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 STRUCTURAL

FUNCTIONALISM
 Émile Durkheim

David Émile Durkheim (French: [emil dyʁkɛm] or [dyʁkajm];15 April 1858 – 15

November 1917) was a French sociologist. He formally established the academic
discipline of sociology and—with W. E. B. Du Bois, Karl Marx and Max Weber—is
commonly cited as the principal architect of modern social science.
Much of Durkheim's work was concerned with how societies could maintain
their integrity and coherence in modernity, an era in which traditional social and
religious ties are no longer assumed, and in which new social institutions have come
into being. His first major sociological work was The Division of Labour in Society
(1893). In 1895, he published The Rules of Sociological Method and set up the first
European department of sociology, becoming France's first professor of sociology. In
1898, he established the journal L'Année Sociologique. Durkheim's seminal
monograph, Suicide (1897), a study of suicide rates in Catholic and Protestant
populations, pioneered modern social research and served to distinguish social
science from psychology and political philosophy. The Elementary Forms of the
Religious Life (1912) presented a theory of religion, comparing the social and
cultural lives of aboriginal and modern societies.
Durkheim was also deeply preoccupied with the acceptance of sociology as a
legitimate science. He refined the positivism originally set forth by Auguste Comte,
promoting what could be considered as a form of epistemological realism, as well as
the use of the hypothetico-deductive model in social science. For him, sociology was
the science of institutions, if this term is understood in its broader meaning as
"beliefs and modes of behaviour instituted by the collectivity" and its aim being to
discover structural social facts. Durkheim was a major proponent of structural
functionalism, a foundational perspective in both sociology and anthropology. In his
view, social science should be purely holistic;that is, sociology should study
phenomena attributed to society at large, rather than being limited to the specific
actions of individuals.

Bronisław Malinowski
Bronisław Malinowski, in full Bronisław Kasper Malinowski, (born April 7,
1884, Kraków, Pol., Austria-Hungary—died May 16, 1942, New Haven, Conn.,
U.S.), one of the most important anthropologists of the 20th century who is
widely recognized as a founder of social anthropology and principally
associated with field studies of the peoples of Oceania.
After living in the Canary Islands and southern France, Malinowski
returned in 1924 to the University of London as reader in anthropology. He
became professor in 1927. As one of the most intellectually vigorous social
scientists of his day, Malinowski had a stimulating and wide influence. His
seminars were famous, and he attracted the attention of prominent
scientists in other disciplines, such as linguistics and psychology, and
collaborated or debated with them. Conversant with continental European
social theory and especially acknowledging his debt to Émile Durkheim,
Marcel Mauss, and others of the French sociological school, he rejected their
abstract notions of society in favors of an approach that focused more on the
individual—an approach that seemed to him more realistic. His functional
theory, as he himself explained, Only by understanding such functions and
interrelations, he held, can an anthropologist understand a culture. In
keeping with his concept of culture as an expression of the totality of human
achievement, he examined a wide range of cultural aspects and institutions,
challenging existing interpretations of kinship and marriage, exchange, and
ritual.
 A.R. Radcliffe-Brown
A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, in full Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown, (born Jan.
17, 1881, Birmingham, Warwick, Eng.—died Oct. 24, 1955, London), English
social anthropologist of the 20th century who developed a systematic
framework of concepts and generalizations relating to the social structures of
preindustrial societies and their functions. He is widely known for his theory
of functionalism and his role in the founding of British social anthropology.
Radcliffe-Brown went to the Andaman Islands (1906–08), where his
fieldwork won him a fellowship at Trinity College, Cambridge. On an
expedition to Western Australia (1910–12), he concentrated on kinship and
family organization. He became director of education for the kingdom of
Tonga (1916) and served as professor of social anthropology at the
University of Cape Town (1920–25), where he founded the School of African
Life and Languages. His study The Andaman Islanders (1922; new ed. 1964)
contained the essential formulation of his ideas and methods. At the
University of Sydney (1925–31) he developed a vigorous teaching program
involving research in theoretical and applied anthropology. His theory had its
classic formulation and application in The Social Organization of Australian
Tribes (1931). Treating all Aboriginal Australia known at the time, the work
cataloged, classified, analyzed, and synthesized a vast amount of data on
kinship, marriage, language, custom, occupancy and possession of land,
sexual patterns, and cosmology. He attempted to explain social phenomena
as enduring systems of adaptation, fusion, and integration of elements. He
held that social structures are arrangements of persons and that
organizations are the arrangements of activities; thus, the life of a society
may be viewed as an active system of functionally consistent,
interdependent elements.

Talcott Parsons
Talcott Parsons served as the 39th President of the American
Sociological Society. His Presidential Address, "The Prospects of Sociological
Theory," was delivered at the organization's annual meeting in New York City
in December 1949. Parsons professional papers are housed at Harvard
University Archives; a finding aid is available online. The Harvard Archives
collection includes the following brief biographical sketch of Parsons:
Talcott Parsons (1902-1979) was an educator and scholar of sociology.
He contributed to the field of sociological theory, particularly through his
development of a "general theory of action." Parsons spent most of his
professional career at Harvard University, where he was affiliated with the
various incarnations of the sociology department for thirty-two years.
Parsons graduated from Amherst College in 1924, having majored in
philosophy and biology. In 1925 he redirected his intellectual focus and
entered the London School of Economics, studying with Bronislaw
Malinowski, L.T. Hobhouse and Morris Ginsberg. The following year he
received a fellowship at the University of Heidelberg, where he first
encountered the work of Weber. Parsons completed his doctoral dissertation,
on the concept of capitalism in recent German scholarship, in 1927 while
teaching economics at Amherst. The following year he joined the Harvard
faculty as an instructor in economics. He continued to teach at the University
until his retirement in 1973.
Parsons' career is entwined with the development of sociology as an
academic discipline at Harvard. In 1931 he joined Carle Zimmerman and
Pitirim Sorokin as inaugural faculty in the Department of Sociology. Gordon
Allport and Henry Murray, of the Psychology Department, and Clyde
Kluckhohn, of the Anthropology Department, joined with Parsons in 1945 to
establish the Department of Social Relations. This department became a
landmark of interdisciplinary collaboration in the behavioral sciences and
served as a model for similar departments at other institutions. Parsons
served as chairman for the first ten years and continued to work
enthusiastically in the Department until its dissolution in 1972.
Parsons' scholarship is unified by his effort to draft a set of concepts of
the determinants of human behavior. He began to develop his "general
theory of action" in Structure of Social Action (1937). He refined this theory
in Social System and Towards a General Theory of Action (both published in
1951). Parsons spent the later years of his career further modifying his
theory and eventually applying it to discrete social situations.
RATIONAL

CHOICE
 Gary Stanley Becker
Gary S. Becker received the 1992 Nobel Prize in economics for “having
extended the domain of economic theory to aspects of human behavior
which had previously been dealt with—if at all—by other social science
disciplines such as sociology, demography and criminology.”
Becker’s unusually wide applications of economics started early. In
1955 he wrote his doctoral dissertation at the University of Chicago on the
economics of discrimination. Among other things, Becker successfully
challenged the Marxist view that discrimination helps the person who
discriminates. Becker pointed out that if an employer refuses to hire a
productive worker simply because of skin color, that employer loses out on a
valuable opportunity. In short, discrimination is costly to the person who
discriminates. Becker showed that discrimination will be less pervasive in
more competitive industries because companies that discriminate will lose
market share to companies that do not. He also presented evidence that
discrimination is more pervasive in more-regulated, and therefore less-
competitive, industries. The idea that discrimination is costly to the
discriminator is common sense among economists today, and that is due to
Becker. In the early 1960s Becker moved on to the fledgling area of human
capital. One of the founders of the concept (the other being Theodore
Schultz), Becker pointed out what again seems like common sense but was
new at the time: education is an investment. Education adds to our human
capital just as other investments add to physical capital. (For more on this,
see Becker’s article, “Human Capital,” in this encyclopedia.)
One of Becker’s insights is that time is a major cost of investing in education.
Possibly that insight led him to his next major area, the study of the
allocation of time within a family. Applying the economist’s concept of
opportunity cost, Becker showed that as market wages rose, the cost to
married women of staying home would rise. They would want to work outside
the home and economize on household tasks by buying more appliances and
fast food.
Not even crime escaped Becker’s keen analytical mind. In the late 1960s he
wrote a trail-blazing article whose working assumption is that the decision to
commit crime is a function of the costs and benefits of crime. From this
assumption he concluded that the way to reduce crime is to raise the
probability of punishment or to make the punishment more severe. His
insights into crime, like his insights on discrimination and human capital,
helped spawn a new branch of economics.
In the 1970s Becker extended his insights on allocation of time within a
family, using the economic approach to explain the decisions to have
children and to educate them, and the decisions to marry and to divorce.
Becker was a professor at Columbia University from 1957 to 1969. Except for
that period, he spent his entire career at the University of Chicago, where he
held joint appointments in the departments of economics and sociology.
Becker won the John Bates Clark Award of the American Economic
Association in 1967 and was president of that association in 1987.
 George C. Homans
George C. Homans, the human group and elementary social behavior.
George Caspar Homans (1910-1989) is widely regarded as the father of
social exchange theory. Two of his many books, The Human Group and
Social Behavior: Its Elementary Forms are considered world-classics in
sociology. He also made significant empirical and conceptual contributions to
small-group research. In this piece A. Javier Treviño explores Homans’ lasting
contribution.
George Caspar Homans (1910-1989) was born in the prosperous Back Bay
district of Boston, Massachusetts. On his mother’s side, he was sixth
generation in the lineage of that distinguished family, the Adamses of
American statesmanship and literature, which includes John Adams, second
president of the United States. Entering Harvard University in 1928 to read
English, Homans was to spend the rest of his academic career there. He
became a junior fellow in sociology in 1934; was invited to become a
professor of sociology in 1939; and, with a gap of four years serving in the
naval reserve, he remained a faculty member until he retired in 1970. In The
Human Group (1950) George C. Homans made a major contribution to the
deepening of small group theory and research – and through this to a
growing sophistication of practice with the field of social groupwork. He also
explored the activities of individuals in his influential work Social Behaviour
(1961; 1974). The development there of social exchange theory proved to be
influential with several, later theories including rational-choice theory
drawing upon it. Homans served as the 54th President of the American
Sociological Association and was a member of the National Academy of
Sciences.
INSTITUTIONALISM
 Max Weber

Max Weber, (born April 21, 1864, Erfurt, Prussia [Germany]—died June
14, 1920, Munich, Germany), German sociologist and political economist
best known for his thesis of the “Protestant ethic,” relating Protestantism to
capitalism, and for his ideas on bureaucracy. Weber’s profound influence on
sociological theory stems from his demand for objectivity in scholarship and
from his analysis of the motives behind human action.
After Weber's immense productivity in the early 1890s, he did not
publish any papers between early 1898 and late 1902, finally resigning his
professorship in late 1903. Freed from those obligations, in that year he
accepted a position as associate editor of the Archives for Social Science and
Social Welfare, where he worked with his colleagues Edgar Jaffé [de] and
Werner Sombart. His new interests would lie in more fundamental issues of
social sciences; his works from this latter period are of primary interest to
modern scholars. In 1904, Weber began to publish some of his most seminal
papers in this journal, notably his essay The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism, which became his most famous work and laid the foundations for
his later research on the impact of cultures and religions on the development
of economic systems. This essay was the only one of his works from that
period that was published as a book during his lifetime. Some other of his
works written in the first one and a half decades of the 20th century—
published posthumously and dedicated primarily from the fields of sociology
of religion, economic and legal sociology—are also recognized as among his
most important intellectual contributions.
Also in 1904, he visited the United States and participated in the Congress of
Arts and Sciences held in connection with the World's Fair (Louisiana
Purchase Exposition) in St. Louis. A monument to his visit was placed at the
home of relatives whom Weber visited in Mt. Airy, North Carolina.
Despite his partial recovery evident in America, Weber felt that he was
unable to resume regular teaching at that time and continued on as a private
scholar, helped by an inheritance in 1907. In 1909, disappointed with the
Verein, he co-founded the German Sociological Association (Deutsche
Gesellschaft für Soziologie, or DGS) and served as its first treasurer. He
would, however, resign from the DGS in 1912.[9] In 1912, Weber tried to
organize a left-wing political party to combine social-democrats and liberals.
This attempt was unsuccessful, in part because many liberals feared social-
democratic revolutionary ideals.
 James G. March

James Gardner March (January 15, 1928 – September 27, 2018) was an
American sociologist who was professor at Stanford University and the
Stanford Graduate School of Education, best known for his research on
organizations, his (jointly with Richard Cyert) A behavioral theory of the firm
and organizational decision making known as Garbage Can Model.
March was highly respected for his broad theoretical perspective which
combined theories from psychology and other behavioral sciences. As a core
member of the Carnegie School, he collaborated with the cognitive
psychologist Herbert A. Simon on several works on organization theory.
March was also known for his seminal work on the behavioral perspective on
the theory of the firm along with Richard Cyert (1963). In 1972, March
worked together with Johan Olsen and Michael D. Cohen on the systemic-
anarchic perspective of organizational decision making known as the
Garbage Can Model.
The scope of his academic work was broad but focused on
understanding how decisions happen in individuals, groups, organizations,
companies and society. He explores factors that influences decision making,
such as risk orientation, leadership and the ambiguity of the present and the
past; politics and vested interests by stakeholders; the challenges of giving
and receiving advice; the challenges of organizational and individual learning
and the challenges of balancing exploration and exploitation in
organizations.
 JOHAN OLSEN

Johan Peder Olsen (born August 14, 1939) is a Norwegian political scientist,
and Professor Emeritus in Political Science at the University of Bergen,
known for his work on new institutionalism.
Olsen obtained his MA om Political Science, with a minor in economics and
political history, at the University of Oslo in l967. In 1971 he obtained his PhD
at the University of Bergen. He obtained an Honorary Doctorate from the Åbo
Akademi, Finland in, 1988, and from the University of Copenhagen in 1990.
Olsen has started his career as journalist and reporter for various Norwegian
newspapers from l958 to 1963. He started his academic career as research
assistant at the Institute of Political Science of the University of Oslo in l965.
In 1969 he was appointed Assistant professor at the Institute of Sociology of
the University of Bergen, in 1970 Associate professor, and in 1973 Professor
in Public Administration and Organization Theory until 1993.
Olsen was also member of the Norwegian Research Council, and a member
of the Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters. He established ARENA
(Advanced Research on the Europeanization of the Nation State) in 1994. He
was Research Director at ARENA for many years, and is now.
Olsen is one of the developers of the systemic-anarchic perspective of
organizational decision-making known as the Garbage Can Model.