JS Bach
JS Bach
JS Bach
https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.6002278195
Published in print: 20 January 2001
Published online: 2001
(24) (b Eisenach, March 21, 1685; d Leipzig, July 28, 1750). Composer and organist. The most
important member of the family, his genius combined outstanding performing musicianship with
supreme creative powers in which forceful and original inventiveness, technical mastery and
intellectual control are perfectly balanced. While it was in the former capacity, as a keyboard virtuoso,
that in his lifetime he acquired an almost legendary fame, it is the latter virtues and accomplishments,
as a composer, that by the end of the 18th century earned him a unique historical position. His musical
language was distinctive and extraordinarily varied, drawing together and surmounting the
techniques, the styles and the general achievements of his own and earlier generations and leading on
to new perspectives which later ages have received and understood in a great variety of ways.
The first authentic posthumous account of his life, with a summary catalogue of his works, was put
together by his son Carl Philipp Emanuel and his pupil J.F. Agricola soon after his death and certainly
before March 1751 (published as Nekrolog, 1754). J.N. Forkel planned a detailed Bach biography in the
early 1770s and carefully collected first-hand information on Bach, chiefly from his two eldest sons; the
book appeared in 1802, by when the Bach Revival had begun and various projected collected editions
of Bach’s works were under way; it continues to serve, together with the 1754 obituary and the other
18th-century documents, as the foundation of Bach biography.
1. Childhood.
Walter Emery, revised by Christoph Wolff
The parents of Johann Sebastian were Johann Ambrosius Bach (11) and Maria Elisabeth Lämmerhirt
(1644–94), daughter of a furrier and town councillor in Erfurt, Valentin Lämmerhirt (d 1665). Another
Lämmerhirt daughter became the mother of Bach’s cousin J.G. Walther, suggesting that Lämmerhirt
blood was perhaps not unimportant for the musical talents of the Bach family’s greatest son.
Elisabeth’s elder half-sister Hedwig Lämmerhirt was the second wife of Ambrosius Bach’s uncle,
Johann Bach (4), organist of the Predigerkirche in Erfurt. Elisabeth and Ambrosius, who had worked in
Eisenach since 1671 as Hausmann and also as a musician at the ducal court of Saxe-Eisenach, were
married on 8 April 1668, and had eight children, five of whom survived infancy; as well as Johann
Sebastian, the last, these were three sons (nos. 22, 71 and 23) and a daughter, Maria Salome. The date
of Johann Sebastian’s birth, 21 March 1685, was carefully recorded by Walther in his Lexicon, by
Sebastian himself in the family genealogy, and by his son as the co-author of the obituary. It is
supported by the date of baptism (23 March; these dates are old-style) in the register of St Georg. His
godfathers were Johann Georg Koch, a forestry official, and Sebastian Nagel, a Gotha Stadtpfeifer. The
house of his birth no longer stands; it is not the handsome old structure (Frauenplan 21) acquired by
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After the time of the Reformation all children in Eisenach were obliged to go to school between the
ages of five and 12, and (although there is no documentary evidence of it) Sebastian must have entered
one of the town’s German schools in 1690. From 1692 he attended the Lateinschule (as had Luther,
also an Eisenach boy); this offered a sound humanistic and theological education. At Easter 1693 he
was 47th in the fifth class, having been absent 96 half-days; in 1694 he lost 59 half-days, but rose to
14th and was promoted; at Easter 1695 he was 23rd in the fourth class, in spite of having lost 103 half-
days (perhaps owing to illness, but probably also to the deaths of his parents). He stood one or two
places above his brother Jacob, who was three years older and less frequently absent. Nothing more is
known about his Eisenach career; but he is said to have been an unusually good treble and probably
sang under Kantor A.C. Dedekind at St Georg, where his father made instrumental music before and
after the sermon and where his relation (2) Johann Christoph Bach (13) was organist. His musical
education is matter for conjecture; presumably his father taught him the rudiments of string playing,
but (according to Emanuel) he had no formal tuition on keyboard instruments until he went to Ohrdruf.
He later described Johann Christoph as ‘a profound composer’; no doubt he was impressed by the
latter’s organ playing as well as by his compositions.
Elisabeth Bach was buried on 3 May 1694, and on 27 November Ambrosius married Barbara
Margaretha, née Keul, the daughter of a former mayor of Arnstadt. Aged 35, she had already been
twice widowed. Her first husband had been a musician, Johann Günther Bach (15), and her second a
theologian, Jacobus Bartholomaei (both marriages had taken place in Arnstadt), and she brought to her
third marriage two little daughters, Catharina Margareta and Christina Maria, one by each of her
earlier husbands. A month before Ambrosius's own second marriage, on 23 October 1694, he and his
family had celebrated the wedding of the eldest son, Johann Christoph (22) in Ohrdruf. The music on
that occasion was by Ambrosius Bach, Johann Pachelbel from nearby Gotha and other friends and
family members. This was probably the only occasion on which the then nine-year-old Sebastian met
Pachelbel, his brother’s teacher. Barely three months after re-marrying, on 20 February 1695,
Ambrosius Bach died after a long and serious illness. On 4 March the widow appealed to the town
council for help; but she received only her legal due, and the household broke up. Sebastian and Jacob
were taken in by their elder brother Johann Christoph, organist at Ohrdruf.
Both were sent to the Lyceum. Jacob left at the age of 14 to be apprenticed to his father’s successor at
Eisenach; Sebastian stayed on until 1700, when he was nearly 15, and thus came under the influence
of an exceptionally enlightened curriculum. Inspired by the educationist Comenius, it embraced
religion, reading, writing, arithmetic, singing, history and natural science. Sebastian entered the
fourth class probably about March 1695, and was promoted to the third in July: on 20 July 1696 he was
first among the seven new boys and fourth in the class; on 19 July 1697 he was first, and was promoted
to the second class; on 13 July 1698 he was fifth; on 24 July 1699 second, and promoted to the first
class, in which he was fourth when he left the school on 15 March 1700 and went to Lüneburg.
In the obituary Emanuel stated that his father had his first keyboard lessons from Christoph, at
Ohrdruf; in 1775, replying to Forkel, he said that Christoph might have trained him simply as an
organist, and that Sebastian became ‘a pure and strong fuguist’ through his own efforts. That is likely
enough; Christoph is not known to have been a composer. Several early biographers told the story of
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No documentary evidence exists to establish when Bach started to compose, but it is reasonable to
suppose that it was while he lived in Ohrdruf – not least because other contemporaries, and his own
sons in due course, began composing original music before reaching the age of 15. The earliest organ
chorales in the Neumeister manuscript, as well as such works as BWV749, 750 and 756, provide
plausible examples of pieces composed before and around 1700. They are characterized by sound
craftsmanship, observance of models provided by Pachelbel (his teacher’s teacher) and everywhere the
sense of an endeavour to break away from musical conventions and find independent answers.
2. Lüneburg.
Walter Emery, revised by Christoph Wolff
According to the school register, Sebastian left Ohrdruf ‘ob defectum hospitiorum’ (‘for lack of board
and lodging’); clearly Christoph no longer had room for his brother. Since the latter’s arrival he had
had two children; by March 1700 a third was expected; and (if local tradition can be trusted) his house,
now destroyed, was a mere cottage. The brothers’ problem seems to have been solved by Elias Herda,
Kantor and a master at the Lyceum. He had been educated at Lüneburg, and no doubt it was he who
arranged for Sebastian to go north; probably he similarly helped Georg Erdmann, a fellow pupil of
Sebastian’s, three years older, who left the school just before Bach (for the same reason). According to
the obituary they travelled together. They must have reached Lüneburg before the end of March for
both were entered in the register of the Mettenchor (Matins choir) by 3 April 1700 and probably sang
in it within a matter of days for Holy Week and Easter.
The Michaeliskirche, Lüneburg, had two schools associated with it: a Ritteracademie for young
noblemen, and the Michaelisschule for commoners. There were also two choirs: the ‘chorus
symphoniacus’ of about 25 voices was led by the Mettenchor, which numbered about 15, and was
limited to poor boys. Members of the Mettenchor received free schooling at the Michaelisschule, up to
1 thaler per month according to seniority, their keep, and a share in fees for weddings and other
occasions (Bach’s share in 1700 has been put at 14 marks). From the arrangement of the pay-sheets it
has been deduced that they were both trebles. Bach was welcomed for his unusually fine voice; but it
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At school, Bach’s studies embraced orthodox Lutheranism, logic, rhetoric, Latin and Greek, arithmetic,
history, geography and German poetry. The Kantor was August Braun, whose compositions have
disappeared; the organist, F.C. Morhard, was a nonentity. The organ was repaired in 1701 by J.B. Held,
who had worked at Hamburg and Lübeck; he lodged in the school, and may have taught Bach
something about organ building. There was a fine music library, which had been carefully kept up to
date; but whether choirboys were allowed to consult it is uncertain. If Braun made good use of it, Bach
must have learnt a good deal from the music he had to perform; but his chief interests probably lay
outside the school. At the Nikolaikirche was J.J. Löwe (1629–1703), distinguished but elderly. The
Johanniskirche was another matter, for there the organist was Georg Böhm (1661–1733), who is
generally agreed to have influenced Bach. It has been argued that the organist of the Johanniskirche
would not have been accessible to a scholar of the Michaelisschule, since the two choirs were not on
good terms, and that Bach’s knowledge of Böhm’s music must have come later, through J.G. Walther.
But Emanuel Bach stated in writing that his father had studied Böhm’s music; and a correction in a
note to Forkel shows that his first thought was to say that Böhm had been his father’s teacher. This
hint is supported by the fact that in 1727 Bach named Böhm as his northern agent for the sale of
Partitas nos.2 and 3. That seems to imply that the two were on friendly terms; it is likelier that they
became so between 1700 and 1702 than at any later date.
Bach went more than once to Hamburg, some 50 km away; probably he visited his cousin Johann Ernst
(25), who was evidently studying there about this time. The suggestion that he went to hear Vincent
Lübeck cannot be taken seriously, for Lübeck did not go to Hamburg until August 1702, by which time
Bach had almost certainly left the area. He may have visited the Hamburg Opera, then directed by
Reinhard Keiser, whose St Mark Passion he performed during the early Weimar years and again in
1726; but there is no solid evidence that he was interested in anything but the organ and in particular
the organist of St Katharinen, J.A. Reincken, whose influence on the young Bach as both theorist and
practitioner it would be difficult to overestimate. Marpurg’s familiar anecdote makes the point neatly:
how Bach, returning almost penniless to Lüneburg, once rested outside an inn; how someone threw
two herring heads out on the rubbish heap; how Bach – a Thuringian, to whom fish were a delicacy –
picked them up to see if any portion were edible; how he found that they contained two Danish ducats,
and was thus able not only to have a meal, but also ‘to undertake another and a more comfortable
pilgrimage to Herr Reincken’.
J.A. Reincken (?1623–1722), a pupil of Sweelinck and organist of St Katharinen since 1663, was a
father figure of the north German school. Böhm may have advised Bach to hear him; and his showy
playing, exploiting all the resources of the organ, must have been a revelation to one brought up in the
reticent tradition of the south. As for the organ itself, Bach never forgot it; in later years he described
it as excellent in every way, said that the 32′ Principal was the best he had ever heard, and never tired
of praising the 16′ reeds. Whether he actually met Reincken before 1720 is uncertain. If he did,
Reincken might have given him a copy of his sonatas; Bach’s reworkings of them (the keyboard pieces
BWV954, 965 and 966) are more likely to have been made soon after 1700 than 20 years later, when
Bach no longer needed to teach himself composition.
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The date of Bach’s departure from Lüneburg is not known, but we may suppose that he completed his
final school year after two years and left school at Easter 1702. It seems unlikely that he remained in
Lüneburg for any length of time after that, for he left without hearing Buxtehude and took
extraordinary pains to do so in winter 1705–6. He probably visited relatives in Thuringia after Easter
1702. All that is definitely known is that he competed successfully for the vacant post of organist at St
Jacobi in Sangerhausen (the organist was buried on 9 July), but the Duke of Weissenfels intervened and
had J.A. Kobelius, a somewhat older man, appointed in November. Bach is next heard of at Weimar,
where he was employed at the court as a musician for the first two quarters of 1703; the court
accounts have him down as a lackey, but he described himself as a ‘Hofmusikant’ (court musician) in
the Ursprung. This was at the minor Weimar court, that of Duke Johann Ernst, younger brother of the
Duke Wilhelm Ernst whom Bach served from 1708 to 1717. Possibly the Duke of Weissenfels, having
refused to accept Bach at Sangerhausen, found work for him at Weimar; another possibility is that
Bach owed his appointment to a distant relation of his, David Hoffmann, another lackey-musician.
Of the musicians with whom Bach now became associated, three are worth mentioning. G.C. Strattner
(c1644–1704), a tenor, became vice-Kapellmeister in 1695, and composed in a post-Schütz style. J.P.
von Westhoff (1656–1705) was a fine violinist and had travelled widely, apparently as a diplomat, and is
said to have been the first to compose a suite for unaccompanied violin (1683). Johann Effler (c1640–
1711) was the court organist: he had held posts at Gehren and Erfurt (where Pachelbel was his
successor) before coming in 1678 to Weimar, where about 1690 he moved to the court. He may have
been willing to hand over some of his duties to Bach, and probably did something of the kind, for a
document of 13 July 1703 at Arnstadt, where Bach next moved, describes Bach as court organist at
Weimar – a post that was not officially his until 1708.
3. Arnstadt.
Walter Emery, revised by Christoph Wolff
The Bonifaciuskirche at Arnstadt had burnt down in 1581, and was subsequently rebuilt in 1676–83; it
then became known as the Neue Kirche, and so remained until 1935, when it was renamed after Bach.
In 1699 J.F. Wender contracted to build an organ, which by the end of 1701 had become usable; on 1
January 1702 Andreas Börner was formally appointed organist. The organ was complete by June 1703,
and was examined before 3 July; there were more examiners than one, but only Bach was named and
paid, and it was he who ‘played the organ for the first time’. The result was that on 9 August Bach was
offered the post over Börner’s head; at the same time, ‘to prevent any such “collisions” as are to be
feared’, Börner was given other work. Bach accepted the post ‘by handshake’ on 14 August 1703. The
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Bach was in no position to put on elaborate music at Arnstadt. The Neue Kirche, like the other
churches, drew performers from two groups of schoolboys and senior students. Only one of these
groups was capable of singing cantatas; it was supposed to go to the Neue Kirche monthly in the
summer, but there does not appear to have been a duty roster. The performers naturally tended to go
to the churches that had an established tradition and friendly organists; and Bach had no authority to
prevent this, for he was not a schoolmaster and was younger than many of the students. Further, he
never had much patience with the semi-competent, and was apt to alienate them by making offensive
remarks. One result was his scuffle with J.H. Geyersbach (b 1682). On 4 August 1705 he and his cousin
Barbara, elder sister (aged 26) to his future wife, fell in with six students who had been to a
christening feast; one of these was Geyersbach, who asked why Bach had insulted him (or his bassoon),
and struck him in the face with a stick. Bach drew his sword, but another student separated them.
Bach complained to the consistory that it would be unsafe for him to go about the streets if Geyersbach
were not punished, and an inquiry was held. The consistory told Bach that he ought not to have
insulted Geyersbach and should try to live peaceably with the students; further, he was not (as he
claimed) responsible only for the chorales but was expected to help with all kinds of music. Bach
replied that if a musical director were appointed, he would be willing enough.
Bach, unimpressed, asked for four weeks’ leave, and set off for Lübeck – ‘what is more, on foot’, says
the obituary, adding that he had an overwhelming desire to hear Buxtehude. Dates and distance cast
some doubts on his straightforwardness. He left Arnstadt about 18 October, and was therefore due to
be back, or well on his way back, by about 15 November; he would thus have been unable to hear even
the first of Buxtehude’s special services, which were given on various dates from 15 November to 20
December. Perhaps, like Mattheson and Handel before him, he went primarily to see if there was any
chance of succeeding Buxtehude, and was put off by the prospect of marrying Buxtehude’s daughter,
aged 30; in any case, by 1705 there was a rival in the field. However that may be, he stayed almost
three months at Lübeck, and was absent altogether for about 16 weeks, not returning to Arnstadt until
shortly before 7 February 1706, when he communicated.
On 21 February the consistory asked Bach why he had been away for so long; his replies were
unsatisfactory and barely civil. They next complained that his accompaniments to chorales were too
elaborate for congregational singing, and that he still refused to collaborate with the students in
producing cantatas; further, they could not provide a Kapellmeister for him, and if he continued to
refuse they would have to find someone more amenable. Bach repeated his demand for a musical
director, and was ordered to apologize within eight days. From the next case that the consistory heard
that day it seems that there had been actual ‘disordres’ in the church between Bach and the students.
There is no evidence that Bach apologized, and the consistory dropped the matter for eight months.
They brought it up again on 11 November, and Bach undertook to answer them in writing. They also
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Neither Bach nor the consistory took further action; no doubt they saw that the problem would soon
solve itself. Probably Bach had come back from Lübeck with exalted ideas about church music,
requiring facilities that Arnstadt could not provide. His ability was becoming known; on 28 November
he helped to examine an organ at Langewiesen. Forkel said that various posts were offered to him; and
with the death of J.G. Ahle, on 2 December, a sufficiently attractive vacancy seemed to have arisen.
4. Mühlhausen.
Walter Emery, revised by Christoph Wolff
Ahle had been a city councillor of Mühlhausen, organist of St Blasius and a composer of minor rank.
Musical standards had fallen during his tenure of office, but the post was a respectable one and
various candidates gave trial performances. One was to have been J.G. Walther, the future
lexicographer; he sent in two compositions for 27 February 1707 (Sexagesima), but withdrew after
being told privately that he had no hope. Bach played at Easter (24 April) and may have performed
Cantata no.4. At the city council meeting on 24 May no other name was considered, and on 14 June
Bach was interviewed. He asked for the same salary that he was receiving at Arnstadt (some 20 gulden
more than Ahle’s); the councillors agreed, and an agreement was signed on 15 June. At Arnstadt his
success became known; his cousin Johann Ernst (25) and his predecessor Börner applied for the Neue
Kirche on 22 and 23 June. He resigned formally on 29 June, and presumably moved to Mühlhausen
within a few days. It was perhaps in July that he wrote Cantata no.131; this was clearly intended for a
penitential service, perhaps connected with a disastrous fire of 30 May. It was not Bach’s own Pastor
Frohne who commissioned this cantata, but Pastor Eilmar of the Marienkirche – a fact whose possible
significance will be seen later. Bach’s responsibilities in Mühlhausen included also the convent of
Augustinian nuns where there was an organ by Wender without pedals; his principal duty there was to
play for special services.
On 10 August 1707 Tobias Lämmerhirt, Bach’s maternal uncle, died at Erfurt. He left Bach 50 gulden,
more than half his salary, and thus facilitated his marriage to Maria Barbara (b 20 Oct 1684), daughter
of (3) Johann Michael Bach (14) and Catharina Wedemann. The wedding took place on 17 October at
Dornheim, a village near Arnstadt; the pastor, J.L. Stauber (1660–1723), was a friend of the family and
himself married Regina Wedemann on 5 June 1708. Pupils began to come to Bach at about this time, or
perhaps even earlier. J.M. Schubart (1690–1721) is said to have been with him from 1707 to 1717, and
J.C. Vogler (1696–1763) to have arrived at the age of ten (at Arnstadt), to have left for a time, and to
have returned from about 1710 until 1715. These two were his immediate successors at Weimar; from
their time onwards he was never without pupils.
On 4 February 1708 the annual change of council took place, and Cantata no.71 was performed. It
must have made an impression, for the council printed not only the libretto, as was usual, but also the
music. Bach next drew up a plan for repairing and enlarging the St Blasius organ; the council
considered this on 21 February, and decided to act on it. Cantata no.196 may have been written for
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No doubt the larger salary at Weimar was an attraction, particularly as Bach’s wife was pregnant. But
it is clear, even from his tactful letter to these councillors who had treated him well, that there were
other reasons for leaving. He said that he had encouraged ‘well-regulated church music’ not only in his
own church, but also in the surrounding villages, where the harmony was often ‘better than that
cultivated here’ (Spitta found a fragment, BWV223, at nearby Langula). He had also gone to some
expense to collect ‘the choicest sacred music’. But in all this members of his own congregation had
opposed him, and were not likely to stop. Some people no doubt disliked the type of music that he was
trying to introduce. Further, Pastor Frohne may have distrusted his organist; an active Pietist, he was
at daggers drawn with the orthodox Pastor Eilmar of the Marienkirche – Bach had begun his
Mühlhausen career by working with Eilmar, and they had become intimate enough for Eilmar and his
daughter to be godparents to Bach’s first two children.
The council considered his letter on 26 June and reluctantly let him go, asking him only to supervise
the organ building at St Blasius. However badly Bach may have got on with his congregation, he was
evidently on good terms with the council. They paid him to come and perform a cantata at the council
service in 1709, and possibly also in 1710 (all trace of these works is lost). In 1735 he negotiated on
friendly terms with the new council on behalf of his son Johann Gottfried Bernhard (47). He is not
known to have been paid for supervising or opening the St Blasius organ, but he may have done so.
5. Weimar.
Walter Emery, revised by Christoph Wolff
When he announced his resignation from Mühlhausen, Bach said that he had been appointed to the
Duke of Weimar’s ‘Capelle und Kammermusik’, and it was long thought that he did not become
organist at once. In fact, Weimar documents show that on 14 July 1708, when his ‘reception money’
was paid over, he was called ‘the newly appointed court organist’, and that he was almost always so
called until March 1714, when he became Konzertmeister as well. Effler, it seems, was pensioned off
on full salary (130 florins); on 24 December 1709 he received a small gift as ‘an old sick servant’, and
he died at Jena on 4 April 1711.
It is said that Bach wrote most of his organ works at Weimar, and that the duke took pleasure in his
playing. His salary was from the outset larger than Effler’s (150 florins, plus some allowances); it was
increased to 200 from Michaelmas 1711, 215 from June 1713, and 250 on his promotion in 1714. On 20
March 1715 it was ordered that his share of casual fees was to be the same as the Kapellmeister’s.
Moreover, he seems to have had a fair amount of spare time, in which, for instance, to cultivate the
acquaintance of Telemann while the latter was at Eisenach (1708–12). Together with the violinist
Pisendel he copied a concerto in G of Telemann’s (D-Dl), probably during Pisendel’s visit to Weimar in
1709.
Six of Bach’s children were born at Weimar: Catharina (bap. 29 Dec 1708; d 14 Jan 1774); (8) Wilhelm
Friedemann (45) (b 22 Nov 1710); twins (b 23 Feb 1713; both died in a few days); (9) Carl Philipp
Emanuel (46) (b 8 March 1714); and Johann Gottfried Bernhard (47) (b 11 May 1715). The various
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On 13 March 1709 Bach, his wife, and one of her sisters (probably the eldest, Friedelena, who died at
Leipzig in 1729) were living with Adam Immanuel Weldig, a falsettist and Master of the Pages. They
probably stayed there until August 1713, when Weldig gave up his house, having secured a similar post
at Weissenfels. Weldig was godfather to Emanuel; Bach (by proxy) to a son of Weldig’s in 1714.
Weldig’s house was destroyed in 1944; where Bach lived before and after the given dates is not known.
Since 29 July 1707, J.G. Walther (the lexicographer) had been organist of the Stadtkirche; he was
related to Bach through his mother, a Lämmerhirt, and the two became friendly. On 27 September
1712 Bach stood godfather to Walther’s son. Forkel told a story of how Walther played a trick on Bach,
to cure him of boasting that there was nothing he could not read at sight. Their relations did not
deteriorate, as Spitta supposed; in 1735 Bach negotiated on Walther’s behalf with the Leipzig publisher
J.G. Krügner, and Walther’s references to Bach in his letters to Bokemeyer carry no suggestion of any
coolness. From one such letter it seems that during his nine years at Weimar Bach gave Walther some
200 pieces of music, some by Buxtehude, others compositions of his own.
Of Bach’s pupils, Schubart and Vogler have already been mentioned. The pupil for whom Bach was
paid by Ernst August’s account in 1711–12 was not Duke Ernst August himself but a page called
Jagemann. J.G. Ziegler (1688–1747) matriculated at the University of Halle on 12 October 1712, but
before that he had studied with Bach for a year or so, and had been taught to play chorales ‘not just
superficially, but according to the sense of the words’; Bach’s wife stood godmother to his daughter in
1718, and in 1727 Bach employed him as agent, in Halle, for Partitas nos.2 and 3. P.D. Krauter of
Augsburg (1690–1741) set out for Weimar in March 1712, and stayed until about September 1713.
Johann Lorenz Bach (38) probably arrived in autumn 1713; he may have left Weimar by July 1717.
Johann Tobias Krebs (1690–1762) studied with Walther from 1710, with Bach from about 1714 until
1717. Johann Bernhard Bach (41) worked with his uncle from about 1715 until March 1719, alongside
Samuel Gmelin (1695–1752), who appears to have left in 1717. C.H. Dretzel of Nuremberg (1697–1775)
may have been briefly with Bach. In 1731, when applying for a post, T.C. Gerlach (1694–1768) implied
that Bach had been teaching him by correspondence for 14 years, but his confused phraseology should
not be taken literally.
The specification of the organ in the castle chapel, published in 1737, has not always been reprinted
correctly; in any case, it does not represent the organ that Bach left in 1717. Extensive alterations
were made in 1719–30. Still less does the specification represent the organ that Bach was faced with in
1708, for he himself made even more extensive alterations in 1713–14. The organ is said to have been
built by Compenius in 1657–8. It was overhauled in 1707–8, and a Sub-Bass added, by J.C. Weishaupt,
who carried out further maintenance work in 1712. A contract for alterations had however been signed
on 29 June 1712 with H.N. Trebs (1678–1748), who had moved from Mühlhausen to Weimar in 1709.
Bach and he had worked together on a new organ at Taubach in 1709–10, opened by Bach on 26
October 1710; in 1711 he gave Trebs a handsome testimonial, and in 1713 he and Walther became
godfathers to Trebs’s son. Bach and Trebs collaborated again about 1742, over an organ at Bad Berka.
Trebs’s new organ was usable during 1714; he had done 14 days’ tuning by 19 May, and was paid off
on 15 September. Of this rebuild nothing is known, except that either Bach or the duke was
determined that the instrument include a Glockenspiel; great trouble was taken over obtaining bells
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In December 1709 and February 1710 Bach was paid for repairing harpsichords in the household of the
junior duke, Ernst August and Prince Johann Ernst. On 17 January 1711 he was godfather to a
daughter of J.C. Becker, a local burgher. In February 1711 Prince Johann Ernst went to the University
of Utrecht. From 21 February 1713 Bach was lodged in the castle at Weissenfels. Duke Christian’s
birthday fell on 23 February, and it is now known that Cantata no.208 was performed in this year, not
in 1716. The earlier date is stylistically suitable; moreover, it is compatible both with the watermark of
the autograph score and with the fact that in this score Bach contradicted sharps by flats rather than
by naturals – an old-fashioned habit that he gave up progressively during 1714.
About May 1713 the young prince returned from Utrecht, apparently with a good deal of music, for in
the year from 1 June there were bills for binding, copying and shelving (some of the music came from
Halle). In February 1713 he had been in Amsterdam, and may have met the blind organist J.J. de Graff
who was in the habit of playing recent Italian concertos as keyboard solos. This may have given rise to
the numerous concerto arrangements made by Walther and Bach.
On 7 September 1713 Bach was probably at Ohrdruf, standing godfather to a nephew; and on 6
November he took part in the dedication of the new Jakobskirche at Weimar (there is no evidence that
he composed any of the music). On 27 November he was at Weimar, as godfather to Trebs’s son. At
about this time he seems to have gone to Halle, perhaps to buy music, and to have become accidentally
involved with the authorities of the Liebfrauenkirche. The organist there (Zachow, Handel’s teacher)
had died in 1712, and the organ was being enlarged to a three-manual of 65 stops. The story has to be
pieced together from hints in an incomplete correspondence; but it looks as if the pastor, J.M.
Heineccius, pressed Bach to apply for the vacant post. Bach may have been involved in planning the
enlargement of the organ, when Zachow became incapacitated; at all events, he stayed in Halle from
28 November to 15 December at the church authorities’ expense. He also composed and performed a
cantata (lost), attended a meeting on 13 December 1713, was offered the post, and let the committee
suppose that he had accepted it, although he had not had time to find out what his casual fees would
amount to. On 14 December they sent him a formal contract. Bach replied on 14 January 1714, saying
cautiously that he had not been released from Weimar, was uneasy about his salary and duties, and
would write again within the week. Whether he did so is not known; but on February the committee
resolved to tell him that his salary was not likely to be increased. Thus at Halle he could expect a
slightly smaller salary than he was already getting; the attraction was the organ, more than twice as
large. Bach must then have approached the duke, for on 2 March, ‘at his most humble request’, he
became Konzertmeister (ranking after the vice-Kapellmeister), with a basic salary of 250 florins from
25 February. In finally refusing the Halle post, he probably mentioned that figure, for the committee
accused him of having used their offer as a lever to extract more money from the duke. This he denied
on 19 March, in a letter so reasonable and so obviously honest that he remained on good terms with
Halle and was employed there as an organ examiner in 1716. Gottfried Kirchhoff had meanwhile been
appointed organist on 30 July 1714.
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On 23 March 1714 it was ordered that cantatas should in future be rehearsed in the chapel, not at
home or in lodgings; and on Palm Sunday, 25 March, Bach performed no.182. This was the fourth
Sunday after his appointment as Konzertmeister, when he had become responsible for writing a
cantata every four weeks. As he evidently hoped to complete an annual cycle in four years, he did not
keep strictly to this rule; having written a cantata for Advent Sunday in 1714, he wrote for the last
Sunday after Trinity in 1715, and for the second Sunday in Advent in 1716 (in 1717 he was in prison).
Apart from such intentional irregularities, there are gaps in the series, and the strange thing is that
these gaps became suddenly more numerous after the end of 1715. One of the gaps is accounted for by
the death at Frankfurt on 1 August 1715 of the musically gifted Prince Johann Ernst, plunging the
duchy into mourning from 11 August to 9 November 1715, when not a note of music might be played.
From 1717 there are no cantatas at all. A tentative explanation will be suggested for this; but it is hard
to see why Bach’s usual allowance of paper was paid for on 16 May 1716 when he is not known to have
performed any church cantatas between 19 January and 6 December.
On 4 April 1716 Bach, like the librettist Salomo Franck and ‘the book-printer’, was paid for ‘Carmina’,
bound in green taffeta, that had been ‘presented’ on some unspecified occasion – perhaps on 24
January when Duke Ernst August had married Eleonore, sister of the Prince of Cöthen. Ernst’s birthday
was celebrated in April; two horn players from Weissenfels came to Weimar, possibly brought over for a
repeat performance of Cantata no.208. Meanwhile, the new organ at Halle had been making progress,
and on 17 April the council resolved that Bach, Kuhnau of Leipzig and Rolle of Quedlinburg should be
invited to examine it on 29 April. They all accepted; each was to receive 16 thaler, plus food and
travelling expenses. The examination began at 7 a.m., and lasted three days – until some time on 1
May, when the experts wrote their report, a sermon was preached and fine music was performed. On 2
May the organist and the three examiners met the builder to discuss details. The council, who behaved
liberally, gave a tremendous banquet, whose date is usually given as 3 May (1 May seems more likely).
On 31 July 1716 Bach and an Arnstadt organ builder signed a testimonial for J.G. Schröter, who had
built an organ at Erfurt. In 1717 Bach was mentioned in print for the first time: in the preface to
Mattheson’s Das beschützte Orchestre, dated 21 February, Mattheson referred to Bach as ‘the famous
Weimar organist’ saying that his works, both for the church and for keyboard, led one to rate him
highly, and asked for biographical information.
It is against this background that Bach’s departure from Weimar has to be considered. In 1703 he had
been employed by Duke Johann Ernst; since his return in 1708, by Duke Wilhelm, Johann’s elder
brother. The brothers had been on bad terms, and when Johann Ernst died in 1707 and his son Ernst
came of age in 1709, things became no better. For some time the ducal disagreements do not seem to
have affected Bach; perhaps they were kept within bounds by Superintendent Lairitz, and Ernst’s
younger half-brother (Johann, the composer) may have had some influence. But the latter died in 1715,
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No extant Bach cantata can be securely dated between 19 January and 6 December 1716; it may seem
unlikely that this long, continuous gap was due to casual losses. It is tempting to suppose that Bach
found his position embarrassing (owing to his early connection with the junior court) and expressed
disapproval of Duke Wilhelm’s behaviour by evading his own responsibilities. In fact, Bach does not
seem to have disapproved of the duke’s behaviour until he discovered that a new Kapellmeister was
being sought elsewhere. Drese senior died on 1 December 1716; his son, the vice-Kapellmeister, was
by all accounts a nonentity. Bach produced Cantatas nos.70a, 186a and 147a for 6, 13 and 20
December (three successive weeks, not months), but there were no more, as far as is known. By
Christmas, Bach may have found out that the duke was angling for Telemann. Negotiations with
Telemann came to nothing; but apparently Bach now set about looking for a post as Kapellmeister. He
was offered one by Prince Leopold of Cöthen, brother-in-law to Duke Ernst (Bach and the prince had
probably met at Ernst’s wedding in January 1716) and the appointment was confirmed on 5 August
1717. No doubt Bach then asked Duke Wilhelm’s permission to leave, and no doubt he was refused –
the duke being annoyed because his nephew had obviously had a hand in finding Bach a job that
carried more prestige and, at 400 thaler, was better paid.
The duke and Bach must nevertheless have remained on speaking terms for the time being, for at some
date hardly earlier than the end of September Bach was in Dresden and free to challenge the French
keyboard virtuoso Louis Marchand. Versions of this affair differ, but according to Birnbaum (who wrote
in 1739, probably under Bach’s supervision), Bach ‘found himself’ at Dresden, and was not sent for by
‘special coach’. Once there, some court official persuaded him to challenge Marchand to a contest at
the harpsichord; the idea that they were to compete at the organ seems to have crept in later.
Whatever may be the truth about these and other details, it is universally agreed that Marchand ran
away.
On his birthday, 30 October 1717, Duke Wilhelm set up an endowment for his court musicians; and the
second centenary of the Reformation was celebrated from 31 October to 2 November. Presumably
Bach took part in these ceremonies, though there is no evidence that he set any of the librettos that
Franck had provided. Emboldened, perhaps, by the Marchand affair, he then demanded his release in
such terms that the duke had him imprisoned from 6 November until his dismissal in disgrace on 2
December. The Cöthen court had paid Bach 50 thaler on 7 August. Some have supposed that this was
for travelling expenses, and that Bach had his wife and family moved to Cöthen soon after; but it seems
unlikely that the duke would have allowed them to move until he had agreed to let Bach go. The
younger Drese became Kapellmeister in his father’s place and Bach’s pupil J.M. Schubart became court
organist. The post of Konzertmeister disappeared.
6. Cöthen.
Walter Emery, revised by Christoph Wolff
Except during the few last months of his Weimar period, Bach had been on good terms with Duke
Wilhelm; but his relations with that martinet must always have been official. At Cöthen, until the end of
1721, things were different; Prince Leopold was a young man who, as Bach himself said, loved and
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At Cöthen the St Jakob organ was in poor condition. The court chapel was Calvinist; it had an organist,
but no elaborate music was performed there, and the two-manual organ had only 13 or 14 stops,
though it may have had a complete chromatic compass to pedal e′ and manual e‴. The Lutheran St
Agnus had a two-manual organ of 27 stops, again with an exceptional pedal compass. There is not the
slightest reason to suppose that Bach wrote any particular work to exploit these pedal compasses, but
no doubt he used one or both of the organs for teaching and private practice. He communicated at St
Agnus, and took part in the baptisms at the court chapel, but had no official duties in either. He may,
however, have been involved in the affair of May 1719, when a cantata was put on for the dedication
festival of St Agnus, and 150 copies of (presumably) the libretto were printed. The printer’s bill for one
thaler and eight groschen was endorsed by the pastor: ‘The churchwardens can give him 16 groschen;
if he wants more, he must go to those who gave the order’.
Bach’s basic salary, 400 thaler, was twice Stricker’s, and extra allowances made it up to about 450.
Only one court official was paid more, and there is other evidence that Bach was held in high esteem.
On 17 November 1718 the last of his children by his first wife (a short-lived son) was named after the
prince, who himself was a godfather. Bach’s residence in Cöthen is not definitely known, but it seems
likely that he began as a tenant in Stiftstrasse 11; in 1721, when that house was bought by the prince’s
mother for the use of the Lutheran pastor, he moved to Holzmarkt 10. The orchestra needed a room for
their weekly rehearsals; the prince supplied it by paying rent to Bach (12 thaler a year from 10
December 1717 to 1722). Presumably there was a suitable room in Bach’s first house. Whether he
continued to use that room after his move in 1721, and why he was not paid rent after 1722, is not
clear.
The date of the first rent payment suggests that Bach and his household moved to Cöthen a day or two
after he was released from prison (2 December); and that, after hasty rehearsals, he helped to
celebrate the prince’s birthday on 10 December. That would normally have been his duty. The court
accounts suggest that something connected with the birthday was either printed or bound in 1717, as
also in 1719 and 1720 (Anh.7); Bach certainly wrote a cantata in 1722, and Cantatas nos.66a and Anh.5
in 1718. In 1721 there may have been no birthday celebrations, for the prince was married, at
Bernburg, the next day. Cantata no.173a was undoubtedly a birthday work, but Bach probably wrote it
after he had left Cöthen; 36a, an arrangement of 36c (1725), was performed at Cöthen on 30
November 1726, for the birthday of the prince’s second wife.
New Year cantatas also were expected. No.134a dates from 1719, Anh.6 from 1720, Anh.8 from 1723.
There is no evidence for 1718, 1721 or 1722; printers’ and binders’ bills paid on 5 January 1722 may
have been for music performed in December 1721. Bach may well have been unable to put on a
wedding cantata, but there seems no reason why he should not have offered something for the prince’s
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On 9 May 1718 the prince went to drink the waters at Carlsbad for about five weeks, taking with him
his harpsichord, Bach and five other musicians. Early in 1719 Bach was in Berlin, negotiating for a new
harpsichord. About this time he seems to have been busy composing or buying music, for between July
1719 and May 1720 some 26 thaler were spent on binding. During 1719 Handel visited his mother at
Halle, only some 30 km away; it is said that Bach tried, but failed, to make contact with him. Bach also
disregarded a renewed request from Mattheson for biographical material.
W.F. Bach was nine in 1719; the title-page of his Clavier-Büchlein is dated 22 January 1720. In May
Bach again went to Carlsbad with the prince. The date of their return does not seem to have been
recorded; but apparently it was after 7 July, for that was the date of Maria Barbara’s funeral, and there
is no reason to doubt Emanuel’s story that his father returned to find her dead and already buried. His
wife had been nearly 36. Her death may well have unsettled Bach, and even led him to think of
returning to the service of the church; but there was a more practical reason for his taking an interest
in St Jacobi at Hamburg. The organist there, Heinrich Friese, died on 12 September 1720; Bach had
known Hamburg in his youth, and must have been attracted by the organ, a four-manual Schnitger
with 60 stops. There is no evidence that Bach was actually invited to apply for the post; but he may
well have made inquiries of his own.
At all events, his name was one of eight being considered on 21 November, and he was in Hamburg at
about that time. A competition was arranged for 28 November, but Bach had had to leave for Cöthen
five days before. Three candidates did not appear, and the judges were not satisfied with the other
four. An approach was made to Bach, and the committee met on 12 December; as Bach’s reply had not
arrived, they met again a week later, when they found that Bach had refused. Perhaps he was unable,
or unwilling, to contribute 4000 marks to the church funds, as the successful candidate actually did.
From the way in which the committee kept the post open for Bach, one may suppose that they had
heard his recital at St Katharinen. Exactly how this performance was arranged, no-one knows; but in
the obituary Emanuel stated that Bach played before the aged Reincken, the magistracy and other
notables; that he played for more than two hours in all; and that he extemporized in different styles on
the chorale An Wasserflüssen Babylon for almost half an hour, just as the better Hamburg organists
had been accustomed to doing at Saturday Vespers. As a fantasia on this chorale was one of Reincken’s
major works, this may seem a tactless choice; but the obituary makes it clear that the chorale was
chosen by ‘those present’ and not by Bach himself. Reincken is reported to have said, ‘I thought this
art was dead, but I see it still lives in you’, and showed Bach much courtesy. A later remark of
Mattheson’s has been taken to imply that Bach also played the G minor Fugue BWV542, but there are
good reasons to doubt it.
During 1720 Bach made fair copies of the works for unaccompanied violin, and must have been
preparing the Brandenburg Concertos, whose autograph full score was dedicated on 24 March 1721 to
the Margrave Christian Ludwig, before whom Bach had played in Berlin while negotiating for the new
Cöthen harpsichord, between June 1718 and March 1719. What he played is not known; but he was
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One of Bach’s friends at Cöthen was the goldsmith C.H. Bähr; Bach stood godfather to one of Bähr’s
sons in 1721, and deputized for a godfather to another in 1723. About the beginning of August 1721 he
gave a performance of some unspecified kind for Count Heinrich XI Reuss of Schleiz; this may have
been arranged by J.S. Koch, the Kantor there, who had held a post at Mühlhausen, though possibly not
in Bach’s time there. On 15 June 1721 Bach was the 65th communicant at St Agnus; one ‘Mar. Magd.
Wilken’ was the 14th. This may well have been Bach’s future wife – the mistake in the first name is an
easy one – but Anna Magdalena makes no formal appearance until 25 September, when Bach and she
were the first two among the five godparents of a child called Hahn. This baptism is recorded in three
registers. In two of them Anna is described as ‘court singer’, in the third, simply as ‘chamber
musician’ (Musicantin). In September Anna was again a godmother, to a child called Palmarius; again
the registers differ in describing her occupation. Her name does not appear in court accounts until
summer 1722, when she is referred to as the Kapellmeister’s wife; her salary (half Bach’s) is noted as
paid for May and June 1722.
Practically nothing is known of her early years. She was born on 22 September 1701 at Zeitz. Her
father, Johann Caspar Wilcke, was a court trumpeter; he worked at Zeitz until about February 1718,
when he moved to Weissenfels where he died on 30 November 1731. The surname was variously spelt.
Anna’s mother (Margaretha Elisabeth Liebe, d 7 March 1746) was daughter of an organist and sister of
J.S. Liebe who, besides being a trumpeter, was organist of two churches at Zeitz from 1694 until his
death in 1742. As a trumpeter’s daughter, Anna may well have met the Bachs socially. The stories that
she was a public figure, having sung at Cöthen and the other local courts since the age of 15, have
been discredited; they are said to have arisen through confusion with her elder brother, a trumpeter.
However, she was paid for singing, with her father, in the chapel at Zerbst on some occasion between
Easter and midsummer 1721. By September 1721, aged just 20, she was at Cöthen, well acquainted
with Bach (aged 36), and ready to marry him on 3 December. The prince saved Bach 10 thaler by
giving him permission to be married in his own lodgings. At about this time Bach paid two visits to the
city cellars, where he bought first one firkin of Rhine wine, and later two firkins, all at a cut price, 27
instead of 32 groschen per gallon.
On 11 December 1721 the prince married his cousin Friderica, Princess of Anhalt-Bernburg. The
marriage was followed by five weeks of illuminations and other entertainments at Cöthen. This was not
however an auspicious event for Bach: he was to leave Cöthen partly because the princess was ‘eine
Amusa’ (someone not interested in the Muses) and broke up the happy relationship between Bach and
her husband. Perhaps her unfortunate influence had made itself felt even before she was married.
A legacy from Tobias Lämmerhirt (Bach’s maternal uncle) had facilitated Bach’s first marriage;
Tobias’s widow was buried at Erfurt on 12 September 1721, and Bach received something under her
will too, though not in time for his second marriage. On 24 January 1722 Bach’s sister Maria, together
with one of the Lämmerhirts, challenged the will, saying that Bach and his brothers Jacob (in Sweden)
and Christoph (at Ohrdruf) agreed with them (Christoph had died in 1721). Bach heard of this only by
accident; and on 15 March he wrote to the Erfurt council on behalf of Jacob as well as himself. He
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In summer 1722 there was no Kapellmeister at the court of Anhalt-Zerbst, and Bach was commissioned
to write a birthday cantata for the prince; for this he was paid 10 thaler in April and May. The birthday
was in August, and payments made during that month presumably refer to the performance. If so, the
work, which seems to have disappeared, was scored for two oboes d’amore and ‘other instruments’.
Several didactic works for keyboard belong to the Cöthen period. One is the Clavierbüchlein for Anna
Magdalena Bach. 25 leaves are extant, about a third of the original manuscript; there is a kind of title-
page, on which Anna Magdalena (probably) wrote the title and the date and Bach (certainly) noted the
titles of three theological books. Despite the sceptics, it remains reasonable to suppose that Bach gave
the book to his wife early in 1722. It seems to have been filled by 1725. The autograph of Das
wohltemperirte Clavier (book 1 of the ‘48’) is dated 1722 on the title-page but 1732 at the end. The
writing is uniform in style, and for various reasons it is incredible that he did not finish the manuscript
until 1732. This handsome fair copy was preceded by drafts, like those in W.F. Bach’s Clavier-
Büchlein(begun in 1720); and some of the movements look earlier than that. Presumably Bach brought
them together for convenience, partly to serve as the last step in his keyboard course, partly to exhibit
the advantages of equal temperament. As in book 2, no doubt Bach transposed some of the pieces to
fill gaps in his key scheme; the odd pairing of the prelude in six flats with the fugue in six sharps
suggests that the former was originally in E minor, the latter in D minor.
Autograph MS of Bach’s organ chorale ‘Der Tag, der ist so freudenreich’ BWV605 (completed in new German
organ tablature) from the ‘Orgel-Büchlein’, composed mostly c1713–15 (D-Bsb Mus.ms.Bach P 283, f.9r)
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The story of Bach’s move to Leipzig begins with the death of Kuhnau, Kantor of the Thomasschule
there, on 5 June 1722. Six men applied for the post, among them Telemann, who was still remembered
for the good work he had done at Leipzig 20 years before. He had been doing a similar job at Hamburg
for about a year, and was probably the most famous of German musicians actually living in Germany.
One of the Kantor’s duties was to teach Latin. Telemann refused to do that; nevertheless, he was
appointed on 13 August. But the Hamburg authorities would not release him, and offered to increase
his pay; in November he declined the Leipzig post. At a meeting on 23 November Councillor Platz said
that Telemann was no loss; what they needed was a Kantor to teach other subjects besides music. Of
the remaining five candidates, three were invited to give trial performances; two dropped out, one
because he would not teach Latin. By 21 December two Kapellmeisters had applied, Bach and
Graupner. The other candidates were Kauffmann of Merseburg, Schott of the Leipzig Neukirche, and
Rolle of Magdeburg. Of the five candidates, Graupner was preferred; he was a reputable musician, and
had studied at the Thomasschule. He successfully performed his test (two cantatas) on 17 January
1723. But on 23 March he too withdrew, having been offered more pay at Darmstadt. Meanwhile, Bach
had performed his test pieces (Cantatas nos.22 and 23) on 7 February 1723. Rolle and Schott had also
been heard, and possibly Kauffmann too. The Princess of Cöthen died on 4 April, too late to affect
Bach’s decision. On 9 April the council considered Bach, Kauffmann and Schott. Like Telemann, none
of them wished to teach Latin. Councillor Platz said that as the best men could not be got, they must
make do with the mediocre. The council evidently resolved to approach Bach, for on 13 April he
obtained written permission to leave Cöthen. On 19 April he signed a curious document that reads as if
he were not yet free from Cöthen, but could be free within a month; he also said he was willing to pay
a deputy to teach Latin. On 22 April the council agreed on Bach, one of them hoping that his music
would not be theatrical. On 5 May he came in person to sign an agreement; on 8 and 13 May he was
interviewed and sworn in by the ecclesiastical authority; on 15 May the first instalment of his salary
was paid; and on 16 May he ‘took up his duties’ at the university church, possibly with Cantata no.59.
With family and furniture, he moved in on 22 May, and performed Cantata no.75 at the Nikolaikirche
on 30 May. On 1 June, at 8.30 a.m., he was formally presented to the school.
This story has been told in some detail, because it throws light on the circumstances in which Bach
worked at Leipzig. To him, the Kantorate was a step downwards in the social scale, and he had little
respect for his employers. To the council, Bach was a third-rater, a mediocrity, who would not do what
they expected a Kantor to do – teach Latin, as well as organize the city church music. The stage was
set for trouble, and in due course trouble came. Councillor Platz on Telemann is curiously echoed by
Councillor Stieglitz, ten days after Bach’s death: ‘The school needs a Kantor, not a Kapellmeister;
though certainly he ought to understand music’.
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The position of Kantor at the Thomasschule, held conjointly with that of civic director of music, had
been associated with a wealth of tradition since the 16th century. It was one of the most notable
positions in German musical life both in this and in the esteem it commanded; and there can be little
doubt that the general attractiveness of the position in itself played a part – very likely the decisive
part – in Bach’s decision to move from Cöthen to Leipzig. His subsequent remark about the social step
down from Kapellmeister to Kantor must be seen in the context of his later disagreements with the
Leipzig authorities, as indeed the letter in question (to Erdmann, a friend of his youth, on 28 October
1730) makes unequivocally clear. In any event, Bach was not the only Kapellmeister to apply for the
post. The duties were incomparably more varied and demanding than those in Cöthen or Weimar (to
say nothing of Mühlhausen or Arnstadt) and more or less corresponded to those undertaken by
Telemann in Hamburg. It cannot have been mere chance that Bach wanted to tackle a range of duties
comparable with those of his friend. Above all he must have preferred the greater economic and
political stability of a commercial metropolis governed democratically to the uncertainties of the court
of an absolute prince, where personal whim often held sway. The university – the foremost in the
German-speaking world at the time – must have been another special attraction in the eyes of a father
of growing-up sons.
The ‘Cantor zu St. Thomae et Director Musices Lipsiensis’ was the most important musician in the
town; as such, he was primarily responsible for the music of the four principal Leipzig churches – the
Thomaskirche, the Nikolaikirche, the Matthäeikirche (or Neukirche) and the Petrikirche – as well as for
any other aspects of the town’s musical life controlled by the town council. In carrying out his tasks he
could call above all on the pupils of the Thomasschule, the boarding-school attached to the
Thomaskirche, whose musical training was his responsibility, as well as the town’s professional
musicians. Normally the pupils, about 50 to 60 in number, were split up into four choir classes
(Kantoreien) for the four churches. The requirements would vary from class to class: polyphonic music
was required for the Thomaskirche, Nikolaikirche (the civic church) and Matthäeikirche, with figural
music only in the first two; at the Petrikirche only monodic chants were sung. The first choir class, with
the best 12 to 16 singers, was directed by the Kantor himself, and sang alternately in the two principal
churches, the Nikolaikirche and Thomaskirche; the other classes were in the charge of prefects,
appointed by Bach, who would be older and therefore more experienced pupils of the Thomasschule.
Musical aptitude was a decisive factor in the selection of pupils for the Thomasschule, and it was the
Kantor’s responsibility to assess and train them. This was furthered by the daily singing lessons, mostly
given by the Kantor. There was also instrumental instruction for the ablest pupils, which Bach had to
provide free of charge but was thus enabled to make good any shortage of instrumentalists for his
performances. Indeed, the number of professional musicians employed by the town (four Stadtpfeifer,
three fiddlers and one apprentice) was held throughout his period of office at the same level as had
obtained during the 17th century. For further instrumentalists Bach drew on the university students. In
general the age of the Thomasschule pupils ranged between 12 and 23. Remembering that voices then
broke at the age of 17 or 18, it is clear that Bach could count on solo trebles and altos who already had
some ten years’ practical experience – an ideal situation, impossible in boys’ choirs today.
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During his early Leipzig years, Bach involved himself in church music with particular thoroughness
and extreme energy. This activity centred on the ‘Hauptmusic’ composed for Sundays and church
feasts. The performance of a polyphonic cantata, with a text related as a rule to the Gospel for the day,
was a tradition inherited from previous Kantors. Even so, Bach engaged on a musical enterprise
without parallel in Leipzig’s musical history: in a relatively short time he composed five complete (or
nearly complete) cycles of cantatas for the Church year, with about 60 cantatas in each, making a
repertory of roughly 300 sacred cantatas. The first two cycles were prepared immediately, for 1723–4
and 1724–5; the third took rather longer, being composed between 1725 and 1727. The fourth, to texts
by Picander, appears to date from 1728–9, while the fifth once again must have occupied a longer
period, possibly extending into the 1740s. The established chronology of Bach’s vocal works makes it
clear that the main body of the cantatas was in existence by 1729, and that Bach’s development of the
cantata was effectively complete by 1735. The existence of the fourth and fifth cycles has been
questioned, because of their fragmentary survival compared with the almost complete survival of the
first, second and third; but until a positive argument for their non-existence can be put forward the
number of five cycles, laid down in the obituary of 1754, must stand. Compared with the high
proportion of Bach’s works of other kinds that are lost (orchestral and chamber music, for instance),
the disappearance of about 100 cantatas would not be exceptional. (The preservation of Bach’s works
is discussed below, §11; see §III, (7), 15 for the correspondence of excess chorales in the Breitkopf
collection of 1784–7 to the number of lost cantatas.)
The first cycle begins on the first Sunday after Trinity 1723 with Cantata no.75, which was performed
‘mit gutem applausu’ at the Nikolaikirche, followed by no.76, for the second Sunday after Trinity,
performed at the Thomaskirche. The two largest churches in Leipzig are both Gothic in style, and in
Bach’s time they contained stone and wooden galleries. The choir lofts were on the west wall of the
nave above the council gallery. The organs too were in the choir lofts (the ‘Schüler-Chor’): the
Nikolaikirche and the Thomaskirche each had a three-manual organ with 36 and 35 stops respectively
(Oberwerk, Brustwerk, Rückpositiv, Pedal). The Thomaskirche had a second organ, fitted to the east
wall as a ‘swallow’s nest’, with 21 stops (Oberwerk, Brustwerk, Rückpositiv, Pedal); this fell into
dilapidation and was demolished in 1740. The organs were always played before cantata performances,
during which they would provide continuo accompaniment; they were played by the respective
organists at each church; during Bach’s term of office these were Christian Heinrich Gräbner (at the
Thomaskirche until 1729), J.G. Görner (at the Nikolaikirche until 1729, then at the Thomaskirche) and
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The cantata was an integral part of the Leipzig Lutheran liturgy. It followed immediately on the
reading from the Gospel, preceding the Creed and the sermon (the second part of a two-part cantata
would follow the sermon, ‘sub communione’). Apart from organ playing and the congregational singing
of hymns, selected by the Kantor, the other musical constituent of the liturgy was the introit motet,
which would be taken from the Florilegium Portense(1618) by Erhard Bodenschatz, a collection mainly
drawn from the 16th century (Lassus, Handl etc.), and was performed a cappella with harpsichord
continuo. Services began at 7 a.m. and lasted three hours; this allowed a mere half-hour for the
cantata, and Bach rarely overstepped this duration. The normal performing forces consisted of some
16 singers and 18 instrumentalists; the precise number varied according to the work, but it was rare
for the total number of singers and players to fall below 25 or to exceed 40 (the figure required on
exceptional occasions, like the St Matthew Passion, which demanded two Kantoreien and double the
normal number of instrumentalists). Ordinarily the performing forces consisted of four groups: pupils
from the Thomasschule (the first Kantorei); the eight salaried town musicians, until 1734 headed by
J.G. Reiche and thereafter by J.C. Gentzmer; University students (principally Bach’s private pupils); and
additional assistants (probably regularly including one or two paid soloists) and guests.
Bach took up his additional duties as musical director to the university, a post traditionally held by the
Thomaskantor, in summer 1723, perhaps as early as 16 May, with the performance of Cantata no.59 in
the university church, the Paulinerkirche, but in any event by 9 August, when he performed the Latin
Ode BWV Anh.20 (now lost) at the university’s festivities marking the birthday of Duke Friedrich II of
Saxe-Gotha. The major part of his duties for the university comprised the musical provisions for the so-
called quarter-day orations and the ‘old’ services in the Paulinerkirche, employing pupils from the
Thomasschule and town musicians on the four major festivals of Christmas Day, Easter Day, Whit
Sunday and Reformation Day; Bach was paid 2 thaler and 6 groschen on each occasion. He carried out
the most important of his civic duties for the first time on 30 August 1723, when he introduced Cantata
no.119 as part of the annual celebration of the change of town council. The enormous scope of Bach’s
new responsibilities, as well as his vast workload, may be gauged from the fact that the day before
(14th Sunday after Trinity) Cantata no.25 was heard for the first time, and the first performance of no.
138 (for the 15th Sunday) was soon to follow.
September 1723 saw the start of Bach’s protracted wrangle with the university. In a written request for
payment, he laid claim to the traditional right of the Thomaskantor to be responsible for the ‘old’
services and the quarter-day orations. The university, however, wanted to combine these duties with
responsibility for the ‘new’ services (normal Sundays and holy days), which it had in April 1723
entrusted to J.G. Görner, organist of the Nikolaikirche, together with the title of ‘Musikdirektor’. On 28
September Bach’s request was turned down, and he was paid only half the fee. He would not give in,
and turned to the Elector of Saxony in Dresden with three petitions. Following the intervention of the
Dresden court, the university decided to put Görner in charge of the ‘new’ services only, and awarded
Bach his traditional rights with payment as before. Thereafter, as the regular fee payments prove, Bach
retained responsibility for the ‘old’ services and quarter-day orations until 1750.
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During the next ‘tempus clausum’ Bach composed his first large-scale choral work for Leipzig, the St
John Passion, first performed at Vespers in the Nikolaikirche on Good Friday (7 April). This Vespers
service had been introduced specially for the performance of a Passion only in 1721; in that year
Kuhnau’s St Mark Passion (now lost) had been performed. Performances alternated annually between
the Thomaskirche and the Nikolaikirche, an arrangement to which Bach strictly adhered. There is no
documentary evidence of a Passion performance under Bach’s direction on Good Friday 1723, from
which the older dating of the St John Passion derives. The work had several further performances, each
time in a greatly altered version (see §III, (7), 14): on 30 March 1725 (in a second version adapted to
the annual cycle of cantatas), probably on 11 April 1732 (in a third version) and on 4 April 1749 (fourth
version); in about 1739 Bach undertook a revision of the work which remained unfinished.
With the first Sunday after Trinity 1724 (11 June) Bach began his second cycle; these were chorale
cantatas. Not least because it included works composed at Weimar, the first cycle had been thoroughly
heterogeneous in character, both musically and textually, but Bach gave the new cycle a unifying
concept, with all the works based on texts, and their melodies, from the hymnbook. Unfortunately this
series of chorale cantatas, beginning with no.20, O Ewigkeit, du Donnerwort, and its programmatic
overture, was interrupted early in 1725 and Bach did not complete the cycle. On 25 June he was in
Gera for the dedication of the organ at the Salvatorkirche. In July he went to Cöthen with Anna
Magdalena for a guest appearance as a performer; he had retained the title of Court Kapellmeister
there, and it lapsed only on the death of Prince Leopold in 1728. There is evidence of further visits to
Cöthen, with Bach performing alongside his wife (who sang as a soprano), in December 1725 and
January 1728. During 1725 Bach started to prepare a second Clavierbüchlein for Anna Magdalena. On
23 February 1725 he performed Cantata no.249a at the Weissenfels court for the birthday of Duke
Christian; this was the original version of the Easter Oratorio BWV249, first given at Leipzig the
following 1 April. No.249a represents the beginning of a long-standing collaboration with the fluent
Leipzig poet Christian Friedrich Henrici (Picander), the chief supplier of texts for Bach’s later Leipzig
vocal works.
Bach produced congratulatory cantatas for two Leipzig University professors in May and August (nos.
36c and 205). On 19–20 September he played on the Silbermann organ at the Dresden Sophienkirche
before the local court musicians, thus continuing his practice of giving virtuoso organ performances on
concert tours – and undoubtedly in Leipzig, too, although he no longer held a post as organist. His
favourite instrument in Leipzig was evidently the great organ of the Paulinerkirche built by Johann
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Michaelmas 1726 saw the appearance in print of Partita no.1, under the general title of Clavier-Übung:
with this Bach began his activity, later to increase in scope, as a publisher of keyboard music. Partita
no.1, published singly, was followed by nos.2 and 3 (1727), no.4 (1728), no.5 (1730) and no.6 (1730 or
1731; no copy is known). Evidently the series was originally planned to comprise seven partitas. There
are early versions of nos.3 and 6 in the second book for Anna Magdalena of 1725. Bach sent no.1, with
a dedicatory poem, to the Cöthen court as a form of congratulation on the birth of an heir, Prince
Emanuel Ludwig (born 12 September 1726). In December 1726, on the installation of Dr Gottlieb
Kortte as university professor, Bach produced a more sizable occasional work, the dramma per musica,
Cantata no.207.
In 1727 Bach composed two extremely important works. The St Matthew Passion, for double choir to a
libretto by Picander, was performed on Good Friday (11 April; there is evidence that it was repeated in
the Thomaskirche in 1729, 1736 and 1742; see §III, (7), 14). The other work was the Trauer
Ode(Cantata no.198), performed in October at a memorial ceremony, planned by the university, on the
death of the Electress Christiane Eberhardine, who had remained a Protestant when her husband,
August the Strong of Saxony, converted to Roman Catholicism. For this Bach was commissioned to set
a text by the Leipzig professor of poetry, Johann Christoph Gottsched. This became a somewhat
controversial affair, as the university director of music, Görner, felt he had been slighted. Bach
however retained the commission and performed the two parts of his work, ‘composed in the Italian
manner’, directing it from the harpsichord, in the university church, on 17 October. Between 7
September 1727 and 6 January 1728 there was a period of national mourning, with no other musical
performances.
In September 1728 a brief dispute with the church authorities flared up. The sub-deacon, Gaudlitz,
demanded that he himself should choose the hymns to be sung before and after the sermon at Vespers;
as it was usual for the Kantor to select these hymns, Bach felt that his rights had been encroached
upon. The dispute was settled in the sub-deacon’s favour. Bach must have seen this as a setback, for
once again his grievances had not been met; but his relations with the ecclesiastical authorities were
on the whole good throughout his time at Leipzig. His relations with the town council and the head
teachers of the Thomasschule went less smoothly, and were to become even more difficult in the
1730s. Documents dealing with the various disputes show Bach to have been a stubborn defender of
the prerogatives of his office who frequently reacted with excessive violence and was often to blame if
there was a negative outcome. It would be wrong, however, to draw hasty inferences about Bach’s
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Early in 1729 Bach spent some time at the Weissenfels court in connection with the birthday
celebrations in February of Duke Christian, with whom he had long been associated. On this occasion
the title of court Kapellmeister of Saxe-Weissenfels was conferred on him (his Cöthen title had lately
expired); he retained the title until 1736. At the end of March he went to Cöthen to perform the funeral
music for his former employer; only the text survives of this large-scale work in four parts (BWV244a),
but much of its music can be reconstructed as it consists of parodies of BWV198 and 244. On 15 April
(Good Friday) the St Matthew Passion was performed again at the Thomaskirche. On the second day of
Whit week (6 June), what was probably the last cantata of the Picander cycle was performed, no.174.
The manuscript, uniquely for Bach, is dated (‘1729’); perhaps this represents some sort of final gesture
after a heavy, six-year involvement in cantata composition.
Beside the production of cantatas, Passions and other vocal occasional works, both sacred and secular,
instrumental music retreated to the background during Bach’s first years in Leipzig. Apart from some
keyboard and chamber works (including the sonatas for harpsichord and violin BWV1014–19) there
appear to have been only a relatively small number of organ works (preludes and fugues, trio sonatas)
which are hard to date individually but will have been primarily connected with Bach’s activities as a
recitalist.
In June 1729 an invitation to visit Leipzig was delivered to Handel, then in Halle, by Wilhelm
Friedemann, in place of his father who was ill at the time; but nothing came of it. Thus Bach’s second
and last attempt to establish contact with his highly esteemed London colleague met with failure.
Significantly, in both cases the initiative was taken by Bach.
8. Leipzig, 1729–39.
Christoph Wolff
On his appointment as director of the collegium musicum, decisive changes came about in Bach’s
activities in Leipzig; and at the same time new possibilities were opened up. The collegium had been
founded by Telemann in 1702 and had most recently been directed by G.B. Schott (who left to become
Kantor at Gotha in March 1729); it was a voluntary association of professional musicians and university
students that gave regular weekly (and during the fair season even more frequent) public concerts.
Such societies played an important part in the flowering of bourgeois musical culture in the 18th
century, and with his highly reputed ensemble, in such an important commercial centre as Leipzig,
Bach made his own contribution to this. He took over the direction before the third Sunday after
Easter – in other words, by April 1729 – and retained it in the first place until 1737; he resumed it for a
few more years in 1739. He must have had strong reasons for wanting to take on this fresh area of
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Nothing, unfortunately, is known about the programmes of the ‘ordinaire’ weekly concerts. But the
surviving performing parts for such works as the orchestral suites BWV1066–8, the violin concertos
BWV1041–3 and the flute sonatas BWV1030 and 1039 demonstrate that Bach performed many of his
Cöthen instrumental works (some in revised form) as well as new compositions. The seven harpsichord
concertos BWV1052–8, collected together in a Leipzig manuscript, also belong in this context. Bach
often performed works by other composers as well, including five orchestral suites by his cousin
Johann Ludwig, secular cantatas by Handel and Porpora and the flute quartets that Telemann wrote for
Paris. Further, Bach’s many musical acquaintances from other places must have made frequent
appearances, including his colleagues in the Dresden court orchestra (there is evidence of visits from
J.A. Hasse, Georg Benda, S.L. Weiss, C.H. Graun and J.D. Zelenka). C.P.E. Bach’s remark that ‘it was
seldom that a musical master passed through [Leipzig] without getting to know my father and playing
for him’ must refer to performances of the collegium musicum, which took place on Wednesdays
between 4 and 6 p.m. in the coffee-garden ‘before the Grimmisches Thor’ in the summer and on
Fridays between 8 and 10 p.m. in Zimmermann’s coffee-house in the winter. In addition, there were
‘extraordinaire’ concerts, to mark special events; on these occasions, during the 1730s, Bach
performed his large-scale secular cantatas. His activities with the collegium must have made heavy
demands on him, and the reduction in his production of sacred music is easy to understand.
This does not, however, mean that his interest in sacred music was diminished (as Blume, G1963,
claimed, with undue emphasis in the light of the revised dating of his works). Such a view is
contradicted not only by the major ecclesiastical works written after 1730 but also by the simple fact
that, throughout his period of office, Bach provided performances of his cantatas, a repertory largely
completed before 1729, every Sunday at the two main Leipzig churches. His reference to the ‘onus’ of
such undertakings, in connection with the performance of a Passion planned for 1739, might just as
well have been made in the 1720s. Admittedly, his difficulties became particularly acute around 1730,
as his important memorandum of 23 August 1730, dealing with the state of church music in Leipzig
and outlining his remedies, testifies. His letter of 28 October that year, to his old friend Erdmann in
Danzig, may be read in the same sense; sheer frustration that the memorandum had proved ineffectual
drove him to consider leaving Leipzig. It would seem that his work with the collegium musicum had not
yet brought about the intended equilibrium in his activities.
The situation had been aggravated by other, external factors. The old headmaster Johann Heinrich
Ernesti had died in 1729 (Bach had performed a motet BWV226 at his funeral in October). During the
subsequent interim in the Thomasschule’s direction the organization of school life was disturbed.
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On Good Friday 1730 Bach apparently performed a St Luke Passion, not of his own composition. From
25 to 27 June the bicentenary of the Augsburg Confession was celebrated across Lutheran Germany,
and Bach wrote three cantatas for the event (nos.190a, 120b, Anh.4a: all were parody cantatas). They
are not untypical of his church compositions of this period, most of which were put together as
parodies; and that is true also of the major vocal works like the St Mark Passion, the B minor Mass, the
small masses and the Christmas Oratorio. The only sacred cantatas that Bach composed as entirely
new works after 1729 are nos.117 (1728–31), 192 (1730), 112 and 140 (1731), 177 (1732), 97 (1734), 9
and 100 (1732–5) and 14 (1735).
In 1731 a collected edition of the six partitas appeared as op.1, under the title I.Teil der Clavier-Übung.
From this form of words it is clear that Bach planned further ‘parts’ in a series of ‘keyboard exercises’,
and these he now proceeded to produce. His new and continuing interest in publishing his own
compositions is a clear sign of a new determination with regard to independent and freely creative
activity. The first performance of the St Mark Passion, predominantly a parody work, took place on
Good Friday of that year. At the end of June 1731 Bach and his family had to move to temporary
quarters while rebuilding and extension work were being carried out on the Thomasschule. His
residence must have become increasingly cramped, for his family was growing. In the early years in
Leipzig Anna Magdalena had borne a child almost every year, but few of them survived infancy:
Christiana Sophia Henrietta (b spring 1723; d 29 June 1726) Gottfried Heinrich (48)Christian Gottlieb
(bap. 14 April 1725; d 21 Sept 1728)Elisabeth Juliane Friederica (bap. 5 April 1726; d Leipzig, 24 Aug
1781)Ernestus Andreas (bap. 30 Oct 1727; d 1 Nov 1727)Regina Johanna (bap. 10 Oct 1728; d 25 April
1733)Christiana Benedicta (bap. 1 Jan 1730; d 4 Jan 1730)Christiana Dorothea (bap. 18 March 1731; d
31 Aug 1732)Johann Christoph Friedrich (49)Johann August Abraham (bap. 5 Nov 1733; d 6 Nov
1733)Johann Christian (50)Johanna Carolina (bap. 30 Oct 1737; d Leipzig, 18 Aug 1781)Regina
Susanna (bap. 22 Feb 1742; d Leipzig, 14 Dec 1809)
Joy and sorrow were everyday matters. But Bach’s family life must have been harmonious in more than
one sense; in 1730 he reported, as a proud paterfamilias, that with his family he could form a vocal and
instrumental concert ensemble. The family moved back into their refurbished apartment the next April.
The school was reconsecrated on 5 June 1732 with a cantata, BWVAnh.18. In September 1731 Bach had
been to Dresden for the first performance of Hasse’s opera Cleofide and to give concerts at the
Sophienkirche and at court (there were enthusiastic reports in the newspapers). In September 1732 he
went with his wife to Kassel for the examination and inauguration of the organ of the Martinskirche,
where he probably played the ‘Dorian’ Toccata and Fugue in D minor BWV538.
With the death of Elector Friedrich August I of Saxony on 1 February 1733 a five-month period of
national mourning began. However, the collegium musicum obtained permission to restart its
performances in the middle of June, when a new harpsichord was introduced (possibly in the
harpsichord concertos BWV1052–8). During the mourning period Bach composed the D major version
of the Magnificat BWV243, which was probably first heard in Leipzig when the mourning was ended on
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After the dedication of the Missa in July 1733, Bach kept the Saxon royal family’s interests in mind with
his ‘extraordinaire’ concerts of the collegium musicum. On 3 August, the name day of the new elector,
Bach began his remarkable series of secular cantatas of congratulation and homage with BWV Anh.12
(music lost), followed by Cantata no.213 (5 September, for the heir to the electorate), no.214 (8
December, for the electress), no.205a (19 February 1734, for the coronation of the elector as King of
Poland; music lost), an unknown work (3 August, again for the elector), and no.215 (5 October, also for
the elector, who was at the performance). Much of the festive music was performed in the open air
with splendid illuminations, and according to newspaper reports the music benefited from a
resounding echo. (On the day after the performance of no.215 Bach’s virtuoso trumpeter and the
leader of the Leipzig Stadtpfeifer, Gottfried Reiche, died as a result of the exertions of his office.)
During the following Christmas season Bach gave the people of Leipzig a chance to hear much of the
music from his secular festive cantatas in modified form, as the Christmas Oratorio, which was heard
in six sections between Christmas Day 1734 and Epiphany 1735 (and consisted predominantly of
parodies of Cantatas nos.213–15).
On 21 November 1734 the new headmaster of the Thomasschule, Johann August Ernesti, was greeted
with a cantata, BWV Anh.19 (Gesner had moved to the newly founded University of Göttingen as its first
dean). Bach’s dealings with the directors of the school had been untroubled for four years, thanks to
his friendly relations with Gesner; but with Ernesti he experienced the most violent controversies of his
entire period as Thomaskantor. A dispute flared up in August 1736 over the authority to nominate the
choral prefect, in which the interests of the Kantor and the headmaster were diametrically opposed.
With his neo-humanist educational ideals, which placed priority on high academic standards, Ernesti
showed little appreciation of the musical traditions. The tendency at the Thomasschule, at least from
the start of Bach’s period of office, had been to restrict musical activities, or at any rate to reduce their
proportions; Bach, on the other hand, demanded the best-qualified pupils to assist him, and certainly
he must often have overburdened them (with music copying, rehearsals and so on). Against what were
to some extent unfair arguments on the headmaster’s part, his struggles were doomed to failure. The
grievances arising from the nomination of the choir prefect were taken before the courts in Dresden;
the affair, which led to Bach’s having disciplinary difficulties with his pupils, was settled early in 1738
(the precise outcome is not recorded). The prefect in question, Johann Gottlob Krause, whom Bach
refused to acknowledge, had already left the Thomasschule in 1737.
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Stadtarchiv, Zwickau
Among the more important events of 1735 was the appearance of the second part of the Clavier-Übung
at Easter. In the context of Bach’s activities as a publisher it should also be mentioned that by 1729 he
was also involved in the distribution of musical publications by other authors and kept a stock,
including Heinichen’s book on figured bass, Walther’s Lexicon and keyboard works by Hurlebusch,
Krebs and his own sons. On 19 May the Ascension Oratorio (Cantata no.11) was first performed;
probably the Easter Oratorio (a revision of Cantata no.249a) was heard on the preceding Easter
Sunday. In June he travelled to Mühlhausen, where he had spent part of his early career, to appraise
the rebuilt organ in the Marienkirche, where his son Johann Gottfried Bernhard (47) had just been
appointed organist. During Advent 1735, when no music was performed, and Lent 1736 Bach was
probably engaged on the revision of the St Matthew Passion and in making a carefully laid-out fair copy
of the new version. In this form, characterized by its writing for double chorus (with two continuo
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In summer 1737 Bach temporarily resigned the direction of the collegium musicum. For the last
‘extraordinaire’ concert on 7 October 1736 he had written the congratulatory Cantata no.206 on the
birthday of the elector. Only two further works of homage are known from 1737–8 (BWV30a and Anh.
13), which indicates that Bach was occupied primarily with the other things for which he had time
after his release from the work associated with the collegium. He now turned to keyboard music,
working on the second part of Das wohltemperirte Clavier, and on the third part of the Clavier-Übung,
the largest of his keyboard works. This collection of organ pieces, some freely composed, some based
on chorales, with large-scale works for a church organ and small-scale ones for a domestic instrument,
appeared at Michaelmas 1739.
Bach obviously also devoted himself more than previously to private teaching in the late 1730s.
Between 1738 and 1741, for example, J.P. Kirnberger and J.F. Agricola were studying with him in
Leipzig – probably the most important and influential of all his pupils except for his own sons. Over the
years Bach had something like 80 private pupils; among them were C.F. Abel (c1743), J.C. Altnickol
(1744–8), J.F. Doles (1739–44), G.F. Einicke (1732–7), H.N. Gerber (1724–7), J.C.G. Gerlach (1723–9),
J.G. Goldberg (c1740), G.A. Homilius (1735–42), J.C. Kittel (1748–50), J.G. Müthel (1750), J.C.
Nichelmann (1730–33), J.G. Schübler (after 1740), G.G. Wagner (1723–6) and C.G. Wecker (1723–8).
In October 1737 Bach’s nephew Johann Elias (39) came to live with the family, as private secretary and
tutor for the younger children; he remained until 1742. The surviving drafts of letters he prepared give
a lively picture of Bach’s correspondence in these few years – and cause for regret that no other period
is similarly documented. At this period Bach gave especially close attention to the study of works by
other composers. He was a subscriber to Telemann’s Parisian flute quartets of May 1738; but more
typical is his preoccupation with Latin polyphonic liturgical compositions. Thestile antico tradition
seems to have held a particular fascination for him. In the first place he owed his knowledge of this
repertory, to which he marginally contributed by making transcriptions (works by Palestrina, Caldara,
Bassani and others), to his connections at Dresden. His knowledge of Pergolesi’s Stabat mater of 1736,
which he reworked during the 1740s as a setting of Psalm li, Tilge, Höchster, meine Sünden BWV1083
is also surprising; the earliest trace of Pergolesi’s work north of the Alps thus leads to Bach – a sign of
the latter’s remarkable knowledge of the repertory. His interest in Latin liturgical music also relates
closely to the composition of the short masses (Kyrie and Gloria) BWV233–6. These may have been
written for the Protestant court services in Dresden, but that would not exclude performances in
Leipzig.
On 14 May 1737 J.A. Scheibe, in his journal Der critische Musikus, published a weighty criticism of
Bach’s manner of composition. This seems to have come as a severe blow to Bach. Evidently at his
urging, the Leipzig lecturer in rhetoric Johann Abraham Birnbaum responded with a defence, printed
in January 1738, which Bach distributed among his friends and acquaintances. The affair developed
into a public controversy, the literary conduct of which, at least, was suspended only in 1739 after
further polemical writings by Scheibe and Birnbaum. Scheibe acknowledged Bach’s extraordinary skill
as a performer on the organ and the harpsichord, but sharply criticized his compositions, claiming that
Bach ‘by his bombastic and intricate procedures deprived them of naturalness and obscured their
beauty by an excess of art’. Birnbaum’s not particularly skilful replies fail to recognize the true
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9. Leipzig, 1739–50.
Christoph Wolff
In October 1739 Bach resumed the direction of the collegium musicum, which had in the meantime
been in the charge of C.G. Gerlach (organist at the Neukirche and a pupil of Bach). A composition for
the birthday of the elector (7 October; the music is lost) dates from this time, but it would seem that
Bach’s ambitions and activities in connection with the ‘ordinaire’ and ‘extraordinaire’ concerts were
considerably diminished. There were few performances of congratulatory cantatas, and these were
probably all repeats of earlier works. There are no signs, however, that Bach’s interest in instrumental
ensemble music slackened; if anything, it underwent a certain revival and he continued to produce
chamber music steadily throughout the 1730s.
Bach withdrew from the collegium musicum again in 1741. With the death of the coffee-house owner
Gottfried Zimmermann (30 May 1741) the collegium had lost its landlord and organizer, and without
him it could not long continue, at least as it had been run hitherto. Signs of reduced activity can be
traced until 1744, and it is possible that Bach still presided over performances from time to time until
that year. The collegium had made an important contribution to musical life in Leipzig for 40 years,
both with and without Bach’s leadership, and even its demise was not without consequences for the
future. In both its function and its membership it served to prepare the ground for a new focal point in
civic musical life, the Grosses Concert, founded in 1743 on the lines of the Parisian Concert Spirituel
and destined to be the immediate predecessor of the Gewandhaus concerts.
In August 1741 Bach went to Berlin, probably to visit Carl Philipp Emanuel who in 1738 had been
appointed court harpsichord player to Crown Prince Frederick of Prussia (later Frederick the Great).
In the two previous years Bach had made brief journeys to Halle (early 1740) and Altenburg
(September 1739; he gave a recital on the new Trost organ in the castle church). In November 1741
there was a further journey, this time to Dresden, where he visited Count von Keyserlingk. In the same
year, probably in the autumn, the ‘Aria with 30 Variations’, the so-called Goldberg Variations, appeared
in print. Bach’s visit to Dresden may lie behind the anecdote related by Forkel, according to which the
variations were commissioned by the count as a means of ameliorating sleepless nights, but the lack of
any formal dedication in the original edition suggests that the work was not composed to a
commission. It is conceivable, on the other hand, that after publication the count received a copy of the
work for the use of his young resident harpsichord player Johann Gottlieb Goldberg, who was a pupil of
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On 30 August 1742, on the Kleinzschocher estate near Leipzig, a ‘Cantata burlesque’ (known as the
Peasant Cantata, no.212) was performed in homage to the new lord of the manor, Carl Heinrich von
Dieskau; this work is unique in Bach’s output for its folklike manner (except perhaps for the quodlibet
in the Goldberg Variations). The thoroughly up-to-date characteristics of parts of the work show that
Bach was not only intimately acquainted with the musical fashions of the times but also knew how to
adapt elements of the younger generation’s style for his own purposes (as he also did in the third
movement of the trio sonata from the Musical Offering).
Alongside this work, apparently his last secular cantata, Bach’s only vocal compositions of the 1740s
were isolated sacred works (including Cantatas nos.118, 195, 197 and 200), some new, some
refashioned. There is evidence, on the other hand, that he gave numerous performances of works by
other composers, some newly arranged or revised. These included a German parody of Pergolesi’s
Stabat mater (Tilge, Höchster, meine Sünden BWV1083, c1745–7), a Latin parody after the Sanctus and
‘Osanna’ from J.C. Kerll’s Missa superba (Sanctus in D BWV241, c1747–8), Handel’s Brockes Passion
(c1746–7 and 1748–9) and a pasticcio Passion after C.H. Graun (with inserted movements BWV1088
and ‘Der Gerechte kömmt um’ BC C 8). Bach also often repeated his own earlier sacred works.
Evidence does not exist to form a complete picture, but they included revised versions of the St
Matthew and St John Passions; the latter was performed for the last time during Bach’s lifetime on
Good Friday 1749.
The only new vocal composition of any size was the Credo and following sections of the Mass, which,
I
when added to the Missa of 1733 (BWV232 ), produced the B minor Mass – a continuation of Bach’s
preoccupation with Latin figural music during the late 1730s. No specific reason for the composition of
the B minor Mass, and no evidence of a projected or actual performance, has so far come to light. One
of the most plausible hypotheses is that the composition of the work (which is described in C.P.E.
Bach’s Nachlass as ‘the large Catholic Mass’) was connected with the consecration of the Catholic
Hofkirche in Dresden, planned for the late 1740s and then postponed (building started in 1739). All
that is known for certain is that the expansion of the 1733 Missa by the addition of a Credo, a Sanctus
(1724) and the movements from ‘Osanna’ to ‘Dona nobis pacem’ and the fusing of the various sections
to create a unified score (see also §14) were done in the last years of Bach’s life – more precisely,
between August 1748 and October 1749.
Instrumental music, however, once again came to the fore during the 1740s. Bach had begun to sift
through his older organ chorales about 1739–42, probably following completion of Clavier-Übung III.
Some of the Weimar pieces were extensively reworked and gathered into a new manuscript collection
(the ‘18’, BWV651–68). These revisions may have been undertaken with a view to the subsequent
appearance of the chorales in print, as happened with the six chorales on movements from cantatas
(the ‘Schübler Chorales’) about 1748. Apparently Bach was still engaged in work on the chorales in the
last months of his life. The copying from dictation of the chorale Vor deinen Thron BWV668, later the
subject of legend, was in fact probably confined to an improvement of an existing work (the chorale
BWV641 from the Weimar Orgel-Büchlein).
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The visit to the court of Frederick the Great in May 1747 is one of the most notable biographical events
in Bach’s otherwise unspectacular life. The invitation probably came about through Count Keyserlingk,
who was then in Berlin. Bach’s encounter with Frederick began on 7 May at the palace of Potsdam
during the chamber music which was a feature of every evening of court life there. Bach’s execution on
the piano of a remarkable improvisation on a theme supplied by the king met with general applause.
The next day Bach gave an organ recital in the Heiliggeistkirche in Potsdam, and during chamber
music that evening he improvised a six-part fugue on a theme of his own. He also visited the new
Berlin opera house, and possibly went to look at organs in Potsdam and Berlin. On his return to
Leipzig, probably in the middle of May, he worked industriously on an ‘elaboration of the King of
Prussia’s fugue theme’, beginning with writing down the fugue he had improvised (a three-part
ricercare), which, while in Potsdam, he had announced that he would print. But he now decided on a
larger project and under the title Musikalisches Opfer (‘Musical Offering’) he prepared a work in
several movements dedicated to Frederick the Great; this work was printed in its entirety by the end of
September (Michaelmas) 1747. The royal theme serves as the basis for all the movements (two
ricercares, in three and six parts, for keyboard; a trio sonata for flute, violin and continuo; and various
canons for flute, violin and continuo with harpsichord obbligato).
In June 1747, after some hesitation, Bach joined the Correspondirende Societät der Musicalischen
Wissenschaften founded by Lorenz Mizler. It was probably in 1747 that he submitted, as a ‘scientific’
piece of work, his canonic composition on Vom Himmel hoch BWV769. At the same time he sent the
members an offprint of the six-part canon from the series on the bass of the Goldberg Variations. He
seems, however, to have taken no further interest in the society’s affairs as (according to C.P.E. Bach)
he thought nothing of the ‘dry, mathematical stuff’ that Mizler wanted to discuss. Besides his long
acquaintance with his pupil Mizler, Bach’s most likely reason for joining the society was that prominent
colleagues such as Telemann and Graun were fellow members.
The beginnings of his work on Die Kunst der Fuge (‘The Art of Fugue’) seem to date from around 1740,
or before. It is impossible to give an exact date as the original composing score is now lost. However,
what must be a first version survives in an autograph fair copy containing 14 movements (12 fugues
and two canons) and dating from 1742 at the latest. Thereafter Bach expanded and revised the work in
readiness for printing. He himself supervised the printing to a large extent, and the process was
probably largely complete by about the end of 1749 (in other words, before his son Johann Christoph
Friedrich, who had helped to correct the proofs, left to join the court at Bückeburg in January 1750).
But Bach was not to see the entire work (eventually comprising 14 fugues and four canons) in print; his
sons, probably C.P.E. in particular, took charge of the publication and the work appeared posthumously
in spring 1751. Bach had been unable to complete the fair copy of the last movement, a quadruple
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In his final years Bach suffered from increasingly severe trouble with his eyes, seriously restricting his
ability to work and leading eventually to total blindness. He probably composed nothing after autumn
1749. The last known examples of his handwriting, which give an impression of increasing irregularity,
clumsiness and cramping, go up to October 1749 (parts of the score of the B minor Mass). Other
documents to which he put his signature date from as late as spring 1750. The cause of the eye disease
seems to have lain in untreated (and untreatable) diabetes, which may also have caused neuropathy
and degenerative brain disease, evidence of which is found in the dramatic change in his handwriting
in manuscripts of 1748–9. He gave a performance of the St John Passion on Good Friday 1749 without
completing the revision of the work begun in about 1740. His health must have been very poor by
spring 1749 at the latest; otherwise the Leipzig town council would surely not have been so tactless as
to submit J.G. Harrer, a protégé of the Dresden prime minister Count Brühl, to examination for the post
of Kantor on 8 June 1749. Out of consideration for Bach the cantata performance was in a concert hall
rather than one of the churches. The town chronicle reported that the authorities expected Bach’s
death. When his grandson Johann Sebastian Altnickol (his pupil Johann Christoph Altnickol had
married Elisabeth Juliane Friederica Bach) was baptized on 6 October 1749 in Naumburg Bach was
unable to make the short journey to stand godfather in person.
Bach’s state of health and ability to work must have fluctuated during his last year. He appointed
Johann Nathanael Bammler, a former choir prefect at the Thomasschule for whom he provided two
excellent references in 1749, to deputize for him as occasion warranted. But in spite of everything
Bach was not entirely inactive. In spring 1749 he is known to have corresponded with Count Johann
Adam vom Questenberg, apparently about a commission or some other project. Although no details are
known, this reaffirms Bach’s obviously well-established connections with some major noble patrons
from the area of Bohemia (Count Sporck of Lissa and Kukus), Moravia (Count Questenberg of
Jaroměřice) and Silesia (the Haugwitz family). From May 1749 to June 1750 he was engaged in a
controversial correspondence about the Freiberg headmaster Biedermann. In May 1749 Biedermann
had violently attacked the cultivation of music schools; Bach immediately felt himself called into battle,
and among other things he gave a repeat performance of the satirical cantata about the controversy
between Phoebus and Pan, no.201. His involvement is understandable, for he must have seen parallels
with the state of affairs at the Thomasschule, where the same tendency fuelled Ernesti’s reforms. Bach
solicited a rejoinder on the part of C.G. Schröter, a member of Mizler’s society, and even Mattheson
joined in, from Hamburg. Once again, the affair throws light on the situation in German schools during
the early Enlightenment and Bach’s last years as Thomaskantor. The integration of academic and
musical traditions, which had been an institution for centuries, was in the process of turning into an
irreconcilable confrontation.
At the end of March Bach underwent an eye operation, performed by the English eye specialist John
Taylor (who was later to perform a similar operation on Handel). It was only partly successful,
however, and had to be repeated during the second week of April. The second operation too was
ultimately unsuccessful, and indeed Bach’s physique was considerably weakened. Yet as late as the
beginning of May 1750 Johann Gottfried Müthel could go to Leipzig, stay at Bach’s house and become
his last pupil. To what extent regular instruction was possible under these circumstances remains
uncertain. In the next two months Bach’s health had so deteriorated that, on 22 July, he had to take his
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Bach’s wife, Anna Magdalena, who in addition to her domestic tasks was a loyal and industrious
collaborator, participating in performances and copying out music, survived him by ten years. She died
in abject poverty in 1760. On his death Bach had left a modest estate consisting of securities, cash,
silver vessels, instruments – including eight harpsichords, two lute-harpsichords, ten string
instruments (among them a valuable Stainer violin), a lute and spinet – and other goods, officially
valued at 1122 thaler and 22 groschen; this had to be divided between the widow and the nine
surviving children of both marriages. Bach himself had evidently given instructions for the disposition
of his musical Nachlass, which is ignored in the official valuation. According to Forkel, the eldest son
Wilhelm Friedemann ‘got most of it’ (see §III, (7), 11).
10. Iconography.
Christoph Wolff
The oak coffin containing Bach’s remains was exhumed in 1894: the detailed anatomical investigation
by Professor Wilhelm His confirmed their identity and showed that Bach was of medium build. From a
skull impression Carl Seffner, in 1898, modelled a bust, which shows an undoubted similarity with the
only likeness of Bach that can be guaranteed as authentic, that of the Leipzig portraitist Elias Gottlob
Haussmann. That portrait exists in two versions, one dating from 1746 (Museum für Geschichte der
Stadt Leipzig; property of the Thomasschule) and one of 1748 (William H. Scheide Library, Princeton;
see below, fig.4). The earlier, signed ‘E.G. Haussmann pinxit 1746’, was presented to the Thomasschule
in 1809 by the then Thomaskantor, August Eberhard Müller. It is not known whence Müller had
obtained the painting, but is quite probable that it had remained in the possession of one of Bach’s
direct descendants until then. Of these the most likely is Wilhelm Friedemann (unless he had another
replica of Haussmann’s painting) or Regina Susanna, who lived in Leipzig until her death in 1809. It is
often supposed that the Thomasschule portrait is one that members of Mizler’s society were required
by statute to donate to that institution, but that is highly unlikely: Bach probably did not present a
portrait, at least in the form of a painting, to the society. With the passage of time the Thomasschule
picture was severely damaged and repeatedly painted over. Thorough restoration in 1912–13 returned
it more or less to its original condition, but it remains inferior to the excellently preserved replica of
1748. This has a reasonably secure provenance, out of C.P.E. Bach’s estate; it was owned privately for
many years by the Jenke family in Silesia and then in England, before being exhibited in public by Hans
Raupach in 1950.
The authenticity of an unsigned pastel portrait, probably painted after 1750, allegedly by either
Gottlieb Friedrich or Johann Philipp Bach, and handed down in the Meiningen branch of the family, is
not altogether certain, and neither is that of a group portrait of musicians, executed around 1733 by
Johann Balthasar Denner (now in the Internationale Bachakademie, Stuttgart; a replica, in better
condition, is in a private collection in the UK), which shows what may well be Johann Sebastian (with
violoncello piccolo) and three of his sons.
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According to GerberL, probably authentic portraits that no longer survive were once owned by J.C.
Kittel (from the estate of the Countess of Weissenfels) and by J.N. Forkel. A pastel from C.P.E. Bach’s
collection (not the one referred to above) has not survived. During the 18th and 19th centuries many
copies were made of the Haussmann portrait, both in oils and in various types of print; an engraving
(1794) by Samuel Gottlieb Kütner, an art student at the Zeichenakademie, Leipzig, along with C.P.E.
Bach’s son Johann Sebastian (1748–78), was said by Emanuel himself to be ‘a fair likeness’. The
nearest we can nowadays get to his true physiognomy is probably in the 1748 version of Haussmann’s
portrait, wherein, as a man in his early 60s, Bach is represented as a learned musician, with a copy of
the enigmatic six-part canon BWV 1076 in his hand to demonstrate his status (fig.3).
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The earliest catalogue of Bach’s compositions – admittedly a very rough one – was included in the
obituary that C.P.E. Bach and J.F. Agricola wrote immediately after Bach’s death but did not publish
until 1754. It scarcely provides an adequate idea of the extent of Bach’s works, but it shows that nearly
everything printed during Bach’s lifetime has survived to the present day: Cantata no.71, composed for
the Mühlhausen town council election in 1708 (but not its counterpart of 1709); the four parts of the
Clavier-Übung; the Schemelli Hymnbook; the Musical Offering; the Canonic Variations BWV769; the
Schübler chorales; the Art of Fugue; and the canons BWV1074 and 1076. The great majority of Bach’s
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On the assumption that Bach managed to keep his music together as far as possible during his lifetime,
it seems that major losses occurred only on the division of his legacy in 1750, when the manuscripts,
especially of the vocal works, were divided between the eldest sons and Bach’s widow. Most of them
went to Wilhelm Friedemann, but he, unfortunately, was the least succussful at managing his
inheritance; he was compelled for financial reasons to sell them off item by item, and the material is
not simply scattered but for the most part lost. Only a few of the items inherited by Johann Christoph
Friedrich and Johann Christian, including a printed copy of the Musical Offering and the autograph of
the organ Prelude and Fugue in B minor BWV544 (signed with Johann Christian’s nickname ‘Christel’),
can be traced. C.P.E. Bach’s and Anna Magdalena’s shares were better preserved. Bach’s widow gave
her portion (the parts of the cycle of chorale cantatas) to the Thomasschule while most of C.P.E. Bach’s
estate passed through Georg Poelchau’s collection into the Berlin Königliche Bibliothek (later the
Preussische Staatsbibliothek and now the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin). This collection forms the basis of
the most important collection of Bach archives. During the 19th century this library acquired further,
smaller Bach collections, notably those from the Singakademie and the estates of Forkel, Franz Hauser
and Count Voss-Buch (in some of which fragments from W.F. Bach’s inheritance appear).
Besides the original manuscripts – the autograph scores, and parts prepared for performances under
Bach’s direction – which, in their essentials, Bach kept by him, many copies were made in the circle of
his pupils, particularly of organ and harpsichord music. As many autographs of the keyboard works are
lost, this strand is specially significant for the preservation of Bach’s works. In particular, important
copies have come down through members of Bach’s family (including the Möllersche Handschrift and
the Andreas-Bach-Buch, both compiled by Sebastian’s brother Johann Christoph), through J.G. Walther
and through Bach’s pupils Krebs and Kittel. After Bach’s death Breitkopf in Leipzig became a centre
for the dissemination of his music (again, primarily the keyboard music). In Berlin a notable Bach
collection was made for Princess Anna Amalia of Prussia, under the direction of Kirnberger, in which
all facets of Bach’s creative output were represented (now D-B Amalien-Bibliothek). These secondary
sources have to serve when autograph material is not available – relatively often with the instrumental
works (e.g. a large percentage of the organ pieces; the English and French Suites, toccatas, fantasias
and fugues for harpsichord; duo and trio sonatas; concertos and orchestral works), more rarely with
the vocal ones (e.g. Cantatas nos.106 and 159; motets BWV227–30; and the masses BWV233 and 235).
Research into source materials, notably in conjunction with the Neue Bach-Ausgabe, has proved
fruitful. The use of diplomatic research methods has allowed most of the copyists who worked for Bach
– and all the important ones – to be identified: ‘Hauptkopist A’ was J. Andreas Kuhnau (b 1703);
‘Hauptkopist B’ was C.G. Meissner (1707–60); ‘Hauptkopist C’ was J. Heinrich Bach (1707–83);
‘Hauptkopist D’ was S.G. Heder (b 1713); ‘Hauptkopist E’ was J.G. Haupt (b 1714); ‘Hauptkopist F’ was
J.L. Dietel (1715–73); ‘Hauptkopist G’ was Rudolph Straube (b 1717); and ‘Hauptkopist H’ was J.N.
Bammler (1722–84). Papers, inks and binding have been evaluated for the purposes of identification
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Investigations of source material have also led to the solution of crucial questions of authenticity,
particularly in connection with the early works but also affecting some of the later ones. For example,
Cantata no.15, hitherto regarded as Bach’s earliest cantata, has now been identified as by Johann
Ludwig Bach; similarly, Cantatas nos.53, 189 and 142 have been excised from the list of his works.
Some instrumental works, such as BWV835–8, 969–70, 1024 and 1036–7, have been assigned to other
composers. On the other hand, an important early organ work, BWV739, has now been authenticated
and its manuscript ranks as probably Bach’s earliest extant musical autograph. Completely new finds
have been made (BWV1081–120 and Anh.205) and numerous copies by Bach of other composers’ works
have come to light; these provide additional information about his repertory and its context.
Bach’s output, unparalleled in its encyclopedic character, embraces practically every musical form of
his time except opera. The accepted genres were significantly added to by Bach (notably with the
harpsichord concerto and chamber music with obbligato keyboard); further, he opened up new
dimensions in virtually every department of creative work to which he turned, in format, density and
musical quality, and also in technical demands (works such as the St Matthew Passion and the B minor
Mass were to remain unique in the history of music for a long time to come). At the same time Bach’s
creative production was inextricably bound up with the external factors of his places of work and his
employers, as was normal in his time. The composition dates of the various repertories thus reflect
Bach’s priorities in his various professional appointments; for instance, most of the organ works were
composed while he was active as an organist at Arnstadt, Mühlhausen and Weimar, whereas most of
the vocal works belong to the period of his Kantorate at Leipzig. But Bach’s production was by no
means wholly dependent on the duties attaching to his office at the time. Thus during his Leipzig
period he found time to produce a body of keyboard and chamber music to meet his requirements for
concerts, for advertisement, for teaching and other purposes. And his career may be seen as a steady
and logical process of development: from organist to Konzertmeister, then to Kapellmeister, and finally
to Kantor and director of music – a continual expansion of the scope of his work and responsibilities.
This is no matter of chance. Bach chose his appointments, and chose the moment to make each move.
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The uncertainty about the dating of Bach’s early works, with so little help in the form of source
materials, makes it difficult to reconstruct and assess the beginnings of his work as a composer. It is to
be supposed that he started to compose while under the tutelage of his elder brother in Ohrdruf, but
although he took no formal lessons with an established composer, as Handel did with Zachow, it would
be mistaken to call him self-taught as a composer, for the significance of his belonging to a long-
standing family of professional musicians should not be underestimated. Composing was probably
overshadowed by instrumental playing in Ambrosius Bach’s family; this must to some extent have
applied to the young Johann Sebastian, and probably he devoted more attention to developing his skills
as an instrumentalist, especially as an organist, than to composition studies. But the art of
improvisation – in those days inseparably bound up with practice on the instrument – would at the very
least prepare the ground for his work as a composer. This reciprocity between performing and
composing is reflected in the unruly virtuoso and improvisatory elements in Bach’s early works.
As composers who influenced the young Bach, C.P.E. Bach cited (in 1775, in letters to Forkel)
Froberger, Kerll, Pachelbel, Frescobaldi, Fischer, Strungk, certain French composers, Bruhns,
Buxtehude, Reincken and Böhm – almost exclusively keyboard composers; C.P.E. Bach also said that
Bach formed his style through his own efforts and developed his fugal technique basically through
private study and reflection. In his letter of resignation from Mühlhausen Bach himself wrote of having
procured a good supply of the very best vocal compositions, suggesting that in vocal music too he was
decisively stimulated by the study of other composers’ music. Bach came into personal contact with the
last three of the composers named by C.P.E.; there was no question of any teacher–pupil relationship.
No record survives of what works he collected at Mühlhausen, but they might have included Keiser’s St
Mark Passion, a six-part mass by Peranda and an italianate chamber concerto by Biffi, for his early
autograph copies of all these survive, demonstrating the breadth of his knowledge of the repertory. As
later influences, C.P.E. Bach named Fux, Caldara, Handel, Keiser, Hasse, the two Grauns, Telemann,
Zelenka and Benda. This list, though certainly less representative than the earlier one, suggests that
Bach’s main interests still lay in his great contemporaries, whose music he not only heard but also
studied in transcripts. With them he abandoned his one-sided attention to the organists among older
composers, but his interest in the retrospective style represented by Fux and Caldara, complemented
by his enthusiasm (mentioned by Birnbaum, 1737) for Palestrina and Lotti, is notable, and is borne out
by tendencies in his music from the mid-1730s. Clearly he also became interested in, and ready to
follow, more recent stylistic trends, particularly in respect of the music of Hasse, the Graun brothers
and Benda (for example in the ‘Christe eleison’ of what was to become the B minor Mass) and in such
works as the Peasant Cantata, the Goldberg Variations and the Musical Offering). Mizler, in an article
of 1739 on Bach’s cantata style, referring to the Scheibe–Birnbaum controversy, mentioned a work
(BWV Anh.13, lost) composed ‘perfectly in accordance with the newest taste’ (‘vollkommen nach dem
neuesten Geschmack eingerichtet’).
Curiously, C.P.E. Bach’s list of the masters his father had ‘loved and studied’ contains no mention of
Vivaldi and the two Marcellos, or of Corelli, Torelli and other late Baroque Italian composers. Forkel
compensated for this by his emphasis on the importance of Vivaldi’s concertos, without citing any
particular source to support his claim. Indeed, it was Vivaldi who exercised what was probably the
most lasting and distinctive influence on Bach from about 1712–13, when a wide range of the Italian
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An essential component of Bach’s style can be seen in his combination of solid compositional
craftsmanship with instrumental and vocal virtuosity. The technical demands made by his music reflect
his own prowess as an instrumentalist. Bach’s own versatility – his early involvement in singing (it is
not known whether he was later active as a singer), and his experience as a keyboard player, violinist
and viola player – was partly responsible for the fact that demanding technical standards became the
norm for every type of composition he wrote. This led to Scheibe’s famous criticism: ‘Since he judges
according to his own fingers, his pieces are extremely difficult to play; for he demands that singers and
instrumentalists should be able to do with their throats and instruments whatever he can play on the
keyboard. But this is impossible’. It makes no essential difference at what level these demands are
made (for instance between the Inventions and the Goldberg Variations, the four-part chorale and the
choral fugue); everywhere Bach’s requirements are the antithesis of conventional simplicity. Yet
technical virtuosity never predominates; it becomes a functional element within the composition as a
whole. Bach’s impulse towards integration is also manifested in the typically instrumental idiom in
which he cast his vocal parts. He thus produced in his music for voices and instruments a
homogeneous language of considerable density. Even so, he differentiated between instrumentally and
(less often) vocally dominated types of writing; but even in such vocally dominated pieces as the Credo
of the B minor Mass he maintained both the density and the uncompromising, yet appropriate
technical standard. It is of course significant, as regards both matters of technique and the quality of
his music in general, that, as far as we know, he wrote almost exclusively for himself, his own
ensembles and his own pupils, and never for a broader public (let alone a non-professional one). This
partly explains why his music – unlike, say, Telemann’s or Handel’s – was disseminated within
unusually narrow confines.
13. Cantatas.
Christoph Wolff
About two-fifths of Bach’s sacred cantatas must be considered lost; of the secular cantatas, more are
lost than survive. Thus it is difficult to draw firm conclusions about the evolution of the cantata in
Bach’s hands, even though the surviving repertory is considerable and roughly proportional to the
number of cantatas composed at each place where he worked.
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Bach’s early cantatas are distinguished from their central German precursors, which must have been
familiar to him from his upbringing, by his tendency to give each movement a unified structure and his
development of a broad formal scheme. He found the means to unify movements that for the most part
do not function as closed numbers by reducing motivic material (in the solo movements). Reacting
against haphazard sequential form, with its danger of formal dissolution, he began to use strictly
symmetrical sequences of movements to underpin the overall cyclic structure: for example, chorus–
solos–chorus–solos–chorus (no. 106).
During Bach’s early Weimar years, organ music must have dominated his output; on the other hand,
the letters written in 1712–13 by his pupil at Weimar, Johann Philipp Kräuter, show that Bach
encouraged him to write cantatas. 1713 is the date, too, of what seems to be Bach’s first secular
cantata, the Jagd-Kantate no.208, written to a commission from the Weissenfels court (where it had a
repeat performance before 1717). The piece shows Bach, obviously newly acquainted with the Italian
style, taking up the recitative and the modern kind of aria (for preference the da capo aria), a step
which had a decisive effect on the next sacred cantatas, nos.199, 21 and 63 (nos.21 and 63 were
probably written in connection with his application to succeed Zachow in Halle in December 1713).
With his nomination as court Konzertmeister on 2 March 1714, he started to produce cantatas on the
whole regularly from the end of March onwards, in accordance with an agreement ‘to perform a piece
of his own composition under his own direction, in the chapel of the royal castle, on every fourth
Sunday at all seasons’. This was Bach’s first opportunity to compose a whole cantata cycle, albeit over
a fairly long time-span; however, as things turned out, the number he wrote in Weimar amounted to
little more than 20. The principle of the annual cycle is closely bound up with the history of the cantata
from Neumeister on; the texts were mostly published in cycles, one for each Sunday and feast day in
the church year. Bach, admittedly, never adhered strictly to a single poet (except in the lost Picander
cycle of 1728–9), preferring to pick and choose. In Weimar he turned for the first time to librettos by
Neumeister (nos.18 and 61) and used texts by G.C. Lehms (1684–1717; nos.199 and 54), but evidently
preferred texts by the Weimar court poet Salomo Franck (1659–1725), the author of extremely original
and profoundly felt sacred and secular poetic texts, among the best Bach set. Nos.21, 63 and 199 are
among cantatas dating from before 1714; regular production began with Cantata no.182 on 25 March
1714. There followed, usually at four-week intervals, in 1714 nos.12, 172, 61, 152; in 1715 nos.18, 54,
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Musically the works are of particular importance for the development they show in Bach’s personal
style of writing for voices and instruments. The recitatives contain extensive arioso sections to begin
with, but these gradually disappear (although the combinatorial element was to remain typical of Bach
throughout his life); the arias become longer, in free or (more usually) strict da capo form and
occasionally using more complex structures. The choruses embrace a multiplicity of formal principles,
among them fugue and canon (no.182), passacaglia (12), concerto (172), motet (21) and French
overture (61). Also notable are the overlapping of instrumental and vocal formal schemes (the use of
Chor- and Vokaleinbau) and instrumental quotations of chorale melodies. The extraordinarily colourful
instrumentation is especially characteristic: within the smallest of performing ensembles Bach tried
out a great variety of combinations, for example recorder, oboe, viola d'amore and viola da gamba in
Cantata no.152. Following the Italian ideal, his orchestral writing moved away from the French
practice of five-part writing, with two violas, which predominates in the early cantatas towards a more
flexible four-part style. Instead of the harmonic weight of the middle voices in five-part writing Bach
provided a rhythmically and melodically active viola part that is particularly characteristic.
In Cöthen, corresponding to Bach’s official responsibilities, only secular cantatas were composed (with
the single exception of BWVAnh.5) and those were mostly written for New Year celebrations or the
prince’s birthday. Bach’s librettist was C.F. Hunold (‘Menantes’, 1681–1721). Among the Cöthen
cantatas, many survive only as verbal texts (Anh.6–8) or are lost altogether; a substantial part of the
music survives only for nos.66a, 134a, 173a, 184a and 194a. These pieces mostly exemplify the
‘serenata’ type of work, with succinct operatic treatment in dialogues between allegorical figures. It is
not surprising that they reflect Bach’s study of the instrumental concerto of the period (in part in the
solo–tutti differentiation) or that dance characteristics appear, notably in the solo movements. Bach
used transverse flutes in Cantata no.173a, evidently for the first time.
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At Leipzig the performance of sacred cantatas on Sundays and feast days (some 60 a year) was one of
Bach’s chief tasks, and he produced a large number of new works. His vast workload meant that within
the first cycle, beginning on the first Sunday after Trinity (30 May), he not only had to rely on repeat
performances of earlier sacred cantatas but also had to resort to parodies of secular cantatas written
at Cöthen. Nevertheless, his first cycle (1723–4) contains the following new compositions: nos.75, 76,
24, 167, 136, 105, 46, 179, 69a, 77, 25, 119, 138, 95, 148, 48, 109, 89, 60, 90, 40, 64, 190, 153, 65,
154, 155, 73, 81, 83, 144, 181, 67, 104, 166, 86, 37 and 44; to these must be added his test works (nos.
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Thus in his first year at Leipzig Bach furnished himself with an astonishingly concentrated repertory,
and his emphasis on the cantata genre also gave him mastery over an incomparable variety of forms,
free from any schematicism. Three favourite groundplans are: biblical text–recitative–aria–recitative–
aria–chorale (nos.46, 105, 136 etc.); biblical text–recitative–chorale–aria–recitative–aria–chorale (nos.
40, 48, 64 etc.); biblical text–aria–chorale–recitative–aria–chorale (nos.86, 144, 166 etc.). A constant
feature, characteristic of the Leipzig cantatas as a whole, is the framework, comprising an introductory
choral movement in the grand style (solo pieces appear rarely at the start) and closing four-part
chorale, simple but expressive. Compared with the Weimar cantatas, the orchestral forces are larger.
From no.75 onwards the brass (mainly trumpets and horns) are more strongly deployed, the flute is
brought into play increasingly after 1724, and the oboe d’amore (from no.75) and oboe da caccia (from
no.167) are introduced as new instruments, as are the violino piccolo and violoncello piccolo at a later
date. Instrumental virtuosity is heightened, and the melismatic quality of the vocal writing is further
developed. The ‘prelude and fugue’ type of movement is frequently used for the introductory chorus
(as in no.46).
The second cycle, dating from 1724–5, consists mainly of a series of freshly composed chorale cantatas
(i.e. cantatas of which both text and music are based on hymns): nos.20, 2, 7, 135, 10, 93, 107, 178, 94,
101, 113, 33, 78, 99, 8, 130, 114, 96, 5, 180, 38, 115, 139, 26, 116, 62, 91, 121, 133, 122, 41, 123, 3,
111, 92, 125, 126, 127 and 1. From Easter 1725 this series was continued at first with cantatas of the
traditional kind, that is with texts related to the prescribed scriptural readings for the day (nos.249, 6,
42 and 85), and then with nine cantatas to texts by Mariane von Ziegler (1695–1760): 103, 108, 87,
128, 183, 74, 68, 175 and 176, in all of which there is a tendency to use forms closer to those of the
first cycle. 1724–5 was not only the most productive year for cantatas, as far as is known from the
surviving works at least; it also, with the chorale cantata, saw the beginnings of a type that perhaps
represents Bach’s most important contribution to the history of the genre. What is particularly striking
is his endeavour to lay out the introductory movements as large-scale cantus firmus compositions, each
adhering to a different structural principle. Cantata no.20, and with it the second cycle, opens with a
chorale movement for chorus in the form of a French overture which it is possible to regard as a kind
of programmatic statement, whereas the opening chorus of no.2 takes the retrospective form of a
chorale motet. By this means Bach marked out a broad framework, in terms of both musical style and
compositional technique, to indicate the conceptual range of the cycle he was starting. Cohesion
between the movements within each cantata is guaranteed, at least from the textual point of view, by
their relationship to the fundamental chorale (with chorale paraphrases for the solo pieces, as opposed
to the procedure in no.4); often it is further emphasized by references to the cantus firmus and by the
use of various ways of intermingling cantus firmus and free material. The author of the texts for the
chorale cantatas is not known – Pastor Christian Weiss of the Thomaskirche, who used to preach
chorale sermons, is a possibility.
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The third cycle was followed by the 1728–9 cycle on texts by Picander, which has disappeared but for a
few remnants (1728: nos.149, 188, 197a; 1729: nos.171, 156, 159, Anh.190, 145 and 174). That Bach
really did set the whole of Picander’s Cantaten auf die Sonn- und Fest-Tage durch das gantze Jahr
(Leipzig, 1728) as his fourth cycle cannot be accepted without reservation. At the same time, the poet
must have been expressing something more than a pious hope when he wrote in the preface ‘that any
lack of poetic charm may perhaps be compensated for by the gracefulness of the incomparable Herr
Kapellmeister Bach and these songs [Lieder] may be performed in the principal churches of prayerful
Leipzig’. One of the characteristics of Picander texts is the frequent interpolation of chorale verses in
the free poetry, creating attractive opportunities for mingling choruses and arias, which were not
wasted on Bach (see nos.156 and 159, or the first movement of the St Matthew Passion). The cantatas
written after 1729 offer nothing essentially new in formal terms, as far as can be determined from
those that survive, but they show signs of a late style beginning to develop, manifested (in no.195 for
example) above all in a more refined shaping of the accompanied recitative and a more integral,
polyphonic treatment of the final chorale (entailing some modification of the cantus firmus). Some of
the later cantatas (nos.117, 192, 112, 177, 97 and 100) show an interesting modification of the chorale
type: they relinquish freely composed texts but (unlike the older per omnes versus type represented by
Cantata no.4) set the central movements as recitatives and arias.
It is impossible to reconstruct a fifth cycle worthy of the name from the surviving works (not even
given the large number of unattributed four-part chorales: see §III, (7), 15), but it would have had to be
composed over a rather longer period of time, mainly in the 1730s. The mention in the obituary of ‘five
cycles of church pieces, for every Sunday and holy day’ is just a tantalizing hint of how much has been
lost.
Besides the cantatas composed in connection with the church year, Bach also wrote sacred cantatas for
other occasions, like changes of town council, weddings, funerals, the bicentenary of the Augsburg
Confession (1730) and inaugurations of organs; in style these are essentially indistinguishable from the
other works. The body of cantatas, for all its variety, has an unusually self-contained character,
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During his early Leipzig years Bach wrote only isolated secular cantatas, but these became more
frequent as time passed. They were produced for various occasions: university ceremonies (nos.36b,
198, 205, 207), celebrations at the Thomasschule (BWV Anh.18, Anh.19, 36c), festivities in the houses
of noblemen and prominent citizens (202, 216, 210, 249b, 30a, 210a, 212) and commissions from court
(249a, 36a). Most of his large-scale congratulatory and homage cantatas written for the electoral
house of Saxony were produced at the collegium musicum. A favourite format was the operatic
dramma per musica, with a simple plot suited to the specific nature of the occasion being celebrated
(nos.213, 206, 214, 207a, 215). The more lyrical cantatas such as no.204, or the two Italian works, nos.
203 and 209, would certainly have been performed at the collegium musicum. The Coffee and Peasant
Cantatas (nos.211 and 212), to some extent tinged with folk style, are distinguished by their lifelike
and humorous characterization. The librettist of most of the works of 1725–42 was the versatile
Picander, the only other important poet for Bach’s cantatas during this period being J.C. Gottsched
(1700–66), the influential Leipzig professor of rhetoric (BWV198, Anh.13, Anh.196). There is concrete
evidence of just under 40 secular cantatas composed during the Leipzig years, but in most cases only
the texts survive. Their occasional nature is the main reason why so many have been lost: few could
have been given a second performance, and then only after alterations to the text. Bach was of course
aware that their best chance of survival lay in parody, and he took such opportunities as occurred to
save the music, as in the case of the Christmas Oratorio (see §III, (7), 14).
The three works that Bach called ‘oratorios’ fall within a very short period: the Christmas Oratorio of
1734–5, the Easter Oratorio and Ascension Oratorio of 1735. The librettists are not known for certain.
The place for Bach’s oratorios in the Lutheran liturgy was the same as that for the cantata; the only
difference between the oratorio and cantata texts is that the former have a self-contained ‘plot’ or take
the form of narration with dialogue. This conforms with the history of the genre, although Bach held
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Of the five Passions mentioned in the necrology two survive (St Matthew and St John), for one the text
survives (St Mark) and the other two are lost. Judging from the source it seems probable that the
anonymous St Luke Passion – which is certainly not by Bach – was included among his works in error
because the score, dating from about 1730, was copied in his hand and contained additions by him.
This means that only one Passion remains to be accounted for. Recent research has shown that various
movements in the second version of the St John Passion (1725) were taken from a Passion composed
for Weimar, most notably the chorus ‘O Mensch bewein’ and the three arias ‘Himmel, reisse’,
‘Zerschmettert mich’ and ‘Ach windet euch nicht so’. Curiously enough, Hilgenfeldt (1850) mentioned a
Passion by Bach dating from 1717, giving no indication of the source of his information, and Bach gave
a guest recital at the Gotha court during the Passion period in 1717, making it conceivable that he put
on a Passion performance while the post of Kapellmeister was vacant. Also, he performed Keiser’s St
Mark Passion in Weimar in about 1713, so his interest in the genre is established for the period. The
missing fifth Passion must almost certainly, therefore, be a lost Weimar work, but the traces are too
few to allow any conclusions to be drawn about it.
The three known works represent the same type of oratorio Passion, in the tradition of the historia, in
which the biblical text is retained as a whole (with ‘parts’ for soloists – Evangelist, Jesus, Pilate etc. –
and the turba choruses for disciples, high priests etc.), and is interrupted by contemplative, so-called
‘madrigal’ pieces set to freely composed verse, as well as by chorales. A special feature of Bach’s
Passions is the unusual frequency of the chorales, which are set in simple yet extremely expressive
four-part writing. The text of the St John Passion of 1724, Bach’s first large-scale vocal work for
Leipzig, is not a unified piece of work. The freely composed parts rely heavily on the famous Passion
poem by B.H. Brockes (Der für die Sünde der Welt gemarterte und sterbende Jesus, 1712) and on texts
by C.H. Postel (c1700) and Christian Weise (1675); besides this, the Evangelist’s part contains
interpolations from St Matthew’s Gospel. Unlike any other of Bach’s large-scale works, the St John
Passion underwent substantial changes of every kind in the course of its various performances. For the
second performance, in 1725, Bach produced a much altered version adapted conceptually to the cycle
of chorale cantatas (see §III, (7), 13) by the incorporation of movements based on a cantus firmus. In a
third version (probably of 1732) the interpolations from St Matthew were cut and a new aria and
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The history of the St Matthew Passion, with its double chorus, is less complicated, though not entirely
straightforward. In this case the date of the first performance seems now to be established (the
Thomaskirche, Good Friday 1727), but some details of that occasion remain unclear because of lacunae
in the source material (version BWV244b). Furthermore, some ten movements from the St Matthew
Passion were incorporated into the Cöthen funeral music of 1729 (BWV244a), and the consequences of
that for the repeat of the Passion in the same year are not known. On the whole the St Matthew
Passion is a considerably more unified piece than the St John, for which the primary reason is its use of
Picander’s text. Its greater textual and musical scale allows more space for the arias and ‘madrigal’
pieces in which the coupling of arioso with aria is an especially characteristic feature. Another special
feature is the way the strings provide an accompanying halo in Jesus’s recitatives. The pervading
cyclical formation of the work (from the interrelating of the chorales, tonal organization and paired
movements) is in some respects even more pronounced than in the St John Passion, while it lacks the
earlier work’s ‘architectural’ centre. After 1729 the St Matthew Passion had at least two more
performances under Bach’s direction. In 1736 he made some important changes, chief among them
emphasizing the separation of the two choruses and instrumental ensembles by division of the
continuo, exchanging the simple chorale at the end of part i for ‘O Mensch bewein’ and replacing the
lute in ‘Komm süsses Kreuz’ with bass viol. The additional alterations of about 1742 were mainly a
matter of meeting practical performing conditions.
In its main sections, that is in the ‘madrigal’ pieces, the St Mark Passion of 1731 was a parody work
whose main sources are the Trauer Ode (Cantata no.198) and the Cöthen funeral music (BWV244a).
While only the text survives, the musical design can in part be deduced from these models, although
they scarcely permit it to be reconstructed satisfactorily. The Bach literature includes discussion of
parody relationships which go further than this, but they seem to raise more questions than they
answer. The most plausible suggestion, made by Smend (1940–48), is that some of the exceptionally
large number of chorales in the St Mark Passion may have survived in the collections of Bach’s four-
part chorales.
In Bach’s time Latin polyphonic music was still often used in ordinary Lutheran Sunday worship,
particularly, in Leipzig, at important church feasts. Further, the concerted Magnificat continued to hold
its place in Vespers. Bach had been interested in Latin polyphonic music at least since his Weimar
period, as his copies of pieces by other composers demonstrate (Peranda, Durante, Pez, Wilderer,
Bassani, Caldara, Lotti, Palestrina etc.; catalogue in Wolff, 1968). He also wrote insertions in this style
for other composers’ works, and made some arrangements (Sanctus BWV241; Credo intonation for a
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Bach’s masterpiece in this genre is of course the work known – though not conceived as a unity – as
the B minor Mass. Its genesis stretched over more than two decades. Bach’s aim seems originally to
have been to bring together a collection of exemplary large-scale mass movements rather than to
create a single, cyclical work on an unprecedented scale. In assembling the whole score in 1748–9,
however, the composer undoubtedly had the intention of making it a comprehensive work of consistent
quality. The oldest section is the Sanctus of 1724. The Kyrie and Gloria come from the 1733 Missa
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Table 1
TABLE 1
An earlier version of ‘Credo in unum Deum’ exists, dating from the early 1740s, while ‘Et incarnatus’
may be the last vocal composition that Bach completed. However, Bach’s reworking of earlier material
went much further than usual. In ‘Agnus Dei’, in particular, nearly half the movement was completely
revised, using new thematic material. When the entire work was nearly finished Bach revised it once
more, probably in 1749, adding ‘Et incarnatus’ (the words of which he had originally set as part of the
aria ‘Et in unum Dominum’). The music of the new ‘Et incarnatus’ is reminiscent of a movement in
Pergolesi’s Stabat mater, and in its combination of unorthodox polyphony and musically expressive
gesture points the way forward to a new stylistic sensibility. It is all the more astonishing that Bach
successfully followed it with the earliest music in the mass, the ‘Crucifixus’ (from the second
movement of Cantata no.12) – though he did bring this up to date with a more empfindsam style of
continuo and more subtle instrumentation of the upper parts.
It was obviously not by chance that Bach turned in his old age to the mass genre. With its centuries-old
tradition, by comparison with such modern genres as the cantata and oratorio, the setting of the mass
had a natural affinity to the historical and theoretical dimensions of Bach's musical thinking, which
also bore fruit in the monothematic instrumental works of his last years.
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In Bach’s time motets were sung as introits for services and on certain special occasions. The tradition
established at Leipzig was to select introit motets from the Florilegium Portense (1603), a classical
repertory from the 16th century compiled by Erhard Bodenschatz. For this reason, Bach wrote motets
only for special occasions, probably only for burial services, although in only one case, Der Geist hilft
(for the funeral of the Thomasschule headmaster Ernesti in 1729), is there documentary evidence of
this. Bach’s motet texts, following the tradition, are based on biblical quotations and chorales; freely
composed poetry is used in only one case, and even this is hymnbook poetry (Komm, Jesu, komm, Paul
Thymich). On the occasions for which the motets were composed, Bach normally had more than the
school choristers at his disposal; he was thus able to use between five- and eight-part writing, as he did
in six pieces (BWV225–9 and Anh.159). In line with normal central German practice since the 17th
century, it was a rule in the performance of motets at Leipzig, including those from Florilegium
Portense, that a continuo part should be included – to be precise, organ, harpsichord (in Leipzig the so-
called motet harpsichord), lute, with violone, cello, bassoon. In this way the bass of a vocal (choral or
polychoral) movement was supported by a larger or smaller continuo depending on the circumstances,
in the manner of a basso seguente. Colla parte accompaniment was required only occasionally. The
performing parts that have survived for Der Geist hilft, with strings (first chorus) and reed instruments
(second chorus) doubling the voices, must be connected with the exceptional nature of the occasion
and cannot necessarily be taken as applicable to the other motets; similar special cases, with partly
obbligato instruments, are BWV118, O Jesu Christ (both versions) and Der Gerechte kömmt um (not in
BWV: BC C 8).
Bach’s use of double chorus and his exposition of forms of chorale treatment link the motets with the
central German tradition in which he had grown up. That it was part of his direct family inheritance is
illustrated by the fact, which can scarcely be coincidental, that motets are particularly well
represented in the Alt-Bachisches Archiv. Bach’s earliest motet, Ich lasse dich nicht BWV Anh.159, long
attributed to Johann Christoph Bach of Eisenach, adheres extremely closely to Thuringian models.
Composed by 1712 at the latest, the work’s foundations in the tradition are typified by the highlighting
of upper parts and the largely homophonic conception of the first section, and by the interweaving of a
chorale tune in large note values in the second; by contrast, the harmonic intensity of the work (in F
minor) and the unified, almost rondo-like, thematic construction of its first section are innovatory.
Among later works, Bach’s debt to the tradition is best illustrated by the closing section of Fürchte
dich nicht, in its combination of cantus firmus (‘Warum sollt ich mich denn grämen’) and freely
imitative writing, and the opening section of Komm, Jesu, komm, with its chordal writing for double
chorus. As a whole, the style of BWV118 too is retrospective, with its archaic instrumentation and its
homophonic choral writing.
By contrast, most movements in the motets have a markedly polyphonic vocal manner, dominated by
instrumental style and showing unifying motivic work. Another characteristic is the clear formal
articulation, with multi-movement works demonstrating different kinds of treatment. Thus Jesu, meine
Freude, the longest work of this kind, in 11 movements, is the most strictly (that is, symmetrically)
conceived: the opening and closing movements are identical, the second to fifth correspond to the
seventh and eighth, and the central sixth movement is a fugue. Der Geist hilft begins with a concerto-
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Bach’s composition of chorales is most closely associated with his production of cantatas. Four-part
chorale style, or stylus simplex, was normal for his closing movements, particularly in the Leipzig
cantatas; it also often occurred at the ends of subsections in the Passions and oratorios. Bach’s chorale
writing is characterized by the ‘speaking’ quality of the part-writing and the harmonies – meaning that
they aim to be a direct interpretation of the text. In its pervasive counterpoint and its expressiveness,
Bach’s harmonic style stands out from that of his contemporaries, who preferred plain homophonic
textures in their chorales. This simpler approach, found in the chorales of such as Graupner or
Telemann, with movement mostly in minims, was well suited to congregational singing, but Bach took
no account of that in his chorales, which are deliberately more artistic, rhythmically often more lively
(written in crotchets) and frequently bolder in their harmonies. The first four-part chorale settings are
in the Weimar cantatas (the last movement of no.12, performed on 22 April 1714, is among the earliest
examples), and Bach’s stylistic development in this type of composition reached a final stage 30 years
later in the chorales of the Christmas Oratorio, with their elegantly mobile bass lines and their
polyphonic refinement of the inner voices. His training as an organist probably contributed to the
personal stamp of his style; organ settings such as BWV706 display similar stylistic traits. Chorales
such as BWV371, conceived with orchestral forces in mind, act furthermore as reminders that chorales
were Bach’s favourite medium of instruction. C.P.E. Bach wrote in 1775: ‘His pupils had to begin by
learning four-part thoroughbass. After that he went on with them to chorales; first he used to write the
bass himself, then they had to invent the alto and tenor for themselves … this way of leading up to
chorales is indisputably the best way of learning composition, including harmony’.
The posthumously published collections (Birnstiel, 2 vols., 1765, 1769; Breitkopf, 4 vols., 1784–7)
contain almost all the chorales known from Bach’s vocal works, some under different titles. The
Breitkopf edition, prepared by C.P.E. Bach and Kirnberger, contains 371 chorales, among them more
than 100 not found in the extant vocal works. This provides an important pointer to the lost vocal
music, and though extremely difficult to follow up it has borne some fruits, as in the reconstruction of
the St Mark Passion or the Picander cycle. It is worth remarking that the number of excess chorales,
that is those that cannot be assigned to extant works, more or less corresponds to the number thought
to exist in the lost cantatas and Passions.
Under the generic heading of ‘sacred songs’ come the 69 melodies with figured bass in G.C.
Schemelli’s Musicalisches Gesang-Buch(1736). According to the foreword, Bach edited the figured
bass for some of the melodies, while others were entirely new compositions by him. Three are
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Only exceptionally did Bach compose secular songs. A quodlibet for four voices and continuo
(BWV542), surviving only in fragmentary form, is unique among his vocal works. It was probably
composed for a wedding in Erfurt, at the latest by mid-1708. With its admixture of various melodies
and humorous words, the piece forms a link with the musical games played, so tradition relates, when
the Bach family got together (see §III, (7), 1 above). Other rarities, from a later period when he was
settled in the university town of Leipzig, are the song addressing a pipe of tobacco (BWV515) and the
‘Murky’ (BWVAnh.40).
The obituary written immediately after Bach’s death and published in 1754 contains the following
statement: ‘For as long as there is nought to confute us other than the mere possibility of the existence
of better organists and keyboard players, we cannot be reproached if we are bold enough to persist in
the claim that our Bach was the most prodigious organist and keyboard player that there has ever
been. It may be that this or that famous man has accomplished much in polyphony on these
instruments but was he for that reason as expert – with hands and feet together – as Bach was?
Whosoever had the pleasure of hearing him and others, being not otherwise disposed by prejudice, will
agree that this doubt is not unfounded. And whosoever looks at Bach’s pieces for the organ and the
keyboard, which he himself, as is universally known, performed with the greatest perfection, will
likewise have nothing to say in contradiction of the above statement.’ The claim illustrates the well-
nigh legendary reputation that Bach enjoyed in his lifetime. His fame had already spread beyond the
confines of central Germany by 1717, when he challenged the French virtuoso Louis Marchand to a
competition at the court of Dresden and won by default when the Frenchman took flight. ‘It would be
wrong to conclude from this defeat of Marchand in Dresden that he must have been a poor musician.
Did not as great a one as Handel avoid every opportunity of confronting the late Bach … or of getting
involved with him?’ (Marpurg).
Keyboard music as a whole occupies a crucial position in Bach’s life in many respects, but this is even
more true of the works for harpsichord than of those for organ. No other genre occupied Bach so
consistently and intensively from the beginning of his career to the end. His life as a professional
musician began with learning to play on a keyboard, above all in Ohrdruf in 1695–1700 under the
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Bach was bolder than any of his contemporaries: from the first he set no limits to his keyboard skills,
and accepted no restrictions to his horizons – from the breadth of the foundations of his style to the
comprehensive range of genres in which he composed. The stylistic basis was laid in his youth, and it
was undoubtedly important that growing up in the central German environment of his time gave him
the opportunity to learn about different stylistic tendencies side by side, without any bias towards one
rather than another. As a result his models came from a highly diverse repertory. The north German
school, including such masters as Buxtehude, Reincken, Bruhns, Lübeck and Böhm, were ranged
alongside central German composers such as Pachelbel’s circle and older pupils (J.H. Buttstedt, for
example, or A.N. Vetter) and Witt, Krieger, Kuhnau and Zachow, as well as their southern German
colleagues J.J. Froberger, J.C. Kerll and J.C.F. Fischer. Italians such as Frescobaldi and Battiferri
confronted Frenchmen such as Lully, Marais, Grigny and Raison. Many of these names are to be found
in the large manuscript collections (the so-called Andreas-Bach-Buch and Möllersche Handschrift)
copied by the Ohrdruf Bach, Johann Christoph. They give a clear picture of the repertory that the
younger brother grew up with, and which showed him – like the young Handel, learning his craft in a
similar environment – ‘the manifold ways of writing and composing of various races, together with
each single composer’s strengths and weaknesses’. No comparable sphere of influence served to
challenge this broadly based group of musicians and exemplars later in Bach’s life. There were, of
course, individuals who had an effect on him, such as Vivaldi after 1710, or probably Couperin, or his
exact contemporary Handel, but no group of musicians of a comparable range or variety.
Bach’s dedication to every keyboard genre and form appears equally boundless. The range remains
constant throughout his career, from the earliest to the last compositions. All the major types are
represented: the freely improvisatory (prelude, toccata, fantasia), the imitative and strict (fugue,
fantasia, ricercar, canzona, capriccio, invention), the combinatory (multi-part preludes, prelude and
fugue) and multi-movement forms (sonata, suite or partita, overture or sinfonia, chaconne or
passacaglia, pastorale, concerto and variations); and then there are the various types and forms of
chorale arrangement.
Unlike the vocal music and the chamber and orchestral works, Bach’s keyboard output covers his
entire creative life. There are quite lengthy periods of heightened activity – organ music before 1717,
harpsichord music after that date. As a whole, however, Bach seems to have cultivated the two genres
alongside each other. It is thus the more surprising that, right from the beginning, consistently and in
defiance of inherited 17th-century tradition, he abandoned the conventional community of repertory
between organ and harpsichord, choosing to write specifically for the one or the other. The
uncompromising use of obbligato pedals, in particular, is a distinguishing mark of Bach’s organ style.
Only exceptionally (for example in the chorale partitas and the small chorale arrangements from the
third part of the Clavier-Übung) do the performing possibilities coincide so that organ and harpsichord
become truly interchangeable.
Since most of Bach’s keyboard works from the pre-Leipzig years survive in copies (generally made in
the circle of Bach’s pupils) rather than in autograph scores, it is not possible to establish a precise
chronology. Even a relative one is possible only in general terms, with considerations of style and
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A subsequent stage in Bach’s development is found in the chorale partitas BWV766–8, mostly wrought
in the manner of Böhm (BWV768 was revised and expanded during Bach’s Weimar period). The
Canzona BWV588, the Allabreve BWV589 and the Pastorale BWV590 show south German and Italian
characteristics, while the Fantasia in G BWV572 looks to the French style. With their sectional layout,
the preludes in E and G minor, BWV566 and 535a, must have been written under Buxtehude’s
immediate influence.
The extraordinary harmonic boldness and the richness of fermata embellishment in the pieces BWV715,
722 and 732, intended to accompany chorales, imply that they belong to the Arnstadt period when
Bach’s treatment of chorales caused confusion among the congregation. The fugues after Legrenzi and
Corelli, BWV574 and 579, should probably be placed among the early works. Admittedly, the scarcity of
autographs, combined with the complicated situation surrounding the other sources, makes it difficult
to establish a reliable chronology. It is scarcely possible even to draw definite conclusions about which
of the early keyboard works belong within the period of Bach’s youth, if that is set at about 1700–07.
The models recede in importance from the Mühlhausen period, at the latest, and Bach’s individuality
begins to pervade every note of his compositions. This applies particularly to the many extended organ
chorale settings probably dating from between 1709 and 1712–13 and already so much in accordance
with Bach’s later ideals that he found this group of 18 chorales (BWV651–8) worthy of revising in and
after about 1740. In his freely composed organ works (toccatas, preludes, fantasias and fugues) Bach
tightened up the formal scheme, preparing the way for the two-movement prelude and fugue through
an intermediate type in which the fugue was a long, self-contained complex but the prelude was not yet
a unified section (such as the first movement of BWV532). Here is an early manifestation of one of the
peculiarities of Bach’s working methods, encountered later in the ‘48’: fugues attain their final form
almost instantaneously, preludes often go through several stages of development. Probably the most
important work of these years is the Passacaglia in C minor BWV582.
In about 1713–14 a decisive stylistic change came about, stimulated by Vivaldi’s concerto form. Bach’s
encounter with Vivaldi’s music found immediate expression in the concertos after Vivaldi’s opp.3 and 7
(BWV593 etc.). Features adapted from Vivaldi include the unifying use of motivic work, the motoric
rhythmic character, the modulation schemes and the principle of solo–tutti contrast as means of formal
articulation; the influence may be seen in the Toccatas in F and C BWV540 and 564. Apparently Bach
experimented for a short while with a free, concerto-like organ form in three movements (fast–slow–
fast: cf BWV545 + 529/2 and BWV541 + 528/3) but finally turned to the two-movement form, as in
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Bach composed few organ pieces at Cöthen, but among them is undoubtedly the C major Fantasia
BWV573 which he added to Anna Magdalena Bach’s Clavier-Büchlein (1722). In Leipzig, in about 1727,
he composed the trio sonatas, a new genre for the organ, which he wrote, according to Forkel, for his
eldest son Wilhelm Friedemann. It was probably in conjunction with renewed activity as a recitalist –
he is known to have performed in Dresden (1725, 1731 and 1736), Kassel (1732), Altenburg (1739) and
Potsdam (1747) – that he returned to the prelude and fugue genre. Now, surely as a consequence of
the ‘48’, he always wrote them in two sections, with the preludes as important as the fugues. There
was a final flourish of virtuosity (especially in the writing for obbligato pedal) in works such as BWV544
and 548 (both c1730), but always in the context of a clearcut structure (there is a da capo fugue in
BWV548).
In 1739, as the third part of the Clavier-Übung, Bach published a comprehensive and varied group of
organ works. Framed by a Prelude and Fugue in E♭ (BWV552), there are nine chorale arrangements for
Mass and 12 for the catechism, followed by four duets. Bach’s encyclopedic intentions can be seen in
the form of the work – that of a collection of specimen organ pieces for large church instruments and
smaller domestic ones (including the harpsichord), symbolized in his invariable coupling of a large
piece with a small; they can equally be seen in the variety of his contrapuntal methods, whereby he
constantly produced fresh kinds of cantus firmus treatment. At the very end of Bach’s output for the
organ are such disparate works as the C minor Fantasia and Fugue BWV562 (1747–8), the ‘Schübler’
chorales (arrangements after solo movements from cantatas) and the canonic variations on Vom
Himmel hoch BWV769. The variations, written for Mizler’s society in 1747, survive in two original
versions, printed and autograph, whose different sequence of movements shows Bach experimenting
with symmetrical form and the placing of climaxes.
Just as Bach learnt most about the craft of composition from keyboard music, so too did he use it for
preference in teaching others. He was obviously already a sought-after teacher when still in Weimar,
but the move to Leipzig brought a decisive expansion of his teaching activities. H.N. Gerber, who
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One of the essential elements of Bach’s art as a keyboard composer is the attention he gave, from the
first, to the idiomatic qualities of the individual instruments, respecting not only the differences
between organ and harpsichord but also those within the family of string keyboard instruments, of
which he used at least four types: harpsichord, clavichord, lute-harpsichord and fortepiano. He is
specific about the main kinds of harpsichord in the Clavier-Übung(the first part is for one-manual
harpsichord, the second and fourth for a two-manual instrument). One of the earliest manuscript
sources refers to the suitability of the E minor suite BWV996 for the lute-harpsichord (‘aufs Lauten
Werk’). Bach took an active interest in J.G. Silbermann’s experiments in developing the fortepiano
during the 1730s and 40s. There is reliable testimony that he improvised on several new Silbermann
fortepianos of different types in the presence of Frederick the Great in Potsdam in 1747, which makes
it possible to regard the three-part ricercar of the Musical Offering as conceived primarily for this new
kind of keyboard instrument.
There is an obvious association between Bach’s renown as a keyboard virtuoso, together with his work
as a teacher, and the fact that his keyboard music is among the most accessible of his entire output,
and also that it was the most widely available. Its dissemination shows a marked rising curve during
the 18th century, internationally as well as within Germany. Bach’s harpsichord works were available
in Italy, France, Austria and England by 1750, and in view of this it is not surprising that the young
Beethoven was schooled in the ‘48’. The growing recognition of the significance of this part of his
output was reflected in the first complete edition of the works for harpsichord (begun in Leipzig in
1800 by Hoffmeister & Kühnel and continued by C.F. Peters) in which Forkel, among others, was
involved.
Bach’s early harpsichord compositions are in a similar situation to the early organ works as regards
dating and evaluation. None of the very earliest can be dated precisely. The Capriccio BWV992 has
been assigned to 1704; there are no biographical data to support this (it is extremely doubtful that it
was written for Bach’s brother Johann Jakob), but it certainly belongs to the period immediately after
1700. Before 1712–13 there were countless individual pieces like toccatas, preludes and fugues (these
last mainly using a ‘repercussive’ thematic technique like the early organ fugues); variation form is
represented by the Aria variata BWV989. In the toccatas (BWV910 etc.) Italian, north German and
French influences conjoin in equal importance (BWV912 is an interesting counterpart to the organ
work BWV532); Bach’s penchant for the French style is evident in his abundant use of the style brisé.
After 1712 the particular influence of concertos by Vivaldi, Marcello and others can be seen in Bach’s
numerous concerto arrangements (BWV972 etc.).
To the last years in Weimar and the early years in Cöthen belong works such as the so-called English
Suites and the Chromatic Fantasia and Fugue BWV903, and also the Clavier-Büchlein for Wilhelm
Friedemann of 1720, which is predominantly didactic in layout. It is however less important for its
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Then followed, also in 1722, Das wohltemperirte Clavier (book 1 of the ‘48’), with its 24 preludes and
fugues in all the major and minor keys, surpassing, in logic, in format and in musical quality, all earlier
endeavours of the same kind by other masters, such as J.C.F. Fischer’s Ariadne musica. The work
shows a perfectly balanced contrast between free and strict styles, each represented by several
different types of prelude and fugue. Bach’s writing in book 1 of the ‘48’ in the most varied fugues –
from two- to five-part, in a wide range of styles – represents the culmination of a 20-year process of
maturation and stands unparalleled in the history of music. The final version of the two- and three-part
Inventions and Sinfonias, also arranged by key but representing a different method of composition
whose object (according to Bach’s foreword) was ‘to teach clear playing in two and three obbligato
parts, good inventions [i.e. compositional ideas] and a cantabile manner of playing’, dates from 1723.
The first traces of the subsequent great works of the Leipzig period are to be found in the 1725
Clavierbüchlein for Anna Magdalena, which in fact anticipates the so-called French Suites BWV812–17
and the Partitas BWV825–30. The Partitas in particular (appearing in print singly from 1726) represent
a further culmination in Bach’s keyboard output; whereas the ‘48’ shows the prelude and fugue type
developed to its most consummate maturity, these present similarly matured specimens of the most
popular harpsichord genre of the time, the partita, comprising a suite of dance movements and
‘galanteries’. These – the burlesca, capriccio and the like – do not appear in the English or French
Suites; as in the English Suites, each partita begins with a large-scale movement, each differently
titled and each in a different style. Later, with the collected publication of all six in 1731, Bach
inaugurated his series of published works under the general title Clavier-Übung (the title was
borrowed from a publication by Kuhnau, his predecessor in office). In 1735 appeared the second part,
whose contents were intended to be representative of the most prominent and fashionable styles: the
Concerto in the Italian Style BWV971 embodies the ultimate stage in the process of transcribing
instrumental concertos for keyboard, and stands in contrast to an Overture in the French Manner
BWV831 which, more markedly than the partitas, represents what was specifically French in harmony,
rhythm, ornamentation and melodic invention. 1741–2 eventually saw the end of the Clavier-Übung
series with the aria and 30 variations known as the Goldberg Variations. Apparently Bach had not
cultivated the variation form since his youth, so that the contrast between the Goldberg Variations and
the early works (chorale partitas and the Aria variata) is the more marked. This work outshines all
others as far as performing technique is concerned (Domenico Scarlatti’s influence is unmistakable in
places). The large-scale cyclical layout (based on a sequence of 10 x 3 movements, incorporating a
series of nine canons, one at every third variation, arranged in order of ascending intervals to move
towards a climax, with a final quodlibet) is without precedent. The basis of the composition is a ground
bass of 32 bars, developed from the Ruggiero and related bass patterns, first presented in the aria and
then subjected to free and canonic elaboration in a wide variety of ways. In their monothematic and
emphatically contrapuntal conception, the Goldberg Variations set the scene for Bach’s last keyboard
works – the Musical Offering and Art of Fugue.
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The dates of composition of the seven surviving works for lute – apparently almost his total output for
the instrument – cover at least 30 years. The earliest work is the Suite in E minor BWV996, which dates
from the Weimar period; it already shows a surprisingly balanced construction. The Prelude in C minor
BWV999 shows an affinity with the ‘48’, and may thus belong to the Cöthen or early Leipzig period. All
the other lute works were composed in Leipzig, starting with the Fugue in G minor BWV1000, an
expanded polyphonic development from the violin fugue (in BWV1001), which (like BWV997) is in a
tablature copied by Bach’s friend, the Leipzig lawyer and lutenist Christian Weyrauch. The Suite in G
minor BWV995 (after 1011, for cello) dates from the period 1727–31 and is dedicated in Bach’s
autograph to an unidentifiable ‘Monsieur Schouster’. The Suite in E (BWV1006a, after 1006 for violin)
also survives in autograph form and is a much less demanding arrangement of its model as compared
with BWV1000 and 995; it dates from the second half of the 1730s. Bach must have composed the Suite
in C minor BWV997 before 1741; this is an original lute composition and is laid out in a similar virtuoso
fashion to the Prelude, Fugue and Allegro in E♭ BWV998 which can be ascribed to the early 1740s. The
late works may have been written for the Dresden lutenists S.L. Weiss and Johann Kropffgans, and in
any case were probably played by them. There is evidence that Weiss and Kropffgans performed at
Bach’s house at least once, in 1739. Bach’s arrangement for violin and harpsichord of Weiss’s lute suite
in A major (BWV1025) may have been made in connection with this occasion. His contributions to the
repertory of the lute, long past its heyday but enjoying a final flowering in the German-speaking
countries, represent, along with the works of Weiss, the culmination of the instrument’s 18th-century
repertory. They require an instrument with 10 to 14 strings, but in Bach’s day were at least
occasionally played on the lute-harpsichord, an instrument in whose construction Bach had assisted.
The indistinct line between lute and harpsichord music is illustrated by the autograph of BWV998,
marked ‘pour La Luth ò Cembal’.
Many of Bach’s orchestral compositions must be presumed lost. The surviving repertory can in any
case give only an incomplete idea of his output for larger instrumental ensembles, for he must have
written many further works during his years at Cöthen and while he was working with the collegium
musicum in Leipzig. Traces of lost concerto movements may be found in numerous cantatas, such as
no.42 (first movement), and other large-scale vocal works, such as the Easter Oratorio (first two
movements); and various of the surviving harpsichord concertos, in particular, invite inferences about
lost originals.
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The special significance of the Brandenburg Concertos resides in the fact that, like Vivaldi’s, they
abandon the standard type of concerto grosso and use a variety of solo combinations. The originality of
Bach’s ideas extends far beyond Vivaldi’s, as do the density of the compositional texture and the level
of professional virtuosity. The devising of concise head-motifs, particularly in the first movements,
shows a strong Italian influence. Most of Bach’s instrumentations are unprecedented. They feature all
kinds of combinations, from homogeneous string sound (nos.3 and 6) to the heterogeneous mixing of
brass, woodwind, string and keyboard instruments. Just as unusual is Bach’s conflation of the group
concerto with the solo concerto in nos.2 and 5. No.5 probably represents the latest stage in
composition of the set: it was written for the inauguration of the harpsichord he brought back from
Berlin early in 1719 (an earlier version survives from about this date). At the same time it marks the
beginnings of the keyboard concerto as a form.
For a long time Bach scholars assigned most of his chamber and ensemble music to the Cöthen years.
Recent studies based on original sources and style criticism have led to a thorough revision of the
chronology affecting this part of his output. It now seems that only the smaller part of the instrumental
ensemble music (or at least of what survives of it) belongs to the Cöthen period, while the greater part
was composed at Leipzig, and principally for the collegium musicum which Bach was associated with
from 1723 and which he directed from 1729 to the early 1740s. Thus the four Orchestral Suites, with
their leaning towards French style, were written in Leipzig: no.1 perhaps as early as 1725, nos.3 and 4
in about 1725 and after 1730 respectively and no.2 about 1739. The B minor Suite (no.2), with its
hybrid mixture of concerto elements and suite form and the extraordinary virtuosity of its flute writing,
is probably Bach’s very last orchestral work. The only solo concertos to survive in their original form
from this time are the violin concertos in A minor and in E and the two-violin concerto in D minor,
which again obviously relate to the collegium musicum. Pointers to lost works that may be supposed to
have been composed in Cöthen can be obtained from Leipzig pieces showing clear signs of reworking,
above all cantata sinfonias with obbligato organ and the harpsichord concertos. Among the putative
originals discernible in later recensions are concertos for oboe d’amore (after BWV1053 and 1055), for
violin (after BWV1052 and 1060) and for three violins (after BWV1064). The intended instrumentation of
the original cannot always be conclusively determined from the later version, and allowance must also
be made for substantial differences between the two versions, so that it is extremely rarely the case
that reconstruction of a supposed but lost original is really possible. Bach never proceeded in a
mechanical way; rather, he strove to give the arrangement an identity of its own by subjecting the
model to further development and exhausting its potential. This often involved the addition of fresh
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The most noteworthy of the later concertos composed in the 1730s, with substantial changes to the
originals on which they draw, are the Triple Concerto in A minor BWV1044 (sharing several features
with Brandenburg Concerto no.5), the seven harpsichord concertos BWV1052–8 and the concertos for
two or more harpsichords BWV1060–65, all but one of them reworkings of earlier works by Bach
himself (the exception is BWV1064, an arrangement of Vivaldi’s Concerto in B minor for four violins,
op.3 no.10). In fact, Bach’s alterations and restructurings are sufficiently important – especially the
deployment of the left hand of the harpsichord part and the invention of idiomatic harpsichord
figuration – for works of this rank to be considered compositions in their own right. They owe their
special historical importance to their occurrence at the beginning of the history of the keyboard
concerto, a form which was to be taken up above all by Bach’s sons so that in Germany, until about
1750, it remained the exclusive preserve of the Bach family. A stimulus for the composition of the
harpsichord concertos may have been the new instrument introduced on 17 June 1733 (‘a new
harpsichord, the like of which no-one here has ever yet heard’), according to the announcement
advertising the collegium musicum concert.
As with the orchestral music, a great many chamber compositions are thought to be lost. Once again
the greatest losses affect the Cöthen period, but the Weimar years also suffer. When the summary
worklist in the obituary mentions ‘a quantity of other instrumental things, of every kind and for every
kind of instrument’, it probably refers first and foremost to works for various chamber ensembles.
The unusual flexibility with which Bach manipulated the conventional genres of sonata and suite is
comparable to his orchestral output, as regards formal and compositional aspects as much as textures.
Particularly important is his emancipation of the harpsichord from its role as continuo instrument and
its deployment as a true partner in the sonatas for harpsichord with violin (BWV1014–19), flute (1030–
33) and viola da gamba (1027–9). The cycle of six harpsichord and violin sonatas (c1725–6) were the
first in a series of works with obbligato keyboard and paved the way for a new musical genre. The
traditional trio sonata with continuo still cast its shadow (for example, in the opening movements of
BWV1015 and 1019), but it yielded by stages to a more integrated three-part style (for example, the
opening movements of BWV1014 and 1018). The only genuine trio sonatas to survive, apart from the
one in the Musical Offering, are BWV1038 and 1039, dating from the 1730s. Bach’s arrangement of the
gamba sonata BWV1027, after BWV1039 for two flutes and continuo is an illustration of the
development of the new type of trio writing from the trio sonata. A similar procedure stood behind his
earlier development of the organ sonata. Most movements of the organ sonatas are based on
instrumental trios, as the arrangement of the first movement of BWV528 from a trio sonata movement
for oboe d’amore, viola da gamba and continuo in Cantata no.76 illustrates. This same movement
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The list of surviving duo sonatas with continuo is also relatively short, and again dominated by works
of the Leipzig period: the violin sonatas BWV1021 and 1023 and the flute sonatas BWV1034–5. The
Fugue in G minor for violin and continuo BWV1026, from before 1712, is not only Bach’s earliest
surviving piece of ensemble music, it is also the only chamber-music piece of the pre-Cöthen years to
have survived as an independent entity. The only other sources we have for an idea of what kind of
chamber music Bach wrote in his early years are the instrumental sonatas and sinfonias of the Weimar
cantatas.
Bach’s creative powers in the Cöthen years appear in a special light in the sonatas and partitas for solo
violin, dating from 1720, and the suites for solo cello, which are probably earlier. The sonata for solo
flute (BWV1013) is not likely to have been composed in Cöthen, for the playing technique is much more
advanced than, for example, the writing for flute in Brandenburg Concerto no.5. Yet all the works
senza basso not only demonstrate Bach’s intimate knowledge of the typical idioms and performing
techniques of each instrument, but also show his ability, even without an accompanying bass part, to
bring into effective play dense counterpoint and refined harmony coupled with distinctive rhythms. The
special importance of Bach’s chamber music was recognized at a very early date. J.F. Reichardt wrote
in 1805, reviewing the first edition of the solo violin music, that the pieces represent ‘perhaps the
greatest example in any art of the freedom and certainty with which a great master can move even
when he is in chains’.
Bach’s preoccupation with the canon as the strictest form of counterpoint can be traced back to the
Weimar period. In his organ chorales and particularly in the Orgel-Büchlein the canonic principle plays
a major role. Canonic elements are present also in several of the early vocal works. Here however it is
a matter of canonic technique cropping up in a context of complex contrapuntal construction; as a
genre in its own right, the canon, in Bach’s day, would appear almost exclusively as a theoretical
example in composition teaching. It was in this sense that it was often favoured – generally in the form
of a circular canon – by musicians for entries in students’ albums: such entries were normally notated
in enigmatic fashion, setting the would-be solver an intellectual exercise. Bach wrote such canons in
albums more than once; for the most part they are probably lost. Except for BWV1076–7, all the
surviving individual canons (1072–5, 1078, 1086) were probably dedicatory works of this kind; 1077
was re-used for this purpose. What is probably the earliest of them is dated 2 August 1713 (BWV1073,
dedicatee uncertain); the latest is dated 1 March 1749 (BWV1078; dedicatee Benjamin Faber).
A new kind of theoretical canon came into being in connection with the Goldberg Variations, in which
the canonic principle played a special part. In his personal copy of the Goldberg Variations Bach wrote
in 1747–8 a series of 14 perpetual canons on the first eight bass notes of the aria ground (BWV1087),
exploring the most varied canonic possibilities of the subject, subsequently arranging the individual
perpetual canons in a progressive order, organized according to their increasing contrapuntal
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Closely related to these (and likewise probably dating from the later 1740s) are the Vom Himmel hoch
variations, where Bach first used a strictly canonic scheme for a monothematic work in several
movements of progressive difficulty. The Musical Offering (1747) is also plainly influenced by this mode
of musical thinking. Here, for a theme incomparably more complex than that of BWV1087, he devised
ten canons of differing structural types, notated as puzzle canons in the original printed edition of
1747. The series of canons on the ‘royal theme’ includes a canonic fugue, providing a bridge between
the canons, which are primarily theoretical in conception though also intended for performance, and
the two keyboard fugues or ricercares in three and six parts. A further constituent part of the Musical
Offering is a trio sonata for flute, violin and continuo, also based on the royal theme. In its second slow
movement Bach introduced echoes of the fashionable style practised at the Prussian court. The Musical
Offering, in effect a compendium in three sections, shows Bach elaborating on the theme supplied to
him by Frederick the Great in every imaginable way for an ensemble of up to three instruments.
The Art of Fugue constitutes the final contribution to this group of monothematically conceived works
intended as representative examples of a specific principle. As a didactic keyboard work, the Art of
Fugue in some ways forms a counterpart to the two books of the ‘48’, with the difference that here it is
exclusively the fugue that is in question, and, what is more, the fugues are developed from a single
theme. Bach’s work on the Art of Fugue was accomplished in two stages – from about 1740 to about
1745, and then (in connection with preparing the work for publication) in about 1748–50. The extant
autograph score represents the conclusion of the first stage, in which the conception of the work
already appears clearly: beginning with simple fugues (Bach avoided this term, speaking of
‘contrapunctus’), progressing through ‘counter-fugues’, double fugues and triple fugues, with
interpolated canons, and culminating in a mirror fugue. For the printed version the number of
movements was not only increased by four (two canons, a fourth simple fugue and most notably a
closing quadruple fugue) but their order was rearranged so as to expound more logically the ‘chapter
of instruction on fugues’. When Bach died the work may have been more ‘complete’ than it is in the
form in which it has survived. In particular the quadruple fugue had surely been completed in all
essentials, since the composition of its combinatorial section must necessarily be an early stage in the
composition of a quadruple fugue. Only the three opening sections of the exposition, however, are
extant, and these – further abbreviated by the editors, give the Art of Fugue the appearance of being a
mighty torso.
The Musical Offering and the Art of Fugue mark both the end and the culmination of Bach’s activity as
a keyboard composer in the broadest sense. While the two ricercars on the ‘royal theme’ of the Musical
Offering represent different fugal styles (forward- and backward-looking) and different textures (three-
and six-part polyphony), the Art of Fugue explores a notably more intensive monothematic conception.
As a didactic keyboard composition in some sense it counterbalances the two parts of the ‘48’, yet with
the difference that it concerns itself with fugue alone, in a series of compositions developed out of a
single ‘principal composition’ (theme) – and does so using a technique in which forward- and
backward-looking styles operate alongside each other, synoptically as it were. It was probably
unintentional, and yet it is hardly by chance, that the initial premiss and the goal of Bach’s keyboard
art and his musical thinking come together in the Art of Fugue.
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Bach’s methods of composition can be outlined only roughly: the sources, musical and literary, present
no more than a fragmentary picture. ‘Methods’ here refers to Bach’s general procedures of
composition, as far as these can be described objectively (without venturing into conjecture about
creative psychology) and can be related to certain essential impulses and particularly characteristic
approaches.
Bach’s vast knowledge of the musical repertory was a decisive factor behind his art. He had an
intimate knowledge of the types and styles of composition of his time and in particular of the work of
his most important contemporaries; moreover, he had a sound idea of the music of the past, extending
back as far as Frescobaldi and Palestrina. The study of works by other masters went hand in hand with
experimentation in his own. It is thus characteristic that his acquaintance with the works of Buxtehude
and Böhm, with Vivaldi’s concertos, with the Passions of Keiser and Handel and with the masses of
Lotti and Palestrina should have left an immediate imprint on his compositions in the same genres. It
was less a matter of imitation of a model than of an awareness of the possibilities, an expansion of his
own manner of writing and a stimulation of his musical ideas. This is confirmed in a contemporary
report by T.L. Pitschel on his manner of improvisation, according to which, before beginning his own
fantasia, Bach as a rule played from music a work by another master (or perhaps one of his own) which
would ignite his imagination. Further, C.P.E. Bach wrote that, in accompanying a trio, his father liked
to extemporize a fourth part. This tendency to take compositions by others as a starting-point is
paralleled in his late adaptations: in his arrangement of Pergolesi’s Stabat mater an obbligato viola
part is added, replacing the one following the continuo in the original; and his version of the ‘Suscepit
Israel’ from Caldara’s Magnificat in C expands it from a five-part into a seven-part piece. An important
aspect of Bach’s procedure of composition is its systematic and encyclopedic nature. He habitually
wrote works of one particular type within a relatively limited period: for example the Orgel-Büchlein,
the ‘48’, the solo violin sonatas and partitas, the canons, the chorale cantatas etc. He was concerned to
try out, to develop and to exhaust specific principles of composition. There are practically no
completely isolated compositions. Relationships, correspondences and connections with other works
can constantly be found. This approach to the procedure of composition is at once deep and yet of
great natural simplicity; and it never results in mere repetition. Certainly there is repetition, of a kind,
in the case of parodies or transcriptions of existing works. Yet even here it is inappropriate to speak of
repetition, since in the process of parodying and transcribing, Bach always modified so that the end-
product represents a fresh stage in the development of the original composition.
C.P.E. Bach related that his father did not actually compose at the keyboard – apart from some
keyboard works whose material originated in improvisations – but that he often tried out his music on
the keyboard afterwards. This procedure may be seen in the few instrumental works of which Bach’s
autograph draft survives, for example the early versions of the Inventions in the Clavier-Büchlein for
Wilhelm Friedemann, where an abundance of inserted corrections are to be found. In the vocal music,
where a wealth of source material is available, the main stages of composition can often be
reconstructed. In thematically and motivically self-contained movements, like arias and choruses, Bach
normally began with the development and formulation of a motif, a phrase or a theme, which would be
guided by the prosody of the text; he then added the contrapuntal voices, and continued in the same
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In composing multi-movement vocal works Bach, understandably, began as a rule with the self-
contained movements and only afterwards worked at the recitatives and chorales. In the recitatives he
normally first wrote out the text and then added the melody and bass, section by section. In the
chorales the bass was added to the melody and the middle parts were inserted later. Then all the
movements were revised in detail, and sometimes corrections were made. The appearance of Bach’s
working drafts is thus unusually clear and neat as a whole, although it is mainly in his fair copies that
the particular quality of his handwriting, a quality comparable to that of his music, is expressed. The
physical state of the fair copy had to reflect the degree of artistic perfection to which the composer
aspired, and the pains taken to achieve neatness and clarity in the copy are not evidence of pedantry.
Rather, Bach was aware of the dichotomy between the perfection of the musical idea and that of its
representation in performance. For this reason and no other he made the following statement in 1738,
through the mouth of his spokesman J.A. Birnbaum: ‘One does not judge a composition first and
foremost by the impression of its performance. Yet if such judgment, which can be deceptive, is not to
be taken into consideration, then I see no other way of forming an opinion about it except by looking at
the work as it is set down in notation.’
Ultimately, for Bach, the process of composition was an unending one. Dynamic markings and
indications of articulation would be inserted as he looked through the parts; he would revise and
improve a work when he was copying it out, and when giving further performances would make fresh
alterations and improvements. He also inserted corrections in works already in print. Throughout his
life Bach was his own severest critic. Even in works which went through two or three different
versions, like the chorale prelude An Wasserflüssen Babylon BWV653, the ‘final’ version does not
represent a definitive one but merely a further stage in the search for perfection – the central and
ultimate concern of Bach’s method of composition.
Works
Christoph Wolff
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Editions
Catalogues
J.S. Bach: Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke (Neue Bach-Ausgabe), ed. Johann-
Sebastian-Bach-Institut, Göttingen, and Bach-Archiv, Leipzig, ser. I–VIII (Kassel and
Basle, 1954–) [vols. in square brackets are in preparation] [NBA; CC = Critical
Commentary]
Church cantatas
Advent I = 1st Sunday in Advent; Trinity/Easter I = 1st Sunday after Trinity/Easter, etc.; most texts are
compilations including at least one chorale; only single text sources given; where the text is entirely or
mainly based on that of a chorale, its author’s name is given in parentheses
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105 A Herr, gehe nicht ins Trinity IX; 25 July S, A, T, B, xxiii, I/xix,
114 Gericht 1723 4vv, hn, 2 119 3
ob, str,
bc
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112 A Der Herr ist mein Easter II; 8 April S, A, T, B, xxiv, I/xi.1,
67 getreuer Hirt, 1731 4vv, 2 hn, 31 179
chorale (W. 2 ob
Meuslin) d’amore,
str, bc
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158 A Der Friede sei mit Easter Tuesday; B, 4vv, xxxii, I/x,
61, dir [? adapted from after 1723 ob, vn, 143 131
A earlier cant. for bc
171 Purification] [inc.]
162 A Ach! ich sehe, jetzt, Trinity XX; 3 Nov S, A, T, B, xxxiii, I/xxv,
148 da ich zur Hochzeit 1715 4vv, hn 31 3, 23
gehe (Franck) [inc.] da
tirarsi,
str, bc
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164 A Ihr, die ihr euch von Trinity XIII; 26 S, A, T, B, xxxiii, I/xxi,
128 Christo nennet Aug 1725 4vv, 2 fl, 67 59
(Franck) 2 ob, str,
bc
169 A Gott soll allein mein Trinity XVIII; 20 A, 4vv, 2 xxxiii, I/xxiv,
143 Herze haben [partly Oct 1726 ob 169 61
adapted from lost d’amore,
conc.; cf 1053] taille,
org obbl,
str, bc
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177 A Ich ruf zu dir, Herr Trinity IV; 6 July S, A, T, xxxv, I/xvii.
103 Jesu Christ, chorale 1732 4vv, 2 ob, 201 1, 79
(J. Agricola) taille, bn,
str, bc
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179 A Siehe zu, dass deine Trinity XI; 8 Aug S, T, B, xxxv, I/xx,
121 Gottesfurcht 1723 4vv, 2 ob, 275 57
2 ob da
caccia,
str, bc
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†199 A Mein Herze Trinity XI; 12 Aug S, ob, str, xli, I/xx,
120 schwimmt im Blut 1714 bc 202 3, 25,
(Lehms) (inc.) 46,
48
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134a G Die Zeit, die Tag und New Year; 1 Jan S, A, T, B, xxix, I/xxxv,
5 Jahre macht 1719 4vv, 2 ob, 209 51
(Hunold) str, bc (inc.)
226 C Der Geist hilft funeral of J.H. 8vv, 2 ob, xxxix, III/i,
2 unser Ernesti; 20 Oct taille, bn, str, 41, 39
Schwachheit auf 1729 bc 143
BWV BC
Wedding chorales, 4vv, 2 hn, ob, ob d’amore, str, bc, after 1730; BG
143 xiii/1, 147; NBA III/ii.1, 3
268 F Auf, auf, mein Herz, und du, mein ganzer Sinn
19.1
291 F Das walt’ mein Gott, Vater, Sohn und heil'ger Geist
39.1
409 F Seelen-Bräutigam
173.1
440 F 229 Auf, auf! die rechte Zeit ist hier [? melody by Bach]
447 F 221 Der Tag ist hin, die Sonne gehet nieder
449 F 249 Dich bet’ich an, mein höchster Gott [? melody by Bach]
452 F 250 Dir, dir Jehovah, will ich singen [melody by Bach]
453 F 225 Eins ist Noth! ach Herr, diess Eine [? melody by Bach]
462 F 248 Gott, wie gross ist deine Güte [? melody by Bach]
466 F 264 Ich halte treulich still und liebe [? melody by Bach]
478 F 277 Komm, süsser Tod, komm, sel’ge Ruh’! [? melody by Bach]
480 F 286 Kommt wieder aus der finstern Gruft [? melody by Bach]
505 F 262 Vergiss mein nicht, vergiss mein nicht [melody by Bach]
Doubtful
BWV BC
Organ
Independent of chorales
525– J 1–6 6 sonatas (E♭, c, d, c1730; no.3: cf 1044; xv, 3–66 IV/vii,
30 e, C, G) no.4 arr. from 76 2–76
†532 J 13, Prelude and fugue, ? before 1710 xv, 88 IV/v, 58;
54, D IV/vi,
70 95
†533 J 18, Prelude and fugue, ? before 1705 xv, 100 IV/v, 90;
72 e IV/vi,
106
†535 J 23 Prelude and fugue, ? before 1705; rev. ? xv, 112 IV/v,
g 1708–17 157; IV/
vi, 109
†539 J 15, Prelude and fugue, ? after 1720; fugue xv, 148 IV/v, 70
71 d adapted from vn sonata,
1001
†540 J 39, Toccata and fugue, toccata ? after 1712; xv, 154 IV/v,
55, F fugue before 1731 112
73
†542 J 42, Fantasia and fugue, fugue: before 1725; xv, 177 IV/v,
57, g fantasia: c1720 167
67
†543 J 26 Prelude and fugue, after 1715; fugue: cf xv, 189 IV/v,
a 944 186; IV/
vi, 121
†545 J 10, Prelude and fugue, ? before 1708; rev. ? xv, 212 IV/v, 10;
51 C 1712–17 IV/vi,
77
†549 J 14 Prelude and fugue, before 1705; rev. ? after xxxviii, IV/v, 30;
c/d 1723 3 IV/vi,
101
BWV BC Title
645 K Wachet auf, ruft uns from 140, movt 4 xxv/ IV/i,
22 die Stimme 2, 86
63
646 K Wo soll ich fliehen hin source unknown; cf 694 xxv/ IV/i,
23 2, 90
66
647 K Wer nur den lieben from 93, movt 4 xxv/ IV/i,
24 Gott lässt walten 2, 92
68
†651 K Fantasia super Komm, organo pleno; c.f. in pedal; xxv/ IV/ii,
74 Heiliger Geist cf 651a 2, 3, 117
79
657 K Nun danket alle Gott c.f. in soprano; see above xxv/ IV/ii,
80 2, 46
108
†658 K Von Gott will ich nicht c.f. in pedal; cf 658a xxv/ IV/ii,
81 lassen 2, 51,
112 154
†660 K Trio super Nun komm, cf 660a and 660b xxv/ IV/ii,
83 der Heiden Heiland 2, 59,
116 160
661 K Nun komm, der organo pleno; c.f. in pedal, cf xxv/ IV/ii,
84 Heiden Heiland 661a 2, 62,
118 164
†662 K Allein Gott in der Höh c.f. in soprano; cf 662a xxv/ IV/ii,
85 sei Ehr 2, 67,
122 168
†666 K Jesus Christus, unser alio modo; cf 666a; copied xxv/ IV/ii,
89 Heiland intoD-B P271 by J.C. 2, 91,
Altnickol, c1744–7 140 191
†667 K Komm, Gott, Schöpfer, organo pleno; cf 631; copied xxv/ IV/ii,
90 Heiliger Geist into D-B P271 by Altnickol 2, 94;
142 IV/i,
58
†668 K Vor deinen Thron tret partly in D-B P271, copied ? xxv/ IV/ii,
91 ich hiermit after 1750; with minor 2, 113,
variants, 668a, pubd as 145 212;
Wenn wir in höchsten Nöten IV/i,
sein in 1080; cf 641 71
675 K7 Allein Gott in der Höh a 3; c.f. in alto; manuals only iii, IV/iv,
sei Ehr 197 33
685 K Christ, unser Herr, alio modo, manuals only iii, IV/iv,
17 zum Jordan kam 228 73
687 K Aus tiefer Not schrei a 4, alio modo, manuals only iii, IV/iv,
19 ich zu dir 232 78
690 K Wer nur den lieben manuals only; ? before 1705 xl, 3 IV/iii,
127 Gott lässt walten 98
691 K Wer nur den lieben manuals only; autograph in xl, 4 IV/iii,
99 Gott lässt walten Clavier-Büchlein for W.F. 98
Bach; c1720–23
694 K Wo soll ich fliehen hin 2 kbd, pedal; before 1708; cf xl, 6 IV/iii,
139 646 103
695 K Fantasia super Christ manuals only; ? before 1708 xl, IV/iii,
136 lag in Todes Banden 10 20
697 K Gelobet seist du, Jesu fughetta, manuals only; ? xl, IV/iii,
147 Christ 1739–42 14 32
698 K Herr Christ, der einig fughetta, manuals only; ? xl, IV/iii,
149 Gottes Sohn 1739–42 15 35
700 K Vom Himmel hoch, da before 1708, rev. 1740s xl, IV/iii,
156 komm ich her 17 92
706 K Liebster Jesu, wir sind ?1708–14; cf 706ii [alio xl, IV/iii,
116 hier modo] 25 59
709 K Herr Jesu Christ, dich 2 kbd, pedal; ?Weimar, xl, IV/iii,
150 zu uns wend 1708–17 30 43
711 K Allein Gott in der Höh bicinium; ?1708–17; rev. xl, IV/iii,
140 sei Ehr 1740s 34 11
724 K Gott, durch deine before 1705; alternative title xl, IV/iii,
108 Güte (Gottes Sohn ist in BWV, BG 65 33
kommen)
†734 K Nun freut euch, lieben manuals only; c.f. in tenor; cf xl, IV/iii,
125 Christen gmein 734a 160 70
†735 K Fantasia super Valet with pedal obbl; Weimar, xl, IV/iii,
104 will ich dir geben 1708–17, rev. ? after 1723 86, 77, 81
161
Partite diverse:
†768 K Sei gegrüsset, Jesu ? before 1710, rev. later xl, IV/i,
96 gütig 122 132
691a Wer nur den lieben Gott lässt xl, 151 [IV/
walten x]
734a Nun freut euch, lieben Christen c.f. in pedal; *734; xl, 84 —
gmein doubtful
745 Aus der Tiefe rufe ich by C.P.E. Bach xl, 171 —
748 Gott der Vater wohn’ uns bei by J.G. Walther xl, 177 —
771 Allein Gott in der Höh sei Ehr’ chorale variations; xl, 195 —
nos.3, 8 (?all) by
A.N. Vetter
988 L9 Aria mit [30] verschiedenen Clavier-Übung, [iv] iii, 263 V/ii,
Veraenderungen [Goldberg (Nuremberg, 1741) 69
Variations]
Miscellaneous preludes,
fugues, fantasias, toccatas:
†944 L Fantasia and fugue, a fugue after Torelli iii, 334 V/ix.
135, 2,
164 133
924 L 57 Praeambulum, C
926 L 58 Prelude, d
927 L 59 Praeambulum, F
928 L 60 Prelude, F
930 L 62 Praeambulum, g
Sonatas, variations,
capriccios, etc.:
839 Sarabande, g —
Minuet, F (A113);
Minuet, G (A116);
Polonaise, F (A117a,
117b); Minuet, B♭
(A118); †Polonaise, g
(A119); Minuet, a
(A120); Minuet, c
(A121); Musette, D
(A126); [Polonaise],
d (A128); Polonaise,
G (A130); Minuet, d
(A132)
†1001– Sonatas and 1720; 1006 arr. lute = 1006a xxvii/ VI/i,
6 partitas, solo vn: 1, 3 3
Sonata no.1, g;
Partita no.1, b;
Sonata no.2, a;
Partita no.2, d:
Sonata no.3, C;
Partita no.3, E
1014– 6 sonatas, hpd, vn before 1725, rev. before 1740; ix, 69 VI/i,
19 earlier version of no.5 (Adagio only) 83
= 1018a (BG ix, 250; NBA VI/i,
195); 1st version of no.6 incl. 1019a
(BG ix, 252; NBA VI/i, 197); 3
versions of 1019 [9 movts], 2nd
version related to 830
†1025 Suite, A, vn, hpd c1740; after S.L. Weiss ix, 43 VI/v,
67
1032 Sonata, A, fl, hpd c1736; 1st movt inc. ix, VI/iii,
245, 54
32
1022 Sonata, F, vn, hpd arr. of 1038; ? by one of Bach’s sons — VI/v,
or pupils 27
1044 Concerto, a fl, vn, hpd; 1729–41; movts adapted xvii, VII/iii,
str, bc from prelude and fugue 223 105
894 and trio sonata 527
1046a Sinfonia, F 2 hn, 3 ob, formerly 1071; also used in xxxi/ VII/ii,
bn, str, bc 52 1, 96 225
1053 E hpd; str, bc from lost ?ob conc; see xvii, VII/iv,
NBA VII/vii, CC 45 79
1059 d hpd, ob; str, inc., from lost ob conc., see xvii, VII/iv,
bc NBA VII/vii, CC p.xx 313
4 orchestral
suites:
†1079 Musikalisches Opfer [fl, May–July 1747 (Leipzig, 1747); 2 xxxi/ VIII/i,
vn, bc, kbd] Ricercars, a 3, a 6; 10 canons; 2 12
sonata, fl, vn, bc; insts not fully
specified
†1080 Die Kunst der Fuge before 1742, rev. c1745 and 1748– xxv/ VIII/
[kbd] 9 (Leipzig, 1751, 2/1752) 1 ii.1–2
†1077 Canone doppio sopr’il 15 Oct 1747; ded. J.G. Fulde; cf — VIII/i,
soggetto 1087 4, 8
W. Blankenburg: ‘Die Bachforschung seit etwa 1965: Ergebnisse, Probleme, Aufgaben’, AcM, 50
(1978), 93–154; liv (1982), 162–207; lv (1983), 1–58
C. Wolff, ed.: Bach-Bibliographie: Nachdruck der Verzeichnisse des Schrifttums über Johann
Sebastian Bach (Bach-Jahrbuch 1905–1984), mit einem Supplement und Register (Berlin,1985)
B: Catalogues
W. Schmieder: Thematisch-systematisches Verzeichnis der musikalischen Werke von Johann
Sebastian Bach: Bach-Werke-Verzeichnis (Leipzig, 1950, enlarged 2/1990, rev. and abridged
1998 by A. Dürr, Y. Kobayashi and K. Beisswenger as Bach-Werke-Verzeichnis)
S.W. Kenney, ed.: Catalog of the Emilie and Karl Riemenschneider Memorial Bach Library (New
York,1960)
M. deF. McAll, ed.: Melodic Index to the Works of Johann Sebastian Bach (New York, 1962)
H.-J. Schulze: Katalog der Sammlung Manfred Gorke: Bachiana und andere Handschriften und
Drucke des 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1977)
R.W. Wade, ed.: The Catalog of Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach’s Estate: a Facsimile of the Edition by
Schniebes, Hamburg, 1790 (New York, 1981)
W. Neumann and C. Fröde: Die Bach-Handschriften der Thomasschule Leipzig: Katalog (Leipzig,
1986)
U. Balestrini: Catalogo tematico (incipit) delle opere di J.S. Bach: Bach-Werke-Verzeichnis 1–1080
(Milan, 1988)
U. Leisinger and P. Wollny: Die Bach-Quellen der Bibliotheken in Brüssel: Katalog (Hildesheim,
1997)
G. Kinsky: Die Originalausgaben der Werke Johann Sebastian Bachs (Vienna, 1937/R)
G. von Dadelsen: ‘Originale Daten auf den Handschriften J.S. Bachs’, Hans Albrecht in
memoriam, ed. W. Brennecke and H. Haase (Kassel, 1962), 116–20
P. Krause, ed.: Handschriften der Werke Johann Sebastian Bachs in der Musikbibliothek der
Stadt Leipzig(Leipzig, 1964)
A. Dürr: ‘Zur Chronologie der Handschrift Johann Christoph Altnickols und Johann Friedrich
Agricolas’, BJb 1970, 44–65
K. Engler: Georg Poelchau und seine Musikaliensammlung: ein Beitrag zur Überlieferung
Bachscher Musik im 19. Jahrhundert (diss., U. of Tübingen, 1970)
P. Krause, ed.: Originalausgaben und ältere Drucke der Werke Johann Sebastian Bachs in der
Musikbibliothek der Stadt Leipzig (Leipzig, 1970)
‘Johann Sebastian Bach: Studies of the Sources’,Studies in Renaissance and Baroque Music in
Honor of Arthur Mendel, ed. R.L. Marshall (Kassel and Hackensack, NJ, 1974), 231–300
[contributions by P. Brainard, A. Dürr, G. Herz, E. May and C. Wolff]
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Wie entstand die Bach-Sammlung Mempell-Preller?’, BJb 1974, 104–22
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Das Stück in Goldpapier: Ermittlungen zu einigen Bach-Abschriften des frühen
18. Jahrhunderts’, BJb 1978, 19–42
H.-J. Schulze: ‘“150 Stück von den Bachischen Erben”: zur Überlieferung der vierstimmigen
Choräle Johann Sebastian Bachs’, BJb 1983, 81–100
A. Dürr: Johann Sebastian Bach: seine Handschrift; Abbild seines Schaffens (Wiesbaden, 1984)
R. Elvers and H.-G. Klein, eds.: Die Handschrift Johann Sebastian Bachs, Musikabteilung der
Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, 22 March – 13 July 1985 (Wiesbaden, 1985)
[exhibition catalogue]
H.J. Marx: ‘Wiederaufgefundene Autographe von Carl Philipp Emanuel und Johann Sebastian
Bach’, Mf, 41 (1988), 150–56
Y. Kobayashi: Die Notenschrift Johann Sebastian Bachs: Dokumentation ihrer Entwicklung, NBA,
9 (1989)
C. Wolff: ‘From Berlin to Lodz: the Spitta Collection Resurfaces’, Notes, 46 (1989–90), 311–27
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Bach und Buxtehude: eine wenig beachtete Quelle in der Carnegie Library zu
Pittsburgh/PA’, BJb 1991, 177–82
U. Leisinger: Die Bach-Quellen der Forschungs- und Landesbibliothek Gotha (Gotha, 1993)
A. Glöckner: ‘Die Teilung des Bachschen Musikaliennachlasses und die Thomana-Stimmen’, BJb
1994, 41–57
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J.F. Agricola and C.P.E. Bach: Obituary in L. Mizler: Neu eröffnete musikalische Bibliothek, 4/1
(Leipzig, 1754/R), 158–76; repr. in BJb 1920, 11–29
E.H. Müller von Asow: Johann Sebastian Bach: Gesammelte Briefe (Regensburg, 1938, rev.
2/1950 with H. Müller von Asow)
H.T. David and A. Mendel, eds.: The Bach Reader (New York, 1945, enlarged 3/1998 by C. Wolff
as The New Bach Reader)
W. Neumann and H.-J. Schulze, eds.: Schriftstücke von der Hand Johann Sebastian Bachs, Bach-
Dokumente, 1 (Leipzig, 1963; Fr. trans., 1976)
W. Neumann and H.-J. Schulze, eds.: Fremdschriftliche und gedruckte Dokumente zur
Lebensgeschichte Johann Sebastian Bachs 1685–1750, Bach-Dokumente, 2 (Leipzig, 1969)
A. Dürr: ‘Zur Chronologie der Handschrift Johann Christoph Altnickols und Johann Friedrich
Agricolas’, BJb 1970, 44–65
H.-J. Schulze, ed.: Dokumente zum Nachwirken Johann Sebastian Bachs 1750–1800, Bach-
Dokumente, 3 (Leipzig, 1972)
H. Stiehl: ‘Taufzettel für Bachs Kinder: ein Dokumentenfund’, BJb 1979, 7–18
E: Iconography
H. Besseler: Fünf echte Bildnisse Johann Sebastian Bachs (Kassel, 1956)
H.O.R. van Tuyll van Serooskerken: Probleme des Bachporträts (Bilthoven, 1956)
H. Börsch-Supan: ‘Gruppenbild mit Musikern: ein Gemälde von Balthasar Denner und das
Problem der Bach-Ikonographie’, Kunst und Antiquitäten, 3 (1982), 22–32
H. Raupach: Das wahre Bildnis des Johann Sebastian Bach: Bericht und Dokumente (Munich,
1983)
M. Korth and S. Kuhlmann, eds.: J.S. Bach: Bilder und Zeugnisse eines Musikerlebens (Munich,
1985)
C.L. Hilgenfeldt: Johann Sebastian Bachs Leben, Wirken und Werke: ein Beitrag zur
Kunstgeschichte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1850/R)
C.H. Bitter: Johann Sebastian Bach (Berlin, 1865, enlarged 2/1881/R; Eng. trans., abridged,
1873)
P. Spitta: Johann Sebastian Bach (Leipzig, 1873–80, 5/1962; Eng. trans., 1884)
A. Schweitzer: J.S. Bach, le musicien-poète (Paris, 1905; Ger. trans., enlarged, 1908; Eng. trans.,
1911/R)
A. Pirro: J.-S. Bach (Paris, 1906, rev. 1949; Eng. trans., 1957)
W. Gurlitt: Johann Sebastian Bach: der Meister und sein Werk (Berlin, 1936, enlarged 5/1980;
Eng. trans., 1957/R)
W. Neumann: Auf den Lebenswegen Johann Sebastian Bachs (Berlin, 1953, 4/1962; Eng. trans.,
1957)
W. Neumann: Bach: eine Bildbiographie (Munich, 1960, 2/1961; Eng. trans., 1961, rev. 2/1969 as
Bach and his World)
K. Geiringer: Johann Sebastian Bach: the Culmination of an Era (New York, 1966)
B. Schwendowius and W. Dömling, eds.: Johann Sebastian Bach: Zeit, Leben, Wirken (Kassel,
1976; Eng. trans., 1978)
C. Wolff: Johann Sebastian Bach: the Learned Musician (New York, 2000)
B.F. Richter: ‘Stadtpfeifer und Alumnen der Thomasschule in Leipzig zu Bachs Zeit’, BJb 1907,
32–78
G. Fock: Der junge Bach in Lüneburg 1700 bis 1702 (Hamburg, 1950)
K. Müller and F. Wiegand, eds.: Arnstädter Bachbuch: Johann Sebastian Bach und seine
Verwandten in Arnstadt (Arnstadt, 1950, 2/1957)
K. Geiringer: The Bach Family: Seven Generations of Creative Genius (London, 1954/R, Ger.
trans., enlarged, 1958, 2/1977)
G. Stiller: Johann Sebastian Bach und das Leipziger gottesdienstliche Leben seiner Zeit(Kassel,
1970; Eng. trans., 1984)
W. Schrammek: ‘Johann Sebastian Bach, Gottfried Silbermann und die französische Orgelkunst’,
Bach-Studien, 5 (1975), 93–107
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Johann Sebastian Bach und Georg Gottfried Wagner: neue Dokumente’, Bach-
Studien, 5 (1975), 147–54
E. Zavarský: ‘J.S. Bachs Entwurf für den Umbau der Orgel in der Kirche Divi Blasii und das
Klangideal der Zeit’, Bach-Studien, 5 (1975), 82–93
C. Wolff: ‘Bachs Leipziger Kantoratsprobe und die Aufführungsgeschichte der Kantate BWV23’,
BJb 1978, 78–94
W. Frei: ‘Bach, das konservative Genie – oder das Schicksal aus seiner Familie’,Musik und
Gottesdienst, 34 (1980), 1–6
A. Plichta: ‘Johann Sebastian Bach und Johann Adam Graf von Questenberg’, BJb 1981, 23–8
U. Siegele: ‘Bachs Ort in Orthodoxie und Aufklärung’, Musik und Kirche, 51 (1981), 3–14
K. von Fischer: Johann Sebastian Bach: Welt, Umwelt und Frömmigkeit (1983)
M. Petzoldt: ‘Zur Frage nach den Funktion des Kantors Johann Sebastian Bach in Leipzig’,Musik
und Kirche, 53 (1983), 167–73
W. Rehm, ed.: Bachiana et alia musicologica: Festschrift Alfred Dürr (Kassel, 1983) [incl. W.
Felix: ‘Johann Sebastian Bach: Leipziger Wirken und Nachwirken’, 88–92; H. Heussner: ‘Zur
Musikpflege im Umkreis des Prinzen Maximilian von Hessen: Pietro Locatelli und Johann
Sebastian Bach in Kassel’, 108–15; W. Neumann: ‘Über die mutmasslichen Beziehungen
zwischen dem Leipziger Thomaskantor Bach und dem Leisniger Matthäikantor Stockmar’, 201–
8; W.H. Scheide: ‘Bach vs. Bach: Mühlhausen Dismissal Request vs. Erdmann Letter’, 234–42;
H.-J. Schulze: ‘“Monsieur Schouster”, ein vergessener Zeitgenosse Johann Sebastian Bachs’,
243–50; E. Zavarský: ‘Ein Besucher aus der Slowakei bei Johann Sebastian Bach’, 363–7]
U. Siegele: ‘Bachs Stellung in der Leipziger Kulturpolitik seiner Zeit’, BJb 1983, 7–50; 1984, 7–
43; 1986, 33–67
J. Bahns, ed.: Ex libris Bachianis II: das Weltbild Johann Sebastian Bachs im Spiegel seiner
theologischen Bibliothek, Kurpfälzisches Museum der Stadt Heidelberg, 1 June – 15 July 1985
(Heidelberg, 1985) [exhibition catalogue]
W. Blankenburg: ‘Wandlungen und Probleme des Bachbildes’, Musik und Kirche, 55 (1985), 274–
84
H.H. Cox: The Calov Bible of J.S. Bach (Ann Arbor, 1985)
R.A. Leaver: J.S. Bach and Scripture: Glosses from the Calov Bible Commentary (St Louis, 1985)
M. Petzoldt: ‘“Ut probus & doctus reddar”: zum Anteil der Theologie bei der Schulausbildung
Johann Sebastian Bachs in Eisenach, Ohrdruf und Lüneburg’, BJb 1985, 7–42
A. Glöckner: Die Musikpflege an der Leipziger Neukirche zur Zeit (Leipzig, 1990)
D. Kranemann: ‘Johann Sebastian Bachs Krankheit und Todesursache: Versuch einer Deutung’,
BJb 1990, 53–64
P. Wollny: ‘Bachs Bewerbung um die Organistenstelle an der Marienkirche zu Halle und ihr
Kontext’, BJb 1994, 25–39
H: Works: General
A. Pirro: L’esthétique de Jean-Sébastien Bach (Paris, 1907)
G. Herz: Johann Sebastian Bach im Zeitalter des Rationalismus und der Frühromantik (Kassel,
1935)
A.E.F. Dickinson: The Art of J.S. Bach (London, 1936, enlarged 2/1950)
G. Frotscher: Johann Sebastian Bach und die Musik des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts (Wädenswil,
1939)
A. Schering: Johann Sebastian Bach und das Musikleben Leipzigs im 18. Jahrhundert,
Musikgeschichte Leipzigs, 3 (Leipzig, 1941)
W. Blankenburg: Die innere Einheit von Bachs Werk (diss., U. of Göttingen, 1942)
L. Schrade: ‘Bach: the Conflict between the Sacred and the Secular’, Journal of the History of
Ideas, 7 (1946), 151–94; pubd separately (New York, 1954/R)
W. Blankenburg: ‘Bach geistlich und weltlich’, Musik und Kirche, 20 (1950), 36–46
R. Petzoldt and L. Weinhold, eds.: Johann Sebastian Bach: das Schaffen des Meisters in Spiegel
einer Stadt (Leipzig, 1950)
H. Besseler: ‘Bach und das Mittelalter’, Wissenschaftliche Bachtagung: Leipzig 1950, 108–30;
Eng. trans. in The Score, no.9 (1954), 31–42
A.T. Davison: Bach and Handel: the Consummation of the Baroque in Music (Cambridge, MA,
1951/R)
P. Hindemith: Johann Sebastian Bach: Heritage and Obligation (New Haven, 1952)
C. Wolff: ‘“Die sonderbaren Vollkommenheiten des Herrn Hof Compositeurs”: Versuch über die
Eigenart der Bachschen Musik’, Bachiana et alia musicologica: Festschrift Alfred Dürr, ed. W.
Rehm (Kassel, 1983), 356–62
A. Dürr: Bachs Werk vom Einfall bis zur Drucklegung (Wiesbaden, 1989)
H.H. Eggebrecht: Bach – wer ist das?: zum Verständnis der Musik Johann Sebastian Bachs
(Mainz, 1992)
K. Geiringer: Symbolism in the Music of Bach (Washington DC, 1956); repr. in Lectures on the
History and Art of Music (New York, 1968), 123ff
A. Dürr: ‘Gedanken zu J.S. Bachs Umarbeitungen eigener Werke’, BJb 1956, 93–104
G. von Dadelsen: Bemerkungen zur Handschrift Johann Sebastian Bachs, seiner Familie und
seines Kreises (Trossingen,1957)
G. von Dadelsen: Beiträge zur Chronologie der Werke Johann Sebastian Bachs (Trossingen,
1958)
C. Wolff: Der stile antico in der Musik Johann Sebastian Bachs (Wiesbaden, 1968)
R.L. Marshall: ‘How J.S. Bach Composed Four-part Chorales’, MQ, 56 (1970), 198–220
M. Geck: ‘Bachs Probestück’, Quellenstudien zur Musik: Wolfgang Schmieder zum 70.
Geburtstag, ed. K. Dorfmüller and G. von Dadelsen (Frankfurt,1972), 55–68
‘Johann Sebastian Bach: Approaches to Analysis and Interpretation’, Studies in Renaissance and
Baroque Music in Honor of Arthur Mendel, ed. R.L. Marshall (Kassel and Hackensack, NJ, 1974),
139–230 [contributions by W. Blankenburg, E.T. Cone, W. Emery, R.L. Marshall, F. Neumann, N.
Rubin and W.H. Scheide ]
U. Meyer: ‘Zum Problem der Zahlen in Johann Sebastian Bachs Werk’, Musik und Kirche, 49
(1979), 58–71
U. Prinz: Studien zum Instrumentarium J.S. Bachs mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der
Kantaten(Tübingen, 1979)
L. Prautzsch: Vor deinen Thron tret ich hiermit: Figuren und Symbole in den letzten Werken
Johann Sebastian Bachs (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1980)
K.-J. Sachs: ‘Die “Anleitung …, auff allerhand Arth einen Choral durchzuführen” als Paradigma
der Lehre und die Satzkunst Johann Sebastian Bachs’,AMw, 37 (1980), 135–54
W. Neumann: Über das funktionale Wechselverhältnis von Vokalität und Instrumentalität als
kompositionstechnisches Grundphänomen, dargestellt am Schaffen Johann Sebastian Bachs
(Berlin, 1982)
G.A. Theill: Beiträge zur Symbolsprache Johann Sebastian Bachs (Bonn, 1983–)
Q. Faulkner: J.S. Bach’s Keyboard Technique: a Historical Introduction (St Louis, MO,1984)
M. Petzoldt, ed.: Bach als Ausleger der Bibel: theologische und musikwissenschaftliche Studien
zum Werk Johann Sebastian Bachs (Göttingen, 1985)
C. Wolff: ‘Johann Adam Reinken und Johann Sebastian Bach: zum Kontext des Bachschen
Frühwerkes’, BJb 1985, 99–118; Eng. trans., rev. in J.S. Bach as Organist, ed. G. Stauffer and E.
May (Bloomington, IN, 1986), 57–80, and in Bach: Essays on his Life and Music (Cambridge, MA,
1991), 56–71
G. Stauffer and E. May, eds.: J.S. Bach as Organist: his Instruments, Music, and Performance
Practices (Bloomington, IN, 1986)
W. Elders: ‘Kompositionsverfahren in der Musik der alten Niederländer und die Kunst J.S.
Bachs’,Beiträge zur Bachforschung, 6 (1987), 110–34
H.-J. Schulze: ‘The Parody Process in Bach's Music: an Old Problem Reconsidered’,Bach, 20/3
(1989), 15–33
M. Little and N. Jenne: Dance and the Music of Bach(Bloomington, IN, 1991)
R. Tatlow: Bach and the Riddle of the Number Alphabet (Cambridge, 1991)
E. Kooiman, G. Weinberger and H.J. Busch: Zur Interpretation der Orgelmusik Johann Sebastian
Bachs (Kassel, 1995)
J: Vocal works
BlumeEK
K. Ziebler: Das Symbol in der Kirchenmusik Joh. Seb. Bachs (Kassel, 1930)
F. Smend: ‘Neue Bach-Funde’, AMf, 7 (1942), 1–16; repr. in Friedrich Smend: Bach-Studien, ed.
C. Wolff (Kassel, 1969), 137–52
A. Mendel: ‘On the Keyboard Accompaniments to Bach’s Leipzig Church Music’,MQ, 36 (1950),
339–62
A. Dürr: ‘Zur Chronologie der Leipziger Vokalwerke J.S. Bachs’, BJb 1957, 5–162; pubd
separately (Berlin, 1958, 2/1976)
W. Neumann: ‘Über Ausmass und Wesen des Bachschen Parodieverfahrens’, BJb 1965, 63–85
R.L. Marshall: The Compositional Process of J.S. Bach: a Study of the Autograph Scores of the
Vocal Works (Princeton, NJ, 1972)
W. Neumann, ed.: Sämtliche von Johann Sebastian Bach vertonte Texte (Leipzig, 1974)
W. Blankenburg: ‘Johann Sebastian Bach und das evangelische Kirchenlied zu seiner Zeit’,
Bachiana et alia musicologica: Festschrift Alfred Dürr, ed. W. Rehm (Kassel, 1983), 31–8
R. Marshall: ‘Bach's Chorus: a Preliminary Reply to Joshua Rifkin’, MT, 124 (1983), 19–22
J. Rifkin: ‘Bach's Chorus: a Response to Robert Marshall’, MT, 124 (1983), 161–2
G. Wagner: ‘Die Chorbesetzung bei J.S. Bach und ihre Vorgeschichte: Anmerkungen zur
“hinlänglichen” Besetzung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert’, AMw, 43 (1986), 278–304
K. Häfner: Aspekte des Parodieverfahrens bei Johann Sebastian Bach: Beiträge zur
Wiederentdeckung verschollener Vokalwerke (Laaber, 1987)
S.A. Crist: Aria Forms in the Vocal Works of J.S. Bach, 1714–24 (diss., Brandeis U.,1988)
H.H. Eggebrecht: ‘Sinnbildlichkeit in Text und Musik bei Johann Sebastian Bach’, Musik und
Kirche, 58 (1988), 176–84
E.T. Chafe: Tonal Allegory in the Vocal Music of J.S. Bach (Berkeley, 1991)
M. Walter: Musik-Sprache des Glaubens: zum geistlichen Vokalwerk Johann Sebastian Bachs
(Frankfurt,1994)
S.A. Crist: ‘Bach, Theology, and Harmony: a New Look at the Arias’, Bach, 27/1 (1996), 1–30
D.E. Freeman: ‘J.S. Bach's “Concerto” Arias: a Study in the Amalgamation of Eighteenth-Century
Genres’, Studi musicali, 27 (1998), 123–62
Cantatas
R. Wustmann, ed.: Johann Sebastian Bachs Kantatentexte (Leipzig, 1913, rev. 2/1967 as
Geistliche und weltliche Kantatentexte)
C.S. Terry: Joh. Seb. Bach: Cantata Texts, Sacred and Secular, with a Reconstruction of the
Leipzig Liturgy of his Period (London, 1926/R)
W. Neumann: Handbuch der Kantaten Johann Sebastian Bachs (Leipzig, 1947, 5/1984)
A. Dürr: Studien über die frühen Kantaten J.S. Bachs (Leipzig, 1951, 2/1977)
A. Dürr: ‘Zur Echtheit einiger Bach zugeschreibener Kantaten’, BJb 1951–2, 30–46
K.F. Tagliavini: Studi sui testi delle cantate sacre di J.S. Bach (Padua, 1956)
P. Mies: Die geistlichen Kantaten Johann Sebastian Bachs und der Hörer von heute, 1
(Wiesbaden, 1959, 2/1966); ii (1960, 2/1968); iii (1964)
P. Mies: Die weltlichen Kantaten Johann Sebastian Bachs und der Hörer von heute, 1
(Wiesbaden, 1966–7)
A. Dürr: Die Kantaten von Johann Sebastian Bach (Kassel, 1971, 6/1995)
R. Gerlach: ‘Besetzung und Instrumentation der Kirchenkantaten J.S. Bachs und ihre
Bedingungen’, BJb 1971, 53–71
A. Dürr: ‘Bachs Kantatentexte: Probleme und Aufgaben der Forschung’, Bach-Studien, 5 (1975),
63–71
W. Blankenburg: ‘Eine neue Textquelle zu sieben Kantaten Johann Sebastian Bachs und
achtzehn Kantaten Johann Ludwig Bachs’, BJb 1977, 7–25
K. Häfner: ‘Picander, der Textdichter von Bachs viertem Kantatenjahrgang: ein neuer Hinweis’,
Mf, 35 (1982), 156–62
A. Glöckner: ‘Zur Chronologie der Weimarer Kantaten Johann Sebastian Bachs’, BJb 1985, 159–
64
A. Dürr: ‘Noch einmal: Wo blieb Bachs fünfter Kantatenjahrgang?’, BJb 1986, 121–2
H.K. Krausse: ‘Erdmann Neumeister und die Kantatentexte Johann Sebastian Bachs’, BJb 1986,
7–31
A. Dürr: ‘Merkwürdiges in den Quellen zu Weimarer Kantaten Bachs’, BJb 1987, 151–7
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Bach's Secular Cantatas: a New Look at the Sources’, Bach, 21/1 (1990), 26–41
F. Krummacher: ‘Bachs frühe Kantaten im Kontext der Tradition’, Mf, 44 (1991), 9–32
L. and R. Steiger: Sehet! Wir gehn hinauf gen Jerusalem: Johann Sebastian Bachs Kantaten auf
den Sonntag Estomihi (Göttingen,1992)
D.R. Melamed: ‘Mehr zur Chronologie von Bachs Weimarer Kantaten’, BJb 1993, 213–16
U. Meyer: ‘“Flügel her! Flügel her!”: gepredigte Sterbekunst als Hintergrund Bachscher
Kantatentexte’, Musik und Kirche, 63 (1993), 258–65
M. Petzoldt: Texte zur Leipziger Kirchen-music: zum Verständnis der Kantatentexte Johann
Sebastian Bachs (Wiesbaden, 1993)
R. Steiger: ‘So lerne nun die neue Evangelische Sprache: Elemente einer musikalischen Sprache
des Trostes in J.S. Bachs Sterbekantaten’, Musik und Kirche, 64 (1994), 255–63
F. Krummacher: Bachs Zyklus der Choralkantaten: Aufgaben und Lösungen (Göttingen, 1995)
D.L. Smithers: ‘The Original Circumstances in the Performance of Bach's Leipzig Church
Cantatas, “Wegen seiner sonn- und festtätigen Amts-Verrichtungen’,Bach, 26/1–2 (1995), 28–47
C. Wolff and T. Koopman, eds.: De wereld van de Bach-cantates, i, Johann Sebastian Bachs
geestelijke cantates van Arnstadt tot Köthen(Abcoude, 1995; Eng. trans., 1997)
F. Smend: ‘Die Johannes-Passion von Bach’, BJb 1926, 105–28; repr. in Friedrich Smend: Bach-
Studien, ed. C. Wolff (Kassel, 1969), 11–23
A. Schering: ‘Zur Markus-Passion und zur “vierten” Passion’, BJb 1939, 1–32
F. Smend: ‘Bachs Markus Passion’, BJb 1940–48, 1–35; repr. inFriedrich Smend: Bach-Studien,
ed. C. Wolff (Kassel, 1969), 110–36
W. Serauky: ‘Die “Johannes-Passion” von Joh. Seb. Bach und ihr Vorbild’, BJb 1954, 29–39
D. Gojowy: ‘Zur Frage der Köthener Trauermusik und der Matthäuspassion’, BJb 1965, 86–134
P. Brainard: ‘Bach's Parody Procedure and the St. Matthew Passion’, JAMS, 22 (1969), 241–60
A. Glöckner: ‘Bach and the Passion Music of his Contemporaries’, MT, 116 (1975), 613–16
J. Rifkin: ‘The Chronology of Bach's Saint Matthew Passion’, MQ, 61 (1975), 360–87
E. Axmacher: ‘Ein Quellenfund zum Text der Matthäus-Passion’, BJb 1978, 181–91
G.A. Theill: Die Markuspassion von Johann Sebastian Bach (bwv247): Entstehung, Vergessen,
Wiederentdeckung, Rekonstruktion (Steinfeld, 1978, 2/1981)
E.T. Chafe: ‘Key Structure and Tonal Allegory in the Passions of J.S. Bach: an Introduction’,CMc,
no.31 (1981), 39–54
R. Steiger: ‘Die Einheit des Weinachtsoratoriums von J.S. Bach’, Musik und Kirche, 51 (1981),
273–80; lii (1982), 9–15
W. Blankenburg: Das Weinachts-Oratorium von Johann Sebastian Bach (Munich and Kassel,
1982)
E.T. Chafe: ‘J.S. Bach's St. Matthew Passion; Aspects of Planning, Structure, and Chronology’,
JAMS, 35 (1982), 49–114
R.A. Leaver: Music as Preaching: Bach, Passions and Music in Worship (Oxford, 1982)
E. Axmacher: ‘Aus Liebe will mein Heyland sterben’: Untersuchungen zum Wandel des
Passionverständnisses im frühen 18. Jahrhundert(Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1984)
C. Wolff: ‘Musical Forms and Dramatic Structure in Bach's Saint Matthew Passion ’,Bach, 19/1
(1988), 6–20
W.M. Young: The Sacred Dramas of J.S. Bach: a Reference and Textual Interpretation(Jefferson,
NC, 1994)
R. Bullivant: ‘Zum Problem der Begleitung der Bachschen Motetten’, BJb 1966, 59–68
F. Smend: ‘Zu den ältesten Sammlungen der vierstimmigen Choräle J.S. Bachs’, BJb 1966, 5–40;
repr. in Friedrich Smend: Bach-Studien, ed. C. Wolff (Kassel, 1969), 237–69
F. Krummacher: ‘Textauslegung und Satzstruktur in J.S. Bachs Motetten’, BJb 1974, 5–43
G.J. Buelow: ‘Symbol and Structure in the “Kyrie” of Bach's B-minor Mass’, Essays on the Music
of J.S. Bach and Other Divers Subjects: a Tribute to Gerhard Herz, ed. R.L. Weaver (Louisville,
KY, 1981), 21–41
A. Mann: ‘Bach's A major Mass; a Nativity Mass?’, Essays on the Music of J.S. Bach and Other
Divers Subjects: a Tribute to Gerhard Herz, ed. R.L. Weaver (Louisville, KY, 1981), 43–7
R.M. Cammarota: ‘The Sources of the Christmas Interpolations in J.S. Bach's Magnificat in E-flat
Major’, CMc, no.36 (1983), 79–99
H.-J. Schulze: ‘“150 Stück von den Bachischen Erben”: zur Überlieferung der vierstimmigen
Choräle Johann Sebastian Bachs’, BJb (1983), 81–100
A. Mann: ‘ Missa Brevis and Historia: Bach's A Major Mass’, Bach, 16/1 (1985), 6–11
Y. Kobayashi: ‘Die Universalität in Bachs h-moll-Messe: ein Beitrag zum Bach-Bild der Letzten
Lebensjahre’, Musik und Kirche, 57 (1987), 9–24
W. Breig: ‘Grundzüge einer Geschichte von Bachs vierstimmigen Choralsatz’, AMw, 45 (1988),
300–19
C. Wolff: ‘Bach the Cantor, the Capellmeister, and the Musical Scholar: Aspects of the B-Minor
Mass’, Bach, 20/1 (1989), 55–64
R.A. Leaver: ‘Parody and Theological Consistency: Notes on Bach's A-major Mass’,Bach, 21/3
(1990), 30–43
P. Wollny: ‘Bachs Sanctus BWV 241 und Kerlls “Missa superba”’,BJb 1991, 173–6
P. Wollny: ‘Ein Quellenfund zur Enstehungsgeschichte der h-Moll-Messe’, BJb 1994, 163–9
R.L. Marshall: Luther, Bach, and the Early Reformation Chorale (Atlanta, GA, 1995)
D.R. Melamed: J.S. Bach and the German Motet (Cambridge, 1995)
K: Instrumental works
General
K.A. Rosenthal: ‘Über Sonatenvorformen in den Instrumentalmusikwerken Joh. Seb. Bachs’,BJb
1926, 68–89
J.M. Barbour: ‘Bach and “The Art of Temperament”’, MQ, 33 (1947), 64–89
H.-G. Klein: Der Einfluss der Vivaldischen Konzertform im Instrumentalwerk Johann Sebastian
Bachs(Strasbourg, 1970)
J.R. Fuchs: Studien zu Artikulationsangaben in Orgel- und Clavierwerken von Joh. Seb.
Bach(Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1985)
Organ works
FrotscherG
H. Grace: The Organ Works of Bach (London and New York, 1922)
F. Dietrich: ‘Analogieformen in Bachs Tokkaten und Präludien für die Orgel’, BJb 1931, 51–71
H. Klotz: Über die Orgelkunst der Gotik, der Renaissance und des Barock (Kassel, 1934, 3/1986)
H. Keller: Die Orgelwerke Bachs: ein Beitrag zu ihrer Geschichte, Form, Deutung und
Wiedergabe(Leipzig, 1948/R; Eng. trans., 1967)
W. Emery: Notes on Bach’s Organ Works: a Companion to the Revised Novello Edition(London,
1952–7)
W. Schrammek: ‘Die musikgeschichtliche Stellung der Orgeltrio sonaten von Joh. Seb. Bach’,BJb
1954, 7–28
G. von Dadelsen: ‘Zur Entstehung des Bachschen Orgelbüchleins’, Festschrift Friedrich Blume,
ed. A.A. Abert and W. Pfannkuch (Kassel, 1963), 74–9
P.F. Williams: ‘J.S. Bach and English Organ Music’, ML, 44 (1963), 140–51
E.D. May: Breitkopf’s Role in the Transmission of J.S. Bach’s Organ Chorales (diss., Princeton U.,
1974)
E. May: ‘Eine neue Quelle für J.S. Bachs einzeln überlieferte Orgelchoräle’,BJb 1974, 98–103
U. Meyer: ‘Zur Einordnung von J.S. Bachs einzeln überlieferten Orgelchorälen’, BJb (1977), 75–
89
T.F. Harmon: The Registration of J.S. Bach’s Organ Works (Buren, 1978)
P. Williams: ‘The Musical Aims of J.S. Bach's “Clavierübung III”’,Source Materials and the
Interpretation of Music: a Memorial Volume to Thurston Dart, ed. I. Bent (London, 1981), 259–
78
F. Krummacher: ‘Bach und die norddeutsche Orgeltoccata: Fragen und Überlegungen’,BJb 1985,
119–34
R.A. Leaver: ‘Bach and Hymnody: the Evidence of the Orgelbüchlein ’, EMc, 13 (1985), 227–36
C. Wolff: ‘Bach's Organ Music: Studies and Discoveries’, MT, 126 (1985), 149–52
G.B. Stauffer and E. May, eds.: J.S. Bach as Organist: his Instruments, Music, and Performance
Practices (Bloomington, IN, 1986)
J.-C. Zehnder: ‘Georg Böhm und Johann Sebastian Bach: zur Chronologie der Bachschen
Stilentwicklung’, BJb 1988, 73–110
G. Butler: Bach’s Clavier-Übung III: the Making of a Print, with a Companion Study of the
Canonic Variations on ‘Vom Himmel hoch’ BWV 769 (Durham, NC, 1990)
G.B. Stauffer: ‘Boyvin, Grigny, D'Anglebert, and Bach's Assimilation of French Classical Organ
Music’, EMc, 21 (1993), 83–96
W. Breig: ‘Versuch einer Theorie der Bachschen Orgelfuge’, Mf, 48 (1995), 14–52
R.D. Claus: Zur Echtheit von Toccata und Fuge d-moll BWV 565(Cologne, 1995)
Q. Faulkner: ‘Die Registrierung der Orgelwerke J.S. Bachs’, BJb 1995, 7–30
H. David: ‘Die Gestalt von Bachs Chromatischer Fantasie’, BJb 1926, 2–67
J.N. David: Das wohltemperierte Klavier: der Versuch einer Synopsis (Göttingen, 1962)
H. Keller: Das Wohltemperierte Klavier von Johann Sebastian Bach: Werke und
Wiedergabe(Kassel, 1965, 4/1994; Eng. trans., 1976)
H. Eichberg: ‘Unechtes unter Johann Sebastian Bachs Klavierwerken’, BJb 1975, 7–49
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Melodiezitate und Mehrtextigkeit in der Bauernkantate und in den Goldberg-
Variationen’,BJb 1976, 58–72
J. Barnes: ‘Bach's Keyboard Temperament: Internal Evidence from the Well-Tempered Clavier ’,
EMc, 7 (1979), 236–49
C. Wolff: ‘Textkritische Bemerkungen zum Originaldruck der Bachschen Partiten’, BJb 1979, 65–
74; Eng. trans. in Bach: Essays on his Life and Music(Cambridge, MA, 1991), 214–22
P. Williams: ‘J.S. Bach's Well-Tempered Clavier: a New Approach’, EMc, 11 (1983), 46–52, 332–9
Y. Tomita: J.S. Bach’s ‘Das Wohltemperierte Clavier II’: a Critical Commentary(Leeds, 1993–5)
H. Eppstein: Studien über J.S. Bachs Sonaten für ein Melodieinstrument und obligates Cembalo
(Stockholm, 1966)
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Johann Sebastian Bachs Konzertbearbeitungen nach Vivaldi und anderen:
Studien- oder Auftragswerke?’, DJbM, 18 (1973–7), 80–100
W. Breig: ‘Johann Sebastian Bach und die Entstehung des Klavierkonzerts’, AMw, 36 (1979), 21–
48
R. Leavis: ‘Zur Frage der Authentizität von Bachs Violinkonzert d-Moll’, BJb 1979, 19–28
R.L. Marshall: ‘J.S. Bach's Compositions for Solo Flute: a Reconsideration of their Authenticity
and Chronology’, JAMS, 32 (1979), 463–98
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Ein “Dresdner Menuett” im zweiten Klavierbüchlein der Anna Magdalena Bach,
nebst Hinweisen zur Überlieferung einiger Kammermusikwerke Bachs’, BJb 1979, 45–64
P. Ahnsehl, K. Heller and H.-J. Schulze, eds.: ‘Beiträge zum Konzertschaffen J. S. Bachs’, Bach-
Studien, 6 (1981)
H. Vogt: Johann Sebastian Bachs Kammermusik (Stuttgart, 1981; Eng. trans., 1988)
W. Breig: ‘Zur Chronologie von Johann Sebastian Bachs Konzertschaffen: Versuch eines neuen
Zugangs’, AMw, 40 (1983), 77–101
L. Dreyfus: ‘J.S. Bach's Concerto Ritornellos and the Question of Invention’,MQ, 71 (1985), 327–
58
C. Wolff: ‘Bach's Leipzig Chamber Music’, EMc, 13 (1985), 165–75; repr. in Bach: Essays on his
Life and Music (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 223–38
L. Dreyfus: ‘J.S. Bach and the Status of Genre: Problems of Style in the G-minor Sonata
BWV1029’, JM, 5 (1987), 55–78
M. Marissen: ‘A Critical Reappraisal of J.S. Bach's A-major Flute Sonata’, JM, 6 (1988), 367–86
J. Swack: ‘On the Origins of the “Sonate auf Concertenart”’, JAMS, 46 (1993), 369–414
M. Geck: ‘Köthen oder Leipzig?: zur Datierung der nun in Leipziger Quellen erhaltenen
Orchesterwerke Johann Sebastian Bachs’, Mf, 47 (1994), 17–24
M. Marissen: The Social and Religious Designs of J.S. Bach’s Brandenburg Concertos(Princeton,
NJ, 1995)
H.T. David: J.S. Bach’s Musical Offering: History, Interpretation and Analysis (New York, 1945/R)
G.M. Leonhardt: The Art of Fugue, Bach’s Last Harpsichord Work: an Argument (The Hague,
1952)
C. Wolff: ‘Der Terminus “Ricercar” in Bachs Musikalischen Opfer’, BJb (1967), 70–81
C. Wolff and others: ‘Bach's “Art of Fugue”: an Examination of the Sources’, CMc, no.19 (1975),
47–77
N. Kenyon: ‘A Newly Discovered Group of Canons by Bach’, MT, 117 (1976), 391–3
W. Kolneder: Die Kunst der Fuge: Mythen des 20. Jahrhunderts (Wilhelmshaven, 1977, 2/1983)
W. Wiemer: Die wiederhergestellte Ordnung in Johann Sebastian Bachs Kunst der Fuge:
Untersuchungen am Originaldruck (Wiesbaden, 1977)
U. Kirkendale: ‘The Source for Bach's Musical Offering: the Institutio oratoria of Quintilian’,
JAMS, 33 (1980), 88–141
G.G. Butler: ‘Ordering Problems in J.S. Bach's Art of Fugue Resolved’, MQ, 69 (1983), 44–61
C. Wolff: ‘Zur Chronologie und Kompositionsgeschichte von Bachs “Kunst der Fuge”’,BMw, 25
(1983), 130–42; Eng. trans. in Bach: Essays on his Life and Music (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 265–
81
E.T. Chafe: ‘Allegorical Music: the Symbolism of Tonal Language in the Bach Canons’, JM, 3
(1984), 340–62
H.H. Eggebrecht: Bachs Kunst der Fuge: Erscheinung und Deutung (Munich, 1984; Eng. trans.,
1993)
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P. Dirksen: Studien zur Kunst der Fuge von Johann Sebastian Bach: Untersuchungen zur
Enstehungsgeschichte, Struktur und Aufführungspraxis (Wilhelmshaven,1994)
M. Marissen: ‘More Source-Critical Research on Bach's Musical Offering ’,Bach, 25/1 (1994),
11–27
L: Performing practice
W. Emery: Bach’s Ornaments (London, 1953)
F. Rothschild: The Lost Tradition in Music: Rhythm and Tempo in J.S. Bach’s Time(London, 1953/
R)
A. Mendel: ‘On the Pitches in Use in Bach's Time’, MQ, 41 (1955), 332–54, 466–80
W. Emery: ‘Is your Bach Playing Authentic?’, MT, 112 (1971), 483–8, 697–8, 796–7
F. Neumann: Ornamentation in Baroque and Post-Baroque Music with Special Emphasis on J.S.
Bach(Princeton, NJ, 1978)
H. Klotz: Die Ornamentik der Klavier- und Orgelwerke von Johann Sebastian Bach: Bedeutung
der Zeichen, Möglichkeiten der Ausführung (Kassel, 1984)
A. Newman: Bach and the Baroque: a Performing Guide to Baroque Music with Special
Emphasis on the Music of J.S. Bach (New York, 1985)
G. Stauffer and E. May, eds.: J.S. Bach as Organist: his Instruments, Music, and Performance
Practices (Bloomington, IN, 1986)
R. Szeskus and H. Gruss, eds.: Aufführungspraktische Probleme der Werke Johann Sebastian
Bachs (Leipzig, 1987)
H.-J. Schulze: ‘Johann Sebastian Bach's Orchestra: Some Unanswered Questions’, EMc, 17
(1989), 3–15