BENTE KIILERICH

The Head Posture of Alexander the Great

Abstract

Some portraits show Alexander the Great with his neck twisted and head tilted, mostly to the left, occasionally to
the right. Similarly, Plutarch and later sources describe Alexander as having a tilted or twisted neck. This head
posture has been subject to discussion by archaeologists as well as physicians. While most archaeologists believe
the posture to be a question of iconography, many physicians have put it down to a physical defect. In fact, in very
recent medical publications, Alexander is still presented as suffering from torticollis, twisted neck, a diagnosis
launched in the mid-nineteenth century. This study concludes that a potential physical defect is unlikely to have
been depicted in the official portraits of Alexander.

“Every schoolboy knows that Alexander’s head was in-

clined slightly towards the left shoulder”
Alfred Emerson 1886.

The portraiture of Alexander the Great (356-322 BC) follows a readily recognizable formula
that includes a number of characteristic traits such as a full head of hair, upswept over the
forehead in an anastole, a cloudy brow, large deep-set eyes, full and slightly parted lips, a
strong chin and sturdy neck. These features are not necessarily all present in a single portrait;
the leitmotif is the anastole, whereas the length and fullness of the hair vary. Alexander’s
head posture also varies. In some portraits the head is held straight, eyes looking right ahead.
Other portraits show a slight head turn, mostly to the left, while still other images display a
twist of the neck and a tilted head. Within the large corpus of Alexander and Alexander-like
images there is thus considerable divergence. 1
With the possible exception of a youthful head in the Acropolis museum (FIG. 1), taken by
some as an original work by Leochares, but probably of Roman date, all extant large-scale
REPRE

1.
The most comprehensive study of Alexander’s portraiture is Stewart 1993. Colour photos in, e.g., Yalouris 1980;
Alfano 1995; Moreno, 2004a; Pandermalis 2004. The numerous discussions of Alexander’s portraiture include: Gebauer
1938-39; Bieber 1964; Hölscher 1971; Schwarzenberg 1976; Hartle 1982; Pollitt 1986, 20-31; Kiilerich 1988; Ridgway
1990, 108-48; Tonsing 2002; Stewart 2003; Wünsche 2006; Hölscher 2009; von den Hoff 2009; von den Hoff 2014 (with
ten page bibliography).
2 BENTE KIILERICH

FIG. 1 – Alexander. Ca 330 BC or later. Athens, FIG. 2 – Alexander/Apollo from Italica (Santiponce).
New Acropolis Museum, inv. no. 1331 (photo: Roman. Seville, Archaeological Museum (photo: au-
museum). thor).

representations of Alexander are likely to be posthumous. 2 It is often difficult to ascertain

whether a given head derives from a portrait made in Alexander’s lifetime or whether the
variant was created centuries later. Moreover, many of the portraits believed to represent the
king have no secure provenance, their original context being totally uncertain. Furthermore,
most heads were part of whole figures, and with the body missing, important information has
been lost. It is therefore hardly surprising that the dating and interpretation of individual
works can be subject to strong disagreement. 3
Over the years the ‘Alexander look’ was reformulated by different artists at different times
and places. The popular image was also used for other characters, including divinities and
heroes. This has resulted in a profusion of Alexander-like images and ensuing uncertainty as
to which of these were actually meant to portray Alexander himself. Examples include an
Alexander/Apollo from Italica (FIG. 2), an Alexander in Catania and a late antique Alexan-
der/Meleager in Milan.4 To complicate matters, post-antique Nachbildungen and downright
fakes have entered the large corpus of Alexander images and partly clouded our perception of
the original portrayals of the king.

2.
Athens, New Acropolis Museum, Akr. 1331; Stewart 1993, 106-10, 421, fig. 5; Alfano 1995, 209; Pandermalis 2004,
18-19.
3.
For the various approaches and methodological problems, see Stewart 1993, 56-70.
4.
Fernández Gomez n.d, 133; Cagiano de Azevedo 1967.
 THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 3

When surveying extant Alexander portraits that display a strong asymmetry, either in the
form of a wry neck or marked upward or outward gaze, it must be noted that some heads with
exaggerated features are of either dubious authenticity (for instance, the Boston head and the
Fortnum head in Oxford have been challenged) or reformulated post-antique renderings (e.g.,
some dying Alexanders in marble and porphyry). 5 Consequently, although these various im-
ages reflect ideas of how to represent a ruler in the ‘heroic’ tradition of the youthful Alexan-
der, most of these images probably bear only slight resemblance to the no-longer-extant por-
traits made during the ruler’s lifetime.

The visual evidence of turned and tilted heads

A point of departure for studying the portraiture of Alexander the Great has been the in-
scribed Azara herm in the Louvre. This weathered and restored work of the second century
AD, found at Tivoli, has often been associated with Lysippos and especially with his bronze
statue of Alexander with the lance. 6 In spite of its wretched state of conservation, it furnishes
some visual clues, preserving as it does some recurrent features of Alexander’s iconography:
the anastole and the full but comparatively lanky hair. Alexander is presented with his head
held straight and, except for an ever-so-slight turn to the right, an almost frontally poised
head as required by the herm format. Nonetheless, it was an examination of this herm, which
led A. Dechambre to diagnose Alexander with torticollis (see below p. 8 and FIG. 6).
Other images depict Alexander with a turned and sometimes tilted head. These representa-
tions range from a slight, via a medium to a strong turn, and the degree of tilt or inclination
also ranges from slight to strong. Because the variations are gradual, strict classification is
neither possible nor desirable. Owing to the difficulty of dating Alexander’s portraits, it is
also ill-advised to search for a chronology with regard to different degrees of inclination. The
large Pergamon Alexander has a slight inclination to the left (F IG. 3).7 A head in Copenhagen,
one of many extant images said to come from Alexandria, has a vigorous left turn of the head
(FIG. 4). 8 A pronounced inclination is shown in a marble from Yannitsa near Pella. 9 Plausibly
dating from the third century BC, it is one of the earliest images preserved (unless of course
the Acropolis Alexander is a fourth-century original). This head displays a marked inclination
to the left with the central line of the face slanting to form a sharp angle to the neck (F IG. 5a).
The sculpture is broken off through the neck, and the intended poise is uncertain. A portrait
from Volantsa on the Peloponnese, perhaps from the later third century, displays a similar
bent.10 Both heads are above life size. Variations on the twisted pose are found in portraits
uppo

5.
Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 95.68; Stewart 1993, 333-34, 424, fig. 131. Fortnum head: Stähli 2000. Schwarzenberg
1969 with pls. 63-68, presents many examples of post-antique works.
6.
Paris, Louvre, MA 436; Johnson 1927, 215, mentions a dozen early publications where this attribution was already
made; Stewart 1993, 161-71, 423, fig. 45-46.
7.
Istanbul, Archaeological Museum, inv. 1138; Stewart 1993, 332-33, 430, fig. 128-29. Radt 1981, unconvincingly
argues that the head stems from the Pergamon altar. Anti: Wünsche 2006.
8.
Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, inv. 574; Johansen 1992, 66-67; Stewart 1993, 251, 424, fig. 84; Moreno 1995,
162-63.
9.
Pella Archaeological Museum, GL 15; Stewart 1993, 284-86, 430-31, fig. 97; Pandermalis 2004, 20-21.
10.
Olympia museum, L 245; Stewart 1993, 332, 430, fig. 127.
4 BENTE KIILERICH

FIG. 3 – Alexander from Pergamon. Ca 175-150 BC. FIG. 4 – Alexander, allegedly from Alexan-
Istanbul Archaeological Museum, inv.no. 1138 (photo: dria. Third century BC. Copenhagen, Ny
author). Carlsberg Glyptotek, inv.no. 574 (photo: Mau-
seum).

FIG. 5a – Alexander from Yannitsa, Macedonia. Third century BC. Pella, Archaeological Museum, GL. 15.
5b. Alexander from Ptolemais Hermiou, Roman period. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, no. 95.98 (sketches: au-
thor).
 THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 5

with an upward turn and gaze, as, for instance, a gilded bronze in Rome with a slight upward
poise combined with a turn to the right. 11 The heavenward gaze is also rendered in profile
images on coins, as for instance in Lysimachos’ minting of Alexander with ram’s horns, ca.
300.12 A particularly strong tilt is seen in the more romanticized versions, such as the Alex-
ander-Helios in Rome and Boston. 13 The colossal Boston marble has an especially marked
inclination (F IG. 5b). Said to stem from Egypt, but fashioned from Carrara marble, the suspi-
cion of it being a nineteenth-century fake cannot quite be laid to rest. In any case it may be
significant that in these images the head tilt is combined with a luxurious mass of hair.
On the tiny ivory heads from Vergina Tomb II, ca 336 (if the man buried there is Philip II)
or ca 317 (if he is Philip III), the no-longer-extant hair was probably made of a different ma-
terial and plausibly gilded, the reliefs being miniatures in the chryselephantine technique.
Although hardly actual portraits they should be mentioned for their possible reflection of
official ruler images of the day. The one identified as ‘Alexander’ has an undeniably twisted
neck and upward-turned head. 14
Regrettably these various marble and ivory images are merely fragments whose original
appearance and contexts are difficult to reconstruct. For a complete figure, the bronze statu-
ette known as the Fouquet Alexander may give a very rough idea of Lysippos’ famous Alex-
ander with the lance. It displays a head turn to the right. 15 Thus among preserved images in
various media, a turned or tilted head is a recurrent feature. Alexander’s head posture was
also subject to comments by ancient writers.

The literary sources

A number of comparatively late textual sources refer to Alexander the Great as having a
crooked or tilted neck. 16 The earliest and most important of these is Plutarch, who addresses
Alexander’s physical appearance in the Parallel Lives (Life of Alexander) and in the Moralia
(On the Fortune and Virtues of Alexander the Great). Most other texts are considerably later
and derive from a long tradition handed down through the centuries. Plutarch, who wrote
some four hundred years after Alexander’s death, drew on many different accounts bolstered
by the evidence of statues.17 His description is thus a secondary or tertiary interpretation of

11.
Rome, Museo Nazionale, Palazzo Massimo, inv. 66177; Alfano 1995, 273, no. 63. Other candidates than Alexander
are certainly possible.
12.
Lysimachos’ tetradrachm: Stewart 1993, fig. 117. For the numismatic evidence in general: Price 1991; Dahmen 2007.
13.
Rome, Museo Capitolino, Stewart 1993, 333-34, 424; Moreno 1995, 401; Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, 95.68; Stew-
art 1993, 333-34, 424, fig. 131.
14.
Andronikos 1988, 122-33 with large-scale colour photos, ‘Alexander’ figs. 76-78. Full page colour photos in, e.g.,
Yalouris 1980, pl. 34. The identity of the king buried in Royal tomb II where the ivory heads were found is still hotly
debated. Based on studies of the skeletal material, Musgrave 2010 and Antikas & Wynn-Antikas 2015 argue for Philip II
(the latter suggesting that the woman buried in the antechamber is not his sixth wife Eurydike, but his seventh wife or
concubine, a Scythian princess). Bartsiokas, most recently in 2015, argues for Philip III Arrhidaios in Tomb II and Philip
II in Tomb I. For an overview of some of the problems of identifying the deceased and dating the artefacts, see Chilidis
2012, 57-64.
15.
Yalouris 1980, no. 41; Stewart 1993, 163-171.
16.
The ancient sources on Alexander’s appearance: Johnson 1927, 298-307; Moreno 1973 with comments and discus-
sion; Stewart 1993, 341-50 (texts T 1-27); for the neck: T 8-11; T 21; T 24-27.
17.
Enoch Powell 1939 points to twenty-four different sources; Cook 2001 estimates an even higher number.
6 BENTE KIILERICH

literary and visual sources.18 In the Moralia, Plutarch describes Lysippos’ first portrait of
Alexander ‘as gazing upwards (ano bleponta) with his face towards the sky, as he used to
gaze with a slight inclination of the neck’ (hesyche parengklinon ton trachelon). The Greek
historian further informs us that Lysippos was the only one who succeeded in rendering Al-
exander’s ethos and arête in bronze. Aiming to imitate his upward neck turn (ten apostrophe
tou trachelou) and moist eyes, the other artists failed to preserve his virility and leonine char-
acter.19 Addressing the visual images again in his biography of Alexander, Plutarch stresses
that the king’s physical appearance is best seen in Lysippos’ statues. He further notes that
Lysippos rendered most faithfully the features which many of Alexander’s friends and fol-
lowers tried to imitate, such as the inclination of the neck bent lightly to the left (ten anatasin
tou auchenos eis euonumon hesyche keklimenou).20 Here it may be asked whether Plutarch
had actually seen Lysippos’ statue of Alexander with the lance, copies of this or other statues
in the Lysippic tradition, or whether he based his account solely on earlier writers’ descrip-
tion. 21
Plutarch, in other passages, mentions the flexure of the neck (engklisin tou trachelou) as a
feature worth imitating.22 Pyrrhos, king of Epeiros (295-272 BC), is singled out for having
imitated Alexander’s bending of the neck (klisei trachelou).23 According to Themistios, in the
fourth century AD, the satraps mimicked Alexander’s poise (ton auchena epi ton euonumon
omon).24 Caracalla is reported to have displayed (in effigy) a neck tilted towards the left
shoulder (ad laevum humerum conversa cervice), a peculiarity he is said to have noticed in
Alexander’s corpse when paying a visit to his tomb. 25 Mainly repeating the information pro-
vided by Plutarch, the Byzantine writer Ioannes Tzetzes (born ca 1110 in Constantinople)
addresses Lysippos’ statues of Alexander in three texts. He designates the posture with three
terms, heterotrachelon (with the neck turned to one or the opposite side), paratrachelon (with
the neck on one side) and simotrachelon (with the neck turned upward). The words hetero-
trachelon and paratrachelon are used twice. 26
Noticeable in the various texts is the lack of a common term for the poise of the neck. It is
variously described as klisis, engklisis and parengklisis; the head is keklimenon in Plutarch,
while the Byzantine Tzetzes, for the sake of elegant variation, refers to the neck as hetero-
trachelon, paratrachelon and simotrachelon. Other words used in connection with an upward
gaze are apostrophe, roughly indicating twisting or turning away and anatasis, straining.27 It
can also be referred to as cervice celsa, a lofty neck. 28 A variant term is therefore used in each

18.
Cf. L’Orange 1947, 22: ‘the representation in art, not the actual person of Alexander underlies the description’;
Wardman 1967. Leimbach 1979, takes the neck as a characteristic of the real Alexander.
19.
Plutarch, De Alexandri Magni fortuna aut virtute 2. 2, Moralia 335A-B; Johnson 1927, 305; Stewart 1993, 343, T 9.
20.
Plutarch, Alex. 4.1; Johnson 1927, 304-05; Stewart 1993, 344, T 10.
21.
Müller 2014.
22.
Plutarch, Moralia 53 D (ca 80 AD); Stewart 1993, 343, T 8.
23.
Plutarch, Pyrrhos 8.1 (ca 110 AD); Stewart 1993, 345, T 11.
24.
Themistios, Logoi politikoi 13 (year 364 AD), Stewart 1993, 349, T 24.
25.
Anon., Epitome de Caesaribus Sexti Aureli Victoris 21.4 (fourth c. AD), Stewart 1993, 348, T 21.
26.
Tzetzes, Epistulae 76 (heterotrachelon), Chiliades 8.200,421 (paratrachelon), 11.368.97: (heterotrachelon, simotrache-
lon, paratrachelon); Stewart 1993, 349-50, T 25-27.
27.
Respectively, De Alex. 2.2, and Alex. 4.2.
28.
Solinus, Collectanea rerum memorabilium 9.20 (ca AD 260), Stewart 1993, 346, T 17.
 THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 7

reference: in some, the head or neck is said to be tilted down, in others it is tilted to the side,
in still others it is raised.
In addition to the head posture, the sources provide information on the alleged physical
appearance of Alexander. He is reported to have been less impressive than his friend He-
phaisteion, who on one occasion was mistaken for Alexander. It is also inferred that he was
of comparatively short stature: when he sat down on King Dareios’ throne, his feet did not
reach the footstool. 29 As for his countenance, he is presented as having fair skin (leukos could
also indicate a shining complexion), which tended to redden (epiphoinissen) in the face and
the chest.30
Another distinct feature was Alexander’s lack of beard growth. This grooming style soon
came into fashion and became the chosen paradigm for heroic ruler representation in the Hel-
lenistic period.31 The fact that Alexander acceded to the throne at the age of 22, still a very
young man, makes it reasonable to assume that he then was either beardless or merely sported
a youthful, sparse growth of beard. When once his public image had been designed in accord-
ance with ideas of quasi-divine eternal youthfulness, it was only natural to retain the beard-
less look.32 Perhaps to indicate that Alexander had reached the age of a light beard growth,
some images depict him with sideburns: they can be seen on the Alexander mosaic from
Pompeii, ca 100 BC, and on later artworks such as the gold medallion from Aboukir, ca AD
230, and on a sculpted tondo from Aphrodisias, ca AD 425.33 The presence of sideburns in
works of such different date and geographical provenance indicates that this is a reasonably
stable feature – if not of the real Alexander, at least of his portraiture.
Several late sources mention the peculiarity of iris heterochromia, eyes of different colour
(heterochromia iridum or binocular heterochromia, as opposed to heterochromia iridis, uni-
ocular or sectorial, with areas of the same iris in different colours). According to Pseudo-
Callisthenes, Alexander’s ‘right eye was heavy-lidded and black/dark blue (kuanoblefaron)
and the left one was blue’ (glaukos: of pale colour, blue, possibly including shades of green
and grey). 34 Julius Valerius renders ‘quasi nigra glauca atque coeli similis’, almost black and
sky-blue.35 Tzetzes similarly notes that Alexander was said to have different-coloured eyes
(heterophthalmos), blue and black (glaukon and melana).36 This alleged peculiarity has been
interpreted by some physicians as a symptom of a congenital or acquired disorder, and sever-
al publications of heterochromia of the iris mention Alexander as an early sufferer. 37

29.
Diodorus Bibl. 17.37.5 (ca 50 BC); Diod. 17.66.3; Curtius 5.2. 13-15; Drews 1962; Stewart 1993, 341-42, T 2-3.
30.
Plutarch, Alex. 4.3.
31.
Athenaios, Deipnosophistai 13, 565a, A (230 BC); Stewart 1993, 341, T 1.
32.
For image-building and Alexander, see Kiilerich 1993. For the youthful image of Alexander, see Hölscher 2009, who
points to the revolutionary nature of this new ruler image.
33.
For the mosaic, see Andreae 1977; Cohen 1997; Moreno 2000; Ehrhardt 2008. For the medallion: e.g., Pandermalis
2004, 33 no. 12. For the tondo: Smith 1990, 135-38, pl. 8, 9. 1-3; Kiilerich 1993, 90, fig. 6. For Alexander’s images in
late antiquity, see Kiilerich 2015, 23-24.
34.
Ps.-Callisthenes, Bios Alexandrou 1.13.3 (ca AD 300); Brown 1949; Stewart 1993, 346, T 18.
35.
Jul. Valerius, Res Gestae Alexandri 1.7 (fourth c. AD); Stewart 1993, 347, T 19.
36.
Tzetzes, Chiliades 11, 368, 97; Stewart 1993, 350, T 27.
37.
See, e.g., Gladstone 1969, 184; Lascaratos 1999, 73; Rennie 2012, 30: binocular heterochromia.
8 BENTE KIILERICH

So, if we were to take the literary sources at face value, Alexander the Great was short and
pale, with eyes of different colour and with a wry neck. 38 The medical profession has paid
special attention to diagnosing Alexander’s neck posture.

Medical explanations for the twisted neck

Based primarily on a minute examination of the Azara herm in the Louvre – which he be-
lieved to be a copy of Lysippos’ Alexander with the lance – the physician Amédée Decham-
bre in 1851 presented a paper on Alexander in which he proposed that the Macedonian suf-
fered from orthopaedic torticollis (F IG. 6). 39 Torticollis, which means twisted neck, may be
congenital or acquired. It denotes a condition in which the sternocleidomastoid muscle is
shortened on the involved side leading to an ipsilateral tilt and contralateral rotation of the
face and chin. More plainly put, the head is laterally tilted towards the shoulder and the neck
is twisted. While the neck tilts in one direction,
the head and gaze tend towards the opposite
direction. Due to the stiffness of the neck, the
sufferer has problems moving his or her head. In
addition to congenital muscular torticollis, there
are non-muscular conditions such as neurological
torticollis and ocular torticollis.40
Dechambre’s interest in the medical condition
of an ancient historical figure was in line with a
related interest bestowed upon Greek mythologi-
cal figures in effigy in the mid to late nineteenth
century. Thus in 1886, the anatomist Wilhelm
Henke diagnosed Venus de Milo with a de-
formed spine and believed she had a limp since
her legs appeared to be of unequal length. 41 This
misconception was due to a wedge-shaped piece
of marble then missing from her hip, and only
later inserted. More apropos Alexander’s physi-
ognomy, Henke’s colleague Christoph Hasse
studied the asymmetry of Venus’ face, noting
that the right and left halves differed in width
(this asymmetry, found in many ancient marbles,
is probably due to the fact that the sculpture was
FIG. 6 – Azara Alexander. Second century AD.
Paris, Louvre, MA 436 (after Dechambre Revue
not meant to be viewed strictly en face). Hasse
archéologique 1852, pl. 197). compared the statue with human subjects and
concluded was

38.
It has also been speculated whether Alexander was left-handed: McManus 2006 and Small 2006 both reach the con-
clusion that he was not.
39.
Dechambre 1851; Dechambre 1852-53, 422-34.
40.
Karmel-Ross 1998.
41.
Henke 1886.
 THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 9

concluded that lateral asymmetry was normal

for human figures whether in flesh or stone. 42
Dechambre’s torticollis diagnosis entered
into archaeological publications and public
awareness quite early on. In 1886 Alfred Em-
erson could therefore claim that ‘every school-
boy knows’ that Alexander’s head was ‘in-
clined slightly towards the left shoulder, a con-
dition known as torti collis’.43 Not all archae-
ologists were convinced. In one of the first
studies of Alexander’s portraiture, Friedrich
Koepp declared the idea totally unconvin-
cing.44 All the same, repeated references to
Alexander’s suffering from torticollis appeared
in medical publications in the first half of the
twentieth century.45 Some physicians, howe-
ver, dismissed the diagnosis. A portrait in Lon-
don, thought to be from Alexandria, shows the
young ruler with head turned slightly to the left
giving it an energetic appearance (F IG. 7). 46
With reference to this head, K.F. Hulbert stated
that ‘this is not a deformity: it is a pose’. 47
In 1973, the historian Fr. Schachermeyr
proposed that Alexander suffered from kypho-
sis, roundback or hunchback, acquired from an FIG. 7 – Alexander from Alexandria. Ca 250 BC.
injury during his birth.48 While kyphosis may London, British Museum, BM 1857 (photo: au-
thor).
be accompanied by a tilt of the neck (cf. the
actor Charles Laughton as the hunchback from Notre Dame), there seems to be no visual or
written indication of Alexander having a hunch. At least the images that show him from the
neck down follow an ideal male form in accordance with the Lysippic canon. 49
In recent decades physicians have again turned their attention to Alexander the Great, now
focusing on possible eye diseases. J. Laskaratos and A. Damanakis propose that Alexander
had ocular torticollis or Acquired Brown’s syndrome, an eye condition that leads to a tilt of
the head in an upwards position or to one side. 50 Their arguments are based on the ivory head
from

42.
Hasse 1882; Hasse 1886; cf. Güntürkün 1991.
43.
Emerson 1886, 411; Emerson 1887, 249.
44.
Koepp 1892, 8-9.
45.
E.g., Colonna 1927, 794; Little 1927, 12.
46.
London, British Museum, BM 1857; Stewart 1993, 331, 424, fig. 124.
47.
Hulbert 1950, 50.
48.
Schachermeyr 1973, 95.
49.
See, e.g, the bronze statuette in the Louvre, MN 1576, from Egypt, Fouquet Alexander, known in various versions,
Kiilerich 1988, fig. 6; Stewart 1993, 425.
50.
Lascaratos and Damanakis 1996a; Lascaratos and Damanakis 1996b.
10 BENTE KIILERICH

from Tomb II at Vergina. Dismissing this diag-

nosis, J.F. Acheson and N. Nitsas, in a reply to
Laskaratos and Damanakis, point out that the
head tilt is present in most of the small ivory
heads from Vergina. If the tilt was due to a med-
ical condition, it would have been Familial
Brown’s syndrome rather than the acquired
type. However, they find that the tilt is more
likely a question of style. 51 The ophthalmologist
B. de Vries also dismisses the various medical
diagnoses – kyphosis, congenital muscular torti-
collis, and two types of Brown’s syndrome. He
warns that it is almost impossible to diagnose an
orthopaedic disease without clinical observation
and examination and concludes that ‘the abnor-
mal head posture is due to the artistic style.’ 52 In
any event, the diagnosis has become part of the
medical curriculum. Karen Karmel-Ross states
that ‘it is speculated that Alexander the Great
suffered from muscular torticollis because he
had a lifting of the neck with a slight bending to
the left.’53 Hutan Ashrafian proposes Alexander
had a cervical scoliotic deformity (scoliosis is a
spinal deformity closely related to torticollis),
and that he died from the consequences of this
congenital syndrome. Ashrafian further holds
that ‘descriptions and statues typically portray
Alexander with a cervical neck deformity with
FIG. 8 – Alexander from Magnesia. Third centu- the added possibility of ocular muscle deficits
ry BC. Istanbul Archaeological Museum, inv.no.
709. and facial asymmetry.’54 Similarly, in a recent
paper on congenital muscular torticollis, T.D.
Twee notes that ‘one of the earliest written references to this deformity appeared in Plutarch’s
classic description of Alexander the Great.’55 In an overview of spinal deformities, Elias Va-
siliadis refers to the Macedonian king as suffering from scoliosis, presenting as evidence the
statue of Alexander from Magnesia, which is claimed to display body asymmetry (F IG. 8).56

51.
Acheson and Nitsas 1996.
52.
De Vries 2005.
53.
Karmel-Ross, 1998, 9.
54.
Ashrafian 2004, 138. Williams & Arnott 2004 suggest that the stone that struck Alexander in 329 and rendered him
temporarily blind resulted in a carotid artery dissection which also had a bearing on his death. The proble ms of retrospec-
tive diagnosis are addressed by York and Steinberg 2004.
55.
Twee 2006; also Marzoeki 2007, 260.
56.
Vasiliadis, Grivas and Kaspiris 2009, with reference to the article of Ashrafian 2004 and the statue of Alexander from
Magnesia, Istanbul Archaeological Museum, no. 709, on fig. 3; Stewart 1993, 334-36, fig. 133.
 THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 11

Indeed, Alexander’s torticollis (or scoliosis) has become a standard entry even in the most
recent medical publications on the disease. We find statements such as ‘Alexander the Great
may have had torticollis, according to Plutarch’, 57 ‘original written references to this deformi-
ty appeared in Plutarch’s description …’, 58 and, most recently, ‘the King of Macedonia … is
believed to have this deformity’. 59

The depiction of physical defects in ancient art

Beginning with Dechambre, who based his diagnosis on the Azara herm, physicians have
interpreted Alexander’s looks in terms of a potential orthopaedic defect, especially torticollis,
‘wry neck’. Yet a fundamental methodological question is whether it is at all possible to base
a retrospective diagnosis on images. For members of the medical profession who use their
skills on art historical material, the art historian Marc Gotlieb has coined the phrase ‘doctor
art history’. He points to a tendency to read into art works certain diagnostic traits with regard
either to the artist or to the represented subject. Examples range from seeing kidneys in paint-
ings of Michelangelo, who had a urologic problem, to diagnosing visual impairment amongst
the impressionists.60
An instance of alleged physical deformity in antiquity is the onion-shaped head of Peri-
kles, his so-called schinokephaly. For Perikles’ cranial protuberance, the source again is Plu-
tarch: ‘his head was rather long and out of due proportion’, furthermore the historian claims
that Perikles’ portraits wore helmets because ‘the artists would not reproach him with de-
formity’.61 Since Plutarch finds it unlikely that artists should have shown Perikles’ alleged
deformity, it is equally unlikely that he should have assumed artists to have taken the oppo-
site stand in the portrayal of Alexander. Thus, although Plutarch seems to infer that Alexan-
der habitually held his head in an upward slant as represented in his official image, he does
not appear to imply that this poise was due to a cervical defect. As for Perikles, discussing his
helmeted portrait type in a lengthy article, Beth Cohen compares it to that of the Riace bronze
B and convincingly concludes that the ‘cranial deformity’ is actually a technical device that
served as a helmet support. It was structurally necessary and not physiologically descriptive. 62
If we turn to Alexander’s father, Philip II, an unmistakable feature of his physical appear-
ance is the arrow wound in his right eye that he incurred, whilst still a young man, at the siege
of Methoni in 355 BC.63 Was this rendered in his portraits? The official portraiture of Philip
II remains elusive as hardly any representations can be identified with any degree of certain-
ty. A bearded diademed head in Copenhagen has been tentatively accepted as a portrait of the
mature Philip II, but the evidence is circumstantial as the sculpture, bought in Rome in 1910,
has

57.
Beasley 2012, 763.
58.
Mohan and Bhat 2012, 364.
59.
Kansara, Mohan, Bhat and Bhat 2014, 28.
60.
Gotlieb 2008, esp. 95-101.
61.
Plutarch, Perikles 3.2.
62.
Cohen 1991, esp. 481 and 484.
63.
Bartsiokas 2000; Lascaratos, Lascaratos and Kalantzis 2004. For the written sources of the eye wound and the wounds
in the collar bone and leg, see Riginos 1994.
12 BENTE KIILERICH

has no secure provenance (F IG. 9).64 A small

nick on the right eyebrow has been taken as a
deliberate indication of a scar.65 The left eye-
brow is lifted and an eye wound may be hinted
at in the form of ocular asymmetry, but the
portrait does not reveal any actual disfigure-
ment of the right eye. The tiny bearded ivory
head (3.5 cm) from Tomb II at Vergina, which
has been associated with Philip II, appears to
have a scar across the right eyebrow. While
this may suggest a wound, it also exposes the
trap of reading too much into an image. At any
rate, whether given visual form or not, Philip’s
wound may be classified as a heroic wound,
visual evidence of his daring and heroic action
in battle. This is obviously altogether different
from a congenital deformity like torticollis.
Even battle wounds were not necessarily ren-
dered in visual representations. For instance,
Antigonos Monophthalmos, the One-eyed,
who had lost an eye in battle, did not like to be
FIG. 9 – Philip II. Second century AD. Copenha-
depicted in such a way that this was shown. 66
gen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, inv.no. 2466 (photo:
author). With regard to Alexander’s presumed phy-
sical appearance – slight stature, pale skin and
crooked neck – Andrew Stewart, one of the
foremost experts on the portraiture of Alexander, proposes that ‘ancient Greek portraitists
could sidestep some of these peculiarities and clever ones could turn the rest to decided ad-
vantage’. They could ‘turn his crooked neck into a badge of heroic defiance’. And further
about the neck: ‘this was a personal quirk, it was not obtrusive, and Lysippos dealt with it
tactfully.’67 This was also tentatively suggested by H.P. L’Orange, who, although he seriously
doubted that the bent neck was characteristic of the real Alexander, noted that if it were, then
Lysippos had converted physical peculiarities into ‘a new and expressive motif’. 68 But the
question remains, if Alexander did have a visible defect, would the artists have depicted it, or
would they have left it out?
In antiquity physical defects were mainly represented in the guise of caricature, as in im-
ages of dwarfs, pygmies and other outsiders. The Hellenistic period saw an increasing interest
in

64.
Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, inv.no. 2466; Yalouris 1980, 98, cat. 1; Johansen 1992, 60-61. Not Philip II:
Nielsen 2007.
65.
Prag and Neave, 1997, 79-80. For the proposed reconstruction of the king’s head see, Prag 1990; Prag and Neave
1997, 63, fig. 6.
66
Pliny NH 35.90; Lascaratos 1999, 74-5.
67
Stewart 2003, 33-34; Stewart 1993, 76.
68
L’Orange 1947, 131, n. 3.
 THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 13

in character studies of, for instance, old fishermen with sagging skin and wrinkled old women
clutching empty wine lagynoi.69 Such studies may have served various purposes ranging from
the ethnographical to the apotropaic, and should not be dismissed as mere genre. Still, in gen-
eral, it seems that in the Greek world, ‘beauty and wholeness were regarded as a mark of
divine favour, whereas ugliness and deformity were interpreted as a sign of the opposite.’ 70
Since physical defects were habitually seen as bad omens, it is rather unlikely that a potential
physical defect should have been highlighted in ruler portraiture which was required to pre-
sent the subject to his best advantage.

Alexander’s public image

Neither the visual nor the textual evidence provides any definite clues to Alexander’s physi-
cal appearance. Plutarch based his interpretation on statues, and the statues were designed to
visualize desired ruler qualities and virtues, not to show physical peculiarities. In all likeli-
hood, the public portraiture of Alexander, particularly as designed by Lysippos, bore but little
resemblance to the ‘real’ Alexander whose physical appearance is quite uncertain. Since the
mature, bearded looks of Philip II were unsuitable for the official image of young Alexander,
a different image had to be fashioned. 71 It can be demonstrated with a large degree of proba-
bility that this image was constructed from a number of standard features with positive con-
notations and that they were used to show his leonine and courageous nature. The lion’s mane
indicated courage and the moist eye signified a brave man. This was all according to the
book, namely the pseudo-Aristotelean Physiognomonica.72
The literary sources that reflect this official image also use standard terms influenced by
theories of physiognomics and theories of the humours (moist eyes, dry limbs). Plutarch men-
tions the neck together with the moist (hygrotes) eyes, a physiognomic feature of positive
value, and stresses the king’s leontodes, (‘lion-likeness’). According to the physiognomist
Polemo (ca 88-ca 145), the leonine man was of moderate stature, of fair complexion tinged
with red and his eyes were moist and shining. 73 This recalls in a general way the cliché-like
descriptions of Alexander. But rather than negative traits, in physiognomical thinking moder-
ate stature and fair complexion are to be interpreted in a positive manner.
In contrast to modern-day mass-media coverage of royalty, the majority of the inhabitants
in the vast Hellenistic empire would never have been eye to eye with their ruler. Thus they
would never have experienced in person what Alexander actually looked like. They knew
him primarily from visual images ranging from the statues that were set up all over the em-
pire, to coins that were even more profusely distributed.74 At all events, rather than verisimili-
tude and a realistic representation of physical appearance, it was important to present a con-

69
Zanker 1989; Sande 1995.
70
Garland 1995, 2.
71
Hölscher 2009, 55, for the design of Alexander’s image as that of a young hero.
72
Guépin 1964; Kiilerich 1988, 51-66; Kiilerich 1993, 87-88.
73
For Polemo, see Evans 1941; Evans 1950, 280; Swain 2007, 19-226. For the importance of the eye and vision, see
Plantzos 1999-2000, who notes the emphasis on the eye in the Alexander mosaic, gems and coins.
74
Philostratus mentions golden statues of Alexander near Taxila, in present Pakistan (Vit. Apoll. 2.24.; 2.42), and bronze
tablets displaying the exploits of the Indian king Porus and Alexander wrought in orichalcus, silver and gold in a temple
at Taxila (2.20); Stewart 1993,179-80, 400: T127.
14 BENTE KIILERICH

vincing image of the king’s arête, his manliness and noble character. Therefore, no matter
what defects and deformities Alexander may have suffered from, his images would not have
been required to reveal them. How then can the exaggerated head posture of some of his rep-
resentations be understood?

Artistic explanations of the twisted neck

Of the tilted heads, the posthumous marble found at Yannitsa, some 6 km from the royal
capital Pella, is likely to derive from a local tradition. However, since bronze was the fa-
voured material for male portrait-statues, there is little reason to believe that this marble, bro-
ken off at the neck, belonged to a freestanding statue (see F IG. 5a). It is most likely a frag-
ment of a two- or multi-figural composition.75 It is therefore conceivable that some other
fortuitously preserved tilted heads originally belonged in a narrative and dramatic context. In
such narrative settings, the protagonist is unlikely to have been depicted en face. Due to the
action – say a lion hunt or a battle scene – Alexander would have been represented in an ac-
tive pose with head in three-quarter or full
profile view, turned to the side or upwards
in order to intimate action. A turn of the
head, whether to the side or upwards,
gives the figure a more dynamic appear-
ance; but viewed out of context, as a
fragment in a museum, the physiognomy
will often appear somewhat disjointed. An
example of this is the Alexandrian portrait
in Copenhagen mentioned above (see F IG.
4). Alexander displays a dynamic turn, but
there is nothing ‘abnormal’ in the posture.
Moreover, when the sculpture is seen from
below in a low-angle view, the figure
appears more powerful. 76
FIG. 1 0 – Head from the Temple of Athena Alea, Tegea.
Ca 350 BC. Athens, National Archaeological Museum Sculptures from various contexts, such
(photo: author). as the pediments of the Temple of Athena
Alea at Tegea, ca 350 BC, show vigorous-
ly turned and tilted heads (F IG. 10).77 Because the pose in the pediment sculptures is condi-
tioned by the dynamic narrative, it can be interpreted as a highly conscious and mannered
attitude. The upturned head pose is characteristic also of some of the ivory heads from Tomb
II at Vergina and from other Macedonian tombs. 78 The bodies being lost, it is impossible to
reconstruct the original compositions, but narratives of some sort can be imagined. Alexan-
der’s exaggerated head posture can therefore be understood in light of artistic trends in the

75
For group compositions with figures in action, see, e.g., Calcani 1989; Calcani 1993; Moreno 1993.
76
Kraft 1987.
77
Athens, National Archaeological Museum and Tegea, Archaeological Museum; Stewart 1977.
78
Andronikos 1988, figs. 76-86. Ivories from a tomb at Korinos, ca 325-300, Alfano 1995, 200-201.
 THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 15

fourth century, as a pose adopted in order to visualize his ‘drive’ and dynamic personality. 79
However, this feature could have a more specific iconographic origin.

Alexander and Helios

The public images of Alexander the Great adopted traits from several gods and heroes such as
his role models Achilles and Herakles. 80 This carefully contrived imagery could be varied
according to the intended public. The numismatic evidence shows a range of possibilities: the
king’s head clad in Herakles’ lion pelt, in a Dionysian elephant’s scalp (exuvia), and most
famously with the ram’s horns of Amun. 81 An Alexander-Pan association also existed, as
presented in a large statuette of a naked youth at Pella: the head is that of Alexander while
two small horns and a tail point to Pan. 82 In some instances, it is uncertain whether Alexander
lent his features to the divinity, or whether Alexander borrowed divine features and attributes.
It has, for instance, been argued that Lysippos’ statue of Zeus from Nemea, possibly with
upturned head, derived this pose from Alexander’s iconography. 83 Another significant divine
component was that of Helios.84 Since preserved images of Alexander/Helios are compara-
tively late, or difficult to date with precision, it is debated whether Alexander’s iconography
was influenced by that of Helios or whether it was the other way round. 85
When Alexander conquered the Indus region in 326, he is said to have sacrificed to Helios
as the God who had given him the lands of the East.86 Golden statues of Alexander were al-
legedly set up in the sanctuary of the Sun at Taxila, in present Pakistan. 87 It was also claimed
that the sun never shone on the lands he did not conquer.88 Some of Alexander’s successors
were likened to the sun, thus Demetrios of Phaleron was heliomorphos, Antigonos was ‘son
of the Sun’ and Demetrios Poliorketes ‘the sun among the stars’.89
Alexander conquered Egypt in 332. Since all pharaohs were perceived as son of Ra (son
of the Sun) – for long identified with Amun-Ra – as the ruler of Egypt, Alexander was auto-
matically associated with the Sun. A late Hellenistic alabaster statuette from Egypt (Brook-
lyn) with a curly mane of hair, head turn and upward gaze has seven holes for the rays of the
Sun. There seems little doubt that it represents Alexander as Helios. 90 Unfortunately it cannot
be dated with precision. A chronological fix point for ruler/Sun association may however be

79
L’Orange 1947, 19-27, emphasizes Alexander’s heavenward gaze as a spiritual expression of his yearning (pothos);
similarly Pollitt 1986, 29, sees the turn of the neck and the upward gaze as expressions of Alexander’s aspiring personality.
80
For instance, Tondriau 1949; Antela-Bernárdez 2007, discussing Achilles, Heracles and Dionysos.
81
For the coins, see Price 1991. A solar symbolism of the elephant is noted by Turcan 1966, 466.
82
Moreno 1995, cat. 106; Laubscher 1985.
83
Lichtenberger 2013.
84
L’Orange 1947, 33-37; Hoffmann 1963; Kiilerich 1993, 88-89; Schörner 2001; Trofimova 2012, esp. chap. VI, 103-
23, discussing Alexander’s influence on the imagery of Helios, Herakles, Dionysos and Achilles.
85
Hoffmann 1963, 122: ‘it is impossible to say for certain in every instance whether Alexander has been idealized as
Helios, or whether Helios has been assimilated to the type established for Alexander’. L’Orange 1947, 33 -37, implies
that Alexander’s image was influenced by that of Helios; in contrast, Hölscher 1976, 37; Stewart 1993, 180; Schörner
2001; Hölscher 2009, 71, find that Helios was influenced by Alexander.
86
Diod. 17.89; Curt. 9.1.1.
87
Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 2.24.; 2.4.
88
Plut. Mor. 330D.
89
Epithets: L’Orange 1947, 35.
90
Grimm 1998, 18-19, with colour photo.
16 BENTE KIILERICH

furnished by a small image of Ptolemy I Soter (323-305, and from 305-285 king of Egypt),
with his head encircled by rays. As Günter Grimm states: Ptolemy took over the divine at-
tributes of Alexander, including ‘der Strahlenkranz des Helios’. 91 Since the Macedonian Ptol-
emy ca 305/285 is represented in the guise of the sun, it is reasonable to assume that his great
predecessor Alexander was conceived as ‘Alexander-Helios’ in the Egyptian realm. Alexan-
der is depicted as Amun-Ra, the sun god with hm-hm crown in a bronze bust of uncertain
date, while on a monumental scale he stands as pharaoh next to Amun in a relief in the god’s
temple at Luxor.92
As far as the Greek realm is concerned, one extant image is eloquent: The Sun-god in his
chariot is depicted on a metope from the Temple of Athena at Ilion (Troy), which was built
around or shortly after 300 BC. With sturdy neck, upturned head, deep-set eyes, clouded
brow and full upswept hair, Helios has unmistakable Alexander-like features.93 As in the
duck-rabbit picture, the image may shift from ‘Helios’ to ‘Alexander’; it can be taken as He-
lios in the guise of Alexander or Alexander in the guise of Helios, that is a crypto-portrait of
the ruler. That Alexander here lent his features to Helios is in keeping with the fact that the
king had promised to build a new temple at Ilion, a project realized by his successor Ly-
simachos (305-282).94
Lysippos was especially noted for the bronze statue of Helios in his chariot he made for
the Rhodians, incidentally mentioned by Pliny right before he mentions Lysippos’ many por-
traits of Alexander (‘Nobilitatur Lysippus .. in primis vero quadriga cum Sole Rhodiorum.
Fecit et Alexandrum Magnum multis operibus’, NH 34.63). As for the date, historical cir-
cumstances render 331 as a likely post quem for Lysippos’ Helios.95 This composition is rec-
orded on the island’s amphora stamps. As in the Ilion metope, the horses are shown in three-
quarter profile view, and Helios’ dress is fluttering in the air to indicate his strong movement.
It is difficult to make out details of Helios’ head in the tiny image, but he appears to turn his
head upwards in a near frontal view. 96 Lysippos’ pupil Chares from Rhodes was the creator of
the famous bronze Colossus of Helios, one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world. 97 An
over life-size marble head, recognizable as the patron god of the Rhodians from the holes for
rays added in bronze, has been found on Rhodes (F IG. 11 a, b, c).98 Since this third- to sec-
ond-century sculpture is not worked in the round and has a large hole in the back, it must
have belonged to an architectural context. This context is generally believed to be the pedi-
ment of the temple of Helios. As at Ilion and as in Lysippos’ lost composition, the Sun-god
was

91
Grimm 1998, 63, fig. 62; 66. See, however, Bergmann 1998, who holds that rays were infrequent in Alexander’s
portraiture.
92
Pfrommer 1999, fig. 31 and fig. 42; Winter 2005.
93
Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Pergamonmuseum, inv. no. 9582; Goethert & Schleif 1962; Holden 1964, 6 -18; Jucker
1969; Kunze 1992, 190-91, no. 85; Moreno 1995, 184, no. 4.26.3.
94
Strabo 13.1.26.
95
See Moreno 2004 b, 468 (with references).
96
Pliny, NH 34.63; Holden 1964, pl. IV, fig. 6 (Athens, Agora museum); Moreno 1995, 398-401.
97
Pliny, NH 34.41; Higgins 1989; Hoepfner 2000.
98
Rhodos, Archaeological Museum, no. E 49 (55 cm); Konstantinopoulos 1977, no. 144, p. 86-88, with fig. 12 on p. 85;
Pollitt 1986, 55, fig. 48.
THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 17

FIG. 1 1 – Helios from Rhodes. Third century BC.

Rhodes, Archaeological Museum, no. E 49 (photo:
author).
18 BENTE KIILERICH

was presumably originally depicted in

a quadriga.99 His head displays a
marked tilt. The Sun rises in the east
and moves across the sky. To show
this movement, Helios’ head is vigor-
ously turned and so inevitably ac-
quires a tilt. It is close at hand to see in
the Helios marble a reflection of the
two famous bronze Helioi, that of
Chares and that of Lysippos.100 The
question then is: did Lysippos’ Helios
borrow the neck pose from Alexan-
der’s image, or did the artist, when
fashioning the image of the ‘heaven-
ward-gazing’ Alexander, adopt the
Sun-god’s turn towards the sky?
While current scholarship favours the
notion of the ruler lending his features
to the divinity, if the origin of the pose
is Lysippic, the influence may have
been reciprocal. At any event, the
upward turn was well suited to express
the drive and energy (dynamis) of the
FIG. 1 2 – Alexander-Helios. Roman period. Rome, Museo young ruler.101
Capitolino, inv.no. 732 (photo: author).
The vigorous head posture became
one of many potential ingredients in
Alexander’s portraiture. In later periods this trait was at times grossly exaggerated, just as the
fullness of the hair could be blown out of proportion and romanticized, as in the Capitoline
head (F IG. 12). Since many other rulers and their followers were subsequently depicted with
tilted heads, the fashion apparently caught on. Emperor Augustus was sometimes represented
with his head inclined, one example being the marble portrait from La Alcudia on Mallor-
ca.102 Hadrian was also portrayed with a vigorous tilt, a portrait from his villa at Tivoli em-
bodying the trend. In a different vein, Caracalla went for a strong head turn and imitated Al-
exander’s trux frons, his cloudy brow. 103 Constantine the Great adopted the heavenward gaze
– without head turn – and became closely associated with the Sun. 104

99
For the excavation of the site of the Temple of Helios, see Lojacono 1936, 245-287.
100
Pollitt 1986, 55: ‘The head’s turbulent shock of hair and turn of the neck are reminiscent of the Lysippan Alexander
portraits’.
101
Stewart 1993, 334, refers to ‘the dynamis of the sun-king’.
102
For Augustus’ portraits, see, e.g., Vierneisel & Zanker 1979. Alcudia head: Zanker 1990, 43, fig. 33.
103
Castritius 1988; Hannestad 1993, with Hadrian, 65, fig. 5; Kühnen 2008.
104
See, e.g., Wallraff 2001; Bergmann 2006.
 THE HEAD POSTURE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 19

Conclusion
Based on the visual and written sources, physicians from the mid-nineteenth century till today
have diagnosed Alexander the Great with congenital muscular torticollis or ocular torticollis.
It has further been suggested by archaeologists that the creators of Alexander’s official por-
trait could have reinterpreted the alleged cervical neck deformity by giving it a positive turn
or twist. I have argued here that in view of the negative attitude to physical disabilities in
antiquity, and in view of the symbolic rather than realistic nature of Alexander’s public im-
age, it is unlikely that artists would have depicted a ruler who was meant to be perceived as
physically strong and able-bodied as in any way physically impaired. It seems equally unlike-
ly that the image-conscious Roman emperors Augustus and Hadrian would have been depict-
ed with their heads tilted in the manner of Alexander, had the presentational mode been based
on a medical condition. Thus although in certain portraits Alexander’s ‘heroic turn’, when
seen out of context, may appear not dissimilar to the medical condition torticollis, the most
plausible explanation is that the twisted turn is a carefully contrived pose. If the Rhodian
marble head of Helios reflects Lysippos’ work, it is reasonable to propose that Lysippos used
this twisted pose both for his Helios and for his heavenward gazing Alexander. At all events,
it was not because of neck problems that the great Alexander vigorously turned his head and
raised his gaze in effigy: it was an outward sign of the young ruler’s energetic and dynamic
temperament.

Bente Kiilerich
University of Bergen
Dept of Linguistic, Literary and Aesthetic Studies
Pb. 7805, N-5020 Bergen
[email protected]
20 BENTE KIILERICH

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