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Teaching about Consumption: The "Not Buying It" Project

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Teaching about Consumption: The "Not Buying It" Project

Liz Grauerholz and Anne Bubriski-McKenzie
Teaching Sociology published online 3 April 2012
DOI: 10.1177/0092055X12441713

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441713
erholz and Bubriski-McKenzieTeaching Sociology
2012
TSOXXX10.1177/0092055X12441713Grau

Teaching Sociology OnlineFirst, published on April 3, 2012 as doi:10.1177/0092055X12441713

Teaching Sociology

Teaching about XX(X) 1­–17

© American Sociological Association 2012
DOI: 10.1177/0092055X12441713
Consumption:  The “Not http://ts.sagepub.com

Buying It” Project

Liz Grauerholz1 and

Anne Bubriski-McKenzie1

Abstract
This study presents an experiential exercise designed to heighten students’ awareness of overconsumption
in the United States and allow them to see how their own consumption habits are linked to larger social
factors. Students engaged in the “Not Buying It” project—which involved refraining from purchasing all
but essentials for a set number of days—as part of a broader lesson on consumerism. Qualitative and
quantitative data, gathered from students enrolled in three sections of Introductory Sociology, suggest that
the exercise was effective in enhancing students’ sociological imaginations by helping students see how
their own consumption habits are shaped by larger social forces and how they, along with most Americans,
tend toward overconsumption. To a more limited extent, it may help enhance cognitive understanding of
consumption. Teaching about consumption in general, and the Not Buying It project in particular, offers
instructors an excellent pedagogical means by which students can acquire a sociological imagination,
reinforces key sociological principles, and links to broader goals within the discipline.

Keywords
consumption, experiential learning, Introduction to Sociology

The United States has the dubious distinction of age Brazilian (FacingtheFuture.org n.d.). According
leading the world in hyperconsumerism and over- to the WorldWatch Institute (2010), the global aver-
consumption. Data reported by FacingtheFuture.org age “ecological footprint”—the amount of biologi-
(n.d.), a not-for-profit organization that provides cally productive space allocated per person (in
schools and educators with curriculum on environ- resources) to sustain them—is 2.3 hectares; but for
mental issues and sustainability, reveal extreme a typical American, it is 9.7. Furthermore, new
discrepancies between U.S. consumption and that of housing developments as of 2002 are about 38 per-
many other countries. For instance, the United cent larger than homes built in 1975 but include
States accounts for less than 5 percent of the world’s fewer people per household (WorldWatch Institute
population but one-third of all consumption. The 2010).
average person living in the United States uses 300 It is imperative that consumption habits change
shopping bags worth of raw materials every week. if humans hope to avoid ecological and environ-
It would take the resources of three planets for mental devastation, and it is particularly important
everyone on Earth to live as people do in the United
1
States. The typical American buys 53 times as many University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL, USA
products as someone from China; one American’s
Corresponding Author:
consumption of resources is equal to that of 35 citi-
Liz Grauerholz, University of Central Florida–Sociology,
zens in India; and the average American will inflict 4000 Central Florida Blvd., Orlando, FL 32816
13 times more environmental damage than the aver- Email: [email protected]

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2 Teaching Sociology XX(X)

that Americans do so since the average American material goods (i.e., tangibles), such as clothing,
consumes at over six times the sustainable rate alcohol, movies, and entertainment, which required
(FacingtheFuture.org n.d.). Although significant monetary cash or credit card exchange. More par-
changes in consumption patterns will require ticularly, we focused on hyperconsumption (use of
action at multiple levels, we believe that the class- goods and services that are in great excess of basic
room is a site where social change can and does needs).
occur. Educating students about consumer culture Hyperconsumerism is entrenched in the Ameri-
from a sociological perspective offers the promise can lifestyle and capitalist culture, and as such,
of enhancing students’ sociological imaginations everyone has experience with consumption and,
by helping them to understand the connection most likely, overconsumption. Students, like other
between personal consumption and larger social Americans, often survive on a steady diet of con-
realities. sumer products—fast food, clothing, snacks, books,
music, alcohol, energy to fuel Internet bandwidth
and cellphones, and so on. Thus, teaching about
Pedagogical Approaches consumption offers an excellent opportunity to
To Teaching About enhance students’ sociological imaginations. Teach-
Consumption ing about consumption from a sociological perspec-
tive can help students see how their own consumption
Consumption has traditionally been taught in is linked to larger social forces, including media,
advertisement and economics, where the focus corporate domination, global labor practices, and so
primarily is on how to increase consumption. on. By engaging students in “the real world” in this
Within sociology, the topic of consumption has way, we help students develop their sociological
been explored mostly within areas of environmen- imaginations and become more conscious citizens
tal sociology and sociology of culture but has been who are better prepared to deal with socioenviron-
ignored within mainstream sociology (Ritzer 2000, mental issues and crises.
2001) until very recently (in 2011, the American With rare exceptions, classroom exercises that
Sociological Association [ASA] approved the teach students about consumption, especially over-
Section on Consumers and Consumption as an consumption, are nonexistent. An extensive search
ASA section in formation). Although the issue has of classroom activities and assignments listed in
expanded somewhat into other areas, such as pop- the TRAILS (the ASA’s Teaching Resources and
ular culture and sociology of food, historically, Innovations Library for Sociology) database
there has been limited sociological interest in revealed only eight exercises or assignments
understanding the nature and effects of consump- related to the topic of consumption (there are, of
tion patterns, despite its obvious importance to the course, many more syllabi for courses that include
planet and its potential to enhance students’ socio- consumption). Only one assignment (Schor 2010)
logical imaginations. asks students to reflect on their own consumption
In the simplest sense, consumption refers to habits by having them write an essay answering
“the using up of goods and services having an the question, “What type of consumer are you?”
exchangeable value” (Dictionary.com), but from a Dowell (2006) described an innovative way for
sociological perspective, consumption is much students to understand the sociological perspective
more complex and interesting. Postmodern, capi- on consumption, waste, and environmental degra-
talist societies become defined by consumption dation. Students collected their own garbage for a
and consumerism. In these societies, consumption 24-hour period and brought it to class for analysis
takes on new forms and functions, as nearly every- and discussion. Although the exercise appears to
thing is commodified and consumed (e.g., bodies, be effective in raising awareness about environ-
space, the “sacred,” rebellion) (see Gottdiener mental issues (85 percent of the students “agreed”
2000). Although all these ideas can be incorpo- or “strongly agreed” that the assignment raised
rated into lessons on consumption, the exercise we their awareness of environmental issues and their
present here focused primarily on consumption of understanding of the sociological imagination),

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Grauerholz and Bubriski-McKenzie 3

such an exercise may be inappropriate for large cials, policy makers, business owners, and commu-
classes, given potential problems with waste dis- nity activists to discuss sustainable practices that
posal after the class period is over. could be brought back to Minneapolis (Christiansen
Another (less messy) approach to increasing and Fischer 2010). The course also gained consider-
students’ awareness of their ecological footprint able attention and led to the creation of many cam-
and the impacts on local and global inequality puswide projects and initiatives.
involved having students document their own con- Our exercise builds on these earlier works. Like
sumption for a three-day period, noting consump- others, we felt it was important to engage students
tion of fuel, packaging, water, energy, and food experientially if we hope to engage students deeply
(Obach 2009). Obach (2009) also asks his students and help them see the connections between their
to take the “ecological footprint quiz” online to get personal habits and global realities (also see
a sense of their overall consumption global impact Hironimus-Wendt and Wallace [2009] for the
and to write reflection papers about the assignment necessity of engaging students on intimate, per-
and what types of social change should take place. sonal levels to enhance their sociological imagina-
Obach found that all students reported an increase tions). Like Schor (2010) and Obach (2009), we
in awareness of their individual consumption, and wanted to encourage personal and critical reflec-
about 80 percent stated they were surprised by tion about hyperconsumerism by having students
their degree of consumption on a regular basis. document and reflect on their own consumption.
Additionally, Obach reports that 93 percent of stu- The exercise we describe here goes beyond these
dents stated they have a better understanding of works by directly incorporating an experiential
how their consumption patterns are connected to component that can be used in courses of any size.
global natural resource inequality and social and The overall goal of this experiential exercise
structural forces that shape this inequality. was to enhance students’ sociological imaginations
A more time- and resource-intensive approach to with respect to consumption. That is, we wanted
teaching students about sustainability and environ- students to make a connection between cultural
mentalism is Christiansen and Fischer’s (2010) pro- consumer patterns and their own individual habits
ject that took a group of students to various cities to and behaviors. In addition, the objectives of the
compare and contrast sustainable policies and local exercise were to help students gain greater knowl-
initiatives. They ventured with students to Portland, edge and understanding of hyperconsumerism in
Oregon, and Vancouver, British Columbia, and had the United States and to increase students’ aware-
the students compare these cities’ sustainability ness about these societal-level patterns of con-
practices with those in their home site, Minneapolis, sumption and their own personal habits.
Minnesota. While traveling, students participated in
“green” initiatives, such as riding public transporta-
tion, bicycling, eating locally grown and served
The “Not Buying It” Project
foods, visiting green businesses, and speaking to The exercise, which we refer to here as the Not
policy makers about the sustainable efforts in their Buying It (NBI) project, was introduced in the last
communities. Students were asked to keep a journal few weeks of the semester, after students had been
while traveling, write reflection papers, and partici- schooled in the basics of sociological thinking. In
pate in an oral presentation comparing the three our classes, the issue of consumerism was framed
cities after returning from the trip. Overall, Chris- within a broader discussion about the environment,
tiansen and Fischer (2010) report positive results, which itself was framed within the larger issue of
suggesting that their project helped students engage inequalities and stratification. Throughout the
on a personal level with major social structural semester, students had engaged in discussions about
issues. In fact, a handful of students began major how the sociological imagination applies to their
sustainability projects after completing the course. lives, although most of the previous exercises
For example, one student started an organization, explored private-public connections on more micro
Pedalers for Progress, in which members bicycled levels (e.g., we analyzed their first names from a
from Minneapolis, Minnesota, to Portland, Oregon, sociological perspective based on Lieberson and
and organized various meetings with Portland offi- Lynn’s [2003] work; students violated a folkway).

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4 Teaching Sociology XX(X)

Thus, we incorporated NBI as a way for students to not to shop. This introduced interesting insights in
apply the sociological imagination and understand the nature of consumption. For example, students
better how these connections can be made globally. who opted to engage in NBI during a weekend
Although we used the exercise at the end of the experienced much more angst than did those who
semester, we believe it would work equally well opted for weekdays, and this led to a stimulating
earlier in the semester as a stand-alone topic or in discussion about how central consumption has
conjunction with discussions of globalization, envi- become to social interaction in contemporary soci-
ronment, culture, or inequalities. ety. Indeed, some students felt that they could not
Students began by reading Judith Levine’s spend any time with friends unless they could
(2006) Not Buying It, an autobiographical account consume. (Instructors may wish to broaden this
of a year when Levine refrained from buying all discussion to how the role and nature of consump-
but necessities (students in an honors course read tion shifts as societies move from production based
the entire book; in nonhonors sections, students to consumption based.)
were required to read only two chapters). Students During the project, students were also required
then emulated the lifestyle described in the book to keep a journal or blog of their experiences and
for three to seven days (we have varied the length insights, to participate in online discussions, and
of time to conform to other class demands). We write a short paper in which they described what
explained to students that for the allocated time they did, what they learned (about themselves, the
period, they must not shop, or if they did, it would environment, cultural consumption) in the process,
be only to purchase essentials. Thus, no Starbucks, whether and what changes they hoped to make in
no clothes, no alcohol, and so on. We did not the future, and why or why not. They were encour-
define what was “essential,” however. Indeed, this aged to write the paper in the same style and tone
is one of the most illuminating parts of the assign- as Levine (2006) and to include some of their
ment. By not defining what they could purchase, journal or blog entries to elaborate their points.
students were forced to grapple with what is truly Students were graded not on whether they success-
essential (as Levine [2006] does in her book). If fully implemented the experiment but on the seri-
they purchased something, they had to justify the ousness with which they approached the project.
purchase (e.g., several students purchased gas They had to demonstrate—through the journal or
because carpooling or public transportation to blog, discussions, and papers—that they took the
school or work were not options). Because the project seriously, made a concerted effort to imple-
project spanned just a few days, we focused on ment the model, and reflected thoughtfully on the
consumption of items that required immediate process and their roles as consumers. We encour-
monetary purchases (e.g., food, gas, entertain- aged them to follow the plan 100 percent but told
ment) rather than services that students purchased them that if they lapsed, they would not be penal-
on a monthly basis (e.g., Internet service, rent). ized. Even if they were not able to complete the
(This project could easily be expanded to include project in part or at all, they could discuss the dif-
such consumption if it were done as a month-long ficulties encountered and explore implications. We
or semester-long project.) have modified the requirements (i.e., amount of
Because we wanted students to succeed, we felt writing) in classes and, as a result, the grading. For
it was important to provide flexible scheduling to example, in an honors class, the project was worth
accommodate travel, major sporting events, holi- 20 percent of students’ final grade, whereas in a
days (the exercise fell during Thanksgiving and very large class, it was worth just 2.5 percent. One
Black Friday one semester), and the like. Thus, would assume that the seriousness with which
students were allowed to pick which days (within students take the assignment will vary by points
about a three-week time period) to do the project, derived, but in our experience, even as a low-
but the days had to be consecutive. We believe stakes assignment, the NBI exercise seemed to
such flexibility would help eliminate excuses for engage students deeply.
why they could not succeed. We also allowed stu- In class, students watched a short documentary
dents to choose which days, within this window, by Annie Lennox titled The Story of Stuff (www

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Grauerholz and Bubriski-McKenzie 5

.storyofstuff.com), and the instructor lectured for too attractive, given that about two-thirds of the
one day on consumption patterns and engaged students opted for the alternative assignment. (The
students in class discussions about these issues and relatively large number of students who did neither
their experiences with refraining from buying. assignment is likely due to the fact that the assign-
Class discussions and lectures were structured in ment was worth just 2.5 percent of their final
similar ways for all classes, although students in grade.)
the honors class also viewed Maxed Out (Scurlock Those students completing the NBI project
2006), a documentary about, among other things, became the experimental group (designated here as
college students’ growing credit card debt. (For Ce); those completing the alternative assignment
instructors wishing to incorporate other materials, (not related to consumption) composed the control
the appendix contains academic and nonacademic group (Cc). Having two groups allows us to com-
resources that may be helpful.) pare students who engaged in the project with
those who did not to see whether it was in fact the
NBI assignment or simply other materials pre-
Method sented that achieved learning outcomes. However,
We have used this assignment in three sections of we must note that because of lack of random
Introductory Sociology, taught at the University of assignment, comparability between students in Ce
Central Florida (UCF) across three semesters and Cc cannot be guaranteed. However, in terms of
(spring 2010, summer 2010, fall 2010) and by the variables for which we had data, the groups
same instructor. As context, the Carnegie Foundation appeared similar. In fact, there were no significant
for the Advancement of Teaching (www.carnegie differences between the control and experimental
foundation.org) classifies UCF as large, HU (high groups in terms of a range of questions concerning
undergraduate), and RU/H (research university with their own buying habits and questions about
high research activity). Although the assignment knowledge and awareness on the pretest. Both
was taught at the same university in introductory groups’ final course grades averaged to a B–.
courses, we should note that there was variation in
course structure: spring semester was a small (N =
12) honors course, summer was an intensive (six-
Data
week) session with medium enrollment (N = 22), Data for assessing effectiveness and student learn-
and fall was a regular, very large (N = 187) section. ing outcomes come from students’ writing, students’
For simplicity, we refer to the spring class as A; self-reports of learning and effectiveness, and direct
summer, B; and fall, C. measures of learning obtained via questionnaires.
In all classes, students were given the option to Data collection varied slightly across sections, in
do an alternative assignment (e.g., a paper on con- part to adapt to different course structures and also
sumption patterns in the United States). No stu- from our efforts to improve assessment.
dents in classes A or B opted out of the project. Student writings constitute a major source of
Because we wanted to assess the effectiveness of data. Students who completed the NBI project
the NBI project, apart from other class activities, (groups A, B, Ce) submitted daily journals, online
we opted to create a quasi-experiment in class C by discussion posts, and short papers (ranging from
offering an “attractive” alternative assignment and 300 to 2,500 words in length). All students in
gave students the option of which assignment to do classes B and C completed an in-class short essay
(the alternative assignment corresponded to a les- to assess knowledge and awareness about con-
son on impression management and was adapted sumption. A major source of quantitative data
from Bruba [2010] and involved taking photo- comes from questionnaires obtained before and
graphs of living spaces and analyzing what these after the exercise from students in class C and from
spaces say about themselves). Of the 164 students a postexercise questionnaire from students in
who completed one of the two assignments, class B. We also obtained limited pre- and postex-
55 completed the consumption project. In retro- ercise information from class A. The various
spect, the alternative assignment may have been sources of data are summarized in Table 1.

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6 Teaching Sociology XX(X)

Table 1. Types of Data Used to Assess Outcomes

Data source Class/Group Overall n (cases)

Student writings
 Journals and papers A, B, Cea 89b
  Short essays B, C 174
Questionnaire
  Pretest (general knowledge, awareness) C 152
  Posttest (general knowledge, awareness) C 110
 Matched pre- and posttests C 94
Self-reported
  Consumption habits A, C 163
  Economic security C 110
  Learning about own and other’s consumption B, C 132
  Effectiveness of lessons B, C 132
a
Ce refers to experimental group only.
b
The numbers shown here refer to actual cases, not students enrolled. There were 12 students enrolled in class A, 22
in class B, and 187 in class C. In class C, 155 participated in various aspects of this study, including pre- or posttests,
essays, journals, and papers; 55 engaged in the Not Buying It project.

Concepts and Measures to support the typical American lifestyle,”

(2) “There are probably enough natural resources . .
Consumption habits. Students in classes A and C
. ,” (3) “Not sure if there are enough natural
were asked about their current consumption habits.
resources . . . ,” (4) “There probably are not enough
We asked students in class A about two key items
(clothing, public transportation) and amount of natural resources . . . ,” and (5) “There definitely
money spent on clothing and/or shoes each month. are not enough natural resources . . . .” The second
Students in class C were asked these same ques- question was “How do you think your consump-
tions and an additional one about purchasing of tion habits differ from the typical American?”
beverages. As an additional measure of consump- Options included (1) “I consume much less than the
tion as it relates to economic security, we also average American,” (2) “I consume somewhat less
asked students in class C which of the following . . . ,” (3) “I consume about the same amount . . . ,”
statements best described their current situation: “I (4) “I consume somewhat more . . . ,” and (5) “I
struggle to buy even the basics (food, housing, consume much more . . . .”
medicine, tuition),” “I can afford the basics but
To measure awareness, students in class C were
struggle to buy any little ‘extras’ or non-essentials
asked to respond to the question, “Do you think
(e.g., movies, drinks, eat out),” “I can afford to buy
little ‘extras’ but struggle to afford big ‘extras’ such Americans consume more (clothing, oil, food, etc.)
as travel, nice clothing,” “I can afford to buy most than people in other parts of the world?” In the pre-
things but still have to watch where my money test, this question was open-ended and we coded
goes,” and “I can afford to buy anything and never responses yes or no. The posttest obtained this infor-
have to think about it.” mation through a closed-ended question for which
Knowledge and awareness of hyperconsumerism. responses included (1) “Americans consume much
In class C, students were asked two questions on more than people in other parts of the world,”
both pre- and posttests that were designed to test (2) “Americans consume somewhat more . . . ,”
general knowledge and changes from time 1 to (3) “Americans consume about the same . . . ,”
time 2.1 The first question asked, “To what extent (4) “Americans consume somewhat less,” and
do you agree or disagree that there are sufficient (5) “Americans consume much less than people
natural resources to support the typical American in other parts of the world.” Students’ writings
lifestyle for the next 50 years?” Options included were also analyzed qualitatively for awareness of
(1) “There definitely are sufficient natural resources consumption.

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Grauerholz and Bubriski-McKenzie 7

Sociological imagination. We qualitatively ana- cation number), we are able to compare shifts at
lyzed students’ papers and journals (from groups both the individual and aggregate levels for stu-
A, B, and Ce), paying particular attention to dents in class C. To measure individual-level
whether and how students made connections change, we created a difference score by subtract-
between their own consumption habits and cultural ing a student’s answer on the posttest question
patterns. from his or her answer to the identical question on
Effectiveness of the NBI project. Students in the pretest. We also compare those students in
classes B and C were asked to report which aspects class C who completed the NBI assignment (Ce)
of the lesson were most effective in helping to and those who did the alternative assignment (Cc)
understand consumption. They could indicate all on three measures of cognitive knowledge and
that applied among the following: information pro- awareness.
vided in lecture or handouts, movies viewed in
class, refraining (or trying to refrain) from buying
nonessentials, journaling, short paper, and in-class
Students as Consumers
discussion. We rank ordered these from most to Before discussing the degree to which the NBI
least effective according to students’ perspectives. exercise worked, it is important to discuss who our
In class A, we distributed an end-of-semester students are as consumers. The fact is, college
assessment, asking students to state one thing they students are not likely to be the major consumers
will remember from the class or something they in society. Data from the Consumer Expenditure
have learned and analyzed these for mentions of Survey (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2011)
the consumption exercise. All students in classes B show that persons younger than 25 (they do not
and C were asked to rate how valuable the section provide separate data on college students) spend
on consumption was in terms of helping them to less, on average, than any other age group. In fact,
learn about their own and others’ consumption. We their consumer spending more closely resembles
also used students’ writings (papers and journals) persons 75 years and older than any other age
for groups A, B, and Ce to assess the project’s group. The only categories of spending for which
overall effectiveness. Effectiveness of the NBI was they are not the lowest are apparel and services,
also determined by comparing pre- and posttest alcohol, transportation, education, tobacco and
responses for the control and experimental groups. smoking supplies, and insurance. They also have
the lowest reported incomes. In other words, col-
lege students typically have limited resources.
Analytic Strategy Especially in an Introductory Sociology course,
We qualitatively analyzed students’ writing (jour- which consists of many students new to college,
nals, papers, in-class responses) using a line-by- students are likely to live on campus and not own
line coding process outlined by Strauss and Corbin a car, and if they work, they are likely to earn
(1998). Although we began with sensitizing con- minimum wage. In addition, the institution where
cepts to explore specific outcomes (e.g., whether we teach is a public state university, so most of our
students could see the connection between their students come from middle- or working-class
own consumption and larger social forces), we families.
allowed themes to emerge from the data them- It is not surprising, therefore, that most students
selves, and through this process, important insights in our classes indicated that they were not major
emerged (e.g., about students as consumers). consumers. We asked students in class C specific
Where appropriate, we used quantitative data to questions about their spending habits. A little more
explore overall patterns of consumption, knowl- than half (55 percent) shopped for clothing less
edge, and change in these measures. To measure than once per month, and 53 percent spent $25 or
pre- and posttest differences, we used a paired- less per month, on average, for clothing. Before the
sample t test to compare change over time. Because project, half the students in class A stated that they
we used unique identifiers (students were asked to shopped “sometimes or often” for clothing in a
provide the last four digits of their student identifi- mall and, on average, spent more than $50 per

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8 Teaching Sociology XX(X)

month on clothing (two students reported spending which made students more keenly attuned to social
more than $200 per month). Our students are, how- pressures to consume and especially by journaling
ever, major consumers of private transportation or writing (Hudd and Bronson 2007). To assess
and beverages. In class C, for instance, 47 percent this outcome, we qualitatively analyzed students’
said they never carpooled or used public transpor- writing, paying particular attention to whether and
tation, which included campus shuttles, and only 2 how students made connections between their own
out of 12 students in class A traveled by public consumption habits and cultural patterns. First, we
transportation. Students in class C reported that should note that most students began the section on
they consumed beverages, such as soda, bottled consumption already viewing overconsumption as
water, or alcohol, regularly (76 percent purchased social rather than individual in nature. For instance,
beverages, such as coffee, soda, or alcohol, from when students in class C were asked in the pretest
establishments or vending machines at least once survey, “Why do you think Americans consume so
per week). much?” they provided far more sociological than
Recall that we asked students in class C to indi- individualistic explanations (by a ratio of 3:1).2
cate the extent to which they struggle to consume Sociological factors include such things as media,
necessities and nonessentials. The average score capitalism, or cultural values; individual factors
on the scale was 3.08, suggesting that students included such things as human greed, instant grati-
tended to be in the middle: “I can afford to buy fication, or need. Given that this exercise was used
little ‘extras’ but struggle to afford big ‘extras’ in a sociology course, well into the semester, the
such as travel, nice clothing.” Indeed, there were reliance on sociological explanations is not sur-
few extremes. No one answered that they can prising. But we hoped students could go beyond
afford anything and never have to think about it, simply citing sociological factors (which may
and only 5.5 percent stated that they struggle to reflect lower-level learning) to understand at a
buy the basics. deeper level how their own consumption habits are
There were also comments made in writings shaped by these forces.
that suggest these students do not have the means Analysis of students’ papers and journals sug-
to consume heavily. One student mentioned that gests that students did make the connection
the assignment came at an ideal time because she between larger social forces, such as media or
had just loaned her parents money and she had not social influence, and their own consumption. For
received child support for three months. Another instance, notice how this student begins to recog-
student candidly remarked, “I haven’t been con- nize the social aspect to shopping and how his own
suming by default; I have no money to do anything spending habits are similarly shaped:
with.”
Given students’ already limited consumption, it Before completing this project I never con-
might be argued that an exercise such as NBI is sidered how social shopping is. We buy
ineffective. Yet, we believe heightening individu- things because we need them, right? I soon
als’ awareness of consumption before they have realized how often that is not the case. I
the means to buy into consumer culture can have a don’t buy a sandwich from Subway because
profound effect on future behaviors. We are not I am in dire need of nutrients. I buy Subway
able, of course, to verify this claim. Whether such because it is a convenient place to meet and
awareness and commitment translate into future socialize with friends over a meal. I don’t
consumerist habits is a topic worthy of study. buy coffee because I am thirsty, but because
all my friends are. I realized how often I buy
something just because I am with certain
Evidence of Effectiveness people in a certain setting. In today’s society
Enhancing the Sociological Imagination it seems rare that people can do something
One primary learning objective was to enhance social without spending money . . . my
students’ sociological imaginations. This was facil- friends and I hardly ever do something that
itated by the experiential nature of the exercise, doesn’t require spending money.

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Grauerholz and Bubriski-McKenzie 9

In the following journal entry, a student discusses 46

50 45
how she became more aware of pressures to con- 45
40
sume and how her own behavior was influenced:

Percentage
35
30
25
20
I learned that I consume just like everyone 15 8
10
else, and I realized how much everything 5 0 0.7
0
around you influences your decisions. While

l
ul

ul
fu

fu
ul
I wasn’t buying anything, it almost seemed

pf

pf
lp

pf

elp
el

el
he

el
yh

nh

nh
h
at

un
like there were more ads on TV, bigger bill-

tu

yu
el

h
m

or

ha

el
tre

ln

m
ew
m
boards with things I should buy, and

tre
Ex

fu
So

m
lp

Ex
So
he
everyone wanted to go shopping! These are

er
i th
Ne
definitely reasons for my overconsumption
everyday because these things influence
Figure 1. Percentage of students who found
how we act and think about things.
lesson helpful in learning about own and others’
consumption, combined classes B and C
In the following example, a student begins to
see how geographical and structural arrangements
shape individual behavior:

In the end the best reason for consumption is “extremely helpful” (44.6 percent) or “somewhat
the gross availability of ANYTHING. I helpful” (46.2 percent) (see Figure 1). It is impor-
could have taken the shuttle back home and tant to note that this question was asked of all stu-
made a salad, but the food court is conve- dents in class C, including those who did not
niently in the center of campus directly in complete the NBI project (we discuss differences
the path . . . to the shuttle. by groups Ce and Cc below) and referred to the
overall consumption lesson, not NBI specifically.
A final example shows how one student became
aware of the power of social influence to shape
behavior:
Evidence of Increased Knowledge and
Awareness of Hyperconsumerism
I learned that I am a player in this game and We also hoped the exercise would increase stu-
I am consumed by what I consume. . . . I dents’ knowledge and awareness of hyperconsum-
might not consume something because I erism and overconsumption in the United States.
want to but more so because I am trying to In this section, we discuss overall results from all
keep up. Trends are constantly evolving and classes. In the following section, we report more
I do not want to get left behind so I must detailed comparisons between students in class C
consume in order to stay relevant with my who engaged in the actual NBI exercise and those
peers. who did not.
First, to test whether students became more
Because reflective writing is so critical to knowledgeable about overconsumption after the
developing students’ critical thinking and socio- project, we compared pre- and posttest responses
logical imaginations (Hudd and Bronson 2007), (all class C) to the question, “To what extent do
we relied heavily on students’ papers and journals you agree or disagree that there are sufficient natu-
for evidence of sociological imagination. We also ral resources to support the typical American life-
employed a simple quantitative measure, asking style for the next 50 years or so?” A much larger
students in classes B and C to report how valuable percentage of students in the posttest reported that
they thought the consumption lesson was in help- there are “probably not” or “definitely not” enough
ing them learn about their own and others’ con- resources to sustain the American lifestyle, com-
sumption. The vast majority of students said it was pared to the pretest (82.7 percent and 56.3 percent,

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10 Teaching Sociology XX(X)

50 45
40 40
Percentage

30 35
Total Class
30

Percentage
20 Control Group
Pre-Test 25
10 20 Experimental Group
Post-Test
0 15
10
ee

ee
re
e

ee
5
re

Su
gr

gr

gr
Ag

isa
0
tA

isa
t
No
ly

ha

tD

D
ng

-3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3
ew

ly
ha
ro

ng
m

ew

Degree of difference between pre-

St

ro
So

St
and post-test
So

Figure 2. Percentage agreeing that there are Figure 3. Changes in students’ knowledge about
sufficient natural resources resource availability (–3 = decreased, 0 = no
change, 3 = increased)
Note: Mean differences between groups at posttest not
respectively) (see Figure 2). One of the largest shifts significant. Change for total between pre- and posttests
significant at .001 level. Change within control group
occurred in the definitely not category (21 percent at significant at .006 level; change within experimental
pretest chose this option vs. 44 percent at posttest). group not significant.
To compare the difference in scores from the pre-
and posttests, a paired-samples t test was used and
found significant at the p < .001 level. from the typical American?” Responses ranged
We also matched pre- and posttest responses by from (1) “I consume much less than the average
students on the question (“sufficient resources”) American” to (5) “I consume much more than the
for all students in class C who completed both pre- average American.” Recall that typical college
and posttests (n = 94) and calculated a “difference” students (including our students) are likely to con-
score to see how much shift occurred in a given sume far less than the average American (U.S.
student’s knowledge about resource availability. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2011), so we expected
Zero would indicate no change, whereas a negative their awareness of this fact to increase. If one com-
number would indicate decreased knowledge, and pares just the aggregate difference between pretest
a positive number, increased awareness. The theo- and posttest, there is little difference (average was
retical range was –4 to 4, but actual scores ranged 2.37 at pretest and 2.23 at posttest). However,
from –3 to 3. That is, a student’s answers might when matching individual scores from pre- to post-
shift three “values,” such as from “There are prob- test and comparing these, the difference was sig-
ably enough natural resources to support the typi- nificant (2.47 vs. 2.21, p < .001). Results from this
cal American lifestyle” to “There definitely are not analysis are presented in Figure 4. Closer examina-
enough natural resources . . .” (This hypothetical tion of individual scores reveals that 59 percent did
student would be assigned a different score of 3.) not change their answer, but 33 percent of students
We found that although 36 percent of students did changed in the direction of recognizing that they
not answer differently on pre- and posttests (in consume less than the typical American. Of course,
many cases, these were students who seemed in some respects, this finding is concerning. If
aware that resources were limited at pretest and students believe it is others who are the problem,
that did not change at posttest), only 12 percent (of they may be less likely to modify their own behav-
total class) provided answers that suggested ior. We did examine at the individual level whether
decreased knowledge (see Figure 3). Most stu- there was a correlation between consumption
dents’ knowledge about the amount of resources (measured by frequency of shopping for clothing
available to sustain American lifestyle increased. and amount spent per month on clothing) and ten-
This analysis was also conducted comparing the dency to believe that one consumes less than the
control and experimental groups and the results are typical American. In fact, there was a strong, posi-
presented in the following section. tive correlation (.387, p < .001). That is, those who
A measure of awareness was obtained by com- report the lowest levels of shopping and spending
paring pre- and posttest responses to the question, were more likely to say that they consumed less
“How do you think your consumption habits differ than the typical American, which suggest that their

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Grauerholz and Bubriski-McKenzie 11

70
The student who wrote the following became
60
50
aware of how media portrays overspending and
Percentage

Total Class
40
30
Control Group also made the connection to her own behavior:
20 Experimental Group
10
0
-3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3
I watched many movies while doing the
Degree of difference between pre- project. In these I saw so much spending.
and post-test
Every other scene was at a restaurant. The
Figure 4. Changes in students’ perceptions of pretty, skinny people went ice-skating, car-
their consumption habits relative to the typical riage riding, stayed in hotels, or went
American (–3 = more accurate, 0 = no change, shopping. If there wasn’t any shopping
3 = less accurate) going on, you saw more expensive things
Note: Mean differences between groups at posttest like what they were wearing, the cell phones
not significant. Change for total from pre- to posttest
they were using, the cabs they were taking,
significant at .001 level. Change within control group
significant at .04 level; change within experimental group or the cars they were driving. There was
significant at .01 level. constant purchasing but I didn’t see much
money going down. The payment wasn’t
important, which I found very, very interest-
shift in perceptions is grounded in actual (or per- ing. The activity is culturally desirable, and
ceived) consumption habits. the money is not significant. I saw this
Students in class C were also asked, “Do you reflected in my own activities.
think Americans consume more (clothing, oil,
food, etc.) than people in other parts of the world?” Another student began to analyze advertising
At both pre- and posttests, the vast majority of more critically:
students (97 percent at both times) were aware that
Americans overconsumed. Students mentioned Posters in Starbucks exclaiming, “Enjoy
such factors as availability of consumer goods, your day, have a cappuccino” or “Make
norms, and media as reasons Americans consume your day better with a hot cup of soup” are
more. Thus, this quantitative measure of awareness almost saying “If you buy these products
was not particularly discerning. However, the from us, your quality of life will be vastly
qualitative analysis of students’ writings revealed a improved. All you have to do is buy
deeper understanding about overconsumption after things.” All a latte is is steamed milk and
students completed the module on consumption: some espresso. How is that supposed to
actually make my day so much better as
This exercise taught me that I am an over claimed? It shouldn’t.
consumer . . . as I was engaged in this proj-
ect I observed other people around me and Thus, in terms of cognitive knowledge gained,
noticed that most of Americans are over there appeared to be change in students under-
consumers and I think that while we are in standing of Americans’ hyperconsumerism. Stu-
“shopping mode” we do not realize how dents did seem more aware that there are not
much we are consuming and wasting in the enough natural resources to sustain American’s
process. voracious appetite for “stuff.” They also seemed to
understand that their current consumption habits
Another student noted, are probably more limited than those of most
Americans.
I always thought buying lunch from Subway,
Qdoba, or Asian Chow was not consumer-
ism, but merely a necessity . . . this exercise
Evidence That the NBI Exercise Was
has taught me that overconsumption is not Effective
based on how much money is spent, but We wanted to know whether the NBI exercise was
rather how the money is spent. effective, apart from other information (readings,

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12 Teaching Sociology XX(X)

film, discussion) students were provided, in raising the NBI project (Ce) and those who opted for the
awareness about overconsumption and enhancing alternative assignment (Cc). The results were
their sociological imaginations. As seen in many of mixed. The students who completed the consump-
the quotations above, students made specific refer- tion project were more likely to say that the section
ence to the exercise as helping them to develop on consumption was extremely valuable in helping
awareness and motivation. This was seen through- them learn about their own and others’ consump-
out students’ writings, for instance, tion habits (49 percent vs. 39 percent), but average
differences across groups were not statistically
That day, and the following three thereafter, significant. We also compared students in class C
were eye openers for me. It seemed I had who had engaged in the experiment to those who
become used to casting a blind eye onto the had not on a knowledge-based question (“enough
wasteful consumption happening all around resources to support American lifestyle”). At the
me, and by me every day of my life. Aware- posttest, the control group’s average score was
ness of such unnecessary use of our precious 4.22 versus 3.76 for the experimental group, but
resources was buried in my subconscious, these mean scores are not significantly different
quelled, but with the application of our con- from one another. Concerning knowledge about
sumption reduced lifestyle for four days, a resources, individual shifts (as determined by the
serious reality check set in, with painful difference scores shown in Figure 3) indicated less
acuity. change among those conducting the NBI project
compared to those who did not (.83 vs. .36, respec-
Consider this next student, who reports forget- tively), but this difference was also not significant.
ting about the assignment at first, then realizing it Within the control group, there was significantly
and changing her actions. It is unlikely that she more improvement on this one measure, perhaps
would have done this had the lesson merely because scores started at a lower level and had
involved sharing of information: more “room” to grow, but no significant difference
was found within the experimental group between
I was sitting in the Starbucks drive-tru [sic] pre- and posttest. Specifically, the difference for
as I was sitting there thinking “Im [sic] run- the control group alone was significant (p = .006)
ning a little behind, I should just go” then it but not for the experimental group alone. These
came to me, “I’m not supposed to be here.” findings may suggest that the NBI project may
So I pulled out of line . . . Once at school I have little to no effect on specific knowledge about
found myself looking into the soda mechine sufficiency of resources to support Americans’
[sic] trying to decide on which beverage lifestyles. It is noteworthy that more students in the
when I began thinking, “I dont [sic] NEED experimental group showed decreased knowledge
that” you know I didnt [sic] even feel like I about resources, and this may have affected overall
wanted it. Then why was I going to BUY it. magnitude of change in this measure. This finding
Why do we pay for/buy things that we really is perplexing but we suspect that some of these
dont [sic] even want? What possesses some- students were responding to the question at post-
one to do that? That was my major thought test from a larger perspective. That is, they may
for the first day!!! have interpreted it to mean that if resources were
conserved and if Americans reduced their seem-
In class A, we asked students at the end of the ingly insatiable need to consume—which were
semester to report any one thing that they will major points of classroom discussion—then our
remember from the class or one thing they learned. lifestyle could be sustained. Unfortunately, we do
Five of the 12 students mentioned the consumption not have data to test this hypothesis, but it is worth
project. As one student noted, “It really made a considering
difference in my life, I have come to realize how When both groups of students were asked about
much I really do consume and waste.” how their consumption habits compared to the typi-
We systematically compared responses to post- cal American, and these answers were compared
test questions from students who had completed over time, both groups’ (Ce and Cc) scores declined

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Grauerholz and Bubriski-McKenzie 13

Table 2. Self-reported Learning: Most Valuable Aspect of Lesson (Rank Ordered)

Most effective Class B Class C
1st Not Buying It Movies
2nd Movies/lecture/in-class discussion Lecture
(three-way tie)
3rd Journals Not Buying It
4th Paper Paper
5th In-class discussion/journals
(two-way tie)

significantly, suggesting greater awareness that they American, however. Furthermore, almost half of
consumed less than the typical American (refer to the students from class A reported that the NBI
Figure 4). The change was greater for those com- exercise was the most memorable aspect of the
pleting the NBI project than for others. For the NBI class, and students in class B and the experimental
group, the average scores showed greater decline group in class C ranked the exercise itself rela-
(from 2.48 to 2.19, p = .01) compared to 2.42 to 2.25 tively high compared to other aspects of the lesson
(p = .04) for those not doing the project. These dif- on consumption. Apart from the NBI exercise,
ferences were significant only within group; there these data suggest that even minimum (e.g., one
was no significant difference between the average week in this case) attention to consumption can
scores of the NBI group and those who did not com- raise students’ awareness about consumerism.
plete the project on either the pre- or posttest. Unfor-
tunately, we do not know whether students’ reference
points were pre-, peri- or post-NBI. If very near the
Class Variations and
time students were doing the project, one would Limitations
expect them to report reduced consumption. We used the NBI project in three classes of varying
Students in classes B and C were also asked to size from small to very large and at honors and
report which aspects of the lesson were most effec- nonhonors levels. We adjusted the assignment to
tive in helping to understand consumption. As seen adapt to different course structure and size. For
in Table 2, students in class B rated the NBI exer- instance, in the small honors class, students read
cise most helpful; students in group Ce did not all of Levine’s (2006) book, engaged in the project
rank it at the top, but about half (49 percent) con- for seven days, and wrote a lengthier paper. In the
sidered it one of the “most helpful” components. medium-sized class, students read two chapters,
In summary, the qualitative and quantitative refrained from consuming for four days, and wrote
analyses suggest that all students gained insight a paper of approximately 500 words. In the large
into how their personal consumption habits are class, students read two chapters, refrained from
shaped by larger social forces. The NBI exercise, buying for three days, and were instructed to write
in particular, seemed to be important in shifting a paper approximately 300 words in length. We
attitudes and in helping students accurately gauge believe that students who engaged in the project
their own compared to others’ consumption. How- for longer derived greater benefits, but we were
ever, the NBI exercise had mixed effects in terms also surprised by how engaged the students in the
of cognitive knowledge gained. The control group large class were. As one indicator, the average
showed more growth in terms of understanding word length of papers and journals was 800.
that there are insufficient resources available to Although a few students provided the minimum
support Americans’ lifestyles. This may be because (300 words) or less (one student wrote just 131
the control group started at a slightly lower level at words), most went into considerable detail about
pretest than the experimental group. The NBI exer- their experience (one student wrote a nearly 2,000-
cise did help students see more accurately how word paper). Another student decided to continue
their own consumption compared to the typical with the exercise beyond the three days.

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14 Teaching Sociology XX(X)

Some evidence suggests, however, that the into courses on globalization, stratification, the
large class found less value in the NBI project than body, identity, development, intersectionalities, the
previous classes did (on the basis of self-reported economy, environmental sociology, popular cul-
measure of the lesson’s value and our own obser- ture, and so on. For instance, we adapted this
vations of classroom dynamics). Perhaps this was project for a Sociology of Gender course taught by
because of the reduced length of time they were the second author. Students completed the NBI
required to engage in the project and the small project (for 10 days) and were asked also to con-
amount of credit received (2.5 percent of final sider how consumption is “gendered.” The exer-
grade), but more likely, it was attributable to not cise made topics that otherwise are abstract or
having the entire class engaged in the project and removed (identity, exploitation of women in
the fact that the large class afforded less opportu- underdeveloped countries) concrete and visible.
nity to discuss the project in class and share experi- Courses dealing with issues of stratification
ences. In fact, the project was structured very could modify the assignment by asking students to
similarly for students in classes B and C, but the consider more specifically how consumption (e.g.,
classroom engagement in class B seemed much where and what they eat, where they shop) con-
higher than that for class C. Ideally, we think the veys their social class standing and status. Seeing
greatest benefits would derive from having stu- consumption as gendered, raced, and classed can
dents conduct the NBI project for a minimum of also help students think about identity, impression
four days and have it be required and expected of management, and self (“I” and “me”) in interesting
all students. Small-group discussions in which ways by helping students understand how impor-
students discuss the experience and struggles, as tant hyperconsumerism is to performance and how
they did in our smaller classes (classes A and B), socialization also involves how to become a con-
seem to build community and support for the chal- sumer (Ward 1974). Instructors teaching about
lenges they face during the social experiment. globalization or the economy could ask students to
Although it is possible to engage large classes in analyze where products they do consume during
active learning (McKinney and Graham-Buxton the experiment are produced to explore issues of
1993), in the context of this project, it would global inequalities, worker exploitation, and so on
require significant coordination, since students are as well as to explore definitions of essential held
allowed to complete the project at different times by Americans versus citizens in most other parts of
(across a three-week period). Students would need the world. We found that the students who refrained
to be grouped according to which stage they are at from buying products became particularly sensi-
in the project, or we would need to condense the tive to media messages surrounding consumption,
time frame within which students must complete including advertisements and product placement,
the assignment, so that all students can share simi- so courses dealing with media or popular culture
lar experiences. Indeed, in the future, we will nar- could use this assignment to help students see
row the window to about 10 days to encourage more clearly the ways in which consumption is
more sharing and camaraderie among students. encouraged through media. Alternatively, the NBI
assignment could be media specific, that is, stu-
dents could refrain from consuming media for a set
Application to Other period. In short, we believe that the NBI compo-
Courses nent illuminates these and other sociological issues
Teaching about consumption in sociology courses because it makes students so keenly aware of their
offers instructors a primary means by which stu- own consumption that other types of understand-
dents can acquire a sociological imagination, rein- ings and connections are stimulated.
forces key sociological principles, and links to
broader goals within the discipline (McKinney
et al. 2004; Wagenaar 1991). Depending on an
Conclusion
instructor’s approach and coverage, hyperconsum- Our findings suggest that the experiential aspect of
erism can be easily linked to topics or integrated the NBI project—in which students refrain from

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Grauerholz and Bubriski-McKenzie 15

buying anything except necessities—helps stu- Magnolia Pictures, 49 West 27th Street, 7th Floor,
dents see their own consumption in a new light. In New York, NY 10001.
Shop ’til You Drop: The Crisis of Consumerism. 52 min-
particular, qualitative analysis and students’ self- utes. 2010. Gene Brockoff, producer. Media Educa-
reports suggest that the exercise was generally tion Foundation, 60 Masonic Street, Northampton,
effective in enhancing their sociological imagina- MA 01060. http://www.mediaed.org.
tions. It seemed to “make real” to students how The Story of Stuff. 20 minutes. 2007. Christopher Herrera
their own consumption habits are shaped by larger & Tides Foundation, producers. The Story of Stuff
Project, 1442 A Walnut Street, No. 272, Berkeley, CA
social forces and how Americans, including them- 94709. http://www.storyofstuff.com.
selves, tend toward overconsumption. To a lesser Tapped: Documentary on Bottled Water. 76 minutes.
extent, it may enhance cognitive knowledge, at 2009. Stephanie Soechtio, producer. Atlas Films,
least as measured here, although such knowledge 3120 A Colorado Ave., Santa Monica, CA 90404.
did not seem dependent on doing the NBI project. http://www.atlasfilms.com.
Thus, the experiential exercise may be more effec-
tive at increasing awareness of consumption, and
Academic Resources
Cohen, Lizabeth. 2003. A Consumer’s Republic: The Pol-
the sociological imagination generally, rather than
itics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America. New
cognitive knowledge. Other aspects of the lesson York: Vintage Books.
(e.g., lecture, documentaries) may be more effec- Corrigan, Peter. 1997. The Sociology of Consumption.
tive in helping students gain cognitive understand- Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
ing of consumption. Indeed, the NBI project would Featherstone, Mike. 1991. Consumer Culture and Post-
modernism. London: Sage.
always be included as part of a larger lesson about
Journal of Consumer Culture.
consumption. Journal of Consumer Research.
There is no question that students, indeed, all Ritzer, George. 2001. Explorations in the Sociology of
citizens, are in dire need of awareness and commit- Consumption: Fast Food, Credit Cards and Casinos.
ment to environmental reform. We believe the Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Sandlin, Jennifer, Richard Kahn, David Darts, and Kevin
classroom is one of the most important sites where
Tavin. 2009. “To Find the Cost of Freedom: Theorizing
such change can occur. The NBI project is a start, and Practicing a Critical Pedagogy of Consumption.”
and it does not require significant resources—a Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies 7(2):
distinct advantage to other projects designed to 99-125.
enhance awareness about consumption. Planting Schor, Juliet. 1998. The Overspent American: Upscaling,
Downshifting and the New Consumer. New York:
the seed of conservation before students have the
Basic Books.
means to become major consumers can nurture Zukin, Sharon. 2005. Point of Purchase: How Shopping
greater understanding of the consequences of such Changed American Culture. New York: Routledge.
future actions and the necessity of change at both
individual and social levels. Nonacademic Resources
Beavan, Colin. 2009. No-Impact Man. New York: Farrar,
Straus and Giroux.
Appendix Levine, Judith. 2006. Not Buying It. New York: Simon
Resources for Teaching about Sociology & Schuster.
of Consumption Pearce, Fred. 2008. Confessions of an Eco-Sinner. Bos-
ton: Beacon.
http://sixitemsorless.com.
Documentaries http://www.myfootprint.org/ (Redefining Progress).
Blood, Sweat, & T-Shirts. 60 minutes. 2008. BBC, pro-
ducer. P.O. Box 1922, Darlington, UK DL3 0UR.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00b439q. Notes
Consuming Kids: The Commercialization of Childhood.
67 minutes. 2008. Adriana Barbaro, producer. Media Reviewers for this manuscript were, in alphabetical
Education Foundation, 60 Masonic Street, Northamp- order, Tracy L. Dietz and Monica A. Snowden.
ton, MA 01060. http://www.mediaed.org.
Maxed-Out: Hard Times, Easy Credit and the Era of 1. These questions were developed by the authors
Predatory Lenders. 90 minutes. 2006. James D. Scur- to measure awareness and were pretested in
lock, Alexis Spraic, and Lee Thompson, producers. class A. It should be noted that existing

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16 Teaching Sociology XX(X)

measures, such as the Ecological Footprint Levine, Judith. 2006. Not Buying It. New York: Simon
Quiz (Refining Progress 2010), which Obach & Schuster.
(2009) also used, are excellent indicators of Lieberson, Stanley and Freda B. Lynn. 2003. “Popularity
knowledge about the “ecological footprint,” but as a Taste: An Application to the Naming Process.”
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Grauerholz and Bubriski-McKenzie 17

Bios
Liz Grauerholz is a professor of sociology at the Univer- Anne Bubriski-McKenzie is a doctoral student in the
sity of Central Florida in Orlando. Her current research Department of Sociology at the University of Central
focuses upon how institutional factors shape teaching Florida in Orlando. Her teaching and research interests
experiences and how the consumption exercise described are in the area of social inequality at the intersections of
in this article affect students’ behaviors. gender, race, and class.

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