2015

“If I can be a helper, one

day I be a boss” –
A case study of informal
apprenticeship in Lusaka

Sarita Ryan

Supervised by Ashwani Aggarwal

ILO Country Office

for Zambia, Malawi
and Mozambique
Foreword

The ILO acknowledges informal apprenticeship as a vital training system in the

informal economy. Informal apprenticeship is ‘system by which a young learner acquires
the skills for a trade or craft in a micro or small enterprise, learning and working side-by-side
with an experienced craftsperson’ (ILO, 2012).

The ILO’s research agenda on informal apprenticeship aims at creating a relevant

body of knowledge through conceptual work, empirical studies and pilot projects. In
May 2007, the ILO Skills and Employability Department organized a workshop to
review existing knowledge and evidence on informal apprenticeship in African
countries. The workshop identified informal apprenticeship as the main source of skills
development in most African countries. It was found that a range of incentives and
obligations operated to encourage master craftspeople to train apprentices, and for
young people to commit to training.

However, concerns were also raised regarding deficits in training quality, formal
recognition of skills, and employment options following the conclusion of training. The
workshop concluded that further research was needed to explore the function of
informal apprenticeship: in particular, to gain a better understanding of informal
institutions such as traditions, social norms and networks in structuring incentives and
in shaping employment outcomes and decent work. Subsequent studies in Tanzania and
Malawi concluded that informal apprenticeship is embedded in local norms and
traditions, and that attempts to improve the system require a thorough understanding of
these local norms. More recently, the ILO’s Upgrading Informal Apprenticeship: a
resource guide for Africa (ILO, 2012) seeks to establish the key characteristics of informal
apprenticeship across the continent.

In Zambia, at least 90 per cent of the employed population has their main activity in
the informal sector. With limited capacity in the formal training system, many young
people are acquiring skills through working in informal enterprises. Zambia’s vocational
training system has been modified over time in recognition of the changing nature of
employment in the country. Once focusing on formal apprenticeship and institution-based
learning, Technical Education, Vocational and Entrepreneurial Training (TEVET) policy
has become increasingly responsive to the needs of the informal economy. Despite this,
training within Zambia’s informal economy remains considerably less established than in
some other regions, particularly West Africa. Upgrading interventions are required to
improve informal training and strengthen its links to the formal TEVET system, with the aim
of improving employability of young people and the productivity of informal enterprises.

This study forms part of the ILO’s programme on informal apprenticeship. The findings
help build the knowledge base to inform policy-making in leading to improving informal
apprenticeship systems.

Martin Clemensson Ashwani Aggarwal

Director Senior Specialist
ILO Country Office for Zambia, ILO Decent Work Team for
Malawi and Mozambique Eastern and Southern Africa

ii
Acknowledgements
Ashwani Aggarwal, ILO Skills and Employability Specialist in the Decent Work
Technical Support Team (DWT) for Southern and Eastern Africa, guided and
supervised the research and the preparation of this report. The research methodology
and tools used by the ILO in Tanzania and Malawi were modified and adapted for use in
this study. Sarita Ryan, Research Associate with the ILO, conducted the field research
and prepared the research paper. Christine Hofmann, Skills Development Specialist,
provided technical input during the research.

Many thanks to the Director of the ILO country office in Lusaka for supporting this
study. Special thanks also to TEVETA, the Ministry of Science, Technology and
Vocational Training (MSTVT), the Ministry of Labour, Sports, Youth and Gender, the
Alliance of Zambian Informal Economy Associations (AZIEA), and representatives of
the various training providers consulted. Finally, thank you to specialists within the
ILO country office in Lusaka who provided valuable insight and support.

iii
Contents

Foreword ................................................................................................................................................. ii

Contents .................................................................................................................................................. iv

List of tables ........................................................................................................................................... vi

Abbreviations and acronyms ................................................................................................................. vii

Glossary of key definitions used in the report........................................................................................ ix

1. Abstract and summary ....................................................................................................................1

2. Research and country background .......................................................................................................3

2.1 Objectives and outputs of study .................................................................................................3
2.2 The current economic and employment environment in Zambia ..............................................3
2.3 The employment situation for young people in Zambia ............................................................4
2.4 Methodology and scope of the study..........................................................................................5

3. Informal apprenticeship: a comparative review ...............................................................................8

3.1 Informal apprenticeship in Africa: the ILO’s position ...............................................................8
3.2 West African case studies ..........................................................................................................9
3.3 East African case studies ..........................................................................................................10
3.4 Past research on informal apprenticeship in Zambia ...............................................................12
3.5 Upgrading informal apprenticeship: the ILO’s approach ........................................................12

4. Technical education, vocational and entrepreneurship training (TEVET) policy in Zambia ............14
4.1 The formal TEVET System in Zambia ....................................................................................14
4.2 Links between formal and informal education and training ....................................................15
4.3 TEVET Sector Reform .............................................................................................................16
4.4 Informal apprenticeship as a mode of TEVET.........................................................................17
4.5 Past and current informal sector skills programs in Zambia ....................................................19
4.6 Conclusion to Section 3............................................................................................................20

5. Supporting context for upgrading informal apprenticeship ...............................................................22

5.1 Political context ........................................................................................................................22
5.2 Existing policy framework .......................................................................................................22
5.3 Conclusion to Section 4............................................................................................................23

6. Informal apprenticeship in Zambia: statistics and definitions ...........................................................24

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 6.1 Informal apprenticeship in national statistics ..........................................................................24
6.2 Popular definitions of informal apprenticeship ........................................................................24
6.3 Forms of informal training .......................................................................................................25
6.4 Conclusion to Section 5............................................................................................................27

7. Backgrounds of participants ...........................................................................................................28

7.1 Age ...........................................................................................................................................28
7.2 Gender ......................................................................................................................................29
7.3 Education and skills .................................................................................................................30

8. Forming apprenticeships ...................................................................................................................32

8.1 Apprentices joining businesses ................................................................................................32
8.2 Why young people take up informal apprenticeship ................................................................33
8.3 Terms of training agreements ...................................................................................................34
8.4 Payment to apprentices.............................................................................................................36
8.5 Progression of learning.............................................................................................................37

9. Outcomes and perceptions .................................................................................................................39

9.1 Perception of training quality ...................................................................................................39
9.2 Potential to lead to gainful employment ..................................................................................39
9.3 Future aspirations .....................................................................................................................41

10. Decent work aspects .........................................................................................................................43

10.1 Employment Promotion .........................................................................................................43
10.2 Social Protection ....................................................................................................................44
10.3 Social Dialogue ......................................................................................................................45
10.4 Rights at Work .......................................................................................................................46

11. Conclusions and recommendations ..................................................................................................47

11.1 Key findings ...........................................................................................................................47
11.2 Key recommendations............................................................................................................50

12. Appendices .......................................................................................................................................52

12.1 Terms of Reference ................................................................................................................52
12.2 List of interviewees ................................................................................................................54

13. Reference list ....................................................................................................................................56

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List of tables

Table 1: Distribution of trades surveyed _________________________________________ 7

Table 2: Trade test figures ___________________________________________________ 16
Table 3: Two models of informal apprenticeship in Zambia ________________________ 27
Table 4: Age of MCs and apprentices __________________________________________ 28
Table 5: Gender of MCs and apprentices by trade ________________________________ 29
Table 6: Level of education of MCs and apprentices ______________________________ 30
Table 7: MCs’ primary source of skills for their trade _____________________________ 30
Table 8: Most important quality in an apprentice _________________________________ 33
Table 9: Estimated length of apprenticeship _____________________________________ 35
Table 10: Payment to apprentices _____________________________________________ 36
Table 11: Mode of payment _________________________________________________ 36
Table 12: Money earned by apprentices per day (in Zambian Kwacha) _______________ 37
Table 13: Apprentices’ future aspirations _______________________________________ 42

vi
Abbreviations and acronyms

AZIEA Alliance for Zambian Informal Economy Associations

CISEP Centres for Informal Sector Employment Promotion
CSO Central Statistics Office
DWCP Decent Work Country Program
FNDP Fifth National Development Plan
GA Get Ahead
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GIZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit
GoZ Government of the Republic of Zambia
HDI Human Development Index
ILO International Labour Organization
ISA Informal Sector Association
ISTARN Informal Sector Training and Resource Network project in
Zimbabwe
KAB Know About Business
LFS Labour Force Survey
MC Master Craftsperson
MoE Ministry of Education
MMD Movement for Multiparty Democracy
MLSS Ministry of Labour and Social Security
MSEs Micro and Small Enterprises
MSMEs Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises
MSTVT Ministry of Science, Technology and Vocational Training
NELMP National Employment and Labour Market Policy
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
PF Patriotic Front
SNDP Sixth National Development Plan
STEP-IN Integrated Skills Training for Employment Promotion
SYB Start Your Business
TEVET Technical Education, Vocational and Entrepreneurship Training
TEVETA Technical Education, Vocational and Entrepreneurship Training
Authority
TEVET NQF Technical Education, Vocational and Entrepreneurship Training

vii
 National Qualifications Framework
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNZA University of Zambia
ZBS Zambia Business Survey
ZCTU Zambian Congress of Trade Unions

viii
Glossary of key definitions used in the report

Informal apprenticeship refers to the system by which a young learner

(the apprentice) acquires the skills for a trade or craft in a micro or small
Informal apprenticeship enterprise learning and working side by side with an experienced
craftsperson. Apprentice and master craftsperson conclude a training
agreement that is embedded in local norms and traditions of a society.
Costs of training are shared between apprentice and master
craftsperson.

Formal apprenticeship refers to a system by which a learner (the

apprentice) acquires the skills for a trade or craft in an enterprise
Formal apprenticeship learning and working side by side with an experienced craftsperson,
complemented by classroom-based instruction. The apprentice, master
craftsperson/employer and training provider conclude a training
agreement that is regulated by formal laws and acts. Costs of training
are shared between apprentice, craftsperson/employer and the
government.

Instruction given in education and training institutions or specially

Formal training designed training areas, including enterprises in formal apprenticeship
systems. Training is structured and systematic, and follows pre-defined
content and precise learning objectives.

Trade An occupation in which people gain skills.

Workplace learning / Learning or training undertaken in the workplace, usually on the job or
on-the job training on-site.

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1. Abstract and summary

Despite recent high levels of economic growth, many young people in Zambia are
trapped by poverty, unemployment or underemployment, and lack of access to skills
development opportunities. Vocational training institutions cannot accommodate the vast
numbers of school leavers every year, and often charge fees that are prohibitive to young
people from poorer families. Young people remain significantly overrepresented in Zambia’s
unemployment statistics. For those that do manage to secure work, it is predominantly in the
informal economy, which currently accommodates over 90 of employed Zambians. Zambia
faces a clear challenge to translate the economic gains of the past few years into improved
livelihood conditions and decent work outcomes. With over 46 per cent of the population
being under the age of 15, there is an urgent need for programs that provide young people in
particular with skills development and employment opportunities.

In this climate, informal apprenticeships may offer young people access to both
affordable training and future employment. Informal apprenticeship, as defined by the
International Labour Organization (ILO), is a written or oral training agreement under which
a master craftsperson (MC) provides an apprentice (a young person) with training in all skills
relevant to a trade. An apprentice gains tacit skills by working alongside a master
craftsperson in a micro or small enterprise in the informal economy. Informal
apprenticeships are anchored in the norms and traditions of a society, which shape the
obligations and incentives for MCs to train others, and for apprentices to seek this kind of
training. Costs and benefits are shared between the apprentice and master craftsperson (ILO,
2012).

This study seeks to identify the norms and characteristics of informal apprenticeship
in Zambia’s capital city, Lusaka. The study aims to provide guidance on how informal
apprenticeships in Zambia can be supported and strengthened within the ILO’s mandate to
improve the quality of apprenticeships within the informal economy. The study also aims to
contribute to ILO’s body of knowledge on informal apprenticeship, describing both the local
specificities of informal apprenticeship in urban Zambia, and how the training relates to
ILO’s broader findings on informal apprenticeship in Africa.

This study found that training within the informal economy is widely undertaken in
the Lusaka region. However, the informal institutional framework for apprenticeships in
Lusaka’s informal economy is currently less well established, compared to informal
apprenticeships in West Africa. Written contracts were found to be non-existent, and verbal
training agreements were considerably undefined. There is no specific term used for
apprentices within the informal economy – young people join businesses as othandiza
(helpers), but this term may apply both to those in an apprenticeship role, and casual workers
brought in for temporary work. This study also determined a variety of training arrangements
within the informal economy including fluid models of group-based learning, whereby a
young person may learn from several experienced craftspeople in a ‘cluster’ of self-
employed operators.

Despite these issues, vast numbers of Zambian young people still gain skills through
working and learning in informal economy enterprises. The majority of apprentices reported
that they join businesses with the key objective of acquiring all relevant trade skills - training
within an informal enterprise was also found to be the primary source of skills development
for MCs. While the lack of clear norms surrounding informal apprenticeship may be seen as
problematic, many MCs and apprentices felt that the flexibility of terms supported, rather
1
than hindered the apprentice - for instance, by the apprentice being able to progress quickly
through the learning process. Incentive and obligation operate as strong binding mechanisms
for both MCs and apprentices to complete the training in the absence of fixed institutional
frameworks. Furthermore, the fluid nature of Zambian informal apprenticeships may mean
that any future targeted interventions may be incorporated more easily.

There is currently an enabling institutional environment for upgrading informal

apprenticeship in Zambia. With the 2011 election of the Patriotic Front (PF) party to
government, there is a renewed focus on the issues of youth, job creation, skills training,
self-employment opportunities and the quality of jobs. The PF government has stated that
they seek to involve youths in national development by ‘expanding educational facilities and
vocational training to absorb all school leavers’, ‘collaborating with industry to provide
learnership/apprenticeship practical training’, and ‘facilitating access to finance and to
markets’ for young people (The Patriotic Front, 2011). Considering informal apprenticeship
as a mode of vocational training in Zambia would clearly support government’s aim of
creating a vocational training system capable of absorbing all school leavers. Recognition of
informal training is further supported by reforms in TEVET policy, which call for a greater
focus on training within and for the informal sector, and seek to diversify the modes in
which training is delivered.

Key interventions are required to upgrade informal apprenticeship to a robust mode of

vocational training leading to gainful and decent employment for young people in Zambia.
This report argues that TEVET policy needs to become more responsive to the informal
economy, with the Apprenticeship Act revitalized, trade testing promoted more effectively,
and informally acquired skills recognized. The quality of training needs to be improved, such
as through providing MCs with skills development opportunities, introducing competency
assessment measures, and strengthening training agreements. Decent work outcomes also
need to be strengthened through supporting trade associations, providing greater access to
finance for MCs and graduating apprentices, improving health and safety outcomes, and
creating greater links between the formal and informal training and employment sectors.

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2. Research and country background
This section provides an overview of the research task, and the current
economic and employment environment in Zambia.

2.1 Objectives and outputs of study

The purpose of this assignment was to undertake a Feasibility Study for an ILO skills
program on making quality improvements in informal apprenticeship systems to integrate
young people into a decent economic and social life in Zambia. The study was conducted in
Lusaka between September and November 2011.

The researcher was asked to identify and analyze past and ongoing programs to
upgrade or enhance informal apprenticeship in Zambia, and analyze how informal
apprenticeship is reflected in national policies and statistics. An investigation was required
regarding existing links between informal apprenticeship and the formal training system,
such as the possibility for apprentices to participate in trade testing and access formal and
non-formal courses. A broad inquiry was sought regarding the demographics of MCs and
informal apprentices, including age and gender patterns, study and work backgrounds, and
the nature of informal apprenticeship, such as MCs’ reasons for providing apprenticeship and
its duration. The researcher was required to identify Decent Work aspects as outlined by the
ILO’s Decent Work Agenda, such as the existence of contracts and competency assessment
measures, work conditions and occupational health and safety, and apprentices’ ability to
learn, earn and save. Finally, the researcher was asked to record the views of MCs,
apprentices and former apprentices regarding perceptions of their trade, perceptions of
informal apprenticeship, and the ways in which different workers and learners are
categorized within the informal economy.

The research output was stipulated to be a ‘final report, including a desk review of
current policies, legal and regulatory frameworks as well as programmes and strategies
related to skills development in Zambia of a minimum of thirty pages excluding annexes.’

2.2 The current economic and employment environment in Zambia

After decades of low performance, Zambia experienced relatively high levels of

economic growth at 6.1 per cent between 2005 and 2008 (GoZ, 2010). This growth led the
World Bank to reclassify Zambia as a lower middle-income country in 2011, as per capita
Gross National Income exceeded US$1005. However, this figure masks the reality of
increasing economic inequality in Zambia – the most recent poverty figures indicate that 63
per cent of the population continues to live in poverty (UNDP, 2010). The Human
Development Report 2010 notes that almost all countries analyzed recorded improvements to
human development since the 1970s, with the exception of three countries: the Democratic
Republic of Congo, Zimbabwe and Zambia, which all have a lower Human Development
Index (HDI) today than 1970 (UNDP, 2010, p. 27). The same report classifies Zambia as a
‘low human development’ country, and ranked the country 150th out of 169 countries on the
HDI report (UNDP, 2010). Low levels of education amongst the population are key to
Zambia’s poor HDI rating - the country’s employed persons comprise nearly 15 per cent
with no formal education at all, and 43.4 per cent with only primary level education (up to
Grade 7) (CSO, 2011).

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 Zambia’s economy has undergone wide fluctuations since independence in 1964. The
country suffered massive contractions during the 1970s, following a downturn in global
copper prices and loss of mining revenue (CSO, 2007). In response to a sustained period of
negative growth and increasingly high levels of debt, Zambia underwent a period of
extensive privatization during the 1990s under the new leadership of the Movement for
Multiparty Democracy (MMD). While these policies addressed Zambia’s debt, they also
resulted in heavy retrenchment and contraction of the formal employment sector (Burger et
al. 2005). Twenty years later, the formal economy currently accommodates only a small
proportion of the labour force. Of the employed population of 4.6 million, just over 500,000
are formally employed, and the remainder of the employed labour force operate in the
informal economy (CSO, 2011). The informal economy has continued to expand since the
early 1990s, and now accounts for nearly 90 per cent of total employment in Zambia (CSO,
2011). Recent improvements in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) have failed to translate to
increased employment in the formal sector - according to the 2008 Labour Force Survey
(LFS) the total amount of employed persons working in the formal sector has in fact
decreased from 12 per cent in 2005 to 11 per cent in 2008. In contrast, the informal economy
has absorbed increasing numbers of workers, growing from 3.6 million employed persons in
2005 to 4.1 million in 2008 (CSO, 2011).

The Zambian informal economy is dominated by Micro, Small and Medium

Enterprises (MSMEs). The Zambia Business Survey (ZBS) 2010 results show that most of
these businesses (92 per cent) are Micro or Small Enterprises (MSEs), often functioning with
only one operator with very low levels of productivity (Conway and Shah, 2010). Informal
economy workers generally possess low levels of formal education. According to the most
recent LFS, 65.5 per cent of workers in the informal economy possess either no education or
solely primary education, with less than 0.1 per cent having a degree (CSO, 2011).

The ZBS suggests that MSMEs’ low productivity can be attributed in part to their
employment arrangements – 35 per cent of MSMEs are sole-ownership enterprises, having
no unpaid, paid-in-kind or cash employees, and a further 32 per cent are family firms, with
the owner working along with unpaid family members. About another 21 per cent have a
mix of unpaid family members and workers paid in goods and cash. Only 12 per cent of
MSMEs are ‘entrepreneur’ firms, employing workers who are paid solely in cash. The vast
majority of MSMEs are concentrated in the agricultural sector (70 per cent), with most of the
remainder in the retail sector (21 per cent) (Conway and Shah, 2010). With this in mind,
further research is necessary to assess the nature of apprenticeship and skills development
taking place in Zambia’s rural, as well as urban enterprises. Attention should also be focused
on the processes by which sole-ownership and family firms may be transformed into
entrepreneur firms, capable of generating greater levels of revenue and providing greater
employment.

2.3 The employment situation for young people in Zambia

Young people in Zambia continue to face significant challenges in securing decent

work. Zambia has a highly youthful population, with 46 per cent being under the age of
fifteen (GoZ, 2011). A significant number of young people in Zambia are unemployed, with
20-24 year olds having the highest unemployment rate (15.3 per cent) followed by 15-19
years olds (12.5 per cent). The percentage of the total unemployed labour force in Zambia is
significantly less at 7.9 per cent (CSO, 2011); however, it must be taken into account that the
definition for ‘employment’ is very generous, including minimum survival activities in the
informal economy and unpaid family work. Youth unemployment is primarily urban, with

4
 36 per cent of the urban youthful labour force unemployed, compared to only 5.5 per cent of
the rural youthful labour force (ibid).

When young people manage to secure employment, it is overwhelmingly in the

informal economy. It is estimated that more than 280,000 new entrants join the labour
market annually, with only about 10 per cent joining the formal sector (MSTVT, 2008).
Young people are represented in the informal economy to a greater extent than any other age
group. 99 per cent of employed persons aged 15-19 work in the informal economy, followed
by 94 per cent of employed persons aged 20-24. The percentage of other age groups
employed in the informal economy ranges between 83 per cent and 87 per cent, returning to
90 per cent for older workers aged between 55 and 59 (CSO, 2011).

The difficulties young people face in securing decent employment is due in part to
lack of accessibility to formal education opportunities, particularly at the secondary and post-
secondary levels. Zambia has made significant gains in achieving Millennium Development
Goal 2: Achieve Universal Primary Education. The Free Basic Education Policy Grades 1-7
established in 2002 has been highly successful, and over 90 per cent of students now
complete Grade 7 (MoE, 2009). However, Zambia still experiences high drop-out rates at the
secondary school level when fees become applicable and physical classroom space is
limited. 2009 education statistics reported that less than 50 per cent of students complete
Grade 9 and less than 12 per cent complete Grade 12 (MoE, 2009). For those that do
complete secondary school, university places are scarce - in 2008 the total enrolment across
Zambia’s two public universities was only 8000 (Ng’ethe et al., 2008). The link between
quality education and decent work opportunities has been well established, and young people
who are less educated and skilled are among the most disadvantaged in the labour market.

A key challenge for Government is translating Zambia’s recent economic growth to

improved livelihood conditions for all Zambians, including more decent work opportunities
for young people. The ILO is taking a supporting role in facilitating these improvements
through various interventions under the Zambia DWCP 2007-2011 Priorities. For example,
interventions under the Job Creation Priority (Priority I) include programs on MSME
development from enterprise development, access to finance and legal point of view,
occupational safety and health, and micro-insurance interventions. In Zambia, the ILO seeks
to continue its approach of collaborating with various international organizations,
Government, and employers’ and workers’ organizations to improve decent work outcomes
and skills development opportunities for young people.

2.4 Methodology and scope of the study

Between September and November 2011 Sarita Ryan, Research Associate with the
ILO, was commissioned to undertake a feasibility study for future programming support for
apprenticeships within the informal economy in Zambia. The study consisted of a desk
review of ILO positions on informal apprenticeship and the status and potential for informal
apprenticeship in the current Zambian context. 60 informal businesses based in Lusaka were
surveyed through questionnaire, including 60 MCs and 58 current apprentices. In addition,
75 qualitative interviews were conducted with key informants (MCs, current apprentices,
former apprentices including those currently in a MC role, and representatives from key
ministries, the Technical Education, Vocational and Entrepreneurship Training Authority
(TEVETA), training institutions, informal associations and other associated experts). Of the
60 businesses surveyed, thirty were observed through participatory observation, visited
multiple times. The findings thus reflect a triangulation between apprentices’ and MCs’
views, official reports, and the researcher’s direct observation.
5
 The feasibility study was designed to provide baseline data into the state of informal
apprenticeship in Zambia. To this end the researcher read relevant documents, interviewed
key informants, distributed and analysed questionnaires, and conducted qualitative
interviews with MCs and apprentices.

The researcher held discussions with (see Appendix 2):

• The Ministry of Science, Technology and Vocational Training (now Ministry of
Education, Science and Vocational Training)
• The Ministry of Labour, Sports, Youth and Gender (now Ministry of Information,
Broadcasting and Labour)
• Representatives of TEVETA
• The Alliance for Zambian Informal Economy Associations (AZIEA)
• Representatives of the Tin Smiths Association, Kamwala Market
• Representatives of the Carpenters Association, Kamwala Market
• ILO Enterprise Development Specialist, Naomy Lintini
• ILO Technical Specialist, Tapera Muzira
• ILO Skills Specialist, Southern and Eastern Africa, Ashwani Aggarwal
• ILO Skills Development Officer, Christine Hofmann
• University of Zambia, Head of School of Social Development, Robert Tembo
• University of Zambia, Head of Department of Development Studies, Chrispin Matenga.

The researcher also held numerous qualitative interviews with individuals involved in
apprenticeships within the informal sector to gauge participants’ perceptions on informal
apprentice as a skills development activity, and its potential to lead to decent and gainful
employment. 34 MCs were interviewed, with those who themselves trained as informal
apprentices questioned on this aspect as well. 32 current apprentices were also interviewed.
35 businesses were further observed through participatory observation, visited multiple times
throughout the data collection process.

Following the qualitative data collection process, questionnaires were devised based
on the findings of the qualitative component. The questionnaires were translated in Nyanja,
the ‘town language’ of Lusaka, and were offered to respondents in both English and Nyanja
(the vast majority of respondents chose to complete the questionnaires in English).

60 informal businesses were sampled across a variety of trades: auto-electrics, auto-

mechanics, power-electrics, carpentry, welding and metal fabrication, panel beating and
spray painting, tailoring and hairdressing. The areas chosen within Lusaka were high-density
commercially operative sites, including Garden compound market, Panganani Rd,
Northmead market, Kamwala market and Kalingalinga.

The quantitative data collection was carried out with the aim of testing the findings
gleaned through interviews and observation on a larger scale. There is scope for a larger
scale study of informal apprenticeship to be carried out in Zambia, particularly in other urban
centres besides Lusaka, and in rural areas.

6
Table 1: Distribution of trades surveyed

Trade Number of enterprises surveyed

Hairdressing 5
Tailoring 8
Welding and metal fabrication 7
Auto-mechanics 14
Auto-electrics 4
Panel beating and spray painting 12
Carpentry 7
Power electrics 3
Total 60

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3. Informal apprenticeship: a comparative review
The following section provides a comparative review of previous studies
of informal apprenticeship in West Africa, East Africa and Zambia.

3.1 Informal apprenticeship in Africa: the ILO’s position

In 2007 the ILO Skills and Employability department organized a workshop of
international experts, and established that informal apprenticeship is the main source of skills
acquisition in most African countries (ILO, 2008). The workshop also identified that
informal apprenticeships may contain deficits such as undue emphasis on out-of-date
technologies, variance in the quality of training, lack of clarity of the terms of training
agreements and competence assessment, shortcomings related to decent work standards and
gender biases in some trades. However, it is argued that the strengths and potential value of
informal apprenticeship outweigh its weaknesses. Apprenticeships in the informal sector
offer a highly accessible mode of training, particularly for young people from poorer
families. They are a very low or no cost way for a learner to gain skills, and unlike many
formal training courses, have no prior education or literacy requirements. They offer a
flexible mode of training delivered on-site, usually in the learner’s own community.
Apprentices also learn skills relevant to local market demand and are introduced to a
business culture and networks, building their social capital and making it easier for them to
find jobs or start businesses when they graduate (Brewer and Hofmann, 2011).

To further understand and support this important training system, the ILO is currently
developing a body of knowledge on informal apprenticeships in Africa. Upgrading Informal
Apprenticeship: a resource guide for Africa (ILO, 2012) broadly describes informal
apprenticeship as a ‘system by which a young learner acquires the skills for a trade or craft in
a micro or small enterprise, learning and working side-by-side with an experienced
craftsperson.’ (ILO, 2012). Within this broad framework the resource guide sets out several
key characteristics of informal apprenticeship systems in Africa:

Element 1: Master craftsperson/employer and apprentice conclude an

agreement (training contract)

Informal apprenticeships are established and shaped by a training agreement between

an apprentice and a master craftsperson outlining the rights and duties of both parties (ILO,
2012). This agreement may be either written or oral - however, there should be a shared
understanding of the terms and outcomes of the learning process. Ideally the training
agreement should fix ‘the length of the apprenticeship period…in advance, (allowing) the
firm to plan the cost-recovery period and to ensure full returns to its investment in training.’
(ILO, 2008, p.8). As described in Section 7 of this report, the length of apprenticeship is not
predetermined in the Zambian case, and training agreements on the whole appear unclear
and not strictly binding.

Element 2: The apprentice achieves occupational competence for a

trade (training content)

Crucially, an apprentice should gain all skills required of the trade during the course
of their apprenticeship. An apprenticeship should lead to employability, whether in another
business as a skilled worker, or allowing the apprentice to go into gainful self-employment in
that trade. Section 7 of this report describes that while many apprentices do achieve
8
 occupational competence through training in micro-enterprises in Lusaka, some apprentices
leave an enterprise before competency is reached. This stems in part from weak training
agreements, a lack of competency assessment measures, and a lack of clear common norms
shaping informal apprenticeship in Zambia.

Element 3: Training is workplace-based and integrated into the

production process (training process)

Apprenticeships take place in a practical, workplace-based context, with an apprentice

gaining skills by working alongside a master craftsperson. In this way an apprentice gains
skills in business management and entrepreneurship, with tacit knowledge of the local
business environment, in addition to technical skills. This social capital makes it easier for an
apprentice to find work or start a business when they have finished learning. This element is
a strong feature of informal apprenticeship in the Lusaka region. There are currently no ‘dual
training’ programs available for informal apprenticeship whereby an apprentice undertakes
part of their training in an enterprise and part in an institution (see Section 3). As such, the
informal enterprise remains the heart of informal apprenticeship and training (ILO, 2012).

Element 4: The apprentice is a young person

The ILO further stipulates that the apprentice be a young person (ILO, 2012). This is
largely because apprenticeship is an ‘entry-level’ mode of training, taking place toward the
beginning of a person’s working life rather than a ‘continuous’ mode of training. ILO does
acknowledge that not all countries require apprentices to be young. In this study the majority
of apprentices surveyed were between 20 and 30 years old, however significant numbers of
older people were also taking up apprenticeships for the purpose of re-skilling, having lost
jobs in the formal sector (see Section 6).

Element 5: The costs of apprenticeship are shared between master

craftsperson/employer and apprentice

While informal apprenticeships may not be bound by written contracts, norms and
traditions of a society shape the obligations and incentives for MCs to train others and for
apprentices to seek training. Costs and benefits are shared between the apprentice and master
craftsperson - for instance, the apprentice may pay the craftsperson a fee for training, or
agree to work for a reduced rate while they are learning. The apprentice will increasingly
contribute to the business as they develop skills and begin to work independently.

This study found that apprentices in Lusaka are almost always paid a wage or stipend,
which increases as they acquire more skills. No cases were found where an apprentice paid
fees to a MC for training. While this provides an apprentice with an immediate source of
income, it can complicate the ‘graduation’ process, as the markers between the status of an
apprentice and a skilled worker are less clear.

3.2 West African case studies

Previous studies have found informal apprenticeship in West Africa to be strongly

embedded in informal institutional frameworks – ‘rules of behaviour based on socially-
shared values and norms’ (ILO, 2008). These rules mean that those entering informal
apprenticeships are aware of the norms and expectations at the outset of the training,
including the length of apprenticeship, the payment of entrance fees from apprentice to
9
 master, and graduation procedures. The rules are enforced through a variety of informal
mechanisms including social sanctions, reciprocity, reputation of MCs and their businesses,
and local traditions and beliefs (ILO, 2012). As an example of social sanctions, the ILO cites
a case where an auto-mechanic in Togo was physically driven out of a trading area by other
craftspeople, as he had not completed an apprenticeship with any MCs in the local area
(ibid.). Such informal mechanisms set out clear frameworks for the practices of informal
apprenticeship within various trades, providing apprentices and MCs with shared
expectations of what to expect from the training, and to gain returns on their investments
(ILO, 2012; ILO, 2008).

There are key points of difference between local practices of informal apprenticeship
throughout the West African region. Walther broadly distinguishes Sahelian apprenticeship
(found in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger) from ‘coastal apprenticeship’ (as in Benin, Togo
and Senegal). Sahelian apprenticeship commonly represents a substitution of family
relationships whereby an apprentice is brought to a workshop by their parents, who delegate
their parental responsibility to the MC for the duration of the apprenticeship. Generally, fees
are not paid. An apprentice usually lives with the MC for the duration of the training and the
MC is responsible for providing them not only with the technical skills of the trade, but the
social values related to the profession (Walther, 2008). In this type of arrangement the length
of the training period is not set in advance, and there is no formal starting or leaving
ceremony. Walther notes that a MC will often assist in setting a graduated apprentice up in
business, viewing them less as a competitor and more as a family member to whom they
have a moral obligation (ibid).

In contrast, apprenticeships in coastal countries feature training fees and informal

apprenticeship represents a commercial, rather than familial relationship between MCs and
apprentices (ibid). These fees may be structured to ensure protection for both parties, for
example, by part of the fee being withheld until the end of training, ensuring an apprentice
receives all the skills of the trade. Informal institutions, such as trade associations, may
intervene to regulate and monitor the payment of starting and leaving fees (Walther, 2008).
In this type of informal apprenticeship the training period is outlined in advance, with
graduation publicly declared through a release ceremony. This ceremony demonstrates to an
apprentice’s community that he or she has mastered the skills of a trade and is capable of
opening a workshop and training apprentices. Walther suggests that the coastal
apprenticeships are ‘more organised’ than Sahelian informal apprenticeship due to this
contractual element.

3.3 East African case studies

King reported in 1997 that the system of informal apprenticeship in Kenya seemed ‘so
open that it scarcely merits the narrow traditional use of the word ‘apprenticeship’’ (King,
1977). King found that clear norms were not present in the Kenyan case and that training
took place in an informal manner shaped by individual circumstances, relationships and
agreements between individuals. King re-asserted in a follow-up study that ‘informal
apprenticeship’ was probably too exact a term for the Kenyan case, since masters or
employers do not necessarily see themselves in an informal training agreement’ (King,
1996). King argues that the difference between West African and East African training
systems can be traced to the contrast in urbanization processes between the two regions.
King notes that West Africa has a long history of urban living and trading, whereas ‘African
cities’ and associated urban enterprises are relatively recent in East Africa (King, 1996).

10
 A workshop hosted by the ILO in 2007 further identified that there are significant
differences between East and West African informal apprenticeship systems. While informal
institutional frameworks were found to inform West African informal apprenticeships,
arrangements in East Africa were found to be shaped considerably more by individual
agreements between masters and their trainees, workers or apprentices. It was suggested
during the workshop that further research was necessary to determine the characteristics of
informal apprenticeship outside of the West African region (ILO, 2008).

Subsequent studies in East Africa revealed that training agreements are considerably
more flexible than those found in West Africa. An ILO study conducted in Tanzania
confirmed that, unlike in coastal West African and European apprenticeships, the training
period is not set in advance (ILO, 2010; ILO, 2009). In Tanzania the MC decides when
training is finished - the study found that MCs sometimes take advantage of this aspect and
extend the training period beyond the point at which an apprentice is deemed to be
competent (ILO, 2009). Training periods in Malawian apprenticeship were found to be
widely different both between different trades and within the same trade. The report found
that there are ‘no standard or commonly-practiced apprenticeship durations’, and the training
period is said to last for as long as it takes for the apprentice to acquire the relevant skills
(ILO, 2010). In Malawi ‘it can be concluded that apprentices acquire their skills largely
based on trust of the MCs as most of them do not sign a written contract’ (ibid.). The study
also found that ‘high dropout rates (43 per cent) indicate that a contract or agreement
between a MC and an apprentice is not sacrosanct’ (ibid.). The situation in these two
countries strongly reflects this study’s findings for the Zambian case (see Section 7).

Both studies revealed wide variation in the ways costs and benefits are shared between
master and apprentice. Tanzanian apprentices may pay for training with fees, with their
labour, or, they may bring their own tools and equipment. Alternatively, MCs can provide
monetary as well as in-kind compensation to the apprentice or may not provide any
compensation at all (ILO, 2009). Discrepancies were also found in Malawi – 65 per cent of
MCs paid a weekly wage to apprentices with wages increasing as apprentices contribute
more to the business, but 33 per cent of MCs reported charging fees for training (ILO, 2010).

The studies also found apprentices in the East African region to be older than their
West African counterparts. The Malawi study found apprentices to be ‘relatively old’, with
the average age being 25.2 years (ILO, 2010). The study also found that informal
apprenticeship was not a preferred career path for youth, and that the training generally
commenced once young people had exhausted other possibilities. Similarly, the age of
apprentices interviewed in Tanzania was found to be ‘surprisingly high at 23.5 years on
average’. The report commented that the finding is ‘surprising when comparing it against the
low entry age of apprentices in West African countries or in European apprenticeship
systems’ (ILO, 2009).

The studies in East Africa also revealed low participation in formal organizing
amongst MCs. This is important, as formal institutional bodies, such as Informal Sector
Associations (ISAs), may serve to enforce norms and standards in informal apprenticeship
practices. In Malawi, formal cooperation mechanisms amongst MCs were found to be
‘scarce’, however nearly half of MCs interviewed claimed they cooperated in some form
with other businesses (ILO, 2010). Tanzania also demonstrated a low level of formal
organizing amongst MCs, but a high level of informal cooperation. The auto-mechanics
trade in particular revealed a high level of cooperation with MCs sharing tools, clients,
workers, and the responsibility for the training of apprentices. This description appears
similar to the highly cooperative ‘cluster’ arrangements of auto-mechanics in Zambia (see
Section 5).

11
3.4 Past research on informal apprenticeship in Zambia
There is scarce literature available on informal apprenticeship in Zambia. This may be
because, as King found in Kenya, informal apprenticeship in Zambia is not as easily
identifiable as in the West African region. In 1983, Hoppers assessed that ‘because of the
more informal nature of the petty sector of Lusaka there is some difficulty in defining
(apprenticeship) in the Lusaka situation’ (Hoppers, 1983, p.118). He observed that there was
no formal indenture period laying down terms for training arrangements, including the
training period. Like King, Hoppers argues that these ‘fuzzier’ norms stem from the fact that
Africans were largely restricted from cities during the colonial period and that unlike West
Africa with its long tradition of urban living and trading, Zambia did not have a strong
indigenous urban artisan industry (Hoppers, 1983). Informal artisanship and its
accompanying training processes are argued to be relatively new phenomena in urban
Lusaka.

Notably, Hoppers remained skeptical of the ability of informal apprenticeship to lead

to decent work outcomes for Zambian young people. In particular he argued that the process
benefits MCs more than apprentices with informal apprenticeship operating as a ‘mechanism
for the recruitment of semi-wage labour’, enabling workshops to survive under adverse
economic conditions (Hoppers, 1983). While apprentices are paid a wage, it is considerably
less than that required for a skilled worker - Hoppers writes that MCs may hire apprentices
out of economic necessity then frame it as a ‘virtue’ by claiming they are training out of
social responsibility (ibid.). He argues that informal apprenticeship rarely leads to formal
employment partly because so few formal jobs exist, but also because of the way apprentices
are trained (haphazardly, and without access to machinery found in the formal sector).
Ultimately Hoppers maintains that ‘for youths, apprenticeship thus appears to have become
less of an induction course into self-employment than an alternative, though inferior, source
of increasing one’s general stock of experience while waiting for new opportunities to come
along’ (ibid. p.122-3). This finding was reflected in this study through some apprentices’
perceptions of the training, and their aspirations beyond informal apprenticeship (see Section
8).

3.5 Upgrading informal apprenticeship: the ILO’s approach

The ILO recognizes informal apprenticeship as a working system providing an

accessible mode of training, particularly for young people from poorer families. The training
possesses numerous strengths. Unlike many formal training courses, informal
apprenticeships have no prior education or literacy requirements. They offer a flexible mode
of training delivered on-site, usually in the learner’s own community. Apprentices find their
own MC, sometimes with the mediation or direction of their parents, meaning strong social
ties govern the rules and regulations of the apprenticeship, which are further reinforced by
the expectations of other members of the trade and the local community (ILO, 2012).

However, it is also recognised that informal apprenticeships don’t always function

well in the light of decent work outcomes or as effective training mechanisms. Depending on
the local context, the terms and expectations of the training may not be clear and there can be
a lack of innovation in production and transmission of skills. There may be absence of
quality assurance and measures of an apprentice’s competency. Work conditions may fall far
short of decent work standards, and there can be clear gender biases in some trades. MCs
may not be sufficiently skilled to train young people effectively.

12
 In light of these deficits, the ILO is committed to upgrading informal apprenticeships
to function as a robust form of skills development leading to decent work outcomes for
young people. ILO’s commitment to improving the quality of informal apprenticeships is
reflected in the Human Resources Development Recommendation, 2004 (No 195) which
urges members to identify skills development policies that ‘address the challenge of
transforming activities in the informal economy into decent work fully integrated into
mainstream economic life’ (Art. 3(d)). Upgrading informal apprenticeship aims at
‘strengthening incentives for MCs and apprentices to participate in apprenticeship,
enhancing quality and relevance of training and effectiveness of the training process, and
improving outcomes in terms of employability, productivity, decent work and development’
(ILO, 2008, p.iii).

The ILO’s approach to upgrading informal apprenticeship is designed to address

shortcomings in the training system without disturbing its subtle and positive foundations.
Upgrading interventions will differ in approach depending on the state of informal
apprenticeship in each local context. In this sense, the foci may vary. For instance, an
effective upgrading intervention may:

• Establish linkages between training systems in the informal economy and the
formal technical and vocational education and training (TVET) system
• Improve equal access to apprenticeship for young women and men and expand
apprenticeship opportunities for persons in disadvantaged groups
• Develop assessment and certification schemes for the recognition of skills
• Enhance social protection for apprentices and MCs and improve occupational
safety and health measures
• Facilitate access to microfinance
• Strengthen social partnership and social dialogue in the design and
implementation of policies.’ (ILO, 2008, p.iii).

With this framework in mind, the current study seeks to establish the strengths and
deficits of informal apprenticeships in the Lusaka region, with possibilities highlighted for
targeted intervention and upgrading.

13
4. Technical education, vocational and entrepreneurship
training (TEVET) policy in Zambia
Zambia’s vocational training system has been modified over time in recognition of the
changing nature of employment in the country. Once focusing on formal apprenticeship and
institution-based learning, TEVET policy has become increasingly responsive to the
informal economy. However, solutions are still currently being sought in light of the
inadequacy of the formal TEVET system to meet demand for training. There is also an
under-utilized connection between the TEVET National Qualifications Framework (TEVET
NQF) and informal training, which needs to be strengthened. The following section outlines
the various actors involved in TEVET provision in Zambia, key policy shifts and the
potential for informal training to be aligned with the TEVET system in Zambia.

4.1 The formal TEVET System in Zambia

Until 2011 the Ministry of Education (MoE) was responsible for formal education
policy and provision at basic, high school and college (teacher education) levels. TEVET lay
under the auspices of the Ministry of Science, Technology and Vocational Training
(MSTVT). The MSTVT provided policy direction for the TEVET sector, and owned 23
training institutions across Zambia (now managed by independent boards). However, there
was a degree of overlap and decentralization in the operation and direction of skills training.
For example, the MoE operated 13 Schools of Continuing Education, offering vocational
training and academic programmes to school dropouts. The Ministry of Community
Development and Social Services operated institutions mainly in the rural areas and at
village level, where some Multi-Skills Centres were established to provide short courses for
the community. The former Ministry of Sports, Youth and Child Development provided
informal skills training at 17 Skills Training Centres. The MSTVT argued that this
fragmentation has led to poor rationalization of the TEVET sector with poor coordination at
the government level, lack of directed and adequate resourcing, and ultimately compromised
quality of training (MSTVT, 2008). Under the new Patriotic Front government the MoE and
MSTVT have been merged to form the new Ministry of Education, Science, Vocational
Training and Early Education. This may aid a more coherent approach to vocational
education policy and provision in Zambia.

Regulation and coordination of the TEVET sector is provided by TEVETA, a body

created through the TEVET Act 1998. TEVETA requires all TEVET providers to be
registered, sets training standards and curriculum, and audits providers for quality assurance.
Previously the responsibility of the Examination Council of Zambia, TEVETA is now also
responsible for the administration of trade testing.

Provision of TEVET is through more than 350 technical and commercial training
institutions. Operation of these training institutions is split between the Government,
industry, church groups, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and private providers.
Most of these institutions are clustered around the urban areas of Lusaka and the Copperbelt,
despite the majority of Zambians living in rural areas (GoZ, 2006). The MSTVT has recently
described the capacity of the training institutions as severely inadequate - current enrolment
rates average at 20,000 compared to the 300,000 young people leaving school each year
needing skills development opportunities (MSTVT, 2008). In 2003 the density of TEVET
qualification holders within the population was reported to be about two per cent (CSO,
2003). It is argued that for Zambia to progress beyond being a middle-income nation, the
ideal density of TEVET qualification holders in the labour force should at least be 25 per

14
 cent (MSTVT, 2010). This discrepancy suggests that Zambia needs to create more spaces in
the TEVET system to equip the country with adequate skill levels.

The most recent comprehensive statistics relating to the national TEVET sector are
from 2005 (MSTVT, 2005). According to this data the total student enrolment in 2004 was
32,841 of which 44 per cent were female and 56 per cent were male students. This data
reveals the government bursary scheme to be inadequate, as in 2004 the Ministry’s bursary
scheme was able to pay for only about 3 per cent of the total students enrolled in the TEVET
system while 81 per cent were sponsored through their own means or by their parents (the
remaining 16 per cent were funded by other bursaries) (MSTVT, 2005). Budgetary support
for the TEVET sector has been low at 0.8 per cent of the discretionary budget in 2010,
compared to 20 per cent for general education (MSTVT, 2010). As a result, the TEVET
system has been heavily dependent on donor contributions and student fees (ibid).

Student fees are an entry barrier for students from poor backgrounds. Training
institutions consulted for this study listed fees of up to 2,000,000 ZMK (380 USD) per term
for a Craft Certificate. Such fees are unrealistic for young people barely meeting survival
needs.

4.2 Links between formal and informal education and training

Some courses at training institutions have formal education requirements due to
theoretical components requiring literacy skills. Direct entry to a Craft Certificate currently
requires a Year 12 qualification, excluding early school leavers from immediate entry.
According to TEVETA, those without secondary school qualifications can access Craft level
qualifications with a Level 1 Trades Certificate and remedial literacy courses.

Trade testing provides a means for those lacking formal school qualifications to access
formal vocational training courses and certification. The Basic Trades Certificate is
conducted at three levels and recognizes informally acquired skills, including skills gained
through informal or traditional apprenticeships. Level 3 requires no prior qualifications or
literacy skills, and students demonstrate their practical skills in a Trade Test. Trade testing
runs three times a year and, according to TEVETA, is usually advertised directly to business
owners who employ apprentices or unqualified workers. The TEVETA website states that
trade testing is available at every TEVETA registered institution (TEVETA, 2012).

Level 2 of the Trades Certificate requires a level of reflexivity about the practice - a
TEVETA official stated that candidates 'need to be able to talk about what they are doing' -
however, the testing remains based on practical skills demonstration. The Level 1 Trades
Certificate is offered as a course at a training institution, usually running for six months to
one year and requiring some literacy skills. While courses are supposed to be primarily
practical, TEVETA staff expressed concern that many training providers focus excessively
on the theoretical elements of the curriculum.

The most recent national figures for trades test candidates are as follows. The figures
reveal that, given the scale of the informal economy, more can be done to promote trade
testing amongst informal economy operators:1

1 Unpublished data obtained directly from TEVETA through email.

2
Past examples include ISTARN, and the ILO/DANIDA program Skills for Youth.
3
Project documents, however, argue that a15greater target group focus was needed. See
http://www2.gtz.de/wbf/4tDx9kw63gma/SSACaseStudies-2006-with-cover.pdf
Table 2: Trade test figures

Trade test date Number of registered participants

April, 2010 336
August, 2010 741
November, 2010 2788
April, 2011 641
August, 2011 905
Total 5411

Trade tests are significantly cheaper for participants than undertaking an entire course
– trade test fees amongst the institutions consulted ranged between 205,000 ZMK and
380,000 ZMK (39 USD – 72 USD). These figures include TEVETA’s administration fee
(between 55,000 ZMK and 95,000 ZMK) and ‘institution and materials costs’, which vary
between institutions.

Several institutions consulted reported different processes for trade testing, at times
conflicting with TEVETA policy – some institutions claimed to not provide trade testing at
all. One prominent training institution reported that it was not possible for institutions to
offer practice-assessed trade testing as qualifications were linked to institution-based
courses. Another institution claimed that a letter from an employer was necessary and that it
was not possible for self-employed craftspeople to undertake a trade test. This lack of clarity
appears to support criticisms raised in the TEVET Policy Review Report 2008 (see Section
4), namely that TEVETA’s role as an advisory body is currently unclear, and that many
TEVET providers, particularly non-MSTVT institutions, do not understand TEVET policy
(MSTVT, 2008). The review also highlighted that trade testing has been insufficiently
promoted, and there is currently a lack of awareness about its existence and procedure (ibid,
p.53). This was supported by findings in this study, where 20 per cent of craftspeople and
only 3.4 per cent of apprentices were aware of trade testing (See Section 7).

4.3 TEVET Sector Reform

In the late 1990s the TEVET sector underwent radical reform in Zambia, and now
reflects an increasing responsiveness to the informal sector. The TEVET Policy 1996 was
borne out of the recognition that previous training legislation dating from the 1960s was
largely focused on the formal economy and did not meet the needs of the current labour
market. The Apprenticeship Act 1965, for instance, outlines contractual obligations of
formally registered companies and their apprentices, with educational requirements for
young people apprenticing in different industries. The TEVET Policy 1996 sought to be more
relevant to the training needs of the current Zambian economy. Notably, the policy
introduced ‘entrepreneurship’ as a key element in Zambia’s TEVET policy, reflecting the
increasing emphasis on employment opportunities within the informal economy. The policy
also aimed to address training occurring in both the formal and informal sectors.

In 2008, the MSTVT undertook a review of TEVET policy based on criticisms raised
in Zambia’s Fifth National Development Plan (FNDP). The FNDP cited several serious
issues including the lack of accessible institutions in rural areas, poor quality of equipment
and instruction, and the capacity of training institutions compared to the number of young
people requiring skills training (GoZ, 2006). During interview, a MSTVT representative

16
 reported that the TEVET Policy Review Report 2008 recommendations were about to be
taken to cabinet.

Importantly, the review highlights the decline of formal apprenticeship as a mode of

training in Zambia. The review notes that formal apprenticeship was the key mode of skills
training in Zambia until the 1970s, when it experienced rapid decline due in large part to
national privatization policies. The review notes that currently ‘Zambia does not have
sufficient master craftspersons’ (MSTVT, 2008, p.33) and that apprenticeship has therefore
not been reintroduced into TEVET policy. However, the review also states that discussions
on amending the Apprenticeship Act 1965 were in process. According to a representative of
the MSTVT these amendments are currently awaiting legal approval, a situation that has
persisted for some years. One key recommendation of the report is that government
‘expedite the review of the legal framework for the re-introduction of apprenticeship’
(MSTVT, 2008).

The review also highlights that most TEVET delivery is institution-based and does not
adequately reach the informal economy. The review argues that ‘training does not seem to be
an attractive option for informal sector operators’, as being subsistence operators ‘they can
hardly find the time to take up training with institutions’. The review found that the majority
of institutions ‘tend to offer training at the institution rather than at the informal sector
operators’ work places’ (MSTVT, 2008). The review states that informal economy operators
have not been adequately consulted on their training needs and that institutions have been
inflexible and unresponsive to providing less conventional training packages, such as
through mobile delivery. Apprenticeship is highlighted as a possible means of providing
more flexible training delivery to the informal sector.

The TEVET Sector Plan 2010-2014 seeks to address some of these issues. It focuses
on increasing the capacity of the TEVET to accommodate 40 per cent of Year 12 graduates
by 2014. The plan states that this will be achieved though institutional development,
public/private partnerships to establish an Institute of Technology and Polytechnic, and
expanding modes of training delivery. Four modes of delivery are listed:

1. Institutional based learning

2. Apprenticeship training
3. Distance learning
4. Dual mode learning.

‘Dual mode learning’ has been promoted by TEVETA as ‘Learnership Schemes’.

Learnership Schemes involve employers providing coaching and mentoring to learners and
assisting learners to follow a devised training plan, complemented by theoretical training at a
college or training centre. Learnership Schemes are still in their infancy, and currently there
is no currently financial support for employers offering the scheme (TEVETA, 2010).

4.4 Informal apprenticeship as a mode of TEVET

TEVET policy in Zambia has recently featured a clear shift from institution-based
learning towards more flexible, on-site modes of delivery. There are clear grounds for
including informal apprenticeships as a mode of training for the purposes of TEVET. If
informal apprenticeship in Zambia could be upgraded to a robust system of TEVET, the
current political aims of increasing capacity of TEVET in Zambia would be clearly
supported.

17
 Informal apprenticeship could be included as one of two modes of training outlined in
the TEVET Sector Plan 2010-2014:

1. Apprenticeship

Expansion of the definition of ‘apprenticeship’ in the revised Apprenticeship Act

should have an emphasis on apprenticeship within the informal economy. This conception of
apprenticeship should de-emphasise the need for educational requirements, and include
training taking place in MSEs. Informal apprenticeships work most effectively when
apprentices choose their own craftsperson – however, TEVETA may assist with quality
control by keeping and continually adding to a register of qualified and highly skilled MCs
to assist apprentices in their selection. Contracts and competency assessment mechanisms
could be developed with participating apprentices and MCs.

2. Learnership Schemes

TEVETA’s Learnership model is a training method that combines theoretical training

at a college or training centre with relevant work experience, leading to a recognised national
qualification (TEVETA, 2011). If informal apprenticeship were to be aligned with this
model, considerable care would be required not to upset the subtle balance of informal
apprenticeship. Apprentices often approach an MC themselves, and MCs moderate the
system by not taking on too many apprentices at one time (ILO, 2012). If workshops were to
be transformed into mini training institutions, this may cause MCs to take on too many
apprentices at once, and apprentices may not receive the necessary attention from the MC.
Care would need to be taken to not disturb the way costs and benefits are shared in Zambia -
it is important that apprentices continue to receive a wage or stipend for their contribution.
Also, supplementing informal training with institution-based training requires sensitivity
towards the financial requirements of training institutions. As many young people choose
informal apprenticeships due to their low or no cost, provisions must be in place to make
sure a Learnership scheme would not exclude young people from low income families.

However, dual modes of institutional and practical training have proven highly
effective in improving the quality of informal apprenticeships in other countries. In
Zimbabwe, the approach of the successful Informal Sector Training and Resource Network
(ISTARN) project has been to offer a theory component as a ‘block’ at the start of an
apprenticeship, rather than spread out over the training period. This has the benefit of not
disrupting the continuity of the apprentice’s involvement with the enterprise, and means that
a new apprentice brings some knowledge to the business from commencement (for example,
see Chitiyo et al., 2000).

The ILO suggests that training offered only to an apprentice and not the craftsperson
tends to disrupt the balance of apprenticeship (ILO, 2012). Offering business and technical
skills training to MCs in turn creates stronger businesses able to take on learners, and
provides craftspeople with more expertise to share. Some guidance to offering training to
craftspeople may be gleaned from past skills programs in Zambia, such as the STEP-IN
project, outlined below.

18
 4.5 Past and current informal sector skills programs in Zambia

Unlike neighboring Zimbabwe 2 there have been no previous skills development

programs focusing specifically on upgrading informal apprenticeships in Zambia. However,
numerous programs have offered skills development for informal sector operators more
generally.

STEP-IN (Integrated Skills Training for Employment Promotion)

The Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ)-funded STEP-IN

project was a skills development scheme for the informal sector, aiming to provide an
‘integrated approach where employment could be coupled with a combination of skills
training, access to markets, and access to credit facilities which would lead to improved
levels of income and a better standard of living’ (GIZ, 2005, p.62). Target groups were
marginalized members of the labour market including youths, secondary school students
about to enter the informal economy, women, and retrenched formal sector employees
making the transition to the informal economy.3

A key sub-component of STEP-IN was CISEP (Centres for Informal Sector

Employment Promotion): skills centres attached to formal training institutions. CISEP
centres were designed to be highly accessible and serviceable to the informal economy.
Training courses were run through CISEP, conducted by craftspeople selected from the
community. Before training, each craftsperson undertook a ‘training for trainers’ course
through the program, utilizing ILO’s Improve Your Business program.

The project partnered with ten training institutions in high-density, commercially

operative communities. The focus was not specifically on youth but informal sector
operators who already possessed skills, with the aim of offering specialized and targeted
skills upgrading. Needs assessments were conducted to determine viable trades and find gaps
in the market. An ‘Integrated Training’ approach (a mix of technical training and business
competence) was used, and participants engaged in short term courses (usually five days) to
learn single competencies (e.g. for carpenters, how to build a new style rook, for micro
bakers, how to make pastries). STEP-IN was not connected with the TEVET NQF – a STEP-
IN representative identified this as a key area for improvement.

Data collected during STEP-IN’s operation provides some helpful guidance for future
programming in this sector. GIZ found that many products produced within the informal
economy are ‘so badly made that they are unsellable’, and that ‘informal sector businesses in
Zambia do not have money and managements skills’ (GIZ, 2005, p.67). These findings
suggest that upgrading the skills of craftspeople may be the most effective starting point for
any intervention. The project also found that microcredit in Zambia often leaves borrowers
worse off than before, a finding reflected in interviews for this study (see Section 8).

The STEP-IN program offers strong direction for providing accessible and effective
training to established informal sector operators, particularly for any intervention designed to
upgrade the skills of craftspeople. Strengths of the program were that it considered the work
schedules of informal sector operators, that training was targeted to increasing production
and earnings immediately, and that it was effectively integrated into participants’ local

2
Past examples include ISTARN, and the ILO/DANIDA program Skills for Youth.
3
Project documents, however, argue that a greater target group focus was needed. See
http://www2.gtz.de/wbf/4tDx9kw63gma/SSACaseStudies-2006-with-cover.pdf
19
 communities. Naomy Lintini, currently with the ILO in Zambia, previously worked on the
STEP-IN project and is a strong source of expertise in this area.

Self-employment for youth and school-leavers (SELP Project)

This project was previously implemented by the ILO in Zambia in association with the
Ministry of Labour and funded by UNDP. The SELP Project provided information, guidance
and training on business opportunity identification and business start-up, and assisted young
entrepreneurs with a loan guarantee scheme (DWCP 2007-2011). The emphasis on
entrepreneurship has since been actively taken up by TEVETA and streamlined in vocational
education and training programs offered by colleges and training institutions.

TEVETA and Build It International partnership

TEVETA has partnered with a British NGO to provide some learners with the
opportunity to gain practical building skills. Build It International runs building projects for
schools in Zambia, employing young trainees from the local area while working on projects.
The training culminates in the award of a Trades Certificate, and participants are encouraged
to form their own businesses after the program. This program demonstrates TEVETA’s
willingness to collaborate with projects supporting on-site training within enterprises.

Public/Private Partnerships

Through an initiative of Barclays Bank, the ILO and UNICEF, eight youth resource
centres were established to provide non-formal business and skills training to out of school
youth. The focus was on skills training, educational outreach and employment promotion,
aimed at reducing high-risk behaviour amongst young people. The project utilized ILO’s Get
Ahead program to equip the young participants with entrepreneurship skills.

Private sector initiatives

In 2011 Group Five, a South African construction company, completed the

construction of a shopping mall at Levy Junction in Lusaka. According to a Group Five
spokesperson, Zambia did not have adequately trained workers to complete the project -
rather than employ workers from South Africa, the company embarked on a training
program to upgrade the skills of informal craftspeople in Zambia. Approximately 4,500
Zambians were involved in the construction of the mall (compared to only 50 South
Africans). The training was not aligned with the TEVET NQF, however a certificate was
awarded to participants upon completion of training, and Group Five claims it will employ
these trained employees for future Zambian projects. A representative of the company also
expressed interest in collaborating on future skills development programs. Large formal
companies are worth consulting as partners in future programming. A similar scheme could
function as a ‘graduate program’ for informal apprentices - after building initial skills in a
MSE, they could be admitted into a training/employment position in the formal sector. This
would not only strengthen apprentices’ skills but also support much needed connections
between the formal and informal sectors.

4.6 Conclusion to Section 3

The TEVET sector in Zambia has undergone continual review since the 1990s. The
review process has sought to address several criticisms leveled at the TEVET sector,
20
including its fragmentation and insufficient capacity. There is currently a definite shift
towards more diverse modes of training to allow TEVET to reach more Zambians, and an
increasing responsiveness to the needs of the informal economy. This is a strong policy
environment for programs supporting diverse modes of skills training delivery, particularly
programs that specifically target informal economy operators.

The current TEVET Sector Plan seeks to reach learners through offering
apprenticeship and Learnership Schemes as modes of training. With adequate support and
targeted interventions, it is possible that training already occurring within Zambia’s informal
economy could be including under these training modes. Guidance can be sought from some
previous programs, particularly STEP-IN, to devise a program to upgrade informal
apprenticeship and incorporate it into the TEVET framework. Formal sector companies
should also be consulted as potential partners.

21
5. Supporting context for upgrading informal apprenticeship
The following section outlines the existing policy framework for recognising,
supporting and upgrading informal apprenticeship in Zambia.

5.1 Political context

Zambia underwent Parliamentary and Presidential elections in 2011. The election
brought a change of government from the MMD, the previous ruling party of 20 years, to the
Patriotic Front (PF) party under the leadership of President Michael Sata. The PF
campaigned actively on issues of employment and labour standards, skills development and
social protection, with a key election promise to improve livelihood standards of all
Zambians. Women and youth in particular have been highlighted beneficiaries of these
policy directions.

PF government policy directions to support youth employment and skills development

include:

• Expanding educational facilities and vocational training to absorb all school

leavers

• Collaborating with industry to provide Learnership/apprenticeship practical

training

• Facilitating access to finance and to markets for the youths

• Introducing district vocational training centres to enhance skills training and to

create self-employment opportunities (The Patriotic Front, 2011).

In the PF Manifesto the PF claimed that their election would precipitate the
reintroduction of free and compulsory education from Grades 1 to 12. President Sata also
stated in his parliamentary opening speech that his government would ‘concentrate its efforts
on skills training and creating self-employment opportunities, especially for the youth of our
country’ (Sata, 2011).

5.2 Existing policy framework

Sixth National Development Plan (SNDP)

The MMD Government adopted the SNDP for the period 2011-2015. The theme of
the plan is “Sustained economic growth and poverty reduction” - the plan focuses on
‘policies, strategies and programs that will contribute significantly to addressing the
challenges of realizing broad-based pro-poor growth, employment creation and human
development’ (GoZ, 2011, p.xii). Employment issues predominantly fall under the SNDP’s
Macroeconomic Pillar - employment is no longer a dedicated paragraph in the SNDP, as was
the case in the FNDP. Despite this lack of targeted employment focus, the SNDP still
highlights youth unemployment and encourages ‘deliberate interventions that will promote
the creation of decent jobs and skills development particularly for young people’ (GoZ,
2011).

22
National Employment and Labour Market Policy (NELMP), 2004

The NELMP places employment creation as a key priority. However, the NELMP
maintains a strong focus on the formal sector and rejects any growth potential of the informal
economy, stating that ‘wages and conditions of service in the informal economy are
generally poor and cannot therefore adequately contribute to poverty reduction’ (MLSS,
2004). It also reflects the MMD’s focus on ‘liberalizing the labour market’ (MLSS, 2004).
However, the NELMP does include promotion and support of MSEs as a key government
priority.

The NELMP includes apprenticeships within the informal economy as a form of

‘bonded labour’. However when consulted by the researcher, a representative of the Ministry
for Labour, Sports, Youth and Gender (now Ministry of Information, Broadcasting and
Labour) reported that this statement was based on information gained through ‘international
cases’ on websites, and did not reflect informal apprenticeship in Zambia. Any review of the
NELMP should seek to address this issue.

National Youth Policy 2006

The National Youth Policy 2006 notes that ‘most youths lack life skills, training and
experience to enable them obtain formal employment and/or finance to engage in self-
employment activities,’ and that it is ‘felt the youth have been socially, economically, and
even politically alienated from national development’ (Ministry of Sport, Youth and Child
Development, 2006). The Youth Policy aims to address youth unemployment by creating
self-employment opportunities, advocating for Entrepreneurship education to be introduced
in schools, and offering training and financial support to young entrepreneurs.

Medium, Small and Micro Enterprise Development Policy 2010-2015

Youth are explicitly mentioned as a target group in the MSME Policy 2010-15
launched in January 2011, and extensively referenced in the MSME policy implementation
plan. For example, Strategy 1.4 seeks to ‘develop youth enterprise development programs
that promote establishment of MSMEs among the Youth’.

5.3 Conclusion to Section 4

Youth unemployment has been a policy issue for some time in Zambia, as evidenced
by the Youth Policy, SNDP and MSME Policy. However, the 2011 election of the PF
government brings a renewed political focus on the issues of youth, employment and skills.
As President Sata acknowledged in his parliamentary opening speech, ‘the PF electoral
victory achieved in the just ended elections is owed in large measure to our young
generation’ (Sata, 2011). The PF government, having been elected on a mandate to create
jobs and skills opportunities for young people, will undoubtedly be looking for effective
strategies to achieve these aims. The time is ripe for programs supporting skills development
connecting young people to decent work outcomes.

23
6. Informal apprenticeship in Zambia: statistics and definitions
This section outlines recognition of informal apprenticeship in national
statistics and popular definitions.

6.1 Informal apprenticeship in national statistics

There are currently insufficient national statistics reflecting the scale or forms of
training within the informal economy in Zambia. The most recent LFS states that only 6 per
cent of the labour force had received ‘skills training’ while 94 per cent had not (CSO, 2011).
The LFS 2008 breaks down ‘skills training’ to include ‘On the job’ (19.4 per cent), ‘At a
govt/public learning institution’ (33.3 per cent), ‘At a private learning institution’ (24 per
cent), ‘Apprenticeship’ (18.1 per cent) and ‘Other’ (5.1 per cent). It is unclear how informal
apprenticeships might categorized; they are more likely to be popularly understood as ‘on the
job’ training (see next section) than as ‘apprenticeships’ (which in Zambia popularly refer to
formal apprenticeships). The fields of study surveyed to determine skills training are also
heavily weighted towards the formal economy (for example, mechanical engineering,
teacher training, journalism, and clerical typing). As such, it is inconclusive whether training
within informal enterprises is included as skills training within national statistics.

6.2 Popular definitions of informal apprenticeship

The terms ‘apprenticeship’ and ‘apprentice’ do not appear to be popularly used in

Zambia’s informal economy. Amongst those interviewed, respondents who are familiar with
the terms related them solely to the formal sector. One MC reported, “We don’t have that
(apprenticeship) in Zambia. We lost it when we lost our (para-statal) companies.” There is
also no explicit term for a MC - terms and descriptions used to refer to people in this role
included bwana (boss), ‘the one who is qualified’, ‘big man’, and ‘the one who is teaching’.

None the less, there exists a proliferation of young people joining businesses for the
key purpose of learning skills of the trade. When I inquired as to the presence of such people
in a business, they were referred to as ‘helpers’ (in Nyanja, othandiza). The term ‘job-on
training’ [sic] was also widely used to describe the activity of the helper. Within a business,
a person remains in the position of a helper until they are deemed ‘qualified’, at which point
they may take on the status of a skilled worker or leave the business to pursue self-
employment.

One MC explained:

“Go into any place in Lusaka, you will never find an apprentice. The word
‘helper’ is better. For example, a truck driver wants a helper, and the helper will be
learning to drive as he goes along. But ‘helpers’ and ‘casual workers’ are two types of
workers. One is learning, the other does small things.”

In practice, the researcher found the term ‘helper’ to be used both for those in an
apprenticeship role, casual workers (recruited for short term jobs without full training),
contributing family members, and assistants who may only be taught skills ‘to a point’. This
may be a cause of confusion in future programming, and it is vital that a checklist for
informal apprenticeship be used to identify its presence in informal enterprises, rather than
24
 seeking to identify it by a term. With the role largely undefined, a working definition was
therefore highly necessary for this study.

In order to ascertain the presence of apprentices within businesses, the following

questions were asked:

1. Is there someone currently in this business who is being taught all the
skills of this trade?

If yes, this person was identified as an apprentice. The businesses surveyed for this
study all employed at least one worker in an apprenticeship role.

2. (If no) has there ever been someone in the past learning all skills of the
trade within this business?

In this instance, the researcher probed further as to the whereabouts of the former
apprentice/s - i.e. whether they continued to work within the business as a ‘qualified’ skilled
worker, whether they had they started their own businesses, and so on. In some cases former
apprentices had started businesses in close proximity to their former training site, and the
researcher was introduced to them.

3. Who is/was the person providing this training?

This person was identified as the master craftsperson (MC). This person was usually
also the owner of the enterprise. In a ‘cluster’ environment (outlined in the next section),
there could be several people providing training at different times.

6.3 Forms of informal training

The study found that there are two main frameworks by which a young person can
gain all relevant skills in a trade by working alongside a master craftsperson. For the purpose
of this report they are grouped under the titles ‘Apprentice employed as a learner/worker in a
business’ and ‘Apprentice learning from multiple MCs in a cluster’.

Type 1: Apprentice employed as a learner/worker in a business

In this form of informal apprenticeship a young, unskilled person is employed by a

business and trained by an MC, who is usually also the owner of the enterprise. Of the trades
surveyed for this study, this arrangement was present in hairdressing, carpentry, power
electrics, welding and metal fabrication, and tailoring. An apprentice usually commenced
work on an entry-level wage or stipend, which increased as he or she acquires skills.

Like all informal apprenticeships, these arrangements are shaped by incentive and
obligation shaped by norms specific to the Zambian informal economy. An apprentice has an
obligation to stay and contribute productively to the business in exchange for training. In
turn, MCs have a social obligation to train young people, as many were trained themselves
this way (see next section). There are strong incentives for apprentices to commit to the
training, as their increasing skills-set is matched by an increase in wages. For MCs, highly
trained apprentices can contribute to the business to greater productivity. One power
electrician interviewed was working on one construction site while his two apprentices
worked on another site, occasionally calling him on a mobile phone to discuss a challenging
25
 task. “When they are properly trained,” he explained, “they can do it just like I do it.” Well-
trained apprentices also provide a form of social protection for MCs, as they still have the
potential to earn when they are sick or absent from work.

After an apprentice has reached competency he or she can either stay on as skilled
workers within a business, or seek paid or self-employment opportunities elsewhere.

Type 2: Young person learning from multiple MCs in a ‘cluster’

A ‘cluster’ is a group of self-employed tradespeople operating in the same trade from

the same site. This type of arrangement is common to the informal automotive industry in
Lusaka. Up to 30 people at a time may be working in a cluster, frequently sharing tools,
expertise and clients. Clusters are self-regulating – newer members may need to seek out
other sites when they are over capacity. MCs tend not to have a workshop; rather, they
generally work outside on the street, waiting for customers to arrive. These types of auto-
technicians specialise in ‘quick and cheap’ jobs - it was frequently noted in interviews that
garages take an inordinate amount of time to do a job, as there is no financial incentive to
work quickly. If they have a good reputation, cluster workers can work on several jobs per
day. Clusters can provide an effective base for young tradespeople without start-up capital,
as they are able to access tools and, in some cases, be guaranteed a meal. In this way, the
critical mass of workers is understood be participants to provide support, rather than
competition.

Every apprentice in the automotive trades interviewed for this study was working in a
cluster. In auto-repairs clusters, apprentices are often dubbed the ‘spanner boy’ (or in one
case, the ‘spanner girl’). The arrangements for apprentices within a cluster differ
considerably to the more typical arrangement outlined above. For instance, young people
within a cluster may attach themselves to more than one MC at different times. When an
apprentice does a job alongside a more experienced member, they are paid a small amount of
pocket money. As such, earnings will depend on how many individual jobs a ‘spanner boy’
completes in a day.

Compared to the first arrangement, obligation is not as strong a factor in the provision
of training. Generally, there was much more flexibility in cluster arrangements - apprentices
were more free to come and go, working on the days they pleased, with the onus being
strongly on the young person to commit to training. Like the first arrangement, many MCs
claimed to have been trained informally, and felt an obligation to train others – however,
they did not ‘employ’ young people as such, rather providing training as opportunities arose.
This means that training is far from systematic - skills are taught as they are required, and
this may mean that it takes longer for an apprentice to reach competency.

However, there are strong incentives for young people to commit to this mode of
training. As they master entry-levels tasks, they can undertake such jobs independently,
receiving full earnings. More experienced members of the clusters reported that having
‘spanner boys’ take entry-level jobs freed them up to take more advanced and better paying
jobs. The apprentices had the benefit of continuing to learn more difficult tasks by working
alongside MCs, while building up their own client base. Moreover, being able to access the
shared tools of the cluster makes it easier for a young person to transition to self-
employment. Indeed, many of the cluster-based MCs interviewed had trained in the same
cluster, gradually building up a client base while gaining skills in their trade.

26
Table 3: Two models of informal apprenticeship in Zambia

Young person as an apprentice in a business Young person as a cluster member

Trade Hairdressing, carpentry, welding and metal Auto-mechanics, auto-electrics, panel-beating and
fabrication, power electrics, tailoring. spray painting.

Trainer Business owner/MC; sometimes other skilled Can learn from several cluster members of superior
employees. skill level.

Payment Entry-level stipend, paid per job or as a wage. Paid per job. Can work independently on mastered
tasks, continuing to learn until reaching full competence.

Obligations Apprentice obliged to contribute to business Fewer obligations on either party.

in exchange for training.

Incentives A well-trained apprentice increases business For MCs: ability to take more complex, higher earning
earning potential. jobs; increased social capital. For apprentices: increased earning
potential.

Post – Remain in business as a skilled worker, or leave Remain in cluster as a self-employed operator. May
training business to pursue other paid or self-employment. change location if cluster too crowded.

6.4 Conclusion to Section 5

There is limited statistical information available on the prevalence of informal
apprenticeship in Zambia. Moreover, the terms ‘apprenticeship’ and ‘apprentice’ appear
popularly related to formal apprenticeship only. Within the informal economy young people
in an apprenticeship role are referred to as ‘helpers’. However, ‘helper’ may refer both to
young people in an apprenticeship role, and workers recruited for casual tasks without being
fully trained. As such, caution is necessary when attempting to accurately determine
apprentices within a business.

This study found that there are two main ways a young person may join a business to
acquire all relevant skills of the trade – as an apprentice in a business, and as a junior member
of a cluster. While ‘cluster-based learning’ is perhaps quite far from ILO’s definitions of
informal apprenticeship, it appears very common in the auto repair MSEs, and as such requires
further attention.

27
7. Backgrounds of participants
The following section outlines the demographic of the research sample. Included are
participants’ age, gender, educational background and primary source of skills acquisition.

7.1 Age

The most common age of MCs surveyed was between 31 and 40 years (26.6 per cent),
followed by MCs aged between 41 and 44 (23.3 per cent). Only a small percentage (6 per cent
total) were aged between 18 and 25. This result suggests that most MCs usually work in their
trade for a number of years before reaching the appropriate skill level to train others.

Apprentices were generally between 5 to 10 years younger than their MCs. The
majority of apprentices interviewed were between 20 and 30 years old - the most common
age range was between 20 and 25 years (31 per cent), followed by 26 to 30 (27.7 per cent)
and 18 to 21 (22.4 per cent) respectively. Amongst those surveyed, the participation of
young people aged between 15 and 17 was very low (1.7 per cent), and there were no
recorded cases of a person younger than 15 undertaking this type of training. This finding
suggests that child labour may not be a significant issue in informal apprenticeships in
Lusaka. However, more research is needed on this issue.

Table 4: Age of MCs and apprentices

Age range MCs (per cent) Apprentices (per cent)

15-17 0 1.7
18-21 1.7 22.4
22-25 5.0 31.0
26-30 18.3 27.7
31-40 26.6 10.3
41-44 23.3 5.2
45-54 17.8 1.7
55-64 7.3 0
Total 100 100.0

The data also echoes the ILO’s findings in Malawi where apprentices were found to be
‘relatively old’ (ILO, 2010, p.16), suggesting other opportunities may have been explored
before informal apprenticeship was chosen. It must also be noted that despite ILO’s
emphasis on the apprentice necessarily being a ‘young person’, significant numbers of older
people are entering into these arrangements in Zambia, due to lack of opportunities
elsewhere. Over 10 per cent of apprentices surveyed were between 31 and 40 years old, and
nearly 7 per cent were over 41. When interviewed, these older apprentices were found to be
often undertaking apprenticeships as a mode of ‘re-skilling’, i.e. training in a new skill often
due to a lack of opportunities to gain employment with their existing skill. One 51 year-old
apprentice described retraining in metal fabrication after losing his job as a chef in the
Copperbelt. He saw informal apprenticeship as a means of improving his skills for greater
employability:

“In terms of being a helper, one day I’ll become somebody. I can’t sit at
home - I have to look for other skills so I can help myself. If I can be a
helper, one day I can be a boss.”
28
 Despite the emphasis on youth in the literature on informal apprenticeships, it is
advisable that older trainees not be left out of any future programming efforts.

7.2 Gender

Of the total MCs surveyed, 86.7 per cent were male and 13.3 per cent were female. This
sample is not representative of gender balances within the informal economy more broadly,
where in 2008 50.6 per cent workers were female while 49.4 per cent were male (CSO, 2011).
Rather, these figures suggest that amongst the trades surveyed there were marked gender
biases in some trades, particularly in the various automotive repairs, welding and metal
fabrication, power electrics and carpentry. These trades were entirely dominated by male MCs,
and none of the MCs surveyed knew of any women MCs operating in these trades. The only
trades surveyed with a high proportion of female MCs were tailoring and hairdressing. These
preliminary findings suggest more needs to be done to encourage women in the male
dominated trades surveyed. More data also needs to be collected on female MCs and
apprentices in future studies, for instance, by including food processing as a sampled trade.

Gender biases also existed amongst apprentices, with the auto-repair trades, welding
and metal fabrication, carpentry, and power electrics dominated by male apprentices, and
hairdressing dominated by females. Tailoring apprentices were more evenly split between
males and females. Notably, while the gender balance in tailoring was evenly matched
between MCs and apprentices, only 66.7 per cent of hairdresser MCs were female, compared
to 100% of hairdressing apprentices.

One female apprentice auto-electrician was interviewed for this study - she claimed
that her gender was not an impediment in this trade. This apprentice appeared to command
great respect from her fellow apprentices and MCs in the auto-electrics cluster in which she
was learning, and her gender wasn’t emphasised within the group. However, other women in
the community frequently referred to the apprentice as ‘that boy’, on account of her
participating in a ‘masculine’ trade. When interviewed, members of this cluster claimed that
gender was of no consequence to whether an apprentice could learn auto-electrics - having
‘an interest’ in the trade was deemed the most important quality. MCs in this cluster said
they would be very open to training more female apprentices, but that they had only ever
been approached by the current apprentice.

Table 5: Gender of MCs and apprentices by trade

Percentage of females
Trade MCs Apprentices
Hairdressing 66.7 100
Tailoring 62.5 66.7
Welding and metal fabrication 0 0
Auto-mechanics 0 0
Auto-electrics 0 1.7
Panel-beating and spray painting 0 0
Carpentry 0 0
Power electrics 0 0
Total 52 8

29
 7.3 Education and skills

Compared to national education statistics, the MCs surveyed appear to be relatively

highly educated. While 36.7 per cent of surveyed MCs dropped out between Grades 7 and 9
(reflecting the sharp drop in national school attendance statistics (see Section 1), over a quarter
of MCs had achieved Grade 12 qualifications. This is high compared to 13.3 per cent of
informal economy workers in total possessing Year 12 qualifications (CSO, 2011). This
finding suggests that higher levels of education may play a role in the ability of MCs to
achieve competence in their trades, or to start their own businesses. More research is needed in
this area however.

Table 6: Level of education of MCs and apprentices

Level of education MCs (per cent) Apprentices (per cent)
Less than Grade 7 5.0 5.2
Grade 7-9 36.7 43.1
Grade 10-11 10.0 19.0
Grade 12 26.7 27.6
College 18.3 5.2
University 3.3 0.0
Total 100.0 100

Similarly to MCs, apprentices most commonly finished school between Grades 7 and
9 (43 per cent), with the next largest group possessing Grade 12 qualifications (28 per cent).
Again, this is higher than the levels of Grade 12 qualifications in the informal economy more
broadly. A small minority had completed less than Grade 7 (5 per cent). Notably, far less
apprentices had completed a course at college than MCs. It may be that those with the
economic capital to pay for college are also in a stronger financial position to start their own
businesses, or that college was more accessible when MCs were young than it is currently.

Over 33 per cent of MCs acquired skills for their trade through formal avenues, either
at college or through formal apprenticeship in a company. However, the majority of MCs
acquired their skills informally, either through working in an informal enterprise, being
taught by a family member, or being ‘self-taught’ (sum total 65 per cent). This may explain
the strong sense of social responsibility that MCs feel to train young apprentices (see Section
7).

Table 7: MCs’ primary source of skills for their trade

Primary site of training Per cent

Informal business 36.7
Taught by a family member 25.0
Formal apprenticeship 5.1
School or college 25.0
Working in a company 3.2
Self taught 3.3
Other 1.7
Total 100.0

30
 In contrast, a small minority of apprentices claimed that they had begun learning their
trade at home (1.7%) or in a previous job (1.7%), with another 10.3 per cent having
commenced their training at school or college. However, the overwhelming majority of
apprentices commenced their training in the enterprise in which they were currently working
(86.3%). This suggests that apprentices mostly join a business without any pre-existing
relevant skills, and that they are acquired primarily through their current position. The low
percentage of formal skills acquisition amongst apprentices, compared to MCs, reflects the
changing nature of skills development provision in Zambia more widely.

31
8. Forming apprenticeships
This section outlines MCs’ reasons for training young people, apprentices’
motivations for undertaking training, and the processes by which apprentices join informal
enterprises.

8.1 Apprentices joining businesses

8.1.1 Why MCs train apprentices

Foremost, MCs claimed that they train others out of a sense of social responsibility.
When surveyed, the majority of MCs reported that they train others because they want to
‘help people gain skills’ (53 per cent), with the next largest group of respondents claiming
that they sought to help their family members (21 per cent). Many MCs reported that they
had a duty as Christians to help others who seek to be trained, while others talked about the
issue of young people sitting idle in Lusaka, without any prospects.

One MC carpenter interviewed was once formally an apprentice to his cousin. When
asked why he trains others, he replied:

“The Bible says it’s the way…I don’t want to see people roaming
around. You have a skill, you have to help people. You have to
teach them, train them. That is my intention.’’

This sense of social responsibility is also felt by current apprentices. An apprentice

auto-electrician, when discussing his plans for the future, stated:

“In my life I have to open my own garage, to work alone.

And teach the upcoming ones…(It’s important) for (the
young people’s) future, because of the failing of going to
school, lack of sponsorship. If they have the knowledge I
have here, they won’t suffer.”

13 per cent of MCs stated that they prefer to train their own workers - there may also
be simply no other way to recruit trained workers. In hairdressing, for instance, MCs
frequently reported that there is no decent training college in Zambia, and that training in this
trade is almost always done through an enterprise. Several hairdressers claimed that they
always train their own workers, due to inadequacies of the formal training centres.

Additionally, for all the altruism spoken of by MCs, apprentices are much cheaper to
pay than skilled workers - nearly 12 per cent of MCs claimed the main reason for training
apprentices is that they are a source of ‘cheap labour’. This finding does not necessarily
mean there is exploitation occurring here, as apprenticeship necessarily involves sharing
costs and benefits, and it is not unreasonable for apprentices to accept lower levels of pay in
exchange for training. However, economic challenges faced by MSEs may mean that hiring
young, untrained apprentices is the only cost-effective solution for MCs. Hoppers described
this situation as one in which MCs have often ‘no choice but to take on apprentices and turn
the necessity of training youths into a virtue’ (Hoppers, 1983, p.125).

32
 8.1.2 How apprentices are recruited

In Lusaka, MCs usually know an apprentice before he or she commences training.

Amongst the apprentices surveyed, 50 per cent were related to the MC, 19 per cent had a
friend or relative already working in the enterprise, and 9 per cent were friends or neighbours
with the MC. The remaining 22 per cent of apprentices surveyed didn’t know the MC prior
to working in the business. Apprentices in this category joined the business in a variety of
ways, including being introduced by a third party (usually a family member), and
approaching the MC independently. All MCs interviewed stressed that a good rapport was
necessary between the MC and the apprentice. Trust is also very necessary, which may
explain why many MCs train family members. An auto-mechanic MC stated that before
long-term training commenced, “First we get to know them (the apprentice). They could be a
thief.”

While trust and a prior relationship with the apprentice were considered to be
extremely important, the most important quality in an apprentice was said to be ‘an interest
in the trade’ (47 per cent). Without this, according to one MC, “the helper cannot be taught.”
An apprentice’s interest was deemed far more important than formal secondary education
qualifications (3 per cent) or even possessing some existing relevant skills (12 per cent).

Table 8: Most important quality in an apprentice

Quality Percentage
Known/related to me 15.0
Trustworthiness 15.0
Existing relevant skills 11.7
Completed secondary education 3.3
An interest in the trade 46.7
Quick learner 8.3
Total 100.0

8.2 Why young people take up informal apprenticeship

Of the apprentices surveyed, the vast majority reported that they joined the business
primarily to gain skills (59 per cent). As informal apprenticeship in Zambia is also a ‘job’ in
an immediate sense, 22 per cent of apprentices stated that the main reason for joining the
enterprise was to earn money immediately. The remainder joined for more passive reasons:
10 per cent were told to by a relative, and 9 per cent had nothing better to do.

For many, apprenticeship was a means of becoming upwardly mobile when options
are extremely limited. When interviewed, many apprentices had previously held jobs
requiring minimal skills, such as being a maid or a ‘garden boy’, and saw the skills they were
learning as facilitating a path to better employment options. Respondents, both apprentices
and MCs, often stressed that options for girls of poorer families were scarce, and that without
access to skills development opportunities many invariably end up in prostitution.
Apprenticeship, despite its hardships, was seen as a means of escaping options that are much
worse. One female apprentice explained:

33
 “I am from a very, very poor family. No one is there to say, ah, here
you can do this (i.e. family members providing employment options).
It’s not comfortable. But it’s better than going around, doing
prostitution.”

Some apprentices reported that gaining practical skills in their trade was essential to
improving their employability. One apprentice auto-mechanic had already completed formal
training in auto-mechanics, but felt he did not have sufficient skills to find a job. He stated of
his apprenticeship:

“Here I’m learning a lot of things I didn’t learn in college. In college

you only learn what is written. Here you see new problems, new
designs on the cars, maybe things that are not written down.”

Few apprentices cited informal apprenticeship as their first vocational choice.

Apprentices frequently cited lack of ‘sponsorship’ as being the main obstacle to other forms
of training or education. For most apprentices, other options were tried following school,
with only 17 per cent of apprentices surveyed commencing apprenticeship straight from
school or college. The remainder were looking for work (22 per cent), working in another
job (33 per cent) or doing ‘nothing’ (28 per cent).

8.3 Terms of training agreements

When MCs were asked whether they conclude a written or oral training agreement
with their helpers, not a single MC stated that they did so. This finding is rather problematic
when considering the ILO’s definition of informal apprenticeship. It also raises the clear
question- in informal enterprises in Lusaka, under what conditions do young people join a
business to learn all skills of the trade?

The process can largely be understood through this MC’s account:

“At first, what young guys come looking for is employment. Not to be
trained, but just enough to live on. First they are employed as a casual
worker. But then some might get an interest in the work. You might find
he’s [sic] good at some jobs. You think, “I’ll keep this chap.” You find
he’s a very fast learner. You think you can train this person. As a result
he becomes specialized in the trade.”

Other MCs described the process in a similar way:

“First they (apprentices) come for employment. The learning comes later.
You have to see first if they have an enjoyment for the job.”

“First you start by giving him small, small jobs. Now you are training
him. You teach the safety as you go. If that helper is interested, he sticks
with us.”

These accounts highlight a range of important factors regarding how people become
apprentices in MSEs in Lusaka. Importantly, they may not commence working within a
business in a learning role – instead, they may move from the position of casual worker to
apprentice. The apprentice’s motivation and ‘interest’ are key to whether or not they become
34
 to be perceived as learners. The account also highlights that there must be need for extra
labour within a business for a young person to be taken on as a helper.

These accounts also highlight the degree of power that MCs have in training
arrangements in Lusaka. Whether or not a young person becomes skilled in a trade depends
on: a) whether there is a demand for their labour power within a business, b) whether or not
the MC chooses to fully train them once they are employed, and c) the MC choosing to keep
them on until they have mastered the trade.

In the absence of clear training agreements, the transition between casual worker and
apprentice learning all skills of the trade is somewhat fluid. In keeping with this fluidity, the
learning period is not set in advance - rather, MCs commonly state that they are ‘just going
along’ with the training, with no clear end in sight. Many MCs stated that the length of the
training period was mostly dependent on the learner- the amount of time an apprentice
spends with a business is largely determined by the apprentice’s own commitment and ‘how
quick’ he or she is. While this arguably points to weaker training agreements, MCs
emphasised the flexibility that this provides for apprentices. Many MCs noted that if an
apprentice possesses more aptitude, they can complete the training and seek more profitable
employment more quickly. “Why would you keep the sharp one learning at the same speed
as the dull one?” asked one MC. With this in mind, interventions to strengthen learning
agreements could focus on establishing shared learning targets that signify competence,
rather than fixing durations of apprenticeship in advance.

Expectations of apprentices’ attendance also varied between businesses. 67 per cent of

MCs expect an apprentice to be at work every day the business runs - these businesses
appeared to be highly invested in the training of their helpers to full competence. Other MCs
demonstrated a more casual approach to their apprentices’ attendance: 15 per cent expect an
apprentice to be present ‘when there is work to be done’, and another 18 per cent expected
the helper to be at work ‘whenever the helper feels like it’. The category ‘whenever the
helper feels like it’ largely applied to apprentices in a cluster environment, where there is
greater onus on the apprentice to participate in training.

There were also marked inconsistencies between MCs’ and apprentices’ expectations
of the length of training, with apprentices estimating overall that the training period would be
shorter. Nearly 8 per cent of apprentices said their training would last for less than six
months, an estimation not shared by any MCs. 33 per cent of MCs estimated that the training
period would last for longer than three years, compared to only 14 per cent of apprentices.
There were closer expectations for trades that take less than a year to learn - 32 per cent of
MCs and 28 per cent of apprentices claimed their trade took six months to a year to learn.
Panel beating and hairdressing were identified as trades that took less than a year to learn,
while MC auto-mechanics stressed that their trade took a minimum of three years to master.

Table 9: Estimated length of apprenticeship

Estimated length of apprenticeship MCs (per cent) Apprentices (per cent)
Less than 6 months 0.0 7.7
6 months - 1 year 32.0 28.0
1 - 3 years 35.0 50.3
More than 3 years 33.0 14.0
Total 100.0 100.0

35
 8.4 Payment to apprentices

The apprentices surveyed were mostly paid for their labour while learning – only 7 per
cent of businesses did not provide remunerations in cash or goods and services to their
apprentices. Unlike the ILO study in Malawi, the present study found no instances of
apprentices paying for training (ILO, 2010). When the possibility of asking apprentices to
pay for training was raised during interviews, many MCs responded with shock. “But how
could (the apprentice) survive?” asked one MC. The payment of wages or stipends means
that apprentices are provided with income while training, as well as gaining skills for their
future. However, as Hoppers observed in his 1983 study, the payment of wages from the
beginning of apprenticeship makes it unclear when the training period has ceased; there is no
clear transition into skilled worker status within an enterprise (Hoppers, 1983, p.118).

The vast majority of apprentices were paid in cash (68 per cent), followed by cash plus
additional goods and services, such as the provision of lunch, transport, or accommodation
(25 per cent):

Table 10: Payment to apprentices

Form of payment Percentage

Payment in cash 68.3
Payment in goods and/or services 1.7
Payment in cash and goods and/or services 25.0
No payment to apprentice 5.0
Apprentice pays for training 0.0
Total 100.0

When apprentices were paid in cash, the majority of payments were proportional to
the total amount earned per job, or the apprentice’s contribution to the final product, rather
than a set salary. Hairdressing apprenticeships provided a fixed weekly or monthly salary, as
did tailoring (though this varied between businesses).

Table 11: Mode of payment

Payment Percentage
In a salary at the end of the week/month 16.7
According to how much the product sells 63.3
According to the apprentice’s contribution
13.3
Not applicable 6.7
Total 100.0

Payments to apprenticeships were usually inconsistent. It was emphasized by many

apprentices that it was difficult to state common daily earnings, as these often fluctuated
significantly in relation to the earnings of the business. Some trades, such as carpentry, did
not pay apprentices a daily wage, but a portion of the finished product sale. The figures
below are therefore apprentices’ estimations of their daily income.
36
Table 12: Money earned by apprentices per day (in Zambian Kwacha)

Amount Percentage
No money earned 6.7
5,000 (0.95 USD) 1.7
10,000 (1.90 USD) 13.3
20,000 (3.80 USD) 33.3
20,000 – 50,000 (3.80 USD – 9.50 USD) 33.3
50,000 – 100,000 (9.50 USD – 19 USD) 10.0
Over 100,000 (19 USD) 1.7
Total 100.0

8.5 Progression of learning

Apprentices and MCs across all trades surveyed were able to identify trade specific
entry-level tasks, progressively challenging tasks, and tasks that signified competence. In the
field of auto-electrics, for example, fixing a starter motor was considered a typical entry-
level task. An apprentice could work independently on mastered entry-level tasks while
continuing to learn more challenging tasks, thus increasing an apprentice’s earning capacity.
Carpentry apprentices generally commenced their training by learning how to sand planks of
wood. In tailoring, apprentices initially learn how to cut material. One MC tailor described
the basic process as: “(An apprentice) starts from cutting, then measuring, then using the
machine, and eventually he can produce a good product.”

In the initial stages of training an apprentice will work closely alongside a MC,
acquiring tacit skills through observation, direct instruction, mimicking and practice. As an
apprentice’s skills set increases, they will work to greater levels of independence. One MC
auto-mechanic stated of an apprentice approaching full competence:

“The customer will not let you leave the vehicle alone with the
spanner boy, so you say you are tired so you can watch (him work).
When he doesn’t know, you help him, but this way he thinks for
himself: ‘What do I do?”

The majority (61 per cent) of MCs stated that an apprentice could leave an enterprise
once they are able to work independently. This perception was shared by many apprentices -
36 per cent felt their training would conclude when they were able to work without guidance
from an MC. While this may appear self-evident, there is the danger that an apprentice may
deem him or herself ‘competent’ and leave the enterprise before the training is complete.
Indeed, many apprentices stated that their training period would be over whenever they ‘feel
they are ready’ (24 per cent). A minority of MCs also feel that the length of apprenticeship
should be left up to the apprentice (8 per cent), however for many MCs the ability of
apprentices to come and go at whim was a source of frustration. Several MCs expressed
resentment about apprentices leaving an enterprise too soon:

“Sometimes when they (apprentices) think they know the job, they
just run away from you. As time goes by, he comes back saying,
“How can I do this, how can I do this?”

37
 While many apprentices join an enterprise committed to learning all relevant skills of
the trade, others may be concerned only with earning money in the short term. This can
mean that some apprentices leave an enterprise when they become financially mobile or
when a better offer is presented. 9 per cent of current apprentices stated that their
apprenticeship would be over when they had enough money to leave; another 9 per cent said
that their training would finish whenever they managed to find employment elsewhere. This
is obviously an issue for MCs, who may fail to get full returns on the training they have
invested in an apprentice, and for apprentices, who may leave an enterprise inadequately
skilled.

One means of encouraging a clear and shared sense of when training is completed is
the establishment of a module-based set of competencies. Many MCs and apprentices
described tasks signifying competence in a trade - for example, the signifier of competence
in auto-mechanics was mastery of the engine. One MC explained that this task was the ‘test’
of competence as an auto-mechanic:

“When you can take apart the engine and put it back together, that
is when you are qualified.”

Future interventions to upgrade informal apprenticeship are encouraged to work with

MCs to establish clear expected outcomes of training, based around indicators of increasing
competence. Clearly defining the content of the training would aid transparency to the
learning for both apprentices and MCs, and begin to address issues related to both
apprentices’ early departure, and, in some cases, the possible failure of some MCs to impart
all relevant skills of the trade.

38
9. Outcomes and perceptions
9.1 Perception of training quality
Many MCs claimed in interviews that the training they offered was of far superior
quality to that offered in colleges:

“Here is much better than college. Here, they are working and doing
job-on-training at the same time. Sometimes in the colleges they just
write the paper.”

One auto-mechanic MC stressed that the theory provided in training institutions was
extremely important. “Someone who knows theory,” he claimed, “will only need to be
shown a task once”. According to this MC, those who only have practical knowledge may
need to be shown a task several times, and may have more difficulty seeing the broader
picture. Many MCs also expressed frustration that they were not able to provide apprentices
with access to the range of equipment used in colleges, and that their workspaces were
inadequate for successful teaching.

Another MC, a Nigerian born and trained tailor, was very negative about informal
apprenticeship in Zambia, and took pains to differentiate it from the traditional
apprenticeship system in Nigeria. She argued that in Nigeria, the payment by apprentices to
their MCs makes traditional apprentices view their training as legitimate, and commit to it
strongly. In contrast, she claimed, apprentices in Zambia were more interested in being paid
in the short-term than learning properly. She argued that for informal apprenticeship to be
improved in Zambia, the learning aspects must be emphasised over employment, and
apprentices must come to an enterprise with a clear motivation to learn all relevant skills of
the trade.

9.2 Potential to lead to gainful employment

Both MCs and apprentices reported that informal apprenticeships in Lusaka generally
led to employment in the informal economy, either within an existing business, or ideally as
self-employment (with the possibility of employing others). It has been suggested that one of
the strengths of informal apprenticeship is its ability to teach the skills necessary for
employment within the informal economy (Nelson and K’Aol, 1997). Indeed, with the
informal economy constituting 90 per cent of the labour share in Zambia, employment in this
sector is arguably a positive outcome for graduating apprentices.

Godfrey, a recently graduated apprentice panel beater, claims:

“I like this job because it makes good money. I can support my wife
and daughter with this job. As time goes on I’ll have my own
garage.”

Informal apprenticeship was also seen as integral to providing the psychological

capacities to survive in the informal economy. Many apprentices saw their training as
building ‘self-reliance’ and providing them with opportunities in a shrinking formal
employment market. One apprentice auto-mechanic reported:

39
 “There are lots of people fighting for office jobs. What if the
government doesn’t employ me? It is better that I have something
for myself that the government cannot take away from me. In
short, I’m talking about self-reliance. I won’t depend on the
government - I’ll depend on my own. Most people nowadays, we
have now started venturing into self-reliance. We have started
looking for skills, especially us young people.”

MCs and apprentices were largely sceptical about the potential for informal
apprenticeship to lead to employment in the formal sector. One apprentice auto-mechanic
who had recently commenced college training argued:

“Nowadays you need to have that (college training), because the

person who’s going to employ you will have to see… It’s difficult
nowadays to get a job without a certificate or without a title.”

No MCs interviewed for this study were aware of any of their former apprentices
having acquired formal sector jobs. This is due, in part, to there being very slim
opportunities in the formal sector. However, another key factor is that apprentices’ skills are
largely unrecognized by formal sector employers. Another apprentice auto-mechanic agreed
that while the training provided in informal apprenticeships may be of decent quality, it is
difficult to secure paid employment without formal recognition of skills:

“There are some people who can do better just by doing job-on-
training [sic]. But the best way is to have a paper that supports you.
If at all you want to get employment, that paper will speak on your
behalf. Without it, it’s very difficult.”

A human resources representative of Toyota Zambia confirmed that college training

(minimum Trades Certificate, Craft Certificate preferable) and Grade 12 qualifications were
necessary requirements for employment in the company. However, the representative
emphasized that experience is looked upon highly favourably, and that those who had also
completed an informal apprenticeship would possess an advantage in the formal labour
market. “You would actually want such kind of people,” she argued, “as you save money on
training.”

Formal qualifications were not deemed necessary in all trades. MC hairdressers and
tailors argued that practical workplace experience was more important to employers than the
theory taught in colleges. However, for the automotive repairs, there appeared to be a clear
distinction between formal and informal training and the parallel employment opportunities.
Employment in a registered garage was said to require formal training and qualifications.

One immediate solution to this issue is the more active promotion of trade testing. An
overwhelming majority (97 per cent) of apprentices surveyed would like formal recognition
of their skills. However, there was also wide spread unawareness of the existence of trade
testing - 97 per cent of apprentices surveyed had never heard of trade testing before, and only
20 per cent of MCs were aware of trade testing. The effective promotion of trade testing
should be the first step to connecting informal apprenticeship with the formal labour market.

40
9.3 Future aspirations

Apprentices surveyed exhibited a range of aspirations following the conclusion of

their training. Nearly half of apprentices surveyed desired to start their own business. Many
of these apprentices claimed they wished to be ‘self-reliant’ in the face of a prohibitive
formal employment sector. Some also expressed a desire to help and train others in the way
they have been trained:

“I want my own workshop, so that I can help other people. I look at

how I go myself, I know people who can do good work but because
of lack of funds it’s difficult for them. These are the people I want to
help, this is my intention.”

However, many former apprentices identified the lack of start-up capital as a key
obstacle to this goal. Several former apprentices described raising the necessary funds for a
workshop through working in an unrelated job to their field - one MC carpenter worked as a
security guard after completing his carpentry apprenticeship to set up his workshop. Other
former apprentices reported receiving sponsorship from family members to rent a shop or
market space. Others described minimizing start-up costs by sharing tools, workspaces and
resources with other workers. Microfinance was not a popular option amongst former
apprentices pursuing self-employment. One MC stated of apprentices seeking to start their
own businesses:

“The key challenge is not skills, but capital. You may have brilliant
ideas, but if you go to a bank, they’ll say, “Where’s the surety, how
will you pay it back?” Even microfinance institutions - they’re worse
than banks. They will only give a loan to a government employee.
That’s one of the challenges we face.”

Other apprentices expressed aspirations beyond the trade they were learning. One
apprentice tailor stated, “At the moment (tailoring) is something I want to develop in myself,
but I don’t see myself doing it in the long run.’’ Ultimately, he said, he would like to go to
university to study engineering, but is waiting for a bursary or other financial assistance.
Five percent of apprentices wished to return to secondary school, and 15.5 per cent wished to
learn a different skill at college. ‘Business studies’ was a popular desire for potential future
college studies amongst current apprentices.

12 per cent of apprentices surveyed sought the perceived security of formal sector
employment. The formal sector was often viewed as the antithesis of life in the informal
economy - it was perceived as stable, lucrative and, importantly, ‘recognized’. As one young
apprentice explained:

“Auto-electrics - it’s good, especially when you’re in the company.

Everything would be better (if you were employed by a
company)…payments…everything. ‘Coz when you’re not in a
company no one will recognize you.”

As informal training was viewed to largely lead to informal employment, so those

with formal education qualifications were often frustrated when their education had not
resulted in more stable employment. One apprentice auto-electrician stated:

“I have completed Grade 12. I would like a job that suits my

education status.”
41
 Indeed, those with formal secondary qualifications tended to view apprenticeship as
largely a last resort, or as something to occupy them while they waited for better
opportunities to present themselves. One apprentice carpenter stated:

“When I finished school, I wanted to be a journalist. I have

secondary school qualifications. I didn’t think I would be doing
this. To go to college is very expensive. But I am raising money, so
with God’s grace one day I will be somebody.”

Table 13: Apprentices’ future aspirations

Aspiration Percentage
Return to secondary school 5.2
Learn this skills at college 6.9
Learn another skill at college 15.5
Start own business 44.8
Remain in current business 13.8
University 1.7
Work in a company 12.1
Total 100.0

42
10. Decent work aspects
ILO’s Decent Work Agenda covers four pillars: employment, social protection, social
dialogue and workers’ rights. ‘Employment’ includes both paid formal employment and
employment within the informal economy, including those working in informal
apprenticeships. Decent work deficits in informal apprenticeships tend to reflect the deficits
that exist in the informal economy more broadly.

10.1 Employment Promotion

To reiterate, Zambia has a small formal economy driving GDP, with a vast informal
economy accommodating 90 per cent of Zambia’s labour force. Young people are both most
likely to be unemployed, and most likely to be employed in the informal economy, which
has no guarantees of decent work provisions. Informal apprenticeships have the potential to
provide vocational training that is highly accessible to young people of poorer backgrounds,
including those who fail to meet the educational and financial requirements of the formal
TEVET system. As such, informal apprenticeship may offer a solution to youth
unemployment and underemployment in the Zambian context, providing these
apprenticeships connect with decent and gainful paid and self-employment opportunities.

This preliminary study suggests that it is possible for informal apprenticeship to lead
to self-employment and MC status, as the majority of MCs interviewed for this study gained
their skills primarily through working and training in other informal enterprises. Clusters
appeared particularly conducive to supporting apprentices towards self-employment, as they
begin to accumulate their own clientele quickly and increase their customer base as they
work towards full competence.

Former apprentices highlighted the lack of start-up capital as an obstacle to gaining

full independence. Microfinance was not a popular option amongst former apprentices
pursuing self-employment. Respondents revealed in interviews that they often lacked the
collateral required for many lenders, that interest rates were oppressive, and that many
providers required them to get a collective loan, raising issues when a member left the group.
These findings are supported by data collected by GIZ through the STEP-IN project. GIZ
reported that ‘microcredit in Zambia is more of a burden than a blessing’ and that ‘borrowers
are worse off after taking credit than before’ (GIZ, 2005, p.68) GIZ also demonstrated that,
in most cases, business operators can find the average sum needed as a start-up without
borrowing. The study suggested that tool hire schemes, bulk purchasing, lobbying with
authorities to get workshops and market stalls, and business management training may be of
more use in assisting would-be entrepreneurs to start successful businesses (GIZ, 2005). The
ZBS reported that MSMEs are often started with very minimal start-up capital: US$90 for an
entrepreneur and US$57 for a self-employed operator in non-agricultural sectors (Conway
and Shah, 2010, p.7). Access to effective microcredit programs would therefore be hugely
beneficial to young apprenticeship graduates.

Importantly, apprentices largely saw their training as preparing them for employment
in the informal economy, rather than the formal labour market. The lack of awareness of
trade testing amongst MCs and apprentices is a contributing factor. However, it also suggests
that more needs to be done to strengthen links between the formal and informal economies in
Zambia, including broader support for informal economy enterprise development, and easier
pathways for informal enterprises to move towards formalization.

43
10.2 Social Protection

Social protection is generally weak throughout the informal economy, not just within
informal apprenticeships. The 2005 LFS defines informal sector employment as, by nature,
where the worker is not entitled to paid leave, pensions, gratuity and social security (CSO,
2007). While these provisions for decent work may be weak within informal apprenticeships,
MCs themselves are also rarely entitled to these benefits. Improving social protection for
apprentices would largely involve strengthening the informal economy as a whole. However,
there are specific areas where apprentices’ social protection can be improved, notably
through strengthening training agreements within informal apprenticeships.

Contracts/transparent training agreements

The lack of transparent training agreements and shared expectations is a clear

shortcoming in informal apprenticeships in Zambia. While the lack of clear terms may allow
for flexibility, the drawback is that young people may leave a business prematurely, or be
kept in a business as a semi-skilled worker, unable to acquire all relevant skills of a trade.
The establishment of clear agreements between MCs and apprentices should be one of the
first tasks of any future upgrading program.

Income security

Apprentices surveyed in this study were mostly remunerated for their labour. The
stipends paid to apprentices in Zambia are arguably reasonable, considering the majority
commence their time in a business without any relevant trade skills.

According to the 2008 LFS, the average monthly income for Zambians working in
urban areas was 1,480,511 ZMK (282 USD) (CSO, 2011). The majority (69 per cent) of
apprentices claimed they usually earned between 20,000 - 50,000 ZMK (3.80 - 9.50 USD)
per day, which is not drastically less than the national average for urban employment
(roughly 50,000 ZMK per day). However, while workers within the informal economy are
outside the protection of minimum wage legislation, these figures do in fact fall within
Zambia’s minimum wage requirements at the time of writing (419,000 ZMK per month, or
approximately 20,000 ZMK per day, for a five day working week). However, raising the
minimum wage was a key campaigning point in the 2011 election, and the PF government
has since raised the minimum wage for shop workers to 767, 100 ZMK (including transport,
lunch and housing allowances).

However, like many workers in the informal economy, young apprentices are often
subject to income insecurity - for the most part, their wages are linked to the financial
stability of the MCs training them. Across most trades surveyed, an apprentice was paid a
proportion of the total amount earned per job or product produced. In product-based trades
such as carpentry, this means that an apprentice may be paid every few weeks to a month,
depending on how productive the business is. Repairs-based trades generally provided
apprentices with small payments each day although, as many apprentices pointed out, there
are days when ‘there are no jobs’, so no money is earned. Many apprentices reported
financial hardship during interviews, with two leaving their apprenticeship during the
research period due to financial constraints.

44
 Social security

Operating outside the formal sector, apprentices in the informal economy are not
covered by any of Zambia’s social security schemes (e.g. NAPSA). The Government of
Zambia has expressed intent to improve access to social security; the SNDP includes
commitments towards a National Social Protection Policy, a universal old-age pension, and
national Social Health Insurance. The PF’s Election Manifesto also commits to introducing
a Social Protection Policy that “guarantee(s) all citizens access to basic services, and
provide(s) additional support to those who face special challenges in meeting their basic
needs”.

Part of the definition of informal employment in Zambia’s LFS is ‘where workers

were not entitled to paid leave (and) their employer did not cover them under any form of
social security’ (CSO, 2011). This includes apprentices employed under a learning/working
agreement. Apprentices surveyed did not receive any payment on days they were sick. Like
their employers, apprentices in the informal economy are not provided with superannuation
schemes.

Workplace safety

Informal economy work is often marked by very poor working conditions and lack of
provision of workplace safety. Informal economy workers remain outside of the protection
of the Workers Compensation Act and Occupational Health and Safety legislative
guidelines. Work is often performed without protective equipment or clothing, in unsafe
workshops, or without any shelter at all, with workers exposed to the elements.

Poor working environments and lack of provision for apprentices’ safety served as a
deterrent for some apprentices. One apprentice carpenter claimed that he wished to find other
work that was not so damaging to his health. “This job is too hard,’’ he reported. “All this
timber, this dust…it makes you cough.’’ He had a gas mask to try and mitigate the effects of
the timber dust, but it was old, and he claimed it didn’t work well. One young metal
fabricator chose not to learn all relevant skills of his trade, restricting himself to cutting and
shaping metal for water geysers. This apprentice did not want to expand his skills set to
include welding, as he claimed it “sends you blind.’’ No safety goggles were used by the
welders in the area - welders either used sunglasses, or ‘looked away’ as they were welding.

10.3 Social Dialogue

Informal economy workers are largely underrepresented by the main Social Dialogue
partners, which consist of the Government represented by the Ministry of Labour, Youth,
Sports and Gender (recently re-aligned as the Ministry of Information, Broadcasting and
Labour), the Zambia Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), the Federation of Free Trade
Unions of Zambia (FFTUZ), and the Employers’ Organization Zambia Federation of
Employers (ZFE).

Two Informal Sector Associations (ISAs) were consulted for this study: the Tin
Smiths Association (30 members) and the Carpenters Association (48 members), both based
at Kamwala market in Lusaka. The associations reported that their main objective was ‘to
help each other’, for instance, by using members’ contributions to buy a coffin in case of
death. Contributions also cover members’ medical expenses in the case of sickness. The

45
 associations don’t directly intervene in the training of apprentices, but representatives stated
that almost all MCs have apprentices, and that they were all trained this way themselves.

Representatives from the Tin Smiths’ and Carpenters’ Associations expressed

frustration at microfinance in Zambia. The ISAs had previously sought a loan from UNECA,
but claimed they demanded a 25 per cent interest rate. Another microfinance institution
(Pride Africa) was said to only offer loans to groups of five people, meaning ‘you still have
to pay if someone dies or leaves’. The associations would like to develop their own capacity
to offer loans to members, however, current low membership and contributions mean that
this is not yet feasible. Both associations are members of the Alliance of Zambian Informal
Economy Associations (AZIEA), and members have undertaken various workshops on
workers’ rights through AZIEA. The associations would like to expand their activities to
offer business management training to members.

Representatives of AZIEA were also interviewed – this alliance seeks to represent

informal economy workers and ISAs on a national level. AZIEA was formed in 2002, as the
result of collaboration between the Workers’ Education Association of Zambia and the
ZCTU. AZIEA is an umbrella organization representing 13 smaller informal economy
associations spread across four districts in Zambia (Lusaka, Ndola, Kitwe and Mansa), and
claims to represent 1.4 million informal workers across Zambia. AZIEA has associate
membership status with the ZCTU, and key activities of the association include advocating
for improved working conditions of informal economy workers, organising the informal
economy, and providing workers’ education on rights and advocacy skills.

The National Coordinator of AZIEA was consulted for this study. The National
Coordinator expressed that, despite associate membership status with ZCTU, AZIEA still
faced difficulties with representation; associate member status does not afford voting rights,
and AZIEA claims issues they delegate to ZCTU are often thrown out. AZIEA is currently
lobbying for full membership with ZCTU. AZIEA also expressed a desire to expand their
educational program to include business and entrepreneurial training, however, it was
claimed that resource shortages currently prevent this.

94 per cent of MCs surveyed for this study did not belong to any ISA, and claimed in
interviews that they saw very little benefit in joining one. However, in other countries, ISAs
have operated as effective quality control bodies for the training of apprentices in the
informal economy (ILO, 2012). Significant support is required in Zambia to build the
capacity of ISAs and improve their representation at the national level.

10.4 Rights at Work

Child labour, one of the key tenets of the Rights at Work pillar, is a serious issue in
Zambia. An estimated 1.2 million children aged 7-14 years were economically active in
2005, with high concentrations in family agriculture (UNICEF, 2009). The current study,
however, found children’s participation in informal apprenticeships to be negligible amongst
the sample, and the participation of young people aged between 15 and 17 to be extremely
low. This may be because informal apprenticeships are more demanding than the low-skill
jobs that largely characterize children’s work. However, more research is needed beyond this
initial study to determine the participation of children in apprenticeships within Zambia’s
urban informal economy.

46
11. Conclusions and recommendations

11.1 Key findings

The key findings of this study are as follows:

1. The primary reason that young people join informal enterprises in Lusaka is to gain all
relevant skills of the trade.

2. It is possible for informal apprenticeship to lead to self-employment and master

craftsperson status, as most current MCs gained their skills primarily through working
and training in other informal enterprises. Clusters appeared particularly conducive to
supporting helpers towards self-employment, as they begin to accumulate their own
clientele quite quickly, increasing their customer base as they work towards full
competence. However, there appears to be very few cases where an informal
apprenticeship leads to formal employment.

3. In Lusaka, there are two main frameworks by which a young person can gain relevant
skills in a trade by working alongside a MC. Young people were frequently found to be
gaining skills as ‘learner/workers’ employed in MSEs (particularly in the trades of
welding/metal fabrication, tailoring, hairdressing and carpentry). However, the study also
found that many young people are also gaining skills in more fluid learning arrangements
within ‘clusters’ (particularly the auto-repairs trades). In these arrangements, a learner is
not employed directly by an MC, but is primarily self-employed, working independently
where possible while continuing to learn key skills from more experienced members of
the cluster. This model appears to be widely practised in the informal auto-repairs
industry.

4. The vast majority of apprentices surveyed were young people, aged between 20 and 30.
However, 10 per cent of apprentices were aged between 31 and 40, with another 7 per
cent being over 41 years. These findings suggest that apprenticeship in the Lusaka region
is not solely the activity of young people, with many older people using the process as a
means of re-skilling and improving their employment prospects.

5. Informal apprenticeship is not usually a first choice for young people, with many
exploring a range of other options following formal schooling. The majority of young
people choose informal apprenticeship as a means of gaining skills in a trade, and several
spoke of the training as a means of building ‘self-reliance’ in the face of an inaccessible
formal employment market. As a result, the majority of current apprentices wish to start
their own businesses following their apprenticeship.

6. The majority of MCs claim they train young people out of a sense of social responsibility,
largely due to them being trained this way themselves. However, despite this altruism, 12
per cent of MCs claimed they hire young people as apprentices because they are a source
of cheap labour.

47
7. On the whole, informal apprenticeship in the Lusaka region is a considerably less well-
established system than in other parts of the continent, particularly West Africa, in terms
of the norms and rules that shape apprenticeships. Training agreements are currently
undefined and weak. Young people usually commence their time in a business as casual
workers, and may become apprentices if they show an ‘interest’, and the MC elects to
train them.

8. In Zambia, the term ‘apprenticeship’ is popularly related to the formal sector, particularly
formal apprenticeship within para-statal companies that existed several decades ago. The
term ‘job-on-training’ [sic] is more popularly recognised to describe training within a
MSE, with young people in an apprenticeship role referred to as ‘helpers’ (othandiza).

9. Due to the absence of clear norms and informal regulations, numerous cases may exist
where apprentices are not receiving training in all relevant skills of the trade. Many MCs
complained of young people leaving apprenticeships before their training is finalised.
This may occur when apprentices receive better opportunities elsewhere, but it is
compounded by the lack of clarity regarding when the training period is over. The
introduction of clear competency assessment measures and stronger training agreements
would protect both parties in these cases.

10. Trust and relationships are vital in forming apprenticeship arrangements. However, the
majority of MCs stated that the most important quality for an apprentice to possess is ‘an
interest in the trade’.

11. Apprentices largely saw their training as preparing them for employment in the informal
economy, rather than formal employment. This is in part due to apprentices’ almost total
lack of awareness of links between formal and informal training, such as trade testing.
However, it also suggests that more needs to be done to strengthen links between the
formal and informal economies in Zambia. This includes stronger mechanisms for the
recognition of informally acquired skills, broader support for informal economy
enterprise development, and easier pathways for informal enterprises to move towards
formalization.

12. Previous research and accounts of MCs in this study suggest that microfinance may not
currently be the best option for young people wishing to start businesses in Zambia.
However a range of other options may be considered, including tool rent-to-buy schemes
and business management training.

13. Apprentices’ income security is largely linked to the financial stability of their employers.
Across most trades surveyed (with the exception of hairdressing), apprentices were paid a
proportion of the total amount earned per job or product produced. Income was therefore
unpredictable. Many apprentices reported financial hardship during interviews, with two
leaving their apprenticeship during the research period due to financial problems.

14. The provision of social security for apprentices was found to be rare, and most
apprentices did not receive any payment on days they were sick. Like their employers,
apprentices in the informal economy are not provided with superannuation schemes.

48
15. Work in the informal economy is often marked by very poor working conditions and lack
of provision of work place safety. Informal economy workers remain outside of the
protection of the Workers Compensation Act and occupational health and safety
legislative guidelines. Work is often performed without protective equipment or clothing,
in unsafe workshops, or without any shelter at all, with workers exposed to the elements.
Poor working environments and lack of provision for apprentices’ safety served as a
deterrent for some apprentices.

16. Most MCs interviewed did not belong to an ISA - ISAs currently appear weak in the
Lusaka context. AZIEA, the umbrella organization for ISAs in Zambia, expressed
frustration at lack of recognition at the national level.

17. Children’s participation in informal apprenticeships was negligible amongst the sample,
and the participation of young people aged between 15 and 17 was extremely low. This
may be because informal apprenticeships demand a relatively high skill level, as opposed
to the low-skill jobs that largely characterize children’s work.

18. There is currently an enabling institutional environment for supporting informal training
and skills acquisition in Zambia. Government has a strong focus on providing vocational
training for all young Zambians, and the issues of youth skills and employment are strong
on the political agenda. Over the last few years, TEVET policy in Zambia has become
increasingly responsive to the needs of the informal sector, and is focusing on more
diverse modes of delivery, expanding beyond institution-based learning towards on-site
delivery within enterprises.

19. The Apprenticeship Act, which has lain dormant for many years, is currently being
reviewed. There is potential for ILO to offer technical support for this review process,
particularly in light of broadening the definition of apprenticeship beyond formal
apprenticeship, and helping to expedite the review of the legal framework.

20. Links between formal and informal training systems exist, most notably in the form of
trade testing recognising informally gained skills. TEVETA is currently the
administrating body. This study found that despite many apprentices having a strong
desire for formal recognition of their skills, knowledge of trade testing was extremely
low.

21. To date, there have been no programs directly designed to upgrade informal
apprenticeship in Zambia. However, a range of programs have been run for the purpose
of upgrading the skills of informal sector operators, and to prepare youth for informal
sector employment. STEP-IN offers particular relevance for upgrading the skills for MCs,
while Group Five’s recent construction project at Levy Junction contains potential for a
‘graduate program’ for recently qualified apprentices.

49
11.2 Key recommendations

In order for informal apprenticeship in Zambia to become a viable mode of vocational

training, leading to gainful and decent employment for young people, the following
interventions need to occur:

TEVET policy made more responsive to the informal economy

• The Apprenticeship Act needs to be revitalised as soon as possible, with attention to

apprenticeships taking place within the informal economy. ILO may provide technical
support in this area.

• TEVET Policy needs to be clearly communicated to TEVET providers. Some

institutions consulted appear confused about TEVET policy, particularly in terms of
offering examination only trade tests. Institutions need to offer and promote trade test
examinations for informal sector operators in a way that is transparent and easily
accessible.

• Trade testing needs to be promoted amongst both MC and apprentices - formal

qualifications are highly desired by both groups but awareness of trade testing is very
low.

• Informal training systems need to be explicitly recognized and built into TEVET Policy.
Current TEVET Policy focuses on expanding possible modes of TEVET delivery
beyond institution-based learning. With this in mind, informal apprenticeships in
Zambia could be considered as a mode of apprenticeship and, in collaboration with
training institutions, as learnership schemes. Significant support would be needed to
standardize informal apprenticeship in Zambia for the purposes of aligning it with the
formal TEVET system. However, such a project would serve the goal of TEVET policy
makers, making TEVET policy more responsive and relevant to the needs of informal
sector operators, and increasing the capacity of TEVET to accommodate all school
leavers.

Improved quality of training and strengthen norms of informal

apprenticeship

• The skills of MCs need to be improved, as those trained to a high level will in turn
provide high-level training. This study found that the majority of MCs received their
training in informal enterprises - this training is not guaranteed to be of decent quality,
and may reproduce inadequate skills and practices. MCs need access to new
developments and technologies in their trades in order for informal apprenticeship to
function as a pathway to decent and gainful employment. Guidance from past skills
programs in Zambia such as STEP-IN may be sought in this area.

• Training agreements need to be strengthened between MCs and apprentices/helpers. At

present, the role of an apprentice within a business is often not clearly defined.
Strengthening training agreements should also address the situation of apprentices
leaving enterprises too early.

• Competency assessment measures need to be introduced to provide a shared

understanding of when the training period is finished and an apprentice can graduate. In

50
 consultation with MCs, ‘job profiles’ for each sector with associated skill sets could be
developed to support this.

• Existing ILO programs to equip apprentices and MCs with business and
entrepreneurship skills should be utilized. ILO’s “Know About Business” (KAB), “Start
Your Business” (SYB) and Get Ahead (GA) tools could be used for business
management (KAB) and entrepreneurship training (SYB and GA).

• A ‘rotating apprenticeship’ program could be trialled whereby an apprentice works with

several different MCs within a trade to expand their skills set, and to bring new
approaches back to their host workshop (See ILO, 2012).

• Institutional support for informal apprenticeship should be established whereby

apprentices undertake a period of their training at training institutions. Such a scheme
could be piloted under TEVETA’s new Learnership Scheme model.

Improved decent work outcomes

• Clearer training agreements, ideally in the form of written contracts, need to be

established to protect both MCs and apprentices in informal apprenticeships.

• Apprentices need to be connected with financing opportunities to assist in their transition

towards independence. Past research suggests microfinance may not be the best option for
young people wishing to start businesses in Zambia. However, a range of other options
may be considered including tool rent-to-buy schemes, bulk purchasing, shared rental of
workspaces and business management training.

• The inclusion of women in male dominated trades needs to be continually promoted.

• ISAs in Zambia need to be strengthened and supported.

• Stronger links need to be continually made between the informal economy and larger
enterprises. An opportunity already exists for young people graduating from informal
apprenticeships to gain employment and further training on large construction sites.
Similar opportunities in other trades should be further investigated.

• The income security of apprentices is closely linked to that of their masters. Apprentices’
income security can thus be improved in a holistic way by improving their masters’ skills
and access to markets. Improving masters’ skill levels and business know-how has a
positive effect both on apprentices’ quality of training and their immediate income
security.

• Occupational Health and Safety and social security provisions are very weak for both
MCs and apprentices. MCs should be given guidance on how to improve work practices
utilising existing ILO programs such as ‘Work improvement in small enterprises’ (WISE)
and ‘Work improvement in neighbourhood development’ (WIND). ISAs should be
strengthened, and capacity developed to provide social security and basic healthcare for
members. Further community-based approaches to providing social insurance for the
informal economy should be explored.

51
12. Appendices

12.1 Terms of Reference

Purpose of assignment: Feasibility Study for an ILO skills program on making
quality improvements in informal apprenticeship systems to integrate young
people into a decent economic and social life in Zambia
Duration: 3 months
Location: Commercially operative districts within Lusaka
1. Major tasks of the researcher:

The researcher will conduct the following tasks listed under A-H:

A. Identify and analyse on-going and past programs to upgrade/enhance informal apprenticeship in
Zambia.

B. Collect national legislation and statistics related to formal and informal apprenticeship, by key
occupations or industries. Analyse how informal apprenticeship is reflected in national policies and
statistics.

C. Analyse if there are existing links between informal apprenticeship and the formal training system.

i. Can graduated apprentices participate in trades testing?

1. What is their awareness of this possibility?

2. What are the costs, restrictive aspects?

ii. Can they access formal and non-formal courses to complement apprenticeship in small
businesses?

1. What kinds of courses?

2. What are the costs, restrictive aspects?

D. Conduct inquiry (through questionnaire) of 60 informal businesses into patterns of informal

apprenticeship regarding:

i. Gender and age patterns

ii. Study and work backgrounds of MCs

iii. Reasons for MCs providing apprenticeship

iv. Duration of apprenticeship

v. Awareness of formal qualification possibilities.

52
 vi. Decent work aspects as outlined by the ILO Decent Work Agenda, including both work conditions a
apprentice’s ability to learn, earn and save.

vii. Contracts of informal apprenticeship, if they exist.

viii. Competency assessment mechanisms, if they exist.

ix. Application of OSH in the workplace.

E. Conduct qualitative interviews of 30 informal businesses (MC and apprentices) regarding:

i. Perceptions of trade

ii. Perceptions of informal apprenticeship, including reasons for choosing apprenticeship

against other options

iii. How workers in a small business in Zambia are categorised (e.g. MC, Skilled workers,
unskilled worker or helper or other nomenclatures and associated criteria, including how
apprentices and helpers/ unskilled workers differentiated)

iv. Network and associations of MCs - if exist, what role do these play?

v. Techniques of training

vi. Incentives and obligations of parties involved in IAs

vii. Apprentices’ vocational and life aspirations

viii. Perceptions on potential areas for improvement.

F. Conduct participatory observation of 30 informal businesses (in conjunction with F) regarding

i. Location, physical aspects of workspaces

ii. Techniques of skills transmission in training

iii. Relationship of business to other businesses in locality, clientele, etc.

G. Conduct interviews with 30 former informal apprentices (may include current MCs or those
who have changed field) regarding

i. Benefits and perceptions of informal apprenticeship as a means of gainful employment

ii. Ability to connect apprenticeship with current work and wage or self-employment earnings.

2. Output

A final report, including a desk review of current Policies, Legal and Regulatory
Frameworks as well as Programmes and Strategies related to skills development in Zambia
of a minimum of 30 pages excluding annexes, where possible discussed and adopted in a
stakeholder consultative workshop.
53
 12.2 List of interviewees

Informal Economy Associations

Name Position Organization
Lameck Kashiwa General Secretary AZIEA
Mike Chungu National Coordinator AZIEA
William Tembo Committee Member Tin Smiths Association
Manas Chiwala District Secretary Tin Smiths Association
Friday Mulenga Committee Member Carpenters Association
Rosemary Milimo CCM Women’s Sub-committee Kamwala Market Associations

Training Providers

Name Position Organization

Mutale Silthillit Principal Lusaka Vocational Training Centre
Simon Mulenga Principal Mansa Trades Training Institute
Boaz Daka Competence-based Modula
Principal
Training Centre
Mr Mwiya Principal Mongu Trades Training Institute
Steven Taguma Coordinator Dzithandizeni Trades School
Joseph Musonda Chipata Trades and Training
Principal
Institute
Kayawe Malasha HDO Construction Mwinilunga Trades
Department

Government Ministries

Name Position Organization

Gabriel Konayuma Senior TEVET Officer MSTVT
Stephen Mbewe Ministry of Labour, Sports, Youth
Planning Unit
and Gender
Owen Mgemezulu Ministry of Labour, Sports, Youth
Principle Planner
and Gender

TEVETA

Name Position Organization

Kelly Simpamba Trade Test Specialist TEVETA
Tyson Simuzingili Manager: Assessment and TEVETA
Qualification
Cleophas Takaiza Manager for Training Systems TEVETA
Development

54
ILO

Name Position Organization

Ashwani Aggarwal ILO Skills Specialist, ILO
Southern and Eastern Africa
Belinda Chanda ILO Country Office for Zambia,
Programming Officer
Malawi and Mozambique
Christine Hofmann Skills Development Officer ILO, Geneva
Naomy Lintini Enterprise Development ILO Country Office for Zambia,
Specialist Malawi and Mozambique
Tapera Muzira Technical Specialist ILO Country Office for Zimbabwe

ILO

Name Position Organization

Ashwani Aggarwal ILO Skills Specialist, ILO
Southern and Eastern Africa
Belinda Chanda ILO Country Office for Zambia,
Programming Officer
Malawi and Mozambique
Christine Hofmann Skills Development Officer ILO, Geneva
Naomy Lintini Enterprise Development ILO Country Office for Zambia,
Specialist Malawi and Mozambique
Tapera Muzira Technical Specialist ILO Country Office for Zimbabwe

Others

Name Position Organization

Ruan Kidson Safety, Health, Environment Group Five
and Quality Manager
Robert Tembo Head of School of Social University of Zambia
Development
Chrispin Matenga Senior Lecturer, Department of University of Zambia
Development Studies

55
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