H101-2011Psarra-The Parthenon and The Erechtheion
H101-2011Psarra-The Parthenon and The Erechtheion
H101-2011Psarra-The Parthenon and The Erechtheion
The Journal
of Architecture
Volume 9
Spring 2004
I came to the study of the Parthenon and the Erechtheion from outside the areas of
archaeology and art history. My interest in the two buildings is in their architecture and
more specifically in the contribution this makes to their cultural meaning. However, the
most compelling argument of archaeologists and art historians supports my intentions:
both the sculptures and the building were integral components of a single whole. I will
extend this argument by indicating that the architecture of the two temples, their art, their
cults and the entire scheme of which they were part, belonged to a greater whole. I will
suggest that they were all responsible, all tightly interwoven in the construction and
expression of the religious, political and cultural narrative and content.
To modern eyes, Greek temples retain either the status of a remote but timeless past
subject to historical, stylistic and proportional analysis, or the romantic status of antiquity
and ruins. In what follows I have used existing evidence and sources neither to reinforce
these positions, nor to solve problems that archaeology and related disciplines have been
more successfully addressing. I have used them to look at the two buildings through the
prism of knowledge from diverse fields of inquiry, and so to locate them within a social,
historical and ideological context. In this way, I hope I can break their silence and salvage
them from the mere formalism of stylistic inspection, or from decay and solitude in the
romantic imagination.
Figure 1. The
Parthenon, Athens.
apparent contrasts serve? What did they mean at Both arguments explain causes, but they do not
the time of their completion? How were they seen seem to account for how the incidental is trans-
in later times, when the system that created them figured to achieve symbolic significance. The two
was marching steadily to its last stages of forgetful- buildings were not just the outcome of their
ness and exhaustion? purpose and their times, but were also the product
Two arguments, mainly, have been used in of a programme that aimed beyond religious
explaining the Erechtheion’s curious form. One interest and the spirit of one age. It was an orches-
magnifies the role of incident and functional purpose, trated attempt to manifest the victory of Athens in
the other sees historical inevitability mapped on the the Persian wars, its leadership in the Delian league
temple’s surface. We know that the temple is irregular and its achievements in culture, politics and public
as a result of the different levels it was built on, and life. But above all it was an attempt to ‘re-write’
as a response to diverse traditions and sacred spots history through a synthesis of mythical apparatus
(Wycherley 1978). We also know that its construction and historical event.
was interrupted by the Peloponnesian war that saw The building programme started just after the
Athens’ trajectory from domination in the Delian middle of the fifth century on the remains of
league to defeat and final humiliation. previous archaic structures that were destroyed in
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Figure 2. The
Erechtheion, Athens.
the Persian war (Fig. 3). The ‘past had been wiped Figure 3. Plan of the
out’ and much of what was sacred and old had Acropolis. Point A is
defined by the
vanished until, on the initiative of Pericles, the city
intersection of the
felt confident enough to undertake the reconstruc- A
deity of Athens), while the eastern part was devoted The Parthenon was built on the foundations of
to Poseidon-Erechtheus (Wycherley 1978). So the an older temple of Athena, not in the old image but
apparent differences between the two buildings as an entirely new Doric structure (447–435 BC).
had a second level of expression. The Parthenon That meant a different size, different proportions
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Figure 4. Plan of the and new features, the most important of which was
Parthenon showing the a continuous frieze, characteristic of the Ionic style,
progression of the Athena and Poseidon contest along the inner side of the peristyle (Fig. 4). The
procession on the frieze
and the thematic building had two parts: the cella (naos) housing the
content of the metopes gold and ivory statue of Athena, and a smaller
and the pediments. room, the ‘parthenon’ (maidens’ chamber), that
gave its name to the temple as a whole. The naos
was accessed from the east and had a double-storey
colonnade that continued at the back of the statue.
The west room had a separate entrance and
contained four Ionic columns. Provisions were made
from the beginning for a scheme of sculptural treat-
ment integrated with the architecture: to this
element we will return later in detail.
The Propylaea was constructed next as a monu-
mental gateway to the sanctuary (Fig. 5). Work on
the Erechtheion began in 421 BC and was
completed in 405 BC. Like the Parthenon, it rose on
the site of a previous structure, that of the Old
Temple, the repository of the most sacred wooden
statue of Athena.1 It was designed in the Ionic style
and was intended to replace the old temple and to
gather in a single building several shrines and places
of religious importance. It was built on lower
ground and was divided into two main parts, each
with a narrow porch. It is at the western part that
the irregularities of the design are found (Fig. 6).
The portico on the north side projected outwards
from the west end of the building, while a small
porch with female figures (korai), in place of
columns, was attached to the south (Fig. 2). The
two porches are situated on either side of the main
building along the north–south axis. They stand on
different levels, have a different size and appear-
ance, and are asymmetrical to each other. The
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Figure 5. Propylaea,
internal view.
western façade consisted of a series of columns it can be illuminated best against tradition. The
resting on a wall instead of forming the usual porch. Parthenon was the first Doric monument to make
The wall was perforated by a door connecting the use of an Ionic frieze and of eight columns along its
interior with the sanctuary of Pandrosos, an integral short side as opposed to six. However, in spite of its
part of the temple. differences, it stemmed from a development that
stretched from the Mycenaean megaron, the basic
The evolution of temples prototype of temple design, to the peripteral
The new architects of the Parthenon followed a building (Fig. 7a–d).
design so different in character from the old that it As temples grew in size and complexity two main
became necessary to reposition every block of stone patterns prevailed: an introduction of spatial layers
. . . (Bruno,1974). in the form of porches, peristyles and colonnades,
The fifth century saw many cultural innovations, and a canonisation of these elements through
new genres of tragedy, history and art, and older symmetry and proportions. These patterns are
ones that underwent a transformation. But every recognisable because each stage in the transforma-
innovation measures itself against an obliterated tion preserves and extends characteristics of the
custom. Even if it departs completely from the past, previous stages. Both are read as impositions and
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Figure 6. Plan of the Hephaesteion in Athens (Fig. 7d, g). 3 The interior
Erechtheion with developed also, from a single room to a colon-
shrines produced by
naded space. At the beginning there was a single
Travlos, from J. Travlos,
‘Bildlexicon zur row of columns (Fig. 7e), then two rows placed on
Topographie des either side of the axis (Fig. 7f), and finally a con-
Antiken Athen’ tinuous colonnade that surrounded the statue of
(Deutches the deity (Fig. 7g).
Archaologiches Institut-
The layered stratification of space shows that
Athen, Tubinken,
1971). Eastern section: spatial depth was gradually interposed between the
A. Altar of Zeus inside and the outside space. At the same time the
Hypatos, B. Altar of axis gathered the layers along its course and
Poseidon and synchronised the sacred with the profane. Depth
Erechtheus, C. Altar of
was necessary in expressing the categoric distinc-
Hephaistos, E. Thrones
of Priests. Western tion of the religious space from the human domain,
section: F. North Porch, but the axis was also important in establishing an
G. Altar and marks of essential contact (Hillier 1996). Gods and humans
thunderbolt, H. Salt resided in separate worlds, but they communicated
spring and trident
and met through axiality and geometrical order.
marks, I. Tomb of
Erechtheus, J. Athena The peristyle wrapping around the naos and its
Polias, K. Hermes, L. porches obliterated distinctions between the front
Lamp of Kallimachos, and the back and between the two sides. When
M. Persian spoil, N. intensifications of a global order over the co-ordina- parts in a composition become similar, the mind can
Caryatid Porch.
tion of individual elements. access the simplicity of the whole. The Greek monu-
Pandroseion: O. Tomb
of Kekrops, P. Temple of The characteristics that remained invariant ments were positioned obliquely so that a single
Pandrosos, Q. Olive enable the classification of temples into four viewpoint was enough to capture their order. Their
tree, R. Altar of Zeus distinct types. First, the temple in antis, where the significance in expressing the deity was found in
Herkeios. side walls of the naos project outwards enclosing their external appearance, as the interior was
two columns and forming a porch (Fig. 7a). designed for the purpose of ritual and not of social
Second, the prostyle temple in which four columns assembly. When a building becomes legible through
at the entrance constitute a portico (Fig. 7b). Third, stasis rather than movement, its conceptual unity
the amphi-prostyle temple where the front portico prevails over the diversity of views obtained by
is repeated at the back (Fig. 7c).2 The fourth type is embodied experience. So, the god was found less
the peripteral building in which the naos with its in the ever-changing world of the senses and more
porches is surrounded by a colonnade or a peri- in the universal and absolute world of conceptual
style, as in the case of the Parthenon or the order. But what kinds of gods were housed in the
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d)
Peripteral temple
Parthenon and the Erechtheion? This is something ropes and chains to prevent them from fleeing
to be discussed later, as it is necessary to focus first (McEwen 1994). If a memory of the necessity of
on the two monuments and their position in the fixing the gods had survived amongst the sculptors
precinct. But from what has been stated so far, one and the architects of Athens, then animated life and
thing is certain: the Parthenon is regular and known fixity had found their expression, each in one of the
through stasis. The Erechtheion is irregular, different two temples.
in each of its sides and can become understood only
through movement. What the visitor saw on the Acropolis
Both temples contained images of the goddess Ideas like frontality, axiality and alignment in Archaic
Athena. A colossal new statue made by Pheidias and Classical Greece did not have much significance
and an ancient wooden image of the goddess in relating buildings to each other. However, at the
whose origin dated back to Mycenaean times. In front part of the Acropolis, as at the western side
those days wooden statues (xoana) were bound by of the Erechtheion, the axis has been distinguished
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Figure 7 (Continued.)
e) f) g)
The temple of Apollo The temple of Poseidon The temple of Hephaestus
at Thermum at Paestum in Athens
Figure 8. Plan of the and obliterated at the same time (Fig. 8). The
Propylaea, produced by central building of the Propylaea was turned
Travlos, from J. Travlos,
through 23o so that its axis coincided with that of
‘Bildlexicon zur
Topographie des
the approach ramp (Coulton 1991). The picture
Antiken Athen’ gallery (Pinakotheke) was turned in the opposite
(Deutches direction so that its façade was at right angles to
Archaologiches Institut- the main building. A matching façade was placed
Athen, Tubinken,
directly opposite in front of a small room. Extending
1971).
outwards it created a route pointing at the small
temple of Nike Apteros at the top of the bastion.
Ascending the ramp, visitors would become aware
of the asymmetries only at the end of the route
(Fig. 9). These were re-encountered at the statue of
Athena Promachos placed at the end of the axis but
slightly turned to the southwest. Everywhere else
axes proliferated organising the symmetry of
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figure slightly turned to the right. This is the second Another reconstruction by Sevens depicts the
moment after the Propylaea where asymmetry Parthenon from the northwest with a concentration
offered a direction, pointing towards the south. It was of offerings (Fig. 11). From the Propylaea the route
still not possible to see the Parthenon’s entrance from to the western, the northern and the eastern parts
this position. The Erechtheion was hidden from view, of the building was lined with some of the finest
but visitors knew that there was a direct route to its statues. Together with the Parthenon sculptures
porch. The Parthenon was visible but there were they would absorb interest and stimulate move-
many spatial steps and changes in direction along the ment. Yet, seen from either the sanctuary of
approach route to its entry (Fig. 3). Artemis or from the Chalcotheca court, or from the
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beginnings of the road to the far eastern side, the one could look back at the Propylaea framed
Erechtheion remained largely invisible. through the Ionic columns of the north portico
It would appear again from the top of the (Figs 3, 5). There was more to see, as to the left was
Parthenon’s base or from the middle of the road’s the sanctuary of Pandrosos from where the western
length. The view comprised the Caryatides porch face of the building was fully visible, while the road
against the backdrop of a blank wall (Fig. 12). From to the exit was lined with Pausanias’ last series of
the end of the route the building would show its statues. But at this point the visitors would have
symmetrical façade facing east. It is from this side come full circle as they could see back to the
that Pausanias approached it. At the narrow stretch beginning of the visit. The entrance to the profane
of land between the temple and the edge of the hill part of the Acropolis was made ‘symmetrical’ to the
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entrance to one of its temples. Entering the space protected its categoric distinction from the world of
of the deity one was reminded again of its direct profane action through its indirect entry. The
contact with the space of daily life. Erechtheion showed its entrance and was easily
The visitors would absorb numerous narratives accessible from the outside. Its appearance, dis-
from sculptures, cults and shrines on the way, but appearance and changing faces indicated a negoti-
they would also assimilate a larger narrative con- able identity, both secular and divine.
sisting of the buildings and their position in the The complementary relationship between the two
spatial progression. The Parthenon dominated the temples has been widely argued. Vincent Scully
experience through its invariable image and notes that the irregularity of the Erechtheion
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Figure 14. The gold the axial route in the Parthenon corresponds to its
and ivory statue, symmetry and the imposition of a global rule by a
Varvakeios copy,
single element (the peristyle) over and above the
Deutches
Archaologiches Institut- individual components. On the other hand, the
Athen, photograph: informal and multiple routes in the Erechtheion
Crake, Neg. Nr.: N.M. match the co-presence of many rules in its volu-
5146. metric design. The deity in the Parthenon protects
itself from casual, accidental movement that might
cross its stable boundary and image. In the Erech-
theion it seems to favour randomness over
formality. But in order to understand the differences
between the two temples and the religious ideology
they expressed we need to examine closely their
sculptural programme and religious content.
The Journal
of Architecture
Volume 9
Spring 2004
its categoric differentiation, its formality and ‘deep’ Figure 15. Metope,
entrance. Lagerlof compares Pheidias’ statue to the south face of the
Parthenon, battle of
old wooden figure. This represented the goddess’
Centaur with Lapith,
‘presence and essence’. Which amongst all forms of Deutches
Athena was this essence? If it was the property to Archaologiches Institut-
change form, then surely this was the gods’ Athen, photograph:
essence, and for the sake of my argument, an Hege, Neg. Nr.: Hege
2526.
essence that the changing surface of the
Erechtheion was capable of sustaining. But if
Lagerlof uses Plato’s definition, to whom she refers
many times, then we have to go ‘beyond, where the
bodiless prototypes were at rest: the ideas’ (Calasso,
1994). And where else could an idea, or essence,
find better manifestation than in a stable image: the
Parthenon?
It is all a matter of interpretation. Semantics is a
Trojan horse that eats meaning from inside. The
question is not what the images actually repre-
sented but how they did so in a context that characters as judges of the divine gifts, Athena’s olive
includes the architectural, sculptural, religious and tree and the salt spring of Poseidon. On the east
social programme. The difference is subtle but pediment was her birth from Zeus’ head amongst
important as it illuminates the transient nature of the assembly of the Olympian gods. Carved in high
the sign and saves its universal significance from relief on the metopes were scenes of battles with
fixed and literal meaning. But whereas the content Lapiths and Centaurs (south side, Fig. 15), gods and
of the Parthenon sculptures has been widely Giants (east side), Athenians and Amazons (west
argued, the contribution of architecture to its side), Greeks and Trojans (north side). Finally, the
expression is absent from the debate. Epiphany was scene carved in low relief along the frieze depicted
the destiny of Greek gods in myth and art. Silence a procession that moved northwards along the west
and abstraction was that of the temples that once side, and eastwards along the north and south side
housed their statues. (Fig. 4). The two parts of the sequence rounded the
Three kinds of sculpture were knit into the northeast and southwest corners converging at the
Parthenon. Sculpted in full relief on the pediments centre of the east boundary. The Parthenon frieze is
were scenes associated with Athena. The west considered a tour de force of planning and carving
pediment showed a local myth: her victory over and continues to generate a range of interpretations.
Poseidon for the patronage of Attica, with Attic The most prevalent explanation is that it represents
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the Panathenaic procession that terminated at the it housed gave access to a narrative that was
old temple carrying the newly woven peplos to associated with that of the Parthenon but was of an
Athena.12 entirely different order. The building was placed
The vast scholarship and interpretations these next to the remains of a Doric temple. Older than
sculptures have attracted converge on one argu- this temple was a Mycenaean palace that stood on
ment: their content integrates history, politics and the site, the palace of Cekrops, first King of Athens,
myth portrayed as a tension between victory and and Erechthonios, often combined with Erechtheus.
struggle. The mythical battles of the Greeks and Erechthonios was born from an unsuccessful desire
their gods over eruptive powers on the metopes of Hephaestus for Athena. Hephaestus’ seed fell in
allude to the Persian war and to Athenians as Athens and accidentally fertilised Earth ( Ge). Athena
defenders of freedom and social order (Harrison took charge of the child who had a serpent’s tail for
1967). Athena’s victory on the west pediment legs,14 placed it into a basket and gave it to
venerated Athens, echoing the pediment on the Aglauros the eldest daughter of Cekrops.15
opposite side. ‘Athenians and their sacred hill were Aglauros and her sisters were curious and broke the
to Athena as Athena was to Zeus and Olympus’ sacred order, looked under the lid and leaped from
(Langerlof 2000). the Acropolis out of fear. The child found refuge in
The subjects on the pediments and the metopes Athena’s aegis (the Gorgon-goat’s skin) and later
were pan-Hellenic and had recurred widely and in became King of Athens, instituting her worship and
diverse contexts. However, the narrative plot the Panathenaia. The Athenians saw themselves as
reached back in time and in a Homeric spirit inte- descendants of Erechthonios-Erechtheus, so loved
grated the memory of major historical and mythical by Athena, who was mistaken for her child (Graves
events in one building: the consolidation of the 1960). They had the paradoxical identity of autoch-
world by the gods’ victory over the giants, 13 the thony (born from the earth) and divine birth, like
unity of all Greek cities in the fall of Troy and the their ancestral goddess, both virgin and mother.
triumph of Greeks in the Persian war. The charac- In Euripides’ play Ion, Erechtheus is the
ters, many of which were Attic, Athena’s crowning descendant of Erechthonios and is thus a different
presence and the Attic ritual in the frieze alluded to character. According to Burkert, Erechtheus and
the political superiority of Athens, after the Persian Erechthonios are merely variants (Burkert 1983). ‘It
defeat, in the rivalry of the Greek cities. The was only Erechtheus that was used in the cult as it
synthesis of aesthetic, social and religious values has the original non-Greek name, while the name
and the appropriation of pan-Hellenic subjects of Erichthonios was a Hellenising neologism
advanced a single ideology and a political propa- because of the etymology’.16 The Attic myth differ-
ganda for the citizens of Athens. entiates between the two by telling of Erechtho-
The scenes that were carved on the Erechtheion’s nios’ birth and Erechtheus’ death, indicating that
frieze did not survive. But the cults and sacred spots the former is the child born from the earth that later
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becomes Erechtheus, the King of Athens. The latter units have a stable pan-Hellenic character and a
died mysteriously in the battle between Athens and variant expandable nature based on their general or
Eleusis, rammed into the earth by Poseidon’s particular significance depending on circumstances.
trident. However, Erechtheus and Poseidon, victor Athena in the Parthenon had the pan-Hellenic
and vanquished, became two names for a single identity of the warrior. In the Erechtheion she had
god: Poseidon-Erechtheus. Euripides described the an Attic and multi-faceted image (warrior, virgin
events leading to his death in the tragedy Erech- and mother) and shared her premises with gods,
theus. ‘The play merged the two characters, recog- kings and their families that were mortal and
nising the symbolic unity in the polar tension of immortal, autochthonous and divine. 18
sacrifice’ (Burkert 1983). Such was her epiphany in her ‘house’: ritualistic,
Such was the concentration and the complexity fragmented and emblematic. On her stable
of ancient myths and cults clustered in the Erech- monument her deeds became pictorial, wholesome
theion that each one of its spaces was marked by and panoramic. The Parthenon embodied narrative
mythic significance. Pausanias refers to the altars of pictorially through sculpture; the Erechtheion
Poseidon-Erechtheus, Hephaestus and Boutes (hero mediated archaic myths through spaces, emblems
of Athens) on its eastern side, and, on its western and fragments. Each pictorial level in the Parthenon
side, to the holy image of Athena, a wooden corresponded to a different phase in divine and
Hermes, said to have been dedicated by Cekrops, a human history,19 from Athena’s birth (pediments),
golden lamp, where Hephaestus’ fire burnt with to Homer’s epic where the gods joined the heroes
Athena’s olive oil, a chair made by Daedalus, relics in acts of procreation (metopes) and finally to
from the Persian war, the sea-water well17 and the Athens in the fifth century where mortals achieved
olive tree produced by the goddess in the contest heroic status, joining the gods at the east side of the
with Poseidon. Adjacent to the tree was the tomb frieze (Fig. 16).20 Time in the Erechtheion did not
of Cekrops as well as the shrine of his daughter extend from a remote past to the building’s present;
Pandrosos (Fig. 6). Finally, a square aperture left in in contrast, it solidified in the Bronze Age.
the floor of the north portico indicated the marks The pediments and the metopes captured a
made on the rock by Poseidon’s trident in the single moment of divine and heroic action, but the
contest, while an aperture in the roof suggested a frieze represented action in temporal sequence.
spot struck by the thunderbolt of Zeus. Fehl suggests that the Panathenaic procession was
shown as a contemporary might have seen it on the
The architecture of mythic narrative way to the Acropolis (Fehl 1974). Separate
Greek mythology is an inter-textual tapestry of moments at different parts of its course, from the
poetry, art and oral tradition. Myth is woven there preparations of the horsemen in the outer
in variations, deriving its meaning from its position Cerameikos to the arrival in the precinct, were
in the totality of representations. Its constituent selected and represented as a continuous
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progression (Fig. 17). The characters came from linear time, the time it takes for a single ritual to
various classes grouped so as to correspond to the complete. The co-presence of citizens from different
organisation of the Athenian state: ‘in fact, the political periods shows a compression of cyclical time
groups reflect the successive forms of that organis- over the course of repeated processions. So, in spite
ation, with the earlier system on the north side of of the organisation of the events into a sequence, the
the temple, and the more recent, the democratic depiction of action on the frieze has a simultaneous
system, on the south’ (Kores 1994). effect. It translates different moments of historical
The co-existence of separate moments along the time into narrative time and synchronises them into
course of the procession shows a compression of a progression on a finite physical surface.
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The sculptural ensemble as a whole had a spine and the compression of the diachronic dimen-
temporal orientation from a remote beginning to a sion, show a systematic attempt to map myth as a
distant past and an immediate present. However, synchronic system. If the war of mortals could be
the overarching theme of victory and struggle and thought of as being analogous to the divine and
the compression of time enabled vertical associa- heroic battle, then their passage from human life to
tions. For Claude Levi-Strauss myth consists of all its the eternal world of timeless values was deemed to
versions (Levi-Strauss 1963). Telling a myth involves have occurred. Similarly, if the pan-Hellenic and
a successive reading of events that unfold diachron- Attic scenes had jointly pre-figured the force of
ically. Understanding it however, involves disre- Athens in the Persian Wars, then Athens was not an
garding the diachronic dimension and focusing on ephemeral and variant instance in the Greek
the vertical links amongst the mythic units. The proscenium of mythology and history but a funda-
structure of myth thus consists of occurrences of mental ingredient of its entire structure.
similar relationships embedded in each variant. The It was not possible to perceive this structure from
Parthenon sculptures, using the same thematic limited view-points, so movement was essential to
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absorbing its meaning. However, the conceptual The architecture of politics and place
unity of the building mirrored the universal and Conflicts in myth and art are used to reinforce the
panoramic message of its sculpture and formed a notion of unity and reconciliation and so to solve
carrier that would enable the viewer to connect the problems that remain insoluble at the empirical
narrative units into a single and comprehensible levels of experience and practice (Levi-Strauss
corpus. 1963). In practice the building programme provided
In the Erechtheion, myth had neither an imposed steady employment and strengthened the sense of
conceptual order that integrated events in a accomplishment and public pride. But behind the
temporal line, nor a simple and unified physical unified efforts that converged on the Acropolis was
body for its inscription. It was based on Archaic a political friction. Each side in the debate might
Athens and used embodied experience as its instru- have placed their corresponding hope or fear on
ment of narration. The movement of a person what lay behind the city’s monumental glorification:
around and through the building was the medium the economic and social empowerment of
that integrated the emblems that punctuated its tradesmen involved in the programme and their
spaces. There was no particular sequence in which vote in the demos (Meiggs 1974). However,
they would be seen, as the circulation structure Pericles’ resistance to the objections against using
encouraged alternative routes instead of a single the funds contributed by the allied cities for military
path. Objects and spaces stood in close proximity protection stressed the intention to celebrate the
and in a loose relationship to each other. The myths identity of the city.
they instigated with their complex origins, genealo- The representation that Athens made of itself
gies and identities relied upon the varied routes to was in complementary contrasts, each of which
show their open-ended message. The building inte- implied a different conception of its identity in space
grated the changeable nature of its myth with a and time. The Parthenon pointed at those charac-
design that privileged the diverse nature of move- terisations that gave it an universal dimension, i.e.
ment. an association with the totality of myth, history and
The apprehension of the narrative was thus rein- place. In contrast, the Erechtheion referred to the
forced by the apprehension of architecture. The two specific nature of myth, time and location. Studying
buildings and their contrasts, regular and irregular, the relationship between spatial properties, social
visible and invisible, formal and informal, carried relations and cultural meaning, Hillier and Hanson
oppositions between their respective stories like suggest that entities that operate across time and
universal and particular, contemporary and archaic, space are ‘universal categories’ with a ‘transpatial’
generic and variant. dimension. In contrast those that are identified with
a specific region of space are fundamentally ‘par-
ticular’ and spatial (Hillier and Hanson 1984). The
former function beyond spatial continuity and
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adjacency, whereas the latter rely on spatial prox- old ritual, rooted in the aristocratic past, could be
imity to realise their identity and operation. expressed by a building like the Parthenon that,
Stretching across time and space the Parthenon regardless of its innovations, was closer to the
protected its categoric differentiation by spatial original temple design.
layers between its boundary and the domain of Lycurgus quotes an oath said to have been sworn
daily life, as well as by its stable and formal appear- by the Greek allies at Plataia in 470 BC: ‘Of the
ance. Linked to a particular spatial and temporal shrines burnt and overthrown by the barbarians I
instance, the Erechtheion was easily accessible and will rebuild none, but I will allow them to remain as
negotiated its identity by a close relationship with a memorial to those who come after the impiety of
the space of everyday action and human life. the barbarians’ (Lycurgus, Leocr. 8i). Twenty three
Both buildings show a specific conception of years later Athens had recovered and gained the
identity but they move in opposite directions. The economic resources necessary to start the recon-
Parthenon re-interprets the past for the eyes of a struction. War scars are covered either to facilitate
timeless present, and for a sphere of influence that oblivion or to advance new kinds of collective
exceeds the city’s geographical limits. The Erech- memory. The more the changes witnessed after the
theion shapes the present as a natural extension of wars broke with the city’s past, the more likely it was
a privileged and timeless past mapped by geograph- for the scar to show an undesired break. Contem-
ical and topographical boundaries that are limited porary achievement and innovation need historical
and specific. Through the former Athens advances depth to stabilise themselves through time.
an empire and a state. Through the latter it cele- What were these achievements and how did they
brates a mythical locale: an autochthonous popula- affect the city’s self image? The transformations in
tion and a place. Athens in the fifth century paved the passage from
internal politics to foreign relations, from an
The architecture of tradition and change agrarian society to manufacture, economic enter-
In the western world of architectural humanism, prise and urbanisation and from military power to
whose roots we are here discussing, we are accus- imperial expansion and naval warfare (Raaflaub
tomed to take formality and symmetry for things 1998). They brought numerous opportunities for
that have been stabilised traditionally through time. business and gain and facilitated the change from
In contrast, asymmetry stands for a disruption in the tyranny to a democratic state. The citizens of
existing systems of thought and social practice. It is Athens developed a political identity that shaped
reasonable then to expect that a new social order, their thinking and behaviour. They had a collective
like democracy and the empire, would find best sense of accomplishment and a faith in their power
expression in a new or unusual form like the Erech- to control their destiny through their participation
theion, encouraging asymmetry and accessibility in the political process.
rather than symmetry and separation. Similarly, an These changes brought a democratic conception
98
Figure 18. The birth of of temporality. But they did not occur without ideo-
Erechthonios, Viriginia logical struggle, as many of the city’s aspects were
Museum of Fine Arts,
still attached to the aristocratic notion of time.
Richmond, The Arthur
and Margaret Glasgow Democratic temporality privileged the present over
Fund. photograph: the past, historical cause over inherited values, indi-
Katherine Wetzel, viduality, innovation and human choice over ritual,
© Virginia Museum of repetition and genealogy. In contrast, the old
Fine Arts.
temporality was structured upon lineage, the
mythical orientation of the past, and the reproduc-
tion of archetypal systems and paradigms (Csapo
and Miller 1998).
The new conception of time was reflected in
politics and other developments like naval war, rhet-
oric, law, historiography, individualism and realism
in sculpture and drama. However, in spite of discov-
eries, the storehouse of myth continued to supply
the arts with their thematic content. Only very rarely
did artistic expression make direct reference to The ideological labour of reinstating tradition
contemporary achievements. In contrast, it alluded becomes significant in periods where transforma-
to their significance using parallels from the past. tions in spatial and temporal practices are seen as
Similarly, funeral orations and forensic speeches undermining the sense of historical continuity
developed mythic parallels to ground contemporary resulting in a loss of identity of place. Thus,
institutions and ideals (Boedeker 1998). inventing tradition became significant in the nine-
On the Acropolis and elsewhere the new civic teenth century through preservation, the emer-
identity was reaching back in search of the heroic gence of the museum culture and the discovery of
tradition. But at the same time the ‘old’ identity was antiquity and ruins (Harvey 1990). Preservation of
joining the effort. Autochthony through the birth of the past, the notion of heritage, place, regional
Erechthonios became a favourite subject in fifth identity and the new emphasis on sustainability are
century vases (Fig. 18) reaching the highest level of also contemporary phenomena, counteractions to
popularity in the Peloponnesian War years (Shapiro the intense compressions of space and time
1998). Democracy and the leadership of the alliance brought by consumption, mobilisation, and inter-
could thus turn to an inherent characteristic, a national economic markets. However, for a Greek
natural outcome of a race so noble and so distin- community like Athens in the classical period, with
guished that even gods would fight each other in human knowledge and collective memory so
sequel over its patronage and protection. deeply rooted in the universe of myth, it was the
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new identity that needed support rather than the that is longer than contemporary art historians
living tradition. From architecture, painting and naturally expected.
sculpture to politics, poetry and drama Athens Six hundred years earlier story telling had
celebrated the past to reinforce and strengthen a grounded the building and the city’s self-image.
radical present. Onians suggests that the architect of the
Erechtheion built the maidens’ porch (Fig. 19) as a
What Athens saw on the Acropolis representation of the structure on the Lion Gate at
As you enter the temple that they name the Mycenae to recall the palace of the Bronze Age
Parthenon, all the sculptures you see on what is rulers of Athens (Fig. 20). Like Euripides’ drama Ion
called the pediment refer to the birth of Athena, which made the founder of the Ionian race a
those on the rear pediment represent the contest grandson of Erechtheus, the Erechtheion was
for the land between Athena and Poseidon. intended to show Athens’ Ionian allies the home of
(Pausanias xxiv. 3–5). their common ancestor (Onians 2002). With epics
This is all that Pausanias left us in relation to the performed in the Panathenaia and myths inter-
Parthenon’s sculptures as opposed to a long and preted through dramas it is reasonable to suggest
detailed description of the Erechtheion. His writings that people saw an association between the
were for the leisurely satisfaction of the average Mycenaean palace in Euripides’ plays and the
visitor, while his account of Greece avoided the ‘house of Erechtheus’. There were other instances
appearance of cities, buildings and landscapes as when they looked either for notary evidence of their
well as the artistic value of paintings and sculpture. presence in the Homeric epic or analogical reference
His vast enumeration of sanctuaries and statues was in myths. However, the properties we have
interrupted by digressions on legends and stories discussed are understood not according to isolated
and was accompanied by a ‘voracious appetite’ for and literal meaning, that lacks universal signifi-
genealogy and names (Jones 1998). The world cance, but for their role within the total system of
Pausanias calls ta Ellinika (Greek matters), is less embodied experience, mythic narrative and the
about the visualisation of places and objects and social and political context.
more about the stimulation of collective memory Athens brought myth to the political service of
through history and oral tradition. the city’s identity. However, it had also communi-
Athens had lost its political power but not its cated and lived through myth and ritual since time
storytellers. In a period of international Greek immemorial and even did a little while after
culture handed down by Hellenism and sustained by Pausanias’ travels. But there were difficulties
the Roman Empire, the Erechtheion and its cults had involved in connecting the contradictory roles of
retained their significance. It is for this reason that myth in the two buildings: myth in the service of
Pausanias, more curious about ritual and tradition political identity, and myth in the service of daily life.
than artistic expression, gave them a description Athens shaping its own destiny in history and
100
Athens caught in the flow of narrative, place and acquired a living form, a fragment of human life.
time. Monumentality was present in the expression The Parthenon became regular and formal so as to
of democracy and an irregular form in the expres- distance politics from the space of everyday action,
sion of ritual and religion. spiritualise its message and give it universal signifi-
The difficulties involved were overcome by the cance. The Erechtheion was informal so as to secu-
assertion that contradictory relationships were no larise religion and raise it into the sphere of
longer contradictory provided that each of the two contemporary presence.
buildings embraced its opposite. Servicing democ- The present claimed the stasis of the past, while
racy and the empire myth in the Parthenon solidi- the past became a living present. The mystification
fied into permanent stasis. In the Erechtheion it of the present and the demystification of the past
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stretches beyond the limits of time and space. In the Figure 20. Mycenae,
Erechtheion it recognises the difficulties in the real- the Lion Gate,
photograph: Sophia
isation of such a desire. And so it allows itself both
Psarra.
a departure and a return, to the home place of
Erechtheus, like Odysseus whose long-standing
respect for Athena enabled him to escape
Poseidon’s rage . . . nature’s unfathomable revenge.
Acknowledgements
Acknowledgements and thanks go to Dr John
Peponis from the Georgia Institute of Technology
for supervising the embryonic stage of this work
when I was a student at the AAS MSc course at the
Bartlett School of Graduate Studies. I would also
like to thank Professor Simon Unwin from the
School of Architecture in Dundee for his keen
interest in my research area and for offering his
photographs (figures 1, 2, 5, 10, 11, 20), Kali
Tzortzi from the Bartlett School of Graduate Studies
for her encouragement and support in obtaining
image copyright (figures 6, 8, 9, 12, 14–17), and
are what Athens saw on the Acropolis, what it had
Ziad Aazad from the Welsh School of Architecture
come, and later came to know of itself. This is the
for his assistance with the drawings.
way in which the empire froze into myth, while
myth and fantasy continued to live throughout the
city’s life. Bibliography
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The architecture of culture and nature
M. Beard, The Parthenon (Profile Books, 2002).
On the metopes of the Parthenon, Athens slays
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supernatural monsters and so gains access to the
(Croom Helm, 1987).
gods who are seated on the eastern side of the V.J. Bruno, ed., The Parthenon (W.W Norton & Company,
frieze watching its apotheosis (Fig. 16). But if the 1996).
cultural desire is to reach the divinity by overcoming W. Burkert, Homo Necans, The Anthropology of Ancient
nature, culture continues to feel its pressure. In the Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth (University of
Parthenon the city defeats its bond with the soil and California Press, 1983).
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R. Calasso, The Marriage of Cadmus and Harmony M. Lagerlof, The Sculptures of the Parthenon – Aesthetics
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1992). D. Milne, Architecture, Politics and the Public Realm
R. Graves, The Greek Myths (Penguin Books, 1960). (Canadian, 1981).
D. Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Blackwell, J. Neils, The Parthenon Frieze (Cambridge University Press,
1990). 2001).
Homer, The Illiad, E.V. Rieu, tr. (Penguin Books, 1950). J. Onians, ‘Greek Temple and Greek Brain’ in eds, G.
Homer, The Odyssey, R. Lattimore, tr. (Harper Perennial, Dodds, R. Tavernor, Body and Building, Essays on the
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Glenny, R. Taylor, (British Film Institute, 1991). Pausanias, Description of Greece, Books I–II, W.H.S. Jones,
P. Fehl, ‘Gods and Men in the Parthenon Frieze’, in ed., V. tr. (Harvard University Press, 1998).
J. Bruno, The Parthenon (Norton & Company, 1974). Plato, Timaeus, D.J. Zeyl, tr. (Hackett Publishing Company,
E. Harrison, Athena and Athens in the East Pediment of the 2000).
Parthenon, AJA, vol 71, 1967, pp. 27–58. K.A. Raaflaub, ‘The Transformation of Athens in the Fifth
E. Harrison ‘The Sculptures of the Parthenon’, in ed., V.J. Century’, in D. Boedeker, A. Kurt, K. A. Raaflaud, eds,
Bruno, The Parthenon ( Norton & Company, 1974). Democracy, Empire and the Arts in Fifth-Century
C.J. Herington, Athena Parthenos and Athena Polias: a Athens (Harvard University Press, 1998).
Study in the Religion of Periclean Athens (Manchester, E. Scapo, M. Miller, ‘Democracy, Empire and Art: Toward a
1955). Politics of Time and Narrative’ in D. Boedeker, A. Kurt,
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B. Hillier, Space is the Machine (Cambridge University Press, 1998).
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H.W. Inwood, The Erechtheion of Athens: Fragments of Sacred Architecture (Yale University Press, 1963).
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M., Kores, The Stones of the Parthenon (Melissa 1995). Raaflaud, eds, Democracy, Empire and the Arts in
M. Kores, ‘The Architecture of the Parthenon’, in ed., P. Fifth-Century Athens (Harvard University Press, 1998).
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J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (Tubingen, comprised a sacrificial procession, musical and dance
1971). competitions, athletic contests and races.
S. Woodford, The Parthenon (Cambridge University Press, 7. Author’s translation.
1981). 8. With the exception of the Propylaea roof, Pausanias
R.E. Wycherley, The Stones of Athens (Princeton University makes no reference to the architecture on the Acrop-
Press, 1978). olis, referring only to statues, religious objects and the
narratives they would instigate. His description of the
Notes Parthenon sculptures is short and limited to the
1. ‘But the most holy symbol, that was so considered by thematic content of the east and west pediment and
all many years before the unification of the parishes, is to the gold and ivory statue of Athena. In contrast, he
the image of Athena which is on what is now called the gives an extensive and detailed account of the Erech-
Acropolis, but in early days the Polis (city). A legend theion’s religious objects.
concerning it says that it fell from heaven.’ (Pausanias 9. The temple was dedicated to Athena Polias but
xxvi. 5–7, translated by Jones, 1998). between its construction and the time of Pausanias’
2. The best-known example of this type is the little temple visit, in the 2nd century AD, it became known as the
of Apteros-Nike at the southwest side of the Acropolis. Erechtheion.
3. In spite of technological and typological development, 10. Lucian, Imagines 4, I.28.2.
previous types were not obliterated. In fact the 11. This is the only one of the five statues that Pausanias
peripteral temples were one type of structure that stood refers to in detail. Wycherley suggests that the
amongst many less advanced or complex religious increase in the size of the temple in relation to the
shrines. ‘All that was necessary to make a shrine was Archaic temple that was in the same position was
that a piece of ground or a natural or artificial object introduced to accommodate Pheidias’ statue
should be dedicated to a deity’. ‘In classical times (Wycherley 1978).
shrines of the simplest and most complicated form 12. The procession included musicians, horsemen, elders
continued to exist side by side.’ (Wycherley 1978). carrying braches, young girls, matrons and sacrificial
4. This was a repository for armour and many bronze animals whose flesh was later distributed to the
objects, mentioned in inscriptions of the middle of the people in the Agora below for feasting. ‘The Panath-
fourth century (Wycherley 1978). enaic festival excited and satisfied all the senses: music
5. The order in which Pausanias describes what he saw on and the recitation of Homeric poetry for the ear, exhi-
the Acropolis suggests that from the entrance court he bitions of athletic and equestrian prowess to delight
moved to the west and north side of the Parthenon. He the eye, the scent of incense and burning fat to please
must have approached the Erechtheion from the east the nostrils, the savour of wine and freshly roasted red
before returning to the Propylaea (Wycherley 1978). meat for the palate and for the sense of touch the
6. The procession was part of a festival that was called the richly woven festal garments’ (Neils 2001).
Greater Panathenaia and was an enlargement of an 13. In Hesiod’s ‘Theogonia’, a genealogical poem of the
older ritual, the Lesser Panathenaia inaugurated by creation myth, the generation of the twelve gods
Erechthonius-Erechtheus, an ancient king of Athens. cleanse the tradition of supernatural elements that
The large festival was celebrated from 566 BC and preceded them signalling the beginning of history and
104
eternal order. Athena played a central part in the traditions, which may in turn have started in connec-
legendary battles. By implication there was an inherent tion with different goddesses, one associated with the
role for Athens, her sacred city, in the defensive abundance of the earth and the cultivation of the
struggle for power and universal order. olive, and the other with the image of the virgin
14. Claude Levi-Strauss observes that an universal charac- warrior (Herington 1955).
teristic of men born from the earth in mythology is 19. The pediments showed a ‘beginning’ where the gods
their difficulty in walking (Levi-Strauss 1963). Oedipus’ came into being, lived and existed in their own realm.
scarred feet enabled him to confirm his origin (Richard The metopes corresponded to the heroic period of
Sennett, 2002). emblematic wars. Finally, in the frieze was the world
15. Like Erechthonios Cekrops is also autochthonous and of Athenian society where gods had ceased revealing
is half-man half-snake. themselves to men. ‘But men can seek contact
16. From ‘wool’ and ‘earth’, ‘εριον’ and ‘χθων’. through ritual with their divinities who are no longer
17. ‘Remarkable for the noise of waves it sends forth directly accessible’ (Lagerlof 2000).
when the south wind blows’ (Pausanias xxvi 5–7). 20. The eastern part of the frieze portrayed gods and
18. According to Herington the reason for the existence mortals jointly at the reception of Athena’s woven
of two variants of the patron goddess at two temple robe (peplos).
sites is that they stem from different religious