circumstances. Thus,
it would be inappropriate to assume that Freiburg’s particular approach should be
copied exactly for implementation elsewhere. Nevertheless, there are many aspects
of Freiburg’s sustainable transport and land use policies that could be adapted for
use by cities in other countries. For each of the seven lessons listed below, we note
examples of Freiburg-type policies already being implemented in some U.S. cities.
These specific examples in the USA suggest the adaptability of Freiburg’s approach
for use elsewhere. Policies that are feasible in the extremely car-dominated USA
are probably transferable to other car-dependent countries such as Australia and
Canada—and even more transferable to Western European countries with more
balanced transport systems.
5.1. Implement Controversial Policies in Stages
Freiburg implemented most of its policies in stages, often choosing projects
everybody agreed upon first. For example, residential traffic calming was initially
implemented in neighborhoods whose residents complained most about car tra-
vel. Successful implementation in one neighborhood encouraged other areas of
the city to request traffic calming as well. Some American cities already use a simi-
lar approach of implementing controversial policies in stages. For example, in
2009, New York City closed Broadway for car traffic between Herald Square and
Times Square to experiment with a pedestrian plaza. The city has plans to make
the change permanent if the trial proves successful and wins public support
(New York City Department of Transportation 2009; Sadik-Khan 2010).
5.2. Plans Should be Flexible and Adaptable over Time to Changing Conditions
Over the last 40 years, Freiburg phased and adjusted its policies and goals gradu-
ally over time. For example, the initial decision to stop abandoning the trolley system
was made in the late 1960s. In the early 1970s, the city council approved the exten-
sion of the light rail system—which finally opened in 1983. Once the expansion had

60 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

proven successful, more new light rail lines followed. This phased approach can be
found in many American cities, such as the light rail extensions in Portland, Oregon
or the planned second light rail line in Minneapolis, Minnesota—where the success-
ful Hiawatha Line triggered public demand for a second light rail line connecting
Minneapolis to St. Paul (Metropolitan Council 2009).

5.3. Policies Must be Multi-Modal and Include Both Incentives and


Disincentives
Freiburg has simultaneously made public transport, cycling, and walking viable
alternatives to the automobile, while increasing the cost of car travel. Improving
quality and level of service of alternative modes of transport made car-restrictive
measures politically acceptable. The problem with car-restrictive measures in
car-dependent countries such as the USA is that individuals rely on the car for about
90% of their trips. Thus, car-restrictive measures are opposed by the vast majority of
the population. Yet as cities improve their public transport systems, as well as con-
ditions for walking and bicycling, that may gradually increase the political feasibility
of restricting car use. For example, as bicycling in Portland, Oregon has increased
six-fold between 1990–2008, the city has transformed car parking spaces into bike
parking; converted residential roads into bicycling boulevards with traffic calming
and low speed limits; reassigned car lanes to bike lanes; and changed traffic signals
to prioritize bicycles and public transport (City of Portland 2007, 2009).

5.4. Fully Integrate Transport and Land-Use Planning


Policies promoting public transport, cycling, and walking rely on a settlement
structure that keeps trip distances short and residences and workplaces within
reach of public transport. There are already some successful examples in the
USA. Arlington County, Virginia developed high density mixed use neighborhoods
around stops of the Washington DC Metro (Transit Cooperative Research Program
2004). Portland, Oregon is another prominent example of coordinating transport
and land-use planning in the USA. Indeed, there are striking similarities between
Portland and Freiburg in the development of their light rail systems, the planning
of land uses around rail stops, the restrictions on suburban sprawl, and the focus
on strengthening the central city and neighborhood-based commercial centers
(Abbott and Margheim 2008; Ozawa 2004; Song and Knaap 2004).

5.5. Citizen Involvement Must be an Integral Part of Policy Development


and Implementation
Since the 1970s, citizen participation has been a key aspect of transport and
land-use planning in Freiburg. For example, citizen groups worked with the city
administration to redevelop Vauban into an environmentally friendly car-free
neighborhood. Moreover, Freiburg’s latest land-use plan has been developed with
sustained input of 900 citizens. Citizen involvement and public discourse kept the
environment and sustainability of the transport system in the news in Freiburg for
decades. Over time, public opinion in Freiburg has become more and more
supportive of sustainable policies (Bratzel 1999). Even politicians from the con-
servative party have accepted restrictions on car use and have promoted public
transport, bicycling, and walking as alternatives. Once more Portland, Oregon is

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Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

probably the best example in the USA, with a history of extensive citizen partici-
pation in transport, land-use, and environmental planning. Public involvement
has been institutionalized into Portland’s transport planning process through a
city-funded network of neighborhood associations. Virtually every transport project
includes public meetings, citizen advisory boards, focus groups, surveys, and public
hearings to ensure citizen participation at every stage (Abbott and Margheim 2008;
City of Portland 2007; Ozawa 2004; Shandas and Messer 2008).
5.6. Support From Higher Levels of Government is Crucial to Making
Local Policies Work
Starting in the 1970s, the German federal government reduced funding for
highways and provided more flexible funds for improvements in local transport
infrastructure—including public transport, walking and cycling. Similarly, the state
of Baden-Wuerttemberg provided funds for the initial trial of Freiburg’s flat rate
monthly transit ticket. Federal government support for public transport, walking,
and bicycling has increased sharply in the USA since the early 1990s (America
Bikes 2006; Clarke 2003). Successive federal transport laws (i.e., ISTEA, TEA-21,
and SAFETEA-LU) have strongly encouraged, or even required, state and local
governments to promote alternatives to the car, coordinate land use with trans-
port, consider the needs of persons with disabilities, and mitigate the environmen-
tal, energy, and safety problems of urban transport (USDOT 2004, 2009a; Weiner
2008). The federal transport law is currently being revised for renewal, but indica-
tions are that there will be even more emphasis on promoting sustainability. That
includes improvements to motor vehicle technology as well as policies to encour-
age public transport, walking, and bicycling.
5.7. Sustainable Transport Policies Must be Long Term, with Policies Sustained
Over Time, for Lasting Impact
Changes in the transport system and travel behavior take time. Freiburg started
its journey towards more sustainable transport almost 40 years ago. For example,
the initial expansion of the light rail system took over a decade. Thus, planners
should curb their expectations for quick success. Clearly, some policies can be
implemented quickly, but changes in travel behavior and a more sustainable trans-
port system take much longer. No large American city can claim such a long track
record of sustainable transport policies. Nevertheless, the experience of Portland,
Oregon over the past decades suggests that successful policies there have been
self-reinforcing, generating increasing public support and thus enabling even
more sustainable policies in successive years (Abbott and Margheim 2008; City
of Portland 2009; Ozawa 2004).

6. CONCLUSIONS
Admittedly, Freiburg is not a typical city. Even within Germany it is viewed as the
most sustainable city, and that is a country that appears to have far more sustain-
able transport and land-use systems than the USA, Canada, or Australia. Thus,
many readers might be tempted to dismiss the impressive example of Freiburg
as being irrelevant to cities in more car-dependent countries.

62 International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011


R. Buehler and J. Pucher

Yet even in the most car-dependent countries like the USA, Canada, and
Australia, many cities have been implementing bits and pieces of the Freiburg
policy package over recent decades. In cities throughout these three countries
policies have increasingly promoted alternatives to the car: through improved pub-
lic transport, bicycle paths and lanes, better sidewalks, traffic calming of residential
neighborhoods, and pedestrian zones. The biggest difference is that American,
Canadian, and Australian cities rarely implement measures that restrict car use by
making it more costly, slower, and less convenient. Freiburg has implemented both
carrot policies to encourage alternatives to the car and stick policies to discourage
car use. While incentives for public transport, walking, and cycling can work alone
to some extent, combining them with policy sticks for car use has the potential to
amplify the beneficial impacts of policy carrots.
Changes in transport and land use policies towards limiting car use and promot-
ing more sustainable modes of transport often face barriers such as political and
public acceptability, institutional inertia, splintered institutional responsibilities
and lack of cooperation, financial constraints, municipal competition, legislative
limitations, and public resistance to culture and lifestyle changes (European
Commission 2005; May 2008). As we have shown in this article, Freiburg also faced
many barriers along its way to more sustainability, but it was able to overcome each
of them through innovative approaches. Below we list a few specific examples of
how Freiburg overcame financial, institutional, legislative, political, and
acceptability barriers over time:

. In the early 1970s local business leaders opposed the implementation of the
downtown pedestrian zone—fearing a loss of customers and revenue. Local
business opposition only subsided when citizens and the city government
agreed to build parking garages at the edge of the proposed pedestrian
zone, thus ensuring access for customers.
. In 1984, Freiburg’s transit provider (VAG) opposed the introduction of a
flat fare monthly public transport ticket—fearing declining revenues and
financial disaster. To overcome that resistance, the state government
provided financial guarantees during the initial implementation phase.
Freiburg’s city council then forced VAG to implement the ticket, which
turned out to be a huge success. Today VAG covers 90% of its operating bud-
get with fare revenues—making Freiburg’s transit system among the most
financially sustainable in Germany.
. Many residents were initially skeptical about traffic calming for neighborhoods.
However, successful implementation in a few neighborhoods convinced doubt-
ful citizens to demand traffic calming for their own neighborhood. The strategy
has been so successful that 90% of neighborhoods are now traffic calmed at
30 km=hr or less. Freiburgers can now apply online to suggest that their street
become a home zone with car travel speeds of less than 7 km=h.
. In the 1990s, car-free living in Vauban could only be realized after the city
had negotiated an exemption from state-wide minimum parking standards.
The state government agreed to count parts of Vauban’s recreational park
land as space holder for automobile parking. This satisfies state require-
ments for parking space provisions and citizen demand for open space.

International Journal of Sustainable Transportation Vol. 5, No. 1, 2011 63


Sustainable Transport in Freiburg, Germany

. Coordination with neighboring municipalities on land-use and transport


planning has not always been easy. For example, many transit providers in
the region only agreed to join the unified regional transit ticket after receiv-
ing an initial contract guaranteeing a certain amount of annual revenue.
That protected the transit providers against financial risks of joining the
regional transit authority.

Portland, Oregon probably is the best example of sustainable transport and land-use
policies in the USA. Although it does not restrict car use nearly to the extent of Frei-
burg, it has pursued a well integrated program of improvements to public transport,
walking, and cycling while promoting compact, mixed use development and discour-
aging car-dependent sprawl (Abbott and Margheim 2008; Ozawa 2004; Shandas and
Messer 2008). Most studies deem Portland’s policies a success (Abbott and Margheim
2008; Ozawa 2004). Trends in travel behavior also point towards increasing sustainabil-
ity of the transport system. Between 1990 and 2008, the mode share of workers com-
muting by car, truck, or van fell from 78% to 69%, while the share of bike and
public transport commuters increased from 12% to over 18%. The growth for bicycling
is particularly impressive: the average number of daily bike commuters increased
six-fold (þ586%) between 1990 and 2008. During the same time period, the average
number of daily public transport commuters increased by 55% (U.S. Census Bureau
1990, 2009). Portland’s success provides hope that other car-dependent cities in the
USA and around the world can also become more sustainable.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors are indebted to Uwe Schade, Bernhard Gutzmer, Wulf Daseking
(all City of Freiburg), Andreas Hildebrandt (VAG Freiburg), and Tobias Bernecker
and Dagmar Glaser (State of Baden-Württemberg) who provided much of the
information presented in this article. We would also like to thank Martin Wachs,
Robert Noland, Dale Medearis, and Kris Wernstedt for their suggestions for
improving earlier drafts of the article.

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