Musical Genres, School Music' and Advanced Musical Learning in Higher Education and Beyond
Musical Genres, School Music' and Advanced Musical Learning in Higher Education and Beyond
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ABSTRACT
The paper explores the relationship between research data from two different studies, one completed, one
ongoing. Key findings from a recent Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) two-year study (2002-2003)
of new secondary school music teachers (ex-music graduates) and final year undergraduate musicians
(Hargreaves, Welch, et al 2003) suggest that the experience of teaching in school prioritises different musical
skills to those required for musical performance. Data from a new, major two-year (2006-2008) ESRC-funded
investigation of learning and teaching in undergraduate, postgraduate and portfolio career contexts –
‘Investigating Musical Performance: Comparative Studies in Advanced Musical Learning’ (Welch et al, 2006) –
indicate that classical and other-than-classical musicians have overlapping, yet also divergent musical identities,
and draw on different biographical experiences in the ways that they develop advanced performance skills. When
these studies are considered together, an important implication is that those musicians who are expert in jazz,
rock and traditional musics – whose musical genres place emphasis on an aural tradition that is often
characterised by improvisation and a limited use of musical notation – have musical identities that are more
closely aligned with those of adolescents in secondary schools.
Keywords
Musical genre, learning, schools, higher education
Published as:
Welch, G.F., Purves, R., Papageorgi, I., Creech, A., Himonides, E., Duffy, C., Morton, F., Potter, J., Haddon, E.,
Whyton, A., & de Bezenac, C. (2008). Musical genres, ‘school music’ and advanced musical learning in
nd
higher education and beyond. In S. Malbrán & G. Mota (eds). Proceedings of the 22 International Seminar
on Research in Music Education, (pp105-114). 13-18 July, Porto, Portugal.
ISME 2008 – 28th International Society for Music Education World Conference - Proceedings
Introduction
Musical behaviours do not occur in a vacuum. They are the product of a complex interaction between biological,
developmental, and environmental factors over time. Furthermore, the nature of this interaction is not uniform
across the species because of relative differences and biases in the ways that our basic neuropsychobiological
design and maturational processes are interfaced and shaped by experience and socio-cultural imperatives
(Altenmüller, 2004; McPherson, 2006; Welch, 2006a; Welch & Ockelford, 2009). One outcome of this interaction
is that particular musical behaviours may be more or less developed. Consequently, we are likely to exhibit a
musical profile that is both relatively unique and peculiar to us as individuals, whilst having some commonality
with others of a similar socio-cultural background, age and experience (Welch, 2000).
Generative musical skill development (e.g. Sloboda, 1988) – such as the ability to detect and repeat rhythmic and
pitch patterns in sound, to create and make sense of symbols as musical notation, to sing and to perceive tonality
– is fostered and shaped by enculturation, particularly within the family, as well as subsequently in school, by
peers and the wider community. A ‘Russian Dolls’ view of this developmental framework in music (Welch, 2006a)
suggests that musical behavior is a product of each learner’s basic neuropsychobiological design (related to the
hard-wired integration of nervous, psychological, and biological systems and processes), generative skill
development and enculturation that involves socio-cultural environments relating to membership of social groups
(such as family, peers, gender, social class, age, ethnicity, musical genre) and the effects of education (on a
continuum ranging from formal to informal), each within a wider [musical] community that offers encounters with a
diversity of musical forms.
This conceptual perspective has correspondences with social ecology theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) in that
individual development is conceived as being nested within layered contexts from the immediate (‘microsystem’),
through the local (‘mesosystem’) with its informal and formal extensions in the surrounding community
(‘exosystem’), to the wider culture with its macro-institutions and public policies (‘macrosystem’) (Lerner, 2006).
Applied to music, the contextual layers that frame musical development embrace a process in which musical
behaviours (whether as consumer or producer) are mediated by, and inform, social activity, such as in the home
(Trevarthen, 2002; McPherson & Davidson, 2002), nursery school (Young, 2005), secondary school (Spence,
2006) and in the wider urban environment (Krims, 2007).
A key concept in this view of culturally based learning as ‘activity’ is ‘…the engagement of a subject toward a
certain goal or objective’ (Ryder, 2005). One widely cited model of activity within a system has been provided by
Engeström (1999; 2001). In his interrelated system of elements as applied to education, the ‘subject’ (the learner)
is supported in reaching the ‘object’ (the intended learning outcome) through interaction with various ‘mediating
artefacts’ (such as language and other symbol systems) (a conceptualization strongly associated with the work of
the Russian psychologist, Vygotsky). The learning process is seen as being embedded in a social context that
provides support for the activity by being located within a ‘community’ that has ‘rules’ (expectations for behaviour),
intended outcomes and also the likelihood of a ‘division of labour’ (diversity of effort). Similarly, recent research
ISME 2008 – 28th International Society for Music Education World Conference - Proceedings
into learning in higher education across different subject disciplines indicates that there are particular ‘ways of
thinking and practising’ (WTP) that relate to a given subject area in a specific context (McCune & Hounsell, 2005;
Entwistle, 2007).
Recent research into the apparent paradox between young people’s musical engagement inside and outside
school suggests that the underlying reasons relate to divergences in musical identities. Music in school is
reported to be perceived as ‘for learning’, ‘teacher directed’ and ‘serious’, whereas music outside school is ‘for
enjoyment’, ‘self-selected’ and ‘popular’ (Hargreaves & Marshall, 2003). Similarly, a new UK study of adolescent
musical engagement in three secondary schools in Suffolk found that only a small proportion of the 13-year-old
pupils that were interviewed enjoyed school music (Saunders, 2008). This particular group of pupils were likely to
have formal instrumental performance skills (primarily acquired outside school through private tuition) that were
useful in their successful engagement with the school music curriculum. However, the majority of their peers had
alternative, less positive perspectives. Some regarded themselves as deskilled by the requirements of the
experienced music curriculum, whilst others did not identify with school music, even though they were relatively
accomplished musicians, because they saw ‘school music’ as irrelevant and a possible threat to their ‘musician’
status amongst their peers.
Nevertheless, some secondary schools have been able to counter this trend, even in contexts where ‘success’ in
school examinations may not be the norm. For example, a recent analysis of data from secondary schools in one
part of inner London with a high Black Afro-Caribbean (BAC) population found that up to 62% of such pupils were
opting to study music (with an average across schools of 24%). This was much higher than the non-BAC groups
in the same schools (average 8%) (Spence, 2006). Furthermore, these pupils went on to achieve higher grades in
their 16+ examinations for music than in their other subjects, such as English, mathematics and science. A
recurrent theme from interviews with these young people was that lesson content had greater enjoyment when it
drew on music that they knew, liked and/or could play. They also reported greater ‘liking’ of teachers who showed
respect for them and their music.
1
For example, of the 648,000 (100%) young people that took music as a compulsory secondary school subject in
England at age 13+ in 1997, only 45,375 (7% of the original) opted to take GCSE music in 1999 at age 16. Of
these, 7,236 (1%) passed Advanced Level music at age 18, with 1,112 (0.2% equivalent of the original cohort)
subsequently completing a music degree in 2004.
ISME 2008 – 28th International Society for Music Education World Conference - Proceedings
These findings are echoed by previously unpublished comments from one of the case study participants in a
recent ESRC funded project2. He was six months into his first full-time teaching post, having had a non-
conventional career background (‘self-trained musician as a guitarist’ and ‘pub’ and ‘club’ performer).
RP …is there a sense that you can just talk about music with kids?
MW It’s difficult. Because I’m still establishing myself in the school, so I still try and maintain this
guard as [sic] a teacher/pupil relationship. I don’t offer myself into much open discussion with Years, 7, 8
and 9…And, if you’re gullible enough to fall for it, that’s it, you’re gone…I had a kid sing [name of group]
and I just made a small acknowledgment to him, and the kid went, ‘Ooh, ooh, bing’.
MW Yeah. ‘Sir knew something about what I listen to’, you know! Especially the kids with the
[indistinct] and things like that. They don’t actually think that I might actually be able to do some of those
things. Especially, when the kids [are on] the guitar to tune up. The other day someone brought in a
guitar and he was learning – he surprised me – he was learning ‘Stairway to Heaven’.
RP Oh really!
MW And, it was like a massive flashback. I was like, huh, you’re 13 and you’re learning this, you
know. Jimmy Page is nearly in the grave, what are you doing? No offence to Jimmy, but, you know. But,
this is the scourge of all music shops and this kid’s here playing it and I’m thinking, well you know, I’ll just
have a quick go to see if I can remember it. And, he was - jaw dropped. Because, the kids love that. The
kids like to know you can do something they can’t, and the kids like to see that. And, there’s not a
problem with showing your skills. Obviously, if I can play some [indistinct] chords and learn a bass line on
the piano, they think that’s fabulous, you know. I know myself it’s not and obviously; somebody else who
has got more experience would think, well you know, well he knows what he’s doing. But, it’s enough to
keep the kids entertained and there is that pressure on that sort of thing, expectation for you to entertain,
as well as teach and make it fun.
The prime focus for the TIME research was an exploration of how secondary school music teacher identity
develops from post-graduate initial teacher education into the first teaching post in school and to compare this
with similar identity data from final year undergraduate music students in university and conservatoire settings.
The multi-methods approach embraced extensive questionnaire data (initial, then follow-up six months later) and
case studies. The vast majority of participants, whether undergraduate musicians (n=54) or postgraduate
intending music teachers (n=74, representing 1:5 of the total new cohort of secondary school music teachers in
2002-2003) had similar ‘Western classical music’ backgrounds and qualifications. Nevertheless, the two groups
had somewhat different views when asked about ‘important skills for musicians and teachers’ (see Figure 1).
2
Effective teaching in secondary school music: teacher and pupil identities’, also known as the TIME project –
teacher identities in music education (Hargreaves, Welch et al, 2003).
ISME 2008 – 28th International Society for Music Education World Conference - Proceedings
Although both group valued many of these ‘important skills’, the abilities to improvise and compose were relatively
highly valued by the new music teachers, whereas knowledge of a (Western) classical repertoire was not.
Undergraduate musicians tended to have opposing views and (perhaps unsurprisingly) gave primacy to
instrumental technique and public performance.
Number of Participants
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
new))
possess the ability to compose teacher)
(6)months)
later))
possess a good singing voice
student)
musician))
possess the ability to play well in any style
Initial Teacher Education (MCQ1) Newly Qualified Teacher (MCQ2) Undergraduate 1 (MCQ1) Undergraduate 2 (MCQ2)
Figure 1: ‘Important skills for musicians and teachers’ – TIME project (Hargreaves, Welch et al, 2003)
questionnaire data from 74 new music teachers in their last term of initial teacher education (ITE) and
then six months later (NQT), compared to 54 undergraduate musicians and also after six months.
Music education in higher education for intending performers: the IMP project
The Investigating Musical Performance (IMP): Comparative Studies in Advanced Musical Learning research
project (2006-2008, Welch et al 2006) was devised to investigate how aspiring and established professional
musicians deepen and develop their learning about performance in undergraduate, postgraduate and wider music
community contexts. Funded by the UK Government as part of the Economic and Social Research Council’s
Teaching and Learning Research Programme (TLRP), the IMP project grew out of the TLRP Learning to Perform
project (e.g. Mills & Burt, 2006). IMP seeks to provide complimentary insights into aspects of higher (and post-
higher) education teaching and learning in music across musical genres.
ISME 2008 – 28th International Society for Music Education World Conference - Proceedings
The IMP project is a two-year multi-site study (London, Glasgow, York and Leeds) that embraces four different
musical genres (Western classical, popular, jazz and Scottish traditional), as well as learners and their teachers at
undergraduate and postgraduate levels in higher education - including those who might be considered to be
‘senior learners’ (cf Bruner), in the sense that they have opportunities to both teach and be taught. Two or more
genres are represented at each research site.
Within the multi-methods approach, two hundred and forty-four (n = 244) undergraduate and professional
musicians were surveyed, using a specially devised questionnaire, linked electronically to a 624-field database.
The participants represented four musical genres within the Western tradition that embraced jazz (n = 45),
Scottish traditional (n = 16), popular (n = 66) and classical music (n = 117). In addition to demographic
information, the participants provided self-reports about their earliest engagement with music, their first
instrumental or vocal training, their secondary education and significant musical experiences and influences.
Amongst other items, the participants were questioned about their attitudes towards the relevance of a range of
musical skills and activities and how they spent their time.
Both classical and other-than-classical musicians (popular, jazz and Scottish traditional) reported that they
attached high importance to an overall standard of performance, collaboration with other performers, managing
stress and persevering. However, whilst classical musicians ranked the ability to improvise as the least important
musical skill, the other-than-classical musicians assigned the least importance to the ability to sight-read, but
rated improvisation and memorisation highly (Creech et al, 2008).
Biographical information revealed that classical musicians began formal learning on their first instrument at an
earlier age (classical: M = 8.8 years; other-than-classical: M = 12 years) and were influenced musically by
parents, instrumental or vocal teachers and formal groups. Conversely, non-classical musicians tended to be
slightly older in their formative musical encounters (classical: M = 6.6 years; other-than-classical: M = 8.4 years)
and reported that typically they were most influenced by well-known performers and membership of informal
groups (Creech et al, op.cit.).
When asked how they spent their music-focused time in a normal working week, the classical musicians were
significantly less likely than their other-than-classical peers to have solo performances, take lessons, play for fun
(either with others or alone), network, acquire general musical knowledge, employ mental rehearsal, engage in
professional conversations, or to listen to their own genre music (see Figure 2). Conversely, the classical
musicians spent more time giving lessons (in part, possibly related to differences in the mean ages of the two
groups, i.e. classical: M = 28 years, other-than-classical: M = 23 years). Nevertheless, all musicians irrespective
of genre spent approximately similar amounts of time in preparation, group performance, practising alone and
with others, and listening to music outside their performance genre.
ISME 2008 – 28th International Society for Music Education World Conference - Proceedings
Figure 2: ‘Musical activities in a typical week’– IMP project (Welch et al, 2006) questionnaire data from
244 participants (classical musicians, n=117; other-than-classical, n=127), showing significant differences
between the two genre groups.
Conclusion
These various research studies suggest that adolescent pupils’ definitions of ‘success’ in school music relate to
their experiences of Western classical music. This genre is also strongly evidenced in the biographies of intending
music teachers. Furthermore, classical and other-than-classical musicians exhibit distinct genre-related biases in
their developmental biographies. Each genre grouping also reveals biases towards particular musical skills and in
the ways that they engage in different weekly musical activities. Whilst there is some overlap, in essence, each
musical genre has relatively distinctive ‘ways of thinking and practising’ (cf McCune & Hounsell, 2005) and in the
characteristics of its underlying ‘activity’ (cf Engeström, 2001). However, the evidence that learning processes are
embedded in social contexts also implies that changes in context may generate associated changes in learning.
This is evidenced from the teacher education research (Hargreaves, Welch et al, 2003), where the actual practice
of learning to teach music to adolescents generates ‘workplace learning’ (Eraut, 2004) that affords opportunities
ISME 2008 – 28th International Society for Music Education World Conference - Proceedings
for other-than-classical musical emphases to emerge, such as in recognition of the value of improvisation, of
using memory and of peer supported learning (cf Green, 2008).
Consequently, it may be argued that all music curricula from school onwards should explore, critique and build
systematically on the distinctive features of diverse genres in order to improve and extend everyone’s (children’s,
teachers’, performers’) music skills and understanding.
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i
This research-based article draws on (i) the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) Teaching and
Learning Research Programme (TLRP) funded project ‘Investigating Musical Performance (IMP): Comparative
Studies in Advanced Musical Learning, grant reference RES-139-25-0258 (Welch et al, 2006-2008) and (ii) the
ESRC funded project ‘Effective teaching in secondary school music: teacher and pupil identities’, grant reference
R00022375 (Hargreaves & Welch, 2002-2003).