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Emerging Trends in Applied Anthropology

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 Emerging Trends in Applied
Anthropology
John van Willigen and Satish Kedia 

As substantiated by the essays of this collection, applied anthropologists to-

day are employed in a variety of diverse settings, which we have called domains
of application. They work for domestic and international organizations; munici-
pal, state, and federal agencies; philanthropic and consumer groups; grassroots
and advocacy groups; and private consulting firms and corporations. In the fu-
ture, the scope of settings in which applied anthropologists work is likely to
expand even further as the discipline continues to evolve. While much of this
growth comes from inside the community of applied anthropologists, external
forces have had and will continue to have a significant influence on the disci-
pline’s future as well. This concluding chapter briefly summarizes some of the
key trends in the field: demographic shifts affecting employment opportunities,
creative adaptation to new work contexts, interdisciplinary exchange in the ap-
plied work, the changing relationships with study subjects, and contributions of
applied work to basic anthropology. Additional perspectives on the topic are
discussed in a special issue of Human Organization entitled “The Future Lies
Ahead: Applied Anthropology in Century XXI” (Hackenberg and Hackenberg
2004).

DEMOGRAPHIC SHIFTS AFFECTING EMPLOYMENT OPPORTU-

NITIES
Demographic changes have long affected anthropologists’ employment op-
portunities. World wars, migration, and globalization have resulted in popula-
tion fluxes that have most indelibly marked contemporary anthropology. About
50 years ago, a number of key interlocking academic employment and demo-
graphic trends in the United States began having a significant impact on anthro-
pology, which in turn altered the possibilities for applied work—most notably,
the rapid expansion of the college population following the flood of servicemen
returning from World War II. In 1944, the U.S. government started providing
veterans with education subsidies through the G.I. Bill, leading to an influx of
college students and a greater need for university professors. Returning G.I.s
also led to the baby boom, an unprecedented surge of births in the United States
from 1946 to 1964. When the children born in this era reached college age, once
again the need for professors expanded the academic market for anthropologists.
Ultimately, as this population bulge passed through subsequent life stages,
the need for faculty decreased, leading to a decline in the academic job market
in the early 1970s when the annual production of anthropologists with graduate
degrees became greater than the employment needs of university departments.
332
As a result, in the last twenty years, almost half of new anthropology Ph.D.s and
the majority of those with master’s degrees have moved into careers outside of
academia. While these conditions have been tempered somewhat by the immi-
nent retirement of the baby boom generation of academic anthropologists, other
economic and social changes in postsecondary education have mandated in-
creased use of part-time personnel rather than full-time, tenure-track faculty. At
the same time, many anthropologists have chosen careers outside academia of
their own volition rather than by necessity, since work in the private sector has
many attractive features not characteristic of a university post, including higher
pay, limited or no teaching, and less pressure to publish.
In the last thirty years, the rapid rise of immigrants to the United States also
greatly affected anthropology, compelling attention to the expanding local im-
migrant and ethnic communities at home instead of those in Third World na-
tions. The ensuing backyard anthropology addresses the newer issues of ethnic
communities, such as first-generation Americans’ relationships with their immi-
grant parents and relatives and their sociocultural ties to the countries of their
ancestors. For example, the growing Hispanic-American immigrant community
has impacted U.S. society, economics, and politics by compelling change in
education, language, welfare, health care, trade, legislation, and even election of
public officials who now clamor to garner the votes of this expanding minority
group.
Simultaneously, the landscape of traditional anthropological work has been
drastically altered by the expanding influence of globalization in business, gov-
ernment, and national and international commerce. Large multinational corpora-
tions and international aid organizations now conduct business in multiple coun-
tries, requiring personnel with an understanding of many cultures, societies, and
economies to be successful in their endeavors. Thus, these demographic shifts as
well as the forces of globalization have not only led to new types of employ-
ment for anthropologists but have also altered the face of much anthropological
work and the discipline through the growing domains of application. The do-
mains discussed in this anthology reflect, in part, the effects of the demographic
shifts mentioned here. Gerontology and anthropology’s contribution to under-
standing aging as a sociocultural as well as biological phenomenon are gaining
focus partly because of the baby boomers that are reaching retirement age. The
education, nutrition, and health and medicine domains also are growing in scope
as a result of the baby boomers, migrations, and economic development. The
scope of research and practice in agriculture, environment, business and indus-
try, development, and involuntary resettlement are all advancing, at least in part
due to economic globalization, which continues to expand the opportunities for
applied anthropologists. In addition, there are many other domains such as sub-
stance abuse, criminal justice, forensic science, human rights, cultural resource
management, fisheries, forestry and wildlife, urban development and housing,
and mass media where a significant number of applied anthropologists are en-
gaged and are making critical contributions.

333
CREATIVE ADAPTATION TO NEW WORK CONTEXTS
The economic and professional incentives that motivate graduate education
and structure opportunities in the job market are core forces that determine the
basic nature of any discipline. Because these incentives may be slow to develop,
there is a lag between what anthropology professionals actually do in the field
and what is considered mainstream academic anthropology. However, it is clear
that the newly emerging work opportunities have profoundly impacted anthro-
pology in general. Applied anthropologists have responded in innovative ways
to the challenges in these new work contexts, generating new knowledge and
methodologies. These responses have stimulated change in anthropology as a
discipline, although in ways that may not be immediately evident.
Social programs and policy requirements frequently generate resources for
research, which in turn has led to new work opportunities for anthropologists.
While anthropological work is not just a response to the market or solely based
on opportunism, it is nevertheless useful to consider those forces that motivate
our work at any given time. Some practitioners have suggested redefining our
enterprise as “public anthropology,” in order to move “our frame of reference to
beyond the discipline: start with the world’s problems—as they come to us—
rather than focusing on the discipline’s traditional formulations that do little
more than perpetuate the status quo” (Borofsky 2002, 474). Peggy Reeves San-
day and Paula Sabloff have suggested the conceptual framework of public inter-
est anthropology (PIA) be employed, an approach that merges theory, analysis,
and problem solving in a commitment to positively impact human lifeways with
a focus on conveying the anthropological perspective to the masses for con-
sumption and debate (Sanday 2004). There is no doubt that applied anthropolo-
gists’ skills in employing cultural knowledge, grounded in sound ethnographic
method, to solve real-life problems is highly relevant, but one of the future goals
must be to move anthropology into the sphere of public discourse and to do so
in ways that the layperson can comprehend.
While globalization is not univocally positive and comes with its own set of
problems, it has also created opportunities for applied anthropologists, as illus-
trated by the contributors to this anthology. Robert Rhoades describes how an-
thropologists have been and continue to be in demand to identify and advocate
local cultural, environmental, and economic factors that promote well-being and
sustainability in response to global large-scale transnational agrobusiness. The
broad resurgence of ethnic identity movements and religious fundamentalism, as
well as the periodic onslaught of large-scale natural disasters, continues to give
rise to areas where applied anthropologists can contribute as part of established
organizations in the development field. Peter Little points out that a number of
these employment opportunities are now being created on the institutional level,
through the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and a proliferation of
nongovernmental organizations, such as Oxfam–UK and World Vision Interna-
tional. In such settings, practitioners assess the regional impact of these organi-
334
zations’ economic reform and investment programs.
Further, Anthony Oliver-Smith explores the key role played by applied an-
thropologists in mitigating the severe impact of development-induced displace-
ment and resettlement (DIDR) upon communities deprived of both livelihood
and human rights. He suggests that in the future the field will continue to “ad-
dress the challenges presented by DIDR at the local community and project
level, in national and international political discourse, and in the policy frame-
works of multilateral institutions.” The specific knowledge and analytical skills
of applied anthropologists will be crucial in critiquing current development
models, which assume the necessity of relocation without questioning the scope
of initiatives that cause such disruption in individuals’ lives and their environ-
ment. Similarly, David Himmelgreen and Deborah Crooks predict that in the
twenty-first century, nutritional anthropologists will continue to use their exper-
tise to resolve ongoing concerns of public health officials and policymakers at
the local, state, and international level. Such practitioners will address the prob-
lem of malnutrition and nutrient deficiencies, the rise of obesity-related diseases,
the connection of food insecurity to under- and overnutrition, the impact of
globalization on the consumption of traditional food versus junk food, and the
development of culturally competent nutritional programs for diverse popula-
tions.
Currently, applied work requires practitioners to leave the legend of the
lone anthropologist behind and become skilled in working collaboratively and
with greater diplomacy. Governments are not as willing to allow anthropologists
to work wherever and whenever, and increasingly the nature of applied work
demands that anthropologists be “members of a team of local social scientists”
(Wolf 2002, 7). This team may consist of other professionals or scientists, na-
tional or regional officials, and members of the community being studied. It is
essential for applied anthropologists to effectively act in concert with all of
these parties to “share data and cope with the assertion of quite different expec-
tations on what questions are important” (Wolf 2002, 7). For anthropology, col-
laboration, in particular greater community involvement or outreach, has re-
sulted in the need for greater dissemination of research results, increased skills
in communication of findings to new audiences in new formats, and employ-
ment of techniques from other fields.
For example, Kedia’s evaluation of substance abuse treatment effectiveness
in Tennessee, which is used to inform state policy, involves partnerships with
many stakeholders. The complex and lengthy tasks of evaluation require not
only collaboration with treatment providers (private, nonprofit, and faith-based)
but also with funding arms of the government, Tennessee Bureau of Alcohol
and Drug Abuse Services officials, regional organizations that deal with sub-
stance abuse issues, clients, clients families and advocates, project staff, infor-
mation systems specialists, and software and web developers. As evaluator, he
“facilitate[s] stakeholders’ active and effective participation in the process”
through offering his guidance and expertise in “scientific knowledge, systematic

335
methodology, research rigor, and skills that many stakeholders may not possess”
(Kedia, in press). These collaborative efforts only scarcely resemble traditional
anthropological pursuits but result in multiple policy reports, bulletins, and other
forms of communication that disseminate research results to the stakeholders to
facilitate desired changes and to encourage continued partnerships.

INTERDISCIPLINARY EXCHANGE IN THE APPLIED WORK

All social science disciplines have been altering their assumptions and pro-
cedures as a result of increased interdisciplinary exchange. While anthropology
has had a significant affect on other disciplines, it has also been influenced by
them. Probably the most striking changes in anthropology include the addition
of more time-effective methodologies, including rapid assessment procedures
(RAP) and collective interviewing strategies such as focus groups (Scrimshaw
and Hurtado 1987; van Willigen and Finan 1991). Originally a marketing tool,
use of a focus group as a means to collect data is now commonplace in many of
the social sciences.
At the same time, ethnographic approaches and the culture concept of tradi-
tional anthropology have been increasingly used outside the discipline. Over the
last two decades, ethnographic research practices changed from being a mystery
for persons in other fields to being mainstream methodology. For a number of
years, van Willigen has given a series of guest lectures on ethnographic methods
in a program evaluation course taught in the College of Education at the Univer-
sity of Kentucky. When he first started delivering this talk, many students
seemed puzzled by the content of the lecture, often asking whether it was possi-
ble to generalize from this kind of data since their dominant research technique
had always been the random-sample survey with results analyzed using statisti-
cal methods. Through the years, however, their awareness and enthusiastic ac-
ceptance of an ethnographic approach has become clear. This trend is also evi-
dent in the practices of new graduates and professionals in related disciplines, in
which ethnographic or qualitative methods have gradually become common. In
fact, it is not unusual to find edited volumes on qualitative methods in which
virtually all the authors are sociologists or to find textbooks on the subject writ-
ten by scholars in communication or cultural/media studies.
The influence of anthropology’s theoretical content, particularly the culture
concept, has been extensively used in other disciplines and has been recast in
the process. One result of this cross-fertilization has been fewer distinctions
between the knowledge produced by anthropologists and those trained in other
areas. One could argue that there is a coming together of ideas from various
disciplines to form what might be thought of as a new synthesis of concepts,
with loose networks of people working in the applied and academic realms that
share ideas and influence each other even though they were trained in different
fields. This interdisciplinary trend has significant implications for current and
future applied anthropologists in many domains of application. Practitioners will
need to master methodologies and technical terminology from a variety of fields
336
to be able to work collaboratively. In addition, they shoulder the responsibility
to articulate exactly what an anthropologist can bring to the various settings in
which they might be employed.
This is particularly true in the contemporary information-driven govern-
ment and corporate world, where job classifications and requirements are being
broadened rather than narrowed to a specific expertise or skill set. In her chapter
on the business and industry domain, Marietta Baba argues that anthropologists’
“fine-grained analysis of carefully recorded qualitative data, informed by
knowledge of human biological and cultural systems,” is ideally suited to under-
standing those subcultures reflected in consumer behavior and emergent in cor-
porate organizations. In particular, anthropologists can add tremendous value to
modern business operations through their understanding of culture in holistic
terms both within society and in a specific setting (e.g., the corporation itself),
even when the researcher may not have knowledge of that setting. Their holistic
perspective integrates a large range of social and behavioral phenomena to ex-
plain culture, cultural changes, and the roots of cultural patterns. Baba suggests
that anthropologists’ knowing how to learn about other cultures is a great asset;
their grasp of best practices in ethnographic research, their ability to depict hu-
man experience in nuanced and innovative ways, and their commitment to pro-
tect the individuals being studied make anthropologists uniquely suited to initi-
ate productive activities and bring humane approaches to (in Baba’s case) the
corporate work environment.
This is equally applicable to other domains, the study of the classroom as a
cultural and social space, for example. As educational anthropologist Nancy
Greenman demonstrates in her essay, anthropologists are uniquely trained to
meet the pedagogical challenges of an increasingly multicultural and multiracial
society via their ability to grasp the complexities of student/teacher relations
and, particularly, their understanding of historical inequities and systematic dis-
enfranchisement of minority groups in public education in the United States. In
his chapter on the environment, Thomas McGuire argues that anthropologists,
with their substantive expertise in ethnographic techniques as well as their un-
derstanding of the geopolitical dimensions of environmental change, are in-
creasingly being called upon to ensure that a “healthy and productive life—in
harmony with nature—is indeed a human entitlement.” Whatever the approach
and subfield of environmental anthropology, McGuire notes, practitioners
should always strive to supplement cultural knowledge at local levels with the
specific political economy of the region in mind. His work illustrates how eth-
nographic practices can be used to take regional research beyond the realm of
statistics through the creation of regionally placed teams that provide real-time
ground truthing of economic data. In the future, the unique capacities of anthro-
pologists will become more familiar to consumers of research services, espe-
cially those that involve humans and their communities.
In policy research today, it is far easier to sell ethnography than ever before,
in part because the policy work demands a firm knowledge of the empirical re-

337
alities for which ethnographic methods are most appropriate. The use of this
approach in program evaluation is common and, in some cases, virtually re-
quired. The particular training of anthropologists has always been well suited to
policy work, a conviction echoed by a number of our contributors. In their dis-
cussion of anthropology and health care, Linda Whiteford and Linda Bennett
contend that applied medical anthropology’s understanding of the cultural and
biological bases of disease, as well as how unequal distribution of resources can
impact epidemiological patterns, will be crucial for effective public health cam-
paigns, such as those addressing the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Similarly in their
chapter, David Himmelgreen and Deborah Crooks emphasize that, since so-
ciocultural and biological factors impact how humans select and consume food,
anthropologists’ expertise in both makes them especially valuable to public
health officials who require reliable and culturally specific research data to for-
mulate nutritional policy. And as Robert Harman explains, anthropologists’
skills in conducting ethnographic surveys and employing qualitative methods
are very useful in developing the close rapport with informants required for ad-
vocacy on behalf of frequently disenfranchised but increasingly sizeable groups
in the United States, such as the elderly, racial/ethnic minorities, refugees, and
immigrants.

CHANGING RELATIONSHIPS WITH STUDY SUBJECTS

Throughout the development of applied anthropology, the relationship be-
tween practitioners and the people they study has changed substantially, paral-
leling the development of anthropology itself. In some sense, the history of an-
thropology, basic and applied, is the history of the power relationships between
anthropologists and their study subjects. The fact that anthropology is a product
of colonialism, when it was a tool used for the control and domination of sub-
jects, is still central to popular memory of this discipline. Since World War II,
these power relationships have changed, and the stance of basic and applied
anthropology has adjusted accordingly regarding the communities and individu-
als studied. As Renato Rosaldo puts it, this transformation comprises for the
researcher new conceptions of the objects of analysis, the language of analysis,
and the position of the analyst (1993, 37).
The mainstream anthropological response to this essentially postmodern di-
lemma is to refigure ethnographic practice as ‘reflexive’. As Marcus and Fischer
(1986) argue, ethnography is not only about ‘those studied’ but a kind of ‘cul-
tural critique’ of the anthropologist’s culture. In addition, there currently is a
tendency to change the mode of representation in the anthropological narrative
in order to highlight the voice(s) of those being studied. Increasingly the path
followed in applied anthropology has been to work with study subjects in a
more collaborative or participatory way. In this approach, the goals of the an-
thropologists become aligned with those of the community and individuals be-
ing studied through the anthropologists’ sharing of their skills and knowledge.
Thereby, anthropologists can help empower individuals, transforming the study
338
population from ‘object to be known’ to a ‘subject that can control’. Applied
anthropologists become an auxiliary to the naturally occurring community lead-
ership and serve in another capacity, as cultural brokers, or, in a more neutral
role, as ‘co-culture’ mediators or liaisons, in order to emphasize the conceptual
equality of anthropologists’ and the studied population’s cultural systems.
Several of the chapters in this volume identify anthropologists working with
the local communities and their cultures as partners, indicating that those studied
are not only subjects but individuals who can have greater impact and control
over what is being done in their communities. Robert Rhoades, for example,
advocates that agricultural anthropologists develop a professional relationship
with a public constituency to the extent seen in other fields like economics, law,
or education, as a means “to declare its [anthropology’s] relevance through ac-
tion.” Thomas McGuire promotes anthropologists’ collaboration with local
communities to develop an ethnocartography for use as a tool for political mobi-
lization, to gain state recognition of indigenous rights and protect biodiversity.
Robert Harman notes that ethnographic practices and qualitative methods re-
quire long-term commitment and close rapport with informants and that, in ag-
ing anthropology, both of these approaches are much easier to achieve if practi-
tioners work on a more equal footing with the study population. In addition,
scholars from non-Western countries are often being trained in Western univer-
sities and are beginning to contribute not only to the scholarship on their own
cultures but also on Western cultures. Peter Little foresees development anthro-
pologists as having invaluable opportunities to actively collaborate with Third
World scholars, for whom the distinctions among theory, method, and practice
may be less clear in light of their direct involvement in the socioeconomic and
political changes of their countries. Increasingly, the key relationship is not be-
tween the anthropologist and the discipline but between the anthropologist and
the partnering community.

CONTRIBUTIONS OF APPLIED WORK TO BASIC ANTHROPOLOGY

The actions of the working population of anthropologists—what they pub-
lish and teach, which associations they join or professional meetings they attend,
as well as their exchanges with peers and personal networks—lead to transfor-
mation in the discipline. Policy research needs, a cornerstone of applied work,
invariably contribute to innovations in basic anthropology because of the em-
ployment and research funding opportunities that emerge and create further in-
centives. These developments often challenge orthodoxy within the discipline,
which in turn produces gate-keeping behaviors calculated to exclude applied
anthropology. It is surprising to discover that topics and methods, now regarded
as integral to the discipline as conventional anthropology, were once subject to
the question “But is it really anthropology?” and were marginalized. A good
example would be the development of medical anthropology, which arose out-
side of academic departments as a research activity to help inform public health
programs after World War II. For a time it did not seem necessary to use the
339
modifier ‘applied’ with medical anthropology. It was thought of as an applied
field by definition. Today, medical anthropology has both applied and theoreti-
cal advocates.
One factor that limits the impact of applied anthropologists on the discipline
is that practitioners have a tendency not to write and publish as much as those
who work in academic settings. Often they either do not have time or are simply
not confronted with the same ‘publish or perish’ pressure of their academic col-
leagues. In many instances, practitioners’ written work may be proprietary or
confidential and not available for public use or for journal publication. Equally
prohibitive is the tendency of journal editors or reviewers to reject manuscripts
that are perceived as ‘not academic’. As a result of these factors, many applied
anthropologists have given up on publishing in traditional anthropology journals
or engage in code switching, writing on their applied work for certain stake-
holders, then altering the writing to meet the requirements for inclusion in tradi-
tional anthropological scholarly venues. Applied practitioners’ links to basic
anthropology may be quite limited; some finding it irrelevant to communicate
back to the discipline when much of what is published in core anthropological
journals contains little material of immediate use to applied work. Nevertheless,
there are periodicals such as Human Organization, Practicing Anthropology,
and the High Plains Applied Anthropologist that provide venues of information
exchange for applied anthropologists. Also in recent years, the publication of
applied materials on websites has greatly increased the opportunity for commu-
nicating findings of applied work.

CONCLUSION
This anthology suggests that key trends in applied anthropology reflect a
new synthesis, in which knowledge from a variety of disciplines are combined
to address human problems and challenges in myriads of settings. At the same
time, this synthesis maintains a core of traditional anthropological concepts and
methods, including an emphasis on the importance of local knowledge; partici-
pation and empowerment of the community; increased critical reflection on the
underlying structures causing the problems with which applied anthropologists
deal; and ongoing concerns about sustainability of the environment, cultures,
programs, and livelihoods. Future trends as noted by Robert Rhoades in this
volume exemplify the kind of synthesis being discussed: spatial and socioeco-
nomic complexity of innovations involving multiscalar research, integration of
computer-based approaches (e.g., GIS, simulation modeling) with indigenous
knowledge, and a new range of issues arising from the transformation of local
actions to large-scale transnational operations.
Increasingly, those in academia are under pressure to demonstrate the ap-
plied significance of their intellectual endeavors, for politicians and policymak-
ers are demanding that university personnel engage in more activities benefiting
society. At the very least, most funding agencies—the source of nearly all an-
thropological inquiry—require researchers to document the pertinence, scope,
340
and impact of their proposed activity in practical terms. This will entail more
emphasis on equipping graduate students with skills appropriate for the real
world (see Lamphere 2004) and will require the communication of applied an-
thropologists’ skills and abilities to an audience wider than the discipline and its
limited community of practitioners.
The future of applied anthropology lies in the growth of theoretical and
practical work in various domains and in establishing their relevance for solving
societal problems. As the various authors in this book suggest, successful ap-
plied anthropological work relies on collaboration and integration of the tech-
niques and vocabularies of other fields, development of the most effective and
innovative anthropological methodologies, increased facility in the use of
emerging technologies, and mobilization of strong communication skills to best
disseminate information to a lay public. Applied practitioners and academicians
alike must continue to be active and engaged proponents of the diversity and
vitality of human lifeways by forming and advocating culturally appropriate
policies, programs, and actions that will alleviate the social, economic, health or
technological problems facing our ever-changing global society.

341
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 Citation:
Kedia, Satish and John van Willigen. Emerging trends in applied anthropol-
ogy. Chap. 11 in Applied anthropology: Domains of application, edited by
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343

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