A Feminist Analysis of Women

Volume
1, Number 1
June 2013
A FEMINIST ANALYSIS OF WOMEN’S ROLE & STATUS AND GENDER
RELATIONS AMONG CHURCH WORKERS IN THE UNITED METHODIST
CHURCH IN THE PHILIPPINES

Angelita B. Broncano
Harris Memorial College

ABSTRACT

The study identifies attitudes, cultural beliefs, and perceptions regarding women and
men, and manifestations and effects of gender biases on the role and status of
clergywomen and deaconesses of The United Methodist Church. It analyzes the role of
the Church as it contributes in the reproduction of gender biases, as well as a site of
resistance to the reproduction of gender biases. Church doctrines, gender-‐related
attitudes, and beliefs of church workers, gender relations, and women’s responses are
the analytical domains being examined. Women church workers articulate their roles,
strategies, and methods of resistance to patriarchy in different ways. The study
concludes by highlighting the role of culture in the persistence of gender biases and
discrimination within the Church.

INTRODUCTION

Every society has a “sex-‐gender system” which prescribes specific tasks and roles
to women and men based on culturally approved sexual and procreative behavior and
functions (Eviota, 1992). In many societies, this system reproduces relations of
inequality, of dominance, and subordination of men over women. Notions of
masculinity and femininity shape women’s and men’s attitudes and expectations, and,
in turn, institutionalize gender differences (Eviota, 1992).

Central to the understanding of gender is the role of ideology which serves to
perpetuate the dominant gender definitions. Ideology plays an important role in the
construction and reproduction of gender attitudes, beliefs, and discriminatory
behaviors. As Sobritchea (1987) had explained, gender ideology is a specific type of
ideational distortion which functions to legitimize and reinforce the unequal status
between sexes (p.92). In the same manner, patriarchy as an ideology or system of male
authority, oppresses women through its social, political, and economic institutions and
justifies the continuing male control over women’s lives (Mackenzie, 1993).

In the Philippine context, patriarchal practices are evident in Church traditions and
biblical teachings, in theological discourses, in polity, and in gender relations. Patriarchy in the
context of religion is legitimized and reinforced by making itself more difficult to see amidst the
injustices of the church system. Therefore, feminist analysis of women’s subordination and
contemporary gender relations within the Church fails to be adequately comprehensive, if it
Harris Journal of Education 120

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neglects the role of religion. The structural features of religion include a body of ideas, beliefs,
doctrines, dogmas, rituals, and ceremonies (Panopio, I and Raymundo A, 2004).

The study aimed to identify attitudes, cultural beliefs, and perceptions regarding
women and men, and manifestations and effects of gender biases and discrimination on
the role and status of clergywomen and deaconesses of The United Methodist Church. It
also hoped to discover and describe forms of resistance by church women workers to
address gender biases. There were two primary reasons for conducting this study:

1. Since few researches have been conducted along this topic, the study hopes to
generate a deeper understanding of the church’s role in shaping attitudes,
beliefs, and behaviors about gender. Crucial to this understanding is the
realization that gender biases exist in all aspects of church life. Though, within
the Protestant Church, while churchwomen have always played an active role
in various ministries of the Church, they continue to experience different
forms of gender discrimination.

2. The advent of the women’s movement in the Philippines in the 1980s and the
birth of feminist theology in 1985, paved the way for raising awareness of
churchwomen about the unequal status of women and men in society. Such
awareness of socio-‐political and economic issues then contributed to their
willingness to undertake an analysis of their situation, and challenge sexism
and patriarchal practices within the Church. The study therefore, would
identify different forms of resistance by church women to address gender
discrimination and patriarchal practices within the Church.

RESEARCH AIMS

The study examined the role and status of clergywomen and deaconesses in The
United Methodist Church. It aimed to identify a) attitudes, cultural beliefs and
perceptions about women and men; b) manifestations and effects of gender biases and
discrimination, and (c) resistance to it by women church workers. Specifically, the study
answered the following questions:
1. What are the prevailing attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of
clergymen/women and deaconesses in the Philippines Annual Conference-‐
East of the United Methodist Church regarding women and men, women’s
rights, issues, and concerns ? What gender ideologies justify or rationalize
them?

2. How do these gender biases manifest themselves in gender relations (male
and female, young and old, from city/urban or rural/mission churches)?

3. What roles and strategies have clergywomen and deaconesses used to resist
and challenge the existing biases against them?

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June 2013
Figure 1. The Conceptual Framework

Philippine Society

(The Socio-‐Cultural Context
UMC-‐ Philippines
of Gender Relations with its

Supporting Ideologies)

Analysis of Gender Bias within the Philippines
Annual Conference-‐East (PACE)

a. Church d ocuments and other w ritten texts
(Constitution & Conference Journals)

b. Gender attitudes, beliefs, and
behaviors o f clergy men/women and
deaconesses, as expressed in
stereotyped attitudes, beliefs, and
discriminatory behaviors

c. Gender relations

-‐ clergymen/women and deaconesses
-‐ young and old, married and single
-‐ from city/urban vis-‐à-‐vis
rural/mission churches

d. Roles & strategies in the reproduction &
resistance
to gender biases


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The study took off from the assumption that the Church, with its elaborate,
formal, and bureaucratic structure, hierarchy of church officials, and well-‐developed
dogmas and system of beliefs, provides the ideology that defines gender status and
gender relations. The Church organization represented by The United Methodist
Church, given its liberal traditions as demonstrated in its quest for liberty and individual
freedom, and the rise of feminist theologies in the 1970s within the Church, influences
the religious and social orientation of its members through the production of its written
texts/church documents, particularly its Constitution, doctrines and doctrinal
statements, social principles, general rules, and rules of order. These documents are
the basic foundational materials that guide the mission and ministries of the United
Methodist Church in the Philippines.

The Church interacts in a very dynamic way with cultural norms and traditions of
a society. The interpretations of written texts and church documents are influenced by
the specific cultural locations of male and female church members. As the Church
interacts with society, it is thereby implicated in the reproduction of gender biases and
resistance to the reproduction of gender biases and ideologies.

Gender biases include 1) stereotypical attitudes about the nature and roles of
women that have negative impacts on women’s status and welfare and on gender
relations; 2) cultural perceptions and beliefs about women’s relative worth; and 3)
myths and misconceptions about the social and economic realities encountered by both
sexes (Feliciano, Conaco, & Sobritchea,2005). Attitudes are defined as likes and dislikes-‐-‐
favorable or unfavorable valuations of and reactions to objects, people, situations, or
other aspects of the world, including abstract ideas and social policies (Atkinson, R. &
Hilgard, E., 1981).

Gender relations are analyzed by looking into the church positions of key
informants: 1) between clergymen and clergywomen; 2) between clergymen and
deaconesses; 3) between clergywomen and deaconesses; in terms of their chronological
age (young or early adulthood and old or middle adulthood); civil status (married and
single); and geographical locations (city/big churches and small/rural/mission churches).

The study examined what roles and strategies have clergywomen and
deaconesses used to resist and challenge stereotyped beliefs and attitudes (e.g.,
prejudices) and discriminatory behaviors against them. Women’s daily experience
provides the setting for identifying their roles and strategies.


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METHODOLOGY

As a feminist research, the study used qualitative research. Integrated in this
approach are questions which raise consciousness of the research participants on issues
pertinent to structural dimensions of the church, and which explores the representation
of stereotypical gendered roles. Case study as a research strategy was used to provide
in-‐depth analysis of a social phenomenon, in this case, the reproduction of gender
biases and resistance to the reproduction of gender biases within its real-‐life context,
the Church. The study utilized multiple sources of data also known as triangulation to
secure an in-‐depth understanding of the phenomenon in question, such as semi-‐
structured, in depth face-‐to-‐face interview, document analysis, and life stories.

Research Participants

Key informants were the selected clergy members, local pastors, and
deaconesses who belong to the Philippines Annual Conference-‐East (PACE) representing
three (3) districts namely: Quezon City District, Rizal District and Laguna-‐Quezon Mission
District. There are 21 local churches where pastors and deaconesses are appointed.
There are 23 key informants (8 clergymen, 7 clergy women, and 8 deaconesses) chosen
based on the following criteria: 1) they are church workers under Episcopal
appointment; 2) they are either appointed in city/urban church or mission/rural church;
and 3) they represent the young (25-‐40 or early adulthood) and old (41-‐60 or middle
adulthood) clergymen, clergywomen, and deaconesses.

Data Gathering Techniques

1. Document Analysis

There were five documents that were analyzed. These include the Church
Constitution including its Organization, doctrines and doctrinal statements, general rules
and rules of order, social principles, and conference journals. Annual Conference
journals from 1996-‐2007 were scrutinized but only four were used for document
analysis. Conference journals were selected on the basis that: 1) they were only
produced once in four years for Central Conference journals; and b) that they would
have something to contribute in identifying existing gender biases within the Church.

2. Key Informant Interviews

Key informant interviews were used to study general attitudes, beliefs and
behavior of church workers toward women and men; and to analyze the prevailing
gender relations between and among church workers in the areas of decision-‐making,
leadership participation, and in the allocation of benefits and privileges. Interviews were
conducted in the church office, in their place of residence, during the Annual Workers’

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Convocation and district meetings/gatherings. The key informant interviews took about
two to three hours per informant.

3. Life Stories

Life story which is a “record of one’s inner life” from the individual’s point of
view is another useful approach (Guerrero, 1999). It could be complete and “cover the
entire sweep of the subject’s life experiences” or topical, covering only a phase of one’s
life (Guerrero, 1999:54). Life stories were employed to describe and highlight women’s
everyday forms and methods of resistance. Participants were selected on the basis of
their experience of important/critical life events that got them to deal with gender
issues and enabled them to challenge notions of femininity and masculinity. Through
life stories, specific issues and aspects of women’s experience were thoroughly explored
and analyzed. There were six women workers who shared their personal experience of
gender biases in the local church: two were clergy spouses, two were clergy women,
and the other two were deaconesses. It took three to three and a half hours per person
to share their life stories.

Study Design

Data Requirements Methodology Analytical Domains
a. Church Constitution
including its Organization Church doctrine & doctrinal
b. Church Doctrine & Document Analysis statements,
Doctrinal Statements Social Creed & Social Principles,
c. General Rules & Rules hierarchy, and structures,
of Order (Objective 1)
d. Social Principles
e. Conference Journals

Gender-‐based attitudes, Key informant interviews and General attitudes, beliefs, and
beliefs, and behaviors of document analysis behaviors of church workers toward
church workers women and men
(Objective 1 & 2)

Prevailing gender relations Decision-‐making process, leadership
between clergymen/women Key informant interviews participation, and allocation of
and deaconesses; young and and document analysis privileges and benefits
old; from urban and rural (Objective 2)
churches

Roles and strategies in dealing Life stories Women’s everyday life
with gender issues/biases (Objective 3)


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Data Analysis and Interpretation

As a characteristic of a qualitative research, the researcher made use of thematic
analysis. Banister et al., defines a thematic analysis as “a coherent way of organizing or
reading some interviews in relation to specific research questions” ( Banister, Burman,
Parker, & Tindale, 1994). Themes qualify as statements or issues that appear repeatedly
throughout the raw data. Data analysis includes the use of three types of coding: 1)
Open coding where data were analyzed by organizing them into categories on the basis
of themes, concepts, or similar features. Concepts were in the form of themes or
generalizations. Data were in the form of text from documents, observations, and
transcripts (Neuman, 1997). The researcher focused on events and activities, and how
these were perceived by participants. In the process, points of transformation and
changes in the discourse were noted as participants reflected and analyzed their own
experiences of gender discrimination. Side margins were used to identify any emerging
themes and looked out for contradictions as well. 2) Axial coding where concepts were
re-‐examined and comparisons between a category and its sub-‐categories were made. It
is therefore a process of developing main categories and their sub-‐categories (Pandit,
1996). A new sheet was generated with the main theme heading and participants’
pertinent quotes. 3) Selective coding which refers to the process of selecting the core
category and relating it to other categories, validating those relationships, and filling in
categories that need further refinement and development (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).
Document analysis, key informant interviews, and life stories were coded according to
these three types.

RESULTS

Results of the study are presented below in response to the research questions.

1. What are the prevailing attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of clergymen/women and
deaconesses in the Philippines Annual Conference-‐East of the United Methodist Church
regarding women and men, women’s rights, issues, and concerns ? What gender
ideologies justify or rationalize them?

Prevailing attitudes of church workers towards women demonstrate a generally
positive evaluation of them as reflected in the image of ulirang ina where it describes a
woman who cares for and nurtures her children, supports and assists her husband in the
planning and in decision making in the home, and sets a positive example for her
children by practicing what she teaches. Women are believed to be good home
managers, nurturers, and spiritual guides in the homes. Another imagery is that of a
“super woman” where it describes the ability of women to perform multi-‐faceted work
at the same time; has the skill and facility to relate with different kinds of people; and
has the capacity to meet the demands of both domestic and church responsibilities. The
role of the wife-‐mother is seen and experienced by women church workers as a glorious
and noble calling. Furthermore, women are also perceived as change agents. As women

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called by God into the ministry of love and service, women church workers believe they
are called to effect change in the lives of people through their life and service. Rachel
finds herself actively involved in the Church and other social concerns as a teacher, a
facilitator and a counselor to broken families, victims of rape, and battered women from
their outreach communities. Clergywomen and deaconesses are viewed as partners in
church ministries.

However, in playing out their multi-‐faceted roles, balancing the demands of both
the ministry and profession and that of their family or personal life is a difficult task that
women church workers commonly meet. Crisis situations arise when their work runs
counter to those of their husbands’ work; when their schedules conflict; when their
readiness to move to another church vary; or when arranging schedules for caring for
the children becomes complicated.

Nonetheless, there are also attitudes and beliefs about women that affect their
well-‐being and status. First, women’s procreative or reproductive function is regarded
as their most important role in life. As such, women’s worth is measured through their
capacity to bear a child. Typifying this attitude is Anna, a clergywoman, who claims that
“having a child is the fulfillment of being a woman.” Second, because of their
procreative function and other reproductive roles such as doing household chores, child
rearing, and managing the homes, many have lost their economic independence. A
clergy spouse quit her work to support and attend to the needs of her clergy husband.
Economic disempowerment is the consequential effect of that decision as she began to
depend to her husband for economic support in return for her attention and services at
home. Third, women are now confronted with the issue of ‘double burden’ as they try
to cope with the simultaneous responsibilities at home and in the church. The
accompanying result is the extension of daily working hours of women which deprives
them to engage in other productive activities that will sharpen their intellectual and
creative potentials as members of society.

It must be noted that most of the male clergy believe that the domestic and
childcare roles of women are merely supportive, and therefore, secondary or even
marginal in relation to the traditional male roles. Among the research participants,
there is a dominant thinking that man is the head and provider of the family. As head,
he is looked up to as the authority figure in the home where decisions must emanate.
The idea of women’s submission to men was justified by Naomi’s father, who happens
to be a pastor, by citing biblical passage found in Ephesians 5:22-‐23, which says, “Wives,
submit yourselves to your husband’s as to the Lord. For a husband has authority over
his wife…”
The prevailing beliefs, values, and norms of church workers are attributed to the
existence of three ideological presuppositions:


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a. Women are the nurturers and natural caretakers of the home which justifies the nurturing
functions as exclusive to women and therefore a woman’s place is in the home. While
clergywomen and deaconesses were freed from their confinements in the home because of
their church work, their church involvement is perceived to be an extension of their domestic
work. Deaconesses are typecast to ministries dealing with children, youth and women.

b. Inherent difference between a man and a woman, which stereotypes women and
men according to biological or physiological differences. Following this belief, women
are consequently described as weak, passive, dependent, less competent and fearful,
while men are considered strong, aggressive, independent, competent, and fearless.
Men are viewed as more worthy of high positions and more competent at the things
that “count most” (e.g., church administration). The preference given to senior male
pastors to be appointed as administrative pastors in big city churches likewise
discriminates clergywomen on the basis of sex. These actions result in the continued
marginalization of clergywomen both in the appointment and election processes.

Likewise, women workers are taught to stay at home, limit their physical activities at
night, or go home early at night because they are perceived as easy preys of bad guys in the
streets. This is true among single deaconesses where their administrative pastors perform the
role of their fathers in case they are staying in the deaconess quarters near the parsonage.
Single clergywomen are not only expected to have a chaperon during visitations to evade
unsolicited comments or gossips from church members, but also to observe proper decorum in
dealing with men, (or especially when dealing with married men) particularly when they are
beautiful and smart, lest these men’s wives would feel threatened or be insecure.

c. The separate spheres for men and women that institutionalizes the dichotomy between what
is perceived to be private and public domain, between reproductive and productive work.
Women’s governance within the family is legitimate only as it applies to the children and house
helpers. Other aspects of decision making such as choice of employment, participation in civic
and community activities, and the transfer of place of residence or church assignment (or those
that are considered as major decisions) are supposed to be decided by the male.

2. How do these gender biases manifest themselves in gender relations (male and
female, young and old, from city/urban or rural/mission churches)?

Gender biases in the church are manifested in four areas, namely:

a. Unequal access to income and other benefits between male clergy and women
church workers. The disparity in privileges is explained in terms of 1) church position
(e.g., administrative pastor vs. associate pastor and associate pastor vs. Christian
Education/Kindergarten Education deaconess); 2) educational qualification (e.g., longer
years of studies of clergy members compared to those of the deaconesses); 3)
conference status (e.g., being a deacon or elder); and 4) the length of service. Based on
these four considerations, the administrative pastor would consequently receive better
privileges than those of the associate pastor and the deaconess.


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b. Unequal allocation of workload, duties and responsibilities. The Book of Discipline of
The United Methodist Church provides the list of duties and responsibilities of a pastor
(whether male and female) and the deaconess. However, because of the existence of a
hierarchy of power, whereby the male administrative pastor occupies the top position,
and the clergywomen and deaconesses those below, oftentimes, this hierarchy is used
to take advantage of by the former. This is done by delegating to his associate woman
pastor or deaconess some of his responsibilities, thereby putting additional burden on
them.

c. Unfair treatment of church members due to male-‐centered leadership orientation of
the Church. It has been experienced and observed by clergywomen in many local
churches, whether big or small, male pastors are preferred than clergywomen.
Clergywomen assigned in a local church often receive negative feedbacks, and
experience prejudices and other discriminatory acts. According to clergywomen-‐
informants, as soon as they arrive at their newly-‐assigned local church appointments,
male lay members would receive them with dismay; such unwelcome comment as “Ay!
Babae ang pastor natin,” is commonly made. Deborah and Sarah claimed that because
they are women, some lay members perceive them as incapable of exercising leadership
function. The idea of assigning a clergywoman in a local church is not generally
acceptable, more so if she is young. Clergywomen experienced being put down or
belittled on account of their age. Some male church members do not like a young
woman pastor because they think of her as inexperienced, weak, incapable of making
decisions, and fickle-‐minded. Related to this is the preference for single deaconess over
married ones. The reason given is that the church can only afford to give housing with
free water and electricity to their Administrative pastor. On the other hand, what can be
given to the deaconess is only a small quarter which was used previously as a choir
room or an office. Should a married deaconess be appointed, the church members are
faced with the problem of providing a house for her family.
d. Discriminatory behaviors and practices of male pastors, part of which is the
androcentric interpretation of the Bible and the use of language which excludes women.
A repertoire of discriminatory practices include 1) exclusionary tactics which was a
deliberate attempt of the pastor to exclude the deaconess from attending special
occasions hosted by church members; 2) lack of proper decorum where pastor’s
feedback about the deaconess’ work was never conveyed to the deaconess concerned
but was channeled instead to church members, thereby discrediting her work; 3) utmost
neglect or lack of concern for the welfare of women church workers e.g. housing &
other fringe benefits; 4) indirect sexist jokes belittling the capacity of women church
workers; 5) sexual harassment; 6) appointment process that privileges senior male
clergy limiting the leadership opportunities of clergy women to be appointed as
administrative pastor to a big local church; and 7) election process that privileges senior
male clergy and limits the participation of young and able clergywomen. Patronage
politics has seeped in inside the Church. Election and appointment processes get
influenced by giving favors, such as good local church assignment, and a top leadership
position either in the district or the annual conference level in exchange for political

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support. It becomes payback time during election of delegates to the Central and
General Conference as different groups re-‐align themselves in support of a particular
delegate. Clergywomen are often left out in the process since they do not fully subscribe
to the ways clergymen conduct themselves. Other cultural factors such as pakikisama,
kinship ties, debt of gratitude, regionalism, and presence of different small groups affect
the participation of women. All the clergywomen informants declared that they do not
stand a chance to get elected as senior male clergy members engage in a tug-‐of-‐war for
positions. They were not invited in any process where they can voice out their opinions
and participate fully in any discussions about criteria for selection of delegates.

The pastor-‐centered leadership orientation of lay members and male clergy; women’s
marital status which discriminates married women from single women; chronological age which
favors young deaconesses over married ones; and cultural factors such as kinship ties, debt of
gratitude and ‘padrino system’ are the sources of gender biases.

3. What roles and strategies have clergywomen and deaconesses used to resist and
challenge existing biases against them?

Table 1 summarizes the different roles and strategies that both clergywomen
and deaconesses have used to address gender issues within the church.

Table 1: Women’s Roles & Strategies to Gender Biases
GENDER BIASES SPECIFIC CASES WOMEN’S ROLES &
STRATEGIES
1) Unequal access to income Big discrepancies in salaries a) Followed existing church
and other benefits and benefits received arrangements.
between m ale
administrative pastors and b) The issue was brought to
women c hurch w orkers the attention of concerned
bodies of the church.

2) Unequal allocation of a) heavy work expectations a) Complied with the
workload, duties, and of the male administrative demands of administrative
responsibilities pastor and church members; pastors and some church
members.

b) multiple burdens as a b) Adhered to job
wife, a mother and a church descriptions but began to be
worker selective in attending church
activities.

c) Learned to say ‘no’ to
other church requests.

d) Asserted to enjoy day off

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3) Unfair treatment of a) Belittling women’s a) Improve work
women church workers by capacities because of performance to gain church
church members gender, age, and civil status members’ support, trust,
and respect;

b) Visible and active
presence in all the activities
of the church and meetings
of lay organizations;

c) Practice accountable and
servant leadership;

d) Assertion of her rightful
place as administrative
pastor of the church
4) Discriminatory behaviors a) Belittling women’s a) Simply ignored it.
and practice of some male capacities because of
pastors education qualifications and
age;

b)Unsolicited comments b) Focus more on improving
discrediting their works and one’s work.
personalities;

c) Lack of concern for c) Brought their concerns to
women’s rights and welfare; selected key leaders of the
church.

d) Husband’s Infidelity; d) Filed a written complaint
to the Board of Ordained
Ministry and the Committee
on Deaconess Service.

e) Social stigma re: e) Ignore church members’
husband’s infidelity case; comments.

f) Unhealthy comments from f) Concentrate on work
church members re: performance; confide her
husband’s case; problems to fellow
deaconess and her

counselor; and through

prayers.

g) Sexual harassment case;
g) Filed a written complaint
to the Board of Ordained

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Ministry and the Committee
on Deaconess Service.

5)Male-‐dominated a) Lack of deaconess’ a) Walked-‐out during the
leadership structure representation to the annual conference session
annual conference with as a sign of protest.
voice and vote;

b) Local church appointment b)Accept and follow existing
that privileges male, senior church practice;
pastor;

c) Appointment to key c) Do not participate in
positions and election clergymen’s meetings during
process that favor male, election process.
senior pastors.

It could be said that women’s responses are located along the continuum of
responses from full acceptance of patriarchy to passive resistance to active resistance.
The process of reproduction and resistance co-‐exist at the same time. These were
demonstrated in many different ways. The role of culture contributed to this co-‐
existence.
Full acceptance of patriarchy by some women church workers could be
explained by their having internalized the practice which, in turn, has led them to ignore
it or just simply accept it as normal. Though other women have recognized the
existence of gender biases, they were afraid to go against them and rock the boat, for it
has been considered part of church traditions. Some were afraid to resist those biases
openly for fear of setbacks and retaliation from male administrative pastors and some
church members. Others stated that they do not want to create tension nor conflict
inside the church. In any case, full acceptance of patriarchy tends to reproduce the
existing gender asymmetrical relations in the homes and in the workplace.

Resistance as actions or processes that challenge difficulties those women church
workers experience in their everyday lives, were expressed through their silent/passive
resistance in the following manner: 1) by adhering to job descriptions but being selective in
attending church activities; 2) disregarding the Pastor’s remarks and focusing on work
performance; 3) delegating other tasks to church members; 4) asking for transfer of
appointment; and 5) maintaining a neutral position to avoid conflicts in the face of cultural
norms and traditions that emphasize kinship ties, patronage system, debt of gratitude, etc. ; and
6) praying for change.

Active resistance which causes the identity creation and self-‐realization of women
church workers about their situation brought about personal empowerment. Aside from
gaining self-‐confidence and dignity, the outcome of personal empowerment and acts of
resistance by which women church workers contest and challenge gender biases are manifested

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in the following manner: 1) assertion of their rightful positions within the church as
administrative pastors and deaconesses of the church; 2) outright reproach to sexist jokes; 3)
saying ‘no’ to invitations and activities to enjoy day-‐off; 4) being firm in making decisions that
upholds the integrity of the church; 5) bringing economic benefits and welfare issues to
concerned bodies of the Church; 6) practicing accountable and democratic style of leadership;
7) filing sexual harassment and infidelity case when necessary; 8) filing a leave status or
withdrawing from the deaconess service; 9) not getting involved in any group or activities
organized by male clergy; 10) educating and re-‐orienting church members about their role and
status as women church workers with specific duties and responsibilities; 11) historic walk-‐out
of the deaconesses; and 12) a commitment to share knowledge and skills in order to help in
the empowerment of future deaconesses.

CONCLUSION

The Book of Discipline of The United Methodist Church through its doctrinal
statements, Social Principles, and Constitution provides a gender sensitive/gender fair
orientation of the Church as reflected in its emphases in a) the inclusiveness of the
Church; b) equality between women and men; c) parenting as shared responsibility; and
d) use of appropriate and gender-‐sensitive language. This progressive orientation
interacted with traditional norms and values of Philippine culture as characterized by
machismo and patriarchal worldview and systems, which have contributed to the
persistence and reproduction of gender biases within the Church as manifested in the:
1) unequal access to income and other benefits between male clergy and women church
workers; 2) unequal allocation of workload, duties and responsibilities; 3) unfair
treatment of church members which includes among others, the lack of women’s
representation in decision-‐ making bodies of the church; and 4) discriminatory
behaviors and practices of male pastors, part of which is the androcentric interpretation
of the Bible and the use of language which excludes women. These gender biases
experienced by both clergywomen and deaconesses greatly affected their role and
status as women church workers. The pastor-‐centered leadership orientation of lay
members and male clergy; women’s marital status which discriminates married women
from single women; chronological age which favors young women; and cultural factors
such as kinship ties, debt of gratitude and ‘padrino system’ are the sources of gender
biases.

The prevailing beliefs, values, and norms that rationalize male-‐oriented leadership of
the church are attributed to the existence of three ideological presuppositions such as:
1) women are the nurturers and natural caretakers of the home which justifies the
nurturing functions as exclusive to women and, therefore, a woman’s place is in the
home; 2) inherent difference between a man and a woman, which stereotypes women
and men according to biological or physiological differences; and 3) the separate
spheres for men and women that institutionalizes the dichotomy between what is
perceived to be private and public domain, between reproductive and productive work.


Volume 1, Number 1
June 2013
Women church workers have employed different strategies to address gender
biases within the Church. It ranges from full acceptance of patriarchy to passive/silent
resistance to active resistance. Nonetheless, the process of reproduction and resistance
co-‐exist at the same time. The role of culture contributed to this co-‐existence.

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