Transnational Exorcism?

The Spiritual World of

Brazilian-Japanese Neo-Pentecostalism

Rafael Shoji

In 2008 a Japanese tv broadcaster announced the discovery of

something dreadful: the existence in Japan of something called macumba,
an African-Brazilian magic practice involving sacrifices and offerings at
public spaces in the prefecture of Shiga.1 The program followed with a search
for evidence and testimonials, searching for justification of the practices of
“black magic” in Japanese parks. If other minorities were once the main
source of the exotic in Japan, Brazilian immigrants are now also a source of
otherness in the Japanese society.
In fact the sensationalism in the reports on macumba in Japan reflects the
same negative perception and fear that many Brazilians have, something

*
Rafael Shoji holds a PhD from Leibniz University of Hannover (Germany) and is a
co-founder and researcher at the Center for the Study of Oriental Religions (ceral) at
the Pontifical University of Sao Paulo. He has published on Japanese religions in Brazil,
Japanese-Brazilian culture, and comparative studies on Buddhism and Christianity. This
research was supported by the Japan Foundation and Nanzan University.
1. Macumba is a generic term for “black” witchcraft in Brazil. Initially the term was not
used in a negative sense. The word is derived from the name of an old African instrument,
but in Brazil the term gradually came to be used for magical practices, usually for reasons
of love or the attempt to harm someone, especially in offerings to African-Brazilian deities
(especially Exus), and sometimes involving animal sacrifice.

30
 rafael Shoji | 31

well known and especially exploited by neo-Pentecostals in Brazil. The many

converts of neo-Pentecostal movements came in search of cures and prosper-
ity, many of them understanding that earlier contact with African-Brazilian
religions or “black magic” performed by others was the source of evil.
In reality, it seems that African-Brazilian religions in general have a rela-
tive small adherence and practice in Japan.2 Umbanda centers are not so
numerous and in some centers such as the nec in the city of Toki (Gifu
prefecture) their practices are more related to Nikkei Spiritism.3 Among
Brazilians in Japan Macumba is for some a source of exoticism, shame, and
sometimes mockery. The general perception is that of sensationalism and
misunderstanding: a commentary on youtube especially mocked the clean
Japanese images of macumba on tv as “preparing fried chicken.” Many
Brazilians, however, are still afraid of evil spirits and practices related to
African-Brazilian religions. Curiously enough, African-Brazilian spirits are
essential for Brazilian neo-Pentecostal movements, since they depend on
evil spirits for the justification of health problems, mental disorders, malice,
and exorcism. The transplantation of Brazilian neo-Pentecostalism means,
at least in its initial phase, the transplantation of the African-Brazilian spir-
its as their enemies.
The theme of this article is to present an overview of the Brazilian reli-
gions in Japan, focusing on the growth of Pentecostalism within the dekasegi
community and later describing in more detail the neo-Pentecostal move-
ment, Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (uckg). The main focus is
the reinterpretation of the Brazilian spiritual world in Japan. In this sense, I
will argue that in contrast with the Japanese-Brazilian religions we have in
Japan the emergence of a “Brazilian-Japanese”4 religiosity.

2. Arakaki conducted an extensive research on African-Brazilian religions in Japan from

2002 to 2010, estimating the number of followers to be 450, spread among the roughly ten
Umbanda centers in Japan (Arakaki 2012).
3. For more details see Shoji 2008.
4. It is important to emphasize the difference between Japanese-Brazilian and Brazilian-
Japanese as ideal types. Japanese-Brazilians have Japanese ancestry but are mainly Brazilians
in terms of culture, language, and nationality; Brazilian-Japanese have Brazilian ancestry
but have Japanese language and culture as their native social environment. Although there
are similarities in structure and existing combinations, certainly the order of the factors
changes the product here, and the young Brazilian-Japanese is a new subculture and rapidly
evolving within Japanese society.
32 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

The Transnational Spiritual World

of the Japanese-Brazilians

The Brazilian Nikkei Spiritual world is transnational, presenting

both Japanese and Brazilian elements depending on the religious groups
considered in the spectrum, and ranging from Japanese religions practiced
in Brazil to Brazilian religions in Japan. In the Japanese-Brazilian case, the
absorption of many Japanese ideas on the Brazilian spiritual world does not
present many cultural difficulties nor cause surprise. The combinations are
very eclectic and supported by different elements: if in the Japanese case this
unified spiritual world is filled with kamis, Buddhas, and other beings, in
the Brazilian case, saints and African-Brazilian beings share space with spir-
its transmitted by the mediums of Spiritism.
For the purposes of this article, it is important to point out that Brazilians
easily accept karma and especially the influence of spirits as sources of prob-
lems to be solved, in continuity with the Japanese setting. When analyzing
the history of karma, it can be verified that there is a conceptual migration
towards the Far East, from Hindu reinterpretations receiving a Confucian
influence, before settling in the Japanese popular religiousness and in the
new religious movements.5 However, what must be observed when analyz-
ing the adaptation of karma in Brazil is that the concept of karma also had
a migration towards the West through its appropriation by Allan Kardec in
the development of Spiritism in France. The fact that Spiritism has become
a religion that is quantitatively insignificant in Europe while having millions
of followers and sympathizers in Brazil is one of these historical peculiari-
ties that make religions present different ways of diffusion and acceptance.
The Japanese ancestor cult can be understood as something indepen-
dent from Buddhism and their role is related with this-world benefits and
the avoidance of evil.6 The relationship with the spiritual world frequently

5. For a summary of the variations and the evolution of the concept of karma inherited
from the ancestors, see Hardacre 1984. For a general discussion on karma see Obeye-
sekere 2002.
6. See Yanagita 1970 for the relation of the ancestor cult with Japanese folklore, Smith
1974 for a more contemporary view and Mullins 1998 for its impact on Christianity in
Japan. Although Yanagita is considered by many scholars as somewhat dated, he is insight-
ful in the context of this article because he lived and described the worldview in the decades
 rafael Shoji | 33

occurs through ancestors, who continue to influence their descendants. An

unhappy or violent death, or neglecting obligations towards the ancestors,
results in negative effects in present life. Offering practices or rites to the
spiritual world is considered to result in a reward to those in the present
life. Therefore, by improving the spiritual status of the ancestors, the current
status of the active follower is also improved. This standard is frequently
pointed out in the new religions as a cause of the problems, whose solution
varies according to each group, starting from the performance of rites up to
a more lay-oriented recitation of sutras or mantras. The right practice brings
a relationship with the spiritual world which expresses real benefits in the
active follower’s life, thereby attaining the solution to his problems.
The reinterpretation of the ancestor cult among Japanese-Brazilians was
analyzed by Takashi Maeyama (1972; 1997). As he describes it, ancestor
cults and the world of the dead as traditionally cultivated by the Japanese
was partially recovered by immigrants in Brazil after the Second World
War in the process of the establishment of Japanese religions from the
1950s on. In order to cultivate their ancestors and to define themselves as
new founders, especially inside Japanese Buddhism, the immigrants began
to refer to themselves as living ancestors, and founded derivations of their
Japanese households established in Japan (Maeyama 1972).
Because of the conversion of many Japanese and their descendents to
Catholicism, the role of ancestors is very weak among Japanese-Brazilians,
but it is still present, and is sometimes combined with Spiritist mediumship
or related with karma.7 In fact, the concept of one karma inherited from
ancestors, which is not easily accepted by westerners in the usa and Europe,
but present in several Japanese religions, shows acceptance among Japa-
nese-Brazilians. The religious importance of ancestors is also acceptable for
many Brazilians. The continuum from Spiritism through Umbanda enables
the incorporation of ancestors in the spiritual worldview. Spiritism already

of increased immigration to Brazil. Yanagita describes many practices among rural areas
that disappeared in the process of modernization, but some of these practices survived in
Brazil among the Japanese immigrants until recent times.
7. In comparison with the role that ancestors have among Japanese Christians as
described by Mullins (1998), the world of the dead has little impact on Japanese-Brazilian
Christianity, but it an important influence on the Nikkei that attend to Japanese New Reli-
gions, Spiritism and Umbanda.
34 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

performed this role in the “white” incorporation of the worship of the spir-
its and ancestors by the Bantu African ethnic group, resulting in Umbanda.
Given the existence of a concept of karmic evolution in Brazilian religions
and the possible influence of the spirits, the influence of the ancestors shows
plausibility and coherence. The influence of hereditary factors that cause
physical and emotional illnesses also becomes a spiritual inheritance.
This blending of Japanese religiousness with the Brazilian religious uni-
verse enabled the incorporation and development of a hybrid spiritual
world, adding Brazilian and Japanese meanings to a world of deities and
practices that frequently get mixed up.8 With the increasing migration to
urban areas in the twentieth century, which uprooted many Brazilian rural
immigrants, the Brazilian religious field entered a phase of rapid transforma-
tion. This enabled the transplantation of several Japanese religions, who had
their roots in the Nikkei community, some of them attracting many sym-
pathizers and converts among Brazilians. In this context, a basic factor in
the development of several Japanese religious movements in Brazil was this
Japanese-Brazilians religiousness through the search for worldly benefits.9
In the context of this article this blending in the search for results in this
world will be described by analyzing their impact on the emergence of a
Brazilian-Japanese Pentecostalism. The immigration of many Brazilians
(mostly Japanese-Brazilians) to Japan as temporary workers has introduced
neo-Pentecostalism (the Brazilian new religions) in a transnational fashion.

8. See for example Shoji 2003 for the case of Shingon in Brazil and Mori 1998 for the
case of Okinawan Shamanism combined with Umbanda in Brazil.
9. The search for benefits in this world is indeed one important shared characteristic of
Japanese and Brazilian religions. The possibility of actual proof of a religion means that it
is possible to attain benefits by religious practices and intervention of the spiritual world.
Protection, health, financial, or family problem-solving are understood as being possible
to achieve through a transaction with the spiritual world. This does not necessarily mean
a view primarily materialist or magical; it frequently includes a religious practice that
searches for the creation of conditions to achieve what is needed by means of ethics and the
belief in the possibility of attaining these objectives. Japanese popular religiosity is in this
sense not distant, in its main characteristics, from what Brazilians also understand as an
important function of the religion. Most Brazilians search and hope for solutions of exist-
ing problems when practicing a religion. An actual verification of the attainment of benefits
in this world and the union of different creeds, frequently analyzed in a disdainful way
as magic and syncretism in many countries, are also present and generally understood as
something positive or neutral both in Japan and in Brazil.
 rafael Shoji | 35

Brazilian Religions in Japan

The influx of Brazilian migrants to Japan, commonly known as the

dekasegi (“migrant worker”) phenomenon, can be seen as the latest phase
of immigration between Japan and Brazil. The three main waves of migra-
tion, namely 1. from Japan to Brazil before the Second World War, 2. from
Japan to Brazil after the Second World War, and 3. from Brazil to Japan from
1990 onwards, are linked not only because they represent a nearly continu-
ous migratory flow between Japan and Brazil, but also because immigration
to Japan was only allowed to people of Japanese descent (up to the third
generation) and their spouses. This was possible only after the reform of
immigration laws in Japan in 1990. In quantitative terms, one can observe
that the number of Japanese who immigrated to Brazil over many decades
(around 242,000) is smaller than the number of Nikkei and Brazilians
who have migrated to Japan in the 1990s and 2000s (the total number was
around 300,000 by 2005). Currently, due to the global economic crisis that
intensified in 2008 and with the financial incentive program of the Japanese
government for the return of the dekasegi, many dekasegi have returned to
Brazil (by 2011 the number of Brazilians in Japan was around 230,000, but it
is very difficult to know exactly how many dekasegi returned to Brazil).
Anthropological studies conducted in the 1990s reinforced the tendency
of dekasegi in Japan to emphasize the Brazilian identity of the group rather
than the revalorization of the Japanese ethnic heritage which was observed
with more intensity among the Nikkei in Brazil (Tsuda 2003; Linger 2001;
Roth 2002). The majority of dekasegi saw immigration as temporary,
although nowadays that perception has changed due to the formation of
families in Japan along with economic factors both in Japan and Brazil. The
dekasegi movement is already nearly twenty years old and it is slowly being
replaced either by a more permanent immigration process or by the return
to Brazil.10 The return is occurring particularly as a result of the shrinking of
the automobile and electronics industries due to the global economic crisis
and also because of the consequences of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake. For
those who choose to stay, the trend seems to be permanent settlement with

10. The peak occurred in the late 1990s, with demand for temporary workers in Japan
and the era of high inflation and economic crisis in Brazil.
36 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

the purchase of homes financed long term, declining remittances to Brazil,

the education of children and adolescents in the Japanese school system and
the establishment of more definitive community structures. The possibility
for permanent immigration rather than the prospect of temporary employ-
ment is made possible because Brazilian immigrants are mostly legal in the
country.11 In fact, about 80,000 Brazilians already had a permanent visa in
Japan already in 2008.
A quantitative survey of churches and temples with services in Portuguese
conducted between 2007 and 2008 reveals a significant number of evangeli-
cal groups among Brazilians in Japan (chart 1). In Japan, they seem to be the
majority among places having religious services in Portuguese. The data in
the charts reinforces the perception that the mainstream tendency among
the dekasegi is religious conversion to the Pentecostal movement, by far the
major trend among Evangelicals in the Brazilian community. Another ten-
dency, as noted by other authors, is the existence of missions for the Nikkei
in New Japanese Religions, which promotes a tendency of assimilation and
a recovery of the ancestor cult (Matsue 2006).

The Emergence of Brazilian-Japanese Pentecostalism

There are two main streams within Brazilian-Japanese Pentecostal-

ism: 1. the churches initiated by the dekasegi themselves in Japan, and 2. the
neo-Pentecostal movements.
The former is represented by churches that emerged locally with dekas-
egi pastors, especially among mixed-race Brazilians and Brazilians without
Japanese ancestry, some of them later establishing connections with Pen-
tecostal churches in Brazil. Some examples of these independent churches
are Missão Apoio (Support Mission) and Igreja Missionária do Deus Vivo
(Missionary Church of the Living God). Among the churches founded in

11. As reported by Higuchi (2006), Brazilians who migrated more recently have tempo-
rary employment contracts with contractors, which often means ever-changing workplaces
and shift work. In keeping with a system of offering “just-in-time,” to provide manpower
in times of fluctuating demand and a shortage of workers, this system puts the dekasegi
in a very fragile situation with the economic crisis. Still, legal immigration offers formal
employment, the possibility of funding for qualifications, social assistance, language profi-
ciency, and study in Japanese schools for children.
 rafael Shoji | 37

Spiritism and
Umbanda
2.6%

Catholic Church
New Japanese 20.8%
Religions
25.6%

Evangelical
Traditional
Churches
Buddhism
47.0%
4.2%

Chart 1: Comparison in terms of the proportional numbers of places of worship

for Brazilians in Portuguese. Survey conducted in 2007 and 2008 with data
provided by institutions in printed publications or websites, complemented
by Brazilian newspapers and magazines in Japan.

Japan by the dekasegi, there are also many connected with the different
Assemblies of God in Brazil. Since Catholicism has difficulties identifying
itself as a “Brazilian religion,” and has limited services in Portuguese, Pente-
costal groups spread efficiently through the ethnic social networks, with the
churches optimized for the existing demand and with dekasegi themselves
as pastors. Pentecostalism has played a social role that has not been offered
by other institutions in Japan, using networks of assistance and proposing
evangelical conversion as a way of dealing with the situations of crisis that
the Brazilian immigrants suffer in Japan. These churches that originated
among the dekasegi are now expanding back in Brazil through missions and
former dekasegi (Shoji 2008).
The second stream is represented by Brazilian neo-Pentecostal move-
ments such as the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (Universal Church of
38 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

the Kingdom of God, uckg) and the Igreja Internacional da Graça (Interna-
tional Church of Grace). In Brazil, the theology of prosperity and exorcism
are the main characteristics that distinguish the activity of neo-Pentecostal
churches from other groups (Oro 2003, 2006; Chesnut 2003).
The concept of neo-Pentecostalism in Brazil is related with the new expan-
sion of native Pentecostal movements. In Brazil, the strong trend of urban-
ization and modernization that has occurred since the 1960s has produced
changes that resulted in a reorganization of the religious market in Brazil.
Several new religious groups have established themselves in the process
of migration and rapid social change, often occupying a place of worship
that was typical of rural Catholicism. After the end of a period of persecu-
tion, Umbanda and Candomblé became present and visible in this growing
diversification of the Brazilian religious field. Emigration was a driving force
towards the establishment of new Pentecostal networks and the emergence
of neo-Pentecostalism in the 1980s. According to the World Christian Data-
base, Brazil today has the largest Pentecostal population, with 24 million
people, compared with around 6 million Pentecostals in the United States.
The neo-Pentecostal churches (among the best known are the Universal
Church of the Kingdom of God,12 God is Love, and International Church
of God’s Grace) were other religious suppliers that benefited from this pro-
cess, with an intense and systematic use of the media, often actively pros-
elytizing this-worldly benefits or cures, and in some cases spreading the
demonization of African-Brazilian religions (especially the uckg). Offering
a space for “religious services” and clearly targeting a market of those seek-
ing mundane benefits, these neo-Pentecostal movements seem to fill a need
for individual expression for the poorest sectors of Brazilian society, even
with the repression of the public sphere and political interests outside the
group (Pierucci and Prandi 1996). As an important difference from other
Pentecostal groups, neo-Pentecostal groups such as the uckg represent a

12. The uckg was founded in 1977 by Pastor Edir Macedo in the north of Rio de Janeiro.
Edir Macedo practiced Catholicism and African-Brazilian religions before converting
to Pentecostalism. He founded the uckg with the pastor Romildo Ribeiro Soares (R. R.
Soares), who later left the Universal Church and founded the International Church of God’s
Grace. According to its website, the Universal Church is today present in around 180 coun-
tries. Today uckg has around 13,000 temples in Brazil and their own political party (Par-
tido Republicano Brasileiro, the Brazilian Republican Party). It also owns Rede Record, the
second largest television network, that includes a 24-hour news channel.
 rafael Shoji | 39

1. uckg temple in Nagoya.

2. Advertisement at the Tsukiji subway station.

40 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

model inspired by multinational media rather than self-organized cells or

communities.
The neo-Pentecostal churches in Brazil have invested heavily in their
operations among the dekasegi in Japan, but with a global structure and
a clear reference to Brazil, they seek to expand their operations in Asia
through their proselytizing among Brazilians in Japan. The popular leaders
Edir Macedo and R. R. Soares, respectively leaders of uckg and the Interna-
tional Church of God’s Grace, make frequent visits to Japan and meet thou-
sands of believers.
Although there are some studies on the transnationalization of Brazil-
ian neo-Pentecostalism, especially the Universal Church of the Kingdom
of God (Oro 2004; Freston 1999; 2001), the expansion of Brazilian neo-
Pentecostalism is still unknown in Asia. In Japan, since they have strong
support from Brazil, the neo-Pentecostal movements are less fragile and not
so dependent on the economic situation of Japan, in comparison with the
churches that emerged among the dekasegi. These neo-Pentecostal churches
have sought to play a similar role in Japan to that in Brazil, where a con-
troversial relationship with money and tithes of high value are expected in
exchange for material reward, cures, or miracles, frequently accompanied
by the expulsion of spirits or African-Brazilian deities.
In 1995 uckg started its operations in Japan, initially in Gunma and
Saitama prefectures. As of January 2012, uckg has eighteen churches in
Japan and a tv station (TV Record Japão), including the production of
content especially directed to the dekasegi, a newspaper (Jornal do Bra-
sil, Brazil Times13) and a magazine also with news especially produced for
the dekasegi. The central church is in Hamamatsu (Shizuoka prefecture).
Besides Shizuoka (three churches), the main provinces of concentration are
Aichi prefecture (three churches) and Kanagawa and Gifu prefectures (two
churches in each prefecture). There was a small number of Japanese con-

13. If the uckg shows global aspirations in its name and in the title of its newsletter
in Brazil (the title of the journal, Folha Universal, can be roughly translated as “Universal
News”), in Japan the Brazil Times tries to be the main channel of information for the eth-
nic community. Besides its religious propaganda, Brazilian news and cultural themes are
emphasized for the dekasegi. The Brazil Times is distributed free in almost all stores with
a circulation of 45,000 copies in 2008. As of 2012, perhaps because of the return of many
dekasegi, distribution was down to 30,000.
 rafael Shoji | 41

verts and around May 2011, and Hideaki Terauchi was consecrated as the
first Japanese pastor of the uckg.

The Reinterpretation of uckg in Japan

As in other international contexts, neo-Pentecostalism in Japan

also shows customization for its plausibility among dekasegi. Indeed, the
charismatic products from the theology of prosperity in the Japanese con-
text have a greater plausibility for those wishing to return to Brazil. This
trend represents a contradiction in the very meaning of the churches’ pres-
ence in Japan, and therefore the reformulation of these products for the
dekasegi is one of the main challenges of neo-Pentecostal churches in the
Japanese context.

The Plausibility of the Theology of Prosperity

The theology of prosperity has at first sight a very rational appeal for dekas-
egi in the context of a rational choice in the religious market. After all, the
dekasegi were initially in Japan in order to save as much money as possible
to invest in properties or businesses back in Brazil. However, the expecta-
tion of enrichment promised by the theology of prosperity goes against the
reality of work and the limitations of Brazilians in Japan as temporary blue
collar workers.
In fact, often the goal for the dekasegi is to pay off eventual debts and accu-
mulate capital to start a business in Brazil. Those who want to stay in Japan
are expected to continue as employees. They will gain stability but very rarely
have dreams of their own business in Japan or to be rich in the same man-
ner promised to the followers of the uckg in Brazil. Even with businesses
within the ethnic community, the consumer market is relatively limited and
very fierce competition exists with the Japanese themselves, since they also
own ethnic stores for Brazilians. Besides, the economic downturn is chal-
lenging all possibilities of rapid enrichment, just as the Brazilian community
is beginning a more definitive settlement phase, in which the family and the
education of the second generation has assumed the priority of the commu-
nity, rather than money. The theology of prosperity focused on enrichment
appears very fragile in terms of plausibility for Brazilians settling in Japan.
42 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

The logic of tithes for the neo-Pentecostal churches also appears to be

different in the case of dekasegi. In practice, the dekasegi have a monthly
income based on hours of work, and a healthy economy is the key to achiev-
ing their goals of accumulating capital, after a calculated period of time in
order to go back to Brazil. Large donations are often requested by the pas-
tors but it seems that the response is significantly lower than in Brazil. In the
groups of “business entrepreneurs” or “cults for financial success” in which
I participated in the uckg in Nagoya, even with less money (such as 1,000
yen), few people intended to donate. The preaching stated that the dona-
tions were a sacrifice and a test of God to be rewarded with future wealth,
but this was not especially successful in my ethnographic observation. The
magical practices developed for those searching for success in the establish-
ment of a business, such as the use of sanctified objects as bringing pros-
perity and enrichment, were partially accepted. Voluntary donations were
few compared with Brazil, although there were a considerable number of
participants.
In this context, in my research visits to the uckg groups promising finan-
cial success in Japan, I also observed a relative lack of testimony regarding
prosperity. Even the use of recorded statements from Brazil or examples
from Japanese entrepreneurs provoked no enthusiastic reactions. In one
case explored at length by one pastor the example of the founder of Yamaha,
who had the “crazy idea to put a motor on a bicycle,” and referring to the
history of Yamaha Motors just after the Second World War, argued that “the
children of darkness [non-Christians] are luckier than the children of light
[uckg devotees]” due to the latter’s lack of boldness. In other cases, testi-
monies of the uckg in Brazil were selected and shown via video, in which
poverty and family problems disappeared after significant donations to the
uckg, resulting in a hugely successful business shortly thereafter.
As these descriptions had very little to do with the real life of Brazilians
in Japan, the uckg presents little positive reinforcement regarding real tes-
timonies of enrichment in Japan, and most converts were able to just give
statements of buying homes or cars, which is rarely interpreted as some-
thing extraordinary because many are adhering to long-term loans or reno-
vating old houses.
This trend is challenging for the uckg, because the theology of prosperity
attracts Brazilians who do not tend to stay devotees in Japan and will not
 rafael Shoji | 43

contribute financially to the church. According to data from a website sur-

vey conducted by the uckg in Japan in January of 2008, which included 117
participants, about 75 percent intended to return to Brazil and only about 25
percent intended to remain permanently in Japan. Although such research
had no statistical methodology, it is an indicator that those who want to
return to Brazil were a majority among those who belong to uckg in Japan
at that time.
In summary, the enhancement promised by prosperity theology shows
greater plausibility for those wishing to return to Brazil, which may reflect
a rational choice that is consistent with the main objective of dekasegi, as
opposed to those who intend to remain permanently in Japan constituting
the church community. Given the difficulties for the dekasegi in terms of
successful businesses in the Japanese environment, the message of prosper-
ity theology means to return to Brazil and the abandonment of the churches
in Japan. Moreover, in these cases, the tendency to donate a lot of money
is something that goes against the objectives of dekasegi, precisely because
they seek to save as much as possible while in Japan.

The Therapy of Family as Spiritual Healing

Even if the possibility of enrichment in Japan is difficult, considering Bra-
zilian standards poverty was not something that affected the dekasegi until
2008. Instead, an important problem was that many families were divided
by language, generations, cities and the long journeys to work. With the
trend toward permanent settlement of Brazilian families in Japan, especially
among young people who have immigrated, a balance between prosperity
and family had to be achieved.
The focus on extra hours of work even on weekends and the constant
changes of workplace brought several problems­—youth crime, family disin-
tegration, and low priority placed on the education of children. After some
years the dekasegi community was forced to reconsider its priorities, retriev-
ing values ​​from Brazilian culture, and the one that seems to be the most
important in terms of social cohesion is the family. With the temporary stay
becoming permanent, the creation of a harmonious family in Japan along-
side with integration and the education of children became key concerns.
Due to this, neo-Pentecostal churches now present themselves as the solu-
tion to family and health problems, and emotional stress. One slogan that
44 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

stands out in its magazines and publications in Japan is “No success justifies
failure with the family.” The advantage of having a group practice and dis-
semination based on several reports of their own converts is that the groups
naturally finda way that allows for expansion, since the groups develop not
only in the sense of existing social networks, but also in the contextualiza-
tion of their theology because of the continuous and public dissemination of
the new converts and miracles. The public testimonies themselves influence
the pastors’ messages, and the theology grows from the grassroots. Even if
a more general orientation exists, the most common cases and motivations
are exactly those most publicized, and they attract more people. The group
therefore grows toward the most numerically relevant audience, finding
optimization within the religious market on offer, preferring to give more
emphasis to what has market appeal.
Family therapy days are centered on prayers and blessing by the pastor for
the members of the family, including those in Brazil. One of these practices
involves the Pentecostal blessing of a panel containing family photos. The
uckg in Japan has been based more on healing and dissemination of Bra-
zilian family values, seeking to emphasize themes such as marriage, curing
mental illness, and happiness in love, while through the media seeking to be
the channel for Brazilian news.

The Relocation of the Spiritual Combat:

The Exorcism of African-Brazilian Spirits in Japan
The descarrego14 sessions in the uckg normally happen on Fridays. This is a
day commonly used by practitioners of African-Brazilian religions in per-
forming Umbanda religious services or other associated magical practices
as macumba.15 In Brazil the descarrego sessions are on Fridays, marking a
holy battle against the spirits, and in Japan these sessions are also conducted
on Fridays.
The exorcism of African-Brazilian deities is widely practiced among the
neo-Pentecostals at uckg, especially at the main temple in Hamamatsu,
and they remain the main target of neo-Pentecostal exorcism in Japan. The

14. Literal translation: “unload.” It means to “unload” evil spirits that have a bad influ-
ence in the life of the faithful.
15. See Almeida (2009) for ethnographic descriptions of these exorcism sessions in Brazil.
 rafael Shoji | 45

Devil and its evil African-Brazilian spirits in the uckg are very important in
the Brazilian neo-Pentecostal worldview and for the practice of exorcism. In
this sense it seems to me (strangely enough) that the neo-Pentecostal reli-
gions are doing more than the African-Brazilian religions to preserve these
deities in the collective memory among Brazilians in Japan.
This even includes the purification and exorcism of Japanese places that
could be used by African-Brazilian deities. The exorcism ritualsof the pos-
sessed in the temple are made concurrently with the purification of Japa-
nese places. On the thirteenth Friday of 2012 a special series of descarrego
sessions began in all uckg temples in Japan because on this day the “the
channel of evil is open and many perform evil witchcraft and macumba,
as one pastor explained to me. In Hamamatsu these sessions were held for
seven weeks. Three sessions were performed on the Friday the thirteenth,
the main one beginning at eight pm. Upon arriving, I realized that many
assistant pastors had already left the church, each with several pieces of
rope. They went to seven places, in seven groups of two persons each. The
places to be exorcized from evil spirits were: 1. a beach (the sea), 2. a river,
3. a waterfall, 4. a crossroads, 5. a train line, 6. a street without an exit (dead
end); and 7. cemeteries. While the exorcism session happened in the temple,
the assistant pastors would make a “strong prayer” in these places, beating
the ropes on the floor in order to prevent the actions of spirits and calling
them to be exorcised, so they would have no more influence on the life of
the church converts.
Indeed, in this special session all participants received a paper upon
which they would write their names eight times, one to be left at the altar,
and the other seven to be given to the assistant pastors to go to the places
listed above, since there the evil forces would be called to be exorcized.
The desmanche16 ritual was unlike others that I participated in (especially
in Nagoya), since this time the number of possessed was high and many
were in a highly emotional state with signs of possession such as alteration
of voice and uncontrolled body. I also noticed many more references to
Afro-Brazilian deities. One entity that proved especially present in posses-
sion (five times) was the Tranca-ruas.17 I think the Tranca-ruas was mani-

16. Approximate translation: “erase,” “undo.” This ritual is another name given to the
ritual of descarrego. The general meaning of the ritual is to undo witchcraft or a curse.
17. Tranca-ruas (a word composed in literal translation from “lock” and “street”), is an
46 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

fested because the pastor quoted his activity more often at the beginning
of the session, emphasizing that he is an entity that closes the way to hap-
piness, prosperity, and health. When the assistant pastors came back from
the places listed above they claimed to have felt the evil spirits being burned
through their strong prayers and the use of the ropes. Some of them were
afraid because of the noise produced, but they claimed to continue on with
this spiritual combat in any case, even if the police are called.
The association with the exorcism of places in Japan is direcrly related to
the role that these places have for African-Brazilian religions, and where they
realize their rituals. The neo-Pentecostals are trying to symbolically conquer
the Japanese places that would be used by Umbanda practitioners in Bra-
zil. Moreover, prayer sessions were also held at a mountain near Hamamatsu
before a pilgrimage of the pastor to Mount Sinai. In the case of mountains,
the role of these places are still not clear, but I would not exclude the possibil-
ity of confrontation with Japanese religions in the future.

Disembodied Spirits and Ancestral Curse

In Japan there are some indications that neo-Pentecostalism might choose
as the sources of evil some elements that represent more continuity with
local thought. Within the testimonies in the uckg sometimes the sources
of evil are disembodied spirits or an ancestral curse that somehow perse-
cutes the faithful. The statements are ambiguous, since the affirmation that
deceased spirits or ancestral curses are the source of evil stays in the ​​inter-
section area between Brazilian Spiritism and a more Japanese worldview.
Sometimes a more general trend against “oriental religions” appears in the
neo-Pentecostal sermons. For example, on a research visit that I made to the
International Church of Grace in Kariya, just outside Nagoya, the Pentecos-
tal pastor made his exhortation “against the evil eye, envy, black magic, ori-
ental magic.” So far, however, there seems to be no definite reinterpretation
in this direction. The choice of this path could create innumerable conflicts
within Japanese society, which the neo-Pentecostals seem quite anxious
to avoid so far. As a controversial practice against other groups, exorcism

African-Brazilian entity that belongs to the Exu class, long since long considered a demo-
niac entity. This entity is especially understood as having the power to “open” or “close” the
direction of people’s lives.
 rafael Shoji | 47

therefore seems highly unfruitful, considering the beliefs of the majority

Japanese society.
In fact, one can not underestimate the potential controversy that exists in
relation to neo-Pentecostalism in Brazil, especially around the uckg. Never-
theless after some controversy in its expansion in other countries, the uckg
seems determined to be noncontroversial in Japan. Until now the uckg has
attracted little attention in Japan, since its emphasis on high donations is
targeted only to dekasegi and the growth of the church is restricted to the
ethnic community. The uckg has attracted very few Japanese members, and
they seem to receive little attention regarding the way it operates. In some
private conversations with uckg pastors, Japanese religions are criticized as
animistic and as deifications of nature, but the broad dissemination of this
idea is cautiously avoided. Sometimes the commentaries on Japan assume
the form of millenarism: the massive earthquakes and tsunami of 11 March
2011 were biblical signals of destruction and a signal that the end of the
world is near. I even received in a session a letter signed by the pastor, claim-
ing that the end of the world was near, and therefore of the necessity of con-
version. On the contrary, the pastors pray for the economy of Japan, even
bringing the Japanese national flag on a pilgrimage to the biblical Mount
Sinai.
However, the caution of the uckg does not hinder the necessity of some
reinterpretation because of the question of the plausibility of Brazilian spir-
its in this new context. On the days when I attended the descarrego sessions
in the uckg in Nagoya, the most common reference was to the more generic
terms such as rituais de magia negra (rituals of black magic), espíritos desen-
carnados (disembodied spirits), and especially encosto.18 Another expression
often used in Brazil and cited many times is that everything seems amar-
rado (tied) in the sense that however much the adepts try to have success,
the future seems doomed to failure due to powerful negative spiritual forces,
which need to be broken.
The descarrego ritual follows a regular pattern. After the general descrip-

18. Encostos (roughly translated as “touch”, used as a proper name) means spirits of
deceased persons who curse the living and bring about evil results. They can be evil spiri-
tual deities or disembodied spirits without a clear destination after death. The term encosto
refers to the perception of the living person that a negative force (the disembodied spirit)
stays in touch with them as a curse.
48 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

tion of evil spirits and the Devil, and the presentation of the consequences
of their actions in the lives of the spectators, the pastor urges that the Devil
himself will be humbled, and that the chains and the curse will be broken in
Jesus’ name. The descarrego itself then reaches its apex with the passage of
the faithful through a tunnel composed of pastors and assistants (obreiros)
who, by a laying on of hands and invoking the name of Jesus, send away
the bad energies through the power of the Holy Fire. Sometimes the uckg
members form a line to be individually exorcized by the main pastor.
In one of the descarrego sessions, a major theme was the Devil in Japan.
The pastor of the uckg was a newcomer to Japan, but his perception
described in the sermon seems almost unanimous among other uckg pas-
tors in Japan. They emphasize that one major difference with the Devil’s
work in Japan is that in this country he is more focused on the mind. The
characterization is convenient if we consider that possession with clear signs
of an uncontrolable body is more common in the uckg in Brazil. The fact
that the Devil works predominantly in the mind justifies the difference of
the external behavior of the possessed in Japan.
The pastor, however, developed his sermon preaching that the activity
of the Devil in the mind leads to madness, depression, and suicide. Social
isolation, often a consequence of the immigration process, means that a
considerable portion of the immigrant community have mental disorders,
family problems, and abuse alcohol and other drugs. Moreover, as the pas-
tors tend to stress for the immigrant community, Japan is a country with
many suicides. The Japanese are seen as a people to be admired in terms of
material well-being, but are seen as lacking in happiness and bliss, often the
victims of psychological problems, depression, and suicide. The predomi-
nant activity of the Devil in Japan would be one of the main factors.
As a pattern already established in the neo-Pentecostal sermons, evil and
disembodied spirits also have a significant share of the blame in mental dis-
tress. The pastors warn that paranormal phenomena such as hearing voices
or seeing figures is much more common among Brazilians in Japan. The
actions of these disembodied spirits is indicated as the cause of mental pain
in Japan.
In recent years, another emerging pattern in the explanation of evil has
also been highlighted, and this is the interpretation of evil as an ancestral
curse. Here the possibility of suffering may be mental or physical. In fact,
 rafael Shoji | 49

since many health problems (physical or mental) are attributed to heredi-

tary causes, the adepts of uckg just extend this interpretation to the spiritual
world. Although this type of testimonial appears more frequently in Japan,
it is also sometimes discussed in evangelical circles in Brazil, often raising
theological interpretations and popular disputes. The transnational Nikkei
present a natural continuity with the idea of ​​ancestors, which reinforces this
interpretation. The religions that composes the Spiritist continuum implies
the possibility of this transnational spiritual world extension. This transna-
tional spiritual world affects people in this world and generates responses
ranging from some features of the ancestor cult (among the dekasegi, espe-
cially those belonging to Japanese new religious movements) to the exor-
cism of an ancestral curse (Brazilian neo-Pentecostalism). Among the uckg
members the idea of an ancestral curse may be strengthened since these tes-
timonies are creating a pattern repeated on many occasions, encouraging a
more institutional embodiment of this enemy to be exorcised.

Final Reflections: “Acclimation” and the

Transplantation Policy of Brazilian Neo-Pentecostalism

In this articleI have focussed on the neo-Pentecostal group uckg,

indicating a new Pentecostal movement in Japan and the emergence of
transnational spiritual worlds. As described, the participation of Brazilian
Pentecostalism has strongly increased among the dekasegi.
The Brazilian neo-Pentecostal worldview in particular depends on the
existence of an enemy to combat and to justify evil, which is often personi-
fied as having African-Brazilian features. This whole spiritual combat is
being transplanted to the Japanese landscape. The possibility of this com-
bination of Japanese and Brazilian elements within the Japanese-Brazilians
happens because of some common features. Instead of the spirits present
in the Brazilian spiritual world, which include but are not limited to the
African-Brazilian religious worldview, in Japan this spiritual world tends to
assume more Nikkei features, presenting a more natural continuity with the
Japanese context, even if it is still far from being sufficient to attract a signifi-
cant number of Japanese converts.
The case of Brazilian-Japanese neo-Pentecostalism belongs to the dispute
between Pentecostal churches (centered on the figure of the Holy Spirit) and
50 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

those that reinforce or seek a friendly relationship with the spiritual world
(belief in spirits that normally do not include the Holy Spirit, present in the
diverse forms of nature and native religions, including Shamanism, but also
in many new religious movements). Considering the East Asian context it
is interesting to consider this pattern, and in particular, in comparison with
native Christian movements and with the Korean churches in Japan, it will be
important to observe the evolution of Brazilian Pentecostalism within Chris-
tianity in Japan.19
This pattern was analyzed considering the context of the different religions
of Japanese-Brazilians, themselves the fruit of an earlier transnationaliza-
tion and the emergence of globalization. The “transnationalization” of spir-
its is based on the spirits as a universal category, from a phenomenological
perspective. From this standpoint I suggest that we need to review concepts
such as acculturation, inculturation, indigenization, and transculturalism in
the case of Brazilian neo-Pentecostalism and Shamanism. This is especially
true if we accept a new understanding of Shamanism and the concepts of
nature and culture as proposed by anthropologists such as Viveiros de Cas-
tro.20 Nature is often underestimated in the transplantation of religions. The
religions associated with native and shamanistic religions, even if these reli-
gions are the enemies to be confronted, should not be viewed as primarily
transcultural (between cultures).21 The spiritual worlds of Shamanism and

19. See especially Mullins, with an analyses based on Hayashi Minoru, “Apparently,
only a Christian ‘shamanism’ can compete with the shamanism of the New Religions” (1998,
181), but on the other hand he correctly remarks later on the same page that “Pentecostal
Christianity may ‘fit’ the current social climate better than the intellectual expressions of
Christianity associated with Western churches. This fact alone, however, hardly assures
church growth in the Japanese context. The decline of indigenous Pentecostal movements
has shown us that much.” Brazilian Pentecostal churches are today ethnic churches and
there is no indication of eminent change.
20. See Viveiros de Castro (1998). Based on Amerindian perspectivism he argues
that in the native religions based on nature and possession in the American continent (and
more generally in Shamanism) there is a multinaturalism due to the fact that the same spirit
occupies several bodies. Here I am especially interested in the extension of a spiritual world,
based on a particular geographical and natural landscape, to other natural landscapes.
21. This is most likely because of Western tradition that is based historically on mono-
theism, that assumes one nature and many cultures, that the role of nature was often under-
estimated in any studies of transplantation. These factors are often ignored in the research
based on acculturation even if disciplines such as the geography of religion were detached
from the importance of space and nature for religion (see for example Park 1994).
 rafael Shoji | 51

natural religions depend not primarily on acculturation, but they depend

especially on the acclimation in other geographical landscapes.
The globalization of Brazilian neo-Pentecostalism signifies the meeting of
Pentecostal culture with a supernatural world composed by many Shaman-
istic and native religions. Brazilian neo-Pentecostalism does not deny the
different spiritual worlds associated with different geographical places and
their effects on the natural world through possession and the effect of evil.
Normally it actually combats these various spirits using an almost global
culture based on primacy of the Holy Spirit and exorcism.
If in modern science and the social sciences we traditionally have one
nature and different cultures, promoting multiculturalism as the public pol-
icy in many western societies, in the case of Pentecostalism it seems more
reasonable to assume the existence of a global Pentecostal culture clash-
ing with different Shamanistic religions. These religions are supported by
local natural landscapes and animated spirits, which manifest themselves
through different forms, including possession and magical practices, under-
stood by Pentecostals as the source of demonic forces and curses, especially
in the case of Latin America and Africa. The case of the transnationaliza-
tion of Pentecostalism, based on the evil represented by local spirits, needs
to extended be through transnaturalism. The emerging global Pentecostal
view brings new natural landscapes to the spiritual combat, reinterpreting
animism and possession as enemies.
Pentecostalism thus emphasizes both cultural continuity and natural rup-
ture, establishing essential common patterns but also tension necessary to
the success of a new religious movement. Pentecostalism may then face bar-
riers associated with ethnocentrism, especially if the native religion is based
on a very particular nature or if it is a national religion. If multicultural-
ism is a policy that resulted from the vision of a unique nature and differ-
ent cultures within Western societies, promoting ideologically the friendly
coexistence of many cultures, many Pentecostal groups interpret the sub-
mission of all natural spirits to the Holy Spirit as a unique culture based on
the creation of enemies in a pluralism of environments.22 If Pentecostalism
is to be understood as a type of “shamanistic” Christian movement, it could

22. Viveiros de Castro suggests Shamanism as a magical and cosmic policy based on
multinaturalism, but in the case of Pentecostalism the natural world so understood is inter-
preted in a negative fashion.
52 | “Brazilian-Japanese” Neo-Pentecostalism

not interpret the spiritual world in another way. The desert as the symbol of
the abstract principle of decoupling nature beyond time and space, which
simultaneously symbolizes monotheism, limits and seeks to subdue all
nature spirits to God. In Pentecostalism, these natural deities are reinter-
preted as the evil to be defeated by the Holy Spirit.

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