Lunheng 1

UNIVERSITY OF
AT LOS ANGELES
I 之口 m. 严
LUN-HENG.
PART 1.
PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS OF WANG CHEUNG.
TRANSLATED FROM THE CHINESE AND ANNOTATED
BY
ALFRED FORJvE,
PROFESSOR OF CHINESE AT THE SEMINAR FCR ORIENTALISCHE SPRACHEX, BERLIN.
FIRST PRINTED FDR THE MlTTEILUMiKX DES SEMINARS

FCR ORIENTALISCHE SPRACHEN.
1907.
LEIPZIG 、 LONDON SHANGHAI
)TTO HARRASSOX^TZ. LUZAC & CO. KELLY Sz WALSH LIMITED.
LUN-HENG.
PART 1.
PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS OF WANG CITUN&
TRANSLATED FROM THE CHINESE AND ANNOTATED
BY
ALFRED FORKE,
PROFESSOR OF CHINESE AT THE SEMINAR FUU OKIENTALISCIIP: SPU.VCHKX. I5KKIJN.

LEIPZIG
TTO HARRASSOWITZ.
1907.
LONDON
LUZAC & CO.
SHANGHAI
KELLY & WALSH LIMI'I KI).
PKINTKD H\ TUK 131PKUIAL GERMAN PRINTING OFFICE, BEULIN.
i f if \
VI
' y •"、
V' I
CONTENTS.
Page
Preface 1
Introduction : 一
1. The Life of Wang Ch'ung 7
2. The Works of" Wang Cluing 8
3. Wang Ch'uiig's Philosophy 13
4. Table of Contents of the Luii-heng 4;j
A . Biographical,
^ 1. Autobiography (Tse-chi). Bk. XXX, Chap. I 64
2. Replies in Self-Defence (Tui-tso). Bk. XXIX, Chap. II (S3

B. Metaphysical.
3. Spontaneity (Tse-jaii). Bk. XVIII, Chap. I 02
4. The Nature of Things (Wu-shih). Bk. Ill, Chap.V 103
5. Phenomenal Changes (Pien-t'ung). Bk. XV, Chap. I 109
6. On Reprimands (Ch'ien-kao). Bk. XIV, Chap. Ill 119
7. Heaven's Original Gift (Chu-piiig). Bk. Ill, Chap. Ill IHO
8. What is meant by Destiny? (Ming-yi). Bk. II, Chap. II 136
9. On Destiny and Fortune (INIing-ln). Bk. I, Chap. Ill 144
10. On Chance and Luck (Hsiiig-ou). Bk. II, Chap. I 151
11. Wrong Notions about Happiness (Fu-lisu). Bk. VI, Chap. I 156
12. Wrong Notions on Unhappiness (Huo-hsii). Bk. VI, Clia]). II 164
13. Auspicious Portents (Clii-yen). Bk. II, Chap.V 173
14. On Divination (Pu-sliih). Bk. XXIV, Chap. II 182
15. Oil Death (Liin-sse). Bk. XX, Chap. lU 191
16. False Reports about the Dead (Sse-wei). Bk. XXI, Chap. I 202
,J7. Spook Stories (Chi-yao). Bk. XXII, Chap. I 220
(18. All about Ghosts (Ting-kuei). Bk. XXU, Cliap. II 239
C. Physical.
19. On Heaven (T an-tMen). Bk. XI, Chap. I 250
20. On the Sun (Shuo-jih). Bk. XI, Chap. II 258
21. On Heat and Cold " (Han-wen). Bk. XIV, Chap. II 278
22. On Thunder and Lightning (Lei-hsii). Bk. VI, Chap. IV 285
23. On Poison (Yen-tu). Bk. XXIII, Chap. I 298
24. On Anthroposcopy (Ku-hsiang). Bk. EI, Chap. II 304
25. Long Life and Vital Fluid (Chi-shoii). Bk. I, Chap. IV 313
IV
26. Miracles (Chi-kuai). Bk. UI, Cliap.VI
27. Unfounded Assertions (Wu-hsing). Bk. II, Chaj). Ill

2S, Taoist Untruths (Tao-hsu). Bk.VII, Chap. I
29. On Dragons (Lung-hsu). Bk. VI, Chap. Ill
30. Arguments on Ominous Creatures (Chiaiig-jui). Bk. XVI， Chap. IV
D， Ethical.
31. The Forming of Characters (Shuai-hsing). Bk. 11, Oliap. IV . .
32. On Original Nature (Pen-hsing). Bk. III， Chap. IV
E. Criiiqne (plvlo-ôpliica!, literary and historical).
33. Criticisms on Confucius (Won K'ung). Bk. IX, Chap. I
34. Censures on Mencius (Ts'e Meng). Bk. X, Chap. II
35. Strirtures on Han Fei Tse (Fei Han). Bk. X, Chap, I
3(5. Statements Corrected (Chong-shuo). Bk. XXVIII, Chap. I . . . .
37. Critical Remarks on Various Books (Aii-slm). Bk. XXIX, Cli;i!>. I .
38. The Equality of the Ages (CiM-sliih). Bk. XVIII, Chap. Ill . . .
3!\ Exaggerations (Yii-tseng). Bk.VII, Chap. II
40. Exaggerations of tlie Literati (Ju-tscnji;). Bk.YIII, Chap. I . . .
Y. Folklore and religion,
41. Saci-ilices to the Departed (Sse-yi). Bk. XXV, Chap. Ill . . . .
42. Sacrifices (Chi-yi). Bk. XXV, Chap. IV
43. Criticisms on Noxious Influences (Pien-sui). Bk. XXIV, Chap. Ill .
44. On Exorcism (Chieh-ch u). Bk. XXV, Chap. II
Index of Subjects
Index of Proper Nniiios
Chinese Works Quoted
Errata and Addenda
^8521 9 4 4
^12 3 5 5 7 8
r 3 3 3 3 3 3 3
283 1/1-11-4
9 13 4 6 7 8 9
34444444
12 3 3 5 7 7
PREFACE.
On the two principal philosophical Chinese systems, Confucianism

and Taoism we are tolerably well informed by translations of the
leading works and by systematical treatises. These two branches
may be regarded as the most important, but it would be impossible
to write a history of Chinese philosophy without paying special
attention to the various heterodox philosophers, whose views do
not agree witli the current ideas of either Confucianists or Taoists.
For that very reason they are often more interesting than the latter,
being original thinkers, who disdain to resign themselves to merely
iterating old stereotyped formula. Many of their tenets remind us
of similar arguments propounded by various philosophical schools of
the West. I have called attention to the Epicurean Yang Chu and to
the Chinese Soplrists (vid. Journ. of Peking Orient. Soc, vol. Ill, p. 203
and Journ. of China Branch of Royal Asiat. Soc, vol. XXXIV, p. 1)
and now beg to place before the public a translation of the philo-
sophical essays of Wmig C/i ung, whom we may well call a Materialist.
As a first instalment I published, some years ago, a paper treating
of Wang Ch'ung's ideas on Death and Immortality (Journ. of China
Branch of Royal Asiat. Soc, vol. XXXI, p. 40). My lecture on the
Metaphysics of Wang Cli ung, held in 1899 before the East Asiatic
Section of the Congress of Orientalists at Rome, lias not been printed,
the manuscript having been lost by the secretaries of the Section.
Although lie has much in common with the Confucianists

and still more with the Taoists, Wang Cli ungs philosophy does not
lack originality. He is an Eclectic, and takes his materials from
wherever it suits liim, but he has worked it into an elaborate
system such as did not exist before Chu Hsi. Like a true philo-
sopher he has reduced tlie multiplicity of things to some few
fundamental principles, by whicli he explains every phenomenon.
One or two leading ideas pervade his philosophy as '-'Le'ttmotives.'"
Lun-Heug. 1
Lun-Heng.
The Lun-h^ng is not a systematic digest of Wang Ch ung's pliilo-
sophy. Chinese philosophers like the Greeks before Aristotle liave
not vet learned the art of connecting their thoughts so as to form
a complete system, in which each chapter is the logical sequence
of the preceding- one. But Wang Cli ung has already made one step
in this direction. Whereas the Analects and tlie works of Menclus,
Lieh Tse and CImang Tse are hardly anything else tlian collections
of detached aphorisms, each chapter embracing the most hetero-
geneous subjects, each chapter of tlie TAin-heng is a real essay, the
theme of which is given first and adhered to throughout. But
there is not inucli connection between tlie separate essays.
These essays are not all of equal value. Some may perhaps
interest a Chinese, but are not calculated to enlist our interest. For
this reason I have not translated the whole work, but made a
selection. It comprises the philosophical essays, and of the others
tlie most characteristic, enablino- tlie reader to form an adequate
idea of the author and Lis peculiarities. My chief aim has been
to set forth Wang Cli ung's philosophy. The introduction contains
a sketch of liis system, wliich I have attempted to abstract from
his writings. •
Of the 84 essays of the Lun-heng I have translated 44. I have

taken the liberty of arranging- tliem more systematically than is
done in tlie original, classing them under several heads as meta-
physical, physical, critical, religious, and folklore. The division
is not a strict one, because with many chapters it is doubtful, to
which class tliey belong. Especially between metaphysics and
physics it is difficult to draw a distinction, since purely physical
questions are ol'ten treated metaphysically. From a table ol" cou-
t(Mits of the Lnn-h('ng in its entirety the reader will learn tlie subject
of those essays, wliicli have not been translated, and by its help
can easily find tlie place, whicli each chapter takes in the
nriiriiial,
Willi the cxccplioii of the Antobiooraphy and the two rliapters

"M ^ '(Hi/i/rliis Menclus translated by lluichlnsoii (China Hoview,
\(>I.V1I ； 1 11(1 \' 1 1 1 ) I lie cssnys of Wnng Cliung have not been put
into any Kiiropcaii langufiiic before. A riiine.se commentary to the
ljun-luhig (loos not exist. 1 lio|)0 tliat my translation may prove
triistwortliy. For atiy misuii(l('rstan(liiiu,'s, which in Chinese and
pliilosopliical works particularly arc unavoidable, I count upon the
imlulgrmv of my critics.
As tar as lay in my p'nvi'r, I have eiulcjiYOured to trace the

sources f: oni wliicli Wang Cli uikj has quoted, wliicli has not been
Lun-Heng.
an easy task, and I have added sucli explanatory notes as to enable

even persons not knowing Chinese to understand the text. For the
many proper names the index at the end of the volume will be
oi" advantage.
To ray thinking, Wang Chung is one of the most ingenious
Chinese writers, a satirist like Lucian and an esprit fort like Voltaire,
whose Lun-lieng well deserves the widest publicity.
1*
Lun - Heng ： Introduction.
INTRODUCTION.
1. The Life of Wang Chung.
The principal data of Wang CKungs life are furnished by 】i】's

autobiography and by the biographical notice in chapter 79 p. 1 of the
liou Han-sIn" the History of the Later ITan Dynasty, which was
written by Fan Y('h in the 5tli cent. a.d. and commented on by Prince
Chang Iltiai Hsien of the T'ang dynasty. There we read :
" Wang C/i'ung, whose style was Chung Jen, was a native of
S/iang-yi'i in K uei-chi. His forefathers liad immigrated from Ytian-
ch eng in the Wei circuit. As a boy he lost his father and 、、'as
commended in 】iis village for his filial piety. Subsequently he
repaired to the capital, wliore lie studied at the academy.
The book of Yunn Shan Sung says that Wanp ( 'h'vng was a very precocious
youth. After having entered the academy, he composed an essay on six scholars
oil the occasion of the emperor visiting the Imperial College.
ITis teacher 、、- as Pan Piao from Fu-feng. He was very fond
of extensive readiiio-, but did not trouble much about paragraphs
or sentences. His fjunily being poor, be possessed no books.
There lore he used to stroll abdiit" llu' market-place and the shops
ill Loi/diifi and rend the books exposed there for sale. That wliicli
lie had oiico read, he was able to roinoniber and to repeat. Thus
111' liad :»(''(|iiiml a vast knowledge oi' the tenets of the various
HcJiools and systems. Having returned to his native place, lie
led a v(M-y solitary life as :i teaclicr. Tlicn he took office \n the
prefect u re and \vns appointed secret ;iry, but in consequence of
rr('(|ii('nt nMnoiistraiiccs 、vif'li liis superiors, disputes , and dis-
Hcnsioiis with his r<>ll(>agm，s, lie line I (o (juil tlie service.
\S'ii)i(j ( 7 I nii(/ 1ki(I ；) stroMij,' pevchanl for dis (； ussions. At the

('iit、''f. Ills :ir<;iun('iits would oTten appear ratlier queer, but liis
The Life of Wang Cheung.

5
final conclusions were true aud reasonable. Being convinced t hat

the ordinary savants stuck too niucli to the letter, and thus
would mostly lose the true meaning, he shut himself up lor
meditation, and no longer observed the ceremonies of congratu-
lation or condolence. Every av here near the door, the windows,
and on the walls he had liis knives and pens placed, 、vitli Avhich
lie wrote the Lun-heng in 85 chapters containing over 200,000 words.
Yuan Shan Sung says in his book that at first the Lun-luhiy written by
Wang Ch'ung was not current in the central provinces. When T^sai Yung came
to Ww, he discovered it there, and used to read it secretly as a help to con-
versation. Afterwards Wang Lang became prefect of ICuei-chi^ and likewise got
into possession of the book. On his return to Hsu-ltsia his contemporaries were
struck with the great iniproveinent of his abilities. Some one remarked that,
unless he had met with some extraordinary person, he must have found some
extraordinary book. They made investigations, and found out that in fact it was
from the Lun-heng that he had derived this advantage. Thereupon the Lim-hnig
came into vogue, Pao P u Tse relates that his contemporaries grudged T sai Yung
the possession of a rare book. Somebody searched for it in the hiding place
behind his curtains, and there in fact found the Lun-hcng. He folded some
chapters together in order to take them away, when T'mi Yung proposed to him
that tiiey should both keep the book, but not divulge its contents.
He explained the similarities and the diversities of the

different classes of things, and settled the common doubts and
errors of the time.
The governor Tang Cli in- made him assistant-magistrate.

Later on lie rose to the rank of a sub-prelect. Then he retired
and returned home. A frieiul and fellow-country man of his Hsieh
1 Wti addressed a memorial to the throne, in wliicli lie recom-
mended Wang Ch ung for his talents and learning.
Ill the book of Hsieh Ch'eng it is stated that in recommending Wang Ch'unff,
llsieh I \Vu said that his genius was a natural gift and not acquired by learning.
Even Mencius and Sun Chiny in former times, or l uny Hsiung, Liu Hsiang, or
Sse Ilia (Jh/ien more recently in the 1 1 an epoch could not surpass him,
Su Taung commanded a cliainberlaiu to summon Wang Cli ung

into his presence, but owing to sickness, lie could not go. When
lie was nearly seventy years of age, bis powers began to decline.
Then he wrote a book on "Macrobiotics" in 16 chapters, and
refraiuiug from all desires and propensities, and avoiding all
emotions ， he kept himself alive, until in the middle of the
Yung-yuan period, when lie died of an illness at his home."
Lun - Heng ： Introduction^

By his own testimony Waiiff Cliting was born in the third
year of the Chien-icu cycle, i. e. in a.d. 27, in 8hang-yu-hsien, the
present Shao-hsiiig-fu of the province of Chekiang. His family lia<l
originally been residing in Yuan-cli eng 二 Ta-ming-fu in Child; . His
father's name was Wang Sung. Owing to tlieir violent temper his
ancestors bad several times been implicated in local feuds, which
are still iioav of frequent occurrence in Fukien and Cliekiang, and were
compelled to change tlieir domicile. Wang Cli ung's critics are scanda-
lized at his coolly telling us that his great-grandfatlier behaved like
a ruffian during a la mine, killing and wounding his fellow-people.
If Wa7ig Cliung's own description be true, he must have been

a paragon in his youth. He never needed any correction neither
at the hauds of his parents nor of his teachers. For his age he
was exceptionally sedate and serious. When lie was six years old,
he received his lii'st instruction, and at the age of 8 he was sent
to a public school. There the teacher explained to liim the Ana-
lects and the Shuking, and he read 1,000 characters every day.
Wheu he had mastered the Classics, one was astonished at the
progress he made, so lie naively in forms us. Of his other attaiii-
iiients lie speaks in tlie same strain and with the same conceit.
The Hon llan-sliu confirms that he was a good son.
Having lost his lather very early, lie entered the Imperial
Co liege at Loyatig, then the capital of China. His principal teaclier
was the historian Pan Pino, the fatlier of P<iu A'", autlior of the
History of the Former I-Iau dynasty. In Loyang lie laid the founda-
tion of the vast amount of knowledge by which lie distinguished
liiinself later on, and became a'cqua'intwl with the theories of the
various school's of thought, many of which lie vigorously attacks
ill liis writings. II is aim was to grasp tiie general gist ol' what
lie read, and lie (lid not care so mucli for minor details. The
iiiajority ol" the scholars of his time conversely would cliug to the
words and sentences and over these iniautiai quite forget the
whole. liiMug too poor to buy all the books required to satiate
liis limigi'r lor knowledge, he would sauiitei- about in the market-
pla (； (！ and hook-slio])^, and peruse tlie books exposed there for
Hale, liaviiig |m 山 ably nuulc. some sort of agreement with the book-
sellers, wlio I nay lia\'c taken an interest in tlie ardent student.
Ilia excellent memory was of great service to him, for he could
remcmbiT, even repeat wliat 】i(i had once read. At the same time
liis (u-iticiil genius developed, lie liked to argue a point, and
• I'ougli liis views ol'tcii sc (； nicd jjaradoxical, Jiis op])oneuts could
'I'll bill .'idiiiil t lie just iicsis of liis ai'giniKMits.
Tlie Life of Wang Ch'ung.
Having completed his studies, Wang C/i mtg returned to his

native place, where he became a teacher and lived a very quiet
life. Subsequently he took office and secured a small position as a
secretary of a district, a post which 】ie also filled under a military
governor and a prefect. At last lie was promoted to be assistant-
magistrate of a department. He would have us believe that lie
was a very good official, and that his relations to his colleagues
M ere excellent. The Hou Ilan-sJui, on tlie other hand, tells us that
lie remonstrated so much with his superiors and was so quarrel-
some, that he had to leave the service. This version seems tlie
more probable of the two. Wang Ch ung was much too independent,
luiicli too outspoken, and too clever to do the routine business
well, wliicli requires clerks and secretaries of moderate abilities, or
to serve under superiors, wliom lie surpassed by his talents. So
lie devoted himself exclusively to his studies, lie lived in rather
straitened circumstances, but supported his einbarassments with phi-
losophical equanimity and cheerfulness. "Although he was poor
and had not an acre to dwell upon, liis mind was freer than that
ol" kings and dukes, and though lie had no eaiolumeuts counted
by pecks and bushels, lie felt, as if he had ten thousand cliung to
live upon. He enjoyed a tranquil happiness, but liis desires did
not rim riot, and tliougli lie was living in a state of poverty, his
energy was not broken. Tlie study of ancient literature was his
debauchery, and strange stories liis relish." He liad a great ad-
miration for superior men, and liked to associate with people rising
above mediocrity. As loug as lie was in office and well oil", he
had many friends, but most of tliem abandoned liim, when he had
retired into private life.
In A.D. 86 Wang CK ung emigrated into the province of Anhd,

where he was appointed sub-prefect, the highest post which lie
held, but two years only, for iu 88 lie gave up his official career,
which liad not been a brilliant one. The reason of his resignation
this time seems to have been ill health.
So far Wang Cliung liad not succeeded iu attracting the atten-

tion of tlie emperor. An essay wliicli he had composed, wlieu
the emperor had visited tlie college of Loyang , liad passed unno-
ticed. 丄 11 the year 76, when parts of Honan were sulieriug from
a great dearth, Wany Ch: ung presented a memorial to the Emperor
( 'hang Ti in 、vliicli lie proposed measures to prohibit dissipation
and extravagancies, and to provide for the time of need, but liis
suggestions were not accepted. He did not fare better with another
anti-alcoholic memorial, iu wliicli lie advocated the prohibition of
Lull - Heng ： Introduction.
the use of spirits. When finally the Emperor became aware of

Wang Ch'tmg, it was too late. A friend and a country man of his,
H.sieh I Wit recommended him to the tlirone for liis talents and
great learning, saying that neither Mencms or Ilsi'in Tse nor in the
Han time Yang Hsiuug, Liu Hsiang or Sse Ma Cli ien could outsliine
Lim, The Emperor Chang Ti (7()-88 a.d.) summoned him to his
presence, but owing to his ill-health Wang Cli ung bad to decline
the honour. His state had impaired so much, that already in 89
he thought that liis end liad come. But the next two years pass-
ed, and lie did not die. He found even the time to write a book
oa " Macrobiotics," which he put into practice himself, observing
a strict diet aud avoiding all agitations in order to keep his vital
lluid intact, until he expired in the middle of the Yung-yuan period
(89-104) about the year 97. The exact year is not known.
2. The Works of Wang Chung.
Wang Cliung's last work, the Yang-lising-shu or Macrobiotics iu

16 cliaptei's, 、、- liicli lie Avrote some years before his death, lias
been mi'iitioued. His first productions were the Chl-m-chU'h-yi
" Censures on Common Morals " in 12 chapters and the CMng-wu、
a book on Goverumeiit, both preceding his principal work, the
Lun-lieng^ in which they are several times referred to in the two
biographical chapters.
Wdiiy Cli liny wrote his " ("ensures " as a protest against tlie
manners oC his time witli a view to rouse tlie public conscience,
lie was prompted to write tliis w ork by tlic heart lessiiess ol' his
former Irieuds, who abandoned liini, when he was poor, and of
the world in general. To be read and understood by tlie people,
not the literati only, lie atloptod an easy and po[)ular style. This
appears to liavc been contrary to custom , lor Jie thought, it neces-
sary t-o justify liimsc'lC (p. 71).
1 Ik- work on govcniiuent owes its origin to the vain ellbrts

ol" t he Imperial (jrovernmciit ol' liis lime to aduiinistcr the Empire.
The)' (lid iiol sec their way, being ignorant of the lundamental
principles (p. 70). From the Cliiny-wu. (he territorial officials wei'e
to i<'arn what tlicy ii ceded most in tli^'ir adiniiiistratioii, and tlie
j)eople should be induced " to re Conn and gratcriilly acliiiowledge
III'' l《imlm'-vs of i he governmoiil '" (p. DO).
The Works oi" Wang Ch ung. 9
These three works: the Macrobiotics, the Censures on Morals,

and the work on Government have all been lost, and solely the
Luii'heng lias come down to us. Whereas the (Jhi-m-chieh-yi censures
the common morals, the Luu-lieny ― Disquisitions tests and criticises
tlie common errors and superstitions, the fornuir being more ethical,
the latter speculative. Many of these errors are derived from the
current literature, classical as well as popular. Wang Ck ung takes
up these books and points out where they are wrong. He avoids
all wild speculations, which lie condemns ' in others, so lie says
(p, 91). The Lan-heng is not professedly a philosophical work,
intended to set forth a philosophical system, but in con luting and
coiitestiug the views of others, Wang Ch ung incidentally develops
liis own philosophy. In this respect there is a certain resemblance
with the Theodicee of Leibniz^ wliicli, strictly speaking, is a polemic
against Bayle. Wang Chungs aim iii writing the Lun~lieng was
purely practical, as becomes plain from some of his utterances-
" The nine cliapters of the Lun-lieng on Inventions, and the three
chapters of the Lun-lieng on Exaggerations, says lie, are intended
to impress people^ that they must strive for truthfulness/' Even
such high metaphysical problems as that of immortality lie re-
gards from a practical point of view. Otherwise he would not
write, as lie does : ― "工 iiave written the essays on Deatli and on
the False Reports about Death to show that the deceased liave uo
consciousness, and cauuot become ghosts, hoping that, as soon as
my readers have grasped this, they will restrain the extravagance
of the burials and become economical " (p. 90).
From a passage (Chap, KXXVIII) to the effect that the reigning

sovereign was continuing the prosperity of Kuany Wu Ti (25-57a.d,)
and Ming Ti (58-75) it appears that the Lun-heng was written
under the reign of the Emperor Chang ti viz. between 76 and
89 A.D. From another remark that in the Chiang-Jui chapter (XXX)
the auspicious portents, of the Yuan-ho and Chang-] to epochs (84-SG
and 87-88) could not be meutioued, because of its being already
completed, we may infer that tlie whole Avork was finished beioi'e
84. Thus it must date from the years 76-84 a.d.
The Lan-heng in its present form consists of 30 books com-

prising 85 chapters or separate essays. Ch ien Lung' s Catalogue
[Sse-k U'chuan-sku-tsutig-niu chap. 120 p. 1) shows that we do not possess
the Lim-heng in its entirety, lu his autobiography Wang Ch uny
states that his "vvork coataiiis more than a liuudred cliapters
(p. 78), consequently a number of chapters must have been lost.
Tlie 85 cliapters mentioned above are enumerated in the index
10
Lull - Hcng ： Introduction.
preceding the text, but of tlic 44tli chapter " Chao-chilt " we have
merely the title, but not the text so, that the number of chapters
really existing is reduced to 84. The chapters exceeding 85 must
have already been lost in the first centuries, for we read in the
Hail Han-shu of the 5tli cent. a.d. that Wany Cliimg wrote tlie Lun-
heng in 85 chapters.
Some interesting data about the history of the text are fur-
nished ill auotlier History of the Later Han Uynasty, the IIou
llan-iitu of Yuan S/iciu Sung of tlie L'/iln epoch (265-419 a.d.), wlio
lived auterior to Fan Yeh, the author of the officially recognised
History ot" tlie Later Han. Yuan Shan Sung's History was in 100 books
(of. Li ted iiiing hsien lieli nil shih hsing pu chap. 44, p, 85 v.), but it
lius not been incorporated into the Twenty-four dynastic Histories.
Yuan Shan Sung, whose work is quoted by several critics, informs
us that at first the Lun-heng was only current in the southern
provinces of China where Wang C/i wig had lived. There it was
discovered by T^sai Yung (133-192 a.d.) a scholar of note from the
north, but instead of communicating it to others, he kept it for him-
self, reading it secretly " as a lielp to couversation " i. e. lie plundered
the Lun-heng to be able to shine in conversation. Another scholar,
Wang Lang of the 2nd and 3d cent. a.d. is reported to have behaved
in a similar way, when lie became prefect of iCuei-chi^ where he
found tlie Lun-heng. His friends suspected him of having come
into possession of an extraordinary book, whence he took liis wis-
dom. They searched for it and found the Lun-heng, wliicli sub-
sequently became universally known. The Taoist writer Ko Hung
of the 4th cent, a.d., known as Pao P u Tse, recounts that the
lAin-lieny concealed by T' sfd Yung was discovered in the same way.
At all events T sai Yung and Wcuty Lang seem to have been instru
mental in preserving and trausmitting the Lun-lieng.
Ill llic History of the Sui dynasty (580-618 a.d.), Sui-sliu

cliuj). 34 j). 7 v., ail edition of the Lun-heng in 29 books is mentioned,
wliercjifs wc liav (！ ',\0 books now. The ('oinnieiitary to this passage
ohservcs tlinl uml(n' the Lmng dynasty (502-556 a.d.) there 、vas the
7 '〃/',(/-/'.、-// ill ！) books and I book of Remarks w ritten by Yh"j lu'ny,
but that bot li works arc. lost. They seem to have been treatises
on the Liiii-lii'm/, of wliicli there are none now left. The Catalogue
ol' tlu'. Hooks ill ilie History of the 7' (tug dynasty ( C/i ien T'ang-A/m
|). 1 7 I,. -S) has t lie entry: ― " L.uii-I"h"j 30 books."
At present I lie Luu-I"''ng forms pai't o f the well known col-

l(M;lioij oi" worlifs of" 1 lie Ilaii and Wei times, tlie J Ian Wei tswHj-sIm
tlatiiig IVoiii 1 lie MiiKj (lyuasly. Tlie text of the Luu-hcmj con-
The Works of Wang Ch ung.
11
tained in the large collection oi" pliilosophical works, the Tse sliu
chin, is only a reprint from the Han Wei tsung-shu. lii his useful
little biographical index, Shu-mu-lang wen, Chang Chilt Tung records
a separate edition of tlie Lun-h'ng printed under the Ming dynasty.
I have not seen it and do not know, whether it is still to be found
in the hook-sliops, and wlietlier it difl'ers from the current text.
In the many quotations from the Lun-heng of tlie T ai-p ing Yil Ian
(9 til cent. A.D.) there is liardly any divergence from the reading of
our text. A commentary to the Lun-heng has not been witten.
In the appreciation of his countrymeii Wang Ckimg does

not rank very high. Cliao Kung Wu (I'itli cent, a.d.) opines that
tlie Lun-heng falls short of the elegant productions of the Former
Han epocli. Another critic of the 12tli cent., Kao Sse Sun is still
more severe in his judgnieut. lie declares tlie Lun-lieng to be a
medley of heterogeneous masses, written in a bad style, in which
morality does not take tlie place it ought. After his view the Lun-
lu'ug would liave no intrinsic value, being nothing more than a
"help to conversation." Wang Fo Hon "and others condemn tlie
Lnn-lieng on account of the author's impious utterances regarding
his ancestors and his attacks upon the Sage Confucius. That he
criticised Mencius miglit be excused, but to dare to find fault with
Confucius is an unpardonable crime. That mars the whole work.
In modern times a change of opinion in favour of Wang Cliung
seems to have taken place. In liis Prefatory Notice to the Lun-
heng, Yu Chun Hsi pours down unrestricted praise upon him. "People
of the Han period, he remarks, were fond of fictions and fallacies.
Wang CHung pointed out wliatever was wrong: in all his arguments
lie used a strict and thorough method, and paid special attention
to meanings. Rejecting erroneous notions lie came near the truth.
Nor was lie afraid of disagreeing with tlie wortliies of old. Thus
lie furthered the laws of tlie State, and opened tlie eyes and ears
of tlie scholars. People reading his books felt a cliill at first, but
then tliey repudiated all falsehood, and became just and good.
They 、vere set right, and discarded all crooked doctrines. It is
as if somebody amidst a clamouring crowd in the market-place
lifts tlie scale ： tlieu the weights and prices of wares are equitably
determined, and every strife ceases."
To a certain extent at least the Ch ieu Lung Catalogue does

him justice, wliile cliaracterising his strictures on Confucius and
Menciiis and 】iis disirespect towards his Ibrel'atliers as wicked and
perverse, its critics still admit that in exposing falsehoods and de-
iioutKMug AvJiat is base and lov. he generally liits the truth, and
12
Luii - Hong ： Introduction.
tliat by liis investigations lie lias done much for the furtlierauce of
culture aud civilization. They couclude by saying that, although
Wang Cli uny be impugned by many, lie will always have admirers.
1 presume that most Europeans, uutrainelled by Chinese moral

prejudices, will ratlier be among his admirers, and fall in with
Mayers speaking of H ang Cliuny as "a pliilosoplier, perhaps the
most original and judicious among all the metaphysicians China
has produced, . . . wlio iu the writings derived from liis pen,
ibrmiug a work in thirty books, entitled Critical Disquisitions ' Lun-
heiig, handles mental aud physical" problems iu a style and with a
boldness uuparallelied iu Chinese literature ' ' [Reader s Manual
N. 795).
The tirst translator of the two chapters on Confucius and

Mencius aud of the autobiography, Uutchinson, says of tlie Luii-
heng: — "The whole book will repay perusal, treating as it does
of a wide range ot" subjects, enabling us to form some idea of" the
state of the Chinese mind at the commencement of the Christian era.
The subjects (treated) are well calculated to enlist tlie interest

of the student and would most probably shed much light upon
the history of Chinese Metaphysics " (Cliiua lleview vol. VI 丄,
In my opinion Wang Cli ung is one of the greatest Chinese

thinkers. As a speculative philosopher lie leaves Confucius and
Almci'us, who are only moralists, far behind. He is much more
judicious tliau Lao Tse, Cliuang Tse, or AJe Ti. We might perhaps
place liim on a level with Chu Ihi, the great philosopher of the
Suiiff time, in point of abilities at least, for their philosophies differ
very much.
Iu most Chinese works Wanff Cli ung is placed among the

Misceilaueous Writers or the Eclectics " Tsa (Jhia;， who do not
belong to one singly school, Confucianism, Meliism, or Taoism, but
combine the doctrines of various schools. Wany L'li ung is treated
as ail Eclectic in the histories of tiie Sii.i dynasty and the T'ang
tlyiiasty, in CI "en Lungs Catalogue, aud in tlie 7 'se-sh a-po-cli ia . Chang
Cliili Timy, however, eiiuiuerates liiiii among the C'oiifucianists, and
so does I'aljer (Doctrines of Confucius p. 31). Although he lias not
been the louuder of a school, i would rather assign to him a
place apart, to which his importance a,s a philosopher eu titles him.
it III utters not that his inllueuce lias been very slight, and that
tlie CJiinesc know so little oi" liiiii. His work i« hardly read, but
is extensively quoted in dictionaries and cyclopedias. At any rate
Wany Clinng is more ol' au Eclectic than a Confuciaiiist. The Chinese
Wang Ch'ung's Philosophy.
13
qualify as " Tsa CMa" all those original writers whom they cannot
place under any other head. Wang Ch ung seems to regard himself
as a Confucianist. No other philosopher is more frequently men-
tioned by liim than Confucius, who, though lie finds fault with him
here and there, is still, in liis eyes, flie Sage. Waiirj Ch ung is most
happy, wlien he can prove an assertion by quoting the authority
of Confucius. This explains how he came to be classed by others
with the Confucianists.
3. Wang Ch'img's Philosophy.
At first sight Wang Cli ung's philosophy might seem dualistic,

for he recognises two principles, which are to a certain extent
opposed to each other, the Yang and the Yin fluid. But, although
the former, which is conceived as forming lieaven as "vvell as the
human mind, be more subtle than the latter, from wliicli the earth
lias been created, yet it is by no means immaterial. Botli these
principles liave been evolved from Chaos, when the original fluid
became differentiated and split into two substances, a finer" one,
Yang, and a coarser one, Yin-. We do not find a purely spiritual
or transcendent correlate to these two substances such e. g. as Tao,
the all-embracing- mystical force of the Taoists, or Li "Reason,"
wliidi in Ch" Thi's system rules over Matter "rh'i," and thus makes
this system truly dualistic. Even Fate, 、vhi('h takes jsiicli a pro-
minent place in Wang Ch Kng's philosophy, lias been materialised
by liim, and it is hardly anything more than a sort ot" a natural
laAv. "We cannot be far wrong, if we characterise Lis philosophy
as a materialistic monism.
Compared M-itli western thought Wang CKung's system bears

some resemblance to tlie natural pliilosopliy of Epicurus and Lucretius.
In the East we find some kindred traits among the Indian mate-
rialists, the Chdrvdkas.
Epicurus attaches great importance to pliy^îcs. The knowledge

of tlie natural causes of things shall be an antidote against super-
stitious. Wang Cli ung likewise takes a lively interest in all jiliysioal
problems, and tries to base his arguments on experience, as far as
possible. He wishes to explain all natural phenomena by natural
causes. His method is quite modern. If lie often falls into error
nevertheless, it is not so much OAving to bad reasoning' as to the
14
Lull- Hen u;: Introduction.
poor state of Chinese science at liis time. He regards many things as

proved by experience, which are not, and in spite of his radicalism
lias still too iiincli veneration for tlie sayings of old classical aiitliors.
Wang Clt'ung's views agree, in many respects, witli the Epi-

curean 'Plivsirs. "but not with its Eudjeinonology and Sensualism,
his Ethics being totally different. Etliical Epicureanism lias its
representative in China, in the pre-Christian philosopher Yang C!m, who
seems to have concerned himself with Ethics exclusively, whereas
Wang CKung lias especially devoted Iiimself to the study of meta-
physical and physical ([uestions. Tlie professed aim of the philo-
sophy of Epicurus is liiiman happiness. By delivering them from
errors and superstitions he intends to render people happy. Wang
Cli unc) likewise hopes to do away with all inventions, fictions, and
falsehoods, but in doing so lie lias truth, and not so much happi-
ness in view.
a) Metaphysics.
Tlie pivots of Wang CJinng's pliilosopliy are Heaven and Earth,

which have been formed of the two fluids, Yang and Yin. " The
fluids of the Y/n and Yang, lie says, are the fluids of Heaven and
Earth " (Cliap. XXX). These two principles are not of Wang CKung' s
invention, tlioy are met with in ancient Chinese literature, in the
Viking and tlie Liki for instance (see TcJtou Hi, Sa Doctrine et son
influenc(% par S. Le Gall, Chang -hai 1894, p. 35).
Earth is known to us, it has a material body like man

(p. 03), but wliat are we to understand by Heaven ？ Is it a spirit,
the Spirit cil" Ileaven or God, or merely an expanse of air, the
Blue Kmj)yreaii, or a substance similar to tliat of Eartli ？ Wang
Ch umj considers all these possibilities and decides in favour of tlie
last. " Men are created by heaven, why then grudge it a body? "
lie asks. " Heavi^n is not air, ]nit lias a body on high and far
I'n'm men " ((、lia|,. XIX). " To liim who considers the question, as
\v«* liavc (lone, it becomes evident that lioaven cannot be something
(liHnsc aiul vafjiic." His reasons are that heaven lias a certain
distance I'nmi cart li. which by Chinese mathematicians has been
ralcnl.'ilrd ;if upwards of 60,000 Li, and that tlie constellations
l<nmv" as the solar rnaiisioiis a re attacliod to it. These arguments
s"''m slr;iii«ô to us iimv. but we m'lst, boar in mind that the Greeks,
1 1"' 1)；|!»\ |(iiii;iiis, .-111(1 t lie .lews held (jiiilc similar views,
regarding
lii'avni as ;mi iron or a brazen vault, the " rirniaineiit. " to which the
«nn, the moon, and (lie Ht;irs were Hxed, or supposing even quite a
number of celestial splieres one above the other, as Aristotle does.
Wang Ch'uiig's Philosophy.
15
Witli regard to the origin of" the universe Wcmg Cliung simply
adopts the old croation theory, on which lie writes as follows : ―
" The commentators of the YiJcing say that previous to tlie separ-
ation of the primogenial vapours, there was a cliaotic and uniform
mass, and tlie books of the Literati speak of a Avild medley, and
of air not yet separated. Wlien it came to be separated, tlie pure
elements formed heaven, and tlie impure ones, eartli. According
to the expositors of the YiJcing and the writings of the Literati
the bodies of lieaven and earth, when tliey iirst became separated,
M ere still small, and tliey were not far distant from each other "
{/oc. cit.). In conformity with tin's view Heaven and Eartli were
originally one viz. air or vapour. This theory must be very old,
for it is already alluded to in the Lik'i, and the Taoist philosopher
LI eh Tse of the 5tli cent. B.C., who gives the best exposition of it,
seems to refer it to tlie sages of former times. The passage is so
interesting, tliat I may be permitted to quote it in full : ―
" The teacher Li eh Tse said : ― Tlie sages of old "held that the
Yang and the Yh govern heaven and earth. Now, form being
born out of the formless, from what do lieaven and eartli take
their origin? It is said: 一 There was a great evolution, a great
inception, a great beginning, and a great homogeneity. During
the great evolution, Vapours were still imperceptible, in the great
inception Vapours originate, in the great beginning Forms appear,
and during the great homogeneity Substances are produced."
" The state when Vapours, Forms, and Substances though

existing were still undivided, is called Chaos, 、vhich designates
the conglomeration and inseparability of things. ' They could not
be seen though looked at, not be heard though listened to, and
not be attained though grasped at,' therefore one speaks of (incessant)
evolution. Evolution is not bound to any forms or limits."
" Evolution in its transformations produces one, the changes

of one produce seven, the changes of seven produce nine. Nine
is the climax, it clianges again, and becomes one. Witli oue forms'
begin to change. "
" The pure and light matter becomes the heaven above, tlie
turbid and heavy matter forms the earth below. Tlie mixture
of their fluids gives birth to man, aud the vitalizing- principle of
heaven and eartli creates all beings " [Li eh Tse I, 2).
In the Liki we read: ― " Propriety must liave sprung from

the CIreat Oue. This by division became Heaven and Earth, and
by transformation the Yin and the Yang " {Legges Lil'l. Vol. T,
p: 3S6).
16
Lim -Heng: Tntrodnction.
It is curious to note the similarity of the Epicurean cosmogony

with that of tlie ancient Chinese. Lucretius sings: ―
" Quippe etenim primum terra i corpora quseque,

propterea quod erant gravia et perplexa, coibant
in medio atque inias capiebant omnia sedes;
quae quanto magis inter se perplexa coibant,
tarn magis expressere ea quae mare sidera solem
lunamque efficerent et magni moenia mundi:
omnia enim magis hjec e levibus atque rotundis
seminibus multoque minoribu' sunt dementis
quam tellus, ideo, per ram foramina, terrse
partibus eriimpens primus se sustulit sether
ignifer et multos secum levis abstulit ignis."
and further on: ― •
" Sic igitiir terrse concrete corpore pondus

constitit, atque onmis niundi quasi limns in imiim
confluxit gravis et subsrdit funditus ut fex ；
inde mare, inde aer, inde sether ignifer ipse
corporibus liquidis sunt omnia pura relicta
et leviora aliis alia, et liquidissimus aether
atque levissimus aerias super intluit auras,
nec liquidum corpus turbantibus aeris aiiris
commiscet."
(Lucr. V, 439-449； 485-493.)
The principle of division is tlie same : ― the light primary

bodies Wanr/ Cli ung and tlie Chinese cosraogonists term Yang, the
heavy ones they designate by Yin. Only in respect of the line of
demarcation the Epicureans and tlie Chinese differ, for, wliereas
the former regard earth alone as heavy and water, air and etlier
as light matter, the Cliinese comprise earth and water under the
term Yin, and air and fiery ether under Yang. From various utter-
ances of Wang CK ung it would app(w that lie conceives tlic Ycwg
as a fiery and tlic Yin as a watery element, in short that Yang is
fire and Yin water. This would tolerably well account for tlie
formation of the univorse. Fire forms tlie sun, the moon, and tlie
other luminaries of Heaven, while from water and its sediments
Eartli, tlic oceans, aiul the atinosplien* are develoj)e(l. " The solar
fluid is identical with the heavenly fluid" (('hap. XVI 11)， says Wang
('liuiic), and : ― " Kain is Yin^ and brigl"m、ss Yumj, and conversely
(•old is Yin, ntul Avai'intli is Yw"j " ((^hap. XXI).
The other attribute's o;iven by Wavr/ Cli nay to the Ycwg and
tlio Yin j)nn(M])los m(、rely tlic (qualities of lire and water. The
Wang Ch'ung'.s Philosophy.
17
Ymu/, tlie fiery etlier or tlie solar fluid, is bright, /. e. light (Chap. XX),
warm (("hap. XXI), dry (Chap. XVUI), vivifying, and creative
(Clia]). XXI). The Ym, rain or water, is dark, cold, wet, and
destructive (p. 111). By itself water possesses neither light nor
Avarmth, and may well be 'called dark and cold.
There is not a strict separation of the fluids of Heaven and

Earth, tliey often mix and permeate one another. Heaven as well
as Earth enclose air (Chap. XIX). The immense mass of air forming
tlie gaseous part of Heaven, wliicli, as we have seen, is credited
Avitli a body, is called sky (p. 113).
Now, whereas Earth rests motionless in the centre of the

Av oriel , Heaven revolves around it, turning from east to west.
This movement is explained as the emission of the heavenly fluid
wliicli, however, takes place spontaneously. Spontaneity is another
corner-stone of Wang Cli ung's system. It means that this move-
ment is not governed by any intelligence or subservient to the
purposes of any spirit us rector, but is solely regulated by its own
inherent natural laws. Tlie same idea is expressed in Mddhaodcharya's
Sarva-Darsana Sangraha :
"The fire is hot, the water cold, refreshing cool the breeze of morn.
By whom came this variety ？ From their own nature was it born."
(Sarva-Darsana-Samffraha, translated by E. B. Cotcell and A E. Goagh,
London 1882， p. 10.)
Wang CJiting admits that he lias adopted the principle of

spontaneity from the Taoists, who however, have not sufficiently
substantiated it by proofs (p. 97). He shows that Heaven cannot
display a conscious activity like man, because such activity is
evoked by desires and impulses, wliicli require organs : ― the eye,
the mouth, etc. The heavenly fluid is not a human body with
eyes and ears, but a formless and insensible mass (p. 93). The
observation of the natural growth of plants and of the regularity
oi' other natural phenomena precluding the idea of special designed
acts, lias confirmed our philosopher in his belief in spontaneity,
" The principle of Heaven is inaction," he says. Accordingly in
spring it does not do the germinating, in summer the growing,
in autumn the ripening, or in winter the hiding of the seeds.
When the Yang fluid comes forth spontaneously, plants will ger-
minate and grow of themselves and, when the Yin fluid rises, they
ripen and disappear of their own accord " (p. 99).
The movement of the Yin. fluid is spontaneous likewise.

Heaven and Earth cannot act, nor do they possess any kuow-
Lun- Ileiig. 2
18
ledge " (p. 101). They are not inert, but their activity is uninten-
tional and purposeless. Thus spontaneity is the law of nature.
From this point of view Wang C/iung characterises the fluid of

Heaven as "placid, tranquil, desireless, inactive, and unbusied" ([).
93), all attributes ascribed by the Taoists to their Mundane Soul, Iho.
At all times Heaven lias been personified and deified. With

the Chinese as well as with us Heaven lias become a synonym
for God. Wang CJiimg notices that liuman qualities have been
attributed to liim. We see in him the Father of Mankind, the
Chinese an emperor, the " Supreme Ruler," Shang Tl. He lives in
heaven like a king in his palace, and governs the world (Chap. XXII)
meting out rewards and punisliraents to mankind, rewarding the
virtuous (p. 160), and punishing' the wicked (p. 1()4). He reprimands
the sovereigns on earth for their misrule by means of extraordinary |
natural phenomena, and, unless they reform, visits them and their
people with misfortune (p. 126). Tliuuder is Iris angry voice, and
with his thunderbolt he strikes the guilty (Chap, XXII).
Regarding Heaven as nothing else than a substance, a pure

and tenuous fluid without a mind, Wang CJi ung cannot but reject
these anthropomorphisms. Heaven has no mouth, no eyes: it
does not speak nor act (p. 183), it is not affected by men (p. 110),
does not listen to their prayers (p. 113), and does not reply to the
questions addressed to it (p. 184).
By a fusion of the fluids of Heaven and Earth all the organ-

isms on earth have been produced (p. 104). Man does not make an
exception. In this respect Heaven and Earth are like husband and
wife, and can be regarded as the father and the raotliei" of man-
kind (Chap. XX). The same idea has been enunciated by Lucretiiis : ―
" Postrenio pereunt imbres, ubi eos pater ather

in gremium matris terrai prsecipitavit :
at nitida> snrgunt fruges, ramique virescunt
arboriliiis, crescunt ipsfe letiujue grnvantiir."
[Liicr. I, 250-253.)
and further on: ―
" Denique caelesti siimus omnes seniine oriundi :

omnibus ille idem pater est, unde alma liqm'nt'is
iimoris guttas mater cum terra recepit,
feta pm'it nitidas I'niges ai-biistaque Iseta,
et genus Iminanum parit, onuiin sfvcula ferarum.
pabiiln cum pra?bet, (I'libiis (mines corpora pascuiit
et diilceni diicunt vitani prolemque .propagant;
(|iiaj)i'02)ter inerito inaterniiin nomen adeptast."
{Lucr. II， 988-995.)
Wang rh'ung's Philosophy.
19
Wong CK ring compares the (； roation of man to the freezing

of ice. Ho is the produce of tlie mixture and concretion or cry-
stallization of tlie two primary fluids: ― " During the chilly winter
mouths tlie cold air prevails, and water turns into ice. At the
approach of spring, tlie air becomes warm, and the ice melts to
water. Man is born in the universe, as ice is produced so to
speak. The Yang and tlie Yin fluids crystallize, and produce man.
Wlien liis years are completed, and his span of life comes to its
end, he dies and reverts to those fluids " p. 196).
The Yin forms the body, and the Y(ing produces the vital
spirit and the mind. Both are identical, Wang C/iung does not
discriminate between the anima and the animus : ― "That by which
man is born are the Yang and the Yin fluids: the Yin fluid produces
his bones and flesh, tlie Yang fluid the vital spirit. While man is
alive, the Yang and Yin fluids are in order. Hence bones and flesli
arc strong-, and tlie vital force is full of vigour. Tlirougli the vital
force he has knowledge, and Avitli his boues and flesh he displays
strength. The vital spirit can speak, the body continues strong-
and robust. While bones and flesh and the vital spirit are entwined
and linked together, they are always visible and do not perish"
(Chap. XVIII)."
Man is imbued with the heavenly or vital fluid at his birth.

It is a formless mass like the yolk of an egg, before it is hatched,
showing in this respect the nature of the [)rimogenial vapours, from
u hicli it has been derived (p. 199). There is no difference between
tlie vital forces of man and animals. They have the same origin.
Tlie vital fluid resides in the blood and the arteries, and is nour-
ished and developed by eating and drinking' (p. 194). It has to
fulfil two difficult functions, to animate the body and keep it alive,
and to form its mind. All sensations are caused by the vital
fluid: 一 " Wlieu the vital fluid is thinking or meditating, it flows
into the eyes, the mouth or the ears. When it flows into the
eyes, the eyes see shapes, when it flows into the ears, tlie ears
h<>ar sounds, and, when it flows into the moutli, the mouth speaks
something " (Chap. XVIII). Wang CK ung imagines that all sensations
are produced in their organs by the vital fluid, which must be the
mental power as well, since it thinks and meditates. Insanity is
defined as a disturbance of the vital force {end.). There are no
supernatural mental faculties and no prophets or sages knowing'
tlie future or possessing a special knowledge derived from any
other source than the vital force (p. 61). It is also the will, which
causes the mouth to speak. As such it determines the character,
2*
20
which in Wang CK ting's belief depends upon its quantity (Chap. XXXI).
As vital energy it modifies the length of Imman life, which ceases,
as soon as this energy is used up (Chap. XXVII).
From what our author says about ghosts and spirits in parti-
cular, which consist of the Yang fluid alone without any Yin, we
can infer that he conceived of the human soul also as an aura, a
warm breath identical to a certain extent with the solar fluid.
It is easy to see, liow tlie Chinese came to denote the body

as Yin and tlie soul as Yang ― I believe that these notions were al-
ready current at Wang CKung's time, who only took them up, Tlie
body is formed of a much coarser stuff tlian tlie soul, consisting
as it does of solid and liquid matter. Therefore tliey presume
that it must have been produced from the heavier and grosser
substance, the Yin, wliile the purer and lighter Yang formed tlie
soul. A living body is wai'm, warmth is a quality of the Yang
fluid, consequently the vital force must be Yang. The mind en-
lightens tlie body, the Yang fluid is light as Avell, ergo tlie mind
is the Yang fluid. The last conclusion is not correct, the mind not
being a material liglit, but a Chinese would not hesitate to use
such an analogy: their philosophy abounds witli such symbolism.
The ideas of the Epicureans on the nature of the soul agree

very well witli Wang Cli ungs views. According to Epicurus the
soul is a tenuous substance resembling a breatli with an admixture
of some warmth, dispersed tlirougli the whole organism : ― '巧 x',/
crw^d IcTTL XsTTTOjjLspEg, Trap o 入 ov to aiy poLcrfxa TrapsaTvapy-ivcv^ 7rpoa£jj.
(^spicr-
rarov d\ TVVBVfxcLTi êpjxov nva ypaaiv sx^vn {Diog. Laert. X, 60).
Elsewhere the soul is described as a mixture of four sub-

stances : a fiery, an aeriform, a pneumatical, and a nameless one,
which latter is said to cause sensations : — npajm l/. rerrapa'v, Ik nciov
nvpwdovg, Ik ttolov aEOwdovg, sk ttolov TrvsvjJtarLxov^ ix rsrapTOv nvog axa-
TovofjLOia-Tov {Plut. Plac. IV, 3).
Lucretius says that the soul consists of iimcli finer atoms than
those of water, mist or smoke, and that it is produced, groAvs, and
ages together with the body {Lucr. Ill, 425-427, 444-445). When
a man dies, a fine, warm, aura leaves his body (III, 232).
As regards man's position in nature Wang Cli ung asserts that

he is tlie noblest and most intellii>rnt cvoature, in wliicli the uiiiul
of riociven and Earth reach their highest development (Chap. XLllI);
still lie is a creature like others, and there exists no fuiiclamental
difference bet、v('('n liiin and other animals (j). 202). Wang Ch'uiir/
likes to insist upon the utter insignificance of man, wlien com-
pared with the immense grandeur of Heaveu and Earth. It seems
Wang Ch\iiig\s Philosophy,
21
to have given him some satisfaction to put men, who are living
on Earth, on a level witli fleas and lice feeding upon the human
body, ior we find tin's drastic simile, wliicli cannot have failed
to hurt tlie feelings of many of his self-sufficient countrymen, repeated
several times (p. 183, Chap. XXVI). In short, according to Wang
Ch Hiiy man does not occupy the exceptional position in the world
wliich lie uses to vindicate for himself. He has not been created
on purpose, as notliing else has, the principle of nature being
chance and spontaneity (p. 103). The world has not been created
lor the sake of man. " Some people," remarks Wang Cliung, " are of
opinion that Heaven produces grain for the purpose of feeding
mankind, and silk and hemp to clothe them. That would be
tantamount to makiug Heaven the farmer of man or 】iis mulberry
girl, it would not be in accordance with spontaneity " (p. 92). As
ail argument against the common belief tliat Heaven produces his
creatures on purpose, he adduces the struggle for existence, for
says Wang Cli ung: 一 " If Heaven had produced its creatures on
purpose, he ought to have taught them to love each other, and
not to prey upon and destroy one another. One might object that
such is the nature of the five elements that, when Heaven creates
all tilings, it imbues tliem with the fluids of the five elements,
and that these figlit together and destroy one another. But then
Heaven ought to have filled its creatures with the fluid of one
element only, and taught tliem mutual love, not permitting the fluids
of tlie five elements to resort to strife and mutual destruction" (p. 104).
Here again Wa//(/ (7/ ung is in perfect accord with the Epi-
cureans. Epicurus asserts that notliing- could be more preposterous
than the idea that nature lias been regulated Avitli a view to the
well-being of mankind or with any purpose at all. The world is
not as it ought to be, if it had been created for tlie sake of man,
lor liow could Providence produce a world so full of evil, where
the virtuous so often are maltreated and the wicked triumph?
(Zeller, Pliilosopliie der Griechen, III. Teil, 1. Abt., 1880, pp. 398
sec[. and 428.)
The same sentiment finds expression in tlie follo、viug' verses

of the Epicurean poet: ―
" Nam quamvis rem in ignorem primordia quae sint,

hoc tanien ex ipsis cseli rationibus ausim
coiifinnare aliisque ex rebus reddere multis,
nequaquani nobis divinitus esse creatam
naturain mundi: tanta stat prsedita culpa."
{Lucr. n, 177-181 and V, 185-189.)
22
Although man owes his existence to the Y(wg and tlu^ Yin fluids,
as we have seen, lie is naturally born by propagation from his
own species. Heaveu does not specially come down to generate
liiiii. All the stories of supernatural births recorded in the Classics,
where women were specially fecundated by the Spirit of Heaven,
are inventions (p. 48). Human life lasts a certain time, a lmncli'(、cl
years at most, then man dies (p. 46). A prolongation of life is
impossible, and man cannot obtain immortality (p. 50): ― "Of all
the beings with bloocl in their veins, says our philosopher, there
are none but are born, and of those endowed witli life tlierc are
none but die. From the iact that they were born, one knows that
tliey must die. Heaven and Earth were not born, therefore they
do not die. Death is the correlate of bii'tli, and birth the counter-
part of death. That wliicli lias a beginning must have an end,
a 11 d that which lias an end, must necessarily liave a beginning".
Only that which is without beginning or end, lives for ever and
never dies " (Chap. XXVIII).
To show that the human soul is not iininortal and does not
possess any personal existence after death Wang Cli ung reasons as
follows: ― During life tlie Yauy lliiid, i, e. the vital spirit or the soul,
adheres to the body, by death it is dispersed and lost. By its
own nature this iluid is neither conscious, nor intelligent, it lias no
will and does not act, for the principle of the Yang or the heavenly
fluid is unconsciousness, inaction, and spontaneity . But it acquires
meutal faculties and becomes a soul, by its temporary connection
with a body. The body is the necessary substratum of intelligence,
just as a tire requires a substance to burn. By death " that which
harbours intelligence is destroyed, and that wliicli is (tailed in-
telligence disappears. Tlie body requires the (luid for its mainten-
ance, and the fluid the body to become conscious. There is no
fire in tlic world burning quite of itself, how could there be an
essence without a body, but conscious of itself " (p. 195). The state
of the soul aftci' death is tlie same as that Ix^lbrr l)irth. " Bel ore
tlieir birtli men have no consciousness. Hel'orc they a re born, they
lor in part of tlie priniogenial (luid, and wlien they di(、, they revert
to it. Tliis |)i*ini()g<Miial Iluid is vague and (liHusc, and tlio liunian
iluid a part ol* it. Anterior to his birtli, man is devoid of con-
sciousness, and at liis death he returns to this oi-igiiial state of
uncoiis (； iousncss, lor how sliould lie be conscious? " (p. 194.)
WciTHj ( J It nay puts forward a number arguments against

immortality. 11* there w("v' spirits oC the dead, I hoy would certainly
inaiiil'i'fcil tlu'msrlv(、s. riiry i"、v("' do, (U)ns(H|iu*ntly there are nonv
Wang ri/ung's Philosophy.
23
(p. 193). Other animals do not become spirits after death, where-
Ibre should man alone be immortal, for though the most highly
organised creature, still lie is a creature and falls under the general
la、vs (p. 191). The vital spirit or soul is aflected by external iii-
tluencos, it grows by nourishment, relaxes, and becomes unconscious
by sleep, is deranged and partly destroyed by sickness, and the
climax of sickness, death, which dissolves the body, should not
affect it at all? (p. 196.)
At all times the dogma of immortality has been negatived by

materialistic philosophers. The line of arguments of tlie Greek as
well as the Indian materialists is very much akin to that of Wang CJiung.
Epicurus maintains that, when the body decays, the soul be-
comes scattered, and loses its faculties, wliicli cannot be exercised in
default of a body :— xat jur^v y.a\ bia\vQ]xivov tov cKc" a^poLafxarcg rj ipvxyj
diaaTTsipsTaL xai ovkItl zyzi rac, avrac, dvvajxsLc, ovds xlvhtul, wot ov6' al<7 一
mv
xsKTTjTat.. ov yap olov rs vosTv avrrjv alaâvoîvriv, fxrj h tovtw tuJ
aucrrrjjuaTt
y-cil rati; xtvYjaECL ravraic, xpwju/vrjv, orav to. ajeyoXôvjo. xat mpiixovra jurj
Toiavr Yj ot; vvv ovaa z~xbl ravrag rag xLvriasLg {Diog. Laert. X, 65-66).
He adds that an immaterial essence can neither act nor

sillier, and that it is foolish to say that the soul is incorporeal : ―
TO 6e kzvov ovtz TTOLrjaaL ovts Tva^sLv dwarat . . . . oi' Xiyovrsg aawjxaTov Bivat
rrjV xpvx^v jutaraiôuo-tv.
From tlie fact tliat the vital fluid is born with the body, that
it grows, develops, and declines along witli it, Lucretius infers that
tlie iluid must also be dissolved simultaneously with the body,
scattered into the air like smoke: 一
" ergo dissolvi quoque convenit omnem animai

natural", ceu ftmius, in altas aeris auras;
quandoqiiidein gigiii paiiter paiiterque videmiis
crescere et， ut docui, simul fevo fessa fatisci."
{Lucr. in, 455-458.)
What Wang Cliung asserts about tlie influence of sickness on tlie
soul (p. 196), Lucretius expresses in tlie following pathetic verses : 一
" Qiiin etiam moi'bis in corporis avius en'at
saepe animus: denientit enim deliraque fatur,
interdumque gravi lethargo fertiir in altum
cctenuunqiie soporeni oculis nutuque cadenti;
uiide neque exaudit voces nec noscere voltus
illoruin potis est, ad vitam qui revocantes
circuin slant lacriniis rorantes ora genasque,
<iuare aninium quoque dissolvi fateare necessest,
quandoquidem penetrant in euin contagia morbi."
{Lucr. m, 463-471.)
24
The interaction of body and mind, wliicli thrive only, as

long as they are joined together, and both decay, when tliey have ：
been separated, the poet describes as follows : ―
" Denique corporis atque ariinii vivata potestas

inter se coniuncta valent vitaque fniuntur :
nec sine corpore enini vitalis edere uiotus
sola potest animi per se iiatura nec auteni
cassum animi corpus durare et sensibus uti."
{Liter. m， 55G-560.)
As the tree does not grow in the sky, as fisli do not live on
tlie fields, and as blood does not run in wood, thus the soul cannot
reside anywhere else than in the body, not in the clods of earth,
or in the fire of the sun, or in the water, or in the air {Liter, V, j
133-134) and, when the body dies, it must become auniliilated
likewise.
" Denique in sethere non arbor, non sequore salso

nubes esse queunt, nec pisces vivere in arvis,
nec cruor in lignis neque saxis sucus inesse.
certum ac disposituinst ubi quicquid crescat et insit.
sic animi uatura nequit sine corpore oriri
so】a neque a nervis et sanguine longiter esse."
(Lucr. m， 781-786.)
" quare， corpus ubi interiit, periisse necessest

confiteare animain distractain in corpore toto."
' (Loc. cit. 795-796.)

Of the Chwvdlcas it is said by Sankara tliat " seeing no soul,
but body, they maintain the non-existence of soul other than
body." ― " Thought, knowledge, recollection, etc. perceptible only
wliere organic body is, are prop(u'ties of an. organized frame, not
appartainiiig to exterior substances, or earth and ()th(、r elements
simple or aggregate, unless formed into such a frame/'
"While there is body, thcrQ is thought, and sense of pleasmv

and pain, none wlien body is not, and 】ienct、 as well as from self-
consciousness it is concluded tliat self and body are identical. "
(//. T. Colehroke^ Mis(5eIlaneous Essays, vol. II, p. 428 seq.)
The dictum tliat everyone is the child of his time applies to

Wang Cli nnfj also, free-thinker though lie be. He lias tlirown over
board a great nuuiy popular beliels ami superstitions, but he could
not get rid of all, and keeps a good deal. His veiieratiou of anti-
quity and 1 lie sag(5S ol" old is not unlimited, but it exists and in-
duces him to accept many of ilicMr idcns, wln(*li his unbiassed
ri itical genius would ])r()bably have rcjcctcnl. Lilvc ( lie majority
Wang ri/iiiig's Philosophy. . 25
of his countrymen lie believes in Fate, and Pyedciithintinn. IIoAvever,

Jiis Fate is not Providence, I'or lie does not recognise any Superior
Being governing the world, and it has been considerably mate-
rialised. On a rather vague utterance of Tse Hsia, a disciple of
Confucius, who probably never thought of tlie interpretation it would
receive at the hands of Wang C/t wig, he builds liis theory : ― "Life
and death depend on Destiny, wealth and honour come from Heaven "
(Analects XII, 5). The destiny, says Wang C/rung, which fixes the
duration of hum an life, is tlie lieavenly lluid, i. e. the vital force,
with which man is imbued at his birth. This fluid forms liis
constitution. It can be exuberant, then the constitution is strong,
and life lasts loug; or it is scanty, then the body becomes delicate,
and death ensues early. This kind of Fate is after all nothing else
than the bodily constitution (pp. 1 38 and 46). In a like manner is
wealth and honour, prosperity and unliappiness transmitted in the
stary lluid, with wliicli men are likewise filled at tlieir birth. "Just
as Heaven emits its fluid, the stars send forth their effluence,
which keeps amidst the heavenly fluid. Imbibing this fluid men
are born, and live, as long as they keep it. If they obtain a fine
one, they become men of rank, if a common one, common people.
Their position may be higher or lower, and tlieir wealth bigger
or smaller " (p. 138). Consequently tliis sort of Fate determining
the amount of happiness which falls to man's share during his
life- time, depends on tlie star or tlie stars under which he has
been born, and can be calculated by the astrologers. This science
was flourishing at Wang CIi wig's time and officially recognised. On
all important occasions the court astrologers were consulted.
Now, Fate, whether it be the result of tlie vital force or of

the stary fluid, is not always definitive. It may be altered or
modified by various circumstances, and only remains uncliangecl,
if it be stronger tlian all antagonistic forces. As a rule " the
destiny regulating man's life-time is more powerful, than the one
presiding over his prosperity " (p. 137). If a man dies suddenly,
it is of 110 use that the stary iluid had stiJI much happiness in store
lor him. Moreover " the destiny of a State is stronger than tliat
ol" individuals " (loc. cit.). Many persons are involved in the dis-
aster of their country, who by Heaven were predetermined for a
loug and prosperous iiie.
The circumstances modifying man's original fate are often

denoted as lime. Besides Wang CJi ung distinguishes Contingencies,
Chances, and Incidents, diilerent names for almost the same idea
(p. 142). These incidents may b(、 happy or unhappy, tliey may
26
Lun - Heiig ： Introduction.
tally witli the original destiny or disagree with it, completely

cliaiige it, or be repulsed. If an innocent man be thrown into jail,
but is released again, this unlucky contingency was powerless
against his favourable destiny; whereas, wlien hundreds or thou-
sands perisli together in a catastrophe the disaster they met with
Avas so paramount that their good fate and thriving luck could not
ward it off" {eod.).
We see Wang Ch ung s Fate is not the inexorable decree of

Heaven, tlie slfxapjjiivri of the Greeks, the dira necessitas^ or tlie
patristic predestination, being partly natural (vital fluid), partly
supei'uatural (stary fluid), and partly chance.
Epicurus impugns fatalism, and so does Me Ti and liis school

on tlie ground tliat fatalism paralyzes liuinaii activity and is sub-
vertive of morality. There were scholars at Wang Ch tmg's time wlio
attempted to mitigate the rigid fatalism by a compromise with self-
determination. They clistinguislied three kinds of destiny: — tlie
natural, the concomitant, and the adverse. Natural destiny is a
destiny not interfered with by human activity. The concomitant
destiny is a combination of destiny and activity both working in
the same direction, either for the good or for the bad of the
individual, whereas in the adverse destiny the two forces work in
opposite directions, but destiny gets the upper hand (p. 138).
Wang C/t ting repudiates this scholastic distinction, urging that

virtue and wisdom, in short that human activity has no influence
whatever on late, a blind force set already in motion before the new-
born begins to act (p. 141). There is no connection and no liarinouy
between human actions and fate. Happiness is not a reward for
virtue, or unliappiness a punishment for crimes. Wang Cliung ad-
duces abundance of instances to show, liow often tlie wise and
tJie virtuous are miserable and tormented, while scoundrels thrive
and flourish (( 'hap. Xll). Therefore a wise man should lead a
tranquil and (j[uiet life, placidly awaiting his fate, and enduring'
what cannot be clianged (p. 145).
Ill the matter of Fate Wang Cliting shares all the common
prejudices of his countrymen. Fate, he thinks, can be ascertained
by nMrology a nd it can he foreseen fro m phydognondes^ omens, dreants^
and (tjrparitioiis of gliosis an<l spirits. Tl""'e are special mi - dismd
sciences i'or all these branches: ― ant liroposcopy, divination, oneiro-
inaiicy, iiecroinancy, etc.
Anthroposcopy pretends to know the late not only from man's

features and t he lines of Lis skin (p. 47), but also from the osseous
structure ol' the body and particularly from bodily abnormities
Wang ri/unii's Philosophy.
27
(Chap. XXTV). Many sucli instances liave been recorded in ancient

Chinese books. Of features the physiognomists used to distinguisli
70 (liilerent ('lasses (p. 72). In accordauce with this theory W,f〃'y
Vh ung opines that tlio vital fluid, the beart'i" of destiny, finds ex-
pression ill the forms and featuros of the body, and can be read
by the soothsayers. Ho remarks that a person's character may
likewise be determined from his features, but that no regular science
for this purpose has been developed (Chap. XXIV).
Of Omens or Portents there are auspicious and inauspicious

ones, lucky or unlucky auguries. Freaks of nature, and rare •speci-
mens, sometimes only existing iu imagination, are considi'red auspi-
cious e. g. sweet dew and wiiw spHugs believed to appear in very
propitious times, iu the vegetable kingdom : ― the purple boletus, and
auspicious grass, in the animal kingdom : — the phceniv, the unkorn,
the dragon, the tortoise, and other fabulous animals (p. 56). Wang
CI I ling discourses at great length ou the nature and the form of
these auguries. They are believed to be forebodings of the rise
ol" a wise emperor or of the birt 1 1 of a sage, and harbingers of a
time of universal peace. Those Sages are oftentimes distinguishable
by a lialo or an aureole above their heads. The Chinese historical
works are full of sucli 、vonderful signs. But all these omens are
by no means intentionally sent by Heaven, nor responses to ques-
tions addressed to it by man. They liappeu spontaneously and
by cliauce (p. 186), simultaneously with those lucky events, which
they are believed to indicate. There exists, as it were, a certain
natural harmony between human life and the forces of nature,
manifested by those omens.
"Dreams, says Wang CJiung, are visions. When good or bad

luck are impending;, the mind shapes these visions " (p. 215). He
also declares that dreams are produced by the vital spirit (p. 200),
Avhicli amounts to the same, for the mind is the vital fluid. Iu
H (tug Ch uny's time there already existed the theory still held at
present by many Chinese that during a dream the vital spirit leaves
the body, and communicates with the outer world, and that it is
not before the awakening that it returns into the spiritless , body.
11(7"〃 Cli uny combats this view, showing that dreams are images
only, which have no reality. He further observes that there are
direct and indirect dreams. The former directly show a future
event, the latter are symbolical, aud must be explained by the
oneirocritics.
Wang C/i ung denies the immortality of the soul, but at the
same time he believes in Ghosts :iud Spirits. His ghosts, however,
28
Lun - Hong ： Introduction.
are very poor figures, phantoms and semblances still less substantial
than the Shades of Hades. They are uuembodied apparitions, have
no consciousness (p. 194), feel neither joy nor paiu, and can cause
neither good nor evil (Chap. XLII). They have human shape or
are like mist and smoke (Chap. XLIV). The origin of ghosts and
spirits is the same as that of the other inaiiifL'stations of fate : feat-
ures, omens, and dreams, namely the solar fluid and the vital force
or Yang. " When the solar fluid is powerful, but devoid of the Yi'n,
it can merely produce a semblance, but no body. Being no tiling
but the vital fluid without bones or flesh, it is vague and diffuse,
and when it appears, it is soon extinguished again " (Chap. XVIII).
Consequently ghosts and spirits possess the attributes of the

solar fluid: ― "The fluid of fire flickers up and clown, and so phan-
toms are at one time visible, and another, not. A dragon is an
animal resorting from the Yang principle, therefore it can always
change. A ghost is the Yang fluid, therefore it now appears and
then absconds. The Yang fluid is red, lieuce the ghosts seen by
people, Lave all uniform crimson colour. Flying demons are Yang,
which is fire. Consequently flying demons sliiue like fire. Fire
is hot aud burning, hence the branches and leaves of trees, on
wliicli these demons alight, wither aud die " [eod.). The solar
fluid is sometimes poisonous, therefore a ghost being burning poisou,
may eventually kill somebody (Chap. XXIII).
Many other theories on ghosts were current at Wang Cliung's

time, one of which very well agrees witli liis system, to wit that
in many cases ghosts are visions or hallucinations of sick people.
Others were of opinion that ghosts are apparitions of the lluid of
sickness, some held that they are tlie essence of old creatures.
Another idea was that ghosts originally live in men, and at tlieir
deaths are transformed, or that they are spiritual beings not much
(liilerent from man. According to one theory they would be the
spirits of cyclical signs (Cliap. XVllI).
According to Wuug Cli uiigs idea ghosts and spirits are only
one class of the many wonders and miracles lia 小）i)eiiiiig' between
heaven and ein-tli. " Between heaven and earth, he says, there
are many wonders in words, iti sound, and in writing. Either the
miraculous lluid assumes a human shape, or a man lias it in him-
self, and perfoi'ins the miracles. The ghosts, which appear, are all
aj)|)antion8 in human shape. Men doing wonders with the fluid
in tlicin, a re sorcerers. Real sorcerers have no basis for what they
say, and yd. tlieir lucky or unlucky propliecies fall from tlieir lips
spontaneously like the quaint sayings ol" boys. The moutli of boys
Wang Ch ung's Philosophy.
29
utters those quaint sayings spontaneously, and tlie idea of their

oration comes to wizards spontaneously. The moutli speaks of
itself, and the idea comes of itself. Thus the assumption of human
form by the miracles, and their sounds are spontaneous, and their
words come forth of" their own accord. It is the same thing in
l)()tli cases " {loc. cit.). The miraculous fluid may also assume the
shape of an animal like die hog foreboding the death of Duke
Ihiang of Cli i [eod.), or of an inanimate thing like the yellow
stone into wliicli Chang Liang was transforuiecl (Chap. XXX).
b) Physics.
Wang Cliung does not discriininate between a traiisceiulental

Uedven and a material Sky, He knows but one solid Heaven formed
of the Yaug fluid and filled -\vitli air.
Tliis Heaven appears to us like an upturned bowl or a reclin-

ing- uinbrelhi, but that, says Wang CKung^ is an optical illusion
caused by the distance. Heaven and Earth seem to be joined at
the horizon, but experience shows us that that is not the case.
I Vang Cliung holds that Heaven is as level as Earth, forming a
Hat plain (Chap. XX).
Heaven turns from East to West round the Polar Star as a

centre, carrying with it the Sun, the Moou, and the Stars. The
Sua and the Moon have their own movements in opposite direction,
from West to East, but they are so much slower tlian that of
Heaven, that it carries them along all the same. He compares
their movements to tjiose of ants crawling on' a rolling mill-stone
{eod.). Plato makes Heaven rotate like a spindle. The planets
take part in this movement of Heaven, but at the same time, tliougli
more slowly, move iu opposite direction by means of the o"cp。'vdt' 入 ot
forming the whirl ( Uberweg-Heinze, Geschiclite der Pliilosopliie,
vol. I， p. 180).
Heaven makes iu one day and one night one complete circum-
volution of 365 degrees. One degree being calculated at 2,000 Li,
tlie distance made by Heaven every 24 hours measures 730,000 Li.
The Sim proceeds only one degree 二 2,000 Li, the Moon 13 de-
grees ：二 26,000 Li. Wang Cli'uug states that this is the opinion
of the Literati [eod.). Heaven's movement appears to us very
slow, owing to its great distance from Earth. Iu reality it is very
last. The Chinese mathematicians have computed the distance at
upwards of 60,000 Li. The Taoist pliilosoplier Huai Nan Tse avers
that it measures 50,000 Li (Cliap. XIX).
30
Lun-Hriig: Introduction.
The body of tlie Earth is still more solid than that of Heaven
and produced by the Yin fluid. Whereas Heaven is in constant
motion, the Eartli does not move (Chap. XX). It measures 10,000 mill-
ion square Li, Avliich would be more than 2,500 million square-km.,
and lias the shape of a rectangular, equilateral square, which is of
course level. Wang CKung arrives at these figures in the following-
way. The city of Loyang in Honan is by the Chinese regarded as
the centre of the world and Annaiii or Jili-nan as the country over
which the sun in his course reaches tlie soutliermost point. Ami am
therefore would also be tlie southern limit of the Earth. The
distance between Loyang and Annain is 10,000 Li. Now, Chinese
who have been in Anuam have reported that the sun does not
reach his south-point tlie re, and that it must be still further south.
Wang CUung assumes that it might be 1 0,000 Li more south. Now
Loyang , though being the centre of the known world i. e. China,
is not the centre of the Earth. The centre of the Earth must be
beneath the Polar Star, the centre of Heaven. Wang Cliiing supposes
the distance between Loyang and the centre of the Earth below
the pole to be about 30,000 Li. The distance from the centre of
the Earth to its southern limit, the south-point of the siiu, thus
measuring about 50,000 Li, tlie distance from the centre to the
north-point must be tlic same. That would give 100,000 Li as the
length of tlie Earth from north to south, ami tlie same uuinber
can be assumed for tlio distance IVoni east to west (Chap. XIX).
The actual world (China) lies in the south-east of the universe

(Chap. XX). This peculiar idea may owe its origin to the observation
that China lies south of the Polar Star, the centre of Heaven, and
that at the east-side China is bordered by the ocean, whereas in
the west the mainland continues.
Tsou Yen, a scholar of the 4th cent. b.c. lias propounded the
doctrine that there are Nine Continents, all surrounded by minor
seas, and that China is but one of tliein, situated in the south-east.
Beyond the Nine Continents there is still the Great Ocean. Wang
Ch'urig discredits tins view, because neither the Great Yu, who is
believed to Lave penetrated to tlie lartliesr limits of the Earth and
to liave written down Lis ()l)S('rvM(ions in tlie S/mn-hai-king, nor
Hnai Nan T'se, who liad great schohn's and experts in his service,
mention anything about: (liircrcnt continents (Chap. XIX).
This Earth is liigli iu llic North- West and low in the South-
East, consequently the rivers (low i-astwards into tlie oc.ean (Chap. XX).
This remark agiiiii applies only to China, which from the table land
(； f Central Asia slopes cUnv u to thv ocean, where all her big rivers llovv.
Wang Ch ung's Philosophy.
31
Among the celestial bodies the Sun is the most im|)ort;uit. lie
is a star like the Moon and the Planets, consisting of fire. His
diameter has been found to measure 1,000 Li. The Sun follows
the movement of Heaven, but lias his own at the same time. The
common opinion tliat the sun and the other stars are round is
erroneous. They only appear so by the distance. The Sun is
fire, but fire is not round. The meteors that have been found,
were not round. Meteors are stars, ergo the stars are not round
{loc. fit.).
At noon. Avlien the Sun is in tlie zenith, he is nearer to us

than in the morning or the evening, because the perpendicular line
iVom the zenith to the earth is shorter than the oblique lines,
which must be drawn at sunrise or sunset. It is for this reason
also that the sun is hottest, when lie is culminating. That the
Sun in the zenith appears smaller than, when lie rises or sets,
whereas, being uearer then, he ought to be l)ig"ger, is because in
bright daylight every lire appears smaller than in the darkness or
at dawn (eod.).
This question has already been broached by Lieh Tse V, 9

who introduces two lads disputing about it, the one saying that
the Sun must be nearer at sunrise, because he is larger then, tlie
other retorting that at noon lie is hottest, and therefore must be
nearest at noon. C 'onf items is called upon to solve the problem,
but caunot find a solution.
Wang Ch ung is much nearer the truth than Epicurus, whose

notorious argument on the size of the sun aud the moon, is not
very much to his credit. He pretends that the stars must be
about the size, which they appear to us, because fires did not
lose anything of their heat, or their size by the distance {Diog.
Laert. X, 91), wliicli is an evident mis-statement. Lucretius repeats
these arguments [Lucr. V, 554-582).
The different lengths of day and night in winter and summer

Wang Ch ung attributes to the shorter and longer curves described
by the Sun on different days. In his opinion the Sun would take
16 different courses in heaven during the year. Other scholars
speak of 9 only {eod.). Wang Ch' ung is well acquainted witli the
winter and summer Solstices and the vernal and autumnal Equi-
noxes {eod.).
Whereas the Sun consists of fire, the Moon is water. Her

apparent roundness is an illusion: water has no definite shape
{eod.). Of the movement of the Moon we have already spoken.
Ill Chinese natural philosophy the Moon is always looked upon as
32
Luii-H(*iig ： Iiitrochu'tion.
the opposite of tlie Sun. The Sun ])eino; the orb of day and light
is Yang, fire, consequently the Moon, the companion of night and
darkness, must be Yin, water. The Sun appears brilliant and hot
like a burning fire, the Moon pale and cool like glistening water.
What wonder that the ancient Chinese should have taken her for
real water, for Wang CJiung merely echoes the general belief.
In the matter of Eclipses Wang Cli ung does not fall in with
the view of many of his time, to the effect that the Sun and the
Moon over-shadow and cover one another, nor with another theory
explaining tlie eclipses by the preponderance of either of the two
fluids, the Yin or the Yang, but holds that by a spontaneous move-
ment of their fluids the Sun or tlie Moon shrink for a while to
expand again, when tlie eclipse is over. He notes that those
eclipses are natural and regular phenomena, and that on an average
an eclipse of the Sun occurs every 41 or 42 months, and an eclipse
of the Moon every 180 days (eod.).
Epicurus and Lucretius are both of opinion that the fading of

the Moon may be accounted for in different ways, and that there
would be a possibility that the Moon really decreases i. e. shrinks
together, and then increases again [Diog. Laert. X, 95; Lucr. V,
719-724).
Wang CI i ung is aware that ebb and high-tide are caused by

the phases of the Moon, and tliat tlie famous " Bore" at HangcJion
is not an ebullition of the River, resenting the crime committed
on Wu Tse Hsii, who was unjustly drowned in its waters (p. 48).
The Stars except the Five Planets, wliicli have their proper
movement, are fixed to Heaven, and turn round witli it. Tlieir
diameter lias been estimated at about 100 Li viz. ^/^q of tlie diameter
of tlie Sun. That they do not appear bigger to us than eggs is
tlie e fleet of their great distance. (Chap. XX). They are made
of the same substances as tlie Sun and tlie Moon and the various
tilings, and not of stone like the meteors. They emit a strong,
light. The Five Planets: ― Venus, Jupiter, Mercury, Mars, and
Saturn consist of the essence of the Five Elements : ― water, fire,
wood, metal, and earth. Tlie fa(，t that the Five Planets are in
Chinese named after tli(、 Five Elements: ― The Water Star (Mercury),
the Fire Star (Mars), etc. must have led Woiiff Cli img to tlic belief
that they are actually formed of these elements. The language
must also be held responsible for another error into wliicli Wang
Cliung lias fallen. He seems to believe that tlie stars and con-
stellations arc really Avliat their riiiuese names express e. g" that
tlie re are liundreds ol" officials and two famous charioteers in
Wang Ch'nng's Philosophy,
38
Heaven. avIio by emitting- their fluid, shape the fate of men, (p. 138)
and tliat the 28 Solar Mansiotts are actually celestial postal stations
(Chap. XIX). It is possible however that the intimations of Wang
Hi' ling to this effect are not to be taken literally, and that he only
makes use of tlie usual terminology without attaching to them the
meaning whicli liis words would seem to imply. We are some-
times at a loss to know, whether Wang Oitmg speaks his mind or
not, for his 、、- oi'ds are often only rhetorical and dialectical devices
to meet tlie objections of liis opponents.
Wang CKung's ideas on Meteors and Shooting Stars are chiefly

derived from some classical texts. He comes to tlie conclusion that
sucli falling stars are not real stars, nor stones, but rain-like phe-
nomena resembling the falling of stars (Chap. XX).
Rain is not produced by Heaven, and, properly speaking, does

not fall down from it. It is the moisture of earth, wliicli rises
as mist and clouds, and then falls down again. The clouds and
tlie fog condense, aud in summer become Rain and Dew, in winter
Snow and Frost [eod.). There are some signs showing' tliat it is
going to rain. Some insects become excited. Crickets and ants
leave their abodes, and earth-worms come forth. The chords of
guitars become loose, and chronic diseases more virulent. The fluid
of rain has tliis effect (p. 109).
The same holds good for Wind. Birds foresee a coming storm,
and, when it is going to blow, become agitated. But Wang Ch'ung
goes farther and adopts the extravagant view that wind lias a
strange influence on perverted minds, such as robbers and thieves,
prompting them to do their deeds, and that by its direction it in-
fluences the market-prices. From its direction moreover, all sorts
of calamities can be foreseen such as droughts, inundations, epidemics,
and war (p. 111). There is a special science for it, still practised
to-day by the Imperial Observatory at Peking.
Heat and Cold correspond to fire and water, to the regions,

and to the seasons. Near the fire it is hot, near the water, cool.
The Yang fluid is the source of heat, the Yin fluid that of cold.
The South is the seat of the Yang, the North of the Yin. In sum-
mer the Yang fluid predominates, in winter the Yin. The tempe-
rature can never be changed for man's sake, nor does Heaven ex-
press its feelings by it. When it is cold , Heaven is not cool, nor
is it genial and cheerful, when it is warm (Chap. XXI).
Wlien the Yin and the Yang fluids come into collision, we
liave Tlninder and Lightning (p. 126). The fire of the sun colliding
、、- ith the water of tlie clouds causes an explosion, wliicli is the
Lun-Heng. 3
/
34
Liin - Heng ： Introduction.
thunder. Lightning is the shooting forth of the exploding air

(Chap. XXII, XXIX). Wavg Ch'tmg alleges 5 arguments to prove that
lightning must be fire (Cliap. XXII). He ridicules tlie idea tliat thunder
is Heaven's angry voice, and tliat Avitli its thunderbolt it destroys
the guilty. When lightuing strikes, lie says, it hits a tree, da-
mages a house, and perhaps kills a man. But not unfrequently
a thunder-clap is without effect, causing no damage, and destroying
no human life. Does Heaven in such a case indulge in useless
anger?" And why did it not strike a fiend like the Empress Lii
Hou, but often kills sheep and other innocent animals? [eocL] Lu-
cretkis asks the same question: ―
" Quod si Jappiter atque alii fulgentia divi
terrifico (juatiunt sonitii cselestia teinpla
et jaciunt ignem quo qoiquest cum que voluptas,
cur quibus incautum scelus aversabile cumquest
non faciunt icti flammas ut fulgaris halent
pectore perfixo, documen mortalibus acre,
et potius nulla sibi turpi conscius in re
volvitiir in tlammivS innoxius inqiie peditiir
turbine cailesti subito correptus et igni ？
cur etiain loca sola petunt frnstraque laborant?"
{Liter. VI, 380-389).
The poet states that tempests are brought about by the con-
flict of the cold air of 、viiiter witli tlie hot air of summer. It is
a battle of fire on the one, and of wind and moisture on the other
side. Lightning is fire [eod. 355-375). Thunder is produced by
the concussion of tlie clouds chased by tlie wind {eod. 94seq.).
c) Ethics.
In the Lun-he)fg, ethical problems take up but a small space.

Probably Wang CKung has treated tliem more in detail in his lost
work, the Chi-m-chieh-yi " Censures on Morals." In the Liui-heng
they are toudird upon more incidentally.
Men are all endowed with tlie same lieaveiily fluid, wliicli
becomes tiieir vital force and their mind. There is no lundaniental
fliirerence in tlieir organisation. But tlie quantity of tlie fluids
varies, whence the (liHereiice of tlieir characters. " The fluid men
are endowed with, says Wang Cliung^ is either copious or deficient,
and their characters correspondingly good or bad " (Chaj). XXXI).
Kpimrns explains tin* (liHW' ("化 e (^(" luunaii (characters l)y tlie clidereiit
mixture ('{• tlic four substances coustitutiug the soul.
Wang rii'iing's Pliilosophy. 35
Tlio vital fluid embraces the Five Elcuncnts of Chinese natural

pliilosopliy : Water, fire, wood, metal, and earth, wliicli form the
l'，ive Organs of the body : tlie heart, the liver, the stomach, the
lungs, and the kidneys. These inner parts are the seats of tlie
Five Virtues: 一 benevolence, justice, propriety, knowledge, and truth
(p. 105). The Five Virtues are regarded as the elements of human
character and intelligence. Thus the quantity of the original fluid
lias a direct influence upon the character of the person. A small
dose produces but a small lieart, a small liver, etc. and these
organs being small tlie moral and mental qualities of tlie owner
can be but small, insufficient, bad. The copiousness of the fluid
has the opposite result.
The Five Organs are the substrata of the " Five Virtues."
Any injury of the former afiects tlie latter. When those organs
become diseased, the intellect loses its brightness, and morality
declines, and, when these substrata of the mind and its virtues
are completely destroyed, by death, the mind ceases likewise (p, 195).
Being virtually contained in the vital or lieavenly fluid, the

Five Virtues must come ironi Heaven and be lieavenly virtues
(Chap. XLIII). Heaven is unconscious and inactive, therefore it
cannot practise virtue in a human way, but the results of the spon-
taneous movement of tlie lieavenly fluid are in accordance with virtue.
It would not be difficult to qualify tlie working- of nature as bene-
voleiit, just, and proper, which has been clone by all religions, al-
though unconscious benevolence and unconscious justice are queer
notions, but liow about unconscious knowledge and unconscious
truth, the last of the Five Virtues? Wang CKung finds a way out
of this impasse : ― " The heart of high Heaven, he says, is in the
bosom of the Sages," an idea expressed already in the Liki (Cf.
Legge's transl. Vol. I, p. 382). Heaven feels and tliinlis with tlieir
hearts (p. 128 seq.). Heaven has no heart of its own, but the lieart
of the Sages as well as of men in general are its hearts, for they have
been produced by the heavenly fluid. This fluid, originally a shapeless
and difl'use mass, cannot think or feel by itself. To become con-
scious it requires an organism. In so far it can be said that by-
consul ting one's own lieart, one learns to know the will of Heaven,
tliat " Heaven acts through man " and that " when it reprimands,
it is (lone tlirougli the mouths of Sages " (eod.).
Wang Ck ung does not enter upon a discussion on what the

moral law really is, and why it is binding. He simply takes the
Five Virtues in the acceptation given them by the Confucianists.
But lie ventilates another question, wliicli lias been taken up by
3*
36
almost all the moralists from Mencius downward, that of the orig-
inal goodness or badness of liuman nature. Wang Ch'ung acquaints
us with the different views on this subject. The two extremes
are represented by Mencius, who advocates tlie original goodness,
and by Hsiin Tse, who insists upon its badness. There are many
compromises between these two contrasting theories. Wang Cli ung
himself takes a middle course, declaring that human natural dis-
position is sometimes good, and sometimes bad, just as some peo-
ple are by nature very intelligent, while others are feeble-minded
(Chap. XXXn). ' -
Original nature may be changed by external influences. Good

people may become bad, and bad ones may reform and turn good.
Such results can be brought about by intercourse witli good or
bad persons. With a view to reforming the wicked the State makes
use of public instruction and criminal law (Chap. XXXI). Wang
CJiung adopts tlie classification of ( hnfucins, who distinguishes average
people and such above and below the average (Analects VI, 19).
" The character of average people," he says, " is the work of liabit.
Made familiar witli good, they turn out good, accustomed to evil,
they become wicked. Only with extremely good, or extremely bad
characters habit is of no avail." These are the people above and
below the average. Their characters are so inveterate, that laws
and instructions are powerless against them. They remain what,
they are, good or bad (Chap. XXXII).
The cultivation of virtue is better than the adoration of spirits,

who cannot help us (Chap. XLIV). Yet it would be a mistake to be-
lieve that virtue procures happiness. Felicity and misfortune depend
on fate and chance, and cannot be attracted by virtue or crime
(Chap. XXXVIII). On the whole Wang CK ung does not think mucli
of virtue and wisdom at all. He has amalgamated the Confucian
Ethics with his system as far as possible, but tlie Taoist ideas
suit him much better and break through here and there. The
Taoists urge that virtue and wisdom are a decline from man's orig-
inal goodness. Originally people lived in a state of quietude and
happy ignorance. " Virtuous actions were out of the ([uestion, and
the people were dull and beclouded. Knowledge and wisdom did
not yet irmke their appearance " (p. 100). They followed their
natural I't'opensities, a (； ted sp'mtatieously, and were happy. Sucli
was the conduct of t he model emjxu'ors of antiquity, Ihiang Ti, Yao.
and S/mii. They lived in a state of" (juietiule and indifference, did
not work, and tlie empire was governed by itself (p. 98). They
merely imitated Heaven, who's principle is spontaneity and in-
Wang Ch'ung's Philosophy.
37
action. Now-a-clays this liigli standard can uuly be attained by

the wisest and best men. "A mau with tlie highest, purest, and
fullest virtue has been endowed with a large quantity of the
heavenly fluid, therefore he can follow the example of Heaven,
and be spontaneous and inactive like it " [loc. cit.). He need not
trouble about virtue, or act ou purpose, for he is naturally vir-
tuous, and all his spontaneous deeds are excellent. The majority
of people, however, cannot reach this height. Having received
but a small quota of the heavenly fluid, they cannot follow its
example, and become active. They practise the routine virtues,
which for tlie superior man, who naturally agrees with tiiem, are
of little importance.
d) Critique.
Wang CJiung not only criticises tlie common ideas, superstitions,

and more or less scientific theories current at his time, but lie also
gives his- judgment upon the principal scholars, whose tenets lie
either adopts or controverts, and it is not without interest to learu,
liow he values well known philosophers and historians.
a) PhUosopJiers.
Of all philosophers by far the most frequently cited is Con-

fucius. Ill Wang Cliung's estimation he is the Sage of China. He
calls him the " Nestor in wisdom and virtue, and the most eminent
of all philosophers " (Chap. XXXII). Wang Cli ung seems to believe
that he has won Lis cause, whenever he can quote Confucius as his
authority, and that with a dictum of the Sage lie can confound
all his adversaries. In quoting Confucius he uses great liberty, in-
terpreting' his utterances so as to tally with his own views. But
this veneration does not prevent him from criticising even Confucius.
He thinks it uecessaiy to vindicate himself from the charge of
impiety and immorality, intimating that even Sages" and Worthies
are not infallible and may err sometimes (Chap. XXXIII). tJe might
Imve done anything else, but this offence the Literati will never con-
done. His attacks on Confucius are very harmless and not even very
clever. He does uot impugn the Confucian system, which on the
contrary he upholds, though he departs from it much farther than
he himself knows. His method consists in hunting up contra-
dictions and repugnancies in the Analects. He uot seldom con-
structs a contradiction, where there is none at all, by putting much
more into the words of Confucius than they contain. He forgets
446508
38
tliat in freely talking with friends or pupils ― and the Analects

are nothing else than such conversations ― one does not weigh
every word. Besides the peculiar ci rcurastances and the form of
inind of the speaker must be taken into consideration, which Wauy
CKung often neglects. In short, the essay on Confucius is in no
way a mnster-piece of criticism and not worth the fuss made about it.
Mencius, the second Sage, is also very often mentioued. Wa/iy

CK ung holds liim in high esteem, but treats his work iu tlie same
way as tlie Analects. Tlie objections raised keep more or less on
the surface, and do not affect the substance of his doctrine.
Tlie liig'liest praise*, is bestowed on Yang Hdimg, another famous

Confuciauist of the Han epocli. Wang CJiting compares the historian
Sse Ma C/i leu with the Yellow River and Yang Hsmng with the Hau
(Chap. XXXVII). He rose like a star (p. 81), and his chief work,
the T ai-hsilan-ching was a creation (p. 88).
Like Fhiai Nan Tse、 Wang Clixmg very often mentions Me Ti

conjointly with Confucius as the two great Sages of antiquity. At
that time the fame of Confucius had not yet eclipsed tlie philosopher
of mutual love. Though appreciating him, Wang CKung rejects J lis
system as unpractical, maintaining that its many contradictions
have prevented its spreading (Chap. XXXVIl). The Meliists believe
in ghosts and spirits and adore tliem, imploring their help. At the
same time they neglect the funerals and the dead, and they deny
the existence t)f fate.
When Lao Tse is referred to, lie is usually introduced to-

gether with Huang Ti、 who like Lao Tse is looked upon as the
lather of Taoism. They are both called truly wise (p. 98). Tl"、
Taoist school established the principle of spontanei ty and inaction.
Tlie philosophy of Wang Cliung is to a great extent based ou their
doctrines without, however, becoming Taoistic, for he leaves out
tlie quintessence of their system, Tao, nor will lie have anything
of their transcendentalism, mysticism or other extravagancies.
Wang Ch ung is well acquainted with the Taoist writer I luui

Nan Tse, from whose work lie jfi'(、ely culls, ofteuer tliau he men-
tions 】iim. lie refutes the legend tliat llnai N(m Tse by his alclii-
inistical studies obtained immortality, and with liis 'entire house-
hold, including' his dogs and poultry asccMidiul to lloavea, sub-
mitting that he (Mtlicr was beheaded I'or some political intrigues
or coinmitted suicide (diap. XXVIU).
Against //〃〃 Fei 7\y% vvlio wrote on \\w theory of govorntnent

and legislation, and whose writings arc strongly tainted with
Tauisin, W niKj ( 7, any bhows a 丄） rmim 川（'"（1 antipathy. He most
Wang Ch'uug's Philosophy.
39
vehemently attacks him lor having declared the scholars and lite-
rati to be useless grubs in the State. Han Fei Tse was of opinion
that rewards and punisliineQts were sufficient to keep up order,
Wang CK ung objects that in his system virtue has uo place, llan
Fei Tse despises diviuation, wliicli Wang Ch ung defends. Han Fei
Tse was much appreciated by tlie Emperor Ch in Shi It Ilaang 77， a
great admirer of liis works, which, however, did not liiuder the
tyrant from condemning him to death for some political reason.
It is passing strange that the great Taoist philosophers lAeh

Tse and CIt uang Tse are not once named. Were tliey so little read
at Wang C/i ung's time, that lie did not know them? Some of his
stories are told in Lieh Tse likewise with nearly the same Avords,
but it docs not follow, that they must be quoted from Lieh Tse,
for sucli narrations are often found in several authors, cue copying
Iroin the other without acknowledging his source.
A scholar, of whom Wang Cli ung speaks very often is Tung

Chung Sim, a very prolific writer of the 2nd cent. b.c. He was said
by many to have completed the doctrine of Confucius, while others
held that lie had perverted it. Wang Ch ung thinks tliat both views
are wroug (Cliap. XXXVIl). Tung Chung Situ devoted his labours to
the C!i"m-ch iu, but lie also wrote on the magical arts (p. 84) and
on Taoism. Wang Ch ung says tliat liis arguments on Taoist doc-
triues are very queer, but that Lis ideas on morals aud on go-
vernment are excellent. In human nature Tung Chung Shu dis-
tinguishes between natural disposition and feeling. The former,
he says, is the outcome of the Yang principle and therefore good, the
feelings are produced by the Yhi and are therefore bad (Cliap. XXXII).
Tung Chung Shu seems to have been the inventor of a special
rain-sacrifice. The figure oT a dragou was put up to attract the
rain, Wang C It ung stands up for it with, great fervour aud attempts
to prove its efficacy (p. 55， N. 47).
01' Tsau Yen many miracles were already related at Wang

CI I luig's time. He rejects them as fictions. Tsou Yens writings
were brilliant, he says, but too vague and dilluse (Chap. X XXVII).
With his above mentioned theory of the îne Continents Wang
CI t ung does not agree.
The sophist Kiing Sun Lung as well as Kuan Tse aud Shang
Vang, who both have philosophised on the State, are rather se-
verely dealt with (Chap. XXXVII). On the other hand Wang CK ung
is very lavish in liis praise of the writers of the Han time viz. Liu
Ihlung, Lu Chia, author of the Hsin-yil, a work on government, Haan
(- hiin Shan, author of the Hsin4un^ and Huan K uan, who 'wrote the
40
Yen-t' ieli-hm, a work on finance and other State questions. Besides

Wang CK ung gives the names of a number of his contemporaries
to Avhoui lie predicts immortality, but he lias been a bad prophet,
for save one they are all forgotten now.
/3) Historians.
It was a great controversy during the Han epoch, which

commentary to the C/itm-c/iiu was the best. The Iso-chuau had
not yet secured the position, it holds now; many scholars gave
the preference to the works of Kung Yang or Ku Liang. Wang
CKung avers that Tso CIt iu Mings Tso-chuau surpasses all tlie others,
and that having lived nearer to Coitfucius time than the other
commentators, Tso Cli ia Ming has had more facilities to ascertain
the views of the Sage and to give them in their purest form.
Wang C It ung coniirins that the Kuo - yii is also the work of Tô
cli iu Ming (Chap. XXXVil). Many of Wang CI"mg,s stories and
myths are taken from the Tso-chuan.
Of the Lil-shih-cli un-ch ' iu of Ji Pa We% an important work

for antique lore, Wang CK ung says that it contains too much of
the marvellous.
To illustrate his theories Wang CK ung often lays the l^hi-chi

under contribution. Of its author, &'e Ma Cltien^ lie speaks with
great deference, and regards him as the greatest writer of the llau
period. What lie reproaches him with, is that ！ ise' Ma CItien too
often leaves us in the dark as to his own opinion on a cj[uestion,
stating only the bare facts, or giving two different versions of the
same event without deciding, which is the correct one {loc. cit.).
Pan Ku, Wang Cliungs contemporary aud the son of his

teacher Van Piao, is lauded for liis good verses and memorials
[loc. cit.). He is the one contemporary of our philosopher, who
really has become immortal by his great work, tlie Uau-shu. At
Wang CIt ung s time it had not yet appeared, and so is never re-
ferred to. it was completed and published after Pau Kiis death
by his sister Fan Cliao.
That he possesses some abilities in the Held of literary and

historical critique himself, Wang CIt any show s in his remarks on
the origin and Jiistoiy of the Classics. He tells us, liow they \\ ere
composed, how discovered after tlic Burning of the Books, liow
handed dowji, and how divided into books and cliapters (Cliap.
XXXVl). in spite of his profound veneration lor the classical
literature he does not hesitate to censure those passages, Avliicli do
not find liis approval, or to expose tJic exaggerations and fabler
Wang Ch mill's Philosophy.
41
with wliicli they teem (p. 51, N. 27). In like manner he is in-
de la ti gable iu detecting Taoist liotious and iuventions and in re-
ducing them to their true measure, lor it does not satisfy him to
deinoustrate their impossibility; he desires to find out, how they
originated (p. 50, N. 24). He combats the legends which have
found their way into the historical literature, although they are
loss frequent tliau in tlie Taoist works (p. 50， N. 25-26). The
entire Lun-lieng is a big battle agains these errors. His discussions
would seem sometimes a little lengthy, and the subject not to require
such an amount of arguments, for we would prove the same with
a few words, or not discuss it at all, the proposition being for us
self-evident. We must liowever bear in mind, that what for us
uow is self-evident and iudisputable, was not so for the Chinese,
I'or whom Wang Ch ung wrote his book, and tliat to shake them iu
their deep-seated persuasions a huge apparatus of logic M as ne-
cessary. Eveu tlieu probably the majority held fast to their pre-
conceptions. The triumphant march of logic is checked, as soon
as sentiment and prejudice comes in.
Historically Wang Ch ung takes another point of view than

his contemporaries, who for the most part took little interest iu
rlifir owu time, and let their I'aucies wander back to the golden
age of remote antiquity. Wang C'/i ung is more modern than most
Cliiuese ol" the proseut day. He was of opinion that the llau dy-
uasty was as good, even better thau the famous old dynasties
(p. 56, N. 56). Five essays bear upon this thesis. His reasoning
is very lame liowever, for instead of speaking of the government,
he ouly treats of the auspicious portents proving the excellence of
the ruling sovereigns.
e) Religion and Folklore.
The religion of tlie Cliiuese at the Han time was a cult ol"
nature combined with aucestor worship. They regarded certain
parts of nature and certain uatural phenomena as spirits or as
animated by spirits, and tried to propitiate them and the ghosts
of their ancestors by prayers and sacritices. Convinced "that these
spirits and ghosts could belp them, or do tliein harm, as they
chose, they contrived to wiu their good graces, praying for luippi-
ness, imploring them to avert evil, and showing their gratitude tor
received beuetits by their ollerings,
丄'1"' chief deities worshipped during the C/iou period wei'e: ―
42
Lun - Heng ： Introduction,
Heaven and its parts : ― the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars. Among
the latter the Fice Planets take the first place, but the 28 Solar
Mansions and other constellations, such as the Dipper and the Stars
of Longevity were likewise adored.
Earth and its parts, Mountains and Rivers, tlie Soil, and tlir
Grain growing on it, and some of its phenomena: ~ -Earth-quak'e、、
Water (luuudations), and Droughts.
Meteorological phenomena: ― Wind and Raiu, Heat and Cold,

Thunder and Ligldning.
The Four Seasons and the Four Quarters.
The Five Parts of the House: ―- The Gate, the Dooi\ the Wall^
the Hear til, aud the Court,
Deified Heaven was often looked upon as an emperor, the Em-

peror on Higli or the Supreme Ruler, aud so were the Planets,
called the Blue, Red, Yellow, White, and Black Emperors. The
other stars and constellations were tlieir officials. All these deities
have, as a rule, no distinct personality, and still quite clearly show
the traces of tlieir origin. The "Prince of the Wind," the "Master
of Rain," the Thunderer," tlie "Door God/' and the " Spirit of
the Hearth" or "Kitchen God" were perhaps more than the
others apprehended as personal gods.
The Spirits of tlie Soil and Grain were at the outset probably
not different from the other spirits animating nature, but according
to very old traditions two persons : ― Kou Lung and Clii have after
their deaths been deified and raised to the rank of tutelary genii
of the land and grain. These apotheoses of men after tlieir death
became more frequent in later ages. Under the CK in dynasty
67/ ih Yu, a legendary personage renowncled for his military exploits,
was worshipped as War God, The three sons of the mythical
(*inperor Chuan I Ls'd after their death became Water Spirits and Spirits
iff KpidenUcs, and a woman, who had died in cliihlbcd, and whosi^
ghost liad a[)j>(、aml to somebody after her decease, was made
Princess of JJemom under the llan dynasty.
Here we liave ancestral worship. Every family used to revere

llie ； ghosts of its deceased ancestors, but only iu such exceptional
cases as those quoted above did these ghosts later on becmi 化
national gods.
Tlie cull of t lu» aibrc-nieutioiuHl deities was ontium^d during

t lir llau, ('j)och, and witli some few alterations has gone ou up to
the present day. It is the State religion of CJiiiia, sanctioned by
(iov(M'nineiit, niid practised by the Son of Heaven and his highest
oi'licials. Biiddiusni and Taoism are only tolerated. Conracianisiii
Wang Ch ung s Philosophy.

48
is uo religion, but the official moral system, \\ liicli completely

agrees with the cult of" nature.
The sacrifices to tlie spirits of nature were in ancient times

performed by the Emperor, the Feudal Princes, aud the officials,
acting as high-priests for their people. TJie people used to sacri-
fice only to their own ancestors and to the Spirits of the Door or
tlie Hearth. The oblations were burnt-offerings of animals and
libations of wiue. There was no clergy to mediate between the
gods and the people. These rules were less strictly observed
during the Han epoch, when occasionally priests sacrificed in the
place of the Emperor, and even priestesses were allowed to make
oUeriugs in their temples, lii out-of-the-way places, where uo
officials were near, the people could themselves worship the gods,
whose service else was incumbent upon tlie magistrates (cf. Chap. XLI,
XLII and Shi-chi cliap. 27-28).
W ang C'h ung asserts that most of these sacrifices are super-
fluous, because the deities thus liouoiired are merely parts of others,
to which offerings are made likewise. The Sun, the Moon, aud the
Stars are parts of Heaveu. Tliey must participate in the oblations
offered to Heaveu, why then give tliem special sacrifices to boot?
With Mountains and Rivers, the Soil and Grain, which are tlie
constituent parts —of Earth, it is the same. Would any reasonable
person, irrespective of liis usual meals, specially feed liis limbs ？
(Chap. XLI.)
Moreover, spirits and ghosts cannot enjoy the sacrifices, for

there are uoue, at least not personal beings, as people seem to
imagine (Chap. XLIV). If they were air, they could not eat nor smell,
and if they had a body, it would be so enormous, that men could
lU'ver satisfy their appetite. I— low' should tliey feed tlie Earth or even
a. Mountain or a Kiver? [cod. and Chap. XLI.) Being formed of tlie
shapeless fluid, ghosts and spirits can neither feel nor act, consecjûeutly
they cannot do anything for man nor against him. I' 二 rgo by sacrifices
he does not obtain his end, divine protection (Chap. XLU). There-
lore sacrifices can be nothing more than symbolical acts, showing
the gratitude and the affection of the sacrificer. He is thankful
ior all the kindness lie lias received from Heaven and Earth, and
from his parents and forefathers {eocL). Sacrifices are manifestations
oi the piety 'of him, who oilers them, but their omission canuot
liave any evil coiisequeuce.
Kvo'-ckm is the correlate of" prayers and sacrifices. The an-

cient Chinese used to practise it i)jirticulai'ly with the Spirit oi^
iSickne", wlioni they expelled. W'auy C It ung thinks it as useless as
44
sacrifices, for, says lie, provided the spirits are mist and vapours,
they cannot do any harm, should tliey really exist, however, tliea
they would indubitably not allow themselves to be driven oil".
They would not only offer resistance, but also resent the affront,
and take their revenge upon the exorcist (Cliap. XLIV).
Primitive Chinese religion has not produced a mythology

worth speaking of, but a variety of superstitions have clustered
around it. Some of them Wang CIi ung brings to our notice. The
principle aim of Chinese religion is to obtain happiness and to
remove evil. But is does not suffice to worship the spirits, one
must also avoid sucli actions, as might bring down misfortune. In
the popular belief there is a certain mystic connection, a sort of
harmony between fate and liuuiau activity, though one does not
see liow. When the Yam en officials are very bad, the number of
tigers increases so much, that plenty of people are devoured by
tliem. The rapacity of the underlings is believed to cause grubs
and insects to eat grain (p. 55, N. 48-49). It is dangerous to ex-
tend a building to the west, one must not see women who recently
have given birth to a child, and children born in the first or the
fifth months should not be brouglit up, for they will be the cause
their parents death (p. 59, N. 68). Exceptional precautions must
be taken in building a new house (p. 60, N. 74).
For most actions in every-day-life the time chosen is of the

utmost importance. An unlucky time spoils everything. The Cliiuese
at the llan epoch had uot only their dies fasti and nefasti, but pro-
pitious aud unpropitious years, mouths, days, and hours. Special
books gave the necessary iuformation. For some actions certain
lucky days had to be chosen, for others certain unlucky ones liad
to be avoided. Special days were assigned lor the commencing of
a new-building or for funerals. Bathing on certain days, women,
were sure to become lovely, on others they would become ill-
favoured. Moving one's residence one should avoid a collision
with the Spirit of the North, T'ai Sui (p. 59, N. 70, 72, 73). People
neglecting these rules would fall in with malignant spirits, or meet
witli evil influences. These ideas liave come down to our time, and
arc .still cherished by the majority of the Chinese. The calendar
publislietl every year by the Board of Astronomy serves them as
a guide, noting that wJiicli may be sal'ely done on eacli day, and
I hat wlii':li J 11 ay not. Wang Cli uiig has done his best to eradicate
these superstitions, showing tlieir unreasonableness and futility, as
we see witli little success, so deeply are they still rooted in the
Chinese mind after nearly two thousand years.
45
4. Table of Contents of the Lun-heng.

Book L
1. Chap. I. Fmg-yil 逢週.
This chapter treats of the relation between officers and their

sovereign. To be appreciated and snocessfiil an official must find
tlie rioht prince, who understands him and puts him in the right
place. One must not make the successful responsible for their
success, or the unsuccessful for their failure, because not their talents,
but time and circumstances are decisive.
2. Chap. n. Lei-hni 累害.
The difficulties and annoyances Avhich people have to endure

come from abroad, and are not the result of their own works. There-
fore they must not be blamed. Fear and good conduct have no
influence on fortune or misfortune. " Fortune is what 、ve obtain
without any effort of our owu, and misfortune what happens to
us without our co-operation." The chief annoyaucjes of officials at
tlie court and in tlie provinces are slanderous reports of envious
persons. Three kinds of calumnies are distinguislied. The wise
do not feel troubled about this, and lead the life wliicli most
suits them.
*3. Chap. III. Ming-lu 命祿（On Dest inv and Fortune).
Destiny predetermines the length of man's life, and whether

he shall be rich and honourable, or poor and mean. There is no
correspondence between human virtue and fate. The wicked and
the unintelligent are very often happy, whereas men endowed with
the liigliest faculties and the noblest character perish in misery,
as is shown by various examples from history. The knowing,
therefore, do not hunt after happiness, but leave everything to
Heaven, suffering with equanimity what caunot be avoided, and
placidly awaiting their turn. The opinions of several philosophers
holding similar views are given.
*4. Chap. IV. Ch'i-shou 氣壽. (Long Life and Vital Fluid).
There are two kinds of fate, the cue determining the events
of life, the other its length. The length of life depends on the
ôfe: ― The chapters marked with an asterisk have been translated.
46
Luii-Hrng: Inf rodtiction.
quantity of the vital fluid received at birth. Accordingly the body

waxes strong- or weak, and a strong body lives longer than a
feeble one. The normal length of human life should be a hundred
years. The Classics attest that the wise emperors of the Golden
Age: ― Yao, S/nm, Wen Wang, Wu Wanff, and others all lived over
hundred years.
Book II.
*5. Chap. I. Hsing-ou 幸偶 (On Chance and Luck).
Happiness and misfortune are not the outcome of man's good

or bad actions, but chance and luck. Some have good luck, others
bad. Good and bad fortune are not distributed in a just way,
according to worth, but are mere chance. This is true of man
as well as of other beings. Even Sages are often visited with
misfortune.
*6. Chap. II. Ming-yi 命義 (What is meant by Destiny?).
The school of Me Ti denies the existence of Destiny. Wang

Ch ung follows the authority of Confucius. There are various kinds
of destinies. The length of human life is regulated by tlie fluid
of Heaven, their wealth and honour by the effluence of the stars,
with wliicli men are imbued at their birth. Wang CK ung rejects
the distinction of natural, concomitant, and adverse fate, but admits
contingencies, chances, and incidents, which may either agree witli
the original fate and luck, or not. The fate of a State is always
stronger than that of individuals.
*7. Clmp. III. Wu-Jtsing 無形 (Unfounded Assertions).
At birth man receives the vital fluid from Heaven. This

fluid determines the length of his life. There are lio means to
prolong its duration, as tlio Taoists pretend. Some examples from
history are shown to be untriistwoi-tliy. At dealli everything ends.
The vital force disperses, and the body is dissolved,
*8. Clifip. IV. Shuai-hsing 率' |' 生 (Th(、 Forming of Cliaracters).
Tl"、r(' ;m、 naturally good, and tlim' ;> re naturally bad char-
acters, l)ut tins (lillcrence l>"t、v(vii llie ({u;iliti(\s low and superior
men i« not fundamental. Tlie original fluid permeating all is the
same. It contains (he germs of (he Five Virtues. Those who are
Table of Contents of the Luii -hcng.
47
endowed Avitli copious fluids, become vrituous, those whose fluid

is deficient. Avicked. But by external influences, human nature (.'an
turn from good into bad, and the reverse. Bad people can be im-
proved, and become good by instruction and good example. There-
fore the State cannot dispense with instructions and laws.
*9. Cliap. V. Chi-yen 吉驗 (Auspicious Portents).
Auspicious portents appear, when somebody is destined to

something' grand by fate, especially, when a new dynasty rises.
These manifestations of fate appear either in tlie person's body,
or as lucky signs in nature, or under tlie form of a halo or a
glare. A great variety of instances from ancient times clown to
tlie Han dynasty are adduced in proof.
Book HI.
10. Chap. 1. Ou-hui 偶會.
Fate acts spontaneously. There are no other alien forces at

work besides fate. Nobody is able to do anything against it.
Human activity is of no consequence.
*11. Chap. II. Ku-hsiang 骨相 (On Aiithroposcopy).
The heavenly fate becomes visible in the body, and can be

foreseen by antliro])oscopY. The Classics contain examples. The
physiognomists draw their conclusions from the osseous structure
and from the lines of the skin. The character can also be seen
from the features.
*12, Chap. III. CfCu-plng '初裏 (Heaven's Orii>-innl Gift).
Destiny comes down upon man already in his embryonic state,

not later on during liis life. It becomes mind internally and body
externally. This law governs all organisms. Heaven never invests
virtuous emperors, because it is pleased witli tliein. for this would
be in opposition to its principle of spontaneity and inaction. Utter-
ances of the Classics that Heaven was pleased and looked round,
«'tc. are to be taken in a figurative sense. Heaven lias no human
body and no liuinau qualities. Lucky omens are not sent by Heaven,
but appear by chance.
48
Lun - Hong ： Introduction.
* IB. Chap. TV. Pen-hsing 本性 (On Original Nature).
The different theories of Chinese moralists on human nature

are discussed. Sliih Tse holds that human nature is partly good,
partly l)a,d， Mencius that it is originally good, but can be corru ！、 te(l，
Sun Tse that it is originally bad, Kao Tse tliat it is neither good
nor bad, and that it all depends on instruction and development,
Lu Chia that it is predisposed for virtue. Tung Chung Sim and
Liu Hsiang distinguish between natural disposition and natural feel-
ings. Wang C/iung holds th'at nature is sometimes good and some-
times bad, but essentially alike, being the fluid of Heaven, and
adopts the Confucian distinction of average people, people above,
and people below the average. The latter alone can be changed
by habit.
*14. Chap. V. Wu-'shih 物勢（The Nature of Things).

Heaven and Earth do not create man and the other things
on earth intentionally. They all g'row of themselves. Had Heaven
produced all creatures on purpose, it would have taught them
mutual love, whereas now one. destroys the other. Some have ex-
plained this struggle for existence by the hypothesis that all creatures
are filled with the fluid of the Five Elements, Avlii (； li figlit together
and overcome one another. Wang Cliung controverts this view and
the symbolism connected therewith.
*15. Chap. VI. Chi-kmi 竒' | 圣 (Miracles).

Wang Cliung proves by analogies that tlie supernatural births
reported of several old legendary rulers, who are said to 】iave been
procreated by dragons or a special fluid of Heaven, are impossible.
The Spirit of Heaven would not consort with a Avoman, for only
beings of the same species pair. Saints and Sages are born like
other people from their parents.
Book IV.
IG. Chap. T. Shu-hsu 書虛.

Tlie cliajjter coiitaius a I'H'utaHon of a scries of wronc; state-
iiiciits ill aiKMeiit books. Tlic asscriion i liat Slum and Yn ditnl in the
South is shown to be erroneous. Wang Ch'nng explodes tlie idea
that the " Bore '， at IJang-cJiou is caused by tlie angry spirit of
Wu Tse Urn, wlio was thrown into the Cli ien-t' ang River, and re-
marks that the tide follows the j) liases of the moon. (Bk. IV, p. 5v.)
Table of Contents of the Lun -heng.
49
17. Chap. n. Pien-hsii 響虛.

Wang CKung points out that many reports in ancient literature
concerning extraordinary phenomena, not in harmony with the laws
of nature, are fictitious and unreliable, e. g. the story that touched
bv the virtue of Duke Ching of Sung, the planet Mars si lifted its
place, that Heaven rewarded the Duke with 21 extra years, or that
the great Diviner of Clii caused an earthquake.
Book V.
18. Chap. 1. Yi-hsii 異虛.

The impossibility of some miracles and supernatural events
is demonstrated, which have been handed down in ancient works,
and are universally believed by the people and the. literati, e. g. the
birth of Pao Sse from the saliva of dragons.
19. Chap. II. Kan-hsii 感虛.
Wang Ch ung contests that nature can be moved by man and

deviate from its course. Various old legends are critically tested : 一
the alleged appearence of ten suns in Yao's time, tlie report that
the sun went back in his course, the wonders which happened
during the captivity of Tsou Yen and Tan, Prince of Yen.
The tenor of the last four chapters all treating- of unfounded

assertions or figments " hsu " is very similar.
Book VI.
''20. Chap. I. Fu-hsii jjfgjj (Wrong Notions about Happiness).
Happiness is not given by Heaven as a reward for good actions,

as tlie general belie£ is. The Mehist theory that the spirits pro-
tect and help the virtuous is controverted by facts. Wang CKung
shows liow several cases, adduced as instances of how Heaven re-
compensed the virtuous are illusive, and that fate is capricious
and unjust.
*21. Chap. II. Huo-hsil f^jj (Wrong Notions on Unhappiness).
The common belief that Heaven and Earth and the spirits
punish the wicked and visit them with misfortune, is erroneous,
as shown by examples of virtuous men, who were unlucky, and
of wicked, who flourished. All this is tlie result of chance and
luck, fate and time.
Lun -Heng. 4
50
Lun - Hcng ： Introduction.
*22. Chap. III. Lung-hsil 龍虛 (On Dragons).
The dragon is not a spirit, but has a body and lives in pools.
It is not fetched by Heaven during a thunderstorm, as people believe.
The different views about its shape are given : ― It is represented
as a snake with a horse's head, as a flying creature, as a reptile
that can be mounted, and like earthworms and ants. In ancient
times dragons were reared and eaten. The dragon rides on the
clouds during tlie tempest, there being a certain sympathy between
the dragon and clouds. It can expand and contract its body, and
make itself invisible.
*23. Chap. IV. Lei-hsil 雷虛 (On Thunder and Lightning).
Thunder is not the expression of Heaven's anger. As a spirit

it could not give a sound, nor could it kill a man with its
breath. It does not laugli either. Very often tlie innocent are
struck by lightning, and monsters like the Empress Lil Hon, are
spared. The pictorial representations of thunder as united drums,
or as the tlmnderer Lei Kung, are misleading;. Thunder is fire or
hot air, the solar tluid Yang exploding in its conflict with tlie Yin
fluid, lightning being tlie shooting forth of the air. Five arguments
are given, why thunder must be fire.
Book VII.
*24. Chap. 1. Tao-hsii 道虛 (Taoist Untruths).
Man dies and can become immortal. The Taoist stories of

Huang Ti and Huai Nan Tse's ascension to heaven, of the flying
genius met by Lu Ao, and of Hsiang Man Tse's travel to the moon
are inventions. The magicians do not possess the powers ascribed
to them. The Taoist theory of prolonging life by quietism and
dispassionateness, by regulating one's breath, and using medicines
is untenable.
*25. Chap. II. Yu-tsmg 語墙 (Exaggerations).
Wang Ch rnig points out a number of historical exaggerations

e. g, tliat the embonpoint of L'hieh and L'kou was over a foot, tliat
(''hou had a wine-lake, from which 3,000 persons sucked like cattle,
tliat Wen Wang could drink 3,000 bumpers of wine, and Confucius
100 gallons, and some mis-statements concerning the simplicity oi'
Yao and Shun, and the cruelty of i^hih Huang Ti, and tries to reduce
them to the proper limits.
Table of Contents of the Lun -heng.
51
Book VIE.
*26. Chap. I. Ju-tseng (Exaggerations of the Literati).
Wang Clixmg goes on to criticise some old traditions : ― on the

abolition of punishments under Yao and Shun, on the wonderful
shooting- of Yang Yii VI li aud Hsiung Ch'ii Tse、 on the skill of Lu Pan,
ou LI dug K o's attempt upon S/dh Huang Tis life, on the miracles
conn£Cted with the Nine Tripods of the CJiou dynasty, etc.
27. Chap. 11. Yi-tseng 藝增.
People are fond of the marvellous and of exaggerations, in

witness whereof passages are quoted from the SkuJdng, the Shiking,
tlie Yiking, the Lun-yil, and the CK un-cK iu.
Book IX.
*28. Chap. 1. Wen K'ung 問孔 (Criticisms on Confucius).
The Confucianists do not dare to criticise the Sages, although

the words of the Sages are not always true and often contra-
dictory. It is also, because they do not understand the difficult
passages, and only repeat what the commentators have said. Wang
Chung vindicates the right to criticise even Confucius. Such crit-
icisms are neither immoral nor irrational. Tliey lielp to bring out
the meaning, and lead to greater clearness. Wcmg CKung then takes
up a number of passages from the Analects for discussion, in which
he discovers contradictions or other flaws, but does not criticise
the system of Confucius or his theories in general.
Book X.
*29. Chap. I. Fei Han 非韓 (Strictures on Han Ffi Tse).
Han Fei Tse solely relies on rewards and punishments to govern

a State. In his system there is no room for the cultivation of
virtue. He despises the literati as useless, and thinks the world
to be so depraved and mean, that nothing but penal law can keep
it in check. Wang Ch: ung shows by some examples taken from Han
Fei Tse' s work that this theory is wrong. Men of letters are as
useful to the State as agriculturists, warriors, and officials, for they
cultivate virtue, preserve the true principles, and benefit the State
by the good example tliey set to the other classes.
4*
52 ' Lun-Heng: Introduction.
*30. Chap. II. T'se Meng 刺孟 (Censures on Mencius).
Wang CKung singles out such utterances of Mencius, in which

according to his view his reasoning is defective, or wliicli are con-
flicting with other dicta of the philosopher.
Book XI.
*31. Chap. 1. Tan-fien 談天 (On Heaven). '

The old legend of the collapse of Heaven, which was repaired
by Nil Wa, when Kung Kung had knocked witli his liead against
the " Pillar of Heaven," is controverted, as is Tsou Yens theory
of the existence of Nine Continents. Heaven is not merely air,
but has a body, and tlie earth is a square measuring 100,000 Li
in either direction.
*32. Chap. II. Shuo-jih 說 B (On the Sun).

A variety of astronomical questions are touched. Waiu) Cli ung
opposes the view that the sun disappeares in darkness during tlie
night, that the length or shortness of the days is caused by the
Yin and the Yang, that the sun rises from Fu-sang and sets in
Hsi-liu, that at Yao's time ten suns appeared, that there is a raven
in the sun, and a hare and a toad in the moon. Heaven is not
high in the south and depressed in tlie nortli, nor like a reclining
umbrella, nor does it enter into or revolve in the earth. Heaven
is level like earth, and the world lying in the south-east. Tlie sun
at noon is nearer than in the morning or in the evening. Wang
Ch'ung further speaks on tlie rotation of the sky, the sun, and the
moon, on the substance of the sun and tlie moon, on their shape,
the cause of the eclipses, meteors, and meteorological phenomena.
3H. Chap. III. Ta-ning 答侯.

On the cunning and artful.
Book XII.
34. Chap. I. Ch'eng-t'sai 程材.
The (lifTercnce between scholars and officials is pointed out.

Wang (7i un<j stands up for the Ibrmer, and places tliem higher than
the officials, because they arc of greater importance to tlie State.
The people however think more of the officials.
Table of Contents of the Lun-heng.
53
35. Chap. II. Liang-chih 量知.
The same subject as treated in the preceding chapter.
36. Chap. m. Hsieh-tuan 謝短.
Men of letters as well as officials have their shortcomings.

Tlu* former are interested in antiquity only, and neglect the present,
the CKin and Han time. They only know the Classics, but even
many questions concerning tlie age and the origin of the Classics
they cannot answer. The officials know their business, but often
cannot say, why they do a thing, since tliey do not possess the
necessary historical knowledge.
Book XIIL
37. Chap. 1. Hsiao-li 効力.
The chapter treats of the faculties of the scholars and the

officials, and of their energy and perseverance displayed in different
departments.
38. Chap. n. Pieh-fung 別通.
There is the same difference between the learned and the

uncultivated as between the rich and the poor. Learning is a
power and more important than wealth.
39. Chap. III. Ch'ao-chi 赵勢
There are various degrees of learning. Some remarks are

made on the works of several scholars, e. g. tlie philosopher Yang
Tse Yiln and the two historians Pan.
Book XIV.
40. Chap. I. a 醒— 狀留.

Scholars do not strive for office. As for practical success
they are outrivalled by the officials, who are men of business.
*41. Chap. II. Han-wen 寒温 (On Heat and Cold).
Wang Ch ung contests the assertion of the plienomenalists that

there is a correspondence between heat and cold and the joy and
anger of the sovereign. He points out that the South is the seat
of heat, and the North of cold. Moreover the temperature de-
pends oil the four seasons and tlie 24 time-periods.
54
Lun - Heng ： Introduction .
*42. Chap. 111. CKien-kao 識告 (On Reprimands).
The samnts liold that Heaven reprimands a sovereign whose

administration is bad, visiting him with calamities. First he causes
extraordinary events. Tf the sovereign does not change then, lie
sends down misfortunes upon bis people, and at last he punishes
his own person. Heaven is represented like a prince governing
his people. These heavenly punishments would be at variance
with Heaven's virtue, which consists in spontaneity and inaction.
Heaven does not act itself, it acts through man, and speaks
through the mouths of the Sages, in whose hearts is ingrafted its
virtue. The utterances of the Classics ascribing human qualities
to Heaven are only intended to give more weight to those teach-
ings, and to frighten tlie wicked and the unintelligent.
Book XV.
*43. Chap, 1. Pien-tung 眷動 (Phenomenal Changes).
Heaven influences things, but is not affected by them. All

creatures being filled with the heavenly fluid, Heaven is the master,
and not the servant. The Yang and the Yin move things, but are
not moved. The deeds and the prayers of a tiny creature like
man cannot impress the mighty fluid of Heaven, and the sobs of
thousands of people cannot touch it. Heaven is too far, and its
fluid shapeless without beginning or end. It never sets the laws
of nature aside for man's sake.
44. Chap. II. 招致.

(This chapter has been lost.)
45. Chap. III. Ming-yu 明導
The rain sacrifice, which during the CJixm-cliiu period was

performed at times of drought, forms tlie subject of this essay.
People use to pray for rain and happiness, as they implore tlie
spirits to avert sickness and other evils. Some believe that rain
is caused by tlie stars, others that it depends on tlie government
of a State, others again that it comes from the mountains. The
last opinion is shared by Wang CKung.
46. Chap. IV. Shun-ku 順鼓.
The chapter treats of the religious (Hu-enionies performed to

avert inuiid.-it iou.s, in which the beating of drums is very important.
55
Book XVI.
47. Chap. I. Luan-luny .簡[；龍.
As a means to attract the rain by the sympathetic action ol"

similar fluids Tung Chung Shu had put up a clay dragon. Wang
Cli uiiy attempts to demonstrate the efficacy of this procedure by
15 arguments and 4 analogies.
48. Chap. II. Tsao-hu 遭虎.
Wang Cli nug controverts the popular belief that, when men
are devoured by tigers, it is the wickedness of secretaries and minor
officials which causes these disasters.
49. Chap. III. Shang-cKung 商虫.
The common belief that the eating of the grain by insects

is a consequence of the covetousness of the yamen underlings is
shown to be futile.
*50. Chap. IV. Chiang-jui 講攝 (Arguments on Ominous
Creatures).
Wang CKung denies that the literati would be able to re-

cognise a plioenix or a unicorn, should they appear, nor would they
know a sage either. The plioenix and the unicorn are regarded
as holy animals and as lucky auguries. The old traditions about
their appearance at various times and their shape, wliicli are very
conflicting, are discussed. Wang CKuiig holds that these animals do
not only appear at tlie time of universal peace, that as ominous
creatures they are born of a propitious fluid, and do not belong
to a certain species, but may grow from dissimilar parents of a
coimuou species of animals.
Book XVII.
51. Chap. L Chih-jui 指端.
The discussion on the phoenix and the unicorn is continued.
Wang Ch ung impugns the opinion that tliese animals are not born
in China, but come from abroad, when there is a wise emperor.
They grow in China, even, when there is no sage.
56
52. Chap. 11. Shih-ying 是應.
This chapter treats of the various lucky omens of the Golden

Age: ― the purple boletus, the wine springs, the sweet dew, the
Ching star, the monthly plant, the phoenix, the unicorn, and of
some other fabulous animals.
58. Chap. III. Chih-ch'i 、冶期.
The praise of antiquity, its high virtue and happiness is un-

founded. There is nothing but fate. Human activity is powerless.
Book XVIII.
*54. Chap. I. Tse-jan 自然 (Spontaneity).
Heaven emits its generating fluid spontaneously, not on pur-

pose. It lias no desires, no knowledge, and does not act. These
qualities require organs : ― a mouth, eyes, hands, etc., which it
does not possess. Its body must be either like that of Earth, or
air. Heaven's fluid is placid, desireless, and unbusied. This spon-
taneity is a Taoist theory, but they did not sufficiently substantiate
it. Only Sages resembling Heaven can be quite spontaneous and
inactive, others must act, and can be instructed. Originally men
lived in a happy state of ignorance. Customs, laws, in short
culture is already a decline of virtue.
55. Chap. II. Kan-lei 感類.
Natural calamities and unlucky events are not the upshot of

Luman guilt, as a thunderstorm is not a manifestation of lieaveu's
anger.
*56. Chap. III. CJii-shih 齊世 (The Equality of tlie Ages).
People of old were not better, nor stronger, taller or longer

lived than at present. Heaven and Earth have remained the same,
and their creatures likewise. There is a pci'iodical alternation of
prosperity and decline in all the ages. The present time is not'
inferior to antiquity, but the literati extol the past and disparage
the present. Even sages like Confucius would not find favour with
them, if they happened to live now. And yet the llan dynasty is
quite equal to the famous old dyiiasties.
Table of Contents oi' the Lun-hAng.
57
Book XIX.
57. Chap. I. Hsiian Han
The scholars hold that iu olden days there has been a Golden
Age, which is passed and does not come back owing to tlie bad-
ness of the times. Wang CKung stands up for his own time, the
I km epoch. He enumerates the lucky portents observed under the
Han emperors, and refers to the great achievements of the llan
dy nasty in the way of colonising and civilising savage countries.
58. Chap. II. Hui-kuo 恢國.
Wang Cliung gives to the Ilan dynasty the preference over

all the others, and again discourses on the lucky auguries marking-
its reign.
59. Chap. III. Yen-fu 驗符.
The discovery of gold under the Han dynasty, and ojf purple
boletus, the sweet-dew-fall in several districts, and the arrival of
dragons and phoenixes are put forward as so many proofs of the
excellence of the Han dynasty.
Book XX.
60. Chap. I. Hsu-sung 須頌'

This chapter is a variation of the two preceding.
61. Chap. n. Yi-wen 佚文.
The subject of this treatise is purely literary. It discusses

the discovery of the Classics in the house of Confucius, the Burning
of the Books under Cliin Shih Huang Ti, and the literature of the
Han epoch, of which several authors are mentioned.
*62. Chap. III. Lun-sse 諭死 (On Death).
Man is a creature. Since other creatures do not become

ghosts alter death, man cannot become a ghost either. If all the
millions that have lived, became spirits, there would not be suffi-
cient room for all the spirits iu the world . The dead never give
any sign of there existence, therefore they cannot exist any more.
The vital fluid Ibruimg the soul disperses at death, licnv could it
58
become a ghost. A spirit is diffuse and formless. Before its birth

the soul forms part of the primogenial fluid, which is unconscious.
When at death it reverts thereto, it becomes unconscious again.
The soul requires the body to become conscious and to act. If
sleep causes unconsciousness, and if a disease disorganises the mind,
death must do the same in a still higher degree.
Book XXL
*63. Chap. I. Sse-wei 死偽 (False Reports about the Dead).
A number of ghost stories are quoted from the Tso-chuan and

other ancient works, wliere discontented spirits are reported to have
taken their revenge upon, aud killed their enemies. Wang Cliiing
either rejects these stories as inventions, or tries to explain them
in a natural way.
Book XXII.
*64, Chap. I. Chi-yao 糸已妖 (Spook Stories).
Several spook and ghost stories recorded in the Shi-chi and

tlie Tso-chuan are analysed. Wang- CKung explains tliem in accord-
ance with his theory on tlie spontaneity of Heaven, and on the
nature of apparitions and portents.
*65. Chap. II. Ting-kuei 訂鬼 (All about Ghosts).
Wang CK ung sets forth tlie different opinions on the nature

of ghosts, propounded at his time. Some hold that ghosts are
visions of sick people, or the fluid of sickness. Others regard tliein
as the stellar fluid, or as the essence of old creatures, or as the
spirits of cycli(ral signs. After an excursion on the demons, devils,
and goblins mentioned in ancient books, Wmig tit ung gives his own
views, according to wliicli ghosts are apparitions and phantoms
foreboding* evil, wliicli have assumed human form, but are only
seinblaiKês and disembodied. Tliey consist of tlie solar fluid, the
Yau(j, are therefore red, burning, and to a certain extent poisonous.
Book XXIII.
*66. Clicij). I. Yen-tu 言毒 (On Poison).
Animal and vegetable poison is the hot air of the sun. All
beings filled with tl)e solar lluid contain some poison. Snakes,
scorpions, and some plants have plenty of it. Gliosts, which consist
Table of Contents of the Luii - heng.
59
of the pure solar fluid, are burning poison, which eventually kills.
There is poison in some diseases, in a sun-stroke for instance and in
lumbago. Wang Clt ung discovers real poison in speech, in beauty, and
ill several tastes, which only metapliorically might be called poisonous,
and mixes up the subject still more by improper symbolism.
67. Chap. II. Po-tsang 稱靠.
This chapter is directed against the extravagance in funerals,

on the score that the dead have no benefit from it.
68. Chap. III. Sse-wei 四誇-
There is a popular belief that four tilings are dangerous

and bring misfortune i-iz. to enlarge a house at the west side, to
allow a banished man to ascend a tumulus, the intercourse with
women, during the first month after they have given birtli to a
child, and the rearing of children born in the 1st and the 5tli months,
wl)o will cause the deaths of their parents. Wang CKung combats
these superstitions.
69. Chap. IV. Lan-shih 醫問時.

Wang CJi ung discourses on the common belief that in building
one must pay attention to an unpropitious time, which may be
warded off by amulets. He further speaks of the spirits of the
year, the months, etc.
Book XXIV.
70. Chap. I. Chi-jih 譏 g .
Some more superstitions concerning unlucky years, moiitlis,

and days, which must be shunned to avoid misfortunes, are in-
vestigated. For many actions tlie election of a proper time is
deemed to be of great importance, e. g. for a funeral, or for com-
mencing a building. Bathing on certain days, women become beau-
tiful: bathing on others makes their hair turn white. On the day
of T sang Hsielis death, who invented writing, one must not study
calligraphy, and on tlie day of the downfall of the Yin and Hsia
dynasties one does not make music.
*71. Chap. II. Pu-shih 卜楚 (On Divination).

People often neglect virtue and only rely on divination,
Tlioy imagine that by means ol' tortoise shells and milfoil tliey
60

can interrogate Heaven and Earth about the future, and that they
reply by the signs of the shells and the straws. Wang Cliung
shows that sucli an opinion is erroneous, but, whereas Han Fei Tse
condemns divination altogether, be upholds this science. In his
idea visions, signs, and omens are true by all means, only tliey
are very often misunderstood or misinterpreted by the diviners.
The lucky will meet 、、'11:11 good omens, which, however, are not tlie
response of Heaven, but happen by chance.
*72. Chap. III. Pien-sui 辨祟 (Criticisms on Noxious Influences).
Most people are under the delusion that by disregarding an

unpropitious time viz. years, months, and days of dread, they will
have to suffer from noxious influences, falling in with evil spirits,
which work disaster. This is an error, as shown by experience,
but horoscopists and seers are silent on all cases contradicting their
theory. A vast literature has sprung up on this subject, and the
princes dare not take' any important step in lite, any more than
their people, without reference to it.
73. Chap. IV. Nan-sui ||^.
Wang CKung impugns the view that by moving one's residence

one may come into collision with the Spirit of the North Point,
Nan Sui, which would be disastrous.
Book XXV.
74. Chap. I. Ch'i-shu 諸術.
The chapter treats of the precautions which used to be taken

in building houses, special attention being paid to the family name,
the number of the house, the situation, etc.
*75. Chap. II. Chieh-cKu 解 |( 余 (On Exorcism).
By exorcism malignant spirits are expelled after having been

feasted. Exorcism and conjurations are of no use, for either would
the ghosts not yield to the force employed against them, and resent
the afl'roiit, or, il" they are like mist and clouds, their expulsion
would be useless. In ancient times, sickness was expelled in this
way. Tlie propitiation ol" the Spirit of" Earth, after having dug up
the ground, is also useless, for Earth does uot hear man nor
understand his speech. All depends upon man, not on ghosts.
61
*76. Chap. III. Ssf-yi 示 |1 義 (Sacrifices to the Departed).
Sacrifices are merely manifestations of the feelings of love

and gratitude, which the living cherish towards gliosis and spirits.
The latter cannot enjoy the sacrifices, which are presented to them,
because having no body, they are devoid of knowledge and can-
not eat or drink. If Heaven and Earth could eat or drink, they
would require such enormous quantities of food, that man could
never appease tlieir hunger. W axg C/i img treats of the nature of
ghosts, and refers to the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, to the
House, to the Gods of Wind, Rain, and Thunder, to the Sun, the
Moon, and the Stars, and to the Ancestors.
*77. Chap. IV. • 祭意 (Sacrifices).
The various old sacrifices are described, those to Heaven and

Earth, to the Mountains and Rivers, to the Spirits of the Land
and Grain, to the Six Superior Powers, to the Seasons, Heat and
Cold, Water and Drought, the Rain Sacrifice, those to tlie Four
Cardinal Points, to the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars, the Five
Genii of the House, and to the Ancestors. All these sacrifices
saving the last were State sacrifices and reserved for the emperor,
the feudal princes, and their officials. Tliey are thank-offerings for
kindness received. There are no spirits present to enjoy them, nor
can they bestow happiness on the sacrificers. or visit with mis-
fortune those who neglect them. Therefore sacrifices are a beau-
tiful custom, but of no great consequence.
Book XXVI.
78. Chap. I. Shih-chih 實》 []•
Saints and Sages are credited with an extraordinary know-

ledge. They need not learn or study, for they are cognisant of
everything intuitively, and know the past as well as the future.
This is a fallacy. There are no supernatural faculties, and even
those of the Sages follow the natural laws.
79. Chap. 11. a/" 滅知實.
Confucius was not prescient and not a prophet, as lias been

asserted. 16 examples are given, all showing his inability to fore-
know the future.
62
Book XXVII.
80. Chap. 1. Ting-hsien 定賢.
The nature of the Worthies is defined. Examples are ad-

duced of what tliey -are not. No exceptional talents are I'equii'ed,
but a certain amount of intelligence and honesty. Worthies belong
to the same class as Saints or Sages, but are somewhat inferior.
. Book XXVIII.
*81. Cliap. I. Cheng-shuo 正說 (Statements Corrected).
This chaj)ter contains critical remarks on tlie composition

and tlie history of the Shnking, the Shikiny 、 the Clitm-cJiiu, tlie
Yiking, tlie Liki, and tlie Analccis. The meaning of tlie dynastic
names of T ang, Yil^ the Hsia, Yin, and Chou dynasties is explained,
and some hints as to how tlie Canons are to be interpreted are
added.
82. Chap. II. Shu-chieh 書解.
The chapter deals with learning and erudition, with literary

composition, and with tlie various kinds of men of letters.
Book XXIX.
*83. Chap. I. An-shu 案書 (Critical Remarks on Various
Books).
Wang CKung criticises the famous authors of his time and

their works, beginning with some writers of the Chou epocli. He
finds fault with Me Ti, the sophist Kwig Sun Lung, and tlie specu-
lative philosopher Tsou Yen, and commends Tso Cli m Ming, tlie
author of the Tso-chum and the Kuo-yii. He speaks with great
respect of the historians Sse Ma Cliien and Pan Ku, the philosopher
Yang Tse Ywi, and Liu TJsiang^ and in the highest terms of Lu
Chia, who published the C/iuii-c/i iu-fan-lu, and of Iluan Chun Shan
and Iluan JCuan, the authors of the Hsin-lun and the Yen-t' ieh-lun.
*84. (； hap. II. Tui-tso 對作 (Replies in Self-Defence).
Wang ('Jiung gives the reasons, wliy he wrote his principal

works, the Lun-h/mg and the Cheng-wu, a treatise on government.
In t lie Lun-lieiiy he wishes to explain common errors, to point out
Table of Contents of the Lun - heng.
63
the exaggerations and inventions in literature, and thus deliver

mankind of its prejudices. Tlie Ltm-heng weighs the words and
holds up a balance for truth and falsehood. Wang Ch ung shows
the advantage wliicli might be derived from different dia|)ters,
and meets the objection;^ wliicli his opponents would perhaps raise.
Book XXX.
*85. Chap. 1. Tse-chi 自；! 已（Autobiography),

Wang Cliting is a native of Shang-yil-hsien in Chekiang. His
family originally lived in Chihli. He was born in a,d, 27, and already
as a boy was very fond of study. In his official career he was
not very successful. The highest post which he held about a.d. 86
was that of a sub-prefect. The equanimity of a philosopher helped
him over many disappointments. His ideal was to possess an ex-
tensive knowledge, a keen intellect, and a noble mind. Besides his
chief work the Lun-heng, he wrote 12 chapters on common morals
in a plain and easy style, and a treatise "Macrobiotics" in a.d. 91.
He defends the style, the volurainoiisness, and the contents of the
Lun-heng against the attacks directed against it.
64
Lun-Heng.
Selected Essays of the Philosopher Wang Ch'ung.
CHAPTER I.
Autobiography ( Tse-cJii) .
Wang CKung is a native of Shang-yil-hsien ^ in K'uei-chi^. His

style is Chung Jen. His family hails from Yuan-cli eng^ in the Wei^
circuit. One of his clan, Sun-yi, served his whole life as a soldier,
and distinguished himself so much, that lie was appointed warden
of the southern part of K iiei-chi、 but, when one year a disturbance
broke out, which disorganised the State, he continued to reside
there, and became a farmer and cultivator of mulberry-trees.
His great o-rand-fatlier was very bold and violent, and, when
in a passion, cared for nobody. In a year of dearth he behaved
lilê a ruffian, and wounded and killed people. Those wliom he
had wronged, and who were waiting for an opportunity to wreak
their vengeance, were very numerous. As in K'uei-chi revolts were
of constant occurrence, and there was danger that his enemies would
seize upon him, the grand-father Fan removed his family and liis
household from iCuei-chi, and settled in CKien-t' ang-hsien,^ where
he lived as a merchant. He had two sons, the elder was called
Meng, the younger Sung . Swig is the father of Wang CKung.
The grand-father had a violent temper, which in his sons,

Mmg and Sung, became so intense, that many people in Cli ien-t' ang
had to suffer from their vehemence. At last they became involved
again in a feud with Ting Po and otlier influential families, in ("on-
secjuence of which they emigrated with their families to Sliang-yii.
In the third year of Chini- 飄, Wang Cliting was born. When

playing with his companions, he disliked all frivolous games. I- lis
comrades would entrap birds, catch cicadas, play for money, and
gambol on stilts. Wang CJiung alone declined to take part in their
games to the great amazement of his father.
1 In Shao-hsing-fu {(Jhelciang). ，
2 Under the Han dynasty ICuei-chi comprises Chrkiuiig, the South of Anhui,
and the Nortli of Fukien.
3 In Ta-ming-fu {Chili).
4 A circuit comprising parts of (Hiili and Honan.
5 In the Hang-chmi prefecture of" ( hekiang.
6 27 A.D.
Autobiography.
65
At the age of six, he received his first instruction, and learned

r<) behave with politeness, honesty, benevolence, obedience, pro-
priety, and reverence. He was grave, earnest, and very quiet, and
had tlie will of a great man. His father never flogged him, his
mother never gave him a "harsh word, and the neighbours never
scolded liim. Wlien lie was eight years old, he went to school.
There Mere over one liundred small boys in this school. As a
punisliment for faults committed they used to be stripped, or were
\\ hipped for bad writing. Wang Ch ung made daily progress, and
never committed any offence.
When lie could write sentences, his teacher explained to him

the Analects and tlie Shilling, of wliicli lie daily read a thousand
characters. When lie knew tlie Classics, and his virtue had thus
been developed, lie left his teacher, and devoted his private studies
to writing and composing so, that every one was astonished, and
tlie extent of his reading widened day by day. But he did not
make bad use of his talents, and though he possessed great dia-
lectical skill. 】ie was not fond of disputations. Unless 】ie found
tlie proper audience, he did not speak the whole day. His speech
w as quaint and not like that of others, but those wlio listened to
him to the end, agreed with liim. Such were also tlie productions
of his pen, and so were his conduct, and his behaviour towards
his superiors.
In a district he rose to the rank of a secretary, and held the

same office in the department of a military governor. In a pre-
fect ure he was one of the five chief secretaries,^ and in a depart-
ment he was appointed assistant- magistrate. He did not strive for
fame, and did not regulate his conduct in accordance with his per-
sonal profits. He always spoke of people's merits and seldom of
their faults. Those who had not yet got on in their career, were
specially recommended by him, and he exposed only the faults of
those who had secured a position. When he thought anything wrong,
lie did not praise it, and when a fault was not done away with,
he did not again condemn the man. He could pardon the great
faults of a man, and also pitied his minor mistakes. His desire
was to be unimpeachable himself, but he did not wish to shine.
He endeavoured to base his claims on recognition upon his actions,
and was ashamed to presume upon his talents.
I A prefecture or a circuit 一 of which there were 36 during the Han epoch 一

was devided into 5 regions : 一 the centre and four quarters. Each region was
super-
intended by a chief secretary of the prefect, who had the jurisdiction over his
region.
Lun - Ucng. 5
66
Lun - Heng ： A. Biographical.
In public meetings he did not speak, unless he was asked,

and in the presence of princes and generals he only replied, when
he was addressed. In the coimtiy lie attempted to follow the example
of Chil Po Yil^ ^ and in the court he wished to imitate Sliih Tse Yilr
When insulted, lie did not Avhite-wash himself, and, when in

his career lie was not promoted, he did not feel grieved. Although
he was poor and had not an acre to dwell upon, his mind was
freer than that of kings and dukes, and though lie had no emolu-
ments counted by pecks and piculs, he felt, as if he had ten
thousand chung^ to live upon. Obtaining an appointment, he was
not overjoyed, and losing it, lie did not feel distressed. He en-
joyed a tranquil happiness, but his desires did not run riot, and
though he was living in a state of poverty, his energy was not
broken. The study of ancient literature was liis debauchery, and
strange stories liis relish. In the current. books and common sayings
lie found much, in which lie could not aquiesce. A recluse in his
solitary retirement, lie tried to find truth and falsehood.
Wang CKung had a pure and sterling character. He made

friends wherever he went, but did not contract these friendsliips
carelessly. The position of his friends might be ever so low, and
in years they miglit be ever so young, provided only that ihey
rose above common-place mediocrity, he would seek their friend-
ship. He had a great admiration for superior men, and liked to
associate with distinguished people, but would not lightly become
intimate with men of common gifts. In case these latter slandered
him for a slight fault or any insignificant mistake, lie would not
clear himself of these accusations, nor did lie bear any grudge
against them.
1 A disciple of Confadus, whom the master esteemed very much.
2 Sliih Tse Yii ― Shih Tii, a high officer in Wei. When Duke Lin" of )Vc/
(533-492) . did not employ (，hii Po Yii^ Shih Tse Yii remonstrated with the duke,
but in vain. Soon afterwards he fell sick. Feeling his end coming, he told his son
to place his corpse under the window, without performing the usual funeral rites,
because he did not deserve them, not having been able to convince the duke of
what was right. When the duke paid his condolence, the son informed him of
what his father had said. The duke repented, and then appointed Chii Fo YiL
When ( 'onfuciu.s heard of this, he exclaimed : ― " How upright was Shih Tse 】'ii,
who still as a corpse afliiionished his sovereign." 《，hii Po Yii was of a
different
turn of luiiid. Cortfuciuft said of liim that, when bad govcninuMit prevailed, he
coultl
roll his principles up, and keep tltoni in his breast, {Analects XV, 6.)
3 Oj:c chung = 4 pecks.
Autobiography.
67
Some one might ask, why a man of remarkable g-ifts and

t xtraordinary literary talent should not defend himself against false
incriminations. Yang Sheng and others were foul-mouthed and glib-
toiigiied: ])ut Tsou Yang vindicated himself and came out of jail
aii,ain. ' W hen a man's conduct is perfect, people should not at-
tempt to find flaws in it, and when somebody exerts himself to
come to the front, they should not keep him down.
I reply that none but the pure remark dust, and none but
the exalted perceive dangers. Only those living- in abundance, feel
restraints, and those in opulence know wliat is want. The scholars
at present talk too much of themselves, therefore tliey are slandered
by otlie'rs, which is their clue. Desirous to get on, they show
themselves, and resenting neglect, they assert themselves. Being free
of these desires and resentments, 1 keep quiet.
The slanders of Yang Sheng were probably prompted by some-

l)ody, and when Tsou Yang was delivered, some one saved liim.
( 'onfucius spoke of destiny and Mencnis of heaven. Luck and mishap,
quietude and danger do not depend on man. The ancients knew
this, therefore tliey ascribed these things to destiny and attributed
til em to time. Placid, tranquil, and equanimous, they did not com-
plain of injustice. When happiness came, they did not imagine
tliat they themselves had brought it about, and when misfortune
befell them, tliey did uot consider it their cnvn doing. When they
Avere successful, their joy was not immoderate, and when they
suffered reverses, tlieir courage did not fail them. They did not
hate need, and therefore cra've for plenty, nor did tliey brave dangers
to win peace. Their wisdom they did not sell for wages, and tliey
(lid not decline honours to become famous. Not being bent on
success, they did not try to show off, and not resenting reverses, tliey
(lid not complain of others. Tranquillity and excitement were tliesaine
to them, life and death equal, luck and mishap identical, and victory
and defeat one. Meeting even ten Yang Shengs, they would have said
that it mattered not; tliey left everything to heaven, and therefore did
not wish to sjiine.
Wang Ck' ung was of a cheerful and easy-going disposition,
and did not strive for wealth and honour. When liis superiors
took notice of him, and promoted him above tlie heads of others,
1 Tsou Yang lived under the reign of Ching Ti (156-141 B.C.). At the court
of King HMao of Liang he was denounced by Yang Sheng and others, and thrown
into prison, but by a memorial, which from his confinement he sent to the king, he
obtained his release, and was re-instated into all his honours.
5*
68 Lun - Heng ： A. Biographical.
he did not cling to his liigh post, and, when tliey ignored, denounced,
and degraded him, lie did not pine at his low rank. When in the
district magistrate's office, lie had no ambition and no repugnance.
Some one might object that to act like this is easy enough, but
that the difficulty lies with the heart. Meeting with congenial
friends, scholars do not care for the place, but whose example can
they follow, when they have dirty and distasteful business to do?
There is no better paragon than Confucius, I should say. Cou-

Aic'ms as an official had no aversions. In charge of tlie public tields
and as keeper of the granaries he was not low- spirited, and wlien
he was superintendent of works and minister, his face was not
beaming with joy. Shun tilled the land on the Li-shan, ' as though
lie should continue to do so for ever, and when lie liad received
the empire from Yao, he behaved, as if lie had obtained it later
on as a matter of course. We must be sorry tliat our virtue is
not quite perfect, but not regret our 】mmble rank, and we may
be abashed, if our name is not Avithout blemish, but should not
feel chagrined, because we do not advance in our career. Marble
may be kept in the same box with tiles, and moon-stones in the
same bag witli pebbles. Being both of precious stuff, they are
not injured by being mixed with other things in the world. For
him wlio knows what is good, good things shine even in base
places, wliereas to those who cannot make these distinctions, they
look common even in a prominent place. As long as the deeds of
people in low and high spheres can be measured, and as the virtues
of men in humble positions, and of noble rank can be compared,
it is all right.
The world courts those who have been successful, and dis-
dains those who have failed. It liails the victor, and spurns the
defeated. As long as Wang Climig was rising, and holding' rank
and office, all the people swarmed around him like ants, but. when
he had lost his position and was living in ])overty, his former
friends abandoned him. He pondered over the lieartlessness of the
world and in his leisure he wrote twelve chapters " Censures on
Common Morals'? hoping that the reading of these books woiild
rouse the public conscience. For tliis purpose lie expressly wrote
' It is not certain where this Mount Li was situated. Various places aje
assigned to it.
2 Chi eu chieh yi.
Autobiography.
69
it in an easy, popular style. Should anybody condemn it as shal-

low, I would reply that if the style of the Sacred Institutions i
be employed for the Lesser Odes,^ or if an elegant speech be ad-
dressed to rustics, they would not understand anything, and there-
fore not agree. Tlius Su Cli in^ spoke very elegantly in Chao, but
Li Tui was not euclianted at all. Shang Yang * spoke in Ch'in, as
il" lie had addressed an emperor, but Duke Hsiao ^ did not follow
liis advice. If no attention be paid to the individuality and in-
clinations of the bearers, one may exhaust the eloquence of Yao
aud Shun, it would be like giving an ox wine to drink and feeding
a horse on preserved meat. A refined, rhetorical, and scientific style
is fit for the upper classes of society, but out of place for small-
minded people. It happens very seldom, that those who must
hear somethiug" nolens volem, take it to heart.
When Confucius had lost a horse in the country, the country-

people locked it up, and did not return it. Tse Kung spoke to them
ill well turned sentences, but only made tliein angry, but when
the groom addressed them in a faiuilar, jocular tone, they re-
lented.
To use high-flown expressions at all costs instead of the plain

and simple language of the people is like mixing- an eiixir, as the
spirits use, to cure a cold or a cough, aud to put on a fur-coat of
sable or fox to fetch firewood or vegetables. As regards propriety,
a, thing is often out of place, and many an action is often better
left undone. To give a decision, aud understand a grievance, one
must not be a Kao Yao,'' aud to cook sunflower-seed and onions,
no Yi 7P or Yi Ya^ is required. lu a side-alley one does not
play the music of Shun and 11 m, aud to the Village Mother 】。
one does not sacrifice a whole ox. What is unnecessary, is also
inadequate.
1 Parts of the Shu-king.
2 The minor odes of the Shi-king.
3 A politician of the 4th cent. b.c. (Cf. Chap. XXXVII.)

4 Vid. p. 171, Note 2.
& Duke Hsiao of Chin, 361-337 b.c.
'' This adventure is related by Huai Nan Tse (quoted in the Pei-wen-yun-fu)
likewise, who adds that the horse of Confucius was retained by the peasants,
because
it had eaten their corn.
' A minister of Shun.
8 I i Ti, the inventor of wine, who presented the first cup to Great Yii.
9 】 i Ya, the famous cook of Duke Huan of Ch'i, 7th cent. b.c. (Cf. Mmcius,
Bk. VI, Pt. I， chap. 7， Legge Vol. H, p. 281.)
10 The matron-saint of a village.
70
To carve a fowl with a butcher's knife, to reap sun-flowers witli

a Shu ^ spear, to cut chop-sticks with an iron halberd, and to pour
a glassful into a basin or a tureen would be incongruous, and tV\v
would recommend it. Wliat is the principle of debating? To illus-
trate deep thoughts by simple ones. And liow do we prove that
we possess knowledge? By illustrating difficult points by easy ones.
Sages and worthies use to weigh, what suits the different talents.
Hence the difl'erence of style, which may be difficult or easy.
Since Wang Clt ung deplored the popular feeling, he wrote his
Censures on Public Morals, and also lamenting the vain efforts of
the emperor's government, which was endeavouring to govern the
people, but could uot find the right way, nor understand what was
required, and mournful and disliearteiied did not see its course, lie
wrote the book on goveniiuent.- Furthermore disgusted with the
many deceitful books and popular literature devoid of veracity and
truthfulness, he composed the Disquisitions {Lun-Iteng),
The worthies and sages are dead, and their great doctrine has
split up. Many new roads have beeu struck out, on which many
people have stumbled. Every one must have his own school. In-
telligent men have seen this, but were unable to find the right
way. Old traditions have been transmitted, either written down,
or spread by hearsay. Since they were dating from over a hundred
years backwards and growing older from clay to day, people have
regarded them as antique lore and therefore near tlie truth, and
this belief became so rooted iu their minds, that they themselves
were incapable of eradicating it again.
For this reason the Disquisitions have been written to show
the truth. They are in a lively style and full of controversy. Every
specious and futile argument lias been tested, semblance and false-
hood have been rejected, and only what is real and solid has beeu
preserved. Loose manners have been suppressed, ami the customs
of Fu HsVs time 3 revived.
Wang Ch wig s writings are lucid and easy to understand. There

are those who pretend that the words of a good debater must be
profound, and the compositions^ of an able writer obscure. The
1 An old State in AnhnL
2 (JMng - wu.
3 The Golden Age.
Autobiography.
71
style of the classic" literature and tlie sayiiigss ol" worthies and sages
arc graiul and majestic, beautiful and re lined, i\ nd difficult to grasp
af first. Those wlio study their whole life, learn to understand them
with the uecessary explanations. Tlie genius of the first thinkers
being so wondorl'ul, their expressions cannot be the same as tbose of
ordinary people. Gems, they say, are concealed in stones, and pearls
in (isli-inavvs. Only jewel-lapidaries and pearl-experts can find them.
These pm'ious tilings cannot be seen, because they are hidden, and
thus truisms must be profound and deep, and hard to grasp.
Tlie "Censures on Morals" are intended to rouse people, there-

fore the meaning is perspicuous and the style quite plain. But
why must the Lung-heng be like this too? Is the talent of the
author so shallow, that it was absolutely impossible to hide any-
tiling? Why is the style so perspicuous, and quite a different
principle followed than in tlie classical literature?
My reply is as follows. A gem is concealed in a stone and

a pearl iu a fish-maw, and therefore they are covered and in the
(lark. But, wlieu the colour of the gem beams from the heart of
the stone, and the lustre of the pearl breaks through the fish-maw,
are they still hidden ？ Tliey are like my thoughts, before they
Wave been fixed in books. Enshrined in iny bosom, tliey are like
geins or pearls in their concealment, shining ibrth, brilliant as the
spioudour of the heavenly bodies, and clear as the distinct lines of
the surface of the earth.
Lest things should remain doubtful and obscure to us, we

can describe them all by names, and, provided that the names are
rlear, all tlie things become defined. The Lun-Mng discusses these
([uestions impartially.
In speaking, it is essential to use clear words, and in writing,

to employ plain signs. Tlie style of eminent scholars is refined,
but their words can always be understood, and their meaning al-
ways be caught. Their readers are suddenly euligliteued like blind
men wlio recover their sight, or stirred up like deaf men who
suddenly learn to liear. When a child who lias been blind for
three years, unexpectedly sees his parents, lie would not, at once,
know them on perceiving them, why then sliould he give utterance
to his joy?
Let a huge tree stand by the road-side, and a long ditch run
along- a bank, then the locality is well defined, and everybody
knows it. Now, should the tree not be huge any more and dis-
appear, and the ditch not be long and be hidden, and the place
be shown to people, even Yao and Shun would be perplexed.
72
The human features are divided into more than seventy dif-
ferent classes. The flesh of the cheeks being pure and white, the
five colours can be clearly discerned, and the slightest sorrow,
pleasure, and other emotions, all find expression in the features.
A physiognomist will not once be mistaken in ten cases. But if
the face be blackened and begrimed, or covered with a layer of
dirt so, that the features are hidden, tlien physiognomists will give
wrong answers nine times out of ten.
The style is formed of words. It may be shallow, perspicuous,

and distinct, or deep, abstruse, elegant, and polished. Who shall
distinguish it?
We speak to express our thoughts, and from fear, that our

words might be lost, we commit them to writing. Writing Laving
the same purpose as speaking, wlierefore should it conceal the
meaning?
A judge must hate wrong. Now, would a magistrate, wlio

while deciding a doubtful case gives a confuse and unintelligent
verdict, be a better official tlian another, who clearly distinguislies
every point, and can easily be understood?
In oral discussions, one makes clear distinctions out of regards

for tlie audience, and in written disputations one elucidates one's
meaning to be understood. In historical works, a clear and intel-
ligible style is most appreciated, and of profound productions, full
of beautiful thoughts, but liard to read, there are only pieces of
irregular verse and dithyrambs. As for the classical and semi-
classical works and the words of the worthies and sages, the an-
cient and modern languages are different, and speech varies in the
different parts of the empire. At the time, when these men spoke,
tliey did not wisli that their words should be difficult to under-
stand, or that their meaning should be hidden. If later ages did
not understand them, this is owing to the remoteness of time.
Tlierelbre one may speak of tlie dilTei'ence of language, but not of
genius or shallowness of style. 11" tlie reading offers great diffi-
culties, tlie works may be considered as not very cleverly written,
but this should not be reputed a great wisdom.
C'A in S/dh Iluanfj Ti reading Ihiii Fei Tses work exclaimed

with a sigh! "Alas! that 1 am alone, ami have not got this man I " '
They were contemporaries, he could uuderstaud his words and
1 According to the Shi-chi chap. 03 p. llv (Biography of Han Fei Tsc) the
emperor said: — "Alas! If 1 could see this man, I would be willing to live and
die with liiiii I "
Antohioi^ra[)liy.
73
reflect upon what he said, [f tlie book had been so profound and
excjuisite, that he wanted a teaclicM- to comprehend it, he would
have flung- it to the ground, and it was no use sighing. *
An author wishes his work to be intelligible, but difficult to

write, and lie does not care, if it be hard to grasp, but easy to
write. In lectures one aims at perspicuity, that the hearers can
l"()ll()\v, and does not affect obscurity and ambiguity to baffle the
readers. Menclm knew an intelligent man by the sparkling of his
eyes.- One learns to know what a text is worth by its lucidity.
The book of Wang ('h' ung is of another type than the usual
writings. The following objection might be raised against it: ―
In literature it is of importance to conform to tlie public

feeling, and not to be in opposition to received ideas. Then not
one out of a hundred readers will find anything to blame, and
not one out of a thousand hearers will take exception. Therefore
Kuan Tse^ said that, where somebody is speaking in a lioiise, the
audience must fill the whole house, and, when lie speaks in a hall,
the entire hall should be full. Now Wang Ck iing's arguments are
not in accordance with public opinion. Consequently liis words
controvert all common ideas, and do not tally with the general
views.
I reply that in arguing, the essential thing is truth, not

elegance, that tlie facts should at all events be correct, and that
consensus is not the highest aim. Investigating a question, one dis-
cusses the pros and cons, liow would it be possible not to deviate
from old ideas and perhaps offend the ears of the common hearer?
W hen the general feeling is wrong, it cannot be followed. One
denounces and discards that which is false, and keeps and establishes
that which is true. If we were to go by majority, and conform to
the public feeling, 、ve could only follow the good old rules and pre-
cedents, and recite them over and over again, but how could there
be any discussion ？
1 Han Fei Tse was sent as envoy from his native State {Han) to Ch'in Shih
Huang Ti, who first appreciated him very much and wished to appoint him to some
high post. By the intrigues of Li Sse, however, he was induced to imprison him,
and to condemn him to death. The emperor afterwards repented, and cancelled the
death warrant, but is was too late, for meanwhile Han Fei Tse had taken poison.
(Cf. p. 170.)
2 Cf. Chap. XXXU.
3 The philosopher Kuan Chtny.
74
Lun-Hciig: A. Biographical.
When Confucius was attending the court and sitting next to

Duke Ai of L", the duke lav cured liini with a peach and millet.
Confucius first ate the millet and then the peach. This, we must
admit, was tlie right order of eating the two courses. Tlie cour-
tiers, however, all covered their mouth and laughed. They had,
for a long time, been used to another custom. Now 1, in fact,
resemble Confiicms eating the two dishes in tlie order described
above. Ordinary people take exception like the courtiers laugliing
in tlieir sleeves.
Beautiful festive songs were considered as too melancholic, in

Cheng ^ and pantomimes, at great celebrations, found no favour in Chao.
The live Leading Princes 2 declined to cast a look upon the

Canons of Yao and Sliun, and Chi and Meng ^ would not read the
works of Confucius and Me Ti. Plans for securing tlie peace in times
of danger are scoffed at in side-alleys, and schemes of reform ridi-
culed by common people. If there were au exquisite dish, vulgar
people would not taste it, though Yi Ti and Yi Ya^ might eat it
with the greatest relish, and if there were a precious jade-stone,
ordinary people would throw it away, whereas Pien Ho ^ would
hoard it up as a treasure. Who would be right, who wrong, and
wlio could be trusted? Propriety and common usage are always
in opposition, when has it not been so? When Duke Wen of Lu
infringed the rule of sacrifices,^ five men resisted him.
Great scholars will never give up researches of the above

mentioned kind, and common people will always dislike tliem. And
so will the savants eujoy and appreciate books, which bewilder the
masses, and wliicli the narrow-minded will ilee.
Wang CKung's book cannot be free from imperfection. Some

say that in speaking he does not choose the words, nor in writing,
the phrases. Compositious must be tastefully written, and discussions
1 In Chmy licentious music, but not tlie serious songs oi' the Book of Odes
were appreciated. *
2 Tlie five leaders of tlie empire, the most powerful princes during the
7th cent. b.c. to wit: ― Duke Iluan of Clii^ Duke Wm of (J/dn, Duke Hmmg oi'
S(iU(/,
Duke <Jhuany of (Jh'u, and Duke Mu of Ch'in. They were more bent on conquest than
interested in the moral laws expounded in the Canons of Yao and Shun in the Shu-
king.
3 The chief's of two lioble families in Lu, contemporaries of Confucius.

i Vid. p. 09.
5 Cr. p. 8!).
f' Duke U V" placed the tablet of his deceased fatlier above that of his uncle
ill llic ancestral temple. The latter, Duke Min, was a youiiger brother of Duke
//.、/， but he preceded in reign. For more details vid. T'so-ckuan, Duke Wm 2nd
year.
AutobioiiT:q)hy.
75
ingeniously (V)nductetl. When sur.U words strike the ear, tliey cause
a pleasaut feeling iii the heart, and when the eye falls on writing,
tlie hand does not lay tlie book aside again. Such disputations are
always listeued to, and excellent (•impositions always appreciated.
Now, since this new book cliiel'ly consists of com pari so us and
strictures on the depravity of the age, and does not praise what
is good, it does not please the reader. The tunes played by tlie
music-master K iiang ' were always lull of feeling, and the delicacies
prepared by Yi Ti and Yi Ya were never tasteless. When a clever
mau writes a book, it is without a Haw. Lii Shih ^ and Huai Nan
made an advertiseuient <m the market gates, and the readers did
not iiud fault with one word in their books. ^ Now the Liui-hmg
does not possess the beauties of these two books. It is loug enough,
but open to objections in many respects.
Ill reply 1 beg to state that he who clierislies veracity does

not trouble much about beauty, and that regulating the conduct,
lie does not polish Lis words. J.uxuriaut grass has often abund-
ance of blossoms, au(l mighty forests have many dry branches.
The purport of words is to clearly show the nature of things,
how can they be polished and above all censure? Saving a mau
from fire or out of water, we do not care, whether we do it in a
beautiful style or not, ami, when we debate on a question, our
words must not necessarily be ingeaious. Plunging into a lake
to seize turtles, we have no time to think, whether we place our
leet riglit, and catching dragons in deep water, we have no time
to care for the position of our bauds.
In spite of bad style and faulty terms tlie meaning may be

excellent and far reaching sometiiiies, and sweet words and beautiful
expressions give often a veiy pour SL'iise. When a thousand chiiuy
of grain are cleansed, more tliau iialf are husks, and examining- a
hundred thousand cash, one finds tliat the broken coins exceed ten
thousand. Fine soups are often insipid, and tlie best jewels have
their Haws. A slip-shod production may possess great beauties,
and a great artist do very second- rate work. Every discussion
has its weak points, and iu the ablest production some deficiencies
can be detected.
1 The music-master of the Duke of Cliin (cf. Chap. XVII).
2 Lii Pu Wei, the author of the Lii Shih ch'un-ch'iu.
3 It is related of Lii Fu Wei that he placed a copy of his work in the market
place and offered a reward of a thousand vUin to any one who could alter one
character iu it. The same is not known of II, (ai Xan Tse.
76
Lun - Hcng ： A. Biographical.
Golden words come from noble houses, and foul pi'odurtions

from poor families, they think. — Huai Nan Tse and La Shih ^ did
not encounter any difficulties, because they were descendants of rich
houses and of higli rank. Since they were noble, they could well
advertise on the market place, and being so wealthy, they could
easily make the alternate promise of a thousand chin. Their readers
were intimidated and in awe, and would never have ventured to
criticise one character, even if it had been quite out of place.
When Wang Cheung's book was completed, it was compared

by some with the works of the ancients, and found to be quite
different from tlie writings of previous authors. Some hold that the
book may be said to be written partly in a slovenly style. Some-
times it is terse, at others diffuse, sometimes concise, sometimes
prolix. When a problem is being discussed or a question inves-
tigated, the author is too summary or too loquacious, half sweet,
half sour. The Classics he does not resemble, with the semi-classics
lie does not agree, nor does he harmonize with either Yang C/ieng
Tie Chang or Yang Tse Yiin.'^ Since he is unlike the ancient authors,
how can he be considered a good writer, or his book be reputed
an able production?
I answer that, if anybody puts on an alien appearance forcibly

to be like somebody else, his own shape is lost, and if he changes
his style to resemble others, lie loses liis peculiar character. The
sons of a hundred persons have not the same parents. Being all
born in diilerent families, they cannot be similar. Each one distin-
guishes himself by his peculiar gifts. If writings could only then
be considered good, wlien tliey are conform to a certain standard,
this would be like substituting- one workman for another and de-
claring liis work to be a master-piece, provided that in hewing he
did not cut his own hand.
All literary men have their own specialties. The one polishes
liis phrases to produce an elegant composition, the other combats
； I II errors to ('s(al)lisli the truth. Tlieir ultimate aims are the
sairir'. and tlic wurds follow ol" t licnisclvcs. Tlins 1 li(>. (Iccds of
llic Fiv<' Kiii|K'r()i's were not dillcnMil, nnd tlierc was no conflict
between tlic notions ol" the TJiree 】(idei's. Beautiful looks are not
1 Both were princes.
2 Vid. p. m.
Autobiography.
77
the same, but their aspect is always pleasing to the eye : senti-
mental airs are not identical, but their music is always gratifying
to tlie ear. Wines have different flavours, but tliey all inebriate,
tlie tastes of various cereals vary, but tliey all appease our hunger.
If conformity to old standard be required of a literary production,
then we would be entitled to expect that SI tun also should have
eye-brows with eight colours ^ and Yil eyes witli double pupils.-
Wang CKungs book is very voluminous. Some say that in

writing the chief tiling is to be brief and clear, and that in speaking
one must be short and plain. The words of a good debater are
succinct, but to the point, tlie style of a good writer is concise,
but perspicuous. Now Wang Ch ung's new work contains more than
ten thousand sentences. For a reader it is impossible to work
through sucli an enormous mass, and there are so many chapters,
that tliey cannot all be transmitted. The author of so much bad
stuff may well be called a fool. Short sentences are easy to enun-
ciate, whereas a bulky work presents great difficulties. Gems are
few, stones many : that "wliicli occurs in great number, is not pre-
cious. Dragons are rare, fish numerous: that wliicli is of rare
occurence, is justly deemed divine.
I admit that there is such a saying. Concise language is not
louii^-, but beautiful language must not be concise. If tliey are
useful to the world, a liiindred chapters do no liarm, while one para-
graph, if useless, may be superfluous. If there are several things,
all useful, the longer rank before the shorter. Who is ric】ier, he who
has piled up a thousand chin, or lie wlio possesses a liundred?
Longer works are preferable to shorter ones, and a small

amount of wealth is better than poverty. Most people have not
a single book, I possess a hundred chapters : others have not one
character, I have more than ten thousand sentences. Who is tlie
cleverer?
Now they do not say that my words are wrong, but that
they are too many: they do not say tliat the world does not like
good tilings, but that it cannot take tliem all in. The reason why
my book cannot be so concise is that for building' many houses a
small ground would not be sufficient, and tliat for the registration
of a large populace few registers would be inadequate. At present,
the errors are so many, that the words necessary to point out the
truth, show what is right, and controvert what is false, cannot
well be brief and succinct.
1 Like 】'ao (cf. Chap. XXIV).
2 As Shun had (loc. cit.).
78
Lun -Heng: A. Biographical.
Hau Fei Tses work is like the branch of a tree. The chapters
are joined together by tens, and the sentences count by ten
thousands. For a lare'e body the dress cannot be narrow, and if
there be many subjects, the text must not be too summary. A great
variety of subjects requires abundance of Avords. Tii a large extent
of water, there are many fish, in an emperor's capital, there is plenty
of grain, and on the market of a metropolis, there is a throng of
people.
My book 】nay be volumiuous, but the subjects treated are

manifold. T ai Kung Wartg} in ancient times and recently Timg Chung
Shu - produced books containing more tlian a hundred chapters.
My book also contains more than a hundred chapters. Those
who contend tliat they are too many, only mean to say that
the author is of low origin, and that the readers cannot but take
exception to it.
When we compare a river, whose waters overflow the banks,

with others, which is the biggest? And, when the cocoons of
a certain species of worms are especially heavy and big, which
worms yield most silk?
Wang Cli ung was not lucky in his official career,- and only
wrote books and this autobiography. Some one might find fault
with him, arguing thus :
"The important thing is always that a man of great talent

should make a good career. When lio finds employment, and 】iis
words are listened to, lie can distinguish liiniself by his work, and
thus rise to liigh lionour. Now, you are living in misery, and
your career has heen spoiled. You had no opportunity of trying
your talents in practice, or usinjs; your streng-tli in the fulfilment of
official (luti(*s. Therefore you only committed your speculations to
writing and made your notes. Wlmt use are your beautiful words
to yourself, and wliat aim arc you pursiiinij; Avitli your extensive
writings? ，，，
Nobody was ever more talented than Confucius, and yet his
talents were not appreciated. lie was expelled, and a tree felled
over him. He liad to liast^n the Avasliiii^' of liis rice ^ and was
1 T'ai KwH/ Want/ is tlie full <'i| 屮 dlativc of Wen Wanff's minister, usually
called 7' ai /、W?'/， on whom of. Cliap. XX XIX.
2 Cf, p. '？, 9 and Chap. XXXVII.
3 When forced to leave 67///, (Vid. IMmcius Hk. V, 】）t. II, ('hap. I， 4, Legge
Vol. 11， p. 247.)
Autobiography,
79
surrounded. TTis traces were obliterated, he was tormented bv

liuniier bet\veen CK M and T'sat\ and his disciples looked starved.^
Now, mv talents do not come near those of Confucius, but my
liardsliips do not equal his. Am T to bo despised tliorefoiv?
Besides the successful are not always clever, or the distressed,

simpletons. The lucky win, and the unlucky lose. With a liberal
fate and good fortune, even a vulgar person becomes noble and
g、enteel, with a nig'jLi'ardly fate and bad fortune, the most remarkable
man remains Avretchecl and miserable. If talents and virtue were to
be measured l)y success, then the great lords invested witli the
domain of a town, and living on the soil, would all be wise men.
Confucliis and Me Ti were noble of themselves, but their rank

was low. If, therefore, people are living in pure spheres, but do
black deeds, or if they liave a yearly income of a thousand cJiung
to live upon, but not a single accomplishment, we can onlv yniile.
Provided that our virtue be high and our name untarnished, tlien
our office may be Ioav and our income meagre, it is not the fault
of our talents, and we should not feel oppressed by it.
Scholars would like to share the liut Avith Hsienr but not to
be put on a level with T'se,^ they would gladly wander about
with Po y/, but decline to associate with robber Che, Great scholars
have other ambitions than their people. Therefore their fame is
not til at of the world. Tlieir bodies decay like grass and trees,
but their glory shines as long' as the sun and the moon send tlieir
rays. Tlieir couditiou may be as poor as that of Confucius, provided
only tliat tlieir writings rank with those of Yang Hs'mng. That is
my ideal. Outward success, but a limited knowledge, a high post,
but little virtue that is the ambition of others. I would consider
it a bondage.
It' somebody lias the luck to be heard witli liis ad vice, and
lives in honour and well being, all this is gone after a liiindred
years like other tilings. His name does not come down to the
next generation, and not a word from his liand is left in any
document. He has liacl stores full of emoluments perhaps, in the
1 Cf. Chap. XL.
- Ihipn 二 Yuan S -、 a disciple of Confucius^ noted for his contempt of wordly

advantages. Made governor of a town, he declined his official allowance (-
lwa/pc'A*fVI，3)
( hnang Tse makes him live in a mud hut. He contrasts him with T W, another
follower of Confucius, who came driving up to his door in a fine chariot and in a
white robe lined with purple.
3 T'se = Ttian 31u r.、'V or T、e Kung, a disciple of Confucius, who became n
high official, and very wealthy (vid. Chap. XXXI and XXXIII). He was a swell,
just the reverse of Hden.
80
Lun -Heng: A. Biographical.
realms of literature and virtue he leaves no riches. That is not

what I prize. Vast virtue of the highest excellence, abundance of
extensive knowledge, a pencil dripping with characters like rain, and
an overflowing spring of words, I'icli talents, a wonderful erudition,
generous deeds, and a noble mind, with such qualities a man's body
may belong to one generation, his name will be transmitted for a
thousand years. That seems extraordinary and desirable to me,
Wang Cli iing is from a siniplo family, in wliicli he stands

quite alone. A caviller might say: ―
" Your ancestors have not left you a treasure of pure virtue,
nor a collection of literary works. You may yourself write the
most brilliant essays, you liave no basis to stand upon, and there-
fore no daim to our admiration."
" When a force bursts upon us quite suddenly, not by degrees,
we call it a phenomenon. Wlien a creature is born from quite
dissimilar parents, we call it a wonder. When sometluiig' quite
unusual appears all at once, it is regarded as a supernatural appear-
ance, and when something cliliereiit from anything else quite ab-
ruptly comes forth, it is termed a miracle."
"Who are your ancestors? Their names have not been recorded
in former times. You did not spring from a learned family, whose
members liavo already walked tlie path of literature, and you write
disquisitions of several thousand or ten thousand sentences. This
must be considered a supernatural plieiiomenon. How could we
appreciate sucli writings, or think them able productions? " ^
I beg to reply tliat a bird without a pedigree is a plicenix,

an animal witliout a family, a unicorn, a man without an ancestry,
a sage, and a thing witliout a peer, a jewel. And so it is with
men of great talents, who are browbeaten and viewed with dis-
favour by their age. Scholars of worth appear single, and precious
things grow solitary. How could literature be inherited? If a
man could learn to become a sage, then tlie water of the Feng
river ^ would have a source, ami auspicious grain an old stem.
1 The Chinese are in awe of, but do not like wonders, miracles, monsters,
in short nil that is against the regular course of nature. So they are prejudiced
against Wa/fc/ Ch'ung, because lie is a homo /w"/.s'. Not being a descendant from
a literary or a noble family, he .should not attempt to rise above the average of
lii.s fellow-citizens.
2 The source of the Fctu/^ an affluent of the Wei in She" '4 is well knowii.
I presume that for "F— river" 、：豐力〈 wc ought to i-ead " Wive Spritig " 旁 ^
Tlie phonetic element for /'V/?,y and Li "Wine" is very similar, and the Wine
Springs
are often mentioned as auspicious oineus in connection with pluriiixes, unicorns,
and
auspicious grain.
Autobiography.
81
When a remarkable scholar appears and puts forward his

noble doctrines, lie does not fall under the general rule, and his
capacity cannot be measured by the bushel. Therefore events which
seldom happen are recorded on tablets and books, and rare things
engraved on bronze vases. The Five Emperors did not rise in one
generation, and Yi Yin ^ and T aiKung Wang ^ did not issue from
one family. There was a distance of thousand Li between them,
and one lived several hundred years after the other. When scholars
of note quietly develop their marvellous faculties, they do not be-
come famous as descendants of noble lines.
The calf of a black cow may be brown, iliis does not affect
the nature of tlie animal. The ancestors of a scholar may be
coarse, provided that lie himself is pure, it lias no influence upon
his character. K un^ was wicked, and Yil a sage, Sou^ was per-
verse, and Shun divine. Po Niu ^ was visited with a horrible dis-
ease, and Chung Kung^ was clean and strong. Yen Lii'^ was vulgar
and mean, and Yen Hid outvied all his companions. Confucius and
Me Ti had stupid ancestors, and they themselves were sages. The
Yang family had not been successfu], when Yang Tse Yiln rose like
a star, aud the house of Huan had been tolerably well off, until
Huan Chiln Shan^ took his brilliant flight. A man must have been
imbued with more than the ordinary dose of the original fluid to
become an able writer.
In the third year of Yuan-ho^^ Wang Ch ung emigrated to Tan -

yang,iQ (Jhii 卜 chiang,u and Lu-chiang in the province of Yang-chou,〜3 and
was appointed sub-prefect. His abilities were small, and his office
1 Minister of T'ang^ the founder of the Shang dynasty.
2 Cf. p. 78.
3 Yu s father.
4 Ku Sou, Shun 8 father.
5 A disciple of Confucixis^ who suffered from leprosy (cf. Chap. XXXIII).
6 Another disciple of Confucius', a relation of Po i\7w， both belonging to

the Jan clan,
7 Ten Hut's father.
8 Cf. p. 39 and Chap. XXXVU.
9 86 A.D.
10 Under the Ha" a circuit comprising parts of Kiangm and AnhuL
11 A circuit in Anhui,
12 Another circuit in Anhui.
13 A very large province under the Han dynasty, comprising nearly the whole
territory of the modern provinces of Kiangsa^ Anhui, Kiang-si^ Fukicn, and
Chekiuftg.
Lun - lieng. 6
82

was important. His chief duties were in connection witli official
correspondence. All plans of writing anything lie had given up
for many years. In tlie second year of Chang-ho,^ his business in
the province ceased. He lived at home, and gradually advanced
in age, till he readied about seventy years. Then lie gave up his
official carriage, and his official career was definitely closed. He
could not help it. He had many annoyances, and his body felt
the infirmities of age. His liair grew Avliite, his teeth fell out, he
became older from day to day, and his comrades dispersed. He
had nothing to rely upon, was too poor to nurse himself, and had
no joy left. But time went slowly on, the keng and /ising years ^
came to an end, but thougli lie was afraid that his deatli 、vas
near at hand, he was still full of silly ideas. Then lie wrote a
book on Macrobiotics 3 in sixteen chapters.
To keep himself alive, lie cherished the vital fluid. As a

stimulant for the appetite lie used wine. Closing eyes and ears
against external influences, he spared liis energy as a means of self-
protection. Using medicines lie kept up his forces, and by following'
this metliod lie hoped to prolong 】iis days. For a while lie did
not age, but when it was too late, there was no return.
This book was left as a guide to posterity. But the duration

of human life is limited. Men like animals live for a while and
die. We can only remember the years gone by, who can order
them to stand still? We must go down to the yellow sources, and
become earth and ashes. From Huang Ti and T ang down to tlie
CK in and Han many have been guided by the holy doctrine and
have found the truth by their genius, just like a scales and bright
like a mirror, yet young and old they have lived and died, of old
and now all have been included. Life cannot be prolonged, alas!
1 88 A.D.
2 The cyclical years keng-yin : 90 a.d. and Jmng-mao : 01 a.d.
3 Yang hsing shu.
Replies in Self-Defense,
83
CHAPTER 11.
Replies in Self-Defense {Tui-tso).
Some one might put tlie following question: The worthies

and sages were not born for nothing; decidedly their minds were
required. How is it that from Confucius and Me Ti down to Hsiin
Tse 1 and Mencius they all acted as teachers and left their works
to posterity ？
Our reply is that the sages wrote the Classics, and the
worthies composed their records. They rectified the depraved
customs, and enjoined upon the people to revert to truth and sin-
cerity. The thirteen thousand chapters of the Six Departments of
Literature ^ increased the good and diminished the evil, sometimes
restricting, sometimes expanding, and urging on the stragglers, with
a view to leading them back from their by-paths into the right way.
Confucius wrote tlie Cli un-cli in in consequence of the depra-

vity of the people of Chou. He, therefore, established the smallest
merit, and blamed tlie slightest wrong; lie removed every disorder,
and re-established propriety. The ways of men as well as those
of the sovereign were well ordered by him. To check extravagant
and mean practices one must take every precaution, and use every
means. When a dyke breaks, and no measures are taken, there will
be a disastrous inundation. When a net opens, and is not shut
again, the animals caught in it are lost. Had the ways of Chou
not degenerated, the people would not have been uncultured, and
had the people not been uncultured, the Cli un-cK iu would not have
been written.
If the doctrines of Yang Chu and Me ！ TP had not perverted

the traditions, the records of Mencius would not have been pub-
lished. Had the Han State not been small and weak, and its
system of government corrupt, Han Fei Tse' s book would not have
appeared.* Had Kao Tsu not contested that the conquerors of
1 The philosopher Hmn Tse : Sun ChHng, cf. Chap. XXXII.
2 Vid. Chap. XXXVII and tlie Catalogue of Literature , Han-shu chap. 30.
3 The philosophers of egoism and altruism, both combated by Mmckts.
* The philosopher Han Fei T.、e was the son of a Duke of the Han State
iu Shanid.
6*
84
Lun-Heng ： A. Biographical.
empires had not alighted from their horses nor changed their
martial habits, Lu Chia would not have written his memorials, i If
the truth had not been lost everywhere, and scientific researches
not been in a state of great confusion, the discussions of Huan
Tan would not have come forth.
Ergo, when worthies and sages write something, they do not

do so for nothing, but have tlieir good reasons. Thus their writ-
ings are by no means purposeless, but conducive to reforms, and
their reforms to re-establish the right principles.
Accordingly the Han created the censorate to review books

and examine their contents. Tung Chung Shu wrote a book on
magical arts, in which he spoke much about calamitous events as
being caused by the faults of the government. When the book
was complete, and tlie text revised, it was presented to the Im-
perial Court of the Hon. Chu Fu Yen from jealousy slandered the
book in a memorial to the throne. The emperor handed Tung Chung
Shu over to the tribunal, and the judges declared that he was very
stupid, and deserved to die, but the emperor pardoned him. Hsiao
Wu Ti did not puuisli Tung Chung Shu for liis remarks on calam-
ities, on the contrary, he honoured him. How much more would
lie have done so for Tung Chung S/nis inoffensive utterances, for
his researches into the nature of the fundamental principles and
liis collection of old and true sayings?
As long as a wise man holds an official position in this world,

he is perfectly loyal to his sovereign, and propagates his reforms
to enlighten tlie government. When he has retired, lie still teaches
and criticises to rouse the simple-minded who have gone astray.
They cannot find their way back to the right patli , tlieir prin-
ciples are shallow, and tlieir doings wrong. Unless we scholars
liurry to tlieir rescue, they come to perdition, and do not awake
from tlieir slumber. This lias prompted me to write the Lun-hSng,
1 An allusion to an event in the life of Lu Chia, narrated in his biography,

Shi-chi chap. 97 p. 7. When Lni Chia had returned from his successful mission to
the
King of Yueliy whom he induced to acknowledge the suzerainty of the flan, Kao
Tjiu conferred a liigh rank upon him. Subseijuently, when relating his adventures,
Lu Chia would always refer to poetry and history. The emperor displeased with
these utterances, told him that he had won his laurels on horseback, why must he
make such a fuss about literature. Then Lu ( 'hia showed him, how former con-
querors had lost the empire again, if they had not consolidated their power by the
arts of peace. This conversation with the emperor lead to the roinposition of a
series ol' memorials, in which La ('hia developed his ideas about government. This
collection of ineinorials received the title " New Words ，，， Ihi!i-yu, cf. Chap.
XXXVII.
Replies !ii Self-Defense,
85
In a great many books reality has no place left: falsehood

and immorality triumph over truth and virtue. Therefore, unless
such lies be censured, specious arguments cannot be suppressed,
and, as long as they spread, truth does not reign. For this reason
the Lun-heng weighs the words, whether they be light or heavy,
and holds up a balance for truth and falsehood. It does not trouble
about polishing the phrases and embellishing the style, or consider
this of great importance.
It has its raison d'etre in the innate human weakness. Con-

sequently it criticises tlie common people most vigorously. By
nature these people are very prone to strange words and to the
use of falsehoods. Why? Because simple truisms do not appeal to
the imagination, whereas elegant inventions puzzle the hearers, and
impress tlieir minds. Therefore, men of genius, who are Ibnd of
discussions, will magnify aud exaggerate the truth, and use flowery
language. Masters of style, they simply invent things, and tell
stories, which never happened. Their hearers believe in them, and
are never tired of repeating them. Tlieir readers take these stories
for facts, and one transmits them to tlie other in an unbroken cliain
so, til at at last the words are engraved on bamboo and silk. Being-
repeated over and over again, these stories impose even upon the
wise. May be that even His Majesty lioiiours such a man as a
teacher, and spreads liis forgeries, and that magistrates and wearers
of red girdle pendants ' all read these inventions.
He who knows liow to discriminate between trutli aud false-

hood, must feel a pang at it; "why should he not speak? Mencius was
grieved that the discussions of Yang Clni and Me Ti did great harm
to the cause of Confucianism, therefore lie used plain and straight-
forward language to recommend what was right, and to reject what
was wrong. People fancied that he was a controversialist, but
Menckis replied, " How should I be a controversialist ？ I cannot do
otherwise." -
Now 1 also cannot do otherwise. Lies and folly appear in

the garb of truth, veracity aud sincerity are superseded by im-
posture. People are in a state of apathy, right and wrong are not
determined, purple and vermilion confounded,^ and tiles mixed up
with jade-stones. As regards my feelings, how could my heart
endure such a state ？ The lackey in Wei riding the outer horse
1 Princes and nobles.
2 Mencius Bk. IH, Pt. II, chap. IX, 1.
3 Vermilion is regarded as a primary colour, and much liked, purple as

secondary, and not much esteemed.
86
Liin - Heng ： A. Biographical.
transgressed his functions, crying out for the carriage. His sym-
pathy carried him away, for he was apprehending a danger for
his prince. ^ Critics commiserate the world, and feel sorry for its
deceptions, a sentiment similar to that of the outrider in Wei, A
sorrowful mind and a melancholy spirit disturb the tranquil fluid
in our breast, which tells upon our years, shortens our span,
and is not beneficial to our life. It is a greater misfortune tlian
that sufl'ered by Yen Hui? and against tlie rules of Huang Ti and
Lao Tse, and nothing which men like to do. But there was no
help, therefore I wrote the Lim-heng, Its style is indillerent, but
the meaning all right, the diction bad, but the feeling good. Tlie
Cheng-wu " treats of the system of government; all the chapters of
tlie Luug-heng may be read by ordinary people, for it is like writ-
ings of other scholars.
As for the Nine Inventions and the Three Exaggerations, and

the essays on Death and on Ghosts,^ tlie world has long been led
astray by the errors exposed therein, and people did not become
aw are of it.
When a ruler goes wrong, representations must be addressed

to the highest place, when the citizens are blindfold, one speaks
to them, if this be of effect, their leader will learn also. 1 fer-
vently desire to rouse tlie misguided minds, and to teach tliem, how
to tell tlie full from the hollow. As soon as the diflerence of
reality and emptiness is fully understood, specious arguments will
be discarded, and then the progress made in true and real know-
ledge will daily increase.
Some say that the sages create, whereas the worthies relate,
and that, if worthies create, it is wrong. The Lun-heng and the
Cheng-wu are creations, tliey think. These works are neither crea-
tions nor relations. The Five Classics can be regarded as crea-
tions. The History of the Grand Annalist,^ the Introduction of
Liu Tse Cheng and the Records of Pan Shu Pi? may be called
1 Cf. p. 154.
2 The favourite disciple of Confackix^ who died very young, cf. Chap. XXXIII.
3 Another of Wqjkj Ch'uny's works, which has been lost.
4 Lan-hmg N. 16-24, N. 25-27, N. (32 and 65 (cf. p. 48 seq. and p. 57 seq.).

6 The Shi-chi.
6 The Hdn-lisu,
7 Pan Shu P i = Pan Piao, the father of the historian Pan Ku, He also was
devoted to the .study of history, and intended to continue the Shi - ch" which was
finally done by his sou.
Replies in Self-Defense.
87
relations, aucl the "New Reflections " ^ of Hiiwi Chun Shan and the
"Critical Reflections " ^ of Tsou Po Chi^^ discussions. Now the Lun-
lieng aud the Clieng-wu are like the two Reflections of Iluan Chiin
Shan aud Tsou Po Chi, and not what they call creations.
To produce something new that did not exist in the past,

as T'sang Hsiek ^ invented writing and lisi Chung chariots, is creat-
ing. The Yi-king says of Fu Hsi that lie created the eight dia-
grams. They did not exist before, and Fu Hsi made them/' hence
the term creating is used. Wen Wang evolved these eight pictures,
and brought their number up to sixty-four, which is called am-
plifying. To say that the composition of the Lun-lieng is similar to
that of the sixty-four figures is not correct either. In regard to the
sixty-four diagrams, these figures were increased by an amplification
of their forms, and their number was thus augmented. Now in the
Lun-Jieng the current literature is taken up with the object of defining
right and wrong and distinguishing between truth and falsehood. It
is not an original production of something that did not exist pre-
viously. The Confucianists take tlie sayings of former teachers and
criticise them, as clerks subject the decisions of the lord chief-justice
to a new examination. If the term creating be applied to the Lun-hSng,
would the same word be used of the Confucianists and the clerks?
Ill tlieir reports to the throne and their memorials the me-
morialists use to propose useful measures. There is always the
desire to help the government. Now the creators of classical works
are like those memorialists. Tlieir words proceed from the inner-
most heart, and it is tlieir hand which reduces them to writing.
Both cases are identical. In regard to those who address the em-
peror one speaks of memorialising, whereas for those records an-
other word has been adopted viz, writing.
During the first years of Chien-ch、t,i there was a great dearth

ill Chimg-chou, The people from Yin-cliuan^ and Ju-ncm," had to
1 Cf. Chap. XXXVU.
2 Chien-lun.
3 Cf. Chap. XXXVII.
4 A mythical personage.
5 Another legendary person, who is said to have been a descendant of Huang

Ti and director of chariots under Yii,
(； Vid. Chap. XXXVI， where Wang ChUing maintains that Fu Hsi did not
make the diagrams, but received them in a supernatural way.
7 The first year of the emperor Chang Ti: 76 a.d.
8 An old name for Honan.
9 A circuit in Anhui.
10 A place in Honan.
88
Lun-Heng ： A. Biographical.
leave their homes, and were scattered in all directions. His Holy
Majesty felt very much distressed, and many edicts were issued.
The writer of the Lan-lih-ig presented a report ^ to the prefect,
urging that all dissipations and extravagancies should be prohibited
in order to provide lor the time of need. His suggestions were
not accepted however. Pie went home and entitled the draft of
liis report " Provisions for Times of Want."
When the grain is used for the destination of wine, robbery

is rampant, and as long as there is much drunkeiiess, robberies
never cease. In a memorial sent to the prefect the writer proposed
that the use of spirits should be interdicted, and afterwards gave
to this report the name " Prohibition of Spirits." From this it may
be seen that the writing of the classical authors is like that of
memorialists. Those reports are regarded as independent creations
presented to the emperor. Reports and memorials to the throne
are always creations.
In the Ch eng of Chiu , the T ao-ivu of Ch'u,^ and the Ch' un-
ci i iu of Lu persons and things are all different. As regards the
diagrams cli wn and k'un of the Yiking, the yua、, of the Cli un-cli iu
and the mystical principle of Yang Tse Yiln, they use diverse terms
for divination and time periods. From this we may infer that the
Lun-heng and the Cheng-ivu have the same aim as the memorials of
T' ang Lin and the essays of Ku Yung.
The Han time is very rich in literary talents, and the number
of essays is especially large. Yang Climg Tse Chang produced the
Yueh-ching'^ and Yang Tse Yiln the T' ai-liman-cldng. These two books
were current in the court and read in the side-halls. The impression
they caused was enormous, they were not relations but creations,
and people doubted, whether the ingenious authors were not sages.
The court found nothing to blame in t.h(、in. Now, fancy the Lim-
iting with its minute discussions and tlio rough arguments, intended
to explain the common errors and elucidate the right and wrong
principles so, that future generations can clearly see the difference
between truth and falsehood ！ Lest all this be lost, I have com-
mitted it to the writing- tablets : remarks on chapters and passages
of the classics of our ancestors, and on queer sayings of former
1 A report for the emperor, which Wany ( 'h nin;, not being of sufficiently
liigh rank, could not present directly.
2 The oflicial cliroiiicles of these two States. (Cf. Chap. XXXVI.)
3 A term employed for tlie first year ol' a sovereign, also denoting tlie original
fluid of nature.
* The " Classic of Music."
Replies in Self-Defense.
89
masters. I offer critical remarks and reject many common traditions.

The delusion caused by such traditions and the spread of so many
lying books give endless pain to the knowing. Confucius said: ― "When
a man is touched by poetry, he cannot remain silent. When I am
moved, I cannot keep quiet, but must speak."
Jade is being confounded with stones. People cannot distinguish

it, as for instance tlie inspector of works in Ch'u took jade I'or a
stone, and suddenly ordered Plea Ho to have his foot cut off. ' Right
is being turned into wrong-, and falsehood into truth. How is it
possible not to speak of it?
As the common traditions are full of exaggerations, so the

common books teem with falsehoods. Tsou Yen e. g. pretends that
our world 2 is one continent, and that beyond the four seas there
are still nine other continents like onr world. ^ Huai Nan Tse says
in bis book that, when Kung Rung, fighting for the throne with
CI man Ilsil, was not victorious, he ran against Mount Pu-c/iou in his
wrath so, that he caused the " Pillar of Heaven " to break, and
the confines of the earth to be smashed.^ In Yao's time ten suns
appeared simultaneously. Yao shot an arrow at nine of thein.^
During the battle fought by the Duke of Lu-yang ^ the sun went
dovvn. Swinging his spear he beckoned to the sun, when lie came
back. There are a great many books and records of a similar
nature in the world, Trutli and reality are drowned in a flood of
inventions and fabrications. Can we remain silent, when our heart
swells to overflowing, and the pencil trembles in our hand?
Discussing a question we must examine into it with our mind,

and demonstrate it by facts, and, if there be any inventions, proofs
must be given. As the history of the Grand Annalist testifies,
Hsii Yu'' did not hide, nor did Tan, the crown-prince of Yen, cause
tlie sun to revert to the meridian. Nobody can read these pas-
sages without applauding.
1 Cf. p. 113.
2 China.
3 Cf. Chap. XIX.
4 Vid. Chap. XIX.
5 Cf. Chap. XX.
6 A city in Honan. We learn troin the h'.m-hmy V, 6v. {Ivari-lim) that this
battle was fought by Duke H.îang of Lii against Han. This prince reigned from
572 to 541. Huai JSan Tsr VI, lv.， however, from whom this passage is quoted,
speaks
of the Duke of Ln-yany and the commentary remarks that this was a grandson of
King F ing of CKu (528-515), called Lu-yanj Wen Tse in the Kuo-yii.
" A legendai-y hermit of 】, "。，.、■ time. (Cf. Chap. XXXV.)
90
Lun-Heiig: A. Biographical,
I composed the Cheng- ivu for the purpose of showing to the

incumbents of the prefectures and the district magistrates, what is of
paramount importance in the administration, and with a view to in-
duce all people to reform and gratefully acknowledge the kindness of
the government. The nine chapters of the Lun-lieng on Inventions and
the three chapters on Exaggerations are intended to impress upon
people that they must strive for truthfulness, and the chapters on Death
and Ghosts 1 shall induce them to give their dead a simple burial.
Confucius avoided all pomp, but people were very extravagant

ill burying the dead and decorating the coffin. Liu Tse Cheng was
in favour of simple funerals, but people would put costly things
into the graves, and spare no money. Kuang Wu Ti regarded straw
carriages and reed horses as sufficiently good objects for the sacri-
ficial worship of the dead. Why do the common books and tra-
ditions not mention this ？ The belief in the talk on death has
defiled them.
Now I have written the essays on Death and on the False

Reports about the Dead - to show that the deceased have no conscious-
ness, and cannot become ghosts, hoping that, as soon as my readers
have grasped this, they will restrain the extravagance of the burials,
and become more economical. Such would be the advantage derived
from the Lun-heng, Provided that my words have this effect, what
would it matter, if my work were a creation?
The writing of Tsang Hsieh is universally used to record things,

the carriages of Hsi Chung for locomotion, the clothes of Po Yii as
a protection against heat and cold, and the tiled houses of Ckieh
to keep off wind and rain.^ If, irrespective of their usefulness or
obnoxiousness, such things be solely found fault with for being in-
novations, then men like Ts'ang Hsieh would have to be condemned,
and the fifteen dynasties at the beginning of history all be blame-
worthy.^ Provided that a thing be useful, there is no harm, even if it
should be an innovation, and if there be no harm, what can be amiss?
1 ri ancient times great public entertainments were given by

imperial order with the object of seeing the customs and learning
' Cf. pp. 57 and 58.
'2 Lun-hrny N. 62 and G3.

3 The tyrant Chieh is reported to have built the first brii'k houses ( 7V-
wa7tg-shi-chi),
4 The ten dynasties of the fabulous age of Chinese history together with the
Five Emperors and their houses, whom Chinese fancy has credited with the invention
of all the iundaiiiental institutions of civilisation, such as house building,
dress making,
writing, etc.
Replies in SeH'-Defense.
91
tlie feelings of the people. Then the Odes ^ originated among the
people. The holy emperors might have said, " Ye， people, how
dare you produce such novel things?," and have thrown them into
prison, and destroyed their Odes. This was not done, and the
Odes were thus handed down. Now the Lun-Jieitg and the Cheng-
tvu are like the Odes. I trust that they will not be condemned,
before they have been perused.
This is the origin of the Lun-lieng. The reason why people

so often take exreption to new productions is that they often contain
so many unfounded assertions and disparaging' remarks on others.
The Lnn-lieng aims at truth and dislikes all wild speculations. The
chapters entitled: — Ch i-sliiJi^'' llsilan Han^ Hai kuo, and Yen-fa^ are
full of praise and well-deserved applause,'^ and not disparaging at
all. Such a creation might well escape reproach.
1 The Odes of the Shi-king,
2 " Equality of the ages."
3 Contained in Books XYHI and XIX, N. 56-59.
4 W ang CJi iuu/ eulogises the emperors of his own time, and places them on
a level with the model sovereigns of antiquity.
92
Lun Heiig: B. Metaphysical,
CHAPTER III.
Sp ontaneity ( Tse-jan) .
By the fusion of tlie fluids of Heaven and Earth all things

of the world are produced spontaneously, just as by the mixture
of the fluids of husband and wife children are born spontaneously.
Among the tilings thus produced, creatures with blood in their
veins are sensitive of hunger and cold. Seeing that grain can be
eaten, tliey use it as food , and discovering that silk and hemp can
be worn, they take it as raiment. Some people are of opinion that
Heaven produces grain for the purpose of feeding mankind, and
silk and hemp to cloth them. That would be tantamount to making-
Heaven the farmer of man or his mulberry girl, ' it would not be
in accordance with spontaneity, therefore this opinion is very
questionable aud unacceptable.
Reasoning on Taoist principles we find that Heaven emits

its fluid everywhere. Among the many things of this world grain
dispels liuuger, and silk and hemp protect from cold. For that
reason man eats grain, and wears silk and hemp. That Heaven
does not produce grain, silk, and hemp purposely, in order to feed
and cloth mankind, follows from the fact that by calamitous changes
it does not intend to reprove man. Things are produced spontane-
ously, and man wears and eats them ； the fluid changes spontane-
ously, and man is friglitened by it, for the usual theory is dis-
heartening. WJiere would be spontaneity, if the heavenly signs
were intentional, and where inaction"
Why must we assume that Heaven acts spontaneously? Be-

cause it lias neither mouth nor eyes. Activity is connected with
the mouth and the eyes : the mouth wishes to eat, and the eyes to
see. riiese desires within manifest themselves without. That the
mouth and the eyes are craving for something, which is considered
an advantage, is due to those desires. Now, provided that: the
moutij and the eye do not adect things, there is nothing- which
tliey might long lor, why sliould there be activity then?
1 Who I'eods tlie silkworms.
- Inaction does not mean inotioiilessness, but spontaneous action without any
uiiii 01' purpose. It is more ur less luecliunical, and not inspired by a conscious
spirit.
Spontaneity.
93
How do we know that Heaven possesses neither mouth nor

eyes ？ From Earth. The body of the Earth is formed of earth,
and earth lias neither moutli nor eyes. Heaven and Earth are like
husband and wife. Since the body of the Earth is not provided
■vvith a moutli or eyes, we know that Heaven has no mouth or
eyes neither. Supposing that Heaven has a body, then it must be
like til at of tlie Earth, and should it be air only, this air would
he like clouds and fog. How can a cloudy or nebular substance
have a moutli or an eye?
Some one might argue that every movement is originally in-

action. There is desire provoking the movement, and, as soon as
there is motion, there is action. The movements of Heaven are-
similar to those of man, how could they be inactive? I reply that,
Avlien Heaven moves, it emits its fluid. Its body moves, the lluid
comes forth, and things are protUuêd. When man moves his fluid,
his body moves, liis fluid then comes forth, and a cliild is pro-
duced. Man emitting his fluid does not intend to beget a child,
yet the fluid being emitted, the child is born of itself. When
Heaven is moving, it does not desire to produce things thereby,
but tilings are produced of their own accord. That is spontaneity.
Letting out its fluid it does not desire to create things, but things
are created of themselves. That is inaction.
But liow is the fluid of Heaven, which we credit with spon-

taneity and inaction? It is placid, tranquil, desireless, inactive,
and unbiisied. Lao Tse acquired long life by it. He obtained it
from Heaven. If Heaven did not possess this fluid, how could
Lao Tse liave obtained this nature? For it does not happen that
tlie disciples alone speak of something, which their master never
mentioned.
Perhaps this nature appeared again in Duke Huan,^ who was

wont to say, "Let Kuan Chung - know." His attendants replied, "is it
so easy to rule, if Kuan Chung is always the first and second word ？ "
The duke rejoined, " Before I had secured the services of Kuan Chung,
I was in tlie greatest difficulties, now, after I 】iave got liim, I find
everything easy." When Duke Huan liad taken Kuan Chung into
his service, lie left the affairs to him. entrusted him witli the ad-
ministration, and did not trouble any more about it. Should high
Heaven, whicli in its exalted virtue confers the government upon
ail emperor, reprove man, its virtue would be inferior to that of
1 Duke Huan of C'h'i, 683-641 b.c.
2 Duke Huan's famous minister. Cf. p. 176.
94
Lun -Hpiig: B. Metaphysical.
Duke Huan, and tlie conduct of a feudatory prince surpass that of

great Heaven.
Somebody might object that Duke Huan knew Kuan Chung

to be a wise man, and therefore appointed him, and that but for
Kuan Chung he would also have given vent to his displeasure.
Meeting' with men like Yao and Shun Heaven would certainly not
liave reprimanded people either.
I beg to reply, that, if Heaven can reprimand, it might

as well purposely appoint a wise prince, select a genius like Yao
and Shun, confer the imperial dignity upon him, and leave the
affairs of the empire to him without taking further notice of
them. Now it is different. Heaven creates very inferior princes,
who have no principles, and neglect virtue, and therefore has to
reprove them every now and then. Would it not be afraid of
the trouble?
Tsao Ts' an,、 a minister of the Han, was given to wine,

songs, and music, and did not care about government. When
his son remonstrated with him, he gave him two hundred blows
with the bamboo. At that period there was no insurrection
in the empire. In Iluai-yang^ people coined counterfeit money,
and the officials were powerless to check the abuse. Chi Yen^
was prefect then. He did not destroy a single furnace, or pun-
ish a single individual. Quite indifferent, lie was comfortably
reclining on his couch, and the conditions of Huai-yang became
well ordered again. Tsao Tsan behaved himself, as though he
were not a minister, and Chi Yen administered his prefecture,
as if nobody were living iu it. Albeit yet the empire of tlie
Han had no troubles, and in Huai-yang the punishments could
be discontinued. So perfect was the virtue of Tsao Tsan, and
so imposing- Chi Yens dignity. The majesty of Heaven and
its virtue are quite something else than those of Tsao Tsan
and Chi Yen, but to affirm that Heaven entrusts an emperor
with the government, and llien reproves 】iiin, would amount
to nothing less than that Heaven's virtue is not as exalted
as that of Tsao Tsan, and its majesty not as imposing as that
of Chi Yen.
1 One of the counsellors and supporters of J fan Kao T.、.〃， died 190 b.c. ' On
his laissrr faii'r policy vid. his biography in tlie Shi-chi chap. 54.
2 A State in Honan.
3 A minister of" the emperor Wn Ti, like T sao T's(m a follower of the
doctrine of inaction inculcated by Lao TV. His policy of governing consisted in
letting things alone.
Spontaneity.
95
When Chii Po Yii ^ was governing Wei, Tse Kung asked him
tlirougli somebody, how lie governed Wei The reply was, " I
govern it by not governing." ― Government by not governing is
inaction as a principle.
Some opponent might say that as a sequel of universal peace

a plan came forth from the Yellow Ricer, and a scroll from the Lo;
Without drawing no plan can be made, and without action nothing
is completed. Tlie fact that Heaven and Earth produced tlie plan
and the scroll shows that they are active, they think. ― When
Chcwg Liang was walking on tlie banks of the river Sse^ he met
the "Yello、v Stone Genius," ^ wlio gave him the minister's hook." **
Heaven was supporting the Han and destroying the Ch in, therefore
he ordered a spiritual stone to change into a ghost. That a book
was handed to somebody is again considered a proof of activity.
I am of opinion that all this was spontaneous, for how could

Heaven take a brush and ink, and draw the plan, or write tlie
scroll? The principle of Heaven is spontaneity, consequently the
plan and the book must have been produced of themselves.
T'ang Shu Yil of Chin^ and Cli eng Chi Yo of Lu& had a char-
acter in their hands, when tliey were born, therefore one was
called Yu^ tlie other Yo. When Cli uvg Tse of Sung was born, the
characters Duchess of Ln ' were written on lier palm. These letters
must have been written, wliile the three persons were still in their
mother's womb. If we say that Heaven wrote them, while tliey
were in their mother's womb, did Heaven perhaps send a spirit
with a style, a brush, and ink to engrave and write the characters
1 A disciple of Confnciu^ cf. Chap. XXXIIL The Taoists also claim him as
one of theirs. Chuang 2V， chap. XXV, 33, informs us that "when Chu Po Yii
reached his sixtieth year, he changed his opinions. What he had previously regarded
as right, he now came to regard as wrong," i. e. from a Confucianist he became a
Taoist, and as such upheld the principle of quietism.
2 Vid. Chap. XXII.
3 Huang Shih, cf. Chap. XXX.
4 From this mysterious book Chang Liang is believed to have derived his
plans consolidating the power of the Han dynasty.
5 T ang Shu, the younger prince of T'anff, was a son of King Wii Wang
and younger brother of King Ch'eng (1115-1078). He became the founder of the
princely house of Chin. Cf. Shi-chi chap. 39 p. Iv where the character of his palm
is
likewise referred to.
6 Chêng Chi was a younger son of Duke Humi of Lii (711-693). We read
in the Shi-chi chap. 33 p. 13v the story of his having been born with the character
Yo in his hand.
' A daughter of Duke Wu of Sang (765-747, b.c.) who became married to

Duke Hui of Lu. Cf. Chap. XXH,
96
Lun-Heng ： B. Metaphysical.
on their bodies? The spontaneity of these processes seems dubious,
and is difficult to understand. Externally there seemed to be
activity, but as a matter of fact, there was spontaneity internally.
Thus tlie Grand Annalist recording tlie story of the yellow stone,
has his doubts, but cannot find the truth. ^ Viscount Chi en of Cliao ^
had a dream that he was ascending to heaven. There he saw a
lad by tlie side of the Ruler of Heaven. When lie went out sub-
sequently, lie perceived a young man in tlie street, who was tlie
one whom he had seen previously in his dream by the side of
the Ruler of Heaven. This must be regarded as a lucky augury
the future flourishing of the Chao State, as the transmission of
of the book by the " yellow stone " was a sign of tlie rise of the
Han dynasty. That the supernatural fluid becomes a ghost, and
that the ghost is shaped like a man, is spontaneous, and not the
work of anybody. Wlien plants and trees grow, their flowers and
leaves are onion green and have crooked and broken veins like
ornaments If Heaven is credited witli having written the above
mentioned characters , does it inalie these flowers and leaves also ？
In the State of Sung a man carved a mulberiy-leaf of wood,
and it took him tliree years to complete it. Confucms said " If the
Earth required tliree years to complete one leaf, few plants would
have leaves. "3 According to tliis dictum of Confucius the leaves of
plants grow spontaneously, and for that reason tliey can grow
simultaneously. If Heaven made them, their growth would be as
much delayed as the carving of the mulberry-leaf by the man of
the Sung State.
Let us look at the hair and feathers of animals and birds,

and their various colours. Can they all have been made? If so,
animals and birds would never be quite finished. In spring we
see the plants growing, and in autumn we see them full-grown.
Can Heaven and Eartli have done this, or do things grow spontane-
ously? If we may say that Heaven and Earth have done it, tliey
must have used hands for the purpose. Do Heaven and Earth
possess many thousand or many ton thousand hands to produce
thousands and ten thousands of things at the same time?
1 In his remarks added to the biography of f，ha"g Liang (S/ti-chi chap. 55

I). 】3) S-ir Ma Ch'irn says that many scholars deny the existence of ghosts, but
that
the story of the yellow stone is very strange.
.2 Cf. Chaj). XVII.
3 We find this same story in Lieh Tse VIII, 2 and in Iluai Nan TV XX, 2,
but both authors ascribe the words put in the mouth of Confiicliis here to Lieh
l\r.
ILiai Kan ZV makes tlic nmlberry-leaf tu be made of ivory, Lkh Tse, of jade.
Spontaneity.
97
The things between Heaven and Earth are like a child in his
mother's womb. After ten months pregnancy the mother gives
birth to the child. Are his nose, his mouth, his ears, his hair,
his eyes, his skin .with down, the arteries, the fat, the bones, the
joints, the nails, and the teeth grown of themselves in tlie womb,
or has the mother made them ？
Why is a dummy never called a man? Because it has a nose,

a mouth, ears, and eyes, but not a spontaneous nature. \Vu Ti was
very fond of his consort Wang. Wlien she had died, lie pondered,
wlietlier he could not see her figure again. The Taoists made an
artificial figure of the lady.' When it was ready, it passed through
the palace gate. Wii Ti greatly alarmed rose to meet lier, but, all
of a sudden, she was not seen any more. Since it was not a real,
spontaneous being, but a semblance, artificially made by jugglers,
it became difl'use at first sight, dispersed, and vanished. Everything
that has been made does not last long, like the image of the em-
press, which appeared only for a short while.
The Taoist school argues on spontaneity, but it does not

know how to substantiate its cause by evidence. Therefore their
theory of spontaneity has not yet found credence. However, in
spite of spontaneity there may be activity for a while in support
of it. Ploughing, tilling, weeding, and sowing in Spring are human
actions. But as soon as the grain lias entered the soil, it begins
growing by day and night. Man can do nothing for it, or if he
does, he spoils the thing.
A man of Sung was sorry that bis sprouts were not high
enough, therefore he pulled them out, but, on the following day,
they were dry, and died. He who wishes to do what is spon-
taneous, is on a par witli this man of Sung.
The following question may be raised : 一 " Man is born from

Heaven and Earth. Since Heaven aud Earth are inactive, man
who lias received the fluid of I- leaveii, ought to be inactive like-
wise, wherefore does he act nevertheless? "
For the following reason. A man with the highest, purest,

and fullest virtue has been endowed with a large quantity of the
lieaveuly fluid, therefore he can follow the example of Heaven,
and be spontaneous and inactive like it. He 、vlio lias received
but a small (juota. of the fluid, does not live in accordance with
righteousness and virtue, and does not resemble Heaven and Earth.
1 The apparition of the lady was evoked by the court magician Shao V\ eny
\n 121 B.C. (Cf. Shi-chi chap. 28 p. 23.)
Luii - Heng. 7
98
Lun - Heng ： B. Metaphysical.
Hence he is called unlike, which means that he does not resemble

Heaven and Eartli. Not resembling Heaven and Earth he cannot be
accounted a wise man or a sage. Therefore he is active.
Heaven and Earth are the furnace, and the creating is tlio
melting process. How can all be wise, since the fluid of which
they are formed is not the same? Huang and Lao were truly wise.
Huang is Huang Ti, and Lao is Lao Tse. Huang and Lao's conduct
was such, tliat their bodies were in a state of quietude and in-
difference. Their government consisted in inaction. They took care
of their persons, and behaved with reverence, hence Yin and Yang
were in harmony. They did not long for action, and tilings were
produced of themselves; tliey did not tliiak of creating anything,
and things were completed spontaneously.
The Yi-king says that Huang Ti, Yao, and Shun let their robes
fall, and the empire was governed, i That they let their robes fall
means that their robes fell down, and tliat they folded their arms,
doing nothing. Confucius said, " Grand indeed \\ as Yao as a sove-
reign I Heaven alone is great, and Yao alone emulated it!'" and,
" How imposing was the way in wliicli Shun and Yll swayed the
empire, but did not much care for it. "3 The Duke of Chou malies
the remark that tlie supreme ruler enjoyed his ease.* By the
supreme ruler Shun and Yii are meant. ^
Shun and Yil took over tlie peaceful government, which they
continued, appointing wise men and men of talent. Tliey respected
themselves, and did no work themselves, and the empire was gov-
erned. Shun and Yil received the peaceful government from Yao.
Yao imitated Heaven ； he did not do meritorious deeds or strive
for a name, and reforms, for which nothing was done, were com-
pleted of themselves. Hence it 、、'as said, " Excellent indeed," but
the people did not find the right name for it. Those aged 50 years
Avere beating clods of earth together on their land, but they did
not understand Yao's virtue, because the reforms were spontaneous.
The Yi-king says, " The great man equals Heaven and Eartli
in virtue." " Huang Ti, Yao, and Shwi wm>. such great men. Their
1 Yi-king, Chi-ts'e II [Legge's transl. p. 383).
2 Analects VIII, 19. 、
3 Analects VIII, 18.
4 Shu-king, To-shih, Pt.V, Bk. XIV, 5 、L 管 Vol. Ill, Pt. II, p. 45o).
& All other coiiimeiitators take the " supreme ruler " as a synonym for Ciod,
and I think that tliey are right, and that Wang Ch 'ung's interpretation is forced
for
tlie purpose of .supporting liis theory.
6 Cf. p. 128.
Spontaneity.
99
virtue was on a level with that of Heaven and Earth, therefore

they knew inaction. The principle of Heaven is inaction. Ac-
cordingly ill spring it does not do the germinating, in summer
the growing, in autumn the ripening, or in winter the hiding of
the seeds. When tlie Yang fluid comes forth spontaneously, plants
will germinate and grow of themselves, and, when the Yin fluid
rises, tliey ripen and disappear of tlieir own accord.
When we irrigate garden land with water drawn from wells

or drained from ponds, plants germinate and grow also, but, when
showers of rain come down, the stalks, leaves, and roots are
all abundantly soaked. Natural moisture is mucli more copious
than artificial irrigation from wells and ponds. Thus inactive action
brings the greatest results. By not seeking it, merit is acquired,
and by not affecting it, fame is obtained. Rain-showers, merit, and
tame are something great, yet Heaven and Earth do not work for
them. When tlie thud harmonises, rain gathers spontaneously.
The literati in speaking of tlie relation of husband and wife

establish similarities with Heaven and Earth. For husband and
wife they find similarities with Heaven and Eartli, but in so far
as they are unable to make use of the relation of husband and
w ife, when discussing the nature of Heaven and Earth, they show
a regrettable lack of acumen.
Heaven expands above, and Eartli below. When the fluid

from below rises, and the fluid on high descends, all things are
created in the middle. While they are growing, it is not necessary
that Heaven should still care for them, just as the father does not
know the embryo, after it is in the mother's womb. Things grow
spontaneously, and the child is formed of itself. Heaven and Eartli,
and father and mother can take no further cognisance of it. But
after birth, the way of man is instruction and teaching, the way
of Heaven, inaction aud yielding to nature. Therefore Heaven al-
lows the fish to swiin in the rivers, and the wild beasts to roam
in tlie mountains, following tlieir natural propensities. It does
not drive tlie fish up the hills, or the wild beasts into the water.
Why? Because that would be an outrage upon their nature, and
a complete disregard of wliat suits them. The people resemble
tish and beasts. High virtue governs them as easily, as one fries
small fish, and as Heaven and Earth would a(，t.
Shang Yang i changed the laws of Ch' in wishing to acquire

extraordinary merit. He did not hear tlie advice of ( 'hao Liang,
Cf. p. 171 Note 2.
7*
100
consequently he incurred the horrible penalty of being torn asunder

by carts. If the virtue be poor, and the desires many, prince and
minister hate one another. The Taoists possess real virtue : 一 the
inferiors agree with the superiors, and the superiors are at peace
with their inferiors. Being genuinely ignorant, they do nothing,
and. there is no reason, why they should be reproved. This is what
they call a well balanced government. Prince and minister forget one
another in governing, the fish forget each other in the water, ^ and
so do the beasts in the forests, and men in life. That is Heaven.
Confucius said to Yen Yuan, When I deferred to you, I did

not think of it, and when you deferred to me , you likewise did
not think of it." 2 Although Confucius was like a prince, and Yen
Yuan like a minister, he could not make up his mind to reprimand
Yen Yuan, how much less would Lao Tse have been able to do so,
if we consider liim as a prince and Wen Tse^ as his minister? Lao
Tse and Wen Tse were like Heaven and Earth.
Generous wine tastes sweet. When those who drink it, be-
come drunk, they do not know each other. Bad wine is sour and
bitter. Hosts and guests knit the brows. Now, reprimands are a
proof of tlie badness of one's principles. To say that Heaven rep-
rimauds would be like pretending that Heaven's excellence is in-
ferior to that of generous wine.
Ceremonies originate from a want of loyalty and good faitli,

and are the beginning of confusion.^ On that score people Hnd
fault with one another, which leads to reproof. At the time of
the Three Rulers people were sitting down self-satisfied, and walk-
ing about at perfect ease. Sometimes they took themselves for
horses, and sometimes for oxen. Virtuous actions were out of the
question, and the people were dull and beclouded. Knowledge
and wisdom did not yet make their appearance. Originally, there
happened no calamities or catastrophes either, or, if they did, they
were not denoted as reprimands. Why? Because at that time people
were feeble-minded, and did not restrain or reproach one another.
1 " The fish forget each other in the rivers and lakes," says Huai JSan
Tse U, 4r.
2 Botli were in a state of blissful Ibrgetfuliiess and purposelessness. The

passage is (juoted from Ihiai Nan Tsr XI, or.
3 A Taoist philosopher, disciple of Lao TV.
' liepriniaiicis tell against the system by which they are required, pericct
virtue pervading tlie universe necessitates no recriminations, for all arc filled
with it
as with generous wine.
Tliis argument is (ûite Taoist.
Spontaneity.
101
Later generations liave gradually declined: ― superiors and inferiors

recriminate, and calamitous events continually happen. Hence the
hypothesis of reprimands has been developed. The Heaven of to-
day is the Heaven of old, and it is not the case that the. Heaven
of old was beuign, whereas now Heaven is harsh. The hypothesis
of" reprimands has been put forward at present, as a surmise made
by men from their own feelings.
Declarations and oaths do not reach up to the Five Em-

perors, agreements and covenants to the Three Rulers, and the
giving of hostages to tlie Five Princes. ^ The more people's virtue
declined, the more faith began to fail them. In their guile and
treachery they broke treaties, and were deaf to admonitions. Treaties
and admonitions being of no avail, tliey reproached one another,
and if no change was brought about by these reproaches, they
took up arms, aud fought, till oue was exterminated. Consequently
reprimands point to a state of decay and disorder. Therelbre it
appears very dubious tliat Heaven should make reprimands.
Those who believe in reprimands, refer to human ways as a

proof. Among men a sovereign reprimands his minister, and high
Heaven reprimands the sovereign. It does so by means of cal-
amitous events, they say. However, among men it also happens
that the minister remonstrates with his sovereign. When Heaven
reprimands an emperor by visiting him with calamities, and the
latter wishes at that time to remonstrate with high Heaven, how
can he do it? If they say that Heaven's virtue is so perfect, that
man cannot remonstrate with it, then Heaven possessed of such
virtue, ought likewise to keep quiet, and ought not to reprimand.
When the sovereign of Wan Shih did wrong, tlie latter did not
say a word, but at table he did not eat, which showed his per-
fection. An excellent man can remain silent, and august Heaven
witli his sublime virtue should reprimand ？ Heaven does not act,
therefore it does not speak. The disasters, which so frequently
occur, are the work of the spontaneous fluid.
Heaven and Earth cannot act, nor do they possess any know-
ledge. When there is a cold in the stomach, it aclies. This is
not caused by man, but the spontaneous working of the fluid. The
space between Heaven and Earth is like that between the back
and the stomach. 2
1 The five leading feudal princes during the later Chou epoch, to wit: 一 Duke
Huan of Ch'i D.b.c. 643, Duke Wen of Chin D.b.c. 628, Duke Hsiang of Sung D.b.c.
637,
King Chuang of Ch'u D.b.c. 591, and Duke 3Iu of Ch'in D.b.c. 621.
2 And it is likewise filled with the spontaneous fluid.
102 Lun - H^g ： B. Metaphysical.
If Heaven is regarded as the author of every calamity, are

all abnormities, great aud small, complicated and simple, caused by
Heaven also ？ A cow may give birth to a horse, and on a cherry-
tree a plum may grow. Docs, according to the theory under dis-
cussion, the spirit of Heaven enter the belly of the cow to create
the horse, or stick a plum upon a cherry-tree?
Lao ^ said, " The Master said," " Having no official employment,
I acquired many arts," and he said, " Wheu I was young, my
condition was low, and therefore I acquired my ability in many
things, but they were mean matters."^ What is low iu people,
such as ability and skilfiiltiess, is not practised by the great ones.
How could Heaven, whicli is so majestic and sublime, choose to
bring about catastrophes with a view to reprimanding people ？
Moreover, auspicious and inauspicious events are like the

flushed colour appearing on the face. Man cannot produce it, the
colour comes out of itself. Heaven and Earth are like the human
body, the transformation of their fluid, like the fluslied colour.
How can Heaven and Earth cause the sudden change of their fluid,
since man cannot produce the ilushed colour? The change of tlic
fluid is spontaneous, it appears of itself, as the colour coines out
of itself. The soothsayers rely oii this, when they foretell the
future.
Heat' and cold, reprimands, phenomenal changes, and attraction,

all these four errors have already been treated.^ Reprimands are
more contrary to tlie ways of Heaven than anything else, there-
fore I have discussed them twice, explaining wliere tlie difficulties
in the way of the two antagonistic views lie. The one is in ac-
cordance with human a (lairs, but does not fall in with Taoism,
tlie other agrees with Taoism, but is not ia liariiiony with liunuiu
affairs. But tliougli opposed to the beliel" of the Confuciauists, it
correspouds to the ideas of lluany Ti aud Lao Tse.
1 ChHn Chang, styled Tse K'ai, a disciple of ( 'onfiicim.
2 Analects IX, (i.
3 In tlie preceding chapters of the Lun-hmg.
The Nature of Things.

103
CHAPTER IV.
The Nature of Things {Wu-shih).
The literati declare that Heaven and Earth produce man on

purpose. This assertion is preposterous, for, when Heaven and
Earth mix up their fluids, man is born as a matter of course un-
intentionally. In just the same manner a child is produced spon-
taneously, when the essences of husband and wife are harmoniously
blended. At the time of such an intercourse, the couple does not
intend to beget a child. Their passionate love being roused, they
unite, and out of this union a child is born. From the fact that
husband and wife do not purposely beget a child one may infer
that Heaven and Earth do not produce man on purpose either.
However, man is produced by Heaven and Earth just as fish

in a pond, or lice on man. They grow in response to a peculiar
force, each species reproducing itself. This holds good for all the
things which come into being between Heave q and Earth.
It is said iu books that Heaven and Earth do not create man

on purpose, but that man is produced unintentionally, as a matter
of course. If anybody holds this view, how can lie admit that
Heaven and Eartli are tlie furnace, all things created, the copper,
tlie Yin and the Yang, tlie fire, and all tlie transformations, the work-
ing'? If the potter and tlie founder use fire in order to melt the
copper, and to burn their ware, their doings are dictated by a certain
purpose. Now, tliey own tliat Heaven and Eartli create man without
a purpose, tliat, uuder given circumstances, lie grows spontaneously.
Can it be said of tlie potter and founder, that tliey too make their
ware purposeless, and that it grows naturally, and of its own accord?
If a comparison is not to the point, it cannot be called an

analogy, and if words do not express tlie trutli, the statement can-
not be considered correct. It may be urged that the purport of
the above simile is but to show that the heavenly fluid, 、vitli wliich
man is imbued, is not quite uniform, as the moulds into wliicli tlie
liquid copper runs, and the fire applied in burning earthenware,
may be different, and tliat it is not said that Heaven and Earth
create man in the same way as potters and founders do their
business.
104
Lun-Heng: B. Metaphysical.
Whenever human affairs are referred to, to explain human

nature, they must be taken as a whole, which cannot be divided
into different parts. When tlie eye tries to have a look at its
own head, the head will turn, and when tlie hand grasps at tlie
foot, the foot will move. Eye and head belong to the same organ-
ism, hand and foot to the same body.^ 、
Tlie potter and founder having first prepared the clay for
the vessel, require a mould to form it, which is a designed act.
Burning coal in order to have a fire, they regulate the furnace or
stove, which is done ou purpose also. Yet not all the iiiolteu
copper gets a proper shape, and the burned vessels do not invariably
turn out well, for their completion is not a designed act.
Since Heaven and Earth cannot create 】nan on purpose, the

creation of all the other tilings and beings cannot be intentional
either. The fluids of Heaven and Earth mixing, things grow natur-
ally and spontaneously.
Tilling, weeding tlie ground, and sowing are designed acts,

but whether the seed grows up, and ripens, or not, depends on
chance, and spontaneous action. How do we know? If Heaven had
produced its creatures on purpose, it ought to have tauglit tlieiii
to love each other, and not to prey upon and destroy one another.
One might object that sucli is the nature of the Five Elements, that
when Heaven creates all things, it imbues tliem with the fluids
of the Five Elements, 3 and that these fight together, and destroy
one another. But then Heaven ought to have filled its creatures
with the fluid of one element only, and tauglit them mutual love,
not permitting tlie fluids of the five elements to resort to strife and
mutual destruction.
People will rejoin, that wishing to use things, one must cause
them to fight and destroy each other, because thereby only can
they be made into what tliey are intended to be. Therefore they
1 The meaning is tliat, if the creation of man by Heaven and Earth be com-
[mred to the melting of copper or the burning of earthenware, these latter
processes
must be taken in their entirety like a body or an organism. Touching one member,
one affects the whole organism. One cannot single out some constituent parts of
the process, such as tlie moulding or the firing. Then " purpose " is comprised in
the image, which thereby liecomes distorted.
2 The completion of a work done hy man on purpose, depends on conditions

and circunistaiices over which he has not always control. Man acts with a purpose,
but the forces of nature which he sets in motioii, and which bring about the final
result, have no purpose.
3 The Five Elements of ( 'hinese natural philosophy : -- metal, wood, water,

lire, and earth.
The Nature ol* Tilings.
105
say, Heaven uses the fluids of the Five Elements in producing all
tiling's, and man uses all these things in performing his many works.
If one thing does not subdue tlie other, they cannot be employed
together, and, without mutual struggle and annihilation, they cannot
be made use of. If the metal does not hurt tlie wood, the wood
cannot be used, and if tlie fire does not melt the metal, the metal
cannot be made into a tool. Thus the injury done by one thing
to tlie other turns out to be a benefit after all. If all the living
creatures overpower, bite, and devour one another, it is the fluids
of tlie Five Elements also that compel them to do so.
Ergo we are to understand that all created things must injure

one another, if they are to be useful. Now tigers, wolves, serpents,
snakes, wasps, and scorpions attack and hurt man. Did then Heaven
design man to be made use of by those animals?
Furthermore, because tlie human body harbours the fluids of '-一

the Five Elements, man practises the Five Virtues, which are the
outcome of the Five Elements. As long as he has the Five Organs
in his bosom, those fluids are in order. If, according to this view,
animals prey upon and destroy one another, because of their being-
endued with the fluids of the Five Elements, the Imman body with
the Five Organs in its breast ought to be a victim of internecine
strife, and the heart of a man living- a righteous life be lacerated
by discord. But what proves us that there is really an antagonism
of the Five Elements, and that therefore animals oppress each other ？
The sign Yin corresponds to wood, its proper animal is the

tiger. 1 Hsii corresponds to earth, its animal is the dog. Ch ou and
Wei correspond to earth likewise, C/iou having as animal the ox,
and Wei having the sheep. Wood overcomes earth, therefore the
dog, the ox, and the sheep are overpowered by the tiger. Hai goes
with water, its animal being the boar. Sse goes with fire, and has
the serpent as animal. Tse means also water, its animal being the
rat. Wii also corresponds to fire, its animal is the horse. Water
overcomes fire, therefore the boar devours the serpent. Fire is
quenched by water, therefore, when the horse eats the excrements
of rats, its belly swells up.'^
1 In the ancient, so called natural philosophy of the Chinese, a cyclical char-

acter, such as Hsii, CKou, Wei, etc., and a certain animal are supposed to
correspond
to each of the five elements. From the relations between the elements one has drawn
conclusions concerning their attributes. The greatest Chinese scholars have
indulged
in these plays, and mistaken them for natural science.
2 To wit the horse is hurt by the rat, because fire, the element of the horse,
is quenched by water, which corresponds to the rat.
106
Lun-Hc'iig: B. Metaphysical.
However, going more thoroughly into tlie question, we are
confronted with the fact that not unfrequently it does not appear
that animals overpower one another, which they ought, after this
theory. Wu is connected with the horse, Tse with the rat, Yu with
the cock, and Mao with the hare. Water is stronger than fire,
why does the rat not drive away the horse? Metal is stronger
than wood, why does the cock not eat the hare? Hai means the
boar, Wei the sheep, and Ch'ou the ox. Earth overcomes water,
wherefore do the ox and the sheep not kill the boar. Sse corres-
ponds to the serpent, Shen to the monkey. Fire destroys metal, liow
is it that the serpent does not eat the monkey? The monkey is
afraid of the rat, and the clog bites the monkey. The rat goes
with water, and the monkey with metal. Water not being stronger
than metal, wliy does the monkey fear the rat? Hsil is allied to
earth, Shen to the monkey. Earth not forcing metal, for what
reason is the monkey frightened by the dog?
The East is represented by wood, its constellation is the Blue

Drag'on,i the West by metal, its constellation is the White Tiger.
The South corresponds to tire, and has as constellation the Scarlet
Bird, the North is connected with water, its constellation is the
Black Toi'toise.2 Heaven by emitting the essence of these four stars
produces the bodies of these four animals on earth. 3 Of all the
animals they are the first, and they are imbued with tlie fluids of
the Five Elements in the highest degree. Now, wlien the dragon
and the tiger meet, they do not fight, and the scarlet bird and
the tortoise do each other no harm. Starting from these four famous
animals, and from those belonging to the twelve horary characters,* we
find that all the other animals eudued witli the Five Elements, can much
less be prompted to strife aud discord by their natural organisation.
As all created things struggle and fight together, the animals

subdue one another. When they try to tear their enemies to pieces,
1 The points of the compass, the stars, hours, days, months, and years, colours,
grains, etc. have all been incorporated into the af'ore-nientionecl scheme, based
on
tlie interaction of the elements.
2 These Four Constellations are the Four Quadrants into which tlie Twenty-
eight Stellar Mansions are divided. (Cf. Mayers Manual, Pt. II, N. 91 and 313.)
:'' Tliosc four constellations are stars, but not animals, though they bear the
names of aiiiiiials. I low then could Heaven produce animals from their essence ？
' Tlie Twelve Horary (Iliaracters ai'e the Twelve Branches or Twelve Cyc-
lical Signs applied to the twelve double hours of the day. They as well as their
corresponding animals have been enumerated above, though not in their regular
sequence. 'J'lic Twelve Animals are: ― Rat, ox, tiger, hare, dragon, serpent,
horse,
sheep, inoiikey, cock, dog, boar. (Vid. Giles, Diet. p. 1383.)
The Nature of Tilings.
107
and devour tliein, all depends on the sharpness ot their teetli, the
strength of their muscles aucl sinews, the agility of their movements,
and their courage.
If with men on earth tlie power is not equally divided, or

their strength equally balanced, tliey vanquish and subjugate one
another as a matter of course, using their strength to subdue, and
their swords to despatch their foes. Man strikes with his sword
just as the beasts butt, bite, and scratch with their horns, teeth,
and claws. A strong arm, pointed horns, a truculent courage,
and long teeth win the victory. Pusillanimity, short claws, cow-
ardice, and blunted spurs bring about defeat.
Men are audacious or faint-hearted. That is tlie reason why

they win or lose tlieir battles. The victors are therefore not neces-
sarily endowed with the fluid of metal, or the vanquished with
the essence of wood.^
Confucius afraid of Yang Hit '- took himself off, covered with
perspiration. Yang Hu s colour was not necessarily white, and Con-
fucius was not blue-faced.^ Because the falcon pounces upon pi-
geons and sparrows, and because the hawk-owl kills, and devours
wild geese, it does not follow that the falcon and the hawk-owl
are born in the south, or that pigeons, sparrows, and wild geese
inhabit the west.^ It is but bodily strength and courage that lead
to victory.
In the mansion there will always be people disputing, and in

tbe cottage, litigating. In a law-suit there must be right and
wrong, in a discussion truth and error. He wlio is in error,
and in the wrong, loses, whereas he who tells the truth, and is
right, wins.
[t may happen, however, that in arguing, the glib-tongued,

whose speech Hows with flippant rapidity, win, and that the in-
eloquent, who falter and stammer iii their speech, are beaten. The
tongue plays the same roll in debates as swords and halberds in
battles. Sharp swords, long halberds, strong and quick Lands and
feet secure the victory. Blunt swords, short spears, and slow Lauds
and feet cause the defeat.
1 Metal is stronger than wood, as we were told above.
2 Yang Hu was the principal minister of the Chi family, one of the three
leading families in the La State, Confucius' country. 】 ""〃 Hu being an usurper,
scheming to arrogate the whole authority of the La State to himself, Confucius
refused to see him. (Cf. Analects XVII， 1.)
3 White overcomes blue.

4 Because tlie south is supposed to be stronger than the west.
108
Whether one creature vanquishes the other, depends on its

bodily strength, or its prowess, or its dexterity. If a small being is
courageous, and possesses a quick tongue and nimble feet, a small
animal may overpower a big one, and a big one without bodily
strength and destitute of powerful horns or wings, may succumb
to a sin all antagonist despite its bigness. The magpie eats tlie skin
of the hedgehog, and the shrike swallows the snake, for the liedge-
liog and the snake are not very nimble. Gnats and mosquitoes are
not as strong as the ox or the horse, yet these latter are tormented
by gnats and mosquitoes, which are a very audacious lot.
The horns of a stag are strong enough to pierce a clog, and

a monkey might well catch a rat with its hands, but the stag is
brought to bay by the (log, and the monkey driven away by a
rat, for they do not know how to make use of their horns and
claws. Thus an ox, ten years old, is lead by a herdsboy, and an
elephant, eight cubits high, obeys the hook of a young Annamese
mahout, all for want of skill. With cleverness a small creature
gets the better of a big one, but without it the weak succumbs
to the strong.
Phenomenal Cliaiigcs.
109
CHAPTER V.
Phenomenal Changes [Pien t'ung).
Arguing on calamitous events I have already expressed my

doubts as to Heaven reprimanding man by misfortunes.^ They
say, moreover, tliat the sovereign, as it were, moves Heaven by "j
liis government, and tliat Heaven moves the fluid in response. ―
Beating a drum and striking a bell with a hammer would be an
analogous process. Tlie drum represents Heaven, the hammer tlie
government, and the sound of the drum or the bell is like Heaven's
response. When man acts below, the heavenly fluid survenes, mid
accompanies his actions. I confess that I doubt this also.
Heaven can move things, but how can things move Heaven?
Men and things depend upon Heaven, and Heaven is the master
of men and things. Thus one says that, when Wang Liang ^ whips
the horses, the carriage and the steeds rush over the plain. It is
not said that, when the carriage and the steeds chase over the
plain, Wang Liang subsequently whips the horses The heavenly
fluid changes above, and men and things respond to it below.
Consequently, when Heaven is about to rain, the shang-yang^ begins
to dance, and attracts the rain. The '"^ shang-yang^' is a creature
which knows the rain. As soon as Heaven is about to rain, it
bends its single leg, and commences to dance.
When Heaven is going to rain, the mole-crickets and ants

leave their abodes, the eartli-worins come forth, the chords of
guitars become loose, and chronic diseases more violent. This
shows, how Heaven moves things. When Heaven is about to blow,
the creatures living in nests become restless, and, when it is going
to rain, the insects staying in holes become excited. The fluid of
wind and rain has such an effect upon those creatures. Man takes
the same position between Heaven and Earth as fleas and bugs
between the upper and lower garments, or crickets and ants in
crevices. Can fleas and bugs, crickets and ants, in so far as tliey
1 In chap. VI, which in the Lmn-heng precedes chap. V.
2 A famous charioteer (cf. p. 138).
3 A one-legged bird said to portend rain.
110
Lun-Hpiig: R. Metaphysical.
are either rebellious or peaceful, wild or quiet, bring about a change

of the fluid in tlie crevices ？ Fleas and bugs, mole-crickets and
ants cannot do this. To pretend that man is able to do so, shows
a misconception of the nature of the lluid of tilings.
When the wind comes, the boughs of the trees shajie, but
these boughs cannot produce the wind. In tlie same manner at
the end of summer the field crickets chirrup, and the cicadas cry.
They are affected by the Yin fluid. When tlie thunder rolls, the
pheasants become frightened, and , wlien the insects awake from
their state of torpidity, the snakes come forth. This is the rising
of the Yang fluid. When it is near mid-niglit, the cranes scream,
and wlien at dawn tlie sun is about to rise, tlie cocks crow.
Althouo-h these be not phenomenal changes, they show at least,
how the heavenly fluid moves tilings, and how those respond to
the heavenly fluid. One may say that heat and cold influence the
sovereign in such a way, that he emits a fluid by whicli he rewards
or punishes, but are we warranted in saying that rewards and
punishments affect high Heaven so, that it causes heat or cold
to respond to the government?
In regard to the Six Passions ^ the expositors of the wind

theory maintain that, when the wind blows, robbers and thieves
set to work under its influence, but the nature of robbers and
thieves cannot move Heaven to send the wind. When the wind
bloAvs, it lias a strange influence on perverted minds so, that robbers
and thieves do their deeds. How can we prove that? Robbers
and thieves seeing something', take it a、vay， and beholding an
enemy, kill him. This is an oH'-liand business, and the work of
a moment, and not premeditated day and night. When the heavenly
afflatus passes, the time of greedy scoundrels and stealthy thieves
lias (； oine.
Those who predict d earn ess and cheapness from the wind,
liold that a wind l)lowing- ovor residences of kings and ministers
l)riiii>s clearness, whereas a wind coining from the dwellings ot"
prisoners, or of the dead, brings cheapness. Dearness and cheapness
refer to the amount of pecks and bushels to be got. When the
wind arrives, tlie buyers of grain raise or loAvor the prices, such is
the wonderful influciuê exercised by the hcjivciily fluid on men
and tilings. Thus tlie price of grain rises, or falls, becomes dear,
or clicaj).
1 Cheerfulness, anger, grief, joy, love, and hatred. It is more common to

speak of Seven Passions. They are the same as those given above, but joy is
replaced by fear, and desire is added.
Phenomenal Changej
111
In the book on the Celestial Governors ^ it is stated tliat the

Avind blowing from the four ([uarters is determined on the morning
of New Year's Day. When tlie wind blows from the south, there
will be droughts; when it blows from the north, inundations.
Coining* from the east, it forebodes epidemics, and coining from
the west,, war. The Great Aunalist is right in saying that water,
dryness, war, and diseases are predetermined from the wind, for
luck and inisliap of men and tilings depend on Heaven.
It is spring that animates things, and winter that causes them

to (lie. Spring vivifies, winter kills. Should Heaven for any reason
Avisli spring to kill, and " inter to vivify, tilings would not die or
live at all, why? Because the life of things is governed by tlie
Yang principle, and tlieir death depends on tlie Yinr
By bloAving air upon a person one cannot make him cold,

nor can (me make liiin wai'm by breathing upon him. But if a
person who has tlius been blown or breathed upon, comes into
winter or summer, lie will have tlie unpleasant sensation of chill
or heat. The cold and hot fluids depend on heaven and earth,
and are governed by the Yin and the Yang. How could liuiiian
affairs and governmeut have any influence upon them?
Moreover, Heaven is tlie root, and man the apex. Climbing

up a tree, we wonder that tlie branches cannot move the trunk,
but, if tlie trunk is cut down, all tlie twigs witlier. Human affairs
resemble the branches of a tree, that which gives warmth is like
the root and the trunk.
For those creatures which are born from Heaven and filled
Avitli its fluid Heaven is the master in the same manner as the
ear, tlie eye, tlie hand, and the foot are ruled by the heart. When
the heart lias that iateution, the ear and tlie eye hear and see,
and the hand and the foot move and act. To maintain tliat Heaven
responds to man would be like saying that the heart is under the
command of tlie ear and the eye, tlie hand and the foot.
Streamers hanging down from flags arc attached to the flagstaff.

The flagstaff moving eastward, those streamers folloAv, and float west-
ward. If they say that heat and cold folIoAv rewards and punisli-
ments. then the lieaveDly tluid must be like those streamers.
1 Shi-chi chap. 27 p. 34 v. The " Celestial Governers" are the sun, the moon,
and the planets. The passage referred to here speaks of 8 winds, however, and
their attributes are different from those given by Wang Ch'ung.
" Heaven could not purposely act against the laws of nature, by which the
vegetation grows in spring, and fades in winter.
112
Lun -Heng: R. Metaphysical.
The fact that the " Hook " star (Mercury) is amidst the
"House" constellation forebodes an earth-quake.^ The Great Di-
viner of CKi was cognisant of this, and told Duke Cldng'^ that he
could shake the earth, whicli Dulie Citing believed/' To say that
a sovereign can cause lieat and cold is like Duke CJiing's trusting
in the ability of the Great Diviner to shake the earth. Man cannot
move the earth, nor can lie move Heaven. Heat and cold are
lieavenly fluids. Heaven is very liigli, man very small. With a
small rod one cannot strike a bell, and with a fire-fly one cannot
heat a cauldron. Why? Because a bell is large, and a rod short,
a cauldron big, and a fir^-fly small. If a tiny creature, seven
feet liigli,'* would attempt to influence the miglity fluid of great
Heaven, it is evident that it would not have the slightest effect.
When it has been predetermined that a great general is about

to enter a territory, lie will be angry, in case tlie air is cold, and
pleased, if it be warm. Now, joy and anger are called forth by
actions. Previous to his entering tlie territory, they are not yet
manifest, and do not come forward, before the conduct of tlie
people and the officials lias been inquired into. But tlie hot or
the cold fluids have been there previously. If joy and anger evoked
heat and cold, those fluids ought to appear later than joy and
anger. Therefore on】y the hot and the cold fluids evoke tlie sove-
reign's pleasure or wrath.
Some will say ' Not so ； tlie greatest sincerity is required. In

one's actions one must be most sincere, as Tsou Yen was, who im-
plored Heaven, when frost began to fall's or the wife of CKi Liang
who by lier tears caused the city wall to collapse. How ？ The
heavenly fluid cannot be moved?'
The greatest sincerity is shown in the likes and dislikes of

the heart. When fruits are hanging before a man's face, no more
tlian one foot away iVom liis inoutli, he may desire to eat them,
and his broatli may touch them, yet lie does not obtain tliem
1 Cf. p. 127 and Shi-chi chap. 27 p. 27v.
2 546-488 B.C.
3 We learn from Iluai Nan 'I'se XII, 22 quoted in Liin-hmg IV, 13 (Pien-hm)
that Yen Tse told the Great Diviner that tli<， eartli-(juake would take place,
because
the " Hook" star was between the constellations of tlic " House " and the " Heart,"
vvliereiipoii tlic Great Diviner confessed to tlie Duke that tlie earth would
shake,
l)iit that it would not be liis doing (cf. p. 127).
* /. e. mail. The ancient Chinese foot was imich smaller than the one now in use.
5 Cf, chap. XXI.
r' On officer of the ( li i State, who was slain in a battle against the ('h'ii
State (cf. Mmcius Book VI, I*. II chap. 6).
Phenomenal Changes.
113
thereby. But, when he takes them in his hand, and conveys them
to his mouth, then lie can eat them. Even small fruits which can
easily be moved in a basket, and are not far from the mouth,
cannot be procured merely by a desire, be it ever so strong. How
about Heaven then, which is so high and distant from us, and
whose fluid forms the shapeless empyrean without beginning or end?
During the dog-days, people stand against the wind, and in

the depth of winter, they sit turned towards the sun. In summer,
they are anxious to obtain coolness, and in winter, they Avould like
to have warmth. These wishes are most sincere. When their
desires reacli their climax, they will perhaps stand against the
wind, and simultaneously fan themselves, or turned towards the
sun-sliine, light a fire in a stove. Yet Heaven will never change
its fluid for summer or winter's sake. Heat and cold have their
fixed periods, which are never transmuted for man's sake. With
an earnest desire one does not obtain it, how should it be brought
about by rewards and punishments, when the thoughts are not
longing for heat or cold at all?
The sighs of ten thousand people cannot move Heaven, how

should it be possible that the sobs of Tsou Yen alone could cause
the frost to fall? Could the predicament of Tsou Yen be compared
to that of CKii Yuan ？ Was his unjust imprisonment like jumping
into the river? Were the lamentations of the Li-sao and the CKu-
t'se^ nothing more than a sigh? 一 When C/i ii Yuan died, there fell
no frost in the State of CKu.
This happened during the reign of the Kings Huai and Hsiang.^
At the time of the Kings Li and Wu,^ Pien Ho^ presented them
with a jade-stone, and had his two feet cut off. Offering his stone
lie wept, till his tears ran dry, when he went on weeping blood.
Can the sincerity of Tsou Yen bear a comparison with Pien Ho s
sufferings, or his unjust arrest with the amputation of the feet?
Can the sighs towards heaven be put on a parallel with tears of
blood? Sighs are surely not like tears, nor Tsou Yens imprisonment
1 The " Elegies of Ch'u" comprising the Li-sao and some other poems of
Ch'ii Yuan and his contemporaries, all plaintive pieces referring to Ch'ii J—Man's
disgrace.
2 King Huai of Ch'u 327-294, King Ch'inff Hsiang 294-261. Ch'ii 】-醒
committed suicide in 294 b.c.
3 King Wu reigned from 739-688. His predecessor is called Hsiung Hsiin

(756-739) in the Shi-chi, not Li.
* Pien Ho was taken for an impostor, and first sentenced to have his left
foot cut off. When he presented the stone, a second time, his right foot was cut
off. At last the genuineness of tlie jade-stone was discovered.
Lou -ileng. S
114
like the cutting of the feet. Considering their grievances Tsou Yen is not
Pien Ho's equal. Yet at that time no frost was seen in tlie Cli u country.
Li Sse'^ and Chao Kao - caused the death of the crown-prince

Fu Su by their calumnies. Meng T'ien^ and Meng Ao^ were involved
in his fall. At that time they all gave vent to their pain, which
was like sighing. Their misfortune culminated in death, and was
not limited to unjust banishment. Albeit yet no cold air was pro-
duced, where they died.
CJiin buried alive 400,000 soldiers of Chao below Cliang p ing^^

where they were all thrown into pits at the same time. Tlieir
wails and cries tlien were more than sighs. Even if tlieir sincerity
was less than that of T sou Yen, yet tlie sufferings of 400,000 people
must have been commensurate to the pain of one wise man, and
the cries they uttered, while falling- into the pits, must have been
worse than the moans of oue fettered prisoner.
Ill spite of this no hoar-frost was seen falling down below

CJi ang-p ing, when the above related event took place.
W e read in tlie " fu-hsing，' chapter: ~ The people maltreated

universally complained that they had not failed against the Ruler
of Heaven." 7 This means that ( li ih Yus subjects suffering under
his vexations universally complained that they had not sinned
against liigli Heaven. Since tlie complaints of a whole populace
could not cause a fall of frost, tlie story about Tsou Yen is most
likely ficticious also.
In the south it is extremely hot: 一 the sand burns, stones

crumble into dust, and father and son bathe in the same water.
In the north it is bitterly cold : ― water turns into ice, the earth
cracks, and father and son huddle together in the same den. Yen
is situated in the north. Tsou Yen was there in tlie 5tli month of
Chou, & which corresponds to tlie 3d month of the corrected year.
1 Cf. p. 171.
2 A eunuch, who together with Li Sse caused the death of Fu Su, eldest son of
(''h'in S/iih Huang 7V， and under //'". Hai usurped all power. In 207 b.c. he was
assassinated by order of Tse Ying, son of Fu Su.
3 Cf. p. 167.
4 The grand father of Mmg T'im, also a general of Shih Huang Ti.
5 Cf. p. 136 and p. 166.
r' The chapter on Punishments in the Shu-king, now entitled lAi-hsing.
， Shu-king, Lu-hsing, Pt. V, Bk. XXVII， 4 {Legge, Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 592).
s The ( 'hou epoch. The Chou calendar began with the lltli month, the Ch'in
calendar with the 10th. In 】04 b.c. JIan Wii. Ti corrected the calendar, and made
the year coniiiieiice with tlie 1st nioiitli, so the Chou were 2 months ahead with
their months.
Phenomenal Changes,
115
In the central provinces frost, and snow-falls are of frequent occur-

rence during the first and the second months. In tlie northern
region, where it is very cold, frost may fall even during the third
mouth, and that would not be an extraordinary phenomenon. Per-
haps it was still cold in the north in the third month, and frost
happened to fall, when by chance Tsou Yen gave vent to his feelings,
Avliicli just coincided with the frost.
It has been recorded that in Yen there was the " Cold Valley,"
wliere the five grains did not grow. Tsou Yen blew the llute, and
the " Cold Valley " became warm. Consequently Tsou Yen was able
to make the air warm, and also to make it cold. How do we
Imow tliat Tsou Yen did not corainuuicate his grievances to his
contemporaries, and instead manifested his sincerity through the
heavenly fluid ？ Did lie secretly blow the flute in the valley of
Yen, and make the air of the prison cold, imploring Heaven for
that purpose? For otherwise, why did the frost fall ？
Fan Sui^ calumniated by Hs'ii C/iia was most disgracefully treat-

ed by Wei Cli i, had his back broken, and his ribs doubled up.
Chang Yi'^ while travelling in Ch' u, was arrested by the prime minister
of Ch、t, and beaten, until the blood ran out. The way in which
these two gentlemen were maltreated has been narrated by the
Great Annalist, The imprisonment of Tsou Yen resembles the ad-
ventures of Fan Sui and Chang Yi. Why does Sse Ma Cli ien omit
to mention this? Since it is not mentioned in Tsou Yen's biography
that during his imprisonment he caused the frost to fall, it must
be an invention, and a random statement like the story of Prince
Taw,* who is believed to have ordered the sun to return to the
1 A native of Wei of humble origin, who first served under Hsii Chia, and
accompanied him on a mission to the court of King Hsiang of Ch'i (696-683). This
prince appreciating Fan Sui for his great dialectical skill, sent him some
presents.
Hsii Chia presuming that Fan Sui had betrayed some State secrets of Wei, denounced
his servant to the premier of Wei, Wei Ch'i, who had him beaten almost to death.
Fan Sui was then wrapped in a mat, and thrown into a privy, where the drunken
guests urinated upon him. Still he managed to escape, and later on became minister
in Ch'in.
- Also a native of the Wei State from a poor family, who played a very
important political role in Ch'in and Wei. In his youth, lie was suspected in Ch'u
of having stolen a valuable gem, and severely beaten. Died 310 b.c.
3 Shi-chi chap. 79 and 70.
4 Prince Tan of Yen was detained as a hostage in the Ch'in State. Its sover-
eign promised with an oath to set him free, when the sun returned to the meridian,
and Heaven rained grain, when the crows got white heads, and the horses, horns,
and when the wooden elephants, decorating the kitchen door, got legs of flesh.
Heaven
8*
116
meridian, 1 and Heaven to rain grain. Thus we may assume that

the story about the frost falling down upon lâou Yen imploring
Heaven is untrue, and tliat the report of the wife of CKi Liang
causing the city wall to collapse is false.
When Tun-mao 2 rebelled, tlie Viscount Hsiang of Chao ^ led

an army against it to iuvest it. When his soldiers had arrived
at the foot of the city wall, more than one hundred feet of this
wall of Tun-mao crumbled down. Viscount Hsiang thereupon sheathed
his sword, and went back. If the wife of Cli i Liang caused tlie
collapse of the city wall by her tears, was there anybody crying
among Hsiang Tse's men? When CKin was about to be extinguish-
ed, a city gate collapsed inside, and when the house of Ho Kuang^
was going to ruin, a wall of tlie palace was demolished of itself.
Who was weeping in the Ch in palace, or crying in tlie house of
Ho Ktiang ？ The collapse of the gate, and the demolition of the
wall were signs of the catastrophe awaiting CK in and Ho,
Perhaps at the time, when the CJii State, was about to be

subverted, the wife of Ch'i Liang happened to cry at the foot of the
wall, just as Tsou Yen chanced to cry to Heaven, when it was still very
cold in the Yen State. There was a correspondence of events and
a concordance of time. Eye-witnesses and people who heard about
it, most likely were of this opinion. Moreover, provided that the
city wall was old, and the house-wall, rotteu, there must liave
been a collapse, and a destruction. If the tears of one woman
could make 50 feet of the wall tumble down, tlie wall must have
been such, that one might have pushed a beam of 30 feet into it
with one finger.
During the Spring and Autumn period several mountains were

transformed in an extraordinary way. Mountains and walls belong
to the same class. If tears subvert a city wall, can they demolish
a mountain also? U' somebody in white mourning like a woman
helped the Prince, and brought about these wonders, when Tan was released, or, as
others say, he made his escape in 230 b.c. The story is narrated in Lnin-heng V, 7
{Kan-hm),
1 The same is said of Hsin Yuan Ping (Shi-chi chap, 28 p. 19v),

^ A city in Honan,
3 456-424 B.C.
4 A faithful servant of the Emperor Han Wu Ti, who appointed him Regent
for his minor son, ( 'hao 7V. He died in ()8 b.c. His family was mixed up in a
palace intrigue aiming at the deposition of the reigning emperor, which was dis-
covered, when all the nieiiibers of liis family were exterminated.
5 Instead of ( 'AV3 +已， an old feudal State in Honan, we ought probably to read

亏 pi^ , the nnme of the (Vi'i^ State in Shantmig, of which diU Liang was a native.
Phenomenal Changes.
117
cries so, that liis tears flow like rivers, people generally believe
that a city wall can collapse through these tears, and regard it
as quite the proper thing. But Cli i Liang died during the cam-
paign, and did not return. His wife went to meet him. The Prince
of Ln offered his condolence on the road, which his wife did not
accept. When the coffin had arrived in her house, the Prince of
Lu condoled with her again. ! She did not say a word, and cried
at the foot of the wall. As a matter of fact, her husband had
died in the campaign, therefore he was not in the wall, and, if his
wife cried turned towards the city wall, this was not the right
place. In short, it is again an unfounded assertion that the wife
of Cli i Liang caused the city wall to tumble down by her tears;
On this principle of sympathetic actions a white halo encir-

cled the sun, when Ching iCo stabbed the king of Cliin,^ and Venus
eclipsed the Pleiades, when the scliolar from Wei drew up tlie strat-
agem of Cli aiig-ping for Cliin.'^ This again is an absurdity. When
Yii Tse^ was planning the murder of Viscount Hsiang, and was lying
under a bridge, Hsiang Tse's heart tlirobbed, as lie approached- the
bridge. Kumt Kao*^ intended to murder Kao Tsii、 and liad concealed
a man in the wall. When Kao Tsu arrived at Po-jen? liis heart
also beat liigh.^ Those two individuals being about to stab the
two princes, the hearts of the latter palpitated. If Ave reason in
a proper way. 、ve cannot admit that tlie princes were affected by
the souls of the two assassins, and should we do so in the case
of the king of CK in'} Wlien i Idng Iv o was preparing to stab
him, the king's heart was not moved, but a white halo encircled
1 We leani from the Tso-chuan, Duke Hsiang 23rd year (550 b.c.) [Legge,
Classics Vol. V, Pt. II， p. 504) and from the Liki, T'an Kaug Pt. Ill, 1 {Legge,
Sacred
Books Vol. XXVII, p. 188) that, when the bier of Ch'i JJanff was brought home to
(.Vt i, the Marquis of Ch'i, Chuang, sent an officer to present his condolences,
but
the widow declined them, because the road was not tlie proper place to accept
condolences. The Marquis then sent them to her house. The " Prince of Lu " of
our text is probably a misprint, for why should the prince of Lu condole in Ch'i?
~ The Lieh-nu-chuan relates that Ch'i Liang's wife cried seven days over her
husband's corpse under the city wall, until it collapsed, and then died by jumping
into a river.
3 Cf. chap. XXXIX and XL.
4 Cf. p. 114.
；' I'ii Jang, a native of the Chin State, who made an unsuccessful attempt on
tiie life of Viscount Hsiang of Chao, who had killed his master, Earl C'hih. Vid.
chap. XXIX.
6 A minister of Chao.
7 A place in the prefecture of Skun-te-fu {Chili}.
8 This attempt on the life of Han Kao Tsu in 199 b.c. was frustrated.
118
Lnn-Heng: B. Metapliysiral.
the sun. This celestial plienomenon of a white halo encircling the

sun happened of its own accord, and it was not tlie mind of Cldng
K'o wliicli produced it.
Mercury between tlie constellations of tlie House and tlie Heart

denotes an impending earth-quake. When an eartli-quake is going*
to take place, Mercury corresponds to the Home and tlie Heart. The
ofFuscation of the Pleiades by Verms is like the position of Mercury
between the House and the Heart. Therefore the assertion that tlie
design of CI 【出 "j-i; 'mg, devised by tlie scholar from Wei^ caused Verms
to eclipse the J^leiades, is very doubtful.
When Jupiter injured the Bird ^ and tlie Tail stars, ^ Chou and
CKu Avere visited with disasters, and when a feather-like fluid ap-
peared, Sung, Wei^ Chen, and C/teng suHerecl inisfortuoes. At that
time, Choti and C/iu had not done any wrong, nor had Sung, Wei,
ChSn, or Cheng committed any wickedness. However, Jupiter first
occupied the place of the Tail star, and the fluid of misfortune, for
a while, descended from heaven, \vliereu})on Chou a ad CJi n had tlieir
disasters, and Sung, Wei,, Chen^ and Cheng sufiereel likewise at the
same time. Jupiter caused injury to Chou and CK u、 as the heaven-
ly fluid did to the four States. Wlio knows but that the white
halo encircling- the sun, caused the attempt on the life of the king'
of Ch in, and that Venus eclipsing tlie Pleiades, brought about the
stratagem of CJi ang-p ing7
1 The star Cor Hydra , mentioned in the Shu-king (of. Legye Vol. Ill, Pt. I， p.
19.)
- The "Tail" is a constellation consisting of nine stai's in the tail of Scorpio,
the 6th of the 28 Solar Mansions.
On Reprimands.
119
CHAPTER VI.
On Reprimands {Ch'ien-kao).
In regard to extraordinary calamities they say that, when of

old a sovereign in his administration departed from the right way,
Heaven reprimanded liiin by visiting him with calamities. Those
calamities are manifold. Heat and cold are put forward as proof.
When a prince punishes at a wrong time, it becomes cold, and
when he grants rewards, but not at the rig] it inoineut, it becomes
warm. The Spirit of Heaven reprimands a sovereign in the same
manner, as a, sovereign shows his displeasure to his subjects. There-
fore King Yen of Cli u^ said, "Heaven does not send down mis-
fortunes. Has Heaven forgotten me?" Those calamities are a
reproof, therefore King thought of tliem with fear.
I say that this seems very doubtful to me. The calamities of

a State are like the misfortunes of an individual. If they say that
Heaven reprimands a sovereign throiigli calamities, docs it also
reprove an individual through his mis fortunes? Since the indi-
vidua] is knoAvn to us, we may make use of the human body for
comparison. A sickness of the body is like a calamity from Heaven.
When the circulation of the blood is not in order, a mau contracts
a disease, and wlien the wind and the air do not agree, the year
develops calamities. Provided that Heaven blames tlie adminis-
tration of a State by calamities, does it blame an individual by
his sickness?
By fermenting wine in jars, and cooking meat in cauldrons,

one wishes to make their tastes palatable. Sometimes they are
too salty, bitter, sour, or insipid, and not to our taste, just as a
spoonful of medicine does not taste well. The calamities of Heaven
are like the bad taste of cooked meat or fermented wine. If calam-
ities are believed to be expressive of Heaven's displeasure, we
ought to see such manifestations also in case of a mistake in
cooking or fermenting. One measures big things by small ones,
and learns to know Heaven, if one understands analogies.
1 836-826 B.C.
120
Were King Yens knowledge like that of Confucius, liis utter-

ance could be believed, but as a leading prince during a time of
decay, he did not possess more ability than the plienomenalists, ^
and his words are not to be trusted. Hence my doubts.
Heaven's principle, spontaneity, consists in inaction. If it did

reprimand people, that would be action, and not spontaneous. The
school of Huang Ti and Lao Tse arguing on Heaven's principle have
found the truth.
If Heaven could really reprimand the sovereign, it should

change tlie fluid to call his attention. In case the prince punished
at the wrong time, the fluid of punishment would be cold, and
Heaven ought to make it warm, and should the prince reward
unseasonably, the fluid of reward would be warm, and it would
be incumbent upou Heaven to make it cold. A transmutation of
the fluid in case of the perversion of government would call the
attention of the sovereign to his fault. No、v Heaven lets the cold
and the heat go on, and again causes cold and heat with a view
to reprove the sovereign, and to induce him to change.
The illustrious prince Tan Fu^ thinking tliat he might elevate

the later king Chi, on purpose changed his name of Chi into Li,
which is synonymous with ti = ' heir.' '1" ai Po took the hint, and
went to collect medicines in Wu and Yi'ieh in order to get out of
King Chis way. 3 Had tlie illustrious prince not changed the name
of Chi, and again styled him Li, how could the eldest son have
taken tlie hint, and got himself out of the way ？ Now, if rewards
and punishments are not given in the proper way, and Heaven
wishes a change of administration, it ought to use a different fluid,
just as the illustrious prince changed the name of Chi. Instead of
that it again produces the same fluid to sliow its displeasure to
the sovereign, but, when will tlie latter become aware of it, and
see the mistake he has made in rewarding and jjunishing?
When a guitar-player makes a mistake in tightening the cords

and placing the bridges, " kung " and " shnig " * change tlieir tunes.
When the music-master hears it, he changes the strings, and shifts
the bridges. Heaven sees mistakes in rewarding and punishing,
as the music-master takes notice of the wrong handling of the cords
and bridges. If Heaven did not change the fluid to rouse tlie
1 Who explain natural phenomena by transcendent causes.
2 The grandfather of Wen Wan</, the founder of the Chou dynasty.
3 Of. p. 131.
* The first and tlic second of tlie five ancient notes of the Chinese gamut.
On Reprimands.
121
sovereign, on the contrary, still increased it, and made the wrong
worse, it would be unprincipled, and blindly commit the same
mistake as the sovereign, which cannot be.
Chou had banquets lasting tlie whole night ； Wen Wang said
every morning and evening, "Pour out this wine in libation." i Ch'i^
was very extravagant in sacrifices: Yen Tse^ offered a sucking pig
in the temple, which did not fill the dish.* Such disapprobation was
necessary to bring about a change.
When sons and younger brothers are impudent, their fathers

and older brothers instruct them in politeness. When officials be-
have rudely, their elders teach them good manners. K ang Shi, and
Po Ch' in" disregarded the duties of sons and younger brothers. They
called upon Chou Kung, prostrated themselves, and rose in a haughty
manner. Thrice they called, and thrice they were bambooed. They
A\ ent to see Sliang TseJ Shang Tse bade them look at the pine and
the Rottlera. Both looked at the pine and the Rottlera. Their
hearts were moved, they cauglit the meaning, and understood the
rules of etiquette to be observed between father and son.®
Chou Kiuig might have followed the two princes in their

haughtiness, and Shang Tse might have imitated their arrogance, but
it was necessary to resort to blows and parables to make them
see the difference, and awaken their conscience by this strange
procedure. The wrong government of a sovereign is like the bad
behaviour of the two princes. If Heaven did not make any an-
nouncement about the style of government in order to rouse tlie
conscience, just as tlie two princes were roused, wlien looking at
tlie pine and Rottlera, but on the contrary made the mistake in
rewarding and punishing his own by requiting the sovereign Avitli
heat and cold. Heaven's fault would not be less tlian that of the
sovereign.
It cannot be the intention of high Heaven that people's con-

science should not be roused, and that one fluid should be exactly
like the other. It would not love its subjects, nor reprimand
them ill this way. All things which can destroy one another, must
1 Shuking Part V， Bk. X， 2 {Legge, Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 3.99) cf. chap. XXXIX.
2 The CKi State in Shantung ,
3 Yen Yiriff, an official of Ck'i, noted for his thrifty habits, died 493 b.c.
4 So small was the offering.
5 A younger brother of Chou Kung , the first Duke of We/.
(； A son of Chou Kung and his successor in the Dukedom of La.
7 A minister of Wti Wang,
s The lofty pine and the low Rottlera tree are emblems of father and son.
122
Lull - Heiig ： B. Metaphysical.
have a different nature, whereas those which further and complete

each other, are of tlie same fluid. LP below and Tui - above are
called transformation's which is equivalent to change. Fire and
metal are different fluids, therefore they can change one another.
If tliey were both fire, or both metal, liow could they complete
eacli other?
Ch'ii Yilan was sick of the stench and filtli* of CIiu, therefore
he composed the stanzas on perfumes and purity. The fisherman
reinoustrated with liim for not following tlie common habits, there-
upon 】ie spoke the words on batliing, "Whenever a man feels un-
clean, some will advise liim to put on fragrant flowers, others to
carry a pig. Botli advices aim at removing stciicli and filth. Which
is right, and wliicli wrong ？ ^ At all events, there must be a change,
but no increase by any means. If lieat and cold are produced as
a protest against rewarding or punishing, could they be changed
thereby tlien ？
Hsi Men P(io& used to tighten his leather belt to soothe himself,
and Tung An Yil ^ would loosen the strings of liis girdle to stimulate
liim self. These two wise men knew that tlie belt and the girdle
will lielp us to change countenance, consequently they made use
of the 111 for the purpose of repressing their bodily wealmess, wliicli
was very intelligent indeed. If In case of bad government of a
sovereign liigli Tloaveii did not reprimand liira with another fluid,
that he might change, on the contrary, followed Lis error, emitting tlie
same fluid, Heaven's wisdom would be inferior to tliat of tlie two men.
King Ckuang of CJiu ® liad a passion for limiting', therefore

Lady Fan did not eat any game, or poultry. Duke Mu of Chin ®
was very fond of voluptious music, for this reason the Princess of
Hua Yang declined to listen to the tunes of Cli eng and Wei}^ The
1 The 3rd diagram.
2 The 58th diagram.
3 In the terminology of the Yi - king.
4 Filth in a niotaphorical sense.
r， Tlie first, advice of course. Bad odour can he removed by its contrary,
perfuines, but not by more stench.
G A worthy of the 5th century u.r. [Giles ^ Biogr. Diet N. 678).
7 Another famous character of old {Giles, Biogr. Did. N. 20S8). Giles gives
another version of the peculiarities of the two gentlemen regarding their belts.
Cf.
chap. XXXI.
8 612-589 li.c.
« 658-619.
1" The music of these two States was considered licentious, and most ob-
jectionable.
On Repriiiiaiifls.
123
two ladies found fault with the iw o princes. Tliey opposed their
wishes, and did not agree to wliat they did. Heaven, on the other
hand, shows its disapproval of the sovereign's rewarding and
punishing" by letting liim act as he pleases, and still increasing tlie
fluid. Thus the virtue of high Heaven would not be equal to that
of the two wise ladies.
To remonstrate means to reject by words. To keep the good,

and reject the bad must certainly be regarded as a mistake. King
Mu of Chou relied on punishments. In the Chapter ou Punishments
lie says that violence is requited with force, i Force and violence
are both bad. To requite evil with evil is the most sei'ious misrule.
Now, in criminal law not to give mercy, when it should be given,
is wicked. Heaven, however, adds wrong to wrong to correspond to
it. Thus Heaven would act like King Mu. 、
With goodness one combats badness, and with badness good

people are frightened. This is the way to admonish people, and
to induce them to do good. Shnn exhorted Yil saying : ― "Be not
as overbearing as Tan Chu'' - Chou Kung called King CJi eng and
said to him, "Be not like King Ghent of Fm." ^ ' Not ' is prevent-
ive. Tan Chii and Chou of Yin were the greatest scoundrels, there-
fore tlie word ' not ， was used to prevent tliem (from following
their exain])le): Shwi and Clum Kiwg said "Be not like," who would
say "Be like? " The Sages discriminated between the positive and
the negative, would they have reproved the wrong doing by doing
wrong themselves, or would they by continuing the faults of others
have even increased the evil ？ Heaven and man obey the same
law, and great men equal Heaven. in virtue. Sages and worthies
reform bad people by goodness. If Heaven added wrong to evil, would
that be a manifestation of the same law, or show the similarity of virtue ？
The emperor Hsiao Wu ^ took a great interest in immortals.

Sse Ma Hsiang Jii^ presented to him a poem on the Great Man, by
which the emperor became so excited, that he felt like flying up
to the clouds. The emperor Hsiao Ch eng ' was very fond of buildino;
1 In the Shu-king, Lii-hsing Pt. V， Bk. XXVU, 5 {Legge Vol. 111， Pt. II， p. 593)
King Mu uses these words with reference to Huang Ti, who in this manner repressed
tlie lawlessness of the Miao-tse.
2 Shu-king, Yih-chi Pt. II， Bk. IV, 1.
3 Shu-king, Wu-yi Pt. V, Bk. XV, 13 {Legge Vol. III， Pt. II， p. 471).
4 Hsiao Wu 二 Han Wu Ti, 140-86 b.c.
5 A distinguished scholar and poet.

6 The emperor Han Ww Ti was infatuated with alchemy, and the magical arts
taught by the Taoists.
* Hsiao Clieng ― Han CKeng Ti, 32-6 B.C.
124
big palaces. Yang Tse Yiin ^ oflered him a hymn on the Kan-cJiilan
palace's which lie extolled as something supernatural, as if he were
saying that liuman force could not achieve such a work, and that
spirits must have lent their aid. Hsiao Cli eng, without knowing-
it, was induced thereby to go on building. If Sse Ma Ilsiang 'Ju in
his poem spoke of immortals, lie had no proof for it, and, if Yang
Tse Yiin wrote a panegyric on extravagance, lie did the emperor a
bad service. How could Hsiao Wu have the feeling of flying, and
how could Hsiao Cli eng be under a delusion without knowing it?
If Heaven does not use another fluid to reprimand the sovereign,
on the contrary meets his wishes, and responds to him with evil,
he acts like the two scholars, who imposed upon the two emperors
by their poetry so, that their conscience was not roused.
Toil Ying and Kuan Fu^ were so disgusted with the wickedness
of the time, that every day tliey mutually pulled a string to fasten
their hearts. Their disgust was such, that they would, on no account,
have yielded to their desires. T ai Po * taught the Wî^ to wear a
cap and a girdle, how would he have followed their customs, and
been naked, as they were? Thus the Wu learnt propriety and
rigtheousness, and it was T( ai Po who changed their customs. Su
Wu^ went to live among the Hsiungnu, but he never buttoned his
coat on the left side.7 Chao T'o^ lived among the southern Ydieh.^
He would sit down, spreading out his legs, and wear his hair in
a tuft upon a frame. At the court of the Han , Su Wu was prais-
ed, and Chao T o blamed, because he had taken to the uncivilised
fashions of the Y.ih'h, abandoning the cap and the girdle. Lu Chi a ！。
spoke to him about the costume of the Chinese, and their polished
1 The philosopher Yang Hsiung, a philosopher of note of the Confucian school,
53 B.C.- 18 A.D.
'2 A celebrated palace near Hsi-an-fu (Ch'ang-an) originally founded by Chin

Shift Huang Ti.
3 Two high officers of the 2iid cent. b.c. Cf. chap. XVIII.
4 Cf. p. 131.
Aborigines in modern Kiangsu.
r' In 100 B.C. Su Wu was sent as enovy to the HMungnu, who kept him
prisoner for about nineteen years. Thougii the Hsiungnu made every endeavour to
will liiiM over to their cause, he never threw oU" his allegiance to. the Han,
where-
fore lie is praised as a paragon of loyalty.
' Only a bai'haiian would button his coat on tlie left side, a Chinaman will
hiittoii it on the right.
s A famous general of the 2iid cent, k.c, who subjugated the southern bar-
barians, and subsequently became their king. (Cf. chap. XXXI.)
" Aborigines in Canton province.

10 Cf. chap. XXXI. .
On Reprimands.
125
manners, and held up their morality to him. Chao T o felt remorse,

and turned his heart back to his native laud. Had Lu Chia again
used the dress of the Yiieh, and their barbarian language, and follow-
ed their wild customs, how could lie have caused Chao T o to feel
remorse, to reform,, and to adopt again the rules of Han. A diver-
gence of government, and culture necessitates the use of different
language, and different arguments. If a bad governmeut be not
transformed, it goes on as before.
In case that a sovereign be reprimanded for a mistake, but

that his bad government be not changed, and his wrong continued,
why is the advice given him as a reproof not heeded? ― When
Kuan Shu Hsien and T'sai Shu Tu i were revolting, C.hou Kung remon-
strated with them several times. Did lie tell them that they should
revolt, when he admonished them?
It is hum a a law to like good, and hate evil, to do good as

reward, and to inflict evil as punishment. The law of Heaven must
be the same. Now. if rewards and punishments be not meted out
in the proper way, there is evil. Should the fluid of evil respond
to it, the principle of hating the evil would not be preserved.
The Han improved the punishments for the hiding of crimin-

als, and fixed penalties for the assistance given to accomplices to
make their escape. They were indignant that the criminals found
helpers, and that bauds were organised. By restraining the prison-
ers, when they were taken before the magistrates, and separating
them frem bad characters, keeping them in different places, the law
concerning the hiding of criminals, and tlie absconding of the accom-
plices might have been dispensed with.
Ti Ya knew how to give the right flavour to what be was

cooking. When it was too sour, he poured water in, and, when
it was tasteless, he added salt. Water and fire mixing and trans-
forming one another, the food became neither too salty, nor too
tasteless. Now. if in case of improper rewarding or punishing the
1 Two brothers of Chou Kung and of Wu Wang, who attempted to deprive
their nephew ( 'h'cng VTang of the throne, but their rebellion was put down by
Chou Kung.
2 A new law was enacted in the 4th year of the Emperor Ilsuan Ti (70 a.d.),
by which descendants concealing their ascendants, and wives hiding their husbands
guilty of a crime, were to be acquitted, whereas ascendants and husbands doing the
same for their sons and wives, had to suffer capital punishment. Descendants vvere
no doubt under a moral obligation to help their ascendants under any circumstances,
but the same moral law did not exist for ascendants towards their sous. (Cf. t'h
ien
Honshu chap. 8 p. 11.)
126
Lun - Heiig: R. Metapliysic;il.
fault is not made good by another fluid, cold being still added to
cold, and lieat to beat, this would be like finding a food too sour,
and adding salt, or thinking it too insipid, and pouring water in.
Hence, are there not serious doubts about the alleged reprimands
of Heaven, or must we believe in them?
When by burning fuel one beats a cauldron, the water in it

boils, if the fire is strong, but it remains cool, if the fire is weak.
Government is like the fire, heat and cold like boiling and coolness.
Speaking of the government of a sovereign, we may say that he
does not keep the right medium in rewarding and punishing, but
in case the Yin and the Yang are in disorder, and tlie fluids not
in liartnony, are we justified in saying that Heaven produces
heat or cold for the sovereign's sake with the object of reprov-
ing him?
The savants also maintain that, when the administration of a

sovereign is bad. Heaven sends extraordinary events. If lie does
not change, Heaven visits his people with misfortunes, and if he
does not reform even then, it visits his own person. That is to
say: ― first extraordinary events, afterwards calamities, first exhor-
tations, then punishments. I doubt this likewise. If one plants
something in summer, it withers, aud does not grow, and if one
reaps corn in autumn, ' it lies about and cannot be harvested. Ad-
ministration and instruction may be compared to planting and reap-
ing. We may say that in governing the right time lias been missed,
but can we pretend that, in ease of disasters caused by fluids or
other things, Heaven lias sent extraordinary events to reprimand
the sovereign, and that, because the latter did not reform, Heaven
sent down misfortune upon liini in order to slay him? These
opinions of the literati are those of illiterate people.
In mid-summer the Ya»g fluid is broiling hot. The Yin fluid

rushes against it, and there is a hissing, shooting forth, aud crashing.
When a human being is hit by it, and killed, they liokl that Heaven
lias punished him for his hidden sins. To a superficial observer
this may seem quite likely, but in reality it is not so. First tliey
pretend that calamitous events serve to reprimand, and punish a
sovereign, and then aga'in they say that a man killed by a thunder-
stroke is punished for his hidden crimes, 一 a wrong statement, and
an untenable assertion ！
8()ini' say that Ku Tse Yiln in a memorial to the emperor ex-

plained that extraordinary plieiioiiuMia were visible signs of Heaven's
Which begins in November.
On Rcpriii Kinds.
127
reprimands, wlii (； li would be repeated, unless a change took place. ^

He was prepared to aw ait that time iu fetters. Subsequently they
were repeated in fact. Wherefore were they repeated, provided
that tliey were not meant as reprimands? For these reasons the
words of Ku Tse Yiln were later oq used as an incentive to reforms.
My reply is that in case of extraordinary phenomena the Yin

and tlie Yang can be (leteriuined beforeliancl. The fluids of all
tilings, of course, have their beginning and their end. Walking upon
frost, one knows that hard ice will necessarily follow. That is
Heaven's law. Ku Tse Yiln possessed tliis subtle ]<nowleclge, and
was aware of wliat subsequently was bound to happen. Therefore
lie borrowed the tlieoiy of the plienominalists to corroborate his
own view. Thus 】ie was resolved to await the time in fetters.
Just like Yen Tse of C]ii.r wlio saw tlie ' Hook ' star 3 between
the constellations of the ' House ' ^ and tlie ' Heart ？ he knew that
there would be an earth-quake. Had Ku Tse Yiin seen the 'Hook'
star, he would again have said tliat tlirougli this star Heaven ex-
pressed its displeasure, and that, unless tlie government was clianged,
an earth-quake would happen. Ku Tse Yiln was looking out for the
time to come as Tse Wel^ did, who fell down on the steps of the
throne to await that tlie planet Mars should shift its position, an
event wh'icli was sure to take place. Hence the tlieory of re-
primands was believed. If we admit it, would it be contrary to
justice, or injure high Heaven's virtue? Spontaneity and inaction
would be liumauised thereby, therefore we cannot listen to it.
By crediting Heaven with the power of reprimanding, one

extols its wisdom in investigating tlie truth. However, this wisdom
would conflict with Heaven's excellence. " How do we know that
any one is deaf? 一 If he hears distinctly. ― How do we know that
lie is blind ？一 If lie sees clearly. 一 How do we know that he is
mad?— If lie talks properly." ' Proper talking, and clear and dist-
inct hearing and seeing is what the Taoist school calls madness,
1 In 34 B.C. Ku Tse Ywi = Ku Yung attributed an eclipse and an earth-quake

to the excessive favour shown by the emperor to the ladies of his seraglio. He
wrote many memorials against the abuses of the palace.
2 Cf. p. 121.
3 The planet Mercury.
4 The stars Beta, Delta, Pi, and Nun, in the head of Scorpio.
° The stars Antares, Sigma, and Tau, in the heart of Scorpio,
r' Cf. p. 158.
7 A Taoist rhyme; quoted from the Lu-shih-cKun-cKiu. See also Huai Nan
Tse XVn, Iv: ― "He who hears tlie sounding sound is deaf, but he who hears the
soundless sound is quick at hearing.''
128
blindness, and deafness.^ No、v to speak of Heaven's reprimanding

would therefore be tautamount to calling it mad, blind, and deaf.
The Yi-king says that the great man equals Heaven and Earth
in virtue.- Therefore T'ai Po^ holds that Heaven does not speak,
but that its law is ingrafted in the hearts of the wise. Con-
sequently, tlie virtue of the great man is the virtue of Heaven, and
the words of the wise are the words of Heaven. When the great man
reproves, and the wise rebuke, it is Heaven which reprimands, and yet
people see its reprimands in calamitous events, which I cannot believe.
In the text of the Six Classics^ and in the discourses of the

Sages every now and then Heaven is referred to, because they
intend to reform the lawless, and to frighten the ignorant. They
wish to make it understood that what they say is not only their
private opinion, but that it is Heaven's thought also. They speak
of Heaven, as if they were dealing with a human heart, for it is
not the blue empyrean which they have in view. The phenomena-
lists hearing the unfounded assertion that the calamitous events
of Heaven always happen at a fixed time, have therefrom derived
the theory of reprimands.
The past affords us a key for the present. Heaven acts

through man " [Shun) received {Yao's) abdication from the Accom-
plished Ancestor." 5 It is not said that he received tlie abdication
from Heaven. From Yao's heart we learn to know Heaven's senti-
ments. Yao made an appointment, and Heaven did the same, and all
the officials, and subjects became inclined towards Shun. Shun ap-
pointed Yil, and Yil transmitted the sway to Ch'i. In all these cases we
learn from the human heart, what Heaven*s feelings were like. As re-
gards the "affectionate looks" of the Shi-king& and the "mighty anger" in
the Hung-fan、i the human body serves to exemplify Heaven's feelings.
1 The Taoists despise the natural organs: ― tlie eye, the ear, the mouth, and
pretend to see with a spiritual eye, to hear with a spiritual ear, etc.
2 Yi-king, 1st diagram [CKien).
3 The son of Tan-fii (cf. p. 120).
4 We now speak of the Five Classics: — Yi-king, Shu-king, Shi-king, Liki, and
CKun-ctiiu. During the I【an period the "Book of Music ' was added, ranking as
the fifth Classic before the ( ■liun-cliiu.
S/m-kiriff, Shun-tien Pt. II， Bk. I, 2 {Legge, Vol. Ill, Pt. I， p. 32) According
to the couinieiitators this passage means that Shan received the empire from Y"o
before the slii ine of the latter' s ancestor, who thus might he regarded as the
donor,
f' Vid. p. 134. '
' We read in the Shu-kin;/, lluny-fan Pt. V， Bk. IV, H [Legge, Vol. IU， Pt. U，
p. 323) *' K\m dammed up tlie inundating waters, and thereby threw into disorder
the arrajigeiuent of the five elements, Guil was thereby roused to anger."
On Rei)nniands.
129
When King Wen and King Wu had (lied, King Clieng was
still an infant, and the institutions of the CIiou dynasty were not
yet completed. The duke of Chou acted as lord protector, but there
Avas no special instruction from Heaven. The duke of Chou asked
his own heart, and conformed to the intentions of Heaven.
The heart of high Heaven is in the bosom of the Sages.

When Heaven reprimands, it is done througli the mouths of the
Sages. Yet people do not believe the words of the Sages. They
trust in the fluid of calamitous events, and strive to make out
Heaven's meaning therefrom. Why go so far? But, should there be
no sages during a generation, 、vhere are their words to come from? 一
Wise men, whose talents are almost up to the mark, rank closely
after the Sages.
Lun - TIeng.
130
Lun -Heng: B. Metaphysical.
, CHAPTER VII.
Heaven's Original Gift {Ch'u-ping).
A man predestinated at his birth for wealth and honour, is

imbued with the spontaneous fluid from the beginning. After he
has been brought up, and grown to manhood, his lucky fate mani-
fests itself.
Wen Wang received a scarlet bird, Wu Wany^ a white fish and

a red crow. ^ The scholars are of opinion that with the bird
Heaven's decree was transmitted to Wen Wang, which in the case
of Wu Wang was done by the fish and the crow. Thus Wen Wang
and Wu Wang would 】mve received tlieir fate from Heaven, which
used the bird, the fish, and tlie crow to pass it on to them. Heaven
used a scarlet bird to invest Wen Wang, but Wen Wang did not re-
ceive the mandate of Heaven."^ Then Heaven took a fish and a
crow, and enfeoffed Wu Wang. This would imply that primarily
the two received no fate from above, and that it was not before
they purified themselves, and did good, and the news thereof
readied Heaven, that Heaven endowed them with imperial honours.
The bird, the fish, and the crow would then be heavenly messengers
carrying the investiture, which emperors must have received to
liave the power over life and death. However, a thorough investi-
gation shows us that fate lias notliing to do with these cases.
Fate is what comes over people at the. beginning, when they

are created. They then receive their mind as Avell as their fate.
Mind and fate come together and at the same time. The mind
does not precede, or fate follow. How can this be made clear?
Clip served under Yao as territorial official, became super-

intendant of agriculture, and tlierefrom received the title of" Lord
of Agriculture (Hou Chi). His great-grandson Duke Liu lived at T' ai,
but later on moved to Pin. 4 His great-great-grandson Tan Fu, the
1 Cf. Shi-chi, chap. 4 p. 8 [Chavannrs, Mp'm. Hist. Vol. I, p. 216 Note 1 , and p.
226) .
2 Wen Wanr/ did not yet attain the imperial dignity, which subsequently de-
volved upon his son, Wu Wuncj.
3 The ancestor of the (■hou dynasty.
4 T ai and Pin were botli situated in S/iensi.
Heaven s Oripnal Gift.
131
" Old Duke" had three sons: ― T ai Po、 Cliung Yung and Chi Li.
The son of Chi Li was Ch ang, the later Wm Wang. When he was
still in his SAvaddling clothes, there appeared portents indicative of
his lioliness. Therefore Tan Fa said: -— "It is througli Cli ang that
my family will become illustrious." When T ai Po * heard of it,
he retired to 11 w/- tattooed himself, and cut his hair in order to
make room for Chi Li. Wen Waug is believed to have met with his
fate at that period. Vet Heaven's late is already at work, when
man comes into being. Tan Fu, the Old Duke, found it out very
soon, but it Avas already there, before Wen Wang was even con-
ceived by his mother. The fate wliich emperors acquire becomes
their mind internally aud their body externally. To the body
belong the features and the osseous structure, which man gets at
his birth.
Officials witli a yearly income of more than a hundred piculs,

but of a lower rank than princes and counts, such as lang-clnang^^
ht-fu, and yuan-shih^^ or provincial officials like iiiteudants and pre-
te (； ts, in sliort, all salaried functionaries have obtained a fate pre-
destinating them for wealth and honour, wliicli after their birth is
apparent in their faces. Hsil Fu and Ku Pu Tse Ch wg perceived
these signs.5 Officials rise in office, some to the ranks of lords
and ministers. They are predestinated to graudeur and a very
exalted position. An emperor possesses the liigliest dignity, and
his rank is the most exalted. At his birtli, lie is euclowed with a
glorious fate, and his body shows peculiar signs of nobility at that
time. The "• Old Duke " was well aware of this, Avlien he beheld
the remarkable four nipples,^ lor these four nipples were the marks
of a Sage. Wen Wa?iff received the heavenly decree making him a
sage, when lie was still in his mother's womb, or did the four
nipples grow only, after he had become a man, and practised virtue?
1 The Shi'chi chap. 4 p. 4 relates that Tâi Po as well as Ch'ung Yung,

whom the Shi-chi styles YU Ch'rnig, retired to the barbarians out of regard for
their
younger brother Chi Id,
2 The kingdom of Wu^ the modern province of Kiangm, at that time still
inhabited by aborigines, hence the tattooing. ―
3 Chamberlains of the Palace Guard.
4 These offices are mentioned by Me?icins Bk. V, Pt. II, chap. 2, who informs
us that a chief minister had four times as much income as a ta-fv, and a ta-fu
twice as much as a yuan-shih. Legge translates "great officer" and "scholar of
the first class,". which does not say much. I would like to say '* Director of a
De-
partment ，， and " First Clerk."
5 Two renowned physiognomists, cf. chap. XXIV.

G A peculiarity of Wen Wang, cf. chap. XXIV.
9*
182
Lun - Hong: B. Metaphysical.
As regards the four nipples, we know also that lambs have them
already as embryos. Dame Liu sleeping by a big lake dreamt
tliat she met with a genius, and thereupon gave birth to K(io-Tm:
At that time, he had already obtained his fate : When Kuang Wu '-
was bom in the Chi-yaug palace, a brilliant light shone in the room
at midnight, though there was no fire. One of the soldiers Su
Yung said to the secretary Cliung Lan: 一 " This is a lucky thing,"
and nothing more. 3 At that time Kuang Wii had already got his
destiny. The assertion that Wen Wang and Wu Wang received
Heaven's decree together with the scarlet bird, the fish, and the
crow is, therefore, erroneous. Heaven's order once being issued,
an emperor arises, and there is no further need for another decree.
Favoured with a fate conferring the highest distinctions upon

tliem, emperors are born as a matter of course, as will be seen
from the following : ― Old men of wealthy families hoard up thou-
sands of chin. 4 They come into the world with the pliysiognoniies
of rich men. They work, and produce, and amass wealth, until,
in their old age, they have become rich old folks. Emperors are
tlie old men in possession of the empire. Their fate is inherent to
their bodies, precisely as with birds tlie distinction between cocks
and liens exists already in tlie egg-sliell. When tlie eggs are
hatched, cocks and liens creep out. After days and months their
bones wax stronger, and at last the cocks pair with the liens quite
of their own accord. They are not taught to do so, after tliey
have grown up so, that they would dare to pair only then. This
is a spontaneous act, after their constitution has been strengthened.
Now emperors are the cocks in tlie empire. They are destined to
become emperors. This, their destiny comes down upon them, when
they are still in an embryonic state in the same manner, as the
future grandees get tlieir peculiar physiognomies, 、、- liicli tliey possess
at their birth, anil as the cocks are formed in the egg.
This is not only true of men and birds, but of all organisms.
Plants and trees grow from seeds. They pierce the earth as sprouts,
by tlieir further growth stem and leaves are formed. Their length
and coarseness are developed from the seeds. Emperors are the
acme of greatness. The stalk of tlie " vermilion grass " is like a
needle, tlie sapling oi" tlie " purple boletus " like a bean. Both
1 See p. 177.
2 The first emperor of the Later Han Dynasty, 25—58 a.d.
3 Cf. p. 18p.
4 Old coins.
Heaven's Original Oift.
】 :W
plants are auspicious. There is something auspicious about

emperors also, who come into existence, endowed witli the hea-
venly fluid.
Some people believe that emperors have received Heaven's

decree, when they are born, but that Heaven invests them again,
wlien they assume the supreme poAver, just as lords, ministers, and
tlie lower grades await the imperial brevet, before they dare to
take charge of their post, and that the scarlet bird, tlie fish, and
the crow were emblems of the investiture by august Heaven. That
would mean that human airairs are ordered and regulated by
Heaven's interference, whereas spontaneity and inaction are the
principles of Heaven. To enfeoff Wen Wang by means of a scarlet
bird, and Wu Wang through a white fish, would be on purpose.
Kuan Chung divided gain with Pao Shu i and apportioned more
to himself; Pao Shu did not give it liirn, and he did not ask for
it. 3 That is, they knew each other, one regarded the other as his
own self, and had no scruples about taking anything for himself.
A Sage takes tlie empire, as Kuan Chung the property.^ Amongst
friends their is no question about giving or taking. August Heaven
is spontaneous.^ If it really issued orders, then its principle
would be purpose, whereas friendsliip is spontaneous.
When Han Kao Tsu slew the big snake, ^ wlio prompted him
to do so? Did an order from Heaven arrive first, which encouraged
him to do the deed? It was au outburst of his valour, a spontaneous
impulse. The slaying of the big snake, the destruction of Ch iu?
and tlie killing of Ilsiang Yii^^ all amount to the same. That tlie
two Cliou emperors Wen Wang and Wu Wang received Heaven's de-
cree, and defeated the Yin dynasty, must be understood in the
1 Kuan Chang and Pao Shu 】，" lived in the 6th cent. b.c. They were in-
timate friends, and are the Chinese Damon and Pythias.
2 The Shi'chi chap. 62 p. Iv, Biography of Kuan Chung, states that Kuan
Chung cheated his friend. He there admits himself that in doing business with
Pao Shu 】'a, he took more than his share of the gain, but that he did it, because
he was very poor, and not out of greed.
3 Kium Chung took more than his share not on purpose, out of greed, but
unintentionally.
4 The empire falls to the share of the Sage, he takes it as a matter of

course, but does not long for it.
5 His actions are like those of intimate friends: ― natural, unpremeditated, and
spontaneous.
(； This incident is told more fully on p. 178.
' The imperial house of Oh' in, which was dethroned by Han Kao Tm.
s Hsianff 】'i^ committed suicide, when defeated by Han Kao Tsu,
134
Lull - Hrng ： Ii. Metapliysi(';il.
same sense. If Kao Tsa took the reins of government without - a

special order, it cannot be true that Wen Wang and Wii, Wang alone
were invested through a bird and a fisli.
The objection may be raised that in the " Announcement to

K ang Shu " it is stated that: ― " God heard of it, and was pleased,
and [leaven gave Wen Mâng a great charge.'" If such a decree
were impossible, how could the Annals and Classics speak of ； i
great command given by Heaven to Wen Wang ？ ― The expression
great command does not signify that Heaven issued orders to Wen
Wang. Whatever a Sage does, he fulfills the commands of Heaven.
He agrees with Heaveu, as if lie had done what Heaven bade liim.
In the Shu-king K ang Shu is just admonished and exhorted to do
good, therefore it is mentioned that Heaven above heard of Wen
Wang's good deeds, and thereupon gave him a great charge.
The Shi-king says: ― " (God) sent liis kind regards round to
the west, and then gave an abode."- This is the same idea.
Heaven has no head and uo face, how could it look about. Man
can look around. Human qualities liave been ascribed to Heaven.
It is easy to see tliat. Thus one speaks of looking about. Heaven's
command given to Wm Wang and his looking are very much the
same. In reality Heaven gives no orders, which can be proved in
this way: ―
" The perfect man resembles Heaven and Earth in virtue,

sun and moon in brightness., the four seasons in regularity, and
ghosts and spirits with regard to lucky and unlucky omens. When
he acts first, Heaven does not disagree with him, and, when he
follows Heaven, he conforms to his periods. "3
If" in order to act there would always be a decree of Heaven

required, how could there be actions preceding that of Heaven,
and others following it. .Since the Sage acts, without waiting for
Heaven's tie (； ree, just on the impulse of his heart, sometimes he
takes the initiative, sometimes he follows Heaven, which means
that lie is always in harmony with Heaven's periods. Hence it is said
that Heaven does not disagTee, and that the Sage conforms to Heaven.
The Analects'^ say: ― " Great is Yao as a sovereign ！ Heaven is

great, and Yao correspomlcd to hiin." Emperors correspond to
1 Shu-king Pt. V, Book IX, 4.
2 Shi-kiny Pt. Ill, Book I, Ode VII, 1.
3 Quotation from the Yi-king, CJiien llexiigrniii (N. 1). The coiiinientntor
says that the Sage iiiid Heaven are always in accord ni ice, mo matter who acts
first,
be (！ ause they botli follow tlie same principles.
4 AnaleclH Viil, 12.
Ileaven'.s Original Gift.
1H5
Heaven, that is to say, they are not in opposition to, and obey
Heaven. Bringing tlie spontaneous nature into harmony with Heaven,
that is the meaning, of the great command given to Wen Wang. Wen
Wang had his own ideas, and acted by himself. Ho was not driven
on by Heaven, nor was the scarlet bird coininissioncd to tell him
that he should be emperor, whereupon he dared to assume the
imperial sway. Wen Wring's scarlet bird and Wu Wang's white fisli
were not messengers bringing tlie assurance of Heaven's glorious help.
Whatever a lucky man begins, turns to his advantage. Ho

finds adherents without seeking them, and auspicious objects without
taking any trouble to get them. A latent sympathy pervades all
things. If be be induced to come forth, and to hear and look,
and he then sees something very propitious, it is mere spontaneity.
When Wen Wang was going to stand up as emperor, the scarlet
bird happened to appear. Tlie fish jumped up, and the bird came
flying, and Wu Wang chanced to perceive tliem.^ It was not Heaven
which sent the birds and the white fish. The lucky objects were
moving about, and the Sages met them. Of the white fish whicli
jumped into tlie Emperor's boat, Wang Yang ^ said that it was a
chance. At the time, when Liu K tm,^ president of the Banqueting
Office, was still governor of Hung-nung,^ a tiger crossed tlie Yellow
River. The emperor Kuang Wit Ti said that it was nothing but a
curious coincidence, and a spontaneous act, and that nobody had
sent the tiger. What Wang Yang called a chance and Kuang Wu
Ti a coincidence, were all, so to speak, instances of spontaneity.
1 Shi-chi chap. 4 p. 8.
2 A famous teacher and in later yeai's a minister, of the 1st cent. a.d.
3 A native of Hunan, died 57 b.c. Giles, Biogr. Diet. N. 1323.
4 A city in Honan.
136
Liiii - Hriio;: B. Metaphysical.
CHAPTER VIIL
What is meant by Destiny? [Ming-yi.)
The Mehistsi hold that man's death is not predestinated, whereas

the Confucianists are of opinion that it is. The believers in Destiny
rely on the authority of Tse Hsia ^ who says, " Life and death
depend on Destiny, wealth and honour come from Heaven," ^ Those
who deny the existence of Destiny refer to the city of Li-yang^^
which sunk into a lake in one night, and to Po-Ch'i, a general of
Ch in, wlio buried alive the troops of Chao after their submission
below Cli ang-ping,^ altogether 400 000 men, who all died at the
same time. When in the Cli un-cliiu period ? armies were defeated,
sometimes, they say, the grass was hidden by thousands of dead
bodies. In time of famine, all the roads are full of starving people.
During epidemics caused by malarial exhalations, tliousands of fam-
ilies are extinguished. If there really should be Destiny, how is
it, they ask, that in CJiin all were involved in the same catastrophe?
The believers in Destiny will reply, " When the vastness of

the earth, and the great number of its inhabitants is taken into
account, it is not to be wondered at that the people at Li-yang
and Ch'ang-p'ing should equally be doomed to die. Those whose
destiny it was to be drowned, assembled at Li-yang, and those
who were to be crushed to death, came together at Cli ang-p ing
for that purpose." ―
When Han Kao Tm& began his career, a fortune-teller, who

entered the territory of Feng and P ei, found many persons who
were made counts afterwards. But not all the old and young people,
men and women bore the mark of nobility. As a rule exceptional
1 The followers of Mc TL
2 A disciple of Confucius,
3 Analects XII, 5.
4 A city in An/mi.
-， A city in ShfrmK
f) This inas'sacrc took place in 2(50 n.c. (Cf. Mayers Reader s Manual N. 544.)
7 722-481 B.C.
8 The fonndd' of the former I Ian dynasty, n native of V ei in Kianf/m. Fm*/

was another region in the liciglibourliood.
What is iiicant by Destiny"-*

1B7
persons are met with occasionally only. Yet at Li-yang men and
women were all drowned, and at Ch ang p ing the aged and the
young were buried to tlie last. Among tens of thousands there
were certainly many wlio liad still a long life before tliem, and
ought not to liave died. But such as happen to live in a time of
decay, wlien war breaks out everywhere, cannot terminate their
long lives. The span allotted to men is long or short, and their
age flourishing or effete. Sickness, disasters, and misfortunes are
signs of decay. The States of Sung, Wei, Ch'en, and Ch. eng were
all visited with fire on the same day. ^ Among the people of the
four kingdoins were certainly not a few whose prosperity was still
at its height, and who ought not to liave been destroyed. Never-
theless they all had to suffer from the conflagration, being involved
in their country's doom, for the destiny of a State is stronger than
that of individuals.
The destiny regulating man's life-time is more powerful than

the one. presiding over his prosperity. Man shows by his appear-
ance, whether he will die old or young, and there are signs in-
dicating, whether he will be rich or poor, liigli-placed or base. All
this is to be seen from his body. Length and shortness of life
are gifts of Heaven. Whether the structure of the bones be good
or bad, is visible in the body. If a man's life must be cut off in
its prime, he cannot live long, altlioiigli lie be endowed with extra-
ordinary qualities, and if it be decreed that he shall be poor and
miserable, the very best character is of no avail to him. 一 When
Hsiang Yii'^ was going to die, he turned to his followers, and said,
" I am vanquished, but by fate, not by force of arms." This is
true, for in warfare Hsiang Yii was superior to Km Tsu. The latter' s
rise was due to Heaven's decree ouly.
The destiny of the State is connected with the stars. Just

as tlieir constellations are propitious or unpropitious, the State is
happy or unhappy. As the stars revolve and wander, men rise
and fall. Human prosperity and distress are like the abundance
and tlie scarcity of a year. Destiny is flourishing or declining;
things are either expensive or cheap. Within the space of one
year, they are sometimes expensive, and at others cheap, as during-
1 This great fire, which on the same day broke out in the capitals of the
four States, is recorded in the CJi un-ch'iu Book X, 18 (Duke CJiao) as happening
in
529 B.C. It is believed to have been foreshadowed by a comet, which appeared in
winter of the preceding year. ― These four States were comprised in Honan, ex-
cept Sung which occupied the northern part of modern Kiangsa.
- The I'ival of Han Kao Tsu, before the latter ascended the throne.
138
Lnii - Hong: B. Metapliysicnl.
a long life prosperity and distress alternate. The prices of things

do not depend on tlie abundance or scarcity of the year, nor is
human prosperity the outcome of ability or ignorance.
How is it tliat Tse Tlsla says, " Life and death depend on
Destiny, wealth and honour come from Heaven ，， instead of saying,
" Life and death come from Heaven, ^ wealth and honour depend
on Destiny ? " - For life and death there are no heavenly signs, they
depend on the constitution. When a man has got a strong con-
stitution, liis vital force is exuberant, and his body strong. In
case of bodily strength life's destiny is long; the long-lived do not
die young. Conversely, he wlio lias got a weak constitution pos-
sesses but a feeble vital force, and a delicate bodily frame. Deli-
cacy is the cause of the shortness ol" life's destiny; the short-lived
die early. Consequently, if we say that there is a destiny, destiny
means constitution.
As regards the transmission of wealth and honour, it is like

tlie vital force, viz. an effluence emanating from the stars. Their
hosts are on heaven, which has their sigus. Being born under a
star pointing at wealth and honour, man obtains wealth and honour,
whereas under a lieavenly sign implying poverty and misery, he
will become poor and miserable. Thus wealth and honour come
from Heaven, but how is this brought about? Heaven has its
hundreds of officials'^ and multitudes of stars. Just as Heaven emits
its fluid, the stars send forth their eflluence, which keeps amidst
the heavenly lluid. Imbibing this fluid, men are bom, and live, as
long as they keep it. If they obtain a. fine one, they become men
of rank, if a common one, common people. Their position may
be higher or lower, and their wealth bigger or smaller, according
as the stars distributing all this, rank liigher or lower, are larger
or smaller. ― Heaven has many hundred officials and multitudes
of stars, and so we have on earth tlie essence of tens of thousands
of people, of the Five Emperors and the Three Rulers.^ Heaven
lias his Wang Liang and Tsao Fn, * men have them also. He who
is endued with their essence, becomes skilled in charioteering'.
It is said that three different kinds of destiny can be dis-

tinguished, the natural, the concomitant, and tlie adverse one. One
■ Wring ( livng puts a construction upon the words of Tse Ilsin, of which he
probably never thought. Tse H-tia used Destiny and Heaven as synonyms, as we do.
2 Namely the stars.
3 The first legendary rulers of Chinese history.
Two f'aiiioti.s chai'ioteers of" old, the latter the driver of the eight celebrated
steeds of King Mu of CItou.
What is ineaiit liv Destiny ？

139
speaks of natural destiny, if somebody's luck is the simple conse-

quence of liis original organisation. His constitution being well
ordered, and 】iis bones good, he needs not toil in order to obtain
happiness, since his luck comes of itself. This is meant by natural
destiny. Concomitant destiny comes into play, wlien a man becomes
happy only by dint of hard work, but is pursued by misfortune,
as soon as he yields to bis propensities, and gives rein to his desires.
This is to be understood by concomitant destiny. As for adverse
destiny, a man may, contrary to his expectations, reap bad fruits from
all his good deeds ； lie will rush into misfortune and misery, wliicli will
strike him from afar. Therefore, one can speak of adverse destiny.
Every mortal receives his own destiny : already at the time

of liis conception, lie obtains a lucky or an unlucky chance. Man's
nature does not correspond to 】iis destiny: his disposition may be
good, but his destiny unlucky, or his disposition bad, and liis fate
lucky. Good and bad actions are the result of natural disposition,
liappiuess and misfortune, good and bad luck are destiny. Good
deeds may lead to mishap, then the disposition is good, but destiny
cruel, and likewise misdeeds may result in happiness, in that case
man's nature is Avicked, but fate smiling'. Nature is good or bad of
its own accord, and so is fate lucky or unlucky. A favourite of
fate, though not doing well, is not, of necessity, deprived of happi-
ness for tliat reason, whereas an ill-fated man does not get rid of
liis misfortune, tliougli trying liis best.
Mencius said : —- "To strive for a thing, one must have wisdom,
but wliether lie attains it, depends upon destiny." i Witli a good
disposition one can struggle for it and, if fate be favourable,
obtain it; should, however, fate be averse, one may with a good
nature strive for it, but never get it.
Bad deeds are followed by misfortune. Yet tlie robbers Che

and Chuang C/i iao^ were scourges to the whole empire. With some
thousands of other bandits, whom they had collected, they assaulted
and robbed people of their property, and cut them to pieces. As
outlaws tliev were unequalled. They ought to have been disgraced :
tar from it, tliey finished their lives as old men. In the face of
til is, liow can the idea of a concomitant destiny be upheld?
Men with an adverse destiny do well in tlieir hearts, but

meet witli disasters abroad. How is it that men like Yen Yuan and
1 Mencius, Book VII, Pt. I， chap. 3.
2 Two famous robbers of antiquity . especially the former, to whom a chapter

is devoted in Chuang Tse,
3 The same as Yen Ilui, the favourite disciple of Confucius,

140
Lun -Heiig: R. Metaphysical.
Po Niu came to disgrace? They were both virtuous, and should

have been rewarded by a concomitant destiny with bliss and happi-
ness. Wherefore did they meet with misfortune? Yen Ytian^ confined
to liis study, killed himself by liis great talents/ Po Niu, while living
quite alone, caught a horrible disease. C/i ii P ing and Wu Yuau
were the most loyal ministers of their sovereigns, and scrupulously
fulfilled their duties as servants to the king.^ In spite of this, the
corpse of Cli ii P ing was left unburied in CKu, and in Wii Yuan, s
body was cooked. For their good works they should have obtained
the happiness of concoiiiitant destiny, but they fell in with the
misfortune of adverse fate. How is such a thing possible?
Concomitant destiny excludes adverse destiny, and adverse

destiny, a concomitant one. On what basis can the scholastic dis-
tinction of three kinds of destiny then be established? Moreover,
fate is already visible from the structure of bones at the time of
birth, now, if it be said to follow the actions, it comes afterwards,
and is not yet there from the beginning. Wealth aud honour,
poverty and misery are determined at the first moment of recepti-
bility of the human being, tliey do not arrive only in company with
his actions, after the individual has grown up.
A man with a natural fate will die at the age of a hundred

years, another with a concomitant fate at the age of fifty, but lie
whose fate is adverse, meets witli distress from the moment he
receives vitality; as people say, he is confronted with ill-luck al-
ready as an embryo. He may have been born during a thunderstorm
and, when he is grown up, die young.
These are what they call the three destinies, there are also
distinguished three kinds of natures: natural, concomitant^ aud adverse.
Naturally man is endowed with tlie five virtues, concomitant nature
corresponds to that of father and motlier, and adverse nature is
caused by irieeting some unpropitious object. Thus a pregnant
' He worked too hard, and died at the age of thirty-two. His hair had
turned quite white already. (Cf. Legge, Analects, Prolegomena p. 1 13.)
- Cliii Yuan or CKu PHng, a faithful counsellor of Prince Hwai of ( lin in

the 4th century b.c, committed suicide by drowning himself, because his admonitions
were disregarded. The dnigon-boat festival is celebrated in coinnienioration
thereof.
Wu Yuan or Wn J tin, a minister of the last king of Viu circa 520 h.c. was
sentenced
to perish by his own hand. His body was afterwards sewn into a leather wine-sack,
and
(âst into tlio river nenr Sooeliow, wliere lie lias been deified as the spirit of
the water
like Chu P ing. This is the coninion tradition. (Cf. Mayer,^ Manual N. 879 and
Gile's,
Biogr, Diet, N. 235S. According to W(mg ( 'Jiung the body of Wu Yuan was cooked.)
:i The ienn nature is used in the sense ol' tipirituiil nature, disposition, ns
well as for constitution, L e, physical qualities.
What IS meant by Destiny?
141
Avoman eating a hare will bear a liarelip])ed son. In the Yiie/t-ilng ^

it is stated that, in the same month tlie thunder is about to utter
its voice, and that those who are not careful of their behaviour,
、、- ill bring fortli crippled childreu, and have great calamities.
They become dumb or deaf, lame or blind. The embryo

having been affected by external influences, the child's character
will be violent and rebellious. Yang She Shih Wo's - voice, after his
birth, sounded like that of a Avolf. When lie gre、v older, lie showed
a wicked disposition; he met Avitli misfortune, and died. He got
this character already, when still in his mother's womb. Tlie like
holds good for Tan ilin'^ and Sliang Chihi, Character and destiny
are there from tlie beginning. Therefore the Li points out a method
to instruct embryos. s As long as tlie child is in the uterus, the
mother must not sit down, if the mat be not properly placed, nor
eat anything not cut in the proper manner. Her eyes must see
but the proper colours, and lier ears liear but the proper sounds.
When tlie child grows up, it must be given intelligent teachers
and good instructors, 、vlio will make it familiar with tlie relations
of sovereign and subject, father and son, for at that period its
virtue or depravity will become manifest. If at tlie moment, Avlien
tlie child receives tlie vitalising fluid, the mother does not take
care to keep lier heart free from wild fancies and fears of Avicked-
ness, lier child, when grown up, will not be good, but fierce and
refractory, aud look ugly and wicked. A heavenly maiden ex-
plained to Huang Ti^ that to have five wives not only entails bodily
injury on father and mother, but also most seriously affects the
characters of sons and daugliters.
Men have their destiny and luck, contingencies and chance.

By destiny they are wealthy and poor, exalted and base: their
luck is thriving or declining, flourishing or fading. Those whose
destiny it is to be rich and honoured, meet with a thriving' luck;
tliey enjoy perpetual tranquillity, aud are never in jeopardy. On
1 The YUeh-linff is the Book III, N. 6 of the Li-Ki, the Book of Rites. The
" same month '' referred to in the passage, quoted from the ~i ileh-Ung, is the
second
month of spring. Wang (,'Nung seems to have had in view the final paragraph as
well, which says that, if in the last month of winter the spring ceremonies were
ob-
served, the embryos would suffer many disasters. (Cf. Legge, Li Ki, Book IV,
p. 260 and 310 [Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXVII].)
2 A native of Chin, 6th cent. b.c.

3 The unworthy son of the emperor Yao 2357 b.c.
4 The degenerated son of the emperor Shun 2255 b.c.
5 Cf. Ta-tai-li chap. 3, p. 6v (Han Wei tsung shu).

G The first emperor, a mythical personage.
142
the other haml do snch as are doomed to poverty and misery, fall
in with a declining luck : they are the victims of ill- fortune; al-
ways in trouble, tliey know no pleasure.
A contingency is some extraordinary change, such, for instance,

as were experienced by CK eng T'ang,^ Avlien lie 、vas kept a prisoner
i-n Hsia-tai and by Wen Wang,^ Avlien detained at Yu-U, For sages,
with all their perfections, to be tlirown into jail, this certainly can
be called an extraordinaiy contingency. But liowever great the
change may be, in the case of a favourable destiny and a thriving
luck it does no liarm. Tins it what they call a contingent mishap.
That Avliicli befell Yen Tse ^ must be regarded as a great one. Let
us suppose that a weapon be pointed at a man's breast, that the
briglit blade be already touching his neck, that lie rush forward
to certain death, or that lie oppose liimself to the points of swords
and halberds, let such a man be saved just at the moment, wlieii
lie expects to die, then liis destiny is so good, and his luck
so flourishing, that the misfortune lie encounters cannot injure
liiui. At Li-yang and Ch ang p'irtg^ wlierc the catastrophe took place/
Avere certainly people witli a propitious fate and a thriving luck,
who were all crushed to death in the same nig'lit. Tlie disaster
tliey mt't with was so paramount, that their good fate and thriving
luck could not ward it off. This may be compared to the antago-
nism between water and fire. If the water is stronger, it quells
the fire, and if the fire is stronger, it overcomes the water. To
find employment, a man must get hold of an employer. In spite of
a propitious fate and thriving luck nobody will be able to sliow
what he is capable of, unless he comes into contact witli a master
who takes an interest in liim.
The word chance conveys the idea of good and evil derived
from accidents, A culprit, who succeeds in making his escape, lias
1 The founder of the Sham/ dynasty, who was imprisoned by the last emperors
of the Ifsia,
2 The ancestor of the house of (、hou. He was incarcerated at Yu-li by the

last emperor of the Shang dynasty. .
3 Under Yen Tse Yen I'm// ^t^^， a celebrated statesman ol' the
Dukes of C7u, is usually understood. Since Yen Ymg was very successful in his
career, no misfortune whatever being recorded of liiiii, I would suggest to alter
into -jp, abbreviated for 资負 |B] )'cn I hd, the name of the ill-lated
disci])le of Con/ucius, whose iiii.sfbrtuiie, hLs untimely deatli, is incntioncd
above p. 2<)(>
and elsewhere.
4 See above p. 】 3(5.
" 111 addition to good luck, according to our author, he who seeks employment
ic<|uires a eontiiigeiicy, lie iiiu^t find some one who appreciates him.
What is meant hy Destiny?
143
good fortune, whereas it is bad fortune, if an innocent man be

arrested. He who after a short incarceration obtains his release,
lias a propitious destiny and thriving luck so, that tlie misfortune
of an untimely end cannot affect him.
NoA\' for the meaning of incident, which will be illustrated by

the service offered to a sovereign. Provided tliat somebody serve
the sovereign in the proper Avay, that tlie latter appreciate his
words, and afterwards employ him, this is a lucky incident. Conver-
sely, if the prince disprove of the man's ways so, that lie dismisses
him, and sends liim away, this is an unlucky incident. Should a
man after a sliort period of disgrace still get an appointment through
the recommaudation of a liiglier official, he owes it to his good
destiny and thriving- luck, Avliicli do not allow that the liarm caused
by an unlucky incident keeps on for long.
Contingencies and cliaDce eitlier tally witli destiny and luck

or disagree with them. To Lit on good cliances, and thus reach
the goal, or to meet witli bad ones, and be ruined, is tallying Avitli
destiny and luck. To fall off in mid-career, without completing A\ liat
is to come, good being suddenly turned into evil, this is contrary
to fate and luck. In this world men's dispositions and destinies
are auspicious or unfavourable, their happiness and misfortune
flourish or decline. All depends on contingencies. According' to
the cliances tliey have, they either live or die. But those wlio
accomplish all their good or bad deeds, and obtain all their heart's
desires, are fe^v.
144
Lnn -Heng: B. Metaphysical.

CHAPTER IX.
On Destiny and Fortune {M'mg-lu).
Man's success as well as his troubles depend upon destiny.

It determines his life and his death, and the length of his span,
and it likewise provides for his rank and his wealth. From the
princes and dukes downwards to the commoners, and from the
sages and worthies down to the illiterate people, all those who
have a head and eyes, and blood in their veins, eacli and every
one possess their own destiny. If any one is to become poor and
miserable, lie will be involved in misfortunes and disasters, even
though lie passes through wealth and honour, whereas he for
whom wealth and honour are in store, meets with happiness and
bliss even in the midst of penm'y and misery. Therefore, whoever
is predestinated for great tliiugs, rises by himself from his humble
position, while another whose fate is misery, falls down from his
high sphere.
Thus it seems, as if the gods lent their help to the wealthy

and the great folks, and as if the mishap of the poor and low
class people were the work of tlie demons. Wlien future grandees
study with others, tliey alone reach the goal/ aud after having
taken office, the)' alone are promoted from among their colleagues.
What the future rich men strive for witli other competitors, tliey
alone obtain, and what they do conjointly, tliey alone complete.
Witli poor and low people it is just the reverse. Tliey fail in
their studies, fail to be promoted, and fail to complete what they
】iave begun. They make themselves guilty, suffer punishment, fall
sick, die, and perish. The loss of wealth and honour means pov-
erty and meanness.
Consequently, there is no guarantee whatever that men of

high endowments and excellent conduct will in any case attain to
wealth and honour, and we must not imagine that others whose
knowledge is very limited, and whose virtue is but small, are there-
fore doomed to poverty and misery. Sometimes, men of great
1 Passing the examinations, which is mere luck.
On Destiny and Fortune.
145
talents and excellent conduct have a bad fate, which cripples them,
and keeps them down, and people with scanty knowledge and
small virtue may have such a propitious fate, that they soar up
and take a brilliant flight.
Wisdom and dullness, pure and mean conduct under given

circumstances are dm'acter and natural gifts: high and low rank
in the official career, and wealth and poverty in business depend
on destiny and time. Destiny is not amenable to coercion, or time
to compulsion. The kuoAving, therefore, leave every thing to Heaven,
placid, serene, and equaiiiinous even in case their poverty or mis-
ery should be cliaugecl into wealth and lionour.
When in digging a creek or cutting firewood a special energy

be shown, or great strength be displayed, then by cliut of digging
tlie creek will be deepened, and by dint of hewing much wood
will be cut down. Even people without a fate would thus obtain
their ends, how tlien would poverty and meanness, disasters and
dangers come in? Perhaps heavy showers might interfere with the
completion of the creek, or the wood-cutter might lall in with a
tiger, before lie had gathered much wood. The low rank of an
official and the unprofitableuess of a business are like the show ers
interrupting tlie digging of a creek, and like the tiger met by the
wood-cutter.
Perhaps able men find no occasion to use their talents, and

the wise cannot practise tlieir wisdom, or tliey use their talents,
but Lave no success, and practise their principles, but do not ac-
complish what they had in view. Though being as gifted and as
wise as Confucms, it may happen that they never come to the front.
The world seeing their high moral standard will ask, " How is it
that these sort of worthies and wise men do not become exalted?,"
and admiring their deep thoughts, they will say, " Why do men
of such a wonderful intellect not become rich?"
Rank and wealth depend upon fate, happiness and fortune

are not connected with wisdom and intelligence. Therefore it is
said that wealth cannot be acquired by calculations, nor rank be
secured by talents. Profound philosophy does not procure riches,
and the highest accomplishments do not win an official post. Those
who carry silver in their bosoms and wear pendants of red jewels,
are not necessarily a Clii ^ or a Hsieh - in talent, and those who
amass gold or heap up precious stoues, must not be a C/iu of
1 The god of cereals (cf. p. 130).
2 The wise minister of Shun (cf. chap. XXXIX).
I-uu - Heng. 10
146
Lun-Hcng: B. Metaphysical.
T ao 1 in wisdom. Not seldom simpletons are in possession of a thousand

chin, and blockheads are made governors of a city. Officers may
show the same ability iu their administration, their different rank
is the result of their fate, and iu doing business people may display
the same knowledge, their dillerent wealth is tlie outcome of their
fortune. It is fortune which determines wealth and poverty, through
knowledge one does neither thrive nor perish, and it is destiny
that fixes one's high or low position, through talents one does not
advance or fail in one's career.
King Cltengs^'^ ability did not equal tliat of the Duke of Chou.
and Duke Hiians^ intelligence fell sliort of that of Kuan Chung.
Nevertheless Cli eng and Hikui were endowed with tlie most glorious
fate, whereas the Duke of Choii and Kuan Chung received iufei*ior
appointments. In ancient times, princes very seldom did not learn
from their ministers. Possessing an extensive knowledge the latter
would, as a rule, act as their fathers and instructors. In spite of
this uusufficiency, the princes would take the place of sovereigns,
and their ministers Avitli all their accomplishments liacl to serve as
their menials. That shows that rank depends upon destiny, and
not on intelligence, and that wealth is good fortune, and lias
nothing to do with mental faculties.
Most people discussing these questions fancy that men of

genius ought to be made generals and ministers, and that less
gifted persons should become peasants and traders. Observing that
scholars of great abilities are not called to office, tliey are surprised,
<tnd reproach them witli incompetency for practical business, and
likewise they wonder at other scholars, who have a turn of mind
for the practical (but do not get on), and imagine that they must
be too weak in theory. As a matter of fact, they are not aware
that, though a person may be most admirable either in theory or
in practice, it is merely destiny that governs Itis olTicial status and
liis emoluments. When clever men undertake something at a lucky
and propitious time, and liappiaess survenes, tlieu people will call
them clever, whereas, when they witness a decline, and the arrival
of mislbrtune, they regard them as stupid. Tliey do not know a
lucky and inauspicious fate, or a tli riving and declining fortune.
' This was tlie name assumed l).y the f;um 川 m minister of the Yueh State Fan
Li、 when, having retired from public life, he lived incognito in ( ，'h'L Under
this name
he amassed a large fortune so, that T' ao Chu Kung has become a synonym ibr a
" millionaire." (Cf. Giles, BibL Diet. N. 540.)
2 King Ch'mrj of the dtou dynasty fcf. cliap. XL).
3 lluariy duke of Clii (cf. p. 17<>).
Oil Destiny and Fortune.
147
Po Kttei ^ and Tse Kxing^ made a fortune by tho transport of

wares, and had heaps of gold and jewels. People spoke of their
excellent methods and their great learning. CIm Fu Yen ^ was de-
spised and slighted in Ch i, which would have none of him. He
went to the imperial palace, and presented a memorial, whereupon
he was employed by the Han, and rose in office as high as a
minister of State, Hsil Yileh of Cliao also sent ui> a memorial, when
he was together witli Yen Chang. His Majesty was pleased with
his words, and appointed liiiu secretary of a board. People praise
the talents of Cku Fa Yen and the skill of Hsii Yue/i, but they are
mistaken.
When literati are able to comment upon one classic, in which

they have become well versed in the capital, as lucidly as Kuany
Chill Kuei and as tho roughly as Chao Tse Tu, who passed the first
and the second examinations at the first trial, and immediately
were promoted to the rank of a secretary of a ministry and of an
academician, people believe that they have obtained this by their
profound knowledge of the classics and their genius, which is
wrong.
In the case of able speakers ^ such as Fan 'SW,^ avIio in CK in

was ennobled as a Marquis of Ying, and of T mi Tse ^ who after
he had spoken to Fan Sui, was appointed alien minister," they
pretend that these happy results were brought about by the ex-
cellence of Fan Sui and T sai Tse, but that is erroneous. All the
above-mentioned persons were predestinated for opulence and no-
bility, and it was just the proper time for these lucky events to happen.
Coufucius said, Life and death depend on Destiny, wealth

aiul honour _cQine from Heaven."^ Duke Pîng of Lu wished to
see Mencius\ but his minion Tsang T sang slandered Mmcius, and
dissuaded him. Mencius said, " It is Heaven. "9 Confucms^ a sage,
1 A keen business man, who flourished under the Marquis Wen of Wd in

the 5th cent. b.c.
- A disciple of Confucius, who became very rich.
3 Chu Fu Yen lived in the 2iid cent. b.c. He was an enemy of Tung Chung
Shu (cf. p. 84).
4 Who could explain a book, and solve knotty questions in the presence of
the sovereign.
5 Cf. p. 115.
G Cf. chap. XXIV.
7 Because T' mi Tse was not a native of Ch 'in, but of JWi. King diao of
ChHn (305—250 b.c.) made him his minister on the recommendation of Fan Sui.
8 Cf. p. 136.
9 See chap. XXXIV.
10*
148
and Mencius, a worthy, exhorting people to conform to the right

principles, did not confound truth and untruth. Since they spoke
of destiny, it is evident that there is a destiny. Huai Nan Tse
says in bis work, " Benevolence and meanness depend upon time,
not on conduct, and profit and loss are brought about by fate,
not by knowledge." And Chia Yi ^ states, " Witli Heaven one
cannot fix a time, and with Too one cannot lay plans. Early and
late are predetermined by destiny. How could the time be known? "
When Kao Tsii fought against Cit ing Pu, 乜 he was hit by a
stray arrow. His illness being very serious, the Empress Lii Hou
consulted an able physician. This doctor said that the disease
could be cured, but Kao Tsu abused liiin saying, " I. a simple
citizen, have with my sword of three feet conquered the world.
Was that not Heaven's decree? Destiny depends ou Heaven. Even
a Pien Cli ioh^ would be no use." 4 When Han Hsin ^ spoke with
the emperor on military tilings, lie said to Kao Tm, "The heavenly
appointment, of which Your Majesty speaks, cannot be won by
skill or force."
Yang Tse Ynit ^ teaches that to meet with what one desires, or
not to meet with it, is fate, and the Grand Annalist asserts that
wealth and honour do not exclude poverty and meanness, and that
the latter do not exclude wealth and honour. That means that
opulence and nobility may turn into indigence and humbleness, and
that indigence and humbleness may be changed into opulence aud '
nobility. Rich and noble persons do not desire poverty and misery,
but poverty aud misery may come of themselves, and poor and
humble fellows may not strive for wealth and honour, yet wealtli
and lioiiour fall to their sort spontaneously.
When in spring or summer people die in ju'ison, and wlien

in autumn and winter tlicy wear an air of prosperity," tliis is
not the result of tlieir works. The sun rises in the morning, and
sets in the evening, not because people wish it, for the principle
of Heaven is sj)ontaneity. The King of Ijii^ arrived from Tai^ and
1 A scholar of the 2iid cent., who wrote the Hsin-shu and some poetry.
2 The king of JIuni-nan, who h:i(l revolted.
3 A celebrated physician.
* The passage is <jnoted i'roin the S/ti-c/d, rliap. S (('havannes, Mtm, Hist,
Vol. II, p. 400).
One of the Three Heroes vvlut helped I "in Kao Tm to win the throne.
« Cf. p. 124.
7 According to (Jliiiie.se cnstoins executions of criminals take place in autumn.

" The fifth son oC tlio emperor Kf(0 Tm, The empress JAi hou wished to
leave the empire to one of the Lu princes, her own kinsmen.
On Destiny and Fortune.
149
became the Emperor Wen Ti. i (； Itou Ya FU;! an illegitimate son,

was made Marquis of Tiao, At first, the King of Tai was not heir-
apparent, and CliOH Ya Fa was not the legitimate son, but tliey
encountered the proper time, and (ell in witli the right moment,
which led to tlieir elevation.
In case a person predestinated for poverty, acquires wealth

by liis exertions and his energy, he dies, when he has made a
fortune, and should another doomed to humility win honours by
his talents and abilities, he will be dismissed, when he lias made
himself a position. They win wealth and honour by their energy
and their genius, but are unable to keep in possession of fate and
luck, just as a vessel holds but a certain quantity, and as a liand
lilts but a certain weight. If a vessel holds just one pint, then
one pint exactly fills it, but, as soon as there is more than one
pint, it flows over. Provided that a hand can just lift one chiin,^
then it balances one chth), but, when one cinm is exceeded, he who
lifts it up, tumbles and falls.
Former generations Imew (he truth, therefore they ascribed

every tiling to destiny, and such is destiny indeed. Those who
trust in destiny, can live in retirement and await tlieir time. They
need not exhaust their vitality, or Ijarass their bodies, hunting
after it ― for it is like pearls and jewels, concealed in lakes and
mountains. Heaven's fate is difficult to know. People are unable
to find it out. Although their fate be propitious, they have no
confidence in it, and therefore seek it. If they understood it, they
would be aware that, though fleeing" wealth and shunning honour,
at length they cannot get rid of it.
Tims tliey presume that force overcomes poverty, and that

diligence vanquishes misfortune. They exert themselves, and do
their utmost to acquire wealth, and they cultivate their faculties,
and purify their conduct to win honour. But neglecting the proper
time, and acting in a wrong way, they will uever obtain the wealth
and honour tliey crave for. Even though they admit the existence
of fate, they imagine that it must be sought.
He who is convinced that fate cannot be sought, maintains

that it must come of its own accord. One obtains it of itself
without any alien assistance, it is completed without any Avork,
and it arrives spontaneously without any cooperation on the part
of the recipient. The nerves and sinews of those who are to be
1 179—157 B.C.
2 Chief minister of Han Wen Ti (cf. chap. XXIV).
3 30 catties. .
1 50 Lun -Heng: B. Metaphysical.
rich, become strong of themselves, and those who are to have rank
and titles, get a fine intellect spontaneously, just as in a thousand Li
liorse ^ tlie lieacl, tlie eyes, the feet, and the hoofs all suit together.
That fate, if sought, cannot be obtained, does not mean that

it can be won, if not affected. Men of great knowledge need not
seek honour, for it comes of its own accord, and the active and
energetic need not seek wealth, for it falls to them spontaneously.
The happiness of wealth and honour cannot be attracted by any
efforts, nor can tlie unliappines of poverty and humbleness be
simply avoided. Consequently, the fate of woaltli and honour is
obtained without any effort. Those who believe in fate will say
they know that luck requires no seeking. Wlien the heavenly fate
is particularly lucky, it is obtained spontaneously without an effort,
whereas, when it is unpropitious, all endeavours are of no lielp
against it.
As creatures are born not because they have wished it, so

men become exalted without having struggled for it. Human
character is such, that some peopie are good of themselves without
instruction, and that others never become good in spite of instruc-
tion. The heavenly nature is like fate. King Yi of Yiieh escaped
into tlie mountains, earnestly desiring not to become king, and
wisliiug to find a substitute. But the people of Yiieli smoked his
den so, that at last lie could not escape, and ascended the throne
by force. By Heaven's fate it had to be so. Though fleeing and
running away from it, he could not avoid it at last. Thus he
spontaneously obtained the honour wliich he had not sought.
1 A swift horse supposed to make a thousand Li in one day.
2 He was assassinated by his younger brother in 376 b.c. 、(，havannes, M/'m.

Hist Vol. IV, p. 433, Note 5). '
On riiancc ;ind Luck. 151
CHAPTER X.
On Chance and Luck {Hsing-ou) .
Ill their doings men may be clever or stupid, hut with regard
to the happiness or unliap[)iness, which fall to their share, they
are either lucky or unlucky. Their works are good or evil, but,
whether they meet with rewards or punishment, depends on their
good or bad fortune. If several people suffer an armed attack
at, the same time, those who find a hiding place, are not wounded,
and if some persons are overtaken by frost on the same clay, those
who obtain shelter, suffer no in jury. It does not follow that the
wounded or injured are wicked, or that those who found a hiding
place or a shelter, are meritorious. To find a refuge or shelter is
good luck, to be wounded or injured is bad luck. There are many
who would be pleased to give proofs of their loyalty, but out of
these some are rewarded, some punished : many would fain benefit
tlieir country, but only some are trusted by tlieir sovereign, the
others he suspects. Those wliom he rewards and confides in, are
not necessarily trustworthy, nor are those whom he punishes and
mistrusts, of necessity traitors. Reward and trust is good fortune,
punishment and suspicion, bad.
From among the seventy odd pupils of Confucius, Yen Hid died
in early youth. Confucius said, " Unluckily liis span was short,
therefore lie died." If a short life be spoken of as unlucky, then
longevity must be a matter of luck, and a short life, something
unlucky. He who walks in the footsteps of sages and worthies,
and expounds the doctrines of kindness and justice, ought to enjoy
bliss and happiness. However, Po Niu ^ fell sick, and did not fare
much better than Yen Hui; they were both unlucky.
]Mole-crickets and ants creep on the ground. If man lifts his

foot, and walks on them, the crickets and ants crushed by his feet
(lie at once, whereas those which are untouched continue alive and
unhurt. Wild grass is consumed by fire kindled by the friction of
cart-wheels. People ' are fond of the grass which reinaiued unburnt,
and commonly call it " lucky grass." Nevertheless, that an insect
has not been trodden upon, or some grass not been reached by
1 Another disciple of Confucius. On his sickness cf. Analects VI, 8 and p. 1(35.
152
Lim-Heng: B. Metapliysical.
the fire, is not yet a proof of their excellence. The movement of

the feet, and the spread of the fire are merely accidental.
The same reasoning holds good for the breaking out of ulcers.
When the free circulation of humours is stopped, they coagulate,
and form a boil; as it begins to run, it becomes a sore : ― the blood
comes out, and matter is discharged. Are those pores, where the
ulcer breaks through, better than others? No, only the working
of the good (； onstitutioii has been checked in some places.
When the spider has woven its web, some of the flying in-
sects pass it unli armed, others are caught : when the hunter has
spread his nets, some of the beasts stirred up come to bay, the
others escape. In the fishing nets thrown into rivers and lakes
many fish are pulled out, others get away. It happens that robbers
and the like, guilty of the worst crimes, are never found out,
whereas people who liave committed a small o Hence to be atoned
for by a fine only, are immediately discovered. Thus, general
calamities affect people differently. Sucli as are unlucky die of
the shock, and the lives of tlie fortunate are spared. Unlucky
means not favoured by circumstances. Confucius said: — " Man's life
must be upright. A life without it is based on good fortune only."'
Accordingly, those who on a smooth road meet with accidents, Lave
bad luck.
Should anybody standing at the foot of a high wall l)p

crushed by its fall, or, while walking on a river bank full of
crevices, be buried by the earth's collapsing under his feet, sucli
a one would simply have met with an accident, that is to say
would have been unlucky.
The city gate of the capital of Lu was in a state of decay

since a long time, and about to tumble down. When Confucim passed
it, he hurried up, and quickened his pace. His attendants said to
him : ― " It has been like this ever so long." Confucius replied saying,
" Its having so long I'emained so is just what displeases ine."
('oiifucius was pre (； autious in the extreme : had the gate fallen down,
just when he passed it, one might speak of him as unlucky.
Confucius said, " Superior men may have no luck, but there are
none who have luck. Low people often have luck, and there are
iiom、 (piite devoid of luck,"- and further: ― " The superior man keeps
1 Amilpcls VI, 17.
2 The Jiieaiiiiig is tliiit tlie .successes of superior men are due to their own
excellence, not to mere chance, but tiiat they are often visited with misfortune.
With coiiiiiion pcoplo it is diirerciit. Tlieir liiippiiioss is never tlieir own
work, but
luck, which often favours them.
On Chance nnd Lm'l"
15：^
in safe places, thus awaiting his destiny, tlie ordinary man courts
dangers, relying on favourable circumstances." ' Impostors like Jfung
./", and CItieh ,/"，2 though possessed of no virtue or ability, were
nevertheless admired for their beauty; unworthy of love, tluy found
favour, and unfit to associate with, tliey were chosen as companions.
According to right and reason this ought uot to be. Therefore,
the Grand Annalist devotes a chapter to them. 3 Bad characters
who in a similar way, though perverting all moral principles, are
lionoured, and held in liigli esteem, are by a coinraon name called
adventurers.
If a man devoid of virtue receives favours, it amounts to the

same, as if another without any fault of his own meets with mis-
Ibrtune. All creatures originally endowed with vitality become
partly men, partly beasts, or birds. Of human beings, men tliough
they be one and all, some are honoured, others despised, some are
rich, others poor. The rich man may hoard up heaps of gold,
whereas a poor fellow is compelled to beg for his food. A noble-
raau will perhaps rise to the rank of a marquis, whilst the low
born sinks into a state of slavery. It is not, because Heaven has
given them different qualities.
Man's natural disposition may be kind or mean : yet even if
the conduct of some persons be equally honest and virtuous, hap-
piness and misfortune are uot equally divided among them, and
although they practise benevolence and justice in the same way,
success and failure are not the same. Wen of Chin' sought to acquire
knowledge and virtue, and Yen of Hsil ^ acted with benevolence and
justice; the former was rewarded, the latter utterly ruined. A man
of Lu^' having avenged his father, remained quietly where lie was,
and did not flee. The pursuers let him off. Niu Ch ileh was ab-
ducted by robbers; lie endured it fearlessly and with equanimity,
but the robbers Idlled him. Now, knowledge and virtue are
about the same as benevolence and justice, and not running
away as much as fearlessness, nevertheless Duke Wen and the man
of Lu were happy, and King Yen? and Aiu C/t iieli, unhappy, the
1 Chung-yung (Doctrine of the Mean) chap. XV.

. 2- Two minions of the emperors Han Kno Tm (206—194 b.c.) and Hni 77
(194-187).
3 Shi-chi chap. 125.
4 An old State in modern Ska mi, where the Marquis Wen reigned from
779-744 B.C.
5 The name of a State, whose lords wei'fe viscounts, in modern Anhui.

G All old feudal State in Shantung.
' Higher titles used to be given to those feudal princes than they were entitled
to.
154
Lun - Heiig ： B. Metaphysical.
one liad good luck, the others bad. The Duke of Han, Chno, while
drunk fell asleep, and would have caught cold but for the master
of caps, who covered him with a cloak. When the duke became
aware of it, lie made inquiries, and learnt that the master of caps
liad shown him this mark of his affection, yet lie punished him for
having transgressed his proper duties. A lackey in Wei perceiving
that the charioteer 、、- as driving- wrong, shouted from behind to-
wards the chariot with a view to preserving it from danger, but
was not called to account. The lackey when shouting towards
the chariot, and the master of the caps when spreading the cloak,
had the same intentions. The one was afraid that his master
might catch cold, the other that bis prince would be in danger.
Both followed the impulses of goodness and kindlieartedness. but
the man in Flan was punished, the other in Wei., considered a faith-
ful servant. The lackey had good fortune, the master of the
caps not. -
The same principle applies to things as well as to man.

Bamboos several tenths of feet in height, and trees measuring some
yards in circumference are cut down by artisans for use. Some
are worked into tools, and carried here and there, others are not
taken as material, and neglected. The artisans are not biased in
favour of some, or prejudiced against others, but knives and adzes
cut down the wood, as it were, by chance.
Grain , when steamed, becomes food; out of cooked grain wine

is distilled. Distilled wine has different flavours, it may be sweet
or bitter. Cooked food tastes differently, being either hard or soft.
The cook and the distiller while at work have not different in-
tentions, but the movements of hands and fingers are subject to
chance. Well done food is kept in different baskets, and sweet
wine is filled in various vessels. Supposing' an insect drops into
such a vessel, then tlie wine is spilled, and not drunk ； should a
mouse contaminate a basket, the food is thrown away, and not eaten.
The various plants are all good for something. Those which
happen to be plucked by a physician, become medicine, others are
left in the dried-up ravines, and burnt as fuel. So with metals: ―
some are wrought into swords and halberds, some into spears and
hoes; so with wood : ― some is shaped into the beams of a palace,
some into the pillars of a hri(]<>e. The same with fire: ― it may
liavc to light a candle, or to burn dry grass ； the same with earth : 一
some builds up halls and mansions, some serves as plaster for
porches, and with water, w liicli may be used for (； leausiiig tripods
and cauldrons as well as lor wasliing filthy things.
Oil riiaiH'c ami Luck.
155
All things, whether good or bad. are used by man. If one

can be sorry for those things, wliicli in this respect have no luck
and no chance, living creatures are still much more to be pitied.
Shun was a sage, and ought to have obtained perfect pea (； c

and happiness in life. But he had a blockhead for a father ami
a silly mother, and his brother was arrogant and brutal. They
disliked liim, the faultless, and punished hira, although he did no
A\'rong. His was extremely bad luck. Confucius was inferior to
ShuN. He never owned a foot of land in his life, but restlessly
wandered about, seeking employment. His traces were obliterated,^
and his food cut oft? In spite of their being sages these two
personages were visited with bad luck and bad chance. S/mu still
happened to take over the empire, which Yao resigned to liiiii, but
Confucius died in CJdleh-li. If even with the qualities of a sage
one has no luck, we caunot be. surprised to find much bad luck
and misfortune among ordinary men.
1 Chuang Tse XIV, 25v. (T'len-yiin) informs us that the traces of ( onfucuiH
w'ei'e obliterated in W ？ i. Confucius spent there many years of his life, but
without
gaining any influence on its prince, and therefore left 】io trace.
2 When Confucius was travelling from the Clim State to T'sni, his provisions
became exhausted, and Confucius with his followers had to suffer hunger. Analects
XV, 1. CKdn Aud T'sai were situated in south-eastern Honan.
156
Lull - Hrng: B. 飞】 etaphysh'al.
CHAPTER XI.
Wrong- Notions about Happiness {Fu-hsii).
People imiversally believe that he who does good, meets with

happiness, and that the evil-doers are visited with misfortune. That
Heaven sends down happiness or misfortune in response to man's
doings. That the rewards graciously given by the sovereigns to
the virtuous, are visible, whereas the requital of Heaven and Earth
is not always apparent. There is nobody, high or low, clever or
imbecile, who would disagree with this view. Only because people
see such deeds recorded in books, and witness that sometimes the
good really become happy, they come to believe this, and take it
as self-evident. Sometimes also sages and "vvi'se men, with a view
to inducing people to do good, do not hesitate to assert that it must
be so, thus showing that virtue gets its reward. Or those who
hold this view, have themselves experienced that felicity arrived
at a certain juncture. A thorough investigation, however, will con-
vince us that happiness is not given by Heaven as a favour.
Kiug Ilui of Ch u,^ when eating salad, found a leech upon

his plate, and forthwith swallowed it. He thereupon felt a pain in
his stomach, and could eat nothing. On his premier asking liiin,
how he had got this disease, lie replied : ― " Eating' salad, I {bund
a leech. I thought that, if I scolded those responsible for it, but
did not punish them, 1 would disregard the law, and not keep up
my dignity. Therefore, I could not allow my subjects to get wind
of the matter. Had I, on the other hand, reproved and chastised
the defaulters, strict law would have required the death of all tho
cooks and butlers. To that I could not make up iny mind. Fearing,
lest my attendants should perceive the leech, 1 promptly swal-
lowed it."
The premier rose from his seat, bowed twice, and congratulated
the king, saying, " 1 have been told that Heaven is impartial, and
that virtue alone is of any avail. You have benevolence and virtue,
for wliicli Heaven will reward you. Your sickness will do you no
great harm."
1 487-43U B.C.
Wrong Notions about Happiness.

157
The same evening, when the king Axitlulrew, the leech came
out, and an ailment of the heart and stomach of wbicli lie had
been sufl'ering for a long \\ liilc, was cured at the same time. Could
not this be considered an evidence of Heaven's partiality for
virtue? 一 No. This is idle talk.
If King Hid swallowed the leech, lie was far from being wliat
a sovereign should be, and for unbecoming deeds Heaven does not
give marks of its favour. King Ilui could not bear to reproach
the guilty with the leech for fear, lest his cooks and butlers should
all have to suffer death according to law. A ruler of a State can
mete out rewards and punislnnents at pleasure, and pardoning is
a prerogative of his. Had King Hui reprimanded all for the leech
found in his salad, the cooks and butlers would have had to submit
to law, but afterwards the king was at liberty not to allow that
the lives of men were taken merely for a culinary oftence. Thus
to forgive, and to remit the penalty, would have been an act of
great in ere v. If the cooks had received their punishment, but were
not put to death, they would have completely changed for the
future. The king condoning a small offence, and sparing the lives
of the poor devils, would have felt all riglit, and not been sick.
But lie did nothing of that sort. He ate perforce something
obnoxious to his health. Allowing his butlers to remain igno-
rant of their fault, he lost his royal dignity, because he did
not repress their bad conduct. This Avas objectionable in the
first place.
If cooks and butlers in preparing a disli do not make it

sweet or sour enough, or if an atom of dust no bigger than a
louse, hardly perceptible or visible to the eye, falls into the salad,
if in such a case a sovereign in fixing a penalty takes into con-
sideration the mind of the offender, and therefore abstains from
divulging his fault, one may well speak of clemency. Now, a leech
is an inch or more long and '/lo of an inch or more broad. In a
salad a one-eyed man must see it. The servants of the king
showed an utter want of respect, taking no care to cleanse the
salad. Theirs was a most serious offence. For King- Hui not to
reprimand them was a second mistake. '
Id a salad there must be no leech. If so, one does not eat

it, but throws it to the g-rouucl. Provided one is anxious, lest the
attendants should discover it, he may hide it in 】iis bosom. Tims
the leech can escape observatiou. Why must one eat it cotUe-que-
coiite? If something uneatable, is by inadvertence in a salad so,
that it can be couct'aled, to eat it by force is a third mistake.
158
Lun - Heng: B. Metaphysical.
If Heaven had rewarded an unbecoming act, an im worthy

person would have been the recipient of Heaven's grace. The in-
ability to reprove for the sake of a leecli is, in the eyes of the
Avorlcl, something very excellent. Now, there is many an excellent
man, whose deeds are similar to the swallowing of a leecli. If for
swallowing' a leecli Heaven grants liberation from sickness, excellent
men must always be without ai lings. The virtue of this kind of
men is, however, small only and not to be compared with the
perfect (character of the true sages and their guileless demeanour.
There are many sages wlio would push their kindness of heart
so far as to put up with human faults. Yet the Emperor Wu Wang
was of a weak health, and Confucius seriously ill. Why lias Heaven
been so inconsistent in tlie distribution of its favour?
It may be that after King Ilui had swallowed tlie leecli, it

came out again in a natural way of itself. Whenever anybody
eats a living thing, it will inevitably die. Tlie stomach is hot
inside. When the leecli is gulped down, it does not die instant-
aneously, but owing to the high temperature of the stomach
it begins to move. Hence tlie paiu in the stomach. After
a short while, the leecli dies , and the pain in the stoma cli
ceases also.
It is ill the nature of leeches to suck blood. King Huts heart

and bowel complaint was probably iiotliiug but a constipation of
blood. Therefore this constipation was cured along with the death
of the blood-sucking animal, just as a in(、ii sufTering from the skin
disease known as " rat " can be cured by eating a cat, because it
is natural to cats to eat rats. The varicms things overcome one
another. Remedies and antidotes are given on the same principal.
Therefore it cannot be a matter for surprise that by eating a leecli
a disease should be removed. Living things, when eaten, will
die. Dead, they invariably come out in a natural way. Conse-
quently, the re-appearance of the leecli cannot be an act of
special grace.
Tlie premier seeing the kindheartedness of King Hui and

knowing that tlio le(i(、h after (Miteririg the stomach must come forth
af^'aiu, wIkmi (lead, tluM'elorc bowed t、vi<'e, and congratulated the
king- u[)()ii liis not being inj ured by Lis disease. He thereby si i owed
liis f)0\ver of forethoue^ht, and pleased his sovereign. His utterance
is ill the is:mi(' style as that of Tsc WeL ' wlio said that a star
1 Astrologer M. tlie court of Duke ( Ivlmj of Hang (51.「)— 4.、】 K.r.) who ven-
erated liim like a god.
Wrong Notions about Happiness.
159
would shift its place,' and of the "Great Diviner," - who asserted
that the earth was going to move.
A family in Siw(j had lor three generations never swerved

from the patli of virtue. Without any apparent reason a black
cow belonging to this family dro{)pe(l a white calf, ('oufucius was
asked, and said that it was a lucky omen, aud that the calf ought
to be sacrificed to tlie spirits, which was done accordingly. After
one year, die fatlier of the family became blind without a reason.
The cow then produced a white calf a second time. The fatliei-
sent his son to ask Confucius, who replied that it was a propitious
portent, and that the animal must be immolated, which was done
again. After a year, the son lost his eye-siglit, nobody knew why.
Subsequently, CIt u attacked Sung, and besieged its capital. At that
time the besieged were in such a distress, that they exchanged
their sous, and ate tlieni, breaking their bones, wliicli thoy used
as firewood. It was but for their blindness that father and son
were not called upon to mount guard on the city wall. When
the enemy's army raised the siege, father and son could see again.
Tliis is believed to be a proof of how the spirits requited great
deserts, but it is idle talk : ―
If father aud son of that family in Sung did so much good,

that the spirits rewarded them, why must they first make them
blind, and afterwards restore their sight? Could tliey not protect
tlu'in, if tliey had not been blind and always seeing? Being unable
to help men, if not blind, the spirits would also be powerless to
protect the blind.
Had the two commanders of Sung and Cli u made such a

furious onslaught, that tlie weapons were blunted, the dead bodies
covered with blood, the warriors captivated, or killed never to
come back, then blindness miglit have afforded an excuse for not
going to the front, aud tliat might have been construed as a divine
protection. But before tlie armies of Suug and Cliu came to blows,
Hua Yuan and Tse Fan^ made a covenant, and weut back. The
two forces returned home unscathed, and the blades of the swords,
and the points of the arrows were not blunted by use. The duty
1 The planet Mars (cf. p. 127).
2 The " Great Diviner " of Ch'i, on whom vid. p. 112.
3 This fact is mentioned in the Shi-chi chap. 38, p. 14v. The siege took place
from 595—594 b.c. The whole story seems to be a quotation from Lieh Tse VlII, 6v.
or from lJuai Kan Tse XVIII, 6 who narrate it with almost the same words.
4 Hua ruan was the general of Smg, Tse Fan that of Cfiu. Both armies
being cujually exhausted Ijy I'aiiiiiie, the siege was i-aised.
160
of mounting the city wall did not entail death, consequently the
two good men could not liave obtained the divine protection, while
this duty was being performed. In case they had not been blind
at that time, they would not have died either. The blind and
the not blind all got off. What benefit did those good men derive
then from tlieir blindness, for Avliicli the spirits were respon-
sible
Were the families of tlie blind alone well off, when the State
of Sung was short of provisions'? All had to exchange their sons
with the families which mounted guard on tlie wall, and they
split their bones. If in sucli straits sucli good people alone were
still blind and unable to see, the spirits in giving their aid have
failed to discriniiuate justly between the good and the wicked.
Father and son liad probably been blinded by exposure to

cold wind, a mere cliauce. When the siege a\ as over, tliey owed
their cure to chance also. The world knowing that tliey had done
good works, that they had offered two wliite calves in sacrifice,
that during tlie war between Simg and C/iu tliey alone liad not
mounted tlie wall, and that after the siege tliey regained tlieir
sight, thought this to be tlie recompense of virtue, and the pro-
tection granted by tlie spirits.
When tlie minister of G/i u, Sun Shu Ao ^ was a boy, lie-

beheld a two-headed snake, which lie killed and buried. He tlien
went home, and cried before liis mother. ！ She asked liiin, what
was the matter. He replied: ― "I have lieard say that lie who
sees a two-headed suake must die. Now, wlien I Avent out, I saw
a two-headed snake. I am afraid that 1 must leave yoii and die,
hence my tears." Upon his mother inquiring, where the snake
was now, lie rejoined: 一 " For fear lest others should see it later,
I have killed it outright, and buried it."
The mother said : ― "I have lieard that Heaven will recom-
pense 1 lid den virtue. You are certainly not going to die, for Heaven
must reward you." And, in fact, Sun Shu Ao did not die, but, later
on, became prime minister of Cli u. For interring one snake lie
received two Aivours. This makes it clear that Heaven rewards
good actions.
' Ac (！ ordiiif^ to Lirh 7'w and Hwii Kan Tsp tlio two hliiid men were, in fact,
saved from death by their blindness. lAeh Tse Inc. cit. adds tliat over liaiC of"
the
defeiiclcr'y of tlie city wall were killed, and Ihuii Nun Tse says tliat all except
the
two blind men were massacred by tlie besiegers. Warn/ ( 'h'unj follows the Shi-chi
ill liis narrative of tlie salvation of the city.
•2 (Itli cent. u.c.
Wrong Notions ;il)out Happiness.

161
No, it is idle talk. That he who sees a two-headed snake,

must die, is a common superstition, and that Heaven gives happiness
as a reward for hidden virtue, a common prejudice. Sun Shu Ao,
convinced of the superstition, buried the suake, and his mother,
addicted to the prejudice, firmly relied on the lieavenly retaliation.
Tins would amount to nothing else than that life and death were
uot depending on fate, but on the death of a snake.
T len Wen^ of 67/?', Prince of Men^ C/iang, was born on the

5th day of the 5tli moon.^ His father T len Ying expostulated witli
his niotlier saying, why do you rear liim ？ She replied : ― " Why
do you not wisli to rear a iii'tli mouth cliild? ' T len Ying said ： ―
" A fil'tli month son will become as liigli as a door, and kill both
liis father and luotlier." She rejoined: ― "Does the Jmmau fate
depend on Heaven or on doors? If on Heaven, you have nothing
to complain of, if on a door, lie must become as liigli as a door.
Who ever attained to that?" ^
Later on, T ien Wi'n grew as high as a door, but T ien Ying
(lid not die. Tims the apprehension to rear a cliild iu the fifth
mouth proved unfounded. The disgust at the sight of a two-
headed snake is like the repugnance to rear a child of the fifth
month. Since the father of sucli a cliild did not die, it follows
that a two-headed snake cannot bring misfortune either.
From this point of view, lie 、vho sees a two-headed snake,

does not die, as a matter of course, but not on account of having
buried a snake. It" for interring one snake one receives two fa-
vours, how many must one obtain for ten snakes? Sun Shu Ao by
burying a snake, lest other persons should look at it. showed an
excellent character. The works of excellent men do not merely
consist in burying snakes. Sim Shu Ao may have accomplished
many other meritorious acts, before he buried the snake. Endowed
with a good nature by Heaven, people do good under all circum-
stances. Such well deserving persons ouglit to see propitious
things, instead of that he unexpectedly falls in with a snake that
kills man. Was perliaps Sun Shu Ao a wicked man, before lie
beheld the snake, and did Heaven intend to kill him, but condoned
his guilt, and spared his life upon seeing him burying the snake?
1 Died 279 b.c.
- This day is still now regarded as very unlucky in many respects, although
it be the Great Summer Festival or the Dragon Boat Festival. On the reasons
of. De Groot, Les Fi'tes annuelles a imotii. Vol. I, p. 320.
3 A quotation from the Shi-chi, chap. 75, p. 2v.
Liin - Henij. 11
162
Lun-Heiig: B. Metaphysical.
A stone is hard from the time of its formation, a fragrant

flower has its perfume from the time, when it came out. If it be
said that Sun Shu Ao's virtue became manifest, wlieu lie buried
the snake, then he would not have received it from Heaven at
his birth.
The Coufucianist T 漏 g Wti Hsin and the Mehist CJi an Tse i

met, and spoke about T(fo. C/i'an Tse extolled the Mehist theory
of the help of the spirits, 2 and as an instance adduced duke Mu
of Ch in. His excellent qualities were so brilliant that God granted
him an age of ninety years,
Cli an Tse gets into trouble with Yao and Shwt, who were not
favoured with a long life, and Chi eh and C/tou, who did not die
young. Yao^ 67""" Chieh, and Chou belong to remote antiquity, but
in modern times likewise duke Mu of Cli in^ and duke Wen of Chin ^
are difficult to account for.
The posthumous name expresses man's actions. What he

has done during his life-time, appears in liis posthumous title.
Mu is an expression for error and disorder,*"' Wen means virtue
and goodness. Did Heaven reward error and disorder with
long years, and take the life of him wlio practised virtue and
benevolence ？
The reign of Duke Mu did not surpass that of Duke Wen of

CMn, and the latter's posthumous title was better than that of
Duke Mu, But Heaven did not extend Wen of dims life, he
only granted longer years to Duke M，《, Thus the retribution
1 A scholar of the Han time.
2 Demons and spirits who reward the virtuous, and punish the perverse,
play an important part in the doctrine of Mr Ti. (Cf. Fabpv, Micius^ El b erf eld
1877, p. 91.)
3 The parallel passage in chap. XXVII speaks of nineteen extra years, with
which the Duke was rewarded.
4 658-619 B.C.
5 634-626 B.C. '
'； The Mu in the Duke of Cli ins name ― docs not mean : - error and
disorder, it signifies : ― majestic, gnu id, adiniral)le. But this Mu is often

replaced
by the character j| 多， which has the bad ineniiing given by Wmiff (，hûng. I pre-
sume that in the original text of the Lun-hnig the latter character was used,
whereas
we now read tlie other. In the parallel passage chaj). XXVII 緣 is actually
written, and so it is in tlie Shi-chi chap. 5， p. ！) v. et seq.
7 The Shi-chi knows nothing of such a miracle. Duke J\!a was a great
warrior as wns Duke Wrn, hut the latter's rule is described by Sse Ma ChHen as
very enliglitened and beneficial. (Cf. on Duke Mu : - ( ^havannes^ Mvm.
Historiques,
Vol. II， p. 25-4：), and on Duke Wm. Vol. IV, p. 291-308.)
Wrong Notions ahout Happiness.
163
of Heaven would appear as capricious and perverse as Duke Mu

himself was.
Under heaven the good men are few, and the bad ones many.
The good follow right principles, the bad infringe Heaven's com-
腿 mis. Yet the lives of bad men are not short therefore, nor the
years of the good ones prolonged. How is it that Heaven does
not arrange that the virtuous always enjoy a life of a hundred
years, and that the wicked die young, or through their guilt?
Ji
164
l.un-Hcng: B. Metaphysical.
CHAPTER XIL
Wrong Notions on Unhappiness {Huo-hsii).
Since what the world calls happiness and divine grace is be-
lieved to be the outcome of moral conduct, it is also a common
belief that the victims of misfortune and disgrace are thus visited
because of their wickedness. Those sunk in sin, and steeped in
iniquity Heaven and Eartli punisli, and the spirits retaliate upon
them. These penalties, whether heavy or light, will be enforced,
and the retributions of the spirits reach far and near.
Tse Hsia i is related to have lost liis sight, while mourning lor
his son. Tseng Tse^^ by way of condolence wept. Tse Hsia tliere-
upon exclaimed "O Heaven, I was not guilty! " Iseng Tse grew
excited, and said " In what way are you innocent, Shang? I served
our master witli you between the 67m ^ and the Sse, but you retired
to the region above the West Rivei',5 where you lived, until you
grew old. You misled the people of the W est River into the belief
that you were equal to the master. That was your first fault.
When mourning for your parents, you did nothing extraordinary,
that people would talk about. That was your second fault. But
in your grief over your son, you lost your eye-sight. That 、vas
your third fault. How dare you say that you are not guilty? "
Tse Hsia threw away his staff, went down on his knees and
said, "I have failed, I have failed ！ I have left lumian society, and
also led a solitary life for ever so long."*'
Thus Tse FIsia having lost his siglit, Tseug Tse reproved liim for
liis faults. Tse Hsia threw away his stick, and bowed to Tseng Tses
words. Because, as they say, Heaven really punishes the guilty,
therefore evidently his eyes lost \\w\v sight, IIaviiii>' thus liumbly
1 A disciple <»f ( 'Ovfiidus,
2 One of the most I'anious disciples of ('onfacim, wliose iiaine has been con-
nected with the authorship of the Great Learning.
3 Pa Hhanf} was the name of T,se Hsia, Tse Hsia is his style.
4 A small river In the province of Shantung, flowing into the & <€•
5 Presumably the western course of the Yellow River.
Quoted from the lA-k" T'an Kmig I (cf. Lcgye's translation, Sacred Books
ol" the East Vol. XXVII, p. 135).
Wrong Notions on Hiilia j)pinoss.
165
acknowledged liis guilt, lie is reported to have regained his sight

by degrees. Everybody says so, nevertheless a tliorough investiga-
tion will show us that this belief is illusory.
Loss of sight is like loss of hearing. Loss of sight is blind-

ness, and loss of hearing', deafness. lie who suffers from deafness,
is not believed to have faults, therefore it would be erroneous to
speak of guilt, if a man becomes blind. Now tlie diseases of the
ear and the eye are similar to those of the heart and the stomach.
In case the ear and the eye lose their faculties, one speaks of guilt
perhaps, but can any fault be inferred, when the heart or the
stomach are sick?
Po Niu was ill. Confucius grasped liis hand through the window
saying "It will kill liim, such is his fate! Sucli a man to get
such a disease! " ' Originally Confucius spoke of Po Nius bad luck,
and therefore pitied him. Had Po Nius guilt been tlie cause of liis
sickness, then Heaven would liave punished him for his wickedness,
and lie would have been on a level witli Tse Hsia. In that case
Confucius ought to have exposed his guilt, as Tseng Tse did with Tse
Hsia. But instead he spoke of fate. Fate is no fault.
Heaven inflicts its punishments on man, as a sovereign does

on liis subjects. If a man thus chastised, submits to tlie punisli-
meut, the ruler Avill often pardon liim. Tse Hsia admitted his guilt,
humiliated himself, and repented. Therefore Heaven in its extreme
kindness ought to have cured his blindness, or, if Tse Hsias loss of
sight was not a retribution from Heaven, Tse Hsia canuot have been
thrice guilty.
Is not leprosy much worse than blindness? If lie avIio lost

liis sight, had three faults, was tlien the leper- ten times guilty ？
Yen Yuan ^ died young and Tse Lu came to a premature end,

being chopped into minced meat. Thus to be butchered is tlie
most horrid disaster. Judging from Tse Hsias blindness, both Yen
Yuan and Tse Lu must have been guilty of a hundred crimes. From
this it becomes evident that the statement of Tseng Tse 、vas pre-
posterous.
1 Quotation of Analects VI, 8,
2 Po Niu, who was suffering from leprosy.
• 3 The favourite disciple of Con/ucins, whose name was Yen Hui.
4 The Tso-chuan, Book XII Duke Ai 15th year, relates that Tse Lu was killed
ill a revolution in Wei, struck with spears, no mention being made of his having
been hacked to pieces (cf. Legge, Ch'un CKiu Pt. 11, p. 842). This is related,
however,
ill the Li-ki, T'an-kung I {Legge Sacred Books Vol. XXVU, p. 123) and by Iluai
Nan Tse Til, 13v.
166
Lun - Ilong : B. IMetapliysical.
Tse Hsia lost liis sight, while bewailing his son. The feelings
for one's children are common to mankind, whereas thankfulness
to one's parents is soniotiiues forced. When Hsia was mourning
for his father and mother, people did not notice it, but, when
bewailing his son, he lost his siglit. This shows that liis de-
votion to liis parents was rather weak, but that lie passionately
loved liis sou. Consequently he slied innumerable tears. Thus
ceaselessly weeping, lie exposed liimself to the wind, and became
blind. ^
Tseng Tse following the common ])rejudice invented three faults
for Tse Hsia. Tlie latter likewise stuck to tlie popular belief. Be-
cause lie had lost his siglit, lie humbly acknowledged his guilt.
Neither Tseng Tse nor Tse Hsia could get of these popular ideas.
Therefore in arguing, tliey did not rank very liigli among Confncms
followers.
King* Hsiang of 67/ ^ sent a sword to Po Ch i,^ who there-

upon was going to commit suicide, falling on the sword. " How
have 1 offended Heaven?," quoth he. After a long while lie re-
joined : ― " At all events I must die. At the battle of CJiang-
ping 3 the army of Chao, several hundred thousand men, surren-
dered, but I deceived them, and caused them to be buried alive.
Therefore 1 deserve to die." Afterwards lie made away witli
himself,
Po Cli i Avas well aAvare of his former crime, and acqiiies(*ed

in the punishment consequent upon it. He knew, liow lie himself
liad failed, but not, why the soldiers of Chao were buried alive,
ir Heaven really had punished the guilty, what offence against
Heaven had the soldiers of Chao committed, who surrendered? Had
they been wounded and killed on the battle-field by the random
blows of weapons, many out of the four hundred thousand would
(certainly have survived. Why werc^ these also buried in spite of
their goodness and innocence? Those soldiers being unable to ob-
tain Heaven s protection through their virtue, why did Po C/ii alone
suffer the condign punishment for his crime from Heaven ？ We sec
IVoin this that Po Cli i was mistaken in what he said.
' KiiiM- ( 11 ao Ihiamj ol' ('Hm 305 - 249 b.c.
- A famous gcm'ral oC the ( lim State who liy trearliery aiiniliilated tlic army
of ( hao Vid. p. 136.
3 In Sh"vM.
4 Po ( 'h i had fallen into di-sl'avour with his lieu,e upon refusing to lead
another
campaign against (Jk<io.
Wrong Notions on IJiiluippiiies.s.
167
The Cliin emperor Erh Shih Hua)ig Ti * sent an envoy to Me/ffj

T ien, 乜 and commanded 】iim to commit suicide. Meny T km heaving;
a deep sigh said "How have 1 failed against Heaven? 1 di(* in-
nocent." After a long while, lie slowly began, "Yet I am guilty,
therefore 1 am doomed to die. When 1 was constructing the Great
Wall connecting Liao-tiing 3 with Lin-t ao^^ ten tliousaud Li in a
straight line, I could not avoid cutting the veins of the earth.
That Avas my guilt." Upon this lie swallowed a drug, and expired.^
The Grand Annalist Sse Ma Cli ten finds fault with hi in. "When
the C/i in dynasty, lie said, liad exterminated tlie feudal princes, and
peace was not yet restored to the empire, nor the wounds healed,
Mmg T'ien, a famous general at that time, did not care to strongly
remonstrate with the emperor, or help people in their distress,
feeding the old, befriending the orphans, or bringing about a general
concord. He flattered those in power, and instigated them to great
exploits. That a\ as the fault of men of his type, wlio well deserved
to be ])ut to death. Why did he make the veins of the earth
responsible?
If what Meng T'ien said was wrong, the strictures of the

Grand Annalist are not to tlic point either. How so? Meng T ien
being guilty of having cut the veins of the earth, deserved death
for this great crime. How did the eartli, wliicli nourishes all being's,
wrong man? Meng T ien, who cut its veins, knew very 、vell that
by doing so he had committed a crime, but he did not know, why
by lacerating the veins of the earth lie had made himself guilty.?
Therefore it is of no consequence, whether Meng T im tlius im-
peached himself, or not. The Grand Annalist blames Meng T ten
for not having strongly protested, wlien he was a famous general,
I 209-207 B.C.
•2 A general of Erh Shih Huang Tis father, (，Kin Shih Huang Ti, who fought
successfully against the Hsiung-nu, and constructed the Great Wall as a rampart of
defence against their incursions.
3 The Manchurian province of Feng-fien,
4 A city in Kanm at the western extremity of the Great Wall.
5 Quoted from the Shi-chi chap. 88, p. 5.
G Remarks of Sse Ma Cfiien to Shi-chi chap. 88， p. 5v.
' The earth is here treated like an animated being, and its wounding by
digging out ditches for ,the earth-works requisite for the Great Wall, and by
piercing
mountains, is considered a crime. Bui provided that Meng T'ien suffered the
puiiish-
nieiit of his guilt, then another difficulty arises. Why did Heaven allow Earth to
1)6 thus maltreated, why did it punish innocent Earth ？ Wang CKung，s solution is
very simple. Heaven neither rewards nor punishes. Its working is spontaneous,
unpremeditated, and purpojseless. Meng T ten's death is nothing but an unfelici-
tous accident.
168 Lxm-Uvug: B.
that therefore he met witli this disaster, for those that do not
speak, wlien they ought to remonstrate, will have to sufler a vio-
lent death.
Sse Ma Cli ien himself liad to suffer for Li lAng in the warm
room.i According to the Grand Annalist's own view the misfortune
suffered tells against a person. Consequently capital pimisliment takes
place by Heaven's decree. If Sse Ma Cli ien censures Meny T'ien for
not having' strongly remonstrated with liis sovereign, wlierefore lie
incurred his disaster, then there must have been something wrong
about himself likewise, since lie was put into the warm room. If
he was not wrong, tlien his criticisms on Meng T ien are not just.
In his memoir on Po Yi'^ the Grand Annalist, giving examples

of good and bad actions says, " Out of his seventy disciples Con-
fucius only recommended Yen Yuan for his ardent love of learning.
Yet Yen Yuan was often destitute. He lived on bran, of which he
could not even eat liis fill, aud suddenly died iu his prime. Does
Heaven reward good men thus?"
" Robber Che assassinated innocent people day after day, and
ate their flesh. By his savageness and imposing haughtiness lie
attracted several thousand followers, witli whom he scourged tlie
empire. Yet he attained a very great age after all. Why was he
so specially favoured? "
Yeii Yuan ought not to have died so prematurely, and robber

Che should not have been kept alive so long. Not to wonder at
Yen Yuans premature death, but to say that Meng T'ien deserved
to die, is inconsistent.
Tlie Han general Li Kuang ^ said in a conversation which he

had with tlie diviner Wang She, " Ever since tlie Han* liave fought
the Hsiung-nu,^ 1 was there. But several tens of officers of a loAver
1 For his intercession in favour of the defeated general Li Ling the empei'or
Wu Ti condemned Sse Ma CKien to castration, which penalty was uiflicted upon
him in a warm room serving for that purpose. (Cf. ( 'hnvannes, Mem. HiMoriqiiefi
Vol. I. p. XL.)
2 Shi-cid chap. 61, p. 3v. Po I'i (12tli cent, b.c.) and liis elder brother Shu
(JhH
were sons of tlie Prince of Ku-chit in modern Chili. Their father wished to make
the younger brother Ska Ch'i his heir, but he refused to deprive liis elder brother
of his birth-riglit, who, on his part, would not ascend the throne against his
father's
will. Both left their country to wander about in the mountains, where at last they
(lied of cold and Iimiger. They are regarded as models of virtue.
3 Died 125 B.C.
■* 'I'he Han dynasty. Tlie Former //'〃' dynasty reigned Ironi 21 Hi b.c. 25 a.d.
tlie Later Hun dynasty ("roiii 25 220 a.u.
:' A Turkish tribe.
Wrong Notions on Uiihappiiiess.
160
rank than commander of a city gate, with scarcely moderate abil-
ities, have won laurels in the campaigns against tlie Iln ^ and mar-
quisates withal. I do not yield the palm to these nobles, but how
is it that I have not even actjuired a square foot of land as a
re 、、- anl of luy services, and inurh less been eiifeoli'ed with a city?
Are my looks not tliose of a marquis? Surely it is my fate."
Wang She asked liim to think, whether there was any tiling
、vhich always gave liim pangs of conscience. Li Kuang replied,
" When I was magistrate of Lning-hsi^^ the Ch iang^ continuously
rebelled. I induced over eight hundred to submission, and, by a
stratagem, liad them all killed on the same day. Tins is the only
thing for which I feel sorry upto now."
Wang She rejoined: ― " There can be no greater crime than

to murder tliose that have surrendered. That is the reason, A\ hy
you, general, did not get a marquisate." *
Li Kuang agreed with him, and others who heard of it, be-
lieved this view to be true. Now, not to become a marquis is like
not becoming an emperor. Must he who is not made a marquis,
have anything to rue, and he who does not become emperor, have
committed any wrong? Confucius was not made an emperor, but
nobody will say of liim that he had done any Avrong, whereas,
because Li Kuang did not become a marquis, Wang She said that he
had something to repent of. But bis reasoning is wrong.
Those wlio go into these questions, mostly hold that, whether

a man will be invested witli a marquisate or not, is predestinated
by Heaven, and that marks of Heaven's fate appear in his body.
When tlie great general Wei CKing^ was in the Chien-chang palace,
a deported criminal with an iron collar predicted his fate to the
effect that he Avas so distinguislied, that lie would even be made
a marquis. Later on, lie in fact became a marquis over ten tliou-
sand families, owing to his great services. Before Wei Cliing had
performed his great achievements, the deported criminal saw those
signs pointing to his future rank. Consequently, to be raised to
the rank of a marquis depends on fate, and man cannot attain to
it by his works. What the criminal said turned out true, as shown
by the result, whereas Wang She's assertion is untenable and with-
out proof. Very often people are perverse and selfish without
1 A general term for non-Chinese tribes in the north.
2 District in Kansu.
3 Tribes in the West of China.
4 A quotation from Shi-chi chap. p. 6, the biography of General Li
5 A favourite and a general of Ha?i Wu 'J，i， died 106 b.c.
170
Luii - Hong: B. Metaphysical.

becoming unhappy by it, and others who always follow the path
of virtue, may lose their happiness. Wang She's opinion is of the
same kind as the self-reproach of Po Cli i, and the self-impeaoliment
of Meng T ien.
In this flurried, bustling world it constantly happens that

people rob and murder each other in their greed for wealth. Two
merchants having travelled together in the same cart or the same
boat a thousand Li, one kills the other, when they arrive at a far-
off place, and takes away all his property. The dead body is left
on the spot, uncared for, and the bones bleecli in the sun unburied.
In the water, the corpse is eaten up by fish and turtles, on land,
ants and vermin feed upon it. The lazy fellows won't exert their
strength in agriculture, but resort to commerce, and eveu that re-
luctantly, in order to amass grain and goods. Wlieu then in a
year of scarcity they have not enough to still the hunger of their
bellies, they knock down their fellow-citizens like beasts, cut them
to pieces, and eat their flesh. No difference is made between good
and bad men, they are all equally devoured. It is not generally
known, and the officials do not hear of it. In communities of over
a thousand men up to ten thousand only one man out of a hundred
remains alive, and nine out often (lie. This is the height of lawless-
ness and atrocity, yet all tlie murderers walk publicly about, become
wealthy men, and lead a gay and pleasant life, without Heaven
punishing them for their utter want of sympathy and benevolence.
They kill one another, when they meet on the roads, not
because they are so poor, that they cannot undertake anything', but
only because they are passing through hard times, they feed on
liuman flesh, thus bringing endless misery on tlieir fellow-creatures,
and compassing tlieir premature deaths. How is it possible that
they can make their guilt public, openly showing to the whole
world the indelible prool's thereof ? IVauff She \' opinion can certainly
not be right.
The historians tell us that Li Sse^^ envious that Han Fei Tse ^
equalled him in talent, liad him assassinated in jaiH in Chîn, but
1 A Chinese does not take exception to the incongruity of the equation: ―

100:1 = 10:1. Tlie "leaning is plain : 一 a small percentage of survivors, and a
great many dying.
- IVinio Minister of (，'h ，；" Shih IIvhikj 7V ； uid a great scholar. He studied
together with I Ian Fei T.se under tlic pliilosoplier Hmn Tse.
■* A Tiioist pliilosopliei", son o(* a duke of the Han State.
^ By his intri^nics L; N.、r had ituliirod the king of 《，k'in to imprison Han Fei
Tse, lie then .sent liiin poison, with wliicli //〃" Fei T'se committed .suicide.
Vid.
iShi-chi chap. 63, p. llv., Biography oi' llan Fei Tse.
Wrong Notions on UiiIiappiiK^ss. 171

that, afterwards, he was torn to pieces by carts, ^ furthermore tliat
Shaug Yang^^ under pretence of his old friendship, captured Anff,
prince of Wei^ but that, subsequently, he had to suffer death. They
Avish to imply that those men had to endure these misfortunes as
a punishment for their having destroyed a wise man, or broken an
old friendship. For wliat cause had Han Fei Tse given, to be in-
carcerated by Li Sse, or what fault had prince Ang committed, to
be taken prisoner by Shaug Yang'} Flow did the murder of a
scholar, who died in prison, and the breaking of an old friendship
resulting in the arrest of the prince, bring about the violent death
of the culprit, torn to pieces by carts, ^ or the decapitation? If
Han Fei Tse or prince Aug were wicked, aiicl Heaven had placed
retribution in the hands of Li Sse and Shaug Ya"g, tliea the latter
would liave acted by Heaven's order, and be deserving of his
reward, not of misfortune. Were Han Fei Tse and prince Ang
blameless, and not punished by Heaven, tlien Li Sse and Shaug
Yang ought not to have imprisoned and captured them.
It will be argued that Han Fei Tse and Prince Ang had con-
cealed their crimes, and hidden their faults so, that nobody heard
about them, but Heaven alone ki)ew, and therefore they suffered
death and mishap. The guilt of men consists, citlier in outrages
OM the wise, or in attacks on the well-minded. If they commit
outrages on the wise, what wrong have the victims of these out-
rages done? And if they attack the well-minded, what fault have
the people thus attacked committed? *
When misery or prosperity, fortune or mishap are falling to

man's share with greater intensity, it is fate, when less so, it is
1 Li Sse fell a victim to the intrigues of the powerful eunuch ( hao luw.
The Shi-chi chap. 87, p. 20 v., Biography of Li Sse, relates that he was cut
asunder
at the waist on the market place. At all events he was executed in an atrocious
way. The tearing to pieces by carts driven in opposite directions is ;» punishment
several times mentioned in the CKun-cKiu,
2 Shang Yang is Wei Yang, Prince of Shnvg^ died 338 b.c. In the service of
the CKin State he defeated an army of Wei^ commanded by Prince Amj^ whom he
treacherously seized, and assassinated at a meeting, to which he had invited him as
ail old friend. According to the Shi-chi, chap. G8， p. 9， Biography of Prince
Shany,
he lost his lite in battle against his former master, and his corpse was torn to
pieces
by carts like Li Sse.
3 The culprit being bound to the carts, which then were driven in different
directions.
4 Why does Heaven punish the innocent through the guilty ？ If Hmi Fei Tse
and Ang had sinned in secret, Heaven would have been unjust towards those they
had wronged, and so on.
172
Lun -Hrng: B. Metaphysical,
time. T'ai Kung: was in great distress, when he happened to be

enfeoffed with a territory by the Chou king Wen Wang. Ning Clip
was living in obscurity and difficulties, when Duke Huan of Clii
gave him au appointment. It caunot be said that these two men,
wlien they were poor and miserable, had done wrong, but had
reformed, when they obtained their investment or appointment.
Calamity and prosperity have their time, and good or bad luck
depend on fate.
T ai Kung and Ning Ch i were worthies, but they may have

had their faults. Sages, however, possess perfect virtue. Never-
theless Shun was several times almost done to deatli by the foul
play of liis father and brother. When lie met with Yao, the
latter yielded the throne to him, and raised him to the imperial
dignity. It is evident that, when Shun had to endure these in-
sidious attacks, he was not to blame, and that lie did not behave
well, when he was made emperor. First, liis time had not yet
come, afterwards, liis fate was fulfilled, and liis time came.
When princes and ministers in olden days were first distressed,

and afterwards crowned with success, it was not, because they liad
at first been bad, and Heaven sent them calamities, or that sub-
sequently they suddenly improved, and then were helped and pro-
tected by the spirits. The actions and doings of one individual
from his youth to his deatli bear the same character from first to
last. Yet one succeeds, tlie other fails, one gets on, the other
falls oil", one is penniless, the other well-to-do, one. thriving, the
other ruined. All this is the result of chance and luck, and the
upshot of fate and time.
1 A high officer, who had gone into exile to avoid the tyrannous rule of
Chou llsin 1122 b.c, and subsequently joined Wm Wang.
2 King Chi lived in the 7th cent. b.c.
3 Cf. p. 173.
Auspicious Portents.
173
一 CHAPTER XIIL
Auspicious Portents {Chi-ym).
Whenever men are predestinated for something grand by

Heaven, auspicious portents are seen ou Earth. Wlien such appear
on Earth, Heaven's destiny is at work. There are different kinds
of omens, either do tliev appear in the men themselves or they
are lucky signs, or take the form of a sort of halo.
Hi 誦 g Ti is reported to have been an embryo for 20 months,

before he was born. After birtli his intelligence was marvellous.
Weak as lie was, lie could already speak. When he was full-grown,
he took • the lead of all the feudal princes, who submitted to his
sway. He taught the bears to fight, and thus defeated Yen Ti,
who was completely routed. His nature was different from that
of other people, therefore lie rtmainecl for ten months longer in
his motlier's womb. Being predestined to become emperor, he
tauglit the creatures, and they were subservient to him.
Yao s body was like the sun, when closely inspected, viewed
at a distance, lie appeared like a cloud. When the great flood
rose up to the sky, and snakes and dragons did mischief, Yao em-
ployed Yil for tlie regulation of tlie water and the expulsion of
tlie snakes and dragons. The water, 、vlien regulated, flowed east-
ward, and snakes and dragons absconded. His bones were ab-
normal, thence the extraordinary events. As he was endowed with
a wonderful intellect, portents appeared in things. Since by fate
lie was to become noble, he ascended the imperial throne as a
marquis of T ctug.
Previous to his meeting with Yao, Shun was living unmarried

in a nasty, out-of-the-way place. Ka Sou ^ together with Hsiang'^
attempted to kill him. Tliey bade him complete tlie building of
a granary, and kiudled a fire underneath. Tliey directed him to
dig a well, and then tliey threw earth down from above. Shun
contrived to get out of the granary unharmed by the fire, and,
to make liis escape from the well by one side, unlmrt by the
1 The harsh and unfeeling father of the virtuous Shun,
2 Shuns wicked brother.
174
Lull -Hong: B. Metaphysical.
earth. I Wlien Yao heard of this, lie summoned him， and gave liim
an office on trial. Shun filled liis post with great credit, and no
disorder occurrod. He would enter a solitary, big forest without
being pounced upon by tigers and wolves, or being bitten by vipers
or snakes. In tlie midst of tliunclerstorm and a gushing rain-shoAvor
lie (lid not go astray.- 3Ien bent upon liis assassination, could do
him no liarm, and wild birds and reptiles with venomous stings
were unable to vrouml him. Suekleiily lie attained imperial sway,
and 1110 u ate cl the throne of the son of heaven.
Prior to Hou Chi's^ time, his mother* walked upon the foot-
step of a giant. Others say that she put on Ti Kits ^ clothes, or
that she rested in Ti Ku's place. At all events, she became en-
ceinte witli a child, wliicli she cast away in a narrow alley, re-
garding it as an ill omen. But oxen and horses did not dare to
tread upon it. She placed it on ice, but tlie birds covered it witli
their wings. From all these auspicious signs converging on the
baby's body, the mother learned, what wonderful qualities it pos-
sessed. Therefore, she brought it up. Wlien Hon Chi had attained
to manhood, he assisted Yao, and rose to the rank of a minister of war.
The Wiisun^' Prince bearing tlie surname of iC^m Mo had his

fatlier slain by the Hsiung-nu,'^ and was himself thrown into the
desert, still alive. Tlie birds fed him on flesli, wliicli they carried
in their beaks. Tlie Shew Yii^ was amazed at this, which appeared
to liim supernatural. He took care of the boy, and, wlien lie liad
grown strong, he gave liim a military post. After lie liad won
many laurels, the Shan Yii put the people formerly obeying his
fatlier again under Kun Mo\s command, and directed liim always
to guard the Western City.^
1 QtMendus Book V, Pt.I, chap. II {Legge p. 222-223) and Shi-chi chap. I, p. 23.
2 Vid. Shu-king Pt. II, Book I， chap. II.
3 A mythical personage, the "Lord of the Grain," said to have been Director
of Husbandry under Yao and Shun.
4 The word mother, required by the context, must be supplemented in the

original.
5 A legendary emperor prior to }'"o， Hou Chi's father, after one tradition.
" A Kir(jhU tribe settled in the N. E. of Ferghana in the 2nd cent. b.c. {Shi-
chi chap. 128, j). 4).
7 The powerful Turkish tribes, which were China's northern neighbours during
I Ian time, pcrliajhs tlic Hum, Long wars were waged between the Chinese and
the Ilftiung-nu,
^ The title of the chieftain of the Ilsiung - nu.
9 Til is pa.ssngo is taken almost literally from the Shi-chi ('liap. 1 28, p. Ov.
Tlic Slii'clu still adds that K an Mo was suckled by a slic-vvoU",
175
Hon Chi Avas not to be cast aw ay, tlierefcu'e the oxen and
horses did not kick him, and the birds covered and protected hiin
with tlieir plumage. TCun Mo was not doomed to die, therefore
the birds came witli flesh in their beaks to feed 1dm.
A servant girl of the king of T o - li〜 of the northern Yi^ was
Avitli child. The king' wanted to kill her. The girl said by way
of apology : ― "A vapour, big as an egg, descended from heaven,
and made me enceinte." Afterwards, she was delivered of a child,
which she threw away into a pig-stye. The pigs sniffed at it, but
it did not perish. Then it was removed again to the horse stable,
in order that the horses should kill it, but tlie horses also only
sniffed at it, ami it did not die. The king thereupon imagined that
the child would become a sovereign, and therefore ordered the
mother to take it back , and had it nursed by his slaves. Tlie boy
received the name of Tung Ming, He was employed as a slieplierd
for cattle and horses. As he Avas an excellent archer, tlie king got
afraid, that he might deprive liim of liis kingdom, and therefore
wished to kill him. Tiing Miny Avent southward to the Yen-hu river,
where witli liis bow lie shot fish and turtles in the water. They
formed a floating bridge, enabling Tung Ming to cross. Then tlie
fish and turtles separated again so, that the troops pursuing him
could not follow. Subsequently he became king of Fu-yil. Among
tlie northern Yi there is a kingdom of Fu-ya.^
When lung Ming s mother first became pregnant, she perceived

a vapour descending from lieaven, and, when she threw tlie newly
born away, pigs and horses sniffed at him. After lie had grown
up, the king desired to kill him, but the fish and turtles, wliicli
he liad shot, formed a floating bridge. Accordmg to Leaven's fate
he was not to (lie, tlierefore lie 、vas saved from pigs and horses.
As he was predestinated to become king of Fu-yU, tlie fish and
turtles formed a bridge to help liim.
When Yi Yin^ was about to be born, liis mother dreamt that

she saw a inan, wlio said to lier: — " Water flows from the mortar,
Forthuitli travel eastward." Tlie mother took note of this, and,
on tlie next morning, found out that really water came out from
1 A State in northern Corea , Ma-tuan-lin chap. 324, p. 14v., where our passage
is quoted.
2 Barbarous, non Chinese tribes in the east.
3 In Liaotung,
4 The chief minister of T'ang^ the founder of the Shamj dynasty 176(5 c.c.
Many legends are current about his origin.
5 111 ancient limes holes in the earth vvei*e used as mortars.
176
Lull - HAng ： B, Meta pliysirat.

the mortar. 1 Slie went 10 Li eastward. When she looked back
to lier native place, all was under water. Yi Yins destiny was not
to be drowned, consequently liis mother had a dream, and went away.
Tlie same principle holds good for tlie city of Li-yangr

Those whose fate was like that of Yi Yin, were certainly roused
beforeliand, and removed to another place before tlie catastrophe.
When Duke lis tang of C/ii got into trouble, Duke Huau. the
crown-prince, had to fight for his throne with Tse Chm,^ Kuan
Chung assisted Tse Ckiu, Pao Slm^ stood by Duke II nan. Kuan
Chung in a combat against duke Huan, shot at him with arrows,
and hit liiin on tlie buckle of liis belt. Man is generally 7 feet
high, 5 the belt clasps tlie waist, and the buckle attached to the
belt covers only a spot less than an iucli wide. Its siuallness
makes it difficult to be liit. Moreover, the pointed edge is curbed
oil its polislied surface. All tlie arrows liitting the buckle are
deflected. Yet Kua、i Chung just hit tlie buckle in the middle. The
arrow struck against it, and then fell down without deviating into
the llesli on either side. Duke Iluan s fate was wealth and honour,
and a god helped lihu, so that the arroAV hitting his buckle did
not hurt him.
King Kiuig of Cltu^ had five sous: ― Tse Cliao, Tse Yil, Tse Kaiu
Tse Hsi, and CIti Chi, who all were much liked by liiin. But
having no son from his first wife, whom lie miglit make liis suc-
cessor, lie sacrificed to the mountains and rivers, aucl invoked tlie
decision of tlie gods. Together with his second wife Pa be buried
a jade badge in the ancestral hall, ami bade liis five sons to enter
after having' feasted, and make obeisance. Tlie later king K am)
stepped over it, Tse Yil reaclied it witli liijs elbow, Tse Kan and
Tse Hsi botli remained far from it. Chi Chi was carried in as a
baby. With each prostration lie pressed on the top of the jade
badge. When King Kmtg died, Tse Chao became King K' ang:' but
liis son lost the kingdom. Tse Yii became King Ling,^ but was
1 Namely the underground water.
2 Cf. p. 136.
:i III ()(S6 R.c. Duke Ihianr/ was assassinated by his nephew Wu Chih {(■Kun-
clthi III, 8). Tse CItiu was a brother of Duke Ihmu,
4 Kuan Chung and Pao Shu Ya were bosom-friends. At the recoinmandation

of Pao Shu Ya, Kuan (7iupf/, later on, entered into the service ol' Duke Huan^ whom
he had first opposed.
The ancient Chinese loot was much smaller than ours.

G .')89-558 B.C.
7 558-543 n.r.
539-527 B.C.
177
himself assassinated. Tse Kan reigned but ten odd days. Tse Hsi
(lid not come into power, and even was afraid of being beheaded.
All w ere exterminated and left no progeny. Clii Chi mounted the
throne later, and continued tlie sacrifices of the house of Ch w, for
such had been the presage.^
The duration of the reigus of these princes corresponded to

the distance tliey kept from the jade badge, Avlien prostrating
themselves. Tlie piece of jade 、vas in the earth, while the five
sous, unaware of it, entered one by one, and bowed nearer or
farther off. When tliey pressed (lo、vn tlie top of the jade orna-
ment, they were, so to speak, induced by their spirits to kneel down.
T u An a" of Cfn?i out of hatred destroyed the sons of

( 'hao Tmi, After the death of C/tao So,'^ his ^^ ^fe had a posthumous
child. When T u An Ku heard of it, he sought it in the Palace,
The mother put it into lier pantaloons, aud swore the following
oath: ― "Tlie whole C"ao family will be lost, if the cliild cries, it
will not be so, if it does not utter a sound." While being searched
for, it did not cry at all. Then its escape could be effected, and
its life be saved. Ch eng Ying Ch i、、 carried it away, and concealed
it on a mountaiu. During Duke Clung s time/ Han CI tile] i mentioned
it to the duke, avIio together with Hem Chileh raised the orphan
of Chao to liis former rank, so that he could continue the sacri-
HciaL rites of his family under tlie name of Wen Tê, The orphan
of Chao did not utter a sound, as though its mouth had been closed.
Thus tlie elevation of Wen Tse was predetermined 1>y fate.
The mother of Han Kao Tsu、 dame Liu, reposed ou the banks
of a large lake. In a dream, slie met witli a spirit. At that time
there Avas a tempest Avitli thunder and lightning. In the darkness a
dragon appeared on high. The sou, of which she was delivered, had
an excellent character, but was very fond of wine. He would buy
wine on credit from Mrs. Wang and mother Wn. When he was drunk,
he stopped, and lay doAvu to sleep. Mi's. Wang and mother Wu then
always saw some miraculous signs about him. Whenever lie I'e-
1 The Shi-chi chap. 40, p. 14 tells this story with nearly the same words,
and has taken it from the Tso-chuan, Duke Ch'ao 13th year. Vid. Legge, Chinese
( lassies Vol. V, p. 050, 1st col. and Chavannes, Mem. Historiques Vol. IV, p. 36
丁.
- A minister of the State of Chin 597 b.c.
3 Also a minister of Chin and rival of T'u An Ku,
1 Likewise slain by '广 u An Ku.
3 Chao So， s widow, being a daughter of the ducal house of Chin, had sought
refuge in the palace.
G A faithful adherent of Chao So.

■ 598-579 B.C.
Lun - Hcng. 12
178
mained to drink wine, the price of the wine then sold was many
times as much as usual.
Later on he walked into the lake, and cut a big snake into
pieces with his liaud. An old woman filled the roads with her
wails, crying that the Red Emperor had killed her son. This
miracle being very striking was much talked about,
CI I in S/iilt Huang Ti used to say that in the south-east there

was the spirit of a son of heaven. Therefore he travelled east-
Avard in oi'dei' to suppress it. This Avas Kao Tsus spirit. Together
AA'ith Lii Hon lie concealed himself amidst tlie marshes in the Mang
and T ang Mountains.^ When Lit Hon witli other people went in
search for him, tliey ahvays saw a vapour rising in a straight Hue
above liim, ami thus discovered where he was.
Later on Kao Tsu agreed with Hsiang Yii tliat whoever first
entered tlie gates of C/i'in, sliould be king. Kao Tsu arrived first,
wliicli was deeply resented by Hsiang Yii. Fan T' sing ^ said : ―
" I pray to look at liis vapours. They all take the shape of a
dragon, and have five colours : ― tliey are those of the sou of heaven.
He must be despatched fortlnvitli."
When Kao Tsu went to thank Hsiang Yii, the latter and Ya
Fit ^ hatched a plot to kill him. At tlieir instigation Hsiang CItuany
performed a dance with a drawn sword. Hsiang Po, who kne、v
tlieir intentions, began to dance together with Hsiang Chuang, and
no sooner was tlie sword raised over Kao Tms head, than Hsiang
Po covered him with his own body so, that tlie sword did not
fall, and the murderous plot Avas not carried out.^ At one time.
Kao Tm was rescued by Chmig Liang and Fan K'uai,"' and after
all got off unhurt. Thereupon lie swayed tlie whole empire.
When his motlier conceived him, tlie spirit of a dragon made

its appearance. When lie grew up, peculiar clouds were seen about
the wine shop. During the night, he killed a snake, and the
snake's old mother lamented, and cried. Cli in SIdh Huang Ti and
Lii Hou saw an aureole above liim. Hsiang Yii planned liis assassina-
tion, but Hsiang Po protected liim, and the scheme fell through.
1 Cf. tlie detailed account given in Chap. XVII.
2 The Mang Mountains were situated in H"nan, the T'ang Mountains in K(mm.
:i These myths about tlic first emperor of the Han dynasty are related in
almost the same words in the Shi-chi chap. 8， p. Iv.

* Tlie famous counsellor of Kao Tm's rival, / Isiariff 1 ii,
& The title of Fan T'seng.
c The story in told iiiorr in detail in the Shi-chi chap. 7， p. 14v.
' Partisans of Kao Tsti, whose success is to a groat extent due to their efforts.
179
He found such lielpmates as Chang Liang and Fan K'uai. For

there being signs pointing to his future wealth and honour, all
things obeyed liim, and men lent liim their hel]) and support.
A younger brother of the Empress Dowager 7)"/,i of the

name of Kuang Kuo, was, at the ag'e of 4 or 5 years, i'ol)bed from
his poor family, and sold, his people not knowing liis whereabouts.
More than ten times lie was sold again to other families, till he
came to l-yangr- There lie went on tlie hills for liis master to
make charcoal : ― AVhen it grew cold at night, over a hundred
people lay down under the coal. The coal collapsed, and all were
crushed to death, save Kuaug Kuo, who managed to escape. He
then divined liiinself, and ascertained that, after a certain number
of days, he would be made a marquis. He left his home, and
betook liimself to Chany-an.'^ There lie learned tliat the Empress Tou
had lately settled her family at Kuan-chin in Ch htg - ho. He reported
himself to the emperor. The Empress Dowager prevailed upon Cldug
Ti to grant liim an audience. What he replied to tlie questions
about his origin proved true, and tlie emperor made him rich
l>resciits. At the accession of Wen Ti,^ Kuang Kuo was created a
marquis of CJumg Wu. When the coal heaps came down, more
than a hundred people Avere killed, only Kuang Kuo escaped. Being-
preserved by fate for wealth and honour, he did not only keep
alive, but was made a marquis to boot.
Yii Tse Ta、 a native of Tung Kuan in CJi en-liu^ came into the
world at night. His mother behold something like a skein of silk
over him, which went up to heaven. She asked otlier people's advice
a bout it. All were agreed that it was an auspicious fluid foreboding*
liouour, Avliicli reached up tolieaven. Yil Tse Ta, when grown up, became
ail official, and was promoted to the rank of Minister of Education.
Knang Wen I)oi from P u-fan ^ in Ho-tiing^^ was likewise bom

about midnight. At that time some one called his father's name
1 The wife of the emperor Wen Ti, 179-156 b.c, and the mother of Chinff
Ti, 156-140.
2 A district in Honanfu.
3 The capital under the former Han dynasty.
4 CKing-ho, a State in Honan, the present prefecture of R'ai-frnff-fu, of

which Kuan-chin formed a district.
5 Probably a misprint for Wu Ti: for Wu Ti, not Wen Ti succeeded Chimj Ti.
** In ICai-fmg-fu {Honan),
7 The T'ai'p'ing-yii-lan quoting this passage writes T\ing Wctz Po. Nothing
more is to be learned about this person from the cyclopedias.
8 The modern P'u-chou in Sharm,
9 Literally : — the country east of the (Yellow) River.
J2*
180
from without doors. The father went out, and replied, but nobody
was to be seen, only a big wooden stick was planted next to the
door. He understood well that it was different from common ones.
The father took the stick into 】iis house, and showed it to some-
body, who prognosticated tlie future from it, saying: ― "A lucky
omen, indeed. When Kuang Wen Po is grown up, lie will study,
and ill his official career be appointed prefect of Kuang-han?" Kuang
Wm Fo was to be wealthy and honoured, therefore his father was
presented with the stick. The diviner, as it were, implied that the
stick represented the strength of the child.
On the day Chia-tse~ in the twelfth inoou of the first year

Chien-p iug,^ when the Emperor Kiumg Wii Ti saw the light in the
second hall of the seraglio in the rear of the Chi-yang palace,^
his father was magistrate of Chi-yang, ^ During the night this room
was lighted of itself without there being any fire. His father
summoned the secretary Cliung Lcm, and despatched him to consult
a fortune-teller. For that purpose Cliung Lan, accompanied by the
groom Su Yung, Avent to Wang CIt ang Siuis place. Wang Ch aug Sun
said to the two: ― "That is a lucky thing, I cannot say more."
That same year a blade of grain grew among liouse-leek and wall-
pepper. It had three roots, one stalk, and nine ears, and was by
one to two feet higher than a common one, it being an auspicious
blade.
At the beginning of Yuan Ti ' reign a phenix alighted on

tlie Chi-yang kimg. Hence there exists still to-day in the Chi-yang
palace a phenix cottage. Yuan Ti together with Li Fu and others
travelled into the region of Ch aL^ On the road they fell in with
insurgents, and greatly alarmed, fled to the old cottage of Chi-yang.
When tliey arrived, they beheld a red glare like fire just south
from the road leading to the old cottage. A stream of light went
up to heaven, and after a moment was gone.
1 An ancient name of the region about CKemj-tu and r'ung-cKuan in Sse-chuan.

'2 The first number of the sexagenary rycle.
3 (5 2 B.C.
4 Tlii.s palace, once used by the Emperor Ihtn Wu Ti as a travelling lodge,

had been closed. Kuang Wu Ti，s father finding his yaincn too wet to live in, had
moved into the old palace, and installed himsdf in the halls at the back.
r' Tlie modem T'mo-chm-ju in Shuntanfj,
r' Cr. ai-piny-yU'lan {Kaang Wu Ti) where the Tung-kwm llan-chi is quoted,
7 Han Yu<m Ti 48-32 b.c. The Tung-kuaii llan-chi relates that the phenix
came down at the l)irth of Kunng Wn Ti, 6 b.c.
^ An old name of T ai-an-hsien \n Shantany.
Aus[)irious Portents.
]<Sl
At Wcwff Maugs time, the Lord Marshal Su Po A could dis-

tinguish the currents of air. AVhen, on an embassy, he passed
through the suburb of Cliiiang-ling^^ he foiiucl the air very bri^k
and fresh. Kuang Wu Ti came to Ho-pii"^ Avliere he liad an inter-
view with Sfi Po A. lie put to him the question: —" I low did yoii
know tliat a lucky wind was blowing, minister, when you passed
CIitiany'UugT' ― " Ouly because I saw the air brisk and fresh was
Sh' Po A s reply.
Ergo, when by Heaven's decree a new man is to rise, and a

Avise emperor to come forth, the manifestations of the original fluid
before and after can clearly be made out. 3 But, when there is
only a succession of power, and a continuation of former institu-
tions, insomuch as the latter serve as a basis, then the manifesta-
tions of the heavenly fluid are not worth mentioning,^ When there
is a complete revolution, and a new dragon rises, he starts from
very small beginnings, and passes first through all sorts of calamities,
as in the case of Han Kao Tsu and Kuang Wit Ti; Were tliey not
ushered in witli wonderful signs from heaven, men, and spirits, and
great splendour?
1 A city in lioncm.
2 Under the Han a district " north of the Yellow River," corresponding to
the modern PHng-lu-hsien in ShansL
3 In case of a great political revolution.

4 In case of regular succession, the son following the father.
3 Both founders of new dynasties.
182
Lnii - Ilontr: B. Metapliysical.
CHAPTER XIV.
On Divination {Pu-shih).
The world believes in divination with shells and weeds. The

first class of diviners question Heaven, they say: tlie second, Earth.
Milfoil has something spiritual, tortoises are divine, and omens and
signs respond, when asked. Therefore tliey disregard the advice
of their friends, and take to divination, they neglect what is right
and wrong, and trust solely to lucky and unlucky portents, lu
their belief, Heaven and Earth nâlly ujake their wishes known,
and weeds and tortoises verily possess spiritual powers.
As a matter of fact, diviners do not ask Heaven and Earth,

nor have weeds or tortoises spiritual qualities. That tliey liave,
and that Heaven and Earth are being interrogated, is an idea of'
common scholars. How can we prove that?
Tse Lu asked Confucius saying, " A pig's shoulder and a sheep's

leg can serve as omens, and from creepers, rushes, straws, and
duckweed we can foreknow destiny. Wliat need is tliere tlieu for
milfoil and tortoises? "
' That is not correct," said Confticlus, ' for their names are es-
sential. The mil foil's name means old, and the tortoise's, agecl.i
In order to elucidate doubtful things, one must ask the old ami
the aged/
According to tins re])ly. milfoil is not spiritual, and the tortoise

is not divine. From tlie fact that importance is attached to tlieir
names, it does not follow that they really possess siicli qualities.
Since tliey do not possess those qualities, 、ve know that tliey are
not gifted with supernatural powers, and, as tliey do not possess
these, it is plain that II(、av(、n and Earth (ran not l)e asked through
their medium.
Moreover, where ai'(、 tl"、 inoullis ami the ears of Heaven and
Ivi rill, that llioy may qii(、stiom、d? Heaven ol)eys the same laws
I A gratuitous etymology, of wliidi the Chinese are very fond. Shih 省-

= milfoil and kuei jj^ tortoise have nothing whatever to do with cKi ― old
and kin — ： aged.
On Divination.
183
as mail. To for in a conception of Heaven, we must start from liuniaii

aflairs. When we ask anybody, we cannot learti his opinion, unless
■\ve see him ourselves before us, and personally address liim. If we
wish to ask Heaven, TIeaA'en is high, and its ears are far a、、'a.y
iVoin us. Provided that Heaven lias no ears, it is incorporeal, and
being incorporeal, it is air. How coukl air like clouds and fog
speak to us?
By milfoil tliey ask the Earth. Eartli has a body like man,
hut, as its ears are not near us, it cannot hear us, and not liear-
ing us, its mouth does not speak to us. In tine, if they speak
of questioning I leaven, Heaven being air cannot send omens, and,
if they address tlieinselves to Eartli, the ears of Earth are far, and
cannot hear us. What reliable proofs are there for the assertion
that Heaven and Eartli speak to man?
We are living between Heaven and Earth, as lice do on the

liuman body. If those lice, desirous of learning man's opinion, were
emitting- sounds near his ear, lie would not liear them. Why?
Because tliere is such au enormous difference of size, that their
utterances Avould remain inaudible. Now, let us suppose that a
pigmy like a man puts questions to Heaven and Eartli, which are
so immense; liow could tliey iindcrstaud his words, and liow become
acquainted with liis wishes ？
Some maintain that man carries the fluid of Heaven and Eartli
in his bosom. This fluid in the body is the mind, I daresay. When
man is going to divine by weeds and shells, he puts questions to
the milfoil and the tortoise. The replies which lie hears \\ ith his
ears, his mind regards like its own tliouglits. From the depth of
the bosom and tlie stomach the mind hears the explanation. Thus,
when the tortoise is cut to pieces i and the divining stalks grasped,
omens and signs appear. Man thinks with liis mind, but when in
liis thoughts he cannot arrive at a decision, he consults the milfoil
and the tortoise. In case theii* omens and signs liarmoiiize with
the thoughts, the miiul may be said to have been a good adviser.
Yet it liappens that tlie lieart regards something as feasable,

but tlie omens and signs are inauspicious, or these are felicitous,
but the heart considers them as unlui;ky. Now, the tliouglits are
one's own spirit, and that which causes the omens and signs is
also one's spirit. In the bosom, the spirit of a body becomes the
mental power, and outside the bosom, omens and signs. It is, as
' From Chunng Tse chap. 26, p. 4v. it appears that for divining purposes the
tortoise shell used to be cut iiito 72 pieces or diviuing slips.
184
Lull - 1 long : K. Mctapliysicnl.
if a man enters a house, and sits down, or goes out through the
door. The walking and sitting makes no difference in his ideas,
and entering or issuing does not change his feelings. Provided that
the miiid produces omens and signs, tliey would not be opposed
to mail's thon gilts.
Heaven and Earth liave a body, therefore tliey can move. In

so far as they can move, tliey are like living beings, and being
alive, tliey resemble man. To ask a living man, we must use a
living person, then w e can be sure of a I'e 丄) ly. Should we employ
a dead man for this purpose, we would certainly not obtain an
answer. Now, Heaven and Earth are botli alive, and milfoil and
tortoises are dead. Hoax could wc elicit a reply by asking the
living tlirouo-li the dead ？ The shell of a dried tortoise and the
stalk of a withered weed are . supposed to question living Heaven
and Earth ！ Ergo the common assertion that Heaven and Earth
respond is quite erroneous.
If milfoil and tortoises be like tablets, omens and signs would

represent tlie written ciiaracters tliereoii, and resemble tlie instruc-
tions emanating from a prince. But where would be the mouths
and the ears of Heaven and Earth, that sucli instructions might
be possible? " How can Heaven speak? " said Confucius. "The four
seasons roll on, and tlie various things are produced." '
Heaven does not speak, nor does it hear what men say.
Heaven's nature is said to be spontaneity and non-interference. Now,
if people question Heaven and Earth, and they respond, this re-
sponse would require that interference be coupled with spontaneity.
According to tlie text of the I-king, the art of grasping the

straws consists in sorting them into two parcels to resemble Heaven
and Earth, in grasping tliein by fours in imitation of tlie^ four
seasons, and in returning tlie superfluous straws as an emblem of
ail intercalary month. ^ These resemblances are marked with tlie
object of forming the necessary number of diagrams, and not a
word is said about Heaven and Eartli conjointly replying to man.
It is usual among men to answer, when asked, and not to reply,
unless there be any question. Should anybody knock at otliev
|)eo])le's door witliout any reason, not wisliing anything, or make
a useless discourse in their presence, without asking their opinion,
the master of tlic house would laugh, but not reply, or he would
become angry, and not give an answer. Now, let a diviner per-
> Analecf,.i XVII. 19.
- 1 'i-kinij, ( 'hi-t'se I {Legges traiisl. p. 31)；")).

On Divination.
IHf)
forate a tortoise shell in slieer play, or sort the milfoil lor nothing,
and thus mock Heaven and Earth, he would obtain omens and
signs all the same. Would Heaven and Earth then reply indis-
criminately? Or let a man revile Heaven, wliile divining hy shells,
or beat the Eartli, while dm、viiig the 】ots， wliich is t\w height of
impiety, lie would obtain omens and signs nevertheless. If omens
and signs are the spirit of Heaven and Earth, wliy do tliey not
extinguish tlie fire of the diviner, * burn his hand, shake his fingers,
disturb his signs, strike his body Avitli painful diseases, and cause
his blood to freeze and to boil, instead of still showing him omens
and sending signs? Do Heaven and Eartli not fear the bother, and
not disdain to take this trouble? Looking at the problem from this
point of view it becomes plain to us that the diviners do not ask
Heaveu and Eartli, and that omens and signs are not the replies
of tlie latter.
Besides, those who divine are sure to be either lucky or un-

lucky. Some are of opinion that good and bad luck correspond
to the good and tlie bad actions of mankind. Thus bliss aud
felicity would accompany goodness, and calamitous changes follow
in the rear of badness. Good or bad government is the result of
goodness or badness, but I doubt that Heaven aud Earth purposely
reply, wlieii questioned by diviners. When a lucky man cuts up
a tortoise, lie finds auspicious omens, wliereas an unlucky one,
grasping the milfoil, obtains contrary signs. This will be shown by
the following examples.
C/toti was tlie worst of rulers: during his reign there " as an
abundance of calamitous events. Seventy times the tortoise was
consulted, and the replies were always unlucky. Therefore Tsu Yi^
said, "Excellent in en and tlie great tortoise dare not know any-
thing about happiness. The wortliy are not called to office, and
tlie large tortoise does not give good oineus. A catastrophe is
impending."
When King IT^^ of Chou received tlie heavenly appointment,

aud Kao Tsu ascended the dragon throne, Heaven and men con-
jointly lent them their aid, and there were great numbers of wonders
and miracles. The sons of Feng and P ei 、 divined by shells, and
1 Which he uses in burning the tortoise shell.
2 The minister of Chou.
3 Cf. Shu-king, Hsi po ¥nn Li and Shi-chi chap. 8 (JJhavannes, Mem. Hist.
Vol. I， p. 204).
4 The countrymen of Kao 'I'm, who was born in Frng, in the sub-prefecture
of Pêi in Kiangsu,
】86
Lull - Hong: R. INletapliysiral.
they likewise received propitious replies. Tlie omens 、vl'iich a lucky

man attracts by his personality are invariably good, whereas
those brought about by the doings of an unlucky person are
always bad.
When S/iih T ai ' of Wei died, lie had no rightful heir, but
six illegitimate sons. They divined, who would be the successor,
and made out that bathing and the wearing of gems would afford
an omen. Five of tlie sons took a bath, and adorned themselves
Avitli precious stones, but Shili CIi I Tse^ said, " Who, being in mourn-
ing for a parent, can bathe and wear gems?" Hence he did not
batlie, nor wear any gems. It was lie wlio hit tlie omen. The men
of Wei divining confided in the wisdom of tlie tortoise, 4 but it did
not possess any wisdom, the wise one was Shih ChU Tse liiinself.
He governed liis State well, and what lie said was excellent, hence
the felicitous auguries. Had no recourse been taken to divination
at that time, and the people alone be consulted, tliey would never-
theless liave declared in his favour. Why? Because the heart and
its feelings are nothing else than luck and mishap. If this be true,
it disposes of tlie truth of divination. While the shells are being
cut in pieces, and tlie straws sorted, omens and signs take place
spontaneously, and while tliey appear, happiness and misfortune
1 lap pen of their own accord, and the lucky as well as the unlucky
fall in with them by chance.
Tlie lucky meet with good omens, whereas the unlucky en-
counter bad signs. Thus wherever the lucky pass, things are
pleasant to tliem, and wherever tliey look, they behold felicitous
objects. Yet those pleasant things and felicitous objects are not
special auguries for the lucky. In a similar manner the unlucky
encounter all sorts of hardships on their way. These good and
bad things are not the response of Heaven, it is by chance tliat
they fall to tlie lot of the good and the bad. The lucky and un-
lucky omens obtained by cutting the tortoise and drawing the
milfoil are like the happiness and the unhappiness Avliicli we ex-
perience. This much we gather from the Ibllowing instances.
When King Wu of Chou was (lo、vn-spirih'd, the Duke of

Clio II consulted three tortoises, and said that he would meet with
' Tlie Li-ki writes Shih T'ai ( 'hung.

- From his roiicubincs.
•* A feudal lord in Wei, mentioned in tlic Tso-chuan, Duko ( 'liwmg 12th year
I B.f.), as iiifluciiciiig tlio policy of his native State.
' So far the story Is culled troiii the Li-ki, T an Kttiig 11 ( Legge, Sacred
Book's
Vol. XXVII, p. 181).
Oil r)i\'iiiMtioii.
187
success. I When the minister of Z/n、 CI many Shu, 乜 had got a son, J/"
Shu,^ he dreAv the lots with the help of the Yi-king and encountered the
86th diagram/ which became the 15tli.^ In regard to the divination
with shells the term to meet^ is used, and the expression to encounter
is applied to the drawing of straws. Thus, as a matter of fact,
tlie replies were obtained by mere chance, and were not the out-
come of goodness or badness.
Tlie good meet with happiness, and the wicked encounter mis-
fortune. The law of Heaven is spontaneity, it does nothing for
the salio of man. The happiness attending the government of a
ruler must be judged by the same principle. When a prince chances
to be virtuous, it just so happens that there is peace aud joy, and
that many wonderful and auspicious things appear. Contrariwise,
when there happens to be a degenerate ruler, all this is reversed.
There are many people discoursing on divination, but very

few wlio understand its real meaning. Some liold that divination
must not be practised by itself, but that circumstances are to be
taken into account. The tortoise being cut, and tlie milfoil grasped,
omens and signs appear. Seeing unusual signs, the diviners resort
to their imagination: auspicious omens they explain as disastrous,
and unlucky signs as auspicious. If in such a case luck and mis-
hap do not become manifest, people say that divination is not to
be trusted.
When King Wu of C'hoii destroyed Choa^' the interpreters put

a bad construction upon the omens, and spoke of a great calamity.
T ai Kung lluDg the sta】ks away, and trampled upon the tortoise
saying, " Ho、v can dried bones and dead herbs know fate?"
In case the omens aud signs obtained by divination do not

correspond to happiness and misfortune, there must have been a
1 The Duke of Chou had built three altars to his three ancestors, whom lie
consulted on the fate of his sick brother Wu Wang, He probably had one tortoise
for each altar. (Cf. Shi-chi chap. 33， p. Iv. and p. 205.)
2 Shu Sun Chucmg Shu or Shu Sun Tr dini. When he died in 603 b.c, he
received the posthumous name Ckuang.
3 The same as Shu Sun Mu Tse mentioned in Chap. XVII. His clan name
was Shu Sun， Mu being his posthumous title.
4 The diagram Ming-i,

" The diagram CKien, Wang CKung here quotes a passage from the Tso-
dman、 Duke Cliao 5th year {Legge Vol. V, Pt. 11, p. 604) where the expression
" encountered " is used.
c 逢 .
7 The last emperor of the Shang dynasty, Choa Hsin
188
Lun -Heng: B. iNIetapliy.sical.
mistake. When the soothsayers are unable to ascertain fate, it is

thrown into confusion, and owing to this confusion T ai Kung dis-
paraged divination.
Divination by shells and stalks bears a resemblance to the

administration of a Avise einj)eroi\ and the omens of divination are
like the auspicious portents during the reign of such an emperor.
These portents are unusual, and the omens are extraordinary and
marvellous. It is for tins reason that the diviners fall into error,
and it is the unusual wliicli blindfolds the emperor's advisers to
sucli a degree, that in tlieir blindness they declare a peaceful govern-
ment to be mismanaged, and in tlieir error call bad what is auspi-
cious. Lucky omens a lucky man can fall in with, and, when
during a reign auspicious portents are met with, it is a manifestation
of the virtue of a vrise ruler. Wlieu the King of Clion destroyed
Chou, he encountered the omens of a bird and a fish, why did his
diviuers regard these as unlucky omens? Had King Wus elevation
not been predestinated, lie ought not to have met with portents,
when going out. Provided that it was Wu Wang's fate to rise, the
diviners should not have thought it inauspicious. Thus, since the
divination for King Wu could not be unlucky, but was declared to
be so, this interpretation was erroneous.
When Iai was going to attack Yueh, tlie diviners by milfoil

gave their verdict to the effect that the tripod bad broken its leg.
Tse Kung explained this as evil. Wliy ？ Because the tripod had its
leg broken, and for moving on one uses the legs. Consequently
lie considered it unlucky. Confucius, on tlie other hand, explained
it as lucky, saying, "The people of Yiieh are living on the water;
to reach them one requires boats, not legs." Therefore lie called
it lucky. Iai invaded Yfteh, and in fact defeated it.
T^-e Kung explained the breaking of tlie leg of the tripod as

evil, just as the interpretation of the diviners of Chou was adverse.
But in spite of this adverse comment there was certainly luck, and
in ac(ôrdance with the right explanation of the brokon leg Yileh
could be invaded. In Chou there were in any persons who could
give a straightforward interpretation like Tse Kung, but very few
gifted with the same subtle reasoning 】）ower as Confucius, Conse-
quently, upon viewing an unusual omeu, they were unable to catch
tlie meaning.
Because Wu Warn/ hm I no fault, wlien the divining took

place, and nevertheless got a bad omen, people think that divi-
nation must not be practisiul by itself, ami is but of little service
in government. But it serves to show that there are spiritual
On Divination.
189
powers, and that a plan is not in(M'ely the i)i'o(lucti(m ol' some-
body's brain. ^
Writers and clironiclers have collected all isorts of oveuts, as

llan Fei Tse for instance, who in his chapter on tlie embellislinuMit
of false doctrines 2 examines the proofs of those manifestations.
There he depreciates divination by shells, stigmatises that by weeds,
aiul condemns the common belief in their usefulness. As a matter
of fact, divination can be made use of, yet it happens that the
diviners are mistaken in tlieir interpretations. In the chapter Hkikj-
fan we read concerning" the investigation of doubts that, as regards
exceptional portents explained by divination, the son of lieaven must
be asked, but that sometimes the ministers and officials are also
able to oiler a solution.'^ Owing to this inability to give a correct
explanation, omens and signs often do not prove true, hence the
distrust in the usefulness of divination.
Duke M en of Chin was at war with tlie viscount of Cli u. lie

dreamt that he was wrestling witli King Cli my,^ who gained the
upper liaucl, and sucked liis brains. Tliis was interpreted as in-
auspicious, but Chin Fan ^ said, " It is lucky. Your Highness could
look up to lieaven, while Ch u was bending clown under the weight
of his guilt. Sucking your brains means softening and craving for
mercy."" The battle was fouglit, and Chin was in fact victorious,
as Chin Fan had prognosticated.
Tlie interpretation of dreams is like the explanation of tlie

signs of the tortoise. The oiieirocritics of Chin did not see the
purport of the visions, as the diviners of Ch(fti did not imderstand
the nature of the omens of the tortoise-shell. Visions are perfectly
true, and omens perfectly correct, but liuman knowledge is un-
sufficient, and tlie reasoning therefore not to tlie point.
There is still another report, according to which King 11", wlien

attacking Cliou, consulted the tortoise, but tlie tortoise was de-
formed.' The diviners regarded this as very unpropitious, but T ai
1 Those in power win the people over to their views by showing that the
omens are favourable, and that the spirits causing them give their approval.
2 Chapter XIX of Han Fei Tse's work.
3 Cf. Shu-king, Hung-fan, Pt. V, Bk. IV, 20 {Legge Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 3:U).
^ The viscount of CKu, who styled himself king.
5 The Tso-chuan calls him Tse Fan,
('' Quotation from the Tso-chuan, Duke Hd 28th year (631 B.C.).
" I surmise from the context that the character ^ 遣 must denote some
deformity of the tortoise. Kang-hi says in the appendix that the meaning is
unknown.
190
Lnn-Hpiig: B. Metaphysical.
Kimg said, " The deformation of the tortoise means bad luck for
sacrifices, but victory in war." King Wu followed his advice, arid
at length destroyed Chou. If this be really so, tliis story is like
the utterances of Confucius on the diagrams, and Cldn Fan's inter-
pretation of the dream. Omens and signs are true by any inoans,
if good and bad fortunes do not happen as predicted, it is the
fault of the diviners who do not uuderstaud their business.
On Death.
191
CHAPTER XV.
On Death {Lun-sse).
People say that the dead become ghosts, are conscious, and
can hurt men. Let us examine this by comparing men witli other
beings: ―
The (lead do not become ghosts, have no consciousness, and

cannot injure others. How do we know this? We kuow it from
other beings. Man is a being, and other creatures are likewise
beings. When a creature dies, it does not become a ghost, for
A\ hat reason then must man alone become a ghost, when he ex-
pires? In this world you can separate man from other creatures,
but not on the ground that he becomes a gliost. The faculty to
become a gliost cannot be a distinctive mark. If, on the other
hand, there is no difference between man and other creatures, we
have no reason either to suppose that man may become a gliost.
Man lives by the vital fluid. When he dies, this vital fluid
is exhausted. It resides in the arteries. At death the pulse stops,
aud tlie vital fluid ceases to work; tlien the body decays, and
turns into earth and clay. By wliat could it become a ghost?
Without ears or eyes men liave no perceptions. In this

respect the deaf aud tlie blind resemble plants aud trees. But are
men, wliose vital fluid is gone, merely as if they had no eyes, or
no ears? No. their decay means complete dissolution.
That which is diffuse and invisible, is called a gliost, or a

spirit. When people perceive the shape of a ghost or a spirit, it
cannot be the vital fluid of a dead man, because ghost and spirit
are only designations for something diffuse and invisible. When a
man dies, his spirit ascends to heaven, and his bones return to
the earth, therefore tliey are called Kwei (ghost) i which means " to
return." 2 A spirit (Shen) is something diffuse and shapeless.
Some say that ghost aud spirit are names of activity and
passivity". The passive principle opposes tilings and returns, hence
its name Kuei (gliost). Tlie active principle fosters aud produces
192
things, and therefore is called Slim (spirit),^ which means " to ex-
tend." This is re-iterated without end. When it finishes, it be-
gins again.
Man lives by the spiritual fluid. When lie dies, lie again
returns this spiritual fluid. Activity and passivity are spoken of
as spirit and ghost. When man dies, one speaks likewise of his
spirit and liis gliost.
The fluid becomes man, just as water turns into ice. The
water crystallises to ice, and tlie fluid coagulates, and forms man.
The ice melting becomes water, and man dying becomes spirit
again. It is called spirit, just as molten ice resumes tlie name
water. When we have a man before us, we use another name.
Hence tliere are no proofs for the assertion that the dead possess
knowledge, or tliat they can take a form, and injure people.
When men see ghosts, they appear like living men. Just
from tlie fact that tliey have the shape of living men we cau infer
that tliey cannot be the essence of the dead, as will be seen Irom
the following: ―
Fill a bag with rice, and a sack witli millet. The rice in
the bag is like the millet in the sack. Full, they look strong,
stand upright, and can be seen. Looking at them from afar, people
know tliat they are a bag of rice, and a sack of millet, because
their forms correspond to their contents, and thus become per-
ceptible. If the bag has a liole, tlie rice runs out, and if the sack
is damaged, the millet is spilt. Then the bag and the sack col-
lapse, and are no more visible, when looked at iVom afar.
Man's vital fluid resides in the body, as the millet and the
rice do in the bag and the sack. At death tlie body decays, and
the vital fluid disperses, just as tlie millet and tlie rice escape from
the pierced or damaged bag, or sack. When the millet or the rice
are gone, the bag and tlie sack do not take a form again. How
then could there bo a visible body again, after the vital fluid has
been scattered and lost?
When animals die, their flesh decomposes, but their skin and
their liair still reiuain, and can be worked into a fur, which ap-
pears still to liave the si i ape of an animal. Tlm'd'ore dog thieves
will don dog skins. 山 > then do not discover them, becaus(、
disguised in a dog's fur-skin, tliey do not rouse any suspicion.
Now, when a man (l"、s， liis skin and liair are destroyed.
Provided thut liis vital force did still exist, liovv could the spirit
2 仲
Oil Death.
193
again enter the same body, and become visible? The dead cannot
borrow the body of a living man to re-appear, neither can the
living borrow tlie soul of tlie dead to disappear.
The Six Animals ' can only be transformed into a liuinan

sliaj)e as long as their bodies and their vital fluid are still un-
impaired. When they die, their bodies putrefy, and even, if they
possess the courage and tlie audacity of a tiger or a rhinoceros,
tliey can no more be metamorpliosed. Niu Ai, duke of Lu - during
an illness could - be traiisrorined into a tiger, because he 、vas not
yet dead. It happens that a living body is transformed into
anotlier living body, but not that a dead body is changed into a
living oue.
From the time, wlieu heaven and earth were set in order,
and the reign of tlie " Human Emperors":"* downward people died
at tlieir allotted time. Of those, 、、- 1.10 expired in their middle age,
or quite young, millions and millions might be counted. The
number of the persons actually living would be less than that of
those who died. If we suppose that after death a man becomes
a ghost, there would be a ghost ou every road, and at every
step. Should men appear as gliosts after death, then tens of
thousands of gliosts ought to be seeu . They would fill the halls,
throng tlie courts, and block the streets and alleys, instead of tlie
one or two which are occasionally met with.
When a man lias died on a battle-field, they say that his

blood becomes a will-o'-the-wisp. The blood is tlie vital force of
the living. The will-o'-the-wisp seen by people, 、、-11116 walking at
night, has no human form, it is desultory aud concentrated like
a light. Though being the blood of" a dead man, it does not re-
semble a liuman shape iu form, how then could a man, whose
vital force is gone, still appear with a liuuian body?
If the gliosts seen all looked like dead men, there might be
some doubt left that the dead become gliosts, and sometimes even
assume human form.
' The Six Domestic Animals are : ― the horse, the ox, the goat, the pig, tlie
dog, and the fowl.
2 Cf. Chap. XXVII.
3 A series of mythical rulers of remotest antiquity.
Lull - Ili'ng. 13
194
.Sick people see ghosts, and say that So-and-So has come to
them. At that time So-and-So was not yet (load, but the fluid
perceived resembled liim. If the dead become ghosts, how is it
that sick people see tlie bodies of the living?
The nature of heaven and earth is such, that a new fire caa
be lighted, but an extinguished fire cannot be set ablaze again. A
new man can be born, but a dead one cannot be resurrected. If
burnt-out ashes could be kindled again into a blazing fire, 1 would
be very much of opinion that tlie dead might take a bodily form
again. Since, however, an extinguished fire cannot burn again, 、ve
are led to the conclusion tliat the dead caiiuot become ghosts.
Ghosts are considered to be the vital spirits of* the dead. It"
this were really tlic case, people seeing ghosts ought to see their
bodies naked only, but not wearing dresses, or covered with gar-
ments, because garments have uo vital spirits. When men die,
their clothes become decomposed together with their bodies, liow
could they be put on again ？
The vital spirits liave tlieir original seat iu tlie blood lluid,
and this fluid always adlieres to tlie body. If" notwithstanding the
decay of tlie body the vital spirits were still extant, tliey might
become ghosts. Now garments are made of silk stuffs and other
fabrics. During man's life-titne his blood fluid does not permeate
them, nor liave tliey any blood of tlieir own. When the body is
destroyed, they share its fate, liow could tliey of themselves re-
assume the shape of garments. Consequently, if ghosts are seen
M'liicli bear a resemblance to drosses, they must also be like bodies,
and if tliey are, we know that they cannot be the vital spirits ol'
tlie dead.
Since the dead cannot become ghosts, they cannot have any
consciousness either. We infer this from tlie fact that before tlieir
birth men have no consciousness. Before tliey are born, they form
part of the, primogenial fluid, and 、v]i('ii they die, they revert to
it. This |)riiuoi;eiiial fluid is vague and ditt'use, and tlie liiiinaii
lluid, a j)art of it. Anterior to his birth, man is devoid of con-
sciousness, and ai, liis death lie returns to this original state ol"
unconsciousness, for how should lie be conscious?
Man is intelligent and sagacious, because he has in liimsell"

the lluid of the Five Virtues, which is in him, because the Five
Oil Death.
195
Organs ^ are in his body. As long as the five parts are uninjured,
jiian is bright and clever, but, when they become diseased, his
intellect is dimmed and confused, which is tantamount to stupidity
and dullness.
After death the five inward parts putrefy, and, when they do
so, tlie five virtues lose their substratum. That wliich harbours
intelligence is destroyed, and that wliich is called intelligence dis-
appears. The body requires the fluid for its maintenance, and the
fluid, the body to become couscious. There is no fire in the world
burning quite of itself, how could there be an essence without a
body, but conscious of itself?
jMan's death is like sleep, aucl sleep comes next to a trance,^

which resembles death. If a man does not wake up again from
a trance, lie dies. If lie awakes, he returns from death, as though
he had been asleep. Tims sleep, a trance, and death are essen-
tially the same. A sleeper cannot know what he did, when he
w as awake, as a dead man is unaware of liis doings during his
lile-time. People may talk or do anything by the side of a sleep-
ing man, lie does not know, and so the dead man has no con-
sciousness of the good or bad actions performed in front of his
coffin. When a man is asleep, liis vital fluid is stiJl there, and his
body intact, and yet lie is unconscious. How mucli more must
this be the case with a dead man, whose vital spirit is scattered
and gone, and whose body is in a state of decay?
When a man has been beaten and liurt by another, lie goes
to tlie magistrate, and makes his complaint, because he can talk
to people, and is conscious. But, when a person is slain by some-
body, the murderer is unknown, his family perhaps not knowing'
even the place, where his corpse is lying. If under sucli circum-
stances the murdered man was conscious, he would assuredly be
tilled with the greatest wrath against his murderer. He ouglit to
be able to speak into the magistrate's ear, and give him the name
of the miscreant, and, if he Avere able to go home, and speak to
his people, lie would inform them, where the body was. But all
that lie cannot do. That shows that lie lias no consciousness.
1 The Five Virtues are: ― Benevolence, Justice, Propriety, Knowledge, and

Truth; the Five Organs : ― the Heart, the Liver, the Stomach, the Lungs, and the
Kidneys.
2 No dictionary gives this meaning for t、en T^》, which usually means " to
exterminate, to cut off. to cease." But it cannot be anything else here. The
Chinese
of to-day will likewise call a faint "death," or "small death,*' hsiao-sse /J、^^.
196
Now-a-days, living persons in a trance will sometimes as mediums

speak for those avIio have died, and diviners, striking black cliords,
will call down the dead, whose souls then will talk through tlie divi-
ner's mouth. All that is brag and Avild talk. If it be not mere
gossip, then we have a manifestation of tlie vital fluid of some being*.
Some say tliat tlie spirit cannot speak. If it cannot speak,

it cannot have any knowledge either. Knowledge requires a force,
just as speech does.
Anterior to man's death, liis mental faculties and vital spirit

are all in order. When lie falls sick, lie becomes giddy, and his
vital spirit is affected. D(、ath is the climax of sickness. If even
during a sickness, wliich is only a small beginning of death, a
man feels confused and giddy, how will it be, when the climax
is reached ？ When the vital spirit is seriously affected, it loses its
consciousness, and wlien it is scattered altogether?
Human death is like tlie extinction of fire. When a fire is

extinguished, its light does not sliiiie any more, and when man
dies, liis intellect does not perceive any more. Tlie nature of botli
is the same. If people nevertheless pretend that tlie dead have
knowledge, tliey are mistaken. Wliat is the dill ere nc*^ between a
sick man about to die and a light about to go out? When a light
is extinguished, its radiation is dispersed, and only the candle
remains. When man has died, 】iis vital force is gone, and the
body alone remains. To assert that a person after death is still
conscious is like saying tliat an extinguished light sliiues again.
During the chilly winter months the cold air prevails, ami
water turns into ice. At the approach of spring, tlie air becomes
Avarm, and the ice melts to water. M an is born in the universe,
as ice is produced, so to say. The Yang and the Yin fluids cry-
stallise, and produce man. When liis years are completed, and
liis span of life comes to its end, lie dies, and reverts to those
fluids. As spring water cannot freeze again, so the soul of a dead
man cannot become a body again.
Let us suppose that a jealous Jiusband and a jealous wife are

living together. The debauchery and the disreputable conduct of one
party is the cause of constant outbursts of anger, fighting, and quar-
relling. Now, if tlie luisbaiid (lies, the wife will marry again, and if
the wife (lies, tin* Imsbaiul will do the same. If the other knew of it,
he would ijn(l( 出 bfrdly (ly into a rage. But husband and Avifo, when
dead, keep perltM^tly (juiet, and give no sound. Tlie otl"、r may
marry again, tli^-y take no heexl, and it lias no evil consequences.
That proves tliat tluy are unconscious.
On Death.
197
Confucius buried his mother at Fang, i 8ubse(juently such

heavy rain fell, that the tomb at Fang collapsed. When Confucms
lieard of it, he 、vept bitterly and said: ― " The ancients did not
repair grÂ'es/'^ Therefore he did not repair it. Provided the
(lead are conscious, they ought to be angry with tliose who do
not keep tlieir tombs in repair. KnoAving this, Confucius would
have repaired the grave to please the departed soul, but lie did
not do so. His intelligence as a Sage was of the liigliest order,
but he knew that spirits are unconscious.
When dried bones are lying about in lonely places, it may

happen that some mournful cries are lieard there. If such a wail
is heard at night - time, people believe that it is the voice of a dead
man, but they are wrong. When a living man talks, lie breathes.
•His breath is kept in 】iis mouth and his throat. He moves his
tongue, opens and shuts his mouth, and thus produces words. It
is like playing a flute. Wlien the flute is broken, the air escapes,
and does not keej) inside, and the hands have nothing to touch.
Consequently no sound is produced. The tubes of the flute cor-
respond to the human mouth and throat. The hands touch the
holes in the tubes in the same manner, as man moves his tongue.
When he is dead, his mouth and throat decay, and the tongue
moves no more. How should words be articulated then? If, while
dried bones are lying about, wails and laments are heard, tliey
come from men, for bones cannot produce them.
Others imagi iie that it is the autumn (which produces these

sounds). This statement is not mucli different from the other that
ghosts cry at night. If the autumn air causes these extraorcliuary
moans and wails, it must have some substratum. Because this has
liappenecl near the bones of a dead man, people have presumed
that these bones are still conscious, and utter these mournful cries
in tlie wilderness. There are thousands and thousands of skeletons
bleaching in the grass and in the swamps, therefore we ought to
be haunted by their laments at every step.
It is possible to make somebody speak, who usually does not

speak, but impossible that somebody avIio speaks, should be in-
duced to speak again after death. Even he wlio spoke before,
cannot be caused to speak again. Similarly, when a plant comes
1 A place in Im {Shantung).
2 A quotation abridged from the Li-kl, Tan Kung. Cf. Legge^ Li-ki Vol. I,
p. 123. Modern commentators explain the passage quite differently. The dictum of
Confucius would mean that the ancients did not repair tombs, because they built
them
so well, that they could not collapse, Wang CKungs interpretation is more natural.
198
Liin -Heiig: B. Metaphysicnl.
forth, its fluid is green, which is, as it " ere, given it. When the
same plant dies, the green colour disappears, or is taken away.
EndoAved with the fluid, the plant is green, deprived of it, it loses
the green colour. After the latter is gone, it cannot be added again,
nor can tlie [)lant grow green again of its own accord. Soiuul
and colour correspond to one another, and are both derived from
Heaven. The brilliant green colour is like a lugubrious cry. The
colour of a faded plant cannot become green again, it would, there-
fore, be a mistake to assume that a dead man's cry could still be
produced of itself.
Man is able to talk, because lie possesses vital energy. As

long as he can eat and drink, tlie vital energy is well fed, but no
sooner do eating and drinking cease, than tlie energy is destroyed.
After this destruction there are no more sounds possible. Wlien
the person is worn out, and cannot eat any more, tlie mouth cannot
speak any further. Death is exhaustion in the liigliest degree, how
could man still speak then?
There are those Avho say that the dead smell the sacrificed
meat, and eat the air, and that they are tlms enabled to speak.
The vital force of the dead is that of the living. Let a living
being neither eat nor drink, and only inhale tlie smell of offerings,
and feed upon air, and lie will die of starvation after no more
thaa three days.
Another opinion is that tlie vital force of tlio dead is more

powerful than that of the living, and that for this reason it can
smell tlie air, and produce sounds.
Tlie vital force of tlie living is in tlieir body, that of the

dead, out of it. In what do the dead and the living di (IV r, and
what difference does it make that the vital fluid is within the
body, or outside of it? Take water, and lill it into a big jug'.
When the j ug breaks, the water flows to the earth, but can the
\N'ater on tlie floor be different iVoin that in the Jug? The water
on the floor is not difiereiit from that in the jug, then wliy
should the vital force outside the body be dill emit from that
within?
Since a man, wJien dead, does not become a ghost, has no

knowledge, and cannot speak, he cannot hurt others either lor
tlic following reason. In his anger, a man uses breath, but in
order to injure others, recjuires streiii^tli. To make use of it,
his sinews and bones must he strong, tlxMi Ik^ (,;ui hurt others.
An angry man may breathe lieavily so ncnv to others, that his
breath shoots forth against their faces, bul though he possess tlie
Oil Death.
199
valour of Meng Pen^ ' it docs them no harm. However, when he

stretches out liis hand, and strikes, or lifts the foot and kicks, he
breaks whatever he hits. The bones of the dead decay, the strength
of liis muscles is lost, and lie does not lift hand or foot. Althon;o;li
tlio vital fluid be still existant, it is, as if it were, only brcatli-
ing, and nothing else follows. How then should it do liarni to
anybody?
31 en and other creatures hurt others by means oi" knives,

which they grasp witli their hands and arms, and w ith their strong
and sharp nails or teeth. Now, when a man is dead, his hands
and arms waste away, and cannot lift a blade any more, and nails
and teeth fall out, and cannot bite any more. How should they
do harm to others then ？
When a child is just born, his hands and feet are quite
('onj})lete, yet tlie hands canuot grasp, and the feet cannot kick.
The fluid has just concreted, but has no strength. Hence it is
evident that the vital fluid possesses no strength. The fluid forms
the body. As long as the body is still feeble and weak, it cannot
do harm to any one, and how much less still, when tlirougli death
the fluid becomes lost, and the vital spirit is dissolved. Something
feeble and weak is uncapable of injuring people, and one asserts
that cold bones can do it? Is the fluid of the dead not lost? How
should it injure anybody?
Before a hen's egg is hatched, there is a formless mass in the

egg-shell, which, on leaking- out, looks like water. After a good
lien lias covered the egg, tlie body of the chicken is formed, and
when it lias been completed, the young bird can pick tlie shell,
and kick. Human death resembles the time of the formless mass.
How could a formless fluid hurt anybody ？
A man becomes bold and fierce, so that lie can assault others,
by eating and drinking. Eating and drinking liis fill, lie grows
stout and strong, bold and fierce, and can do harm to others.
While a man is sick, he can neither eat nor drink, and liis body
becomes worn out and weak. When this weariness and languor
reach the highest degree, death ensues. During that time of sick-
ness and languor his enemy may stand by his side, he canuot
revile him, and a thief may take his things away, he lias uo means
to prevent him, all on account of liis debility and lassitude. Death
is the debility and languor in the extreme, how then could a man
after death still injure any one?
1 Cf. Chap. XXXI.
200
J Am -Heiig: B. Metaphysical.
If chickens or clogs, which somebody keeps, are stolen, lie

、、- ill, at all events, wax augiy, though lie be timid, and not very
strong, imd his anger may be so violent, that he tries conclusions
with tlie robber, and is slain by him. During the time of great
anarchy people will use one another as food. Now, provided that
the spirit was conscious, it ought to be able to destroy its en-
emies, i A liuinau body is worth more than a chicken or a dog,
and one's own death is of greater (consequence than a robbery.
The fact that a man is excited over a chicken or a dog, but has
no bad feeling against the individual who devoured him, sLoavs
that lie 2 has not the power to hurt any one.
Prior to its casting off its exuviae, a cicada is a chrysalis.

When it casts them off", it leaves the pupa state, and is transformed
into a cicada. The vital spirit of a dead man leaving the body
may be compared to the cicada emerging from the chrysalis. As
cicada it cannot hurt tlie chrysalides. Since it cannot do so, why
should the vital spirit of a dead man hurt living bodies?
The real nature of dreams is very doubtful. Some say that,

while people are dreaming, their vital spirits remain in their bodies,
and produce lucky or unlucky visions. Others liold that the vital
spirit communicates with men and other creatures. Now, il" it
really remains in the body, the vital spirit of the dead must do
the same. If. however, the spirit mixes with men, people may
dream that tliey have killed somebody. Having killed somebody,
they are perhaps themselves murdered by somebody else. But if,
on the following day, they look at tlie body of tliat person, or
examine their own, they will find no trace whatever of a wound
inflicted by a sword. Dreams are caused by the vital spirit, and
tills spirit is identical witli tlie vital spirit of tlie dead. The vital
spirit of dreams can not injure people, tliereibre tlie spirit of tlie
(lead cannot do so either.
When the lire burns, tlie caldron boils, and vvluni the boiling
st(){)s, the steam ceases. All depends on the fire. When the vital
spirit is incensed, it can do harm, not being angry, it cannot injure
people. Tlie fire blazing- in tlie stove, the kettle bubbles, and
tlie steam rises. WJien the vital force is enraged in the bosom,
there is an innervation of strength, and the body is hot. Now,
when a jnaii is about to die, his body is cold and chilly. The
cold and chilliness increase, until at last lie expires. At tlie time
1 Those wliu niscd its Ixxly as food. •
2 His spirit.
On Deatl
201
of death, the vital spirit is not irritated, and after tlie deatl i ol"
the body it is like the liot water taken from the caldron, how
should it hurt people ？
Tiling's have a certain relation to man. Wlien a man beoomcs

insane, and one knows the proper thing, his malady may be cured
by applying this tiling as a remedy. As loug as a thing is alive,
its vital spirit adheres to its body, and consequently can change
its form, and enter into close connection with man. After it has
died, its body rots, aud the vital spirit is dispersed. In default
of a substratum it cannot undergo any more changes. The human
vital spirit is like that of things. While they are alive, their spirit
may become sick, when they die, it evaporates aud disappears.
Men are like tilings in this respect, when they die, their vital spirit
also becomes extiuguislied, liow could it still do any mischief?
！ Should anybody object by saying that men are much more

precious than thing's, and that their vital spirit is different, we can
reply that, as a matter of fact, things can be metamorphosed, but
man cannot, and that so far his vital spirit is on the contrary
inferior to that of things, wlioso essence surpasses that of man.
Water and fire drown and burn. All that can injure man
must be a substance belouging- to one of the five elements. 31etal
hurts man, wood beats him, earth crushes liim, water drowns liim,
and fire burns him. Is the vital spirit of tlie dead a substance
like the five elements? Does it injure people, or is it not a sub-
stance? -一 It cannot injure people. Not being a substance, it must
be a fluid. Of the fluids wliicb injure man that of the sun is the
most virulent. Does the fluid of a man, when lie dies, become
virulent? Can it injure people or not? 一 It canuot injure people.
Thus we hold that the dead do not become ghosts, are not
conscious, and cannot hurt people. Consequently, it is evident that
the ghosts, which are seen, are not the vital force of dead men,
and til at, when men have been hurt, it cannot have been done
til rough this vital force.
202 Luu-H(iig: B. Metapliysical.
CHAPTER XVI.
False Reports about the Dead (Sse-wel).
King ILlian of the C/toti dynasty i is reported to have killed

his minister, the Earl of Tu, who was innocent. When King Hsilan
was going to hunt in liis park, the Earl of Tu rose on the road-
side with a red bow in his left hand. He shot an arrow at the
king, wlio expired under the cover of liis own bow-case.^ ― Duke
Chien of Chao ^ put his minister C/mang Tse Yi to death, altliougli
he was innocent. When Duke Chien was about to pass tlirough
the Huau gate, CIniancj Tse Yi appeared on the road, a red cudgel
in liis left hand, with which lie struck the duke, that he died under
his carriage. This is considered as proving that two dead persons
became gliosts, and as showing tliat ghosts are conscious, and can
hurt people, and that there is no help against it.
1 say that man is created as one of the ten thousand creatures.

When these creatures die, they do not become ghosts, why then
must man alone become a ghost after deatli? If it be OAving to
his superiority that man can become a ghost, then all tlie dead
ought to be transformed into ghosts, wherefore then did the Earl
of Tu and Chuang Tse Yi alone become ghosts? If those who have
innocently suffered can become ghosts, there have been a great
many ministers thus wronged. Men like Pi Kan and Tse Hsil^ did
not become ghosts. Now, the Earl of Tu and CI man g Tse Yi were
immoral. Full of spite and hate, they assassinated their sovereigns,
out of revenge. There is no crime worse than the assassination
of one's sovereign. Those who Avere deemed Avorlliy to become
ghosts, would a<>;ain have to be executed. Therefore the Karl of
7，" and Chuang Tse Yi would (,(、'rtainly not have dared to commit
sUcli a crime.
1 827-781 B.C.
2 The story is given a little more in detail in the ( 'hou ( 7iun-c/im, which
adds that the king broke his spin (cf. ( 'harannes^ Mrm. I //>/, Vol. I, p. 278,
Note 2)
and also by Me Ti chap, 'S， p. 2.
3 In the L/itn-h/ng Bk. IV, p. 5 {Shu-hm) lie is called Viscount ( ，'hien of Chao^
the .same who is ineiitioned in cliap. XVII.
•' Oil their fates cl'. p. 14U and chap. XXXIX.
False Report's about the Dead.
203
When one man injures another, he does not wisli him to live,
and hates to see his person. Therefore he does away with him.
Then not only the family of the murdered man goes to the magis-
trate, and lodges a complaint against their enemy, but tlie victim
also must hate to see hi in. Lile and death are dillereut spheres,
and men and ghosts live in di He rent places. If, therefore, the Earl
of Tu and Chiang Tse Yi were grieved at Kiug ILikin and Duke
Cliien, tliey should not have killed them, for tlieu they would also
have become ghosts, and again have been together with them.
Princes have great power, and their officers, guards, and under-
lings are very numerous. Had the two ministers killed the two
princes, their deaths would have been avenged. Therefore no in-
telligent man would have made such a scheme, or committed such
an act in his wrath. If the two ministers were spirits, they must
have been aware that the deaths of the two princes would be
aveno;ed upon them, and, if they were not aware of it, tlien tliey
were not spirits either, and not being spirits, Iioav could they have
injured anybody? In the world many things seem real, which are
not, and there are many falsehoods, wliicli are taken for truths.
Thus the stories of the Earl of Tu and Chtang Tse Yi have been
handed down. -
[Duke Hui of Chin removed the crown- prince Shin Sheng ' from
his grave, and had him re-interred. When in autumn his charioteer
I III Tu went to Hsia-luo,^ lie met the crown-priuce there. The crown-
prince stepped upon his carriage, and spoke to him saying, " I Wu^
is a brute. I have asked God. He will give Chin over to Cliin,
and Cli in will offer sacrifice to me." ― Hu Tu replied, " I liave been
told that spirits enjoy only the offerings of their own kindred, and
that people do not sacrifice but to their own clan. Would the
sacrifice to Your Higliness not be terminated then ？ Besides the
people of Chin are not responsible. Their punishment would be
unjust, and there would be the cessation of the sacrifice. Your
Highness should take this into consideration." ― The crown-prince
said, " Well, I will pray again. Seven days hence, there will he
a wizard west of the New City, through whom you shall have an
interview with me." After llu Tu had agreed to it, lie vanished.
At the fixed time, Hu Tu went to the liut of a wizard on the west
1 A brothel- of the Duke, who had been driven into death by court intrigues.
2 Tlie " Lower Capital " of Chin i. e. ( 'hu-wu in modem Ping-yang-Ju {Sliansi).
3 The personal name oi' Duke Hui.
204
Lnn - Hong: B. Metnphysical.
side of the New City, and had a second interview with Shen Sheng.
Shell Sheng told liim. " God has promised to punisli the guilty one.
He will slay him in Han''\ ^ ― Four years later Duke Hui fought
witli Duke Mu of ChUn in the Han territory/^ and was taken prisoner
by Duke Mu, exactly as had been predicted. W】iat else was this
than the work of a spirit?
This stoiy bears a great resemblauce to those of the Earl of

Tu and CIruang Tse Yi, How can we sliow that? The removal of
a grave is a private grievance. God is a public spirit. Would a
public spirit take lieecl of a complaint addressed to him on a private
grievance? God is said to have promised to give Chin over to Cli in.
Ilu Tu tliouglit that tins could not be. Shen Sheng following Ilu
Tiis words, was quite right, and therefore God's promise to Shen
Sheng was wrong. It is evident that a spirit wliicli as God would
be inferior to Hu Tu, cannot be God.
Furthermore, a subject dares not implore a sovereign to con-

sider his private affairs. A sovereign has such an exalted position
in comparison with a bumble subject, that the latter does not
venture to trouble him witli things that do not concern him. And
Avas the distance between Shen Sheng and God not still greater tliau
between a subject and his sovereign? He would not have vented
his anger against Duke Hui for having removed his grave in the
august presence of God.
Li Clii^ caused the death of Shen Sheng by 】ier slander, and

Duke Hui removed liis corpse from his grave. The removal of a
corpse is less wicked than a murder, and the guilt of Duke Iful
less than that of Li Chi. If Slum Sheng prayed for tlie punishment
of Duke I【ui、 and not for the deatli of Li Chi, then lie resented the
removal of his grave, but was not grieved at his own death.
By the advice of Li Sse, CItin Shili Huang Ti burned tlie books

of poetry and history, and subsec[uently buried the scholars alive.
The grievances of the literati against hira were not of a less serious
character than those of Shen Slie)(g^ and the misery of being' buried
alive, mucli more pitiful tliau tlie removal of a corpse. Yet the dead
scholars of Ch'in did not implore God, nor appear in the shapes
of ghosts, and those savants did not conjointly accuse Cliiii Sliih
Huang Ti of viciousness, and Li Sse of depravity.
1 Quotation from the Tso-chuan^ Duke Hsi 10th year (049 r.c, Legge^ Classics
Vol. V， Pt. I， p. 157).
'2 In Shansi.
3 A wife of Duke Hmen of' ( ,hin, who, in order to secure the throne for her
own son, removed tlic licir-appareiit, Shni Shray.
False Reports nhoiit the Dead.
205
When King Wu of the C/toti dynasty was sick and low-spir-

ited, the Duke of C/iou asked for Heaven's commands. He erected
three altars with one platform for sacrifices, and witli tlic jade
sceptre and tlie ])aton in his liauds, addressed T ai Wang, WcDig (，ld
and Wen Wang, * The annalist composed the prayer. Iii 】iis addivss
lie said," I am benevolent like my ancestors, have many talents
and abilities, and can serve tlie spirits. The great-gTandson so-and-
so lias not as many talents or abilities as Tan, and cannot serve
the spirits." 2 ― By spirits the three princes are meant. The dead
are unconscious, and cannot become spirits, they say. Ho\vevGr,
the Duke of Choa \\as a sage; the words of a sage are true, and
lie iiiids out the reality of things that seem dark. Such being tlie
case, the three princes inust have been spirits.
1 aslv, can men really become spirits or not? Provided, they

can, then one must know the opinions of the three princes, and
not solely inquire, Avhetlier they were ghosts. Tlie Duke of CI ton
asked for Heaven's commands, and the annalist composed tlie prayer.
When tlie prayer Avas completed, and tlie address finished, the
Duke of Cliou (lid nor know, whether the three princes gave their
assent, and how. Upon this lie consulted three tortoises. All three
bearing lucky signs, lie was pleased. He was able to know that
the three princes were conscious and spirits, but not, wlietlier tluy
assented or not. To find out the truth, lie was obliged to still
consult the three tortoises. Yet in order to determine in an un-
mistakable Avay, whether tliey 、vei'e spirits or not, it should have
been possible to interrogate them. The question, whether the dead
had kiiOAvledge or not, depended on the otlier, whether they could
give their approval or not. If the Duke of Chou could know that
tlie tliree princes did not grant his request, tlien the statement
that they were ghosts is reliable, but if lie could not, then his
statement that the three princes were ghosts, would not have any
more weiglit tliaii one made by ordinary people. His knowledge
would not reacli furtlier than that of the generality, and be inade-
quate to show us tlie real state of the dead.
Moreover, by what means did the Duke of Chou obtain Heaven's

commands, by liis perfect sincerity, or by the correctness of 】iis
address? If it was by his perfect sincerity, then his prayer was
said with sincerity, aud lie did not care, whether his address to
1 The spirits of the father, the grandfather, and the great-grandfather of

King Wu and his younger brother Tan, Duke of Chou,
- Quoted in an abridged form from Shu-king, Chin-t'eng, Pt. V, Bk. VI, 1 seq.
[Legye Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 351 seq.).
206 Liin-Heng: B. Metaphysical.
attract tlie spirits was correct or not. Tung Chung S/ius method of
praying for rain consisted in putting up a dragon, made of earth,
with a view to affecting the fluid. An earth dragon was not a real
dragon, and could not attract rain. While making use of it, Tuny
Chung S/iu showed perfect sincerity, and did not mind, wlietlier t\w
dragon was genuine or fictidous. The Duke of 67/ a?*'^ prayer for
Heaven's commands was like Tung Clinug Sluts prayer for rain. Tlie
three prim,es were not ghosts, as a heap of earth was not a dragon.
Ihiln Yen of Chin ^ invaded C/ii, but liad to return, before tlie
campaign came to a close, for lie was taken ill with iil(>ers, and a
sore broke out on Ins head. When lie readied tlie Cho-yung terri-
tory, his eyes protruded from their sockets, and when his death
ensued, he went on staring, ami liis mouth could not receive any-
thing. Fan llsilan Tse washed liini, and said by way of consolation,
"To serve under Your Lordship Avas (le('"le(lly better than under
Wi/,，， but lie still continued staring. Fan I Isilan Tse observing that
lie did not close liis eyes, fancied tliat lie Avas vexed witli his son
Wu^ for vexation witli one's own sou is a very common human
grievance. Therefore, lie spoke of Wu to comfort him, but tliis
was not the cause of his resentment, for lie went ou staring. Lima
Iluai Tse remarked, " Is it perhaps, because, lie did not complete liis
designs in 67":?", and lie again comforted liini by saying, " Your
Lordship died an untimely dratli. The things wliicli you did not
bring to a close in Cli i, are as vast as tlic Yellow Kiver." U])om
this, he closed his eyes, and received tli(， gem into his inoutli.- It was
the incompleteness of his invasion of CI" llsnn Yen regretted.
Lna}i Iluai Tse found it out, therefore the dead man closed his eyes,
and received tlie gem into his mouth. Fan llsilan Tse missed it,
therefore liis eyes remained wide open, and his moutli was locked.
I say that Ifsun Yens death by sickness was very painful, so

\\n\t his eyes pi-otriulod. When his eyes came out, he firmly closed
liis mouth, and tlierer(m、 could not receive anything' in it. Im-
mediately after death tlie fluid was still strong, and tlie eyes pro-
truded owing to the ])aui (！ a used by the disease. Fan llsilan Tse
sooIIkhI him too soon, tliereforc the eyes did not close, and tlie
nioutli not open. A sliort wliile afterwards, tlie fluid was weakened.
1 An officer of the 《）hin State.

2 As was customary. Thus far the story, witli some additions and omissions,
lias been culled from the Tso-cUuan^ Duke H.Hiang 19th year (55^3 u.c).
False Reports al)out the Dead.
207
Consequently, wlien Luau Huai T.< (； coinrortcd liim, liis eyes closed,
and his mouth received the gem. This \\as a sequence of Hyiin
Yen's sickness, and the soul of the deceased did not manifest his
resentment in liis mouth and his eyes.
All people have sometliiug- to regret, when tliey die A gen-

erous character regrets that lie could not accomplish all tlie good
■works lie intended, a scholar tliat his researches had still so many
lacu 滅, a husbandman that lie did not reap tlie grain lie had sown, a
me reliant that lie did not make a fortune, an official that lie did not
obtain the highest posts, and a brave tliat his attainments A\ ere not yet
perfect. Evciy one on earth who has desires, lias something to regret.
If in every case regrets be considered the cause of tlie non-closing
of tlie eyes, then all the dead on earth could not shut their eyes.
The souls of tlie (lead are dissolved, and cannot hear any
more what men say. This inability to hear what others say is
called deatli. If after their separation from tlie body tliey became
gliosis, and kept near to men. their connection with the body would
already have been severed, and, though people addressed tlieiu, it
would be impossible I'or tliem to again enter the body, and close
the eyes, or open the moutli. K tliey could enter tlie body, and
tlirougli tlie corpse express tlieir dissatisfaction, then tlie inevitable
consequence would be that tliey must have been preserved together
Avitli tlie body. Ordinary people hold that the spirits of the dead
can, so to speak, re-aniniate the bodies, and slio、v themselves so,
that corpses would be like living men, "wliicli is a great mistake.
King Cli eiig of Cli ' u ' set aside the lieir-apparent S/iaiig Clien,
and wished to put Prince CIdh iii his place. When S/iang Chen
heard of it, he surrounded the king with tlie palace guards, and
made him prisoner. The king desired to eat bear's paws, before
lie was put to deatli, but Slicing Chen did not grant this request,
and tlie king died by strangulation. Slicing Chen gave him the post-
humous title Ling, but tlie king did not shut his eyes. Then he
called liim Cli eng, and lie closed his eyes. This circumstance tliat
he closed his eyes on being called Clieng, but not on being called
Ling, proves that King Ch eng had consciousness. Tlie posthumous
title Ling displeased liim, therefore lie did not shut his eyes. Wlieu
it was altered into CJieng, his hurt feelings were mollified, wliere-
vipon lie closed liis eyes. His spirit lieard people consult, and saw
1 670-624 B.C.
2 Quotation from the Tso-cknan Duke Wen 1st year (625 b.c.) {Legge Vol. V.
Pt. I, p. 230).
208
Lnn-Heiig: B, Metaphysical.
them cliange the title. This gave him such satisfaction, tliat lie
closed his eyes. Tliey 、vei'e not sick, and nobody soothed him. The
eyes opened, and closed of their own accord ； if that was' not spir-
itual, what else was it?
1 am of opinion that tliis story is like that of Hsi'm Yen. Al-

tliOLigli the eyes were not sick, they did not remain open for nothing.
Wlien King Cli eng died by strangulation, liis vital fluid was still
strong, and, wlieii his life was suddenly cut off, his eyes still opened.
Owing to this the epithet Ling ^ 、vas given him. After a short
while, tlie fluid relaxod, and tlie eyes were just going to close,
when simultaneously his title was clianged into Cl^ eng? It was by
chance that tlie staring and the shutting of the eyes coincided
with the selection of Liny as a posthumous title. The people of
that time, noticing that the king shut his eyes as if in response
to the title ChUng, believed that it was the soul of King Cli'eng.
If lie was really conscious, lie ought iievei' to have closed his eyes,
for tlie niurder committed by the lieir-appareiit upon his person
■\vas a heinous crime, wliereas the selection of the word Ling as a
posthumous title was only a small fault. He did not resent the
great crime, but took offence at the small fault. That does not
make the existence of a spirit probable, and would not s(êiii a
reliable utterance of his feelings. Of improper posthumous titles
we liave not only Ling but also Li, In the amials many princes
bearing tlie epithets Ling and Li are mentioned. They did not all
keep tlieir eyes open, before tlieir bodies were slirouded. Did the
dead princes of the various ages not resrnt tlic name, and 、vas it
King CI I eng alone who took umbrage? I- low is it that there were
so many of the name of Ling, and so fe、v wlio did not close
their eyes?
Yn of Cli eng was greedy and perverse, and his desires were
many. Tue I Isi wished to rank before every one else. Both, of
course, could not get on to<;ptlu'r. Tse llsi assaulted Po Fw, who
took to flight, lise Tai led couiitiyineu against him, and defeated
liiiii. I\) Yii (lied/ Nine years later [tlie j)('0])l(' of CJieng took
' lAru/ 遂宣 might iiicuii : aiiiiiiatccl, alive, a spii'it, hut it lia.s many
other
significations besides, as : — intelligent, ingenious, dever, whit 'li might well
be used
as a postliuinous title.
2 This jjj^ would mean : 一. tlic coinplctcr, the perfect one.
3 U 1^ is ill fact not ； i propc;]- lioiioi'ary cpitlict, it,s sense being: —

ojjpressive,
('rnel, malicious, ugly, tciTil)lr.
' Accord iiig to tlie Tm-ckaan in .A'l u.c.
False Reports about the Dead.
209
alarm owing to Po Yti. They said that Po Yu was coming. Conse-

quently, they all ran away, not knowing where to go. In the fol-
lowing year, some people saw Po in their dreams walking about
ill armour, and saying, "On the day jen-tse, I will slay Sse T(d, and
next year on jen-yin, I will slay Kung Sun Tuan." ― When the,jen-tse
day arrived, Sse lai died, and the fright of the citizens still in-
creased. Afterwards, when the jen-yin day came, Kung Sun Tuan
died also, and the citizens felt still more alarmed. Tse Clian ' pro-
moted liis descendant to soothe him, and lie kept quiet ever since.]
Po Yu appeared in dreams, and said, " Ou the jen-tse day I will slay
Sse Tai, and on jen-yin I will kill Kut)g Sun Tuaii." When the Jen-tse
day came, Sse Tai died, and when the jen-yin day arrived, Kung Sun
Tuan breathed his last. [Wlieu subsequently Tse Clian betook him-
self to Chilly Ching Tse of Chao questioned liim saying, "Could Po Yu
still become a ghost?" ― Tse Chân rejoined, "He could. When man
is born, that wliicli is first created, is called animal soul, and, wlien
the animal soul lias been formed, its yang becomes the mind. In
case the substance and the elements are abundantly used, the soul
and tlie mind grow very strong, and therefore show great energy,
until tliey become spirits. Even the soul and the mind of au Or-
el in aiy man, or an ordinary woman, wlio have met with a violent
death, can attach tli eras elves to men, as evil spirits, and fancy Po
Yu, a descendant of a former sovereign pf mine, Duke Mu,^ the
grandson of Tse Liang, and the son of Tse Erh, who was governor
of a small territory, the third of his family who held this post!
Although CKeng is not a ricli country, and, as a saying of CKeng is,
a small and unimportant State, yet three successive generations have
ruled over it. The stuff Po Yu was made of was copious and rich,
and his family great and powerful. Is it not natural that having
met with a violent death, he should be able to become a gliost?"]^
Po Yzi killed both Sse Tai and Kung Sun Tuan, and did not miss
the appointed time. That shows that he was really a spirit. W lie 11
Tê Clian liad raised his descendant, lie kept quiet. Tse C/ian under-
stood the doings of ghosts, and therefore knew that they really
existed. Since they are real, and not an illusion, Tse Clian an-
swered the question addressed to him unhesitatingly. Tse Cliau 、、- as
a wise man who understood the nature of things. If" Po Yu after
1 Tse Ch'an is the style of the celebrated statesman Kun Sun CJiiao of CKmg
581-521 B.C.
2 Duke Mu of Cheng 62()-604 b.c.
3 Quotation from the Txo-chuan, Duke Ch'ao 7th year (534 b.c.) {Legge Vol. V,
I)t. 11, p. 618). '
I'lm - rieiig. 14
210
death possessed no knowledge, liow could, lie kill Sse Tai and Kung
Sun Tuan? And if he could not become a ghost, why had Tse C/ian
not the slightest doubt about it?
My answer is, as follows. The man wlio lived at enmity with

Po Yu was Tse Hsi. He attacked Po Yw, who fled. Sse Tai led liis
countrymen against Po Yu, and defeated liim. Kung Sun Tuan merely
followed Sse Tai, but did not settle his own dispute. His wrong
was much smaller. Po Yu killed Sse Tai, but did not wreak his
vengeance upon Tse Hsi. Since Kung Sun Tuan died along with Sse
Tai, tliougli his guilt was not worth speaking of, the soul of Po Yu
was not conscious. Taking his revenge as a ghost, he did not make
any distinction between a grave and a small offence, as he ought
to have done.
Furthermore, Tse CKan asserted that he who dies a violent

death can become a ghost. What does a violent death mean? Does
it mean that according to fate Po Yu ought not yet to have died,
when lie was killed? Or does it mean that Po Yu was guileless, but
hardly dealt with? If the idea is that he was slain, before tlie time of
his death had arrived, there are many others 、vlio likewise died be-
fore their appointed time, and if it signifies that Po Yu was not guilty,
but tlie victim of an outrage, tlien Po Yu was not alone outraged.
If murdered meu can become ghosts, Pi Kan and Tse ILil did not.
During the " Spring and Autumn " period thirty-six sover-
eigns in all were assassinated. Theirs were violent deaths par ejc-
cellence. Tlieir sway extended over entire States, tlie fine substance
of which tliey were formed must have been very abundant, and
they succeeded one another as lords of the soil, not only tli rough
three generations. The dignity of a reigning prince is not on a
level with that of a governor. Their ancestors, who were first
enfeofled, were certainly the equals of Tse Liang, the son of Duke
Mu. Since the sovereigns of States who suffered death at the hands
of their treacherous subjects, were of the highest nobility, their souls
as ghosts would have been more en ligli toned than Po Yu, wlio in
taking his revenge and killing his enemies went so far as to destroy
Sse Tai and Ku"y Sun Tuan. The thirty-six princes did not become
ghosts, nor did their thirty-six subjects feel tlieir vengeance. If the
spirit of Po Yu possessed knowledge, because lie was a reckless
character, the world lias never seen more desperate men than Chieh
and Cliou, yet, when Chieh and Cliou were put to deatli, tlieir souls
did not l>t'<:ome ghosts.
T.se Clian's reasoning is a posteriori. Noticing that Po Y^l Tiiet

with a violent death, lie held that all people dying an uuiial ural
211
death can become ghosts. Had Po Yu become a ghost without

having met with a violent death, lie would have maintained that
all people can become ghosts, unless they have died an unnatural
deatli. What diirerence was there between Tse Hd and Po Yu, wliile
both were living in C/ieng? Why should liis deatli be otherwise
tlian that of Po Yu? Both were killed by their contryinen for their
lawlessness. Po Yn could become a ghost, and Tse Hd could not.
The argument on the violent deatli would suit in the case of Po Yu,
but be inadmissible in that of Tse Hsi, The story of Po Yu. is like
tlie tale of the Earl of Tu. The tale of tlie Earl of Tu being un-
reliable, that of Po Yu cannot be regarded as true either.
[Duke Huan of Ch in i invaded Chin, and encamped himself at

Fu-s/iih.'^ The Marquis of Chin had gathered his troops in Ch;? to
seize the land of the 7V,* and restore the Marquis of Li.^ When
he came back from this expedition, Wei Ivo defeated the army of
CI I in at Fu-shih, and made Tu Hui prisoner. Tu Hui was the strongest
man iu C/i in. Previously Wei Wu Tse& had a favourite concubine,
but no son by her. Wlien lie fell sick, lie bade Wei K o to give
his concubine to somebody in marriage. Afterwards, wlien his case
became more serious, he ordered Wei iCo again to bury the con-
cubine with him, but, when Wei Wu Tse's deatli ensued, ]\ ei K'o did
not bury her. Some people found fault with liiin, but Wei K'o re-
plied, During his delirium tlie mind of my father was deranged,
therefore I followed the orders lie gave, when lie was iu his senses."
At the battle of Fu-shih, Wei K o perceived an old man plaiting grass
with a view to ensnaring Tu Hui, who stumbled, and fell down, and
thus was caught. Iu the night he beheld the old man in his dreams,
who said to him , "I am the father of the AAoman wliich you have
given away. You have obeyed your father's orders of the time,
when he was still iu his right mind, therefore I have paid you my
debt of gratitude."] '
The father of the favourite knew the virtue of Wei iCo, tliere-
I'ore lie appeared in the shape of a ghost, plaited grass, and helped
1 603-575 B.C.
2 Near Hsi-an-fu in Shensi.

3 In the Ping-yang prefecture {Shansi).
4 Aboriginal, non-Chinese tribes.
5 The Ti had dethroned him, and conquered his territory.
6 Wei ICo's father.
' Quotation iVoiii the 'I'sd-ckuan, Duke Hman Inth year (o9o b.c).
14*
212
Lnn - Heng ： B. Metaphysical.
him to win the battle. This clearly proves tlie enlightenment ami
the knowledge of the spirit.
I say that, provided that the father of the woman did know
tlie virtue of Wei K o, and appeared as a ghost to help hi in in
battle, he should have been able to reward those wliom he liked
during his life-time, and to destroy whom lie hated, while alive.
Ilumau intercourse is amicable or otherwise. Kindness and un-
friendliness must be requited, just as gratitude was to be shown
for the sake of the woman. Now, the old man was unable to re-
quite the liiudness 】ie liad received, while alive, and only could show
his gratitude for the goodness which lie received after death. That
is no proof of knowledge, or of the ability to become a gliost.
When Chang Liang walked on the banks of the river Sse, an

old man presented liim with a book. ^ Kuang Wu TP was sorely
pressed in Ho-pei,^ wlieu an old man gave his advice. One's fate
being grand, and the time lucky, one must meet with felicitous and
pleasant auguries. Wei iCo was to take Tu llul prisoner, and to
clistiuguish himself in battle, consequently the phantom of an old
man appeared plaiting grass, where the hosts were passing.
Wang CM* was buried at the foot of Mount Hua. The Luaii
river having undermined liis tumulus, the front part of his coffin
became visible. Wen Wang said, " How pleasing ！ Our old lord
certainly wislies to see his officers and people once moro, therefore
lie caused the Luaii to bring his coffin to light." Upon this, lie
held a court, and all the people could view him for three days.
Then he had him buried again. 一 Wen Waiig was a sage, wlio knew
the true nature of things and principles. Seeing that Wang Chi\s
coffin was visible, he knew tliat his spirit was desirous of seeing
tlie people, therefore lie took liim out, and showed liiin.
T faru^y that all the kings and emperors who from ancient
times were entombed in tlie earth alter their deaths, must be counted
by thousands. They did not desire to see their people again, where-
fore should Wa7ig Chi alone liave done so? On the banks of tlie
Yellow River and tlie Sse, many tombs liavo been built, and tlie, coffins
which by an inundation and a land-slip have been uncovered are
1 Cf. p. 95.
2 25-57 A.D.
3 In Shan si,
4 The father of Wen Wang.
213
innumerable. Did all those persons wish to see their people again?
The undermining of tlie foot of Mount Ku by the Luan is like the
inundations and the ruptures caused by the waters of the Yellow
River and the Sse. Wen Wang perceiving the front part of the coffin
exposed, commiserated the old lord, and felt sorry for him, and
imagined that he wished to come out again. This is the natural
sentiment of a devoted and filial son, and a natural feeling for the
other's well-being. As the wise man and the sage lie was, he felt
deeply touched, and did not take the time to reason and analyse
liis feelings. He treated a dead man, as though he were living,
and therefore gave him a new tomb. The masses believe in the
words of wise men and sages, hence they fancy that Wang Chi wished
to see his people.
Duke Ching of Ch'i ^ was going to invade Sung, When his

troops passed Mount T'nl, the diike saw two old gentlemen in his
dream, who stood there in a fit of passion. The duke told Yeji Tse 产
wlio replied, " They are T' ang^ and Yi Kw,* former worthies of
Sung.'' ― The duke was incredulous, and thought that they were the
spirits of Mount T( ai. Yen Tse said, " Your Highness disbelieves me,
allow ine to describe the appearance of T'ang and Yi Yin. T any
is pale and tall, and has a beard on the chin, which is pointed
above, and full below. He keeps himself straight, and talks with
a loud voice." ― The duke said, " Yes, so he is." Yen Tse continued,
" Yi Yin is dark and short, and has dishevelled hair and whiskers,
whicli are full above and pointed below. He has a stooping gait,
and talks low." ― The duke said, " Yes, so he is, but what is to
be done now? " — Yen Tse replied, " T'ang, T'ai Chia, Wu Ting, and
Tsu Yi^ were excellent rulers of the empire. It is not right that
tliey should have no offspring left. Now there remains only Sung,
which Your Highness is going to invade. Therefore T'ang and
Yi Yin are enraged, and ask you to dismiss your army, and keep
peace witli Sung." ? ― The duke did not take heed, and invaded Sung
1 546-488 B.C.
2 The Great Diviner of Ch'i (cf. p. 112) and reputed author of the 】'en
Tse ch'un-ch'iu.
3 The founder of the Shang dynasty, 1766-1753 b.c.
4 T'ang's prime minister.
5 All four were sovereigns of the Shang dynasty. T'ai Chia reigned from
1753-1720, Wu Ting 1324-1265, and Tm 】'i 1525-1506 b.c.
6 The dukes of S'mg derived their descent from the sovereigns of the
Shang dynasty.
" Quoted fi'oni Yen Tse's Ch'un-ch'lti ( T\ii-ping-yu-lan) with some variations.
214 Lun - Heng: B. Metaphysical.
after all, wheu his army was in fact beaten. ― T'ang and Yi Yin pos-
sessed knowledge, and resented tlie attack of Duke Citing upon Sung,
therefore tliey appeared to him in liis dreams enraged, for the pur-
pose of checking liim, but Duke Ching did not stop, and his army
met with a reverse.
They say that previously Duke Ching had already seen a comet
in his dreams. At tlie time in question, the comet did not appear,
which was unlucky. It may be so, but all this were dreams. Duke
Ching saw a comet, but it was not a real comet, and lie dreamt of
Tâng and Yi Yi7i, but they were not real. Perhaps they were in-
auspicious visions accompanying the defeat of his army. Yen Tse
believed in the dream, and said that the figures were those of T'amj
and Yi Yin, Duke Ching accepted Yen Tses explanation as true. When
the CI I in united the empire, they destroyed the descendants of Yi
Yin. From that time up to the present the sacrifices to Tâng and
Yi Yin have been discontinued, why did tliey not resent it?
[7^^ CKan of CJieng ^ was sent on a complimentary mission to

Chin. The raarquis of Chin^ was sick. Han IhUan Tse^ went to meet
the guest, and privately said to him, "My prince is laid up three
months already. Although we all have run about to sacrifice to
the hills and streams, his sickness increases instead of improving.
Now he has dreamt of a yellow bear passing through the door
of his bedchamber. What devil can that be?"— 756^ Clian replied,
" Since the prince is so eiiliglitened, and your administration so grand,
wliy should there be a malignant spirit ？ Of yore Yao banished Kun
for perpetuity to Mount Yil.^ His spirit became a yellow bear, which
entered into tlie deep holes of the Ya. It eventually became an ob-
ject of veneration to the lisia 、& and the Three Dynasties^ sacrilioed
to it. The marquis of Chin is an allied prince,^ has he perhaps
not sacrificed to it?" ― Han Hsilan Tse performed tlie sacrifice of the
Hsia, and the marquis of Chin felt a relief.] ^ The yellow bear \N as
1 Vid. p. 209.
2 His name was PHng (556-530 b.c).
3 Prime minister of (Jhin.
4 The father of the Emperor Yii,
6 South of I-chou in Shantung,

^ The Hsia dynasty.
7 IIsi(" Shung 、 and Chou.
Allied to the reigning house of Chou.

" Quoted from the Tso-chuan, Duke CNao 7th year (534 b.c.) Legge Vol. V,
Pt. II, p. 617).
215
the spirit oi" Kun. The marquis of CJiin had not sacrificed to it,
therefore it passed through the door of his bedroom. When CI""
knew it, and performed the sacrifice, the disease was interrupted.
Does that not show that the dead are conscious?
That Kun was left to die on Mount Yii every one knows, but
wlierefrom should people learn that his spirit became a yellow bear,
and entered the depths of the Yii? If it was like Duke Niu Ai of
L，i、 who during a disease was transformed into a tiger, ' it could
have been verified at the time of death. Now Kun died far away
on Mount Yii, nobody was with liim, 〜、- here did the news come from
then? Moreover, it is expressly slated that his spirit became a
bear, which implies that he died. That after death his spirit became
a yellow bear, men had no means to ascertain.
People call a dead man a ghost. A ghost is like a living man

in form, and does not look otherwise than a man, and yet it is not
tke spirit of the deceased. How much less a bear, which lias no
human form, and does not resemble man I If really the spirit of
Kun after death was transformed into a yellow bear, then the spirit
of a dead bear might also eventually become a man. How could
anybody dreaming of it know but tliat it was the spirit of a dead
animal? Those who believe that the bear was tlio spirit of Kun
will also imagine that the ghosts wliicli appear are the vital force
of the dead. Tliere is no proof that it is the vital force of human
beings, and we cannot own that a yellow bear was the spirit
of Kun.
Furthermore, dreams are visions. When good or bad luck are

impending, the mind shapes these visions. Thus the sight of a
bear will also admit of an interpretation.'^ Now, in case that the
spirit of Kun really became a yellow bear after death, must the
yellow bear which appeared in the dream at all events have been
the spirit of Kun? The feudal princes were wont to sacrifice to
tlie inountaius and streams. Should tlie marquis of Chin have viewed
mountains and streams in his dreams, would it not have been,
because lie had offered sacrifice to them, that those mountains and
streams appeared to liiin ？ ^
When people are sick, tliey often see their deceased ancestors
arriving and standing by their side : are we again to suppose that
these deceased ancestors show themselves for the purpose of asking
1 Cf. Chap. XXVII.
2 Like other dreams. The visions have mostly a symbolical meaning, and
must not be semblances of real beings.
3 They would be evoked by his remembrance, but not be real.
216
for food? What we see in our dreams is, moreover, being inter-
preted as having some other meaning, and is not real anylicnv. How
can we prove that? When in a dream we have perceived a living
man, this man, seen in our dream, does not meet us on the following-
day. Since the man seen in the dream, does not meet us, we know
that the yellow bear of Kun did not pass through the bedroom
door, as a matter of fact, and, since it did not, Kun did not ask
for food either. Kun not having asked for food, the disease of the
marquis of Chin was not a misfortune caused by liis neglect of the ，
Hsia sacrifice, and since it was not a calamity brought about by '-
the non-observance of this ceremony, the relief of the marquis of
Chin was not a lucky event caused by the performance of the sacri-
fice. There having been no real luck, it is evident that there was
no consciousness on the part of Kun.
This is like the case of Lin An, Prince of Huai-nan, * who died
charged with high-treason, and is nevertheless commonly reported
to have ascended to heaven as an immortal.^ Whether Tse C/t'an
also had heard such a false rumour,^ we cannot make out now.
By chance the force of the sickness of the marquis of Chin was
just going to be broken of itself, when Tse CJian happened to ex-
plain the appearance of the yellow bear. Thus the statement that
the yellow bear was the spirit of Kun found credence.
The Emperor Kao Huang Ti* intended to make Ju Yi, Prince

of Clmo, his successor, because he was like liim. The Empress Lit
Hou was furious, and afterwards poisoned the prince of CJiao. When,
later on, Lu Hou went out, slie beheld a grey dog, which bit her
under her left arm. She thought it strange, and by divination
found out that it had been Ju Yi, prince of Cliao, who had haunted
her. She then beg;an to suffer from the wound under her arm,
wliich did not heal, and died.^ People believe that the spirit of
Ju Yi transformed itself into a grey dog to take his revenge.
1 say that, when a valiant warrior fighting, flushed with anger,

succumbs, sword in hand, and being hurt, sinks to the ground, and
1 The Taoist philosopher Huai Nan Tse.
2 Vid. chap. XXVIII.
:i With i-egard to the metamorphose of Kun.
4 Han Kao Tm, 20G 194 B.r.

-' Cf. chap. XVIII.
217
breathes his last, lie sees with his eyes the adversary, wlio lias hit
him, yet, after death, his spirit is incapable of taking its vengeance.
When Lil IJou poisoned Ju Yi, she did not step forward personally,
but liad instructed some one to administer the poison. First the
prince was not aware of his being poisoned, and then in his anger
did not know, who the murderer was. How then could he become
a demon, and avenge liimself upon Lil Ihu?
If tlie dead possessed knowledge, nobody had more reason to

hate Lit Hou than tlie Einperor Kao Tsn. He loved Ju Yi, whom
the empress killed. The soul of -Kao Tsu ouglit to have been like
a peal of tliunder in his wrath, and not have waited one day, be-
fore he called Lil Hou to account. Why was the spirit of Kao Tsu
not like that of Ju F«, and why did lie dislike Ju Yi after his death,
aud acquiesce in tlie murder of the empress ？
When the report of a quarrel wliicli the prime minister T' ien
Fen, ' Marquis of Wii-an,- had had witli tlie former generalissimo
Kuan Fu over a glass of wine reached the emperor, Kuan Fu was im-
prisoned. Ton YingS attempted to rescue liim, but could not save
liim, and the consequence was that Kuan Fu brought down capital
pimisliment upon 】iimself, and that Tou Ying had to suffer death
likewise. Subsequently, T'ien Fen contracted a very painful disease,
during which lie cried, "Yes, yes," and asked tlie by-standers to
look. Tliey beheld Kuan Fu and Tou Ying sitting by liis side. T'ien
Fens sickness did not release, until lie died.^
I reply that lie was not the only man wlio killed another.
Other murderers have not seen their victims, when they fell sick
afterwards, whereas T、ien Fen beheld tlie two men whose deaths
lie had brought about. Tl£n Fen alone did so, because he felt their
anger, and in his delirium had hallucinations. Or maybe he per-
ceived some other ghost, and the necromancer having heard of his
former dispute with Kuan Fu and Tou Ying, and of his wish to
1 Uncle of the Emperor Han Wu Ti.

- District in Honan.
3 Commander-in-chief under the Emperor Ching Ti, 156-140 B.C., who was
supplanted by T'ien Fen.
4 We learn from the C'Kien Han-shu, chap. 52, p. 12, Biography of Kuan Fu,
that T'ien Fen felt pain all over the body, as if he were flogged, and cried for
mercy. The einperor sent his visioiiist to look at him, who reported that the
ghosts
of Kuan Fit and 7'ou Ying were holding him, and beating him to death.
218
Luii-Heng: B. Metaphysical.
learn tlie real name of tlie spirit, and seeing him crying, " Yes,
yes," at random, gave tlie answer that Kuan Fu and Tou Ying were
sitting near him.
Tlie governor of Huai-yang^ ' Yin Chî, was a very cruel and
oppressive magistrate. When he liacl passed away, the people whom
lie had wronged intended to burn his body, but it disappeared, and
reverted to its grave. He was conscious, therefore the people were
going to burn liim, and he was a spirit, therefore lie could disappear.
I presume tlmt tlie vanished spirit of Yin Clii lias his analogies.
During tlie Ch' in epoch three mountains disappeared.- and al)out
the end of the C/iou dynasty tlie Nine Tripods were engulphecl.'^
Provided that things wliicli can disappear are spirits, then the tliree
mountains and tlie Nine Tripods must liave had consciousness.
Perhaps the then magistrate, apprised of the design of the angry
populace, stealthily removed tlie corpse, and pretended that it had
disappeared, and for fear, lest the outraged people should vent
their wrath upon liimself, declared that it liad done so of its own
accord. All persons who can disappear must have their feet to walk
upon. Now, tlie circulation of the blood of the deceased had been
interrupted, and his feet could not move any more. How should
he have managed his flight?
In Wu^ Wn Tse Hsii was cooked,* and in Han, Pêng Yiieh ^ was
pickled. Burning and pickling' is the same torture. Wu Tse Hsii
and P eng Yileh were equally brave. They could not escape tlie
cooking, or avoid the pickling, and Yin C/ii alone is said to have
been able to return to his tomb. That is an untrutli and an un-
founded assertion.
Doomed 6 Wany Mang removed tlie empress Fkt Hon, the 、vilV.
of the emperor Yuan T; from licr tomb. He desecrated her coffiu,
and took from it boxes with jewels and seals. Afterwards he con-
1 The present CKm-cJtou, in Honan.
2 Cf. chap. XX.
3 Cf. chap. XL.

* Cf. p. 140.
5 P'rng Yuch, King of fAany, was executed by order of Ilan Kao Isu in
196 B.C., when he had revolted against the emperor. All his relations to the third
degree vvei'c put to deatli along with hiin. Vid. Shi-chi chap. S, p. 33v.
" An epithet often given to Ch'in Shih HiKtny Ti and Wang Mang, both etjually
detested by the literati.
7 48-32 B.C.
False Reports about tlie Dead.
2 1
veyed the corpse to Ting-fao, ' where he had it Imriwl again after
the fashion of common people. When tlie coffin was taken out, a
stencil rose to heaven. The governor of Loijang on approaching tlio
coffin sinelled it, and dropped down dead. Wang Many likewise disin-
terred the empress Ting Hon, wif(> to the emperor Kiing Wcukj - in Ting-
{ (10, but fire issued from her crypt, and burned several hundred offi-
cials and scholars to death. The re-interincnt was done in a lo"' style,
and the dead were robbed of tlieir valuables. These two insults induced
them to cause the stench, and send the fire to destroy the offenders.
I say that the stench rose to heaven, because many eatable

things had been placed into the grave. It is not passing strange
that men could not stand the mepbetic vapours, wlieii the smell
of tlie putrid matter came forth in abundance, but it is strange that
flames should have flashed from the ciypt. At all events, it was
not tlie spirit of the empress ling Hou, for the following reason.
Must lie who breaks open, and despoils graves not be mucli more
hated than lie wlio merely changes the tombs? Yet, during a year
of scarcity, those who dig up tombs for the purpose of appropriat-
ing tlie garments of tlie dead must be counted by thousands. Pro-
vided that the departed know, wlien others strip tliem of their
clothes, aud leave their bodies naked, tliey cannot hinder it at that
time, and, later on, have no means to take their revenge.
But these are people of small account, not worth mentioning.
C/i in Shih Huang Ti was buried near tlie Li-shan.^ At the close of
Erli S/iih Huang Ti's reign * tlie robbers of the empire dug up liis
grave, and lie could not send forth either stench or fire, nor kill
a single man I He liad been the Son of Heaven, and could not
o ，
become a spirit. How tlien should Fu Hou and Ting Hou, two women,
have been able to do miracles? They are believed to have become
spirits, but not in the same way, and to have shown their powers
in different places. People saw flames, and smelled bad odour.
Consequently the assertion that botli became spirits is erroneous.
1 In Tsao-chou-fu {Shantung).
2 946-934 B.C.
3 Near Hsi-an-fii, where the tumulus of the mighty emperor is still visible.
* 209-206 B.C.
220
CHAPTER XVII.
Spook Stories [Chi-yao).
Duke Ling of Wei^ was proceeding to Chin. When he had

arrived on the banks of the river Pu;2 he heard at night-time a
new tune played on the guitar, which pleased him so well, that
he ordered somebody to ask his attendants about it. They all
reported that they had heard nothing. Then he called for the
music-master CMan, and told him saying, " There was some one
playing a new melody, I gave orders to ask my followers about
it, but they all stated that they had not heard anything. It is,
as if a ghost made the music for me. Pray, listen to it and write
it down for me." The music-master Chuan acquiesced, sat quietly
down, played the guitar, and wrote down the tune. On the following
morning he reported that he had got it, but still required some
practice. He therefore asked for one night more to practise. Duke
Ling granted this request. Chuan practised one more night, and
on the next morning he had mastered it. They then went on
to Chin.
Duke P ing of Chi?i^ feasted him on the Shi Yi terrace.'* When

they were flushed with wine, Duke Ling rose and said, " I have
a new tune, which 1 would like to have played for Your Highness
to hear." The duke consented, and he called upon the music-
master Chuan to sit down next to the music-master iCuang, to
take the lute, and strike it, but, ere Chuan had linislied, K'uang
grasped the instrument, and stopped him saying, " This is a song
1 533-499 B.C.
2 Oil the border of tlic provinces ( 'hili and Shantung.
3 530 B.C.
•» 施 ^ The Slii-chi chap. 24, p. 311 v. calls it the " Slii-hti terrace," 施
. wliirli was situated on the Frn river in Shansi.
Spook Stories.
221
of a doomed State. You must not proceed." Duke P ing inquired,

" Where does it come from? " 一 The music-master fC uang replied,
" It is a licentious melody composed by the music-master Yen, who
made this voluptuous music for Chou. Wii Wang executed Ckou,
hanging his head on a white banner.' Yen fled to the east, and,
when he had readied the river Pu, lie drowned himself. Therefore
to hear this time one must be on the banks of the Pu. If form-
erly any one heard it, his State was wiped out. It must not be
continued." — Duke P' ing said, " I am very partial to music. Let
him go on." Ch'ikm then finished his tune.
Duke PUng said, " What do they call this air? "— The music-
master replied, "It is what they call G major." - "Is not G major
most plaintive? ", asked the duke. 一 "It does not come up to C
major," replied iCuang. ― " Could I not bear C major? ", inquired the
duke. ― The music-master rejoined, " You cannot. Of old, only
princes possessed of virtue and justice were allowed to hear C
major. Now the virtue of Your Highness is small. You could
not stand the hearing of it." ― The duke retorted, " I am very
partial to music, and I would like to hear it." iCuang could not
help taking up the lute and thrumming it. When lie played the
first part, two times eight black cranes came from the south, and
alighted on the top of the exterior gate. When he played again,
tliey formed themselves into rows, and, when lie played the third
part, they began crowing, stretching their necks and dancing, flap-
ping their wings. The notes F and G were struck with the greatest
precision, and their sound rose to heaven. Duke P ing was en-
raptured, and all the guests were enclianted. The duke lifted the
goblet, and rose to drink the health of the music-master K uang.
Then lie sat down again, and asked, " Is there no more plaintive
music than that in C major? "
iCuang replied, " It falls short of A major." 一 " Could I not

hear it? ", said the duke. ― The music-master replied, " You cannot.
Of yore, Huang Ti assembled the ghosts aud spirits on the Western
Mount T'ai.^ He rode in an ivory carriage, to which were yoked
1 Cf. Shi-chi chap. 4, p. 1 1 and Chap. XXXVni.
2 I am not quite certain, whether G, C, and A major are a correct rendering

of Chinese cKing (clear) shang, chili and chio 、/^ o^ô^^ • the Jî "moires
concemant les Chinois Vol. VI, p. 115 these notes are identified with sol, ut, and
la.
At any rate cKiiig (clear) 、？靑 and its correlate cho (obscure) 、《簡 would be ap-
propriate terms to designate sharp aud flat notes. 一 The parallel passage of the
Shi-chi
omits to specify the airs, as is done here.
3 The sacred Mouiit T'ai is in the East, in Shantung, not in the West.
222
Lull -Heng: B. Metaphysical.
six black dragons. The Pi-fang bird' came along with it, and Cli ih
Yu was in front. The Spirit of tlie Wind came forward sweeping
the ground, and the Spirit of Rain moistened the road. Tigers and
wolves were in front, and ghosts and spirits in the rear, reptiles
and snakes crawling ou the ground, and white clouds covering the
empyrean. A great assembly of ghosts and spirits ！ And then he
began to play in A .major. Your virtue, Sire, is small and would
not suffice to hear it. If you did, I am afraid, it would be your ruin."
Duke P ing rejoined, " I am an old man and very foud of

music. I would like to hear it." ― The music-master Jv nang could
not but play it. When he had struck tlie first notes, clouds rose
from the nortli-west, and when he played again, a storm broke
loose, followed by torrents of rain. The tents were rent to pieces,
the plates and dislies smashed, and the tiles of tlie verandah hurled
down. The guests fled iti all directions, and Duke P ing was so
frightened, that lie fell down under the porches. The Chin State
was then visited with a drought. For tliree years the soil was
scorched up. The duke's body began to suffer pain and to laaguisli
thereafter.'*
What does tliat mean? Since the State of Duke Ling of Wei
Avas not going to ruin, whereas Duke P、 ing of Chin fell sick, and
his State suffered from a drought, it was not spook. The music-
master iCuang had said that tlie States of those wlio had heard
this tune before, were destroyed. Now the two States had both
heard it before.
How do we know tliat tlie new tune was not played by tlie
music-master Yen'^ ― When Yen had jumped into tlie P", his body
decomposed in the water, and liis vital essence dissolved in the
mud. How could he still touch tlie lute? CJiii Yuan flung himself
iato the river. He was as able a writer as Yen was a player of
the guitar. If Yen could strike the lute again, tlieu Cli il Yuan would
1 Some say that it is tlie spirit of wood. It is described as a bird with one
wing, always carrying fire in its iiioiitli, and portending fire in the house where
it
appears. According to the Shan-hui-king it would be a bird like a crane, but with
one leg, a green plumage adorned with red, and a white beak.
2 A legendary person said by sonic to have been a iiiiiiister of Huang Ti.

Cf. Cliap. XXXV.
3 All the details about tlie assembly of gliosts are omitted in the Shi-chi.
4 The same stoi'y, illustrative of tlie magical force of music, is told in a

parallel passage of the Shi-chi, chap. 24, on music, p. 3!) seq. Since the text of
the
Lun-Jieng is fuller, 1 presume that Wami ( 'h'wuf did not quote tlie Shi-chi, but
Imd
an older source, prol>;il>ly the same, Ironi wliicli the Shi-chi lias copied.
Spook Stories.
22?>
liave been able to write again. When Yang Tse Yiln lamented Cli u
Yuans death, wherefore did lie not show 】iis gratitude? While
alive, Ch il Yuan was a very active writer, but he could not thank
Yang Tse Yun^ because, wliea dead, he became mud and earth. His
hand being rotten, he could not use it again to write. Since C/tii
Yuan could not use his rotten haud to write, Yen could not thrum
the guitar with his tainted thumb either.
When Confucius was buried opposite to the Sse river, tlie Sse
flowed backwards. They say that it was the spirit of Confucius which
caused the Sse to flow backwards. Confucius "was very fond of
teaching, just as Yen liked to play the lute. Provided that the
music-master Yen could strike the lute on the banks of the P",
Avliy could not Confucius teach in the vicinity of tlie Ssel
Viscount Chien of Chao ^ was sick, and for five days did not
know anybody. His high officers were alarmed, and then called
Pien Ch、 He entered, inquired into tlie nature of the malady,
and then went out again. Tung An Yil ^ asked him, aud Pien CJtio
replied, " His blood circulation is all right, but it is strange. Form-
erly Duke Mu of CJi in^ has been in such a state. After seven
days lie awoke, and, when lie had recovered consciousness, he spoke
to Kung Sun CIdh and Tse Yu''' saying, ' I liave been in God's
abode. I was very happy, and 1 stayed away so long, because I
was lucky enough to acquire some knowledge. God told me that
the Chin State would be in convulsions for five generations and
have 110 repose, aud that the next powerful prince would die, be-
fore lie was old. Owing to tlie son of this inonarcli no distinction
between men and women would be made in my country.' Kung Sun
CIdh wrote it all down, and kept the paper in a trunk. Tlien
ensued the revolution under Duke Hsien of Chin^^ the domination
of Duke Wen^^ the victory of Duke Hsiang^ over tlie army of C/iin
1 516-457 B.C.
2 Pien Cliio is the honorary appellative of Cli in Yiiek Jen, a celebrated phys-
ician who travelled from State to State.
3 A minister of Viscount Chien,
4 658-620 B.C.
5 Officers of Ch'in,
6 675-651 B.C.
7 634-627 B.C.
8 626-6-20 B.C.
224
Lun-Heng: 6. Metaphysical.
at Yao \ and liis weakness towards his worn an- folk on his march
home.- The sickness of your prince is identical with this. Within
three days it will cease, and then the patient will have something
to say."
When two days and a half had elapsed, Viscount CIden be-
came conscious again, and said to his high officers, " I have been
with God, and was very liappy. "With the spirits I roamed about
lieaven, and enjoyed the liigliest bliss. The music and the dances
there were different from the music of the three dynasties, and
the sound went to heart. There was a brown bear preparing to
seize me. God bade me shoot it; I hit tlie animal, and it died.
Then a spotted bear attacked me: I hit it also, and it died. God
was very mucli pleased, and presented me witli two caskets of the
same contents. I then beheld a lad by God's side. God entrusted
to me a TP dog and said, ' When your son lias grown up, give
it to him.' God told me further, ' The Chin State is going to be
destroyed; after ten generations * it will have disappeared. Some
one of the family name of Ying^ will inflict a crushing defeat on
tlie people of C/iou^ west of Fau-laiei、 but he will not keep the
country all the same. Now I think of the merits of Shun, there-
fore I will marry 】iis descendant. Ming Yao to your grandson of
the tenth generation. ，，，？
Tung An Yil committed all these words to writing and kept

tlie document. He informed Viscount Chien of what Pien Cltio had
1 A defile in Hcman,
2 On the battle of Yao which took place in 626 b.c. cf. Tso-chuan Duke Hsi,
33 d year. The weakness of Duke H slang consisted in releasing his prisoners at
the request of his mother, a princess of CKin, which was deeply resented by his
officers. Yid, Chap. XL.
3 Northern barbarians. A Ti dog was probably a huge Mongolian dog,

resembling a St. Bernard, much bigger than the common Chinese dog.
4 We ought to read " seven generations " as the Shi-chi does. The characters
for seven and ten can be easily coiifomided, Chien s sickness took place in 500
b.c.
under the reign of Duke Ting of (，Mn. From Duke Ting to the end of the Chin
State, which in 375 broke up into the three manjuisates of Wee, Chao, and Han,
there are only seven rulers, Ting^ included. Viscount Chien was a vassal of Duke
Ting and ancestor of the later marquises and kings ol' Chao,
；-' l ing was the family name of the viscounts of Chao,
G This does not mean the people of the royal domain of Chou^ but the people
of Wei {llonan)y whose princes were descended from a side branch of the royal
house, their ancestor being Ivang Shu, a younger brother of the Emperor Wu ^Vanf/,
After the extinction of (】hin, the Marquis Ckrny of ()hao conquered seventy-three
towns from W eL
7 It should be " of the .seventh generation," I'or King Wu Linff, who was
married to Mrng J'uu, was a descendant of Viscount ( -hien in the seventh degree.
Spook Stories,
225
said. Chien Tse then made Pie" CKio a grant of forty thousand
mou of land.
Wlien, one day, Viscount Chien went out, a man stood in

bis way. Though warned off, he did not go. The retinue weve
going- to arrest him, when the man on the road said, " I wish to
have an audieuce with His Lordship." The attendants informed
Chien Tse, who called the man crying, " How delightful! I saw
you in my rambles." ― " Send your attendants away," said the man
on the road, " I would like to speak to you." When Chien Tse
had dismissed his men, the man on the road continued, " Some
time ago, when Your Lordship was sick, I was standing by God." ―
" That is true," said Viscount Chien, " What did I do, when you
saw me? " ― " God bade Your Lordship," replied the man on the
road, " to shoot the brown and the spotted bears, which both were
killed." ― " What does that mean," asked Chim Tse. ― " The Chin
State," replied the man, " will be in extremities, and Your Lord-
ship will take tlie lead. God ordered you to destroy the two
ministers, for the brown and the spotted bears were their fore-
fathers." "~ -" What does it mean," inquired the Viscount, " that God
gave me two caskets both having the same contents ？ " ― The man
on tlie road said, " Your Lordship's sou will conquer two kingdoms
in the Ti country, which will be named after him." ^ 一 " I perceived
a lad near God, said Chien Tse, and God entrusted to me a Ti
dog saying, ' When your son has grown up, give it to him.' Would
my son be pleased to have such a dog ？ " ― " That lad, rejoined
tlie man, " is your sou, and tlie Ti dog is the ancestor of Tai.
Your Lordsliip's son will get possession of Tai. Among your
descendants there will be a change of government, they will
wear Mongolian dress, and two States will be added to that of
the Ti."
Chien Tse asked the man's name and proposed to employ him
ill an official capacity, but the raau on the road declined saying,
" I am but a rustic and have delivered God's message." Then be
disappeared. -
What does this mean ？ It was all spook, they say. The ex-
planation of the things seen in God's presence, as given by the
man on tlie road was the correct interpretation, and the man on
the road himself an apparition.
1 Tai and Chih.
2 So far the story lias been quoted from the Shi-chi, chap. 43， p. 7 seq.
Liin- Heng. 15
226
Lun - Heiig ： B. Metaphysical.
Later on, the two ministers of Chin, Fan Wen Tse and Chung
Hang Chao Tse mutinied. Viscount Chien attacked and routed them,
and both fled to CJii.
At that time Chien Tse had liis sons examined pliysiognomic-

ally by Ku Pa Tse Cli iug. ^ None of tliem had any auspicious
signs, but, when the physiognomist arrived at Wu Hsli, his son
by his Ti wife, he declared him to be noble. Chien Tse conversed
with liim, and discovered that he was very intelligent. Chien Tse
then called all liis sons and said to them, " I liave hidden a pre-
cious charm on Mount CKang.'^ He who first finds it, will be
rewarded." All the sons ascended the mountain, but did not find
anything. When Wxi Hsi'i returned, lie said that he had found the
cliarm. Viscount CI den asked, how, " On Mount Cliang,'' replied
Wu Hsil, "one is near Tai,^ wliicli mig'lit be acquired." ― Chien Tse
thought him to be very clever, therefore he deposed the heir-ap-
parent, and put Wu Hsu in his place. When Chien Tse died, Wu
Hsil became his successor under the name of Viscount Ilsiang. ^
After Viscount Hsiang had come to power, lie instigated some-

body to assassinate the king of Tai, and annexed liis territory, and
likewise lie seized the territory of tlie Chih family.-^ Later on, lie
married a Jung from IC ung-t\ing Ten generations after Chien Tse，
came King Wu Ling.^ Wu Ching^ introduced to liim liis mother of
the name of Ying and his daughter Meng Yao" Subsequently King
Wu Ling seized Chung shan and annexed tlie Hu territory. In his
nineteenth year King Wu Ling assumed the Hu dress, and liis sub-
jects adopted the Hu customs. Everything liappened as predicted,
1 Comp. p. 307.
2 Another name for Mount Heng in Ta-tang-fu in North S/iansi.
3 A Ti State occupying the confines of ISorth Shansi and Mongolia.

* Cf. Shi-chi, chap. 43, p. 11 v.
5 All earldom in the south of the Chin State.
G Name of a mountain in Kansu and of an aboriginal tribe {Jung) settled there,

- 7 It must be " seven generations."
8 Âu Ling's reign lasted from 325-299 b.c.
'J In the Shi-chi, chap. 43, p. 19. Wu ('/miff is called Wu Kuang. He was a
descendant of Shun.
10 The passage seems to be corrupt. The Shi-chi says " Wu Kuang through
his wife introduced (to the king) liis beautiful daughter Y ing Mcng I'ao." First a
palace girl, Mmg Yao, some years later, was raised to the rank of a queen. See on
this passage Chuvannes, M('m. Hisi. Vol. V, p. 68 Note 7.
11 Originally a part of Chin, in the modern 'L'inrj-chou of Chili province.
'2 These Ilu tribes were settled in the nortliern provinces : 一 f'hili, Shansi,
Shemi, and Kansu.
Spook Stories.
227
and nothing was wrong. The supernatural lucky signs manifested

by portents all proved true; so tliey say.
All these things are not true. The lucky and unlucky omens
happening one after the other were like manifestations of Heaven,
but how do we know that, as a matter of fact, Heaven did not
send any message? Because the man on the road was by God's
side, for only spirits of tlie highest degree can keep near the Ruler
of Heaven. Those wlio forward God's commands are the heavenly
envoys. Tlie envoys of Imman princes are provided witli horses
and carriages, and it would not be dignified for an envoy of the
Ruler of Heaven to stand alone on the road. Of heavenly officials
there are one liimdred and twenty, ^ who do not differ from those
of the kings of the earth. The kings of the eartli have plenty of
officials and attendants, who have received their power after the
model of tlie heavenly officials. Since the officials of Heaven and
Earth are alike, their envoys must resemble eacli other also, and,
there being sucli a similarity, it is impossible that one man should
have been so dissimilar.
How do we know that God, whom Chien Tse saw, was not
the real God? We know it from the interpretation of dreams.
Towers, belvederes, hills, and mountains are images for an official
post. When a man dreams of ascending a tower or a belvedere,
or of mounting a liill or a mountain, lie will get an office. In
reality a tower, a belvedere, a liill, or a mountain are not an of-
ficial post. Hence we know that God, whom Viscount Ckien saw
in his dream, was not tlie Ruler of Heaven. When an official
dreams of a prince, this prince does not appear at all, nor does
lie give presents to the official. Therefore the interpretation of
dreams teaches us tliat God who gave Chien Tse two caskets and
a Ti dog, was not the Supreme Ruler, Since it was not the Ruler
of Heaven, the heaven over which Chien Tse roamed with the other
ghosts, as he says, was not heaven.
Shu Sun Mil Tse of Lu 2 dreamed that heaven fell down upon
him. 3 If this had really been the case, lieaven would have drop-
ped upon the earth, and approaching the earth, it would not have
readied Shu Sun Mu Tse owing to the resistance offered by towers
and terraces. Had it readied liim, then towers and terraces ought
to have been demolished first. Towers and terraces were not de-
1 The stars, considered as the officials of God, the Ruler of Heaven, and as
divinities.
2 A nobleman of the Lu State of the 6th cent. b.c.
3 This dream is narrated iii the Tso-chuan, Duke CKao 4th year (537 b.c).
• 15*
228
molished, therefore heaven did not descend upon the earth. Since
it did not descend upon tlie earth, it could not reach him, and,
since it did not reach liim, that which fell down upon him was
not heaven, but an effigy of heaven. As tlie heaven which fell
down upon Shu Sun Mu Tse in liis dream was not the real heaven, so the
heaven througli wliicli Chien Tse had been roving was not lieaven.
Some one might object that we also have direct dreams, in-
somuch as we dream of so-and-so, and on the next day see liim
or, as we dream of a gentleman, whom we see on tlie following
day. I admit that we can have direct dreams, but these direct
dreams are semblances, and only these semblances are direct, which
will become evident from the following fact. Having a direct dream,
we dream of so-and-so, or of any gentleman, and, on tlie following
day, see Mr. So-and-so, or the gentleman in question. Tliat is direct.
But, when we ask so-and-so or that gentleman, tliey will reply
tliat they liave not appeared to us in our dreams. Since tliey did
not appear, the persons we saw in our dreams were merely tlieir
likenesses. Since so-and-so ami tlie said gentleman were likenesses,
we liiiow that God, as perceived by Chien Tse, was solely a sem-
blance of God.
The oneirocritics say that, wlien a man dreams, his soul goes
out. Accordingly, when lie sees God in a dream, tlie soul asceuds
to lieaven. Ascending to heaven is like going up a mountain. When
we dream of ascending a mountain, our feet climb up tlie mountain,
and our Land uses a stick ； then we rise. To mount up to lieaven
there are no steps, liow should we rise then ？ The distance from
heaven to us amounts to upwards of ten thousand li. A man on
a journey uses to travel one hundred li daily. As long as the soul
is united to the body, it cannot move very rapidly, liow mucli less,
when it walks alone ！ Had the soul moved with the same speed
as the body, Chien Tse would liave required several years for liis
ascension to lieaven and his return. Now, lie a, woke after seven
days, and became conscious again. How could the time be so short?
The soul is tlie vital fluid; the movement of tlie vital fluid is
like that of clouds and fog, and cannot be very quick. Even if the
soul moved like a flying bird, it would not be very rapid. Some-
times people dream that tliey are flying; tlie (lying is done by tlie
soul, but it could not be quicker than the flight of a bird. Tliat
fluid ol" heaven and eartli wliidi possesses the greatest speed is the
storm, y(、t a storm does not blow a wliole day. Provided tliat the
soul were flying like the stonn, its speed would not last longer than
one day, and it would be unable to reach lieaven.
Spook Stories.
229
When a mau dreams that lie ascends to heaven, it is during

the short span, while lie lies down. At his awakening, lie is per-
haps still in lieaveu, and not yet descended, as a person, dreaming
of having arrived at Loyang, still finds himself in Loyang, when
roused. How can the flight of the soul be deemed quick? Rapidity
is not in its nature, consequently the ascension to heaven was not
real. Not being real, it must liave been a supernatural omen. The
mau on the road, perceived by Viscount C/iien in his sickness by-
God's side and subsequently met on the road, speaking like a man,
was the same with the one whom lie had seen near God. There-
fore the explanation tliat a dream (luring the sleep is a state of
obscuration, which can be interpreted, when the sleeper awakes to
light again, is quite correct.
When Viscount Hsiang of CJiao had been appointed, ^ the Earl

of Chih became more and more arrogant. He asked land of Han
and 1T》?:,2 wliioli Han and Wei gave him. Then lie made the same
demand to Cha.o, but Chao refused. This roused his anger to such
a degree, that with troops of Han and Wei he assaulted Hsiang Tse
of Chao. Viscount Hsiang alarmed fled to Chin-yang,^ and sought
shelter there. Yuan Kuo followed him. When he had arrived at
the post-town of T'o-p ing,'^ he beheld three men, 、vho from the
belt upwards were visible, but invisible from the belt downwards.
They handed two joints of bamboo, still unopened, to Yuan Kuo
saying. " Forward this for us to Wu Hsil of Ckao." ^ Upon this he
told Hsiang Tse. Hsiang Tse first having fasted three days, person-
ally cut open the bamboo, which contained a red letter reading as
follows : 一 " TTw Hm of Chao ！ We are the Huo-t'ai Mountain,^ tlie
Marquis of Yang, and the Son of Heaven.' On the ping-hsi'i day of
the third moon, we will cause you to destroy Chih, and, provided
that you sacrifice to us in a hundred cities, we will also give the
1 In 456 B.C. (cf. above p. 226).
2 1. e. the viscounts of Han and Wei, who together with those of Chao had
usurped the power in Chin.
3 Near T'ai-yuan-fu in Shami.
4 The Shi-chi calls this place Wang-tse, which was situated in Chiang-chou
(Shansi).
5 The personal name of Viscount Hsiang (cf. p. 226).
G A mountain in Yung-an-hsien (Shansi) Ho-tung circuit.
' The reading of the Shi-chi: ― " Marquis of Shan-yang (name of city) and
Envoy of Heaven "' seems preferable.
230
Lun -Heng : B. Metaphysical.
territory of the Lin Hu^ to you." ― Hsi.ang Tse made obeisance again,
and accepted the commands of the spirits.
Wliat does that mean? This was an augury of Hsiung Tse' s

future victory. The three States were beleaguering Chiu-yang for
over a year. Tliey diverted the Fen - and flooded the town, so that
only three blocks ^ of the city wall were not submerged. Viscount
Hsiang frightened sent his minister Chang Meng Tân to open secret
negotiations with Han and Wei. They made an agreement with him,
and on the ping-hsii day of the third month they completely an-
nihilated Chih, and divided liis country among them,* ― Therefore
the fluid of the supernatural portent was shaped like a man, and
called itself tlie spirit of the Huo-iai Mountain, as the apparitions
in tlie Hsia palace had the form of dragons, and called themselves
Princes of Pao.^ Chien Tse's omen had human shape, and pretended
to be an envoy of God.
How do we know that it was not the spirit of the Huo-tai

Mountain? Because a high mountain is a formation of the earth
just as bones and joints are of the human body. How can bones
and joints be spiritual? If the high mountain had a spirit, it should
be shaped like a liigli mountain. What people call ghosts is ilie
essence of the departed, in appearance they are formed like living
men. Now tlie liigli mountain was broad and long, and not at
all like a man, but its spirit did not differ from a man. Such being
the case, the ghost resembled a man, and since it was like a man,
it must have been the fluid of a supernatural portent.
In the 36th year of the reign of CKin Shih Huang Ti^ Mars
olFuscated the constellation of the Heart, and a star fell down.
When it readied the earth, it became a stone, on wliicli were en-
graved the following words : ― " CKin Shih Huang T* will die, and his
land will be divided."
1 A subdivision of the Hu tribes, probably Mongols.
2 A tributary of the Huang -ho.
3 One "pan" ；^^, block is said to measure 8 feet. The Shi-chi, chap. 43,
p. 13， writes : j 饭.
* So far the narration has been culled with some omissions and alterations
from the Shi-chi, chap. 43, p. 12 v. seq.
r' When the Ilsia dynasty had begun to decline, two divine dragons niado
their appearance in the imperial palace, and said that tlicy were two princes of
Pao.
Cf. Shi-chi, chap. 4, p. 2F) (Chavannes, Mrm. Vol. I， p. 281) which quotes the
Kuo-yu.
f' 211 B.C.
Spook Stones.
231
Wlieu CJiin Shih Huang Ti heard of it, he ordered a censor to

interrogate tlie people one by one, but nobody would confess. Where-
upon the emperor bad all the people living near the stone arrested
and put to death. The weird stone lie then caused to be des-
troyed by fire.
When his ambassador, coming from Tung-Iciian, * had passed

Hua-yin - at night-time, and come into the open country, a man
with a jade badge in his hands happened to block his passage.
" Transmit this to tlie prince of the Hao Lake^ for me," said
the man, and went on saying, " This year the dragon ancestor
will die.'
The ambassador was just going to ask him for particulars,

when the man disappeared, leaving his badge. This tlie ambassador
took, and apprized the emperor of everything. CKin Shih Huang Ti
kept silent for a loug while, then he exclaimed, " The spirit of the
mountain knows only the affairs of one year. The dragon an-
cestor, of whom lie speaks, must be a forefather, however." He
then gave orders to the imperial household to examine the badge.
They ascertained that it was a badge which had been thrown into
the Yangtse, wliile it was crossed in the 28th year of the emperor's
reign.* The next year, the 37tli of his reign, he had a dream that
he was fighting with the spirit of the ocean, which was shaped
like a man.^
What does this mean? All these were auguries of CKin Shih
Huang Tis impending death. Having dreamt that lie was trying
conclusions with the spirit of the ocean, lie entered into tlie sea
in high dudgeon, waiting for the spirit, and shot at a huge fish.
From Lang-yeh^ to the Lao and Cli eng Mountains' he did not per-
ceive any, but having arrived at tlie Chefoo Mountain,^ he again came
1 A place at the bend of the Yellow River in Shensi.

- A town half-way between Tung-kuan and Hsi-an-fu.
3 The Hao Lake was near Hsi-an-fu. the capital of Ch'in Shih Huang Ti,
who is meant by the prince of the lake.
4 219 B.C.
5 The foregoing are extracts from the Shi-chi, chap. 6， p. 24 v. seq.
6 On the south coast of Shnntung.
' 勞成山. The Shi-chi wr'ites Yung-ch'f'nff 榮成山 (Joe. dt. p. 28).

The L((o shan and the CKmg shan are two high mountain ranges in Chi-mo [Kiao-
chmt) reaching to the sea. The T.u - shih fang yii chi y(io, chap. 36 rejects the
reading
】 w/j^ cAVwy. The mountains must have been on the sea-shore, north of Lang ~y eh
and
south of ( liefuo, for this was the way taken by the emperor, as results from Lun-
hing Bk. IV, 9 {Shu-hsii) and Bk. XXVI, 1 {Shih-chih).
s The fliefoo Promontory, foniiing tlie harbour of the treaty-port Chefoo.

232
Liin-Heng: B. Metaphysical.
in view of enormous fishes, of which he killed one by a shot with

his arrow. 1 Hence he proceeded along the sea-shore as far as P'ing-
yuan ^ ford, where lie was taken ill. When he had reached Sha-
cJi iu,^ lie collapsed and breathed his last.
At the time of tlie falling star, Mars provoked the unlucky

augury, therefore tlie people dwelling near tlie stone cut char-
acters into it, as tliougli tliey had done so purposely. The in-
scription was to the effect that Cliin Shih Huang Ti was going to die
or to he killed. The queer sayings of children, of wliicli we hear
sometimes, are likewise not of their own invention, but they have
been inspired by some force. All such supernatural apparitions are
either ghosts shaped like men, or men behaving like ghosts, Tlie
principle is the same in both cases.
Cliung Erh, prince of Chin's having lost his country, had nothing'
to eat on his journey.^ He asked some labourers on the field for
food, but they gave him a clod of earth. ? The prince became an-
gry, but Chiu Fan said to him, " This is very auspicious. Hea ven
grants you earth and land.""^ Subsequently tlie prince reconquered
liis country, and was re-instated upon his soil, as Chiu Fan ^ had
predicted.
Tîen Tan of ChU,io defending the city of Chi-mo," wished to

deceive the army of Yen, therefore he said that the Spirit of Heaven
had come down to help him. A man stepped forward and declared
that he could act as the Spirit. Tîen Tan then went and still made
obeisance before him. And, in fact, the rumour tliat a spirit had
come down, spread among tlie soldiers of Yen. They believed in
the spirit, and, when still further tliey had viewed the oxen shining
in five colours, tliey became so alarmed by this belief, that the army
1 According to the Shi-chi the emperor shot those big fishes with a repeutiny
cross-bow {lien-nu) j ljjf , (on which cf. my article on tlie Chinese Cross-bow hi
Verhandlunyen der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropulogie 189G, p. 272).
2 In the Chi-nan-fu prefecture, Shantung.
3 In Shun-te-fu {(Jhili).
4 As though under a spell or a charm, which is the supernatural.
5 Later Duke Wen of Chin, 634-627 b.c.
6 Banished from Chin, he lived for many years in other States.
7 This happened in Wei, whose prince liad treated him discourteously.
8 Cf. Tso-chuan, Duke Hsi 23d year, where the incident is told, though with
other words.
9 Called Tse Fan in the Tso-chuan.
'(' An official of Ch'i, wlio delivered his country from the invading army of
Yen, in the 3rd cent. b.c.
' ' City in Shantung, near Kiao-chou.
Spook Stories.
233
was discomfited, and the soldiers routed.^ T'ien Tan gained the
victory, and could recover the lost territory. In these apparitions
there were men resembling ghosts.
When tlie ambassador passed Hua-yin, an individual, with a

jade badge in his hands, blocked liis passage, and went away,
leaving him the badge. This was a ghost in human shape. The
jade badge had been thrown into the Yangise for the purpose of
praying for liappiness. Now, tlie badge was returned, wliicli showed
that the offer was not accepted, and tliat happiness could not be
obtained.
The badge was like that which formerly had been submerged,
but it was not really tlie same for the following reason. When a
ghost appears in human shape, it is not a genuine man. If people,
after having seen a ghost looking like a living man, thoroughly
question other living men, tliey will find out that none of them
have come to see them Consequently a supernatural force has ap-
peared to them ill human form. Since this force has merely taken
Imraan shape, the things carried by the apparition cannot be real
things either.
By the dragon ancestor, which was to die, Chîn Shih Huang

Ti was designated. Ancestors are tlie root of mankind, aud a dragon
is an image of a sovereign. If there be a resemblance between man
aud other creatures, a disaster concerning one part likewise affects
the other. 2 '
In the year of ChU.n Shih Huang Ti's death the Emperor Han
Kao Tsu was a village-elder in Sse-shang, As such lie had to escort
convicts to the Li^ Mountain, but most of them escaped on the
road. Kao Tsu then allowed those lie liad still in his power to
run away, which they did never to return. Kao Tsu, who was
under the influence of liquor, was continuing his journey through
1 THen Tan used a similar stratagem as Hannibal. During the night he

fantastically dressed 1000 oxen, tied sharp blades to the horns and greased rushes
to their tails, and lighting these rushes let them loose against the euemy, who
were
taken by surprise and completely beaten by the men of Yen following in the rear.
Vid. the biography of TUen Tan in the Shi-chi, chap. 82, p. 3.
2 Therefore the death of the dragon implies the end of the emperor.
3 、/四上. The Shi-chi chap. 8， p. 2 v. writes Sse-shui 洒水， which was a

district in the present Yen-chou~fu [Shantung).
* A mountain near Cliin Shih Huang Ti's mausoleum in Shan si, which was
built by convicts.
284
Lun-Heng: B. Metapliysical.
a marsh at night, and liad ordered a man to keep in front. This

man came back and reported that there was a big snake in front,
obstructing the way, and besouglit liim to go back.
" What does a valiant warrior fear?," asked Kao Tsu inebriated,
and he went forward, drew liis sword, and with one stroke cut
the snake in two. The path was free then. : After he had pro-
ceeded still several miles, liis intoxication caused him to fall asleep.
When Kao Tsu's companions arrived at tlie place, where tlie

snake was lying, tliey found there an old woman crying over it in
the silence of night. They asked her, wlierefore slie cried. " A man
has killed my son," replied the old woman. ― " How was your son
killed?," asked the men. ― " My son," said tlie woman, " the son of
the White Emperor, was transformed into a snake to keep watch
on the path. Now the son of the Red Emperor lias slain him,
therefore I cry." ― Tlie men thought that tlie old woman was telling
spook stories, and were going to give her a flogging, when the old
woman suddenly disappeared.^
What does this signify? It was a felicitous omen of Kao Tsu's

rising to power. The old woman suddenly vanished. Since she
became invisible, she cannot have been a human being, and not
being human, she must have been a spectre. Since the old dame
was not human, it is plain that the slain serpent was not a snake.
The old woman spoke of it as tlie son of the White Emperor, but
why did he become a snake, and block tlie road at night? She
asserted that tlie serpent was the son of the White Emperor and
Kao Tsu that of the Red Emperor. Thus the son of the White
Emperor would have become a snake, and the son of the Red Em-
peror, a man, whereas the Five Planetary Emperors ^ are all heavenly
spirits. In one case the son would have grown a serpent, in tlie
other, a man. Men and snakes are different creatures, whereas the
Emperors all belong to the same class of beings. The human state
of those sons would not be conformable to the laws of heaven.
And further, if the snake 、vas the son of the White Emperor,
was the old woman the White iMiipress ptn'lia'ps? An empress must
liavp her suite in front and behind, and an imperial ])rince, a large
' The story is quoted from tlie Shi-c/ii, chap. S, p, 5. It is meant as a pro-
phecy of tlic overthrow of the C/i'in dyiiasly I)y that of TLin. Tlie Ch'in used
metal,
to which tlic wliitc colour corresponrled, as the syiiiliol of their power, whereas
the
I Inn relied on fire, wliioli lias a red colour. Accoi'diiig to Chinese symbolism
fire
overcomes metal, ergo tlic Ch'in were dooinod to ho overpowered by the Ilan.
2 The Five Planets which from ancient times were worshipped as deities.
Tlic Red Emperor is Mnrs, tlie Wliite Emperor Venus.
Spook Stories,
235
retinue of officials. Now, the snake died on the pathway, and an

old woman (； ried on the road I This makes it evident that her
statement about the son of the White Emperor was not true. Not
beino- a real prince, it was a semblance, and being a semblance, it
was an apparition. Consequently, everything seen was not genuine,
and not being genuine, it was a fluid. The serpent slain by Kao
Tm was not a serpent.
When Duke Li of Cliêng'^ was on the point of entering into

his dukedom, 2 a snake in tlie city was fighting with one outside
the city," but they were not genuine snakes. It was a supernatural
force marking Duke Lis entrance into Clieng under tlie form of
contending snakes. The fighting serpents of the Clieng State were
not snakes, hence we infer that the two dragons in tlie Hsia palace *
were merely images of dragons likewise. Such being the case, we
are convinced that the dragons, which were fighting during Tse Ck an
of Cheng's time's have not been dragons.
The ways of Heaven are bard to understand. There are ap-

paritions, when things are all right, and there are also some, when
things go wrong.
Chang Liang ^ Marquis of Liu, dealt a blow at CJiin Shih Huang

Ti with a club, but by mistake hit one of the chariots of his retinue.^
Ch'in Shih Huang Ti, infuriated, gave orders to search for Chang Liang
eveiywliere, but he changed 】iis name and concealed himself in Hsia-
pei,'' Avhere he had always leisure to stroll about at pleasure. Up
the river Sse, & there was an old man in coarse clothes, who came
to Chang Liang s place. He had just lost one shoe down the river,
therefore lie said to Chang Liang, " Go clown, and fetch me my shoe,
my boy." 一- Chang Liang grew angry, and was going to give him a
1 699-694 B.C.
2 Duke Li had been forced to quit his country.
3 Cf. Tso-chuan, Duke Chuang 14th year. The snake inside the city was killed.
4 Vid. above p. 230.
5 The Tso-chuan, Duke Ch'ao 10th year (522 b.c.) relates:—" There were
great floods in Cheng ； and some dragons fought in the pool of VTei. outside the
Shi
gate. The people asked leave to sacrifice to them ； but Tse Ch'an refused it,
saying,
' If we are fighting, the dragons do not look at us; when dragons are fighting, why
should we look at them? ' {Leffge Vol.V, P. 11, p. 675) .
6 Chang Liang had engaged a bravo to deal the blow with an iron club or
mallet weighing 120 pounds.
7 In the modern P'ei-chou of Kiangsu province.
8 Instead of Sse 《四 the Shi-chi writes : ― " i " J^， the " bridge."
236
beating, but noticing, how strong tlie old man looked, he repressed
his feelings, and went down to fetch the shoe, which he offered
liiin on his knees. The old man slipped it on his foot, and went
a、vay laughing. Chang Liang felt greatly excited.
When the old man had gone to about a Li's distance, he

returned. "You can be taught, my boy," he said, " Five days hence,
at sunrise, meet me here." Chang Liang bewildered, knelt down and
assented. After five days, at sunrise CI tang Liang went, but the old
gentleman Lad already arrived before him. " Why must you come
later, when you have an appointment with an old man?," asked he
angrily. " Five days after my departure, very early, we will meet
again." 一 After five days Chang Liang went again at cockcrow, but
again the old man had arrived before, and repeated his angry
question, wherefore he had arrived later. " Five days after
I have left," said he, "come again very early." 一 On the fifth
day Chang Liang went before midnight, and after a short while
the old gentleman arrived. " So you are right," said lie, very-
pleased.
He then produced a pamphlet, which he gave him saying,

"Read it, and you will become preceptor to an emperor. After thirteen
years you will see me. A yellow stone at the foot of Mount Ku-
cKeng in CJi i-pei ^ that is I." Whereupon lie went away, saying
nothing further, and was not seen again. At dawn Chang Liang
looked at the book. It was " Tâi Kung's'^ Strategy." Chang Liang
amazed, studied it very thoroughly.^
What was this ？ An augury of Kao Tsus elevation by Chang

Liang's assistance. Chang Liang lived ten years at Hsia-pei as a
knight and a hero. When CKen She* and liis confederates rose in
revolt, and tlie Governor of Pêl^ visited TIsia-pel, Chang Liang joined
them. Subsequently, he was made a general and eunobled with
tlie title Marquis of Liu. Thirteen years later, when with Kao Tsu
he crossed the Clii-jjei territory, he found a yellow stone at the
foot of Mount Ku-clienf). He took it, stored it away, and worshipped
it, and, when lie died, it was buried with him.
' 111 Tung-o district {Shantung).
2 The lielpmate of Wen Wanr/, who had been invested witli the marquisate
of ( 7i i in Shantung (cf. p. 172).
3 The story is quoted from Cltnng Liang's Biograpliy in tlie Shi-chi, chap. 55,
J). 1 V" l)iit somewhat abridged.
A simple soldier wlio in 209 B.r. brought about an iiisuiTCCtioii against Erh
Shih HvdTiff Ti, and assumed the title of a king of Ch'u.
5 Liu Pang 二 Kao Tm, at that time still governoi" of P'ei in Kianym.
Spook Stories.
This yellow stone was a supernatural transformation conveying

an omen. The metamorphoses of heaven and earth are most in-
genious, for is it not wonderful to make an old man take the form
of a yellow stoue, and a yellow stone tlie form of an old man?
Some one might ask, whether the yellow stone was really an
old man, and the old man really a yellow stone. A yellow stone
cannot become an old man, nor an old man a yellow stone. The
appearance of" a supernatural portent made it look so.
During the time of Duke P'ing of Chin: a stone spoke in Wei-

yii; The duke asked the music-master K'uang, why the stone had
spoken. "A stone cannot speak," was the reply. " Perhaps it was
possessed by a spirit, otherwise the people have heard wroug." ^
A stone cannot utter human speech, and so it cannot take

human shape. The speaking of the stone is not different from the
falling' down of the stoue in Tung-cli iin * in CKin Sliih Huang Ti's
time, which was engraved by the people. Engraving gives an in-
scription, and talking, speech. Script and speech fall under tlie same
law. Tlie people engraved the inscription, aud a force made the
speech. The nature of the people and the force is the same. A
stone cannot engrave itself, nor can it talk, and not being able to
talk, it cannot become a man either. " T、 ai Kung' s Strategy " was
formed by the force. How do we know that it was not real ？ Be-
cause the. old man was not a man, whence we infer that the book
was not Tâi Kimg's Strategy either. Since the force could take
the likeness of a living man, it could liken itself to Tâi Kung's
Strategy too.
The question may be raised, how a force could write characters,

having neither knife nor pencil.— When Chung Tse, wife to, Duke
Hui of Iju, was born, she had on her palm tlie words : 一 " Future
princess of JLu." Tâng Shu Yu of Chin bore on his hand the char-
acter Yii, and CK eng Chi Yo of Lu the character Yo.^ These three
inscriptions have been written by a spontaneous nature, and thus
the force had composed the old man's book of itself. The spon-
taneous nature and the self-producing force must be classed together
with the self-speaking queer sayings of children. When children
utter such strange things, tliey do not know, where they got them
1 556-531 B.C.
2 A city in modern T'ai-yuan-fu {Shansi).
3 Tso-chuan, Duke Ch'ao 8th year {Legge Vol.V, Pt. II, p. 622).
4 Circuit comprising the northern part of Honan, north of K'ai-Jeng-fu.
5 See above p. 230.
6 Cf. p. 95.
238
from, their mouths speak of themselves. Tlie self-speaking mouths

and the self-produced writing are the active agents so to say. This
argument may serve as a cue for the better understanding of
other events.
T\d Kung angling caught a big fish, and, wlien lie cut it open,
there was a letter in it reading, Lil Shang ^ will be invested witli
Ch:i." At Wu Wang's time, one cauglit a white fisli, marked under
its tiiroat with the words, " Give it to Fa.'' ^ There was truth in
all this. In fine, the " Plan of tlie Yellow River " and the " Scroll
of tlie Lo,, 3 indicated the rise and fall, the progress and the
decline, and the opportunities of emperors and kings. There cer-
tainly have been such writings. They were apparitions caused by
a supernatural force and lucky or unlucky omens.
1 The surname of T'ai Kung, Wen Wang's associate, who later on became
prince of CKi.
2 The personal name of Wu Wang.
3 Cf. p. 295.
All about Ghosts.
239
CHAPTER XVIII.
All about Ghosts [Ting-kuei).
Tlie ghosts tliat are in the world arc not the vital spirits of
the dead, they are evoked by intense thinking and meditating.
Where do tliey originate? 一 With sick people. When people are
sick, they are incliued to melanclioly and easily frightened. lu this
state of mind tliey see ghosts appear. People wlio are not sick,
are not apprehensive. Thus, when sick people lying on tlieir pillows
are haunted "vvitli fears, gliosts appear. Their fears set tliem ponder-
ing, and wlien they do so, tlieir eyes have visions. How can we
prove this?
Po Lo ' was learning to distinguish liorses : everything he saw,

when sight-seeing, took the form of horses. A cook in Sung was
learning to dissect an ox. For three years he did not perceive a
livipg ox, those he saw were all dead ones."- These two men
strained their mental powers to the utmost. By dint of thinking
and pondering tliey came to have strange visions. Sick men seeing
gliosts are like Po Lo seeing horses or the cook seeing oxen. What
Po TjO and tlie cook saw, were not real horses or oxen. Hence we
know that the visions of the sick are not real ghosts either.
When sick people have a severe attack, and feel much pain
in tlieir bodies, they believe that gliosts witli bamboos and sticks
beat them, and have the impression that gliosts with liammers,
locks, and cords are standing by tlieir side, watching. These are
empty visions caused by pain and fear. When tliey first feel iU,
tliey become alarmed, and see ghosts coming. When their disease
grows more violent, that they fear to die, they see tlie ghosts in-
censed, and, when tliey feel pain, they have the idea that the ghosts
are beating them. It is nothing but the effect of too much ponder-
ing, but there is no reality.
When the vital fluid ^ is thinking or meditating, it flows into

the eyes, the mouth, or tlie ears. When it flows into the eyes, the
1 A somewhat legendary character, mentioned by Chuang Tse chap. 9, p. 1.
2 For more details on this famous cook or butcher see Chuang Tse chap. 3, p. 1.
3 We might translate mental fluid, for here the mental functions of the vital
fluid are referred to, which is the bearer of life as well as the originator of
mind,
animus and aniina.
240
eyes see shapes, wlien it flows into tlie ears, the ears hear sounds,
and, when it flows into the mouth, tlie mouth speaks something.
At day-time ghosts appear, at night, during sleep, they arc heard
in dreams. If a person sleeping quite alone in a lonely house is
nervous, he will see ghosts in his dreams, and, if anybody puts
liis hands on liim, he will scream. What we see, while awake, or
liear, while asleep, is all tlie work of our spirit, of fears and thoughts,
which amounts to the same.
There is an opinion that, when people see ghosts, their vision

and their sleep are disturbed. If during the day their vigour is
worn out, and their vital force exhausted, they desire to sleep at
night. While they are asleep, their vision is distorted, hence their
spirit perceives the images of men and things. When a person is
sick, his vigour is worn out, and his vital force exhausted likewise.
Although his eyes may not be asleep, their seeing power is still
more disturbed than if they were. Consequently they also behold
the shapes of men and tilings.
Tlie sick see things, as if they were asleep. If they were not
like dreaming, tliey ought to know, when they see something,
whether they are awake, or dreaming. Since they are unable to
distinguish, whether, what they see, are ghosts or men, it is evident
that their vital force is exhausted, and their vigour worn out. The
following will corroborate this.
Madmen see ghosts. They are mentally deranged, speak to

themselves, and keep away from sane people, all owing to the severe
form of their disease, and tlie disturbance of their vital Ibrce. When
people are sick, and about to die, they are very much like madmen.
All the three states: ― sleep, sickness, and insanity are accompanied
by a decay of the vital force and a disturbance of vision. Hence
all those people have visions of men and things.
Others say that ghosts are apparitions of the fFuid of sickness.

This fluid being stirred up strikes ； i gainst other people, and by doing
so becomes a ghost. It imitates the human shape, and becomes
visible. Thus, when tlie lluid of very sick persons is in a state of
excitement, it appears in human form, and the sick see it in this
form. In case they fall sick in mountains and forests, the ghosts
they see will be the essence those mountains and forests, and,
All about Ghosts.

241
if their sickness breaks out in Yiieh, they will behold people of that
country sitting by their side. Accordingly, ghosts like that of Kit an
Fu and Tou Ying^ were apparitions of that particular time.
The fluid of this world is purest in heaven. The heavenly

signs - present certain forms ^ above, ami their fluid descends, and
produces tilings. When the fluid is harmonious in itself, it pro-
duces and develops things, when it is not, it does injury. First it
takes a form in heaven, then it descends, and becomes corporeal
on earth. Hence, when ghosts appear, they are made of this stellar
fluid. The bodies of the stars form men, beasts, and birds. Con-
sequently sick people see the sliapes of men, beasts, and birds.
Some maintain that ghosts are the essence of old creatures.

When creatures grow old, their essence forms a human being, but
there are also those, wliicli by tlieir nature can be transformed, be-
fore they are old, and then take a human shape. If the fluid a maa
is endowed with, is the same as the essence of another creature,*
there will be some relation between him and this creature, and,
when it becomes sick, and its vital fluid begins to decline, it fulls
in with that person as a ghost. How can we prove that?
Those creatures which people usually have to do with, ap-

pear to tliem as ghosts, for what difference is there between the
ghosts seen by sick people and those sick creatures? If people see
gliosts resembling a dead man in liis grave, who is coming to meet
and call them, it is one of the domestic animals in their houses.
If tliey see other ghosts, unknown to them previously, those ghosts
are caused by other people's animals e. g. those in the open fields.
According to another opinion ghosts originally live in men,

and, when they cease to be men, they are transformed and dis-
appear. The organisation of the universe is such, that these trans-
formations take place indeed, but the votaries of Taoism cannot
discuss this subject,
1 See p. 217.
2 The stars.
3 The constellations.
* This seems to refer to the animals connected with the twelve cyclical signs
(cf. p. 106). A man born under one of these signs is supposed to have been imbued
with the same essence as the corresponding animal has.
:' Their views are too phaiitastic, as can be seen from their works.
l-uu - Heiig. 16
242
That whicli assaults men, is sickness. Sick people are doomed

to die, but the deceased do not give up all intercourse with men.
This will become clearer from the following:
The Liki tells us that Chuan Ilsii ^ had three sons living who,
wlien tliey dit、(l， became tlie ghosts of epidemics. One living in the
water of the Yangtse, became the Ghost of Fever, the second in the
Jo - was a Water Spirit, the third, dwelling in the corners of palaces
and houses, and in clamp store-rooms, would frighten cliildreu.^ An-
terior to Chuan Ilsii s time tliere liave been more sons living, con-
sequently there must have been hundreds of spirits like those of
Chuan Hsiis time. All spirits and ghosts possess a body, and tliere
is a method 化 make tliem stand upright. Those who meet with
people have all lived in good men, and acquired their fluid, hence
it! their a])[)earance they are like good men. That which can injure
the good is the fluctuating Yang and Yin fluid, as a fluid like that
of the clouds and vapours it could not do so.
Another idea is that ghosts are the spirits of tlie first and
second cyclical signs.'* These spirits are a peculiar fluid of lieaven.
In their shapes they appear like Iminaii beings. When a niaii is
sick, and about to die, the spirit of the first and second day ma Ives
its appearance. Provided that somebody falls sick on the first or
second clay, lie will perhaps see the spirit of the seventh or eighth,
when he dies. Why? Because the ghost of the first ami second
day is the messenger of the seventh and eighth, therefore tlie person
is taken ill on the first and second, and Avlien liis end is near, and
the ghost tliat destroys him appears, it is tlie. spirit of the seventh
and eiglitli. This is evident from the fact that for a malady, that
broke out on the first -or second day, the crisis which decides on
life and death, sets in on the sevcntli or tlio eighth.
Critics do not accept this view as correct. However, the ways

of Heaven are difficult to understand, and ghosts and spirits ab-
scond and hide. Therefore 1 have noted all tlie (lifTmi'nt opinions,
that ray contemporaries may judge for themselves.
1 A legendary ruler of the 26th cent. b.c.
2 According to the "Water Classic a river in the soutli-east of China.
:* Tlii.s passage is not to be found in our Liki. According to the Pei-trfn-

yun-fu it is contained in the Sou-slim- chi (4th cent, a.d.).
4 The signs chia and yL
All about Ghosts.
243
Some say that ghosts are creatures in no way different from

1110 11.' There are spiritual beings in the world, usually staying be-
yond the frontiers, but from time to time coming to China, and
mixing witli men. These are malignant and wicked spirits, hence
they aj)[)ear to men, who are sick, and going to die. As a being-
created in this 、vorld man is like a beast or a bird. When demons
arc created, tliey also resemble men, or are like beasts or birds.
Tlius, unhappy families see corpses flying about, or crawling dem-
ons, or beings like men. All three are gliosts, tliey may be styled
ghosts or demons, goblins or devils. Tliey really exist, as long
as tliey are, and are not empty, formless beings. Hoav do we
know ？
Commonly people who will be visited with misfortune see a

ray of light descending on their homes, or tliey perceive soraetliiag
having the shape of a bird flittiug several times into tlieir hall,
but on looking carefully, they discover that it is not like a bird,
or au animal. Creatures having a body can eat; by eating tliey
acquire activity, and, if tliey give signs of activity, their body must
be real.
Tso CKiu Ming says in his C/iun-cJi in: i 一 " They were banished
into the four frontier States to repulse tlie goblins and devils," -
and the Shan-hai-king reports that in tlie Nortli tliere is the Kingdom
of the Gliosts. 3 They say that goblins are dragon-like creatures.
Devils are also related to dragons, therefore tliey must resemble
dragons. Moreover, a kingdom is defined as a congregation of men
and other creatures.
The SItan-liai-kin 'g also relates that in tlie midst of the Green
Ocean there is the Tu So Mountain, ou \\ liicli grows an enormous
[)each-tree. Its girth measures 3,000 Li. Between its bouglis to the
nortli-east there is tlie so-called door of the ghosts, where tlie ten
thousand gliosts pass in and out. On the tree there are two spirits,
one called S/ieii S/tx. tlie other Yii Li'" who liave the superintendence
over all the ghosts. They bind the Avickecl oues, wlio have wrought
evil, with reeds, and feed the tigers with tliem.
Subsequently Huong T'i worshipped for the purpose of expelling

the ghosts for ever. He erected a huge human figure of peach-
wood and painted SI ten S/m and Yil Lil along with tigers aud cords
1 In his commentary to the Ch'un-cliiu, the Tso-ch'uan.
- Four wicked princes were cast out by Shun into the four distant regions,
which were believed to be inhabited by devils. Tso-ch'uan, Duke Vi't'n 18th year
{Leggr. Classics Vol.V, Pr. I, p. 2S3).
Cl". Shan-hai-king XII, 1.
16*
244
of reeds hanging down on the house-doors, and thus frightened

them away.i '
Malignant devils have bodies, therefore tliey can be caught

hold of, and thrown as food to tigers. Being eatable creatures,
they cannot be unsubstantial or unreal. Yet these creatures have
a different nature from that of man. Sometimes they are visible,
sometimes hidden. lu this respect they do not differ from dragons,
which are not always visible either.
Some people hold that anterior to a man's fortune or mis-

fortune lucky or unlucky apparitions become visible, and that, when
a man is approaching his death, a great many miracles appear to
him. Ghosts belong to these miracles. When apparitions and
miracles come forth, they take human form, or they imitate the
human voice to respond. Once moved, tliey do not give up hu-
man shape.
Between lieaven and earth there are many wonders, in words,

in sound, and in writing. Either does the miraculous fluid assume
a human shape, or a man lias it in himself, and performs tlic mir-
acles. The ghosts, wliicli appear, are all apparitions in human
shape. Men doing wonders with the fluid iu them are sorcerers.
Real sorcerers have no basis for wliat tliey say, and yet their lucky
or unlucky propliecics fall from their lips spontaneously like the
quaint sayings of boys. The mouth of boys utters those quaint
sayings spontaneously, and the idea of their oration comes to wiz-
ards spontaneously. The moutli speaks of itself, and the idea comes
of itself. Thus the assumption of hum an form by tlie miracles,
and their sounds are spontaneous, and tlieir words come forth of
their own accord. It is the same tiling in both cases.
They say that during the time of Chou^ ghosts cried at night
out-side tlie city, and that wlien sang Hsieh ^ invented the art of
writing, ghosts wept at niglit likewise. If the fluid can imitate
human sounds, and weep, it can also imitate the human shape, and
appear in such a form, that by men it is looked upon as a ghost.
1 According to the Fmg-su-fmig of the 2nd cent. a.d. this story is narrated
in the Iluanr) Ti shu, the Book of Iliiang Ti. On New-year's Eve tlie pictures of
'S'Aen iS7m and Yii Lii are still at present pasted on tlie doorways as a talisman
against evil spirits.
3 A legendary personage.
All about Ghosts.
245
A ghost that appears is an evil omen to somebody. When

in this world fortune or misfortune approach, they are always ac-
companied by portents. These come slowly, not suddenly, and not
in great numbers. According to the laws of nature, wlien a man
is going to die, an unlucky phantom comes forth also, and, when
a State is going to perish, an evil portent becomes visible. Con-
versely, when somebody is going to prosper, there are lucky omens,
and, when a State is going to llourisli, there are signs indicating
this prosperity beforehand. Good and bad omens or portents are
the same tiling after all.
Now, however, the general belief is that ghosts are not a

kind of portents, but spirits, wliicli can liurt people. One does
not understand the nature of portents, nor pay attention to the
transformations undergone by tlie fkiid of creatures. When a State
is near its ruin, and a phantom appears, it is not this phantom
wliich ruins tlie State. When a man is near his end, and a gliost
comes forward, the ghost does not cause his death. Weapons
destroy the State, and diseases kill man, as tlie following example
will show :
When Duke Hsiang of Clii was going to be killed by robbers,

lie travelled in Ku-fSn, and subsequently hunted in Pei-cliiu,^ where
he beheld a big hog. His followers said: ― "Prince P'eng ShengV'-
Tlie duke got angry, and said, " Pêng S/ieng dares to show him-
self?" Then lie pulled liis bow, and sliot tlie hog, wliicli rose like
a man, and howled, Tlie duke became so panic-stricken, that lie
fell down in his carriage, hurt his foot, and lost one slioe.^ After-
wards lie was assassinated by robbers.
Those who killed duke Hsiang were robbers, the big liog wliich
appeared on the road previous, was a portent indicating duke
Hsiang s impending death. People called it eng Sheng, because it
resembled liiin. Everybody knows tliat duke Hsiang was not killed
by tlie liog. Therefore it would also be a great error to assert
that ghosts can kill men.
The fluid of the universe wliich forms phantoms foreboding

evil is the solar fluid. Phantoms are the same as poison. That
part of the fluid wliicli injures man, is called poison, that which
is being transformed, a phantom. People say that the quaint ditties
1 Two places in the Ch'i State, in Shantung.
2 Prince P'eng Sheriff was a half-brother of Duke Hsiang of CKi, who em-
ployed him to murder his brother-in-law, the duke of Lii. The people of Ch'i put
P'enff Sheriff to death. Cf. Tvo-ch'nan, Duke Huan 18th year (693 B.C.).
3 Quoted from the Tso-ch'uan, Duke Chuang 8th year, corresponding to 685 B.C.
246
of boys are due to the influence pf the Glimmering Star ^ upon men.
There is truth in these words. The Glimmering Star is the Fire
Star (the planet Mars). Fire has a poisonous glare. Therefore, when
Mars reigns in the sky during the night, it means a disaster and
defeat for a State.
Tlie fluid of fire flickers up and down, and so pliantoms are

at one time visible, at another not. A dragon is an animal resorting
from the Yang principle, therefore it can always change. A ghost
is the Yang fluid, therefore it now appears, and then absconds. The
Yang fluid is red, hence the ghosts seen by people liave all a uni-
form crimson colour. Flying demons are Yang, which is fire. Con-
sequently flying demons shine like fire. Fire is hot and burning,
hence the brandies and leaves of trees, on which those demons
alight, wither and die.
In the Hung -fan of the Shuking the second of the five elemonts
is called fire, and the second of the five businesses speech. Speed i
and fire are the same essence, therefore the ditties of boys and
ballads are weird sayings. The words come forth, and a com-
position is completed. Thus there are always writings full of tlio
supernatural. They say that boys are of the Yang fluid/ hence the
weird sayings come from small boys. Boys and sorcerers have
the Yang fluid in tliera, therefore at the great rain sacrifice in sum-
mer boys must dance, and sorcerers are exposed to tlie sun. Ac-
cording to the rites of this sacrifice the Yin principle, wliicli has
separated, is united with the Yang principle.
In the same manner at an eclipse of the sun, when tlie Yin

predominates,^ an attack is made on the Yin of the land. As during
an eclipse, while the Yin reigns supreme, everything belonging to
the Yin fluid is being assaulted, so at the time of a drought, when
the Yang is in the ascendant, the indignation is directed against
all allies of the Yang. Sorcerers belong to this class. Therefore,
1 焚惑.
2 Shuking, Hang-fan Pt. V, Bk. IV, 5 and 6 {Legge Vol. III， Pt. II， p. 325
and 326).
3 All weird things are manifestations of the Yang^ the solar fluid, which is fiery.
4 The Yang principle is male.
6 The Chinese believe that popular songs and sayings Ibrctelling future events,
of which they have collections, are supernatural inspirations or revelations. Hence
they bring them into connection with ghosts or supernatural beings. Yâng Clinng
falls back on the Yang principle as the origin of those quaint ditties.
The Yin fluid is the rain.
' The sun is eclipsed by the moon, which belongs to the I'm fluid.
All about Ghosts,
247
when Duke Hsi of Lu i was visited with a drought", he liad resolved

to bum all the sorcerers. The sorcerers being imbued with the
Yang fluid, there are for this reason a great many sorcerers in
tlie Yang region (the South). ^ The sorcerers are related to, ghosts,
accordingly sorcerers have something diabolical.
These sorcerers bear a certain resemblance to the boys singing

those quaint ditties. The real sorcerers know liow to determine
luck and misfortune. Being able to do that, tliey are the mes-
sengers of fate. 3
Thus the pliant oin of Shen S/icng* appeared iu a sorcerer. Since

they are filled witli the Yang fluid, pliantoms can appear in sor-
cerers. As Shell Sheiiy appeared as a pliautom, we may infer tliat
tlie Marquis of Tu,^ CJmang Tse K," and the malignant ghost were
likewise phantoms.
As the discontented spirit of tlie Marquis of Tu was a phantom,

the bow and arrows used by hi in were the poison of tliis pliautom.
Tlie pliantoms assuming human shape, their poison must have re-
sembled human weapons. The gliosts and tlieir poison being of
the same colour, the bow and arrows of tlie Marquis of Tu "'ere
all red. The poison was like a weapon used by man, therefore,
wlien it hit a man, lie died, wlien it liit him but slightly, lie faded
away, but did not die at once. His incurable disease was the
effect of tlie poison.
Phantoms either emit their poison, but do not show them-

selves, or they show themselves, but do not emit any poison, or
they produce sounds, wliicli, however, do not form a ay words, or
tliey make known tlieir thoughts, but do not know their sounds.
8hen Sheng showed himself and pronounced words, tlie Marquis of
1 659-626 B.C.
2 The South is the land of the sun, the Yanp principle.
3 The foregoing futile speculations are based on the gratuitous analogies, in

which Chinese natural philosophers, starting from the Yi-king , indulge.
* Heir-apparent to Duke Hsien of the Chin State, by whom he was put to

death in (554 b.c. We learn from the Tso-cK'uan, lOth year of Duke Hsi, that in
(549 the ghost of the murdered prince appeared to an officer of Chin, and spoke to
him.
He told him that in seven days he would have a new interview with him through
a wizard, and that lie would take his revenge on Duke Hui of Chin. Cf. p. 203.
5 The Earl of Tu had been unjustly put to death by King Hsilan of the
(■'l"m dynasty, 826-780 b.c. According to a legend the ghost of the murdered man
appeared to tlie king while limiting'. He was dressed in red, and carried a red bow
and red arrows. One of these arrows he shot through the king's heart, who died
on the spot. Cf. Chacannes, Mem. Hist. Vol. I, p. 278 Note 2. Vid. also p. 202.
See p. 21 >2.
' B\ whicli Yfh Kit of Sung was killed. Cf. chap. XLI.
248
Lull -Heiig: B. Metaphysical.
Tu became visible, and sent forth his poison. Queer songs, the
ditties of boys, and the words on stones are tliouglits uttered. i
The music of the harp on the P'u River- and the wails of the
ghosts in the suburb of Chou ^ were sounds produced.
At the appearance of ill omens, either mishap is impending,

and the omens appear in advance, or misfortune comes, and is ac-
companied by those omens. <n tliat case omens and poison are
both at work. When omens appear beforehand, they cannot be
poisonous. Slim Sheng was an omeu seen before, tlie discontented
ghosts of the Marquis of Tu and Chuang Tse I were phantoms
appearing simultaneously with misfortune.
When King Ihuan of Chou, Duke C/iien of Yeii,'^ and Yeh Ku

of Sung 5 were going to die, ill omens appeared, and the poison hit
them. When Duke Hui of Chin was to be captured,^ but not yet
to die, merely a phantom made its appearance, but no poison shot
forth. The appearance of the Earl of Tu, CIniang Tse /, and tlie
discontented spirit however, were ill omens, announcing the im-
pending deaths of King Hsilan of Chou, Chien of Yen, and Yeh Ku.
SI I en Slimy coining forward was an omen indicative of the captivity
of Duke Hui of Chin. By Po Yu appearing in people's dream the
deceases of Sse Tai and Kung Sun Tuan were foresliadowed.^ The
knitting of grass by the old man was an auspicious porteut for the
victory of Wei Ivo, and for tlie capture of Tu Hui at that time's
The grey dog, by which the Empress Lii Hon was bitten, was the
shape of a phantom showing that her death was near. 9 When
1 The thoughts of ghosts, uttered through the mouth of boys, singing queer
songs, or mysteriously written on stones.
2 Cf. p. 220.
3 See above p. 244.

4 Duke Chien of Yen, 503-491 b.c. I, p. 382 speaks of Duke Chim of Chao
and Lun-heng Bk. IV, p. 5 of Viscount Chien of Chao.
5 See chap. XLI.
r' Duke Hui of Chin, 649-635 b.c. In 644 the duke was taken prisoner by Ch'in.
7 Cf. p. 208.
8 Wei K'o was a commander of the forces of Chin in the 6th cent, b.c, with
which he worsted those of the Ch'in State, and took their strongest man, Tu Hui,
prisoner. He was supported during the battle by an old man twisting the grass in
such a way as to impede the movements of his enemies. This old man was the
spirit of the father of a concubine of Wei K'o's father, whom he had saved from
death. Out of gratitude for the kindness shown to his daughter the spirit thus con-
tributed to his victory and to the capture of Tu Hui. Cf. p. 211.
9 Vid. Shi-chi chap. 9, p. 8 v. The Einprcss Lii IIou was bitten by a grey
dog, wliich suddenly vanished. The diviners declared it to have been the phantom
of J II I, Prujce of Chao, whom Lit Hou had assassinated. Lii Hon died of the bite.
All about Ghosts.
240
the Marquis of Wti-an was near his end, the portents had the mien
of Ton Ying and Kuan Fu.^
In short, what we call lucky or unlucky omeus, ghosts and

spirits, are all produced by tlie solar fluid. The solar fluid is iden-
tical with tlie heavenly fluid. As Heaven can create the body of
man, it can also imitate liis appearance. That by which man is
born are tlie Yang and the Yin fluids, the Yin fluid produces 】iis
bones and llesh, the Yang lluid, the vital spirit. While man is alive,
the Yang and Yin fluids are in order. Hence bones and flesh are
strong, and the vital force is full of vigour. Through this vital
force he has knowledge, and with his bones and flesh he displays
strength. The vital spirit can speak, the body continues strong
and robust. While bones and flesh, and tlie vital spirit are entwined
and linked together, they are always visible, and do not perish.
When the solar fluid is powerful, but devoid of the Yin, it

can merely produce a semblance, but no body. Being nothing but
the vital fluid without bones or flesh, it is vague and diffuse, and
when it appears, it is soon extinguished again.
1 T'ien Fm, Marquis of Wu-an, a minister of the Emperor Han Wu Ti had

in 140 B.C. caused the death of his predecessor and rival Ton, Ying. The ghost of
the latter appeared to him, when he was about to die. The general Kuan Fu's death
was likewise the work of T'im Fen. Cf. p. 217.
250
Lnn - Hoiig: C. Physical.
CHAPTER XIX.
■ On Heaven (Tan-ilen)-
In the books of the Literati i we find tlie statement that Kung

Kung ^ struggled with Chuan Hsii^ for the empire, and that, out of
anger that lie was defeated, lie knocked against the Pu Chou Mountain,*
thereby causing- the break-down of the " Pillar of Heaven " and
the delabrement of the confines of the earth. But Nil Wa^ melted
multicoloured stones, and tlierewitli plastered up the blue sky, and
cut off the legs of a sea-turtle, wliicli slie erected at the four ex-
tremities of the universe. However, heaven was not complete in
the north-west, therefore sun and moon moved/' and there was a
piece of the earth missing in the south-east, hence all the rivers
flowed to the ocean.? This is a very old tradition, believed by most
people. 8 Well educated persons w'lW think it strange, but tliey have
nothing to say against it, or if they have, they are unable to settle
the question. They may also be afraid, lest the thing si i on Id be
really true, and therefore dare not discuss it seriously. According to
the laws of nature and from a liuman point of view, it is all idle talk.
If a man fighting with another for the empire, out of anger

that he did not win, k no eked against the Pu Chou Mountain, and
caused the pillar of heaven to break, and the confines of the earth
to be smashed, it" liis strength was like tliat, lie would have no op-
ponent on earth. With such a force lie could engage tliree armies,
and the soldiers would be to him like ants, and their weapons like
blades of grass. Wliy should he, resenting liis defeat, strike against
Mount Fu Chou ？
There is nothing- harder and heavier than a mountain. The

strength of ten thousand men pushing would not be able to move
1 In Huai A'aii Tse. Cf. p. 89.
2 A legendary being of preliistoric times.
3 A mytliical emperor.
Tlio I'll ( liou Mountain forms part ol' the l\' (in-lun, which latter is also
call 0(1 " Pillar of Heaven " (T'ien-clni).
■' The sister of tlie mytliical ('mpcror Fn lis!.
r' To wit from cast to west.
， The ocean is in tlio east of Cliiiui.
8 Cf. Lieh 'J'"' V, r)v. : where tliis old ti'aditioii is told with almost the
saiJiP words.
On Heaven.
251
even a small mountain, and Mount Pu Chou must have been a big
one. If it was really tlie " Pillar of Heaven," it would be a dif-
ficult tiling to break it. If it was not. then it cannot be admitted
that by knocking against the Pu Chou Mountain the " Pillar of
Heaven " was broken. ― CI man Hsil in his fight against Kung Kung
might have mustered all tlie soldiers on earth and all the multitudes
peopling- the land within tlie seas, he would not liave been a match
for hi 111. How slionld Kung Kung not liave been victorious?
Moreover, is heaven air or a body ？ If it be air, it cannot

be different from clouds and mist. Then there could be no pillar
wliicli might be broken. Since Nil Wa repaired it witli stones, it
must be a body. If it be so in fact, then it is something like gems
and stones. The substance of stones is heavy, a single pillar would
not be a sufficient support for a thousand Li. Not even tlie peaks
of the Five Mountains ^ could prop heaven as pillars.
When Mount Pu Chou was sti'ud" did it support heaven?

The mountain was broken by Kung Kung. At that time heaven
ought to liave fallen flo、vn. How could it be raised again, once
collapsed, and liow could tlie four poles be erected witli cut ort"
legs of a sea-turtle? Some one might say that a sea- turtle was a
monster of olden times witli immense legs, and that its legs there-
fore could be erected as the four poles.
Now Pu Chou is a mountain, a sea-turtle an animal. Origin-

ally a mountain was serving as pillar of heaven. Kung Kung
broke it, and it was replaced by the legs of an animal. Bones
become putrified, how could they long stand upright? If the legs
of a sea-turtle could support heaven, the body of the turtle must
have been of such enormous dimensions, that it would not have had
room enough between heaven and earth. How could Nil Wa liave
lulled it, though she was a saint? If she was able to do it, how did
she manage it? Provided tliat the leg's could be used as the pillars
of Ilea veil, their skin must liave been as hard as stone and iron ；
swords as well as halberds would have been ineffective against it, nor
could a sharp arrow, sliot from a strong cross-bow, have pierced it.
We see that at present heaven is very high and far distant

from the earth. The heaven of to-day is the same with that of
antiquity. When Kung Kung damaoed it, heaven did uot fall down
upon tlie earth. Nil Wa was luimau; a man may be very tall, lie
never will reach up to heaven. When Nil Wa was repairing it, on
1 The Five Sacred Mountains of China : 一 Tai-shan in Shantung, Heng-shan

in Hunan, Hua-shan in Shmsi, Heng-shan in Chili, and Sung-shan in Honan.
252
Lun - Hong: C. Physical.
what steps did she climb up, and on what did she stand, while
doing her work ？ Was the heaven of olden days perhaps like the
roof of a hall, and not far distant from men, so that Kung Kung
could destroy, and Nil Wa repair it? If this was actually so, there
would have been many NVi Was. Of people living prior to Nil Wa
the Human Emperors^ were the oldest. Was at the time of the
Human Emperors heaven like a canopy?
The commentators of the Yiking say that previous to the sep-

aration of the primogenial vapours there was a chaotic and uniform
mass, and the books of the Literati speak of a wild medley, and
of air not yet separated. When it came to be separated, the pure
elements formed heaven, and the impure ones earth. According to
the expositors of the Yiking and the writings of the Literati the
bodies of heaven and earth, wlien they first became separated,, were
still small, and they were not far distant from each other, so much
so, that heaven might well have reclined on the Fa Chou Mountain,
and that Kung Kung could smash, and Nil Wa repair it.
All beings filled with air grow. Heaven and earth contain
air, which develops spontaneously. A great many years have elapsed
since their first beginning. Hence it is impossible to calculate the
distance between heaven and earth now, whether it be wide or nar-
row, far or near. What the scholars write about it may so far be
correct, the statement, however, that Kung Kung knocked against
Mount Pu Chou, broke the " Pillar of Heaven," and smashed the
borders of the earthy that with liquified multicoloured stones the
blue sky was repaired, and tliat the legs of a sea-turtle were cut
off", and set up as the four poles, is all the same untenable. Even
though a mountain might be moved, Kung Kung, s force would not
suffice to break it. Were at the time, when heaven and earth first
separated, the mountains small and men great ？ How else could
tliey have knocked against a mountain, and broken it?
The repairing of heaven by means of five kinds of stones may

at least be discussed. These stones might liavc worked like mineral
drugs curing a disease.'^ But the cutting oil' of the legs of a sea-
turtle and putting them up at the four poles, cannot be mentioned
in earnest. It is a long time since Nil Wa. Do the four poles look
like the legs of a turtle ？
1 These are still believed to have been preceded by a dynasty of sovereigns

of Heaven, and of sovereigns of Earth, all fabulous beings.
2 Supposing heaven to be a spirit or a human-like living being.
On Heaven.
258
In Tsou Yen's • book there is a notice to the effect, that there

are nine divisions of the Empire viz. the nine divisions forming the
tributary land of Yil. The Nine Circuits of Yii are so to speak but
one continent. If in the " Tribute of Yil "- Nine Circuits are men-
tioned, they are the present Nine Circuits of tlie Empire. They are
situated in the south-east of tlie eartli and bear the uame of Cli ih-
hsien^ or Shen-chou ^ (China). But there are eight continents besides.
Each continent is hemmed in by the Four Seas, which are called Pai-
hai.5 Beyond the Nine Continents there is still the Great Ocean. ^ —
This statement is extraordinary and bewildering to the hearers,

but they are unable to make out, whether it be correct or not. Thus
it is l)eing handed down by books, which are read, or repeated by-
word of mouth. Reality and fiction are equally transmitted to
posterity, and the world does not distinguish between trutli and
untruth. People become perplexed, and a discussion is very difficult.
Tsou Yens knowledge did not surpass that of Yii. When Yu

controlled the deluge, Yi acted as his assistant.' While Yii was
regulating the water, Yi noted all things. He explored the expanse
of heaven, and penetrated to the farthest limits of the earth. He
distinguished what was beyond the Four Seas,^ and thoroughly
investigated the region within the Four Mountains.^ In the thirty
five States he enumerated all the beasts and birds, plants, trees,
minerals, stones, waters, and earths, but lie did not say that there
are still nine continents besides.
Liu An, prince of Huai Nan '° invited scientists like Wu Pe'i
and Tso Wu. His palaces were full of sucli men, who wrote books
on the Taoist doctrine. Id tlie chapter where he treats of the
things of the world and the shape of the earth, lie speaks of
1 A scholar of the 4th cent. b.c. who wrote on cosmogony and geography.
See p. 19.
2 The well known chapter of the Shuking.
3 Literally the " Red Region," 赤^
4 The " Divine Circuit," 神州 .
5 Minor Seas, 雜海，
G Ying-hai, 、瀛海.
7 Cf. p. 330.
8 The Four Seas supposed to surround the habitable land i. e. China.
9 The Four Sacred Mountains: ― Tai-shan, Heng-shan, Hua-shan and Heng

shan in the East, South, West, and North of ancieut China. The Sung-shan in the
Centre is omitted. See above p. 251.
10 The Taoist philosopher Huoi Nan TV cf. p. 335.
11 Chap. IV of Huai Aon T.se' •、 work.
254
Lun - Heng ： C. Physical.
prodigies and tlie wonders of foreign lands, lie also talks of the
peculiarities of the thirty- five countries, but does not mention the
existence of Nine Continents.
Tsoii Yen did not travel as far as Yii and Yi on earth, and
bis experience was not greater than that of either Wu Pei or Tso
Wu. His talents were not those of a sage, and he did not learn
things by a special revelation from- lieaveu. How then could lie
make such statements ？ Examined by the light of Yii's " Mountain
Book " 1 and of I luai Nans chapter on the shape of the earth, his
words are utterly wrong.
The Grand Annalist^ says: ― " lu the ' Chronicle of Yil ' ^ it is
said til at the Yellow River has its fountain-head in the iCun-hm,
wliicli is three thousand and five hundred Li 4 high. There where
sua aud moou hide iu the iCun-lun, it is full of splendour. On the
mountain there is the Jade Spring aud the Flower Lake, Now,
after Chang Cliien went as envoy to Bacfria,'' he traced the springs
of tlie Yellow River, but did lie see what the Chronicle relates
about the iCun-lun? In what it says about the nine divisions,
mountains, and rivers the Skuking may be near the truth, ^ of the
wonderful tilings to be found in Yits Chronicle and the ' Mountain
Book.' 8 I dare not express myself." .
" 1 dare not express myself " means that there is no truth in
them. Every one has heard about the height of the K\m~lun, the
Jade Spring, and the Flower Lake, but, when Chang Cliien went
there persoually, lie found that these things did not exist. In the
" Tribute of Y'd " mountains, rivers, and wonderful things, precious
metals and stones occurring in tlic Niue Circuits are all enumerated,
but there is iio reference to tlie Jade Spring or the Flower Lake
on the IC un-lun. In the opinion of the Grand Annalist the re-
ports of the " Mountain Book " and (he " Chronicle of Yii " are
inventions.
1 The " Mountain Book " 二 Slian-king forms the first five chapters of the
" Mountain and Sea Classic " ― Shan-hai-hing, which tradition ascribes to Yii and
his minister Yi, but it Ls probably not earlier than the 4th or the 3d cent. e.c.
2 iShi-chi chap. 123, p. 1 ！) v.

3 This book is now lost.
4 Tlie Shi-chi lias 2,500 Li.
5 玉泉 and 華池. The N/t/.t'/"' writes:—" the Sweet Wine Spring and
tlie Jasper Lake": ggj^j^ and Jiff 厂 /也.
G CUang Ch 'ien started on his f'aiiioiis expedition in 1 22 p..r.
7 These subjects are treated in the chapter eiititlod the " Tribute of Yii. '
8 The Shi-cUi writes: — The 'ISk(in-h<ii-khiy.
On Heaven.
255
In all things which are difficult to k now, it is not easy to

find out the truth.
The pole is the centre of heaven. At present the world lies

south from llie pole of Yi't, tliereibre the lieavenly pole must be
in the nortli, heaven must be high there, and more people living
in tliat region. According to the "Tribute of Yu " the east is
washed by the ocean, and the west covered Avitli " flying sand.".
These must be the extreme limits of heaven and earth.
Wlieu the sua pricks, his diameter measures a thousand Li.

Now, if tlie sun is observed at his rise from Yin aucl Chi It Itsien '
in K'uei-ckl on the eastern sea-shore, his diameter appears to be no
more than two feet, which proves that the sun is still very far.
Consequently there must be more land eastward. This being the
case, the assertion about the pole being in the north and about
the extension of heaven and earth is not made at random.- lu
this way the statements of Tsou Yen cannot, be controverted, aucl
what the " Chronicle of Yil " says cm mountains and seas, and
Huai Nan Tses lucubrations on the shape of the earth appear un-
reliable.
Tsou Yen holds that at present the " land under heaven " ^
lies in the south-east of the earth, and is called CKih hsien or Shen
chou. Now, tlie lieavenly pole is the centre of heaven. If at present
the " laud under heaven " were situated in the south-east of the
earth, the pole ought to appear in tlie north-west. Since in fact
it is straight north, the world at present lies south of the pole.
Ill regard to the pole the world cannot lie in tlie south-east, hence
Tsou Yen's statement to this e fleet is wrong.
If it were in tlie south-east, it would be near to the sun's

rising place, and tlie light of the risiug sun ought to appear bigger.
Now, whether looked at from the Eastern Sea or from the Gobi,
the size of the sun remains tlie same. Although the points of
observation be ten thousand Li distant, it makes no difference in
the size of the sun. That shows that at present tlie world occupies
but a small part of the expanse of tlie earth.
1 Chih =z 竹 |S must be a misprint, for such a character is not to be found

in the dictiouaries. We ought to read Mou 二貿 j^. Yin and Mou were two dis-
tricts of the K ttci-chi circuit comprising Chekking and parts of Ankui and Fukien
under the Han dynasty. I'm was in the south-east of Mou, both situated in the
present Kinypo prefecture. (Cf. Knnghi's Diet.)
2 Tsou Yen's assertion.
3 丄. e. the habitable land or China.
256
Lun-Heng: C. Physical.
Loyang is tlie centre of the Nine Circuits. i Viewed from

Loyang the north-pole appears direct north. The shore of the
Eastern Sea is three thousand Li distant from Loyang. Seen from
there tlie pole is likewise in the north. By analogy we may safely
assume that viewed from the Gobi the pole will also appear in
the north. The Eastern Sea and the Gobi are the eastern and
western borders of the Nine Circuits, ten thousand Li distant from
one another, nevertheless tlie pole appears always north. The eartli
must therefore be very small and occupying a narrow space, since
one never gets away from the pole.
The principality of Annam {Jih Nan i. e. the South of the Sun)

is ten thousand Li distant from Loyang. People wlio had emigrated
there, and came back, when asked, have said that, when the sun
culminates, his resting-place cannot be in Annam. If we go ten
thousand Li further south, the sun there must reach his south-point.
Then the soutli-point of the sun would be twenty thousand Li
distant from Loyang. Now, if we measure the distance of the way
made by the sun from Loyang, it cannot be the same, as if we
measure from the north-pole, because the pole is still very far from
Loyang. Let us suppose tliat we went thirty thousand Li north.
Even then we would not arrive under the pole. But provided we
did, then we could say that we had reached the place just beneath
tlie nortli-pole. Since from there to the soutli-point there would
be fifty thousand Li, there must be fifty thousand Li north of the
pole likewise, and under these circumstances there would also be
fifty thousand Li from the pole eastward and westward in either
direction. One hundred thousand Li from north to south, and one
hundred thousand Li from east to west multiplied would give a
million square Li.^
Tsou Yen opines that between lieaveu and earth there are
nine continents like China. At the Chou period the Nine Circuits
measured five thousand Li from east to west, and from nortli to
south also five thousand Li. Five times five gives twenty- five, one
continent therefore would contain twenty-five thousand square Li,
which would be tlie size of China.3 Twenty-five thousand Li multi-
1 Loyang is considered the centre of the world i. e. China.
2 Wang di'iing is a better theorist than arithmetician. The square of

100,000 is 1 0,000 millions, not 】 million. Wumj ('Hung supposes the earth to be
an equilateral, rectangular square.
3 The same mistake. The square of :'),000 is 25 millions. 25 million square

Li, about 8 million square kilometer is approximately tlie area of tlie Eighteen
Pro-
vinces or Cliiiia Pioper.
On Heaven.
257
plied by nine would give two hundred and twenty-five thousand

square Li. Tsou Yen's figure ^ may appear too high, but computation
and a thorough investigation show us that, on the contrary, it is
too low. 2
The Literati say that heaven is air, and therefore not far from
man. Consequently it immediately knows, whether they are right
or wrong, and whether they possess secret virtues or vices, and
also responds to them. This is regarded as a proof of its vicinity.
But, if we examine the question critically, we find that heaven's
body is not air.
Men are created by 】ieaven, why then grudge it a body?

Heaven is not air, but has a body on high and far from men.
According- to private traditions heaven is upwards of sixty-thousand
Li distant from the eartli. Some mathematicians reckon the entire
circumference of heaven at 365 degrees. Thus the world all round
is divided into degrees, and its height measures a certain number
of Li. If heaven were really air, air like clouds and mist, how
could then be so many Li or so many degrees ？ Besides we have
the " twenty-eiglit constellations," which serve as resting-places to
sun and moon, just as on eartli the couriers lodge in postal stations.
The postal stations on eartli correspond to the solar mansions on
heaven. Hence the statement found in books that heaven has a
body is not baseless. To him who considers the question, as we
have done, it becomes evident that heaven cannot be something
diffuse and vague.
1 225,000 square Li (225 millions), which number is based on Tsou Yen's
hypothesis that there are nine continents as large as China.
2 Wang CK'ung has calculated a million square Li (10,000 millions). The

area of our Earth measures about 510 million square kilometer, not 2,500 millions
[― 1 0,000 million square Li) as results from Wang CKung's calculation.
3 Huai IS an Tse says 50,000 Li.
l-un - Heng.
17
258
Luii-Heiig: C. Physical.
CHAPTER XX.
On the Sun {Shuo-jih).
The Literati say that the sun, when lie becomes visible iu
the morning, comes forth from darkness, and that, when be dis-
appears ill the evening, lie re-enters darkness. The Yin fluid of
darkness is obscure, they say, therefore the sun disappears in it,
and becomes invisible.
In reality the sun neither leaves nor re-enters darkness, but

liow can \ve prove that?
Night is darkness ； its fluid is also obscure.* But if a fire is

made during the night, its light is not extinguished by the niglit.
The darkness of night is the darkness of the north. The setting
sun, whicli rises in the morning, is the kindled fire. The light of
a fire, kindled at night-time, is not extinguished, that shows that,
when the sun sets in the evening, a fluid 2 cannot be the cause of
his disappearance.
Observing' the sun-rise and the sun-set in winter, we remark

that, iu the morning, lie rises in the south-east, and, in tlie evening,
lie sets in tlie south-west. The south-east and tlie south-west are
not the region of the Yin or darkness. How tlien can it be said
that tlie sun proceeds from and reverts to darkness? Furthermore,
the stars notwithstaiicling- their smallness remain visible, and the
sun is extinguished in spite of his greatness? The reasoning oT
the scholars of to-day is tliouglitless and shallow.
They again say that tlie shortness of the days in winter, ami
tlieir length iu suiiiiner are also brought about l)y tlic Yiu and tlio
Yang. In summer, the Yang fluid abounds, and the Yin fluid falls
short. Tlic Yang fluid shines with the same splendour as llie sun.
Consequently, when the sun comes forth, there is nothing to ob-
scure him. Ill winter, the Yin fluid is dusky, and overshadows
1 Night is here taken as something positive, something like a black veil, or

dark air, not as the absence of light, vvliicli does not cause the disappearance
oi' the
sun, but is its consequence.
2 The dark fluid of night.
3 According to Chinese symbolism the J7w principle of darkness corresponds

to the north.
On the Sun.
259
the sun-light. Therefore, although the sun rises, he remains dark

ami invisible. Thus in winter the days are short. The Yin is
paramount, and the Yang is scarce, just the reverse of what takes
[)lace in summer.
Elowever, it' we consider the question seriously, we will Ihitl

that the Yin and the Yang are not responsible lor the length or
the shortness of the days. This is made evident by the northern
stars. The Yin of tlie north is the Yin of the sun. The Yin of
the north does not overshadow tlie sparkling of the stars, why
then should the Yin in winter obfuscate the brightness of the sun?
Hence those wlio speak about the Yin and the Yang miss the truth.
As a matter of fact, in summer the sun stands in Gemini, in

winter in Aquila.' Aquila is far from the pole, therefore tlie curve
described by the suu is sliort. Gemini being near tlie pole, the
solar curve is long tlien. In summer tlie suu proceeds northwards
as far as Gemini, iu winter southwards as far as Aquila. There-
fore the extreme solar points iu winter and summer are called
"wiiiti'r" and " summer limit. '""^ Because in spring and autumn
those extremes are not reached, one speaks of "vernal" and
" autumnal division. "s
Some people hold that in summer, when the Yang fluid

abounds, it is in the south, and that in consequence heaven rises
and becomes Ligli. In winter the Yang fluid decays, and heaven
sinlvs down, and becomes depressed. When heaven is liigli, the
course of the suu increases in length, and the days are lengthened;
when heaven is low, the solar curve decreases, and the days are
short.
Now, if owing to the exuberance of the solar Yang fluid,

lieaven rises in the south, and tlie course of the sun is lengthened,
the same increase ought to take place in regard to the moon. In
summer, when the days are long, the sun rises iu the north-east,
but the moon in the south-east. In winter, when the days are
sliort, the sun rises in the soutli-east, whereas the moon rises in
the north-east. If iu summer lieaven were raised iu tlie south,
sun and moon ought equally to rise in the north-east, and, if in
winter heaven A\ere lowered, sun and moon should both rise in
the south-east. It results from this, that in summer lieaven does
1 Literally: Tung-chin g 東井, the " Eastern Well," and Cliien-nu 牽牛，
the '' Herdsman."
2 . The two solstices.
3 分. The two equinoxes.
17*
260
Lun - Heng ： C. Physical,
not rise in the south, and that in winter it is not depressed. On

the contrary, in summer, when the days are long, the stars from
which the sun rises are in the north, and in winter, wlien the
days are short, these stars are in the south.
The following question may be raised. In summer, in the

fifth moon, when the days are long, the sun stands in Gemini,
which are near the pole, therefore the course of tlie sun is long.
Now, we see that in the fifth moon tlie sun rises in tlie sign Yin i
and sets in Hsu.'^ The solar curve being so long and far from
men, how is it that we see the sun rise in Yin and set in Hsil?
When the sun stands in Gemini, lie is very near to men. Gemini
are near the pole, hence, when the pole turns round, they ought
to remain always visible. Provided that Gemini are by the side
of the pole, ought we not to have no night, but continuous (lay? 4
Some scholars assert that sun and moon have nine different
courses, therefore, they say, the sun in his course is near or far,
and day and night are long or short. ― However, in the fifth month
day-time makes up ' Yie and night-time ^/jg, and in the sixth month
the day is '7i6 and the night ''/jg. From the sixth month to the
eleventh month every mouth the clay decreases by Yie- That means
that to tlie course of the sun every month Yie is added. In the
lapse of a year the sun takes 16 difl'erent courses on lieaveu and
not 9 only.
Another idea is that heaven is high in tlie south and depressed

in the north. When the sua rises into tlie higher region, lie be-
comes visible, and when lie sets into the lower one, lie disappears.
Heaven is believed to be like a reclining umbrella, which is shown
by the fact that tlie pole, as seen from us, is in the north. The
pole is tlie centre of the world. Since it is north from us, heaven
must evidently resemble a reclining- umbrella.
If to illustrate the shining ol" the sun the analogy of a reclining
umbrella be used, heaven must really have the shape of an um-
brella. The polar star in the north of the upper part would cor-
respond to the top of the umbrella, the south in the lower part
would be like the stick of the umbrella, but where would that
be? An umbrella reclining on tlie earth cannot turn round, but
raise it straight, and it rotates. Now, provided that heaven revolves,
1 This cyclical sign denotes ENE-'/jN on the compass and corresponds

to Gemini.
2 Hm ― WNW74N and Aquarius.
3 Turning round with the pole.
■* The .sun turning round tlie poJe in Gemini and never disajjpeariiig.
On the Sun.
261
its northern edge cannot touch the earth, for liow could it revolve,
if it knocked against the earth? We see from this that heaven
cannot be shaped like a reclining umbrella, and that the sun rising
or setting does not follow the elevation, and tlie depression of
heaven.
Some people maintain that the northern edge of heaven sinks

down into tlie earth, and that the sun following heaven enters
into the earth. The earth being massive, obscures liim, so that
men cannot see him. But heaven and eartli are husband and wife.
They unite in one body, heaven is in earth, and eai'di joined to
liea\'en. Their fluids mix and produce things. Tlie north is Yin.
When both are coupled, and tlieir fluids mingle, it is in the north
therefore,^ but does heaven revolve in the earth ？ If not, the earth
in the north would be depressed,^ and not even.
Let us suppose that lieaven really is revolving in the earth.

On digging up the eartli ten feet deep we find springs. Does then
heaven revolving in the earth plunge into the water, and then
come out again ？ If the north were depressed and not level, the
Nine Streams^ ought to flow north without ever filling it up. In
reality heaven does not revolve in the earth, nor does the sun
become obscured, because lie follows heaven. Heaven is quite as
level as eartli, and the sun rises, and sets, being turned round
along with heaven.
Heaven appears to us in the shape of a bowl turned upside

down. Therefore the sun rising and setting looks like coining from
and entering into the eartli. When the sun rises, he is near, when
lie sets, he is far, and becomes invisible, hence the term setting or
entering. When in his rotation the sun appears in the east, he is
near, hence we say that he is rising or coming out. But what
proof have we? If you attach a moonlight pearl to the bow over
a cart, and turn the cart round, the pearl will also turn.
To men heaven and earth seem to unite at a distance of no

more than ten Li. That is the effect of the distance, for tliey do
not come together in fact. When we behold the sun setting, lie
does not set either, it is also the distance. At the time, when the
sun sets in tlie west, the people living there will perhaps say that
he is culminating;, and looking from the point, where the sun is
setting, eastward to our world, lieavea and earth may appear to
The north is 17/?, which is synonymous with fenia】e， here the female organ.
Viz. by heaven knocking against it in its rotation.
The Nine Streams regulated by 〗'u. See Mayers Pt. II， No. 267.
262
Lnn-Heng: C. Physical.
the beholder joined together. Our world is in the south, i therefore

the sun rises in tlie east, and disappears in the northern regions.-^
If the suu rose in tlie nortli, he would set in the south, ^ for every-
Avliere, what is uear seems to rise, and wliat is far, to set. In real-
ity there is no setting, but it is tlie distance.
If standing on tlie shore of a big lake, you look out to its

limits in tlie four directions, they are blended with heaven. As a
matter of fact, they are not blended, but the distance gives tliis
impression. Through distance the sun seems setting, and througli
distance the 】ake seems to be blended 、vith heaven. It is the same
in both cases. The lake is bordered by land, but we do not so<*
it, for to the observer it looks, as if it were blended 4 with heaven.
The suu also looks like setting. All this is hrouglit about by distance.
The height of Mount T ai equals that of. heaven, and is lost

in the clouds, yet from a distance of one hundred Li the mountain
does not appear as big as a clod of earth. At a distance of oik*
hundred Li Mount T ni disappears, how much more the sun, whose
distance from us is counted by ten thousands of Li ！ The exainplf^
of the T'ai'shan gives an explanation.
Let a man take a big torch, and walk at night on a level

road, 、vliere there are no gaps. He will not have walked to a
distance of one Li from us, before the light of the fire is gone out.
It does not go out, it is the distance. In tlie same manner the suu
revolving westward and disappearing does not set.
The following question may be asked: ― Plea veil is level as

much as the earth. Now, looking up to heaven and regarding' tlu、
movements of the sun and the moon, it seems as though heaven
were high in the south and low in the north. ? How is that to
be explained ？
1 See above p. 255. On p. 263 Wang Cheung says that our world lie's in the
south-east of the universe.
2 The sun sets in the west and passes through the north, before he rises
again in the east.
3 To people living in the east of the universe L e. below the farthest eastern
limit reached by the sun in his course, the sun would appear to rise in the north,
to culminate in the east, and to set in the south.
4 The context requires that we should read 露 j blended instead of loo'、'

out of the text.
5 The light becomes invisible for those who look after him.
r' The great distance makes the sun invisible.
7 Because the sun and the moon, winch are supposed to be attached to
heaven and revolving with it, rise on the southern hemisphere, and go down on
the northern.
On the Sun.
263
The answer is this : ― Our actual world ^ is Iving in the south-

east. Seen from Ik、1o、v， lieavon looks, as if it wxm'c clcviited, and
the courses of tJie sun and the moon are soutli of us. Now, our
world lies beneath the courses of the sun and the moon, tlierefore
it seems to us, as if in their motions they rose in tlie south, and
descended in the nortli. How shall we account for that?
If heaven were elevated in the south, the southern stars should

be elevated likewise. However, we see them going down. Is then
heaven again depressed in the soutli? The celestial bodies wliicli
are near appear liigli, those whicli are distant, low. To people
uortli of the pole it seems high, and the soutli they regard as
low. The same holds good for the regions east and west of the
pole. All regard as liigh, what is near, and as low, what is lar
from them.
He who from beneath the Nortli em Passes - looks up, sees the
polar constellation above hi in. The north of the Usiung-nu is the
bordoL'-land of the earth. Seen in the north, heaven still appears
liigh in the north and lo^v in the south, and sun and moon in
their courses ascend heaven there also. For a man standing on
Mount T ai it is high, whereas ten Li from its foot it appears low.
The height of heaven is like that of Mouut T ai as seen h\ men.
The four quarters and the centre, which are level, are of the
same lieight, if, therefore, heaven seems to be depressed at tlie four
cardinal points, this must be an illusion caused by the distance.
Heaven does not only seem depressed there, but joined to the earth.
Some savants hold that at sunrise and sunset, in the morning

and in the evening, the sun is near, and that Avliile in tlie zenith
he is far away. Conversely, others maintain that the sun in the
zenith is near, whereas at sunrise and sunset he is a long way
oft'. Those who believe that the sun is near, when lie rises or sets,
and far off, when lie culminates, have remarked the lai'g'e size of
the sun rising oi' setting, and his smallness at noon. We find that
things are large, when they are near us, and small, when seen from
a distance. Therefore the rising and setting sun is considered to
be near, and tlie sun in the zenitli to be far distant. Those who
believe tliat at sunrise and sunset the sua is far off, and at noon
near us. have ou the other Land made the observation tliat at noon
the sun is warm, and that lio is cool, while rising or setting. Wlieu
a tire comes near us, Ave feel hot. whereas, wlieu it is at a distance,
1 /• e, China.
"- 111 Mongolia.
264
we feel cold. Hence the idea that the sun at noon is near, while
he is at a distance, wlien he is rising or setting, i
Both views are well-founded, and it has not yet been ascer-
tained, which is right, and which is wrong. If we consider the
question seriously, we arrive at the conclusion that the sun in tlie
zenith is near, and at sunrise and sunset far off, as the following
experiment will show. Place a pole upright in a room. The room
is 30 feet high. The pole placed vertically under the roof-beam
knocks against the latter above, and reaches to tlie bottom below.
The beam then is 30 feet distant from the bottom. When the pole
is inclined a little sidewards, its top diverges sidewards, and cannot
touch the beam anymore, because the distance from the bottom is
more than 30 feet.
When the sun is culminating, lie just reaches the highest

point on heaven, exactly like the pole standing upright so, tliat
tlie distance from the bottom measures 30 feet. The sun rising or
setting is deflected to our right or left like tlie pole inclining to
one side, whereby the distance from Ijie bottom exceeds 30 feet.
We learn from this that the sun in the zenitli is near, and the
rising or setting sun more distant.
Let again a man be seated in the central hall of a house,

and another walk on its roof. When lie has reached the centre
of the liouse, he is just above the man seated, and the distance
from the man on tlie roof to the man sitting in the liouse, is
30 feet. When he is at the eastern or the western corner of the
roof, his distance from the man in the house is greater than 30 feet.
The sun in the zenith is like the man standing in the middle
of the roof, when the sun is just rising or setting, he resembles
tlie man at the eastern or western corner. The sun in tlie zenith
is near us, therefore warm, at tlie time of his rising or setting, lie
is far, and consequently cool. However, when the sun stands in
the zenith, he is small, whereas at sunrise and sunset he is large.
That is because, when the sun is culminating, the brightness of
daylight ^ makes him appear small, and wlien tlie sun is rising or
setting, daylight is fading, and lie looks larger in consequence. In
the same manner a fire looks small at tlay-timc, but big at night.
What is shown by fire, can be proved by tlie stars also. The stars
1 This problem is already enunciated by Lich Tse V, 9 who makes two lads
expose it to ( 'onfucius. They ask the Sage to decide between the two antagonistic
views, but lie is unable to give a satisfactory reply.
- Wany CKumj seems to think that daylight is distinct from the light of
the sun.
On the Sun.
265
are not visible during the day, because the brightness of tlie day
eclipses tliein. At night, there is no light, and the stars become
visible. Now the sun and the moon are stars. Wlien the sun ap-
proaches the liorizon, and is about to set, his liglit fades, and he
appears bigger.
The scholars argue that in the morning tlie sun rises from
Fu Sang〕 and in the evening sets in Ilsi Liu? Fu Sang is the
eastern region, Hsi Liu the western desert, botli are tlie confines
of heaven and earth, and tlie places where the sun and the moon
use to rise and set.
I beg to put the following question : ― Every year in the se-

cond and the eighth mouths the sun rises exactly in the east, and
sets exactly in tlie west. 3 We might say tlieu that the sun rises
in Fu Sang, and sets in Hsi Liu. But in summer, when the days
are long, the sun rises in the north-east, and sets in the north-
west.^ In winter, A\'lien tlie days are short, the sun rises in the
south-east and sets in the south-west. In winter and summer rising
and setting take place in four different corners. In which place
exactly are Fa Sang and Hsi Liu situated then? The above state-
ment, therefore, is true for spring and autumn, but not for winter
and summer. Yet, after all, the sun does not rise in Fu Sang nor
set ill Hsi Liu for tlie reason that he revolves witli heaven and is
visible, when near, and invisible, wlien far off. While lie is in
Fu Sang or Hsi Liit, the people there, from their standpoint, will
say tliat tlie sun is in the zenith. At otlier times it may appear
from Fu Sang and Ilsi Liu, as though the sun were rising or set-
ting. When he is above people's heads, they call it noon, when
he is on one side, they call it morning or evening. How can the
sun under these circumstances rise in Fu Sang, and set in Hsi Liu?
The Literati again assert that lieaven is revolving from right

to left, 5 and that the sun and the moon in tlieir courses are not
attached to heaven, but liave each their own movement. It might
be objected that, in case the sun and the moon had tlieir proper
movements, and were not attached to lieaven, the sun would proceed
one degree, and the moon thirteen. After their rise, both ought
to go on and turn from west to east, how is it that nevertheless
1 Fu Sang has been identified with Sakhalin.
2 Hsi Liu must be the Mongolian Desert.
3 At the equinoxes. See above p. 258,
4 Vid. above p. 259.
5 From right to left, facing the polar star which remains motionless and round
which heaven revolves from east to west (cf. p. 267).
266
they commence to turn westward? Tliey are attached to heaven,

and follow its movements during tlie four seasons. Their movement
may be compared to that of ants crawling on a rolling mill-stone.
The movements of the sun ami the moon are slow, whereas heaven
moves very fast. Heaven carries the sun and the moon along with
it, therefore tliey really move eastward, ^ but are turned westward.
Perliaps the following question might be raised: ― Tlie sun.

the moon, and heaven have their niovenient each, but tlie luiinber
of degrees wliicli they traverse is not the same. To what can tlioir
velocity be compared, if referred to the things of tliis world?
I would reply that heaven makes one circumvolution every

day. The sun moves on one degree equal to 2,000 Li, of which
he makes 1,000 during the day-time and 1,000 during the night'
The unicorn 2 also runs 1,000 Li during the day, therefore tlie
speed of the sun is very mucli like the pace of tlie unicorn.
The moon moves on 13 degrees. 10 degrees being e([ual to

20,000 Li, and 3 degrees to 6,000, the distance made by tlie moon
iu one day and one night is 26,000 Li, which is like the flight of
a wild duck.
. Since heaven turns round 365 degrees, the multiplication gives

730,000 Li. This movement is very fast, and there is nothing like
it. It can be compared to the rotation of a potter's wheel or tlie
speed of an arrow, shot from a cross-bow.
But although the rotation -of lieaveii be so very fast, it ap-

pears to us slow, because heaven is so high, and far away, for
distant objects in motion look motionless, and things si lifting their
place, stationary, as tlie following observation will show. If any
body is on board a ship, sailing with tlie wind, in a river or on
sea, her speed is last, while she is near the shore, aiul slow, while
she is far off. Tlic ship's real spocd nînaiiis the same, its quick-
ness or slowness in(、rely depending on the distance from which slie
is seen.
WIhmi look to hi'u \ on. its movement (Iocs not ;»|>p(、ar

as quid; as that of tin* niiic.orn. With tli(、 sun ov(m' it tlie unicorn
l)ast(M)s oil, but w hen darkness la lis, 1 ho sun is in I'ront, 、、- liy?
】 Tlidr own iiiovcnuMit being from v\'o.st to east, opposite to that of heaven.
- The Kilin, hy Europeans usually railed nnicoi-ii, whose prototype seems to

have l)oeii the girafTc. Tlie giraflo gallops like the l'nste.st horse. Tlie
swiftest horses
are likewise said to make 1 .00(1 Li a day.
On the Sun.
207
Because the unicorn is near, wliereas the sun is far. Distance

cduvevs the iinpi'essioii of slowness, and proximity tliat of speed.
If a journy extiMuls over 00,000 Li, it is diffunilt to form an ade-
quate idea of the real movement.
The Literati assert that the sun moves one degree, and heaven
365 during one day and one niglit, that heaven turns to the left,
and the sun and tlie moon to the right, and that tliey vied heaven.
The following- question may be asked: ― The movements of

the sun and the moon depcnid on heaven, tliey move, attached to
Ilea veil, not straight on. How sliall we describe it? The Yiking
says : 一 " The sun, the moon, and tlie stars rely on heaven. Fruits,
grasses, and trees rely on earth. ' i Relying means that tliey are
attached. Tlie movement attached to hear en is like tliat of men
walking round on tlie earth. The simile is like that of the ants
crawling on the rolling mill-stone.
There is the question : ― How do 、ve know tliat the sun does
not (Ictacli liimself from heaven, nor move straight on independently?
If the sun could do so, lie ought to turn eastward of himself, and
not share heaven's movement to the west. The movement of the
moon is the same as tliat of the sun, both being attached to heaven.
This is proved by a comparison with the clouds.
The clouds are not attached to lieaven, they always remain

in tlieir place. Provided the sun and tlie moon were not attached
to heaven, we would expect tliem to keep tlieir places likewise.
From this it is evident that the sun's movement is connected with
that of lieaven.
Another question arises : —— The sun is fire. On earth fire does

not move, why then does the sun move on heaven ？
The fluid attached to lieaven has motion, tliat attached to

the eartli lias not. If fire be attached to the earth, the earth does
not move, consequently tlie fire does not move either.
Some one might object, liow could water move, it" the fluid
attached to earth liad no motion. The reply is that the water
1 Yiking, 30th diagram (Li), Legge'.-i transl. p. 237. ― Our text slightly differs.
It adds " and the stars," and writes " fruits " instead of " grains."
208 Lun-Hfiig: C. Pliysical.
flows eastward into the ocean, because tlie north-western region is

high, and tlie south-eastern low. It is the nature of water to seek
the low places, whereas fire will rise. If the earth were not higli
in the west, the water would not run eastward either.
We will have to meet another objection as to liow men, being

attached to the earth, can move, if the fluid attached to the eartli
is motionless.
Human actions and desires all have an aim. Since purpose

is at the root of 1mm an nature, man works and strives.
The ancients were plain and simple-minded. Though on tlie

frontier of a neighbouring country tliey heard tlie cocks crow and
the dogs bark, they never had any intercourse with that country.
Somebody will ask perhaps, why the stars do not move, it"
the fluid attached to heaven is in motion. I reply that the stars
are fixed in heaven. Heaven moves, and since they are turned
round along with heaven, they move also.
An opponent might urge that human nature is based on pur-

pose, and therefore acts, but how could heaven move, since its
principle is absence of purpose ？ ― Heaven's movement consists in
the spontaneous emission of fluid. The fluid being emitted, things
are produced of themselves, but tlie fluid is not emitted on pur-
pose, in order to produce things. Without movement the fluid can-
not be emitted, and unless the fluid be emitted, things cannot be
created. It is different from the movement of man. The move-
ments of the sun, the moon, and the live planets all consist in tlie
emission of fluid.
The Literati hold that there is a three-legged raven in the sun,

and a hare and a toad in the moon. However, tlie suu is the
heavenly fire wliicli docs not dilfer from the fire on cartli. In the
fire on eartli there are no living beings, how could there be a raven
ill the Iieavenly fire? There are no living creatures iu the fire,
when they enter it, they are burnt to death. How could a raven
remain unscatlied ？
The moon is water.' There are living beings iu the water,

l)ut not liaiTs or toads. Wlien a hare or a toad remain long in
the wat (！ r, tliey inevitably die. The. sun and the moon are attached
to heaven just as shells and oysters swim in the deep, evidently
1 Again the iiiisleadiiig symbolism. The moon represents the female prin-
(•i])lc, i'in, to wliicl) water corresponds, whence the iiaTve deduction is made
that
the moon water.
Oil tlie Sun.
269
because they belong to the same fluid. Are perhaps that what we
call a hare and a toad, shells or oysters ？
And let us ask the Literati whether the raven, the hare, and
the toad are living or dead. 】f tliey be dead, and remain for a
long time in the sun and tlie moon, they must become charred,
decay and putrefy. If tliey be alive, where are they at the time
of a total eclipse of the sun or, when on the last day of a inontli
the moon totally disappears?
The raven, the liare, and tlie toad must be the fluid of the
sun and the moon, as the intestines of man, or the heart, and back-
bone of animals are the fluid of these creatures. It is still possible
to examine the moon, but, when we look at the suii, our eyes are
dazzled, and we cannot make out what fluid really pervades the
sun, yet we should be able to distinguish an object in the sun,
and call it a raven ？ In fact, we cannot see the entire body of a
raven, and we should remark that it lias three legs? This is cer-
tainly not true.
Moreover, we hear the Literati speak of many animals, why-

then is there only one raven in the sun, and one hare and a toad
in the moon?
The savants maintain that the eclipse of the sun is caused

by the moon. They have observed that the eclipses of the sun
always fall on the last and tlie first day of a month. At that
time the moon is united with the sun, therefore she must eclipse
him, they think. Many eclipses of the sun have occurred during
the " Spring' and Autumn " period. The Classic records that on
the first day of such and such a moon the sun has been eclipsed,
but it does not follow that the moon lias any tiling to do witli
these eclipses. If tlie chroniclers had known that the sun was
eclipsed by the moon, why have tliey been silent on this point,
and did not speak of the moon?
They say that, when an eclipse of the sun takes place, the
Yang is weak and tlie Yin strong. When a man possesses great
strength, he can subdue others in this world. Now, on the last
day of a month, the light of the moon is extinguished, and, on
the first day of the new moon, it is gone so to say, which is the
highest degree of weakness. How could it vanquish the sun, for
tlie eclipse of the sun is said to be caused by the moon? If, in
an eclipse of the sun, the moon is believed to eclipse it, where is
the moon? The eclipse is not caused by the moon, since the moon
herself is destroyed. If we regard the sun from the same point
ol" view ay the moon, his light at au eclipse is destroyed of itself.
270
On an average, an eclipse of tlie sun occurs every 41 or 42

months, and an eclipse of the moon, every 180 clays. These eclipses
have their fixed time, and these changes do not always take place.
When tliey happen, it is tlirougli the spontaneous action of the
fluid. Tlie last and the first day of a month recur very often, but
does the moon cause an eclipse then ？ The sun being in his full,
the change is brought about by liis slirinking together. Must we
suppose sonielliing that consumes (eclipses) the sua? What con-
sumes the mountains or the earth, Avhen the mountains collapse
and tlie earth shakes ？
Some say that, wlien the sua is eclipsed, the moon covers
liiin. The sun being' above, tlie moon below, her shadow falls on
the sun's body. When tlie sun and the moon are iiuitexl, but the
moon is above, and the sun below, tlie moon cannot cover the
sun, whereas, when the sun is al)ove， and the moon underneath
liiiii, she casts her shadow on liim. The light of the moon then
covers the light of the sun, hence the expression: ― eclipse. * Tlie
shadow of the moon is like that of tlie clouds \\ liicli cover the
sky in such a way that the sun and the moon are invisible.
Provided that both unite witli their extremities, they must

eclipse one another, and if both, when they come together, are
joined like two pieces fitting one into tlie other, the sun must dis-
appear as a matter of course. That tlie sun and the moon meet
on the last and the first day of tlie month is a very common ce-
lestial phenomenon, but it is wrong to say that at an eclipse the
moon covers the light of the sun for the following reason: ―
In case that, when the sun and the moon unite, the moon
covers the light of the sun, tlie edges of the two luminaries must fall
together at the beginning of the eclipse, and they must change
their places, when tlie sun comes out again. Now, let us suppose
that the sun stands in the east, the moon in the west. The moon
moves quickly eastward, where she falls in with the sun. She
covers tlie edge of tlie sun, and after a short time she passes the
sun and proceeds eastward. Tlie westci'n edge of the sun lias
been covered first, its light must tlieii come back. The eastern
edge has not yet been overshadowi^cl, it will be eclipsed next.
1 Tlie Chinese expression Is "to consume," " to eat " ("^^ or , 虫》 In the
popular helief" the sun at an eclipse is being devoured by the " heavenly clog," an
idea perhaps derived from lndi:，. In \\ a"" ('Utniys time it must not yet liave
been
current, I'or otherwise he would most likely not have oiiiittod to mention and con-
trovert it.
On the Sun.
271
Thus we see that during an eclipse of tlie sun the light of the
western edge is extinguished, and that, when the suii comes back,
the light of the western edge returns. Then the moon goes on,
and covers the eastern edge, wliile the western edge returns. ( an
we say tlien that tlie sun and the moon are joined together, and
that one covers and overshadows the other? ^ .
The scholars assert tliat the shape of the suu ami tlie moon
is quite round. When they look u]) to tliem, tliey appear shaped
like a peck, or a round basket. Their shape is a regular circle,
rliey are not like the fluid of a fire seen from al'ar, for a lluid is
not round. ― lu reality tlie suu and the moon are not round, they
only appear so through the distance, as will be seen from the
IblloAviug : —The suu is the essence of fire, tlie moon the essence
of water. On earth fire and water are not round, why should
they be round in heaven aloue? The sun and tlie moon in heaven
are like tlie Five Planets, and tlie Five Planets like the other stars.
The stars are not rouud, ouly their radiance appears round, be-
cause they are so far from us. This will become evident from the
following fact: 一 During the " Spring and Autumn " period stars
fell down in the capital of Sung.- When people went near to
examine them, they found that they were stones, but not round.
Since the stars are not round, we know tliat tlie suu. the moou,
and the planets are not round either.
The scholars discoursing on the sun, and the mechanics hold
tliat there is ouly one sun, whereas in the " Tribute of Yii •， and in
the Shan-hai-king it is stated that there are ten suns. Beyond the
ocean in the east there is the "Hot Water Abyss," s over wliicli
rises Fu-sang. The ten suus bathe in the water. There is a huge
tree. Nine suns remain in its lower branches, while one sun stays
on the upper branch.* Hum Nan Tse also writes in his book
about ten suns wliicli were shining. During the time of Yao tlie
ten suns came out together, aucV scorched everything, whereupon
1 Wang CliuTig here speaks of a partial eclipse. That the shadow of the
moon ill most cases covers only : pai't— :of tlie sun cannot invalidate the right
view,
which Wang CKiing rejects on unsufficieut grounds.
2 CKun-chHu, Duke ILd 16th year {Leyge, Classics Vol. V. Pt. I， p. 170).
3 T'anrj-ku.
* Sfuin-/un-kinff chap. 9, p. 1 v.
272
Yao shot at them.i Hence they never were seen together any
more on the same day. 2
Commonly the " celestial stems " ^ are called suns. From the
first to the last stem there are ten suns. There are ten suns, as
there are five planets. Intelligent people and disputing scholars
are at a loss, how to find out the truth, and do not wish to
decide in favour of either opinion. Thus tlie two antagonistic
statements are transmitted without criticism, and neither of the
two opinions meets with general approval. Yet, if we examine
the question thoroughly, there are not ten suns.
The sun is like the moon. If there be ten suns, are there
twelve moons? There are five planets, but tlie five elements : * 一
metal, wood, water, lire, and earth all burn with a different liglit.
Should there be ten suus, their fluids ought to be different. Now,
we do not discover any difference in the light of the sun, and we
find that his size is the same at different times. If there were
really different fluids, the light would certainly be different. If,
on the other Land, the fluid is identical, it must be united into
one sun, and there cannot be ten.
We see that with a sun-glass fire is drawn from heaveu, the

sun being a big fire. Since ou earth fire is one fluid, and the earth
lias not ten fires, how can heaven possess ten suns ？ Perhaps the
so called ten suns are some other things, whose light and shape
resembles that of tlie sun. They are staying iu tlie " Hot Water
Abyss," and always climb up Fu-sang. Yii and Yi^ saw them,
and described tliem as ten suns.
Some people have measured the liglit of the sun, and cal-
culated his size. They found tlie diameter to be 1,000 Li long.
Provided that the rising sun is tlie sun on the Fu-sang tree, this
tree must overhang 10,000 Li to cover the sun, for tlie diameter
of one sun being 1,000 Li, ten suns will require 10,000 Li.
Heaven is more than 10,000 Li distant from us.
When we look up at the sun, liis brilliancy is so dazzling,

and his glare so bright, that it becomes unbearable, li' the rising
1 According to other accounts Yao ordered his minister I'i, a famous archer,
to shoot at the suns, of which he destroyed nine.
2 Tlie appearance of ten suns is mentioned in many ancient works : ― in

Chuang Tse, the Li-suo, the " Bamboo Annals,^' the Tso-chuan, etc.
3 The ten cyclical signs.
• The five elements are considered to be the substances of the Five Planets,
which have been named after them : -— Metal Star (Venus), Wood Star (Jupiter), etc.
•。 Ci: p. 330.
On the Sun.
273
sun was the sun from the Fu-mng tree, Yil and Yi would not have
been able to recognise him as the sun. A look at one sun would
have sufficed to dazzle the eyes, how much more so, if there were
ten suns. When Yil and Yi saw the suns, they appeared to tlieni
like pecks and round baskets, therefore tliey called tliem suns.
The fires looked like pecks and baskets, but an object seen at a
distance of 60,000 Li appears diflferent from one looked at and
examined quite near. Consequently what Yil and Yi saw they took
for suns, but were not suns.
Among the things of heaven and earth many resemble one

auotlier in substance, yet they are not the same in fact. Beyond
the ocean in the south-west there is a pearl-tree J It lias pearls,
but they are not fish-pearls.^ Tlie ten suns are like pearls of the
pearl-tree. The pearls of the pearl-tree look like pearls, but are
not real pearls. Thus the ten suns look like the sun, but are not
real suns. Huai Nan Tse having read the Shan-hai-king wrongly
asserted tliat for a Sage ten suns were lighted, and made the random
statement that at Yao's time ten suns rose together.
The sun is fire, the " Hot Water Abyss ，， water. Water and
fire anuibilate one another. Therefore the ten suns bathing in the
" Hot Water Abyss " should have been extiDguislied and destroyed.
Fire burns trees, Fu-sang is a tree. When ten suas rested upon
it, it ought to be parched and scorched up. However, in spite
of the bath in 1' ang-ku the light did not become extinguished, and
tliougli the suns ascended Fit-sang^ its boughs were not scorched
or parclied. The ten suns are like the sun which rises to-day, yet
they cannot be tested by the five elements. Hence we infer that
they were not real suns.
When Yii and Yi belield ten suns, it cannot have been night-
tinie， but must liave been day. When one sun rose, the other nine
must have been left behind, lunv could they rise all ten together?*
It must have been like dawn before the sunrise,
FurtlieriDore, heaven turns and passes through a certain number

of degrees. If tlie various suns follow this movement, and turn
1 Presumably a coral-tree in the Persian Sea is meant.
2 The Chinese imagine that pearls or the produce of lish, not of shells
or oysters.
3 If they were of the same stuff as our sun, viz, fire, they would have been
extinguished in water, and have burned the wood of the Fusang tree. Since they
did not do that, they cannot have been real suns like ours.
4 The one sun in the upper branches of the Fu-sang tree must have risen
prior to the nine others still lingering in the lower branches.
.' As far as llie iiiiic suns are concerned, which were still below tlie horizon.
Lull - Heiig.
IS
274
rouuci witli heaven, liow could tiiey remain in tlie branches of

Fu-saug or in the water of the "Hot Water Abyss? " In case they
stay back, they miss the movement, and dilFerences in the inovement
would bring disharmony. If, therefore, the rising sun be diilerent
from the ten suns, tliey only resemble suns, but are not suns.
During the ' Spring and Autumn ' period on the hsin mao
day, iu the fourth month of summer, in the seventh year of Duke
CImang at midnight the common stars were invisible, and stars fell
down like rain."^
Kung Yang in liis commentary asks: ― Wliat does " like rain ，，
mean ？ It is not raiu. - Then, why use this expression ? " The un-
revised CK un-clt iu ，， says, " It rained stars, which previous to ap-
proaching to vvitliin a foot of the earth departed again." The Sage
corrected this, and said, "The stars fell down like rain." 2
" The uiirevisecl Cliun-cli iu " refers to the time, when the Cli un-
ci t m was not yet revised. At that time the Chronicle of Lu had
the following entry: ― " Tlie stars fell dowu like rain. They came
near the earth at a distance of over a foot, and tlien departed
again." Tlie Sage is Confucius. Confucius revised it, and said "The
stars fell like rain." His idea was tliat on the earth there are
mountains, hills, and liigli buildings, and he was afraid lest the
statement about the stars coming near the eartli at a distance of
over a foot should not be true. Therefore lie made an alteration,
and said " like rain." Being like rain they came down ("rem above
the earth. The stars also fall down from heaven and depart again.
On account of this similarity lie says "like." Although there was
the notice that tlie stars came near the eartli at a distance of over
a foot, he merely said "like rain/' The expression "falling" wliicli
he uses refers to those stars. Though lie assigned them their places,
and fixed the text, lie speaks of the falling- stars In the same way
as the Chronicle does.
When from the plain we look up at Mount Tâi, and behold

a crane on its summit, it appears to us as big as a crow-, and a
crow, like a sparrow. It is the height of Mount T al and its dis-
tance which cause us to lose the true estimate of the size of things.
' Cf. CKun-cKiu [Legge^ Classics Vol. V, Pt. I, p. 7!)). The seventh year of
Duke (Jliuanfj of Lu is 680 li.c.
2 A (|Uotation from Kuny Yanf/s coiniuentary to the (，！ (un-chiu.
3 Hiid tlic distance of those meteors not been more than one loot from tlic
surface of the earth, they would inevitably have collided with the elevations of
tiic
earth, such as iiiouiitaiiis, l)uildi"g-s， etc. Therefore ( '(nif nevus omitted
tlie remark of
the original text.
On the Sun,
275
The distance of heaven from earth amounts to upwards of 60,000 Li,

which is not only the height and the distance of the summit of
3I()unt T at. The stars are fixed to heaven. When we examine
tliom, Ave do not obtain a correct idea of their nature, for the con-
ditions, under wliicli we see tliem, are still more unfavourable tlian
those, under wliich we look at tlie crane or the crow. By cal-
culations we find tliat the size of the stars must be a hundred Li.
Their brilliancy is so strong, that tliey shed light. If, nevertheless,
they appear to us only as big as a phoenix egg, we have lost the
true estimate by distance.
Let us suppose that the falling stars are in fact stars falling
from lieaven, then we would not be able to recognise tliem as stars,
when they approach the earth, because during their fall their size
is not the same as that whicli they have in heaven. Now, as long-
as w'c see the falling stars in heaven, tliey are stars, if they are
not, they are made up of air. We see ghosts having the semblance
of dead people. In reality it is but air condensed into those forms,
not real dead people. Thus tlie falling stars are in reality not
sliaped like stars. Confucius correctly calls them falling, w】iicli means
that they are not stars, and rightly characterises tliem as being
like rain, L e, tliey are not rain, both features being opposed to
the real nature of stars.
The Tso-chuan remarks on the above quoted passage of the

(，h、m-c】i iu, "Oil the hsin-mao day, in the fourth moon during the
night the common stars were not visible, because the night was
bright. The stars fell like rain /. e. together with rain." This re-
mark that the stars were invisible owing to tlie briglitness of tlie
nig] it tallies with a passage in the Yiking^^ to the effect that at
inid-day the Dipper^ is visible. If during tlie day tlie Dipper is
visible, it must be dark, not bright, and if during the night the
stars were invisible, the night must have been bright and clear.
The facts were different, but tlie idea is the same, and it is con-
sistent with truth.
The Tso chuan says " together with rain," which is tantamount
to " combined." On the hsin-mao day the night was bright, tliere-
i'ore the stars were invisible, but this brightness sliows that there
was uo rain. The rain fluid is dark and obscure, how could there
be brightness than? There being brightness, rain is impossible,
how could the stars fall together with raiu? " Consequently the
1 The meteors never measure a hundred Li.
2 Yiking^ 55th diagram {Feng)^ Legges transl. p. 336.

A constellation.
18*
276
expression " together with rain ，， is wrong. Moreover, if it be said

that the night was so bright, that the stars became invisible, how
could the stars falling together with rain be seen?
"On the wu-shen day of the first month in the 16tli year of
Duke Hsi five, stones fell down in Sung." i The Tso-cli 稱 u remarks
that tliey were stars. Since falling stones are called stars, those
stars are believed to have become stones by falling The stars
falling in the hsin-mao night were stars, but in reality stones then.
If the stars falling in the hsin-mao night were like those stones,
the earth had high buildings, wliicli must have been smashed.
Although Confucius omitted to mention that the stars came near the
earth as far as one foot, there certainly has been a certain distance
from the earth, and the bistorigrapher of 1m、 who saw the event
with liis own eyes, would not have said so at random.
According to the Tso-chuan tlie stars fell down together with

rain. As rain collects on tlie earth, the stones must have done so
likewise, but, since, when tliey touched the earth, they did not
demolish the buildings, it is evident tliat they were not stars.
Besides, on what does Tso CJiiu Ming base his statement that tlie
stones were stars? When the stones came down, tlieir fall was
very light, but why must they have fallen down from heaven?
During the Cliin epoch three mountains disappeared. Partly

tliey were not dispersed, but collapsed, where they stood, which
must have caused a great noise. Perhaps at that time the mountain
of the I Ti went off its base, and came down in Sung. When the
people of Sung heard tlie stones fall, tliey called them stars, and
wlien Tso Cliiu Ming had examined tliem, lie also gave them tins
name.
The substance of the stars is identical with tliat of the various

tilings and like that of tlie sun and the moon. The so-called Five
Planets are the light of tlie substance of the five elements. The
Five Planets and the other stars all have the same light, there-
Core I am afraid that we miss tlie truth, if wo regard the fixed
stars alone as stones. Tn reality tlie stars wliicli fell during tlie
hsin-mao night were like rain, but tliey were not stars, just as the
ten suns in the " Hot Water Abyss ，， resembled the sun, but were
not real suns.
Tlie Literati also maintain that tlio expression that rain comes
I'roin heaven means that it positively falls down from heaven, llow-
' Quoted from the Ch'im-cKiu Vol. V, Pt. I, p. 170). The event took
place ill 643 b. (；.
On the Sun.
.277
ever, a discussion on this subject leads us to the conclusion tliat rain
comes from above the earth, but not down from heaven. Seeing
the rain gathering from above, we simply say that it comes down
from heaven. As a matter of fact, it comes from above the eartli.
But how can 、ve demonstrate that the rain comes from the earth,
and rises from the mountains? The Commentary to the CK un-cli iu^
says, " It breaks through the stones one to two inches thick, and
gathers. That in one clay's time it spreads over tlie whole Empire,
is only the case with the T'ai-shan." — From tlie T'ai-shan it rains
over the whole Empire, from small mountains over one State, the
distance depends on the height. As regards the forthcoming of
tlie rain from the mountains, some hold that the clouds carry the
rain with tliera. When the clouds disperse, the water falls down,
and is called rain. Thus the clouds are rain, and rain, clouds.
When the water comes forth, it is trausformed into clouds ； they
condense, and become rain, and, when they are compressed still
more, coagulate into dew. When garments are moistened as with
rain, it is not the effect of the clouds, but of the rain which they
cany.
Some persons will refer to the ShuTcing which says, " When
the moon follows the stars, there is wind a'nd rain,"^ and to the
Sinking, where we read that " The moon approaches tlie Hyades,
which will bring heavy showers of rain."* They all believe that
according to these passages of the two Classics it is not heaven
which is causing the rain. How is that?
When the rain comes from the mountains, the moon passes
tlie stars, and approaches tlie Hyades. When she approaches the
Hyades, it must rain. As long as it does not rain, the moon does
not approach, and the mountains have no clouds. Heaven and
earth, above and below, act in spontaneous harmony. When the
moon approaches above., the mountains are heated below, and the
fluid unites. The fortuitous connexion between the various fluids
and bodies is due to spontaneity. Clouds and fog show that
there is rain. In summer it becomes dew, in winter frost. Warm
it is rain, cold, snow. Rain, dew, and frost all proceed from earth,
and do not descend from heaven.
1 Kung Tariff's Commentary, Duke Hsi 31st year.

- The highest peak in Shantung.
3 Shuking, Hiniff-fnn, Pt. V， Bk. IV, 38 {Leffge Vol. UI, Pt. II， p. 342).
4 Shikinff Pt. II， Bk. VIII, Ode 8 、Legge Vol. IV, Pt. II, p. 422).
278
Lun -Heng: C. Physical.
CHAPTER XXL
On Heat and Cold {Han-wen).
People reasoning on heat and cold assert that, when the
sovereign is pleased, it is warm, and, wlien lie is angry, it is cold.
How is that ？
Joy and anger originate in tlie bosom. Subsequently they

find their way out, and once outside, are the causes of rewards and
punishments, rewards and punisliments being the manifestations of
joy and anger. When heat and cold are sufficiently strong, things
become withered, and men are injured, and that is done by heat
and cold, which are said to be the representatives of joy and anger.
Within the course of a few days a sovereign is not always

full of joy or anger, which sentiments having broken forth from
the bosom, expand and appear as heat and cold outside, thus showing
the feelings of the bosom. When the sovereign is pleased or angry,
this fluid of liis bosom is not changed into heat or cold. Why
should tlie fluid in liis bosom be different from the fluid witliiii tlie
territory of a country ？ The fluid of the bosom is not transformed
through joy or anger, how then should heat and cold originate
within the territory?
During the time of the Six States, ^ and the Cli in niul Ilan
epoch the feudal princes were subjugating one another, arinoiir-clad
warriors filling all tlie roads. Tlie States were investing each otlier
with the greatest animosity, and their leaders thought of nothing'
else til an of vanquishing their enemies. A feeling of universal
slaughter pervaded everything. Yet at that time it was not always
cold in the Empire. Tlie time of Yil was one of universal peace.
The government was good, the people contented, and the sovereign
always pleased. In every house tliey were playing tlie guitar,
singing, beating drums, and (lancing. Yet at that time it was not
constantly warm in the Empire. Is the feel in of" joy and anger
evoked by small things only, and does it not care for great ones?
How is it so little in accordance with the deeds done?
1 Yen, Chao, Ilcin, Wei, (Mi and CKu, which in H32 u.c. made an offensive
and defensive alliance to check tlie encroacliiiients of the CNin State, but by and
by
the latter overpowered and absorbed tlicni all.
On Heat and Cold.
279
Near the water it is cold, near the fire warm, the heat and
the cold decrease in proportion to the distance, for the ([uaiitit y
of tlif、 fluid varies according to the distance. Tlie seat of the fire
is always in the south, that of the water in the north,' tliereforr
the northern region is cold, and the southern limit hot.
The fire in a stove, the water in a ditch, and the lluid in the
human body are all governed by the same principle. When the
sovereign is pleased or angry, this fluid of heat or cold ought to
be especially strong in his private apartments, and much less so
outside his territoiy. Now the temperature is the same without and
Avitliin, consequently it cannot well be the result of" the sovereign's
joy or anger, and the assertions of our scholars to that effect are futile.
With an emperor a sudden change of the mental fluid takes

place in the empire, with princes in their territory, with ministers
and high officers in their department, and with common people
in their house. Since even ordinary people are liable to such
changes, their joy and tlieir anger must also produce such fluids
(as heat and cold). The lather quarrels with the son, and hus-
band and wife reprove one another. It' there ought to be anger,
but auger be turned into joy, or if faults be Ibrgiven, and the
wrong done liuslietl up, there would be cold and hfeat in the same
house. This shows us tliat the sudden changes (of temperature)
are not being caused by joy and auger.
Some one will say that there is attraction by affinity. If a

man be pleased, lie is kind and genial, and in 】iis Iviiidiiess gives
rewards. The Yang principle is giving, and the Yang tluid is warm,
therefore tlie warm fluid corresponds to it. If a man be angry,
he is enraged and indignant, and in his rage puts people to death.
The Yin principle is cold murder, and the Yin fluid is cold, there-
fore the cold fluid corresponds to it. " When the tiger howls, the
、vind blows from the valley, and when tlie dragon performs its
antics, the brilliant clouds rise." 2 Their 11 a ids being identical, and
their species the same, they attract one another. Hence the saying
that with the body one removes the shadow, and that with the
dragon one attracts the I'aiu, The rain responds to the dragon
and comes, the shadow responds to the body and goes. The nature
1 According to ancient natural philosophy. Consequently temperature cannot

be the result of the feelings of the sovereign.
2 A quotation from Huai Nan Tse III, 2, with a slight variation of the text.
3 Therefore during a drought clay figures of dragons are set up and worship-
ped to attract the rain. Cf. p. 55, No. 47.
* "I iz. with the hody.
280
of heaven and earth is spontaneity. In autumn and winter punish-

ments are meted out. Smaller misdemeanours are partly pardoned,
but the capital punishments cause a bitter cold. The cold comes
as an accompaniment of punishment, which shows that they attract
one another.
If heat and cold be compared with wind and clouds, and joy
and anger refer to the dragon and the tiger, a mutual attraction
might be possible, provided that the fluids be tlie same and the
categories similar; When the tiger howls, the wind rises from the
valley, and when the dragon gambols, the clouds rise within a
radius of one hundred Li, but in other valleys aud other regions
there is no wind nor clouds. Now, sudden changes of temperature
take place everywhere, and at the same time. There may be exe-
cutions within a territory of a hundred Li, but it is cold witliin
a thousand Li, consequently this could not well be considered a
proof of a connexion between the two events. CJii and Lu were
conterminous, and gave rewards and punishments at the same time.
Had CUi rewarded, while Lu punished, the effects would have been
different also. Could then the CKi State have been warm, whereas
it was cold at the same time in tlie Lu country?
In former times nobody was more cruel in punishing than

Cli ih Yu and the doomed prince of Ch' in. The subjects of Cliih Yu
were most perverse aud dissolute, and in doomed C/iin red clad
criminals were walking on tlie roads shoulder to shoulder, and yet
at that time it was not always cold in the Empire. On the market
of the emperor's capital oxen and sheep were slaughtered every
day by hundreds. He who executes man as well as lie who kills
animals lias a wicked heart. Albeit, the air on the market place
of the capital cannot always be cold.
One might object that a man is far superior to animals, and

that man alone provokes tlie fluid. However, does the one wlio
puts to death provoke the (luid, or do those, who are put to death,
cause the change? In the first case, no matter, whether the one
who inflicts tlie death penalty executes a man, or kills an animal,
the mind is the same, and in the latter men and beasts are both
creatures. They all belong to the ten thousand beings, and would
not a hundred mean ones be worth as much as one precious one?
Some people will maintain that a sovereign alone can evoke

the fluid, but not common people. If, to set tlie fluid in motion.
1 Cf. p. 148 Note 7.
2 An attraction between joy and heat, anger and cold.
3 Ch ill Shih Huang Ti.
On Heat and Cold.
281
a sovereign is required, Avliy does the 、vorkl make so mucli of Tsoti

Yen? Tsou Yen Avas a commoner, and yet lie could move the fluid
quite alone, as everybody admits. '
When one man is put to death, the air becomes cold, but,
when a man is born, does tlie temperature become warm then?
When a general amnesty is granted to the four quarters, and all
punishments are remitted at the same time, tlie fluid of the mouth
and the year does not become warm thereby.
In former years thousands of people have had their houses

burnt, so that the flames and the smoke went up to heaven, and
the Yellow River broke through its dykes, flooding a thousand Li,
so that far and wide there was no bound to the prospect. Fire
is identical witli the liot fluid, and water with the cold one. At
the time of the conflagration or the inundation of the Yellow River
it has not been warm or cold. The setting in of heat and cold do
not depend on governmeut, I dare say, but eventually heat and cold
may be simultaneous with rewards and punishments, and it is for
this reason that the plienomenalists ^ describe them as such.
Spring is warm, summer hot, autumn cool, and winter cold.

These four seasons are spontaneous, and do not concern the sover-
eign. The four seasons are not caused by government, but they
say that lieat and cold correspond to it. At the beginning of the
first month ami subsequently at the " commencement of spring ，，
all the punishments have been meted out, and the prisons remain
empty. Yet one day it is cold, and one day warm. What manner
of punishment is being inflicted, when it is cold, and what kind
of rewards are given, when it is warm ？ We see from this that
heat and cold correspond to the time periods of heaven and earth, ^
and are not made by men.
When people are suffering from a cold or from fever, their

actions have no influence upon these diseases. By exposure to^he
wind, or to bad air their body has become chilly or feverish. By
changing their habits, or altering their style of life they do not
1 When T.sOM Yen, a scholar of the 4th cent, b.c, had been put into prison
upon a trumped up charge, he looked up to heaven and wept. All of a sudden
snow began to fall, although it was midsummer. See also p. 194.
2 A class of scholars, often mentioned in the Lun-heng, who seem to have

devoted themselves to the study of natural phenomena and calamities, such as heat
and cold, inundations, droughts, famines, etc. to which, howewer, they did not
ascribe
natural, but moral causes, misled by the pseudo-science of the Yiking and similar
works.
3 Of which the Chinese distinguish 24, beginning with li-cKun " commencement
of spring." They count from the days on which the sun enters the first and
fifteenth
degree of one of the zodiacal signs.
282
get rid of their cold or their fever. Althougli the body is quite
near, it cannot bring about a change and a cure. Now a city ov
a State is much more distant, how should it be possible to regu-
late tlieir fluids? 一 When a man has caught cold, lie drinks medi-
cine, which soothes Lis pain, and wlieu, being somewhat weak, he
has got fever, he swallows pills, which make him perspire, and
thus cure him.
In Yen there was the " Cold Valley " in which the five kinds
of grain did not grow. Tsou Yen blew the flute, and the " Cold
Valley " could be cultivated. The people of Yen sowed millet in
it, and called it " Millet Valley." If this be true that witli playing
the flute the cold fluid was dispelled, how could this calamity be
averted by a change of government or action? Therefore, a cold
and fever cannot be cured but witli medicine, aud tlie fluid of the
" Millet Valley " cannot be transformed but witli music.
When Yao was visited witli tlie Great Flood, lie ordered Yil
to regulate it. Cold and heat are essentially the same as the Great
Flood. ' Yao did not change his administration or conduct, being-
well aware that the Great Flood was not the result of government
or conduct. Since the Flood was not brought about by govern-
ment or conduct, we know that heat aud cold cannot be caused
by government either.
Some one might in disproof quote from the " Various Veri-
fications " of the llang-fan wliicli says that " excitement is as a rule
accompanied by cold, and- cheerfulness by tepidity."^ Accompanied
means : followed, tepidity: warmth, and "as a rule: " always.
When the sovereign is excited, cold weather always follows, when
he is cheerful, warm weather follows. Cold and lieat correspond
to exiutement and cheerfulness, how can tlieir connexion Avitli tlie
government be denied ？ Does the Classic say that excitement causes
no cold, and clieerfulness no warmth ？
Tlie sovereign being excited or clieerful, cold or heat set in,

but by chance and of tlieir own accord. If tliey correspondod in-
tentionally, it would be like the obtaining of omens by divining
with shells, or like tlie finding of nuralxM's by telling tlie fortune
from straws. People piv'tend tliat lieavcn and eartli respond to
tlic (juesf ions addressed to tliein, but, as a matter of fact, it is
nothing but <:li:im'('. 1 1 t a nd cold ivs])ond to excitement and
cheerfulness, as omens and numbers are tlic response to the in-
' Tliey are all natural plieiiomeiia.
'- Sh tkimj, Ilung.fmi Pt. V, Bk. IV, 31 {Uf/,je Vol. Ill, Pt. II, p. 340).
On Heat and Cold.
288
quiries of the diviners. Externally tliey seem to respond, but actu-

ally it is hazard. How can Ave prove that?
The principle of heaven is spontaneity. Spontaneity means
absence of purpose. When the. two kinds of divination are applied,
tilings may meet eventually, or happen by accident, and perhaps
coincide with human a flairs. The heavenly fluid is there already,
therefore one may speak of a principle. Should it correspond to
government, however, there would be no more spontaneity.
Cking 1 has distributed the 64 symbols of the Yiking over one

year. One symbol rules over 6 days and ？/!。. The symbols consist
of Yin and Yang.- The fluid rises and falls. When the Yaug fluid
rises, it becomes warm, and, when tlie Yin fluid rises, it becomes
cold. According- to this theory heat and cold depend on the sym-
bols, but do not correspond to government. In accordance with
the " Avu-waog " symbol ^ of the Yiking, inundations and droughts
have fixed times. All the innumerable calamities and disasters are
of the same kind.
I am afraid that the phenomenalists have missed tlie truth

for the following- reason : ~ -" The ideal man is endowed with the
same virtue as heaven aud earth. When man takes the lead, lieaven
does not disagree with him, and when he follows heaven, lie re-
spects heaven's time." * The Hung-fan on the other hand says that
" excitement is as a rule accompanied by cold, and cheerfulness by
tepidity." According to this passage, of the Ilung-fan tlie heavenly
fluid follows man. The Yiking however only says that, when man
takes the lead, heaven does not disagree witli him. But why does
it add that, when he follows heaven, he respects heaven's time?
To follow means that heaven was already cold or hot before, and
til at man followed with his rewards and punishments afterwards.
This statement of men does not agree with the Shuking. That is
my first doubt.
Citing determines heat and cold by the Yin and tlie Yang fluids
ascending and descending, whereas tlie phenomenalists lay all the
stress on punishments, joy and auger. The two schools walk dif-
ferent ways. That is my second doubt.
Wlien people determine lieat and cold, it may be cold to-day,

and warm to-morrow, or at dawn tliere is plenty of hoar-frost,
1 Ching Fang, a metaphysician of the 1st cent. b.c.， who spent much labour
on the elucidation of the Yiking.
2 Marked by broken and unbroken lines.
3 The 25th hexagram of the Yiking.
* Quotation from the Yiking, 1st diagram {CKien). Cf. pp. 98 and 128.
284

and in the evening resplendent light, or one morning is rainy, but
warm, aud another bright and cold. Now rain is Yin, and bright-
ness Yang、 and conversely cold is Yin, and warmth is Yang. A rainy-
day may clear up, and become cold, and a bright day become
rainy, and warm. The categories do not correspond correctly. That
is my third doubt.
These three doubts are not set at rest, and the principle of
spontaneity is not upheld either.
On Thunder and Lightning.
285
CHAPTER XXn.
On Thunder and Lightning (Lei-hsu).
In midsummer thunder and lightning rapidly following each

other, split trees, demolish houses, and occasionally kill men. Com-
mon people arc of opinion that, when the lig-btning strikes a tree,
or demolishes a house, Heaven fetches a dragon, whereas, when a
man is killed, they say that it is for his hidden faults. If in eating
and drinking people use impure things, Heaven becomes angry, and
strikes them dead. The. deep rolling sound is the expression of
Heaven's anger like the breathing and gasping of angry men. Every
one, no matter whether intelligent or stupid, says so. But if we
look into the matter, taking human nature as a basis, we find that
all this is nonsense.
By a thunder-stroke one fluid is set in motion, and one sound

produced. 1 A tree is hit, and a dwelling damaged, and at the same
time a man may be killed. When a man is slain, a tree may be
struck, and a house damaged also. But they assert that, when a
tree is struck, and a house damaged, Heaven fetches a dragon,
whereas, when it kills a man, it punishes him for liis hidden
guilt. In tliat case something inauspicious would clash with the
auspicious fetching of the dragon.^ That both things should happen
at the same moment, and with the same sound, would not be proper.
It has been argued that the rolling is the sound of Heaven's

growling. That would be appropriate for the punishment of the
guilty, but out of place for fetching dragons. In meting' out pun-
isliment, Heaven may be angry, but, when it fetches a dragon,
what fault has it, that it should be irritated like that? Provided
that the dragon be a spirit, then Heaven in fetching it, ought not
to be angry. If, however, a clragoa has faults, which are to be
atoned for like those of inaii, Heaven would kill it, but why must
it still fetch it? While destroying a man, Heaven may be iu wrath,
but, when it fetches a dragon, what wrong has the dragon done,
that Heaven should be so enraged at it? Having smitten a man,
Heaven does not fetch him. If under the same circumstances it
1 The same force destroys the tree, the house, and the man.
- The dragon is accounted a saei'ed animal.
286
Lun-Heiig: C. Physical,
does so witli a dragon, what difference is there between human

guilt and that of dragons? If botli are put to death, where does
a difference come in? We can no more accept tlie assertion that
Heaven fetches dragons, than approve of the idea that the guilty
meet with their dues for the following reasons:
When the tliunder instantaneously follows upon the lightning,

and a inau falls to the ground dead, the rolling sound is close
above his liead, which brings about his death. But is the rolling
really Heaven's anger? If so, in its wrath, it woidd kill a man
by the angiy breath of its moutli. But Low can the angry breath
of a moutli kill a man? Oii examining the body of a man, who
has been struck by a thunderbolt, one discovers traces of burning.
Provided that Heaven used its mouth in its anger, could its angry
breath become fiery then ？
Moreover, the mouth is connected with the body, and its move-
ments must be the same as those of tlie body. When lightning
strikes, the sound is on the earth, and, when the Avork of destruc-
tion is done, it is again in the sky. Now, tlie moment, when the
sound is on the earth, the mouth must approach it, aud tlie body
do tlie same. But, if at a thunder-clap we look up to Heaven, we
do not see it descending. Since we do not see it come clown,
the rolling sound cannot be the expression of Heaven's anger.
Heaven's anger cannot be diirerent from tliat of man. When

an angry person comes near anybody, his voice sounds loud, wlieii
lie is for off, 】iis voice seems low. Now, Heaven's voice is near,
but its body far away. Tlierefoi'e, anger is out of tlie question.
When the peals of tlmnder rapidly suc.ceed one another, the

sound may be in tlie East, the West, the North or the South.
Provided that Heaven be angry and move its body, then, if its
moutli is in an eastern, western, northern, or southern direction,
looking up we ought to see Heaven in one of these directions
likewise.
Some one might object that Heaven really was in one of these
directions, but could not be seen by man owing to the obscurity,
caused l)y t lie clouds and tlie rain. Yet over a distance of a thousand
Li there are not the same winds, and within a hundred Li tliere
is not the same tempest. As the Yiking has it: ― "A hundred Li
are friglitcned by the concussion." i The region where the tliun-
derstorin is raging, is darkened by tlic t】im"】（u'-dou(ls and tlie rain,
but beyond a liumlnni Li, where no rain is falling, one ought to
Yiking Book V, ( Ithi Hexagram (No. .')!).
On Thunder and Liglitning.
287
see Heaven moving eastward, westward, iiortli- or southward. The

mouth being joined to Heaven, Heaven must follow it. Whenever
the mouth moves, the entire Heaven must shift its place also, and
it is not only where the teinpest rages, that Heaven follows the
movements of its mouth.
And who is it, .whom we believe to he angry ？ Tlie Spirit

of Heaven or the dark blue sky ？ if we say, the Spirit of Heaven,
an angry spirit can give no sound, and, if we say, the dark blue
sky, its body cannot become angiy, for anger requires a mouth.
Heaven and Earth are like husband and wife, they are father
and motlier of mankind. Now, let a sou liave committed a fault,
and his father in a fit of passion beat liiin to deatli, would not
his mother weep for him ？ When Heaven in its wrath slays a man,
Eartli ought albo to cry over liiin, but oue only hears of Heaven's
anger, and never of Earth's crying. If Eartli caunot shed tears,
Heaven cannot be angry either.
Furthermore, anger must liave its counterpart in joy. Men

liave liidden faults, but they liave also latent virtues. Hidden faults
in a man call forth Heaven's anger, wliicli prompts it to kill him,
but in case of latent virtues Heaven ought also to requite liirn
with good. If the rolling sound is regarded as an expression of
Heaven's anger, Heaven, \\'lien pleased, ought to give a hearty laugli.
Men are pleased or angry, therefore the same is said of Heaven.

We try to get a conception of Heaven by ascribing human qualities
to it. The source of this knowledge of Heaven is man. If man
would feel no anger, there is no reason either, why Heaven should.
Since our knowledge of Heaven is derived from that of man, liumaii
uature in its entirety must be tali en as basis. A man, when angry,
breathes heavily, when pleased, lie sings and laughs. We much less
often hear of Heaven's joy, than of its anger, and much more
seldom see it reward, than piuiisli. Is Heaven always irritated
and never content? Does it mete out punishment pretty freely,
but is rather sparing of its rewards? How does its anger and viu-
cUctiveness become manifest, wliereas there are no instances of its
joy and liberality?
When liglituing strikes, it liits a tree, damages a house, and

eventually kills a man. This is looked upon as Heaven's anger. But
not unfrequeutly a thunder-clap is without ellect, causing no damage,
and destroying no liumau life. Does Heaven in such a case indulge
in useless anger ? A sovereign's joy and anger are not in vain. Being
pleased or angry, he will certainly reward or punish. Useless anger
without punishment would be uii becoming in Heaven. Doing some-
288
thing unseeming, it would lose its dignity thereby. That is not

Heaven's way.
The writers on government hold tliat cold and heat coincide

with joy and anger. When the sovereign is pleased, tlis weather
is mild, when lie is augry, it is cold. Then on the day of a thunder-
storm the temperature ought to be cold.
Before Han Kao Tsu was born, Dame Lm^ wliile sleeping on
the banks of a big pond had intercourse with a spirit in her dream.
At that time there was thunder and lightning, and a great dark-
ness. Heaven was just then emitting its fluid, and ought to have
been pleased, 2 why was it irritated and thundering?
If striking and breaking is construed as a sign of Heaven's

anger, and not striking or breaking as a sign of Heaven's joy, tlie
rolling noise would not be appropriate in both cases, Man ex-
presses joy and anger by different sounds, if Heaven used the same
sound for two different purposes, there would be a fundamental
difference between him and man. From wliat circumstance then
could we infer Heaven's anger?
To give otlier persons impure things to eat is a small offence.

For Heaven to oliastise sucli small ofl'enders in person witli its
own most precious body, would be derogatory to its majesty.
Exalted persons do not punish personally, therefore does the em-
peror not execute the criminals with liis own luiiid. Heaven is
more exalted than the emperor. If it punislied small misdemeanours
itself, its virtue would be inferior to that of tlie emperor.
Heaven's sentiments must be similar to man's feelings. When

a prince punishes the wicked, he upon first hearing of their crime,
becomes furious and coiidenis them, but when it comes to taking
their lives, lie commiserates and pities tliem. Therefore the Aiialecis
say " W hen you have found out tlic truth, be grieved and ])ity
them, aud do not feel joy/'* Chou was utterly depraved, yet, when
Wu Wang was going to put him to death, lie deplored and pitied
him. Thus in the Shuking lie says: ― " 丄 commanded the wild tribes,
but I am sorry for you."^ A sovereign puts the bad to death.
1 Tlie iiiotlier of tlie emperor l\ao Tsii. Cf. p. 177.
2 Heaven as a spirit was just tlieii engendering Han Kao T-sn, the Son of
Heaven.
In the case of joy as well as of anger.
4 Analects XIX, 19. Tlie criiiiinal judge Yung Fa having consulted the pliilo-
soplier 'I'st-ng TV on tlie duties of liis office, the latter advised him to pity
tlie of-
fenders, whose misdeeds were perliaps a consequence of bad ndiiiinistratloti.
-' Til is passago is nut to be Ibuiid in our text ol' the Shukiny.
289
but with a feeling of commiseration, whereas Heaven in punishing

misdemeanours, strikes people dead in its rage. Thus Heaven
would be less merciful than man.
Rain is believed to be a fluid emitted by Heaven. Put forth

by Heaven, it becomes moistened, and gives the rain. When the
rain saturates everything, one speaks of timely showers. Unless
he be in good humour, man does not show kindness, and unless
it be pleased, Heaven does not pour down rain. If thunder be
taken for an expression of Heaven's anger, then raiu must be a
sign of its joy. When there is tliuncler, it is always accompanied
by rain. One must suppose, therefore, that Heaven is at the same
time grumbling and laughing. A sovereign does uot mete out re-
wards and puiiislimeuts on tlie same clay. Should Heaven's anger
and joy coincide in time, Heaven and man would not be in harmony,
and their ways of rewarding and punishing quite different. More-
over, anger and joy are both fitful. To fly into a fit of passion
out of disgust at man's conduct, to punish him for bis offence,
and, in doing so, to be guided by passion, would be unwortly of
Heaven.
Regarding a tliunderstorm in winter, people assert that the

Yang fluid has lost its force. When it thunders in spring, tliey
say, it comes out, but wlieu there is a tempest in summer, instead
of owning that then the fluid has its greatest force, they speak of
Heaven's auger. Of course that is nothing but idle talk.
Man is a creature between Heaven and Earth. Other creatures

are likewise creatures. What other creatures eat and drink, Heaven
does not know, and it should be aware of what man eats and
drinks ？ All beings are to Heaven like children. The kindness
and love of father and motlier to all their cliildren are the same.
Why then does Heaven watch the nobler and more intelligent
being so closely, but takes no heed of tlie liumbler and less gifted
ones ？ Why does it pry into all that man does, but ignores other
creatures ？
Dogs and pigs eat human excrements, yet Heaven does not
kill them for that. Provided that Heaven restricts only man on
account of his superiority, then, if rats contaminate his drink or
food, and man unwittiugly eat it by mistake, Heaven does uot
destroy tlie rats. If Heaven can pardon the rats, it can do the
same for man. Man may by mistake give others impure things to
eat, and those unaware of it, may eat them. But they will never
offer rotten things on purpose. Should they do so, the others
would uot take them.
Lull - Heng. 19
290
The Empress Lit Hon i cut off Lady Cliis hands, tore out
her eyes, and placed her in a privy as a human swine. Then she
called people, and showed them her victim. All felt sick at heart.
When the emperor Hid Ti saw her. he fell sick, and did not rise
again. ^ Lii Hon acted on purpose, but Heaven did not punish her.
If on the other hand Heaven strikes people dead for a mere in-
advertence without mercy or regard for the faults, its government
is tyrannical.
When men eat sometliing impure, they do not discover it

by the taste. If they feel it, after having swallowed it, tliey call
it a pollution of their bowels. When Lady C/ii was put into tlie
cess-pool, her whole body was disgracefully soiled, which is nothing
else than impurity, for the body does not differ from the bowels.
To care for the intestines, but disregard the body, to resent im-
purity, but not to feel the afore-mentionecl horrible disgrace, would
not be like Heaven.
The news that anybody lias eaten something uncleau does

not disturb people's minds, whereas all that saw Lady C/ii felt
sick at heart. Man being hfirt, Heaven must feel pity too. Com-
miserating Lady ChU, it must hate Lii I Ion. Notwithstanding, when
Lu IIou died, she was not struck by a thunderbolt.
The Taoist Liu CJi un made a fool of the king of CK u, Ying、

and caused liiin to eat some dirty stuff. Liu Cli im died later on,
but it needed no lightning to make him die.
In the 6th mouth of summer of the year 79 a.d. Chin Clman

of IC uei-chi^ was killed by lightning. Of the sheep wliicli he used
for 】iis daily meals, five died together with him. What hidden
faults had these animals, tliat tlie iiglitning killed them?
Boatmen sometimes pollute a stream up-river, while other people

drink its water down-river. Yet tlie boatmen do not die by lightning.
The Spirit of Heaven dwells in 】it、aven just as a king in his

residence. A king lives behind many gates, therefore the Spirit of
1 The first wife of llan Kao Tsu, who usurped the imperial power, and reigned
under her own name against all custom from 187-179 b.c. Her son, the Emperor
Hui Ti, whose nominal reigti lasted from 194-187 b.c, was nothing but a puppet in
her hands. Lii IIou was a (lend in human shape, who had always some poison ready
for her euemies. One of her first acts, after she came to power, was to wreak her
vengeance on her rival, Lady CKi, a concubine of Han Kao Tm, who liad attempted
to have her own son made heir-apparent in place of Hui Ti, the son of Lii IIou,
Hui Ti, a very kind-hearted, but weak sovereign did all in his power to shield lu.s
half-brother from the wrath of his mother, who poisoned him all the same.
2 This story is abridged from the Shi-chi chap. 9， p. 3.
3 A city in dhekiang.
291
Heaven must stay in some secluded place likewise. As the king has
】iis palaces and halls, Heaven also has the ai-wei, Tse-lmng、 Ihiian-
yuan and Wm-cli ang mansions, i
A king being far away from men does not know their occult
crimes. How could the Spirit of Heaven in 】iis four palaces see
the secret misdeeds of men ？ If a king hears of the faults of his
subjects, he learns it through others. If Heaven becomes cognizant
of the crimes of men, it must have it from its angels. In case
the spirits are Heaven's informants as to crimes, it must also
entrust the spirits with retributive justice. Such being the case,
the so-called auger of Heaven is not tliat of Heaven, but of the
spirits.
A king inflicts capital punishment in autumn,^ Heaven kills

in summer. Thus the king in meting out justice, does not observe
the time of Heaven. As Heaven's anointed he should in executions
also imitate the example of majestic Heaven. Heaven chooses
summer for killing, whereas the king executes in autumn. Heaven
and man are thus at variance, which would never do for Heaven's
deputy.
Some people will argue that giving impure things to eat or

drink is a great crime before Heaven, which in killing the culprit
does not pay attention to time. Great crimes in the eyes of kings
ore high-treason, rebellion, and lawlessness, whereas Heaven con-
siders the offering of unclean things to others as food or drink as
a serious offence. The crimes condemned by Heaven are of dif-
ferent gravity. Were the light and the serious ones all equally
dealt with, the king would have to imitate Heaven's government,
and put to death every one, who had given others unclean things
to eat or drink. When the holy emperors were ruling, they had
not sucli a penalty. That would mean that the holy emperors
wero remiss, and liad forgotten this punishment.
It may be said that the ghosts have power over what is se-
cret, and that a king's sway extends over what is public only.
vSecret faults are wrapt iu darkness and invisible to man, therefore
spirits must be employed to watch over tliem. I reply, there being
1 Names of constellations.
2 In China the regular executions take place in autumn.
3 It destroys the guilty on the spot, and does not delay judgment until
autumn.
4 A dfduclio ad a"surdum from a Chinese point of view, for the holy emperors,
1 do, Shun, and the like, were perfect, and could not have omitted to punish
serious
misdeeds.
19*
292
not only one secret fault, why are not all the offenders put to
death ？ To fix upon one single offence would not be a just retribu-
tion for hidden sins.
Heaven vents its auger, before the sun returns, and an out-
burst of human ire takes less than tlie time one needs to turn
round upon one's heels. ^ However, secret crimes of men often
become manifest in winter and not exclusively in summer. If lie
who misconducts himself in winter, is not struck by thunder forth-
with, but must wait till summer, Heaven's wratli cannot be quicker
than a revolution of the suu.
When painters represent tlie thunder, it is like so many joined

drums, heaped together. They also paint a man having tlie sem-
blance of an athlete and call liim " the Tliuuderer " [Lei Kung).
Witli his left hand they give him joined drums to pull, in his
right hand he brandishes a hammer, as though he were going to
strike. It means that the rolling sound of thunder is produced by
the knocking together of tlie united drums, and that the sudden
crashing noise is the blow of the liainuier. When a man is killed,
lie is struck with the drums and the hammer at tlie same time.
People also believe in this, and nobody objects. But if we

get at the bottom of it, we find that these pictures are pure fic-
tions. Thunder is either a sound or a fluid. How caa a sound
or a fluid brandish a hammer, or pull drums, and have the shape
of joined drums? If the thunder can really swing- or pull these
tilings, it must be a creature. That which, wlien knocked together,
produces souud.s, can be either a drum or a bell. Should the roll-
ing sound be produced by drums or bells ？ Iii that case, bells and
drums could not hang free in the air, they would require a frame
with vertical and cross-beams. Suspended between, they could be
sounded. Now, the bells and drums have nothing to hang upon,
and the feet of the Thunderer nothing' to walk upon, how then
should the thunder be produced ？
Somebody might object that for this very reason there must
be a spirit, foi-, if in order to produce thunder a frame were re-
quired, or a support for tlie feet, it would be quite human, and
by no means spirit-like.
I hold that spirits are diffuse and incorporeal. Departing or

coming in they need no aperture, nor have they any hold above or
below. J liercfore one calls them spirits. Now the Thunderer lias
a body, and lor the thunder there are instruments, how can lie be
This seems to be an old adage.
293
deemed a spirit? If the Tliunderer were incorporeal, his semblance

could not be drawn, and, if he possesses a body, lie does not
deserve the name of a spirit.
People talk of tlie dragon spirit rising to heaven. But who-

ever thoroughly examines the question, discredits this idea. Men
sometimes see the shape of a dragon, and rm'ing to this circum-
stance they paint the shape of a dragon rising to heaven. The
best proof that, as a fact, there is no spirit is, that it can be
pictorially represented.
My opponents will argue : " Men also see apparitions of ghosts.

Are they not spirits? " I say: "If men see gliosts sometimes, has
anybody already seen tlie Thunderer? Ghosts are called spirits,
but they walk about on earth like men. The Thunderer, however,
does not rest his head in heaven, nor walk on earth with his feet.
How can he, therefore, be a thunclerer? "
All flying creatures have wings. Those who can fly without
wings are styled genii. In representing the forms of genii men
give them wiugs. Provided the Thunderer is like the genii, he
ouglit to have wing's equally. If, in case the Thunderer does not
fly, the painters pretend that he can fly, tbey are wrong, and if
he really could fly, but had no wings, it would be wrong likewise.
Thus the pictures of the Thunderer's outward appearance, made
by painters, are merely fancy work.
Those who argue about thunder aver that it is Heaven's

angry snorting, whereas those who sketch it, contend that the
Thunderer in his anger pulls the joined drums. If it is really as
the critics say, the painters are wrong, and if they are right, the
critics must be in error. The two classes are antagonistic. If both
their views were taken as genuine, there would he no difference
of right and wrong, and in default of that, no real right and wrong.
Doubts would not be settled, and fallacies would triumph.
The Liki speaks of a goblet with the thunder carved upon

it.i One thunder rushes forth, the other reverts, one is coiled up,
tlie other stretched forth. Their friction would give a sound. They
look as if they were colliding, piled up in a grotesque and phan-
tastic way. This form represents the tliunder. When through
friction the air breaks, there is a rolling- sound, the soimd of friction.
1 Neither the Liki nor the < 'liou-U contains such a passage, as far as I could
make out. On the old sacrificial bronze vases, called tsiin = goblets, clouds
and thunders i. e. coiled up clouds were represented. The thunder ornament is the
Chinese Meander. Specimens of these goblets can be seen in the Po-ku-t'u-lu chap.
7.
294
A sudden crash is the sound of the shooting forth of the air.

When this shooting air hits a man, he dies.
In fact thunder is nothing else than the exploding solar fluid.

How do we know ？一 In the first montli the Yang fluid begins to
be roused, consequently we have the first thunder during the first
moon. In the fifth month Yang is at its cynosure, therefore at
tliat time thunder rapidly follows upon thunder. In autumn and
winter Yang declines, therefore thunder ceases during these sea-
sons. In the midst of summer the sun reigns supreme, but t.lie
Yin fluid endeavours to get the upperhand. In this dispute of the
Yang and the Yin fluids it comes to frictions, and these frictions
lead to explosions and shooting, which are destructive. A man
struck by these forces is killed, a tree split, and a house clemolislied.
A person under a tree or in a house may also by cliance be hit
and killed.
To test the justness of this statement take a basin full of

water, and throw it ou a fire, used for melting purposes. The
vapour will explode with a puff like the sound of thunder. Should
any one be too near, his body will be burned. Heaven and earth
are like a great furnace, the Yang fluid is an immense fire, clouds
and rain are huge masses of water. When they struggle, explode
and slioot, the effects must be most violent, and a man bit and
injured cannot but die. *
When founders melt iron, they make a mould of earth, into

which the liquid iron runs down. Else it bursts out, flows over,
and spurts. Hitting a man's body, it burns his skin. The fiery
Yang fluid is not only as hot as liquid iron, the exploding Yin
fluid has not merely the wetness of earth and clay, mid when
the Yang fluid hits a man, it does not simply cause the pain of
burning.
Thunder is fire. A man burned by tliis fluid must show traces

of it. If those traces of burning look like written characters, people
seeing them use to say that Heaven lias written (lie man's guilt
to make it known to the whole world. This is also unreasonable.
If Heaven destroys men with its thunder, after tliey have

perpetrated their misdeeds, he ought to make their wickedness quitv
public, witli a view to IViglitening for the ("uture, and write the charac-
ters dearly, but not quite indistinctly, as it does. When the "Plan"
came out ol" the Yellow River, ^ and the " Scroll " emerged from
1 The " Plan '• appeared to the Emperor Huany 7V in the Yellow River.
A big fish carried it on its back. Huany Ti received the Plan, which consisted of
a combinatioii of symbolical lines and diagrams like the Fa-kua.
295
the 1/0， 1 Heaven and Earth produced them for men to read and
take note of. The writing on people killed by thunder is also
Heaven's work. Why is it so difficult to understand?
Let us assume that the human skin is not fit to be written

upon. The wife of Duke Hui of Lu,'^ Cliung Tse was daughter to
Duke Wu of Sung.^ When she was born, she had a writing on
her palm to the effect that she was to be duchess of Lu. The
writing was distinct and intelligible. Therefore CJiung Tse 、、- as
married to Lu. The thunder's handwriting not being clear, it cannot
serve as a deterrent for the future. Ergo the burnt spots are not
characters engraved by Heaven.
Sometimes people exaggerate things tliat really exist, some-

times tliey invent things that have no real basis at all. Imposed
upon by fallacies, they indulge in fabricating wonders and miracles
as the following- arguments will prove : ―
1. Thunder is fire. When a man dies struck by thunder, one

discovers upon examining liis body, if the head be hit, that the
hair is singed, and if tlie body be struck, that the gliin is charred.
Coming near tlie body, one scents tlie smell of burning. 2. Taoist
experimentalists hold that a stone heated by a tliunder-clap, becomes
red. If it be thrown into a well, the stone being burning hot, the
well cool, an explosion ensues witli a loud detonation like thunder.
3. AVheu somebody takes cold, the cold fluid enters liis stomach.
The stomach being as a rule warm within, the warmth and the
cold struggle together, and the exploding air gives a thunder-like
sound. 4. In a thunder-storm brilliant lightnings appear every now
and then like the glares of big fires. 5. When the lightning strikes,
it often burns man's houses and buildings, or grass and trees.
Those wlio declare thunder to be fire have these five argu-

ments, tliose who preiitend that tliuuder is Heaven's anger, not a
single one. Therefore this latter assertion is witliout any foundation.
However, it might be objected that there is a passage in the

Analects to the e fleet that, wlien thunder followed thunder, and the
storm raged, Confucius used to be deeply impressed.* The Liki says,
1 The " Scroll '， was carried by a dragon-horse, which rose from the waters
of the Lo, a tributary of the Yellow River, at Fn Hvi's time. From the mystic signs
on this " Scroll " the emperor is reported to have derived the Eight Diagrams and
the first system of written characters, whicli took the place of the knotted cords,
quipos, then in use.
2 767-721 B.C.
3 764-746 B.C.
* Quoted from Analects X, 16.
296
" when a strong wind blows, and the thunder-claps quiclily follow
each other, and rain falls in torrents, a superior man will be deeply
moved. Though it be night, lie will rise, don liis clothes and cap,
and sit up " i in awe of Heaven's anger, fearing lest its punishment
should reach him. If thunder were not tlie expression of Heaven's
anger, nor its striking a punishment of the guilty, why should a
good man be frightened by thunder, put on his official robe, and
sit straight?
The Master 2 means that the relation of Heaven to man is

similar to that of father and son. The father being moved, the
son cannot remain indifferent. Therefore, when Heaven is moved,
man must be likewise. Being in harmony with Heaven, he proves
that he does not act in opposition to it.
Man suddenly hearing a dog bark outside the house, will be

startled, and with trembling limbs liarken to find out, what it means.
How much more so, when he hears Heaven assuming an extraordinary
voice like the noise made by the quick rolling of heavy carts ！
The remark in the Analects and the observation of the Liki

both refer to the wise man. The wise man displays the utmost
care in all his doings and knows that he has no guilt, just like
sun and moon, which, when eclipsed, have not clandestinely given
impure food to men. Examining his heart, he feels no fear, where-
fore should he be afraid of thunder? If lie is not afraid, his ex-
citement can be no proof of Heaven's anger, because he fears nothing
for himself. Should he really be afraid of thunder, even that would
not suffice to prove the punisliment of hidden crimes, for people
struck by lightning are mostly quite innocent. The wise man ap-
prehends that lie might be hit by chance. Therefore lie is anxious
and alarmed. But this alarm of the wise man cannot be put for-
ward to demonstrate that thunder is Heaven's anger. It shows,
on the contrary, that thunder strikes at random. Because it hits
at random, and does not punish the guilty, people are afraid. If
thunder actually punished the guilty, the wicked ought to stand
in awe, and the wise had no cause for apprehensions.
The king of Sung asked T' ang Yang saying " I have killed a
great number of people, yet all the officials are still quite fearless.
What is the reason ? "
T'ang Yang replied: ― " Those that Your Highness has punished
were exclusively bad characters. If the bad are called to account,
Quoted from the Liki Book VI Yu-tmo {Lcgge, Sacred Books Vol. XXVIII, p. 5).
Confuciun in the passage quoted from the Analects.
297
why should the good bo frightened? If Your Highness wishes all

tlie officials to be in awe, the best way is to make no distinction
between good and bad, and chastise them all occasionally. Then
all the officialdom will be afraid." '
The 】dng followed his advice, and all the functionaries became
frightened, whereupon the king of Sung turned very angry. Owing
to the indiscriminate punishments of the king of Sung, the whole
people of Sung got greatly alarmed. Because thunder and lightning
strike indiscriminately, a wise man becomes agitated. His alarm is
like the great fright of the kingdom of Sung.
1 Quoted from Hsiin Tse.
298
CHAPTER XXIII.
On Poison (Yen-tu).
Sometimes the following question is considered : ― Between

lieaven and earth there are the ten thousand beings witli their
characteristic nature. In the animal kingdom we find adders and
vipers, bees and scorpions, which are poisonous. When tlieir bite
or sting has hurt a human body, the sickness which tliey cause
must be most carefully treated, for without timely help, the virus
spreads through the whole body. In the vegetable kingdom we
have croton oil beans and wild dolichos, which, wlien eaten, cause
a stomacli-ache, and in large closes kill a man. What manner of
fluid have these created beings received from lieaven ？ The ten
thousand beings, when created, are endowed with the original fluid.
Is tliere any poison in tlie original fluid?
Poison is the hot air of the sun; when it touches a man,

he becomes empoisoned. If we eat something Avhicli causes us
such a pain in tlie stoiiiacli, that we cannot endure it, that which
proves so unendurable is called poison. The fiery air of the sun
regularly produces poison. This air is hot. The people living in
the land of tlie sun are impetuous. The mouths and tongues of
these impetuous people become venomous. Thus the inhabitants
of C/iu and Yueh ^ are impetuous and passionate. When tliey talk
with others, and a drop of their saliva happens to fly against their
interlocutors, tlie arteries of the latter begin to swell and ulcerate.
Tho Southern Circuit" is a very hot region, Wlien tlie people

til ere curse a tree, it withers, and, when tliey spit upon a bird,
it drops down. Wizards are all al)le to make people ill by their
prayers as well as to avert tlieir misfortunes. They liail from
Kirtng-nnn,.^ and ai'c imbued with the hot fluid. Poison is the fluid
of the sun, therelbre it burns like lire, when somebody is aspersod
by it. When people bitten by a, viper cut out the flesh, as sorae-
' ILikuang and ('hckiang.

- Iliipei.
3 The country soutli of the Yangtse, now the provinces Kiangsu, Kiangsi,
and Anhui.
On Poison.
299
times they do, and put it on the ground, it burns and bubbles up,
wliicli shows that there is a hot lluid in it. At the four cardinal
points, are border-lands, but the south-eastern corner alone has
broiling hot air, which always comes lortli in Spring and Summer.
Ill Spring and Summer the sun rises in the south-eastern corner,
which is the proper spliere of the sun.
When the air of other things enters into our nose or eyes,
they do not feel pain, but as soon as fire or smoke enter into
our nose, it aches, and, when they enter into our eyes, they pain
us. This is the burning of the hot air. Many substances can be
dissolved, but it is only by burning fire tliat tliey are scorched.
Eating sweets is not injurious to man, but, when for instance

he takes a little too much lioney, he Las symptoms of poisoning.
Honey is a secretion of tlie bee, and the bee is an insect belonging
to the Yang fluid.
If a man without having hurt himself against anything in his

movements feels a sudden pain in his body, for which there is no
apparent reason, and if those parts of his body wliich pain him
show marks of flogging so to speak, he suffers from lumbago.
This lumbago, they say, is caused by devils wlio are beating the
person. Devils are supernatural apparitions produced by the sun.
If the disease be less acute, one calls it sciatica, and uses honey
and cinnabar to cure it. Honey and cinnabar are substances be-
longing to the Yang fluid. This cure is liomeopatliic. As an anti-
dote against a cold one uses cold, and against fever one uses heat.
Since to cure sciatica tliey take honey and cinnabar, it shows us
That sciatica is the effect of tlie Yang fluid and of the diffusion of
a poison.
Poisonous air is floating between heaven and earth. When a

man comes into touch with it, his face begins to swell, a disease
wliich people call a sun-stroke.
Men who have seen ghosts, state that they have a red colour.
The supernatural force of the sun must, of course, have this colour.
Gliosts are burning poison ； the man whom they assault, must die.
Thus did Earl Tu shoot King Hsiian of Chou clead.i The para-
phernalia of these demons of death are like the fire of tlie sun.
The bow as well as the arrow of Tu Po were both red. In the
south they term poison " small fox." The apparition of Earl Tu
had a bow in his hand, witli 、vhich he sliot.. The solar fluid was
kindled simultaneously, and, when it was thus intensified, it shot.
Cf. p. 202.
BOO
Lun - Heng : C. Physical.

Therefore, when he hit the king, he seemed provided with bow
and arrow.
When lieat is pent up, and the temperature increased, the

poison in the blood is stirred up. Tlierefore eating the liver of a
race horse will cause a man's deatli, tlie fluid pent up in tlie liver
having been chafed. During the dog-days, when a scorching heat
prevails, people die by insolation; the extreme heat has been turned
into poison. We perspire, while running, near a stove, in the sun-
shine at noon, and, when we are feverish. The four causes have
been different, but they all engender perspiration. The heat is the
same, and it has been equally pent up.
Fire is a phenomenon of the sun. All created beings of the

world are filled with tlie solar fluid and after their creation contain
some poison. Reptiles and insects possessing this poison in abund-
ance become vipers and adders, bees and scorpions, plants become
croton seeds and wild dolichos, fishes become porpoises and " to-
shu " ' fish. Consequently men eating a porpoise liver die, and the
bite of a " to-shu " is venomous. Fishes and birds are related,
therefore birds can fly, and fishes too; birds lay eggs, and fishes
also. Vipers, adders, bees, and scorpions are all oviparous and have
a similar nature.
Among mankind bad characters take the place of these creatures.

Their mouths do mischief. The bad men of the world are imbued
with a poisonous iluid. The poison of the wicked living in the land
of the sun is still more virulent, hence the curses and the swearing
of the people of southern Yileh produce such wonderful results.
A proverb says, " Many mouths melt metal." The moutli is

fire. Fire is the second of the five elements, and speech the second
of the five actions; There is an exact correspondence between
speecli and fire, therefore in speaking- of the melting of metal one
says that tlie nioutli and the tongue melt it. They do not speak
of pulling out wood and burning it, but expressly refer to the
melting of metal. Metal is overcome by fire, fire and mouth belong
to the same class.
Medicinal lierbs do not grow in one place only. T ai Po left

his country and went to Wu.* The melting of metal does not take
1 Knng-hi quotes this passage, but does not say what kind of a fish the
*' to-shu " '辱多 |§ 叙 is. It may be a variety of the .s/'«.， which seems to be a
kind
of sturgeon.
2 Cf. Shuking {Hung-fan) Pt. V, Bk. IV, 5-6.
3 Another instance of Chinese symbolism, wliich they mistake for science.
4 Cf. p. 120.
On Poison.
301
place in one foundry alone. People speak very much of T ang-chi

in CKn.^ The warm air on earth has its regions. One dreads to go
into the southern sea, for tlie secretary falcon lives iu the south, and he
who drinks anything that has been in contact with it, must die.^
Shin appertains to the dragon and sse to the snake. Shin

and sse^ are placed in tlie south-east. The dragon is poisonous,
and the snake venomous, therefore vipers are provided with sharp
teeth, and dragons with an indented crust Wood engenders fire,
and fire becomes poison. Hence the " Green Dragon " holds the
" Fire Star " in its mouth. ^
Wild cloliclios and croton seed both contain poison, therefore

the dolichos grows in the south-east, and croton in tlie south-west.
The frequence of poisonous things depends on the dryness and the
humidity of the soil, and the strength of the poison is influenced
by the locality, where they have grown. Snakes are like fish,
therefore they grow in the grass and in marshes. Bees and scorpions
resemble birds and are born in houses and on trees. In Kiang-pei^
the land is dry; consequently bees and scorpions abound there. Iu
Kiang-nan the soil is wet, hence it is a breeding place for great
numbers of snakes.
Those creatures growing in high and dry places are like the
male principle. The virile member hangs down, therefore bees and
scorpions sting with their tails. The creatures living in low and
wet places resemble the female principle. The female organ is soft
and extensible, therefore snakes bite with their mouths.'^ Poison
is either concealed in the head or the tail, whence tlie bite or the
sting becomes venomous, or under the epidermis so that the eating
causes stomach-ache, or it lies hidden in the lips and the throat,
so that the movement of the tongue does mischief.
1 A place in Honan celebrated for its foundries. Vid, p. 377.
2 Chen 求 = secretary falcon has become a synonym for poison.
3 The fifth and the sixth of the Twelve Branches (Duodenary Cycle of symbols).
4 The " Green Dragon " is the quadrant or the division of the 28 solar mansions
occupying the east of the sky. The " Fire Star " is the Planet Mars. Mars in the
quadrant of the " Green Dragon " forebodes war i. e, poison ； nothing but inane
symbolism. (Cf. Shi-chi chap. 27， p. 6 v.)
5 The country north of the Yangtse^ now the northern parts of the provinces
Kiangsu and Anhui,
6 Which hang down likewise.
7 Which are soft and extensible. ― To such ineptitudes even the most elevated
Chinese minds are led by their craze of symbolisation.
8 The mischief done by the tongue in speaking, which is not only compared
to, but identified with poison.
302
The various poisons are all grown from the same fluid, and
however different their manifestations, internally they are the same.
Hence, when a man dreams of fire, it is explained as altercation,
and, when he sees snakes in his dreams, they also mean contention.
Fire is an emblem of the mouth and tlie tongue: tliey appear in
suakes likewise, wliicli belong to the same class, have sprung from
tlie same root, and are imbued witli tlie same fluid. Tims fire is
equivalent to speed, and speech to bad men. When bad men say
strange things, it is at tlie instigation of their months and their
tongues, and the utterances of mouth and tongue are provoked by
the influence heaven has exercised upon the persons in question.
Consequently the second of the five actions is called speech. "Tlie
objectionable manifestation of speech is presemptuous error, sym-
bolized by constant sunshine." ' Presumptious error is extravagant
and shining. In the same manner snakes are gaudily ornamented.
All ornaments originate from the Yang, which produces tliein, as it
were. Sunshine is followed by talk, which accounts for the weird
songs so often heard. 2
The magical force engenders beauty, but tlie beautiful are

very often vicious aucl depraved. Tlie mother of S/m Hu^ was a
beauty. Shu Hsiang's'^ mother knew lier, and would not allow her
to go to the chamber of her husband. Shu Hsiang remonstrated.
" In the depths of mountains and in vast marshes dragons and
snakes really grow," said his mother. " She is beautiful, but 1
am afraid, lest she give birth to a dragon or a snake, wliicli would
bring mishap upon you.^ You are of a poor family. In tlie States
great favours are sometimes given, but what can the recipient of
such favours do, when he is being slandered by malicious people.
How should I be jealous of her?"
She then allowed her to go to lier husband's couch, and she

begot a son, njimed Shu llu. Owing to 】iis beauty and hero-like
strength Shu llu became a favourite of Lnmn lluai Tsef however,
1 Shuking {Ihmg-fan) Pt. V, Bk. IV, 34.
2 Cf. p. 246 and above p. 300.
3 A half-brother of Shu Hsiang. I lis mother was a concubine of Shu

Hsiang's father.
4 All officer of Chin.
& Being ail exceptional woman by her beauty, she would give birth to nii
extraordinary son - a dragon, and it would be dangerous for an ordinary man like
Iier son Shu Hsiang to be a blood relation of such an extraordinary person, since
fate likes to strike tlie exalted.
r' Quoted from tlic Tso-chuan, Duke Hmung, 21st year (551 B.C.).
On Poison.
303
when Fan Hsilnn Tse expelled Luan Huai Tse,、 lie killed Shu ,/?/.,
and so brought misfortune upon Shu Ilsiang.
The recesses of mountains and vast marshes are the places

where dragons and snakes breed. Shu IIus motlier was compared
to them, for under her cliai-ins the poison lay hidden. She bore
a son, Shu IIu, whose beauty consisted in his hero-like strength.
This strength grew from his beauty, and the disaster came from
his strength.
Fire has splendour, and wood has a pleasant appearance. Drag-

ons and snakes correspond to the east. Wood contains the essence
of fire, hence its beautiful colour and graceful appearance. The
gall being joined to the liver, courage and strengtli are produced.
The force of tlie fire is violent, hence the groat courage ； wood is
hard and strong, hence the great strength. When there is any
supernatural apparition produced, it is through beauty that it brings
about misfortune, and tlirougli courage and strength that it injures
like poison. All is owing to beauty.
Generous wine is a poison ； one cannot drink much of it. The

secretion of the bees becomes honey; one cannot eat much of it.
A hero conquers an entire State, but it is better to keep aloof from
him. Pretty women delight the eyes, but it is dangerous to keep
them. Sophists are most interesting, but tliey can by no means
be trusted. Nice tastes spoil the stomach, and pretty looks beguile
the heart. Heroes cause disasters, and controversialists do great
harm. These four classes are the poison of society, but the most
virulent poison of all is that flowing from the mouths of the sophists.
When Confucius caught sight of Yang Hu,'^ he retreated, and

his perspiration trickled down, for Yang Hu was a glib-tongued man.
The poison from a glib tougue makes a man sick. When a man
has been poisoned, he dies alone, whereas a glib tongue ruins a
whole State. Tims we read in the Shiking:^ ― " Endless are the
slanderous reports. They threw four States* into confusion," Four
States were thrown into confusion, how much more would be a
single individual. Therefore a man does not fear a tiger, but dreads
the calumniator's mouth, for his mouth contains the worst poison.
1 Two noblemen of Chin, cf. p. 206.
2 A powerful, but unworthy officer in Lu.

3 Shiking Pt. 11， Bk. VII, 5.
4 Modem commentators explain the expression jJCj |^ as meaning " llie four
quarters of the empire."
304
CHAPTER XXIV.
On Anthroposcopy {Ku-hsiany).
It is a common belief that fate is difficult to foresee. Far

from it, it can easily be known, and by what means ？ By means
of the body and its bones. As man derives his destiny from heaven,
it becomes visible in his body. An inquiry into these manifestations
leads to the knowledge of fate, just as from a look at measures
one learns their capacity. By manifestations I understand the osseous
configurations.
According to tradition Huang Ti had a dragon face, Chuan Hsu

was marked with the character Wu^ on liis brow, Ti Ku had a
double tooth, Yao's eye-brows had eight colours, S/mii's eyes double
pupils, Yt'is ^ ears three orifices, T'ang had double elbows, Wen Wang
four nipples, Wu Wang's ^ spine was curbed backwards, Chou Rung *
was inclined to stoop forward, Km Yao'-' had a horse's mouth,
Confucius' arms were turned backwards.^ These Twelve Sages either
held the positions of emperors and kings, or they aided their
sovereigns, being anxious for the welfare of the people. All the
world knows this, and the scholars speak oi" it.
These reports being given in the Classics and Annals can be

relied upon. The light literature, such as journals, letters, and
memoirs which the Literati do not read, afford a great many more
instances: sang Hsieh had lour eyes and became one of Huang
Ti's officials. Cliung Erh, prince of Chin.i had a double rib, and
became the foremost of all the feudal lords. Su CK in& with a bone
2 Huang T't, Chuan IhU, Ti I、u, Yao^ Shun, and Yu are mythical or half
legendary rulers of old China.
3 T'ang^ Wen Wang^ and Wu Wany are the founders of the Shang and Chou
dynasties.
4 T<w, Duke of (、！ lou, a younger brother of Wu Wa"y， whom he helped to

win the throne.
5 A minister of Shun, •
6 Like the wings of a bird.
7 (liumj Erh reigned as marquis of Chin from 634-626 b.c,

8 A famous statesman who in 3i{3 b.c. succeeded in forming a league of the
Six States : I'm, (Jhuo, Hart, Wei^ (Jhi, and Chu against CUin,
On Anthroposcopy.
305
on his nose obtained tlie premiership in all the Six Kingdoms.

Chang Yi ^ having a double rib was also made a minister in 67< in
and Wei. Hsiang Fii, who owing to his double pupils was regarded
as a descendant of the Emperor Shun, shared the empire with
Kao Tsu. Cli en P'ing^'^ a poor fellow who had not enough to eat
and drink, had nevertheless a very fine appearance, which sur-
prised every one so much, that they exclaimed : what on earth does
CKen P'ing eat to become such a portly man. Han llsin ^ was
rescued from the axe of the executioner, when he caught the eye
of the duke of eng, and was pardoned also on account of liis
extraordinary appearance. Fine looks and stateliness can be cha-
racteristics as well,
Kao Tsu had a high nose, a dragon face, a fine beard and
72 black spots on his left leg.^ Lii from Shan-fu ^ was skilled in
prognosticating from looks. When he saw Kao Tsu' s carriage, he
tliouglit him very remarkable, and therefore gave him his own
daughter, the later empress Lil Hou, to wife. Afterwards she gave
birth to Prince Hsiao Hid ^ and to the princess Yuan of Lu. Kao
Tsu was first a headborougli on the river Sse} Then he gave
up his post, and took to farming, again living with Lu Hou and
liis two children on liis farm, when an old man passed by, and
asked for a drink. In return lie divined Lil Hou's fate by her
features saying: " Madam, you belong to the great folks of the
empire," Called upon to foretell the fortune of lier two children,
he said in regard of Hsiao Hui : " The cause of your greatness,
Madam, will be this son," and with respect to Yuan of Lu: "You
are all uoble." When the old man had left, Kao Tsu came home
from abroad. Upon being informed hj' Lil Uou of what had taken
place, lie ran after the old man, and stopped him, wishing to hear
his own fortune too. The old fellow rejoined: " Before, the lady
and her children bore a resemblance to you in tlieir looks, but
1 A celebrated politician of the 4th century b.c, in early life a fellow-student

of Su Ch'in.
2 A partisan of the founder of the Han dynasty, Kao Tsu, one of the Three
Heroes, who in early youth lived in great poverty and subsequently rose to the
highest honours.
3 Another adherent of Han Kao Tsu, also one of the Three Heroes, the
third being Chang Liang. He was to be executed for treason, but was pardoned.
* As anomalous features.
5 This passage occurs in the Shi-chi chap. 8， p. 2, which treats of Han Kao T"i.
6 A place in Shantung.
7 He succeeded his father Kao Tsu in 194 b.c.

b A river in Shantung.
Lun - Heng. 20
306
Lon - Heng ： C. Physical.
your mien is so grand, that words fail me to describe it." i After-

wards the empire devolved upon Kao Tsu, as the old man had
foretold.
If we draw a general principle from this, we find that members

of the same family all show their nobility in their appearance.
Belonging to the same caste and animated by a similar spirit, they
must necessarily have some kindred traits in their mental and
physical qualities. It however happens that two persons of different
classes and iucougruous minds meet together. A grandee, when
marrying, gets a great lady for his wife, and a gentlewoman also
finds a uoble lord. If two individuals meet despite discrepancies
of appearance, a sudden death ensues. In case they have not yet
come into contact, one party is overtaken by death previously.
Wang Mang's auut Lady Cheng was bespoken in marriage.

When the moment came for her to go, the bridegroom suddenly
died. The same thing happened a second time. Tlien she was
given away to the Prince of Chao, but the Prince had not yet
taken lier, when lie breathed his last. Nan Kung Ta Yu of Cli ing-Jio -
met with Lady Cheng s father, the Honourable CIdh, with whom he
was acquainted, and prognosticated her fate saying : " She is so
exalted, that she wili become the mother of tlie empire." At that
time Hsiian Ti^ was emperor and Yuan Ti heir-apparent. Through
the governor of the principality of Wei, Chih then gave lier in mar-
riage to the heir- apparent, who was very pleased with her, and
became father to a sou of the name of Chiin Sliang. At the death
of Hsiian Ti the heir-apparent ascended the throne, Lady Cheng was
made empress, and Chiin Shang heir-apparent. When Yuan Ti^ died,
the lieir-apparent assumed the reins of government and became the em-
peror Cheng Ti,^ and Lady Cheng became empress-dowager and thus
mother of the empire. Lady Cheng bad sometliiug in her features
indicative of lier future imperial motherhood. The two men to
whom she was betrothed first, and the Prince of Chao had no marks
showing that they would be fathers of the empire, therefore the
two died, before the marriage could take place, and the prince
expired. The two Jiances and tlie Prince of Chao were not pre-
destinated for imperial sway, and Lady Cheng was apparently no
match for them.
1 Cf. Shi-chi loc. (it. which slightly differs.
2 A city in Shantung ； Flayfair No. 1642.
3 73-48 B.C.
* 48-32 B.C.
5 32-6 B.C.
On Anthroposcopy.
307
The prime minister Huang T'se Kung,i who was originally a

border warden in Yang-hsia,^ travelled with a soothsayer in the same
carriage, when they perceived a woman seventeen or eighteen years
old. The fortune-teller pointed to her and said: -― " This woman
will be raised to liigli honours, and become consort to a marquis."
Huang T'se Kung stopped the carriage, and looked at her carefully.
The fortune-teller said : ― "If this woman will not become noble,
my divination books are of no use." Huang T'se Kung inquired about
her, and learned tliat she was from tlie next village, a female
belonging to the Wn family. Thereupon he married her, and after-
wards really gained liigli lionours, was given the post of a prime
minister, and created a marquis.^ Since Huang T'se Kung won wealth
aud honour, his wife liad to be on a par with him. Consequently,
when they were brought together, they both became illustrious.
Had Huang T'se Kung's fate been meau, he would not have got that
woman as a consort, and had tliey not tallied together as man and
wife, tliey would have had the same raisfortuue as the two persons
above mentioned and the Prince of Chao. If an entire family has
a glorious destiny, then later on every thing turns to their honour
and advantage, whereas in case of incongruity of osseous structure
and physical shape they will be separated and die, and cannot
enjoy great happiness long.
In noble families even servants and slaves as well as cattle

and liorses wliich tliey rear are not like the common ones. From the
looks of the slaves one sees that they do not easily die. The cattle
and liorses often produce young. The seeds in the fields grow up
luxuriantly, and quickly put forth ripe grains. In commerce those
sort of people manage to get excellent mercliandise, which sells
without delay. Those who know fate, find out the great folks
amidst low people, aud discern the miserable among the magnates.
Judging from tlie osseous structure and distinguisliing the lines on
the skin, they discover man's fate, whicli always confirms their
predictions.
Viscount Chien of Chao bade Ku Pu Tse CKing tell the for-

tunes of his sons. He found none of them lucky, until he came
to the son of the slave-girl Chai, Wii Hsu, whom he declared to be
a peer. Wti Hsu had an excellent character, and was stamped a
1 Huang T'se Kung was prime minister of the emperor Hsiian Ti, died 51 b.c.
2 In Honan.
3 A parallel passage occurs in the Han-sku, quoted in the T ai-pHng yu-km

729 p. 4.
4 516-457 B.C.
20*
308
Lull - Heng ： C. Physical.
nobleman to boot. Later on Viscount CJden put the heir-apparent

aside, and raised Wu Hsil, who afterwards became Viscount Ihiang. '
A soothsayer said of Cliing Pu^ that lie would be tortured, but

then become prince, and he really was made a prince after having
suffered punishment.^
The father of Wei C/iing,*^ Cheng Chi had illicit intercourse with
a maid of the princess Yang ITsin, Wei. Wei Cliing was born in the
Chien-chang Palace. A convict read his destiny in his features and
said " He is noble, and will be invested with the rank of a marquis."'
Wei Cliing replied : 一 "For a slave it is quite enough not to be
whipped or reviled. How could lie dream of a marquisate ? After-
wards Wei CJiing entered the army as an officer. Having dis-
tinguished Iiiinself in several battles, he rose in rank, and was pro-
moted, till lie was made generalissimo with the title of marquis of
ten thousand families.
Before Chou Ya Fu^ became a marquis, llsil Fu predicted his

fortune saying : 一 " Within three years hence Your Honour will be
a general aud minister, and have the control of the empire. You
will rank so high, that among your fellow officials there will not
be your equal. But nine years later, you will die of starvation." ―
Chou Ya Fu replied laughing, " My elder brother already inherits the
title of marquis. When the father dies, the son succeeds to his
title. Why do you hint at my becoming marquis ？ But should I
really attain to this dignity, as you say, liow can you pretend that
I shall die of starvation? Explain this to me." Hsii Fu pointed to
the perpendicular lines converging at tlie corner of his mouth, aud
said, " This means death by starvation." ― Three years passed. His
brother, marquis Slieng of Chiang ^ was punished for an offence. Win
Tis was in favour of the marquis of Chiang's son. The wise coun-
cillors proposed Chou Ya Fu, wlio thereupon was created marquis of
1 457-425 B.C. Cf. p. 226 and Shi-chi chap. 43, p. 8 seq.
2 A military adventurer of the 2nd century b.c. His surname was originally
Ying Pa. It was changed into the sobriquet CKing Pa " Branded Pu ", after he had
been branded in Iiis early life. He made his escape, joined in the rebellions which
led to the rise of the Ilun dynasty, and was rewarded with the title and the fief
of
a "Prince of Kiu/cianr/," Mayers Reader's Manual No. 926.
3 Quotation from Shi-chi chap. 91, p. 1.

* Cf. p. 1G9.
-' Quoted from the Shi-chi chap. Ill, p. 1 v.
c Cf. (； iles Biogr. Diet. No. 426, where the end of Chou Ya Fu is told a little
differently.
7 The capital of the Chin State in Shansi, the modern Chiang-chou.
8 Ilan Wen Ti 179-156 b.c.
On Anthroposcopy.
309
T iao ^ and succeeded the marquis of Chiang. During' the six later
years of Wen Tis reign the Hsiung-nu invaded the Chinese territory,
and Chou Ya Fu became general. When Cking TP assumed the govern-
ment, Chou Ya Fu Avas appointed prime minister. Later on he retired
on account of sickness. His son bought from the imperial arsenal
five hundred mail-coats, which he wanted lor his father's funeral.
The coolies employed at the job were irritated against him for not
having received their money. Knowing that fiscal property liacl
been clandestinely purchased, out of spite tliey denounced Chou Ya
Fit s son to the throne. Cking Ti gave orders for trying- and tor-
turing Chou Ya Fu, wlio did not eat for five days, spat blood,
and clied.^
Teng T ung took the fancy of Wen Ti, who held liiin in higher
esteem than a minister, presented liim with enormous sums of money,
and treated him almost as his equal, A fortune-teller predicted
his destiny. The verdict was that he would become poor and
miserable and die of starvation. When Wm Ti died, and Ching Ti
had mounted the throne, Teng T ung was punished for unlawful
coinage. On examination Ching Ti found Teng T、mg already dead.
He stopped at the deceased man's house, but did not discover a
single casli.5
The prime minister Han ^ when a youngster borrowed 50 cash

from a fortune-teller, and together with him entered the Imperial
Academy. The fortune-teller divined the successes of the scholars
in the academy. Pointing at / Kuan "* he intimated that this youth
would rise so high as to become a chief minister of state. Han sent
the fortune-teller with his card to I Kuan, with whom he contracted
the most intimate friendship. He exerted himself to the utmost in
order to show his reverence. For tlie purpose of living together
with I Kiian he moved his residence, and drew as near as possible.
I Kuan was sick, Han nursed liira like a servant. His kindness
towards / Kuan was greater than towards those of his own blood.
Later on his name became famous all over the world. I Kuan ob-
tained the post of a secretary of state. The local officials had to
obey his orders. He recommended his friend to the throne for an
1 Another ancient city in Shansi not far from Chiang.
2 Han Ching Ti 156^140.
3 Quotation in a abridged form from Shi-chi chap. 57, p. 6 v. seq.
4 Teng IT ung was a minion of the Emperor Wen Ti,
5 Cf. Teng Thing's biography in Shi-chi chap. 125, p. 2.

^ Han An Kmo， 2nd cent. b.c.
- Died 112 b.c.
310
appointment at the court. Han subsequently was promoted to the

post of a prime minister.
The convict, Hsii Fu and the men who told the fortunes of
Teng T'ung and I Kuan can be considered as soothsayers who knew
fate. These sort of people examine tlie symptoms of the physical
frame, and perceive wealth and honour, poverty and disgrace, just
as we on seeing plates, know the use thereof. Fine vessels are
used by the higher classes, coarse ones with the same certainty
find their way to the poor. Sacrificial vases and tripods are not
put up in outer buildings, and gourds are not to be found in the
principal hall. That is a matter of course. That noble bones do
not meet with the hardships of the poor, and that wretched
features never share the joys of tlie grand, is on the same
principle.
Vessels used as measures may contain a peck or a piciil.

Thus between the human ranks there is a difference of liigli and
low. If vessels are filled over their size, their contents runs out,
and is lost. If the limit of a rank is surpassed, the holder perishes.
By making in our discussion of fate this comparison with a vessel,
in order to ascertain the nature of anthroposcopy, we arrive at the
conclusion that fate is lodged in the corporeal form.
But not only are wealth and honour, poverty and wretched-
ness visible in tlie body, pure and base conduct have also their
phenomena. Pre-eminence and misery are the results of iate, pure
and base conduct depend on character. As there is a method
determining fate by the bones, there is also such a science doing
the same for the character. But, whereas there are famous sooth-
sayers, it is not known that n science determining the character
by the features exists.
Fan Li • left Yiieh. From Oii'^ he despatched a letter to the

high officer Chung reading as follows: ― " When the flying birds are
all exterminated, the good bow is put away. When the cunning
hare is dead, one cooks tlie greyhound. The king of Yileh has a
long neck and a mouth like a beak. Ofie may share hardships,
but not enjoy happiness with liim. Why do you jiot leave him? "
The officer Chung could not leave, but he pretended sickness, and
did not go to court, whereupon tlie king sent him a sword, by
which he died,
1 A native of the Yiieh State, and minister of King Kou Chien of Yiieh, in
modern (Jhekianff, 5th cent. b.c.
2 An old State in Shantung.
3 Quoted from the Shi-chi chap. 41, p. 6 v. The last clause is abridged.
On Ajithroposcopy.
811
Wei Liao, ' a native of Ta-lmng,"^ proposed to Ch'in Shih Huang

TP a scheme to conquer the empire. Ch'in Shih Huang Ti accepted
his proposal and conferred upon him the highest distinctions, giving
him the same dresses and the same food as he had himself. Wei
Liao said, " The king' of Ch'in* has a liij>;li nose, long eyes, the
chest of a vulture, the voice of a jackal, the look of a tiger, and
the heart of a wolf. He knows no kindness. As long as he is
hard up, lie is condescending, but, when he has got what lie wanted,
he despises men. I am a simple citizen, yet he always treats me
witli great condescension. Should I really serve the king of Ch' in,
lie would gain his ends, and the whole world would be robbed.
I can liave no dealings with him." Thus he went away.'^
Fan Li and Wei Liao correctly determined future events l)y

observing the outward signs of character. Things really happened,
as tliey had foretold from the features. It is evident, therefore,
that character and destiny are attached to the body.
The instances quoted in the popular literature are universally

regarded as true. Besides there are a great many cases in olden
and modern times not much heard of, which are all well founded.
The spirit comes from heaven, the body grows on earth. By
studying the body on earth one becomes cognizant of the fate in
heaven, and gets the real truth.
Confucius is reported to have examined T an 7， ai Tse Yii,^ and

Tâng Chn， to have divined for T^sai Tse,^ and that both of them
were mistaken. Where did their error come from? The signs were
hidden and too delicate. The examination may have for its object
the interior or the exterior, the body or the voice. Looking at
the outside, one perhaps misses the inside, and occupied with the
body, one forgets the voice.
Wlien Confucius came to Cheng, ^ he lost his disciples. He stood

by himself near the east gate of Cheng. Some man of Cheng asked
Tse Kung 10 saying: 一 " There is a man near the east gate with a
1 Wei Liao wrote a work on the art of war.
2 An ancient name of Kâi-feng-fu.
3 The first emperor of the Ch'in dynasty 221-209 b.c.
4 Shih Huang Ti's kingdom in Shensi.
5 Quoted in an abridged form from the Shi-chi chap. 6， p. 6 seq.
r' A disciple of Confucius, extremely ugly, but very talented. Cf. Analects VI, 12.
， A famous physiognomist 3rd cent. b.c.
8 A native of 】— (^«， who first studied physiognomy with T ang Chii and later
on was appointed minister by King Ch'ao Hsiang of Ch'in (305-249 B.C.).

" In Honan.
1" A disciple of Confucius.
312
head like that of Yao, a neck like that of Kao Yao^ and shoulders
resembling those of Tse CKan.^ But from liis waist downward he
is by three inches shorter than YiL He is worn out like a stray
dog." Tse Kung informed Confucius. Confucius laughed heartily and
said, "My appearance, never mind, but like a stray dog! just so,
just so." 2
In the matter of Confucius appearance the man of Cheng was

wrong. He was not clever, and his method was very superficial.
Confucius made a mistake with Tse Yfi, and T ang Chil was in the
wrong with T sai Tse, as the man of Cheng iu looking at Confuchis
did not apprehend his real appearance. Judging from his mien
Confucius was deceived with Tse Yil^ and going by words he was
in error in regard of Tsai Yil.'^
1 The appellation of Kung Sun Chîao, a famous minister of the Cheng State
in the 6th cent. b.c.
2 A quotation from Shi-chi chap. 47. p. 12 v. Cf. Legge, Analects, Prolegom-
ena p. 78.
3 One of the disciples of Confucius, whose character was not quite on a level
with his fluency of speech, wherefore the Master said of him, " In choosing a man
for his gift of speech, I have failed as regards Tsai YiiJ"
Long Life and Vital Fluid,
313
CHAPTER XXV.
Long- Life and Vital Fluid {Chi-shou).
The fate which every one receives is of two kinds, one deter-
mines those events wliicli lie must encounter, the other is the fate
of strength and weakness, of long or short life. The events to be
encountered are war, fire, crushing, and drowning, etc. ； strength and
long life, weakness and short life are connected with the copious-
ness and scarcity of tlie received fluid. War and fire, crushing and
drowning can supervene, therefore there is not necessarily a period
of invariable length for what lias been received as fate.'
If tlie limit of strength and long life be a hundred years,

then the fluid of those who do not reach a hundred years must
be insufficient.
When tlie fluid is copious, the body becomes strong, and the
body being strong, life lasts long. On the other hand, when the
vital force is scanty, the body is weak, and with a weak body life
is short. A short life is accompanied by mucli sickness. If the span
be short, people die soon after they are born, and are annihilated,
before they are fully developed. That is because their vital fluid
is too little and too weak.
Those imbued with a copious and a strong fluid do not all

at once end their lives. If people do not meet with any accidents,
and, leading a quiet life, become exhausted and worn out, until
they die for want of vitality, it is owing to the insufficiency of
their vital fluid, which they have completely used up. Their fate
is similar to that of those 、vlio expire soon after their birth and
are cut off, before they have grown up. In all these cases the de-
ficiency of the fluid is the reason, why those persons do not live
a hundred years.
The fluid which fills men is either full and abundant ― then
they are strong and vigorous, or scanty and poor ― then they are
weak and feeble. Imbued witli a full quantity, they are strong,
1 What has been received as fate is the vital fluid or life. The length of
life depends on the quality of this fluid, but it can be shortened by accidents,
such
as war, fire, etc. coming from abroad, before vitality is exhausted, and death
would
ensue under normal conditions. ― The Chinese word used here, -qp means " fate "
as well as " life. '
314
and live long, filled with a small dose, they are weak, and lose
their bodies.
When Heaven and Earth produce things, sometimes these tilings

do not grow to their full growth, and when father and mother en-
gender a child, sometimes its full development is checked. It happens
that a plant bears a fruit, but that this fruit withers, dies, and
drops, and it also happens that people have a son who is killed
in his youth. Had this fruit not withered, it would also have com-
pleted one year, and had the son not been killed, lie would like-
wise have lived a hundred years. The decay of the fruit and tlie
death of the son are brought about by the weakness of their vital
force. Although their forms be complete, their feeble fluid does
not suffice to fill them.
When the cries of a new-born infant are shrill and piercing,

it will live long, when they are whining and pitiful, it will die
young. Why? Because, when the new-borns receive tlieir fate of
longevity or short life, the greater or smaller quantity of their fluid
forms their nature!'
Wlien a mother nurses her cliild at longer intervals, it will

be fit for life, whereas, when she nourishes it very frequently, it
will die. Why? Because the nursing at intervals shows that the
fluid is copious, and the child is strong. The frequent suckling
proves the insufficiency of" the vital fluid and the weakness of
the baby.
A fondling is a son anterior to whom another son has already

been brought up and died. Tliey say that such a fondling cannot
live, and call it a fondling. The idea is tliat, another son having
already died, the mother is too anxious about the new one, and
spoils his nature. The former son is dead, and tlie fondling is
doomed, because he is nursed much too often. His fluid being
too feeble, lie cannot thrive. Though he may grow up, he is too
easily affected by external influences. He will always be the first
to catch a disease, and his alone will prove incurable.
A fate of a liundred years is the proper one. Those who

cannot complete a hundred years, though tliey have no proper late,
still have a fate. In the same manner the proper height of the
human body is ten f(、('t.2 Therefore a man is a Hod cliang-fu,^ and
1 And this nature becomes manifest by Uie way in which tlic new-borns cry.
Strong babies have strong voices, weak ones give only a whine.
2 On tlie Chinese foot see p. 320 Note 1.
3 Wanp Chung explains the term vhan(j'fn -^1^ " young man " as origin-
ally meaning a man of ten feet = chang.
Long Life and Vital Fluid.
315
chang-jen is an honorary designation for an old gentleman and an

old lady.' A man not measuring ten feet lias not the proper height,
but nevertheless lie possesses a body. A body cannot be declared
to be no body because of its falling short of ten feet. And so fate
cannot be said to be no fate on account of its not coming up to
a hundred years.
Heaven does not distribute long and short fates, of which

every one would obtain either. We may say that man receives his
fate in his fluid from Heaven, wliicli is tlie same, whether he fin-
ishes it sooner or later. There is a saying to the effect that, if
somebody aspires to royalty and does not succeed, this pretender
can remain a leading prince. Leading princes are unsuccessful pre-
tenders to royalty. A pretender should rise to royalty, as a long life
ought to come up to a hundred years. Unable to become a king,
lie retires and continues a leading prince, and thus he who cannot
attain to a hundred years resigns himself to a premature death.
A king and a pretender do tlie same, but are given different

names, the one an honourable, the other a contemptible one. A
long and a short life are caused, as it were, by the same fluid, but
tliey are of different duration, either long or short. How do we
know that lie who does not live a hundred years, and dies an
untimely death, possesses a fate of a hundred years all the same?
Because his bodily frame is as big and as tall as that of others.
A body that lias lived a liundred years does not differ from another
of fifty years. The bodies not being different, the vital fluids cannot
differ either. Birds and animals have other bodies than man, hence
tlie length of their lives must differ from the human.
How can we prove that human life, if it be long, lasts a

hundred years ？ There are sucli cases in the world, and the Literati
say that during the time of universal peace people used to be very
tall, and live about a hundred years, which was tlie effect of the
harmonious fluid. In the Canon of Yao, Yao says, " I have been
seventy years on the throne." 2 He wished to abdicate, and found
Shun. Shun was tried and had occupied the throne thirty years, ^
when Yao retired owing to his old age. Eight years afterwards lie
expired. Ninety-eight years had elapsed until his decease.* But he
1 A husband thus addresses his father and mother-in-law.

2 Quotation from the Shuking Pt. I, chap. HI, 12 {Legge Vol. Ill, Pt. I, p. 25).
3 The Shi-chi chap. 】， p. 20 [Chavannes, Mem. Hist. Vol. 1, p. 69) writes

twenty years.
4 In that case Shun cannot have reigned for him longer than 20 years, for
70 + 20 + 8 二 98.
316
must already have lived, before he ascended the throne. Counting

all these numbers together we arrive at an aggregate sum of over
a hundred years.
It is further stated that " Shun was thirty years old, that he
was tried thirty years, and that lie was on tlie throne fifty years,
when lie went on high and died," i which makes just one hundred
years. ^
Wen Wang said to TFw Wang, " I am a hundred years, and

you are ninety. I will give you three years of mine." Weng Wang
was ninety-seven years old, when he died, and Wu Wang ninety-
three, when he departed,^
The Duke of Chou was a younger brother of Wu Wang. Between

brothers there is generally no greater difference than ten years.
After the death of Wu Wang, Chou Kung became regent. Seven years
later he returned the government, and retired owing to old age.
That would make about a hundred years. The Duke of Shao was
an elder brother of the Duke of Chou. At the time of King Kâng^
he was still Senior Tutor, which would make more than a hundred
years.
Sages are endued with the harmonious fluid, therefore the

years of their destiny have the proper number. The harmonious
fluid is conducive to a tranquil government. Therefore during the
age of universal peace the number of tall and long-lived persons
was particularly great. One hundred years is the proper number
of years of a long human life, as autumn is the proper time for
the fate of plants, since plants live until autumn, when they die.
Plants perishing before or after autumn are similar to men

whose life either exceeds or falls short of a hundred years. The
time before or after autumn corresponds to more or less than a
hundred years. Some plants fade already after they have pierced
the earth, as men may die soon after their birth. Other plants may
pass the autumn witliout withering just like men whose years may
eventually be from one hundred to three hundred.
1 Quotation from the Shuking (Shun-tim) Pt. II， Bk. I, chap. VI, 28 {Legge
Vol. m， Pt. I, p. 51).
2 Tlie computation gives 110 not 100 years. We should read "lie was tried
twenty years " instead of thirty, the reading adopted in the Shi-chi and defended
by
several old commentators. Cf. Legge x notes to the passage and Chavanues loc. cit.
p. 91 Note '1.
3 Quoted from the Liki, Wrn Wang .ihih-iic [Lcgyr, Sacred Books Vol. XXVII,
p. 344). Tlic commentators are at a loss, how to explain that Wm 'Wang was only ten
years older than his son, Wu Wang, and how he could give him some of his years.
* 1078-1053 B.C.
Long Life and Vital Fluid.
317
It is on record that Lao Tse lived over two hundred years. ^

The Duke of Shao became one hundred and eighty years old. Kao
Tmng - reigned one hundred years, and King Mu of the Chou dyn-
asty likewise one hundred.^ Including the time before his ascension,
there must have been upwards of one hundred and thirty-four years
altogether.
1 Sse Ma CKien mentions this report in his biography of Lao Tse {Shi-chi\
chap. 63, p. 3). Some said that Lao Tse became over 160 years old, others that he
lived over 200 years, prolonging his life by the practice of virtue.
2 The Shukinff Pt. V, Bk. XV, 5 、L，e Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 467) expressly
states that Kao Tsung = Wu Ting enjoyed the throne for fifty and nine years, not
for a hundred. He reigned from 1324-1266 b.c.
3 Thus the Shuking (Lu-hsing) Pt, V, Bk. XXVII， 1 {Legge Vol. III， Pt. II，
p. 588) as Wang CKnng and others understand the passage (On Lrgge's different view
cf. his notes). According to the Ski-chi King Mils reign lasted but 55 years. It is
usually reckoned from 1001-947 b.c.
318
CHAPTER XXVI.
Miracles (Chi-kuai).
The Literati pretend that Sages are not born from human
sperm, but that tliey are endowed with a special essence from
Heaven. The mother of Yii swallowed pearl-barley,^ and gave birth
to Yii,^ whence the Hsia dynasty has its surname Sse.^ Hsieh's mother
consumed a swallow's egg, and was delivered of Usieh,* whence
the Yin dynasty derived its surname Tse.^ The mother of IIou Chi
walked in the foot-steps of a giant," and bore Hou Chi,， whence
the Chou received their surname ChiJ The Sinking says, " There
was no rending and no tearing, thus Hou Chi. was born." 9
They further state that Yii and Hsieh were born unnaturally,
issuing from their mother's back, and that Hou Chi was born na-
turally. There was no rending and no tearing, the mother's body
did not suffer, hence the expression : ― no rending and no tearing.
The descendants of those, boru unnaturally die an unnatural death,
while the descendants of those born naturally die naturally. There-
fore Chieh and Chou^^ were executed, and Nan Wang ' ' was deprived
of his cities. These words seem to be self-consistent, therefore
1 薏
2 This legend is mentioned in the Wu liiek Ch'un-chHu, the Chronicle of Wu

and Yuek, by Chao Yeh of the 1st cent. a d.
4 Cf. Chap. XXXVII. The Sinking Pt. IV, Bk. Ill, Ode 3 only says that
Heaven commissioned the swallow to descend and give birth to ILsieh {Leg go Vol.
IV,
Pt. n， p. 636).
5 -jp* , which also may signify an egg.
。跡. .
7 Chiang Ymzn, the mother of Hou Chi " trod on the toe-print made by God ，，
says the Shiking, Pt. UI, Bk. II, Ode 1 {Ler/ffe Vol. IV, Pt. 11， p. 415).
8 玄泣. ） "，仏' e/'， and IIou Chi are tlic ancestors of the Three Dynasties: —
Hsia, } in, and Chou, The Shuo-wen observes that because the mothers T)f these
Sages were moved by Heaven, Son of Heaven became a term for a Holy Emperor.
" Shikiny Pt. Ill, Bk. II， Ode I， 2.
1" The last emperors of the Usia and the Yin dynasties.
" The last reigning emperor of the house of ( 'hou (314-256 b.c), who in
256 had to surrender 36 cities to the King of CKin and in the same year died as
a prisoner oi* (Jh'in.
Miracles.
319
people believe them, and since, in addition, evidence is given to

establish their truth, they rely on these utterances.
The Chan-shu i also relates of the mother of Yao, Ching Tu,
that she conceived from a red dragon, when slie went out into
the country, and gave birth to Yao. From the chronicle of Kao
Tsu^ we learn that dame Liu was reposing on the banks of a large
lake. In her dream she met Avith a spirit. At that time there was
a tempest with tliimder and lightning and a great darkness. T'ai
Kung^ went near, and perceived a dragon above her. She became
enceinte and was delivered of Kao Tm. These instances of the super-
natural action of spirits are not only narrated, but also written
down, and all the savants of the day swear by them. A thorough
investigation, however, will show their futility.
The statement of the Shiking tliat there was no rending and

no tearing viz. that the mother's body was not much affected may
be true, but the assertion that Yii and Hsieh issued from their
mother's back is irrational. When cicadas are born, tliey break
forth from the back of the larvse. Did Heaven in generating those
sages follow the law of the larvse?
Hares conceive by licking the pubescence of plants. When

the leveret is born, it issues from the mouth of tlie hare. Since
the mother of Yii swallowing the barley and that of Hsieh, who
consumed tlie swallow's egg, were like liares licking the pubescence,
their sons ought likewise to have issued from their mouths, and
not from their backs. Consequently the statement about the back
is preposterous.
In the world many persons die a sanguinary death by the

sword, and it is not necessary that their first ancestor should have
had an unnatural birth. When the Ch'in lost the empire, Yen Yiieh^
beheaded Hu Hai,^ and Hsiang Yii^ executed Tse YingJ Was the
forefather of the Ch' in, Po Yi born unnaturally ？ Ergo the thesis
of natural and unnatural births based on the ancestors of the Three
Dynasties is erroneous.
1 A book of prophecies wrongly ascribed to Confucius.
2 Shi-chi chap. 8, p. 2.
3 The father of Kao Tm.
4 The son-in-law of the powerful eunuch Chao Kao, who contrived the death
of the emperor. Cf. Chavannes, Mem. Hist.Yol. 11, p. 213 seq.
5 The Emperor Erh Shih Huang Ti, son of Ch'in Shih Huang Ti, 209-206 b.c.
6 Cf. p. 178.
7 A child which occupied the throne 65 days only.

** The forester of the Emperor Shun.
320
Moreover, pearl-barley is a plant, a swallow's egg a bird, and

a giant's foot-prints are earth. These three things are bodies, but
not a fluid, how could they procreate a man? With regard to
Sages people suppose that tliey receive the essence of Heaven, which
is an exceptionally fine fluid, wherefore their doings are so different
from those of the masses. Now the progenitors of tlie Three Dy-
nasties are born from a plant, a bird, and earth. Could these be
regarded as very fine essences?
Since among the productions of Heaven and Earth man is

the noblest, the others are common. Now, if the essence of those
common things should be the sperm for the noblest creature, man,
how could it be very fine?
Let us suppose that a pigeon or a sparrow emitted their fluid

into a wild goose or a wild swan, it would never produce an egg.
Why? Because a pigeon and a sparrow are too small, compared
with a wild goose and a wild swan. Now, the body of a swallow
measures but five inches, and the stalk of pearl-barley not more
than several feet. How could the two women who swallowed
the egg and the grain have begot a creature of seven feet? '
Supposing that one melts the copper required for a tripod

and pours it into the mould of a cash, it is plain that one could
not produce a tripod. Now the giant is the Spirit of Heaven, there-
fore his foot-prints were so big. 2 The man with the huge foot-prints
is like the molten copper for a tripod, and Chiang Yuan s^ body like the
mould of a cash. Should the giant emit his fluid into Chiang Yuan,
her body would be much too small to receive the whole essence, and
without this whole essence Hou Chi could not have been born.
If Yao and Km Tsu were really the sons of dragons, their

nature as sons ought to have been similar to that of their dragon
fathers. Dragons can ride on the clouds, and Yao and Kao Tsu
should have done the same.
All plants growing from earth resemble their own species, but
not earth, for they are not produced by earth, wliicli merely nour-
ishes and feeds them. A mother with child is like the earth feeding-
plants. The mothers of Yao and Kao Tsu received the emissions of
the dragons, as earth receives the seeds of plants. Since growing
plants arc similar to their own species, the two emperors also
should have been like dragons.
' Mail measures seven feet according to the measurement of the Chou epoch,
when 1 foot was like 20 cm., and 7 feet = 1,40 in.
2 The Shikiny loc. cit. explicitly states that the foot-prints were made by God.
3 The name of Hou Chi's mother.
Miracles.
321
Of animals with blood males and females pair. When they

come together and see one of their own kind, their lust is excited,
they wish to satisfy it, and then are able to emit their fluid.
Should a stallion see a cow, or a male sparrow a lien, they would
not couple, because they belong to different species. Now, dragons
and man are of a different species likewise. How then could a
dragon be moved by a human being so as to impart its fluid ？
Some say i that, when tlie Hsia dynasty was near its down-
fall, two dragons fouglit together in the court, and spat their saliva
oil the ground. When tlie dragons had disappeared, their saliva
was preserved in a casket, until King 1m of the dynasty
opened it. Then the saliva of the snakes clianged into a black
lizard, wliicli slipped into the seraglio, where it had intercourse
with a palace girl. The result was the birth of Pao Sse.^
A black lizard belongs to another class than man, how could

it become enamoured witli a palace girl, and emit its fluid? The
intercourse with the black lizard was vicious, therefore Pao Sse
caused disasters, and overthrew tlie C/iou dynasty. When different
species recklessly mix together, their offspring becomes unprincipled
and mischievous. Now, the mothers of Yao and Kao Tsu had illicit
intercourse,* why did the two emperors become wise and sage men,
and were quite different from Pao Sse?
They say that Viscount Chien of Chao was sick and for five
days did not know anybody. When he awoke, he said, " I have
been to God's abode. There appeared a brown bear. God bade
me shoot it; 1 liit the animal, and it died. Then came a spotted
bear ； I hit it also, and it died. After the two bears had died, I
asked a ghost on the road. Tlie ghost said: 一 " The brown and
the spotted bears are the forefathers of two ministers of Chin." ^
Bears are animals, and as such of a different class from man.

How should tliey become of the same class and the ancestors of
the two ministers? The time, when the ancestors of tlie two min-
isters, the brown and the spotted bears, killed by Viscount Chien.
were doomed to die, was one of luck for the Viscount Chien. He
saw them as in a dream. They were empty semblances and must
1 For details cf. Shi- c hi chap. 4, p. 25 {Chavannes, Mem. Hist. Vol. I, p. 281)
which quotes a passage fi'om the Kuo-yii, and Liin-heng Bk. V, p. 1 v. (I-hsii).
2 781-771 B.C.
3 The famous favourite of King 】'《., who ruined the empire by her extra-
vagance.
4 With two dragons.

■' See p. '225, where this stoi'y is told in detail.
Lun - Heiig. 21
322
not have been real. Should tliey really have existed, then perhaps
the two bears were first metamorphosed into human beings, before
they engendered the two ministers.
Niu Ai, Duke of Lu, was changed into a tiger during a sick-
ness.^ Man can be transformed into an animal, as animals can be-
come men. Probably tlie black lizard, 、v】iich entered the liarem,
was also first changed into a man.
Between heaven and eartli it does not happen that creatures

of a difi'erent species mix and couple. Should Heaven have the
same law as man, their likes and dislikes would also be similar.
Man does not like different species, therefore Heaven would not
consort with such either, Altliougli man is created by Heaven,
he is like tlie lice which are produced on man. Man does not love
those lice, for what reason then should Heaven desire to beget
through man? Different classes have different natures, and their
sentiments and desires do not agree. Heaven and Eartli are hus-
band and wife. Heaven emits its fluid into Eartli and produces
the various things. Man is born by propagation. If Sages are
formed of a very fine essence, yet they receive tlie fluid from their
fathers, and are not endowed with a special essence from Heaven .
Should tlie recipients of a special essence become Sages, Hsieh

and Hou Chi are not Sages, and, if it be necessary tliat all Sages
should Lave received a special fluid, tlie Twelve Sages - did not all
meet this requirement. What fluid did the mothers of Huang Ti,
Ti JCu, Cliuan Hsii aiul S/nm receive, and what did the mothers of
Wen Wa?ig, Wn Wang, (J hou Kung, and Confucius swallow to become
pregnant?
Perhaps the surnames of the Three Dynasties : ― Ssc, Tse, and

Chi gave the impetus to the invention of those unfounded and
marvellous stories, as tlie legend of Huang Tis ascension to heaven
originated from the local name of Ting-hu, Not only are they
irrational, but those names are also misinterpreted. When T sang
Hsieh * invented writing, lie made tlie signs agree with the ideas.
Chiang Yuan walked into the foot-prints of a giant. " Foot-priut "
{chi = 亦) means a " basis " {eld = 甚)， therefore the surname
should be " his " {clii = 其) witli " eai't】i ，， (if" = 土) below, but
it is " woman " [iiu = 女) with " chin " (i 二 at its side. This
1 Cf. p. 326.
2 Cf. p. 304.
3 For tills legend vid. p. 332.
4 A minister of Iluung Ti, cf. p. 244.
Miracles.
323
is not the character clii 二基 or eld = nor in accordance with

the circumstances, 1 whence their truth becomes very doubtful.
Judging by the surname Chi of the CI ion of those of tlie llsiu

and Yi.'t, we arrive at the conclusion that Tse and Sse have nothing
to do witli a swallow's egg or pearl-barley. May be that the
mothers of Yil^ Hsieh, and IIou Chi were just going to conceive,
wlien tliey happened to swallow a grain of pearl-barley and a
swallow's egg, or walked upon the foot-priuts of a giaut. The
world is fond of the marvellous, a propensity which has been the
same in ancient and modern times. Unless they see wonders, people
do not believe that a person possesses extraordinary faculties. Thus
they explain surnames according to their preconceived ideas. The
world puts implicit faith iu these explanations, and they are there-
fore regarded as true. Sages liave repeatedly uttered their doubts,
but t hey could not solve them, and the shallow discussions of the
scholars of the day cannot discriminate between right and wrong.
Tlie literati, who approve of all that is old, liave put forward
those arguments. The Sh iking says that there was no rending and
no tearing, wliicli means to say that by Hon Chi's birth the body
of his mother was not much affected. From this the literati, per-
verting the right principles, have derived the story of the unnatural
birth of Yii and Hsieh. The fecundation by the dragon and the
dream of the meeting with the spirit are of the same nature. Tlie
mothers of Yao and Kao Tsii were just about to become enceinte,
when they met with a thunder-storm and a dragon carrying' clouds
and rain along. People seeing these phenomena then told the stories.
A dream that one meets witli a dragon is an auguiy of the

birth of a wise son. Is a dream of a meeting with ghosts not like
a dream of a rendez-vous with a spirit? How could it be real ？
When the mother had intercourse witli the dragon in the wilds,
and when the dragon appeared on high, Yao and Kao Tsu perchance
received their destiny of wealth and honour, for a dragon is an
auspicious animal, and to meet it appearing above is a lucky omen
and a sign that fate lias been received.
When the Emperor Kuang Wu Ti saw the light in the Chi-

yany palace, a phoenix alighted on the grouud, and an auspicious
grain grew in one room.- Wlien Sages are born, and strange birds
and auspicious things appear as portents, strange and auspicious
■ 1 The surname Chi =. does not point to the foot-prints which Chiang
J nan is believed to liave walked upon.

, - Cf. p. IbO.
21*
324
things become visible indeed. If, however, we are to regard the

children born then as the offspring of those things, should we
consider the Emperor Kuang Wu Ti as the essence of the auspicious
blade or the fluid of the phoenix?
According to the chapters on the pedigree of the Emperors i

and the Genealogical Tables of the Tlii'ee Dynasties'^ Yii was the
son of Kun, and Hsieh and Hou Chi were both sons of tlie Emperor
K' u, tlieir mothers being second wives of K\i. Yao also was a son
of the Emperor iCv. Why then must the wives of kings and
emperors walk into the country ？ Altliougli the ancient times are
noted for their simplicity, yet there were already certain rules of
propriety established. And why did these ladies bathe in the
rivers? 3 It follows that the assertion about tlie Sages receiving a
special fluid from Heaven and their mothers becoming pregnant by
swallowing something is a fallacy.
As a matter of fact Sages have their prototypes among tlieir

ancestors ； being as virtuous as Wen Wang and Wu Wang, they still
find tlieir peers. Confucius, playing the flute, knew that lie was a
descendant of the Yin,^ and Thiang Yit, having double pupils, was
cognisant of his being a scion of Shun, The Five Emperors and
Three Rulers liad all Huang Ti as their ancestor. He was a Sage,
who first received a grand destiny. Therefore all his descendants
became emperors and rulers. At their births there were miracles
of course, which, if they did not appear in things, became mani-
fest in dreams.
1 Chap. 2-4 of the Shi-chi.
2 Chap. 13 of the Shi-chi.
. 3 As the mother of Hsieh did, wlieii she swallowed the egg, cf. chap. XXXVII.
4 We 'learn from Lnm-lieng Bk. XXIV, p. 3 that it was against the custom
to make music on the anniversaries of the downfall of the Hda and Yin dynasties,
as one did not write on the death day of T'sang Hsieh, the inventor of writing.
I infer from tliis that the last emperors of the I-hia and Yin dynasties were
famous
for tlieir music, and that Confucius feeling in liiniself a talent for music
imagined
that lie was a descendant of the Yin emperors.
5 Shun had double pupils as well, vid. p. 304. -
Unfounded Assertions.
325
CHAPTER XXVII.
Unfounded Assertions {Wu hsing).
Men receive the vital fluid from heaven at their birth, and
are all given a fate fixing the length of their lives, in accordance
to wliicli their bodies exist for a longer or slior-ter period. Just
so vases are formed out of clay by the potter, and plates from
copper by the founder. As the shape of a vessel, once completed,
cannot be made smaller or bigger, thus the duration of tlie corporeal
frame having been settled, cannot be shortened or prolonged. The
said fluid forms tlie constitution, which determines fate and shapes
tlie body. The fluid and the material body pervade each other.
Life and death correspond to fixed periods. The body cannot be
transformed, and likewise late cannot be lengthened or shortened.
We may elucidate tlie question as to the duration ot" human life by
observing the potter and founder.
Some one might object saying, " True, if a potter uses his
stuff to make a vase, this vase, after its completion, lasts, until it
breaks, but cannot be formed anew. If, however, a founder casts
a plate out of copper, although it be finished, it can be melted
again, and be made into a cup or, if that is not possible, into a
vessel. Although men, who owe their spirits to heaven, all have
a destiny fixing- their span, by which their bodies are regulated,
they cau, if they know the right way and an effective elixir, change
their bodies and prolong tlieir lives all tlie same."
I reply, "If a founder recasts a finished vessel, he must first

liquefy it in lire, before lie is able to enlarge or diminish, extend
or shorten if. If a man desiring to protract his years, should
wish to be like the copper vessel, there must be some sort of a
liirnace with coal, where the change and tlie transmutation of his
body could take place. The body having been changed, the life-
time might also be extended. How could men, in order to change
tlieir bodies, undergo a smelting- process like a copper vessel? "
The Li Ki states. " When the water pours down, one does
not offer lisli or turtles for food.'" Why? Because, when the
1 Li Ki chap. 1， No. 1 (Chii-H), p. 20 v. (Legge's translation Vol. I, p. 84.)

Various rciusous have been assigned by tlie coiumeiitators for this rule. They say,
326
rain water rushes down, snakes and reptiles are changed and become
fish or turtles. Since they give up their original real nature and
are transformed only for a while, the servants take care and dare
not offer tliem to their masters for food. Would men desirous of
having their bodies transmuted, be satisfied witli a change like that
of reptiles and snakes ？ Those reptiles which are liable to a change
are worse off than those which do not change at all. Before they
change, they are not eaten by men, hut, when they have been
transformed into fish and turtles, men eat them. Being eaten,
their long lives are cut short, and that is not what people desire.
Years and months change, and the intrinsic fluid may trans-
form one species into another. Frogs become quails, and sparrows
turn into clams. Man longing for bodily transformation would like
to resemble quails and crabs. These are in the same plight as
fish and turtles. Man fishes for crabs and eats them, when lie
catches them. Although without a metamorphose of the body, life
cannot be lengthened, this result i cannot be aimed at.
Duke Niu Ai of L/u was laid up with a malady for seven days,
when he was transformed into a tiger, Kun ^ when banished to
Mount Yu-shan turned into a moose. Do those who seek trans-
formation desire to become a tiger like Niu Ai, or a moose like
Kun? The life of a tiger or a moose is not longer than the human.
In this world the human nature is the noblest of all, therefore the
transmutation of a man into a bird or a beast cannot be desirable.
It would be a great boon, if an old man could be transformed into
a youth, or if at least tlie white liair could turn black again, the
lost teeth grow once more, and the animal forces be strengthened,
so tliat the person could jump about, devoid of all decrepitude.
This would be grand indeed ！ Where would be the advantage of
a transformation, if life were not prolonged thereby?
If a thing is transformed, its concomitant fluid, as it were, fa-

vours the change. Human work may produce new forms, it is not
Heaven which transforms tilings in order to prolong tlieir duration.
No more can a transformation be brought about by eating divine
herbs or wonderful drugs. A man constantly using cordials can
in opposition to Wang Ch'ung, that during heavy rain-falls fish are so easily got
as
not to be valuable, or that then they are muddy and not fit for eating. This last
reason seems the most plausible.
1 To become like a quail or a crab.
2 Quoted from Huai JSan Tse, who adds that the tiger devoured his brother,
when he opened the door.
3 A legendary minister of Yao and father to Great 】'ii.
327
thereby merely strengthen 】iis constitution and add to his years.

A sudden transmutation is not caused by the real heavenly fluid
or the true nature, with wliicli men are endowed. Heaven and
earth do not change, sun and moon are not transformed, and the.
stars do not disappear. Such is their real nature. As man has
received part of their real fluid, liis body cannot be transformed
either: men do not sometimes become women, or women men. A
high mound may be turned into a valley, or a deep ravine into a
hill. But then the cliange keeps pace with hmnaii labour, it is a
change by labour, not by inherent nature.
At the rise of tlie Han dynasty, an old man presented Chang

Lif-wgX with a book, and tlien was transformed into a stone. There-
fore the essence of a stone was a propitious omen for the rising
Haii. Similarly tlie essence of the River 2 became a man who gave
a jade-badge to the envoy of Cliin, wliicli was an unlucky augury,
indicating the downfall of CJi in.^
The silkworm feeds on mulberry leaves, when it grows old,

it sets to spinning, and becomes a cocoon, and the cocoon again
is changed into a moth. The raotli lias two wings, and in its
altered form widely differs from the silkworm. Grubs change into
clirysalisses, and these turn into crickets. The crickets are born
with two wings, and are not of the same type as grabs. A great
many of all worms and insects alter their shapes and transform
their bodies. Man alone is uot metamorphosed, being the recipient
of tlie real heavenly fluid. Born as a child, he grows into a man,
and, wlieu he is old, into greybeard. From birtli to death
there is no metamorpliose, for sucli is his original nature. Creatures
wliicli by their nature are not transformed, cannot be induced to
do so, whereas those which must pass through a metamorphose,
cannot forego it. Now, the length of life of those transformed
creatures does not compare favourably witli that of non-transformed
ones. No tiling would be said, if a man desirous of a metamorpliose
could thereby prolong liis years, but if he only changes liis body
without increasing his years, he would be merely on a level with
crickets. Why should he like this?
Dragons are reptiles which appear sometimes, and then again

become invisible, and which sometimes are long and sometimes short.
It is in their nature to undergo transformations, but not for good,
1 An adherent of the founder of the Han dynasty. The Taoists have claimed
him as one of their patriarchs and mystics. See p. 235.
2 The Yellow River.

3 Tins event is told in detail on p. 233.
328
since after a short while, they relapse into their previous state.
Ergo, every thing considered, we find that the human being, endowed
with an unchangeable body, is not liable to inetaraorplioses, and
that his years caunot be prolonged.
Kao Tsimg ^ having witnessed the abnormal growth of a paper

mulberry,^ is reported to have repented of his faults, changed the
style of government, and enjoyed happiness for one hundred years.
This is not correct. Of Duke Ching of 8ung ^ it is said that on his
having uttered three excellent maxims, the planet Mars left out
three solar mansions, and twenty one years were added to the duke's
life, 5 which is likewise unfounded. Duke Mu of CIi in" is believed
to have been rewarded by God ^ with nineteen extra years on ac-
count of his conspicuous virtue, an untruth too. CKih Sung ^ and
Wang Cliiao^^ they say, became genii by their love of Tao, and
lived on without dying, also a falsehood.
Let us suppose that a man is born', gets a body, and is given

the name A, then he always preserves this body called A through
his whole life up to his death. Adherents of Tao are said to have
become genii, but it never has happened that A was transformed
into B; neither can the body pass through a metamorpliose, nor
years be added. Wherefore? Because of tlie body, the vital force,
and the constitution, which are from heaven. The body being
1 Posthumous name of the Shang emperor Wu Ting^ 1324-1265 b.c.
2 A paper mulberry tree grew in the court of the Emperor, which had two
spans of circumference on the second day already. This was, of course, regarded
as a portent. Cf. Ltm-hmg Bk. V, p. 1 {Yi Hsii) where the legend is told in full.
3 According to the Shukinff Pt. V, Bk. XV {Le<jff€ Vol. III， Pt. II， p. 4G7) Kao
Tsung reigned 59 years.
* 515-451 B.C.
6 This story is told in full in Lnm-heng Bk. IV, p. 9 v. which seems quoted
from Huai Nan Tse XII, 1 Iv. The planet Mars being in the constellation of the
" Heart," the astrologer Tse Wei infbnned the Duke that Heaven was going to
inflict a punishment upon him, advising him, however, to shift this misfortune on
his
prime minister, or on his people, or on the year. The prince thrice declined to
allow others to suffer in his stead, giving his reasons for each refusal. These are
the three good maxims of our text. Tse Wei then changed and congratulated the
Duke, saying that Heaven had heard the three excellent sentiments uttered by him,
that the same night it would cause Mars to pass througli three solar mansions, and
that it would add twenty-one years to his life, each mansion consisting of seven
stars and each star representing one year.
« G58-619 B.C.
7 Shang Ti, the supreme being, God.
8 A magician of the time of tShen Nung.
" A prince of Chin 571 b.c, who became a Taoist and an ininiortal. He was
seen riding through the air upon a white crane. Mayers^ No. 801.
329
spring', the vital force is summer.' Man's lifetime is the outcome

of his vitality. The body follows the vital force in its actions. If
the vital force and the constitution are not the same, there must
be a diversity in the bodies also. The life of an ox is half as
long as that of a horse, and a liorse lives half as long as man.
Therefore, the outward forms of tlie ox and the horse must be
different from tlie human. Having obtained the shape of an ox
or a liorse, one cannot but get tlieir spans too. As oxen and horses
do not change into men, their lifetime is also shorter tliau that of
human beings.
Because of Kao Tmng and tlie like it is not stated that they
underwent a transmutation, but simply that tlieir lifetime was leng-
tlieiied, people put faith in these reports. The force pulsating in
the veins of the body is like rice hoarded up in a sack. The bulk
of a picul sack also corresponds to a picul. If rice be taken away
or more added, tlie sack appears smaller or bigger. The vital force
determines tlie length of the human life. It is like tlie rice, and
tlie body like the sack. In order to increase or diniinisli tlie life-
time, tlie body too must become bigger or tliinner, it cannot remain
tlie same. Should anybody tliink the human body to be quite
different from a sack, and that the vital force cannot well be com-
pared to rice, we may still take another illustration from a gourd.
The juice of a gourd is like tlie human blood, its pulp like flesh.
Now, let a man take away or add some juice but so that tlie
gourd's form remains unaltered; he will be unable to perform this.
It being impossible to man to diminish or to replenish the juice
of the gourd, how can Heaven extend or curtail the human span?
As the Imman life can neither be lengthened nor shortened, avIio
could have done sucli a thing iu tlie case of Kao Tsung and others,
so that we might speak of an increase of years? The assertion
that Kao Tsung aud others were metamorphosed, and tlieir years
increased would after all be credible, but tlie statement advanced
no、v that their years \vere prolonged, no mention being made of any
transformation of their bodies, is past all belief for the following
reason :
Man receives the vital force from Heaven. When it is com-

plete, the body is informed. During life both work harmoniously
together up to the last, death. Since the body cannot be trans-
formed, the years cannot be increased either. As long as man
1 The meaning is. as summer is preceded by spring, thus the body exists,
before it is informed by the vital force.
B30 Lun -Heiig: C. Physical.
lives, he can move, but wlien he dies, he collapses. At death the

vital force vanishes, and the body is dissolved and decomposed.
As a man, while iu possession of life, cannot be metamorphosed,
how sliould his years be prolonged?
What changes on the body from birth to old age is the hair
and the skin. The youth's liair is black, the aged man's, white.
Later on, it turns yellow. But tliis change concerns the hair alone,
not the body. A youngster lias a white skin, an old man a dark
one, wliicli, later on, becomes blackish, as if covered with dust.
Respecting the yellow hair and the dusty skin tlie Li-ki says : " We
will have yellow liair and wizened faces indefinitely." i If the
hair changes, people reach an old age and die late. Despite this,
bones and flesh do not change ； the limit of life being reached,
death ensues.
From amongst the five elements earth alone admits of several

transformations. Moistened with water, it can be si i aped into a
horse, and this again be altered into a human being, but be it
noted that it must not yet have been put in a kiln and burned.
If, after having been modelled as a utensil, it has already been
hardened by burning in the kiln, a new transformation is out of
the question. Now, man may be thought of as having been baked
and moulded in the furnace of Heaven and Eartli. How can he
still undergo a change after his shape has been fixed?
In representing the bodies of genii one gives them a plumage,

and their arms are changed into wings witli which they poise in
tlie clouds. This means an extension of their lifetime. They are
believed not to die for a thousand years. These pictures are false,
for there are not only false reports in the world, but also fancy
pictures. However, man in reality does not belong to the class
of crickets and. moths. In the thirty-five kingdoms beyond the sea
there live plumigerous and feathered tribes. Feathered relates to
their pinions, Tliese people are the produce of their soil, it cannot
be sai(l that their bodies Avere covered witli plumage and feathers
through the influence of Tao. Yii^ and Yi'^ visited Hsi Wang Mu,^
1 This verse does not occur in the Liki, but in the Shi king Pt. IV, Bk. Ill,
Ode II [Legge, Claa.sics Vol. IV, Pt. 11， p. : — " He (the ancestor) will bless us
with
the eyebrows of longevity.— We will have yellow hair and wizened laces
indefinitely."
2 Fore more details see the Shan-hai-kiny.
3 Great Yii 2205-2197.
4 A minister of Yii.
5 A Taoist goddess. Cf. my article " Mu War?// und die Kdnir/in von Saba "
ill the Mitteiluriffen drg Srminars Jur Orienlalische Sprachen zu Uerlin Vol. VII，
1 904.
331
but she is not reported to have had a plumage or feathers. There

are also immortals in foreign countries, but they are not described
as having a plumage an d feathers, and, conversely, the plumigerous
and feathered tribes are not said to be immortal. As pluimig'c and
leathers are not ascribed to the immortals, these attributes cannot
imply immortality, llow then can it be inferred that the genii
must live for ever, because they have wings?
332
Lun-Heng: C* Physical,
CHAPTER XXVIIL
• Taoist Untruths {Tao-hsil).
In the books of the Literati it is stated that i Huang Ti ex-

ploited the copper mines of Mount Shou 、乜 and out of the ore
cast tripods at the foot of the Ching Mountain.^ When the tripods
were completed, a dragon with a long beard came down, and went
to meet Huang Ti, Huang 2，》' mounted the dragon. His whole suite
including the harem, over seventy persons in all, mounted together
with him, whereupon the dragon ascended. The remaining smaller
officials, who could not find a seat ou the dragon, all got hold of
the dragon's beard, which tliey pulled out. Huang Tis bow fell
down. The people gazed after liiin, until he disappeared in the sky.
Then tliey hugged his bow, and the dragon's beard, and moaned.
Therefore later ages named the place Ting-hii (Tripod Lake) ^ and
the bow of the emperor Wii-hao (Raven's Ciy),
The Grand Annalist in his eulogy on the Five Empe7*07*s ^ also

says that having performed the liill-sacrifice Huang Ti disappeared
as a genius, and that his followers paid their respect to his garments
and cap, and afterwards buried them." I say that this is not true.
1 The following story is taken from the Shi-ch" chap. 28, p. 28 v., where an
official relates it to Han Wu Ti. Cf, Chavannes, Mem. Hist Vol. Ill, p. 488.
2 In Shan si Province, near P'u_chou-fu.
3 This mountain lies in Shm -、 i, near Ilsi-an-Ju. .
4 The context requires " Tripod beard," but we read yj'fjj instead
of —j^' A place, called |^ y/ijj " Tripod lake " actually exists in Ho nan
(Playfair
Cities and Towns No. 732i)). This name has perhaps been the origin of the legend,
as Wanff Chung suggests (cf. above p. 322). In ancient times only the phonetic part
of a cliaractcr was often written, and the radical left out. Thus 月 could stand
for "beard" as well as for j}i)J "lake," Our text has the "beard.
Some commentators liold that the name \V"-/ 藝 -^j^ ― Raven's Cry
refers to tlic laiiient of the people, otiicrs that it was the name of a tree well
fit
for the fabrication of bows.
'； IJuanr/ Ti, 《，huan IJ.sii, A 】'wo， and S/nn, According to other writers
the Five Emperors are: ― Hao, Yen Ti, Huang 7V, Shao Hao， and Chaan Ilsii.
7 Shi-chi chap. 28, p. 30 v. When (Jliin Shih Huang Ti had sacrificed on the
tomb of Ilaang 7V upon Mount (； hkio, he asked, how Huang 7，/ could be an
immortal,
and yet be buried there. Ttien soinel>ody replied that Huang Ti had ascended to
liea\'cij as a genius, and that only his garments and cap were lel't and interred.
Taoist Untruths.
333
What does Huang Ti really mean? Is it an appellative or a

posthumous title? Being a posthumous title it must be some praise
bestowed upon him by his subjects, for this kind of title is a glori-
fication of what the deceased lias done during his life-time. Huang
Ti was a votary of Tao,^ and subsequently, as they say, rose to
Heaven. If liis subjects wanted to honour him, they ought not to
have styled him Huang ， but ought to have given him a title im-
plying his ascension as an immortal.
According to the rules for honorary titles the pacification of

the people would be called Huang, which means that he who is
styled so kept the people at peace, ^ but the word does not denote
the acquisition of Tao. Among the many emperors those given to
arts and literature were called Wen i. e. Scholarly, those fond of
War Wu i. e. Warriors. Both designations had their real basis.
They served to exliort others to do the like.
If at the time of Huang Ti posthumous titles were not vet
given according to qualities, of what generation were those who
first called him Huang Ti? Huang TVs own subjects must have known
their prince, and later generations could trace his doings. Although
our doubts about the existence of appellatives and posthumous titles
at Huang TVs time may not be set at rest, at all events it is evident
that Huang cannot mean an Immortal who rose to Heaven,
.-z A dragon does not rise to Heaven. If Huang Ti rode on a
dragon, it is clear that he could not liave ascended to Heaven
either. When a dragon rises, clouds and rain appear simultaneously
and carry it along. As soon as the clouds disperse, and tlie rain
stops, the dragon comes clown again, and re-enters its pond. Should
Huang Ti really have ridden on a dragon, he would afterwards
have been drowned with the dragon in the pond.
Huang Ti was interred in the C/iiao Mountain,^ and still they

say that his officials buried his garments and cap. If he actually
went up to Heaven on a dragon, his garments and cap cannot have
separated from his body, and if he became a genius after the liill
sacrifice and vanished, lie cannot have left his garments and cap
1 The fundamental principle of Taoism. The Taoists have always claimed

Huang Ti as one of theirs. Hence the legend of his ascension to heaven.
2 This seems to me a fancy etymology. Huang is " yellow," but never

means " to pacify." The " Yellow Emperor " was called yellow from the colour of
the earth, over which he ruled. Thus the name is generally explained, whether
correctly is doubtful.
3 Some say that this mountain is situated in the province of Kansu, others
more eastward in the province of Shensi. Vid. Shi-chi chap. 1, p. 8.
334
behind either. Did Huang Ti really become a genius, who could

not die, but rose to Heaven, his officers and people must have seen
it Avitli their own eyes. Having thus witnessed his ascension to
Heaven, they decidedly knew that he did not die. Now, to bury
the garments and cap of somebody, who did not die, would have
been, as if lie bad died. Such a thing would not Lave been in
accordance with tlie feelings of the officials, who were aware of
the real state of affairs, and could clistinguisli between life and death.
It is on record that the seventy-two sovereigns who ascended

Mount JV〃',i had troubled and toiled, worrying themselves over the
state of the empire. Subsequently their efforts were crowned av itli
success, and tilings settled, so that universal peace reigned througliout
the land. When there was universal peace, the whole empire en-
joyed liarmony and tranquillity. Then they ascended the T ai-shan,
and performed tlie hill-sacrifices. Now, the pursuit of Tao and the
struggle for iiumortality are different from the vexations of official
life and business. He whose thoughts all centre in Tao, forgets
worldly affairs, because to trouble about them would injure his
nature's They^ say that Yao looked dried up and Slum withered.
Their hearts were sorrowful, and their bodies feeble and care-worn.
If Huang Ti brought about universal peace, his appearance must
have been similar to that of Yao aud Shun. Since Yao and Shun
did not attain to Tao, it cannot be true that Huang Ti rose to
Heaven.^ If Huang Ti in liis pursuit of Tao neglected all wordly
affairs, his mind would have been equanimous, and his body fat
and strong. Then he would have been quite clifFerent from Yao and
Shun、 and consequently his acliievements could not liave been tlie
same, lu that case tlie universe would not have enjoyed universal
peace. Without tlie universal peace liis sacrifice on the mountain
would not have taken place. ^
The Five Emperors and Three Rulers were all remarkable for
their wisdom and virtue, II 議 Ti not more than the others. If
all the sages became genii, Ihiaug Ti would not be one alone, and
if the sages did not become genii, why should Huang Ti alone be
1 China's most sacred mountain in Shantanfj.
2 Taoism inculcates contemplation and quietism, and abhors an active life.
3 Only lie wlio possesses Tao, becomes immortal, and can asceiid to heaven.
If the model emperors Yao and Shun did not attain to 'r《to, why should Huang Ti,
provided that he worked as hard as Yao and Shun,
4 The liill-sacrifice, was not performed, unless the empire enjoyed

peace, and peace could not be secured without hard work. Hard work precluded
a Taoiyt life, and without 7'"o， Huang Ti could not a.sceii(l on liigli.
Taoist Untruth:
335
a genius ？ People seeing that Huang Ti was very partial to magical

arts, which are practised by genii, surmised that lie was a genius.
Moreover, on finding the name of " Ting-lni ，， "Tripod beard ，， '

they said that Huang Ti exploited the copper of IMount Shou, and
cast it into tripods, and that a dragon with a floating beard came
to meet him. This explanation would be on the same line with
that of the KUiei-chi Mountain.- The purport of the name ol' this
mountain is said to be that the emperor Yli of the Hsia dynasty
on a tour of inspection held a meeting (會) and a review (稽) on
this mountain, wlieiice its name KHei-diL^ Yii went to Iv uei-chi for
the purpose of regulating the water courses, but not on a tour of
inspection, just as Huang Ti was addicted to magic, but did not
ascend to heaven. There was no such thing like a meeting or a
review, as there was no casting of tripods, nor a dragon with a
long beard. There is a village called Sheng-mu " Vanquish mother/'
Does that mean that there was really a son wlio vanquished his
mother? A city is called Chao-ko "Morning song." Are we to infer
that the inhabitants of that city used to sing, when they rose in
the morning?
The books of the Literati relate that the Prince of Huai-nan ^

in his study of Taoism assembled all the Taoists of the empire,
and humbled the grandeur of a princedom before the expositors of
Taoist lore. Consequently, Taoist scholars flocked to Huai-nan and
vied with each other in exhibiting strange tricks and all kinds of
miracles. Then the prince attained to Tao and rose to heaven with
bis whole household. His domestic animals became genii too. His
dogs barked up in the sky, and the cocks crowed in the clouds.
That means that there was such plenty of tlie drug of immortality,
that clogs and cocks could eat of it, and follow the prince to
Heaven. All who have a fad lor Taoism and 、、- oukl learn the art
of immortality believe in this story, but it is not true.
Man is a creature. His rank may be ever so high, even princely

or royal, his nature cannot be different from that of other creatures.
There is no creature but dies. How could man become an im-
1 The text says " Tripod 】ake." Cf. above p. 332.
2 In the province of Cheklang.
3 This etymology is given by Sse Ma CKim, Shi-chi chap. 2， p. 26.
4 Liu An, Prince of Huai-nan^ commonly known as Huai Nan y.、e， a Taoist
philosopher and alchymist of the 2nd cent. b.c. He was a prince of the imperial
laiuily of the Han emperors. His principality was situated in AnhuL
3B6
Ltin - Heng ： C. Physical.
mortal ？ Birds having feathers and plumes can fly, but tliey cannot
rise to Heaven. How should man without feathers and plumes be
able to fly and rise? Were lie feathered and winged, he would
only be equal to birds, but he is not; how then should lie ascend
to heaven ？
Creatures capable of flying and rising, are provided with

feathers and wings, others fast at running, have lioofs and strong
feet. Swift runners cannot, fly, and flyers not run. Their bodies
are differently organised according to the fluid they are endowed
with. Now man is a swift runner by nature, therefore he does
not grow feathers or plumes. From the time he is full-grown up
till liis old age lie never gets them by any miracle. If amongst
the believers in Taoism and the students of the art of immortality
some became feathered and winged, they might eventually fly and
rise after all.
In case the nature of creatures could be changed, it ought to

be possible that metal, wood, water, and fire were also altered.'
Frogs can be changed into quails, and sparrows dive into the water
and become clams.- It is the upshot of their spontaneous, original
nature, and cannot be attained by the study of Tao. Lest tlie
Taoists should be put ou a level with tlie aforesaid animals, I say
that, if men could have all the necessary feathers and plumage, tliey
might ascend to heaven.
Now, the growth and development of creatures is not. abrupt,

and its changes are not violent, but gradually brought about. It'
tlie Taoists and students of immortality could first grow feathers
and plumes several inches long, so that tliey could skim over tlie
earth, and rise to the terra (； es of high buildings, one might believe
tliat they can ascend to heaven. But tliey do not show that they
arc able to fly even a small distance. How can they suddenly
acquire the faculty of flying such a long way through the study of
their miraculous arts without any gradual progress? That such a
great result miglil be really dfected by means of fcatliers and wings
cannot be ascertained.
The human hair and l)eard, and the diHerent colours of tilings,
when young and old, allbrd another cue. When a plant comes out,
it lias a green colour, when it I'ijK'iis, it looks yellow. As long as
man is young, his hair is black, when lie grows old, it turns white.
1 The elements of wliicli the bodies of all creatures are composed cannot be
transformed, therefore those creatures cannot, change their nature.
'2 These metamorplioses are iiientioncd in ancient works, and believed by tlie
Cliiiiese up to tlie present day. Cf. p. o2().
Taoist Untruths.
337
Yellow is the sign of maturity, white of old age. After a plant

has become yellow, it may be watered and tended ever so much,
it does not become green again. When the hair lias turned white,
no eating of drugs nor any care bestowed upon one's nature can
make it black again. Black and green do not come back, how
could age and decrepitude be laid aside?
Yellow and white are like the frying of raw meat, and the
cooking of fresh fish. What has been fried, cannot be caused to
become raw again, and what lias been cooked, to become fresh.
Fresh and raw correspond to young and strong, fried and cooked,
to weak and old. Heaven in developing things can keep them
vigorous up till autumn, but not further on till next spring. By
SAvallowiiig drugs and nourishing one's nature one may get rid of
sickness, but one cannot prolong one's life, and become an immortal.
Immortals have a light body and strong vital energy, and yet they
cannot rise to heaven. Light and strong though they be, they are
not provided with feathers and wings, and therefore not able to
ascend to heaven.
Heaven and earth are both bodies. As one cannot descend

into the earth, one cannot ascend into heaven. Such being the
case, where would be a road leading up to heaven? Man is not
strong enough to enter and pass through heaven's body. If the
gate of heaven is in the North-west, all people rising to heaven
must pass by the K'un-hm Mountain. The State of Hwai Nan Tse
being situated in the South-east of the earth, lie must, if he really
ascended to heaven, first have gone to iCun-lun with all liis house-
hold, where he would have found an ascent. Provided tlie Prince
of Huai-nan flew straight across the land to the nortli-western corner,
flapping his wings, then he must have had feathers and wings.
But since no mention is made of his passing by the K un-lun, iior
of feathers and wings growing out of his body, the mere assertion
of his ascension cannot be but wrong and untrue.
Liu An^ prince of Iluai-nan, lived contemporaueously with the

emperor Hsiao Wu Ti, His father Liu Chang was banished to Yen-
tao^ in SJm^ for some offence, but died on the road, when he ar-
rived at Yung-chou, Liu Aii, who succeeded him in his princedom,
bore a grudge against the emperor for having caused his father's
1 140-86 B.C.
2 The modern Ya-chou-fu.
3 An old kingdom in Ssechuan.
4 One of the Nine Provinces, into which Yii divided the Empire, comprising
Shend and Kansu.
Lun -Heng.
22
388

death in exile, and thought of making rebellion. He attracted all
sorts of schemers, and intended great things. Men like Wu Pel filled
his palaces, busy in writing books on the Taoist arts, and publishing
essays on the most miraculous subjects. They were bustling about
and putting their heads together.
In the " Memoir of the Eight Companions " ' tliey wished to
prove supernatural forces, as if they liad attained to Tao. But they
never reached it, and had no success. Then Iluai Nan Tse plotted
a rebellion together with Wii Pei. The scheme was discovered, and
lie committed suicide or, as some say, was done to death. Whether
this be the case, or whether he committed suicide is about the
same. But people finding liis writings very deep, abstruse, and
mysterious, and believing that the predictions of the " Pa-kung-
ckuan " had been fulfilled, divulged the story that he had become
a genius, and went up to lieaven, which is not in accordance
with truth.
It is chronicled in the books of the Literati ^ that L/u Ao^

when wandering near the " Northern Sea," ^ passed the " Great
North," and through the " Dark Gate " ^ entered upon the Mon-
golean " plateau. There lie beheld an individual with deep eyes,
a black nose and tlie neck of a wild goose. Lifting his shoulders,
he soared up, and rapidly came down again, gamboling and dis-
porting all the time against the wind. When he caught sight of
Lu Ao, he suddenly took down his arms, and sought refuge under
a rock. Lu Ao saw him there resting on the back of a tortoise
and eating an oyster.
Lu Ao accosted him saying, " Sir, I believe that, because 1

have given up what the world desires, separating from my kindred
and leaving my home, in order to explore what is outside of the
six cardinal points, ? you will condemn me. I began travelling in
my youth. When I had grown up, I did not care for the ordinary
1 The eight principal Taoist associates of" Huai JSan Tse, one of which was
Wei Fu.
2 The following story is taken from Huai Nan Tse.
3 A traveller of the 3rd cent. b.c.
4 This expression can mean the Gobi.
■' The " Great North " and the " Dark Gate " are Taoist fancy names.
6 It is interesting to note the name Mongol 秦受 here. The last character

is written now. The Mongols were already known to the Chinese under their
actual name in the second century b.c, when they were living in the north of China.
7 To wit the four quarters, above and below.
Taoist Untruth;
339
duties of man, but managed to travel about. Of the four poles

tlie " Greath North " is the only one which I have not yet seen.
Now unexpectedly I find you here, Sir. Shall we not become
friends?"
The stranger burst out laughing and said, " Why, you are a
Chinaman. You ought not to come as far as this. Yet sun and
moon are still shining here. There are all the stars, the four
seasons alternate, and the Yin and the Yang are still at work. Com-
pared to the " Nameless Region " this is only like a small hill.
I travel south over the " Weary Waste," and lialt north in the
" Hidden Village." I proceed west to the " Obscure Hamlet," and
pass east through the " Place of Dimness." There is no earth
beneath, and no heaven above. Listening one does not hear, and
to the looker-on the objects flit away from sight. Beyond that
region there is still shape. Where that ends, one advances ten
million Li by making one step. I could not yet get there. You,
Sir, reached only tliis place in your travels, but speak of exploring.
Is not that an exaggeration? But, please, remain. I have to meet
■Han Man ^ on the ninth heaven,^ and cannot stay longer." ― The
stranger then raised his arms, gave liis body a jerk, and off he
went into the clouds.
Lu Ao stared after him, until he became invisible. His heart

was full of endless joy, and at the same time he was grieved, as
though lie had lost somebody. " Compared with you, my master,
said he, I am nothing more than an earth-worm is to a wild goose.
Crawling the whole clay, I do not advance more than some feet,
but myself consider it far. It is pitiable indeed." ―
Such as Lu Ao held that dragons alone have no wings, and

when tliey rise, ride on the clouds. Had Lu Ao said that tlie
stranger had wings, his words might be credible. But lie did not
speak of wings, Low could tlie otlier then ascend to the clouds ？
Those creatures whicli with agility rise into the clouds, do

not take liuman food or human drink. The dragon's food is different
from that of snakes, hence its movements are not tlie same as
those of snakes. One hears tliat the Taoists drink an elixir made
of gold and gems and eat the flowers of the purple boletus. These
extremely fine stuffs make their bodies light, so that tliey become
spirits and genii. The stranger ate the flesh of an oyster. Such
is the food of ordinary people, by no means fine, or rendering the
1 This is probably the name of a genius.
2 According to the belief of the Taoists there are nine superposed stages or
spheres of the heavens.
22*
340
body light. How could he then have given himself a jerk and
ascended to heaven ？
I have heard that those who feed on air do not take solid
food, and that tlie latter do not eat air. The above mentioned
stranger ate something substantial. Since he did not live on air,
lie could not be so light, that he might have risen on liigL.
May be that Lu Ao studying Tao and trying hard to become

an immortal, travelled to the Northern Sea. Having left human
society, and gone far away, he felt that he did not succeed
in acquiring Tao. He was ashamed and afraid, lest his fellow-
countrymen should criticize him. Knowing that tilings would cert-
ainly turn out so, that every body would reproach him, he invented
the extravagant stories. He said that he met with a stranger.
The meaning of the whole story is that liis efforts to become im-
mortal were not successful, and tliat time had not yet come.
In the case of Liu An^ Prince of Hitai-nan, who suffered death

as a punishment of rebellion, all people heard of it, and at that
time saw it, and yet the books of tlie Literati say that lie obtained
Tao, and disappeared as a genius, and that his cocks and dogs
weut up to Leaven also. We cannot be surprised then that Lu Ao^
who alone went to a far-off country, leaving no trace, should speak
obscure and mysterious words. His case is similar to that of Hsiang
Man Tu ^ of P u-fan^ in Ho-tung.^
Hsiang Man Tu was a follower of Tao and a student of spirit-

ism. He abandoned liis family, and went away. Wlien after three
years absence lie came back, his people asked liim, what had hap-
pened to liim. Hsiang Man Tu replied "I have no clear recollection
of my departure, but I suddenly found myself as if lying clown.
Several genii appeared, who took me up to lieaven, until we were
at some few Li's distance from the moon. 工 saw that above and
beneath the moon all was dark, so that 1 could not distinguish
East and West. Where we stopped near the moon, it was bitter
cold. I felt hungry, and wished to eat, when a genius gave me
a cupful of morning-red to drink. After having taken one cup, one
does not feel hunger for several months. I do not know, how many-
years or months I stayed there, nor what fault 1 committed, for sud-
denly I found myself asleep again, and brought down to this place."
1 In the " Water Classic " 7|C 輕注 Ihiang Man Tu 頃曼者 is called

Hsiany Niny Tu 者 |$ •
2 The modern P'u-chou-fa in Shansi.
3 A circuit comprising the southern part of ShansL
Taoist Untruths.
Ml
The Ilo-tung people gave him the surname of " Fallen Angel."
But dealing tlioroughly with the subject, we find that this story
is impossible. If Hsiang Man Tu could rise to heaven, lie must
have become a geuius. II ow could he return after three years' time?
If a man leaves his kindred, and ascends to heaven, his vital fluid
and his body must have undergone a change. Now, all creatures
that have been metamorphosed, do not return to their previous
state. When a chrysalis has changed into a cricket, and received
its wings, it cannot be transmuted into a chrysalis again. All
creatures that ily up, have wings. When they fly up, and come
down again, their wings are still there as before. Had Hsiang Man
Tu s body had wings, his tale might be reliable, but since it had
not, his talk is futile and not more trustworthy than Lu Ao's.
Perhaps it was known at his time that Hsiang Man Tu was

a fervent believer in Tao, who stealthily left his home, and wandered
about in distant lands. At last, when he achieved nothing, and
felt liis strength exhausted, and his hope gone, lie stealthily re-
turned home, but being ashamed, if lie had nothing to say, lie
told the story of his ascension to heaven, intimating thereby that
Tao could be learned, and that there really were genii, and that
lie himself was degraded for some fault, after having reached the
goal, first rising to heaven, and then coming down again.
The books of the Literati contain the statement that the king
of Ch i being dangerously ill, a messenger was sent to Sung to fetch
Wen Chih. ^ When he arrived and §aw the king's sickness lie said
to the heir-apparent: " The king's illness can certainly be cured,
but when it has been, the king is sure to kill me."
The heir- apparent inquired what for, Wen Chih replied, "With-
out anger the king's illness cannot be cured, but when the king
gets angry, my death is certain."
The heir-apparent bowed his head, and entreated him saying,

" Should you cure the king's sickness, myself and my mother are
going to forcibly restrain the king at the cost of our lives. The
king will certainly please ray mother. We are wishing that you,
master, shall have no trouble."
Wen Chih gave his consent and said that he was prepared to
die. The king with his eldest son fixed a time. Thrice the phy-
' A famous doctor, who cannot have lived later than the 4th cent, b.c, for
he is mentioned in Lieh Tae.
342
sician was expected, but did not come so, that the king of CKi was
already very angry. When lie came at last, lie did not put oil'
his shoes, but walked upon the bed and tread upon the sheets.
He asked the king about his sickness, but the king was so furious,
that he did not speak witli liim. Then he said something which
but aggravated the king's wrath. The king abused liiin, and rose
up, and hi S3 disease was gone. He was so enraged and so little
pleased, that lie wished to boil Wen Chili alive. ^ The heir-apparent
and the queen forthwith interfered, but could obtain nothing. Wen
Chih was actually boiled alive in a cauldron : After tliree days' and
three night's cooking, his appearance liad not yet changed. Wen
Chih said, " If one really is anxious to kill me, why does one not
put on tlie lid to intercept the Yin and the Yang fluids."
The king had tlie lid put on, whereupon Wen Chih died.
Wen Chih was a Taoist, in water lie was not drowned, and in fire
he did not burn. 2 Hence lie could remain three days and three
nights in the kettle without changing colour.
This is idle talk. Wen Chih was boiled three days and nights
without changing colour. If then only in consequence of the lid
being put on he was choked and died, this proves that lie was
not in possession of Tao. All living and breathing creatures die,
when deprived of air. When they are dead and boiled, tliey
become soft. If living and breathing creatures are placed in vessels
with a lid on, having all their fissures carefully filled, so that the
air cannot circulate, and their breath cannot pass, they die instant-
aneously. Thrown into a kettle with boiling water, they are also
cooked soft. Why ? Because they all have the same kind of body,
the same breath, are endowed by heaven with a similar nature,
and all belong to one class. If Wen Chih did not breathe, he would
have been like a piece of metal or stone, and even in boiling water
not be cooked soft. Now he was breathing, therefore, wlien cooked,
he could not but die.
If Wen Chih could speak, he must have given sounds, which

require breathing. Breathing is closely connected with the vital
force, which resides in bones and flesh. Beings ol" bones and flesh
being cooked, die. To deny that is the first untruth.
Provided that Wen Chih could be cooked without dying, he

was a perfect Taoist, similar to metal or stone. To metal or stone
it makes no difference, whether a lid be put on, or not. Tliei'e-
A parallel passage of this stoi'y occurs in the Lu-shih-cKun-cKiu .

That is what the Taoists say of themselves.
Taoist Untruths.
343
fore, to say that Wen Chili died, when the lid was put on, is a
second untruth.
Put a man into cold water, which is not hot like boiling
water, and lie will die for want of breath after a short interval,
his nose and mouth beino; shut out from the outer air. Submerged
in cold Avater, a man cannot remain alive, how mucli less in bub-
bling, boiling water, in the midst of a violent fire? To say that
Wen Chill survived in the boiling water is a third uutrutli.
When a man is submerged in water, so tliat his mouth is not

visible outside, the sound of what he says is inaudible. When
Wen Chill was cooked, his body was certainly submerged in the
kettle, and his mouth invisible. Under those circumstances one
could not bear, wliat lie said. That Wen Chih should have spoken
is the fourth untruth.
Had a man who after three clays' and three nights' cooking
died, not clianged colour, even ignorant people would have been
amazed. If the king of CKi was not surprised, the heir-apparent and
his ministers should have noticed this "-onclerful fact. In their
astouishmeiit at Wen Chih they would have prayed that lie be taken
out, granted liigli honours, and be venerated as a master, from
whom one might learn more about Tao. Now three days and three
nights are mentioned, but uotliing is said about the officials asking
for his release. That is the fifth untruth.
At that time it was perhaps known that Wen CItih was actually
cooked, and that Ms death was caused by it. People noticing
that lie was a Taoist, invented the story that lie lived a subtle
life, and did not die, just as Huany Ti really died, whereas the
reports say that lie rose to heaven, and as the prince of Huai-nan
suffered the puuishmeut of rebellion, whilst the books say that he
entered a new life. There are those who like to spread false
reports. Hence tlie story of Wen Chih lias been propagated until now.
There are no instances of any one having obtained Tao, but

there have been very long-lived persons. People remarking that
those persons, while studying Tao and the art of immortality, be-
come over a hundred years old without dying, call tliem immortals,
as the following example will show.
At the time of Han Wu JV there lived a certain Li Shao Chiin,

who. pretended that by sacrificing to the '- Hearth ，• and abstaining
from eating grain he could v、'iml off old ag-e. He sa、v tlie emperor,
who conferred high honours upon hi in. Li Shao Chiin kept his age
1 140-85 B.C.
344
and the place where lie was born and had grown up secret, always
saying that lie was seventy old, and could effect that things did
not grow old. On his journeys he visited all the princes around,
and was not married. On hearing tliat lie could manage that things
did not age, people presented him witli mucli richer gifts than tliey
would otherwise Lave done. He had always money, gold, dresses,
and food in abundance. As people believed that he did not do
any business, and was yet richly provided with everything, and
as nobody knew, what sort of a man lie really was, there was a
general competition in offering him services.
Li Shao Chiin knew some clever manoeuvres and some fine

tricks, wliich did not fail to produce a wonderful effect. He used
to feast with the Marquis of Wu-an.^ In the hall there was a man
of over 90 years. Li Shao Chiin indicated to him the places wliicli
his grand-fatlier frequented, when sliootiug. The old man knew
them, having visited tliem as a cliild with his father. The whole
audience was bewildered.
When Li Shao Chiin saw the emperor, the emperor had an

old bronze vase, about which he asked him. Li Shao Chun replied
that in the 15th year - of the reign of Duke Huan of CKi^ it was
placed in the Po-ch in hall. The inscription was examined, and it.
was found out that it was indeed a vessel of Duke Huan of Ch i.
The whole Court was startled, and thought that Li Shao Chiin was
several hundred years old.* After a long time he died of sickness.
Those who now-a-days are credited with the possession of

Tao are men like Li Shao Chiin. He died amongst men. His body
was seen, and one knew, therefore, that his nature had been lon-
gevous. Had he dwelt in mountain-forests or gone into deserts,
leaving no trace behind him, lie would have died a solitary deatli
of sickness amidst high rocks. His corpse would have been food
for tigers, wolves, and foxes, but the world would again have be-
lieved him to have disappeared as a real immortal.
The ordinary students of Tao have not Li S/iao Chiin s age.

Before reaching a hundred years tliey die, like all tlic others. Yet
uncultured and ignorant people still hold tliat they are separated
from their bodies, and vanish, and tliat, as a matter of fact, they
do not die.
1 A district in I Ton an. The name of the Marquis was T'icn Fen.
2 The Shih-chi says the tenth year.
3 Duke Huan of Ch'i reigned from 683-641 b.c. The 15th year of his reign
was 669.
* This story of Li Shao Chiin is quoted from the Shi-chi chap. 28, p. 21.
Taoist Untruths.
345
What is unclerstood by separation from the body? Does it

mean that the body dies, and the spirit disappears? Or that the
body does not die, but drops its coil? If one says that the body
dies, and the spirit is lost, there is no difference from death, and
every one is a genius. And if one believes that the body does not
die, but throws oli" its coil, oue must admit that the bones and
the flesh of all the deceased Taoists are intact and in no wise
different from tlie corpses of ordinary mortals.
When the cricket leaves its chrysalis, the tortoise drops its
shell, the snake its skin, and the stag its horns, iu short, when
the horned and skinned animals lose their outward cover, retaining
only their flesh and bones, one might speak of the separation from
the body. But eveu if the body of a dead Taoist were similar to
a chrysalis, one could not use this expression, because, when the
cricket leaves the chrysalis, it cannot be considered as a spirit with
regard to the chrysalis. Now to call it a separation from the body,
when there is not even a similarity with the chrysalis, would again
be an unfounded assertion missing the truth.
The Grand Annalist was a contemporary of Li Shao Chun.

Although lie was not amongst those who came near to Li Shao
Chun's body, when he had expired, he was in a position to learn
the truth. If he really did not die, but only parted with his body,
the Grand Annalist ought to have put it on record, and would not
have given the place of his death.
The reference to the youth of the nonagenarian in the court

would prove Li Shao Chlins age. Perhaps he was fourteen or fif-
teen years old, when the old man accompanied his grandfatlier as
a boy. Why should Li Shao Chi'in not know this, if he lived
200 years? 1
Wii TVs time is very far from Duke Huan, when the bronze
vase was cast, 2 and Li Shao CJiiin cannot have seen it. Perhaps
lie heard once that in the palace there was an old vessel, or lie
examined the inscription beforehand to speak upon it, so that he
was well-informed, wlien he saw it again. When our amateurs of
to-day see an old sword or an antique crooked blade, they gener-
ally know where to place it. Does that imply that they saw, how
it was wrought?
1 Why 200 years ？ Li Shao Chun would have known the nonagenarian's
grandfather, if he was about ninety years old himself.
2 The interval is upwards of 500 years.

346
Lun-Hcjig: C. Physical.
Tung Fang So is said to have also been possessed of Tao. His

name was Chin, his style Man C/iieu, but he changed his names
and for a time took office with the Han dynasty. Outwardly lie
was considered an official, but inwardly he passed to another
existence.
This is wrong too. Tung Fang So lived together with Li

Shao Chun under the reign of Wu Ti, and must have been known
to the Grand Annalist. Li Shao Chan taught Tao and a method
to keep off old age by means of sacrificing to the " Hearth." He
determined the period of a tripod cast under Duke Huan of Ch'i,
and knew the places frequented, when hunting, by the grandfather
of a nonagenarian, and yet he did not really attain to Tao. He
was only a long-lived man, who died late. Moreover, Tung Fang
So was not as successful as Li Shao Chun in magical arts, where-
fore then was lie credited with the possession of Tao? Under Wu
Ti there were the Taoists Wen Cli eng and Wu Li and others of the
same type, who went on sea in search of the genii and to find the
physic of immortality. Because they evidently knew the Taoist
arts, they were trusted by the Emperor. Tung Fang So undertook
no mission on sea, nor did lie do anything' miraculous. If lie had
done, lie would only have been a man like Li Shao Chiln or on a
level with Wm CK eng and Wu Li. Nevertheless he had the chance
to be credited with the possession of Tao. He again resembled
Li Shao Chiln, iusomuch as he made a secret of his birth place,
and the courtiers did not know his origin. He exaggerated his
age. People finding that lie looked rather strong and young and
was of phlegmatic temper, that lie did not care much for his office,
but was well versed in divination, guessing, and other interesting
plays, called him therefore a man possessed of Tao.
There is a belief that by the doctrine of Lao Tse one can

transcend into another existence. Through (quietism and dispassiou-
ateaess one nourishes the vital force, and cherishes tlie spirit. The
length of life is based on the animal spirits. As long as tlicy are
unimpaired, lil'e goes on, and there is no death. Lao Tse acted
upon this principle. Having done so for over a hundred years, lie
passed into another existence, and became a true Taoist sage.
Who can be more quiet and liavc less desires tliaii birds and
animals? But birds and animals likewise age and die. However,
we will not sjx'ak of birds and animals, the passions of wliicli are
Taoist Untruths.
347
similar to the hum an. But which are the passions of plants and
slirubs, that tliey are born in spring, and die in autumn? They
are dispassionate, aud their lives do not extend further than one
year. Men an' full of passions and desires, and yet tliey can be-
come a hundred years old. Thus the dispassionate die prematurely,
aud the passionate live long. Hence Lao Tse's theory to prolong
life and enter a new existence by means of quietism and absence
of desires is wrong, /j
Lao Tse was like Li Shao Chlin. He practised his theory of

quietism, and his life happened to be long of itself. But people
seeing this, and hearing of his quietism, thought that by his art
he passed into another existence.
The idea prevails that those who abstain from eating grain,
are men well versed in the art of Tao. They say e. g. that Wang
Tse Cliiao i and the like, because tliey did not touch grain, aud
lived on different food than ordinary people, had not the same
length of life as ordinary people, in so far as having passed a
hundred years, they transcended into another state of being, and be-
came immortals.
That is another mistake. Eating and drinking are natural

impulses, with which we are endowed at birth. Hence the upper
part of the body has a moutli and teeth, the inferior part orifices.
With the mouth and teeth oue chews and eats, the orifices are for
the discharge. Keeping in accord witli one's nature, one follows
the law of lieaven, going against it, one violates one's natural pro-
pensities, and neglects one's natural spirit before heaven. How can
one obtain long life in this way?
If Wang Tse C/iiao had got no mouth, teeth, or orifices at

birth, liis nature would have been different from that of others.
Even then one could hardly speak of long life. Now, the body
is the same, only the deeds being different. To say that in this
way one can transcend into another existence is not warranted by
human nature.
For a man not to eat is like not clothing the body. Clothes
keep the skin warm, and food fills the stomach. With a warm
epidermis and a Avell-filled belly the animal spirits are bright and
exalted. If one is liiingi y, and has nothing to eat, or feels cold,
and has nothing to warm one's self, one may freeze or starve to
death. How can frozen and starved people live longer than others?
1 A magician of the 6th cent, b.c, son of King Ling of the Chou dynasty.
He is reported to have been seen riding on a white crane through the air as an
immortal.
348
Moreover, during his life man draws his vital force from food,
just as plants and trees do from earth. Pull out the roots of a
plant or a tree, and separate them from tlie soil, and the plant
will wither, and soon die. Shut a man's mouth, so that he cannot
eat, and he will starve, but not be long-lived.
The Taoists exalting each other's power assert that the " pure
man " eats the fluid, that the fluid is his food. Wherefore the
books say that the fluid-eaters live long, and do not die, that,
although they do not feed on cereals, they become fat and strong
by the fluid.
This too is erroneous. What kind of fluid is understood by

fluid? If the fluid of the Yin and the Yang be meant, this fluid
cannot satiate people. They may inhale this fluid, so that it fills
their belly and bowels, yet they cannot feel satiated. If the fluid
inherent in medicine be meant, man may use and eat a case full of
dry drugs, or swallow some ten pills. But the effects of medicine
are very strong. They cause great pain in the chest, but cannot
feed a man. The meaning must certainly be that the fluid-eaters
breathe, inhaling and exhaling, emitting the old air and taking in
the new. Of old, P'eng Tsu ^ used to practise this. Nevertheless
he could not live indefinitely, but died of sickness.
Many Taoists hold that by regulating one's breath one can

nourish one's nature, pass into another state of being-, and become
immortal. Their idea is that, if tlie blood vessels in the body be
not always in motion, expanding and contracting, an obstruction
ensues. There being no free passage, constipation is the conse-
quence, wliic.h causes sickness and death.
Til is is likewise without, any foundation. Man's body is like

that of plants and trees. Plants and trees growing on the summits
of lii^li mountains, where tliey are exposed to the squalls of wind,
are moved day and ni<>lit, but do they surpass those that are
hidden in mountain valleys and sheltered from wind?
1 Tlie Chinese Methusaleh, who is believed to have lived over 800 years,
and to have been ； i great grandson of the legendary Emperor Chuan JJsii 2514 b.c.
TaoLst Untruths.
849
When plants and trees, while growing, are violently shaken,
they are injured, and pine away. Why tlien should man by
drawing liis breath and moving his body gain a long- life and not
die? The blood arteries traverse the body, as streams and rivers
flo、v through the land. While thus flowing, the latter lose tlieir
limpidity, and become turbid. When the blood is moved, it be-
comes agitated also, which causes uneasiness. Uneasiness is like
the hardships man lias to endure without remedy. How can that
be conducive to a long life ？
The Taoists sometimes use medicines with a view to rendering

their bodies more supple and their vital force stronger, hoping
thus to prolong their years and to enter a new existence.
This is a deception likewise. There are many examples that

by the use of medicines the body grew more supple and the vital
force stronger, but the world affords no instance of the prolongation
of life and a new existence following.
The different physics cure all sorts of diseases. When they

have been cured, the vital force is restored, and then the body
becomes supple again. According to man's original nature his body
is supple of itself, and his vital force lasts long of its own accord.
But by exposure to wind and wetness he falls a victim to hundreds
of diseases, whence his body becomes heavy and stiff, and his force
is weakened. By taking an efficacious remedy he restores 】iis body
and the vital force. This force is not small at the outset, or the
body heavy, and it is not by medicine that the force lasts long,
or the body grows supple and light. When first received, i they
already possess those qualities spontaneously. Therefore, when by
medicines the various diseases are dispelled, the body made supple,
and the vital force prolonged, they merely return to their original
state, but it is impossible to add to the number of years, let alone
the transition into another existence.
Of all the beings with blood in their veins there are none
but are born, and of those endoAved with life there are none but
die. From the fact that tliey were bom, one knows that tliey
must die. Heaven and Earth were not born, therefore tliey do
not die. The Yin and the Yang were not born, therefore tliey do
not die. Death is the correlate of birth, and birth tlie counter-
part of death. That which has a beginning, must have an end,
and that which has an end, must necessarily have had a begin-
1 Viz. received by man at his birth, when Heaven endows him with a body
and the vital fluid.
350
ning. Only what is without beginning or end, lives for ever and
never dies. ^
Human life is like water. Water frozen gives ice, and the
vital force concentrated forms the humau being. Ice lasts one
winter, then it melts, man lives a hundred years, than lie dies.
Bid a man not to die, can you bid ice not to melt? All those
who study tlie art of immortality and trust that there are means,
by which one does not die, must fail as sure, as one cannot cause
ice never to melt.
1 This the Taoists say of their fundamental principle. " Tao is without
beginning, without end," says Chiian(j Tse chap. 17, p. 13, and thus the Taoists
which have become one with Tao, are iinmoital.
On Dragons.
351
CHAPTER XXIX.
On Dragons {Lung-hsu).
When in midsummer during a tliunder-storm liglitning strikes

a tree or demolishes a house, it is a common saying that Heaven
fetches the dragon, wliicli is believed to hide in the tree, or to be
concealed in the house. The lightning striking tlie tree, or deniol-
isliing the house, tlie dragon appears outside. Ou its appearance,
it is seized upon by tlie thunder, and carried up to Heaven. The
unintelligent aud the learned, the virtuous and the wicked are all
agreed upon tins, but trying to get at the truth, we find that it
is idle talk.
Why should Heaven fetch the dragon? Provided that the

dragon be a spirit and Heaven's envoy, as a virtuous minister is
tlie deputy of his sovereign, then it ought to report itself at a
fixed time, and would not have to be fetched. If, on the other
hand, the dragon sneaks away, and does not come back, it does
uot behave like a spirit, and would be of no use to Heaven.
According to tlie dragon's nature its real abode is Heaven.

Being there it certainly must have offspring. There would be uo
reason, why it should be on earth again. If there are rising and
descending dragons, the latter class might bear its offspring on eartli,
and Heaven fetch it, when grown up. People call a tempest an
expression of Heaven's auger, but in fetching tlie scion of a dragon
it cannot be angry.
Further the dragon generally lives in pouds, not in trees or

houses. Whence do we know that? Shu Hsiang's ^ mother said:
" In the depths of mountains and in vast marshes dragons and
snakes really grow.'" And in books we read, " Where the
mountains are highest, the rain clouds rise, and where the water
is deepest, the different species of dragons are born." 3 The annals
1 A minister in Chin, 6th cent. b.c.
2 Quoted from the Tso-chunn, Duke Hsiang Slst year {Legge, Classics Vol. V,
Pt. II， p. 491). The mother of Shu Hsiang spoke these words in a figurative sense,
with reference to Shu Hsiang' x half-brother, and his beautiful mother, a concubine
of her husband. Cf. p. 302.
3 A parallel passage, worded a little diirereiitly, occurs in Hsiin Tse.
352
go on to say that, when Yu crossed the Yangise, a yellow dragon

carried liis boat on its back,^ and that, when Ching Tse Fei went
over the Hua'i, two dragons swam round Lis ship. Near tlie
Eastern Sea 2 there lived Lu Chiu Hsin, a bold and strong man.
When he once passed the Spirit Pool, lie ordered his charioteer
to give liis horse to drink there, but when it drank, it sank down.
Lu Chill Hsin got angry, drew liis sword, and went into tlie pool
in pursuit of liis horse. He then beheld two dragons just in the
act of devouring his horse. Sword in hand, he slew the two dragons,
Heuce it is evident that the dragons called " chiao " * and the others
always live in the water of pools, and not on trees or in houses.
Living in deep water dragons belong to the same category

as fish and reptiles. Why should fish and reptiles ascend to
Heaven, and what could Heaven use the dragon for, if it fetched
it up? If the Spirit of Heaven should ride on the dragon, a spirit
is something diffuse and incorporeal. Entering and departing, it
needs no aperture, neither would it require a dragon to ride upon.
Should the genii mount the dragon, then Heaven would fetch it
for their sake. But the genii are imbued with the fluid of Heaven,
and their bodies are so light, that they can fly up like wild geese.
Therefore, why should they ride upon dragons?
People in general say that Huang Ti ascended to Heaven on

a dragon. This statement is as inane as the other, made uow-a-
days, that Heaven fetches the dragon. If the dragon is said to
rise to Heaven, it implies a dragon spirit, because only a spirit can
soar oil liigh, this being in fact a characteristic feature of spirits.
Among the creatures produced by Heaven and Earth man

being the noblest, the dragon must be inferior. If the noblest are
not spirits, can the inferior be so? Let us suppose tliat the nature
of dragons be such, that some of them are spirits, the others not,
and tliat the spirits rise to Heaven, while those that are not spirits,
cannot: are turtles and snakes likewise partly spirits and partly not,
and can tlie turtle spirits and tlie snake spirits ascend to Heaven?
Moreover, what essence is tlie dragon endowed with, that it

should alone be a spirit? Heaven lias the four constellations of
the Blue Dragon, the White Tiger, the Scarlet Bird, and the Black
_ 21
1 This fact is recorded in the Lu Shi/i diun-cliiu and in Iluai Nan Tse VII,
Hv. Vid. also Lnm-hmg Bk. V, p. 4 {Yi-hsii).
'么 Tlie Yellow Sea, east of China.
3 TIlis story is narrated in the Ilan-shih-imi- chuan 150 B.C. and the Po-vou-
chih, wlierc the hero is called Tsai (Jhiu Hsin however.
On Dragons.
353
Tortoise. Earth also has dragons, tigers, scarlet birds, and turtles.
The essence of the four constellations pouring down, produces those
four animals. The tiger, the scarlet bird, and the turtle not being
spirits, wherefore sliould the dragou alone be a spirit?
Man ranks first among tlie naked creatures, as the dragon is

the foremost of the scaly animals. Both take the first place among
their kindred. If the dragon is believed to ascend to Heaven, does
man rise to Heaven likewise ？ If under the above respect the dragon
is oil the same level with mau, but alone credited with the faculty
of ascending to Heaven, the dragon must be supposed to be a spirit.
The world also says that the sages being spirits, have the
gift of propliecy, as they say that the dragon spirits are able to
soar to Heaven. The divination of the sages thus being accounted
for, it is but natural that the special talent of the dragou sliould
be found in its power to rise to Heaven.
That which amidst Heaven and Earth is vague and un-

substantial as the vapours of cold and lieat, wind and rain, has tlie
nature of a spirit. Now tlie dragon lias a body, having a body,
it moves about, moving about, it eats, and eating, it has the nature
of other creatures. According to the organisation -of Heaven and
Eartli whatever possesses a body, moves about, and eats, cannot
be a spirit. How so?
The dragon lias a body. One finds in books the statement,

that out of the three hundred scaly animals the dragou is the first.
Being the first of the scaly animals, Low can it be without a body?
Confucius said that the dragon fed in limpid places, and lived
there, that the tortoise fed in limpid places, and lived iu the mud,
and that the fisli feci iu the mud, and lived in clear water. He
did not attain to the dragon himself, but was neither equal to
the fish, he was only to be compared to the tortoise, which takes
tlie middle rank.
The Shan-hai-Jcmg i relates that beyond the four seas there are
men riding on dragon snakes. As a rule, dragons are pictorially
represented with a horse's head and a snake's tail. Hence they
must be hybrids between tlie horse and the snake.
Shen Tse'^ informs us that the flying dragons mount the clouds,
aud that the soaring serpents ramble tlirougli the fog. When tlie
clouds disperse, and the rain ceases, they are like earthworms and ants.
1 The " Mountain and Sea Classic," the oldest geographical work of the 4th
or the 3rd cent. b.c.
2 The Taoist philosopher Shen T ao of the 5th cent, b.c, of whose works
only fragments are left.
Lun-Heng. 23
854
Han Fei Tse^ teaches that the dragon is a reptile, which obeys
a call, and allowes itself to be patted and mounted. But under
its throat it has a protruding scale over a foot long. If a man knocks
against it, the dragon always kills him.
lu short, tlie dragon is compared with earthworms and ants, and

it is further said to be a reptile, which can be patted and mounted.
It must therefore have something in common with snakes and horses.
It is reported that when Chou ^ used ivory chopsticks,^ Chi Tse^

burst into tears. He wept, commiserating his excesses. There being
ivory cliopsticks, there must have been jade cups also. These jade
cups and ivory chopsticks were certainly used to hold and to seize
dragon liver and unborn leopard.^ Dragon liver was eatable, but
a dragon hard to be found. This being the case, the emperor would
frown upon his subordinates. That would bring tliein into distress,
therefore Chi Tses sympathy.
If tlie dragon were a spirit, its body could not be killed, and
its liver not be eaten. The livers and tlie unborn young of birds
and animals are not the same. Dragon liver and unborn leopard
being specially mentioned, man must have eaten them, and thereby
learned to appreciate their excellent taste.
During tlie epoch of Spring and Autumn,*' a dragon appeared

in the outskirts of Chiang J Viscount Hsien of Wei^ interrogated
T'sai Me ■* saying, "I heard say that of all creatures none is as
intelligent as the dragon, which therefore cannot be caught alive.
Is it true what they say about its cleverness? " The other replied,
" Those that say so, really do not know. As a fact, tlie dragon
is not intelligent. Of old, dragons were domesticated, therefore tlie
empire liad its families of Dragon Keeper [Huan Luny) and its
Master of the Dragons [Yu Lung)''^^
1 Cf. p. 170.
2 Chou I hi", the last emperor of tlie Shaiiy dynasty.
3 Ivory choj)Sticks arc very common in China now, and no luxury.
4 Viscount (Jhi, one of the foremost nobles under (，h"u H'sin, l*2th cent, b.c,
5 Dragon liver and unborn leopard would seem to have been considered great
delicacies.
G The historical period comprised by the ( 7tiin-c/iiu (Spring and Autumn)

between 722 and 481 b.c.
7 A principality in Shami,
8 A feudal lord under Duke (，'K(m of Chin in Sliami, 530 - 524 b.c, whose
successors became marquises, and at last kings of Wei,
！ 1 The grand historiographer.
The family names Jiuan Lang and Y'u Lmiff, 《卸 wliicli
literally mean Dragon Keeper and Master of the Dragons, have probably given rise
to this queer story.
On Dragons.
355
Viscouut Hden observed that of these two he had heard also,

but did not know their origin, and why they were called so. Ts ai
Me said, "In olden time there was Sim Sung ' of Zdao.- One of
his distant descendants, Tung Fu was very fond of dragons. He
could find out tlieir tastes and likings, so as to be able to supply
tliein with food and drink. Many dragons came to liim, and were
thus bred by liim. With them he waited upon Shun, wlio bestowed
upon liim the family name of lung, and the clan-name of Dragon
Keeper [Ilaan Lung), and invested him with Tsung-cli uan. The
Tmng-J family were liis descendants. Thus dragons were reared
at the time of the emperor Shun."
" During tlie Hsia time iCung Chia ^ was obedient to God,
who presented liim with a team of dragons from the Yellow River
and the Han, there being a male and a female from each. K' ung
Chia was at a loss how to feed them, for uo member of the Huan
Lung family was to be found. But among- tlie remains of the Vao
T ang * family, which had perished, was one Liu Lei, who had learned
the art of rearing dragons from the Huan Lung family. With that
he served K' ung Chia, and was able to give food and water to the
dragons. The Hsia ruler was so pleased with him, that lie con-
ferred upou liim the clan-name of Master of the Dragons (Yil Lung).
He took the place of the descendants of Shih Wei."^
" When one female dragon died, lie secretly had it chopped
up, and offered the meat to tlie ruling- emperor of the house of
Hsia, as food. The emperor had it cooked, and asked for more.
Then Liu Lei became frightened, because lie could not procure
it, and emigrated to Lu-hsien.^ The Fan family were liis des-
cendants." ——
Viscount Hsien asked, wliy there were no dragons to-day.

Tsai Me replied, " Such, animals have their officials, who know tlieir
treatment, aud think of them day and night. When tliey suddenly
lose tlieir post, the dragons die. The cashiered functiouaries do
not feed them any more. As long as the competent officials do
their duty, there are always animals coining to them, but, wlien
1 The Liin-Jteng calls the man Shu Sung. In the Tso-chuan his name is
Shu An.
2 A small State.
3 The emperor K'ung Chia 1879-1848 b.c.
4 T'ao T'ang was the princedom of the emperor Yao in Shan si, whose des-
cendants took their clan name therefrom.
A noble who flourished under the Shang dynasty.

(； The modern Lu-iJian-hsim in Ho'mi'i.
23*
356
they are neglected, tliey lie down listless, and their production is
stopped." 1 ―
Thus we may say that dragons can be reared and eaten.

What can be eaten, is certainly not a spirit. When the proper
officials are not at hand, nor men like Tung Fu and Liu Lei, the
dragons abscond, and hide themselves, and appear but rarely. When
tliey once come out, tliey also ride on tlie clouds, a course, mau
can never take, and are then regarded as spirits. As long as there
are the proper officials, or the proper men, the dragon is like an
ox. Why should tliey be spirits ？
Taking into consideration what the Shan-hai-king says, the

evidence of Shen Tse and Han Fei Tse, tlie usual pictorial represent-
ations, the despair of Chi Tse, and the information given by Tsai
Me, we see that tlie dragon canuot be a spirit, nor rise to Heaven,
and it is evident tliat Heaven does not fetch it with tliimder aud
lightning.
The common belief that the dragon is a spirit, and rises to

Heaven, is preposterous. But there is a reason for it. In light
literature we meet with the statement that without a tree one foot
high tlie dragon cannot ascend to Heaven. They speak of ascending
to Heaven, and of a tree one foot high, implying that the dragon
rises to Heaven from within the tree. The authors of this sort of
literature are uncultured people. Tliey have observed tliat at the
same time, when the tliunder rolls and the lightning Hashes up,
the dragon rises, and when thunder and lightning strike a tree,
the dragon happens to be close to the tree, just like tliunder and
lightning. When they are gone, the dragon rises on high likewise.
Therefore they pretend that it ascends to Heaven from within the
tree. As a matter of fact, the tliunder and the dragon are of tlie
same Itind, and mutually attract one another, when set in motion
by the forces of nature.
The Yiking says that the clouds follow the dragon, and the
wind the tiger. It is further stated that, wlien tlie tiger howls,
the wind passes through the valley, and that the variegated clouds
rise, when the dragon gambols.' Tliere is a certain manner of
sympathy between the drag-on and the clouds, and a mutual at-
traction between the tiger and tlie wind. Therefore, wlieu Tung
1 This conversation between Viscount Hsien and T'nai Me on the rearing of

dragons in ancient times is literally culled from the Tso-clutan, Duke CJiao 29th
year.
Cf. Legge, Chun-cNiu Pt. II, p. 731.
2 Yikiny Book I, ChHen liexagram (No. 1). See also p. 279 Note 2.
On Dragons.
357
Chung Shu i offered the rain sacrifice, he put up an earthen dragon

with a view to attract the rain.
When the summer is at its height, the sun reigns supreme,

but the clouds and tlie raiii oppose, it. The sun is fire, clouds and
rain being water. At the collision with water, fire explodes, and
gives a sound, which is the thunder. Upon hearing the sound of
thunder, the dragon rises, wlien it rises, the clouds appear, and
when they are there, the dragon mounts them. The clouds and
the rain are affected by tlie dragon, and the dragon also rides on
the clouds to Heaven. Heaven stretches to the farthest distance,
and the thunder is very high. Upon the clouds dispersing, the
dragon alights again. Men seeing it riding on the clouds, believe
it to ascend to Heaven, and beholding Heaven sending forth thunder
and lightning, tliey imagine that Heaven fetches the dragon.
The scholars of to-day reading the Yiking and tlie historical

records, all know that the dragon belongs to the same class as the
clouds. Tliey adhere to the common gossip without knowing, what
it means. Besides they look upon the light literature as an author-
ity. Thus they say that Heaven fetches the dragon.
Heaven does not do that, nor does tlie dragon rise to Heaven.
When Lu Chin Hsin slew the two serpents, lie dragged them out with
his hands by the tail, but the moment tliey were out of the pool, a thun-
der-bolt fell. Serpents are a species similar to dragons. When serpents
or dragons make their appearance, clouds and rain arrive, upon their
arrival there is thunder and lightning. If Heaven really fetched the dra-
gon for its own use, what benefit would it have from dead serpents?
Fish, though \iving in the water, yet follow the clouds and
the rain Hying, and riding on them ascend to Heaven. Tlie dragon
belongs to the class of fisli, it rides on thunder aucl lightning in
the same way as tlie tisli fly. For following the clouds and the
rain, fish are not considered to be spirits, the dragons alone are
called spirits because of tlieir riding on tliuuder and lightning. This
common belief is contrary to truth.
All the creatures in the world have their peculiar vehicles : 一

The water serpents ride on the fog, the dragons on the clouds,
and birds on the wind. To call the dragon alone a spirit, because
it is seen riding on the clouds. \\'Ould not be in accordance with
its real nature, and would only detract from its skill.
But the reason wliy the dragon is looked upon as a spirit is,
because it can expand and contract its body, and make itself visible
A scholar of the 2nd cent. b.c. See p. 39.
358
or invisible. Yet the expansion and contraction of the body and

its visibility and invisibility do not constitute a spirit.
Yii Jang ^ swallowed charcoal and varnislied his body, so that

he got ulcers, and nobody recognised him. Tse Kung ^ burned off
his beard, and took the semblance of a woman, so tliat nobody-
knew liiin. Wlieu the dragon transforms itself and absconds, men
are also unable to perceive it, such is its skill in metamorphosing
and hiding itself.
Much in the nature of creatures is spontaneous : ― The rhino-
pithecus ^ knows the past,* magpies foresee the future,^ and parrots
can talk. These three peculiarities may be compared to the trans-
formations, wliicli are in tlie nature of dragons. If by astuteness
one could become a spirit, Yil Jang and Tse Kung would be spirits.
Confucius said, " The roving animals can be ensnared, the flying-
birds be sliot with an arrow. As regards the dragon, I do not
know, whether it can ride on the wind and the clouds, and thus
rise on liigli. To-day I saw Lao Tse. Should he perhaps be like
a dragon ？
Provided that the dragon rises, mounted on a cloud, and,

when tlie cloud disperses, comes down again, then the class of
creatures, to wliicli it belongs, might be ascertained, and all about
its celestial and terrestrial state known. Yet they say tliat Confucius
did not know. A sage like Confucius ignored the nature of dragons.
How much less can common people know, whose learning is de-
ficient, wlio are biassed in favour of the marvellous, and whose
minds are unable to decide, what is possible and what not. Tliat
they should call the dragon a spirit, which rises to Heaven cau
therefore be no matter for surprise.
1 A native of the Chin State, 5th and (1th cent. b.c. He twice made an at-
tempt upon the life of Viscount Hsiang of Chao to avenge the death of his master,
the Earl of Chih, whom llsiang had slain. Both attempt's failed. The second time
he disguised himself in the way described here.
2 A disciple of Confucius.
3 A kind of monkey in western China.
4 This probably means that monkeys have an excellent memory.
r' Magpies are believed to know, whether the next year will be very stormy,
for in that case tliey build their nests near the ground. Moreover, they announce
future joy, lieiice their popular name " birds of joy."
r' A quotation from the Biography of Lao Tse in the 8hi-chi chap. G3, p. 2 v.
Arguments on Ominous Creatures.
359
CHAPTER XXX.
Arguments on Ominous Creatures {Chiang-jui).
The scholars in their essays claim for themselves the faculty

of knowing- the phoenix and tlie unicorn, when they see them.
They, of course, rely ou the pictures of tlie phoenix and tlie uui-
coni. Besides tliere is a passage in the Ch un-ck in concerning the
capture" of a unicorn to the effect that it was a sort of a deer with
a horn.i Hence a deer with a horn must be a unicorn. When they
see a bird like a phoenix, they take it for a plicBuix.
Huang Ti, Yao, Shun, and the sovereigns of the Chou dynasty,
when it was flourishing, all caused the phoenix to make its appear-
ance. Under tlie reign of ILiao Hsiiwi TP a phoenix alighted in
the Shang-lin park, and afterwards also on a tree at the east- gate
of the Chang-lo palace. It was five feet liigli, and liacl a beautiful
variegated plumage. The unicorn caught by the people of Chou
resembled a deer, and had a horn ； the unicorn of Wxi Ti was also
like a deer with a liorn. If there be a huge bird with a varie-
gated plumage, or an animal shaped like a deer having one horn
on its bead, it is possible, they fancy, to determine, whether it be
a plioenix or a unicorn, by referring to drawings and pictures, and
to ancient and modern traditions.
Now the phoenix is the holy bird, and the unicorn the holy
animal as the Five Emperors, the Three Rulers, Kao Yao, and Con-
fucius are the holy ones among men. The Twelve Holy Men 3 vary
considerably in their appearance, can we then call a deer with a
horn a unicorn, or a bird resembling a plioenix by this name? Be-
tween the liair and the colour of the holy birds and the holy
animals there is as much difference as between the osseous structure
of the twelve lioly men.
The horn is like the character " wu " worn on the front. Chuan
Hsii had this character on his brow, but Yao and Shun were not
necessarily marked in tlie same wa'y. If the unicorn cauglit in Lu
1 The last paragraph of the (JKun-ch'iu, Duke Ai 14th year, merely mentions
the capture of a lin. That it was a deer with one horn is recorded in the " Family
Sayings " of Confucius. See hegge's traiisl. Vol. II， p. 834, Note.
2 73-48 B.C.
3 Cf. p. 304.
360
had a horn, it does not follow anyhow that the unicorns observed
later on had all a horn. Should we be desirous to learn to know
the unicorn of the present day by using the unicorn caught in Lu
as a prototype, we may be sure to fail in our endeavour. The
fur, the bones, and the horn vary. Notwithstanding their difference,
there may be a certain resemblance, but that does not mean identity.
Shun had double pupils, and Wang Mang also, Duke Wen of
Chin had his ribs all in one piece, aud Chang Yi likewise. If a
resemblance be based on the osseous structure, the hair and the
complexion, tlien Wang Mang ' was a Shun, and Chang Yi^ a Duke
Win of Chi"J
Yu Jo in Lu bore a striking resemblance to Confucius. After
the death of the latter, his disciples all made Yti Jo sit down and
questioned him on some points of the doctrine, but Yu Jo could
not answer. Why? Because there was only a likeness of his ex-
ternal appearance, whereas Lis mind was different. Thus, variega-
ted birds and animals with one horn may sometimes look like a
phoenix or a unicorn, but, as a matter of fact, tliey are not real
ones. Therefore it is a mistake to distinguish a phoenix or a
unicorn by their shape, their hair, or their colour.
In this manner did Yen Yuan * almost equal Confucius, but he

was not like him, whereas Yu Jo, quite an ordinary type of man,
looked like a sage. Consequently a real phoenix or a real unicorn
may perhaps not look like it, in its outward shape and, on the
other hand, quite common birds and animals resemble the real
phoenix and unicorn by their hair and colour. How can tliey be
distinguished ？ The literati who maintain that they are able to
recognise a plicBnix or a unicorn, wlieii tliey see them, must also
say of themselves that tliey know a holy man, when they per-
ceive him.
Kao Yao had a horse mouth, and Confucius' arms were turned
backwards. If, later on, their wisdom far exceeded that of other
people, still tliey could not be called sages on account of tlio horse
mouth or the concave forehead, for as the features of the Twelve
Holy Men tliirered from those of former sages, they cannot be
characteristic either for I'utnre sages. The configuration of the
bones differs, as do their names and their physical frame: and they
1 The usurper.
2 A political adventurer, cf. p. 115.
3 An enlightened sovereign, cf. p. 162.

* Disciple of ( 'onfudus.
6 Cf. p. 304.
361
are born in different places. Therefore, how could a sage be

known, provided that one were born again?
Hiian Chun Shan ' said to Yang Tse Yiln,'^ "If iti future gener-
ations there should be again a man like the sages, people would
be well aware that liis talents surpassed theirs by far, but they
would not be able to know, whether lie really was a holy man
or not." Yang Tse Yiin replied, " So it is, indeed."
It is difficult to know a sage. Even men like H'mn Chiin

Shan and Yang Tse Yiln^ who could judge tlie excellence and the at-
tainments of a sage, felt incompetent. The scholars of the age
represent mediocrity. The knowledge of mediocrity consists in the
combination of ordinary observations, but we can be sure that, on
seeing a sage, they would not be in a position to recognise him
as such. Being- unable to recognise a sage, they could not know
a phoenix or a unicorn either. Why must people at the present day,
who are speaking of the phoeuix and the unicorn, pretend that
they have such a knowledge?
In former generations people used the words phoenix and uni-

corn merely upon hearing of the queerness of a bird or an animal.
If those had a peculiar plumage or horn, and if they did not fly
at random, or wildly roam about, struggling {"or their food with
other birds or animals, tliey were called plioenix or unicorn. The
knowledge which the men of to-day have of the sages is of very
much the same kind. They have been told that sages are wonder-
ful men. Therefore, when a man's body slicnvs some peculiarity
of tlie bones, and his wisdom is profound and extensive, they call
him a sage. Those avIio really know what a sage means, do not
give that name at first sight, and when they have heard a man
for the first time. They first bow to liim, hear his lectures, and
receive his instruction, and afterwards learn to know him. This
will become more clear from tlie following facts.
When Tse Kung had served Confucius one year, lie thought
himself to be superior to Confucius, after two years lie thought
himself to be his equal, but after three years he had learned that
he could never come up to him. During the space of one and
two years, lie did not yet know that Confucius was a sage, and it
was not until three years had elapsed, that he became aware of
it. If Tse Kung required three years to find this out, our scholars
1 Huan Tan = Hi(a" Chun Shan lived in the 1st cent. b.c. and a.d. He
was a man of wide learning. Of his works the " Esin-lun " " New Reflections "
have been preserved.
2 The Confucian philosopher, cf. p. 391.
362
must be in error, when they imagine they know a sage, for they are
less gifted than Tse Kung, they see a sage, but do not study under
him, nor have tliey three years intercourse with him, a sudden
glance is all tliey rely upon.
In Lu, Sliao Cheng Mao i was placed on a level with Confucius.

The school of Confucius was three times full, and three times empty.
Only Yen Yuan did not leave 】iim. Yen Yuan alone knew that Con-
fucius was a sage. The other pupils abandoned Confucius^ and re-
turned to Shew Cheng Mao. Not only did they not understand the
sagehood of Confucius, but they did not even know Shao Cheng Mao.
The disciples were all imposed upon, so that Tse Kung asked Con-
fucius saging, '.' Shao Cheng Mao is a famous man in /''/， how can
you know more about government than he? " Confucius replied,
" Tse Kung ！ You had better leave this, for you are not up to it."
Only the intelligent can distinguisli the artificial. Since a man

like Tse Kung was unable to know a sage, it is nonsense, if our
scholars claim to know a sage upon seeing him. From their in-
ability to know a sage we may infer that they do not know a
phoenix or a unicorn either.
Let us suppose that a phoenix has long and broad feathers,

and that tlie body of a unicorn is liigli and big. Then the be-
holder would regard them as a big bird or a huge animal, but by
what should he distinguish them? If their big size were to be
taken as a criterion, then one ought to know a sage by his size
also. During the " Spring and Autumn " Period there arrived a bird
and remained, but it could not be considered a phciMiix, and, when
the tall TP made their appearance, they could not be taken for
sages either. The phoenix and tlie unicorn being like other birds
or animals, what can people do to know tliem?
Should these creatures not live in China and come across the
desert, tlicy would be like tlie " inainah,"^ wliicli is not a Chinese
bird; nor would the phoenix and the uiiicoru be Chinese ani-
mals til en. Wliy then do the Literati dvcvy the " iiiainali," and
applaud the plioniix and the unicorn, if none of them is of Chi-
nese origin?
1 Shao Cheng Mao, a high officer of Lu, was later on executed by Confucius
for high treason, when Cotifncin/f was assistant-niinister {Shi-chi cliap. 47， p.
v.).
Some say that Sliao-cht'iuf is the official title and Mao the cogiiomcii. Shao-
chcnj/
might mean a subdirector. or an assistant-judge. (Cf. llnai Nan Tse XIII, 22 comm.)
See also Chavanncs、 Mrm. Hist. Vol. V, p. 326, Note 7.
2 Cf. Chap. XXXIX.
3 Acridotheres cristatellus.
363
Some one may say that, when at the time of Hsiao Hsiinn Ti
a pliccnix alighted in the Shang-lbi park, ' flocks of birds crowded
around it on the trees, thousands and ten thousands. They rever-
ently followed the [)li(cnix, because it surpassed all the other l)irds
by its size as well as by the holiness of its spirit. Provided that
a large bird arouud which, wlien it alights, all the multitudes of
birds gather, is a phoenix, then we would know what a phoenix
really is. Now tlie phoenix lias the same character as the unicorn.
If, when a phoenix appears, all the birds follow it, then all the
animals ought to accompany the unicorn, wlieu it shows itself,
likewise. But iu rogard to the unicorn of the "Spring and Autumn "
no mention is made of all the animals following it. Hsilan Ti and
Wu Ti both got a unicorn, but nothing is said about animals ac-
companying it.
Should anybody be of opinion that the train of the unicorn

disperses, when it is caught by man, whereas the plioenix is never
caught, and that the birds following it become visible, when it is
flying about, I refer to the Slnikwg. There 、ve read that, when
the nine parts of the imperial music were performed, the male and
female phoenix came gambolling.^ The Ta-clman ^ speaks of a phoenix
ou the trees, but does not mention that flocks of birds were following
it. Was the phoenix attracted by Hsilan Ti of another kind perhaps?
One might suggest that this is an omission ou the part of

the chronicler, that under Yiis reign the plioenix was really ac-
companied by other birds, tliat the time of remote antiquity is so
far away, that the chroniclers might well have omitted to mention
it, and that tlie text of the Classics cannot be a proof. Of course,
it may happen that something has really taken place, wliicli the
historians have dropped, but, in tlie same way, it can be the case
til at something really never happened, and was invented by the
historians. Therefore it is difficult to find out the truth from the
text of the works of the Literati, and our attempts to know a
plioenix from its following are in vain.
Moreover, there are cunning fellows among men, who succeed

in winning followers, as there are wily birds, which assemble others
around themselves. Was tlie plioenix of the time of Yii honest
then, and that of Hsilan Ti's time a trickster? How is it possible
that they were both endowed witli the virtue of holy men, and
that still their actions should be so dissimilar?
1 Yid. p. 359.
2 Shaking, Yi-cM Pt. H, Bk. IV, 9 {Legcje Vol. HI, Pt. I， p. 88).
3 ~hc \M- • This must be the name of an ancient work.
364
Lun-Hpiig: C. Physical.
A bird may perhaps be a phoenix, although there are no

birds following it, or it may not be a plioenix, notwithstanding the
great number of birds Hocking around it. The superior man leads
a pure life. He preserves liis integrity, and does not care to have
many adherents. In liis doings and dealings 】ie lias not many
followers. A cunning intriguer, on the other hand, uses all liis energy,
and bustles about so much, that tlie scholars gather around him
like clouds. The phoenix is like the superior man. If the number
of followers were to decide, whether a bird is a phoenix or not,
then a cunning impostor ought to be considered a superior man.
The more refined a song is, the fewer are the persons who
can sing to the tune, and the more disinterested one's actions are,
the fewer are one's sympathisers. The same holds good for birds and
animals. To find out a phoenix by the number of its followers would
be like calling a song a good one, because it can be sung by many.
The dragon belongs to a similar class of animals as the

phoenix. Under the reign of llsilan TP a yellow dragon came out
at Hsin-feng,^ but the snakes did not accompany it. The " spirit
bird" and the "luau" take a prominent place among the common
birds. Although their goodness and their holiness be not as devel-
oped as that of the phoenix, still they ought to have a suite of
at least some ten birds.
Hsin Ling and Meng CK ang^ entertained three thousand guests,

and were called wise and superior men. The Han general Wei
C/i mg^ and the general Ho C/t u Ping ^ had not a single guest in
their houses, famous generals though they were. The Grand An-
nalist notes that robber Che, in spite of all his misdeeds, had several
thousand partisans, whereas Po Yi aud Shu CJii^ lived in conceal-
ment on Mount Shao-yang.
The actions of birds and animals are like those of man. A

man may win tlie crowd, but that is not sufficieiit to characterize
him as a wise man. Thus the fact that other birds follow it, is
not a sufficient testimony for a phoenix either.
Some say that the phoenix and tlic unicorn are omens of uni-
versal peace, and that at a time of universal peace one sees tlicm
1 73-48 B.C.
2 A locality in ISlienM province.
3 The princes of Hmi lAng and of Mmg (Jh'any, cf. chap. XL.
* Vid. p. 308.
5 A celebrated commander, who gained many brilliant victories over the

Hftiung-nu. Died 117 b.c.
Cf. p. 168.
365
arrive. However, they also appear, when there is not universal
peace. By their quaint plumage and extraordinary bones they
distinguish themselves from the ordinary birds and animals, and
can be known. Provided tliat the plioenix and the unicorn usually
arrive at a time of general peace, then the unicorn of the Spring
and Autumn period must have disliked to appear during the reign
of Confucius. When the Emperor Kuang Wu 7V' was born in the
Chi-yattg palace, a plioenix came down. Kuang Wu Ti!s birth fell in
the time of Cheng TP and Ai by no means a time of universal
peace, nevertheless the phoenix made its appearance. If it did so,
because it knew Kuang Wu Ti's wisdom and virtue, then it was an
omen of the birth of a holy emperor, but not a sign of universal
peace. Lucky omens may correspond to universal peace or happen
to mark a special birth. It is difficult to find out the real cause.
Therefore it would not be proper to think of a period of universal
peace only.
Some say tliat the phoenix and the unicorn are bom as
members of a certain species of animals, just as the tortoise and
the dragon belong to a certain species. For this reason a tortoise
will always beget a tortoise, and a dragon will always beget a
dragon. In shape, colour, and size the offspring does not differ
mucli from tlie progenitors. Why should it not be possible for
us to know these animals, seeing the father and beholding the sou
and the grand-son ？
For the following reason. Common creatures have their species,

but ominous creatures have not ; they are born by accident. There-
fore tliey say tliat the tortoise and the dragon are endowed with
virtue. How can people distinguish a spiritual tortoise or a divine
dragon, when tliey perceive them?
At the time of King Yuan of Sung * fishermen caught a spiritual

tortoise in their nets, but they did not know that it was a spirit.
The scholars of our days are like those fishermen. Since the
fishermen did not know a spiritual tortoise, we may be sure that
the people of to-day do not know a divine dragon either.
Sometimes a dragon is like a snake, and sometimes a snake

resembles a dragon. Han Fei Tse remarks that a horse resembling
a stag is worth one thousand chin . An excellent horse resembles
a stag, and a spiritual dragon sometimes looks like a snake. It"
1 25-58 A.D.
2 32-6 B.C.
3 6 B.C.-l A.D.
4 530-515 B.C.
366

those creatures really belonged to a certain species, there would
be no discrepancy iu shape or colour.
During the time of Wan(^ Many ' there was an enormous bird,
as big as a horse, with variegated plumage adorned with dragon
like ornaments, which, together with several ten other birds, alighted
in CKi-hsien in the State of P' ei} The plioeuix, which during- the
time of Hsilan Li sat down on the ground, was 5 feet high, which
would correspond to the size of a horse afore-mentioned. Its
plumage was multicoloured, which would be like the variegated
colour with dragon ornaments, and the several tens of birds would
be like the flocks of birds all alighting at the same time. If at
Hsiian Tis time it was a phoenix in shape and colour, accompanied
by all the other birds, liow do we know that it was one? Pro-
vided it was, then the bird attracted by Wang Many was a phoenix
likewise. Tliat being the case, it cannot have been an omen, since
Wang Mang caused its ap])earance, and if it was not a phoenix,
how is it that in shape and colour and, as regards the following-,
it was exactly like it?
All ominous things originate from a propitious fluid. Born

in an ordinary species, they have their peculiar character, and
therefore become omens. Thus the arrival of a phoenix is
like the appearance of the " red crow." ^ If the plioenix is said
to belong' to a species, is there a distinct species of " red crows "
also?
As regards tlie auspicious grain, the wine springs, and the

sweet dew, the auspicious grain grows amidst other grain, but it
lias its peculiar spikelets, wherefore it is called auspicious grain.
The wine springs and the sweet dew flow fortli sweet and nice.
They come from sources and dew, but there is not a special kind
oi' sweet dew in lieaven, or a certain class of wine springs on
earth. During the just reign of a wise ruler the sweet dew falls
clown, and the wine comes up.
The " felicitous plant and the " vermilion grass " also grow
ou earth along with other plants, but tliey do not always sprout
from the same root. They come forth for a certain time, and after
ten days or a jnontli tliey wither and (a 1 1 oil". Hence tliey are
1 9 B.C.- 23 A.D.
2 In modern Anhui.
:( A propitious bird whi (； li appeared to Wu Wang, cf. p. 130.
4 The felicitous plant, " minrj chia " , was found in the court-yard ol"
tlie emperor Yau. With the waxing moon it grew oik; new leaf every day, with
the wailing inuon one Icuf dropped every clay.
Arguments oti Ominous Creatures.

367
considered as omens. The phoenix and the unicorn are omens as

well. Why should they form a distinct species ？
When there was perfect peace under tlie Chou dynasty, the
people of Yueh-cli ang ' brought white pheasants as a present. These
white pheasants were short-lived and of white colour, but there
was uot a special class of white pheasants. When the people of
Lu caught a deer witli one horn, and called it a unicorn, it des-
cended perhaps from a deer, and there was no species of unicorns.
Accordingly the phoenix is perhaps also born from a snow-

goose or a magpie, but differing so mucli from the majority of
birds by its quaint plumage and peculiar feathers, it is given the
name phoenix. Wlierefore must it belong to quite another class
tlian the other birds?
Yu Jo - said, "The position the unicorn takes among quadrupeds,

the phoenix takes among flying birds, Mount T\d among hills, and
tlie Yellow River and the Ocean among water-courses." Consequently
the phoenix and the unicorn are to be classed together with bi'rds
and animals, only their shape and colour is exceptional. They
cannot constitute a separate class. Belonging to the same category,
tliey have their anomalies, by these anomalies tliey fall out of the
common run, and owing to this irregularity the distinction becomes
difficult.
Yao begot Tan Chu, and Shun, Shang Ckiln. Sit ang Chi'm and
Tan Chu belonged to the same species as Yao and Shun, but in body
and mind they were abnormal. Kirn begot Yil, and Ku Sou, Shun.
Shun and Yii were of the same class as Kun and Kit Sou, but dif-
fered from tliem in wisdom autl virtue. If w e try to sow the seed
of auspicious grain, we cannot reap auspicious grain thereby, but
we may frequently find millet with abnormal stalks or ears. People
beholding Shu Liang Ho could not know that lie was tlie father of
Confucius, nor could they see in Po Yii the sou of Confucius. The
father of Chang T ang^ was 5 feet high, Chang T ang himself 8, and
his grand-son 6. The phoenix of Hsiao Hsiian Ti measured 5 feet.
The bird from which it was born perhaps measured but 2 feet,
aud the own offspring of tlie phoenix only 1 foot, for why should
a species be quite stereotype? Since classes aud species are not
stereotype, Tseng Hsi had a son, Tseng Shen,^ wliose character was
1 *^ ■ lu chap. XL we read Yiieh-shang ， which were a people

near the Auuainese frontier.
2 See above p. 360.
3 Chang T'ang lived at the beginning of the 1st cent. a.d. Vid. chap. XXXV 111.
* Tseriij Txr, the well known disciple of ('onj'uciiis, cl". p. 104.
368
unique, and Yen Lu was father to Yen Hui, who outshone every
one in ancient and modern times. A thousand Li horse must not
be tlie colt of a unicorn, and a bird may be benevolent and wise
without being the fledgeling of a phoenix.
The brooks on the mountain tops are not conuected with

rivers and lakes, still they are full of fisli. The generative power
of the water has produced them independently. On the terraces
of ruined palaces and crumbling halls grows grass, sent forth by
the force of the soil of itself. The fish in the brooks and the
grass on the terraces of tlie halls have no progenitors of their own
species. In the same manner an omen corresponding to something
happens spontaneously, there is not a special class for it in the
world.
An omen corresponds in the same way, as a calamitous event

supervenes. The omen corresponds to something good, a calamity
to something bad. Good and bad are opposites, it is true, but
the corresponding is the same. As a calamitous revolution does
not belong to a class, an omen corresponding to something has
no species. The fluids of the Yin and the Yang are the fluids of
Heaven and Earth. Falling in with something good, tliey harmonize
with it, and meeting something bad, they suddenly turn. Do Heaven
and Earth in addition to tlie government which they exercise over
good and evil still produce a harmonious and a suddenly cliangiug
fluid ？ By no means : ― wlien an omen corresponds to something,
it is not of a certain class or category, but it comes forth along
with something good, and grows from the liarmony of the fluids.
Sometimes during a peaceful administration and, while tlie

fluids arc in liarmony, various creatures undergo a metamorphosis.
In spring e. g. the eagle changes into a pigeon, and in autumn tlie
pigeon becomes an eagle. Snakes, mice, and tlie like are trans-
lormed into fish and turtles, frogs into quails, sparrows into clams. '
These creatures change in accordance with their fluids. Their
existence cannot be denied. Huang S/iih - became an old man, pre-
sented Chang Liang with a book, and then became a stone again.
The Literati know this. Perhaps at the time of universal peace,
when all the fluids are in liarmony, a deer might be transmuted
into a unicorn, and a snow-goose into a plicrnix. In this Avay the
nature of animals would be cliaiiged at times, but there would not
be a stereotype species.
1 Cf. p. 336 Note 2.
2 I. e. " Yellow Stone/

369
Poo Ssgi was the daughter of a black lizard , and born from
the saliva of two snakes.- Two ministers of Chin were the progeny
of a brown and a spotted bear. The stories about the eating
of the swallow's egg/ and the pearl-barley, and the walking upon
ail enormous foot-print^ are likewise accepted by the people of
to-day, wliy then shall the omens belong to a stereotype species?
If ^ve consider tlie question from the point of view that creatures
have not a well-defined species, nor men a separate class, and that
a body can be metamorpliosized, then the phoenix and tlie unicorn
arc not born from an unchangeable species. But wherefore must
they be alike tlien in shape and colour?
We read in the chapter on omens in the LikP that the male

phoenix is called " Feng " and tlie female "Huang," and that the
male siugs " cM, chi," and the female " tsu, tsu." s In the Shi-
kiiKj we find the following verses : ― "The oil tree is growing on
yondor liigli hill, «.nd the male and female plicenix is singing there
ill tlie iiioruiug suu-sliine. Luxuriant and flourishing is tlie tree,
yang. yimg, chieh, chieh" sing the phoenixes." ― The chapter on omeus
as well as the Shiking describe the singing of the phoenix, the
one as " chi chi, tsu tsu," the other as " yung^ yung , chiek, chieh."
These sounds differ. Provided that they are really like this, then
the shape of the birds camiot be the same, and if it is, then there
is a discrepancy between the Shiking and the Liki. Consequently
the common traditions about the singing of the plioenix are
suspicious.
Of the unicorn caught in Lu it is said that it was a deer

with a liorn, that means that its colour was like that of a deer.
The colour of a deer is invariable, as the colour of birds is. At
the time of Wu Wang a stream of light appeared in tlie form of
a crow. Its colour is said to have been red. Red not being the
colour of crows, it is expressly stated that tlie colour was red.
1 The favourite consort of the Emperor Yii Wang, 781-771 b.c.
2 On this legend, see p. 321.
3 Fan Wen Tse and CNung Hang Chao Tse, cf. p. 225.
4 The mother of Hsieh, the ancestor of the Yin dynasty swallowed an egg
dropped by ； i swallow, and thereupon conceived. Cf. p. 318.
5 The mother of Great Yd is said to have conceived after having eaten

pearl-barley. See p. 318.
c VicL p. 318.
7 There is no chapter on omens, " Jid-iidng," in the Liki now.
8 A similar passage occurs in the Han-shih-wai-chuan ( T 'ai-p'in g-yu- Ian) 2nd

cent. B.C.
9 Shikiriff Pt. in, Bk. U， Ode VIU {Legge Vol. IV， Pt. II, p. 494).
Liin - Heng. 24
870
Luu-Heng: C. Physical.
If the unicorn resembled a deer, but had a diflferent colour, it would

certainly have been added that its colour 、vas white or black. Now
the colour was the usual one, therefore tliey merely say that it
was a deer. A deer is liornless.^ Since tlie deer in question was
diflerent from tlie ordinary ones in this respect, it is said that it
had a lioru. lu this maimer the unicorn caught in Lu was shaped
like a deer.
During the time of Wu Ti a liunting party in the west caught

a white unicorn with one lioru and five feet. The liorn was then
as in other cases, but the reference to the five feet shows that it
had not the same number of legs. The uuicoru found in Lu is
described as a deer. The colour not being mentioned, it must
have been a deer of no unusual colour. Wu Ti is reported to have
got a white unicorn. White colour does not agree with a unicorn.
The statement tliat a unicorn is a deer, means therefore tliat it is
an ordinary one, whereas the allegation that it is a white unicorn,
shows that its colour is unusual.
Under the reign of Hsiao Hsilan Ti the Chiu-chen ^ sent as a

tribute a unicorn shaped like a deer, but with two liorns. It thus
differed from the unicorn of Hsiao Wu Ti, to which one liorn is
ascribed. During the Spring and Autumn Period the unicorn was
like a deer, tliat of the emperor Hsilan Ti is described as resembling
a stag. A stag is double tlie size of a deer, and differently shaped.
The unicorns wliicli appeared under the reigns of those three
emperors vary very much, as regards the colour of their hair, the
horn, tlie feet, and the size of the body. If we infer the future
from these instances, it is quite evident that the unicorns eventually
appearing at the present time will not be like those of former
generations. lu tliis respect the unicorn is like tlie phcenix. The
unicorus varied at din'crent periods in shape ami colour. If we
were to start from the plioeuix seen at the time of Hsilan J'i, measur-
ing five feet and being multicoloured, and to foretell the future from
the past, it would be a mistake to niaiiltain tliat a phoenix
appearing later oii must be like that one. There can be no doubt
that phoenixes and unicouis, which will appear later on, will not
resemble those observed formerly. How can the scholars assert
that on seeing tliein tliey would know tliein?
W lie 11 the people ol" Lu caught the unicorn, they dared not
straightway call it a unicorn, but said that it was a horned deer.
China possesses several varieties of hornless deer.
A tribe in Annum.
371
At that time in fact they did not know it, Wu Ti called upon the
censor Chung Chi'm to give his opinion .about the unicorn. Clmng
C/tiin replied tliat it was a wild animal with joined horns, showing
that, the whole empire had grown from the some root. He did
not at once style it a unicorn, but declared it to be a wild animal.
Chung Chun had liis doubts as well, and did not know it. The
knowledge of the scholars of our age does not exceed that of the
[)Cople of Lu or of Chung CI din. Should they see a plioenix or a
unicorn, they would certainly have the same doubts as the latter.
How is it possible to find out a phoenix and a unicorn among

uncommon birds and animals? If shape and colour be taken as a
criterion, they are not always alike. If there be a big train of
birds and animals following them, this is not always a proof of
tlieir excellence. If their rarity be regarded as a characteristic,
there is the " iiiaiuah ，， also, and if importance be attached to
peculiarities, then sages as well as wise men have strange physical
features. Both sages aud wise men are abnormal, and there is no
means to distinguish between them.
Taking wisdom and sageness as a starting point, we find that

sage birds and sage animals do not possess more peculiarities than
ordinary birds or common animals. The wisdom of sage or 、vise
men may be quite extraordinary, whereas their bones show uo
anomaly. Thus sage and wise birds and animals can be endowed
with benevolence, honesty, unselfishness, and purity, though there
be nothing remarkable in their physical constitution. Sometimes
there are rich and noble persons who have not tlie body of a sage,
and the osseous structure of many points to wealth and honour,
who do not prove to be sage or wise. Accordingly some birds
are multicolour, aud some animals have a liorn, but are devoid of
benevolence or sageness. How do we know tliea but that the
phoenixes and unicorns, seen in olden days, were common birds or
animals, aud the magpies and deer seen at present are phoenixes
and unicorns? The present holy age is the result of the reforms
emanating from Yao and Shun, why should no benevolent or wise
creatures be born?
It may happen that plioenixes and unicorns are mixed with

snow-geese, magpies, deer or stags, so that our people cannot
distinguish them. When precious jade was hidden in a stone, the
governor of the king of Cli u did not know it, which distressed
the owner so much, that lie wept tears of blood. 丄 Perhaps now-
1 Cf. p. 113.
* 24*
372
a-days the phoenixes and unicorns also hide tlieir benevolent and
wise heart under a common plumage and ordinary fur, and have
neither a single horu nor five colours as a distinctive mark, so that
our people know them no more, than the jade in the stone was
known. How can we prove that ？ By a reference to the plants,
which at tlie commencement of the Yung-p ing period^ were always
presenting omens. When the emperor Hsiao Ming Ti was mani-
festing his kindness, all sorts of omens happened at the same time.
At the Yaan-lio and Chang-lio epochs,- wlieu Hsiao Chang TVs virtue
was shining, perfect harmony pervaded the world, and auspicious
omens and strange things corresponded. Phoenixes and unicorns
came forth one after the other, and were observed on many
occasions, much more than at the time of the Five Emperors. This
chapter was already completed, therefore I could not mention
it tlien.3
It might be objected that arguing on omens, I have declared

til at the phoenix and tlie unicoru are liarcl to know, and that the
omens of our age cannot be distinguished, whether, therefore, the
phoenixes and the unicorns attracted now by Hsiao Chang Ti could
not be known? ― I say that according to the "Records on the Five
Birds "4 there are big birds in tlie four regions and the centre
whicli, when tliey roam about, are accompanied by all the other
birds. In size, and the colour of the plumage they resemble a
phoenix, but are difficult to know indeed.
Since the omens of our age do not allow of distinction, how

can we find them out? By the government of the empire. Unless
the virtue of the reigning emperor equalled that of Yi" we would
not perceive phoenixes and unicorns with our own eyes. The
omens of Yii were undoubtedly genuine, and Yao's excellence is
evident. Under lidao Hsiian Ti the world enjoyed a still more
universal peace than at the time of Yao and Slmn, as far as ten
1 Style of the reign of the Emperor Ming Ti, 58-76 a,d.
2 Styles of the Emperor Chmg 27， 84-87 and 87-89.
3 This chapter must have been written prior to 84 a.d., so that the auspicious
reign of the Emperor Chang Ti could not yet be referred to. The author made
this addition later i, e. ai'ter 89, for it was not before this year that the
emperor
received his posthumous title Hsiao (J ha)"; Ti.
4 By the Five Birds perhaps the Five Phd'iiixes " Wu F<h，ff," five diircrent
kinds of plui'iiixes, which differ by their colours, are iiicaiit. The " Feng " is
red,
the " Yuan clui *' yellow, the " Luan" blue, the " Yii tm" purple, and the " Ku
white. Whereas " Fauj " and " Lua" " are still used as names for the phoenix,
one under.stands by " J W;? chti " a kind of peacock or pheasant, by " Yu-tsu " a
kind of duck, and by " Ku " the snow-goose or swan.
B73
thousand Li, people were anxious for reforms and progress, and
the moral laws found an echo everywhere. Affected by this state
of things, the benevolent birds and animals made their appearence,
only the size, tlie colour of the hair, the feet and tlie wings of
those auspicious creatures were not always the same. Taking the
mode of government and the intelligence of the rulers as a criterion
for tlie various omens, we find them all to be genuine. That
means that they are hard to know, but easy to understand.
The sweet dew may also serve us as a key. The sweet dew
is produced by the harmonious fluid, it lias no cause in itself
wliicli could make it sweet ； this can only be done by the inter-
vention of the harmonious fluid. When the harmonious fluid
appears, the sweet dew pours down, virtue permeates everything,
and the various omens come forth together. From the Yung-p ing
down to the Chang-ho period tlie sweet dew has continually been
falling. Hence we know that the omens are all true, and tliat
plioeuixes and unicorns are likewise all genuine.
374
Lun-Heng: D. Ethical.
CHAPTER XXXI.
The Forming of Characters (Shuai-hsing).
Speaking of human nature one must distinguish good and bad

characters. The good ones are so of themselves, the wicked can
be instructed and urged on to do good. A sovereign or a father
seeing that his subjects or sons have good characters, provides lor
them, exhorts them, and keeps them out of tlie reach of evil. If
the latter come into contact with it, they assist and shield tbein,
and try to win tliem back to the cause of virtue. It is by the
transition of virtue into wickedness and of Vvickedness into virtue
that the characters are formed.
The duke of Shao admonished Kiug Cheng saying : ― " Now you
for the first time carry out Heaven's decree. Oli ！ you are like a
youth with whom all depends on his first years of life." i
By youtli is meant the age up to fifteen. If a youth's thoughts

are directed towards virtue, he will be virtuous to the last, but if
his propensities tend to badness, he will end badly.
The Sinking says " What can that admirable man be compared
to? "2 The Tso-chuan answers, "He is like boiled silk; dyed with
indigo, it becomes blue; coloured with vermilion, it turns crimson."
A youtli of fifteen is like silk, his gradual changes into good or
bad resembling the dyiug of boiled silk with indigo and vermilion,
which gives it a blue or a red colour. When these colours have
once set, they cannot be altered again. It is for this reason
that Yang Tse^ wept over tlie by-roads and Me T.^-e * over boiled
1 Shuking, The Announcement of Shao V, Bk. XII, 18-19. Wavg CKunt) reads
於戲 "alas!'" instead of 鳴呼. > ' ^ .
2 Shiking I, Bk. IV, Ode IX, 2 where we read now -joj* " what
can he give?" instead of îl " what can lie he compared to?"
3 Ya"ff f〕hu, the philosopher of egoism. Tlie story referred to here is told
in Ldeh Tse VIII, 10 v. A sheep had been lost on by-roads. When Yang Chu Iieard
of it, he became thoughtful and changed countenance. No mention is made of his
having wept. Wang ( Itumj seems to have quoted fro 川 Iluai Nan Tso XVII, 25 v,
who expressly mentions Ya"ff Tses weeping.
4 Mc Ti、 the philosopher of altruism. We read in his works:— A/'/ Tse

chap. 3， p. 4 (What colours) and In the Lu-shih-cliun-iliiu chap. 2， No. 4， p. 8
(Colour-
ing) that Me Tse witnessing the dying of silk said, heavmg a slyh, " Dyed blue, it
turns blue, and dyed yellow, it turns yellow •， and then he goes on to explain,
how
The Forming of Characters.
375
silk. They were sorrowful, because men having gone astray from
the right path cannot be transformed any more. Human nature
turns from good into bad, and from bad into good only in tin's
manner. Creepers growing amidst hemp, stand upright without
support by themselves. White silk yarn placed amongst dark,
becomes black without boiling. Creepers are not straight by na-
ture, nor is the black colour an attribute of silk yarn. The hemp
affording support, and the dark silk lending the colour, creepers
and wliite silk become straight and black. Human nature bears a
resemblance to creepers and silk yarn. In a milieu favourable to
transformation or colouring, it turns good or bad.
Wang Liang and Tsao Fu were famous as charioteers: ― out of
unruly and vicious animals they made good ones. Had they only-
been able to drive good horses, but incapable of breaking bad ones,
tliey would have been nothing more than jockeys and ordinary
equerries. Tlieir horsemanship would not have been remarkable
nor deserving of world-wide fame. Of Wang Liang the saying goes
that, A\ hen lie stepped into a chariot, the steeds kne"- no exhaustion.
Under the rule of Yao and Shun people were neither seditious
nor iguoraut. Tradition says that the people of Yao and Slum
might have beeu invested with fiefs house by house, i whereas those
of Chieh Kue;; were worthy of death door by door. The people
followed the way prescribed by the three dynasties. That the
people of the holy emperors were like this, those of the wicked
emperors otherwise, was merely tlie result of the influence of their
rulers, not of tlie people's original nature.
The covetous hearing of Po YVs^ fame became disinterested,

aud tlie weak resolute. The news of Liu Hda Hui，s'、 reputation
made the niggardly generous and tlie mean liberal. If the spread
of fame alone could bring about such changes, what then must be
the effect of personal intercourse and tuition ？
The seventy disciples of the school of Confucius were each of

them able to creditably fill the post of a minister of state. Con-
man also takes the colour of his environments, especially of those with whom he has
intercourse, wherefore " colouring •• is a very serious affair. Nothing is said
about
his having shed tears.
1 So excellent were they all.
2 The last emperor of the Hsia dynasty, the type of a tyrant.
3 Fo 】—2' and Shu C'h'i, two brothers famous for their disinterestedness in re-
fusing to ascend the throne of their father, lest the other should be deprived of
it.
Mayers No. 543.
4 All official of the State of Lu famous for honesty and upright character,
often ineiitioned by Confucius .
376
Lun-Heng: D. Ethical.
forming to the holy doctrines, they became accomplished scholars,

and their knowledge and skill grew tenfold. This was the result
of teaching ； thus latent faculties were gradually developed. Before
they joined Confucius' school, they sauntered about in the streets as
quite ordinary and in no wise exceptional people. The most un-
governable of all was Tse Lu, who is generally reported to have
been a common and unsteady individual. Before lie became Confuc'ms
pupil, he wore a feather hat and a pig skin belt. He was brutal
and unmannerly. Whenever he heard some reading, he tossed up
liis feather hat, pulled liis belt, and uttered sucli a yell, that lie
deafened the ears of the worthies and sages. Such was his wicked-
ness. Confucius took him under his guidance. By degrees he pol-
ished and instructed him. The more he advanced in knowledge,
the more lie lost liis fierceness, and his arrogance was broken. At
last he was able to govern a state, and ranked in the four classes, i
This is a shining example of how a man's character was changed
from bad into good.
Fertility and sterility are the original nature of the soil. If

it be rich and moist, the nature is good, and the crops will be
exuberant, whereas, if it be barren and stony, the nature is bad.
However, human efforts: ― deep ploughing, thorough tilling, and a
copious use of manure may help the land, so that the harvest will
become like that of the rich and well watered fields. Such is the
case with the elevation of the land also. Fill up the low ground
with earth, dug out by means of hoes and spades, and the lo、v
】and will be on a level with the high one. If these works are still
continued, not only will the low land be on a 】evel， but even higher
than the high land. The high ground will then become the low
one. Let us suppose that the human natures are partly good,
partly bad; as the land may be either liigli or low. By making
use of the good e fleets of education goodness can be spread and
generalized. Reformation being pushed on and instruction perse-
vered in, people will change and become still better. Goodness will
increase and reach a still higher standard than it had before, just
as low ground, filled up with hoes and spades, rises higher than
the originally elevated ground.
T se"^ though not predestinated thereto, made a fortune. His

capital increased without a decree from Heaven which would have
1 The four classes, into which the ten principal followers of Confucius were
divided. Cf. Analects XI, 2.
2 A disciple of ('onfudax, whose full name was T "an Mu T'se alias Y'.sy Kitng,
possessed of great abilities. He became a liigh official.
The Forming of Characters. 377
him rich. The accumulation of wealth is due to the cleverness of

the rich men of the time in making a fortune. Through this ability
of theirs they are themselves the authors of their growing wealth
without a special decree from Heaven. Similarly, he who lias a
wicked nature changes liis will and his doings, if lie happens to
be taught by a Sage, although lie was not endowed witli a good
character by Heaven.
One speaks of good swords for which a thousand chin ^ are

paid, such as the Yil-cli ang'^ sword of T'aiig-clii^ and the T ai-a
sword 4 of Lung-cli iian.^ Their blade is originally nothing more than
a common piece of iron from a mountain. By the forger's smelting
and hammering they become sliarp-edgecl. But notwithstanding this
smelting .and hammering tlie material of good swords is not different
from others. All depends on excellent workmanship and on the
blade-smith's ability in working the iron. Take a sword worth
only one chin from Tung-hsia, heat it again, and forge it, giving it
sufficient fire, and smoothing and sharpening its edge, and it will
be like a sword of a thousand chin. Iron and stones are made by
Heaven, still being worked, they undergo a modification of their
substance. Wliy then should man, whose nature is imbued with
the five virtues, despair of the badness of his character, before he
has been thoroughly worked upon by Worthies and Sages?
The skillful physicians that in olden days were held in high

esteem, kuew the sources where virulent diseases sprang from, and
treated and cured tliem with acupuncture and medicines. Had they
merely known the names of the complaints, but done nothing be-
sides, looking quietly on, would there have beeu anything wonder-
ful in them? Men who are not good have a disease of their nature.
To expect them to change without proper treatment and instruction
would be hopeless indeed.
The laws of Heaven can be applied in a right and in a wrong

way. The right way is in harmony with Heaven, the wrong one
owes its results to human astuteness, but cannot in its effects be
1 The name of the ancient copper coins, which first were called > " metal,"
not " gold," as may be seen from the works on coinage.
2 This sword is said to have been fabricated by the famous blade-smith Ou

Yeh in the kingdom of Tiieh.
3 A place in Honan.
4 This sword is the work of Ou Yeh of Yiieh and Kan Chiang of Wu, both
celebrated sword-cutlers, who wrought it for the King of CKu.
5 A place most likely in Chekiang, called ^|J 川 " Sword river " under the
Sung dynasty. Play/air, Cities No. 4650.
378
Lun-Hcng: D. Ethioal.
distinguished from the ,riglit one. This will be shown by the

following. Among the " Tribute of Yfi" 】 are mentioned jade and
white corals. 2 These were the produce of earth and genuine precious
stones and pearls. But tlie Taoists melt five kinds of stones, and
make five-coloured gems out of them. Their lustre, if compared with
real gems, does not differ. Pearls in fishes and shells are as genuine
as the jade-stones in the Tribute of Yu. Yet the Marquis of Sui^
made pearls from chemicals, which were as brilliant as genuine ones.^
This is the climax of Taoist learning and a triumph of their skill.
By means of a burning-glass one catches fire from heaven.
Of five stones liquefied on the Ping'Wu ^ day of the 5tli moon an
instrument is cast, whicli, when polished bright, lield up against
the sun, brings clown fire too, in precisely the same manner as,
when fire is caught in the proper way. Now, one goes even so
far as to furbish the crooked blades of swords, till tliey shine,
when, held up against the sun, they attract fire also. Crooked
blades are not burning-glasses; that they can catch fire is the effect
of rubbing. Now, provided the bad-natured men are of the same
kind as good-naturecl ones, then tliey can be influenced, and induced
to do good. Should they be of a different kind, tliey can also be
coerced in the same manner as tlie Taoists cast gems, Sui Hon made
pearls, and people furbish the crooked blades of swords. En-
lightened with learning and familiarized with virtue, they too begin
by and by to practise benevolence and equity.
When Huang Ti fought with Yen Ti& for the empire, he taught
bears, leopards, and tigers to combat for liim in the wilds of Fan-
cliuan. After three battles he gained Lis end, and Yen Ti was routed.
Yao yielded the empire to S/iun. Kun、i one of his vassals,

desired to become one of the tliree chief ministers, but Yao did
1 The Tribute of ) w, 】 VWm?'y, is also the name of a book of the Shuking,
2 Cf. Shuking Pt. Ill, Book I {Legge, Classics Vol. IE, Pt. I, p. 127). '
3 A principality in Hupeu
4 The time of this Marquis of Sui is unknown. His pearls are very famous
in Chinese literature. Accordinfi; to one tradition the Marquis found a wounded
snake,
and cured it. Out of gratitude the snake presented hint with a precious pearl,
which
shone at night. Wwg ( liwng makes the Manjuis produce artificial peai'ls himself.
5 A nnin])cr of the sexagenary cyde used for the designation of years, months,
and days.
I'm Ti is n.sujilly identified with Shrn JSnng and said to have been his
predecessor, but we do not learn that be fought with Huang 7V lor the empire.
7 According to luing ///， Kun = g 玄 would be the same as 寧系 Kmi, Yao's

Minister of Works, who in vain endeavoured to drain the waters of the great flood.
His son ] Vi, who suhseciuciitly beoanie emperor, succeeded at last in regulating
the
water courses. Here vvc seem to have u different tradition.
879
not listen to this request. Thereupon Km became more infuriated

than even ferocious animals are, ami wished to rebel. Tlie horns
of animals, all in a line, served him as a rampart, and their lifted
tails were his banners. Tliey opposed and tackled their foe with
the utmost determination and energy. ― If birds and beasts, wliich
are shaped otherwise than man, can nevertheless be caused to fight,
how much more so man's own kindred? Proceeding on this line
of argument we liave no reason to doubt that (by music) the multi-
tudinous animals were made to dance, the fisli in the ponds to
come out and listen, and the six kinds of horses i to look up from
their fodder.-
The equalization of what varies in different categories as well

as the cliirerentiatiou of what is the same in similar classes, does
not depend on the thing itself, but is man's doing.
It is by instruction that living beings are transformed. Among

tlie Three Miao tribes^ some were honest, some disreputable. Yao
and Shun made tliem all alike by conferring the boon of instruction
upon them.
Suppose the men of Ch u and Yileh ^ to settle down in CJmang

or YiL ^ Having passed there iiiontlis and years, they would become
pliant and yielding, and their customs changed. They say tliat the
people of Cli i are soft and supple, those of CKin unsteady and
versatile, of Cliu lively and passionate, of Yen^ dull and simple.
Now let us suppose that people of the four States alternately went
to live in C/iuang and Yii for a certain time, the prolonged stay in
a place remote from their countiy would undubitably bring about
a change of their character.
A bad naturecl man's heart is like wood or stone, but even

wood and stone can be used by men, why not what really is
neither wood nor stone? We may liope that it will still be able
1 Six kinds of horses were distinguished in the studs of the Chou emperors,
according to their height. Tcheou Li [Chou Li), trad, par Biot, Vol. II, p. 262.
2 There are many myths illustrative of the power of music. Hu l)a, 夸瓜 ,

played the guitar, so that the fish came out to listen, and Po J—^r, { 白;^ ^，
played
the lute in such an admirable way, that the horses forgot their fodder, and looked
up to
harken. Han-shih-wni ch 、瞧, quoted by the Pêi-ivai-yiln fu chap. 96 under 《,卩
5(^.
3 The aborigines of China,
4 They were settled in modern Ilukuang and Chek'iang.
5 An allusion to JMenclus Bk. Ill, Pt. 11, chap. 6， where the difference of the
dialects of Clii and CJin is pointed out, Chuang and Yu were two quarters in the
capital of CKi.
f' The CKi State was in northern Shantung^ CKin in Shensi, and Ten in Chili.
The characteristic of the inhabitants of these provinces is partly still true to-
day.
380
Lun - Heng ： D. Ethical.
to* understand the precepts of superior men. Only in the case of

insanity, when a person sings and weeps in the streets, knowing
neither east nor west, taking no heed of scorching heat or humidity,
unaware of his own madness and unconscious of hunger and satiety,
nature is deranged and upset, and there is no help. As such a man
sees nothing before him, lie is afraid, of nothing.
Therefore the government does not abolish the officers of

public instruction or dispense with criminal judges, wishing thereby
to inculcate the observance of the moral laws. The schools guide
people at first, the laws control and restrain them later on.
Even the will of a Tan Chu might be curbed ； the proof is

that the soldiers of a big army are kept in order by reproofs.
Men and officers are held in check to sucli au extent, that they
look at death as a return.
Ho Lu^ put his soldiers to the test by the " Five Lakes." ^
They all cut their arms with swords, that the blood trickled down
to tlie ground. Kou Chien^ also gave his men a trial in the hall
of Lis inner palace. Those who jumped into the fire and perished,
were innumerable. Human nature is not particularly fond of swords
and fire, but the two rulers had such a power over their men,
that they did not care for their lives. It is the effect of military
discipline to make light of cuts and blood.
Meng Pen* was bold, but on hearing the order for the army
he became afraid. In the same way the officers wlio were wont
to draw their swords to fight out, whose merits were first, went
through all the ceremonial, and prostrated themselves (before the
emperor), when Shu Sun T\mg^ had fixed the rites. Imperious and
overbearing first, they became obedient and submissive. The power
of instruction and the influence of virtue transform the character.
One need not sorrow that a character is bad, but it is to be
regretted, if it does not submit to the teachings of the sages. Such
an individual owes his misfortune to himself.
Beans and wheat are different from rice and millet, yet their
consumption satisfies the appetite. Are the natures of low and
1 King of the Wu State, 514-496 b.c.
2 Another name of the T'ui-hu lake in Kianpsit, which consisted of five

lakes, or five connected sheets of water.
:' The ruler of tlie Yi'ieh State, 4% b.c, who overthrew the kingdom of Wu.
4 A hero of cnoriiious strength in the Chou epoch.
-' An official of great power under Han Kao Tm, who subdued the arrogance
and supeiciliousness of the princes and nobles by the ceremonial they were made
to undergo at an audience before the new einperur. Shi-c/ii chap. 99, p. 7v,
The Forming of Characters. 381
superior men then of a different kind? They resemble the Five

Grains, 1 all have their use. There is no fundamental difference
between them, only their manifestations are unlike. The fluid men
are endowed with, is either copious or deficient, and their character
correspondingly good or bad. The wicked have received but a
small dose of kindness, the irascible, pleuty of temper. If" kindness
be unsufficient, people do wrong, and there is not much hope for
an improvement. With plenty of temper, people become violent,
and have no sense of justice. Moreover, their feeling of sympathy
is defective, joy and auger do not happen at the proper time, and
they have baseless and irreasonable fears. Reckless men like that
commit outrages, therefore tliey are considered bad.
Man has in his body the Five Qualities and the Five Organs.^
If he got too little of them, or if they are too small, his actions
do not attain to goodness.* Man himself is either accomplished
or deficient, but accomplishment and deficiency do not mean a dif-
ference of organisation. Use leaven in big, or in small quantities,
and tlie result will be similar. In rich as well as in poor wiue
there is the same leaven. Good men as well as bad ones are
permeated by tlie same original fluid. According to its greater or
smaller volumen tlie mind of tlie individual is bright or dull.
Hsi Men Pao would tighten his leathern belt, whenever lie
wanted to relax himself. Tung An Yii loosened his girdle strings,
wlieu he was going to rouse liimself.^ Yet neither passion nor
indolence is the right medium. However, lie who wears a belt or
a girdle on liis body is properly dressed. Wlien the question
arises, how deficiencies can be made good by means of belts and
strings, the names of Hsi Men Pao and lung An Yii must be mentioned
together. 6
1 Hemp, millet, rice, wheat, and beans.
2 The Five Cardinal Virtues : — benevolence, justice, propriety, knowledge,

and truth.
3 The heart, the liver, the stomach, the lungs, and the kidneys.
4 Human character, to wit the Five Qualities, depends on the volumen of the
original fluid, the vital force, which shapes the Five Organs. According as they
are bigger or smaller, the nature of the individual is different. This idea finds
ex-
pression ill the Chinese language. A man with a big heart, , is generous
and liberal, with a small heart, 《、^|^, mean. Tlie fluid of the stomach,
is equivalent to anger.
5 Cf. p. 122.
6 In both cases the belt or girdle is the same indispensible part of a gentle-
man's toilet, but the use made of it, and the results achieved, are quite
different.
The same may be said of Iminaii nature.
882
Houses of poor, wretched people are not in a proper state.

They have holes in tlie walls under the roof, to wliicli others take,
objection. When rich and well-to-do people build houses, they
have the walls made in a way, that tliey find there real shelter.
The whole house is in good repair, and nobody could say anything
against it.
In WeP the land was divided in lots of a hundred mow, in

Ye/i3 alone tlie lots measured two liundred 'mow. Hsi Men Pao ir-
rigated his land with water from the Chang ^ and made it so fertile,
that it yielded one bushel^ per mow. Man's natural parts are like
tlie fields of Yeh, tuition and education, like the water from the
Chang. One must be sorry for him that cannot be transformed ,
but not for a man whose character it is difficult to govern.
In the streets of the city of Loyang^ there was no water. It

was therefore pulled up from the Lo by watermen. ' If it was
streaming quickly day and night, it was their doing. From this
point of view kindness and justice must increase manifold in him
wlio comes into close contact with an excellent man.s Mencius
mother changed her domicile, for she had ascertained this truth.''
Water amongst men is dirty and muddy, in the open country

it is clear and limpid. It is all the same water, and it flows from
the confines of lieaven; its dirtiness and limpidity are tlie effects
of its environments.
Chao T' 0, king of the southern YUeh, was originally an honour-

able man of the Han State, 】。 but lie took to the habits of the
southern barbarians, disregarded the imperial commands, dressed
his hair in a tuft, and used to squat down. He was so fond of
1 Human nature is like those houses. They are all houses, and serve the
same purpose, but some are in good repair, others in a wretched state.
2 All ancient State in North Honaii and South Chili.
3 The modern Chang-tc-fa.
4 A large tributary of the river Wei in Ilonan, near Chaiiff-te-fti.
" A Chung, an ancient measure equal to 4 pecks = 1 bushel, as some say.

According to others it would be as much as 34 pecks.
6 The capital of the Chou dynasty in Honan, the modern Honanfu.
7 Probably with pump-works.
8 The excellent man is like the river Lo. Streams of kindness and justice
part from him.
9 She changed her domicile for the purpose of saving her son from the bad
influences of the neighbourhood.
Chao T'v went to Yi'ieh, modern Kuang-tung, as general of ('Kin Shih

Huaruj Ti, and subsequently became king of the southern barbarians, whose customs
he adopted. Lu (Jhia was sent to him by the first emperor ol" the Han dynasty to
receive hi.s declaratiuii of" allegiance.
：化 3
this, as if it had been his nature. Lu Chid spoke to liim of the

virtues of the Ilan, and impressed him with their lioly power, so
that lie suddenly rose up, and lelt remorse. lie received the com-
mands of his sovereign, and coinuiunicated tliem to tlic savages.
Against "his liair-dress and to his squatting' he felt something like
a natural repugnancy. First he acted in the aforesaid manner,
afterwards thus. It shows wliat force instruction also has, and
that nature is not the only factor.
384
CHAPTER XXXII.
On Original Nature {Pen-hsing).
Natural feelings and natural disposition are the basis of human

activity", and the source from which morals and music spring. Mor-
als impede, and music checks the excesses of original nature. The
natural disposition may be humble, modest, and yielding. The
moral laws are enforced with a view to generalizing such praise-
worthy qualities. The natural feelings may be good or bad, cheerful
or angry, mournful or merry. Music is made in order to make
every one behave respectfully. What morals and music aim at are
the natural feelings and natural disposition.
The ancient literati and scholars who have written essays

have all touched upon this question, but could not give a satisfactory
answer. The philosopher Shih Tse ^ of the Chou time held that
human nature is partly good and partly bad, that, if the good
nature in man be cultivated and regulated, his goodness increases,
and if his bad nature be, his badness develops. Thus in the human
heart there would be two conflicting principles, and good and evil
depend on cultivation. Accordingly, Shih Tse composed a chapter
on cultivation.
Fu Tse Chim, Cfii Tiao IC ai, and Kung Sun Ni Tse ^ also dis-
cuss this subject in very much the same way as Shih Tse, all de-
claring that nature is partly good, partly bad.
Mencius wrote a chapter on the goodness of nature,^ contending

that all men are originally good, and that the bad ones are cor-
rupted by the world. Men, he says, are created by heaven and
earth ； tliey are all provided with a good nature, but when they
grow up and come into contact witli the world, they run wild,
1 His full name is Shih Sht-. He was one of the seventy disciples of Con-
fucius and a writer. The Catalogue of the Han-shu chap. 30 mentions twenty-one
chapters of liis pen. Faber in his Doctrines of Confucius p. 29 states that the
title
of the lost work of Shih S/i>' was " yang-shu " ^^^^， and that he is said to have
been a disciple of Clii Tiao K'ai, whom vide.
2 All disciples of Confucius, whose writings were still extant during the H(m
dynasty, but iire now lost. According to Liu HMn'n Catalogue Fu Tse Chien alias
Fu Pu Chi wrote 16 chapters, ( '/n Tiao K'ai 12, and Kung Sun Ki Tse 28.
3 Mendus Bk. VI, Pt. I.
On Original Nature.
385
and are perverted, and their wickedness increases daily. According

to Mencius opinion, maiij when young, would be invariably good.
Wd Tse 1 said, " I have formerly remarked, that as a child

the prince [Chou) did not show off."
When Chou was a child, Wei Tse observed that he liad no

good character. Inclined to evil, he did not eclipse the common
people, and when he had grown up, lie caused endless revolutions.
Therefore Wei Tse 's remark.
When Yang- She S/ii/i- Wo - was born and Lady S/ni saw him,
and upon entering the hall lieard him cry, she went back and said,
" His voice is that of a wolf. He lias a reckless character, desti-
tute of all affection. But for liim the Yang Site family would not
perish." Afterwards she cleeHiied to see him. When lie liad grown
up, Clii Sheng made a rebellion* in which Shih-Wo took part.
The people killed him, and the Yang She family was extinguished
thereby. 3
Chou 's wickedness dated from his cliildliood, and Shi- Wo' s-
rebellion could be foretold from tlie uew-born's whine. As a new-
born child lias not yet had any intercourse with the Avorld, who
could have brought about his perversion?
Tan Chu was born in Yao's palace, and Shang C/iiln in Shuns
hall. Under the reign of these two- sovereigns, the people house
by house were worthy of being entrusted with a fief. Those with
whom the two might have mixed, were most excellent, and the
persons forming the suit of the two emperors, were all most vir-
tuous. Nevertheless, Tan Chu was lianghty, and Shang Chiln brutal.
Both lacked imperial decorum to such a degree, that they were
set up as a warning to coming generations.
Mencius judges men by the pupils of their eyes. If the heart

be bright, says he, the pupils are clear, if it be dark, the pupils
are dim.^ However, tlie clearness and dimness of the eyes reaches
back to as far as man's birth. These differences are due to the
different fluids received from heaven. The eyes are not clear during
childhood, or dimmed, when man grows, and associates with other
people. Nature at first is spontaneous, goodness and badness are
1 The Viscount of Wei, a kinsman of prince ( 'hou i. e. Chou Hsin, the last
emperor of the Shang dynasty, who lost the throne through liis wickedness and
tyrany (1154-1122 b.c.).
2 The Yang She family was very powerful in the Chin State. Lady Shu had
married one Yang She and was thus related to Yang-Sh<: Shih-Wo.
3 This took place in the Chin State in 513 b.c.
4 Mencius Bk. IV, Pt. I, chap. XV.
Lun-Heng. 25
386
the outcome of different dispositions. What Mencms says about

original nature is not true.
Yet something may have contributed to the idea of the good-

ness of nature. A man may be benevolent or just, it is the wonder-
ful proficiency of liis nature, as in his locomotion and movements
lie shows liis extraordinary natural ability. But his colour, whether
white or black, and his stature, whether long or short, remain un-
changed until old age and final death. Siicli is liis heavenly nature. '
Everybody knows that water, earth, and other substances
differ in tlieir natures, but people are not aware that good and
evil are due to different natural dispositions. A one year old baby
is not inclined to violent robbery. After it has grown up, its
greed may gradually develop, and lead to ferocity and aggressiveness.
Kao Tse、 a contemporary of Mencms denies the difference of

goodness and badness in nature, comparing it to flowing water
which led to the east, runs eastward, and to the west, westward.
As water cannot be divided according to its eastern or western
direction, a division of men into good and bad ones is untenable.^
Therefore Kao Tse asserts that human nature is similar to the
nature of water. Such being the case, water may well be used as
an illustration.
Nature is as metal is metal, and wood, wood. A good man

has a natural bent towards goodness, and a wicked man to wicked-
ness. Man is endowed by heaven with a spontaneous mind, and
has received a uniform disposition.'' Therefore portents appear at
the time of birth, from whicli man's goodness and badness can be
discovered.
People with whom no difference of good and bad exists, and

who may be pushed one or the other way, are called average
people. Being neither good nor bad, tliey require instruction in
order to assume a certain type. Therefore Confucius says that with
people above the average one can discourse on higher subjects, but
that with those under the average one cannot do so.* Kao Tse's
comparison with channelled water applies only to average people,
but does not concern extremely good or extremely bad persons.
1 The spiritual nature may be transfoniied, but not the physical one. Human
nature is so wonderful, that even originally bad people may by much training be-
come beiievclcnt and just. JUmcius seeing these wonderful results was misled into
tlie belief tliat liumaii nature was originally good.
2 Mencius Bl" VI, Pt. I, chap. II.
3 Either good or had, not partly good nnd partly had.

* Analecti II, 19.
On Original Nature.
B87
According to Confucius people are nearly related to one au other by

character, but become very different by liabit.i The cliaracter of
average people is tlie work of habit. Made familiar with good,
they turn out good, a customed to evil, they become wicked. Only
witli extremely good, or extremely bad characters lia])it is of no
avail. Therefore Confucius holds tliat only highly cultured and
grossly ignorant people cannot be changed.'- Their natures being
either good or otherwise, the influence of sages, and tlie teaching
of wise men is impotent to work a change. Since Confucius, the
Nestor in wisdom and virtue, and the most eminent of all pliilo-
sopliers, asserts tlie uncliangeability of liiglily cultured and grossly
ignorant people, we may conclude that Kao Tse 's sayings are not
correct.
However, there is some foundation for Kao Tse 's view. The
ShikingS says: ― " What can that admirable man be compared to? "
The Tso-cJman answers : ― "He is like boiled silk; dyed with indigo
it becomes blue, coloured with vermilion it turns crimson." Leading
water eastward or westward is like dyeing silk blue or red, 、 Tan
Chu and Shaiig Chun were also imbued with Yao and Shuns doc-
trines, but Tan Chu remained hauglity, and Shang Cltiln cruel. Tlie
extremely bad stuff they were made of did not take tlie blue or
the red colour.
In opposition to Mencius, Sun CIdng * wrote a chapter on the

wickedness of nature, supposing human nature to be wicked, and
its goodness to be ficticious. Wickedness of nature means to say
that men, when they are born, have all a bad nature, and ficti-
ciousness tliat, after tliey have grown up, tliey are forcibly induced
to do good. According to this view of Sun Ching, among men, even
as children, there are no good ones.
Chi as a boy amused himself with planting trees. When Con-

fucius could walk, lie played with sacrificial vessels. When a stone
is produced, it is hard, when a fragrant flower comes forth, it
smells. All things imbued with a good fluid develop accordingly
witli their growth. He who amused himself witli tree planting,
1 Analects XVH, 2.
2 Analects XVH, 3.
3 Shiking I, Bk. IV, Ode IX, 2. Vid. above p. 374.
* One of the Ten Philosophers, whose work has come down to us. He
lived in the 3rd cent. b.c. His original surname Hsiin ― hence Hsiin Tse ―
was changed into Sun under the reign of the Emperor Hman Ti of the Han
dynasty, 73-48 b.c, whose personal name was Hsiin. Cf. Edkim, " Siun King the
Philosopher " in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Shanghai Vol. XXXIII, p. 46.
25*
388
became the minister of Tâng^^ and the boy who played with
sacrificial vessels, tlie sage of CIiou. Things with a fragrant or
stony nature sliow their hardness and fragrance. Sun C/wig's
opinion is, therefore, incompatible with truth, yet his belief in tlie
wickedness of nature is not quite without foundation:
A one year old baby lias no yielding disposition. Seeing

sometliing to eat, it cries, and wants to eat it, and beholding a
nice thing, it weeps, and wants to play with it. After it has
grown up, its propensities are checked, and its wishes cut dowu,
and it is compelled to do good.
Liu Tse Cheng^ objects that in this case heaven would have
no fluid. Where would tlie first good deed come from, if the Yang
and the Yin principles and good and evil were not counterbalancing
each other?
Lu Chia ^ says that, when heaven and earth create men, they
predispose tliem in favour of propriety and justice, that man can
see what for he lias received life ami act accordingly, wliicli ac-
cordance is ('ailed virtue. Lu Chia thinks that the human mind
is turned towards propriety and justice, and that man also can dis-
cover what for he has come into life. However, the riglit-minded
do good of their own accord witliout waiting for tliis discovery,
and the evil-minded disregard propriety and defy justice, although
they see quite clearly in tlie matter. It is impossible tliat justice
should win them to the good cause. Thus the covetous can speak
very well on disinterestedness, and the rebels on good government,
robber CM^ conclems theft and Chiiang Cldao ^ stigmatises lawless-
ness. They have a clear conception of themselves, and know how-
to talk on virtue, but owing to their vicious character they do not
practise Avhat they say, and the good cause derives no benefit from
it. Therefore Lu Chias opinion cannot be considered tlie right one.
Tung Chung Shu^ having read Mencius and Sun Ching， s writings,
composed himself an essay on natural feelings and natural dis-
1 Viz. of Yao who reigned at T、mg、 in (，！ lili,
2 A famous author, more generally known by the naiiie Liu Hsiang^ 80-9 B.C.,
whose works we still possess.
3 A politician and scholar of tlic 3rd and 2nd cent, b.c, author of the " New
Words" ^jff , the same as mentioned above p. 383 as envoy to the king of the
southern Yiieh,
4 Cf. p. 139.
& Another outlaw.
f' An autlior of the 2nd cent. n.c. wlio wrote the " Dew of the Spring and
Autumn " 春' 秋繁處 which is still extant.
On Original Nature,
389
position, in which he says: ― Heaven's great principles are on one
side tlie Yin, on tlie otlier the Yang. The great principles in man
are on one side the natural feelings, on tlie otlier natural disposition.
The disposition comes out of tlie Yang, tlie feelings out of the Yin.
The Yin fluid is base, the Yang fluid humane. Wlio believes in the
goodness of nature sees the Yang, who speaks of its wickedness
the Yin. That is, Tung Chung Shu means to say that Mencius saw
only the Yang, and Sun Ching the Yin.
The opinions of the two philosophers may well thus be

distinguished, but as regards liuman nature, such a distinction does
not liold good. Goodness and badness are not divided in this way.
Natural feelings and natural disposition are simultaneously produced
by the Yin and tlie Yang combined, either more or less copiously.
Precious stones growing in rocks are partly of a single colour,
partly multicoloured, liow can natural feelings or natural disposition
growing iu tlie Yin and Yang be either exclusively good? What
Tung Chung Shu says is not correct.
Liu Tse Cheng teaches that the natural disposition is formed

at birth, that it is inherent to the body and does not come out,
that on the other hand natural feelings arise from tlie contact with
the world, and manifest themselves outwardly. That which mani-
fests itself outwardly, he calls Yang, that which does not appear,
he calls Yin Thus Liu Tse Cheng submits tliat the natural dis-
position is inherent to the body, but does not come out, whereas
tlie natural feelings unite with external things, and appear out-
wardly. Therefore lie designates them as Yang. The natural dis-
position lie designates as Yin, because it does not appear, and has
no communication witli the outer world. Liu Tse Cheng's identifica-
tion of natural feelings witli Ycmg and disposition with Yin leaves
tlie origin of these qualities quite out of the question, insomuch
as the Yin and the Yang are determined in an oft-hand way by-
outward manifestation and non-appearance. If the Yang really
depends on outward manifestation, then it may be said that na-
tural disposition also .comes into contact with external things. " In
moments of haste, lie cleaves to it, and in seasons of danger lie
cleaves to it." 】 The comjiassionate caunot endure the sight of
suffering. This non-endurance is au effluence of benevolence. Hu-
mility and modesty are manifestations of natural disposition. These
qualities have all their external objects. As compassion aud mod-
1 A quotation from AnalecU IV, 5, where we read that the superior man al-
ways cleaves to benevolence.
390

esty manifest themselves outwardly, I am afraid that tlie assertion
that natural disposition is sometliing inside without any connection
witli external tilings, cannot be right. By taking into consideration
merely outwardness and inwardness, Yin and Yang , without refer-
ence to the goodness and badness of nature, tlie truth cannot be
known. As Liu Tse Cheng lias it, natural disposition would be Yin,
and natural feelings Ymg, but have men not good as well as bad
passions?
From Mencius down to Liu Tse Cheng the profoundest scholars

and greatest thinkers have propounded a great many different views
without, however, solving the problem of original nature in a satis-
factory way. The arguments of the philosophers Shih Tse, Kung
Sun Ni Tse, and others of the same class 】 alone contain mucli truth.
We may say that it is easy to understand the subject, but the
difficulty is to explain the principle. Style and diction may be
ever so brilliant and flowery,- and the conceptions and arguments
as sweet as lioney, all that is no proof of their truth.
As a matter of fact, human natural disposition is sometimes

good, and sometimes bad, just as human faculties can be of a
high or of a low order. High ones cannot be low, nor low ones
high. To say that human nature is neither good nor bad would
be the same as to maintain that human faculties are neither liigli
nor low. The original disposition wliicli Heaven gives to men, and
the destiny which it sends down, are essentially alike. By destiny
men are honoured or despised, by nature good or bad. If one.
disputes the existence of goodness and badness in liiiinan nature,
he might as well call in question that destiny makes men great
or miserable.
The nature of the soil of the Nine Provinces ^ is different in

regard to goodness and badness. It is yellow, red, or black, of
superior, average, or inferior quality. The water courses are not
all alike. They are limpid or muddy, and run east, west, north
or southward. Man is endowed witli the nature of Heaven and
Earth, and imbued with the spirit of the Five Qualities.* He may
1 Who maintain that, human nature is partly good and partly bad.
2 The text has ，| 《文茂言已 which looks like a name : ― the Record of
Fmff Wf'n Mao, The fact, however, that a philosopher of the name of Feng Wm
Mao is unknown, and the symmetry of the context leads me to the conclusion that
instead of 靜|^ we should read and translate, as I have done.
3 In prehistoric times China was divided into nine provinces, hence the term
the Nine Provinces has heconie a synonym of China.
4 Cf. p. 381 Note 2.
On Original Nature.
be benevolent or just, it is the wonderful proficiency of his nature.

Ill his locomotion and movements lie may be majestic or agile, it
is his extraordinary natural ability. But his colour, whether white
or black and his stature, whether long or short, remain unclianêd
until old age and Hnal death. Such is heavenly nature. 】
I am decidedly of opinion that wliat Mencius says on the

goodness of human nature, refers to people above the average,
that what S'.u Clang says on its badness, refers to people under
the average, and that, if Yang llskmg teaches that in human nature
goodness and badness are mixed together, he means average people.
Bringing people back to the unclianging standard and leading them
iuto the riglit way, one may teach them. But this teaching alone
does not exhaust liuman nature.
1 The last sentences are repeated from p. 386.
392
Lun-Heng: E. Criticûe.
CHAPTER XXXIIL
Criticisms on Confucius (Wen K'ung).
The students of Confucianism of tlie present day like to swear

in verba magistri, and to believe in antiquity. The words of the
Worthies and Sages are to them infallible, and they do their best
to explain and practise them, but tliey are unable to criticize tliem.
When the Worthies and Sages take tlie pencil, and commit their
thoughts to writing, though they meditate, and thoroughly discuss
their subject, one cannot say that they always hit the truth, and
much less can their occasional utterances all be true. But although
tliey cannot be all true, tlie scholars of to-day do not know, how
to impugn tliem, and, in case they are true, but so abstruse that
they are difficult to understand, those people do not know liow to
interpret their meaning. The words of the Sages on various oc-
casions are often contradictory, and their writings at dillerent times
very often mutually clash. That however is, what the scholars of
our time do not understand.
One always hears the remark that the talents of the Seventy
Disciples of tlie school of Confuchis surpassed those of the savants
of our (lays. This statement is erroneous. Tliey imagine that I ,on-
fitcms acting as teacher, a Sage propounding tlie doctrine, must
have imparted it to exceptionally gifted men, whence the idea that
they were quite unique. Tlie talents of the ancients are the talents
of the moderns. Wliat we call men of superior genius now-a-days,
were regarded by tlic ancients as Sages and supernatural beings,
hence the belief that the Seventy Sages could not appear in other
generations.
Tf at present there could be ； > teaclier like Coiifuc'ms, the

s Ijolars of" this ngc would all he like Ym and and without
Criticisms on Confucius.
393
Confucius, the Seventy Disciples would be only like the Literati of

the present day. For tliougli learning from Confucius^ they could
not thoroughly inquire. The words of tlie Sage they did not
completely understand, his doctrines and principles they were
unable to explain. Therefore they ought to have aslêd to get
a clearer conception, and not understanding thoroughly, they
ought to have raised objections in order to come to a complete
understanding.
The sentiments which Kao Yao^ uttered before the Emperor

Shun were shallow and superficial, and not to the point. Yii asked
him to explain himself, wlien the shallow words became deeper,
and the superficial hints more explicit,^ for criticisms animate the
discussion, and bring out the meaning, and opposition leads to
greater clearness.
Confucius ridiculed the guitar-playing and singing of Tse Yn,^

who, however, retorted by quoting what Co)ifucius had said on a
previous occasion. If we now take up the text of the Analects,
we shall see that in the sayings of Confucius there is much like
the strictures on the singing of Tse Yu. But there were few dis-
ciples able to raise a question like Tse Yu. In consequence the
words of Confucius became stereotyped and inexplicable, because
the Seventy could not make any objection, and the scholars of
the present time are not in a position to judge of the truth of
the doctrine.
Their scientific methods do not arise from a lack of ability,

but the difficulty consists in opposing' the teacher, scrutinizing liis
doctrine, investigating its meaning, and bringing- evidence to ascer-
tain right and wrong. Criticism is not solely permitted vis-a-vis to
sages, as long as they are alive. The commentators of the present
day do not require the instruction of a sage, before they dare to
speak.
If questions be asked on tilings which seem inexplicable, and

Confucius be pressed hard, liow can this be deemed a violation of
the moral laws, and if those who really are able to hand cknvii
the holy teachings, impugn the words of Confucius, why must their
undertaking be considered unreasonable? I trust that, as regards
1 J'e/i Hui and Min Tse Ch'ien, two prominent disciples of Confucius.
2 The minister of Shun.
3 The discussions of the two wise men before Shun are to be found in the
Shaking, Kao Yao nw.
4 Cf. Analeds XVII, 4.
394 Lun-Heiig: E. Ci-itiqiie.
those inquiries into the words of Confticms and those remarks on

his unintelligible passages, men of" genius of all ages, possessing
the natural gift of answering questions and solving difficulties,
will certainly appreciate the criticisms and investigations made in
our time.
" Mmg I Tse ' asked, what filial piety was. The Master said,
' To show no disregard.' Soon after, as Fan Chih ^ was driving
him, the Master told him saying, " Meng Sun ^ asked me, what filial
piety was, and I answered him, ' To show no disregard.' "
Fan Chih said, ' What does that mean? ' The Master re-
plied, ' That parents, while alive, should be served according to
propriety; that, when dead, tliey should be buried according to
propriety; and that they should be sacrificed to according to pro-
priety.' ，，4
Now I ask, Confucius said that no disregard is to be shown

viz. no disregard to propriety. But a good son also must anticipate
his parents' thoughts, conform to their will, and never disregard their
wishes. Confucius said " to show no disregard," but did not speak
of disregard for propriety. Could Meng I Tse, hearing the words
of Confucius, not imagine tliat lie meant to say, " no disregard for
(the parents) wishes? " When Fan Chih came, lie asked, what it
meant. Then Confucius said, " That parents while alive should be
served according to propriety ； that, when dead, tliey should be
buried according to propriety; and that tliey should be sacrificed
to according to propriety." Had Fan Chih not inquired, what the
words " no disregard " meant, lie would not have understood them.
Meng I Tse 's talents did not surpass those of Fan Chih, there-
fore there is no record of his sayings or doings in the chapters
of the Analects. Since Fan Chih could not catch the meaning, would
Meng I Tse have done so?
Meng Wu Po asked what filial piety was. The Master replied

" If the only sorrow parents have, is that which they feel, wlieu
their children are sick." &
1 Mmg I Tse was the cliief of one of three powerful families in Lu.
2 A disciple of Confucius,
3 /. e. Meng I Tse.
* Analects U, 5. 一 The citations from the Analects are quoted from hegge's
translation, but liore and tliere modified so as to suit the text, for Wang (Jh'ung
often understands a passage quite differently from Legge and his authorities.
Analects II， G.
？ 9 5
Men (J Wn Po used to cause liis pamits imicli sorrow, therefore

( 'onfucius spoke the afore-mentioned words. M'hiy Po was a
cause of sorrow to his parents, whereas Meug I T. 化 disregarded
propriety. 11" in reproving this fault Confucius replied to Meng Wit
" If the only sorrow parents have is that wliicli they feel, wiien
their children are sick," lie ought to have told Meng 『 Tse that
only in case of tire or inundation might propriety be neglected.
CI I oil Kuitg says that small talents require thorough instruc-

tious, \\'liereas for great ones a hint is sufficient. Tse Yu possessed
great talents, yet with liim Confucms "went into details. The talents
of Meng I Tse were comparatively small, but Confucms gave him a
mere hint. Thus lie did not fall in with Chou Kung 's views. Re-
proving the shortcomings of Meng I Tse, he lost the right principle.
How was it that none of his disciples took exception?
11" he did not dare to speak too openly owing to the high
position held by Meng I Tse, he likewise ought to have said to
Ming Wu Po nothing more than ' not to cause sorrow (is filial piety),'
for both were scions of tlie Meng family, and of equal dignity.
There is no apparent reason, why he should have spoken to Meng
Wu Po in clear terms and to Meng I Tse thus vaguely. Had Ccm-
fucius freely told Meng I Tse not to disregard propriety, what liai'm
would there have been?
No other family was more powerful in La than the Chi

family, yet Confucms blamed them for having eight rows of panto-
mimes in their court, ' and objected to their performing a sacrifice
on Mount T air He was not afraid of the evil consequences, which
this lack of reserve in regard to tlie usurpation of territorial rights
by the Chi family might have for 】iim， but anticipated bad results
from a straightforward answer given to Meng I Ise? Moreover,
he was questioned about filial piety more than once, and he bad
always his charioteer at liand.^ When he spoke to Meng 1 Tse,
lie was not merely in a submissive mood/ therefore lie informed
Fan Cliih.
Confucius said 5 "Riches and honour are wliat men desire. If

tliey cannot be obtained in the proper 、vay， they should not be
1 Analects HI, 1.
2 Analects III, 6. This sacrifice was a privilege of tlie sovereign.
3 So that he might have used him as his mouth-piece as in the case of

Mrng I Tse.
4 He was not afraid of Meng I Tse.

5 Analects IV, 5.
396
Lun-Heiig: E. Criti([ue.
held. Poverty and meanness are what men dislike. If they cannot
be obtained in the proper way, they should not be avoided." i
The meaning is that men must acquire riches in a just and

proper way, and not take them indiscriminately, that tliey must
keep within tlieir bounds, patiently endure poverty, and not reck-
lessly throw it off. To say that riclies and honour must not be
lield, unless tliey are obtained in the proper way, is all right, but
what is poverty aud meanness not obtained iu a proper way?.
Wealth aud honour can, of course, be abandoned, but what is the
result of giving up poverty and meanness? By giving up poverty
and meanness one obtains wealth and honour. As long as one
does not obtain wealth and honour, one does not get rid of pov-
erty and meanness. If we say that, unless wealth and 】ionom、
cau be obtained in a proper way, poverty and meanness should
not be shunned, then that which is obtained is wealth and honour,
not poverty and meanness. How can the word " obtaining " be
used witli reference to poverty and meanness? Therefore the pas-
sage ouglit to read as follows :
" Poverty and meanness are what people dislike. If tliey can-
not be avoided in the proper way, they should not be avoided."
Avoiding is the proper word, not obtaining. Obtaining is

used of obtaining. Now there is avoiding, how can it be called
obtaining? Only iu regard to riches and honour we. can speak of
obtaining. How so? By obtaining riches and honour one avoids
poverty and meanness. Then how can poverty and meanness be
avoided in the proper way? -- By purifying themselves and keeping
in the proper way officials acquire rank and emoluments, vvealtli
and honour, and by obtaining these tliey avoid poverty aud meanness.
How are poverty and meanness avoided not in tlie proper

wiiy ？一 If anybody feels so vexed and annoyed with poverty and
meanness, that lie lias recourse to brigandage and robbery for
tlie ])ur|)()se of amassing money aud valuables, and usurps o fluvial
emolunients, then he does not keep in the proper way.
Since the Seventy Disciples did not ask any question regarding
the passage under discussion, the literati of to-day are likewise
iiica|)able of raising any objection.
If tlie meaning- of this utterance is not exphi'iiie'l, nor the

words made clear, Ave would have to say that Confucius could not
1 Wanff CKurtg tliiis iiUerprels tlie passage, vvliicli gives iio sense. I should
say that he misunderstood Confucius, for every difficulty is removed, if we take
the
words to menu what Lci/yr tniiislale.s : - " [f it cannot be (ibtaiiied " inz. " if
it is not
jio.s.sihlc to act ill the alur (；. siiid iiiaiiiicr " iiit>lcad ol" " if Ihry
cannot he obtained."
Criticisms on roiifuciiis.
397
speak properly. As long as the meaning continues unravelled, and the

words unexplained, the admonition of Confucius remains uiicomprelien-
sible. Why did liis disciples not ask, and people now say nothing?
" Confucius said of Kung Yeh C/tang tliat lie might hv wived
and that, although lie 、vas put in bonds, he was not guilty. Ac-
cordingly lie gave him his daughter to wife." '
I ask wliat was the idea of Confucius, when he gave a wife

to Kung Yeh C/iang. Did lie think liiiu fit to marry, because lie
was thirty years old, or on account of his excellent conduct? If
he had his tliirty years in view, he should not liave spoken of
his being in fetters, and if lie looked upon his conduct, there was
no occasion either for mentioning' his imprisonment. Why? Because
all who joined tlie school of Confucius were well-behaved. There-
fore tliey were called accomplished followers. If among these
followers one or the other was unmarried, he might have been
married, but it need not he mentioned. If among the disciples
many unmarried ones existed and Kur'g Yeh Cli ang was the most
virtuous of them, and should therefore Confucius have given liiin a
wife alone, then in praising him Confucius ouglit to have enumer-
ated liis deeds instead of speaking of his imprisonment. There are
not a few persons in tlie world, wlio suffer violence without being-
guilty, but they are not perfect sages therefore. Of ordinary people
wlio are wronged, there are a great many, not only one. If Confucius
made an innocent man his son-in-law, lie selected not a virtuous man,
but one who had suffered injustice. The only praise Confucius liad for
Kung Yeh Cliavg was his innocence: of his doings or his qualities he
said not a word. If in fact he 、va,s not virtuous, and Confucins made
him his son-in-law, he did wrong, and if he was virtuous indeed,
but Confucius in praising 】iim did not mention it, he was wrong-
likewise. It was like liis giving a wife to Nan Yung,- of whom he
said til at ' if the country were well-governed, he would not be out
of office, and if it were ill-governed, he would escape punishment
and disgrace,' 3 a praise which left nothing to be desired.'^
1 Analects V, 1 .
2 Confiidus gave Nan Yung the daughter of liis elder brother to wife.
3 Analects V, 1.
4 Wang CKung's objections are again far-fetched and groundless. The words
of Confucius imply that Kung Yeh CJiang's character was so excellent and above
suspicion, tliat Confuchis would not doubt liim, even if lie were coiideiiiiied by
the
world and treated like a criminal, and therefore he made him his son-in-law.
398
Lun -Heiig: E. Critique.
The Master said to Tse Kung, " Whicli of you two, yourself
or Hui is superior? " Tse Rung replied, " How dare I compare my-
self witli Hui? If Hui hears one point, lie knows therefrom ten
others. If I hear one, I know but two." Tlie Master said " Not
equal to liim, I and you together cannot compare with him." i
Thus with a view to setting forth the excellen (力 of Yen Hui this
question was put to Tse Rung. This calls for the following remark :
That which Confucius propounded was propriety and modesty.

Tse Lit would govern a State with propriety, but his words were
not modest, therefore Confucius criticized liim.- Had Tse Kung
really been superior to Hui, lie would, on being asked by Confucius,
have replied nevertheless that he was not equal to liiin, and had
he been inferior in fact, he would likewise have owned to liis in-
feriority. In tlie first case the answer would not have been wrong
or a deception of the Master, for propriety and modesty require
depreciatory and humble words.
What was tlie purport of this inquiry of Confucius? If lie was

aware that Yen Hui surpassed Tse Kung, he did not need to ask the
latter, and if he really did not know, and therefore asked Tse Kung,
he would not have learned it in this way either, for Tse Kung was
bound to give a modest and humble reply. If Confucius merely
wanted to eulogise Hui and praise Ins virtue, there were many
other disciples not enjoying tlie same fame, why must lie just ask
'Tse Kung ？
The Master said, " Admirable indeed was the virtue of Hui ！，"
and further, " I liave talked with Hui for a whole day, and he lias
not made any objection, as if lie were stupid " ^ and, " Sucli was
that for three months there would be nothing in his mind

contrary to perfect virtue," ^ In all these three chapters Hui is
praised directly, but not at tlie cost of any other person, why
then must Tse Kung in one chapter serve to him as a foil?
Somebody might think that Confucius wanted to snub Tse Kung.

At that time the fame of Tse Kung 、vas greater than that of Yen
Hui. Confucius appreliensive, .lest Tse Kung should become too con-
ceited arrd overbearing, wanted to humble hi in.
If liis name ranked above that of Hui, it was a simple fact
at that time, but not brought about by Tse Kung' s endeavours to
1 Analects V, 8.
2 Analects XI, 10.
3 Analects VI，！).
4 Analects II, 9.
" Analects VI, 5.
Criticisms on Confueins.
supersede his rival. How could the judgment of Tse Kung have
afl'ected the case? Even supposing that, in case Yen Ilui's talents
were superior to liis, he had submitted of liis own accord, there
was no necessity for any snubbing. If Tse Kung could not know it
liimself, lie would, notliwitlistanding' anything Confucius might have
said, have been convinced that the latter only wanted to humble
him, and in that case questioning or no questioning would liave
neither humbled nor elated him.
Tsai Wo being asleep during the day time, the Master said,
"Rotten wood cannot be carved ； a wall of dirty earth will not
receive the trowel. But what is the use of my reproviug Tsai
Wo\ " ^ 一 For sleeping during the day Tsai Wo was reprimanded in
this way.
Sleeping during day time is a small evil. Rotten wood and

dirty earth are things in such a state of decay, that they cannot
be repaired, and must be regarded as great evils. If a small evil
is censured, as tliougli it were a great one, the person in question
would not submit to such a judgment. If Tsai Wo's character was
as bad as rotten wood or dirty earth, he ought not to have been
admitted to the school of Confucius nor rank in one of the four
classes of disciples; In case his character was good however,
Confucius dealt too harshly with him.
" If a man is not virtuous, and you carry your dislike of

him to extremes, he will recalcitrate."^ The dislike shown by
Confucius for Tsai Wo lias been, so to say, too strong. Provided
that common and ignorant people had committed some smaller
punishable offence, and the judge condemned tlieni to capital
punisliment, would they suffer the wrong, and complain of the
injustice, or would tliey quietly submit, and consider themselves
guilty? Had Tsai Wo been an ignorant man, his feelings would
have been tlie same with tliose people guilty of some olFence; being
a worthy, he must have understood a reproof of Confucius, and
have reformed at tlie slightest remark. An open word was sufficient
1 Analects Y, 9.
2 The four classes into which the ten principal disciples of Confucius were
divided according to their special abilities : ― virtue, eloquence, administrative
talents,
and literary acquirements. Tsai Wo belongs to the second class of the able speakers
together with Tfe Kung. Cf. Analects XI, 2.
3 Analect." VHI, 10.
400
Lun-Heng: E. Critique.
to enlighten liim, whereas an exaggeration would have missed its

mark. At the first allusion lie would already have reformed. That
however did not depend on the strength of the language used, but
on Tsai Wo's ability to change.
The scheme of the " CK un Ch'iu" is to point out any small

goodness, and to censure small wrongs.^ But if Confucius praised
small deserts in higli terms, and censured trifling wrongs immoder-
ately, would Tsai Wo liavins; tlie scheme of the CI tun Cliiu in view
agree with such criticism? If not, lie would not accept it, and
tlie words of Confucius would be lost.
The words of a Sage must tally with his writings. His words
come from his mouth, and his writings are in liis books, but both
flow from the heart, and are the same in substance. When Con-
fucius composed tlie " Ch'un CJ"u" lie did not censure small tilings,
as if they were very important, but in reproving Tsai Wo he con-
demned a small oirence in tlie same manner as an cnoriiious crime.
His Avords and 】ds writings disagree. I- low should tliey convince
a man?
Tlie Master said, " At first my way with men was to hear
their words, and to give them credit for their conduct. Now my
way is to hear tlieir words, and look at their conduct. It is from
Tsai Wo that I have learnt to make this change." ^ That is from
the time, when Tsai Wo was asleep in the day time, lie changed
his method of studying* men. But one may well ask, how can a
man's sleeping' during tlie day time spoil liis character, and how
can a man of bad conduct become good by not sleeping day or
iiiglit? Is it possible to learn anything about people's goodness
or badness from tlieir sleeping during the day time?
Amongst the disciples of Confucius in the four classes Tsai

Wo took pre edence over Ise Kiing. Tf lie was so lazy, that nothing
(*<)ul(l be made out of his cliaracrter, how (,oh1(1 Iu* advance so far?
If Tsai Wo readied sucli a degree of perfection uotwitlistanding his
sleeping (luring the day, his talents must have been far superior to
those of ordinary people. Supposing that lie had not yet. readied
the goal, but was under tlie impression that ho had done enough,
ho (lid not know better liiMis(*lf. That Avas a lack of knowledge,
but liis conduct was not bad. lie only wanted some eiilii>*litcn-
nient, but to change tlio inetliod of studying men for that reason
was superfluous.
1 This is professedly tlie aim of the ( ■/iwi-c/im " or "Spring and Autumn "
Record, tlie only classical work, of wliidi (ôafadus claims the aulliorsliip.
2 Analects V, 9.
401
Let us assume that Tsai Wo was conscious of his deficiencies,

but felt so exhausted, tliat he fell asleep during day time. That
was a relaxation of his vital force. This exhaustion may increase
to sucli a degree, that death ensues and not only slecj)J
As regards the method of judging human character by taking

into consideration the actions, the words are disregarded, and by
laying all stress on words, the conduct is left out of consideration.
Now although Tmi Wo was not very energetic in liis actions, his
words were well worth 】ieai、iiig. There is a class of men wlio
speak very well, but whose deeds are not quite satisfactory. From
the time that Tsai Wo slept during the day, Confucius began to hear
the words, and look at tlie conduct, and only ia case they both
corresponded, called a man virtuous. That means to say, he wanted
a perfect man, but liow does that agree with his principle that
perfection must not be expected from one man? 2
Tse Chang asked saying, "The minister Tse Wm^ thrice took
oftice, and manifested no joy in his countenance. Thrice he retired
from office, and manifested no displeasure. He made it a point to
inform the new minister of the way in wliicli lie had conducted
the government; ― what do you say of him? " The Master replied,
"He was loyal." 一 "Was he benevolent? " 一 "I do not know. How
can he be pronounced benevolent?^ Tse Wen recommended Tse Yil
of CItu as his successor, Tse Yil attacked Sung with a hundred war-
chariots, but was defeated and lost most of his men .5 If Tse Wen
was ignorant like that, how could lie be considered benevolent? " ―
My question is this. When Tse Wen recommended Tse Yu, he

did not know him, but wisdom has nothing to do with virtue.
Ignorance does not preclude benevolent deeds. There are the five
virtues: ― benevolence, justice, propriety, intelligence, and truth, but
these five are separate, and not necessarily combined. Thus there
are intelligent men, benevolent men, there are the well-mannered,
aud the just. The truthful must not always be intelligent, or the
intelligent, benevolent, tlie benevolent, well-mannered, or the well-
mannered, just. Tse Wens intelligence was obfuscated by Tse Yii,
1 Tsai Wo could no more be made responsible for his bodily weakness, than
for his death.
2 Analects XIH, 15 and XVni, 10.
3 A minister of the CKu State.
4 Analects V, 18. The following words of Confucius are omitted in our Analects.
5 This battle took place in 632 b.c. It is described in the T'so-chiian Book V, 27
(Duke Hsi 27th year).
Lun-Heng. 26
402
Lun - Hcng ： E. Critique.
but llow did his benevolence suffer therefrom ？ Consequently it is

not right to say, " How can he be pronounced benevolent? "
Moreover loyal means generous, and generosity is benevolence.

Confucius said, " By observing a man's faults it may be known that
lie is benevolent." i Tse Wen possessed true benevolence. If Confucius
says that loyalty is not benevolence, lie might as well assert that
father and mother are not the two parents, or that husband ami
wife are not a pair.
The duke Ai^ asked which of the disciples loved to learn.

Confucius replied to him, " There was Yen Hui. He did not vent
his anger on others, nor did lie twice commit the same fault. Alas!
his fate was short and he died; and now there is none. I have
not yet heard of any one who loves to learn." ^ 一
What was really the cause of Yen Hui's death? It is, of course,
attributed to his short fate, wliicli would correspond to Po Niu's
sickuess.4 All living men have received their fate, whicli is com-
plete, and must be clean. ^ Now there being the evil disease of Po
Niu, & one says that lie had no fate.? Those wlio remain alive,
must have been endowed with a long fate. If a person has ob-
tained a short fate, we sliould likewise say that he has no fate.
Provided that heaven's fate can be short or long, it also must be
good or bad. Speaking of Yen Hui's short fate, one can speak like-
wise of Po Nile 's bad fate. Saying tliat Po Niu had no fate, one
must admit that Yen Hid had no fate either. One died, the other
was diseased; Confucius pitied them both, and called it fate. Tlie
thing which is derived from heaven is the same, but it is not given
the same name, for which I do not see any apparent reason.*
1 Analects IV, 7. .
2 Duke Ai of Lu, 494-468 b.c.
3 Analects VI, 2.
4 Analects VI, 8.
5 Wang CKung understands by fate something material, not a decree. Cf.

Chap. Vn and VIH.
6 Leprosy. Cf. p. 165.
7 Fate is a pure substance pervading the body, which cannot excite a foul
disease like leprosy.
8 Tlie entire polemic is against the expression " short fate " used by Confucius,
who takes fate in the usual acceptation ol' decree, or appointment of heaven. Wang
dk'ung from lii.s materialistic point, of view argues, tliat late is always
complete and
pure, and tliat tlicre can be no long or short one. Tlie premaUire dcatli of Ym
llui
and the disease of Po JSiu are not fate at all.
Criticisms on CoTifucius.
403
Duke Ai asked Confucius who loved to learn. Confucius replied,

" There was Yen Hid who loved to learn, but now there is none.
He did not vent his anger on others nor commit the same fault
twice." ― Why did Confucius say so ？
There are those who presume that Confucius wished to add a

criticism on Duke Ai's character, and that therefore lie spoke of
the venting of anger and committing faults twice. Sticking to the
duke's inquiry, he gave him this reply, thereby at the same time
censuring the duke's short-comings, but without committing himself.
However K'ang Tse i likewise asked about the love of learning,

and Confucius in his answer also indicated Yen Hui; K'ang Tse had
his faults as well, wliy did Confucius not answer so as to reprove
IC ang Tse too? K ang Tse was not a sage, his doings were not
without fault. In fact K' ang Tse was distressed about the number
of thieves. Confucius replied, " If you, sir, were not covetous, al-
though you should reward tliem to do it, they would not steal." ^
This shows that JC ang Tse's weak point was liis covetousness. Why
did not Confucius attack it?
Confucius having visited Nan Tse, Tse Lu was displeased, on

which the Master said, " If I have done a wicked tiling, may
Heaven fall down on me, may Heaven fall down on me! 一
Nan Tse was tlie wife of Duke Ling of Wei.'' She had invited
Confucius. Tse Lu was displeased and suspected Confucius of having
liad illicite intercourse witli lier. In order to exculpate himself
Confucius said, " If I have done any thing disgraceful, may Heaven
crush me." To prove liis perfect sincerity lie swore that he did
not deceive Tse Lu.
I ask: ― by thus exonerating himself, does Confucius really clear

himself ? If it had happened once that Heaven fell dowu, and killed
people for having perpetrated any disgraceful act, Confucius might
allude to, and swear by it. Tse Lu would most probably believe
him then, and lie would be whitewashed. Now, nobody has ever
1 The head of the Chi family in Im.
2 Analects XI, 6
3 Analects XH, 18.

* Analects VI, 26.
5 A most disreputable woman, guilty of incest with her half-brother, Prince

Chou of Sung. The commentators take great pains to whitewash ( 'onj'ucius, who
called upon this unworthy princess. What induced her to invite tlie Sage, and him
to accept the invitation, is not known. Various conjectures have been put forward.
20*
404
been crushed by Heaven. Would therefore Tse Lit believe in an

oath to tlie effect that Heaven might fall clown on liim?
It happens sometimes that a man is killed by liglitning,

drowned by water, burned by fire, or crashed by the tumbling
wall of a house. Had Confucius said " May the lighting strike me,
the water drown me, the fire burn me, or a wall crush me," Tse
Lu would undoubtedly have believed him, but instead of that he
swore before Tse Lu by a disaster, which has never before happened.
How could this dispel Tse Lu s doubts, and make liim believe ？
Sometimes people are crushed while asleep, before they awake.

Can we say that Heaven crushed tliem? All those who are crushed
in their sleep, before they awake, have not of necessity done some dis-
honest deed. Though not far advanced in philosophy, yet Tse Lu knew
bow to distinguish the truth of a thing. Confucius swearing by some-
thing unreal Tse Lu would assuredly not have got rid of his doubts.
Confucius asserted that life and death were fate, and that
wealth and honour depended on Heaven. 】 Accordingly human life
can be long or sliort, which lias nothing to do with human actions,
goodness or badness. In fact Yen Hui died prematurely, and Confucius
spoke of his sliort fate.- Are we entitled to conclude therefrom
that people whose fate is short and who tlie young, must have
(lone something wrong ？
Although Tse Lu was not yet very proficient in philosophy,

yet from the words of Confucius he knew the real meaning of life
and death. Confucius swore that, if lie had done anything dishonest,
Heaven might crush liim instead of telling Tse Lu that he was only
uucler tlie rule of fate, for ho、v could Heaven fall down upon liiin
and kill him, before the appointed time of his death had oome?
Thus on taking his oath before Tae Lu tliat Heaven might crush
liim, lie could not expect to find credence, and in that case the
exculpation of Confucius would have been no exculpation.
The Shu-kiny^ says, - " Be not as arrogant as Tan Chu* who only
liked to saunter idly about." Thus the Emperor Shun admonislied
Yii not to treat an uiivvortliy son like a son, and to pay attention
to the commands of Heaven. He was alarmed, lest Yii should be
partial to his son, therefore lie adduced Tan Cliu as an example
calculated to deter him. But Yil replied : ^ ― ".I Jiad my marriage
1 Cf. p. 136.
2 Cf. p. 151. ■
3 Shu-king, Yi-chi, Pt. U, Bk. IV, 1 (Lec/ffe Vol. Ill, Pt. T, p. 84).
4 Yao's son.
5 Shu-king loc. cit.
405
on the hdng, jm, hwei, and chia days. When the cries and whines
of my son were first heard, I did not treat him like my son." He
related some tiling that had happened, from the past forecasting
the future, and deducting what could not be seen from that which
■was apparent. Thus lie demonstrated that lie would not venture
to show partiality for an umvortliy son. He did not say: ― " May
Heaven fall down on me," knowing very well that common people
in swearing like to invoke Heaven.
When Tse Lu suspected the actions of Confucius, the latter did

not refer to his conduct in the past to prove that he had done
nothing reproacliable, but said that Heaven might crusli him. How
does he differ from common people, who for the purpose of dis-
pelling a doubt will solemnly protest by Heaven ？
Confucius said: ― " The plioenix does not come ； the River sends
forth no Plan: ― it is all over witli me! " ^
The Master felt distressed tliat he did not become emperor.

As emperor be would have brought about perfect peace. At such
a time the phoenix 、、- oukl liave made its appearance, and the Plan
would have emerged from the Yellow River. ^ Now he did not
obtain imperial authority, therefore there were no auspicious portents
either, and Confucius felt sick at heart and distressed. Hence his
words : ― "It is all over with me! "
My question is: ~ -Which after all are the necessary conditions

preceding the appearance of the phoenix and the Plan of the River,
wliicli though, fulfilled, did not bring about tlieir arrival? 3 If it
be perfect peace, it may be urged that not all the emperors, under
whose reign ' perfect peace prevailed, attracted the phceiiix or the
Plan of the River.
The Five Emperors and the Three Rulers * all brought about
perfect peace, but comparing their omens, we find that tliey had
not all the pluenix as an indispensable attribute. During' the time
ol" perfect peace the phcenix is not a necessary omen. That Con-
fucius, a sage, should have longed so much for something that was
not at all indispensable, and that lie worried himself, is not right.
1 Analects IX, 8.
2 On the Plan of the Yellow River vid. p. 294 Note 1.
3 In the case of Conjucius,
4 Cf. p. 138.
406
Lull - Heng ： E. Critique.
Somebody might object that Confucius did not sorrow, because

lie was not appointed emperor, but that, when lie felt so sad, there
、vas no wise ruler, and that therefore he did not find employment.
The plicenix and the Plan of the River are omens of a wise ruler.
As long as they are absent, there is no wise ruler, and without a
wise ruler Confucius had no cliance of finding employment.
How are these auguries called forth? By appointing wise

and able men the govern men t is set right, and great success ob-
tained. Then the omens appear. After they liave made tlieir ap-
pearance, there is no further need for a Confucius, Why has Con-
fucius only the end in view? ^ He does not tliiiik of the first steps,
and solely sees the end, does not assist a king as minister, but
speaks of those portents. The government not being in order,
those tilings, of course, do not become visible.
To conclude from tlieir arrival that there must be a wise

ruler, would also be a mistake. The emperor Hsiao Wen Ti^ deserved
the name of a wise ruler, yet in liis annals 5 we find nothing about
a phcrnix or the Plan of the River, Had Confucius lived under
Hsiao Wen Ti lie would likewise have complained: ― "It is all over
with me ！"
The Master was expressing a wish to live among the Nine-

Wild Tribes of the east. Some one said, " They are brutish. How
can you do such a thing? " The Master said, "If a superior man
dwelt among tliem, wliat brutality would there be? "6
Conjucius felt annoyed, because his doctrine did not find its
way into China. This loss of 】iis hopes roused liis anger, and
made him wisli to emigrate to the Wild Tribes. Some one remon-
strated, asking, how he could do sucli a tiling, since the savages
were brutish and unmannerly. To w Co7ifucius retorted by
saying, " If a superior man dwelt among them, what brutality
would there be?", whicli means to say that, if a superior man were
1 The time when the lucky omens become visible.
2 The steps to secure a wise government and perfect jjeace, which must have
been successful, ere the ph(riiix and the Plan will conic forward.
3 Wishing to behold those auspicious portents, ( 'onfucius ought first to Iiave

instituted an excellent administration, as minister of the reigning sovereign. He
sees
the result, but overlooks the causes.
4 The Han emperor whose reign lasted from 171)-156 b.c.
5 III tlic Shi-chi,

G Analects X, 13.
407
living among thcni and iinpartiiii;' his doctrine, tliere would be no

more rudeness.
How did Confucius conceive the idea of going to the Nine

Tribes? ― Because his doctrine did not spread in China, lie wished
to go there. But if China was no field for it, how could it have
spread among the savages? "The rude tribes of the east and north
Avitli their princes are still not equal to China without princes."'
That shows that things wliic^h are easily managed in China are
very difficult among the savages. Can then something' Avliicli has
failed, where everything is easy, be carried through, where every-
thing is difficult?
Furthermore, Confucius said, " If a superior man dwelt among

them, bow came one to speak of brutality." Does that mean that
the superior man keeps his culture for himself, or that he imparts
it? vShoulc] he keep it closed up in bis bosom, lie might do that
in China as well, and need not go to the savages for that purpose.
It', however, lie should instruct the savages in it, how could tliey
be taught?
Yii visited the State of the Naked People. He was naked

himself, while he stayed with them, and only when he left, lie
put on his clothes again. The habit of wearing clothes did not
take root among the wild tribes. Yii was unable to teach tlie
Naked People to Avear clotlies, how could Confucius make superior
men of the Nine Tribes?
Perhaps Confucius, as a matter of fact, did not wish to go

to the wild tribes after all, but grieved that his doctrine was not
accepted, lie merely said so in angry mood. Or, when some one
remonstrated, he knew pretty well that the wild tribes were bar-
barians, but nevertheless he said, " What brutality would there
be?", insisting ou having his own way and warding oIF the attack
of his interlocutor. If he really did not want to go, but said so
out of disgust, lie did not tell the truth. " What the superior
mail requires, is just that in his words there may be nothing in-
correct."- If Confucius knew that the wild tribes 、vere uncivilized,
but at all costs insisted on being' right, this was like the discussion
of Tse Lu with Confucius about Tse Kao.
Tse Lu got Tse Kao^ appointed governor of PL^ The Master

said, "You are injuring a man's son." Tse Im replied, " There
1 Analects HI, 5,
2 Analects XIH, 3.
3 The disciple Kao Tse Kno,
4 A city in Shantung,
408 Lun - Heng ： E. Criticûe.
are the spirits of the land and grain, and there are the people.
Why must one read books, before he can be considered to have
learned? " The Master said, "It is on this account that I hate
your glib-tongued people." i
Tse Lu knew that one must not give an inconsiderate answer

in order to have one's own way. Confucius was displeased with
him, and compared him with those glib-tongued people. He like-
wise knew the impropriety of such replies, but lie and Tse Lu gave
both glib-tongued answers.
Confucius said, " T' se"^ did not receive ^ Heaven's decree, but
his goods are increased by liim, and his calculations are generally
correct."'*
What does lie mean by saying that T se did mot receive

Heaven's decree? One might suppose that he received the fate
that lie should become rich, and by his own method knew before-
hand, what was going to happen, and in his calculation did not
miss the right moment. Now, does wealth and honour depend on
Heaven's appointment or on human knowledge? In the first case
nobody could obtain them by his own knowledge or cleverness,
il", on the other hand, men were the chief agents, why does Con-
fucms say that life and death are fate, and wealth and honour
depend on heaven? 5
If we admit that wealth can be acquired by knowing tlie

proper way without receiving Heaven's decree, then honour also
can be won through personal energy without fate. But in this
world there is nobody who has won honour quite by himself
without a heavenly order to that effect. Hence we learn that we
cannot acquire wealth by ourselves, unless we have received Heaven's
order.
1 Analects XI, 24.
2 Tse Kung.
3 We must translate liei'e " receive," and not " acquiesce," as Leggc does,
relying on the commentators. " Acquiesce " gives no sense here, as can be seen
by comparing Hutchinson's translation, (Jhina Review Vol. VII, p. 169. Moreover,
" receive " is in accordance with Wang (！ h'ung's system. Throughout liis work he
speaks of " receiving the fate." Hutchinson has felt, that " receive " is the
proper
word here ― vid. his note to p. 170 loc. cit. ― but is overawed by Legge and the
commentators. We must bear in mind that Wang CKung very freijuently puts another
construction on the words of the Sage than other commentators.
4 Analcd.'< XI， 18.
5 Cf. p. 136.
Criticisms on Coiifuoius.
In fact Confucius did not acquire wealth and honour. He

wandered about, hoping that his services would be required. Having
exhausted all liis wisdom in remonstrating with the princes and
being at liis wits' end, lie went home, and fixed the text of the
Shiking and the Shuking. His hopes were gone, and expectations
he had none. He said that it was all over with him，i for he was
well aware that liis destiny was not to be rich and liououred, and
that all his travels could not supply this want. Confucius knew
that he had not received the destiny of a man who will become
exalted, and that searching for honour on liis travels, he would
never find it. Yet lie maintained that T'se was not destined to
be rich, but acquired wealth by his astuteness. The words and
the actions of Confucius disagree, one does not know why.
Some say tliat he vvislied to attack the faults of Tse Kung,

who did not care much for the right doctrine or virtue, but only
for the increase of his wealth. Confucius therefore reproved liis
fault, wishing to induce him to comply entirely, and. to change, his
conduct. Combating Tse Kuug's sliortcoraings lie might say that he
did not love the doctrine or virtue, but only his wealth, but why-
must he assert that he had not received the fate, which is in op-
position to liis former utterance that wealth and honour depend
on Heaven ？
When Yen Yuan died, the Master said : 一 "Alas! Heaven is

destroying me! Heaven is destroying me! " -
This means that, when a man is to rise, Heaven gives him

a support, whereas, when liis destruction is impending, he deprives
"him of his assistance. Confucius had four friends, by whom lie
hoped to i'ise,3 but Yen Yuan died prematurely. Therefore his ex-
clamation : ― " Heaven is destroying me I "
One may ask: 一 Did Yen Yuan die, because Confucius did not
become an emperor, snatched away by Heaven, or did he die an
untimely death of himself, his allotted span being so short? ― If
lie died prematurely, because his appointed time was short, lie
was bound to die, and even if Confucius had become an emperor,
lie would not have remained alive.
1 Cf. above p. 405.
2 Analects XI, 8.
3 These four friends were : Yen Yuan, Tse Kunp, Tse Chany, and Tse Lu, all
his disciples.
410
Lun - Hciig ： E. Critique.
The support of a man is like a stick, on wliich a sick person

is leaning. A sick man requires a stick to walk. Now, let the
stick be sliortened by cutting off a piece, can we say then that
Heaven compelled the sick man not to walk any more? If he
could rise still, could the short stick be lengtlieued again? Yen
Yuan， s short life is like tlie shortness of the stick.
Confucius said tliat Heaven was destroying him, because Yen

Yuan was a worthy. ' But worthies in life must not necessarily
act as supporters of somebody, just as sages do not always receive
Heaven's special appoiutmeiit. Among the emperors there are many
who are not sages, and their ministers are very often not worthies.
Why ？ Because fate and externals ^ are diflerent from man's talents.
On this principle it was by no means certain that Yen Yuan, had
lie been alive, would liave become the supporter of Confucius, or
that by liis death lie ruined Confucius. What proof had the latter
then for liis assertion that Heaven was destroying liim ？
Wliat was Heaven's idea after all tliat it did not make Con-
fucius emperor? Did it not appoint him, when he received liis
life and his fate, or was it going to appoint him, but repented
afterwards? If originally lie was not appointed, what harm could
be done by 】,e/2 Yuan' s death? If he was first chosen for tlie im-
perial dignity, and this scheme was abandoned later on, no ex-
ternals came into question, and tlie decision rested solely witli
Heaven. And then wliicli good acts of Confucius did Heaven see
to make liira emperor, and wliich bad ones did it hear subse-
quently, that it changed its mind, and did not invest him ？ The
Spirit of Heaven must have erred in liis deliberations and not have
made the necessary investigations.
When Confucius went to Wei., the funeral rites ol' a former

land-Ion 1 ol" liis were just going on there. He stepped into the
house and we])t, and, when he came out, lie ordered Tse Kuiig to
unliarnass one outside liorse, and give it as a present. Tse Kang
remarked : 一 "At the death of your disciple, you did not uuharnass
a horse, but do it iiovv for an old land-lord. Is tliat not too much? "
1 As a worthy, a degree of excellence next to sageliood, he would have

assisted Confucius in his brilliant career.
2 III externals viz. the osseous structure and the pliysignomy ol" an individual
liis fate becomes manifest. Cf. Cliaj). XXIV. But fate by no means corresponds to
talents and virtue.
rriticKsnis on Coiifurius.
11
Confiicms replied, "When I just now went in, I \\'e[»t, aiul over-
wlielmed witli grief, went out, and cried. I (— 'aiuiot bear tlie idea
that my tears should not be accompanied by soinetliiiig. Therefore,
my son, do as I told you." i
Confucius unliarnassed his liorse, and gave it away for the

old lodging-house keeper, because lie could not bear tlie tliought
that his feelings should not be accompanied by some act of courtesy.
Along with such feelings politeness must lie shown. When his fee-
lings are touched, a man is moved to kindness. Courtesy and emotion
must correspond. A superior mail at least will act iu that way.
When Yen Yuan died, the Master bewailed him, and was
deeply moved. His disciples said to liim: ― "Master, you are deeply
moved." He replied : ― "If I were not deeply moved at this man's
demise, at whose should I be? " -
Sucli deep emotion is the climax of grief. Bewailing Yen Yuan

his emotion was diflerent from that of all the other pupils. Grief
is the greatest sorrow. ― When Yen Yuan died, his coffin had no
outer shell. Yen Lu^ begged the carriage of the Master to sell and
get an outer shell for tlie coffin, but Confucius did not give it,
because a high officer could not walk afoot. Mourning over the
old lodgiug-liouse keeper, he unliarnassed a horse to give it away
as a present, because he did not like tliat his tears should not
be accompanied by some gift. Bewailing Yeti Ytian he was deeply
moved, yet, when asked, he declined to give his carriage away,
so that his emotion had no counterpart in liis actions. What
difference is there between tears and emotion, or between a liorse
and a carriage? In one case politeness and sentiment were iu har-
mony, in the other kindness and right feeling did not correspond.
We do uot see clearly what Confucius' ideas about politeness were.
Confucius said, "There was Li; when he died, he had a coffin,

but no outer shell. I would not walk on foot to get a shell for
him." 5 ― The love for Li must have been deeper than tliat for Yen
Yuan. When Li died, lie got uo shell, because it Avas not becoming
for a higlu officer to walk on foot. Li was the son of Confucius,
Yen Yuan hove another surname. When the sou died, he did not
receive that present, how mucli less had a man of another name
a right to it?
1 Quotation from the lA-ki, T an Kung I {Legges tran.sL Vol. I， p. 136).
2 Analects XI， 9.
3 The father of Yen Yuan.
4 Analects XI， 7.
5 Loc, cit
412 Lun-Heng: E. Critique.
Then this would be a proof of tlie real kindness of Confucius.

If he sliowed himself affectionate towards his old laud-lord, whereas
his kindness did not extend to his son, was it perhaps, because
previously he was an inferior official, and afterwards a liigli officer?
When lie was an inferior official first, as such he could ride in a
carriage with two horses, as a liigli officer he would drive with
three. A high officer could not do without his carriage and walk
on foot, but why did he not sell two horses to get a shell, and
drive with the remaining one? When he was an official, he rode in
a carriage with two horses, and parted with one for the sake of
the old lodging-house keeper. Why did he not part with two now
to show his kindness, only keeping one to avoid walking on foot?
Had he not given away one horse as a present for the old
lodging-house keeper, he would not have transgressed any statute,
but by burying his son with a coffin, but without a shell he com-
mitted an offence against propriety, and showed a disregard for
custom. Confucius attached great importance to the present, which
he was kind enough to make to the old man, and treated the funeral
ceremonies for his son very lightly. Honour was shown to a
stranger, but the rites were neglected in the case of his own son.
Since Confucius did not sell his carriage to get a shell for Li, he
cannot clear himself of the reproach of being an office-hunter,
who was afraid of being without liis carriage. And yet he has
maintained himself tliat a superior man " will even sacrifice his
life to preserve his virtue complete." i Could it then be so difficult
to give up one's dignity in order to preserve propriety ？
Tse Rung asked about government. The Master said, "The requi-
sites of government are that there be a sufficiency of food, a sufficiency
of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler."'
Tse Kung said, " If it cannot be lielped, and one of these

must be dispensed with, which ol" the three should l)e foregone
first? " " The military equipment " said the Master.
Tfie Kung again asked, " If it cannot be. helped, and one of
the, remaining two must be dispensed with, which of them should
be foregone'.',' The Master answered: "Part, with the food. From
of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have
no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the State," ^ ―
Faith is the most important of all.
1 Analfctfi XV, 8. '
2 Analects XII, 7.
Criticisms on Coiifiu'ius.
11：
Now, if a State has no food, so that the people must starve,

they care no more for propriety and righteousness. Those being
neglected, how cau confidence still be maintained?
It has been said that, as long as the granaries are full, peo]>le
observe the rules of propriety, and that, while they have sufficiency
of clothing and food, they know what honour and sliaine is.
Charity is the upshot of abundance, and mutual fighting the result
of privation. Now, provided that tlicrc is nothing to live on, how
could faith he preserved?
During the Ch iDi-cli in period the contending States were

famine-stricken. People rlianged their sons in order to eat them,
and broke their bones for i'uel to cook witli.^ Starving and without
food, they had no time to trouble about kindness or justice. The
love between father and son is based on faith, yet iq times of
famine faith is thrown away, and tlie sons are used as food. How
could Confucius tell Tse Kung that food might be foregone, but tliat
faith ought to be preserved? If tliere is no faitli, but Ibod, though
unsought, faith will grow, whereas, if there is no food, but faitli,
it cannot be upheld, though we may strive for it.
When the Master went to Wei^ Jan Yti^ acted as driver of

liis carriage. The Master observed, " How numerous are the people ！，，
Jan Yu said : ―- "Since they are so numerous, what more could be
done for tliem? " ― " Enricli them/' was the reply. ― "And wlieu they
have been enriched, what more could be done?" ― The Master said:
" Teach tliem."^ ― Speaking with Jaii Yu, Confucius placed wealth first
and instruction after, but he told Tse Kung that food might be
dispensed with, provided there was faith. What difference is there
between food and wealth, faith and instruction ？ Both scholars
received different answers. The object prized most was not tlie
same in both cases. Tlie opinions of Confucius about political
economy cannot have been very well settled.
Chu Po Yii^ sent a messenger to Confucius, who questioned

hirn what his master was doing. The messenger replied, " My
master is anxious to make his faults few, but cannot succeed."
1 Cf. p. 159. .
2 A disciple of Confucius.
3 Analects XIII, 9.
4 A disciple of Confucius in WW, with whom he lodged. After Confucius'

return to Lu, lie sent the messenger to make friendly inquiries.
414
Liin -Heng : E. Critique.
He then went out, and Confucius said, " This messenger ！ This
messenger! " ' ,
Tliis is a reproach. Those discussing the Analects hold that

Confucius reproves him for his humility on behalf of another;
Confucius inquired of the messenger what liis master was doing,

he asked about liis business, not about his conduct. The messenger
ought to have replied to this question of Confucius : ― "My master
does sucli and such a thing," or, "is occupied with such and such
a government affair," instead of saying : ― " My master is anxious to
make his faults few, but cannot succeed." How do we know but
that in liis reply he missed the point of the question, and that it
was to this that Confucius took exception? What did Confucius really
reproach the messenger for? Because lie spoke humbly on another's
behalf, or because in his reply lie missed the point?
The blame referred to sometliing definite, but Confucius did

not make clear liis fault merely saying ：一 " This messenger ！ This
messenger I " In later ages people began to have their doubts as
to wherein the messenger had failed. Han Fei Tse says: ― "If the
style be too terse, it will prove a cause of dispute for the disciples."
How concise is Confucius' remark: 一 " This messenger! "
Some say that the idea of the " Spring and Autumn " ^ was
to keep a respectful silence on the faults of worthies, that Chil Po
Yu was such a worthy, and that therefore the same practice was
observed with regard to his messenger.
If one wants to know a person one must look at liis friends,

and to know a prince one must observe liis messengers. Chil Po Yil
was not a worthy, therefore his messenger had his faults. The
idea of the " Spring and Autumn " was to cover the faults of
worthies, but also to censure smaller misdemeanours.* Now, if no
reproach was made, but silence kept, where would the ceDsui'iiig
of minor offences come in? If Confucius was anxious to keep silence
on Chil Po Yii, he ought to have kept quiet, but since he said
with much patlios: ― " This messenger ！ This messenger! ", all his
contemporaries must liave understood the blame. How could such
utterances serve the purpose of a respectful silence.
1 Analects XIV, 26.
2 This may have been the view of the old commentators at Wang C'h'mif/'s
time, ( 'hu Jfsi, on the contrary, holds that the reply of tlie iiiessenger was
admirable,
and tliat tlie laconic utteraitce of Confucius contains a praise, not a reproach.
3 See p. 400 Note 1.
4 Cf. above p. 400.
Criticisms on (ônfucius.
415
Pi Hsi ' inviting liim to visit him, the Master was inclined to
go, Tse Lu was displeased, and said : ― "Master, formerly I have
heard you say, ' When a man in his own person is guilty of doing
evil, a superior man will not associate with him.' Pi Hsi is in re-
bellion, holding possession of Chuny-mao ； if you go to him, what
shall be said? "- ~ The Master said, " So it is. But is it not said
that, if a thing be really hard, it may be ground without being
made thin ？ Is it not said that, if a thing be really white, it may
be steeped in a dark fluid without being made black ？ ― Am I a
bitter gourd ？ Plow could I be hung up and not eat? "2
Tse Lu quoted a former remark of Confucius to refute liim.

Formerly Confucius had spoken those words with the object of in-
ducing liis pupils to act accordingly. Tse Lu quoted it to censure
Confucius. He was well aware of it, but did not say that his former
words were a joke meaning nothing, which could be disregarded.
He admitted that he had spoken those words, and that they must
be carried out, but "is it not said," he continued " that, if a thing-
be really hard, it may be ground without being made thin, or if
it be white, that it may be steeped in a dark fluid without being-
made black ？ " Could lie invalidate Tse Iai's objections with these
words ？ ' ' When a man in his own person is guilty of doing evil,
a superior man will not associate with him." To invalidate this
objection Pi Hsi ought not yet to have committed any evil, so that
one might still associate witli him. However Confucius said that
what was hard, might be ground without becoming thin, and wliat
was white, might be steeped in a dark fluid without turning black.
According to this argument those whose conduct was, so to
speak, perfectly hard or perfectly white, miglit consort with Pi Hsi,
but wliy not those superior men, whose ways are soft and easily
tainted by wickedness?
Confucius would not drink the water from tlie " Robber Spring,"
and Tseng Tse declined to enter into a village called " Mother's
Defeat." 3 Tliey avoided the evil, and kept aloof from pollution,
out of respect for the moral laws and out of shame at the dis-
graceful names, " Robber Spring " and " Mother's Defeat " were
nothing- but empty names, but nevertheless were shunned by
Confucius and Tseng Tse. Pi Hsi had done some real wrong, yet
1 A high officer in the service of the ( 'hao family in the Chin State, who took
possession of C'hung-mao, a city in Ilonan, in the Chang-te prefecture, foi"
himself.
2 Analects XVII, 7.
3 Cf. thud Nnn Txe XVI, 13 who adds that Me Ti, who condemned music,
would not enter into a city named " Morning Song."
416
Lun-Heiig: E. Critique.
Confucius intended visiting liim. That he did not like the " Robber
Spring " was correct, but that lie wished to open up relations with
Pi Hsi was wrong.
" Riches and honours acquired by unrigliteoiisness are to me

as a floating cloud/' i If Confucius, who said so, had taken the
wroug way, and lived on the salary paid him by a rebel, his words
about floating clouds would have been futile.
Perhaps he wanted to propagate his (loctriiie for a time only.
If that was bis aim, he could meet tlie objections of Tse Lit by
speaking of the propagation of his doctrine, but not by speaking
of food. There might be allowed some time for the propagation
of his doctrine, but there would be none for his outlook for food.
In the words:— "Am I a bitter gourd? How could I be Lung

up, and not eat" Confucius compares himself to a gourd, saying
that being in office a man must lire on his salary. " I am no gourd
that might be hung up, and avouIcI require no food." 2 This is a
rebufi' to Tse Lu, but this rejoinder of ( hufucius does not dispose
of Tse Lu，s objection, for in criticising the master Tse Lu does not
assert that he ought not to take office. But lie should choose a
proper State to live in. By the above comparison Confucius showed
that his only Avisli was to comfortably eat his bread. How un-
dignified is such an utterance ！ Wliy must he compare himself
with an official who wants to eat? A gentleman must not speak
like that.
It would make little difference, whether one speaks of being

hung up like a gourd without eating, or of being hung up out of
employ. In reply to Tse Lu lie might have retorted "Am I a gourd
to be liung- uj), and out of employ? " Now speaking of food Con-
fucius admits that he sought office not for the sake of liis doctrine,
but merely to find food. In taking office the motive of men is their
thirst lor money, but giving it a moral aspect they say that they
do it to propagate their principles. Likewise in marrying the motive
is lust, but morally speaking it is to serve the parents. If an olTicial
bluntly speaks of his food, would a bridegroom also own to his
sensuality?
The utterance of ( '(山 fucius explains his feelings. Tlio ineanin«;

is unmisla,lial)le, and not obscmred by a well sounding moral name.
It is very common, and unworthy of a superior man. The Literati
1 Analects VII, 15.
2 Lpgge and some conmicntators take the words jYtI in a passive

sense "How could I be Imng up and not be eatenl* " L €• "not be employed."
417
say that Confucius travelled about to find employment, But did not
succeed, and regretted that his doctrine did not spread. Methinks
tliey misunderstand Confucius character.
Kung Shan Fu Jao, when he was holding Pi,^ and in an attitude
of rebellion, 2 invited the Master to visit him, who was rather in-
clined to go. Tse Lu said : ― "Indeed you cannot go ！ Wliy must
you think of going to see Kung S/ianl " The Master said, "(,an it
be without some reason that he has invited me? If any one employ
me, may I not make an eastern Chou? " ^ ― Making an eastern Chou
means that he intended putting forth his doctrine,
Kmig Shan Fu Jao and Pi Hsi were both in rebellion. With the
former he hoped to introduce liis doctrine, whereas from the latter
lie expected food. So liis utterances are wavering, and his actions
are consequently inconsistent. Should this perhaps have been the
reason of his migrations and his inability to find employment?
"Yang Huo wanted to see Confucius, but lie did not see him." ^
He offered him a post, but Confucius would not have it. That was
disinterested indeed! When Kung Shan Fu Jao and Pi Hsi invited
him, he was inclined to go. That was very base! Kung Shan Fu
Jao and Yang Huo both rebelled, and kept Chi Huan Tse prisoner.
They were equal in their wickedness, and both invited Confucius in
the same polite way. However Confiidas responded to Kung Shan
Fu Jew's call and did not see Yang lino. Was Kung Shan Fu Jao still
a fit person to associate with, and Yang Huo not? Tse Im remons-
trated against Kung Shan Fu Jads invitation. Confucius ought to have,
removed this objection by showing that he was as good at least
as Pi Hsi, and that liis character was not so very bad.
1 A city in Shantung,
2 Kung Shan Fit Jao and Yany Huo combined were holding their liege, Prince
Huan of Chi, imprisoned, and trying to arrogate the supreme power of the State of
Lu.
3 Analects XVII， 5.
4 The eastern Chou dynasty 770-255 owes its name to its capital Lo-i/i,
where it had removed from Hao~ching in the West (Shensi) , The commencement of
the Eastern Chou, prior to the civil wars, was felicitous. -
5 Analects XVU, 1.
Lnn - llcng.
27
418
Lun -Heng: E. Critique.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
Censures on Meneius {T'se Meng).
[When Meneius went to see King Hui of Liang, ^ the king said,
" You have not counted it far to come here, a distance of a thousand
Li, Sir. By what could you profit my kingdom ？ " 一 Meneius replied,
" I have nothing but benevolence and justice. Wliy must Your
Majesty speak of profit? "2]
Now, there are two kinds of profit, the one consisting in

wealth, the other in quiet liappiuess. King Hui asked, how lie
could profit his kingdom. How did Meneius know that he did not
want the profit of quiet happiness, and straightway take exception
to the profit by wealth?
The Yiking says, " It will be advantageous to meet with

tlie great man." ^ "It will be advantageous to cross tlie great
stream." * ― " Cliien represents what is great and originating, pene-
trating, advantageous^ correct and firm." s And the Shuking re-
marks that the black-liaired people still esteem profit. They all
have tlie profit of quiet happiness in view. By practising bene-
volence and justice, one may obtain tliis profit.
Meneius did not say that he inquired of King Hui, wliat he

meant by profiting his kingdom. Had King Hui said: ― " The profit
of wealth," Meneius might have given him the proper answer. But
though lie did not know tlie purport of King Ilui's question,
Menc'ms at once replied about the profit of wealth. Had King- Hui
really inquired about it, Meneius adduced nothing in support of
his view. If, on the other hand, lie had asked about the profit
of quiet happiness, and Meneius in his reply liad spoken about tlie
1 Meneius I， Pt. I, 1. For the quotations from Mencim I adopt Legges render-
. ings, as far as possible.
2 This interview took place in 33.") b.c. Liang was the capital of the Wei
State, the modern K 'ai-ft'ng-fu.
8 Yiking Bk. I， I, 2.
4 Yiking Bk. I, V, 1.
& Yiking Bk. 1, I, 1. Ijcyge's translation (Sacred Books of the East Vol. XVI),
p. 57 and 07.
« Shaking Pt. V, Bk. XXX， 6.
Censures on Mencius.
419
profit of wealth, he would have failed to give the prince the proper
answer, and would not have acted in the proper way.
[The king of Clii asked Shi Tse i saying, " I wish to give
Menckis a house, somewhere in the middle of tlie kingdom, and to
support liis disciples with an allowance of 10,000 cluing,'^ that all
the officers and the people may have such an example to reverence
and imitate. Had you not better tell him this for me? " ― Shi Tse
conveyed this message to Mencius through CIi en Tse? Mencius said,
" How should Shi Tse know that this cannot be? Suppose that I
wanted to be rich, having formerly declined 100,000 chung, would
my now accepting 10,000 be the conduct of one desiring riches'.' "]*
In decliuiug 100,000 cluing Mencius was wrongly disinterested,

for wealth and honour is what man desires. Only he does not
stick to them, if lie cannot obtain them in tlie proper way.^ There-
lore in the matter of rank and salary an honest man sometimes
declines, and sometimes not, but why should lie reject a present,
which he ought to have taken, on the plea that he does not covet
wealth or honour?
[CA'en Chin ^ asked Mencius saying, " When you were in CTii,
the king sent you a present of 100 yi'^ of the double metal, ^ and
you refused to accept it. When you 、vere in Sung, 70 yi were sent
to you, which you accepted ； and when you were in Hsieh,^ 50 yi
were sent, which you likewise accepted. If your declining to
accept the gift in the first case was right, your accepting it iii
the latter cases was wrong. If your accepting it in the latter cases
was right, your declining to do so in the first case was wrong.
You must accept, Master, one of these alternatives." ― Mencius said,
" I did right in all tlie cases. Wlieu I was in Sung, I was about
to take a long journey. Travellers must be provided with what
is necessary for their expenses. The prince's message was, 'A
present to defray travelling expenses.' Wliy should I have declined
the gift? When I was in Hsieh, I was apprehensive of my safety,
and taking measures for my protection. The message was ' I have
1 An officer of CKi.
2 A chung is an ancient measure. As to its capacity opinions differ. 100 000

chung of rice was the customary allowance of a minister in a feudal State.
3 A disciple of Mencius, his full name being Chen Chin. See below.
4 Menciu8 II, Pt. 11, 10.
5 See above p. 395.
6 The same as Ch'en Tse.
7 One yi was about 24 taels.
8 Double silver " worth twice as much as the ordinary '•' (Legge).
9 A small principality iu the south of Shantung.
27*
420
heard that you are taking measures to protect yourself, and send
this to help you in procuring arms. Why should I have declined the
gift ？ But when I was in (7", I liad no occasion for money. To send
a man a gift, when he has no occasion for it, is to bribe him. Plow
is it possible that an honest man should be taken with a bribe?
Whether money offered as a gift can be accepted or not, al-

ways depe litis on some reason. We are not covetous, if we accept
it, nor are ^ve not covetous, if we do not accept it. There are
certain rules, why money can be taken, and why not, and there
are likewise certain principles on which a house can be accepted
or not. Now, Mencius does not say that lie does not deserve it, and
that it would not be right for him as a non-official to take the Louse,
but lie replies that he is not craving for wealth, and adduces the
100,000 cJiung wliicli lie had declined on a former occasion to draw a
conclusion in regard to tlie subsequent 10,000 chung. Formerly lie
ought to have accepted tlie 100,000, liow could lie decline them ？
[P eng Keng'^ asked Mencius saying, "Is it not an extravagant

procedure to go from one prince to another, and live upon them,
followed by several tens of carriages, and attended by several
liundred 】neii? " ― Mencius replied, " If there be not a proper ground
for taking it, a single bamboo-cup of rice may not be received
from a man. If there be such a proper ground, then Shun' s receiv-
ing the empire from Yao is not to be considered excessive."]^
How can the receiving of the empire from Yao be put on a

level with the acceptance of 100,000 chung? Shun did not decline
the empire, because there was a proper ground. Now Mencius does
not contend that for receiving- 100,000 citung there is no proper
cause, but he says that 】ie is not greedy of wealtli and honour.
Til at is not tlie right modesty, and it could not be an example
for others. -
* [Shen T ung,-' oil his o、vn impulse, asked Mencius, saying,

" May Yen be smitten? " Mencius replied, " It may. Tse K^mi^ had
1 Mencius II, Pt. II, 3.
2 P'('ng Ktng was a disciple of Mencius.
3 Mencius III, Pt. II, 4.
4 Mmciuft II, Pt. II, 8.
5 A high officer of Ch'L
" Tse K'uei, King of Yen, a silly iiinii, liad ceded his throne to his minister
7«c Chih, hoping tli;it tlie latter would decline tlie ofl'er, but he unexpectedly
accepted,
and y.vg K' uei lo.st liis tliroiie. During tiie troubles caused in Yen by Tse
K'uei' s
son seeking to recover tlie kingdom, the ( 'hi State made an unsuccessful attempt
to
coiiijucr ) en. Shrn T'ung liad asked Mencius' advice about an invasion of Yen.
421
no right to give Yen to another man, and 7:>(' Chlh had no right
to receive Yen from Tse iCuei. Suppose there were an officer here,
with whom you, Sir, were pleased, and that, without informing
the king, you were privately to give to him your salary and rank;
and suppose that tins officer, also without the king's orders, were
privately to receive them from you: -― would such a transaction be
allowable? And wliere is tlie diflerence between the case of Yen
and this ？ "
The people of C/ti smote Yen. Some one asked of Mencius,

" Is it really the case that you advised C/t i to smite Yen? " ― He
replied, " No. Shin T'ung asked me, whether Yen might be smitten,
and I answered him, ' It may.' They accordingly went and smote
it. If lie had asked me, ' Wlio may smite it? I would liave
answered liiiii, ' He wlio is tlie minister of Heaven i may smite it.'
Suppose tlie case of a murderer, and that one asks me, ' 31 ay this
man be put to death? ' I will answer him, '- He may.' If he ask
me, ' Who may put him to death? ' I will answer him, ' The
chief criminal judge may put him to death.' But now witli one
Yen^ to smite another Yen ― how should I have advised tliis ？ "]
One might ask whether Mencius did not really advise the
king to smite Yen, When SJien T'ung inquired, whether Yen could
be smitten, lie liad his own designs, and wished to smite it him-
self. Knowing that lie would be very pleased with the reply,
Mencius ought to Lave answered that, although Yen could be smitten,
it could not be done but by the minister of Heaven. Then Shen
T ung， s plans would have collapsed, and his intention of smiting
Yen been given uj). If Mencius was not aware of these designs,
and straightway made a reply, he did not pay attention to what
lie said, and did not uuderstaud words.
^ [Kung Sun Cltou^ inquired of Mencius, "I venture to ask

wherein you, Master, excel? " Mencius replied, " I understand
words." ― The other pursued, "And what do you mean by saying
that you understand words? " Mencius said, " When words are
one-sided, I know liow the mind of the speaker is clouded over;
when they are extravagant, I know how the mind is fallen and
sunk ； when they are depraved, 1 know liow the mind lias departed
from principle, and when they are evasive, I know liow the mind
1 A man entrusted by Heaven with the execution of its designs.

2 The one Yen is CKi, which was not better than I'ert, and therefore not fit
to punish 】，671 as Heaven's delegate.
3 Mencius II， Pt. I， 2.
4 A disciple of Mencius,
422
Lun - Heng ： E. Critique.
is at its wits' end. These evils growing in the mind, do injury

to government, and, displayed in the government, are hurtful to
the conduct of aflairs. Should a Sage again arise, he would un-
doubtedly follow my words."]
Mencius understood words and also knew, bow a warning as

to the catastrophe which Shen Tung was bringing about, would
after all have been to his benefit. From the nature of the question
he must have known the desire implied in the words of Shen T'ung.
Knowing his aims, he must have had an idea of the disaster, in
whicli the thing was doomed to end.
Mencius said, ^ [" It would be for the happiness of the people

of the whole empire. I hope that the king will change. I am
daily hoping for this."]
Was tlie king whom Mencius left, the same on whom he did
not wait at court formerly'" Why did lie tliiuk so little of him
first, and make so much of him afterwards ？ Had it not been the
former king, he would not have abandoned him. If he quitted
him later on, the second king must liave been worse than the first.
When he left the king, and stopped three days in Chou's it was
a less drastic measure than his not going to court, and staying
with Ching CJiou.^ Why was liis behaviour not identical in the
two instances ？ Why did he not treat the king in the same manner
in both cases?
When Mencius was in Lu, Duke Pîng of Lu was about to

pay him a call, but his favourite Tsang Ts ang slandered Mencius,
and stopped him. Yo Clieng Tse^ told Mencius about it, who said,"
["A man's advancement is effected, it may be, by others, and the
stopping hiin, may be, from the efforts of others. But to advance
a man or to stop his advance is really beyond the power of men.
My not meeting with the prince of Lu is from Heaven."]
1 Mencius II, Pt. II, 12.
2 The King of ( 'h'i wished Mencius to call on him at court, inforiiiiiig him,
that he intended waiting upon Mencius himself, but had got a cold, and could not
go out. Mencius knew this to be a pretence, and therefore declined to go to court
on tlie pretence tliat he was unwell likewise. Cf. Mencius II, Pt. II， 2. The king
and
the pliilosoplicr were both too jealous of" their dignity to get along well.
3 A small place in Chi, wliore Mencius halted, expecting to l)e called I)ack.
4 An officer of Ch'i, with whom Mencius stayed, while the king was waiting
for him, at the former occasion.
-' A disciple of Mencius.

c Mencius I， Pt. II， 16.
423
First lie did not find lavour with tlie prince of Lu and after-
wards with that of Clii. There was no difference. Hut in the
first instance lie held Heaven alone accountable, in tlie second, the
king. There is no stability in his reasoning. When the king of
、、 Clii disdained 】iis services, and lie did not advance, some fellow
like Tsang T.s'ang must Lave slandered him. That was likewise
stopping or keeping back, but iii both cases it was Heaven's decree
that he should not find employment, aud beyoud the power of men.
Why then did he still linger three days, when he left, and not
go straight on? Provided it was the fate of Heaven that lie should
not meet witli the king of C/i i, who would not listen to his words,
could Heaven have changed this fate within the space of three
days, aud bring about the interview ？ In Lu he gave all the credit
to Heaven, abandoned liis schemes, and lost all hope. In CKi he
counted solely on the king, and was full of hopes. Thus the mis-
sing of one interview would have been merely the result of in-
sinuations of men.
Some one may liold that Heaven's fate could not yet be settled
first, and tliat for this reason Mencius hoped that within three days
the king would call him back. This may be so, supposing that
fate requires three days. But would, upon such a supposition, the
fact that tlie king of Clii first allowed hi in to leave not be due to
fate? If it was fate, aud the limit three days, then Duke P ing of
Lu might as well after tliree days time have rejected Tsang Ts ang's
proposal, aud followed the advice of Yo Cheng Tse, and have called
on Mencius. Wherefore was Mencim so hasty in attributing every
thing to Heaven? Had the duke paid Mencius a visit within three
clays, how would the latter have justified his former utterance ？
^ [When Mencius left Gi i, Cliung Yii- questioned him on the

way, saying, " Master, you look like one who carries an air of
dissatisfaction in his countenance. But formerly I lieard you say,
' The superior man does not murmur against Heaven, nor bear a
grudge against men/ "
Mencius said, " That was one time, and this is another. It is
a rule that a true Imperial sovereign should arise in the course of
five hundred years, and that during tliat time there should be some
one illustrious in liis generation. From the commencement of the
Chou dynasty till now, more than 700 years have elapsed. Judging
numerically, the date is passed. Examining the time, we might
1 Mencius U, Pt. 11, 13.

- A follower of Mencius.
424
expect the rise of such individuals in it. But Heaven does not yet
wish that tlie empire should eujoy tranquillity and good order.
If it wished this, who is there besides me to bring it about? How
should I be otherwise than dissatisfied? " ― ]
What proof is there for the assertion of Mencms tliat in tlie

course of five hundred years a true emperor should arise? Ti K u
was such a sovereign, and Yao also ruled over the empire as a true
sovereign. Yao transmitted the empire to Shun, who was likewise
a true emperor. He transmitted the empire to Fw, who reigned in
the same style. These four Sages were true Imperial sovereigns,
but tliey followed one another quite closely. From Yii to Tang
there is an interval of a thousand years and from T ang to Chou
also.2 Wen Wang commenced the reign, and at his death handed it
over to Wti Wang. When Wu Wang expired, CJteng Waiig and Chou
Kung together ruled over the empire. From the beginning of the
Chou dynasty to the time of Mencms 700 years again had elapsed,^
but no true emperor had arisen. In which period do we find then
that in the course of five Imndred years a true sovereign arises?
Who has made this statement that there will be a true emperor
every five hundred years ？ Mencius says something which has no
foundation and no proof, and is based on some wild hypothesis.
Not having found favour with the king, lie left Ch' i, and wore a
dissatisfied look. That does not show Lis wisdom, and places liim
on a level with ordinary scholars.
Five Imndred years is considered the period in which Heaven

produces a Sage. Moreover, Mencius says that Heaven did not yet
wisli that the empire should enjoy tranquillity and good order.
His idea is that, when Heaven is willing to bless the empire with
tranquillity and good order, it must produce a wise emperor in
the course oT five hundred years. According to what Mencius says,
Heaven produces a Sage on purpose. But are five hundred years
1 Wanff CKung omits Ti (，！ iih、 who followed his father Ti iCti. Owing to
his dissolute life, lie was dethroned, and his brother )'a" was elected in his
place.
2 Those are rather round numbers. According to the coininon elironology
l ii reigned from 2205-2197, T'ang^ the founder of the Sha?f(/ dynasty from 1766
-】 753，
and the Chou dynasty commenced in 1122. Wa Wang, s reign lasted from 1122-1115，
Ch'mg Wang's from 1 1 15-1078. All these rulers are regarded by the Chinese as
true emperors. The interval between Yii und T any i.s about 400 years, that between
Yang and Wvn Wang about 600 years. It is difficult to understand why Wang (Jh "ng
in both cases speaks of a thousand years. The remark of Meudus that every five
hundred years a true sovereign arises, comes much nearer the truth.
3 About snO years in fact after the usual chronology. The Bamboo Annals
reduce this space to about 700 years.
Censures on Meiicius.
425
really the period within which it produces a Sage? If so, why

did Heaven not send the Sage forth'.' ― Because it was not the time
for a wise emperor to arise, therefore Heaven did not jn'()(lu(,e liiin.
.Since Menc'ms believes in it nevertheless, he does not know Heaven.
From the commencement of the Chou dynasty upwards of seven

hundred years had elapsed. " Judging numerically, the date, there-
fore, was passed, but examining the time, it might be possible."
What signifies that the date is passed, and what, that it is possible?
Date is equivalent to time, and time to date. The date being passed,
five hundred years are passed. From tlic beginning of the Chou
epoch up to tliat time upwards of seven hundred years liad elapsed
i. e. two hundred years in excess. Should an emperor arise then,
he would already have missed the proper time. Yet Mencius avers
that considering the time, it might be possible. What does that mean ？
He says that iu tlie course of five liunclred years a true Im-

perial sovereign should arise, and further that during that time
there should be some one illustrious in his generation. Is this some-
body the same as the emperor or some one else ？ If lie is, Avhy
mention him a second time, if not, what sort of man is it who is
illustrious in his generation? Suppose the answer be: ― " men like
Confucius and scholars like Mencius, who will instruct the youth ,
and awaken the dullards and imbeciles," then Confucius has already
lived, and Mencius himself also has been born. Should we say: 一
" wise ministers," they must live contemporaneously with a wise
ruler, and a wise minister appear, when a wise emperor arrises.
Mencius speaks of five Imadred years, but why does he say

" during that time? " If lie does not mean the space of five hundred
years, but the time between, lie must think of two or three hundred
years. Then a Sage could not work together with a wise emperor
arrising after five hundred years, whom then has Mencius in view,
saying that during that time there should be some one illustrious
in his generation ？ " Heaven," says he, "does not yet wish that the
empire should enjoy tranquillity and good order. If it wished this,
who is there besides me to bring it about? " By these words
Mencius does not intend saying that lie himself ought to be em-
peror, but that, if there were an emperor, lie would act as his
minister. Whether there be an emperor and a minister, depends
on Heaven. Wlien fate did not allow the empire to enjoy tran-
quillity and good order, Mencius did not acquiesce witli a good
grace in ('h:i、 but resented it, and wore a dissatisfied look. That
was very wrong of him.
426
^[P'eng Keng asked Mencius saying, "Is it proper that a scholar

doing no service should receive support':' " 一 Mencius answered, " If
you do not have an intercommunication of the productions of labour,
and an interchange of men's services, so that one from liis overplus
may supply the deficiency of another, then liusbandmeii will have
a superfluity of grain, and women will liave a superfluity of clotli.
If you have such an interchange, carpenters and carriage- \v rights
may all get their food from you. Here now is a man, who, at
home, is filial, and abroad, respectful to his elders; who watches
over the principles of the ancient kings, awaiting the rise of future
learners ― and yet you will refuse to support liim. How is it that
you give honour to the carpenter and carriage-wriglit, and slight
him who practises benevolence and righteousness? "
P' eng Keng said, " The aim of the carpenter and carriage-wriglit
is to seek for a living. Is it also the aim of the superior man
in his practice of principles thereby to seek for a living? " ― " What
have you to do," returned Mencius, " with his purpose ？ He is of
service to you. He deserves to be supported, and should be sup-
ported. And let me ask, ' Do you remunerate a man's intention,
or do you remunerate his service? ' " To this P' ing King replied,
"I remunerate liis intention."
Mencius said, " There is a man 】iere, who breaks your tiles,
and draws unsightly figures on your walls ； ― his purpose may be
thereby to seek for his living, but will you indeed remunerate
him? " ― " No," said P' eng Keng\ and Mencius then concluded, " That
being the case, it is not the purpose which you remunerate, but
the work done." ― ]
Mencius referred to the breaking of tiles and disfiguring of

walls with tlie object of impugning tlie remarks of P' eng Keng,
knowing very well that 】ie who breaks tiles or disfigures walls
does no services, but lias a purpose, and that P'eng Keng under
no ciruinstances would support liim. However, with this reference
to the breaking of tiles and disfiguring of walls Mencius cannot
refuto P'enf/ Keng, because people acting in this way do not belong-
to those wlio are seeking a living. Such being the case, this ar-
gument cannot be put forward against P' eng Keng. People Avho,
without a reason, are breaking tiles and disfiguring walls, are either
mad, or merely playing. The purpose of madmen is not to seek
a living, and those who are disporting themselves, have not this
intention either.
1 Mencius III, Pt. II,
427
From those who seek a living a groat many persons have

no advantage whatever. Therefore those wishing to support them-
selves sell tilings in tlie market as merchants, and 】iv(> on the
price which they receive in exchange for their wares. Now, the
breakers of tiles and scribblers profit nobody, and cannot have this
intention. Reasonable persons know that such acts would piofit
nobody, and consequently desist tlierofrom. The unreasonable are
akin to 】iia(lmen, and certainly would not have that purpose.
Those wlio break tiles and disfigure walls, are like boys
throwing mud on the road, or is there auy difference? When tliey
are dumping mud on the road, have they the intention of seeking
a living thereby? ― They are still children, and have no purpose-
When old folks are playing, they beliave like those who are
disfiguring walls. Have players the intention to seek a living?
Players rob each other of their money. When the sums Avon are
very high, they may be used as a livelihood, and eventually there
may be this intention.
People who throw stones and leap over tliem, are also very
much alike to those scribblers. Is the intention of those stone-
throwers and jumpers directed to their living? In short, the
criticisms brought forward by Mencius against P' eng Keng are
not very tliorougli. If P'eng Keng trusted in Mencius' words, we
may say that the latter " put him off with great smartness of
speech." i
^[KUiang Chang Tse^ said, "Is not Cli en Chung Tse^ a man of
true self-denying purity? He was Jiving in Wu-Ung,^ and for three
days was without food, till he could neither hear nor see. Over
a well greAv a plum tree, the fruit of which had been more than
half-eaten by worms. He crawled to it, and tried to eat some of
the fruit, when, after swallowing three mouthfuls, lie recovered
liis sight and hearing."
Mencius replied, "Among the scholars of CK i, I must regard

Cli en Chung Tse as the thmnb among the fingers. But still, Avliere
1 A quotation from Analects V, 4， where Confucius condemns such smartness

of speech. 一 Wang Chung is much smarter here than Mencius. The arguments
of Mencius are quite right, and Wang Chung only takes exception at the example
adduced by him, which indeed is not very lucky,
2 Mencius 111， Pt. II, 10.
3 A grandee of the State of CkH*
4 A recluse.
5 A poor place in modern Chi-nan-fu {Shantuvg),
428
Lull -Heng: E. Critique.
is tlie self-denying purity he pretends to? To carry out the prin-

ciples wliicli lie holds, one must become 'an eartli-worm, for so
only can it be done."
" Now, an eartliworm eats the dry mould above, and drinks
from the yellow spring-water below. Was the house in which
CKen Chung Tse dwelt built by a Po F«V ()r was it built by a robber
like C7'e?2 Was the millet which lie ate planted by a Po Yi, or
was it planted by a robber like Che? These are things which
cannot be known."
" But," said K'uang Chang Tse, " wliat does that matter? He
himself weaves sandals of hemp, and liis wife twists hempen thread,
to barter them."
Menckis rejoined, " Cli en Chung Tse belongs to an ancient and

noble family of Clii. His elder brother Tai received from Ko a
revenue of 10,000 clmng,^ but he considered liis brother's emolument
to be unrighteous, and would not live on it, and in the same way
he considered his brother's house to be unrighteous, and would not
dwell in it. Avoiding his brother and leaving his mother, he went
and dwelt in Wu-ling. One day afterwards, he returned to tlieir
house, when it happened tliat some one sent liis brother a present
of a live goose. He, knitting his brows, said, ' What are you
going to use that cackling thing for'.' ' ― By-and-by liis mother killed
the goose, and gave him some of it to eat. Just then liis brother
came into the house, and said, ' It's the flesh of that cackling thing,'
upon wliich he went out and vomited it. ― Thus, what his mother
gave him lie would not eat, but what liis wife gives him he eats.
He will not dwell in liis brother's house, but lie dwells in Wu-ling.
How can 】ie in such circumstances complete the style of life wliich
he professes? With such principles as CK en Chung Tse holds, a
mail must be an earth-worm, and tlien lie can carry tliem out."]
Mencius in reprehending C/ien Chung Tse does not hit liis weak
point. Wlien C/ien Cliung Tse showed such a disgust for the goose,
that he felt like vomiting, was it, because he would eat nothing
til at came from liis mother? Previously already he had expressed
his displeasure at the goose saying, " Wliat are you going to use
that cacklin'i- thing lor'.' " When, later on, liis iiiotlier had killed
it, and gave iiiin some to cat, and his brother remarked, " It's the
flesli of that cackling tiling," he felt ashamed that lie was acting
1 The exemplar of purity cf. p. 168 Note 2 and below p. 435.
2 Cf. p. 139.
3 See above p. 4111 Note 2.
Censures on Meiicius.
42'.)
contrary to what he had said before, and vomited it. Had his
brother not reminded him, he would not have vomited, and he
would then have eaten what his mother offered him. Therefore to
say that he would not eat anything coming from his mother con-
veys a wrong idea.
Suppose that CKen Chung Tse was determined not to eat any-
thing from his mother, he ought not to have eaten of the disli of
the goose, when it 、va.s brought. Now, after he had eaten it, and
learned that it 、vas the goose, 】ie felt so disgusted, that he vomited
it. Thus the vomiting 、vas tlie effect of his being ashamed that
he had eaten something' in opposition to his determination, it was
no want of affection between mother and sou, nor a desire to eat
nothing that came from his mother.
" But still where is the self-denying purity Cli en Chung Tse
pretends to? To carry out liis nature, one must become an earth-
worm, for so only can it be done. An earth-worm eats the dry
mould above, and drinks from the yellow spring-water below."
That would mean that an eartli-woriu is a paragon of purity, and
that, unless he was like an earth- worm, he could not be pure and
unclefiled.i Now, provided the 】iouse he was dwelling in was built
by Po Yi, and the millet he ate planted by Po Yi, bis dwelling and
eating would be unstained purity. But perhaps he ate millet sown
by robber Clie, or lived in a cottage constructed by robber Che, then
this circumstance would contaminate his purity. These strictures
on CJien Chung Tse are not to the point either.
A house is built for man's sake to be lived in, and sandals

and thread are bartered against millet. If it really was planted
by a robber, or the house his building, at all events Cli en Chung Tse
had iio cognisance of it. His brother's unrigh teousness, however,
was apparent from his conduct. All saw his actions; they were
quite notorious and commented upon. Hence Cli en Chung Tse retired
to Wu-ling. He did not stop in his brother's house, and by the
weaving of sandals and twisting of thread obviated the necessity
of living on his salary. If Cli en Chung Tse stayed in Wii-ling, he
shunned the house of that brother, and vomited his food. Because
1 This seems not to have been the idea o{ Mencitis. The tertium comparationis
is not the purity of the earth-worm, but its independence and self-sufliciency.
Having
its earth to eat and some muddy water to drink, it has no further needs, as man
has, who is never (juite independent of others. Unless he break off all intercourse
with his fellow-creatures, he cannot avoid all pollution. Thus the commentators and
Legge understand the passage. Wang Vh'ung's interpretation is forced.
430
Lun -Heng : E. Critique.
these tilings could be heard with the ear and seen with the eye,
and were so public, that there could be no doubt, it is evident
that as a fact CKen Chung Tse neither stayed with his brother nor
partook of his meals.
Now he had not seen who was the builder of his own house
in Wu-ling, nor did lie Imow who planted tlie millet. But how
could he take the house, when it was just completed, or eat the
millet, when it was just reaped? These criticisms of Mencius go
too far.
The house where CJien Chung Tse was living, may perhaps
have been built by the robber, so that Cli en Chung Tse would have
dwelt there without knowing it. Now Mencius contends that " to
carry out the principles which lie holds, one must become an earth-
worm, for so only can it be done." But in the earth underneath
the house of tlie robber there are also earth-worms. They eat the
dry mould in the robber's house and drink from tlie yellow spring-
water there. How then would an eartli-worm meet the requirements?
To carry out the principles of CK en Chung Tse to tlie satisfaction
of Mencius one ought to be like a fish. A fisli swims in the river
or the sea, and feeds upon their earth. No robber can dig through
the sea, or heap up its earth.
Ch m Chung Tse lias (lone a great wrong, but the adverse

comments of Mencius do not hit it. CJten Chung Tse left Lis mother,
and avoided his elder brother, to take up his solitary abode in
Wu-ling together witli liis wife. Because tlie house of his brother
was an unrighteous bouse, and his income an unrighteous income,
lie did not care to stay and live with liim, wliicli was the height
of self-denying purity. However, when after his emigration to
Wu-ling lie returned to wait upon his mother, it was his duty to
abstain from eating anything aud leave again. When the goose
was brought in, tlierc must have been other food besides, all pre-
pared by his mother. This food was bought with his brother's
money, for it was evident that his mother had not lier own private
millet which slie could have offered him. Then Cli en Chung Tse
partook of his brother's salary.
Po Yi rather than eat the millet of Cliou ^ died of starvation

below Shou-yang? Would a meal of the mi Hot of CImi have defiled
his purity? Ch m Chung Tse was not like Po 17, but he came very
1 The Chou dynasty which Po Yi regarded as usurpers of the throne of the

legitimate emperors of the liouse of Shang.
2 A mountain in Shensi.
4'U
near him. Saying that one must become an earth-worm to carry

out those principles, Mencius uses a comparison which does not
justice to Ch en Chung Tse at all.
^ [Mencius said, " There is a destiny for every thing. Those

Avlio act as they ought, receive the natural destiny.'^ Therefore, he who
lias the true idea of destiny, will not stand beneath a precipitous wall.
Death sustained in the discharge of one's duties, is the natural destiny.
Death under handcuffs and fetters is not the natural destiny."]
The meaning of these words of Mencius is that a man should

not run counter to liis allotted fate. Tliroiigli fair conduct he
obtains the natural destiny, whereas with recklessness and per-
versity he does not receive the natural one. Accordingly Heaven's
decree would depend on human actions,
Confucius * did not become an emperor, Yen Yuan died pre-

maturely, Tse Hia^ lost his eye-sight, Po Niu^ got leprosy. Was the
conduct of these four men uot fair? Why did they not receive
the right destiny ? Pi Kan ' was disemboweled, Tse Ilsil ^ was cooked,
Tse jL«9 pickled. These were the most cruel modes of death on
earth, otherwise painful than handcuffs and fetters. If handcuffs
and fetters are really proving that the destiny of the person in
question is not the right one, then the conduct of Pi Kan and
Tse Hsu was not fair.
Man receives his destiny, and may be doomed to be crushed

to death, or to be drowned, or to be killed in battle, or to be
burned. He may be ever so conscientious iu his dealings and
careful in his doings, it is of no avail.
Toil Kuang Kuo was sleeping with a hundred persons below a

mound of charcoal. '° The charcoal collapsed, and all the hundred
1 Mencius VII, Pt. I, 2.
2 Legge understands this passage differently.
3 Wang CNung denotes by natural destiny something different from what

Mencius expresses by it, which explains his polemic. Wang Cheung' x natural destiny
is not influenced by human actions, whereas the natural, right, or correct destiny
of
Mencius is the upshot of proper conduct. Cf. p. 138.
* Vid. p. 169.
5 Cf. p. 164.
6 On Yen Yuan and Po Niu see p. 165.
7 Cf. p. 485 Note 6.
8 Tse Hsu or Wii Tse Hsii, the same as Wu I'waw p. 140.
9 Cf. p. 165.
10 Vid. p. 179.
482
Lun-Hcng: E. Critique.
people were killed, only Ton Kiiang Km was saved, because it was
liis destiny to be made a marquis. What difference is there between
the heaped up charcoal and the precipitous wall? Provided that
one is not doomed to be crushed, there may be a collapse, those
who have the fate of Tou Kuang Kuo will escape withal. " A man's
advancement may be effected by others, and the stopping him may
be from the efforts of others." i He who is to be crushed, may
perhaps be induced to stand below a wall.
The son of the landlord into whose cottage K'ung Chia ^

entered, was predestinated to a premature death and meanness.
Though he was introduced into the palace, lie still became a door-
keeper. The not standing below a precipitous wall lias the same
result as K'ung Chias carrying the child into the palace.
1 Menckis I, Pt. II, 16.
2 During a tempest the H.iia emperor K iing Chia, 1879-1848 b.c, sought
shelter in a cottage. The landlord imagined that the visit of the son of heaven
was a lucky augury for his son, and that no misfortune would befall him in future.
Yet this son, later on, doing carpenter s work, accidentally broke his axe, and cut
off his two legs. He then became a doorkeeper, the only office for which lie was
still fit [Lii Shi cktin-cKiu).
Strictures on Han Fei Tse.
438
CHAPTER XXXV.
Strictures on Han Fei Tse {Fei Han).
Han Fei Tses ^ system consists in propounding the law and

making' 【imdi of success. Worthies who do not beueiit the State,
lie will not regard, and bad characters who do not interfere witli
the administration, he does not punish. He grants rewards as an
incentive to extraordinary actions, and he relies so much on criiuijial
law, that he makes use of capital punishment. When speaking of
the Literati, he says that they eat, but do not sow, and likens
tliein to voracious grubs.- Discussing the question of usefulness,
lie compares them with a deer and a horse. A liorse resembling
a deer fetches a thousand chhi; There are horses on earth worth
so much, but no (leer costing a thousand chin. Deer are useless,
horses are useful. The Literati are like the deer, the active officials
like the horse.*
Han Fei Tse knows very well how to make use of the parable
of the deer and the horse, but not that of the cap and tlie shoe.
Provided that Han Fei Tse presented liimself at court only in his
slices and without a cap, I would listen to his words. But he
will appear at court with his cap ou liis head. He uses a useless
article, of dress, and thereby increases the number of the useless
scholars. His 、vords do not agree with his dress, and there is a
want of harmony between his theory and his practice. Therefore
I condemn his words, and reject his method.
There is nothing more trying to the body of an individual

and less profitable to it than kneeling- and prostrating one's self.
If Han Fei Tse, when meeting any one, does not make obeisance,
and in the presence of his sovereign or his father does not show
his respect, lie does not do any harm to his body, but these cere-
monies must be gone through out of respect for one's parents.
1 On the Taoist philosopher Han Fei Tse see p. 170.
2 In Chapt. 19, No. 49, p. 1 of Han Fei Taes work. The chapter is entitled
the : " Five kinds of voracious grubs."
3 An ancient coin or a monetary unit whose value is doubtful.
4 Cf. Han Fei Tse XUI, 5v.

Lun - Heng. ^
434
These rules of propriety are very important and cannot be neglected.

While they are being observed by any one, his body does not
become fat thereby, and when he disregards them, his body does
not become weak nor decay.
If he speaks of utility, then propriety and righteousness are

not like eating and drinking. Would Han Fei Tse, in case he was
granted the previlege of eating in the presence of his sovereign
or his father, dare to do so without first bowing? Sucli a homage
shown to a superior would be a manifestation of propriety and
righteousness, but no benefit to the body. Yet alter all Han Fei Tse
would not do away with it, nor would he reject propriety and
righteousness in view of a temporary profit. The Literati are
propriety and righteousness, the agriculturists and warriors are
eating and drinking. He who exalts agriculture and war. and
despises the men of letters, would reject propriety and righteous-
ness, and seek eating and drinking.
When propriety and righteousness are neglected, the moral

laws lose their force, there is confusion iu the higher and the
lower spheres, and the Yin and tlie Yang principles become dis-
organised. The dry and the wet seasons do not come in proper
time then, the grain does not grow, and the people die of starva-
tion. The agriculturists liave nothing to till, and tlie soldiers can
do no fighting.
i\_Tse Rung desired to abolish the sacrificial sheep announcing

the new moon. Confucius said, " T se, you care for the slieep, I care
for propriety,"] Tse Kung disliked to immolate the sheep, whereas
Confucius apprehended a disregard of propriety.
If old dykes are removed as useless, an inundation will be

the necessary consequence, and if the old ceremonies are abolished
as good for nothing, one may be sure of a revolution. Tlie Literati iii
this world are the old dykes of propriety and righteousness. When
they are there, they are of no direct use, but their absence is fatal.
From olden times schools have been erected, where the founda-
tion is laid for power and honour. Officials have been appointed,
and offi ers nominated. The officials cannot be suppressed, and
the true doctrine cannot be rejected. The Literati are the officers
in charge of the true principles. If they are considered to be
useless and therefore suppressed, the true principles are lost simult-
aneously. These j)rinciples bring about no direct results, but. man
requires them for his achievements.
Analects III, 17.
435
When the foot walks on a path, this trodden path must not
Avalk itself. The body lias hands and feet; to move they require
what remains unmoved. Thus things are perhaps useless, but the
useful ones require them, they themselves have no direct effect,
yet to those which have they are indispensable. Peasants and
soldiers stand in need of the Literati, liow could they be rejected
and not be retained? Ilan Fei Tse deuouaces tlie scholars, saying
tliat they are no use, and only do harm. He has in view the
vulgar scholars, wlio do not exert themselves, nor in their dealings
take account of propriety. They are scholars by name oiilv, but
by practice vulgar persons. They profess true science, but wliat
they say is wrong, and they are hunting after official honours and
titles. Consequently tliey cannot be held in esteem. Those who
have a pure heart and whose conduct does not shun the light,
do not strive for rank and emoluments. They would repudiate
the position of a minister or a secretary of State, as if they were
throwing' away an old boot. Although tliey have not the same
success as those who hold office and fill a post, their domain is
propriety and righteousness. That which preserves a State, is
propriety and righteousness. If the people do not practice these
two virtues, tliey will overtlirow the State and rain their prince.
Now, the scholars do pay regard to propriety, and love justice.

In so far as they become the leaders of those fellows wlio are
devoid of propriety, and iucite tliose lacking justice, people do
good, and learn to love tlieir sovereign. That is also an advantage.
Upon hearing of the fame of Po Yi^ the greedy became dis-

interested, and the weak, resolute, and hearing of tlie renown of
Liu Hsia Hup the narrow-minded became generous, and the mean,
liberal. The conversion was more extraordinary tlian liad ever
been witnessed by man before. Tuan Kan Mu closed his door and
did not go out. Prince Wen of Wei used to bow, when passing
his house, to sliow liis respect. When the army of Ch in heard of
it, they suddenly did not invest Wei.^ Had Wei not had Tuan Kan
Mu, the soldiers of ChUn would have invaded its territory and
made a waste of it, for Ch'in was a powerful country-, whose
soldiers were ever victorious. Had they been let loose upon Wei^
1 Cf. p. 168 Note 2.
2 The posthumous designation of Chan Huo, 6th and 7th cent, b.c, who was
magistrate of the Liu-hsia district in Lu and famous for his virtue.
3 CKin desisted from its invasion of Wei in 399 b.c, because the Wei State
was so flourishing under the Marquis Wen, who honoured the worthies and literati.
Vid, Shi-chi chap. 44, p. 3v.
28*
436
tlie kingdom of Wei would have gone to pieces. Its three armies
would liave been deleated, and the blood would have run over a
thousand Li. Now a scholar closeted in his house and honoured
by Wen of Wei, averted the troops of powerful C/iin and saved the
land of the Wei kingdom. I- lis deserts in succouring the three
armies could not have been greater, and nobody was worthier of
a reward.
In CJii there were living two scholars of the highest standard,

called iCuang Chtieh and Hua Shih, two brothers. In their stern
justice they did not bend their will, and refused to serve him
whom they did not regard as their master. When T'ai Kung ' was
invested with C'h' i, lie had the two men executed at the same time
for inveigling the masses in C/i i, setting tliem the example of not
taking service with their ruler. Han Fei Tse approves of this on
the ground that the two scholars were of no use and doing mis-
cliief."- However, iCuang Chileli and Hua Shih were of the same
type as Tuan Kan Mu. When T'ai Kang put them to deatli , no
disaster had yet happened which they might have averted. The
marquis Weu of Wei honoured Tuan Kan Mu, and subsequently lie
warded off' powerful C/iin and rescued Wei, a deed unparalleled
forsooth. If Han Fei Tse acknowledges the liigli standard of Tuan
Kan Mu, who shut himself up, and also admits that Wen of Wei was
justified in honouring him, lie is all right. But the conduct of
iCuang Chileli and Hua Shih was as virtuous as that of Twin Kan Mu.
Therefore it is wrong to approve of the penalty inflicted by T'ai
Kung Now, if Han Fei Tse disapproves of tlie conduct of Tuon
Kan Mu, and objects to the marquis oi" Wei honouring liiiu, it must
be born in mind that Tuan Kan Mu by his conduct was very use-
ful, and til at the marquis of Wei lionoured liini on account of his
merit. Thus I Ian Fei T.se would not rew ard merit, nor give credit
to the useful.
Some one might urge that the respect shown by the marquis
to the dwelling place of Tuan Kan Mu and the subsequent non-
arrival of the. troops of Cliin is not the result of administration,
but of a single act, wliicli cannot be always repeated and wliicli,
though instriini(Mital in saving the State, does not deserve so much
praise. But what is to be, understood by adiniiiistration ？ Tl»e
maintenance of troops, the promulgation of tlie edicts concerning
1 Cf. p. 172. 7"a? Kung was the first duke of ( 'lii.

2 Han Ffii Tse XIII, f) speaks only of TCwmg (Jhufh being put to death by
T'ai Kung, nut of Ilaa Shih.
437
rewards and puiiisliments, a stern criminal law, a strict discipline,

and measures to increase the national wealth and tlie military
strength, all that is administration. Would Cliin with her strength
mind it? The Six ^ States were all wiped out by the troops of
Ch in. The soldiers of tlie Six States were courageous enough,
and the onslaught of their armies not witliout vigour, yet not only
did they not vanquish, but were utterly defeated at last, because
they were not of equal force and inferior in numbers. Their ad-
ministration might have been ever so evident, it was of no avail.
If boys annoyed Ming Pen - and, when he was roused to anger,

would fight with him, sword in hand, they would certainly court
defeat, being no match for him. Had the boys upon Meng Pen
becoming angry, soothed liiin by great politeness and reverence, lie
would not have been capable of doing harm to tlieni. CK in' s position
towards Wei is analogous to that of Meng Pen and tlie boys. The
administration of Wei would certainly not have IViglitened Ch'in,
just as Meng Fen would not run away from the boys when wielding
their swords. The honour and the respect shown to scholars and
to the homes of worthies would be more than the politeness and
reverence of the boys.
The weak Avill have recourse to virtue, whereas those who

have a strong army, will use their power. Because ChUn had sucli
a strong army, nothing could withstand her power. If they held
back their troops, and recalled their men, aud did not infest Wei,
it 、vas out of respect for Tuan Kan Mu and as a mark of esteem
for the marquis of Wei. The honouring of worthies is an ad-
ministrative measure of weak States and a means to increase the
mig'lit of the powerless. How can it be said that this is not the
result of administration?
Han Kao Tsu liad tlie intention to depose tlie heir-apparent.

The empress Lil Hon in her distress summoned Chang Tse Fang ^ to
ask his advice. Chang Tse Fang suggested that the crown-prince
should reverently meet the Four Grey Beards,'* and present tliem
witli ricli gifts. When Kao Tsu saw this, lie changed his mind,
and tlie prince was saved. Had Han Fei Tse advised Lii Hon, that,
the best offensive were strong remonstrances, and the best defensive,
energy, and that in this manner the prince would be safe, he
1 See p. 278 Note 1.
2 Cf. p. 380 Note 4.
3 The same as Chang Liang, the helpmate of Han Kao Tsu. Cf. p. 235.
' Four recluses, 、vho during the troubles attending the o\ erthrow of the Ch'in
dynasty had taken refuge into the mountains near Hsi-an-fu,
438
would, on the contrary, have brought about his own death, not
to speak of his deposition. The deep reverence of tlie crown-
prince towards the four old men changed Han Km Tsti's design.
Just so the respect shown by the Marquis Wen of Wei to Titan Kan
Mus home warded off the troops of powerful Ch'hi.
The government of" a State requires tlie cultivation of two

things, of virtue and of strength. Virtue is cultivated by main-
taining famous men, whereby one shows one's ability to honour
worthies. Strength is developed by keeping strong men, which
shows that one knows how to use soldiers. Then we may say
that all tlie civil and military measures are in operation, and that
virtue and strength are sufficient. In the international intercourse,
a State may win the other side by virtue, or repel it by force.
If, in its foreign relations, it makes virtue its basis, and at the
same time keeps a strong force, those who esteem virtue, will be
on good terms with it without fighting, whereas those who do
not care for virtue, will keep aloof for fear of military complications.
King Yen of Hsil i practised benevolence and justice, and thirty-

two States sent envoys to liis court overland. Wheu powerful
Ch'u heard of this, it despatched its troops, and destroyed him.
King Yen of Hsil possessed virtue, but had no strength in readiness.
One cannot solely rely on virtue to govern a State, nor straight-
way resort to force to ward off an enemy. In Han Fei Tses system
there is no room for the cultivation of virtue, whereas King Yen
of Hsu did not rely on strength. Botli their views were one-sided
and contradictory. King Yen came to grief, because he was power-
less, and we may be sure that Han Fei Tse would have to suffer
for want of virtue.
Human nature is pure or impure, selfish or disinterested, and

people act accordingly. In the same manner plants and trees con-
sist of different substances, which cannot change again. K uang
Chileh and Hua Shih did not take office in C/ii, as Tuan Kan Mu did
not become an official in Wei. Their nature was pure and un-
selfish, they did not long for wealth or honour, criticised their
times, and disliked this world. Their sense of justice prevented
I From Han Fei Tse chap. 19, p. 2v. we learn that Yen was the sovereign
of a small State covering 500 square li in Han-tung (Hupei). King Wen of Ch'u,
688-675 B.C., fearing the growing power of the virtuous l en ― Han Fei Tse speaks
of '.\C) States which were allied to him — destroyed the Ihu State. Huni Nnn Tse
XIII,
14v. also refers to } en and iiientious that 32 States were his allies.
439
them IVoni taking office inconsiderately. Even if they had not

been executed, tliey would not have had followers. T'ai Kung put
them to death, and Han Fei Tse thinks liim quite right. But that
would be denying that men have their special natures, and plants
and trees tlieir special substances.
T'ai Kung beheaded the two scholars. Provided that there

were people like them in CJi i, they would certainly not have
desisted from purifying their hearts, because tlae two were put to
death, and if there were none, no training would have made them
such. Yao did not execute Hsii Fw, ' yet the people of T' ang^ did
not all live in nests. Wu Wang did not kill Po Yi, yet the people
of Chou did not starve in solitude, and, when Marquis Wen of Wei
had honoured Tuan Kan Mus dwelling-place, the people of Wei did
not all close their doors. Consequently, even if T' ai Kung had
not executed the two men, the people of Clii would not all have
disdained the official career, for people cannot assume integrity
and disinterestedness at will. What people are unable to do, they
cannot be induced to do, aud all training and exhorting is in vain.
Conversely what they can do, they cannot be hindered from doing,
even executions are no preventive. Therefore the execution of the
two scholars by T ai Kung was not calculated to bring about im-
provement, it was a useless murder of innocent persons.
Han Fei Tse would not approve of rewards without merit or

of death without guilt. T ai Kung killed innocent men, yet Han
Fei Tse assents to it, ergo his theory admits the assassination of
the innocent. Those who persist in not taking office, Lave not
necessarily some real guilt, yet T'ai Kung put them to death. If
people, who had become officials, had no merit, would T ai Kung
be willing' to reward them? Rewards must be given to merit, and
punishment meted out to the guilty. If T' ai Kung did not reward
officials without merit, then his execution of innocent men, who
did not want to become officials, was unjust. Han Fei Tses approval
is a mistake.
Moreover, people who do not become officials generally have

an unselfish character and few desires, whereas those wlio would
like to take office, are greedy of profit. As long as desires and
the thought of gain are not ingrafted in one's heart, one looks
upon rank and salary as dung and dirt. The disinterested are
1 A legendary hermit of the time of the emperor 】— ao, reported to have lived
in a nest in a tree.
2 Yao's principality.
440
Lun-Hcng: E. Critique.
extremely thrifty, the extravagance of the ambitious knows no

bounds, and therefore their desires do not even recoil from their
sovereign. Among the rebelling officials of ancient times those
with pure and unselfish motives have been very few. The am-
bitious will make themselves conspicuous, and the haughty will
risk tlieir lives. For all the laurels won they aspire to a great
reward, and in their immoderation covet princely dignity.
T ai Kung left liis system behind, and subsequently Cli i was

the scene of the violent murder perpetrated by the CK en family, i
Tâi Kimgs system led to robbery aucl murder. Ilan Fei Tse praises
it, which shows that his own theory is also very dangerous. When
Chou Kung heard of the execution of the two men by T\ii Kung,
he expressed his disapproval, and did not think him right; Per-
sonally lie took gifts and condescended to present them to scholars
living in poor huts. These scholars living in poor huts were like
tlie two men. Chou Kung honoured them, and T ai Kung put tliem
to death. Whose action was the right one?
In Sung there was a charioteer. A horse refused to go on.

He thereupon drew his sword, cut its throat, and threw it into a
ditch. He then tried another horse, which also would not go.
Again he cut its throat, and threw it into a ditch. Tliis lie re-
peated thrice. It was a very strong measure to break the obstinacy
of horses, but it was not the way of Wang Liang. When he stepped
into a carriage, there was no horse stubborn or restive. During
the reign of Yao and Shun, the people were not rebellious. Wang
Liang knew liow to touch the hearts of the horses, just as Yao
and Shun influenced the popular feelings.
Men have the same nature, but there are differeut kinds of
horses. Wang Liang could manage these different kinds, whereas
T ai Kung could not get along with scholars, who were all of the
same nature. Chou Kung， s kindness towards tlie poor scholars
corresponds to Wang Liang's * horse-breaking. T ai Kung, s execution
of the two scholars is like tlie throat-cutting of the man of Sung .
If Ilan Fei Tse were called upon to decide between tlie methods
of Wang Liang arid the man of Sung, he would certainly be in
favour of Wnvg Liang and against the man of Sung. Wang Licwg
preserved the horses, the man of Sung destroyed them. The de-
1 In 481 B.C. ('Nm Hrmj nlias T ien CKmg T'se murdered tlie sovereign of
ChH, a descendant of T'ai Kung. The ( ，l"hi family had assiiiiicci the name T'ien
in CfiL Cf. Shi-chl chap. 32, p. 24 v. and chap. 36， p. 7.
2 Vid, Han Fei Tse XIII, 5.
3 Cf. p. 489.
441
struction of horses is not as good as their preservation. Tims it is

better that people should live than that they should die. Should
Han Fei Tse be against Wang Liang, he would be on a level with
the man of Sung by destroying good people. If lie be against the
man of Sung, it must be borne in mind that the latter's method is
the same as that of l ai Kung, By coudeinning the man of Sung
and upholding T ai Kung, Han Fei Tse would show that he cannot
discriminate between right and wrong.
The government of a State is like governing an individual.

If ill governing an individual grace aud virtue are seldom resorted
to, but much bodily injury is inflicted, friends and partisans will
make themselves scarce, lest disgrace should befall them. If the
principles of governing an individual are extended to the govern-
ment of a State, this government must be based on virtue. Han
Fei Tse solely relies on criminal law to govern the world. That
would mean that lie who governs an individual, must trust to the
infliction of injuries. Does Han Fei Tse not knoAV that to place
reliance on virtue is the best way?
He holds that the world is depraved, that things have changed

for the worse, and that the general feelings are base and mean.
Therefore in working out a system his only thought is penal law.
However, the world is not deficient in virtue, as a year is not
deprived of its spring. Would he who contends that owing to its
depravity the world cannot be governed by virtue, assert also that
a year full of troubles does not generate in spring?
A wise ruler governs a country as Heaven and Earth create

all tilings. In a year of troubles tliey do not omit spring, and a
wise ruler does not discard virtue, because the world is degenerated.
Confucius said，i "Those people were the cause of tlie steady pro-
gress of the three dynasties I "
The time of King Mu of Chou^ can be called one of decay.

He attempted to govern with criminal law, but the result was
confusion, and no glory was Avon. The Marquis of Fu remonstrated
with him, and the king became attached to virtue, and enjoyed
1 Analects XV, 24.
- The depravity of the people cannot have been as great as Han Fei Tse
presumed, for otherwise the progress made during the three dynasties: ― Hsia^
Sliang,
and (-'ho" could not have been accomplished.
3 iUOl-046 B.C.
442
Luii-Heiig: E. Critique.
his kingdom for a long time. His deeds were liauded down to
posterity. King Mas administration first led to disorder, but at
last to order, not because his mind was beclouded first, and his
talents came forth later on, but because he at first relied on Cfiih
Yus 1 criminal law, and only subsequently followed the advice of
the Marquis of Fu. In governiug individuals, one cannot do without
mercy, in governing a State one cannot neglect virtue, and in
creating things spring cannot be left out. Why does Han Fei Tse
wish to rely on law and capital punishment alone?
2 [Duke Mu of Lu^ asked Tse Sse'^ saying, "I have heard that
P ang Hsien is no filial son. How is his unfilial conduct? "
Tse Sse replied, " A prince honours the virtuous to exalt virtue,
and raises the good to admonish the people. As regards faults,
only common people know about that, not I."
Wlien Tse Sse liad left, Tse Fu Li Po saw the prince, who
questioned him about P'ang Hsien s filial conduct, also. Tse Fu Li Po
rejoined, "Your Highness has not yet heard about all his misdeeds."
Afterwards the prince held Tse Sse in esteem and despised

Tse Fu Li Po.] When Han Fei Tse heard of it, lie censured duke Mu
on the ground tliat a wise ruler ought to search for scoundrels
and punish them. Tse Sse would not speak about rascality, which
Tse Fu Li Po did. Therefore, in Han Fei Tses belief, the latter
deserved honour, and the former contempt. Since Duke Mu esteemed
Tse Sse and despised Tse Fu Li Po, lie did not divide honour and
contempt in the right way, hence Han Fei Tses adverse criticism.
Han Fei Tse lays tlie greatest stress upon administration. If

a man does good, the administration rewards him, if he does evil,
it punishes him. Even if good and evil do not transpire, they
fall under strict rules. Yet merely hearing- of a bad deed, one
cannot punish at once, as hearing of a good one, one cannot rashly
reward it. 【t is therefore not in keeping with tlie theory of Han
Fei Tse to blame a man I'or not having denounced wickedness.
1 A legendary person said to have lived at the time of the Emperor Huang Ti.
He rebelled against the latter, and was defeated. Some say that he was a prince,
who terrorised tlie people, others that he was a minister of Huang Ti.
2 Quoted with some slight alterations from Huai Nan Tse chap. 16， p. 1.
3 408- 375 B.C.
4 His full name is K'mvj Tse Sse or K'ung Chi, the grandson of Confucius,
to whom the (''huny-ymy, I'lic '• Doctrine of" the Mean "" is ascribed.
44:、>
Suppose Han Fei Tse heard of a iôod action, 1"、 would certainly
make investigations first, and, in case some merit were brought to
light thus, lie would grant a reward. Upon the mero news of some
^'ood deed, one does not rewa rd in(lis(,riiriinately, lor not every
remark is reliable. Therefore it makes no diflTerence, whether we
hear of good actions or not. Hearing of goodness, one does not
raslily reward, and upon hearing of wickedness, one does not
punish forthwith. Hearing of goodness, one must first investigate,
and hearing of badness, one must make inquiries. Provided some
merit is discovered, then a reward may be given, and, if there is
evidence, a penalty may be determined. Rewards and punishments
are not given upon mere hearsay or vague appearances, before
the truth is found out, and as long as they are not given, good-
ness and badness are not determined. Therefore there must be a
method to establish tliein, and it is not right to require that one
must have heard the thing with one's own ears.
i[7ie CK an of Cheng - went out one morning, and passed tlie

house of Tung Chiang, where he heard the cries of his wife. Pie
grasped the hand of his attendant, and listened. After a while,
he directed his officers to arrest the woman, and sue lier for having
murdered her husband with her own hand.
The next day liis attendant asked him, " Sir, how did you
know all this ？，，
Tse Ch an replied, "Her voice was not moved. When people

learn that those they love dearly are sick, tliey become depressed,
when death approaches, tliey get alarmed, and, after death, give
vent to their grief. This woman bewailed her dead liusbaiicl, but
in lieu of being grieved she was frightened. Thence I knew that
she had committed a crime."]
Han Fei Tse expressed his disapproval and saicP[, "Was not
Tse Ch an a busy body? "
If a crime could only be known, when we perceive it with

our own eyes or ears, very few cases would be disclosed in Cheng.
And would it not be a lack of method, if the city police could
not be trusted to possess the necessary insight for examining tlie
conduct of the smaller congregations of the community, and if one
had to use all own's) intelligence and mental power to discover
such cases ？，，]
1 Han Fei Tse chap. 16， p. 5. The text slightly differs,
2 Tse CKan is the style of Kung Sun CKiao, a famous minister of the Cheng
State, 581-521 b.c, who compiled a penal code.
3 Loc. cit, p. 5v,
444
Luii-Heiig: E. Criti(jue.
Han Fei Tse is justified in blaming Tse CK an, but lie is wrong-
in his adverse comments ou Duke Mu. The lack of grief of tlie
woman is like tlie unfilial conduct of ang Usien. Han Fei Tse
objects to Tse CKan relying merely on liis eyes and ears to get
information about crimes, but, on the other hand, wishes tliat
Duke Mu should have made inquiries to determine the guilt of
P'ang Hsien. Tse CK an had no recourse to the city police, and
determined tlie truth from what he heard. Duke Mu did not
place confidence in the police either, and attained the same result
by his inquiries. Hearsay and inquiries are about the same thing.
Neither trusted the police, or made investigations among the citizens.
From Tse Fu Li Po's answer it is impossible to learn the truth, just
as from the crying of tlie woman one cannot arrive at a cogent
conclusion. If under such circumstances one orders tlie officers to
arrest and try a person, one cannot find out tlie truth thereby.
But how is it possible not to order the officers to make investi-
gations and to charge a person with a crime without any inquiries
merely upon the word of Tse Fu Li Po ?
Han Fei Tse says '[, Tse Sse did not mention faults, and Duke
Mu honoured him. Tse Fu Li Po spoke of crimes, and Duke Mu
despised liim. Human nature is such, that all people like honour
and are displeased with contempt.
When the Chi family 2 made trouble, it was not brought to

the knowledge of the sovereign, and consequently the princes of
Lu were robbed of their power.] Were tliey robbed, because they
did not make a wise use of the laws and administration or, because
they did not hear of the wicked designs in time ？ If tlie ad-
ministration is wisely organised, wickedness lias no field where it
might grow, although it be not lieard of, whereas iu case the ad-
ministration is not wise, the searcliing after criminals is like digging
a well, and then trying to stop it with one hand.
If a chariot-driver without a bridle sees a horse, it will run

away, and he lias no coercive means. Should, however, W"tiy
Liang ^ have come near with reins in his hand, uo horse would
have had the desire to bolt. lie knew tlio method of driving
horses. Now, nothing is said about tlie princes of Lu liaving no
method, but it is mentioned that they did not hear of the treason-
1 Han Fei Tse cliap. 16, p. 1.
2 During the 6th cent. b.c. the ( 'hi family, a side branch of the ducal house
of Lu, engrossed the power in Lu and almost, superseded the reigning princes.
( 'onfucius openly coiideiiiiied their usurpation, ("f. p. 395.
3 See above p. 440.
445
able designs, nothing is said about their looking after the govern-
ment, but it is emphasized that tliey did not understand the feelings
of the people. Han Fei Tse's attack on Duke Mu does not tally
with the tendency of liis theory.
Tse Sse did riot speak of P ang Hsiens unfilial conduct, there-
fore Duke Mu honoured him. Han Fei Tse blames him, saying that
" a wise, ruler looks out for the ij,ood to reward and for rascals to
punish tliem." 1 ― Unfilial persons have a very limited intellect. For
want of insight, they know no propriety, and follow their desires
and propensities just like beasts and birds. One may call them
bad, but to call them rascals is not correct. Rascals are good in
outward appearance, but bad inwardly, or "they show a stern
exterior, and are inwardly \\ eak," - and in their doings imitate the
good to get on in their career. They smile to their superiors 一
how could they be unfilial'.' ― but tliey do wicked things, which
make them worthy of capital punishment. P ang Hsien can be
said to have been untilial, but not a rascal. If Han Fei Tse calls
】iim so, h'e ignores the true meaning of this word.
Han Fn Tse says:^ 一 If silk fabrics are so common, that

ordinary people do not desire tliein, and if gold can be cast into
a hundred coins without robber Che snatching it away, then we
can speak of a manifestation of law."] People do not dare to in-
fringe it. If the law is manifest in a State, robbers are afraid to
break it, and do not venture to bring about unforeseen calamities.
They "hide their vicious thoughts in their hearts, and dare not
transgress the penal law. being in awe of it. If the law is known
and dreaded, there is no need ibr investigating rascality, or in-
quiring after wickedness among the citizens. If the law is im-
posing, people are not vicious, if it is not, tliey commit mauy a
felony. Now Han Fei Tse does not speak of the severe penalties
and the awe-inspiring law of a wise sovereign, but that, he is on
the look-out for miscreants to punish them. If he says that he
looks out for miscreants, the law is not awe-inspiring, so that
people offend against it. In the world raucli more attention is
paid to the persecution of criminals than to upholding the respect
of tlie law. Therefore Han Fei Tses remarks do not agree with
the law.
When the water of a creek is let out, those who know that
it can drown a man, do not attempt to stop the current, but they
1 Han Fei Tse loc. cit.
2 Analects XVU, 12.
3 Han Fei Tse chap. 19, p. 4.
44()
Liin - Heng : E. Critique.
keep boats and oars in readiness. They know the nature of the
water, that its rush cannot be checked, and that it would certainly
drown a man. When a subject or a son is bent upon committing
a misdeed against his sovereign or his father, they are like the
water which drowns a man. Now, Han Fei Tse does not inform
us, which precautions might be taken against the crime, but takes
exception that it is not known or heard of. This would be nothing
else than not to prepare the necessary implements for the water,
and merely to wish to learn, as soon as possible, that the water is
drowning somebody. Being drowned by water one cannot hold
the water accountable, hut is oneself guilty of having neglected
the necessary precautions.
When a sovereign is robbed by a subject, he himself has

neglected the law. Preparing against drowning, one does not dam
ill the fountain-head, and in guarding oneself against an attack,
one does not look out for the misdemeanours of the subjects.
Han Fei Tse stands in need of self-instruction on these points.
The nature of water is stronger than fire, but pour the water
into a kettle, it will boil, but not gain the upper hand. A sovereign
is like fire, a subject like water, administration is the kettle. Fire
does not seek the misdeeds of water. Thus a prince ought not
to search for the faults of 】iis subjects.
Statements Corrected.
447
CHAPTER XXXVL
Statements Corrected 、CMng-shuo、,
The researches of the Literati into the Five Canons i for the
most part miss the trutlu The former scholars, unable to distinguisli
between essential and accidental points, indulged in fanciful in-
ventions, and their successors, relying on the words of old teachers,
stuck to tlie old traditions and walked in the old grooves. Soon
well versed in quibbling, tliey would thoughtlessly uphold the doc-
trine of one master and follow the teachings of their professor.
When the time bad come, they quickly took office, and in their
eagerness for promotion, they liacl no time left to devote thoir
faculties -to the handling of such problems. Consequently an un-
broken chain of false theories has been handed clown, and truth
has liicl lier face.
The trutli about tlie Five Canons lias been equally obscured,
but compared with the Yiking, the statements about the Slmking
and the " Sjn'ing and Autumn " are still tolerably correct.
This rough tlieme may serve as an introduction into the minor

details of this essay.
Some of the critics of the Slmking are of opinion that originally

it consisted of one hundred and two chapters, and tliat afterwards,
when Cliin burued the books of poetry and history, twenty-nine
chapters were preserved. The statement that CTiin burned tlie books
of poetry and history is correct, but tlie assertion that originally
there were one hundred and two chapters is erroneous.
The ShnJdng consisted of one liundred chapters first, which

were transmitted by Confucius, When, by the advice of Li Sse、
CKin burned the Five Canons, Fu Sheng ^ of Chi-nau ^ took the
liundred chapters and concealed tliem in a mountain.'* Under the
1 The Five King or ancient Classics: Yiking^ Shikinff, Shiking, Liki, and
CKun-cKkb.
2 A scholar of great learning.
3 The capital of Shantung .
4 The Shi-chi chap, 121, p. 8 says "in a wall."
448
reign of the Emperor Hsiao Ching Ti ' the Shuhing was saved. Fu
Sheng liad taken it out from the mountain. Ching Ti sent CK ao Tso
to him. He received from Fu Sheng twenty odd chapters of the
Shuking. Fu Sheng died as a xerj old man. His book was greatly
damaged. CJiao Tso handed it over to Ni K'uan.
During tlie time of the Emperor Hsiao Hsilan TP a young
woman in Ilo-nei,^ while opening an old room, discovered a chapter
of a preserved Yiking, Liki, and Shuking. The books were presented
to the emperor, who communicated tliem to the principal men of
learning. Subsequently tlie Yiking, tlie Liki, and the Shuking had
each one chapter added. ' It was then that the number of the
chapters of the Shuking was brought up to twenty-nine.
Wlien Hsiao Cluing Ti had ascended tlie throne,* Prince Kuug

of 丄 M,5 while demolishing the school of Confucius for the purpose
of building a palace there, found a copy of the Shuking in one
luiutlred chapters in the wall. 6 The Emperor Wu Ti sent messengers
to fetch the books for 】iim to see, but there was nobod}' who
could read tliein, whereupon lie stored them away in the palace,
so that no one outside could see tliem.
Under the Emperor Hsiao Cli eng Ti， the study of the Slinking
in ancient characters received a new impetus. C Jiang Pa of Tung-linl^
concocted a Slinking of one hundred and two chapters, following
the order of the Imndred chapters, and presented it to the emperor.
The emperor produced the concealed hundred chapters for com-
parison, but it. was found out that they did not agree at all. Upon
this the emperor handed Chang Pa over to the court. The judges
declared tliat his crime deserved death, but the emperor, who had
a very high opinion of his talents, did not put liim to death, nor
(lid lie destroy his writings, for which he had a certain weakness.
Thus the one hundred and two chapters were lianded down to
posterity, and people who saw them imagined that tlie S/niking had
one hundred ami two chapters first.
1 156-141 B.C.
2 73. 49 B.C.
3 A city ill I liiai-ch'iii(f-fii (Ilo)ian).
'» III 15(5 B.C.
6 A son of tlie Kiiiporor (Hiini/ Ti, wlio in 154 b.c. was made Prince of L".
r' III addition to tliese liuiidrcd cliapters of the Shuking, a Li{ki) in 300
diapters,
a aWitn-cliiii ill 300 chapters unci a Liiri-yii in '21 cliapters wei'e brought to
light.
Cf. Lun-hiiny XX, 4 v. {Yi-wm).
7 32 7 B.C.
8 A place ill Iluai-un-f", {Kiangsu).
Statements Corrected. 440
Some liold that, when Clt in Shih Huang Ti burned the "poetry
(and the) books," ' he burned the Book of Poetry, but not tlie Canons.
Thus tlie Shiking would aloue have been committed to the llames.
However, the term " poetry and tlie books ，， is a general designation
of tlie Five Cauous.
There is a common saying to tlie effect that a lad wlio does
not read the Canons is bent on plays and amusements. " Tse Lit
got Tse Ka(, appointed governor of Pi^ The Master said, ' You
are injuring a man's son.' — Tse Lu replied, There are the people,
and there are the spirits of the laad and grain. Why must one
read hooks^ before lie can be considered to have learned? " ^
A general term for tlie Five Canons is "the books."* Those

who have recorded tlie burning of the books by CK hi do not know
the reason for this measure, therefore they do not understand its
meaning. 5
In the 24th year of Clt in Shih Huang Its reign, ^ a banquet

was given in tlie Hsien-yang palace. Seventy great scholars wished
the emperor long life, ami the Pu-yeh ^ Choa CIt iny Ch en made a
eulogistic speech. When the emperor had gathered all tlie people
around liim, S/mn Yu Yiieh remonstrated with him. He was of
opinion that, because the emperor did not grant fiefs to the sons
of the nobility, a catastrophe like that of T ien Chang ^ and the
six ministers 9 was unavoidable. Besides he stigraatised Chou CK ing
CKms panegyric as a flattery of the emperor.
CI I in SItih Huang Ti handed over his memorial to the premier.

The premier, Li Sse, regarded the remarks of S/mn Yil Yileh as quite
unfit to be taken into consideration. For this reason lie denounced
the speeches of the literati as inveigling the black haired people.
Then the officials were ordered to completely destroy tlie Five
2 Tse Im and Tse Kao were both disciples of Confucius.
4 Analects XI, 24.
5 On the burning of the books cf. p. 490.
6 This is a misprint. It was the 34th year (213 b.c). See the Shi-chi chap. 6,
p. 21v. and p. 41)0.
7 An official title under the ChUri and Han dynasties.
8 A noble of the State of Ch% who in 481 b.c. put to death the reigning
sovereign Duke Chim, and usurped the government of the State with the title of
chief minister,
9 The chiefs of the six powerful families in Chin who struggled for supremacy.
Three of these families were destroyed during these struggles, the remaining three:
Chao， Han and Wei in 403 b.c. divided the Chin State among them.
Lim - Heng. 29
450
Canons by fire. Those who dared to conceal books or writings of

the hundred authors ' should be severely dealt with. Only members
of tlie academy were allowed to keep books. Thus the Five Canons
were all burned, aud not merely the books of the various schools
of thought. In this the writers on this epocli believe. Seeing that
poetry and " books " are mentioned we can only say that the
Canons are here termed " books."
Some writers on the Shuking are aware of the fact that it

was burned by CKin, but urge that twenty-nine chapters were
saved and left unscathed. If" this was tlie case, then were tlie
twenty-nine chapters of tlie Shuking left by the fire, and did the
seventy-one chapters become coal aud ashes, wliereas the twenty-
nine remained ？
When Fu Sheng was old, Cli ao T'sn studied under liim and
just, when he had received twenty odd chapters, Fu Sheng died.
Therefore these twenty-niue chapters alone came forth, and the
seventy-one had been saved. Seventy-one chapters had been saved,
and they conversely state that twenty-nine chapters were saved.
Some say that the twenty-nine chapters of the Shuking are

an imitation of the Dipper and seven zodiacal constellations.
Four times seven gives twenty-eiglit chapters, and the one is the
Dipper, so that there would be the number of twenty-nine. How-
ever, wlien the Shuking was destroyed in CK in^ only twenty-nine
chapters remained, liow could there be any imitation? During the
reign of the emperor Hsiian Ti one chapter was found of the lost
Shukiny, tlie Yikiiuj, and tlie Liki each. The number of the chapters
of the Yiking and the Liki became complete then. How could any
imitation find its way? Out ol" the series of the hundred chapters
of tlie Shukinf/, seventy-one were missing, and no more than twenty-
nine still extant. How should the imitation have taken place then ？
Others liold tliat Confucius selected twenty-nine chaj)ters, and

that these alone were up to the standard. Only common scholars
can speak so, and it does not show inucJi wisdom in the writers
Writers on pliilosophy and science.
There are 28 stellar iiiaiisioiis in all, 7 for eacli tjuadrant.
451
on these subjects. The twenty-nine chapters were a fragment and

incomplete, and just on account of this difficiency the writers con-
ceived the idea of the imitation. They misunderstand the sage,
and tlieir opinion disagrees with the facts now and formerlv.
The chapters of a Classic correspond to the periods and clauses.

Periods and clauses still consist of words. Words giving a sense
form a clause, and a certain number of clauses is combined into
a period. A complex of periods gives a chapter. A chapter there-
fore is a combination of periods and clauses. If one maintains that
the chapters imitate something, then he must admit that periods
and clauses have their prototype likewise.
In ancient times the Shiking also consisted of several thousand

chapters. Confucius expunged a great many and made a revised
edition, retaining but three hundred chapters. They are like the
twenty-nine chapters of the S/mking. Provided that the letter had
their model, the three hundred and five chapters must have had
theirs likewise.
Some one might suggest that the CJiun CJi iu is a reproduction

of tlie twelve months. The twelve dukes of the CKun CJiiu ^ are
like the hundred chapters of tlie Shukwg. Since these chapters are
not modelled after anything, the twelve dukes cannot be such an
imitation either.
Discussing the " Spring and Autumn," people have put forward
the following theory. During the two hundred and forty- two years
of the " Spring- and Autumn " period, the people had excellent
principles, and those of the emperor were perfect. The good were
liked, and the wicked detested. Revolutionists were led back to
the right path. Nothing could be like the " Spring and Autumn "
period in this respect. Thus the principles of the people and of
the emperor just happened to be perfect.
Three, armies forming six divisions, of 12,000 men, suffice to

crush an enemy, to defeat brigands, and to put a stop to their
attacks on tlie empire, but it is not necessary that they should be
an imitation of any standard.
When Confucius composed the " Spring and Autumn," the

chronicle of the twelve dukes of Lu, it was like the three armies
forming six divisions. The number of soldiers, 12,000 in all, would
correspond to the two-liundretl and forty-two years. Six divisions
consisting of 12,000 soldiers would suffice to form an army, and
twelve dukes comprising two liuudred and forty- two years would
The twelve dukes of Lu, whose histoi'y is given in the Ch'un-ch'iu.
29*
452
be sufficient to establish a moral system. But those who concern

themselves with these questions, are very partial to extravagant
theories and imposing doctrines. In their opinion, the reckless meet
with misfortune, therefore the number of the chaptei's of tlie clas-
sical writings has always a certain sense.
Let us get to the bottom of tlie thing, and see what these
writings are meant to be, and 工 am sure that our ideas will re-
present the view of the venerable men who wrote those books and
poetries. The sages are the authors of the Canons, tlie worthies
of the Classics. Having exhausted a theme and said all they could
about it, they made a chapter of it. The subjects were cognate,
and the various paragraphs homogeneous. In case the subjects were
heterogeneous, and tlic diction not uniform, tliey formed a new
chapter. The sense being different, the words diirered too. Thus,
when a new theme was treated, anotlicr chapter had to be com-
menced. All depended cm the subject, liow could the number of
stars be imitated?
Concerning the two Imndred and forty-two years of the

" Spring and Autumn " tliere are some who say that the longest
life lasts ninety years, a medium long one eighty, and the shortest
long life seventy years. Confucius took three generations of a
medium long life for liis work. Three times eight gives twenty-lour,
ergo there are two hundred and forty years. Others urge that this
is the mean number of tlie days of pregnancy.' Others again
contend that during two hundred and forty-two years the ways
of tlie people wero excellent, and those of the emperors perfect.
Now, if we accept the three generation theory, the statement

about the excellent conduct must be wrong, and, if Ave declare tlic
latter view to be correct, then we must dismiss the theory about
the three generations as erroneous, lor both are contradictory. How
could we be sure to be in accordance with the views of the sage,
if we decide in favour of either of these opinions?
The addition of years, months, and days to a record will al-

ways increase its accuracy. The Five Tiineke.epei's of the n'uug-fau;!
1 This translation is a mere guess. 卞、 miglit mean " rule for the nevv-
horii." According to Chinese ideas j)regnaiicy lasts 7-9 months or 210-270 days,
whereas wc reckon 182 300 days. Tlie mean iiuiuber would be 240 or 241 days.
The dictionaries do not explain the expression.
2 These Five Timekeepers of the Iluny-fan chapter are : tlie year, the month,
the day, the stars, and the dates of tlie calendar. Shi'kimj, Hung -fan, Pt. V, Bk.
IV, 8
(Legyc Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 327).
453
the years, months, days, and stars servo to describe events, but
liave no reference to any outwards signs. It is on record that the
years during wliicli the twelve dukes enjoyed the possession of
tlieir State were two hundred and forty- two altogether. These, at
all events, have given rise to the three generation theory. As a
matter of fact, Confucius in writing the history of the twelve dukes,
either was of opinion that the events wliich happened under their
reigns were sufficient to illustrate tlio principles of a sovereign, or
he took three generations, and these three generations just happened
to embrace the time of the twelve dukes. If he took the twelve
dukes, then the two hundred aud forty-two years were not regarded
as three generations, and if he took three generations, so that eight
were multiplied by three, this would give two hundred and forty,
wliy then did he add two ？
I shall receive the answer that lie wished to include the first
year of 'Duke Yin, and did not add two years. Had these two
years not been included, the first year of Duke Yin would have
been omitted in the Classic, Provided that in the composition of
the CJi nn-ch iu the time for three generations was chosen on pur-
pose, wherefore was it necessary to begin the narration from the
events which happened during tlie first year of Buke Yin's reign ？
If, conversely, these events were required for the beginning, then
only completeness was aimed at, and it would -be no use speaking
of three generations. Tliey say that Duke Yin reigned fifty years. ^
Now, should a complete record be given from the first year, or
should it be cut in two to have the number of three times
eight? If a complete record from the first year was given, the
number of three times eight did cut it in two, aud, if it was cut
in two with the object ol" obtaining the full number of years for
three generations, then the first years of Duke Yin were super-
fluous.
Furthermore, a year differs in length from months and days,

but tlie events, which they embrace, have all the same purport.
Since the two hundred and forty-two years are believed to repre-
sent three generations, the days and montlis of these two hundred
and forty-two years ought to have a fixed number likewise. The
years represent three generations, but how many months and days
are there, and what do they represent? The years of the " Spring
and Autumn " are like the paragraphs of the Shuking. A paragraph
1 This would seem a misprint. Duke 】 -' •" of Im reigned from 721-711 b.c.
，'. c. 10 years, not 50.
454
serves to bring out a meaning, and a year to chronicle events.

He who holds that the years of the Cli uu-cU in have a prototype,
must admit that the paragraphs of the Shuking have a prototype also.
Writers on the Yiking all state that Fu Ilsi made the Eight
Diagrams, and that Wen Wang increased them to sixty-four. Now,
because a wise emperor rose, the Yellow River produced the Plan
and tlie Lo the Scroll. When Fu Hsi was emperor, the Plan of
the River put forward the diagrams of the Yiking from the water
of the River, and during Yils time the Scroll of the Lo was ob-
tained. It emerged from the Lo, putting forward the nine para-
graphs of the "Flood Regulation." 1 Thus by means of tlie dia-
grams Fu Hsi governed the empire, and Yil put the " Flood Regul-
ation " into practice to regulate the great flood.
Of old, when Lieli Shan^ was on the throne, he obtained the

Plan of the River. The Hsia dynasty took it over and called it
Lien-shan. The Plan of the Ricer obtained by the Emperor Lieh
Shan also went over to the Yin dynasty, which styled it Kuei-tsang.
Fu Hsi came into possession of the plan during his reign, and the
people of Choii denoted it as C/iou-Yi, The diagrams of this Classic
were sixty-four in all. Wen Wang and Choii Kung made a summary
of them in eighteen paragraphs and explained the six lines.
The current tradition on the Yiking is that Fu Hsi made tlio

eight diagrams. Only he wlio keeps on the surface, can say that
Fu Hsi really composed tlie eight diagrams. Fu Hsi obtained the
eight diagrams, but did not make them, and Wen Wang received
the sixty-four quite complete, and did not increase them. These
words : to make and to increase, have their origin in the common
tradition. People lightly believe in this statement, and consider it
1 The chapter of the Shuking entitled " Ihmy-fan."
2 The Emperor Shm Kung.
3 The Yiking of the (!hou Dynasty, tlie only one which has come down to us.
4 We leani from the Ti-n-xniff-fihih-chi (3d cent. a,d.) that Fu Hsi made the
eight diagrams, and that S/ien JVunff increased them to sixty-four. Huang Ti、 Fao,
and Slum took them over, expanded them, and distinguished two Yildngs, The Hsia
dynasty adopted that of Shm Nung, and called it Llm-shan^ the Yin dynasty took
the version of Huany 7'/， and called it Kmi-Uang. Whi Wamj expanded the sixty-
four diagrams, composed the six broken ami unbroken lines of which they were
formed, and called it (Jhou Yu
Others tliink that Ijim-'shcm is another iianio of Fu Hsi, and Knn-tsfinff ；，

designation of Huang Ti.
455
as true, whereas the truth is nearly forgotten. Not knowing that

the Yiking is the Plan of the River, 、 they are not aware either
to Avhicli dyuasty the different Yikings, still extant, belong. Some-
times it is the Lieii-shan or the Kuei-tsany Yiking, and sometimes
the Yiking of the Chore dynasty.
The amplifications and abridgements which the Books of Rites

underwent under the Hsia, Yin, and ('Jiou dynasties vary very much.
If, because the Chou dynasty is the last of the three, our present
Yiking is regarded as that of the Chou dynasty, then the Ldki ought
to be from the Chou time also. But, since the " Six Institutions "
do not tally with the present Liki, the latter cannot be that of
the Chou dynasty. Thus it becomes doubtful too, whether our
Yiking dates from the Chou epoch.
Since* Tso Ch'iu ISling," who iu his commentary quotes the

authors of the Chou dynasty, uses diagrams which agree with our
modern Yiking, it is most likely the Yiking of the Chou period.
The writers on the Liki all know that the Liki is the LiM, but
to which dynasty does it belong?
Confucius says, 3 " The Yin dynasty continued the Rites of the
Hsia ； wherein it amplified or abridged tliem, may be known. The
Chou dynasty has continued the Rites of the Yin ； wherein it am-
plified or abridged them, may be known." Accordingly the Hsia
as well as the Yin and Chou all had their own Liki. Now is our
own the Chou Liki or that of the Hsia or Yin dynasties?
If they hold that it is the Chou Liki, one must object that
the Rites of the Chou had tlie Six Institutions,'^ whereas our Liking
does not contain them. Perhaps at that time the Yin Liki was
not yet extinct, and the Liki with the Six Institutions was not
handed down. Consequently ours has been regarded as the Chou
Li. The Official System of the Chou^ does not agree with the pre-
sent Liki, it must be the Chou Liki with the Six Institutions therefore,
but it is not being handed down, just as the Sfniking^ the Ch un-ch iu,
and the Tso-chuan in ancient characters are not iimcli in vogue.
1 The tradition about the Plan of the River and the Scroll of the Lo is very
old. We find traces of it in the Yiking, the Liki, the Shuking, and the AnaiecU.
Cf. Legges translation of the Yiking, p. 14.
2 The author of the Tso-chuan.
3 Analects II, 23, 2.
4 The Six Institutions or departments of the Chou : administration, instruction,

rites, police, jurisdiction, and public welfare. Cf. Chou-li, Bk. II, T ien-kuan.
(Biot's
translation, Vol. I, p. 20.)
6 Now known as the (lion-li.
456
Lull -Heng; E. Critique.
Those who treat of the An alec (s merely know how to discourse

on the text, and to explain tlie meaning, but tliey do not know
the original number of the books of the Analects, During the Chott
time eight inches were reckoned to one foot. They do not know
for what reason the size of the Analects was only one foot. The
Analects are notes on the sayings and doings of Confucius^ made by
his disciples. It happened very often that he corrected tliem. Many
tens of hundreds of books thus originated. For writing them down
the size of one foot of eight inches was chosen, as it was more
economical, and the books could be kept in the bosom more con-
veniently. Because tlie sayings left by the sage were not to be
found in tlie Classics, tlie pupils were afraid lest they should for-
get tliem, when recording from memory, therefore they only used
books of one foot like eight inches, and not of two feet four inches.
At tlie accession of the Han dynasty the Analects had been

lost. When under Wu Tis reign the wall of the house of Confucius
was pierced, 2 twenty-one books in ancient characters were brought
to light. Between the two rivers oi' Clii and Iac^ nine books were
discovered, wliicli makes thirty together. Tlie daughter of the Em-
peror Chao TV read twenty- one books. When the Emperor Hsilan
Ti^ sent them down to the scholars of the court of sacrificial wor-
ship, they still declared that the work was liard to understand,
and called it a record. Afterwards it was transcribed in Li cha-
racters^ to give it a wider publicity. First the grandson of Confucius,
iCimg An Kiw, explained it to Fu Chirtg^ a native of Lii. When
the latter became governor of Ching-diou,^ lie first called it Analects,
Now we speak of the twenty books of the Analects.^
1 Under the Ihia dynasty the foot had ten inches, under the Yin nine, under
the Chou eight. Now it has ten inches again The foot of the Chou time measured
but about 20 cm., whereas the modern foot is equal to 35 cm.
2 By Prince Kung, Vid, above p. 448.
3 It is not plain which rivers are meant. They must have been at the frontier
of the two coiitermiiious States. There was the Chi River, which in CKi was called
the Chi of ChH, and in Lii the Chi of Lu.
4 86-74 B.C.
5 73- 49 B.C.
G The massive Li characters were invented during the Han time and form
the link between the ancient seal characters and the modern form of script.
7 A place in Hupei province.
8 Analects ― Lan-yu.
9 Our text of the Tyan-yu consists of twenty books. In the Ilan time there
were two editions of the Classic, one of Lu in twenty books and one of ( 'fti in
twenty-two.
457
The nine books found between tlie rivers of" Ch i and Lu

have again been lost. Originally there were, thirty, but by the
transmission of separate books, sonic have clisa|)peared. Tlioso
twenty-one books may be too many or too few, and jtlie iiilcr-
pretatioii of the text may be correct or erroneous, the critics of
the Lim-i/i'i do not care, they only know how to ask knotty questions
concerning the explanation of ambiguous passages, or find diffi-
culties iu all sorts of minutiae. They do not ask about the origin
of the work, wliich has been preserved, or the number of its books
or its chapters. Only tliose well versed in antique lore, who also
understand the present time should become teachers, why do we
now call teachers men who know nothing about antiquity? -
Mencius said, " The traces of the old emperors were obliterated,
and the Odes forgotten, when the Cli un-cli iu was composed. The
CKeng of Chin and the T ao-wii of Ch u correspond to the CKun-
cliiu of Lu." 1
As Mencius states, Cliun-cKiu was tlie name of the history of

Lu like the CJi eng and the T' ao-vou》 Confucius preserved the old
name and styled it tlie Cli un-cKm Classic. This is by no means a
queer expression, nor has it any other sense or any deep and excellent
meaning. The ordinary scholars of the present day contend witli
reference to the Cli un-cK iu, that Ch un (Spring) is the beginning
and cK iu (Autumn) the end of the year. The Cli un-cli in Classic
can feed the young and afford nourishment to the old, whence the
designation CJi un-cK iu (Spring and Autumn). But wherein does the
CKun-cKiu differ from the Shaking? The Shuking is regarded as the
book of the emperors of remotest antiquity, or people think that
it contains the deeds of the ancients, which were written down by
their successors. At all events, the facts and the mode of trans-
mission are both in accordance with truth, and so is tlie name.
People were not at a loss what to say, and then concocted a
meaning, so that the expression seemed strange. Those dealing
witli the Shuking speak the truth about it, whereas those concerned
with the CK un-cK iu, have missed the meaning of tlie Sage.
We read in tlie commentary of the CK un-cK iu， the Tso-chuan,

that during the seventeen th year of Duke Huans reign, ^ in winter,
1 Mencius Bk. IV, Pt. II, chap. 21.
2 The meaning of the names of these- old chronicles, CKhig and T'ao-icu,
is as obscure as that of the CKun-cKiu.
3 710-693 B.C.
458
Lun -Hciig: E. Critique.
in the tenth motith, the first, day of the moon, the sun was
eclipsed. 1 The day is not mentioned, because the responsible of-
ficer had lost it.
Thq， idea that tlie official had lost the day is correct,- I dare
say. The historiographer had to record the events, as in our
times the district magistrates keep their books. Years and months
are long and difficult to be lost, days are sliort and may easily be
forgotten. Good and bad actions are recorded for the sake of"
truth, and no importance is attached to days and months.
In the commentaries of Kung Yang and Ku Liang ^ days and

months are not mentioned at all. That is on purpose. To omit
usual tilings and use queer expressions, and to give an ambiguous
meaning to straightforward words would not be to Confucius mind.
In reality Cli im-cKm (Spring and Autumn) refers to the Summer
also. That it is not mentioned is like the omission of days and
months.
T any, Yil, Hsia, Yin, and Chou are territorial names. Yao as-
cended the tlirone as marquis of T ang,^ Shun rose to power from
the Yii territory, Yil came from Hsia ^ and ang， from Fwi,^ when
they began their brilliant careers. Wî Wang relied on Chou ^ to fight
his battles. They all regarded the country, from which they had
taken their origin, as their basis. Out of regard for their native
land, wliicli they never forgot, they used its name as their style,
just as people have their surnames. The critics on the Shukiny,
however, assert that the dynastic names of tlie ruling emperors,
such as T ang, Yu, Hsia, Yin, and Chou, are expressive of their
virtue and glory, and descriptive of their grandeur.
T ang means majesty, they say, Yii joy, Hsia greatness, Yin to
flourish, and Chou to reach. Ycu/s majesty was such, that the people
had no adequate name for it, Shun was the joy and the bliss of
the world, Yil got the heritage of the two emperors, and once more
' ( 'h'un-c/iiu II, 17, 8.
2 /. e. the day of the sexagenary cycle, for the day of the iiiontli is mentioned.
3 Two other coimneiitaries to tlie CJh'un-ch'iu, less important than the TKO-chaan.
4 T'any was situated in Pao-ting-fu {Chili).
5 In Shami.
•"• In K'ai-feng-fii (Honan).
7 CMcmj 7'W',/， the founder of tlie I'm {Shang) dynasty.
** A principality in 1 lorn in.
'•' The kingdom ol" ( 'hou in Shcnsi.
Statements - Oorrected.
established the majesty of the moral laws, sg tliat the people had
no adequate name for 】iim. Under 7' amj of tlie Yin morality flour-
ished, and the glory and virtue of Wit \V<nty of Chan reached every-
where. The scholars have found very nice meanings, indeed, and
bestowed great praise on these five reigning houses, but they are
in opposition to the real truth, and have misconceived the primary
idea. The houses of T、 aug ， Yil, Hski, Yin and Chou bear tlioir names
just as the Cli in and llau do theirs. The Cli in rose from ('/"//，1
and the Han started from Ilan'churujr Therefore tbey still kept
the names of CKin aud Han. Similarly Wang Mang seized the
supreme power as a marquis of Hsin-tu、3 and for this reason was
called doomed Hsin. Had the CKin and the Han flourished anterior
to tlie classical writings, the critics would surely Lave explained
the words C'h in and I Inn as meaning morality and virtue.
When Yao was old and wished to yield the throne, the Chief
of the Four Mountains^ recommended SInm. Yao said, "I will try
him." 5 The commentators of the Shuking maintain that this signi-
fies- " I will use him, namely: ― I will use liiin and make him
emperor." To make him emperor, is to be understood.
The text goes on, " 1 will Avive him. and then observe his
behaviour with my two daughters." To observe means nothing
more than that Slain is to show himself to the world, tliey say,
it does not imply that Yao himself is going to observe him. Two
sucli extraordinary men like Yao and Shuiu who are regarded as
sages, must have known one another at first sight. There was no
need for any trial or observation. The flashes of their genius
meeting, tliey felt an unlimited confidence in eacli other.
We read further on: ― " The four quarters of the empire were
all submissive. Being sent to the great plains at tlie ibot of tlie
mountains, amid violent wind, thunder and rain, lie did not go astray."'*
Ta li; (the great plains at the foot of the mountains) is the

office of tlie three prime ministers, they say. Filling the post of
1 The kingdom of CKin in Shemi,
2 In Shensi,
3 Principality in Kan-yang-fu (Honan).
4 The president of all the nobles of the empire. •

:、 Sinking Y(w-t''e", Pt. I, Bk. IIL 12 {Le(/(/e Vol. UL Pt. I, p. 26).
G Shuking^ Sfmn-tien, Pt. II， Bk. L 2 {Leggp Vol. Ill, Pt, I, p. 31).
460
one minister, S/iun had to act as registrar-general, the duties of the

two other ministers were manifold, but in all he was equally suc-
cessful like violent wind and powerful rain-sliowers.
Now, inspite of their great ability sages do not always know

each other, although tlie.y be sages in fact. Shun found it difficult
to know the cunning, wherefore lie employed Kao Yao \ who showed
a great knowledge of men. Cunning people are hard to know, and
sages are difficult to find out. Yao's genius was like Shim's know-
ledge ； Slum knew cunning people, and Yao knew sages. When Yao
had heard of Shun' s virtue, and that lie was recommended by the
Chief of the Four Mountains, lie knew that lie was an extraordin-
ary man, but he was not yet sure of his ability. Therefore he
said, " I will try him," and he tried him in an office and gave
him his two daughters in marriage to see, how he would behave
as husband. He filled his posts irreproachably, nor did lie deviate
from the right path of matrimony. Then Yao again bade all the
people go into the country and observe his sagehood. Shun braved
storm and ra,in-sho、vers, and did not go astray. Then Yao knew
that he was a sage and entrusted him with the empire. If the
text speaks of observing and trying, it means to observe and to
try his ability.
The commentators regard this expression as figurative and by

adding to and embellishing the text they distort everything, and
do not preserve tlie true sense. Their misinterpretations quite spoil
the meaning. Thus the wrong explanations are transmitted to
posterity uninterruptedly, and fanciful comments obscure the truth
ever since.
Intelligent persons wishing to understand the Canons do not

go back to the original meanings, and even if they do, tliey still
compare the old commentaries, and adopt the old explanations,
which have been several times repeated, and look upon them as
proofs. What lias been handed down about tlie Canons cannot be
relied upon, for the erroneous statements about tlie Five Canons
arc very numerous. The facts and the texts of the Shuking and
the Cli un-cJi m are comparably plain and intelligible, therefore my
remarks apply especially to them.
1 Minister of Crime under Sliun.
Critical Remarks on Various Books. 4(1
CHAPTER XXXVIL
Critical Remarks on Various Books (An-shu).
The Coiifucianists look up to Confucius as the founder of their

school, whereas th(> Mehists regard Me Ti as tlieir inast(H\^ Tlic
Confucian doctrine has come down to us, that of Me Ti has fallen
into desuetude, because the Confucian principles can be put iu use,
while the Meliist system is very difficult to practise. How so?
The Mehists neglect the burials, but honour the gliosts. Their
doctrine is abnormal, self-contradictory, and irreconcilable with
truth, therefore it is hard to practise. Which are its anomalies'?
Provided that ghosts are not the spirits of the departed, then
they can have no knowledge of the lionoiir shown them. Now
the Mehists aver, tliat tlie ghosts are indeed the spirits of the
dead. They treat the souls well, and neglect the corpses. Thus
they are generous to the spirits and mean with reference to their
bodies. Since generosity and meanness do not harmonize, and the
externals and internals do uot agree, the spirits would resent it,
and send misfortunes clown upon tlieir votaries. Though thiTf
might be ghosts, tliey would, at any rate, be animated by a deadly
hatred. Human nature is such, that it likes generosity, and detests
meanness. The feelings of the spirits must be very much the same.
According to Me Tses precepts one would worship the ghosts, and
pray for happiness, but the happiness obtained thereby would be
very scarce, and misfortune on misfortune would be tlie result.
This is but one instance among a hundred, but tlie cntiiv Meliist
system is like that. The cause that it has lost its ground, and is
not being handed down, is contained therein.
1 Me Ti, the philosopher of universal love, a younger contemporary of Con-

fucius 5th or 4th cent. b.c. Cf. E. F"ber, Lehre des Philosophen Michts^ Elberfeld
1877 (Extracts from his works).
462

The Tso-clman of the (li un-clt iu ^ was recovered from the wall
of the house of Confucius. Under the reign of the emperor Hsiao
Wti Ti, Prince Kung of Lu demoHslied the school of Confucius for
the purpose of building a palace. There lie found thirty books
of the Ch' un-cK iu, which liad been concealed; These were the
Tso_chuan. Kung Yang Kao、 Ku Liang Cliih ^ and Ha Mu^ all trans-
mitted the Ck'nu'c/iiu^ representing different schools, but the com-
mentary of Tso CKiu Ming alone was in time the nearest to Con-
fucius and did embody the right views:
The Liki was composed in the scliool of Confucius. The Grand

Annalist (the author of the Shi-chi) was a man of great talents in
the Han time. Now the statements of Tso C/i iii Ming are in accord-
ance with these two books, ^ whereas the writings of Kung Yang
Km, Ku Liang CK iJi aud Hu Mu differ very much. Besides thes(、
writers are too far remote from Confuckis. It is much better to
be near, than to be distant, and better to see, than to know by
hearsay.
Liu Tse Cheng mocked at the Tao Chucu " & wliereas his servants,
liis wife, and liis sons used to recite it. At Kuang Wu Tis ^ time
Cli m Yuan and Fan Shu ^ reported to the throne on the Tso - chuan,
collecting all the facts and giving their opinions on the pros and
cons. Then the fame of Tso CIt in Mhu/ Ixnânie established. Fern
S/m soon after was dismissed lor aii oHVuoc C/t en Yuan and Fan
Shu were th(^ most talented men of the empire. In their arguments
on the merits of the Tso Chuan tliey display a remarkable vigour.
Ch' m Yuan used to express liiniself very cautiously and Fan Skus
criticisms were silenced.^ Hence it became evident that Tso Cli iu
Ming gives us the truth.
1 In the opinion of most Chinese critics the CKun-cJi'm^ as we have it, has
not been preserved, Init vviis I'econstructed from the T.so-chuan or from the other
commentaries. This view is supported by what Wang (、Kang says here. See on
this question Lvgg(\ Prolegomena to his translation of the diun-clim^ p. IB seq.
2 Cf: above pp. 448 and 4r>6.
3 KuiHj ) avfj ami l\'u Linn;/ are tlio surnames, l\((0 and ( It 'th the personal
names.
4 Hu Mu's roiiunentary is not mentioned in the Catalogue ol' tJie //(/〃--、' 力〃.
6 To wit the Liki and the Shi-(:hi.
Jjvu 1\sp. (Jhmg ― Liu Ilsiaftff, 80-!) n.c, wiis an admirer of the commentary
ol* Ku Liang ^ wliereas liis .sou Liu ILmi stood up for the T'so-chmm,
7 25 -57 A.I).
8 Fan Shu alias Fan Shnnj.
" Fun Shu in liis report to tlir throne liad attacked tlie Tso-<'hiuw on four-
teen points.
Critical Remarks on Various Books. 463
To relate marvellous stories is not at all in the style of Con-

fucius, who did not speak of strange things. The Lii-sliih-cJi un-cK iu ^
e. g. belongs to this class of works. ^ The Kuo-yil is the exoteric
narrative of Tso CI tin Ming. Because the text of the Tso-ckuan Classic
is rather concise, he still made extracts and edited the text of the
Kuo-yil to corroborate the Tso-chuan. Tlius the Kuo-ijil of Tso C!t 、： u
Ming is a book which the Literati of our time regard as genuine.
Kung &an Lung wrote a treatise on the hard and white. ^ He split
words, dissected expressions, and troubled about equivocal terms.
His investigations have no principles and are of no use for government.
Tsoii Yen in CKi published three works which are vague and
diffuse ;4 he gives very few proofs, but liis words startle the reader.
Men of great talents are very often led astray by tlieir imagination
and show a great lack of critical acumen. Their style is brilliant,
but there is nothing in it, and their words are imposing, but their
researches are conspicuous by the absence of sober judgment.
When Shang Yany^ was minister of Ch'in, he developed the

system of agriculture and fighting, and, when Kuan Chung^ held
the same position in C】", lie wrote the book on weight. He made
the people wealtliy, the State prosperous, the sovereign powerful,
and the enemies weak, and adjusted rewards and punishments. His
work 7 is classed together witli that of Tsoii Yen^ but the Grand
Annalist lias two different records about them.^ People are per-
plexed thereby, and at a loss, which view to take.
1 An important work on antique lore composed under the patronage of Prince

Lii Pu Wei in the 3d cent. b.c.
2 Works relating marvellous stories.
3 Cf. iny paper on the Chinese Sophists^ Journal of the (Jh'ma Branch of the
R, As. Soc" Shanghai 1899, p. 29 and appendix containing a translation of the
remains
of this philosopher.
4 Cf. p. 253.
5 Wei i'anf/, Prince of Shang, a great reformer of the civil and military ad-
ministration of the (Îiin State, which he raised to great power. Died 338 b.c.
G One of the most celebrated statesmen ot* antiquity, who died in 645 k.o.
7 A speculative work which passes under the title of Kuati TV. The one
still in existence is perhaps a later forgery.
s Sse Ma Chun extols Knew Chung (Shi- clti chap. 62, p. 2 v) and finds fault
with Shang Yang (Shi-chl chap. 6S, p. 0), although, in Wanff Cliung s opinion,
their
deeds and their theories are very similar. It must be noted, however, that Shang
Yang,s criminal laws were very cruel. Wang Cltmig^ who is to a certain extent
imbued with Taoist ideas, feels a natural aversion to all forms of government, and
to legislation in particular.
464
Chang Yi was a contemporary of Su Cliin. Wlien tlie latter

died, Chang Yi was certainly informed of it. Since lie must have
known all the details, his words ought to have served as basis to
fix the tliruth. However, the reports are not clear, there being-
two versions. Chang Shang of Tting~hai i also wrote a biography.
Was Su Cli in an invention of Chang Shang, for liow is it possible
that til ere is such a discrepancy between the two versions?
In the Genealogical Tables of the Three Dynasties - it is said

that the Five Emperors and Three Rulers were all descendants of
Huang Ti, and that from Huang Ti downward they were successively
born without being again informed by the breath of heaven. In
the special record of tlie Yin dynasty ^ we read, however, that
Chien Ti,^ tlie mother of Hdeh? while bathing in a river, met a
black bird, wliich dropped an egg*. She SAvallowed it, and sub-
sequently gave birth to Hsieli.^
Ill tlie special record of tlie Choii'^ dynasty we find the notice
that the mother of Lord Chi, Chiang Yuan,^ while going into tlie
country, saw the footprints of a giant. Wlien she stept into them,
slie became with child, and gave birth to Lord Chi.^
Now we learn from tlie Genealogical Tables that TIsieh and

Lord Chi were both descendants of Huang Ti, whereas Ave read iu
tlie records of the Yin and Cluni dynasties that they were conceived
from tlie sperm of tlie black bird and the giant. These two ver-
sions ought not to be transmitted simultaneously, yet tlie Great
Annalist recorded tlienL both indiscriminately. The consorts of em-
perors should not stroll into the country or batlie in a river. Now
the one is said to have bathed in a river, and to have swallowed
the egg of a black bird, ami the other went into the country, and
there walked in the footprints of a giant. That is against all tlie
laws of decorum and a mixing up of the distinctions between right
and wrong.
1 A place in Kiangm,
2 Shi-chi chap. 13.

a Shi-chi chap. 8.
4 Second wife of the Emperor K'u.

5 The first ancestor of the Yin dynasty.
First wife of the Emperor IC'u.

" Hon ( 7ii "Lord of the Soil," the ancestor of the (，hou dynasty.
Critical Remarks on Various Books.
4G5
The " New Words " i is the work of Lu Chia,'^ wliicli w as

appreciated very rnucli by Tung Chung Shu》 It deals with sovereigns
and subjects, good and bad government, tlie words are worth re-
membering, the facts related, excellent, and sliow a great amount
of knowledge. They may supplement the Classics; although there
is not much to be added to the words of tlie old sages, at all
events there is nothing amiss with Lu Chias words. The utterances
of Tung Chung Shu, on tlie other baud, about the rain sacrifices
responding to heaven and tlie earthen dragon attracting tlie rain
are very obscure.*
Droughts will happen in consequence of the rain sacrifices

(beiug in disorder), but have nothing to do witli tlie state sacrifices
of the Hsm dynasty. Was the marquis of Chin responsible, or was
his adiniuistratioa defective, so tliat the Yang and the Yhi were not
ill liai'inouy ? Chin had dropped the state sacrifices of the Hsia.
When the marquis of Chin was laid up with sickness, he took the
advice of" Tse CKan of Cheng and instituted the Hsia sacrifices,
whereupon lie recovered from his disease. Had in fact the rain
sacrifices not been in order, or the dragon neglected, the same mis-
fortuue would have befallen Chin again. Provided the drought was
attracted by tlie administration, the latter sliould have been re-
organised, but what would be the use of making provisions for
the rain sacrifices or the dragon, if the administration was defective?
Kitng Yang in his commentary on the CJi un-cliiu says that

during tlie time of extraordinary heat, it suffices to reform the
govermnent, wlien tlie Yin and the Yang fluids mix, and dryness
and moisture unite; such beiug the law of nature. Wherefore must
the rain sacrifices still be prepared then, and the dragons be put
up? Do tlie spirits delight in these offerings? If, wlien the rain
comes, tlie broiling heat did not relax, nor tlie disastrous drought
cease, where would be the effect of the changes and reforms?
Moreover heat and cold are the same as dryness and moisture;
all are the results of government, and man is responsible for them.
It is difficult therefore to see the reason, why in time of drought
people pray for happiness, but not in cold or hot weather. In case
1 Hsin-yii. The work still exists.
2 Lu Chia lived in the 2nd cent. b.c. at the beginning of the Han dynasty.
Twice he was sent as envoy to the southern Yiieh. Cf. I， p. 304.
3 An author of the 2nd cent. b.c. He wrote the CNun-cKiu-fan- lu , the " Rich
Dew of the Spring and Autumn," which has come down to us.
4 Cf. p. 206.
5 Cf. p. 214.
Lun - Heng. 30
4r>6
Lun - Heng : E. Critiijuc.
that there is a retribution, we ought to have recourse to the rain

sacrifices and to tlie dragou for heat and cold as well. Men of
superior intellect and great knowledge, however, do not believe in
either of these theories.
Tung Chung Shu does not call himself a scholar in his books,
probably thinking that lie surpassed all the otliers. Among- the
prolific writers of the Han time Sse Ma CJi ien and Yang Tse Yi'in i
are the Yellow River and the Han,'^ all the rest like the Ching and
Wei ^ rivers. Yet Sse Ma C/i ien gives us too little of his own jutlg-
ment, Yang Tse Yiln does not speak on common topics, and lung
Chung Shu's discussions on the Taoist doctrines are very strange.
These are the three most famous men of the north.
The Chan-sliu^ states that Tung Chung Sim disturbed their books,
which means tlie sayings of Confucius. The readers either liold
that " to disturb our books " means that lie throws tiie works of
Confucius into disorder, or they suppose that " luan " is equivalent
to " adjust," and that lie adjusts tlie writings of Confucius. In both
cases it is the same word " luan'" but between order and disorder
there is a great distance. Yet the readers do not equally apply
their minds, nor thoroughly study the question, hence tlieir wrong
statements. To say tliat Tung Chung Shu carried disorder into the
writings of Confucius, would imply an extraordinary talent, and to
say til at lie adjusted these writings, would likewise imply a wonder-
ful knowledge. Nobody ever said of Sse Ma Cli ien or Yang Tse Yun
that they belonged to the school of the Sage or not, or that they
disturbed or adjusted the works of Confucius. Most people now-a-
days do not think enough and, when treating a problem, lose sight
of tlie |jrinci]);i,l facts. Therefore we liave these two doubtful views,
between which the scholars are vacillating.
The work of Tung Chung SJm is not antagonistic to the Con-
fucian school, neither does it equal the writing of Confucius. There-
fore the statement that it invalidates those writings is preposterous.
On tlie other hand the writings of Confucius are not in confusion,
conserjuently tlic, assertion that it brings tliesc writings into good
order is wrong likewise. •
1 The philosoplier Yariff Hshmy. Cf. p. 124.

'2 The largtist. affluent of tlie Yangtsn.
liotli ti'ihntarie.s of tlie Yellow River in Kama and Shensi, whicli joined
together, fall into the lluany Ho near its elbow in Shensi.
* Vid. p. 319.
467
Confucius sai(V " Wlieu the music-master Chih ^ began and

tlien came the finish (luan) ^ of the Kuan-ddi,^ how magnificent it
was and how it filled the ears ！ "
The finish (luan) in our case refers to the sayings of Con-

fucius. Confucius lived under the Chou and laid tlie foundation (of
the Confucian doctrine) ； Tung Chung Shu under the Han finished
it, in so far as it was not yet complete, and Sse Ma CKien sup-
plemented it here and there. That is the idea. In the collections
of irregular verse and dithyrambs^ every song has a refrain (luan),
which amounts to the same. Since it was Tung Chung Shu who
gave the last touch to the Analects of Confucius, we should not be
surprised that his remarks on the offering of the rain sacrifice and
the use of dragons have some meaning.
Yen Yuan said, " What man is Shun, and who am I? "6 一
Among the Five Emperors and Three Rulers Shun was his only
ideal. He knew that he was pursuing the same goal. The ideals
of the wise and virtuous and the aims of the silent scholar are in
fact identical.
What Tung Chung Shu says about morals, virtue, and govern-
ment deserves the highest praise, but as regards researches into
every day life and discussions of the most common errors, Huan
Cliiin Slian ' stands unrivalled. Tung Chung Sim's writings may be
equalled, but it would be very difficult to challenge Huan Chun Shan.
A Bayardo lias his special features distinguishing him from

otlier horses, or is a noble steed with a peculiar gait. There may
be horses capable of running a thousand 】i, tliey will never be
called Bayard OS, because the colour of their hair diflers from that
of Bayardo. There may be men whose writings could be com-
pared with those of Tung Chung Shu, or whose essays would rank
close ofter those of Huan Chiin Shan, yet they would not be like

2 霞 L'
3 The music-master of Lu.
4 The first Ode of the Shiking.
5 Cf. the great number of such collections enumerated In the Catalogue of

the Han-shuy chap. 30.
6 Quotation from Mencius III, Pt. I, 1 {Legge Vol. II, p. 110).
7 Huan Chun Shan = Huan Tan, a great scholar of the 1st cent. b.c. and a.d.
People admired his large library. He incurred the displeasure of Kuang Wu Ti) whom
he rebuked for his belief in books of fate, and was sentenced to banishment.
30*
468
tlie two scholars, their names would always be different. A horse

might learn to make a thousand li, it would not become a Bayardo
or a Bucephalus thereby, and a man might aspire to sageliood and
knowledge, lie would not become a Confucius or a Me Ti for the
following reason :
It is very difficult to equal Huan Chun Shans writings. When

two blades cut one another, we see, wliicli is sharp and which
blunt, and, when two treatises are compared together, one finds
out, which of the two is right and which wrong. This is the case
of tlie " Four Difficulties " ^ by Hem Fei Tse, the treatise on " Salt
and Iron ，" by Huan K'uan^^ and the " New Reflections by Huan
Chun Shan.
The statements of the people are often doubtful and untrue,

yet some mistaken critics regard tliem as true, which leads to
great dilemmas. If a judge deciding a case lias his doubts about
it, so that thougli giving his judgment lie would hesitate to inflict
a punislimeiit, truth and untruth would not be determined, and
right and wrong not established. Then people would be entitled
to say that the talents of tlie judge were not sufficient for liis
post. If in ventilating a question one does not do it thoroughly,
merely noting' two doubtful opinions and transmitting them both,
one does not do niucli to settle the question. Would it not be
better tlien to break through the confusion and cut the Gordian
knot, for words must be intelligible, and expressions convey a
meaning?
Confucius wrote the CK un-clt iu in such a way that lie recom-
mended the slightest good thing and blamed the smallest evil.
Whenever there was anything praiseworthy, liis words served to
set forth its excellent*, and whenever there was anything open to
blame, he pointt^d out its badness with a view to stigmatise the
action. The " New Reflections " fall in with tlie Cliun-cliiu in
this respect. But the public prizes antiquity, and does not think
much of our own times. They fancy that the modern literature
falls short of the old writings. However, ancient and modern
times are tlie same. TJiere arc men of great and of small talents,
and there is truth and falsehood. If irrespective of the intrinsic
value tliey only (esteem wliat is old, this would imply that the
ancients excelled our moderns. Yet men like Isou Po C/ii of I'ung -
1 Four chapters of !I"n Fei T.se.s work, forming chap. 15 and 1(5, Nos. 30- 39.
'2 Ym-t'iehr4iw, a treatise on questions of national economy.
3 Huan ICuan, also called (J/ini Shan Tse, lived in the 1st cent. b.c.
* Hsin-lurt,
469
fan. Yuan T ai Po and Yuan Wen Shu of Lin-huai, ' Wti Chun Kao
and Cliou Cliang Sheng of IC uei-chi,^ though tlicy never attained the
dignity of state-ministers, were all men of stupendous erudition and
abilities and the most elegant and dashing knights of the pen.^
The Yuan-sse of Tsou Po CI", the Yi-chang-chii of Yuan T ai Po,

the Tlsien-ming of Yuan Wen Shu, the Yileh-yo of Wu Chun Kao, and
the Tung-li of Chou Ch'ang Sheng could not be surpassed by Liu
Tse Cheng or Ycwg Tse Yiin. 3Ieii of genius may be more or less
gifted, but there are no ancients or moderns; their works may be
right or wrong, but there are no old or new ones. Although no
special works have been written by men like Chên Tse Hui of
Kuang-ling^^ Yen Faug, Pan Kii,^ at present clerk of a board, the
officer of the censorate, Yang Chung, and Chuan Yi, their verses and
their memorials are written in the most fascinating and brilliant
style. Their poetry resembles that of CJi il Yuan ^ and Chia,， their
memorials those of T'cmg Lin and Ku Yung, Placed side by side,
the beauty of their compositions proved to be the same. At present
they are not yet illustrious, but after a liu ndred generations they
will be on a par with Liu Tse Cheng ^ and Yang Tse Y/i/i"
Li Sse freely culled from the works of Han Fei Tse, and Hou
P\t Tse did much to divulge the T ai-hsilan-ching of Yang Tse Yi'm.
Han Fei Tse and Li Sse belonged to tho same school, and Yang Tse
Yiin and Hou P'u Tse lived at the same court" They had an eye
for what was remarkable and useful, and were not influenced in
their opinions and judgments by considerations of time. Searching
truth and seeking Avhatever was good, they made it their principle
not to look too far for it, and not to despise those with whom
1 A region in Ayihui,
2 A city in Chekiang.
3 Nothing is known of these authors or their writings. The cyclopedias do

not even mention their names.
4 A place in Kiangm.
5 The historian Pan Ku， author of the Han—^hu " History of the Former
Han Dynasty/' who died 92 a.d.
6 Who wrote the famous poem Li-mo cf. p. 113.
7 Chia l ii.
8 Ku Yung lived in the 1st cent. e.c. As censor he remonstrated against

the abuses of the court, and presented over forty memorials upon divine portents.
9 Lin Tse ( 'hmg 二 Liu Hsiang, 80-9 r.c, is a celebrated writer of the Han
time, who did much for the preservation of ancient literature. Besides he wrote
works on government and poetry.
10 Wang CKimg's prediction has not proved true. The authors of his time,
whom he praises so much, are all forgotten, Pan Ku alone excepted.
11 At the court of the Emperor CKeng Ti 32-7 b.c.
470
they were working shoulder to shoulder. They had a great par-

tiality for every thing uncommon, and quite uncommon was the
fame wliicli tliey won thereby. Yang Tse Yiln revised the Li-sao.
He could not completely change a whole chapter, but whenever he
found anything wrong, he altered it Though it be impossible to
read all the thirteen thousand chapters contained in the list of the
Six Departments of Literature,^ one may know at least their pur-
port and take up for discussion some of those passages which give
no proper sense.
1 In the Catalogue of Literature, forming chapter 30 of the Han-sha^ Liu Hsin

divided the then existing body of literature under 7 heads : Classics, works on the
six arts, philosophy, poetry, military science, divination, and medicine. Owing to
the
decline of the healing art under the Han dynasty, the last division was dropped,
and
no titles of medical books are given. There remained but the six divisions,
mentioned
in the text. Under these divisions were comprised 38 subdivisions with 596 authors,
whose names and works are given in the Catalogue. Their writings contain
13,269 chapters or books.
The Equality of the Ages.
471
CHAPTER XXXVIIl.
The Equality of the Ages {Ch'i-s/uh).
There is a saying that in ancient times people were tall,

good-looking, and strong, and lived to become about a hundred
years old, M'liereas in modern times they are short, ugly, cut off
in their prime, and sbort-lived. The following cause is given: ― In
ancient times the harmonious fluid was in abundance. People
married at the proper time. At their birth they received this
good fluid, and therefore suffered no injuries afterwards. Their
bones and joints being strong and solid, tliey grew tall, and reached
a higli age, and their outward appearance was beautiful. In later
generations all this was reversed, therefore tliey were small, died
young, and looked nasty.
This statement is preposterous. In olden clays the rulers

were sages, and so they are in modern times. The virtue of the
sages then and now does not dilFer, therefore their government in
ancient and modern times cannot be different. The Heaven of
antiquity is the Heaven of later ages. Heaven does not change,
and its fluid has not been altered. The people of former ages
are the same as those of modern times. They all are filled with
the original fluid. This fluid is genuine and liarmouious now as
well as in days of yore, why then should their bodies, which are
made of it, not be the same? Being imbued with the same fluid,
they have the same nature, and their nature being the same, their
physical frames must be alike. Their physical frames being alike,
their outward appearance must be similar, and this being the case,
their length of life cannot but be equal. One Heaven and one
Earth conjointly produce all beings. When they are created, they
all receive the same fluid. Its scarcity and abundance varies in
all ages equally. Emperors and kings reign over successive gener-
ations, and all the different ages have the same principles. People
marry at the same time and with similar ceremonies, for although
472

it has been recorded that men married at tli€ age of thirty, and
women at that of twenty, and tliougli there lias been such a rule
for marriages, ^ it is not certain that it really has been observed.
We can infer this from the fact that it is not observed now either.
The rules for ceremonies and music have been preserved up to
our days, but are tlie people of to-day willing to comply with
them? Since tliey do not like to practise tliem, people of old
have not done so either. From the people of to-day we learn to
know the people of old.
Creatures are creatures. Man can live up to one hundred

years, but very often we see boys who only reach the age of ten
years. The lives of the creatures living on earth and their trans-
formations at the utmost last one hundred years. When they
approach this period, they die, which can always be observed.
Between all these creatures and those who do not become older
them ten years is no fundamental difference. If people of ancient
and modern times do not differ, it must be possible to predetermine
the length of their lives within the limit of one hundred years by
means of divination.
In the height of the domestic animals, the size of the various

kinds of grain, the reptiles, plants, trees, metals, stones, pearls, and
jewels as well as in the creeping, wriggling, crawling, and panting
of the various animals there is no difference, which means that
their shape is identical. The water and the fire in olden days are
the present water and fire. Now, the fluid changes into water
or fire. Provided that there be a difference in the fluids, was the
water pellucid, and the fire hot formerly, and is now the water
opaque, and the fire, cold?
Man grows six to seven feet high, measures three to four

spans in circumference, his face has five colours,- and his greatest
age is one hundred years. During thousands and thousands of
generations there is no change. Let us suppose that in ancient
times men wore tall, good-looliing, strong, and long-lived, and that
in later generations all this was reversed. Thcni, when Heaven
and p]arth were first established, and the first men were created,
could they be as tall as the Prince of Fang-feng ,^ as handsome as
1 This seems to liave been tlie rule under the ( 'hou dynasty. Cf. Liki, A'ei-
tse Sect. II {Legijn, Sacred Books Vol. XXVII, p. 478).
2 The complexion is yellowish, tlie lips are red, the teeth white, the hair
black, iuid the veins arc hhiisli,
3 Cf. p. 486.
The Kquality of tlic Ages.

473
Prince Chao of Sung, ^ and as long-lived as Peng Tsu'} " And after
thousand generations hence, will they be as small as flower-seeds,
as ill-favoured as Mu AIu,^ and as short-lived as an ephemeral fly?
Under the reign of Wang Mang* there was a giant ten feet
high, called Pa CK u, aud during the Chien-u-u ^ period Chang Chung
Shih in Ying-cli uon*^ measured ten feet, two inches, and Cluing T' ang
over eight feet, whereas his father was not quite five feet high.
They all belong to the present generation, and were either tall or
small. The assertion of the Literati is wrong therefore and a
mistake.
They say that in times of yore people were employed, as

befitted tlieni. Hunchbacks were used as gate-keepers, and dwarfs
as actors. But, if all were tall and good-looking, where did the
hunchbacks and the dwarfs come from ？
It is further alleged that the natures of the people of the

past were honest and easily reformed, whereas the culture of later
ages is superficial, so that they are difficult to be governed. Thus
the Yiking says that in the remote past, cords were knotted as a
means of governing the people, which knots in later ages were re-
placed by books. 7 First knots were used, because reforms were
easy, the books afterwards prove the difficulty of government. Prior
to Fu Hsi,s the characters of the people were of the plainest
kind: ― They lay down self-satisfied, and sat up perfectly pleased.
They congregated, and flocked together, and knew their mothers,
but not their fathers." At Fu Ilsi's time people had attained sucli
a degree of refinement, that the shrewd attempted to deceive the
simple-minded, the courageous would frighten the timid, the
strong insult the weak, and the many oppress the few. There-
fore Fa Hsi invented the eight diagrams for tlie purpose of re-
straining them. At the Choii epoch, the state, of the people had
1 A contemporary of Confucius, famous for his beauty (cf. Analects VI, 14),
but of a perverse character. He committed incest with his half-sister Kan Tse, the
wife of Duke Ling of Wei.
2 The Chinese Methusaleh.
3 The fourth wife of Huang Ti, an intelligent, but very ill-favoured woman.
4 9-23 A.D.
5 25-56 A.D.
6 A circuit in Anhui.
7 Yilcing , Chi-t'se II (Legge's translation p. 385).
8 The most ancient mythical emperor.
9 Does that mean tliat the pre-historic Chinese lived in a state of matriarchate
or in polyandry like the Tibetans? We find tlie same notice in (.'hnang Tse chap.
29,
p. 22 V.
474
Lun-Heiig: E. Critique.
become very degenerate, and it was difficult to raise the • eight

diagrams to tlieir former importance. Therefore King Wen increased
tlieir number to sixty-four. The changes were the principal thing,
and the people were not allowed to flag. When, during the C/iou
epoch, they had been down for a long while, Confucius wrote tlie
" Spring and Autumn," extolling the smallest good, aud criticizing
the slightest wrong. He also said, " i'hou ^ had the advantage of
viewing the two past dynasties. How complete and elegant are
its regulations. I follow Chou,"^ Confucms knowing that the age
was steeped in sin, ill-bred, and hard to govern, made the strictest
rules, and took the minutest preventive measures to repress the
disrespectful, and everything- was done in the way of restrictions.
This is absurd. Of old, people were imbued with the Five

Virtues, and later generations were so likewise. They all liad the
principle of the Five Virtues in tlieir hearts, and at birth were
endowed with the same fluid. Why shall the natures of the
former liave been plain and honest, and the latter unmannerly ？
The opponents have noted that in olden times people drank blood,
and ate herbs, as tliey had no grain for food. In later ages they
dug up the earth for wells, tilled the ground, and sowed grain.
They drank from the wells, and ate grain, which tliey had pre-
pared with water and fire. They also note that in remote anti-
quity people were living high up in caverns, and wrapt themselves
in skins of wild beasts aud birds. Later generations changed the
caverns into houses and palaces, and bedecked themselves with
cloth and silk fabrics. It is for this reason that they regard the
natures of the former as plain and honest, and the later as ill-bred.
The tools and the methods have undergone a change, but nature
and its manifestations liave continued the same. In spite of that,
they speak of plainness ol' nature and the poorness of culture.
in every age prosperity alternates with decay, and, when the

latter lias gone on for a long time, it begets vices. That is what
happens witli raiment and food used hy man. When a garinont
lias just been made, it is fresh and intact, and food just cooked
is clean and smells good. After a while, the garment becomes
worn out, and after some days, tlie food begins to smell bad.
The laws by which nature and culture were governed in the past
and at tlie present, are tlie same. There is nature, and there is
culture, sometimes there is j)ros])erity, and sometimes decay. 80
it lias been of yore, not only now. How shall we prove that?
1 The Chou dynasty.

2 Anakds III, 14.
The Equality of tlic Ages.
475
It lias been put on record that the kings of the liouse of

llsia • taught faithfulness. The sovereign teacliin<>- faithfulness, good
men were faithful, but, when the decline set in, common people
became rude. To combat rudeness nothing is better than polite-
ness. Therefore the kings of the Yin dynasty - taught politeness.
The sovereign inculcating politeness, good men were polite, but
when the decline began, common people became rogues. To repress
roguisliness nothing is better than education. Therefore the kings
of C/iou^ tauglit science. The sovereign teaching science, good men
were scholarly, but- then came the decline, and common people
became narrow-minded. The best antidore against narrow-minded-
ness is faithfulness, therefore the rulers succeeding tlie Chou dynasty
ought to have recourse to faithfulness. The reforms of Yil con-
tinued by the Hsia dynasty, were labouring under narrow-minded-
ness, therefore it inculcated faithfulness. Since Yu based his re-
forms on science, roguishuess must have been the defect of tlie people
under his predecessors. Our contemporaries viewing the narrow-
mindedness of our present culture, despise and condemn it, and
therefore they say that in old times the natures of people were
plain and honest, whereas the culture of later ages is narrow-
minded. In the same manner, when the members of one family
are not zealous, people will say that the members of other families
are diligent and honest.*
It has been asserted that the ancients set high store in

righteousness, and slighted their bodies. When an event happened
that appealed to their sense of loyalty and justice, so that they
felt it their duty to suffer death, tliey would jump into boiling
water, or rush into the points of swords, and die without lament.
Such was the devotion of Hung Yen,^ and the honesty of Pu Chan
of CK en,^ who acted like this. Similar instances have been re-
corded ill books. The cases of voluntary deaths, and self-sacrifices
are very numerous, and not scarce. The people iiow-a-days, they
believe, are struggling for gain only, and leading a wild life. They
have discarded justice, and are not scrupulous as to the means
1 2205-1766 B.C.
2 1766-1122 B.C.
3 1122-249 B.C.
4 People like to contrast, even though there be little difference between the
things thus contrasted.
5 A faithful minister of Duke I of "― Cf. p. 496.
6 "When in 546 b.c. Chiang, Duke of CKi, was murdered, Pit Chan drove to
his palace and on hearing the affray, died of fright.
476
they employ in obtaining their ends. They do not restrain one

another by righteousness, or vie in doing good. The disregard
of justice they do not consider a source of danger, nor are tliey
afraid of the consequences of their wrong doing.
This is nonsense. The heroes of ancient times are the heroes

of the present age. Their hearts are equally sensible to benevolence
and justice, and in case of any emergency they will be roused.
In the past, there have been unprincipled characters, and at present
tliere are persons with the keenest sense of honour. Goodness
and badness are mixed, why should one age be devoid of either?
The story-tellers like to extol the past, and disparage the present
time. Tliey make much of wliat they know by hearsay, and
despise what tliey see with their own eyes. The disputants will
discourse on what is long ago, and the literati write on what is
far away. The curious things near at hand, the speakers do not
mention, and the extraordinary events of our own time are not
committed to writing.
When during a famine starved people were going to eat the

elder brother of Tse Ming, a young man of Lang -y eh, ^ he bound
and prostrated himself, and asked to be eaten in lieu of his brother.
The hungry people so much admired liis generosity, tliat tliey set
them both free, and did not eat them. After the elder brother
had died, he took his orphan son, and brought him up, and loved
him as mucli as his own son. At a time of scarcity, when no
grain was left, so that both boys could not be kept alive, lie
killed his own son by starvation, and preserved the life of the
son of his elder brother. Hsil Shu of Lin-huaP also brought up
the orphan son of his elder brother, and at a time of dearth al-
lowed his own son to die of hunger in order to keep his brother's
son alive. His magnanimity was like that of Tse Ming.
The father of Meng CI tang in K' uei-chi,^ Yi"g, was judicial secret-
ary of the prefecture. When tlie general of the prefecture had
beaten an innocent man to death, and the case came up for re-
vision, Ying took the guilt upon hiinsell", offered himself for punisli-
ment, and at last suffered death for the general. Meng Chang later
on became civil secretary of a prefecture. He took part in a camp-
aign against insurgents, but the soldiers were routed, and shot by
tlic rebels. Tliercupoii 】ie took (he place of tlie commander, which
lie (lid iiol leave, unt il he was killed. Is there any diirerence from
2 A circuit ill Anhui province.
3 A city ill Chekiaiig.
The Equality of the Ages.
477
the faithfulness of Hang Yen or the righteousness of Pu CI tan of

Clien? But would the writers of our own time deign to use these
cases as examples? For illustrations in proof of their views they
go up to Yii and the Ilsia period, and down as far as the Yin and
CI toil dynasties. The exploits and remarkable feats of the CItin
and Han epoch are already too modern for them, and fancy our
own time, wliicli comes after all the other ages, and what the nar-
rators have seen with their own eyes I The ])ainters like to paint
men of aiici。nt dynasties, and reject heroes of the Ch in and Ilau
epoch, however wonderful their deeds may have been. The scho-
lars of the present age prize aiiti([uity, and scorn the present. They
value the suow-goose and disdain the fowl, because the snow-goose
is from afar, and the fowl is urar.
Provided that there were a moralist now more profound than

either Covfucius or Me Ti, yet his name would not rank as high
as theirs, and, if in his conduct he should surpass even Tseng Tse
and Yen Hid, he would not be as famous as they. Why? Because
the masses think nothing of what they see, but esteem what they
know only by hearsay. Should there be a man now, just and
generous to the highest degree, and should an inquiry into his
actions prove that lie is not outvied by anybody in the past, would
the writers mention him in their works, showing tliat they give
liim credit for what lie lias done? Narrating marvellous stories,
they would not wrong the ancients by taking their subjects from
modern times, but would those who are fond of these stories put
aside those books on antique lore and things far off, and take an
interest in modern writings? Yang Tse Yiln wrote the T' ai-hsiian, and
composed the Fa-yen^ ^ but Chang Po Sung did not deign to cast a
look upon these books. As he was living with Yang Tse Yiln
shoulder to shoulder, he had a poor opinion of what he said. Had
Yang Tse Yi'm lived prior to him, Chang Po Sung would have looked
upon him as a gold safe.
One hears people say that the sages of old possessed most
brilliant qualities, and accomplished wonderful works. Hence Con-
fucim said, "Great indeed was Yao as a sovereign! How majestic
was lie! It is only Heaven that is grand, and only Yao corres-
ponded to it. How vast was his virtue ！ The people could find
no name for it. How majestic was he in the works which he ac-
complished ！ How glorious in the elegant regulations which he
1 These two works of the philosopher Yang Tse 】'ii/i have come down to us.
The more celebrated of the two is the Fa-yen^ the T'âi-hsiian, soi-disant an
elucidation
of the Y Iking, is very obscure.
478
instituted ！ " i Shun followed Fao, and did not impair his grand
institutions, and Yil succeeded Shun, and did not mar his great
works. Subsequently we come to T ang. He rose in arms, ami
defeated Chieh, and Wu Wang took the battle-axe, and punished
Chou, Nothing is said about majesty or glory, we hear only of
fighting and defeating. The qualities of these princes were bad,
therefore they appealed to arms. They waged war, and neglected
the arts of peace. That explains why they could not get along
together. When the Cliin and Han period arrived, s words were
drawn, and conclusions tried everywhere. Tims CKin conquered
the empire. When Cliin was in possession of it, no felicitous omen
appeared as the plioenix e. which comes, when all the States are
at peace. Does that not show tlieir moral impotence and the poor-
ness of their achievements ？
This statement is unreasonable. A sage is born by a fusion

of the fluids of Heaven and Eartli ； he does great things, when he
takes tlie reins of government. But this fusion of the fluids does
not only take place in the past and formerly in few instances ； why
then should a sage alone be good ？ The masses are inclined to
cherish the past, and decry the present, to think nothing of what
they behold, and very much of wliat they have heard. Besides,
they see that in the Classics and other works the excellence of
sages and wise men is painted in the most vivid colours, and that
( 'onfucius extols the works of Yao and Shun still more. Then they
have been told that Yao and YiX abdicated, and declined the throne,
whereas T ang and Wu fought for it, and snatched it from their
predecessors. Consequently they think that in olden times the
sages were better than now, and that their works, and tlieir civiliz-
ing influence was gi eater tlian in later times. The Classics contain
highly coloured reports, and extravagant and exaggerated stories
are current among- the people. Those who study the Classics and
read books all know this.
Confucius said, " Chou's wickedness was not so very great.

Therefore the superior man hates to consort with base persons, for
the faults of tlie whole world are laid to their charge." 3 People
always will contrast ('liieh and Cliou with Yao and Shun. When
they have any praise to bestow, they give is to Yao and Shun,
2 Wlien ('ho a was defeated, lie burned liimself on the " Deer Terrace." After-
wards Wu W ani/ shot, tlirce arrows at tlie corpse, struck at it witli liis sword,
and
witli his batllo-iixo severed tlic head from the body. Cf. S/n-c/ii cliap. 4, p.
11.
3 Analrcis XIX, 20.
The Equality of tlie Ages. \7\)
and, when tliey speak of any wickedness, tliey impute it to CItou

and ChieJi. Since Confucius says that the wickedness of Chou was
not so very gi'eat, we conclude that tlie virtue of Yao and Shun
was not so extraordinary either. The resignation of Yao and Shun
and the overthrow of the preceding dynasties by T ang and Wu
were predetermined by the fate of Heaven. It could not be achieved
l)y goodness or badness, or be brought about by human actions.
If T cmg and Wu had lived in the time of Yao and Shun, they would
also have abdicated the throne instead of del eating their predeces-
sors, and had Yao and Shun lived in the Yin and Chou dynasties,
they would likewise have overthrown their opponents, and not
have clecliued the throne. What has really been fate, is by people
thoughtlessly described as goodness or wickedness. At the period,
when according to the Classics all the States were living iu har-
mony, there was also Tan Chu,: and when the phoenix made its
appearance, there were at the same time the Yu Miao^' against
wliom every one had to take up arms aud fight continually.
How did goodness aud wickedness or great and small virtue
come in?
They say that tlie wickedness of Chieh and Chou was worse
tlian that of doomed Cli in, but, as a matter of fact, we must admit
that as for wickedness doomed Clt in was ahead of Chieh and Chou.^
There is the same contrast between the excellence of the Han aud
the depravity of the Cli in dynasty as between Yao and Shun on
the one, aud Chieh and Chou on the other side. Doomed Cli in and
Han belong both to the later generations. Since tlie wickedness
of doomed Cliin is worse than tliat of Chieh aud Chou, we may
infer that in virtue tlie great Han are not outrivalled by Yao and
Shun, Yao consolidated the various States, but his work did not
last. The phoenix which appeared imder tlie reign of Shun was
five times attracted by Hsilan Ti, Under the reign of Ming Ti
lucky omens and portents were seen iu great numbers.^ Omens
appear, because there is high virtue. When the omens are equal,
tlie achievements must be on a level too. Should Hsilan Ti and
Hsiao Ming Ti be inferior and not come up to Yao and Shim, liow
could they evoke the omens of Yao and Shun?
1 The degenerate son of virtuous Yao,
2 Aboriginal tribes, against which Shun had to fight. Vid. p. 494.
3 The hatred of the scholars of the Han time towards Ch'iu Shih Huang Ti
was still fresher and therefore more intense than their aversion to ( kieh and
Chou.
4 Cf. p. 359.
5 Cf, p. 372.
480
Under Kuang W^(, TV dragons rose, and phoenixes came forth.

If, when he got the empire, things left in the street were picked
up, did lie not equal T ang of the Yin and Wu of the Chou dynasty
at least?
People say that CJi eng- and JCang of Clwu did not impair the
imposing works of Wen Wang, and that Shun in his glory did not
mar the brilliant achievements of Yao. Our present sage and en-
lightened sovereign is continuing tlie blessing's and the prosperity
of the reigns of Kuang Wu Ti and Hsiao Ming TV without tlie
slightest symptom of a decline. Why should lie not rank with
Shun and Yii in remote antiquity, and be on a par with CI i eng and
K'ang later on? It is because the Five Emperors and the Three
Rulers lived previous to tlie classical writings, tliat the chronicles
of the Ilau time look up to tliem, and that tlie writers imagine,
that in ancient times there were sages and excellent men, who
accomplished great works, whereas later generations have declined,
and that their culture is low.
1 Cf. p. 3(i5.
2 The Emperor C%'% i-eigned from 1115 to 1078, K'my from 1078 to 1052.
3 The Emperor Chang Ti, 7H 89 a.d., who succeeded Ming Ti. Under his
reigu the Lun-hmg seems to have been written. Vkl. p. 37*2 Note 3.
4 The reigns of these three first sovereigns of tlie later Han dynasty were
prosperous indeed.
Exaggerations.
481
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Exaggerations {Yil-tseng).
The Records say that Sages toil and trouble for the world,
devoting to it all their thoughts and energies, that this harasses
their spirits, and affects their bodies. Consequently Yao is reported
to have been like shrivelled flesh, and Shun like dried food, whereas
Chieh and Chou had an emhonpoint over a foot thick. Que may well
say that the bodies of Sages working hard for the world, and
straining their minds for mankind, are weakened, and that they
do not become stout or fat, but to say that Yao and Shun were
like dried flesh or food, and that the embonpoint of Chieh and Chou
measured over a foot is exaggerating.
Duke Huan of Clii said: ― " Before I had got hold of Kuan
Chung, I had the greatest difficulties, after I had got liim, every-
thing was easy"." Duke Huan did not equal Yao and Shun, nor
was Kuan Chung on a par with Yii and Hsieh. i If Duke Huan found
things easy, liovv could they have been difficult to Yao and Shun ？
From tlie fact that Duke Iluan, having obtained the assistance of
Kuan Chung, went on easily, we may infer that Yao and Shun after
having secured tlie services of Yi'i and Hsieh cannot have been in
difficulties. A man at ease has not many sorrows. Without sorrows
lie has no troubles, and if lie is not troubled, his body does not
wither.
Skun found perfect peace brought about by Yao, both carried

on tlie virtues of the preceding generation and continued the paci-
fication of the border tribes. Yao had still some trouble, but Shun
could live at ease and unmolested. The Booh of History says that
tlie Supreme Ruler gave repose,'^ wliich refers to Shun, for Shun
found peace everywhere, he continued the government, appointed
intelligent officers, employed able men, and enjoyed a dignified
repose, while the Empire was well administrated. Therefore Con-
1 】'ii and Hsieh were both ministers of I'ao and Shun. Yii became emperor
aftei'wards.
2 Shuking Part V, Bk. XIV, 5 {Legge, Classics Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 455). Tlie
passage has been variously explained.
Lun - Heng. 31
482
fucius exclaims : ― "Grand were Slum and Yil who, possessing the
Empire, did not mucli care for it." ^ In spite of this Shun is said
to have been dried up like preserved meat, as though he had been
lacking in virtue, and had taken over a state in decay like Con-
f mills, who restlessly wandered about seeking employment, Laving
no place to rest in, no way to walk, halting and tumbling down
on the roads, liis bones protruding.
Chou passed tlie whole niglit drinking. Sediments lay about

in mounds, aud there was a lake of wine. Chou was swiinming
in wine, stopping neither by day nor by night. The result must
have been sickness. Being sick, he could not enjoy eating and
drinking, and if lie did not enjoy eating and drinking, his fatness
could not attain one foot in thickness.
The Book of Hktory remarks that debauclieiy was what tliey^
liked, aud tliat they could not reach a great age. Prince Wit Chi
of Wei^ passed his nights feasting, but these excesses proved such
a poison to liira, that he died. If Chou did not die, his extra-
vagance ought at least to have shattered his system. Chieh and
Chou doing the same, ought to have contracted the same sickness.
To say that their embonpoint was over a foot thick is not only an
exaggeration, but an untruth.
Of Chou there is further a record that his strength was sucli,

that lie could twist iron, and straighten out a hook, pull out a
beam, and replace it by a pillar. This is meant to be illustrative
of his great strength.^ Men like Fei Lien and Lai, were much
liked by him, and stood high, in his favour, which is tantamount
to saying that lie was a sovereign very fond of cunning and
strength, aud attracted people possessing those qualities.
Now there are those who say that, when W71 Wan^ defeated
Chou, the blades of his weapons were not stained with blood.
When a man with such strength, that lie I'ould twist iron and
2 The last emperors of the Hsia dynasty,
3 Quoted from the Shuking Part V， Bk. XV， 7 {Legge^ Classics Vol. III， Pt. II，
p. 468).
4 Died 244 b.c. Wu ("d was a famous general of the Wei State, who in-
flicted some crushing defeats upon the armies of Cfiin, For some time he succeeded
in checking the encroachments of ( 'Kin, It was not, until his later years, that he
retired from public life, and gave liiiuself up to debauchery.
& The Shi-chi chap. 3, p. 10 likewise ascribes superhuman forces and extra-
ordinary natural endowments to the last ruler of the Ilsia dynasty.
6 Fei Lien and Lai were two clever, but wicked consellors of King Chou.
In the Shi-chi chap. 3， p. 11 v. Fd Lirn is called Fei Chung,
Exaggerations.
483
straighten out hooks, with such supporters as Fei Lien and Lai
tried issues with the army of Cho",^ Wu Wan 卩, however virtuous
he may have been, could not have deprived liim of his natural
abilities, and Chou, wicked though he was, would not have lost
the sympathy of his associates. Although he was captured by
Wti Wang, some ten or Imndred people must have been killed or
wounded at that time. If the blades were not stained with blood,
it would contradict the report of" Chou's great strength and the
support he received from Fei Lien and Lai?
The auspicious portents of Wu Wang did not surpass those
of Kao Tsu. Wu Wang saw a lucky augury in a wliite fish and a
red crow,3 Kao Tsu in the fact that, wlien he cut a big snake in
two, an old woman cried on the road.* Wu Wang had the succour
of eight hundred barons, Kao Tsu was supported by all tlie patriotic
soldiers of the Empire, Wu Wang's features were like those of a
staring slieep.^ Kao Tsu had a dragon face, a liigli nose, a red
neck, a beautiful beard and 72 black spots on his body.'^ Wlieu
Kao Tsu fled, and Lii Hon ^ was in the marshes, slie saw a haze
over his head.s It is not known that Wu Wang had such an omen.
In short, his features bore more auspicious signs than Wu Wangs
look, and the portents were clearer than the fish and the crow.
The patriotic soldiers of the Empire assembled to help the Ila.n,^
and were more powerful than all the barons.
Wu Wang succeeded King Choii, and Kao Tsu took over the
inheritance of Erh Shih Huang Ti of the house of Cliin, wliicli was
much worse than that of King Chou. The whole empire rebelled
against Cli in^ with much more violence than under the Yin dynasty.
When Kao Tsu had defeated the 67/ m, lie liad still to destroy
Hsiang Yil. The battle field was soaked with blood, and many
thousands of dead bodies lay strewn about. The losses of the
1 The Chou dynasty which overthrew the Shane/ or Yin dynasty. The name
of King Chou Hsin of the Shang dynasty has the same sound, but is quite a
diffei'ent
character.
2 According to the Shi-chi and the SJmking King Chou fled, when his troops
had been routed by Wu Wang, and burned himself", dressed in his royal robes, in
the palace. He was not caught by Wu Wang.
3 Cf. p. 130.
* Cf. p. 178.
5 Wu Wang had large, staring sheep's eyes.

G Cf. p. 305.
7 The wife of Han Kao Tsu.
8 Cf. p. 178.
9 The Han dynasty.
31*
484
defeated army were enormous. People had, as it were, to die
again and again, before the Empire was won. The insurgents
were exterminated by force of arms with the utmost severity.
Therefore it cannot be true that tlie troops of Ckou i did not even
stain their swords with blood. One may say that the conquest
was easy, but to say that the blades were not stained with blood,
is an exaggeration.
When the Choii dynasty conquered the empire of tlie Yf", it

was written in the strategical book of J' ai Kmiff^ that a young
boy brought up [in the camp] Tan Chiao had said: ― "The troops
which are to destroy Yin have arrived in the plain of Mu.^ At
dawn they carry lamps with fat," According to the " Completion
of the War " ^ the battle in the plain of Mu was so sanguinary, that
the pestles 5 were swimming in the blood, and over a thousand Li
tlie earth was red. After tliis account the overthrow of the Yin
by the Chou must have been very mucli like the war between tlie
Han and CH in dynasties. The statement tliat the conquest of the
Yin territory was so easy, that tlie swords were not stained with
blood is meant as a compliment to the virtue of Wu Wang, but it
exaggerates the trutli. All things of tliis world must be neither
over- nor under-estimated. If we examine, Low the facts follow
one another, all the evidence comes forth, and on tliis evidence
the truth or the untrutli can be established.
People glorify Chous force by saying that he could twist

iron, and at the same time praise Wu Wanff, because the weapons,
with which lie destroyed liis opponent, were not blood-stained.
Now, if anybody opposed liis enemies with a strength that could
twist iron and straighten out a hook, lie must have been a match
for AlSng Pen and Ilsia Yil^^ and he who managed to defeat his ad-
versary through his virtue without staining his swords with blood,
must have belonged to the Three Rulers or to the Five Emperors J
Endowed with sufficient strength to twist iron, the one could not
be compelled to submission, whereas the other, possessing such
1 The Chou dynasty.
2 T'ai Kang Wa〃y， the counsellor of Wu W ang^ laid tlie plans of the campaign
against the Yin dynasty.
3 This plain was situated in Ilonan,
4 This is the title of the 3d Book of the 5th Part of the Shtiking. (Cf. Legge^
Classics Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 315.)
5 With which the soldiers were pounding their rice.
6 Mmy Prn and Ihia Yil are both famous for their gigantic strength. The
one could tear off the horns, the other the tail from a living ox. Both lived in
the
('/ton epoch.
7 The legendary rulers accomplished everything by their virtues.
Exaggerations.
485
virtue that his weapons were not reddened with blood, ought not
to have lost one soldier. If we praise C/toiis strength, I T?/ Wangs
virtue is disparaged, and, if we extol Wti Wang, Choas strength
dwindles away. The twisting of iron and the fact that the blades
were not covered with blood are inconsistent, and the praise be-
stowed simultaneously on the Yin and the Chou mutually clashes.
From this incompatibility it follows that one proposition must be
wrong.
Confucius ^ said : — " Choi/s wickedness was not so very great.

Therefore tlie superior man hates to consort with base persons,
for the faults of the whole world are 】aid to their cliarge."- Mencius
said: — " From the ' Completion of the War ' I accept but two or three
paragraphs. If the most humane defeated the inhumane, how
could so much blood be spilt, that clubs swam in it? " ^ The
utterance of Confucius would seem to uphold the swimming of
clubs, whereas the words of Mencius are very much akin to the
assertion that the weapons were not stained with blood. The
first overshoots the mark, the second falls short of it. Thus
a Sage and a Worthy^ pass a judgment on Ckou, but both use
a different weight, and one gives him credit for more than the
other.
Chou was not as depraved as Wang Mang.^ Chou killed Pi

Kan^^ but Wang Mang poisoned the emperor P ing TiJ Chou became
emperor by succession, Wang Mang usurped the throne of the Han.
To assassinate one's sovereign is infinitely worse than the execution
of a minister, and succession to the throne is quite different from
usurpation. Deeds against which the Avliole people rose up, must -
have been worse than those of Cliou. When the Han destroyed
Wang Mang, their troops were exhausted at K^nn-yang,^ the deaths
numbering ten tliousaiid and more. When the forces reached the
1 Analects XIX, 20. In our text of the Lnm-yu these words are not spoken
by Confucius himself, but by his disciple Tsp Rung.
2 A good man avoids the society of disreputable people, for every ^wickedness
is put to their account, even if they be innocent. Thus King Chou has been better
than his name, which has become a by-word for every crime. Cf. p. 478.
3 Menciu--< Book VII, Pt. II， chap. 3. The most humane was ^yu Wan(/,
4 In the estimation of the Confucianists Mencius is only a Worthy, not a

Sage like Confucius*
5 Wang Mang the usurper reigned from 9 to 23 a.d.
6 Pi Kan was a relative of Chou* When he remonstrated with him upon his
excesses, Chou caused him to he disembowelled.
7 1-6 A.D.
s A city in southern Honan,
486
Cliien terrace, 1 the blood made all the foot-prints and ruts invisible.
Consequently it cannot be true that, wlien the Chou conquered
the Empire, the weapons were not even stained with blood.
It is on record that Wen Wang could drink a thousand bumpers

of wine and Confucius a hundred gallons. We are to infer from
this, liow great the virtue of these Sages was, which enabled tliem
to master the wine. If at one sitting they could drink a tliousaud
bumpers or a hundred gallons, they must have been druDkards, and
not sages.
In drinking wine there is a certain method, and tlie chests

and stomachs of the Sages must have been of nearly the same size
as those of others. Taking food together with wine, tliey would
have eaten a hundred oxen, while drinking one thousand bumpers,
and ten sheep would correspond to a hundred gallons. If tliey
did justice to a thousand bumpers and a hundred oxen, or to a
hundred gallons and ten sheep, Wen Wang must have been as gi-
gantic as the Prince of Fang-feng and Confucius like a Great Ti.^
Wen Wang and Confucius did not equal the Prince of Fang-feng or
the Great Ti in length. Eating and drinking such enormous quant-
ities with small bodies would be derogatory to the grandeur of
Wen Wang, and undignified in Confucius. According to the Chapter
" Chiu Kao、" ~ Wen Wang would say morning and evening: 一 " pour
out this wine in libation." ^ This shows how careful Wm Wang
was about wine. Because he was so careful morning and evening',
the people were converted thereby. Had his advice to be careful
only been for outside, while he himself emptied a thousand bumpers
at home, the efforts to educate the people and his subjects would
have been in vain. And how would lie have distinguished himself
from the depravity of Chou, whose successor he was?
Moreover, at what time should tlie thousand bumpers and

the hundred gallons have been drunk? When Wen Wang and Con-
1 A terrace near (Jhang-an-fu^ where Wang Mane/ made his last stand.
2 A feudal prince of gigantic size said to have lived under the Emperor Yii^
who put him to death. Cf. Han Fn Tse chap. 19， p. 11 v.
3 Ti is a general name for northern barbarians. The Shu king, Hung-fm"

3W 了， speaks of a Ti measuring over 50 feet, Ku Liang of three Ti brothers, of
which one was so enormous, that his body covered 9 Mou.
L ('. " Announcenieiit about wine.
5 Cf. p. 121.
Exaggerations.
487
fucius offered wine in sacrifice? Then the sacrificial meat would

not have sufficed to satiate them. At the shooting-feast? At the
shooting'- feast there were certain recognised rules for drinking wine.^
If at a private banquet they gave their guests wine to drink, tliey
must have given to all their inferiors equally. The emperor would
first take three cups, and then retire. Drinking more than three,
he would liave become intoxicated, and misbeliaved himself. But
Wen Wang and Confucius were men to wliom propriety was every-
thing. If they had given so much to their attendants, tliat tliey
became drunk and disorderly, tliey themselves taking a thousand
bumpers of wine or a liundred gallons, they would have been like
Chi eh and Chou or, to say the least, drunkards. How could they
then have manifested their virtues aud improved others, how ac-
quired a name still venerated by posterity?
There is a saying that the virtuous do not become intoxi-

cated. Seeing that the Sages possess the highest virtue, one has
wrongly credited Wen Wang with a thousand bumpers and foolishly
given a hundred gallons to Confucius.
Chou is reported to have been an incorrigible tippler. The

sediments lay about in mouuds. He had a lake full of wine, 2 and
filled three thousand persons with liquor like cattle. Carousing he
made night day, and even forgot the date.
Chou may liave been addicted to drink, but he sought pleasure.

Had liis wine-lake been in the court-yard, then one could not say
that in carousing he made niglit day. This expression would only
be correct, if lie sliut himself up in his rooms behind closed win-
dows, using- candle-light. If he was sitting in his rooms, he must
liave risen and gone to the court-yard each time he wished to
drink, and then returned to liis seat, an endless trouble, which
would have deprived him of all enjoyment. Had the wine-lake
been in the inner apartments, then tlie three thousand people must
have been placed close to tlie lake. Their amusemeut would have
consisted in bowing down to drink wine from the lake, and in
rising to taste the dainty dishes, singing and music being in front
1 The shooting-leasts referred to ai'e the competitions of archejy, held in
ancient times at the royal court, at the feudal courts, and at the meetings in the
country. A banquet was connected with these festivities. Cf. Legge, The Li Ki
(Sacred Books of the East Vol. XXVII) p. 57.
2 This wine- lake is mentioned in the Shi-chi chap. 3, p. 10 v.
488
Luu-Heng: E. Critique.
of them. If tliey were really sitting quite close to the lake, their
drinking in front would have interfered with their dining, and the
concert could not have been in front. Provided that at the banquet
they had thus unmannerly sucked wine from the lake like oxen,
tliey would not have required any cups during the dinner, and
would also have gulped down and devoured the food like tigers.
From this we see that the wine-lake and the drinking like cattle
are mere stories.
There is another tradition that Chou liad made a forest by

hanging up meat, and that he caused' naked males and females to
chase each other in this forest, ^ which would be drunken folly,
and unrestrained debaucliery. Meat is to be put into the mouth.
What tlie mouth eats, must be clean, not soiled. Now, if, as they
say, naked males and females cliased each other among the jneat,
how could it remain clean ？ If they were drunk, and did not care,
whether it was clean or not, tliey must have bathed together in
wine, and tlien run naked one after the other among the meat.
Why should tliey not have done this? Since nothing is said about
their bathing in wine, we may be sure that neither did tliey cliase
each other naked among- the meat.
There is another version to tlie effect that wine was being

carried about in carts and roast-meat on horseback, and that one
liundred and twenty days were reckoned one night. However, if
the account about the wine-lake is correct, it cannot be true that
the wine was transported in carts, and if the meat was suspended
so, as to form a forest, the statement that roast-meat was carried
about on horseback must be wrong.
It may have happened that, when Chou was flushed with drink,
he overturned tlie wine, which spread over the floor, whence the
story of the wine-lake. When the wine was distilled, tlie sediments
were heaped up, therefore tlie talc that the sediments lay in mounds.
Meat was liiing up in trees, thence the report that a forest Avas
made of meat. The shade and darkness of this forest may sometimes
have been visited by people with the intention of doing things
shunning the light of day, which led to the belief that they cliased
each other naked. Perliaps wine was transported (m(;e on a deer-car-
riage,'^ which would account for the story that wine was being
Quoted from the Shi-chi chap. 3, p. 11.
A royal carriage ornamented with deers.
Exaggerations.
489
carried about in carts, and roast-meat on horseback. The revelry

may have extended once over ten nights, liriice the hundred and
twenty days. Perhaps Chou was intoxicated and out of his mind,
wlien he inquired, what day it was. Then people said that lie
had forgotten dates altogether.
When Chou Kung ' invested K ang Sim ^ lie s})oke to him about
Chou' s wine drinking,^ wishing that he should know all about it, and
take a warning, but lie did not mention tlie mounds of sediments,
or the wine-lake, or the forest made of meat, or the revelries
lasting far into tlie morning, or the forgetting of dates. What the
Sages do not mention, is most likely unfounded.
As an instance of Chou' s perversity it is recorded that he

sucked wine from tlie wine-lake like an ox, together with three
thousand people. The Hsia dynasty had a hundred (metropolitan)
officials, the Yin two hundred, tlie Chou three hundred. The com-
panions of Chou' s Bacchanals were assuredly not common people,
but officials, and not minor officials, but high ones. Their number
never could reach three thousand. The authors of this report
wished to disparage Chou, therefore they said three thousand,
which is a gross exaggeration.
There is a report that the Duke of (—:/tou* was so condescend-

ing that with presents lie called on simple scholars, living in poor
houses, and inquired after their health. As one of the three chief
ministers, a prop to tlie imperial tripod,^ he was the mainstay of
the emperor. Those scholars were persons of no consequence in
their hamlets. That a prime minister should have flung a,、vay his
dignity as supporter of the dynasty in order to do homage to com-
mon scholars, cannot be true. May be, that be treated scholars
with courtesy and condescension, and was not haughty towards
1 Tan, Duke of Chou, a younger brother of Wu Wang.
2 JCang Shu was the first prince of the Wei State (Hoiiaii), which he governed
until 1077 B.C.
3 Cf. Shaking Part V, Book X, 11 {Legye, loc. cit p. 408).
* Chou Kung.
5 The sacrificial tripod is the emblem of royalty. The tliree chief ministers
are likened to its three feet.
490 Luii-Heng: E. Critiipie.
poor people, hence the report that lie waited upon them. He may
have raised a scholar of liumble origin, and received liim with his
badge in hand. People then said that lie came with presents and
waited upon his family.
We have a tradition that Yao and Shun were so thrifty, that

they had their thatched roofs untrimmed, and their painted rafters
unhewn. Thatched roofs and painted rafters there may have been,
but that they were untrimmed or unhewn, is an exaggeration. The
Classic says, assisted in completing tlie Five Robes." ^ Five
Robes means the five-coloured robes. If they put on five-coloured

robes, and at the same time had thatched roofs and painted rafters,
there would have been a great discrepancy between the palace
buildings and the dresses. On the five-coloured robes were painted
the sun, the moon and the stars. Consequently thatched roofs and
painted rafters are out of the question.
It is on record that Cli in Shih Huang Ti burned the Books

of Poetry and History,^ and buried tlie Literati alive. This means
that by burning the Books of Poetry and History he eradicated
the Five Classics and other literary works. The Literati thus
thrown into pits were those, tliey say, who had concealed the
Classics and other works. When the books were burned, and the
men thrown into pits, Poetry and History were extinguished. The
burning of the Books of Poetry ami History and tlie assassination
of the Literati are indisputable. But the allegation that, for tlie
purpose of destroying those books, tlie men were put to death, is
not correct, and an exaggeration.
In the 34th year of his reign ^ CI tin Shih Huang Ti gave a

banquet on the terrace of llsien-yangJ'' Seventy Literati came to
wish him long- life. The Pii-ych,f、 CI ton Cliing C/ten^ delivered a
1 The Emperor Yii,
2 Quotation from the SImking, Yi (Id Pt. II, Rk. IV, 8 {Leggc Vol. Ill, Pt. I,
I). 8')). Modcr【i commentators and Legge explain 五月长 as " five land tenures, '
Wavy CKung as the Five State Robes worn by the 】〈mp("'or and the officials, which
are mentioned a few paragraphs before our passage 、L'gg(、 he. tit. p. 80).
3 The Sinking and the Shukini/,
4 213 Ji.c.
Near llsi-an-Jn in She'^sL
G An official title.
Exaggerations.
491
speech, eulogising the emperor's excellence, whereupon Shun Yli Yiieh

of CK i stepped forward, and reproached CIt in S/iih Huang Ti for
not having invested his kinsmen and meritorious officials, to use
tliem as liis assistants, i He accused CI ton Cliing Clt en of open
flattery. Ch in Shih Huang Ti directed the premier Li Sse to report
on the matter. lA Sse blamed Shun Yil Yiieh ^ saying that the scholars
did not care to learn the exigencies of modern times, but were
studying antiquity witli a view to condemn everything new, and
to excite the masses. Li Sse proposed that the Historiographers
be authorized to burn all the books except the Annals of Cliin,
and also to make an exception in favour of the officials in
charge of the Imperial College. All the books on poetry, history,
philosophy,- and jurisprudence, which people had dared to conceal,
were to be brought to the governors and burned together. Those
who perchance should dare to discourse on poetry and history,
would be executed and publicly exposed. Should anybody hold
up antiquity and decry the present time, lie was to be destroyed
together with liis clan. Officials who saw or knew of sucli cases
without interfering, were to suffer the same penalty. Cli in Shih
Huang Ti approved of it.
The next year, which was the 35tli of the emperor's reign,
tlie scholars in IMen-yang spread all kinds of false rumours, CKin
Shih Huang Ti had tlieni tried by the censors. Those 、vlio gave
information about their accomplices, and denounced others, got free
themselves. 467 delinquents Avere all thrown into pil^.
The burning of the Books of Poetry and History was the

consequence of Shun Yii YileKs recriminations. The deaths of the
literati were due to the rumours divulged by the scholars. Seeing
467 men perish in pits the chronicler went a step farther, stating
that the literati were murdered for the purpose of doing away with
poetry and history, and even saying that tliey were all thrown
into pits. That is no true report but also a highly coloured one.
1 The abilition of feudalism was much disliked by the Literati.
2 The text says, the " discussions of the hundred authors," which means tlie
writers on philosophy and science. •
3 Various translations of this last passage have been proposed. Ct\ Chnvmrnes^
Mem. Hist Vol. II, p. ISl Note 2.
The foregoing narration is abridged from Shi-c/ii chap, 6, p. 21v et seq. Our
text speaks of 467 scholars, whereas the Shi-chi mentions but 460 odd, and it uses
the word "to throw into a pit " instead of the vaguer term 充. So perhaps
Wanff CKung has not culled from the Shi-chi, but both have used the same older
source.
492
There is a tradition to tlie effect that " field by field were

treated as Ching K'os hamlet." They say that at the instigation
of Prince Tan of Yen, ^ Ching iCo made an attempt on the life of
the King of CJiin.'^ The latter afterwards caused the nine relations ^
of Ching K'o to be put to death. But his vindictive wrath was
not yet appeased thereby, and lie subsequently had all the inhabit-
ants of Citing K'o's village killed, so that the whole village was
exterminated. Therefore the expression " field by field." This is
an exaggeration.
Althougli Cliin was lawless, the king had no reason to ex-

terminate tlie entire village of Ching iCo. CKin Shih Huang Ti once
visited his palace on the Liwi.g-shan, From its height be perceived
that the carriages and the horsemen of his prime-minister Li Sse
were very gorgeous. This made him angry, and he gave utterance
to his disapproval. The attendants informed Li Sse, who forth-
with diminished his carriages and men. C/iin Shih Huang Ti thus
became aware that his words liad leaked out through the servants,
but did not know who the culprit was. Thereupon he had all
the persons near him arrested, and put to death. Later on, a
meteor fell down in lung-chnn,^ and when it touched tlie earth,
became a stone. Some one engraved upon the stone the inscrip-
tion : -一 " When Ch'in Shih Huang Ti's dies, the territory will be
divided." When the Emperor heard about it, lie ordered the cen-
sors to ask the people one by one, but nobody confessed. Then
all persons found near the stone were seized and executed. ?
If the Emperor executed liis attendants in the Palace on the

Liang Mountain and all the persons near the stone, he destroyed
them all, because he wished to find those who had divulged his
words, or engraved the stone, but could not discover them. But
what had the village of Ching Ko done to CI tin to be exterminated ？
If the King of Cli in had been stabbed in the village, and the
assailant was unknown, there might have been a wholesale execu-
1 A State in Chili.
2 In 227 B.C. Ching K o made an unsuccessful attempt on CliHn SItih Huang

Ti's life, who at that time was still king of ( 'Kin. It was not before 221 tliat,
having \ aiiniiished all the rival States, lie assumed the imperial title.
All the ascendants niid descendants from tlie great-great-graiidfatlier to the
great-great-grandson.
4 A mountain in tlie province of Shensi,
5 Quoted from Shi-chi chap. G, p. 24.
" A circuit or province comprising the south of Chili.

7 A (juotatioii from Hhi-clU (； liap. 0, p. 25 v. Cf. p. 231.
Exaggerations.
493
tion. But Ching A" was already dead, the would-be-assassin found,
why then should all the villagers suffer for him?
During the 20tli year of Cliin Sink Huang Ti's reign Ching
K o, the envoy of Yen, attempted to assassinate him, but the King
of CJiin got wind of it, and caused Ching TCo to be torn to pieces
as a warning. There is no mention of the entire destruction of
liis village. ^ Perhaps he gave orders to behead the nine relations
of Ching K o. If these were many, and living together in one
hamlet, this hamlet may have been wiped out by their execution.
People fond of exaggerations then said : ― " field by field."
The Shi-chi does not mention it.
494
Liin-Heng: E. Critique,
CHAPTER XXXX.
Exaggerations of the Literati {Ju-tseng).
In tlie books of the Literati we find tlie statement that the

virtue of Yao and Shun was so great and wonderful, that perfect
peace reigned on earth, and not a single person was punished ；
and further that, since Wen Wang and Wu Wang bequeathed their
greatness to Ch'eng and iCang,^ the instruments of punisliinent were
laid aside, and not used for over forty years.- The idea is to
praise Yao and Shun, and to extol Wen Wang and Wu Wang. Without
high-flown words one deems to be unable to applaud greatness,
as it deserves, and without some figures of speech, to do justice
to what has been achieved. But however excellent Yao and Shun
have been, tliey could not manage that nobody was punished, and
with all their superiority Wen Wang aW Wu Wang could not do
without punishments. That there were few offences committed,
and punishments seldom, may be true. But that nobody was
punished, and that the instruments of punisliment were not used,
is an exaggeration.
If it could be contrived, that nobody was punished, it could

be brought about also, that no State was attacked. If the in-
struments of punishment were put aside and not used, arms also
could be laid down, and would not be required. However, Yao
attacked Tan-shui^^ and Shun fought against the Yu Miao.^ Four
nobles had to submit, & ami instruments of punisliment as well as
weapons were resorted to. At the time of Cli eng Wang four States
rebelled : ― the Huai, J, Hsii, and Jung^ all brought misfortune upon
themselves. To punish a man, one uses a sword, to exterminate
1 CUmy was tlie successor of King Wn Witny. He reigned from 1115 1078 B.C.,
and was succeeded by ICang 1078 1052.
2 Cf. Shi-clu chap. 4, p. 17.
3 A place in Jlonan.
* The aboriginal Miao tribes which exist still to-day.
5 Shun banished Kiing Kung, I Ivan Tuu, the prince of the San Miao and K'un.
Cf. Mencius V, Pt. II, 3 and Shuking Pt. II， I, 12.
r' The Huai, /， and .iung were non-Cliiiiese tribes ； Hm is the name of one
of the Nine Provinces of Vu, in modern Shantung.
Exaggerations of the Literati.
495
him, arms. The punishment is a matter of criminal law, the ex-

termination of fighting. Fighting and criminal law do not differ,
weapons and swords are the same. Even an able dialectician could
not discover a difference. Against depravity arms are used, against
lawlessness instruments of punisliment. These latter bear the same
relation to weapons as feet do to wings. Walking, one uses one's
feet, flying, one's wings. Though diHerent in shape, both of them
equally move the body: in tlie same manner instruments of punish-
ment and weapons combined serve to check the evil. Their effect
is the same.
The allegation that no arms were used implies the idea, that
no penalties were meted out. Should a man witli defective ears,
but intact eyes be said to be in possession of a perfect body, we
would not admit that, and if some one being an excellent tiger-
hunter, but afraid of striking a man, were called brave by reason
of this tiger-lmnting alone, we would not agree to it. Only in
case of tlie body having no defects and the courage facing whomso-
ever, there is perfection. Now, tliey say that nobody was punished,
but not that no weapon was used. Much fuss is made about the
fact, that instruments of punisliment were put aside, and not used,
but no mention made, that nobody rebelled. Therefore, we cannot
speak of wonderful virtue or greatness.
The books of the Literati tell us that Yang Yu Chi ^ of CK u

was very remarkable at archery. Shooting at an aspen leaf, with
a liundred shots he hit it a liuiiclred times. This is of course
said ill praise of liis brilliant shooting. That, whenever he aimed
at an aspen leaf, lie hit it, may be so, but to say, that out of a
Imndred shots a hundred hit the mark, is an exaggeration.
An aspen leaf hit by an arrow over and over again, would

soon be so perforated, that it could no more serve as a target.
If Yang Yu Chi had shot at an aspen leaf, as it 、vas hanging on
the tree, lie would always liave liit one, thougli not that which
he Avanted, there being- sucli a multitude of them. Consequently
lie Avould be obliged to take the leaves down, and place them one
by one on the earth to shoot at them. After several ten shots,
his dexterity would liave been seen. The spectators would all
liave become aware of his skill at archery, and would not have
required a hundred shots.
1 A minister of the ( 7tu State in the Choii epoch.
496
Narrators are fond of adorning dexterity and other accomplish-

ments. If any one liit thirty and more times, tliey say a hundred.
A hundred and a thousand are big numbers. Wishing really to say
ten, tliey say a hundred, and in lieu of a hundred, a thousand.
The meaning is the same as, when the Shuking speaks of the
" harmony of the ten thousand countries " or the Shiking of the
" thousand and hundred thousand descendants."
We learn from the writings of the Literati that there was a

loyal official in Wei : ~ Hung Yen, wlio was sent abroad as envoy
of Duke Ai of Wei. ^ Before he returned, the Ti- had attacked,
and killed the duke, and eaten liis flesli, leaving only the liver.
When Hung Yen returned from his mission, he reported himself
to the liver. Out of sorrow, that Duke Ai had died, and was
eaten up, so that his liver had no resting-place, he took a kuife,
ripped up his stomach, took all its contents out, put the liver
of Duke Ai in, and expired. Those telling this story intend to
praise his loyalty. It is possible that lie ripped himself open, put
Duke Ai's liver in, and died. To say that lie took out all tlie
contents of the stomach, and put in tlie liver of Duke Ai, is au
exaggeration.
If people stab one another with knives, and hit the Five
Intestines, they die. Why? Because the Five Intestines regulate
the Vital Fluid, just as the head is the centre of all the arteries.
When the head has been cut off, the hands cannot take another
man's head, and put it on the neck. How then should Hung Yen
be capable of first emptying his own stomach, and then putting
in the liver of Duke A?'? When the contents of the stomach have
been taken out, death ensues. Then the liands can no more grasp.
If he first put in the liver of Duke y-li, and then took out tlie
contents of the stomach, tlieu it ought to be said, that lie put in
tlie liver of Duke Ai, and emptied his stomach. But now it is
first mentioned that the contents of the stomach were completely
taken out, and that the liver of Duke Ai was put in, which is a gross
exaggeration of truth.
1 Tfiis must be a misprint, for no Duke of this name is known. The Lii shift
cUun ch'iu, wliicli moiitions the story, speaks of Duke / of Wei, 667- 659 b.c.
2 Tlie nortlicrii bai'l)arians.
497
We read in the books of Literati, that, wlien Hsiung CJiii Tse ^

of Cliu once went out, he saw a stone lying ou the ground, which
lie took for a crouching tiger. He grasped his bow, and shot at
it. The arrow disappeared up to the feathers.- Others relate that
Yang Yu CJtP saw a stone stretched like a rhinoceros. He shot at
it, and the arrow was absorbed with the plumes. Some liokl that
Hsiung C/i ii Tse is Li Kuang.'^ Yang Ya Chi and Li Kuang must give
their names, and one does not discover, that the story is not true.
Some speak of a tiger, some of" a rhinoceros. Both being

fierce animals, it amounts to tlie same. Some say, that the feathers
disappeared, some, that the plumes were absorbed. Plumes are
feathers, only the wording is a little different. The chief idea is
that a stone resembled a tiger or a rhinoceros, and that out of
fright tlie arrow was sliot with such force, that it entered deep.
One may say, that a stoiie resembled a tiger, and that, wheu shot
at, tlie arrow entered deep. But to maintain that it disappeared
up to the feathers is going too far. Seeing something like a tiger,
one regards it as such, draws the bow, and shoots at it with the
utmost force and energy. The aspect of a real tiger would have
quite the same effect. Upon shooting a stone resembling a tiger the
arrow should enter so completely, that nothing of tlie feathers
could be seen. Would then, when hitting a real tiger, the arrow
pass straight tlirougli its body ？ It is difficult to pierce a stoue,
whereas with flesli it is very easy. If the feathers vanished in a
substance difficult to be pierced, there could be no doubt that an
arrow must traverse a stuff affording no obstacle.
A good marksmau can shoot at great distances, and bit the

smallest object, not missing one line. But liow could he give
greater force to the bow or the cross-bow? Yang Yu Chi shot at
the Marquis of Chin iii a battle, and hit him in the eye, A com-
moner aiming at a ruler of ten thousand chariots would certainly
strain his nerves to the utmost, and double liis forces, not less
1 Hsiung Chu Tse lived during the Chou dynasty.
2 This story is told in the Hsin-hsu of Liu Hsiang.
3 Cf. above p. 495.
4 A general of Ilan Wu Ti, cf. p. 168.
5 The Tso-ckuan, Duke CKeng 16th year [Lrgge, Classics Vol. V, Pt. I, p. 397)
informs us that in a battle fought by the Marquis of Chin against King Kane/ of
CKu in 574 b.c. I of Lii, an archer of Chin, shot at King Kung of Ch'u and hit him
in the eye. The king thereupon ordered his own archer, Yang I'u Chi, to revenge
him, handing him two arrows. With the first arrow Yanff Yu Chi killed I.
According to this account it was not the Marquis of Chin, who was hit in the
eye, but the King of CKu, and not Yang Yu Chi shot the arrow, but 1 of Lu.
Liin - Heng. 32
498
Luii-Heng: E. Critique.
than, when shooting at the stone. Could tlien the arrow hitting
the eye of tlie Marquis pass through to the neck? If it had done,
the Marquis of Chin would have died on his chariot.
I presume that an arrow projected from a ten stones ballista,^

would not enter one inch into a stone, and split into three pieces.
Now, should a weak bow be drawn with human force, how could
the feathers disappear in the stone, though tlie bowman used all
liis strength?
Human energy is a fluid, and this fluid a force. When in

distress of fire or water people are very fluttered and frightened,
and carry away their belongings, their energies reach their maximum.
If, at ordinary times, they could carry one picul, tliey then carry two.
Now, provided that, when sliootiiig at the stretched out stone, the
energy is doubled, the arrow nevertheless could not enter deeper than
one incli. The disappearance of the feathers is out of tlie question.
Let is suppose tliat a good swordsman beholds a stone lying

on the ground, gets friglitened, and strikes it. Could lie cut it
asunder? Or let a brave man, who would tackle a tiger with his un-
armed fist, unexpectedly catch sight of such a stone, and hammer
down on it with his hand. Would lie leave any trace on the stone?
The strength of clever people is equal to that of the stupid,

the earnestness of purpose of tlie ancients like that of the moderns.
If now-a-days an archer shoots animals and birds in the country,
he spares no force to get tliem. Yet, wlien he hits an animal,
the blow enters only some inches. If it slips and hits a stone,
the sharp point does not enter, and the arrow breaks to pieces.
Accordingly the statements in the books of tlie Literati to tlie
effect that llsiung CKii Tse of Clt Yang Yii Chi, and Li Kuang shot
at a stone lying on the ground, and that tlie arrow disappeared
up to the feathers, or was engulfed together with the plumes,
are all exaggerations.
In the writings of the Literati we find the notice that Lu

Pan^ was as skilful as Me Tse.^ From wood lie carved a kite', which
1 The force of a bow, a cross-bow, or a hallista is measured by the weight

required to draw tlie 川.
One stone or one pical in ancient times amounted to 120 pounds.
2 A celebrated mechanic of the Lii State, who lived contemporaneously with

(!<»ifucius, Lu Pan is his sobriquet, his proper name hciiig Kung Shu Ts<\ He has
become the tutelary god of artisans.
3 The philosopher Mc Ti has been credited with nieclianical skill, erroneously

I presume. ,
could fly three days without coming down. It may be, that he
made a kite of wood, wliicli he flew. But that it did not alight
for three days, is an exaggeration. If lie carved it from wood, he
gave it the shape of a bird. How then could it fly without resting?
If it could soar up, why did it do so just three days? Provided
there was a mechanism, by which, once set in motion, it continued
flying, it could not have come down again. Then people ought to
say that it flew continually, and not three days.
There is a report that Lu Fan by his skill lost his mother.

That is to say, the clever artisan had constructed a wooden car-
riage aud horses with a wooden cliarioteer for his mother. When
the mechanism was complete, he put his mother in the carriage,
which drove off, to return no more. And thus lie lost his motlier.
Provided the mechanism in the wooden kite was in order, it must
liave been like that of the wooden carriage and horses. Then it
would have continued flying without rest. On the other hand, a
mechanism works but for a short while, therefore the kite could
not have continued flying much longer than three days. Then the
same holds good with regard to the wooden carriage, it also ought
to have stopped after three days on the road, and could not go
straight on, so that the motlier was lost. Both stories are ap-
parently untrustworthy.
In some books the statement is made that Confucius had no

resting-place in this world. Wandering about lie visited over seventy
States, where he attempted to gain influence, but nowliere he found
repose. One may well say, that he wandered about, aud found
nothing, but to say, that he came to seventy States, is going too
far. According to tlie Analects and the works of other philosophers
lie returned from Wei ^ to Lu. In Ch en'^ his supplies were exhausted,
in Wei his traces were obliterated.^ He forgot the taste of food in
CK a tree was felled over him in Sung,^ aud besides there are
1 A State in northern Honan.
2 A State comprising the southern part of Honan.
3 Cf. p. 155.
* ■" When the Master was in CKi, he heard the Shao music, and for three
months he did not know the taste of flesh," so engrossed was he was this music,
that he did not taste what he ate [Legge, Analects p. 199 ； Analects VU, 13).
5 The emissaries of a high officer of Sung tried to kill Confucius by pulling

down the tree under which he was practising ceremonies. Cf. Legge, Analects p. 202
Note 22. "
32*
500
Pi^ Tun,2 and Mou.^ These States, which lie visited, do not even
amount to ten. The statement about seventy States is therefore
unreliable. Perhaps he went to more than ten States. Then the
report about seventy States was spread in books, and people now
talk of seventy States.
We read in the Analects 《 that Confucius asked Kung Ming Chia

about Kung Shu Wen Tse^ saying, " Is it true that your master does
not speak, nor laugh, nor take anything? " ― Kung Ming Chia replied,
" That is a misrepresentation. The Master speaks, when it is time,
and people do not dislike his words. He laughs, when lie is merry,
and people are not displeased with his laugh. He takes tilings,
when he lias a right to do so, and people are not dissatisfied."
Confucius exclaimed, " How is it possible ！ How is it possible! ，，
111 fact Kung Shu Wen Tse spoke at tlie proper time, laughed when
pleased, and took what he was entitled to. Out of this fact, which,
became known, people made the story that Kung Shu Wen Tse did
neither speak, nor laugh, nor take anything. When common people
tell a thing, they always like to overdo it.
We read in some books that when Duke Mu of Cltin^ in-

vested Cheng, lie passed through Cliiu without borrowing a passage.
Duke Hsiang of Chin ^ therefore intended to strike a blow at him
with the help of the Chiang Jung ^ in the Yao passes. When no
horses nor carriages came back, Cliin sent out three liigli officers :
Meng Ming Skik， Ilsi Clii Shu, and Po Yi Phig, who all returned. Since
tliey came back, the horses and carriages must have come back
likewise. The report to the contrary is an exaggeration.^^
1 A city in southern Shantung.
2 A territory in CJien,
3 A princedom in Shantung.
4 Analects XIV, 14.
5 Kung Shu Wen Tse was a high officer in the State of Weij and Kwig Ming
Chia would seem to have been his disciple.
6 658-619 B.C.
7 626-619 B.C.
8 Western barbarians.
9 A dangerous defile in the district of Yung-ning, Ilonan.
10 According to the CIt un-cftiu^ Duke Ilsi 33d year, the army of Ch in was
defeated at Yao in 62G b.c. The T'so-chuan narrates the campaign in detail, and
relates that the three officers were first taken prisoners, but afterwards released
by
the intercession of the inuther of the Duke uf Chi", who was a princess of the
ducal house of CNin.

501
We are told in several books that the Princes of Meng CKang in

C]i % ' Hsin Ling in Wei, P ing Yuan in Chao, and Ch un Slim in Cli "2
treated their retainers with great kindness, and attracted them from
everywhere, eacli 3000 men. This is meant to illustrate their kindness
and the great conflux. That the number of retainers was very
great, is possible, but that they amounted to 3000, an exaggeration.
For, although the four princes had a partiality for retainers, and
though the latter assembled in great numbers, yet each one could
not have more than about a thousand. Then the books made it
three thousand. For a great many, people will say a thousand, and
in case of a small number, not a single one. That is the common
practice, and thus misstatements originate.
There is a tradition, that Kao Tse Kao^ mourning- his father,

shed bloody tears, and that for three years he did not show his teeth.
To an honest man tliis would seem to be rather difficult ； * for
it is not easily done. He would not consider it untrue, but only-
difficult, and therein he is mistaken.
That Kao Tse shed bloody tears, is probably true. Ho of CMng ^

offered a precious stone to the Prince of Ch u, avIio cut off his foot.
Distressed that his jewel did not find favour, and that his feelings
were not appreciated he wept, until his tears were dried up, when
he continued weeping with tears of blood. Now Kao Tse bewailed
the death of his father. His grief was extreme. It must be true
that, when his tears ceased, blood came out, but the saying that
for three years lie did not show liis teeth, is an exaggeration.
These words mean tliat Kao Tse did not speak nor laugh.
That a filial son, while mourning liis parents, should not laugh,
is only natural, but how can lie avoid speaking, and when speaking,
avoid showing his teeth ？
Confucius said : " What he said, was not elegant, and at times
he did not speak at all." Then it was reported, that he did not
show his teeth, or even, that for three years he did not show his
1 Cf. p. 161.
2 These four princes are known as the " Four Heroes," living at the end of
the Chou epoch, during the time of the " Contending States," the 3rd century b.c.
3 Kao CKai or Kao Tse Kao, was a disciple Confucius, noted for his filial piety.
* Quotation from the Li-ki, Tan Kurig Sect. I, II, 14.
5 Ho of Ching i. e. of Ch'ii, known as Pien Ho viz Ho of the Pien district.

Cf. p. 113.
502
I-un-Heng: E. Critiqu(
teeth. Kao Tsung ^ wliile in the mourning shed did not speak for
three years. He enjoyed imperial majesty. That he did not speak
means to say, that he did not use elegant expressions, and even
that seems doubtful, and is perhaps an exaggeration. On the other
hand Kao Tse Kao held a very humble position, yet lie is believed
not to have shown his teeth, which is certainly still more ex-
aggerated.
The Literati write in their books that Ch'in Hsi recommended

Po Li Hsi to Duke Mu ^ who, however, did not pay attention to it.
Then CKin Hsi went out of the front door, bowed down his head,
and knocked it on the ground, so that it broke to pieces, and died.
This affected Duke Mu so deeply, that he took Po Li Hsi into his
service. The meaning of this story is that a worthy in recommend-
ing a good man did not spare 】iis own life, knocking Lis head on
the ground, that it broke, and died, all with the object to further
his friend.
Witli this story scholars use to exhort one another, and it is

handed down in their books. Nobody discredits it. That some-
body kotows, while recommending a good man, has happened of
old, as it happens now. It is true that Cliin Ilsi knocked his head,
but the allegation that he broke it, and expired is an exaggeration.
When a man kotows, that his head aches, and the blood comes
out, he cannot fracture his skull, however angry and agitated he
may be, I do not maintain, that the skull cannot be broken, but
man has not sufficient strength to do it alone. With a knife one
may cut one's throat, or with a blade pierce one's bosom. By
means of tlie knife or the blade the hand acquires the necessary
strength. If Cli in Hsi had taken a liamm.er, and smashed his skull,
there would be nothing wonderful in it. To fall down, and smasli
his skull CJiin Ilsi would not have had tlie necessary strength.
There liave been people who died while prostrating themselves,
but none who broke their beads or smashed their skulls. Perhaps
Cliin Ilsi performed the kotow, while recominending Po Li Ilsi,
which gave rise to the story of his death, or lie really died, while
kotowing, hence the idle talk of people that lie broke his head.
1 Posthumous title of the Sharif emperor Wu Ting. See p. 328.
2 Quoted from the Shuking, Wu Yi Pt. V, Bk. XV, 5 [Legge Vol. Ill, Pt. II，
p. 4(56).
3 Duke Mu of ('h'in, 65H-619 k.c.
Exaggerations of tlie Literati.

503
The books of the Literati tell us that for the Prince of Yen^
Ching K o attempted to assassinate the King of CKin. He struck
him with a stiletto, but did not Lit. The King of Cliin then drew
his sword and struck 'hi in. When Ching K o assaulted the King of
CJi in witli a stiletto, be did not hit liis adversary, but a copper
pillar, into Avliicli the dagger entered a foot deep. With these
words one wishes to emphasize the sharpness of the stiletto.
Ching K o was a powerful man. He thrust the sharp blade,

so that it penetrated into the hard pillar. In order to exalt Ching
K o\、 courage people have coloured the real facts. It is true that
the stiletto went into the copper pillar, but the assertion that it
entered a foot deep, is an exaggeration, for, although copper does
not possess the hardness of a dagger, the latter cannot penetrate
deeper than some inches, but not one foot.
Let us consider the question, in case lie had hit the King of
C/ii)i, would lie have run the dagger through him? Pulling a ten
stones ballista with a windlass and shooting at a wooden target in
a wall, one would not perforate it to the extent of one foot. With
force of hand Ching K o thrust a small stiletto. While lie himself
was struck by tlie Lung-yuan sword/ the dagger entered into the
hard copper pillar. ■ Then Ching K o s force was stronger than that
1 A famous sword forged by On Yfh and Kan ChJang, in later times a term
for a good blade in general, Cf. p. 377.
2 The Shi-chi chap. 86, p. 16 v. gives us a graphic description of the assault

of Ching IV o on Shih Huang Ti. When at a reception the envoy of Ymi presented a
map to the king, the latter caught sight of the dagger, which Ching K'o had
concealed.
Then Ching ICo "with his left hand grasped the sleeve of the King of ('Kin, and
with his right hand the dagger, and was going to strike the king, but, before he
touched his body, the king frightened, retreated, and rose, tearing off his sleeve.
He tried to draw his sword, but the sword was very long, and while engaged with
the scabbard, he was so excited, and the sword was so hard, that he could not draw
it out at the moment. Ching K o chased the king, who ran round a pillar. The
assembled officers were thunderstruck. They all rose in a body, but were so much
taken by surprise, tliat they completely lost their heads. By tlie rules of ( liin
the
officers, waiting upon the king in the palace hall, were not allowed to carry the
smallest weapon with them. The armed guards were all stationed below the hall,
but, without a special order, they were not permitted to walk up. At the critical
moiuent there was no time to summon the soldiers below. This is the reason, why
Ching ICo could pursue the king, and that liis attendants, though startled, did not
strike the assailant. They all seized him with their hands, however, and the royal
physician Hsia Wu Chu flung his medicine bag, which he was presenting, against him.
While the King of CKin was ttius fleeing round the pillar, all were alarmed, but
did
not know what to do. The attendants only shouted, ' Push your sword backwards,
King I Push your sword backwards 1 ' The king then drew his sword, and hit Ching
JCo, cutting his left leg. Ching ICo maimed - then lifted his dagger and thrust it
at
504
of the ten stones ballista, and the copper pillar softer than the
wooden target. The courage of Ching Kô is made much of, but
there is no mention that he possessed great strength. Of strong
IB en there is none like Meng Pen . Would Meng Pen, if he had struck
a copper pillar, have cut it one foot deep? Perhaps the stiletto
was as sharp as the famous swords Kan-chiang and Mo-ya, ' whose
thrusts and blows nothing could withstand, and that therefore it
really penetrated one foot deep. Unfortunately the praise bestowed
on Kan-chiang and Mo-ya also overshoot the mark, and are much
akin to the foot deep cutting of the copper pillar.
We learn from the works of the Literati that Timg Chung Shu^
while reading the CKun-diiu was so absorbed in his study, that
he did not think of anything else, and for three years did not
cast a look at the greens in the garden. That he did not look at
the greens in the garden may be true, but the three years are an
exaggeration. Although Tung Chung Shu was very industrious, yet
he must have relaxed from time to time, and at such moments he
also would have sauntered about his court-yard. Strolling out into
the court-yard, why should he have disdained to gaze at the greens
in the garden ？
I have heard that persons engrossed in some idea, and study-

ing some question, do not appear in public, and that for a principle
some have lost their lives, but I never heard, that they did not
go into the court-yard, and were sitting rapt in thoughts for three
years, without ever looking at the garden. In the Wu 卞 i Chapter
of the Shilxing it is said that the good man does not find repose,
because lie foresees the troubles of the harvest.^ If he reposes never-
theless, it is because his nerves and bones are not of wood or
stone, and must be unstrung from time to time. Hence Win Wang
never strained his nerves without slackening them again, nor did
the king, but missed him, and instead hit the copper pillar. Then the King of CKin
dealt him another blow, and thus fJhing K'o received eight wounds. Seeing that his
scheme had failed, he leant against the pillar. Weeping, he squatted down, and
said .... At that moment the attendants came forward, and killed Ching K'o."
1 Two swords wrought by the noted sword-cutler Kan Chiang for Ho Lil,
king of Wu 513-494 b.c. Mo-ya was the name of his wife. The Kan-chiang sword
was regarded as the male, the Mo-ya as the female sword.
2 An author of the 2nd century b.c.
3 Quotation from the Shukwg, Wn-yi Pt. V， Bk. XV, 1 (L，e Vol. Ill, Pt. II,
p. 464).
505
lie slacken without subsequent straining. An interchange of activity

and passivity was in his eyes the right thing. If even tlie brilliant
mental faculties of the Sages had to relax after an effort, Tung
Chung Shu, wliose strength was much less than that of those men,
ould not well concentrate his thoughts for three years without
repose.
The books of the Literati contain a statement to the effect

that at the time when the Hsia Dynasty had reached its prime,
distant countries sent pictures of their products, and the nine pro-
vinces metal as tribute. From this tripods were cast, on which all
kinds of objects were represented. The consequence was, that,
when people went into forests or to lakes, they did not meet
spectres, and they could thereby ward off the influences of evil
spirits. The Emperor and his subjects being in harmony, heaven
gave its protection.^
Metal is by nature a thing. The tribute metal from distant

places was tliouglit very beautiful, and therefore cast into tripods,
on which all sorts of curious objects were depicted. How could
this have the effect that people in forests or by lakes did not
meet with spectres, and could ward off the evil influences of spirits?
During the Chou time there was universal peace. The Yileh-shang ^
offered white pheasants to the court, the Japanese ^ odoriferous
plants. Since by eating these white pheasants or odoriferous plants
one cannot keep free from evil influences, why should vessels like
bronze tripods have such a power ？
The appearance of the Nine Tripods was an auspicious sign

of high virtue. 4 Yet the wearing of a felicitous object does not
attract happiness. Boys use to wear jade-stones, girls pearls, yet
neither pearls nor jewels can guard mankind against evil. Precious
and rare things are used as excellent charms and amulets, and
they are regarded by some as very useful. The same is maintained
in regard to the Nine Tripods. They cannot ward off evil in-
1 Abridged from the Tso-chuan, Duke Hsiian 3rd year. — From the Ilsia dynasty
these tripods came down to the Shang and the Chou dynasties, and in 605 b.c. were
still in existence.
2 A people in the southern part of Kuang-tnng province, near the Annamese

frontier.
3 The Wo, an old name for the Japanese, which Chinese authors have ex-
plained to mean " Pygmies."
4 The virtue of the Emperor Yii.
506
Lun-Heiig: P]. Critujue.
fluences, the report to the contrary is an exaggerated statement in

the afore-mentioned books.
There is a popular tradition that the tripods of Chon boiled

of themselves without fire, and that thi ngs could be tali en out of
them, which had not been put in. That is a popular exagfi,e ration.
According to the exaggerated statement in tlie books of the Literati
the Nine Tripods, having nothing peculiar, would possess super-
natural powers without any reason.
What proof would there be for this assertion ？ The metal

of tlie Chou tripods came from afar as tribute. Yil obtained it and
caused it to be wrought into tripods. On the tripods a great many
tilings were represented . If as a tribute from distant lands tliey
were spiritual, why should things from distant countries be spiritual?
If they were so, because Yil cast them, Yil himself, tliougli a Sage,
could not be a spirit, liow then should cast vessels be? If tliey
were, because tliey were made of metal, metal is like stone, but
stone cannot be spiritual, why then should metal be? If they
were spirits, because they were covered witli pictures of all kinds
of things, these pictures are like tlie lightning' of the Thunder
Goblet. 1 On this goblet were carved clouds and tliunder. They
are in tlie sky and much more spiritual than ordinary things. Since
the representations of clouds and lightning are not spirits, the pict-
ures of various things cannot be either.
It is on record that, when Ch' in extinguished Chou, the Nine

Tripods of C/iou fell into the power of Cliin. In fact, during the
reign of King Nan,'^ King Cliao of Chain's sent his general Chiu to
attack Nan Wang. The latter territied, hastened to (Jh'in, pro-
strated hiniselfV confessed his guilt, and ceded all his cities, 3(5 with
30,000 souJs, C/iin accepted tlie gift, and allowed King Nan to go
home. At his death the king of Cfiin seized the Nine Tripods
and other precious utensils.* Thus tlie tripods came to be in Cliin.^
In the 28tli year of liis reign Cli in S/iih Huang Ti travelled north-
' A sacrificial vessel used during the H'、ia dynasty.

'- HI 4- 255 B.C.
3 305-249 B.C. The full name of this king is Chao Ilsiang.

4 Cf. the parallel passage in Shi-chi chap. 4, p. 39 where, however, not Nan
Wanff, but the Prince of tlie Eastern Chou submits to Cfiin and cedes his
territory.
^ 111 2.') 5 B.C. Vid. Shi- 1 Id cliap. 28, p. 8.
507
ward to Lang-yeh.、 On his return he passed P' eng-cJi' eng^'^ and by

feasting prepared himself for a sacrifice. Wishing to get the Tripods
of Chou out, 】ie sent a thousand men to plunge into the Sse River, ^
but all searching" was in vain.*
CIi in Sliih Huang Ti came three generations after King Chao.

At that time there was neither disorder nor rebellion in CKin、 and
the tripods ought not to have disappeared. That they might have
done perhaps during the Chou time. Tlie report says that King Nan ♦
hurried to CI"n、 and that Cliin seized the Nine Tripods. Perhaps
there is a mistake in time.
There is another tradition that when the Tâi-cJiiu^ altar to

the spirits of the land disappeared in Sung, the tripods went, clown
in the river below the city of P'eng-cli eng.^ Twenty-nine years
later Cli in united the Empire." Such being the case, the tripods
would not have come into tlie possession of C/i in. and must have
been lost from the Chou already.
They were not spirits. During the "Spring and Autumn "
period, five stones fell down in Sting, These five stones were stars.
The separation of stars from heaven is like the disappearance of
the tripods from earth. The stars falling down from lieaven did
not thereby become spirits, why then should the tripods vanishing
from earth, acquire spiritual powers? In the "Spring and Autumn "
time, three mountains vanisliecl in tlie same manner as the T'ai-cJiiu
altar disappeared. Five stars descended from heaven in Sung 、 three
mountains vanished, five stones fell down, and the Tâi-cKiu altar
disappeared. All these events were brought about by causes re-
siding in these things. The loss of the tripods was also the effect
of some cause. One must not regard tliem as spirits merely on
account of their disappearance. If the tripods resembled the three
mountains of Clt in, tlieir disappearance is no sufficient reason, why
tliey should be spirits. If they really possessed knowledge, and
wished to avoid the disastrous revolution, the reigns of Cldeh and
Chou would have been the proper time for that.
The disorganisation and lawlessness were never worse than

under Cldeh and Chou, but at that time the tripods did not (lis-
The eastern part of Shantung under the ( 'Kin dynasty.

A city in Kinngm, the modern Hsii-chou-fu.
A river in Shantung.
Quotation from the Slii-chi chap. 6, p. 18.
T ai'Chiu was a place in the Yung-cKeng district, Honan,
P'nig-clitng does not lie on the Sse River, but on another small river.
In 221 B.C. Then the tripods would have been lost in 250 b.c.
508
Lan-Hcng: E. Critique.
appear. The decadence of the kings of Chou was far from that
of Chieh and Chou. Yet the tripods remained with the dissolute
Chieh and Chou, and left the declining Chou; They did not stay
nor leave at the proper time, and gave no sign of being spirits,
endowed with knowledge.
It is possible that, at the collapse of the Chou, tlie men of

General Chiu, who were in great number, saw the tripods, and
• stole them, and that some miscreants melted them, and made them
into other objects, so that, when Cliin Shih Huang Ti searched for
them, he could not find them. Subsequently they were called
spirits, which gave rise to the story that they were sunk in the
Sse River.
[Under the reign of the Emperor Hsiao Wen Ti" a man of

Chao, Hsin Yuan P'ing addressed a memorial to the throne saying,
" The Chou tripods are lost in the midst of the Sse River. Now
the Huang-Jio overflows, and communicates with the Sse. In a north-
easterly direction near Fen-yin I perceive a metallic fluid. I presume
it to be an angury of the Chou tripods' return. But unless' fetched,
they will not come out."
Thereupon Hsiao Wen Ti sent a special envoy to superintend a

temple south of Fen-yin ^ near the River, in the hope that a spirit
would bring the Chou tripods. Others denounced Hsin Yuan P'ing,
showing that, wliat he had said about the supernatural vessels,
was an imposture. Then Hsin Yuan P'ing was delivered to a tri-
bunal, which sentenced him to death.'*] The statement that the
tripods are in tlie Sse is like the imposture of Hsin Yuan P'ing that
he saw the spiritual fluid of the tripods.
1 Viz. the Chou dynasty.
2 179-156 B.C.
3 A place in Shansi, in the present Wan ch'uan hsien.
4 Quotation from the Shi-chi chap. 28， p. 20.

Sacrifices to the Departed.
509
CHAPTER XLI.
Sacrifices to the Departed {Sse-yi).
The world believes in sacrifices, imagining that lie who sacri-

fices becomes liappy, and lie w'lio does not, becomes unhappy.
Therefore, when people are taken ill, they first try to learn by
divination, wliat evil influence is the cause. Having found out
this, they prepare sacrifices, and, after these have been performed,
tlieir mind feels at ease, and the sickness ceases. With great ob-
stinacy they believe this to be the effect of the sacrifices. They
never desist from urging tlie necessity of making offerings, maintain-
ing that the departed are conscious, and that ghosts aucl spirits
eat and drink like so many guests invited to dinner. When these
guests are pleased, tliey tliank the host for his kindness.
To prepare sacrifices is quite correct, but the belief that spirits

can be affected thereby is erroneous. In reality the idea of these
oblations is nothing else than that tlie host is anxious to manifest
his kindness. The spirits are not desirous of tasting the offerings,
as I am about to prove.
Our sacrifices are for the purpose of showing our gratitude

for benefits enjoyed. In the same manner we are kind to living-
people, but would tlie latter therefore wisli to be treated to a
dinner? Now those to whom we present sacrifices are dead ； the
dead are devoid of knowledge and caiiDot eat or drink. How can
we demonstrate that tliey cannot possibly wish to enjoy eating
and drinking?
Heaven is a body like tlie Earth. Heaven has a number of

stellar mansions, as the Earth has houses. These houses are at-
tached to the body of the Earth, as the stellar mansions are fixed
to the substance of Heaven. Provided that this body and this
substance exist, then there is a mouth, which can eat. If Heaven
and Earth possess mouths to eat, they ought to eat up all tlie
food offered them in sacrifice. If they have no mouths, they are
incorporeal, and being incorporeal, tliey are air like clouds and fog.
Should the spirit of Heaven and Earth be like the human spirit,
could a spirit eat and drink?
510
Lun - Heng ： F. Folklore and Religion.

A middle-sized man is seven to eight feet ' high and four to
five spans in girtli. One peck of food and one peck of broth are
enough to satisfy his appetite and liis thirst. At the utmost lie
can consume three to four pecks. The size of Heaven aud Earth
is many ten tliousand Li. Cocoon millet, ox rice - cakes, and a
big soup are offered them on round liills, but never more than
several bushels. How could such food appease the hunger of
heaven and earth?
Heaven and Earth would liave feelings like man. When a

man has not got enough to eat, lie is vexed witli his host, and
does not requite 】iim witli kindness. If we hold that Heaven aud
Earth can be satiated, then the sacrifices presented to them in
ancient times were derogatory to their tliguity.
Mountains are like 1mm an bones or joints, Rivers like human

blood. When we have eaten, our intestines are filled with food,
which forms abundance of bones aud blood. Now, by the obla-
tions made to Heaven and Earth, Mountains and Rivers are also
satiated along with Heaven and Earth, yet Mountains and Rivers
Lave still their special sacrifices, as if they were other spiritual
beings. That would be like a man wlio, after having eaten liis
fill, would still feed his bones and his blood.
We thank the Spirits of the Land and Grain for their

kindness in letting grain and other organisms grow. The ten thou-
sand people grow ou earth, as hair does on a body. In the
sacrifices to Heaven and Earth the Spirits of tlie Land and Grain
are therefore included. Good men revere them, and make to
tliem special offerings. They must hold that they are spirits.
In this manner man ought to specially feed his skin and flesh
likewise.
The origin of tlie Five Sacrifices^ is the Earth. The Outer

and Inner Doors are made of wood and eartli, both substances
growing from earth. The Well, the Ileartli, and tlie Inner Court
of tlie house all depend on earth. In the sacrilice to the Earth,
these Five .Sacrifices are therefore comprised. Out of veneration a
good man prepares special oblations for tliera, being convinced
undubitably that tliey are spirits. But that would be, as if a man,
after having jipjx'ascd liis appetite, wore still specially feeding
Ins body.
1 Ancient Cliinese feet, wliicli are iniicli smaller tliaii the modern.
2 Large kinds of rice and millet.
3 The Five Sacrifices of the Iiouse often inentioiied in the Liki.
511
The Gods of Wind, Rain, and Thunder ^ are a special class
of spirits. Wind is like the human breath, rain like secretions,
and thunder like borboiyguius. These three forces are inherent in
heaven and earth, therefore they partake of the sacrifices to the
latter. Pious men make special oflerings to them as a mark of
respect, regarding tliein as spiritual beings. Then a inaii ought to
feed still his breath, his secretions, and his borboryginus.
The Sun and the Moon are like human eyes, the Stars like
human hair. These luminaries being attached to heaven, they are
included iu the sacrifices presented to the latter. Out of piety good
men honour them witli special sacrifices regarding them, no doubt,
as spirits. That would be taiitainount to our still feeding our eyes
and hair after having satisfied our appetite.
The ancestral temple is the place of one's forefathers. During

their life-time they are diligently and reverently maintained and
nourished by their children, and after their deaths the latter dare
not become unfaithful, and therefore prepare sacrifices. Out of
consideration for their ancestors they attend their dead to show that
they have not forgotten their forefathers. As regards the sacrifices
to the Five Emperors and the Three Rulers like Huang Ti and Ti
u, they were offered in appreciation of their mighty efforts and
great accomplishments, for people did not forget their virtues. This,
however, is no proof that there really are spirits, who can enjoy
offerings. Being unable to enjoy, they cannot be spirits, and not
being spirits, they cannot cause happiness nor unliappiiiess either.
Happiness and unhappiness originate from joy and anger, and

joy and anger proceed from the belly and the intestines. He who
possesses a belly and intestines, can eat and drink, and he who
cannot eat and drink, has no belly and no intestines. Without a
belly and intestines, joy and anger are impossible, and in default
of joy and anger, one cannot produce happiness and unhappiness.
Somebody might object that odours cannot be eaten. I reply

that smelling, eating, and drinking are very mucli the same. With
the mouth one eats, and witli the moutli one likewise smells. Un-
less there be a belly and intestines, there is no inoutli, and with-
out a moutli one cannot eat nor smell either.
How can we demonstrate that smelling is out of the question?
When some one offers a sacrifice, and others pass by, they
do not immediately become aware of it. Unless we use the mouth,
1 Fevff Vo、 the Prince of the Wind, Yu Shih, the Master of Rain, and Lei Kung,
the Thunderer. Their sacrifices are determined in the Chou ritual.
512
Luu-Heiig: F. Folklore and Religion.
we must use the nose for smelling. When with the mouth or the
nose we smell something, our eyes can see it, and what our eyes
perceive, our hands can strike. Now, in case the hands cannot
strike, we know that tlie mouth and the nose cannot smell.
Another objection might be raised. When Duke Pao of Sung^

was sick, tlie priest said, " Yeh Ku will direct tlie service of the
discontented spirit." The ghost leaning on a pole addressed Yeh Ku
saying, " Why are my vessels not filled with plenty of rice? Why
are the grazing animals for the sacrifice not big and fat? Why
are the sceptres and badges not of the proper measure ？ Is it your
fault or Pao's? "
" Pao is still an infant in swathing cloth," replied Yeh Ku with

a placid face, " who understands nothing about this. For how
could he know or give any directions? "
The angry spirit lifted liis pole and struck Yeh Ku dead on
the steps of the altar. 一 Can tliis not be considered a proof of his
having been able to use his hand?
It is not certain that Yeli Kiis death was caused by the blow
of a discontented ghost. Just at tliat moment he was doomed to
die; an apparition took the shape of a malignant ghost, and being
shaped like a ghost, it had to speak like a ghost, aud it also dealt
a blow like a ghost. How do we know ？
A ghost is a spirit, and spirits are prescient. Then after

having remarked that tlie sacrificial vessels were not full of rice,
the sceptres and badges not of the proper size, the victims lean
and small, the ghost, being prescient, ought to have reproached
Yeh Ku and struck him with the pole. There was no need to first
ask him. The fact that he first asked, shows that he was not
prescient, and, if he was not prescient, it is plain that lie was not
a spirit. Being neither prescient nor a spirit, lie could not appear
with a body, nor talk, nor strike a man with a pole.
Yeh Ku was an honest official who took tlie guilt upon him-
self, and offered himself for punishment, so that the ghost struck
him. Had he been dishonest and inculpated Pao, the ghost would
have hit Pao with his pole.
Furthermore, provided that tlie spirit resented the laxity iu

the performance of his sacrifice, and therefore made Ins appearance,
and killed the superintendent of tlie sacrifice, then would lie, in
case all tlie rites were duly fu Hilled, be pleased and appear, and
1 Duke Pao alias Wen of Sang, 609-588 b.c. Ilis dcatli is chronicled in the
Ch'un-cKiii, Duke ( lit'ny 2nd year.

513
as a favour present the sacrificer with some food? Men have j cy-
an d auger, and spirits should have these sensations likewise. A
man who does not rouse another's anger, preserves his life, whereas
he who displeases him, loses it. The malignant gliost in his wrath
made his appearance, and inflicted a punishment, but the sacrifices
of the Sung State have certainly often been according to the rites,
wherefore did the gliost not appear tlieu to reward?
Joy and anger not being like the human, rewards and punish-
ments are not like those dealt out by man either, and owing to
this dillerence we cannot believe that Yeh Ku was slain by the
spirit.
Moreover, in the first place, for smelling one takes in air,

and for speaking one breathes it out. He who can smell, can talk
likewise, as he who inhales, can exhale too. Should ghosts and
spirits be able to smell, they ought to speak about tlie sacrifices.
Since they are incapable of speech, we know that they cannot
smell either.
Secondly, all those who smell, have their mouths and their
noses open. Should their noses be stopped up by a cold, or their
moutlis gagged, olfaction becomes impossible. When a man dies,
his moutli and his nose putrefy, how could they still be used for
smelling?
Thirdly, the Liki lias it that, when men have died, they are
dreaded. They then belong to another class of beings than man,
hence the dread. As corpses they cannot move, they decay, and
are annihilated. Since tliey do not possess the same bodies as
living people, we know that tliey can have no intercourse with
the living. As their bodies are dissimilar, and as we know that
there can be no intercourse, their eating and drinking cannot be
like that of man. The Mongols and the Annamese ' are different
nations, and in the matter of eating their tastes widely differ. Now,
the difference between the departed and the living is not merely
like that between the Mongols and the Annamese. Hence we infer
that the dead cannot smell.
Fourthly, when a man is asleep, we may put some food near

him, he does not know, but. as soon as lie awakes, he becomes
aware of it, and tlien may eventually eat it. When a man is dead,
however, and sleeps tlie long sleep, from which tliere is no awaken-
ing, Low could lie know anything or eat then? This shows that
he is unable to smell.
1 The Hu in the north, and the Yiieh in the south of China.

Lun - Heng. 33
514
Lun - Heng ： F, Folklore and Religion.
Somebody might raise the question, what it means that the

spirits partake of a sacrifice, as people say. It means that people
conscientiously clean the sacrificial vessels, that the rice is fragrant,
and the victims fat, so that persons coining near and perceiving all
this would feel inclined to eat and drink. Witli these their feelings
tliey credit tlie gliosts and spirits, which, if tliey were conscious,
would decidedly enjoy the oirerings. Therefore people speak of
the spirits, as though tliey were partaking of the sacrifice.
Another objection is the following : —The Yiking says that an

ox killed by tlie eastern neighbour, is not like the humble o fieri ng
of tlie western neighbour. ' This assertion that the eastern neigh-
bour does not come up to the western, signifies that the animal
of the eastern neighbour is big, but his luck small, whereas tlie
fortune of the western neighbour is great, tliough his sacrifice be
poor. Now, if the spirits are denied the faculty of enjoying tlie
offering, liow can we determine the amount of happiness?
This also depends on the question, whether a sacrifice is care-

fully prepared, so tliat everything is clean, or not. Chou had an
ox immolated, but he did not fulfill all the rites. Wen Wang, on
the other hand, made only a small offering, but did his utmost to
show liis devotion. People condemn a lack of ceremonies, and are
full of praise for a pious fulfilment of all the rites. He wlio is
praised by the people, finds support in all his enterprises, while
tlie one who is disliked, meets with opposition, whatever he says
or does. Sucli a resistance is no smaller misfortune than the re-
jection of a sacrifice by the spirits, and the general support is a
happiness like tliat experienced, when the spirits smell the oblation.
Ghosts cannot be pleased or angry at a sacrifice for tlie

following reason. Provided that spirits do not require man for
their maintenance, then, in case tliey did need them, tliey would
no more be spiritual. If we believe in spirits smelling the sacrifices,
and in sacrifices causing happiness or misfortune, how do we imagine
the dwelling places of the ghosts ？ Have they their own provisions
stored up, or must tliey take the human food to " appease their
hunger? Should tliey possess their own stores, these would as-
suredly be other than the human, and tliey would not have to
eat human food. If they have no provisions of their own, then
man would have to make ofreriiigs to tliem every morning and
every evening. According as he Jiad sacrificed to tJiem or not,
they would be either satiated or hungry, and according as they
Yikint/, GHd diagram {('hi-chi), Leggca translation p. 206.

516
had eaten their fill or were hungry, tliey would be pleased or

vexed.
Furthermore, sick people behold ghosts, and, while asleep,

people meet witli the departed in tlieir dreams. They are shaped
like men, therefore the sacrifices presented to them are like human
food. Having food and drink, the spirits must be provided witli
raiment too, therefore one makes silken clothes for tbern after the
fashion of the living. Their sacrifices are like diuners for the living.
People desire to feed tliem, and hope that the ghosts will eat their
offerings. As regards tlie clothes, however, they are not larger than
from live or six inches to one foot. Now, supposing that tall and
big spirits, wliicli have been observed, are to dou £»;arments of a
foot in length, would tliey be very pleased, and bestow happiness
on the donors ？
Should tlie ghosts, wliicli have been seen, be really dead men,
then the clothes made for them ought to be like tliose of the living,
if, however, tliose garments are really put ou by the ghosts, tliey
must be shaped like dolls. Thus the question about ghosts and
spirits remains an open one. How is it possible then to secure
their protection and happiness by means of abundant offerings, and
how can people firmly believe in tins?
33*
516
Lun-Heng: F. Folklore and Religion.
CHAPTER XLIL
Sacrifices {Chi-yi).
According to the Liki the emperor sacrifices to Heaven and

Earth, the feudal princes to the Mountains and Rivers,^ the mi-
nisters, and liigh dignitaries to the Five Genii, the scholars and
the common people to their ancestors.^ From the offerings to the
spirits of tlie Land and Grain down to those in the ancestral liall
there is a gradation from the son of heaven down to the com-
moners. •
The Sliuking says that a special sacrifice was made to Shangti,

a pure one to the Six Superior Powers, a sacrifice on high to the
Mountains and Rivers, and a sacrifice to the various spirits round
about ^
[Shun, says the Liki, offered the imperial sacrifice to Huang

Ti, the suburban sacrifice to Ti iCu^ the patriarchal to Cliuan Hsii,
and the ancestral to Yao, The Hsia dynasty likewise presented the
imperial sacrifice to Huang Ti, but the suburban to A'W/' the patri-
archal to Chuan Usil, and the ancestral to Yu. The Yin dynasty
transferred the imperial sacrifice to Ti K u、 the suburban to Aling,^
the patriarchal to Hsieh, and the ancestral to Tâng. The Ckou dy-
nasty made the imperial sacrifice to Ti K' u, the suburban to Chi ^
the patriarchal to Wen Wang^ and tlie ancestral to Wu Wang.*-^
Wood was burned on the big altar as a sacrifice to Heaven,

a victim was buried in the big pit as a sacrifice to Earth. A red
1 The mountains and rivers of their territory.
2 The five genii of the house to whom the Five Sacrifices were offered. See
further on.
3 Cf. Liki, Ch'u-li {Legge, Sacred Books Vol. XXVII， p. 11(5).
4 Shukwg, Shm-iim Pt. U， Bk. I, 6 {Lcgge Vol. UI， Pt. I， p. 33).
5 Huang Ti, Ti ICu and Chuan Hsii are mythical emperors. Ti TCu is said
to have been the father of Yao,
6 ICurij the father of Tii.
7 Miiiff was a descendant of Hskk, who was a son of Ti ICu.
8 Chi = llou Chi, the ancestor of the ( ,hou dynasty.
9 The four sacrifices here mentioned were presented by the sovereigns of the
ancient dynasties to the founders of their dynasties, their ancestors, and
predecessors.
Sacrifices.
517
calf was immolated, and a sheep buried in bright daylight as a

sacrifice to the Seasons, and they approached the sacrificial pits
and altars to offer sacrifice to the Heat and tlie Cold. In the im-
perial palace a sacrifice was made to the Sun, and in clear night
they sacrificed to the Moon. Oblations were made to the Stars in
the dark hall, to Water and Drought in the rain hall, and to the
Four Cardinal Points at tlie four pits and altars.
The mountain forests, tlie valleys of the rivers, and the hills
and cliffs can emit clouds and produce wind and rain. All these
curious phenomena are regarded as spirits. The ruler of tlie world
sacrifices to all the spirits, the princes only as long as they are
within their territories, but not, when tliey have left them.] i
Such are the official sacrifices according to usage and the

prescribed rites. The emperor treats Heaven like liis father and
Eartli like his mother. Conformably to human customs he practises
filial piety, which accounts for the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth.
In the matter of Mountains and Rivers and the subsequent deities
the offerings presented to them are in appreciation of their deserts.
A living man distinguishing himself is rewarded, ghosts and spirits
which are well-deserving have their sacrifices. When mountains
send forth clouds and rain, the welcome moisture for all the or-
ganisms, and when the Six Superior Powers keep in their six
spheres, and aid Heaven and Earth in tlieir changes, the emperor
venerates them by sacrifices, whence their appellation the " Six
Honoured Ones." ^
The spirits of Land and Grain are rewarded for tlieir kind-
ness in letting all the things grow, tlie spirit She^ for all the
living and growing things, tlie spirit Chi~ for the five kinds of grain.
The Five Sacrifices are in recognition of the merits of the

Outer and Inner Doors, the Well, the Hearth, and the Inner Hall.
Through the outer and inner doors man walks in and out, the
well and the hearth afford him drink and food, and in the inner
liall he finds a resting-place. These five are equally meritorious,
therefore they all partake of a sacrifice.
1 Quotation from the Lild, Chi- fa (Law of sacrifices). The commentators,

whom Legge follows in his translation {Sacred Books Vol. XXVIII, p. 201), read much
between the lines, which appears rather problematic.
2 What the " Six Honoured Ones " are, is disputed. Some say : ― water, fire,
wind, thunder, hills, and lakes ； others explain the term as signifying: ― the
sun, the
moon, the stars, rivers, seas, and mountains.
3 The Spirit of the Land or the Soil.
4 The Spirit of Grain.
518
Ch i of Chou、 was called Shao Hao.^ He had four uncles of

the names of Chung, Kai, Hsiu, and Hsi ^ who could master metal,
fire, and wood, wherefore lie made Chung the Genius of Spring,
Kou Many, Kai the Genius of Autumn, Jti Shou, and Hsiu and Hsi
Gods of the Winter, Hsiian Ming^ They never neglected their office,
and assisted C/imng-sang.^ To these the Three Offerings are made.
Chiian Hsu、、 had a son called Li, who became the God of
Fire, CJm Yung J Knng Kung， s& son was named Kou Lung. He was
made Lord of the Soil, Hon Tu. The Two Sacrifices refer to these
two personages.
The Lord of the Soil was the spirit of the land and grain
in charge of the fields. The son of Lieh Shan,^ C7m， was the spirit
of the grain and from the Hsia dynasty upwards worshipped as
1 (JKi, the first ancestor of the Chou dynasty, venerated as the Spirit of Grain
under the title Hou Chi "Lord of the Grain." On his miraculous birth virl. p. 】74.
- By other authors CKi is not identified with the legendary emperor Shao Hao，
whose birth was miraculous also. His mother was caused to conceive by a huge star
like a rainbow ( T' ai-pHng~yil~lan),
3 According to the commentary of the Liki these were not uncles, but sons
of Shao Hao.
4 The names of these deities or deified men correspond to their functions : ―

勾 Kou Mang ― " Curling fronds and spikelets," || 文 Ju Shou 二 "Sprouts
gathered," and Hsiian Ming = " Dark and obscure/' According to the Liki
(Yiieh-lii)ff) these three deities were secondary spirits, each presiding over
three
months of spring, autumn, and winter. Some say that Hsiian Ming was a water
spirit. As the spirit of summer 裔虫 C/m Ywng, who is related to fire, is
venerated. There being a fixed relation between the four seasons, the four cardinal
points, and the five elements we have the following equations : ―
Kou Manff, Genius of Spring, the east, and wood.

Chu Yurtff, Genius of Summer, the south, and fire.
Ju Shou, Genius of Autumn, the west, and metal.
Hsiian Ming, Genius of Winter, the north, and water.
I suppose that in the clause " who could master metal, fire and wood " we
ought to read water in lieu of fire, for the gods there enumerated are those of
wood,
metal and water. The spirit of fire follows in the next clause.
In the Liki, Hou TV, the Lord of the Soil is made to correspond to the middle
of the four seasons ― in default of a fifth season — to the centre, and to earth.
(Cf.
Leffge, Sacred Books Vol. XXVII, p. 281 Note.) Thus we have:—
IJou Tu, Genius of Mid-year, the centre, and earth.
These Five Spirits are called the Wu Shen. They were worshipped during
the Chou dynasty and are mentioned in ancient works (JJlci, Tso-chuan, Huai Kan
Tse),
5 Another name of Shao Hao, who was lord of (Miung-sang,
6 A legendary emperor.
7 Cf. Note 4.
8 See p. 250.
" Personal name of the emperor IShcn Nuny^ who was lord of Lieh-shan,
Sacrifices.
519
such. Ch i of Chou was likewise spirit of the grain. From the

Shang dynasty downwards people sacrificed to liiin.
The Liki relates that, while Lieh Shan ' was swaying the em-
pire, liis son of the name of Chu ^ could plant all the various kinds
of grain, and that after the downfall of the ILia dynasty, Ch i of
Chou succeeded him, and therefore was worshipped as Spirit of
the Grain. While Kung Kimg was usurping the power in the nine
provinces, his son, called Lord of the Soil, was able to pacify the
nine countries, and therefore was worshipped as Spirit of the Land,
There is a tradition to the effet，t that Yen Ti^ produced fire

and after death became tlie tutelary god of the Hearth, and that
Yil having spent his energy on the waters of the empire, became
Spirit of the Land after death.
The Liki says that [the emperor " institutes the Seven Sacri-
fices as representative of his people, namely for the arbiter of fate, 5
for the inner court, for the gates of the capital, for its high -ways,
for the auo'ust demons,^ for the doors, and for the hearths. The
princes on tlieir part institute the Five Sacrifices for their States,
namely for the arbiter of fate, for tlie inner court, for the gates
of tlieir capital, for its high-ways, and for the illustrious demons.
Tlie high dignitaries present the Three Sacrifices for the demons
of their ancestors, for tlieir doors, and for tlieir roads. The or-
dinary scholars make Two Offerings, one for the door and one for
their roads, and the commoners only one, either for their inner
doors or for the hearth.]
There are no fixed rules for the oblations to be made to the

spirits of the Land and Grain or for the Five Sacrifices, but they
are all expressions of gratitude for benefits received from tlie spirits,
whose goodness is not forgotten.
If we love somebody in our heart, we give him to eat and

to drink, and, if we love ghosts and spirits, we sacrifice to tliem.
Witli Yil the worship of the spirits of the land and grain, aud the
sacrifices to the lord of the grain commence. Subsequently they
fell into desuetude, until in tlie 4tli year of the emperor Km) Tm&
1 The lAki in the current edition writes : ― Ld Shun,
2 The Liki has : ― Kung,
3 Liki, Chi- fa (end).
4 Dynastic appellation of Shm Kung.

5 The fourth star in Urm major,
G The discontented and mischievous spirits of former sovereigns without
children, who must be propitiated.
" Quotation from the Liki, Chi-fa (Legge^ loc、 cit, p. 20C).
8 In 203 B.C.
520
Lun - Hong ： F. Folklore and Religion.
the world was called upon to sacrifice to the Ling constellation/

and in the 7tli year people were enjoined to sacrifice to the spirits
of the land and grain. ^
The offerings to the Ling constellation are for the sake of

water and drought. In the Liki their ancient name is rain sacri-
fices. They are being performed for the people praying for grain
rain and for grain ears. In spring they sue for the harvest, and
within one year's time they sacrifice again, because grain grows
twice a year. In spring this is done in the second moon, and in
autumn in tlie eighth. Therefore we read in the Analects : ^ "About
the end of spring, when the spring robes are all complete, along
with five or six young men who have assumed the cap, and six
or seven boys, I would wash in the Yi,^ enjoy the breeze among
the rain altars, and return home singing."
The end of spring is the fourth month, but the fourth month
of the Chou dynasty corresponds to our first and second months.
During the time of the second month, the Dragon Star rises, whence
it has been observed that, when the dragon appears, the rain sacri-
fice takes place. When the Dragon Star becomes visible, the year
has already advanced as far as the time, wlien the insects begin
to stir.
The vernal rain sacrifice lias fallen into oblivion, while the
autumnal one is still observed. Yet during all the ages the
sacrifices to the Ling Star liave always been prepared until now
without interruption, only the ancient name has been changed,
therefore the people of our time do not know it, and, since the
ceremony lias been abolished, the scholars are not cognisant of the
fact. Finding nothing about the sacrifice to the Ling Star in the
Rites, our literati could not form an opinion about it, and declare
that the emperor '' had the Ming Star in view. Now the Ming Star
is ideiitilied with the planet Jupiter,
Jupiter stands in tlie east, the east rules over the spring, and
the spring over all things that grow. Consequently one sacrifices
to the planet Jupiter, they say, with the purpose of praying for
1 The constellation 'i"ien-fien " Heavenly field " in Virgo.
2 According to the Shi-chi chap. 28 [(—'havannes Vol. Ill, p. 453) Han Kao Tsu
instituted these sacrifices in the 0th and 10th years of liis reign.
3 Analects XI, 25, VII.
River in the south-east of Shantung.

5 Kao Tsu.
*^ 明 the " Bright star " is generally regarded as another name of Venus.
Cf. Shi-cJii chap. 27, p. 22.
Sacrifices.
521
vernal bliss. However all the four seasons affect the growth of
things. By imploring the spring only, one lays great stress on the
outset and emphasizes the beginning. Provided that in fact, ac-
cording to tlie opinion of the scholars, the happiness of spring-
be sought, then by the autumnal sacrifice spring could not well
be implored. ' In conformity with tlio Yileh-ling one sacrifices
to tlie inner door in spring, and to the outer door in au-
tumn，3 all in accordance with the proper time. If the offerings
made to the outer door in autumn were considered to be those
to the inner door, would this be approved of by the critics? If
not, then the Ming Star is not tlie planet Jupiter, but the "Dmgoii
Star." 4
When the Dragon ！ Star becomes visible in the second month,

one prays for grain rain at the rain sacrifice, and, when in tlie
eighth month it is going to disappear, one sues for the grain crop
at tlie autumnal rain sacrifice. The literati were probably aware of
tins, and what they say is not quite unreasonable. The vernal
sacrifice for rain has been abolished, and only tlie autumnal one
lias survived. This explains wliy tliey termed the star correspond-
ing to the autumnal sacrifice the Ming Star, The correct name
however is the Ling Star,
The Ling Star means a spirit, and this spirit is the Dragon
Star, as under the various spirits the wind god Feng Po, the rain
god Y'd Shih, the god of thunder, Lei Kung, and others are under-
stood. Wind produces a wafting, rain a moisture, aud thunder a
concussion. The four seasons, the growing, heat and cold, the
natural changes, the sun, the moon, and the stars are wliat people
look up to, inundations and droughts are Avhat they dread. From
the four quarters the air pours in, and from the mountains, tlie
forests, the rivers, and valleys people gather their riches. All this
is the merit of the spirits.
Two motives are underlying all sacrifices: gratitude for re-

ceived benefits and ancestor worship. We show our gratitude for
the efforts others have take on our behalf, and worship our an-
1 Thus Jupiter, which rules over spring only, could not well be sacrificed to
at the rain sacrifice in autumn.
2 A chapter of the Liki.
3 Cf. Legges translation of the Liki [Sacred Books Vol. XXVII, p. 251 and 283).
4 The Dragon Star occurs in the Tso-chuan, Duke Hnang 28th year, as the
star of Sung and Cheng. The commentary explains it as a synonym of Jupiter.
5 The Ming Star = Yenus go\eriis the west and autumn, whereas Jupiter
reigns in the east and in spring.
522
cestors out of regard for their kindness. Special efforts, extra-

ordinary goodness, merits, and universal reforms are taken into
consideration by wise emperors, and it is for this reason that they
have instituted sacrifices. An oblation is offered to liim wlio has
improved the public administration, who for tlie public welfare has
worked till his death, who has done his best to strengthen his
country, who has warded off great disasters, or prevented great
misfortunes.
[Ti K u could fix the courses of the stars and enlighten the
world. 1 Yao knew how to reward, and equitably mete out punish-
ments, so that justice reigned supreme. Shun toiled for his people,
and died in the country, K\tn laboured to quell the flood, and was
banished for life. Yii could take up his work. Huang Ti gave
things their right names to enlighten people about the use to be
made of them. Chuan Hsu still further developed this system. When
Hs'ieh was minister of education, the people flourished. Ming ful-
filled his official duties Avitli the greatest diligence, and found his
death in the water. T'aiig inaugurated a liberal government, and
delivered the people from oppression. Wen Wang relieved the misery
of the people by culture and science, Wu Wang by his military ex-
ploits. By all these glorious deeds the people were benefitted.-]
They rely on the strength of men like those, and show their grati-
tude by sacrifices.
The ancestors in the ancestral temple are our own kindred.

Because, while tliey are alive, it is customary to maintain our
parents, this duty cannot be shirked, when they are dead. There-
fore we sacrifice to them, as though they were still alive. Ghosts
are treated like men, for it is the living who attend the dead. For
man it is usual to reward good deeds, and to maintain the nearest
relatives, whence the duty to requite the kindness of tlie ancestors
and to sacrifice to them has been derived.
When the dog which Confucius liad bred was dead, lie re-
quested Tse Kurig to bury him. " I have been told, quoth lie, that
one does not tlirow an old curtain away, but uses it to bury a
horse, and that an old cart-cover is not thrown away, but used to
bury a dog. I am poor, and liave no cover to wrap him in."
Then lie gave him a mat, and bade him not to throw the dog
down with his head first. 3
About the prognostics furnished by the stars.

Quoted from tlic Lild, dhi-fa [Leyge, loc cit. p. 208),
Quotation from the Liki, T'an-kung ( Ley ye, loc. cit. p. 19(5).
Sacrifices.
52?>
Chi Tse ^ of Yen -ling ^ [)assecl through HsIL Tlie prince of IJsii ^
was very fond of 】iis sword, but, because Chi Tse had to go as
envoy to a powerful State * he, at that time did not yet consent
to give it him. When Chi Tse came back from his mission, the
prince of Ilsn liad died in the meantime. (Id Tse milmckled his
sword and hung it up on a tree over the grave. His rharioteer
asked for whom he did yo, since the prince of ITsii was already
dead. " Previously, replied Chi Tse, I have made tins promise in
my heart already, Sliall I become unfaithful, because the prince
of Hsil has died ? " ― Whereupon lie hung up liis sword and went
away. 5
Those who make offerings in recognition of special merits, are

animated by the same sentiment as Conf items ^ when he interred his
pet dog, and those who sacrifice, lest they should evade a former
obligation, have the same tenderness of heart as CM Tse, who liuiig
up his sword on a tree over a tomb.
A sage knows these facts, and yet while sacrificing he will

fast, and show such respect and devotion, as if there were really
ghosts and spirits, and reform without cease, as if happiness and
unhappiness depended thereon. But though people thus appreciate
goodness, and honour merit, and take such pains to manifest their
gratitude, it is not necessary that there should be really ghosts to
enjoy these manifestations. We see this from the sacrifice offered
to Earth at tlie meals. When people are going to eat and drink,
they respectfully retire, as if they were giving precedence to some-
body. Confucius says : ― " Although tlie food might be coarse rice
and vegetable soup, one raust offer a little of it in sacrifice with
a grave, respectful air."^
The Liki tells us tliat, wlien subjects are invited to dine with
their prince, he first calls upon tliem to sacrifice, before they re-
ceive their rations.
These oblations are like the various sacrifices of tlie LikL

At a meal one also may omit the offering, and though venerating
the spirits one may forego a sacrifice. Tlie same principle holds
good for all tlie sacrifices, which invariably consist in giving
1 Chi Cha, fourth son of King Shoii Meng of Wu, who died in 561 b.c.
2 A territory in KiangsUy the appanage of Prince Chi Tse.
3 A State in Anhui.
4 He was on an embassy to Zw, Ch\ Cheng ^ Wei and Chin, and passed
through Hsii in 544 b.c.
5 See a parallel passage in the Shi-chi chap, 31, p. 9 v.

r' Analects X, 8， X.
524
Lun-Hcng: F. Folklore and Religion.
something as an offering. He who knows that at the sacrifice to

Eartli no spirit is present, and still maintains that ghosts attend
the various sacrifices, ignores how to reason by analogy.
In the text of the Classics and the writings of tlie worthies

nothing' is said yet about ghosts and spirits,^ nor did they compose
special works on this subject. The unauthorized sacrifices offered
by the people are not enjoyed by any ghosts, but people believe
in the presence of spirits, who can cause either happiness or mis-
fortune.
Tlie votaries of Taoism studying the art of immortality ab-

stain from eating cereals and take other food than other people
with a view to purifying themselves. Ghosts and spirits, however,
are still more ethereal than immortals, why then should they use
the same food as man?
One assumes that after death man loses his consciousness,

and that his soul cannot become a spirit. But let us suppose that
he did, then lie would use different food, and using different food,
lie would not like to eat human food. Not eating human food,
lie would not ask us for it, and having nothing to ask at the
hands of man, he could not give luck or mishap.
Our joy and anger depend on the fulfilment of our wishes.

When they are satisfied, we are pleased, when not, irritated. In
our joy we are generous and cause happiness, when we are sulky,
we give vent to our anger and make others unhappy. Ghosts and
spirits are insensible of joy and anger. People may go on sacri-
ficing to them for ever, or completely disregard and forget them,
it makes no difference, how could they render man happy or un-
happy?
1 This is not quite true. The Liki, the T.so-chuan, and the Shi-chi treat of
ghosts and spirits in many places, as we have seen.
Criticisms on Noxious Influences.
CHAPTER XLIIL
Criticisms on Noxious Influences {Pien-sui).
It is a common belief that evil influences cause our diseases

and our deaths, and that in case of continual calamities, penalties,
ignominious execution, and derision there has been some offence,
AVlieii in commencing a building, in 】novhig our residence, in
sacrificing, mourning, burying, and other rites, in takiug up ol'fice
or marrying, no lucky day has been chosen, or an unpropitious
year or month have not been avoided, one falls in with demons
and meets spirits, which at that ominous time work disaster. Thus
sickness, misfortunes, the implication in criminal cases, punishments,
and even deaths, the destruction of a family, and the anniliilatiou
of a whole house are brought about by carelessness and disregard
of an unfortunate period of time. But in reality this idea is un-
reasonable.
In this world men cannot but be active, and, after they have
beeu so, they become either lucky or unlucky. Seeing them lucky,
people point at this happiness and regard it as the happy result
of their previously having chosen a lucky day, and seeing tlieiii
unlucky, they look at their misfortune as the fatal consequence of
their former inattention to an ill-timed hour. However, there are
many persons who become unhappy, although they have chosen
their day, and others who obtain happiness in spite of their neglect.
The lioroscopists and seers, desirous of propagating their mystical
theory, are silent upon such misfortunes, when they, observe them,
and liusli up those cases of happiness. Contrariwise they adduce
abundance of misfortunes with a view to frighten people, lest they
should be careless in electing a day, and give many instances of
happiness to induce them to be cautious in observing the proper
time. Consequently all classes of people, no matter whether tliey
be intelligent or feeble-minded, virtuous or depraved, princes or
common citizens, believe in this from fear, and dare not make any
opposition. They imagine that this theory is of high antiquity.
Not a moral offence, but a disregard of noxious influences.
526
Liin - Htiig ： F. Folklore and Religion.
and make the nicest distinctions, regarding it as a revelation of

Heaven and Earth and a doctrine of wise and holy men. The
princes are anxious for their throne, and the people love their
own persons, wherefore they always cling to this belief, and do
not utter any doubts. Thus, wlieu a prince is about to engage iii
some enterprise, the lioroscopists tlirong Lis halls, and, when the
people have some business, they first ask for the proper time to
avoid collision and injury. A vast literature of sophistic works
and deceitful writings lias appeared in consequence. The writers
are very clever in passing tlieir iuveutious off as knowledge for
their own profit, winning the stupid by fear, enticing the rich,
and robbing the poor.
This is by no means the method of the ancients or conform-

able to the intentions of the sages. When the sages undertook
something, they first based it on justice, and, after the moral side
of the question had been settled, they determined it by diviuatioii
to prove that it was not of their own invention, and showed that
ghosts and spirits were of the same opinion, and concurred with
their view. Tliey wished to prevail upon all tlie subjects to trust
in the usefulness of divination and not to doubt. Therefore the
Shuking speaks of the seven kinds of divination by shells i and the
Y'lking of the eight diagrams. Yet those who make use of them,
are not necessarily liappy, or those wlio neglect them, unhappy.
Happy and unhappy events are determined by time, the

moments of birth and death, by destiny. Human destiny depends
on Heaven, luck and misfortune lie hidden in tlie lap of time. If
tlieir allotted span be short, people's conduct may be ever so virtuous,
Heaven cannot lengthen their span, and, if this span be long, Heaven
cannot snatch it away from them, tliougli their doings be evil.
Heaven is the master of the hundred spirits. Religion, virtue,

kindness, and justice are the principles of Heaven, trembling and
fear, heavenly emotions. The destruction of religion and the sub-
version of virtue are attacks upon the principles of Heaven; men-
aces and angry looks are antagonistic to the mind of Heaven.
1 Shuking, Ilung-fan Pt, V, Bk. IV, 23 {Legge Vol. Ill, Pt. II， p. 335). By
another punctuation the coiiiiiientators bring out another meaning ciz. that there
are
seven modes of divination in ail, five given by the tortoise and two by milfoil.
2 We must not suppose that Heaven can fear and tremble, for, as Wang
CKung tells us over and over again, Heaven is unconscious and inactive. It
possesses
those qualities ascribed to it only virtually. They become actual and are put into
practice by man, wlio fulfils tlie commands of Heaven with trembling awe. Its moral
feelings are heavenly principles and heavenly emotions. Cf. p. 129.
Criticisms on Noxious IiiflncMices.
527
Among the irreligious and wicked none were worse than CJdeh
and Chou, and among the lawless and unprincipled of the world
none were worse than Yu and Li? Yet Chieh and Chou did not
die early, and Yu and Li were not cut off in their prime. Ergo
it is evident tliat happiness and joy do not depend on the choice
of a lucky day and the avoidance of an un propitious time, and
that sufferings and hardships are not the result of a collision with
a bad year or an infelicitous month.
Confucius lias said, " Life and death are determined by fate,
wealth and lionour depend on Heaven." "- In case, however, that
certain times and days are to be observed, and that there are
really noxious influences, wherefore did the sage hesitate to say
so, or why was he afraid to mention it ？ According to the ancient
writings scholars have been enjoying peace or been in jeopardy,
thousands of princes and ten thousands of officials liave either
obtained or lost luck or mishap, their offices have, been high or
low, their emoluments have increased or diminished, and in all
this there have been many degrees and differences. Taking care
of their property, some people have become rich, others poor, they
have made profits, or suffered losses, their lives have been long or
short, ill brief, some have got on, while others remained behind.
The exalted aucl noble have not selected lucky days in all their
doiugs, nor have the mean and ignoble cliosen an unlucky time.
From this we learn that liappiness and unliappiness as well

as life and death do not depend on tlie lucky auguries which
people encounter, or on the time of ill omen or dread, wliith wliicli
tliey fall in. While alive, men are nurtured by their vital fluid,
and, when tliey expire, their life is cut off. During their lives
people do not meet with a special luck or joy, nor can it be said
that at their deaths they fall in with an ominous time of dread.
Taking- Confucius as a witness and basing our arguments on life
and death, we come to the conclusion that the manifold misfortunes
and calamities are not brought about by human actions.
Confucius is a sage and a store of knowledge. Life and death

are the greatest events. These great events prove the justness of
our theory. Confucius has declared that life and death are deter-
mined by destiny, and that wealth and honour depend ou Heaven.
All the writings and covert attacks cannot invalidate this dictum,
and common and weak-minded people cannot controvert it. Our
1 Two emperors of the Chou dynasty of bad repute. Yu Wa〃y reigned from
781 to 771 B.C., Li Wang from 878 to 828 b.c.
2 Cf. p. 136.
528
happiness and unliappiness in this world are fixed by fate, but

we can attract them ourselves by our actions. If people lead a
tranquil and inactive life, happiness and misfortune arrive of their
own accord. That is fate. If they do business and work, and
luck or mishap fall to their lot, they have themselves been in-
strumental.
Very few of the human diseases have not been caused by

wind, moisture, eating or drinking. Having exposed themselves to
a draught, or slept in a damp place, people spend their cash to
learn, which evil influence has been at play. When they have
overeaten themselves, they rid their vital essence from this calamity
by abstinence, but, in case the malady cannot be cured, they be-
lieve that the noxious influence has not been detected, and, if their
life comes to a close of itself, tliey maintain that tlie divining
straws liave not been well explained. This is the wisdom of
common people.
Among the three hundred and sixty naked animals ^ man

ranks first; lie is a creature, among the ten thousand creatures
the most intelligent. He obtains liis life from Heaven and his
fluid from the primordial vapours in exactly the same manner as
other creatures. Birds have their nests and eyries, beasts their
dens and burrows, reptiles, fish, and scaly creatures their holes,
just as man has cottages and houses, liigli-storied buildings and
towers.
Those moving creatures die and suffer injuries, fall ill and
become worn out, and the big and the small ones prey upon one
another, or man liuuts and seizes them as a welcome game for his
mouth and belly. They do not miss tlie proper time in building
their nests and burrowing their hollows, or fall in with unlucky
days in rambling east and west. Man has birtli and death, and
so other creatures have a beginning and an end. He is active, and
so other creatures have their work likewise. Their arteries, heads,
feet, ears, eyes, noses, and mouths are not different from the human,
only tlieir likes and dislikes are not the same as the human,
lience man does not know their sounds, nor understand their
meaning'. They associate with tlieir kindred and consort with their
flock, and know, when tliey can come near, and when they must
keep away just like man. They liave the same heaven, the same
earth, and they look equally up at the sun and the moon. There-
Even in that case there is fate, which includes human activity.
Snakes, reptiles, and worms which like man have no scales, fur, or feathers.
529
fore one does not see the reason, why the misfortune caused by
(lemons and spirits should fall upon man alone, and not on the
other creatures. In man the inind of Heaven and Eartli reach their
highest development. Why tlo the heavenly disasters strike the
noblest creature and not the mean ones? How is it that their
natures are so similar, and their fates so different?
Punishments are not inflicted upon high officials, and wise

emperors are lenient towards the nobility. Wise emperors punish
the plebeians, but not the patricians, and the spirits visit the noblest
creature with calamities and spare the mean ones? This would
not tally witli a passage in the Yiking to the effect that a great
man shares the luck and mishap of demons and spirits.'
Wlien I have committed some offence and fallen into the

clutches of the law, or become liable to a capital punishment, they
do not say that it has been 】ny own fault, but that in my house
some duty has been neglected. When I have not taken tlie neces-
sary precautions for my personal accoiniiiodation, or w lieii I have
been immoderate in eatiug or drinking, they do not say that I
have been careless, but discover some imporclonable disregard of
an unlucky time. In case several persons die shortly one after the
other, so that, there are up to ten coffins awaiting burial, they do
not speak of a contagion tlirougli contaminated air, but urge that
the day chosen lor one intennent lias been unlucky. If some
activity has been displayed, tliey will talk about the non-observance
of lucky or unlucky days, and, it' nothing has been done, tliey
have recourse to one's habitation. Our house or lodging being
in a state of decay or delapidation, flying goblins and floating
spectres assemble in our residence, tliey say. They also pray to
their ancestors for help against misfortunes and delivery from evil.
In case of sickness, they do not ask a doctor and, when they are
in difficulties, they do not reform their conduct. They ascribe
everything to misfortune and call it offences or mistakes. Sucli is
the type of the ordinary run : their knowledge is shallow, and they
never get at the bottom of a tiling.
When delinquents are employed by the Minister of Works

for hard labour, it does not follow that tlie clay, when they ap-
peared before the judge, was inauspicious, or that tlie time, when
tliey were condemned to penal servitude, was one of ill omen. If
a murderer selects an auspicious day to go out and meet the judge,
who inflicts his punishment, and if he chooses a good time for
1 Yiking, 1st diagram (Cfiien).

Lun- Heng.
34
530
Liin-Heiig: F. Folklore and l?eligioi
entering the prison, Avill the judgment then be reversed, and liis
pardon arrive?
A man is not punished, unless he lias met with mishap, nor

thrown into jail, if not punished. Should one day a decree arrive,
in consequence of which he could walk out released from his fet-
ters, it would uot follow that lie had got rid of evil influences.
There are thousands of jails in the world, and in these jails

are ten thousands of prisoners, but they cannot all have neglected
the precarious time of dread. Those who hold office and have
their revenues, perhaps from special towns and districts, wliicli
have been given tliem in perpetual fief, number thousands and tens
of thousands, but the days, when tliey change their residences,
are not always lucky.
The city of Li-yang i was flooded during one night and be-
came a lake. Its inhabitants cannot all have been guilty of a dis-
regard of the year and the months. When Kao Tsu rose, Feng and
Pêi ^ were recovered, yet their inhabitants cannot be said to have
been particularly cautious with reference to times and days. When
Hsiang Yi'i stormed Hsiang-an, no living soul was left in it. This
does not prove, however, that its people have not prayed or wor-
shipped. The army of Chao was buried alive by Cliin below Cliang-
ping. 400,000 men died at the same time together.* When they
left home, they had surely not omitted to choose a propitious time.
On a shen day one must not cry, for crying entails deep sorrow.
When some one dies on a ivu or a chi day, other deaths will follow,
yet in case an entire family dies out, the first death did not of
necessity take place on a shen, 讓, or chi ^ day. On a day, when
blood-shed is forbidden, one must not kill animals, yet the abattoirs
are not scenes of more misfortunes than other places. On the first
day of the moon, people should not crowd together, yet shops are
not especially visited with disasters. When skeletons become visible
on the surface of the soil, they have not necessarily come out on
a Waiig-ivang day, and a dead man, whose coffin is standing in a
house, must not just have returned on a Kuei-chi day." Consequently
1 Vid. p. 136.
2 Cf. p. 185. •
3 The Shi-chi chap. 8, p. llv.， where this passage occurs (Chavanncs, Mem.
Hist. Vol. II, p. 343), speaks of the city of lldatig-ch\'ng in IJonan, whereas
Hsiang-an
is situated in An/mi.
4 Cf. p. 136.
5 Three cyclical numbers.
6 On a Wang-voang day one must not go out, and on a Kuei-chi day returning
lioiiie is desastrous.
531
those Avlio interpret evil influences cannot be trusted, for if they

are, tlioy do not find tlie truth.
Now, let us suppose that ten persons living' and eating together
in the same house do not move a hoe or a liammer, nor change
their residence, that in sacrificing and marrying they select but
lucky days, and that from Spring to Winter they never come into
collision with any inauspicious time. Would these ten persons not
(lie, when tliey have attained a Iiuiidred years ？
Tlie geomancers will certainly reply that their house would

either be in good repair or commence to decay, and that, on the
Sui-po or Chlh-fii days they would not think of leaving it. In that
case they might every now and theu ask the soothsayers about the
state of their house and remain in it, as long as it is iu good
repair, but leave it, Avhen it begins to delapidate, and, on the Sui-
p and Chih-fu i days, the whole family might move. But 、vould
tliey not die then at the age of a hundred years ？
The geomancers would again object that while changing their

residence tliey would hit upon an unlucky time, or that their moving
to and fro might be unpropitious. Then we would advise them
to consult tlie seers and not to move, unless tliey can safely go,
nor revert, unless tlieir coming is without danger. But would tliey
remain alive then after having reached a hundred years ？
The geomancers would not fail to reply that life stops and
that age has a limit. Ergo liumau life and death solely depend
oil destiny : tliey are not affected by unlucky years and mouths,
or influenced by a disregard of fatal days of dread.
1. Wang-wang, Kuei-clii, Sui-p'o, and Chih-fu ^^^'^ > $ 需忌、， <^ ^'石皮，
直 are technical terms used by geomancers and in calendars to designate
certain classes of unlucky days.
34*
582
Lun-Heng: F. Folklore ami IJeliglon.
CHAPTER XLIV.
On Exorcism {Chieh-chu).
The world believes in sacrifices, trusting tliat they procure

happiness, and it approves of exorcism, fancying that it will re-
move evil influences. Exorcism begins with tlie ceremony of pre-
senting an offering. An offering is like a banquet given by the
living to their guests. First the ghosts are treated like guests and
given a meal, but, wlien they have eaten it, they are expelled with
swords and sticks. Provided that ghosts and spirits possess con-
sciousness, they would undubitably resent sucli a treatment, o tiering
resistence and fighting, and would refuse to leave forthwith. In
their anger, tliey would just cause misfortune. If tliey are not
conscious, then they cannot do mischief. In that case exorcising
would be no use, and its omission would do no harm.
Moreover, what shape do people ascribe to ghosts and spirits?

If they believe tliem to have a shape, this shape must be like
that of living men. Living men in a passion would certainly make
an attempt upon the lives ot" their adversaries. If they have no
shape, they would be like mist and clouds. The expulsion of
clouds and mist, however, would prove ineffectual.
As we cannot know their shapes, we can neither guess their

feelings. For what purpose would ghosts and spirits gather in liiiman
dwellings? In case they earnestly wish to kill people, they would
avoid their aggressors, when tliey drive them out, and abscond, but,
as soon as the expulsion ceases, tliey would return, and re-occupy
their former places. Should tliey have no murderous intentions,
and only like to dwell in human Louses, they would cause no in-
jury, even if they were not expelled.
When grandees go out, thousands of people assemble to liave'

a look at them, tliroiiging' tlic streets and filling the alleys, and
striving- for tlie pla (； es in front. It is not before the soldiers repel
them, that tliey go away, but no sooner have tlie soldiers turned
their back, than tlicy return to their places. Unless tlie soldiers
kept watch the whole day without leaving their post, they could
not restrain them, because tliey are bent on having a look and
On Exorcism.
5H3
would not go liome on account of liaviniji,- been driven back once.
Provided that ghosts and spirits resemble living men, they would
feel attracted to their homes in the same way as those tliousands
are determined on sight seeing. If the soldiers repelling them do
not keep watch for a long while, the lookers-on do not disperse,
and unless expelled during a whole year, the ghosts would not
leave. Now, being expelled, after tliey have finished their meal,
they would retire, but having retired, come back again, for wliat
could prevent tliein?
When grain is being dried in a court-yard, and iowls ami

sparrows pick it up, they escape, 、、'11611 the master drives them
off, but return, when lie relaxes his vigilance, tie. is unable to
keep the fowls and sparrows at bay, unless he watches the Avhole
(lay. If the ghosts be spirits, an expulsion would not induce them to
retreat, and if tliey be not spirits, they wouW be like fowls and spar-
rows, and nothing but a constant repulse could frighten tliem away.
Wlien tigers and woh-es enter into a territory, tliey are pur-
sued with bows and cross-bo、vs， but even their deaths do not do
away -with the cause of those terrible visits. When brigands and
insurgents assault a city, the imperial troops may beat them, but
notwithstanding this rebuff, the cause of their frightful incursions
is not removed thereby. The arrival of tigers and wolves cor-
responds to a disorganised government, that of rebels and bandits,
to a general disorder. Thus the gathering of ghosts and spirits
is indicative of the sudden end of life. By destroying tigers and
wolves and by defeating insurgents ami bandits one cannot bring-
about a reform of tlie government or re-establisli order, neither is
it possible to remove misfortune or prolong life by ever so miicli
exorcising or expelling ghosts and spirits. •
Sick people see ghosts appear, when their disease lias reached
its climax. Those who are of a strong and violent character will
grasp the sword or the cudgel and figlit with the ghosts. They
will liave one or two rounds, until at last, having missed a thrust,
tliey are forced to surrender, for, unless they surrender, the duel
will not come to a close. The ghosts expelled by exorcism are
not different from those perceived by sick people, nor is there any
difference between expelling and fighting. As the ghosts will not
withdraw though assailed by sick people, tlie conjurations of the
master of the house will not prevail upon the ghosts and spirits to
leave. Consequently of what use would be such conjurations for
the house? Therefore we cannot accept the belief that evil influ-
ences might thus be neutralised.
534
Lun-Heiig: F. Folklore and Religion.
Furthermore, the ghosts wliicli are expelled from the house

live there as guests. The hosts are the Twelve Spirits of tlie house,
such as the Blue Dragon and the White Tiger, and the other
spirits occupying the Twelve Cardinal Points, i The Dragon and
the Tiger are fierce spirits and the chief ghosts of heaven. 2 Flying-
corpses and floating goblins would not venture to gather against
their will, as, when a host is fierce and bold, mischievous guests
would not dare to intrude upon him. Now the Twelve Spirits have
admitted the others into the house, and the master drives them
aAvay. That would be nothing less than throwing out the guests
of the Twelve Spirits. Could such a hatred against the Twelve
Spirits secure happiness? If there are 110 Twelve Spirits, there are
no flying corpses or goblins either, and without spirits and goblins
exorcism would be of no avail, and the expulsion have no sense.
Exorcism is an imitation of the old ceremony of the expulsion

of sickness. In ancient times Chuan Hsil had three sons, who
vanished, when they had grown up. One took up his abode in
the water of the Yangtse and became the Ghost of Fever, one lived
in the Jo River and became a Water Spirit, and one in damp and
wet corners as the arbiter of sickness. At the end of the year,
when all business had been finished, sick people used to drive out
the Spirit of Sickness, and believed that by seeing off the old year
and going to meet the new one tliey would obtain luck. The
world followed this example, whence originated exorcism. But
even the ceremony of driving out sickness is out of place.
When Yao and Shun practised their virtue, the empire enjoyed
perfect peace, tlie manifold calamities vanished, and, though the
diseases were not driven out, the Spirit of Sickness did not make
its appearance. When Chieh and Chou did their deeds, everything
within the seas was tlirowu into confusion, all tlie misfortunes
happened simultaneously, and although the diseases were expelled
day by day, the Spirit of Sickness still came back. Declining ages
have faith in ghosts, and the unintelligent will pray for happiness.
When the Chou were going to ruin, the people believed in ghosts,
and prepared sacrifices with the object of imploring happiness and
the divine help. Narrow-minded rulers fell an easy prey to im-
1 In addition to tlie Blue Dragon and White Tiger Wang Ch'ung mentions
the T'ai-sw', 明 rmg-ming and ^ & Tsung-k'uei as such spirits.
Cf. iMn-lK'ng, cliap. 24, 】3 {Nan-siii).
2 Tlie Blue Dragon and tlie White Tiger are also names of the eastern and
western quadrant of the solar mansions. Conip. p. 106 and p. 352.
3 C;f. p. 242.
On Exorcism.
535
posture, and took no heed of their own actions, but tliey ac-
complished nothing creditable, and their administration remained
unsettled.
All depends upon man, and not on ghosts, on their virtue,

and not on sacrifices. The end of a State is far or near, and
human life is long or short. If by offerings, happiness could be
obtained, or if misfortune could be removed by exorcism, kings
might use up all the treasures of the world for tlie celebration of
sacrifices to procrastinate the end of their reign, and old men and
women of rich families might pray for the happiness to be gained
by conjurations with tlie purpose of obtaining an age surpassing
the usual span.
Long and short life, wealth and honour of all the mortals
are determined by fortune and destiny, and as for their actions,
whether they prove successful or otherwise, there are times of
prosperity and decline. Sacrifices do not procure happiness, for
happiness does not depend on oblations. But the world believes
in ghosts and spirits, and therefore is partial to sacrifices. Since
there are no ghosts and spirits to receive these sacrifices, the
knowing do not concern themselves about them.
Sacrifices are meant as a kindness done to tlie ghosts and

spirits, and yet they do not bring about luck and happiness. Now
fancy that these spirits are expelled by brute force. Could that
bring any profit?
The sacrificial rites and the methods of exorcism are very

numerous. We will prove their uselessness by one example, for
from a small sacrifice one may draw a conclusion to the great
ones, and from one ghost learn to know tht hundred spirits.
When people liave finished tlie building- of a house or a

cottage, excavated the ground, or dug up the earth, they propitiate
the Spirit of Earth, after tlie whole work has been completed,
and call this appeasing the earth. They make an earthen figure
to resemble a ghost. The wizards chant their prayers to reconcile
the Spirit of Earth, and, when the sacrifice is over, they become
gay and cheerful, and pretend that the ghosts and spirits have
been propitiated, and misfortunes and disasters removed. But if
we get to the buttom of it, we find that all this is illusive.
Why? Because the material earth is like tlie human body.

Everything under heaven forms one body, whose head and feet
are tens of thousands of Li apart. Mankind lives upon earth as
fleas and lice stick to the liuman body. Fleas and lice feed upon
man, and torment his skin, as men dig up the earth, and torment
5B6
Lun -Heng: F. Folklore and Religioi
its body. Should some among the (leas and lice, being aware of
this, wisli to appease man's heart, and for that purpose assemble
to propitiate him near the flesli, which tliey have eaten, would
man know about it? Man cannot comprehend what flea's and lice
say, as Earth does not understand the s})eecli of man.
The Hu and the Yileh have the same ears and mouths, and
are animated by similar feelings, but even if they speak mouth to
mouth, and ear to ear, they cannot understand each other. And
there should be a communication between the ears and the mouth
of Earth and man, who does not resemble her?
Moreover, who is it that hears what man says ？ Should it

be Ea.i'tli, her ears are too I'ar away to hear, and it" it be the
earth of one special house, this earth is like an atom of liuman
flesh, how could it understand anything? If the spirit of the
house be the hearer, one ought to speak of appeasing the house,
but not of appeasing Earth.
The Ilites prescribe that entering into the ancestral hall one
must not find a master tliere.i One has made the device of cutting
a wooden tablet, one foot and two inches long, and calling it the
master, and serves it in the spirit, but does not make a liiiman
likeness. Now at the propitiatory sacrifices to Earth, they make
an earthen human figure resembling the shape of a ghost. How
could tliat have a propitiatory effect? Spirits are diffuse, vague,
and incorporeal: entering arid departing tliey need no aperture,
whence tlieir name of spirits. Now to make a bodily image is
not only in opposition to the Rites, but also reveals a misappre-
hension of the nature of spirits. We know that they have no like-
ness, therefore, when the mats are spread for sacrifice, no figures
of ghosts are put up.
If at the propitiatory service for Earth they set up human

figures, could a stone effigy be used at the sacrifice to the Moun-
tains, or could a wooden man be made for the sacrifice to the
Gates and Doors"
When Ch'ung Hang Yin of Chin ^ was near his end, he sum-
moned his high-pries 仁 wishing to ])unisli him. " The victims,"
said he, "which you have immolated for me, have not been fat
and glossy. You have not observed tlie rules of" fasting witli rever-
ence, and thus liave caused the ruin of" my State. Is it not so? "
1 The image of tlie departed, who as master dwells in the ancestral liall.
2 No figures are used at the sacrifices to those deities.
A iiobleiiiaii, related to the ducal house of Chin, of the 5tli cent. b.c. The
Ch'umj I lorn/ family possessed lai'ge domains in dhin.
On Exorcism.
537
The priest replied in plain terms, " Formerly, my old lord,
Cli ung Hang Mi Tse, possessed ten chariots, and did not feel grieved
at their small number, but at the insufficiency of his righteousness.
Your Lordship has a hundred war-chariots, and does not feel dis-
tressed that your justice is so imperfect, but merely regrets that
your chariots do not suffice. When vessels and chariots are well
equipped, the taxes must be high, and the taxes being heavy, the
people defame and curse their sovereign. If lie then offers sacri-
fices, of what use can it be to his ！ State? These curses must also
ruin the State.— One man prays for him, and the whole State
curses him. One prayer cannot overcome ten thousand curses. Is
it not quite natural that a State should perish thus? What is the
guilt of the priest ? "― Cli ung Hang Yin then felt ashamed.
The people of to-day rely on sacrifices like Cliung Hang Yin.

They do not improve their conduct, but multiply the prayers, do
not honour tlieir superiors, but fear the ghosts. When they die,
or misfortune befalls tliem, they ascribe it to noxious influences,
maintaining that they have not yet been regulated. Wlien they
have been regulated and offerings prepared, and misfortunes are
as numerous as before, and do not cease, they make the sacrifices
answerable, declaring that they have not been performed with
sufficient reverence.
As regards exorcism, exorcism is of no use, and as regards

sacrifices, sacrifices are of no avail. As respects wizards and
priests, wizards and priests liave no power, for it is plain that
all depends upon man, and not on ghosts, on liis virtue, and not
on sacrifices.
538
Index of Subjects.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
A.
Acupuncture 金十， 377.

Alternation of nature and cnUure,
prosperity and decay. 474.

Amulets and charms 蘭服牙身，
boys wear jade-stones, girls pearls.
505.
Ancestral table t zp of wood, one

loot two inches Jong, 536.
Ancient characters 古 ^^,448， 455.
Angels, informing the Spirit of Heaven

of liunian misdeeds, 291， a fjilleii
angel 斥仙， 341.
Animals, are creatures like man, "280,

the killing of animals is wicked, end.
A n t h r o p o s c o p y and physiognomy
骨相， Clmi). XXIV.
Anti-alcoholic memorial, 88.
Antidotes, how given, 15S,
An t i ( 1 11 a r i a ns know how to de-

termine the age of old swords, 345.
Antiquity, overestimated by scholars

and artists, 470.
Apparitions ， either ghosts
sliaped like men, or men behaving

like ghosts, 232, 244.
Army 軍， 4,000 men, divided into
2 divisions 自币.
Ascension to heaven by the soul, 228,
of Huang Ti， 382, of Htiai Nan Tse,
335.
Ausjjicio us grain ^^^|^,323， 366.
B.
Ba llista ：^, often stomas, 498， pulled
with a windlass J^， 503.

Beauty, engendered l)y a iiingical
force, vicious and depraved, :5()2.
Bird 鳥， star, 118.
Births, supernatural. 318， 464.
B 1 a c k T o r t o i s e 力 , the northern
quadrant of solar mansions, 1(36.

Blue Dragon ^|^, the eastern
quadrant of solar mansions, 106, 534.

Bronze vase of the yen r 669 b.c.
with inscription, 344.
Burning glasses 378.
Burning of the Book s by QKin
Shih Huang 7Y， 204, 447， 449， 490.
c.
Ca n n i l>a 1 i s m ， in times ol* dearth, 170.

Ceremonies originate IVoin a want
of loyalty, 100.
Chance 幸， definition, 142, Chap.X.
C haos i 冥、 } 幸'/ 蒙; 項， 252.
(Miaracter {生 and natural gifts yj^

determine human intelligence and
conduct, 145， Chap. XXXI, trans-
formed by instruction and the in-
fluence of virtue, 380, depend on
the quantity of the original lluid, BSl .
Chin (kin) 金， old coins, 132， 146，

365， 377， 433.
(Ml o}) sticks of ivory considered

a great luxury under the Shany
dynasty. 354.
Chronicle of Yii ^本 | 已 Yn-

pm-chi, '254.
Commerce resorted to by lazy a^ri-

ciiltiH'ists, 1 70.
Contingencies definition, 142，

contin'sêncies and chance agree or
disagree with destiny, 123.
Cook, in Sung, lam o us for butchery,

2:51).
Index of Subjects.
589
C o w , may give birth to a horse, 102.

Crea tion , 252.
Cricket and clirysalis no emblem of!

immortality, 122. !
Cries of a new-born child indicative
of the length of its life. 314.

Cross-bow 脅， 251， 2()6, 533.
D.
Days and nights, their different

lengths how caused, 259.
Death 死，（'hap. XV， death the corre-

late of birth, 349.
Destiny 命， Chap. VIII and IX,

destiny of a State stronger than
that of individuals, 】37， connected
with the stars, Pod., natural ,
concomitant 隨， adverse 遭， 138,

received at the time of conception,
139, does not agree with natural
disposition, good or bad character,
eod. determines life and death, rank
and wealth, 144， not influenced by
virtue or knowledge, eod" natural de-
stiny according to Mencius^ view, 43 1 ,
destiny depends on Heaven, 526.
Dipper Ji^, constellation, 275, 450.
Diseases have natural causes, 528.
Distance, its effect on vision, 261,

2<>6, 274.
Divination 卜邀， Chap. XIV， by

tortoise shell and milfoil, 182, by
shells and by diagrams, 526.
Dragon ^^， attracts the clouds and

the rain, 279, fetched by Heaven
during a tempest, 285， 351, risiug to
heaven 293, an auspicious animal.
323, a reptile that undergoes trans-
formations, 327， Chap, XXIX, lives
in the water. 351, like fish and
reptiles, 352, represented with a
horse's head and a snake's tail, 353，
mounts the clouds, and is like earth-
worms and ants, eod" reptiles that
can be domesticated and eaten, 354,
not intelligent, eod" dragon liver and

unborn leopard, eod" the dragon
rides on the clouds, 357, contracts
and expands its body, can become
visible and invisible, 358, can trans-
form itself, eorL
D rason Star 龍星， 520.
Dreams and visions ^^， their iiatui v

doubtful, 200, 215, direct dreams,
228， interpretation of dreams, 189.
Dwarfs, used as actors, 473.
E.
Kagles transformed into pigeons and

vice versd, 368.
Earth ；^, has a body like man,

183, size of its area, 2:>6， does not
move, 267, high in the north-west
and low in the south-east, 268.
Karth-quake, predicted, 112, 127,
Eclipse how caused 269 se(i.，
Eight Diagrams 八翻、, invented

by Fu Hsi, expanded by Wen Wang,
87， 454, 474.
Elixir of life 金玉之精， made of

gold and gems, drunk by Taoists, 339.
E in p er or s, their investiture by
Heaven, 132, 138.
Energy, hiunan, doubled hy fear, 49<S.
Equanimity of the wise who pla-

cidly await their fate, 145, 149.
Equinoxes, vernal and autumnal

分， 259, 265.
Exaggerations, why people are

fond of them. 85.
Executions are wicked, 280.
Exorcism 解除， Chap. XLIV.
F.
Fate see Destiny, 130, becomes the

mind internally and the body ex-
ternally, 131， is obtained spontane-
ously, not by any effort, 150， fate
of long life, 313， 402,
540
Index of Subjects.
Felicitous plant 蓂荼. 366.
Fever cured with pills causing
perspiration, '282.
Fifteen dynasties -|^ at
the beginning of liistory, 90.

Fifth w o n til child su])posed to kill
its parents, 161 .

F is he s and birds are related, both
ran lly and are oviparous. 300,
fishes and turtles are metamorphosed
from snakes and reptiles, 32(5, 36S,

Five Birds 五鳥， 372.
Five (/ a n ons (Classics) 牵至： ―
Yikittg, Shilcmy^ Shuking. Liku and
Cfiwi-cKw. 8H, 447, 449, 490.

Five Elements ，， : 一 inetnl,
wood, water, fire, and earth, 104，
201, 272,
Five Emperors and Three Rulers

31 ""F' : ― Hvang TL dm an
Hsil, Kû, Yao, Shun, and Yu, ang ,

and Wen Wang, 76， 81， 101, 138，
324, 332， 334. 359， 372, 405， 464,
467， 484， 511.
Five Grains 五穀： ― hemp, millet,

rice, wheat, and beans, 381， 517.
Five Lakes 五湖 = Tai-hu in

Kiangm, 380.
Five Leading Princes 五 ^ 白：一
Duke Huan of Ch\ Duke Wen of
Chin, Duke Hsiany of Sung, Duke
Chuang of Ch' u, and Duke Mu of
Ch'in， 74, 101.
rive Mountains 五^^ , sacred: —-

TTai-skan, Heng-shan^ Hua-shan, Heng-
shan, and Sung-shan, 2:)L
Five Organs (intestines) 五 ―

the heart, the liver, tlie stomach,
* the lungs, and the kidneys, 105,
】 9.-)， the necessary substratum of
the Five Virtues, 1 95, 381, regulat-
ing the Vital Fluid, 49(!.
Five Planetary Ein jx' rors 五

234. I
Five Planets : ― Venus, Ju-
piter, Mercury, Mars, and Saturn,

271, are made of the substance of
the Five Elements, 276.
Five Qualities ^ ― benevol-

ence, justice, propriety, knowledge,
and truth, 381， 390.
Five Sacrifices of the
house, the outer and inner doors,

the well, the hearth, and the inner
court, 510， 516. Five Sacrifices of
the Princes, 519.
Five State Robes ^ 服， worn
under the reign of the emperor Yu,

490.
Five Time Keepers ^ 杀已 of the

Shuking: ― the yeni', month, day,
stars, and dates of calendar, 452.
Five Virtues see l ive Qualities, 105,

194， 474.
Flatulence, its causes, 295.
F 1 u i d see Vital Fluid and Priino-

genial Fluid.
Flu id -eaters 氣^^^ Taoists

living on air to obtain immortality ,
348.
Flying fish, 357.
Fortune- tellers 才目工 and their

methods, Chap. XXIV.
Founders melting metal, 294.
Four classes of the disciples of

Confucius 四禾 ;+， 37",
Four Grey Beards 四維， re-

cluses at the beginning of the Han
epoch, 437.
F o II r Q II ad rants (Constellations)
四：" ~ Blue Dra'g()n，White Tiger,
Scarlet Bird, and Black Tortoise,
Four S e ； i s and Four Mountains 四

, 四山 forming the limits of
ancient China, 253.
Frogs become quails, 32*), 33(5， 368.
Index of Subjects.
541
G.
G e ni s and pearls, made artificially

by the Taoists, 378.
Genii 丫山 y^， represented with i(»ath-

ers and wings, 293, 330, so light that
they can tly like wild geese, 252.
Geo in a n c e r s 占射事者， 53 1 .
Ghosts diffuse and invisible,
191 , the dead do not become ghosts

ami have no consciousness, eod. ；
a name of the passive principle,
eod、、 ghosts are not the essence of
the dead, 192 seq.; Chap. XVIII，
ghosts are visions of sick people,
239. 240, apparitions' of the fluid
of sickiR'ss, 240, seen by madmen,
eod.、 made of the stary tluid, 241,
ghosts the essence of old creatures,
'241， ghosts living in men, eod" the
spirits of cyclical signs, 242, crea-
tures like men : ― living corpses
尸， crawling demons 凶， gob-

lins ^^， devils . 243, kingdom
of the Ghosts ^ ^國，續人， wicked
ghosts 萬 ^^， eod,^ ghosts appari-
tions in human shape, 244. are the
Yang lliiid, therefore red, burning
and able to abscond, '246, know
what is secret, 291, devils are super-
natural apparitions produced by
the sun, 299, ghosts are burning
poison and liave a red colour, 299,
ghosts and spirits more ethereal
than immortals, 524, insensible of
joy and anger, eod., expulsion of
ghosts, 532, sick people see ghosts,
533.
Ghost of Fever 虐鬼， son of
Chuan Hsu, '242， 534.

God 上帝 = Shang TV, 134, 1(32,
203 ； a jMiblic spirit, who does not
trouble about private grievances.
•204; 223, 227. 321. 328, 355.
Golden Age, its praise unlonnded,

471 seq.
Government, must be based on

virtue, not on criminal law, 441, by
not governing, 9").
Grand Annalist ^ ^ = Sse

Ma CKim, the author of the Shi-chi,
86, 96，】11， 115, 148， 153, 1G7，
1H8, 254, 332, 345, 462, 463, 464.
Great Diviner of CKi 齊太卜

二 Ym Tse, 112, 159.
Great Wa 1 1 ， constnicted by Meny

Tien, 167.
Green Dragon see Blue Dragon, 301.
H.
Halo (aureole) 光氣， 173, 178.
Happiness and fortune jj^ not

connected with wisdom and intelli-
gence, 145, Chap. XI and XII, not
given by Heaven as a reward, 156,
Hare in the moon, 268, con-
ceives by licking the pubescence of

plants, and the leveret issues from
its mouth, 319.
Heart , governs the members

and the senses and is not governed
by them 111， constellation, 1 18, 127,
230.
Hearth sacrifice to, 343， God
of the Hearth, 51V).
Heat and cold 寒温， Chap. XXI,

not influenced by the sovereign, 278,
coinciding with joy and anger, 288.
Heaven ^1^, emits its tliiid every-

where, but acts spontaneously, 92,
has neither mouth nor eyes, eod" its
thiid is: ― placid, tranquil, desireless,
inactive, and iinbiisied *| 舌、、應； fiS
欲無爲無事， 93， its principle

spontaneity, 95, and inactive, 99,
does not speak nor act, 101， re-
primands contrary to its nature, 102,
affects tilings. \mt is m、t affected by
542 Index of
tliein, 109, is tlie master of iiiaa and

things, eod. and 111, its fluid forms
the shapeless empyrean, 113, not
moved by the sighs of ten thousand
people, eod" does not reprimand a
sovereign, nor kill malefactors, 126,
Heaven's spontaneity and inaction
preclude wisdom and sensations,
127, Heaven does not speak, 128, the
words of the wise are the words
of Heaven, eod" anthropomorphisms
of the Shiki7ig and tlie Shuking, eod, ；
the heart of Heaven in the bosom
of the Sages, 129, Heaven's decree,
130, 132， 408, Heaven is spontane-
ous, 133， human qualities ascribed
to it, 134, wealth and honour come
from Heaven, 136 seq., 404, its body,
183, Heaven does not speak nor
hear, its nature is non-interference,
184; 227, Heaven's ways difficult
to understand, 242 ； Chap. XIX, the
pure elements formed heax eii, the
impure ones earth, 252, heaven is
not air, but has a body, 257, its
distance from earth, eod,、 its circum-
ference 365 degrees, eoch^ not raised
in summer, nor depressed in winter,
260, nut high in the south, nor low
in the north, eod" not shaped like
a reclining umbrella, 261, looks like
a bowl turned upside down, eod"
is as level as earth, 262, heaven
makes a circumvolution of 365 de-
grees = 730,000 Li every day, 266，
heaven's movement the spontaneous
emission of fluid, 2G8, its distance
from earth upwards of 60,000 Li,
275， its principle spontaneity, 283,
Heaven's anger, 286， the dark blue
sky, eod" Heaven huiuanised, eod, ；
all beings to Heaven like children,
289， Heaven does not write, 295,
emits its iliiid into Earth, 322, min-
ister of Heaven, 42 1 , Mencius on
Heaven, 4 '2 2, the Heaven of anti-
Subjects.
(juity is the Heaven of to-day, 471,

Heaven is a body like the Earth,
509, Heaven the master of the
I'lundred spirits, 526, virtues are its
principles eod.
H e a V e n and Earth 天地， by the
fusion of their iluids all tilings are
produced, 92， are like husband and
wife, 93， 99， 287， 322， are inactive,
97, cannot act, are devoid of know-
ledge, 101， do not create man on
purpose, 103， their fluids mixing,
things grow naturally and spontane-
ously, 104, the great man equals
them in virtue, 129， believed to
punish the wicked, 164, cannot be
interrogated by diviners, 182, do
not respond, 184; have a body, eod.;
set in order, 193, contain air, 252,
act in spontaneous harmony, 277,
their nature is spontaneity, 280,
lather and mother of mankind,
•287， like a great furnace filled
with Yang (fire) and Yi7t (water),
294， 320, 330， are both bodies,
337, were not born and do not
die, 349， conjointly produce all
things, 471, their size many ten
thousand Li, 510， the emperor
treats Heaven like his lather and
Earth like his mother, 517, in man
the mind of Heaven and Earth
reach their highest development,
529.
Heavenly fluid 天氣， 110, 138.
Heavenly officials 百官， the
stars, 138, 227,

Hill sacrifice 封禪， Fmyshan^
332.
Ho iiieo pathetic trea tment \^

炎画: 治之； cold <*ured l)y cold, and
fever by lire, 29!). 、
Hook Star 钩星 Mercury, 127.
Hot \Va ter Abyss see T^'any-hu.
Index of Subjects.
548
House 房 ^ , constellation, 112,

118， 127.
H 11 man I': m j)erors^^ 阜, mythical

rulers of remotest antiquity, 193,
252.
Ignorance, blissful of primitive
times, 100.
Immortality, drug 仙藥， 335,
aimed at by Taoists, 336, 343.

Inaction • 爲， 92.
Incidents 偶， definition, 148.
Intoxication, the virtuous believed
not to become intoxicated, 487.
K.
Killing animals see animals.
L.
Land division in Wei, 382. ,
Language, different in ancient, and

modern times and in different parts
of the empire, 72.
Life Jtip ； the Taoists endeavour to \

prolong life by quietism and (lis- |
passionateness, 346, its proper length |
a hundred years, 314， 472. Long
life, the shortest 70 years, medium
80 years, longest 90 years, 452.
Life and death ^^^^ depend on

Destiny, 136 seq.
Literati 儒， 250, 252, 257， 265,

304, 332, 338, 434， 447, 473, 490.
L u a n , bird inferior to the phoenix,

364/""'
Luck J[^， definition. 141.
Lumbago (sciatica) 月非 or ^j^, said

to be caused by devils llogging the
patient, 299, cured with honey and
cinnabar, eod,
M.
Madness U^^， a disturbance of

the vital force, 240, of nature 380.
Magpies 卓乞昔 know the future,

358.
Man , born from lleaven and Earth

and endowed with the heavenly
lliiitl, ！ )7， why active, eod,\ his in-
significance, when compared with
Heaven and Earth, 109, filled with
the heavenly fluid, 11 L a tiny crea-
ture, 112, imbibing the heavenly
iluid man is born, lo8, man a pigmy,
183， before his birth and after death
man is part of the primogenial iluid,
194， he is born and kept alive by
the Yin and the Yang^ 249, a crea-
ture like others, 289, the noblest of
the productions of Heaven and
Earth, 320, 352， like lice, 322, is
born by propagation, eod,. never
metamorphosed, 327， not different
from other creatures, 335， first
among naked creatures, 353， 528,
endowed with a spontaneous mind
and a uniform disposition, 386, aver-
age people and people above and
below the average, 386, 391， endow-
ed with the nature of Heaven and
Earth, 390, with the Five Qualities,
eod" tlie most intelligent of the ten
thousand creatures, 528.
Marriage, age of， 472.
Matria rchate, 473.
Mechanisms : ― a Hying kite, a wood-

en carriage and horses, made by
Me Tse and Lu Pan, 499.
Medicin e, liquid and pills, 282, min-

eral drugs 藥石. 252.
Meteors 星^. 230， 271， 274 seq.,

507, ^
Miracles i| 圣， 244, Chap. XXVI.
Moon 月， moves 13 degrees =

26,000 Li every day, 266, a bare
and a toad in the moon, 268, the
moon is water, eod.
Music, its power on animals, 379，

its magical force, 222.
544
Index of Subjects.
' N.
Naked People 媒國， 407.
Nature J 生, natural j^, cuncoinitant

j^， adverse ^^， 140， human nature
affected by its environment, 375， by
instruction, 382, different views on
original nature, Chap. XXXI 1.
Natural feeli n<>*s and natiu-al dis-

position 'I 靑 4 生， the basis of human
activity, 384, said to correspond to
the Yin and the Yang, 389.
Nine Continents 九州, 253.
Nine Heavens 九核, 339.
Nine Provinces (Circuits) 九州二

China, 253, 390.
Nine Relations 九方实， ascendants

and descendants, 492.
Nine Streams 九川, 261.
Nine Tripods 九燕， of the Chou

dynasty, disappeared, 218, auspi-
cious, 505， their history, 506.
Nine Wild Tribes uf the Kast
九夷， 406.
Notes, musical, 121.
Noxious inllnences 祟, Cliap.XLllI.
Nursing ol" cliildren, 314.
o.
Odes of the Shikiny ^^， ill.
Omens (Portents) 驗， Chap. XIII,

different kinds, 173, 183, the lucky
meet with lucky omens by chance,
186， omens and signs are always
true, 1 90， shaped like man, 230,
indicate future happiness or mis-
fortune, 245, con-espond to some-
thing good, 368， happen spontane-
ously, eod" diinng the Han epoch,
372, 406, under iff— Ti， 479, umlcr
Kuang Wu Ti, 480.
Ominous creatures ；勿， li''"'e

no species, are born l)y accident,
365, iVum a propitious lluid, 36(».
Original f I u id, see Priinogenial

fluid.
Orphan of Chao 趙孤， 177.
P-
Parrots f | 武 |， can talk, ；358.
Pearls, genuine ones in fishes, 278,

niid shells, 378.
Pearl -tree in the farthest south-

west 珠樹， 273.
Perfect u 画， 134.
Phantoms consist of the solar
lluid, 245, emit poison, 247.
PhaMiix 鳳凰， Chap. XXX, a holy

bird, liuge with a variegated plum-
age, 359， accompanied by thousands
of birds, 363, phoenix and unicorn
signs of universal peace, 364, as
big as a horse; 5 feet high, 36(),
did not coine at Confucius, time, 40「).
Pheiioinenalists 《复之，
scholars who explained calamities

and other natural phenomena by
moral causes, 127, 128, 281， 283.
P li A' s i o g n o 111 y see Antlii'oposcopy.
Ph Ysi g n o mists, Imve divided

human features into more than
seventy classes, 72.
Pillar of Heaven 天柱 = K、n-

lun, 89， 250.
Phi n of the Yellow River 河圖，

95, 238, 294, 405， 454.
V In m , may grow on a cherry-tree, 102.
Poison 毒, Chap. XXIII, the hot

air of the siui, 298, bad men filled
with a poisonous lluid, 300, poison
of glil)-tongued people, 303.
r()le of heaven 天極, -55.
Polar star 極星， 260，極， 2G3.
Pol viiainy , its drawbacks, 14】.

Portents }>ee Omens.
Posthu mons titles, 208, 333.
Pregnant women, what they are

to avoid, while with child, 141 .
Index of Subjects.
545
Primitive life, 474, happy without

virtue and knowledge, 100.
P r i in o g e n i a 1 Uuid yj^ vague,

diffuse, and unconscious, the human
fluid a part of it, 194， genuine and
harmonious ； all people filled with
it, 471.
Primordial generation of fisli and

grass, 3(58,
P r o p r i e t y and i-ighteousnous up-

held against Han Fei Ts€, 434 seq.
Public instruction and criminal law

what fur, 380.
Punishments lueted out in autumn

and winter, 148， 280, 291.
Purple boletus 紫^^ ， a felicitous

plant, 132, eaten by Taoists, 339.
Quip OS, 473.
Q.
R.
Rain 雨， portcMided l)y insects, by

the expansion of chords, and by
chronic diseases, 109， its origin, 277，
becomes dew and frost, each ； a fluid
emitted by heaven, 289 , the Rain
God 雨師， 511， 521.
R a t 1^ ， a skin-disease cured by
eating a cat, 158.
Raven ^£ ^ , three-legged, can-

not live in the sun, 268.
Red Emperor 赤帝， 178, 234.
Rhino pi the c us ^ 生 ^ 生, knows the

past, 358.
s.
Sacrifices ^^[[[^. Chap. XL! and

XLII, presented to Heaven and
Earth, Mountains and Rivers, tlie
Spirits of the Land and Grain, 510，
516, to the Five Genii and the
ancestors, 516， to Shangti, to tlie Six
Superior Powers, eod" the imperial,
suburban, patriarchal, ami ancestral
Liin - Heng.
saei'iiices, eod" saciMfices to the

Seasons, to Heat and Cold, the Sun,
the Moon, the Stars, tlie Four Car-
dinal Points, to Water and Drought,
517, to Earth, at the meals, 523, to
the Five Eiiipei ors and Three
Rulers, 516, to Mountains, Gates,
and Doors, 53(5, of an ox, 514， of
wood, a calf, a sheep, 51G seq., of
millet, rice-cake, and soup offered
to Earth, 5 10, the meaning of sacri-
fices, 509, 535, motives of sacri-
fices : ― gratitude and ancestor wor-
ship, 517, they are not enjoyed by
ghosts or spirits, but merely sym-
bolical, 522, of no avail, 537.
Sages, endued with the harmonious

Uuid, 316, not imbued with a special
fluid, 322, credited with the gift of
propliecy, 353, produced l)y Heaven
every 500 years, 424.
Sage birds and animals, 371.
8ca rle t Bird 乐鳥， the southern

quadrant of solar mansions, 106.
Schools 库 j^， Ibunded from olden
times, 434.
Scroll of the Lo 、洛書， 95, 238，

294, 455.
Secretary falcon $j^， poisonous, 301.

Sensations, how caused by the
mental tluid, 239.

Seven Sacrifices , performed
by the Emperor, 519.

Seven tv odd disciples of Confucius
七十子， all sages, 151， 168， 375,
392， 396.
Sickness not a punisliment of

Heaven, 119.
Six Classics 六經， the Five Clas-

sics and the Classic of Music, 128,
Six Departments of Literature
15：^ under the Han dynasty: ― clas-

sics, six arts, philosophy, poetry, mili-
tary science, and divination, 83. 470.
35
546
Index of Subjects.
î^r '1 青： ― clieerful-
fSiK Domestic A n i in a 1 s ,
the horse, the ox, the g'oat, the
pig, the dog, and tlie fowl, 193.
Six 11 on o ured ones 516.
Six Institutions of the Chou dyn-

asty tfft. , administration, in-
struction, rites, police, jurisdiction,
public welfare, 455
Six P a s s i o :
ness, anger, grief, joy, love, and

hatred, 110.
Six S tat es : ― Fm, Chao, Han,
Wei^ CKi, and CKu, leagued against

CKin, 278, 305, 437.
Sixty -fo XI r Diagrams [Jtj
翻、， composed by Wen Wang^ 87，

454.
Solstices in summer and winter,

259, 265.
Sophists 转^ -J- , poison flowing from

their moutlis, 303.
Sorcerers /|X , filled with the Ymig

fluid, 246, 298， live in the South,
247, can predict fate, eod.
S o u 1 the souls of the dead are

dissolved and cannot hear any more,
207; animal soul and mind z^,
209， the soul 二 vital lluid, 228，
roaiTiing about during a dream, eod.
Southern Circuit 由君 ― Tung-

chun in Hujjei, 298.
Sparrows turn into clams, 326, 336,

368.
Speech and fire have the same es-

sence, 300，
！ Spirits 巾, beli^'ved to punish
the guilly. 】G4， diffuse and shape-

l('ss 恍 'j 忽無形， 191，神 spirit,
a name ()f the active principle, 191，
jpljj the spiritual lliiid forms man
and at death reverts to its origin;)!
state, 102 ； spirits are unconscious,
197， spirits Heaven's angels, '291,
tlifViisi^ ； m(l incorporeal, 292, ！ 5 52.
o3G, can soar, eod., wlint is vague

and unsubstantial has the nature of
a. spirit, 353, it seems as if the
spirits helped the happy and caused
the inisfoi'tune of the miserable, 144；
160, clothes, 5-6 inches long, offered
to spirits, 515.
'Spirit l.ird 神雀， 364.
Spirit o f Earth )|] 申, propitiated

after the building of a house, 535.
Spirit of Heaven J]j 申， repri-

manding a sovereign, 119， imj)er-
sonatecl by a man, 232, angry, 287,
like a king in his residence, 290，
352, changing his mind, 408.
Spirit of Rain 雨師， 222.
Spirit of Sickness 疫鬼， 534.

.Spirit of the Wind 風、， 222.
Spiritism by means of mediums in
a trance, 196.
Spontaneity 自然， Chap. HI,
means absence of purpose, 283.

Spontaneous fluid 氣自爲，
101, 130.
Spontaneous liar mony of heaven
and earth, when it rains, '277.

S%p o o Iv Chap. XVII.
vS p r i 11 g and Autumn ^^|^， work

of Confucius, 414， 447, 451, 452.
Sp ri II g and Autuinn period, 722 to

480 B.C., 116, 210, 269, 271， 274,
354, 362, 363, 451.
Stars ^ , their ellluenct^ gives

weal til and honour, 138, produces
ami develops things on earth, 241 ,
stars are not round, 271, their size
a hundred Li, 275, are attached to
heaven, 511,
Struggle for existence, 105 seq.
Style, 70 et .s(>(i.
Sun 曰， ten sims in Yao\s tiinCj 89,

271, the sun came lmclc， 8!), reverted
to the meridian, m(l.、 and 116, en-
circled hy a white halo, when Ching
Index of Subjects.
547
iCo stabbed Shih lluany Ti, 1 18,

solar fluid 二 heavenly lluid, 249，
motion of the sun nnd the moon,
•250， Chap. XX, the sun lakes ItJ
different couis^s during n year, not
9， 260, its different size in the
morning atid at noon, 263, sun
and moon like ants crawling on
a niill-stone are carried along by
heaven from east to west, 266,
the sun moves 1 degree = 2,000 Li
every day, eod" is fii'e， 267, a three-
legged raven in the sun. 2B8, sun
and moon not round. 271, the sun
is fii'e， 357.
S u n-stro k e 火流所刺， the effect

of poisonous air, :)>00.
S \v e a r i n g hy Heaven, 403 seq.
Sweet dew a lucky omen,
produced by the harniunious lliiid,

366, 373.
Swords, their manufacture, 377, fa-

mous swords. 503-504.
T.
Tail ^g, constellation, 118.

Tao , the fundamental principle
of Taoism, 148， 328, 333, 336， 34G.
Taoism, 102.
Taoists , argue on spontaneity, 92，

97， made an artificial apparition
of Lady Wang^ eod" possess real
virtue i. inaction and quietism,
100, said to have become genii,
328, exhibiting tricks at the court
of Huai Nan Tse, 335, drinking the
elixir of life and eating purple
boletus, 339, cannot be drowned
nor burned, 342, Chap. XXVIII，
living on air and regulating theii'
breath to become immortal. 348，
take medicines witha view to pro-
long life, 349, make artificial gems,
378, studying the art of immortality,
524.
Te HI p list ， expression of Heaven's
anger. 285， 351.

Tlii rty-five kingdoms 十
^j, beyond the sea, wliere pliini-
igerous and feathered tribes live,
254, 830.
Three Dynasties : ― Hsia,
Yin, and Chou, 214, 319， 322, 464,

their different systems of govern-
ment, 475.
Three hundred scaly an i in a 1 s

三百 (織蟲， of which the dragon
the first, 353.
Three hundred and sixty naked
animals 三百六卞 1 栗蟲，

ninong which man ranks first, 528.
Three Mountains disappeared dur-

ing the CKin epoch, 276， 507.
Three Offei'iiigs ^ j|j[J^, made to

the Genii of Spring, Autumn, and
Winter, 518.
Three Rulers see Five Emperors

and Three Rulers.
Three Sacrifices 三) |f|^， the

high dignitaries, 519.
Th under 雷， Chap. XXII, not

Heaven's angiy voice, 285， not caus-
ed by Heaven's fetching a dragon,
285, represented by drums or as the
"Thunderei'，，, 292, the exploding
solar lluid, 294, fire, eod.) why thunder
must be fire. 295, the thunder and
the dragon attract one another, 356,
thunder liow caused, 357. 、
Thunder goblet 雷縛， of the

Hsia dynasty, 293. 506,
Thunderer 雷 <^， the God of
Thunder, an athlete with drums
and a hammer, 292, 511, 521.
Tiger J|^， howling attracts the wind,

279， 356.
Time 日寺， propitious or un propitious,

145, 146, definition, 171, determines
happy and unhappy events, 524.
35*
548
Index of
Subjects.
T i 111 e periods 简氣 , 24 sola r
periods, into which the year is
divided, 281.
Toad 虫詹 I 法， cannot live in the
moonj 268.
Tortoise Jjj 申^^ ， spiritual, 3G5,
Trance (Faint) 珍， 195， 196.
Tribute of Yii 禹首， Yil-kung,
chapter of the ShuJcing, 253, 271,
378.
Twelve Holy Men = Twelve Sages

十二聖， 304， 322, 359.
Twelve h o ra ry characters and

their corresponding animals — j-"
辰之龠， lo 6 -
Twelve Spirits of the Cardinal

Points 十二神， 534.
Twenty-eight constellations (so-

lar mansions) ~ \ -j-* J\ , the
resting-places of sun and moon, 257.
Two S a c r i f i c e s , to the
Spirit of Fire and the Lord of the

Soil, 518; Two Sacrifices of ordin-
ary scholars, 519.
u.
Unconsciousness of the dead, 194.
Unicorn 麟麟 = Kilh" 266, like

a deer with one horn, a holy animal,
359, a white unicorn with five feet,
370， like a deer with two horns,
eod" resembling a stag, eod" wild
animal with joined lionis, 371,
V.
Ve rinilio n g r a s s an auspi-
cious plant, 】32， 366.
Visions of ghosts, caused by pain

and fear, 23i).
Vital I'luid 氣， -精氣。1' 氣力

the lenj^tfi of life depends upon it,
1 38, man lives by the vital lliiid
residing in the arteries, 191, it fills
the body as millet and rice a bng,

and disperses at death, 1 92 ； blood
the vital force of the living, 193 ；
its seat in the blood, 194, 195 ； vital
energy maintained by eating and
drinking^ 198; vital force within the
body and outside the body, 1 98 ；
through death the lluid is lost, and
the vital spirit jjj 申 dissolved,
199; after death it is a formless lluid,
eod.\ the vital spirit of all creatures is
extinguished by death, it evaporates
and disappears, 201， causes thought
and sensations, 239, it gives know-
ledge and speech, 249, copious or
scarce, determines the length of life,
313, 329, received by men at their
birth, forms the constitution, 325,
vanishes at death, 330， is drawn
from food, 348, the vital force con-
centrated forms the human being,
350. ,
Vital force = Vital fluid.
w.
Water Spirit 舰^
,《 ― son of Ghuan
Hsu, 242, 534.
Weird sayings of children 竜
.232, 237, due to the influence of
Mars, 246.
White Emperor 白帝， 234,
White Tig'er 白 western (luad-
rant of solar mansions, 106, 534-

Will-o'-the-wisp 憐， the blood
of the slain, 193.

Wind j^， Ibn^seen by insects, 109,
its influence on robbers and thieves,
and on tlie market prices, 110;
winds on New Year's Day portend
tlie new year, 111， lucky wind,
181， the God of Wind jH^^g, 511，
521.
Wim'-sp ring
portent, SUfJ.
Index of Subjects.
549
入 Vizards and priests /p; 兄， liavc
no power, 537.
World, lying in the South-east of the
universe, 255, 263.
Y.
Ya ？ / (/ tliiid (principle) comes forth

spontaneously, 99; 110; governs life.
Ill; the hot fluids, eod" is broiling
hot, 226; becomes the niincl. 209， is
fire and as such hot and red. 246,
boys and sorcerers imbued with it,
end. ； it predominates at the time of a
drought. eod,,i\\e Yang fluid produces
the vital spirit, 249, shines like the
sun, prevails in summer and is scarce
in winter, 248, is warm and genial,
279， is brightness and warmth, 284,
an immense fire, 294, ornaments
originate from the Yang^ 302.
Yin 陰 fluid (principle), 99, 110;

governs death, 111， the cold fluids,
fwL rushing against the hot Tang
iluid, predominates during nn
eclipse of the sun, 246, it produces

the hones and flesh, 249, is dark,
abounds in winter, and falls short
in summer, 258, corresponds to the
North, 259, is cold murder, 279, is
rain and cold, 284, clouds and rain
are Yin. 294.
Yin ； ind Yang 陰陽. in Ik
98, 103, 126; Fmand 1'。"^/ crystallise
and produce man, who by death is
again dissolved into these fluids,
196; can injure the good, 242, cause
the length and the shortness of tlie.
days, 258, 283, Yin and Yang coming
into friction produce thunder and
lightning, 294， 339， 848; Yin and
Yang w ere not horn and do not die,
o4*J, their llnids the lluids of Heaven
and Earth, 368; Yin and Yang and
good and evil, 388， disorganised,
when propriety and righteousness
are neglected, 434, in hai-mony,
w hen the government is good, 465.
550
Index of Proper Names.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES,
A.
Ai 哀， duke of Lu, 74， 402.
Ai 哀, duke of Wei, 496.
Ai Ti 哀^^ ， Han emperor. 365.

Analects 諭語二 Lun-ija, the
Utterances of Confucius, 65， 134，
288, 295， 393， 414， 467， 499， 500,
520 ； their origin and original siz(\.
456.
Aug prince of Wei, treacherous-
ly killed ])y Wei Yang, 171.
Anna m 日 the South of the

Sun, 256.
越 mahout, 108, 513.

Aquila 牽 = Herdsman, a con-
stellation readied by the sun in
winter, 259.
B.
Baktria 大夏， 254.
c. '
(— 'liai ^ ； a slave-girl of C7〃>"， Vis-

count of Chao, 307.
Ch'ai ^^， region in Shantung, 180.
Clian-shu 書， book of prophe-

cies, 319, 466.
Cl/an Tse 纏子， a Mehist of the

Han time, 162.
C hang } 章， river in Jhrnan^ 382.
Chang- an 長^^ ， capital under the
Han, 179.
C h a n fj; (Mm e ii 張^^ ， ''' fa"">"s
traveller, 254.
Cl.ang ('hun- Shil, {JJ^ 仲師，
a p;i;iiit, 473.
Chang Liang 張艮, partisan of

Han Kan Tsu, 95， 178, 212, 235,
327, 368.
Chang Mono- T'an 張孟談，

minister of Viscount Hsiang of Chan,
230.
C h ang Pa 張^^ ， produced a Shu-
king, 448.
Chang Po Sung 張伯松, con-

temporary of Yang Hsiung, 477.
Chang Shang 商， 464.
Chang T'ang 張湯， a tall man.

367, 473.
Chang Tse Fang 張子房， sec
Chang Liang, 437.

Chang Yi 張儀， a native of Wei
had a double rib, 115， 305, 360,
contemporary of Su CKin, 464.

Chang Wii 章武， marquis of, 179.
C h'n n g 昌， personal name of Wm
Wang, 131.
C h'n II g mountain in Shami, 226.
('h'aiig-lo 長樂， a palace, 359.
r h':i II g - \\i n g 長平， a city in Shaiisi,
114, 117, 118, 136, 142, 166, 530.

Chn.. 照， king of CKin, 506.
Clmo 船， duke of Han, 154.
C h ； 1 o prince of Sung, a Paris,
473.
Chiio State 趙， in Shaiisi, 69, 74,

96, 114， 116, 136, 147, 166, 202,
209, 223, '229， 306, 307, 321, 501.
508, 530.
riiao K a o 趙高，：i eunuch, who

contrived the death of Fu Su, 114.
rii-K.-ko 朝歌， a city, 335.
551
('"(> Liang 趙長， 99.

C h a n So 趙. 朔， a relative of Chan
Twi, 177.
<"Iiao Ti Ha" emperor, 456.
riiau To j| 他， king of the
southern Yiiek, 124, 382.

( ' li n o Tse Tu 趙子者 |S，；、 scholar,
147.
Chn o Tun 趙盾. minister of Chin

and deadly enemy of T'n An Ku,
177.
C h'ao T'so ^^^^ received the

Shiihing from its hiding place, 2nd
cent. B.C., 448, 450.
rhe Jg, famous robber, 79, 139, 168,

364, 388, 428, 445.
( ' he Too 之 _^， mountain in Shan-

tung, 231.
C h'e n 陳， family in Wei, murdered

its sovereign, 440.
C h'e n State 陳， in southern Ho 議"

79， 118， 137, 475, 499.
Ch'en Chin 陳鏡 = Ch'Sn TV, 419.
C \ir n g C h ling Tse 陳仲子 , a

recluse, 427.
( ' h'e n - 1 i 11 陳留， place in Honan,

179.
Ch'cn P'ing 陳平， very poor, but
fine looking, 30.").

Ch'en She- 陳渉， king of Ch'u, 236.
Ch'en Tse 陳子， a disciple of
Mencius, 419.
ChV'n Tse Hui 陳子迴， a scholar,
469.
C h'e n Yuan 陳元, admirer of the

Tso-chuan, 462.
< ' li t' n g 正君， Lady, aunt ol" tlie

emperor Wang Mang, became emp-
ress herself, 306.
Che n g State in Honan, 74， 1 18,
122, 137, 208; 214, 235， 311， 443,
465, 500.
CliLMig Chi 鄭季， lather of Wri
Citing, 308. 、
Cheng- \vu 政務， work of Wang
CKuny, on government, 70, 86, 87,
88, 90, 91.

Ch'cng 成， king Chart , 123, 129,
146, 374， 424, 480, 494.

( "hV'n o- 成， king of C", 189, 207.
('hV'ng chronicle of the Chin
State, 88, 457.

riiV'n ii. Chi Yo 成季友， son 。f
Duke Huan of Lu, 95, 237.

C'li'eng T'aiift'' 成湯， founder of
the Shang dynasty, 142. '

C h'e n g Ti 成帝， Han emperor.
I 306, 365.
ChVMig Ying ('h'i 禾呈嬰齊， ad-

herent of Chao So, 177.
('hi 稷 = Hou Chi, Lord Chi, god

of cereals, ancestor of the Chou dyn-
asty, 145， 387， 464, 516.
Chi 季， family in Ln, 74, 395, 417,

444.
rhi 季二 Ol; Li, son of TanFu, 120.
C hi ^^， territory in Shansi, 211.
(—'hi surname of the Chou dynasty,

318, 322.
('hi Huan Tse 季桓子， Prince
Huan of Chi, 417.

Chi Li 季應， son of Tan Ftt、 120,
131. '*^、
Chi-mo 卽墨, city in Shantung, 232.
C h i - n a n 、濟 , city in Shantung,
447.
C hi-pei 齊北， place in Shantung,

236.
r hi s u chie h y i < 谷，
Censures on Morals, work of Wamj
Ch'uny, 68, 70, 71.
Chi Tse ^£ -^, a nohle under

Chou Hsin, 354.
Chi Tse 季子. prince of Wi/. 523.
552
Clii-ya II ,n- 、廣揚， in Shcmtimg, 180.

Chi-yang 濟陽， palace, 132, 180,
323, 365.
Chi Yen 、汲 | 音， statesman under

Han Wu Ti, 94.
Ch i >jt 已, State in Honan^ 116.
Cli'i Lady, a concubine of Hon
Kao Tsu, massacred by the Empress

Lu Hot" 290.
Ch"i 齊， .State in Shantung, 112, 121,

127, 147, 161, 172, 176, 206, 213,
226, 232, 238, 245, 280, 310, 341,
344, 379, 419, 421, 423, 427, 436,
440, 456, 463, 481, 491, 499. 501.
Cli'i Jg^, successor of the Emperor

Yil, 128.
rii'i 棄二 Hou Chi 130, 518.
('li'i ('hi 棄疾， prince of CKiu 176.

Ch'i-hsien district in Anh(i,
366.
Ch'i Liang 矛 Hi 梁， an officer of

Ch'i, 112, 116, 117.
rii'i S h e n g J]^[^|] 麥， made a rebellion
ill Chin, in the (ith cent, b.c, 385.

( h'i Tiao K'ai 漆 @ 隹開， —lo-
sopher, disciple of" Confucius, 884.

V h i a = Cliiii Yi, 胃" a. poet, on
destiny, 148, 469.,

Chiang 系争， a pi'in('ii);dity in Shansi,
308, 354.
Chiang Yuan j^， iiiotlier oi'lJon

Chi, 320, 322, 464.
rii'iang tribes in the West of
China, KiO.
('Ii'i;uig .1 iiiif.- 笼戎， westei'ii bar-

barians, 500.
C hi a o Mioiititaiii in Kniisu or
Shensi, vvliei e Himn (； Ti 、v!is buried,

83：5.
Chicli 樂一二 Chirh Km'i, <)(), 47.S.
Cliicli nn.l CI mil 终 {；' 糸 J., 162, 210,

；', 1 H, IHI, 4.S7. .j07, 527， .")；', 1.
rii it'll J u 藉儒, a million, 153.
Chieh Kuei 樂努， tyrant, last emp-

eror of the Hsia dynasty, 375.
Cliien, 、漸, name of terrace near

Chang-an, 486.
Chi e 11 簡， viscount of Chao, 96, 202,

223, 307, 321.
Chien 簡， duke of Fm, 248.
Cli i e n - c h a n g name of a
palace of the Han emperors, 169,

308.
Chien-lun 檢諭, Critical Reflec-

tions, work of Tson Yen, 87.
Chien Ti 簡彭（， mother of Hs"'h,
464.
Ch'ien-t'ang city in Chr-
Tdang , 64.
C hill 知， territory in Chin, 226, 229.
r hih 質 15 資!^ Mou, district in Che-
Many, 255.
C h i h 耳， son of King CJieng of CV' V
207.
r'hih , music-master of Lu, 467.
Chih fatliei- of Lady Cyng, 306.
Chill -Til 符， unlucky day, 53】.
riTi Ii-hsien 赤縣, Cliinn, 253.
C ir i li Sung 赤极， a' magician, 328.
Ch i li Yu 允, a legendary person,
114， 222, 280, 442.
Chin State 晉 in Shansi, 88， 95,

153, 162, 177, 189, 208, 20G, 209,
211, 214, 220, 223, 226, 232, 237,
248, 821, 360, 369， 457, 465,497，
500, 536.
(Ml i II <^， name of Tung Fang So, 346.
('hill ("li uaii 斬尋， a native of
K 'nri Chi, 290.

(')iiii y a n g 晉陽, city in Sham"
22".
('l)'iii State 秦， in Shmsi, (;"，！M>，

114, 117, 122, 1:";, I 17, 1 (；•_>, !()(；,
558
170， 178, 20；], 211, 22；5, 305, 311,

328， 379, 435, 459, 463, 492, 500，
503, r)30.
rh'i" dynasty 秦， 249-20f) b.c,

S2, 95, 116， 133, 167, 280, 319,
； V27, 447, 450, 459, 483, 490, 506.
('h'in epoch 秦， 218, 276, 278,

477.
( ' h' i n II s i ^^鹿、， smashed his head,
rii'in Shih Huan- Ti 秦始皇，

founder ol' the C/t in dynasty, read-
ing Han Fei Tse, 72, 178, burned
the books, 204, 219; 230. 235, 237,
:m， 449, 490, 492, 506.
Clung yi<i , tributary of the liuang-ho^

466.
Ching 弃 |j， mountain in Shmsi, 332.
Ching 景， duke of Sung, 328.
Ching 景， duke of Chin, 177.
('hing 景， duke of Clii, 112, 213.
( hing-chou 弃 |J ^>j*J ， place in Hupei,

456.
C hing C h'o u an officer of
Ch\ 422. 乂、 \
C hing = (.'hing Fang , coin-
nientator of the Y iking, 283.
C h i n g H o 弃 ij 禾口， wept tea rs ol"

blood, 501.
C hing K'o 弃 |J^^, attempted to as-

sassinate Ch(in Shih Ihmug 77， 1 1 丁，
492, 503.
Ching Ti 景帝， Han emperor, 179,

309， 448.
riling' Tse ^jp, viscount Ching
of Chao, 209.
rhing Tse Fei 荆次非， 352.
Ching Tu 慶都， Yarys mother, 319.

Ch'in o;-ho 、? 靑 jf 可， preiecture in Ho-
nan^ 179.
C h'in g -ho j^pj, city in Shantung,

' 306.
( ' h' i n g- P \\ ^^^fl^, a criminal, who

became a prince 308, king of Iluai-
nan, attacked by Han Kao Tm, 148.
('hill jp, general of CKhu 506.
r hiu-cht'n ^îMl， tribe in Aniiom.

370. 八
Cliiu-ohia n u; /T. ^ c'ircuit in

hui, 81.
Chin Fail 咎犯， oi'ficer of Chhu

189， 232.
C\\ i u 11 g S a n g =z S/iao Han,
518.
著雍， territory, 206.

( " h o u 糸廿二 Chou Hsin, last emperor
of tlie Shang dynasty, 121. 123, 185.
187, 189, 221, 244, 248, 288, 354,
385, 478， 482, 486， 488, 489， 514.

Clio u , ； I small place in C'f{i、 422.
Chou dynasty 周， 1122-249 B.r.，
129, 172, 187, 202, 205, 218, 248.
299， 318, 321, 359, 3(37, 423, 430,
455, 464, 467, 475, 480, 484, 489,
518， 520, 534.

Chou 周 period, 114, 256, 384, 456,
473, 505.
Chou 周 people, 83, 224, 439, 454.
Chou 周 State. 118， 188, 388, 417.
Chou kingdom of the Chou dy-

nasty in Shensi, 458.
("h on Chiang Sli"ig 周長生， an

autlior, 469.
Chou C'h'iug Ch'en 周靑 ma-

jor-domo of Shi Huany Ti, 449, 490.
Chou K 11 n g ^ , Duke of Chou,

brother of Ww Wang, 98， 121, 123,
125, 129, 146, 186, 205, 304, 3 If),
322, 395, 424, 440， 454, 489.
Chou Li 周 j|i 豊， Book of Rites of

the Chou, 455.
Chou Ya F u 周亞 -^, general and

chief minister under Han Wen Ti,
1 49. 308. ■
554
Clio VI Yi j^J ― Yiki/Kj of the ('hem
dynasty, 454.
Chu i 朱， tributary ol" the Sse in S/ia?i-
tung, 1(34.
Chu Spirit ol' tlie Grain, 518.
C h u Fu Yen 主;^ 僵， enemy of
Tung Chung Shu, 84, 14 丁.

Chu Yung Jgj^ Genius of Sum-
II) er and Fire, 518.

('h'u State in Hnpei and Hunan,
88， 89， 113, 115, 118, 119, 122,
140, 156, 159, 160, ITH, 189, 207,
290, 298, 301, 371, 379， 401, 438,
457, 495, 497, :m.

C'h'u-t'se 楚辭， Elegies of C",
113.
Chii Po Yii 蓮伯玉， a disciple
of Confucius, 66, 95, 413.

C h'ii P'i n g 屈 2pl ― Cli u Yuan,
his death, 140.

Ch'ii Yuan 屈 j^， famous poet,
who drowned himself, 113, 122,
222, 4(;9.
Chu an Hsii ^^王貢, mythical emp-

eror, 89， 242, 250'， 304, 322, 359,
516, 518, 522, 534.
Chuan Yi 傳毅， a scholar, 469.
Chii an 滑， music-master of Wei^

220.
(' li iia ng Tjj^, duke of Lu, 274.

Chiiang king of Ch'v, 122.
Chuang Ch'iao 莊 ^ 喬， a rol)l)oi',
139, 388. "

Cliiiang Shu 莊叔， minister oi'Lu,
187.
riiuang Tsc Yi 莊子義， a phan-

tom, minister of Duke Chim of Yen,
202， 247.
Chuang and Yii 莊:^ 孰， two (|iiiirt-

ers in the capital of Ch'i, 379.
Ch'uang-liiifj; 春陵， city in Honan,

181. "
Chii eh - li 闘単， place' wiien; Con-
fuc'ms died, 155.

I (' h'un - c li'i II the " Spring;
and Autumn " Chronicle o{ Confucius.
83, 88， 243, 274, 277, 359, 400,
451, 453, 455, 457, 458, 4()0, 4(;'2，
465, 468, 504.

Chun-ch'iu 春 f 火 epoch, 722-481
B.C., 13(i. 413.

('h'uii Shell 春申， prince of, 501 .
C li ii n S li a n g , ] )ersonal n am e
of the Emperor Chêng Ti， 300.
C h a n g 可重， a prefect, 310.
rhung ― Kott JYIcmg, Genius of
Spring, 518.
r h ung-cli on 中州二 Honan、 87.
riiung Chi'in 終軍， censor, 371.
Chung Hang V h n o T s e 中
厢子， minister of Chin. 226.

Ch ungHangMiTse 中行密子，
father of Chung Hang Yin, 537.

Chung Hang Yin 中行寅， a
nobleman of Chin, 536.

('hung-jiMi {中{ 壬， style of Wa7Hf
Ch\mg, 64.
Chung Kung { 中弓, disciple of
Confucius. 81.
V hung- in on 中 _^， a city in llonan^
415.
Cluing- s h a n 中山， territory in
Chili, 226.
Chung Tse { 巾 "jp， daughter of
Duke' Wu of Sung, Iiad a writinu,"
on her palm. 95, 237, 295.

V hung Y u n g { 巾 ^||， son of Tmt
Fu， 131.
C h\i n g E r h 重， prince ol" ( 7〃〃，
232, 295, 304.

<'lMin <>• Lan 蘭， j)etty officer,
132, 180.
Ch'un g Y ii j^, a follower of

Mm cms f 423.

555
Confticianists f 需^^ ^， oppose the j

principle of spantaneity, 87, 102, lie- |
lieve in destiny, 136, regard C(m-
fucius as their master, 461.
Confucius iJLi^J^, spoke of destiny,

67, as official had no aversions, 68,
lost a horse, *)9, eating a peach, 74,
his works not read, 74, nobody i
more, talented, 78, his hardships, I
eod" Confucius and Me Ti noble of
themselves, but of low rank, 79, both j
Sages, 81， Confucius and Me Ti, 83， j
468， 477, Confucius on poetry, 89，
avoided all pomp, DO, on a carved ！
mulberry-leaf, 96, on Yao and Shun, \
98， liis l)lissftil forgelfulness, 100， |
his abilities in various arts. 102, i
afraid of Tang Hu, 107， his know-
ledge, 120, as wise ns Cmfucius, 145,
Confucius on life and death. 147， on
Yen HuVs death, 1 '> 1 , on good for- |
tune, 152, passing the city gate of
Tm, eod" inferior to Shun, 155, seri-
ously ill, 158， CoTifucius on a white
calf, 159， Confucius and Po Niu, 165,
Confucius did not become an emp-
eror, 169， Confucius on divination,
182， on Heaven's speaking, 184, on
an omen, 188， burying his mother,
197, buried opposite to the Sse
river, 223, on meteors. 274, 276,
deeply impressed by a tliunderstorm,
295, afraid of Yang Hu, 303, his
arms turniuf; backwards, 304， 360，
prognosticated for T'ân Tâi Tse Fw,
311， in Cheng. 31 1, natinally born,
322， playing the flute, 324, on drag-
ons, 353, on Lao Tse being like a
dragon, 358, a holy man, 359, re-
sembling YuJo、 360, compared with
Tse Kung, 361， and Shao Cheng Mao,
362, no unicorn appeared during
his time, 365, unlike his father nnd
his son, 367, his disciples, 375, on
people above and below the average.
386, as a boy playing with sacri-

ficial vessels, 387， the Nestor in
wisdom nnd virtue, 387, Criticisms
on Confucius, Chap. XXXIII, Con-
fucius a Sage, 425, did not become
an emperor, 43 1, on a sacrificial
sheep, 434, on the three dynasties,
441， Confucius transmitted the Shu-
king, 447， 450, his school demolish-
ed, 448, composed the CKun-cJiiu^
451, 452， Confucius on Rites, 455,
Confucius and the Analects, 456, his
house pierced, eod" ambiguity not to
his mind, 458， a Tso-chuan found in
his house, 462, Confucius did not
speak of strange things, 463, his
works finished by Tung Chung Shu,
466, Confucius on the music-inaster
Chih, eod, , w rote the Qiun-cK iu ，
468， on the Chou epoch, 474， on
Yao^ 477， on Ghous wickedness,
478， on Shun and Yd, 482, Con-
fucius could drink a. hundred gallons,
486, wandering about, 499， asking
about Kung Shu Wen Tse, 500， on
Kao Tse^ 501， Confucius and hi s
dog, 522, on the sacrifice to Earth,
523, on destiny, 527， Confucius a
sage, eocL
E.
Erh Shih Huang Ti 二世皇帝，

son of the emperor Ch' in Shih Huang
Ti, 167, 219， 483.
F.
Fa ^^^， personal name of Wn Waiiy.

238.
F a - y e n 、^» ， work of Yany Hsking.

477.
Fan ^'g^, a family name, 355.
Fan 樊， Lady, of Ch\i, 122.
F a 11 、J 凡, graiuirather of Wa^/p Cliung.

i 64.
556

F a n C h i h 樊遲， (lisci[)le of Con-
fuchis. 394.
F an - ch' n a n |J 反 ^^， place where
Yen Ti was vanquished by Hwang
77， 378.
Fan H s ii a n Tse ^ officer
of Chin, 206. 30a.

Fan K\i a i 會， partisan of Han
Kao Tsu, 178.

F a n - k u e i ^ ^魁， a i>lace， 224.
Fan Li 々) 仏， a minister of Yi'eeh^
310.
Fan Shu 范叔， attacked the Tso-
chuan, 462.
F a n Sui 《仏， a i] a ti ve of WW,
almost beaten to death, 1 15, 147.

Fan T'se ng ^î^, counsellor of
Hsiang Yi'i^ 】 78.

Fan Wff n Tse ^^女 ininister
of Chin, 226.
Fang j^， place in Shantimg^ 107.
Fang-fîg 防風， prince of, a Go-

liath, 472. 486. 、
Fei Lien a ininister of King
Chou, 482.
F e n ^^^， river in Shami, 230.
F <、' n-yin 纷陰， place in Shansi^ 508.
F V n g place in Kiangm, 136,
LS5, 530.
F(、,ng 豐力《， I'ivor in S/fmsf\ 80.
Ft'iig Po 紘伯， Wind (；。 d， 521.
V n 醉， niarqiiis oi', minister oi* Kin<», -

Ml" 441.
Fu Ching 扶跑 j, (lisci[)l(; oi A" ung

An Kuo^ 456.
Fii II u /^專 jg-, wife of the Emperor
Yuan Ti, 218.
Fii II si 5^ 戲 OI' 伏義，動 St an-

cient mythical einperor, 70, 87, 4">4,
473. '
Fu-hsinn; |jj 刑, （'li;'i>"'i' Puiiish-

iiients in the Shukimj, 111, 1 23.
Fu-sa nj;- 桑， region where the

sun rises. 2G5, "271, a tree, 273.
F u S h e n g ^ 大 , preserved the
Slmkiny, 447, 450.
F u -sliih ， place in S/tensi^ 211.
Fu 8 u ：！^ 秦糸. sou of Cliin Shih

Huang Ti, IH.
Fu Tse Chien ij^^^^J, philo-

sopher, 384.
F u-y ii ， State in Liaotung, 1 75.
G.
Gemini 東井. " Eastern Well".
constellation reached by the sun in

- Slimmer, 259.
G o b i 、 (^充 '沙, " Flying sand ", west-

ern limit of the eai'th, 255, 25H.
H.
Han 漢 dynasty, 202 h.c,-220 a.d..

82, 84, 94, 9.j, 96, 124, 125, 147,
168， 218, 327, 341;， 364, 382, 456,
459, 483.
Han 、漢 epoch, 88， 278， 462, 46G,

477.
H a n ^^， territory in ShansL 83, 154,

204, 229.
II a n 、^^， aflluent of the Yang tse,

355, 466. ■
llan An Kuo ^ ^國， counsellor

of Han Wu Ti, 309.
11 a n Chiieh 韓厥， official 'm('h",、
177.
Ilan-chuiig 漢中， in Shen.si, 451).
II ； 1 n Fei T s i' -jp , Taoist
philosopher, 72, the hulk of his

work, 78, 83; assassinated by Li
Sse, 170, dispa rages divination, 189,
on dragons, 354; 365, on style, 414,
Chap. XXXV; 408.
I-Ian H s i n j*， liclpiiiate Jlaii

Kao Tsu, 148, ：?0：).
557
II a n H s ii a n T s e 韓宣子， 'min-
ister of Chin, 214.
Ilaii Kao Tsu 漢高駔， founder

of the Han dynasty, 133, 177,
181, 233, 288, 437.
11, an Man 汗漫, genius, 339.
II an Wii Ti see Wu Ti, 343.
II a o 鎮池, lake near Hsi-an-fu., 231.
Ho 和 "i' (，！ ― = Pim Ho, 501.
1I(> Ch'i-i Ping 霍去病， Han

general, 364.
11 o Iv u a n g ■^^fe, I'egent tor Han

Chao Ti, 11(3.
Ho Lii 闔慮， king of Wu. 380.
Ho-nei 河內， city in Hanan, 448.
Ho-pei 河； )[^， in Shansi, 181， 212.
llo -tung 河^^ ， a circuit in Shansi,

179， 340.
Ii o u Chi 后稷, Lord ol' Agriculture,

130, 174, 318, 32-2.
lion P'u Tse 侯鋪子， adherent
of Han Fei Tse, 469.

Ho u Tu 后土， Lord of the Soil,
518.
Hsi 值， duke of Lu, 247, 276.
Hsi 熙 = Hsuan Ming 主冥， God
of Winter, 518.
Hsi V\\i Shu 西乞術， officer of
CVin, 500.
Hsi Chun g ^ ^仲， inventor of
chariots. 87, 90.

Hsi-liu 糸田牛卯, region where the
Sim sets, 2G5.

Hsi M(^n Pa。西門豹， worthy
of the 5th cent. b.c. 122, 381.

II si Wang Mu 西王母， a Tnoist
goddess, 330.
II si a 夏 dynasty, 2 205-1 76 (i y..v.,
214, 230, 235, 318, 321, 335. 355,
454, 475, 489, 505, 516, 518.

Hsi a family seat of Yu and the
Hsia (Ivnastv in Honan, 458.
11 s i a klU) 國," lowei' capital
of Chin, 20a.
Hsia j) ei 卜 place in Kiany.-m,
•235.
Hsia t'ai v^， pbice wliei*e CKemj
Tang was confined, 142.

Hsia Y ii 禽， lanious i'or his
strength, 484.
Hsiang 襄, duke of C'A'/, 176, 245.
llsiang 襄， duke ul" Chin, 223, 500.
Hsiang king ol" Clixi^ 113.
Hsiang viscount of Chao, 116,
117, 226, 308.

Hsiang ^£ = Chan Hsiang^ king of
CKin, 16".
Hsiang Shun's wicked brother,
173.
H s i a n g - a n ^-, city in Anhui,

530.
Hsiang C lui a n g 項^ j^^, attempted
to kill Han Km Tsu, 178.

Hsiang M an F u 項曼都， a Tao-
ist genius, 340.

Hsia n g Po 白, saved Han Kao
Tm,s life, 178.

Hsiang Yii 項羽， rival of Han
Kao Tsu, 133^137, 178， 305, 319,
324, 483, 530.

Hsiao ^^， duke of Clibi^ 69.
Hsiao Chang Ti 孝章帝， Han
emperor, 372.
li s i a o C 1? (hi g T i 孝成帝 = CKeny
Ti, Han emperor, 123, 448.

Hsiao Ching Ti 孝景帝二 Chiny
Ti, Han emperor, 448.

Hsiao Hui the emperor Hiii
Ti, son of Kao Tsu and Lil Hon, 305.

Hsiao Hsiian Ti 孝宣帝， Han
emperor, 359, 363. 370. 448.
Hsiao Ming Ti 孝明帝. Han
emperor, 372, 479.

Hsiao Wen Ti see Wen Ti, 40(3, 508.
558

Hsiao Wu --= Hsiao Wtf Ti、 123.
Hsiao Wu Ti 孝武帝 = Wu TV,

Han emperor, 84. 337, 370, 462.
Hsieh ^^， minister of Shun, 145, 318,

322, 481， 516， 522.
Hsieh small principality in Shan-

tung, 419.
llsieii 獻， duke of Chin, 223.
1 1 s i e n 虞犬， viscount of Wei^ 354.
Hsien = Ynan Sse ^^， disciple of

Confucius, noted for his love of pov-
erty, 79.
Hsien -mi I] g 威銘, work of Yuan
Wen Shu, 469.

Hsien-yang 咸陽， city near Hsi-
an-fu, 449, 490.

Hsin-feng ， a place in Shens"
3(34. 一
H s i n - h s ii 新序, New Introduction,
work of lAu Usiang, 86.

llsin Ling { 亩 |^， prince of, 364, 501.
1 1 s i n - 1 u n 新言侖， New Reflections,

work of Htian Chi'in Shan, 87， 468.
Hsin-tu 新者 |S， territory in Honan,

459.
llsin-yii 新語， New Words, work
of Lu Chia, 405.
llsin Yuan P'iug 新垣平， on the
Chou tripods, 508.
siu 修， God of Winter, 518.-
siuiig Cl/u Tse 熊渠子， a re-

markable l)()\v-inan, 497.
si ling- 11 Li ' Tui'kish tribes,
124， 168, 174, 203, 309.

s i I f 余， small State in 】hq)ei, 438.
s W 绍;， State in Anhui, 153, 523.

s \\ 《余， one of the Nine Provinces,
in Shmittmy, and its al)oi'ij»ine.s, 494.
si'i Chia 須質, an officer of \Vn\
1 1 .s li I'll 午賀， a furliiiir-U'Ucr, 131，

30S. ^
Hsu Shu 目午； j[^， famous ibr liis
magnanimity, 47(5.
llsil Yu 霞午由， hermit, 89, 439.
llsii Yiieh 徐樂， a scholar, 147.
Hsuan 宣， king of Clw, 202, 248,
299. 一
H s li a n Ming ^^， God of Winter,
518. 、
Hsiian Ti 宣帝， emperor = Hsiao
Hsiian TV, 細；， 3G3, 370， 450， 456,
479.
H s ii a n - y u a n 車千^^ , a constellation.
291.
H s ii n Tse ^ 二 Sun CiCing, 83*
llsiin Yen 荀僵， officer of Chin.

200.
H u "j^， aboriginal tribes in the North,
169, 226, 536.

n u H a i = Erh Shih Huany Ti,
. 319.
Hu Mu ]^"f^， commentator of the
CKun ch'iu, 462.

II u Tu 狐突， officer of Chin, 203.
lliiM 滑， a mountain, 213.
lluji Shih 華士， scholar of Ch'i.
43(i 438.
1 1 u a - y ;i n g ^ ^陽, princess of, 1 22.
Ilua -yiii ^^j^， place in Sh'>"'"

231.
11 u ;i Yuan ^ ^元, general of Suny^
159.
II u a i 《佳， river in Honan and Auh/ii,

352.
11 u a i y 佳， aboriginal tribes, 494.
11 u a i 'I'î, king of Cli'u, 118.
11 i-n a n 佳一南， princedom in An-

hui, 21(；, 258, 335, 343.
Ilua i N ：1 II T s c 淮南子， I'l'incc

of Jiuai-nan famous Taoist pliili 卜
sopher, To, 89, on fate, 148, 271,
337.
559
11 uai-3'ang ^ 佳陽， a State in //" 蕭",

M4. 218.
11 ua 11 桓， duke or ChU, 93, 146,

172, 17(), 344, 481.
11 nan 桓， duke of (，/"n, 211.
Uuan 桓， duke oi' L", 457.
1 L u a n K'uan writer ol* the
1st cent. B.C., 4f)8.
II nan Lung <^^^^^， a dragon-keeper

under Shun, 354.
11 11 a 11 T a 11 言包画覃二 Huan Chun
Shan 桓君山， a scholar, 81， 84，
87， 361， 4(i7.
Huang Shih 黄石必， Mr. Yellow

Stone, 95, 3(i8.
II u ang Ti ^^*^， legendary em-

peror, 82, Huang Ti and Lao Tse, 86,
both inactive, 98; 102, the school
of Hua7ig Ti and Lao Tse arguing
on spontaneity, 120; 141， 173， 221,'
243， 304, 322, 324, 332, 343， 352,
359, 378, 511, 516, 522.
Huang T'se K u n g 黄次 a
minister of Han Hs'uan Ti, 307.
llui 惠， duke of Ghiii, 203, 248.
II ui 意， duke of L", 237, 295.

llui 惠， king of C/iu, 156.
llui king of Liang = Wei^ 418.
Hui Ti 惠帝, Han emperor, 290.
II u a g - fa 11 、洪章 I Flood Regulation,
chapter of the ShuJcing, 128， 189，
246, 282, 452, 454.
Hung Ju 需， a minion. 153.
1 1 11 n g - n 11 11 g ， city in Honan ,
135.
II un g Yen ^ 丄^ \ a loyal official

of Duke I of Wei, 475， 49*).
Hiio-t'ai mountain in Shansi,
229.
Hyades 學， when the moon ap-

proaches them, it rains, 277.
1 ^^， eastern l)arl)arians, 494.

I - k i n g see Yikiny,
I Kuan 悅^^ , a secretary of State.
309.
1 Ti 夷狄， barlniriaii tribes, 276.

1 Wu ^吾， prince of Chiii, 203.
I - y a n g 宜陽， city in Honan-fu, 179.
J.
Jan Yu disciple iA* Confucius,
413.
Japanese 《委人， 505.
Jo 若， river, 242, 534.
Ju-nan 、？女由， place in Honan, 87.

Jupiter 歲星， star, 118, 520.
Ju 8 h o u 零文， Genius of Autumn,
518.
J u Yi 女 P:^^， son of Han Kao T.v"

poisoned by L'd IIou, 2 Hi.
J u u g ^^， western barbarians. 22(>,

494. '
K.
K a i = Jii ShoK, Genius ol'Autiiiiin.

518. .
K a n - c h i a n g — |-* . a famous sword,

504.
Kan - ch'iia n palace near
Chang-an, 124.
K ang 康， king of Chou, 316, 480,
494. "
K'ang 康, king of Ch'ti, 176.

K'ang Shu 康； brother ol" Chou
Kuny, 121, 134, 489.

K'a n g Ts e 康子 z= Chi K' any, head
of the Chi family in Lu, 403.

Kao Huang Ti 高皇帝 =
Tsu, 216.
Kao Tse ^J^, philosopher, op-

ponent, of Mencius^ 386.
560
ao Tse Kao 高子黑， di.sciple

of Confucius, 501 .
ao Tsu 高祖 = Han Kao T'su, 83,

117, 132, 137, 148， 178， 185, 217,
233, 305， 319， 483, 519, 530.
a (» Tsung Shany emperor,
317, 328, :m.
ao Yao 1^ ， minister oi' Shun^

69, 304, 312， 360， 393, 460.
i a n g - n a n ^ 工]^ ， south of the
Yangtse, 298， 301.
i a n g - ]j e i 匕， iiorth ol' the
Ycmgtse, 301.
() 蓋， prince of C!", 428.

ou Chi en 勾踐， king of A, 380.
( ) u Lung 勾龍二 Hou Tu, Lord
of the Soil, 518.
ou M a n g 勾 Genius of Spring,
518.
u - c h' t、 n g 秦受， mountain in Shan-

tmig, 236.
u - i'r n . place in Shantuny,
245.
II Liang 秦殳^^ ， commentator of

the Climi L'Kiu, 458.
" Lia'ig ('hill 穀梁寘 =h

Liang, 4(il!.
" ri'îng 姑布子卿，

(iiij>ii officer in Chou), physioo'iioniist,
131, 22<i, 3U7.
u 8 o 11 ^^目，, the unfeelinji; latlier
of great Shmi, 1 73, 367.
u Tse Yiin 谷子雲二 Kit Yung,
126.
u Yung 谷东， essayist, 88， 469.

'u 嚳 = Ti K'u 帝嚳， 324.
uan -chill i^^y^, place in I Ion an,
179. 乂
naii-chu 關雅， first Ode of the

ShiMny^ 4(;7.
11 a n Cli nn*;" -^rjl, Imiiious iinn-

istcr of Diike Iluau of C7n\ 93， 1:53，
14(3, 176, 4fi3, 481.
Kuan V a 蕩^^ , general of the
2nd cent. B.C., 124, 217, 241, 249.
K 11 a n Kao , minister of ( liao,
attempted to murder Han Kao Tsu,

117,
Kua nfSliuUsien 誉叔鮮， lm)tl"'r
of (J hou Ktmg, "25.

Kuan Tse ― Kuany Chuny^
73.
K uang C hih K u e i 医 a
savant, 147.
K u a n g - li a n 廣、 ) 英， region in Sse-
chuan, 180.
Kuan g Kuo 廣國, younger l)r<)tlier
of the empress-dowager Tou, 179.

Kuang-ling j 畫 j^， place in Kiamj-
siu 469.
Kiiang Wen Po 廣文伯，。 i'ficial,
179. 一
Kuang Wu Ti 光武帝， Han
emperor, 90，】32, ]35， 180, 181,
212, 323， 3(;5, 462， 480.

K'viang H 廣, iiiusic-iiiaster, 75， 22，，
237, " 一
K'u a n g (, h a n g T s e |^ ^^， high
officer of the Ch"i State, 427.

iCu a n g ( ， h ii e h 王， scliola r of
a". 436， 438.

Kuei-clii ，需忌， unlucky day, 531.
Kuei-tsa ng 歸藏， i 醒 e a
Yikmg, 454.
K'uei-chi 會^^ , circuit and city
iti Chekiang, 64, 255, 290, 335, 4(;9，

476.
Kun 魚系， lather ol' great Yii, 81， '214，

324;"、32", 367， 378, 516, 522.
iCun-lun 嵐凝， niouiitaiii in Tur-

hestauj the gate of Heaven, 254,
337.
iCun Mo 显莫, kini; of the W 請"，
174. 、
K u II - y a 11,1^ 陽. city in II on an,
48：).
561
K 1 1 n g it, king of CA^/ and his five

sons, 1 76.
ung it, prince of Lu. 448, 462.

ung Kung 共工， legendary being,
89， 250, 518.
ung Min- ('hia 必明賈， 500. .

ung Sun Chill 孫支， officer!
of CAVw， -223.
ung Sun Chon 公孫丑, dit^-
ciple of Me7icius, 421.
II n g Sun L u u g 孫龍， sophist,
4*)3.
ung Sun Ni Tse 必孫足子，

philosopher, disciple of Confucius^
384， 390.
ung Sun Tuan 必孫段， officer

of Cheny, 209， 248.
[vung Shan Fu Jao 必山弗擾，
a noble of Lu， 417.
ung Shu Wen Tse 么叔文子，
officer of Wu, 500.
ung Wang ^"K 干， C'hmi emperor,
219.
ung Yang 公 , commentator of

the (liun cKm, 274. 458, 4*35.
； ung- Yang Kao _ ^羊高二 Kimg
Yang, 462,
Lvung Yell Cli'ang 必治長， son-
in-law of Confucius, 397.
[v'li ng An Kuo 孔國， grandson
of Confucim^ 456.
K'ung Chi a 孔甲， emperor of the
Hsia dynasty, 355, 432.

[Cung-t'ung 空同， mountain and
aborigines in Kansit^ 226.
u o - y u 國 §^， work of Tso CJi m
Ming, 463.
L,
.ang-yeh J 良邪， south coast of
Shantung, 231, 476, 5U7.

.ao 牢 = Ch^ht Chany^ disciple of
Confucius, 102.
Lun - Heng.
Lao and 勞成， niouutains
of the Shantung coast, 231 .
Lao Tse ^jp , founder of Taoism,

obtained long life through the spon-
taneous fluid, 93, Lao Tse and Wm
Tse like Heaven and Earth, 100，
lived over 200 years, 318, his theory
to prolong life by quietism and dis-
passionateness, 346, Lao Ts^ a
dragon, 358.
Lei Kung 雷 _^， Thunderer, 521.
Li Jjf = Ta-tai-l;, 大戴 jjj 豊， Ritual
of the Senior Tai, 141.

Li 魚里， son of Confucius, 411.
Li 厲, king of Chou, 527.
Li 厲， duke of CUng, 235.
Li 齒， king of Ch'u, 113.
Li 楚， marquis of, 211.
Li # = Chu yuny 祝融，
Fire, 518.
Li 馬魔， mountain, see Li-shan,
Li Chi 驅姬. wife of Diike H.sim
of Chin, 204.
Li Fu -^. companion of Han
Yuan Ti, 180.

Liki )ji 豊霄已， Book of Rites, 141， 242,
293, 295, 325, 330, 369, 448, 450,
455, 462, 513， 516, 519, 520, 523.

Li K u a n g 李廣， general of Han
Kao Tsu, 1 68/497.

Li Ling 李 [^， general of Han Kao
Tsu, 168.
Li-sao ^1^, 驟， poem of Cli 'u Yuan,

113， 470.
Li Sse 李渐， prime minister of

Ch'in Shih Huang Ti， 114, 170, torn
to pieces by carts, 171, 204, caused
the Burning of the Books, 447, 449;
469, 491, 49-2.
Li-shan 歷山， mountaiii, 68.
Li-shan 馬麗山， mountain in Shensi,

219, 233.
God of
■233.
36
562

Li «hao Cliiin 李少君， Taoist
magician, 343.
Li Tui 李免 (i9.
L i - y a n g city in A?ihnt\ 136,
142, 176, 530.

Liang , mountain in Shm'si,
492.
Liang = K' ai-feng-fn^ capital of
the Wei State, 418.

Liao jU^, State, 355.
L i a o - 1 II n g ， iu MancJmria^
167.
Li eh Shan 烈山二 Shhi Nvng,

454， 518.
Lien- shall 山， name of a Yiking,

454.
Li n H II 才木]^ ， barbarians, 230.

Lin-huai 臣為， place in Anhui,
4G9, 470.
Lin-t'ao 臣為) ^&， city in Kanm, 167.

Ling '1^, king of Chû^ 176.
Ling 塗， duke of Wei, 220, 403.
Ling' ^ , constellation, 520.
Liu 霍 jj， duke, ancestor of the Chou
dynasty, 130.
Lin 劉; g， mother of Kao Tm, 132，
]77, 288, ； 5 19.

Li u 留, marquis of, = Chang Liang,
235.
Liu An 劉安， l»i*ince of, = Htmi

Nan Tse, 253, 337.
Liu Chang 黎 jj 長， i'athei' of Liu An,

：化 7.
Liu riMin 劉银 a Taoist, 290.

Li II II si a II II i 柳 J^t^ 惠， famous
for his purity of iiniid, 375, 435.

L i n K'li 11 赛!] 工少 L iintive Ihmui,
1st cent. H.c, 】
Liu L"i 累， a dragon-rearer,
II ndcr the cniperor K'ung (,fiin、 355.
Liu Tse Cheng 劉子政二 Liu

Hsiang, famous author, 8(;， 90, 388,
462, 4(59.
Lo 、洛， tributary of the Yellow River,

95， 295, 382, 454.
Lo-ku o I 果國， Naked People, vi-

sited by Yn, 407.
L o - y a n g 、洛陽, city on the Lo in
Honan, 219, 229, centre of China,
256; 382.
Lu ， State in Shantung, the coaiitry

of Confucius, 74, 88， 95， 117， 152,
153， 187， 188, 193， 227, 237， 247,
276， 280， 295, 305, 322, 326, 359,
360, 362, 3(57, 369， 395， 422, 442,
448， 451, 456, 462, 499.
Lu Ao 盧敷， traveller, 338.
Lu C h i a |J 產賈 , envoy IVoin the

Han to Chao rV>， king of Yi'tek, 84，
124, 383, author, 388， 4(；5.
Lu- cilia no- y~f ， circuit in Anh""

81. ^
Lii Chin Hsin 魯邱言斤， killed

two water-dragons, 352.
Lu-hsien 魯條。 city, 355.
Lu Pan famous mechanic of
Lu, 498.
Lu-y ang 魯 ^r， city in Honan, 89.
L u a n 1^ 水， river, 212.
Luan Hiiai Tse 龜懷子， officer

of Chin, 206, H02.
Liin-li(、'ng 晋侖稱，， the Disquisitions,

Wang Ch'ung，s principal work, 70,
71， 75, 84， 8「), 86， 87， 88， 90， 91.
Lu n -y ii |^ 再吾 , the Analects of Con-

fucius, 457.
Lung-ch'iian place in Che-
】dan(j、 377.
L 11 n g - hsi pLj ， district in Kanm,

169.
L II ng- y u a n ^^|^ yjjjj , famous sword,

503.
563
Lii 呂 , father of the Empress LiiHou^

305.
L ii Ho II 呂 ^^， wile of Han Kao Tm,

148， 178, 216, 248, 290， 305， 437，
483.
Lii Sliaug 呂 ^p^, surname of 2，*W
Kung ， 238.
Lii iS hill 呂氏： Lit Pu Wei, 75.
L ii - s h i h - ch' u n - c 1/i u 呂
1*1^, work of Lii Pu Wei, 463.
M.
Man C 1/ i e n 曼淸， style of Tung

Fang So, 346.
M a n g and T ang ^^石募， niountains.

Han Kao Tsus hiding place in Ho-
nan and Kiangsu. 178.
Mars 资惑 or 火星， 127, 230,

246， 30l'^328.
Me Ti ^^， the philosopher of

mutual love, 46】.
Me Tse 墨子 = J/e' 77， 74， 83， 85，

374， 461, his mechanical skill, 498.
Mehists 墨家， followers oi Me Ti,

136, 16:2， neî^lect the burials, but
honour the ghosts, 461.
M e n c i u s spoke of Heaven,
67. knew an intelligent man by the

sparkling of his eyes, 73; 83， no
controversialist, 85， on destiny, 139，
and duke PUng of Im, 147, his
mother changed^ her domicile, 382，
on the goodness of human nature,
384, judged men by the pupils of
their eyes, 385, Censures on Mencius^
Chap. XXXIV， on the CKun cK iu,
457, on the defeat of the Yin dyn-
asty, 485.
Meng ^^， uncle of Wany CJiung^ 64.
Meng ^^， noble family in Lu， 74，

395.
Meng A o ^^， grandfather of

Meng T'len, 114.
M e 11 g Chang ^^^^， an unselfish
official, 476.
Meng Chang 孟嘗， prince of, 161，
364, 501.
Meng I Tse 志餘子， scion of
the Meng family in Lu、 394.

Meng Ming Shih 孟明視， ollicer
in ChHn, 500. ^
M e n g Pen , famous for his
strength, 199， 380, 437， 484, 504.

Meng Sun = Meny I Tse,
394.
Meng T'ien 舌， general oiCJiin^

builder of the Great Wall, 114, 167.
M(〜ng W u Po 孟武伯, scion of

the Meng family in Lw， 394.
Meng Yao ^^彭 &， wife of King
Ling of Chao, 224， 22G.
Mercury J 句;^ = Hook Star, fore-

boding an earth-quake, 1 12, 118.
M i a () ^£ ， the 3 Miao tribes

civilized by Tao and Shun, 379.
Mill 閱， disciple of Confucius ― Mm
Tse CJi ien 閿子騫， 392.

Ming 智.、 descendant of Hsieh^ 516,
522.
Ming 明星， star, 520.

Ming Ti 明帝 = Hsiao Ming Ti,
479.
Mongolia 蒙穀， 338.

Mongols 胡， 513.
M o - y a ^^^^， famous sword, 504.
Mou princedom in Shantung,
500,
Mountain Book 山經， part of
the Shan-hai-king, 254.

Mil 矛夢， king of Chou, 123， 317， 441.
Mu or 穆， duke of CAm, 122,
162， 204, 223, 328, 500， 502.

Mu 緣， duke of Lu, 442.
Mu 暴， duke of Cheng, 209.
36*
564
31 u . plain in Houa", where tlie

troops of the Yin dynasty were
defeated, 484.
M II M u 女莫"^ ， ugly wife of Huany

Ti, 473.
Mu Shu ^^：^， of Lv/, son o^Chuany

Shi" 187.
N.
Nan 赤艮， last sovereign of the Cliou

dynasty, 318， 506.
Nan Kung Ta Yu 南宮大有，

diviner, 306.
Nan Tse ]^^J^， wile of Duke Liny

of W (？ 2'， invited Confucius^ 403.
Nan Yung ]^^^， disciple of Con-

fucius, married to his niece, 397.
Ni K'li an 悅^^ , received the Shu-

king, 2nd cent, h.c, 448。
Ning Cl\i 蜜戚， official, 7th cent.

B.C., 172.
Ni u Ai duke of Lu, changed
into a tiger, 193， 215, 322, 32(3.

i Nia Chueh 牛缺， 153.
、\ Nil Wa 女鍋， sister of Fu Hsi, 250.
o.
O Lai ^5 minister of King Chou,

482.
P.
Pa 巴, concubine of King Kung of
Ch'u, 176.
Pa Chu 霸出， a giant, 473.
Pa-kung-chuan 八之傳，
"Memoir of the Eight Companions "
of Huai Nan Tse, 338.
Pai-hai 碑海， Minor Seas, 253.
Pan Ku historian, 469.
Pan Shu P'i 班扭皮二 Fan Ptao,
father oi" Pan Ku, 86.

P'ang- Ilsieii 龐 J 間， 442.
Pat) , pi'iiiccs oi' the Hs/n ej»i)(;li,

230.
Pao 飽， duke of Sumj, 512,
Pao Sse ^J^, empress, lier super-

natural hirtli, 321, 369.
Pao Shu Ya 飽叔牙， bosom

friend of Kuan Chung, 133, 176.
Pei-ch'iii 胃 , place in Shantung,

245. 、
P'e i 《市, ancient. State in An/mi, 366.
P e i 市, prefecture in Kianysu^ 136,
185， 236, 530.

P'eng-ch'eng ^^^)^， city in Kiany-
su, 507.
1' '('' 11 g K ('- n g ， disciple of
Mencius 420, 426.

P n g 8 h e a g ， prince of Ch 、i,
245.
PVng Tsn 彭 jji 且， tlie Cheese
Mpthusaleh, 348, 473.

P'('iig Yiieli king of Liatiy,
was pickled, 218.

Pi 費， city in Shantung, 407, 417,
449^ 500.
Pi-fang 畢方， labnlous bird, 222,

Pi Hsi 佛月；^, high officer in Chin,
415, 417.
Pi K an -^, killed by the tyrant

Chou, 202, 210, 431, 485.
Pi en C h' i o 昔鳥, celebrated phy-

sician, 148, 223.
Pi en Ho 卞禾口, of Ch'u and the

jade stone, 74, 89, 113.
Pin 分【夂 city in Shensi, 130.
P'in- 平， duke of Chin, 220, 237.
P'ing duke of Lii, 147, 422.

Ping Y u a n 2plJ^, prince of, 501.
P'ing'-yu;in 2pl jj^^ place in Shan-

tung, 232.
P'ing Ti 平帝， Han emperor, 485.
Pleiades 简, see Venns^ 117.
565
Po ('li'i 白起， lainous i;eneral of
Ch'in, 136, 166.

Po Ch'in 伯食， son of the Duke
of Chou, 121.
IN) -ch'in 才、白寢， hall Dnkc Hvan
of Ch、. 344.
Po-Jen 柏人， |>l;ice in Chili, UT.
Po K u e i 白；^, ！ > I'icli mail, 147.
ro Li llsi 百里奚， ail ufticial
of aCin, 502. ―
Po Lo f 白^ I, famous horse ti-ainer,
239.
Po N i II j 白^^ , disciple (A' (—'(mfmhts,

his sickness, 81, 140. 151， 165,
402, 431.
Po Yi 伯鬚, ancestor of the Ch'in
dynasty, 319.
Po Yi Y 白^^ , famous i'ov liis in tea; -
rity, 79. 168. 375, 428. 485, 439.

Po Yi and Shu CWi 伯夷；齊，
364.
Po Yi Ping 白乙两, officer of
(Tin, 500.
Po Yu { 白^^ ， minister of Cheng,
208, 248.
Po Y ii 伯魚. son 、、"-'(mfvdm, 367.
P o Y ii • ^白^ inventur of clothes,
90.
Pii 濃， river in Shantung. 220, 248.
Pu (' li a n 占， an officer of Ch'u

475.
I) u- chou yj^N , mountain in the
iCun-lun, S9， 250.

P' 11 - fa n the inodeiTi P u-
chou-fu in Shansi. 179, 340.
s.
S Ii a - c li' i u 、沙丘， place in ChiU, 232.
Shan-fii 寧- place in Shantuny,

305.
Slian-hai-king 山'^^^^至, ancient

geograj)liical . work, 243. 271, 353.
'Shan Yii 單于， title ol" the cliiei-

tain of the Hsiung-nu, 174.
Shang 商， dynasty, 1766-1122 b.c,

519.
Shan g 商 = Pu Shan;/, n;iiiie of
Tse Hsia, 1H4.

Shan;; ri".n 商臣， son of King
Ch'^ng of Ch\ 207.

Shang Chiin 商均， son of Shim.
141, 367, 3S5.

8 h a n g - 1 i n 上林. imperial park,
359, 363.
Shang Ti 上帝， God, 516.
Shan g Tse 商"^ , niini.ster of Wk
Wang, 121.
Shang Yang 商軟 = WW Yang,
prince of Shany. 69, 99, 171, 463.

S li a 11 g - y a n g one-legged
bird, portending rain, 109.
Shang-yii-hsien j^, city in
CheJciang, 64.
S h a ( ) 召 |5， duke of, brother of Wu
Wang. 31(3， 374.

S h a () (:' heng jMa o 《口. scliolar
in Lu, 362.
S h a o H a o legendary em p-
eror, 518.
S ii e Chi jjt 土稷， 'Spirits of the Land
and Grain, 517.

Shc'ii-chou 1 申州. ("liiiiM. 253.
Shen 8heiig 申生， lirince itt" Chin.
203, 247.
Shen Shu and Yii Lii 神茶修 ||,
the door gods, who fiighten the
ghosts away, 243.

S h (!' n Tse -J-*, Taoist philosopher,
353. 、
Shen T'ung 沈同， officer of Ch'L
420.
S h e n g 月券， nian|iiis of Chiang^ 308.

Shcng-nm 勝母， a villa-e, 335.
566
Shih Ch'i Tse 石示 [5 子， -son of
Shih Tai, 186.

Sh iking 詩經， Book of Odes. 128,
134, 277, 303， 318, 369, 374, 387，
409, 449, 451, 490, 4i)6.

8 h i h T ' a i 台, nobleman of TVW,
186. "
Shih Tse 世子二 Shih 81u*
•jU: 石貢， ( 'onliician pliilDSoplier, on
human nature, 384, 390.

Shih Tse 時子， officer of CAV, 419.
8hih Tse Yii 史子魚， officer of
Wei, 66. "、

S li i h Wei a noble under
the Shang dynasty, 355.

8hili-yi 施夷， a terrace, 220.
8hon mountain in SJiarisi, whose
copper was exploited by Huang Ti,
332.
S h oil - y a n g "j^ mountain in
Shensi, 3(;4， 430.

.Shu Lady Shu of Chin, 385.
Shu kingdom in Ssec/man., 337.
Shu State in Anh?f/\ 70.
Shu An 叔安， 355.

Shu Hsi ang 向 , officer in Chin,
302, 351.
Shu Hii 叔虎， luill-brotlier of SJw,

Hsiang, 302.
S h u ki n g ， ( 'anon oi" History,
(J5, 134, 246, 254, 277, 283, 288,

363, 404, 418, 447, 453, 455, 457,
458， 451), 481, 490, 496, 504, 510,
52f).
Sim Liang Ho 叔梁乾， nitlicr
ol' Confucius, ； 567.

•Sin' S.in Mu Tse 」乂孫穆子,
n()l)leinan of Lu, 227.

fSl,,, .Sun T'ung 叔孫通， high
official of Han Kao Tm, ；) HO.

SI'" S''n"r J; 又宋，；555.
！ Shun ^^， ancient emperor, 68, 77，
81， 123, 128, ] 55, 172, 173， 224,
304， 315, 322, 324, 355, 360， 367，
378， 385, 393, 404, 409, 420, 424,
458, 459, 467, 478， 481, 51<;， 522.
Shun Y ii Yiieh 淳于越， officer

of (Jh、in, 449, 4i)l.
8 on = Kit Sou, Shtm's father, 81.
S s e 女以， family name of the H.sia
dynasty, 318， 322.

Sse 《四, river in Shantmig, 95, 164，
212, 223, 235, 305， 508.

Sse 31 a (Mi'ien 司 ' 馬^^ , autl">i'
of the Shi-ch" 115， 466.

Sse Ma Hsiaiig Ju 司馬相如，
scholar and poet of the Han period,
123.
S s e - s h a n g 《四 , place in ^haii-
tung, 233.
Sse Tai 馬四帶， officer of CJJmj,
208, 248,
S u Ch'in statesman of tlie
4th cent.;、.c" 69, 304, 4(34,
Su ;P。 A 蘇 f 白 P 可， could tell the lu-

tnre from the currents of wind, 181.
Su Wu ^^^jf^, went as envoy to

the Hsiung-nu, 124.
Su Yung 蘇东， a soldier, 132, ISO.
iSiii 1^", innr(iiiis of, made artificial
pearls, 37S.
Siii-p'o ^^石皮, an unlucky day, 531.
S u n Ch'in • ^赠 P, philosopher of
the 3rd cent, b.c, 387.

Sun S h u Ao minister
of Ch、 160.
S u n Y i —— ancestor ol* Wane/
( 7i 'w//^j ()4.
S II II ，* 兩, father of TV*?//// CHung^ 64.
vS u n 1； State, the north-western
corner of Kiangsu Province, 1)5,

97, 118， 137， 159, 213, 23*), 248.
271, 27(), 295, 29«， 841, 3"5， 401，
411), 440， 473, 49!)， 507, 512.
567
T.
T ； 1 - (' li 11 a 11 《専 , ancient wnik,

363.
T a - 1 i ;i n g =i K\n- f(huj- fii^
311.
X a i ^1^. l)r()t!ipr ol" Ch^cii Clunuj 7V,

42,S.、
T ;i i ^ -^, king of, the later eniperor
Ran ^ym Ti, US.

T a i aboriginal State north of
Shansi, 225.
T'a i 召 city in Slims" 1 30.
T ' a i - s li a n [Jj ？ sacred mountain
in Shantung, 213, 2(；2, 274, 277,
334, 367, 395.

T ' a i - s ]i a n 2^[JL|, nioiintaiu in the
West, 222.
T'a i -;i jlf^. famous sword, ；) 77.
T ' a i C h i a , Shany eiiipei'or,
213.
T'ai-cli'iu 邱, place in llonan^

507.
T ai -hs ii a n - c li i n g , meta-
physical work of Yang Hsiuny, 88，
469, 477.
T'ai K n ii g helpmate of
Wen Wang, !)5, 172, 187, 190， 236,

238, 436, 43'J, 484.
T'ai Kiing ~^jf^ , t;ither of Kao Tsit,

31!).
T'a i K u n g W;i ii g ^ -- T'ai

Kung, the minister of Wen Wang,
78， 81.
T'ai P。太伯， son of Tan F", 120,
1-J4, 128, 131, 300.

T'ai Wang' ^ ； grandfather of
W4n Wang, 205.

T ' a i - w e i ^鼓. constellation, 291.
Tan Q , personal name of the Duke
of Chou, 205.
Tan -^, prince of Yen, 89, 115,
IIG, 492.
Tail Chino 丹教，：• \n^\, 4!S4.

Tan Chu 丹乐， son "f Y。o， 123,
141, 3(；7, 3S0, 385, 404, 47".

Tan Fu _^^^， ii'i'Juidfatlit'i' of We'/?
Wang, 120, 130.

Ta n - s li u i , place in Wmcut,
494.
Tan-va ii g ^r， cirfuit in Kianysn
and Anhui, 81.

T'an T'ai Tse Y ii 澹臺子刹，
disciple of Confucius, 311.

T'ang' 唐， Yao's territory, 173, 388,
439, 458.
T'ang founder of the Shany
dynasty, 82, 213, 304, 424, 458,

478, 516， 522.
T'ang-chi 棠溪, place in Honan,
301, 377. 、
T ' a n g C li ii 唐 })hysi(),iin()inist,
311.
T'ang'-ku 湯谷， Hot Water Abyss,

whence the sun rises, 271 seq., 276.
T'ang Li 11 木, memorialist, 88,

469.
T'ano- Sliu Yii 唐叔虞，請 «>f
Wu Wan(/, 95， 337.

T'ang Yang 唐跌， officer in Suiiy.
296.
T 'no C h u 陶：^， name assumed by
Fan lA, minister of Yileh, ] 45.

T ' a () T ' a n g 陶唐， lamily seat and
clan of the emperor Yao, 855.

T ' a o - w u f 臂!^ !%， History of the Ch'u
State, 88, 457.

T'eng 膝， duke of, 305.
T e n g T%ing 鄭通， favourite of
the emperor Han Wm Ti, 309.

Ti , northern barbarians, '211,
224, 226.
Ti northern tribes, a tall TL
3()2. 486, 496.

Ti K'u mythical emperoi'.
174, 322, 4T4, 511, .V22.
568
T i ;i o '^^, principality in S/ia//si.

149, 30".
T'ien Chang 田 a noble of
Ch'i, 441).
T'ien F e ii 田 minister of Han
Wu Ti, 217.
Tien Tail 田 _g， official of Ch'i,
•232.
T'ien Wen 田文， prince of Mmg
Chiang in Ch i, Kil.
T'ien Ying 田 , lather of T、h'n
Wen, 161.
Tin g H o u wile of the
emperor Kuny Wany^ 219.

Ti ni> -li 11 、2 胡, place in H《"iati,
322, 332.
Ting* Po ~J^f 白, enemy of Wany
Chûng^s family, 64.

T i n g' - t'a o |^ ， place in Shantwig^
219.
T'o-li State in northern
Corea, 175.
T ' o - p ' i n g g-^ 2pl ， place in Shami,
229.
Tou ^^， empress-dowager, wife of
Han Wen Ti, 179.

Tou Kua n a; Kuo 廣 ^j， hrother
of the empress-dowager Tou, 431 .

Tmi Yini;- 寶嬰， general, 124, 217,
241, 24!)/
Tsa i Wo ^j^, disciple of (\m，
fucius, 3!)9.
Ts a i Y ii ~T*^ disciple of Con-
fucius^ renowned for his jîft of
speech, 312.
Ts、i 蔡， State, 7!».
Ts'a i Me ^g, liistorioiiraplier ol*

Wei, 354, 、
Ts'ai Shu Tn 蔡叔度， hrother
of ( ，hou Kun!;、 1 25,

Ts'ai l\sr 1 miiiistor ol" Ch in^
1 17, nativo of Ym、 311.
s a n !；• Ts'anjL;' Invouritc of
Duke of Ln, 147, 422.
s ' a n g Hsieh minister of
Huang Ti, inventor of writing, 87,

90, 244, 304, 322.
sao F u famous charioteer,
138, 375. '
s、o Ts'an minister of
Han Kao Tsu, 94.
se -^y^, family name of the Yin

dynasty, 318， 322.
s e (， 1, a n = Kung Sun Chicu"
famous minister of ChSng, 209, 214,

235, 312, 443, 465.
se ('hang ^^^^， disciple of Con-
fucius^ 401.
Tse Cha u 子招， prince of Ch'ii,
17(i.
Tse ('hih , minister ol" Yen,
421.
Tse ('hi'i 子糾， prince oi'Chî^ 176.

Tse Erh ^jp father of Po Yu
of Cheng, 209.
Tse Fa n 子反， general of(7A、/， 159.
TseFu Li I〜）子服释伯， at the

court of Duke Mu of Lu, 4th cent.
B.C., 442.
Tse Hsi officer of Chr'ny.
208.
Tse Hsi 子晳， prince ol' Ch 1 TH.

Tse Hsi a disciple ol" i'oi/-
fucius, 136, 138, 104, 431.

Ts e H s ii ^ W?/ Tse Hsii, .see Wu Yvan.
Tse K ； 1 n -jp -^, pi-ince, ol'CA^^, 176.
T s e K ； I, o -jl^ s,'p, Kao Tse Kao,
407， 449. "

Tse K u n g disciple CW-
fucius, 69, 95, 147, ISH, 311, 358,
361, 398, 400, 409, 410, 412, 434,
522.
Tse-k II H i; 紫宫， constellation, 291.

Tse K'uci 會， king of IV". 420.
569
Tse Jîa ng tJF^ 艮， P'ancU、;itli<>r ol'
Po Yu of Cheng, 20!).
Tse Lu ^^， disciple of Confucim^
1H5, 182, 376, 398, 403, 407， 415,
417, 431， 44i).

Tse Ming 明， his self-sacrifice,
476.
Tse Sse 乂密、二 TC ung Tse Sse^

grandson of Confucius^ 442，
Tse Wei astrologer in Simy,
127, 158.
Tse Wen minister of (7/w，
401.
Tse Y i II g 子嬰， last emjieror ol'
the Ch 飞 71 dynasty, 31!,.

Tse Yu ^^、j^, disoij)le o"— /〃。•//.、、
31)3.
Tse Y ii -jp' J^^, minister of Ch'in^
223. 、
Tse Yii ^ ^圏， pi'ince of CJin^ 176.
Tse Yu 子玉，
minister of 401.
TsCe 賜 = Tse Rung, 79， 376， 408,

434.
T s e n ^ Hsi father of Tseng
Tse, 367.
T s e n g Tse ， discip 1 e o t'
Confucius^ 1H4, 415, 417,

Ts e n g S h e n ^^^^ 二 Tseny Tsp^
367.
Tso Chîu lAIino- 左明，； nithnr

of the Tso-chuan, 243, 27<" 4o5,4< ;-2.
T s o - c h u a n ， coininentarv
to the " Spring and Autumn ，，

Classic, 275， 27(>, 374, 387， 455，
457, 462.
T so W u , Taoist connected
with Huai Nan Tse, 253,

Ts。u P。 riiî 潮 i 伯竒. author,
87, 468.
Tsou Y a n 鄰陽. -iid cent. r'.(、，

67.
Tsou Yen '^\\ scholar ol' the
4th cent, b.c, 89, causing a fall
of IVoiit, 1 12, causing the " Cold

Valley" to become warm, 114, on
the Nine ( ontineiits, 253; 2S1, 282,
his works, 4()H.
T s u Yi jji 且乙. Sho)ig emperor, 2 1 o.

T s u Yi jji 且伊'. minister of the
emperor Chou, IST).
Tsiing-cl/iian g 美川， priiicipiility,
355.
T s II n g Y i 長爱^^ , name, 3:):).
T u vj^, iuar(|uis 。i', appeared ；' s a
ghost, 202, 211, 247, 290.

Tu Hui 土囘, a strong man of
(Vi7t, 211, 248.

T u -so |^， fabulous luomilain.
243.
T'u An K 11 屠岸曾， minister oi'

Chin, who destroyed the whole
house of Chao, 177.
Tuaii Kan Mu 段干木， scholar

of Wei, 435, 439.
Tun ^^， territory in Honan. 500.
T u n - in o u ， city in Hman,
116. 、
Tu n g a dragon-keeper, 355.
T \\ ng An Y ii jj^^^^， minister
of Viscount Chien of Chao, 122,
223, 381.
Tung Chiang 東匠， Chemh
murdered by Ids wile, 443.

Tun g ChungS h u 董伸舒， author,
78， 84， his rain sacrifice, 20<>, 357 ；
388, 465—467, 504.

T u n u;- c h ii n 君 |^， circuit in noi'tli-
ern Honan, 237, 492.

Tung- fa n ^^^^ a place, 4^；*.
Tung Fang So 東方朔， Ta(，ist
magician, o4(5.
Tun F u
T u n g - h a i place in Kiangsu^
44(S, 464.
Tiinii-hsia |\ , place, 377.
355,
570
Tung、kuan in S/trz/si,
231.
Tnng-kunn 東奠， place, 17".

Tun ii'-li 、洞， work of Chow
Chang Sheny^ 460.

T u ng Mi n g 明 , kinj;' of Fu-j/u
in Corea, 175.
Tung AV u H s i n ^ffi 》[^、， ( '(m-
fiicianist of the Han time, 162.
V.
Venus 白, eclipsed the Pleiades,

when Ching ICo stabbed (li'in Shih
Huang Ti, 117， 118.
w.
Wan Shih 萬石， 101.
Wang ^^女 [5， woman oi' the time

of Han Kao Tsu, 177.
Wang' J\^^ wife of the emp-
eror Wu 2Y， 97,
Wang C h' a n g 8 u n ^£ i'or-

tune-teller, 180.
Wang Chi 王季， father of W^n

Wang, 205, 212.
Wang C h i ' a o ， prince of
Chin, an immortal, B2(S.
Wang' Ch'ung philosopher,

author of the Lun-Mng 、 64, Ids
ideal, 80, in Cliap. 1 passim.
Wa n g Linn g 艮, famous cha-

rioteer, 109, 138, 375, 440， 444.
Wniig Man- 王莽， the usurper,

181， 218， 21i), 806, 3(50, 36G, 459,
473, 485.
Wa n 1； 8 h c ^^^^， diviner, 1 6S.
Wa ng Ts e Cli'ia o sec Wang (、h ' iao,

347.
Wa n g- w n ii f 主" [^， kind of un-

lucky day, r"U.
Wan 2； Yaiig lainoiis teacher,
1st cent. A.D., 1 35,
Wei State in llonan, ！ Sr)，！*•"")，
117， 118, 122, 137， 154， 186, 220，
403, 410, 413, 49(5, 499.

Wei 魏， State in Sh 議" 171， 229,
305, 354, ;5S2, 435, 482， 501.

Wei 魏君 H, circuit, parts of Chili
and Shansi, 4, oOli.

Wei "y 胃， tributary oi* the Hi 議 (j -ho,
46(j.
Wei ('h i ^^^^， premier ol' Wei^

115.
Wei ('h'injLi; 靑- ！ general, 169,

308, 364.
Wei I" 魏颗， general ol" Chw,

211， 24S.
Wei Li ao , suppoi'tei' ol' (Jliin
Shih Hung 7Y，：m.

Wei Tse 《散 ^J^, viscount ofTVW, 385,
Wei Wu Tse 魏武子， father of
Wei K'o, 211.

AVei-y u 俞， city in Sham" 237.
Wen 女， duke of Ghm, 153， 162,
189， 228, 360.

Wen ~^， marquis of Wei^ 435.
Wen duke of Li" 74.
We n - c h' a n g 昌， constellation,
291.
We n C h' e n <>• Jj^ , Tn oist thau-
maturgist, 34(1.
Wen (，hih 文攀，
iiinious physician.
341.
Wen Ti 文帝， Hem empen.r, 149,
170, 308. '

Wen Ts e Tnoist philosopher,
100.
W(、' n Tse -jp^, oi-plitin ofChao, 177.
W(''ii AV;i II <> 王， Ibuiider of the

Chou dynasty, 87, 121, 12"， 130,
133, 142, 15S, 188， 205， 212,
804, 816, 322, ：524, 424, 439, 454,
474, 4<S0, 486, 41)4, 504, 514, 516,
522.
571
Wu 武， king of Ch'u, 113.
Wu 武二 Wn Wcwy, 129, 185， 186，
187, 189, 205.

Wu 武, duke of Sung, 295.
Wu 吳， son oiHsiin Yen of Chi,,,
W II 著， elderly lady of the time

of Man Kao Tsu, 177.
Wu 吳， 'State in Kianysu, 12U, 124,
131, 218, 300.

W u - a n manjuis of", 217,
•24"， 344.
Wu ('hi 無， g、， l)rince ol" TT>/, 4S2.
Wu Ching 吳慶， officer of Chew.

226.
Wu Chun Kao 吳君高， a writer.

4H9.
Wn Hsii 無恤, name of viscount
Hsiang of Chao, 226, 229, 307.

Wu Li 551 禾 lj， Taoist magician, 346.
Wu Ling 武靈， king of Chao, 226.
Wii-lin <i' place in Shantung,
427. 、
Wu Pei 伍被， Taoist. iViend
Hnai Nan Tse, 253, 338.

Was an 烏 -^, a non-Chinese tribe,
174.
Wu Ti 武帝， Han emperor, 97,

346, 359, 363, 370, 448, 45(3.
W u Ting ^^"7^, Shany emperor,

213.
Wu Tse II sr. 伍子胥 =
Yuan, 218.
Wu Wa II g 王， king of the Chou
dynasty, 130, 133, 221, 238, 288，
304, 316, 322, 324， 369, 424, 458，
478， 48-2， 494, 516, 522.

W a - y i , Chapter of the ShiiTchuj
佚， 504. ^
Wu Yuan 《五員, minister of W〃，
(itli cent. B.C., UO, 202, 210, 481.
Y.
Ya F II 5^^^, tit'<> of Fan Tseng,
178.
Yang mar(|uis of, 229.
Yang Ch'en g Tse C h a n li" 陽^^
^^^^， author ol" the Yii(:h-(:ki"y,
7(i, SS.
Ya II n - c li oil t 易州. pi'ovince, 81 .

Yang- C h u 楊乐， tlie pliilusoplicr
of egoism, 83.
Yang Chung 卞易^^ ， scholar, 4(i!t.
Yanti-hsia 陽夏， city in Uonati,
307.
Yang H s i n ^^信， l>i"iiicess, o()8.
Yang-hsinii-shu 養性書 • Ma-

crobiotics, work of Wang Ch \mg, 82.
Ya 11 g Hsiung 揚雄 = Yaiuj Tse

Yiln, 79, 391.
Yang Ha 陽虎， minister of the

Chi family in Lu, 107. 303.
Yang Hno 陽貨 = Yang Hit, 417.
Yang 8he Shih Wo 羊舌食我，

a native of C/iin. 6th cent, n.c, 141,
385.
Yan i;- 8 li 0' n g 羊勝, lived under

the Former Han dynasty, 67.
Yang Tse 楊子 ='Yanc/ Chu, 83,

85， 374.
Yangtse 江. river, 23 L 242, 352,

534.
Yang Tse Yiin 楊子雲 = /

Hsiung, famous philosopher, 76, 81.
88， 124, 148, 228, 361, 4(36， Am,
477.
Ya n Yu ("hi 養由甚， fa 議 '【s

archer, 495, 497.
Ya o ^fe. ancient emperor, (； 8， 89,

128, 130， 134, 155， 172， 173, 214,
271, 282， 304, 312， 315, 319, 324，
367, 372, 378， 385, 420, 424, 439,
458, 459, 477, 48 1, 516, 522.
572
Ya () and Shun 堯舜， "le model

emperors, 69, 71, 74, both inactive,
98; 162, 334, 350, 371, 372, 375,
879, 440, 478, 490, 494, 534.
Ya o j 称 defile in Honan, 224, 500.
Yeh 鬆 city in ^VrL 382.
Yell Kii officer of Swig, 248,
512.
Yellow Rivei- 河. 95, 238, 281,

294, 405, 454, 466.
Yen 餘. kin,- of Ch'w. 119.
Yen >d king of Hsii. 153. 438.
Yen 延， niusic-iiKister ol" CJiov, 22 1 .
Yen 燕. State in Chili, 89， 115, 232,

248, '282, 379, 420, 492, 503.
Yen Chang 僵章， 147.
Yen F a n , scholar. 4(>9.
Yen -h II 卞奄 j 虎， I'iver in Corca. 1 75.
Yen Hui ^ ^囘, disciple of Con-

fucius, 81, <S(3, 151, 368, 392， 398,
402, 477.
Yen -ling ^£ place in KiangsK,

523.
Yen Lu 顔路， i;itlier of Yen Hui,
Ml, 368, 411.

Ven-tao 道 • ci ty i 1 1 »■、'.、'《:/'■'〃 c〃' ,
Ye II Ti = ,、'/'," Nnny, i>,()d
of the Hearth, 173. :'>7S. 519.
Yen-t'ieh-liiii f| 鐵言俞， treatise

on Salt and Iron by Hvan K'uon,
468.
Yen Tse g ，子二 Ym Yi"!" the

Great Diviner oiCh'i, 121, 127, 142,
213.
Yen Yuan 顔淵二 Ym Ihn, 100,

1:5"， 165, KiS, 3(i0, 362, 409, 411,
. 481, Aiu.
Yen Yueh 閻樂， ;i-ss;i.ssiii oi" 〃〃

Hai, 319.
Yi 益, ministfr of Yii. 25：5, 272, BBO.
Yi 翳， kin- of Yih'h, 150.
Yi , ('；! stern barbai'iaiis, 175.
Yi ^j^, river in Shantung, 520.
Y i - c li a 11 g - c li ii 易; ^句. woi-k
of Yuan Tai Po, 4G9.
Y i k i a g 易系至, （'； 'ii(>n of Chariiies,
87. 8S, 98. 12S, 184, 187, 252,

275, 283, 28(3， 356, 418, 447,
448, 450， 454, 473, 514, 526, 529.

Yi Ti j 義^ |^， inventor of wine, 69,
74， 75， 125.

Yi Y a cook of duke Hyan
of Ch'i, 09, 74， 75, 125.

Yi Yin ^% minister of T'âny,
81, 175, 213.

Yin 殷' dynasty = Hsia dynasty,
123, 133, 218, 324, 455, 464, 475，
484, 489, 5] 6.
Yin pi"incip;ility of ( lirng Tâiig
in Jlonari, 458.
Yin 董 j^， district in ChpkiaiKj, 255.
Yin 隱. duke of Lu, 453.
Yin rh'i 尹齊. official, 218.
Ying 英， king yi' Ch'ii, 290.
Y i n g nuirquisate of Fern Sid,
147.
Y i n i;- generous ol'ficial. 476.
Yi 11 i;- r;iiiiily iiaiiie ol" the vis-
counts of Chao, 221. 226.
Y i n g - c h' u a n 賴川， circuit in Ah-

hui, 87, 473. 一、
Y i n g - li a i 、] ^赢' 海， the ( irent Ocean,
樂正子， disciple
of Mencius, 422.
Y u 幽， emperor of the Cfiou dynasty,

821, 527.
Yii Yo 有若， disciple ol" Confucius,

m), ； 567.
Y u - 1 i ^ ， place were Wen Wany

was imprisoned, 142.
578
Y u M i a () 有苗， al)()riu,iiial tribes,

479, 494.
Y u a II jj^. duke of Sung, 3(55.
、. 11:111 元， princess of Lk, daiii^liter

of Ha" Kao Tsu, 305.
Y na n cli'i'ii u; 元城. in Chili,

(34.
Y II ;i II K uo j^^l^, minister of vis-

count Hsiang of Ghao, 229.
Y u a 11 - sse 思、， vvork of Tsov

Po (Vi, 469.
Yuan Tlx I P o 袁太伯，；' writer,
4G9. ■
Y II a n Ti 兀 Han emperor, 18".
218, 306.
Y II Mil Wen Shu 袁文術， author,

4(39.
Yuim -cho u 州， one of the Nine

Provinces of Y'u. coiiiprisinu' Shensi
and Kansu, 337.
Y ii 禹， ancient emperor, 77, 81, 98,

123, 128, 173, 253， 272, 278, 2«2.
304, 312, 318, 330， 335, 352, 363,
867, 872, 378， 393， 404， 407, 424,
454, 458, 475. 478, 481. 506, 516,
519, 522.
Y i'l , niountaiii to which Knn was

banished, 214, 326.
Y ii jir^, '、'/'〃〃，.、• ten'itnrv in ,、7'(7〃.、7,

458.
Y ii - oil' a II li 角 U^. fanioiis sword,

377. "、
Y ii J a II g attenipted to assas-
sinate the Viscount of Chan, 30S.
Y ii L u 11 n' drai>;(»ii-kee[)er
under the einperor K'ung Chia, 354.
Y ii L ii see Shen Shu, 243.
Yii Shih 雨 g 币， Rain God, 521.
Yii Tse 豫子 = Yii Jan;,. 117.
Yii Tse Ta ~^^K.'' ""lister,

179.
Yi'ieh 由- southern, abori^hies

in Kuangtung and Annam, 124， 300,
382, 53(j.
Yii eh State in Chekiany, 120,
150， 188, 241, 298, 310, 379.
Y ii eh-c h' a ii y,- 常 = Y'ueh-shany,

367.
Yiieh-chi ii n- 樂經， Classic ol Miisic.
work of Yang CKeny Tse Chany, cSS.

Yiieh-ling ^ Book 111 the
Liki, 141, 521.
Y ii e h - s h a n ij; a people in
Kuany-tung, 505.
Yi'ieh 翻紐， work of Wn Chiln

Kao, 409.
574
Chinese Works Quoted.
CHINESE WORKS QUOTED.
1. My translation of the Lun-heng is based on the text contained in

the ^J^:^ 百家， 110 vols., printed in Wiichany, 1875. The text agrees
with that of the 、漢^ ^^^^^， " is clearer than that of the latter work
in iny possession , but not punctuated as the Han Wei tsung-shu is.
2. I quote the Classics from Legge's translation. For the Liki and
the Yiking, of which Legge does not give the Chinese text, I have used
the jji 豊雷已陳氏集 f^， 10 vols., printed in Nanking, 1893, and the
易系 M 本^^ , 2 vols., by ^ ^嘉, printed in Nanking in the same year.
3. The Dynastic Histories:— the 史霞已， the two 、漢書， the 隋

^^， and the ^ ^ are quoted from the 二 + ^ Shanghai
edition 1894.
4. For tht^ Philosophers:— 莊子，歹 |J 子，韓非子，淮南子,

and y^^^ the 十"^ 全^^ ， 24 vols., printed in Soochow 1804， has
been used.
5. 墨子， the 山' 海經， and the 呂氏春秋 are (i，i()ted from
the 家 (see above).
Besides I have made use of the: ―
6. 太平御覽， 120 vols., edited l.y 鮑祟城
7- 欽定四 i 全書總目' lt)Gv()ls.， Canton
8- 歴代名賢列女氏姓譜， vols., by 蕭智漢 I 792

9. 書目當間， 2 vols., by 張之 '/、同， printed in Shanghai in 1895
in 1812.
reprint of 1868.
Errata and Addenda.
575
ERRATA AND ADDENDA.
Page 64, line 5, for K uei-chi read K'uei-chL
» 67, " 3 from the end, for Wang Ch wig read Wany CKung.
" 81， "14， for Kûn read Kurt.
" 81， " 3 from the end. for Wany Ch ung read Wang CKung.
" 95, -» 6 from the end, for CKung Tse read Chung Tse.
，' 1 IH, lines 5 and 8, for Tnn-mao read Tnn-mou.
，> 118，，， 13， 15， and 18， for Chen read Ch'en,
» 122, line 3 from the end, for Chin read CK in.
» 122, last line, for CKeng read Cheng.
» 125, line 5 from the end: ― " Ti Ya knew how to give the right flavour
to what he was cooking" should read : ― " Yi Ti and Yi Ya knew
how to give the right (lavour to what they were cooking." Ti Ya
is the peculiar Chinese abbreviation for Yi Ti and Yi Ya. On these
two men see the Index.
，， 127, line 12, for phenomina lists read phenonienalists.
» 137, » 9， for CKeng read Cheng.
>» 142, » 6， for Hsia-tai read Hsia-t'ai.
" 149，，> 2， for Tiao read Tiao.
» 158， " 6 from the end, for kindheartedness read kind-heartedness •
，' 162, " 9， for Chin read Ch 卜 in.
» 166, in Note 1， for CK ao read Chao,

» 174, line 2 from the end, for Kun Mo read K、n Mo.
» 1 79, » 8 from the end, for Tung Kuayi read Tung-kuan.
» 181， » 4， for Ho-pin read Ho-peL
« 189， lines 19 and 23, for Chin Fan read ( liiu Fan,
» 190， line 4， for Chin Fan read Chiu Fan,
»' 208， » 5 from the end and last line, for Clieng read Cheng,
>) 209, » 26 bis, Note 1 and Note 2, for CKeng read Cheng.
" 211, » 5， for CKeng read Cheng,
w 213, 》 2, for Ku read Hiia.
»> 214, « 17, for CKeny read Cheng.
» 216, " 15, for Lin An read Liu An.
» 226, » 1, for CKung Hang Chao Tse read Chung Hang Chao Tse,
» -231. » 1, for Ch in Shih Huang Ti read CJiin Shih Huang Ti.
576
Errata and Addenda.
Page 232, line 4， for Sha-c/iin read Slia-cKiu.

» 232, « 8， for CKin Shih Wang Ti read CKin Shih Huang TL
» 232， lines 17 and 19， for Chin Fan read Chiu Fan.
» 235, " 8， 11， and 12, for Clieny read Cheng,
，' 237, line 9 from the end, for GKung Tse read Chung Tse.
" 245, ，' 21, for Pei-cliin read Pei-cKm,
» 294， " 4 from the end, for " he ought ，， read " it ought."
■> 295, lines 5 and 8， for Cliung Tse read Chung Tse,
，' 306, line 9 from the end, for (Jheny Ti read CKeny Ti.
" 328, ，） 11， for Chin read (Min.
，' 359, » 12, for Chang-lo read (Jfiang4o,
、、 362, Note 2， Ibr " Cf, XV, 4 " read " Cf. p. 486 Note
" 364, line 7 from the end, for Shao-yany read Shou-yany.
» 375, ，> 22， for Chieh Kuei read Chieh and Chou.
» 378， » 3 from the end, for Fan-chaan read Fan-cKuan.
V 388， » 7 from the end, for Chuany Chiao read Chiang Cli iao.
» 51(;， "15 and Note 6, for K、n read Kun.
，' 518. The whole page from : ― "He had four uncles" to "From the
Shang dynasty downwards people sacrificed to him" on page 51!)
is a quotation from the Tso-chuan^ Duke Châo 29th year (Ledge's
transl. \'ol. II, p. 729). The text of the Tso-chuan confirms my
suggestion (p. 518 Note 4) that we ought to read : ― "who could
master metal, water, and wood," replacing "fire" by "water,"
for the Classic speaks of metal, wood, and water. It describes
the Five Spirits as officers of the five elementary principles,
assigninu: the piôper element to each. 1 have translated 四
by " tour uncles." Leggp, s rendering " four men '• is better,
may mean a yeutleman or ;i s(|uire (cf. W〃/a〃"'， Dictionary).
" 522, line 12, for K'un read Kun.
ADDITIONAL NOTE,
As my readers will have seen from the Preface, I originally

proposed to make a selection of Wang Cliung' s Essays, and to trans-
late only 44, i. e. the philosophical ones, being in my opinion the more
important. Some of the leading sinologues having pointed out to me
the desirability of having a complete version of Wang Chung's work,
1 now have changed my mind, and am going to translate the essays
left out likewise. Tliey will, later on, be published as Lun-Heng,
Additional Note.
577
Part Miscellaneous Essays," in coutradistinction to the present

volume, which I now call " Lun-Hhig, Part /, Philosophical Essays
of Wang Ch ung." The whole work will also appear, later on, in
the " Mitteihmggn des Seminars fur Oiîenialische &pmchen、" probably in
5 parts. The first was already published last year, under the title
Selected Essays of the Philosopher Waug Ch 職 g." 1 am very much
indebted to Geheimrat Sachau, Director of the Seminar fur Orien-
talische Sprachen, for kindly having undertaken the publishing of
this voluminous work.
Berlin, April 1907.

A, FORKE.
Lun - Heog.
37
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UNIVERSITY OF

PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS OF WANG CHEUNG.

TRANSLATED FROM THE CHINESE AND ANNOTATED

PROFESSOR OF CHINESE AT THE SEMINAR FCR ORIENTALISCHE SPRACHEX, BERLIN.

FIRST PRINTED FDR THE MlTTEILUMiKX DES SEMINARS

LEIPZIG 、 LONDON SHANGHAI

)TTO HARRASSOX^TZ. LUZAC & CO. KELLY Sz WALSH LIMITED.

PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS OF WANG CITUN&

TRANSLATED FROM THE CHINESE AND ANNOTATED

PROFESSOR OF CHINESE AT THE SEMINAR FUU OKIENTALISCIIP: SPU.VCHKX. I5KKIJN.

PKINTKD H\ TUK 131PKUIAL GERMAN PRINTING OFFICE, BEULIN.

1. The Life of Wang Ch'ung 7

2. The Works of" Wang Cluing 8

3. Wang Ch'uiig's Philosophy 13

4. Table of Contents of the Luii-heng 4;j

^ 1. Autobiography (Tse-chi). Bk. XXX, Chap. I 64

2. Replies in Self-Defence (Tui-tso). Bk. XXIX, Chap. II (S3

3. Spontaneity (Tse-jaii). Bk. XVIII, Chap. I 02

4. The Nature of Things (Wu-shih). Bk. Ill, Chap.V 103

5. Phenomenal Changes (Pien-t'ung). Bk. XV, Chap. I 109

6. On Reprimands (Ch'ien-kao). Bk. XIV, Chap. Ill 119

7. Heaven's Original Gift (Chu-piiig). Bk. Ill, Chap. Ill IHO

8. What is meant by Destiny? (Ming-yi). Bk. II, Chap. II 136

9. On Destiny and Fortune (INIing-ln). Bk. I, Chap. Ill 144

10. On Chance and Luck (Hsiiig-ou). Bk. II, Chap. I 151

12. Wrong Notions on Unhappiness (Huo-hsii). Bk. VI, Clia]). II 164

13. Auspicious Portents (Clii-yen). Bk. II, Chap.V 173

14. On Divination (Pu-sliih). Bk. XXIV, Chap. II 182

15. Oil Death (Liin-sse). Bk. XX, Chap. lU 191

,J7. Spook Stories (Chi-yao). Bk. XXII, Chap. I 220

(18. All about Ghosts (Ting-kuei). Bk. XXU, Cliap. II 239

19. On Heaven (T an-tMen). Bk. XI, Chap. I 250

20. On the Sun (Shuo-jih). Bk. XI, Chap. II 258

22. On Thunder and Lightning (Lei-hsii). Bk. VI, Chap. IV 285

23. On Poison (Yen-tu). Bk. XXIII, Chap. I 298

24. On Anthroposcopy (Ku-hsiang). Bk. EI, Chap. II 304

26. Miracles (Chi-kuai). Bk. UI, Cliap.VI

27. Unfounded Assertions (Wu-hsing). Bk. II, Chaj). Ill

29. On Dragons (Lung-hsu). Bk. VI, Chap. Ill

30. Arguments on Ominous Creatures (Chiaiig-jui). Bk. XVI， Chap. IV

31. The Forming of Characters (Shuai-hsing). Bk. 11, Oliap. IV . .

32. On Original Nature (Pen-hsing). Bk. III， Chap. IV

E. Criiiqne (plvlo-^opliica!, literary and historical).

33. Criticisms on Confucius (Won K'ung). Bk. IX, Chap. I

34. Censures on Mencius (Ts'e Meng). Bk. X, Chap. II

35. Strirtures on Han Fei Tse (Fei Han). Bk. X, Chap, I

3(5. Statements Corrected (Chong-shuo). Bk. XXVIII, Chap. I . . . .

37. Critical Remarks on Various Books (Aii-slm). Bk. XXIX, Cli;i!>. I .

40. Exaggerations of tlie Literati (Ju-tscnji;). Bk.YIII, Chap. I . . .

Y. Folklore and religion,

41. Saci-ilices to the Departed (Sse-yi). Bk. XXV, Chap. Ill . . . .

42. Sacrifices (Chi-yi). Bk. XXV, Chap. IV

43. Criticisms on Noxious Influences (Pien-sui). Bk. XXIV, Chap. Ill .

44. On Exorcism (Chieh-ch u). Bk. XXV, Chap. II

Index of Proper Nniiios

Chinese Works Quoted

Errata and Addenda

On the two principal philosophical Chinese systems, Confucianism

Although lie has much in common with the Confucianists