Maharaja Suraj Mal 1707-1763 His Life and Times by K Natwar Singh PDF

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Although Maharaja Suraj Mai was an out-
standing soldier-statesman of 18th Century
Hindustan, this is his first full length and
authoritative 'Life' to appear in the English
language. For all those interested in Indian
Jhistory it is fortunate that a well known
author and distinguished diplomat has
found time to write this absorbing and
indispensible book. Coming as he does from
the nobility of Bharatpur, K. Natwar-Singh
is eminently qualified to write about Suraj
Mai, whom millions of Jats even today hold
in devotional high esteem.
K. Natwar-Singh's narrative unfolds the
saga of Suraj Mai's inspiring life and
extraordinary achievement. It also offers the
reader a lively account of the declining
decades of the Mughal Empire, to which the
Jats along with the Marathas and Sikhs
made so significant a contribution. With
great clarity and an uncommon under-
standing of the historical complexities of
18th Century India, the author brings to life
the principal actors and sets them against the
uneasy mood and temper of their times.
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Maharaja Suraj Mal^ 1707-1763
His Life and Times
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Maharaja Suraj Mai

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Maharaja Suraj Mai

1707 1763
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His Life and Times
by
K. NATWAR-SINGH
^Circumstances! I create circumstances.''

Napoleon
^With them the Seed of Wisdom did I sow, '

And with my own hand laboured it to grow:
And this was all the Harvest that I reap'd -
I came like water, and like wind I go.y
Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam

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Contents
page
• • #
Acknowledgements viu
Preface ix
Prologue Xll
1 Aurangzeb and Suraj Mai's Forebears 1
2 Badan Singh and Suraj Mai:
Consolidation and Construction 21
3 Early Campaigns of Suraj Mai 30
4 Suraj Mai and Safdar Jung 37
5 The Siege of Kumher, January-May 1754 48
6 Rebellion of Jawahar Singh 56
7 Suraj Mai versus Ahmed Shah Abdali 62
8 Neither War nor Peace 73
9 Suraj Mai and the Third Battle of Panipat 81
10 Capture of Agra and Conquest of Haryana 94
11 Last Battle and Death 100
12 The Achievement of Maharaja Suraj Mai 106
Notes 112
Appendix 1. Names of Maharaja Suraj Mai's Brothers 116
Appendix 2. Genealogical Charts 117
Appendix 3. A Note on Sujan Charitra 121
Appendix 4. Account of Suraj Mai's death in Siyar 123
Appendix 5. The House of Bharatpur 128
Appendix 6. The Mughal Emperors of India 129
Bibliography 130
Index 133
Illustrations
Frontispiece 1 Maharaja SuraJ Mai

2 Thakur Churaman Singh
3 Raja Badan Singh
4 Maharaja Jawahar Singh
5 Gopal Bhawan, Deeg
6 The Jhoola, Deeg
7 The Fort, Bharatpur
8 Mural - Suraj Mai's Chattri
9 Suraj Mai's Chattri, Goverdhan
10 Ahmad Shah Durrani on horseback
Najib Khan (centre)
11 ^Nawab Shuja-ud-daula
(bottom left-hand corner)
12 The Ruling House of Bharatpur
Map Suraj Mai's Kingdom - December 1763
To
Hemy my wife, to our children
Jagat and Ritu and to their
grandmother, Maharani Mohinder Kaur
of Patiala
Acknowledgements
I am happy to acknowledge the assistance given to me by

Mrs Mildred Archer and Dr Robert Single of the India
Office Library. To Moni Malhotra I owe a special debt. For
an Oxford man he gave very sound advice about form and
style. Finally, my thanks to G. S. Rai and N. Ramamoorthy
who typed the manuscript. For errors and shortcomings I
alone am responsible.
LL1981 K. NATWAR-SINGH
Preface
Coming as I do from Bharatpur, it was inevitable that I should

grow up hearing the name of Maharaja Suraj Mai. The first six
years of my life were spent in the historic town of Deeg amidst
the splendour of the garden palaces conceived by Thakur Badan
Singh, built and completed by his son Maharaja Suraj Mai. When
we shifted to Bharatpur, the famous and once impregnable fort
dominated the city. Its past recalled to mind departed glory and
unsullied honour. It was at Bharatpur that Lord Lake 'threw away
his fame' in 1805.
My mother told me how the House of Bharatpur - the premier
Jat state in India - had acquired their wealth, by highway
robbery in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.
The imperial road between Delhi and Agra ran through Jat
country. Rich Mughal caravans were intercepted and plundered
with impunity, devastating frequency and breathless daring. The
risk was high but so was the yield. My pride grew and with it
my curiosity.
But when I made attempts to satisfy my urge for more
knowledge and information about the greatest commander and
statesman of the Jat race, I discovered that hard facts were
difficult to get. While the Rajputs had Col. Tod, the Marathas
Grant-Duff, the Sikhs Cunningham, the Jats had nothing. It was
only in 1925 that Prof. K. R. Kanungo's History of the Jats
appeared. It is still the soundest book on the subject; it is a
scholarly but not an inspired work. For some unknown reason
Maharaja Suraj Mai has eluded biographers. Although he died in
1763, this is the first 'Life' to come out in English. Fame has
shone unwillingly on him. While trivial anniversaries are cele-
brated with sickening frequency, the 200th anniversary of his
death went almost unnoticed. No road in India's capital is named
after him, although the fate of Delhi was in his hands on more
than one occasion; no statue of his adorns any public garden.
The Maharaja Suraj Mai Educational Society is not even a
decade old. A Suraj Mai postage stamp has yet to be issued.
Sudan's Sujan Charitra still awaits translation into English. Its
X Preface
archaic cadence and eighteenth-century Hindi is not everyone's
cup of tea. It brings to life seven campaigns from which the Jat
prince rode off a victor. His authority alone secured design and
concerted action. But Sudan's poem stops abruptly in 1753.
Father Frangois Xavier Wendel who lived in India from 1751
to 1803 and in Bharatpur from 1764-1768 was a shadowy figure
rendering unto Caesar a little more than he offered to God. His
Memoires de VIndostan is a highly entertaining, engaging work
of uneven quality. Liberties are taken with facts. For one who
ate the salt of Suraj Mai's son, Jawahar Singh, he displays little
gratitude. Nevertheless Wendel offers flashes of insight which are
revealing and useful. His historical judgement is not always sound.
His assessment of contemporary events is at once colourful and
prejudicial. He did not like the Jats too much. Nevertheless he is
indispensable reading.
Many Persian manuscripts, letters and documents have, to this
day, not been translated into English. I do not know Persian and
could not use them. Several of these are mentioned in a most
valuable book: Persian Literature, a Bio-Bibliographical Survey,
by C. A. Storey, published by Lusac and Co., London, 1939.
Sir Jadunath Sarkar's great and enduring work. The Downfall
of the Mughal Empire (1950), made the name and achievement
of Suraj Mai better known. Sir Jadunath laboured hard and long
but not in vain to establish that Suraj Mai was an outstanding
figure that redeemed a shameful era in our history. It was he who
studied the Akhbarats which contain the letters that were sent
to the Rajas of Jaipur by their agents at the Imperial Court at
Delhi. In these the Jats are described as Jat-i-Badzat - the
Jat of evil breed. But the House of Jaipur had little reason to
look kindly at the emergence of so audacious a people on its
eastern border. But for the rise of the Jats the kingdom of Jaipur
might have extended to the Jamuna river.
Sir Jadunath and Prof. Kanungo consulted Persian and Marathi
records and put them to good use. But the adamantine and
melancholy fact is that the annals of Suraj Mai remain scanty.
His descendants invoke his name and provide embroidered
information of doubtful historical value. No record has come to
light of the daily round of the Suraj Mai household. Details, vital
and essential, are missing. There is confusion about the year of
his birth and the manner of his death: 1707 is mostly accepted
but 1706 is also mentioned. Where was he born? Sinsini, Thun,
or Deeg? No one knows. Not even the diligent Thakur Ganga
Preface XI
Singh whose book, Yadu Vamnsha, is a mine of information.

Upendra Nath Sharma might cause a break in the mist at some
future date. Only the first volume of his A New History of the
JatSy has appeared. It is an awesome example of solid hard work,
painstaking though not disinterested historical research. His
copious bibliography makes it clear that he is leaving no source
untapped. Volume one of his work ends with the death of Thakur
Churaman Singh in 1721.
India remains an oral society and our ahistorical soul heeds
neither date nor time. About Maharaja Suraj Mai's early life we
are again in the region of surmise. It is unlikely that his father
Thakur Badan Singh exerted himself overtly with the education
of his numerous progeny. Suraj Mai like the Great Akbar was
almost illiterate. Here he is in distinguished company. Alfred
the Great taught himself to read at the age of forty. Charlemagne
w
'could read but he never could write'. The Indian princes of the
eighteenth century had little cause to be well educated. What were
the Brahmins for? That oldest of all intellectual elites the world
has known acted as the pen and brain of Indian royalty, nobility
and aristocracy.
It is not my intention to paint Suraj Mai larger than life or
overestimate the part he played in contemporary history but to
offer him as a subject of study. When he was born the Jats were
beginning to make their presence felt but their government, if
it could be so called, was 'a republic of aristocrats too numerous
to be called an oligarchy'. At the time of his death they had
become a power to contend with, feared, respected and sought
after by Mughal, Maratha, Rajput and Rohilla. He died young
and in a longer sense the cutting short of his life is truly tragic
because his destiny remained unfulfilled. It is possible that given
another decade he might have changed the course of the history of
Hindustan in a decisive manner.
K. NATWAR-SINGH
Prologue
On 26 December 1530 Jalaluddin Babar the Chaghatai Turk and

founder of the Mughal Empire in India died in his forty-eighth
year. His son Humayun ruled off and on till 1556. In between
he was driven out by Sher Shah Sur. It was during his wanderings
in the inhospitable desert sands of Sind that his wife Hamida
Banu gave birth to a son, Akbar. That is her sole claim to fame.
Akbar was to become one of the greatest kings the world has
known. His father, after recovering a part of his kingdom, died on
24 January 1556, falling from the steep and narrow staircase of
his library situated on the banks of the Jamuna in Delhi.
The story of Akbar is fascinating. Never since the days of the
Emperor Ashok had the rule of an individual been accepted with
such acquiescence; never had the principle of the divine right of
kings commanded such wide assent and never again was any
sovereign in India to create and nourish a court of equal splendour
and majesty nor gather around him a body of men of such brilliant
and diverse talents. He was not only a wise king but a great
statesman, 'in his handling of the problems posed by the religious
difference among his subjects'. He conciliated his defeated
enemies, married a Rajput princess, united northern India and
gave her a strong stable government and a sound administration.
His son and successor Jahangir, a lover of art and alcohol, left the
Empire largely intact and the wise policies of his father
undisturbed. Jahangir died in October 1627 and his son Shah
Jahan, the builder of the Taj Mahal, was proclaimed Emperor
in February 162 8 under the awe-inspiring title of 'Abul Muzaffar
Shihab-ud-din Muhammed Sahib-i-Qiran II, Shah Jahan
Padshah Ghazi'. At the time of his father's death he was in the
Deccan but soon disposed of other contenders to the throne.
It is during his reign that we first witness the weakening of the
principle of religious toleration. The pilgrimage tax was revived
and conversion of Muslims to other faiths was checked. Beneath
the outward prosperity and administrative calm there were
rumblings of discontent in the shadow of the great cities of the
Empire.
• • •
Prologue xm
The centrifugal tendencies that were to become so prominent
in the second half of Aurangzeb's long reign had already made
their appearance. Court intrigues, the sensual indulgences and
growing indifference of Mansabdars and over-confidence born
of a belief that the Mughals were born kings, and their officials
born imperialists hid reality from their eyes. There was no
genuine breakdown of authority but a vague restlessness. The rot
had not yet set in.
Aurangzeb did not inherit the imperial throne, but snatched
it away by force from his father and elder brother Dara Shikao
whom Shah Jahan had designated as his successor. In consolidat-
ing his power Aurangzeb did not allow ties of blood to get in
the way. He imprisoned his father. The other contenders were
engaged in battle and annihilated. This cruel legacy of fratricidal
wars was to take a lot more Mughal blood in years to come.
Aurangzeb's long reign began in 1658 on a note of bloodshed
and violence. It ended in personal and national tragedy. The last
of the great Mughal emperors was endowed with exceptional
qualities of leadership combined with an astonishing capacity for
sustained hard work. Austere and obstinate, sharp of intellect and
cold of heart, he was incapable of freeing himself from the Islamic
mould. He lacked imagination. All bigots do, since they are
incapable of changing course — an indispensable attribute for
builders of empires and leaders of men. In a short time he undid
the work of his remarkable ancestors. His conception of his role
as that of an orthodox ruler of an Islamic State rather than as
that of the Muslim ruler of an Indian Empire produced disastrous
results.^ He completely failed to comprehend that 'the highest
order of talent, either for government or war, though aided by
unlimited resources, will not suffice for the maintenance of power,
unsupported by the affections of the people'.^
Aurangzeb's Islamic policy alienated and offended Hindu
sentiment. His attempts to convert Dar-ul-Harb into Dar-ul-
Islam was doomed to failure. A country of diverse people and
religions could not be ruled by zealots for long. Reaction was not
long in coming, and when it appeared it was strong and wide-
spread. As the decades of his long reign rolled by obedience gave
way to assertiveness, assertiveness to restlessness which in due
course led to revolt.
It is possible to explain Aurangzeb's policy - he was acting
from the highest Islamic motives - but it is impossible to condone
it. Panic and emptiness must have been his constant companions
xiv Prologue
in his later years. His letters to his sons Azam and Kam Baksh
are melancholy and despairing: 'I come alone and am going alone.
I have not done well to the country and the people, and of the
future there is no hope'. Even more poignantly, 'I carry away the
burden of my shortcomings . . .'.^ These moments of self-criticism
and self-illumination were rare and came too late.
Prof. V. H. Green writes, 'War has been so rarely profitable
that governments should have learnt the lesson that it is the most
vicious of luxuries'."* Aurangzeb Alamgir did not learn this lesson.
His Deccan campaign against the Marathas, like Napoleon's
Spanish adventure, was wasteful of the life and substance of his
people. It did not succeed. It could not. For almost thirty years,
1681-1707, he carried on a futile and ruinous war, a thousand
miles away from his capital, where a new generation grew up
without ever having set eyes on their emperor. Financially cata-
strophic, militarily disastrous and administratively unwise, this
policy sowed the seeds of the collapse of a great and historic
empire. (The Mughal Empire was an invalid for a long time). In
the north the Rajputs were alienated, the Sikhs of the Punjab and
the Jats of the Braj-Matsya region aroused. Aurangzeb's absence
was their opportunity. The Jats, late arrivals on the national
scene, grabbed the chance with great vigour and resolution without
counting the cost. By a strange coincidence Suraj Mai was born
within a few months of the death of Aurangzeb in February 1707.
I Au rangze hand
Suraj MaVs Forebears
Much ingenuity has gone into guessing the origin of the Jats.
The historical data is scanty, the theories multiple. In fact,
mystery surrounds their origin. Some claim foreign descent,
others divine. Where legend ends mythology takes over. The
unpalatable truth is that for a vast number of people in north
India immaculate ancestry is a mirage. Intermixing of races is a
striking feature of north Indian history. He is a brave man who
can with certitude prove his Aryan or Scythian descent. He that
has traced his birth back to a mythological ancestor has done
so to draw attention away from intervening generations. Sir
Jadunath Sarkar has described the Jats as 'the most important
racial element in the vast tract of land that stretches from the
bank of the Indus, through the Punjab, the northern states of
Rajputana and the upper Jamuna Valley, down to Gwalior,
beyond the ChambaF.^ I shall follow Sir Jadhunath's wise course
and not concern myself with the sterile debate about their Scytho-
Aryan origin.
There is now general agreement that the Jats are of Aryan
stock. They brought with them certain institutions, the most
important being the 'Panchayat\ a village assembly of five elders
who acted as judges and wise men.
4
*
'Every Jat village was a small republic made up of people of

kindred blood who were as conscious of absolute equality
between themselves as they were of their superiority over men
of other castes who earned their livelihood as weavers, potters,
cobblers, and scavengers. The relationship of a Jat village with
the state was that of a semi-autonomous unit paying a fixed
sum of revenue. Few governments tried to assert authority,
and those which did soon discovered that sending out armed
militia against fortified villages was not very profitable. The
2 Maharaja Sura] Mai
Jat's spirit of freedom and equality refused to submit to
Brahmanical Hinduism and in its turn drew the censure of the
privileged Brahmins of the Gangetic plains. . . . The upper
caste Hindu's denigration of the Jat did not in the least lower
the Jat in his own eyes. On the contrary, he assumed a some-
what condescending attitude towards the Brahmin, whom he
considered little better than a soothsayer or a beggar, or the
Kshatriya, who disdained earning an honest living and was
proud of being a mercenary. The Jat was born the worker and
the warrior. He tilled his land with his sword girded round
his waist. He fought more battles for the defence of his home-
stead than the Kshatriya, for unlike the Kshatriya the Jat
seldom fled from his village when the invaders came. And if the
Jat was maltreated or if his women were molested by the
conqueror on his way to Hindustan, he settled his score by
looting the invaders' caravans. . . . His brand of patriotism
was at once hostile towards the foreigners and benign, even
contemptuous, towards his own countrymen whose fate
depended so much on his courage and fortitude.'^
Prof. Kanungo singles out the inbred democratic strain in the

Jat. 'The Jat community has been within historic times, the great
refuge of the victims of Hindu social tyranny, and the uplifter of
the depressed and untouchables to a more respectable status,
transforming all recruits to a homogenous Aryan mould . . . in
physical features, language, character, sentiments, ideas of govern-
ment and social institutions, the present day Jat is undeniably a
better representative of the ancient Vedic Aryan than any member
of the three other castes of the Hindus.'^
Fate, destiny, migratory accident, call it what one may, placed
the Jats in the geo-political heart of Hindustan. Within a few
years of Aurangzeb's ascending the throne the Jats first became
an irritant, then a nuisance and finally a thorn in the ageing body
of the Emperor and the Empire. Their area was the imperial
district which 'was roughly a rectangular wedge of territory about
250 miles from north to south and 100 miles broad'.* The river
Yamuna was its axis; Delhi and Agra its two chief cities. It also
contained some of the most holy and sacred shrines and temples
of the Hindus at Brindaban, Gokal, Govardhan and Madiura.
To the east it stretched towards the Ganga, in the south to the
Chambal; except for the mountains north of Ambala and the
desert to the west it had no real frontiers. This region was
Aurangzeh and Sura] MaVs forbears 3
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lUtal
Panipat
Rohtak Meerut
DELH
<
OUDH
Gurgaon
<
I
Ballabgarh
D
Tilpat DOAB
<
/ Palwal
Aligarh
/ Hoda
Chaumuha
Alwar Sinsini
hun Mathura
Farrukhabad
Kumher
Bharatpur Agra/
Jaipur \
Dholp
wall
Suraj Mai's Kingdom

1763
SCALE: 100 miles to 35 mm

Aurangzeh and Suraj Mai's forebears 5
nominally subject to the direct rule of the Emperor, but was in
practice parcelled out amongst a number of chiefs and
MansabdarSj who were supposed to hold their lands as assign-
ments for the upkeep of the troops. The Jats were, 'sturdy
countrymen who, though normally peaceful, would pay no more
revenue than could be extracted by force, and who by means
of mud walls turned their villages into fortresses which could only
be reduced by artillery'.^
The role of the Jats in the disintegration of the Mughal Empire
has not received sufficient notice from historians. Jawaharlal
Nehru and K. M. Panikkar do not even mention Suraj Mai. Tod
is tardy and inaccurate. The Jats have long memories, but little
sense of history. They came on the national scene rather late
and after the death of Jawahar Singh (1768) decline in their
fortunes was rapid till Lord Lake's failure to take Bharatpur in
1805. Thereafter the Bharatpur complex set in at Whitehall and
Calcutta. Lake's failure was to be underplayed and after 1826
when Bharatpur finally fell mention of Lake's campaign was
taboo. Muslim historians were not likely to sing the praises of the
Jats. The Brahmins and the Kayastha writers were cautious,
anxious not to displease the new rulers, the British. But the main
fault lies with the Jats themselves. They have a proud history
but no historian. Their record in patriotic valour is second to
none.
Father Wendel writes: 'The Jats have made so much sensation
in India for many years and the extent of the territory they have
is so great and their fortunes have risen high in so short a time,
that, in order to understand the present state of the Mughal
Empire, it is necessary to know these people who have gained
such reputation. . . . If one considers the upheavals which in this
Century have so violently disturbed the Empire, one must con-
clude that the Jats - if not the only cause of these - are at any
rate the most important.'®
So long as there was a strong and effective government at Agra
and Delhi the Jats kept their noses to the ground. They tilled
their lands, paid the land revenue and provided men for the army.
History passed them by.
Aurangzeb's long absence in the Deccan (1681 to 1707)
inevitably led to all-round slackening. His sons and most senior
generals and advisers were with him. Second-raters were left to
mind the shop in Delhi. It was government by remote control.
The seventeenth century was not a good time for this. The
treasury was drained to meet the cost of the Deccan campaigns.
The peasants were harassed and hounded by imperial revenue
collectors. But the Empire was no longer capable of effectively
dealing with those who withheld land revenue. Aurangzeb's plight
gave the Jats of the Imperial district their opportunity. 'The Jat
population in a province requires strong government and constant
vigilance on the part of the ruler. As the proverb runs, "The
Jat, like a wound, is better when bound".'"^
As central control weakened, Mughal officials became over-
bearing and their morals left much to be desired. The Jat farmers
of the Mathura and Agra districts had for long been victims of
their aggression and misrule. A local faujdar, Murshid Quli Khan
Turkman, earned notoriety as a licentious brute. No beautiful
lady was safe. His harem was large. He was obviously a spirited
rogue. On the birthday of Krishna, large numbers of Hindu men
and women converged on Govardhan. The Khan, with his fore-
head painted and wearing a dhoti like a Hindu, mingled with the
crowd. As soon as he saw a good-looking woman 'he snatched
her away like a wolf pouncing upon a flock, and placing her in
the boat which his men had kept ready on the bank, he sped to
Agra. The Hindu (for shame) never divulged what had happened
to his daughter'.^ Such conduct was unlikely to endear the officials
of the Empire to the people.
Aurangzeb appointed a devout Muslim, Abdun Nabi Khan, as
the Faujdar of the restive district of Mathura. His orders were to
root out idolatry. He held his post for almost ten years, from 1660
to 1669. How insensitive to Hindu sentiment he was is clear from
w
his decision to build a mosque in the heart of Mathura on the

ruins of the Keshva Dev Temple. Other outrages followed till the
Jats found a leader of uncommon organising abihty.
Not much is known about his antecedents except that Gokal
Ram, or Gokla as he was popularly known, had by the middle of
the 1660s become the most influential Jat landowner in the Tilpat
region. As Zamindar of Tilpat he posed a challenge to Mughal
authority, when it was a truly hazardous undertaking. He had
considerable organising capacity, and was not lacking in courage
or tenacity. U. N. Sharma suggests that he was born in Sinsini
and was a forebear of Suraj Mai. He became the leader of the
Jat, Gujar and Ahir cultivators whom he asked to withhold land
revenue from the Mughals.
A rebellion by an unknown Zamindar in the Imperial district
was not to be tolerated. Aurangzeb sent a strong force first under
Aurangzeh and Sura] MaVs forebears 7
Radandaz Khan and a second one under Hasan Ali Khan. They
were appointed faujdars of Mathura in succession. Overtures were
made to Gokal Ram. He would be granted pardon provided he
returned the loot he had collected. An assurance of future good
behaviour was also sought. Gokla did not oblige. The situation
continued to deteriorate. Emperor Aurangzeb himself marched
from Delhi on 28 November 1669 to the area of discontent. A
sledgehammer was used to kill a fly. On 4 December Hasan Ali
Khan, assisted by Brahmdev Sisodia, attacked villages held by
Gokla and his supporters, who fought with amazing courage and
zeal. In the end they were overcome, losing 300. In a rare display
of tolerance and humanism Aurangzeb 'detached 200 horsemen
to guard the crops of the villagers and prevent the soldiers from
oppressing any of them or taking any child prisoner'.^ Hasan Ali
Khan was commended by the Emperor, made a Mansabdar and
4
appointed Faujdar of Mathura.

The odds against Gokla increased each day. In December the
imperial forces that captured the several Jat fortresses consisted
of 200 cavalry, 1,000 gunmen, 1,000 archers, 1,000 rockets, 25
cannon and 1,000 trenchmen. These were further augmented to
crush Gokla and his defiant clansmen. With a force of 20,000
Jat, Ahir and Gujar peasants, Gokla faced the imperial forces led
by Hasan Ali Khan and Shakh Razi-ud-din Bhagalpuri (who was
a rare combination of soldier, theologian, traveller and business-
man). Gokla and his uncle Uday Singh fought with superb
courage, but they had no answer for Mughal artillery. After three
days of grim combat Tilpat fell. Losses on both sides were heavy,
4,000 Mughal soldiers being killed and 5,000 Jats. Gokla, his
uncle and other members of his family were taken prisoners.
Here confusion reigns. Sir Jadunath and U. N. Sharma assert
that Gokla and Uday Singh were brought to Agra and on refusing
to be converted to Islam were hacked to pieces in front of the
Kotwali in Agra. Gokla's son and daughter were converted to
Islam. 'They were handed over to Jawahar Khan Nazir and the
girl was married to Ghulam Shah Kuli and the boy was made to
learn the Koran. His reading greatly pleased the Emperor.'^° The
episode does not ring true. How did Gokla allow his entire family
to become prisoners? Normally the Jat women fought with their
men and met their end with them. Perhaps Kanungo has the
most satisfactory explanation. /The peasants fought long and
steadily, displaying that cool obstinate valour which has ever
characterised them. When resistance become hopeless, many of
them slew their women and rushed upon the Mughals to sell their
Hves dearly Gokla's blood did not flow in vain, it watered the
newly sprouted seeding of liberty in the hearts of the Jats.'
RAJA RAM
Gokla's fame endured, his example continued to inspire. The

Mughals were not permitted to rest for long. The Jats displayed
extraordinary esprit de corps in times of adversity. (In normal
times their principal activity is to destroy each other.) Its roots
were feudal and religious, not national or ideological. Democrats
by tradition, independent by nature, the early Jat leaders drew
their strength not from courts but from the countryside. They
were products not of an organised movement but a mood.
Having for the time being subdued the Jats, Aurangzeb
returned to Delhi. The mantle of Gokla first fell on one Khan
Chand who was selected by the Sinsinwars to be the Sardar of
Sinsini. He had four sons. Two sons left Sinsini to try their
fortune in other parts of the Jat lands. Brajraj Singh and Bhajja
Singh remained in Sinsini. They were modest farmers, with no
great ambition. A charming and probably apocryphal story about
them has remained a part of Sirsinwar legend. Between them
Brajraj and Bhajja had one plough and a pair of bullocks. Their
house had a thatched roof. One day a mendicant Brahmin came
to Sinsini. No one gave him food or shelter. Finally, he came
to the house of the two brothers. They fed him and asked him to
spend the night in their thatched mud house. Next morning, when
the Brahmin was about to leave, Bhajja Singh came up to him,
bowed and with folded hands said, 'We cannot let you leave our
house without giving you a gift. To do so would be contrary to
our dharma. We only have a pair of bullocks. My brother and I
are happy to offer these bullocks to you.' The Brahmin was
deeply touched and on the spot blessed them, reciting a couplet
which roughly means that the Sinsinwar Jats of Sinsini with the
blessings of God would rule the lands between Agra and Delhi.
From that day the fortunes of Bhajja and Brajraj took a turn
for the better, and Bhajja Singh's son Raja Ram was selected
chief of the Sinsinwar Jats. He was a man of many parts and
has gone down in history for looting Akbar's tomb at Sikandra
near Agra. Not only was he a daring soldier, he also possessed )
uncanny political sense. He united the two principal Jat clans,

the Sinsinwars and the Sogharias (those with a hundred houses).
Aurangzeb and Sura] MaVs forebears 9
The village of Soghar was a few miles south-west of Sinsini.
There Ram Chahar Sogharia presided over a prosperous and
tenacious clan. Soon Raja Ram and Ram Chahar Sogaria made
their presence felt in the imperial district. But to consolidate his
position Raja Ram needed a spectacular march or encounter
against the imperial forces. An opportunity offered itself very
soon.
In the prosperous village of Auoo, about four miles north of
Sinsinij was posted a police-cum-military troop of modest size to
keep order in the restive area, which yielded almost 2OO3OOO
rupees in annual land revenue. The officier in charge of the post
was a sexual athlete named Lai Beg. He had a roving eye. One
day an Ahir and his newly-wed wife sat down to rest in the
vicinity of the village well. The bhisti water carrier of Lai Beg
was passing by and he noticed the exceptional beauty of the Ahir
woman. In no time he informed his master who sent a few
troopers to bring the Ahir couple to him. The man was released
but his wife met the usual fate of joining Lai Beg's growing
harem. In a small town news travels fast and soon Raja Ram
heard of the abduction. The annual fair was about to be held at
Goverdhan a few' miles away. Many people from surrounding
areas came to the fair. Most came by bullock cart, others on camels
and the better off on horses. Large quantities of grass and fodder
were needed to feed them. Lai Beg granted permission for the
carts carrying grass and fodder to enter the fair grounds. In these
were hidden Raja Ram and his storm troopers. Once through the
checkpost they set fire to the carts and in the ensuing melee
killed Lai Beg. Raja Ram had proved his worth.
Thereafter he set about to give the disorderly host of his
tribesmen the appearance of a regular army, organised in
regiments, equipped with firearms and trained to obey their
captains. Small forts (gharis) were built at vantage points and in
almost trackless jungles of the Jat country. These were
strengthened by mud falls on which artillery made little or no
impression.
Soon, Raja Ram flouted Mughal authority, then defied it
and eventually openly challenged it. In all his military forays he
was accompanied by the Sogharia chief Ram Chahar and other
village heads belonging to the Khuntal, Sekharwar and Bhagore
Jat clans. The Agra district was the main target and no one could
pass without paying a fee to Raja Ram (travelling thirty
miles from Dholpur to Agra travellers paid 200 rupees per head).
10 Maharaja Suraj Mai
who was bent upon avenging the execution of Gokla. His aim was
to demolish Akbar's tomb at Sikandra. On account of Raja Ram's
activities Safi Khan, the governor of Agra, could hardly stir out
of the city. The first attempt failed as Mir Abul Fazal, the faujdar
of Sikandra, managed to save the tomb with great difficulty after
much loss of life. He himself was wounded. The Emperor was
pleased with his performance and promoted him to a Mansabdari
of 2,000 horse. On his return journey from Sikandra to Sinsini
Raja Ram looted a number of Mughal villages. He needed money
and acquired it by rather unorthodox means.
With the passage of each month Raja Ram grew bolder. In
1686 the well-known Turrani general Agha Khan was on his way
from Kabul to join the Emperor at Bijapur. When his caravan
reached Dholpur Raja Ram's guerilla bands fell upon the unsus-
pecting troops of Agha Khan. No one in the past had risked
attacking an imperial convoy so openly. The Khan had been away
in Kabul for a number of years and was unaware of the emergence
of the Jat menace in the imperial district and failed to take even
the elementary precautions. Worse still he impetuously gave chase
to the raiders on discovering the loss of his baggage, horses and
women. When he caught up with the Jats, he and eighty of his
soldiers were promptly killed by Raja Ram. The Jats lost about
two hundred men.
In far-off Deccan Aurangzeb heard of the fate of his Turrani
general and acted fast. He did not underestimate the Jat rebellion
which was flouting Mughal authority in an area which was the
special preserve of the Emperor. He sent his uncle, the renowned
Khan-i-Jahan Kokaltosh Zafar Jang, to deal with the Jats. The
Khan-i-Jahan was unsuccessful and Aurangzeb then decided to
appoint his son Prince Azam to assume command of the opera-
tions against the Jats. The Prince could not get beyond
Burhanpur when his harassed father recalled him to proceed to
Golkanda. Instead, in December, Aurangzeb appointed Azam's
son. Prince Bidar Bakht, to lead the Mughal armies against Raja
Ram. Bidar Bakht was only seventeen years old. He lacked
experience but not courage. The Khan-i-Jahan was to be his
principal adviser. These frequent changes of command caused
confusion and bred intrigue among the imperial military establish-
ment where jealousy was rampant. Raja Ram took full advantage
of this. He had his informers in the Mughal camp and was kept
informed of Mughal intentions.
In those days the journey from Bijapur to Agra took many
i
weeks. The seventeenth-century Mughals^ unlike Babar's
sixteenth-century stalwarts, did not travel light. Thus before
Bidar Bakht reached Agra Raja Ram had inflicted a severe and
humiliating blow to Mughal honour and prestige. First he
attacked the camp of Mir Ibrahim Haidrabadi at Agra. The Mir
was on his way to the Punjab to take up the Viceroyalty of that
Subha. Mir Ibrahim succeeded in repulsing Raja Ram but his
losses were heavy and he received no assistance from Khan-i-
Jahan Kokaltosh Zafar Jang who saw no reason to help Mir
Ibrahim or from the new Subedar of Agra, Shaista Khan, who did
not take kindly to the Mir's elevation.
In March 1688, when the weather was at its best, free of the
heat and dust of the summer, the malarious humidity and ankle-
deep slush of the monsoon and the biting chill of the winter. Raja
Ram pounced on Sikandra and all but destroyed Akbar's tomb.
It was not an outstanding example of Mughal architecture but
was doubtlessly a symbol of Mughal authority. According to
N. Manucci, the Jats began their pillage by 'breaking in the
great bronze gates which it had, robbing the valuable precious
stones and plate of gold and silver and destroying what they were
not able to carry away. Digging out the bones of Akbar, they
threw them angrily into the fire and burnt them.'^^ Thus was
avenged Gokla.
Raja Ram won a military victory but the stigma of his vandalism
haunted the Jats for a long time. While nothing can excuse the
religious insensitivity of Raja Ram, the temper of the times must
be borne in mind. Aurangzeb had sown the wind and he was
now reaping the whirlwind. The wanton destruction of Hindu
temples and the erection of mosques in their place could only
produce feelings of rage and revenge.
Soon after the sacking of Sikandra, Raja Ram and Ram Chahar
Sogharia's attention was diverted to the north-west where the
Chauhan and Sekhawat Rajputs were engaged in mortal combat.
The Chauhans sought Raja Ram's help. He responded with
alacrity. He was shot dead by a Mughal musketeer on 4 July
1688 at a small and obscure village called Baijal. The Sogharia
chief met a similar fate on the same day.
With their untimely deaths the Sinsinwar and Sogharia Jats
and their followers in the other communities suffered a severe
blow. The Sinsinwar Jats did not as yet accept the law of
primogeniture and Raja Ram's sons were not considered fit to
succeed their father as clan chiefs. The clan leaders assembled
at Sinsini and invited Raja Ram's father, the aged Bhajja Singh,
to be their leader. He reluctantly accepted.
When Aurangzeb heard of the ransacking of the tomb of his
illustrious great grandfather he was understandably outraged. The
Jats had to be punished and put in their place. He sought out
Bishen Singh, the newly-enthroned Raja of Amber, to crush these
'Jat wolves'.
Raja Bishen Singh was appointed faujdar of Mathura. His task
was to root out the Jats and as a reward Sinsini was to be granted
to him as a jagir. Bishen Singh was rash enough to assure the
Emperor that he would take Sinsini in no time and put an end
to Jat insurgency in the imperial district once and for all. Bishen
Singh was anxious to distinguish himself and emulate his ancestor
Mirza Raja Man Singh, who had made a name for himself in
Akbar's reign.
Though they were not led by a man of high calibre the Jats
gave Bidar Bakht and the Amber Raja a run for their money.
The siege of Sinsini lasted many months and the imperial armies
were not allowed a moment's respite by the intrepid Jats. The
first assault on Sinsini failed. The second succeeded in January
1690. Hundreds lost their lives in the fierce hand-to-hand combat.
Some members of Bhajja's family escaped to Thun and Soghar.
Among them was Churaman, son of Bhajja Singh's brother
Brajraj Singh and Suraj Mai's great-uncle. We shall hear more
of Churaman, whom Tod has called the Jat Cincinnatus. Next
year the Mughals captured Soghar. By the end of the century
other Jat fortresses in the area also fell and it appeared that the
Jats were once again sinking back into obscurity. This was not
to be. In Churaman the Jats found a born leader whose deeds were
to outshine those of Gokla, Raja Ram and Ram Chahar.
THAKUR CHURAMAN SINGH

T H E JAT C I N C I N N A T U S
We know a little more about Churaman Singh than we do about

Gokla and Raja Ram. He lived to a good age. When Churaman
Singh committed suicide in 1721 his grand-nephew Suraj Mai
was fourteen years old. Churaman was on the scene for a much
longer period and after Aurangzeb's death his activities had a
direct bearing on the Empire's affairs in the Imperial District.
Aurangzeh and Suraj MaVs forebears 13
His father Brajraj had two wives, Indra Kaur and Amrit Kaur.
Both came from petty Zamindar homes. Churaman's mother,
Amrit Kaur, was the daughter of Chaudhuri Chandra Singh of
Chiksana, which today lies halfway between Mathura and
Bharatpur. She had two other sons, Ati Ram and Bhav Singh,
who also were modest Zamindars, (land holders). Churaman is
not heard of during the hfetime of his uncle Raja Ram, but it is
not unlikely that he was involved in some campaigns and that
after the capture of Sinsini disappeared into the jungle-infested
tracts of Deeg, Bayana and the Chambal ravines. Here he carried
on his hit-and-run depredations. The Jats travelled light and were
familiar with the topography of Braj and the Doab. Churaman
could not have carried on the way he did unless he had the
support of the people, who abhorred the Islamisation set in
motion by Aurangzeb.
Churaman's morals and scruples would not pass muster under
strict scrutiny but they matched the prevailing standards. The
Marathas were soon to excel him by exhorting Chauth and
Sardeshmukhi from all and sundry. Churaman had one loyalty -
to himself. Nobility of sentiment and generosity of heart were
alien to his nature. It was a hard age and the Jats lived hard
lives. They expected no quarter and gave none. Churaman was
an immensely energetic and practical man. He raised and built
up the fortunes of the Jats and for the first time we hear the
phrase 'Jat power' uttered. Under Badan Singh and Suraj Mai
this power was to become a force and factor to be reckoned with
in eighteenth-century Hindustan.
Churaman possessed the requisite qualities of leadership - a
stout heart, a hard head, resourcefulness, luck, an easy con-
science, tact and a capacity for binding together highly
individualistic and mutually antagonistic elements whom he knit
into an impressive guerilla fighting force. It was his policy not to
confine himself in any stronghold or ghari, but to be constantly
on the move with a body of select horsemen, to organise resist-
ance, plan tactics, keep discipline and open a series of second
fronts. These gave no respite to the enemy, who, less familiar with
the terrain and encumbered with the paraphernalia of a Mughal
convoy, lacked mobility and lost their way in swamps and jungles.
With the assistance of the Jat chiefs of Mursan and Hathras,
this Sinsinwar all but closed the imperial highway between Delhi
and Mathura and between Agra and Dholpur. Only those
accompanied by strong armed escorts got away without trouble.
This is not to suggest that the Jats were always the victors. For
almost a decade Churaman was on the run, waging what seemed
a losing battle against the forces of the Empire led, now by a
Mughal prince, another time by the Amber Raja and his blood-
thirsty general Hari Singh. But he was neither captured nor ever
decisively defeated. By the close of the century he had enlarged
his area of influence and his following, gaining experience and
controlling a well equipped army of 10,000 veterans - musketeers,
cavalry and foot soldiers. He made incursions into the Rajput
States of Kotah and Bundi. In 1704 he recovered Sinsini but
lost it again in 1705 to Mukhtar Khan the Faujdar of Agra, and
shifted his headquarters to Thun where he built a strong
fort.
Aurangzeb's death was followed by the now familiar scenario
of fratricidal war. This suited the opportunistic Churaman. He
had in the intervening years begun to resemble a baron in
medieval England. His retainers were liveried and the rustic Jat
was beginning to adopt Persian etiquette if not Persian style.
In the war of succession among Aurangzeb's unworthy sons,
Churaman picked a winner. The issue was decided in the hottest
part of the year on 13 June 1707 at Jajau, in the Jat country,
south of Agra. Azam lost his son, the battle and his life and
Muazzam ascended the throne as Shah Alam I.
When the opposing armies of Azam and Muazzam met at Jajau,
Churaman with handpicked troops watched and waited before
striking. First he looted Muazzam's camp. When he saw Azam
losing he fell on him with meticulous impartiality. We need not
take too harsh a view of his behaviour. This loot made Churaman
a very wealthy man. Mughal cash, gold, priceless jewellery, arms,
horses, elephants, provisions, all fell into his hands. This fortune
enabled him to be relieved of financial worries as long as he lived.
There is little doubt that a part of this vast wealth found its way
to the treasuries of Thakur Badan Singh and Maharaja Suraj Mai
after Churaman's suicide in 1721.
Churaman could now pay his troops, buy those who opposed
him and build the fortresses he needed. The fort at Thun was
constructed and fortified through this wealth. Emperor Bahadur
Shah was grateful for whatever help he could get. The Sinsinwars
got their share of the imperial awards for their help at Jajau.
Bahadur Shah conferred on Churaman a mansab of 1500 zat
and 500 horse. The rebel had suddenly found a place in the
establishment. An opportunist par excellence, Churaman rendered
faithful service to justify his newly-acquired rank as an imperial
commander. He accompanied the Emperor on his expedition
against the Sikhs in 1710-11 and was present at Lahore where
Bahadur Shah died on 27 February 1712. Churaman's heart was
not in the campaign against the Sikhs, many of whom were, like
him, JatSj though professing Nanak's religion.
Though Bahadur Shah did not leave his mark on history, he
did not, during his short reign, disgrace the throne. His mild
manner, vacillating spirit and chronic indecision allowed matters
to drift. The Emperor's administration was carried on as in his
father's time, but gradually the great pillars of the Empire
disappeared and the inevitable decline set in. Bahadur Shah was
neither feared nor respected but he was accepted. Those coming
after him were merely used and tolerated by the ambitious
nobility.
All his four sons were with the Emperor in Lahore at the time
of his death. The inevitable war of succession took place with
unseemly haste. Jahandar Shah killed his three brothers and
ascended the throne. He is remembered as the lover of a lady
of easy virtue named Lai Kumari or Lai Kanwar who considered
herself as the new Nur Jehan although she was a common street
slut. A man of Churaman's temperament was not likely to feel at
home in so decadent and treacherous an atmosphere. As soon
as the opportunity occurred Churaman left to tend his people
and estates.
When Farrukh-Siyar turned up in Delhi to challenge Jahandar
Shah the latter asked for the Sinsinwar's help. By now Churaman
had become the de facto ruler and lawgiver of the Jats and other
Hindu peoples living on the western bank of the Jamuna. From
Delhi to the Chambal, his attitude practically determined the
friendship or hostility of the whole rural population towards a
particular candidate for the throne of Hindustan. Churaman
answered Jahandar's appeal by moving up to Agra with a large
contingent of his followers. Jahandar presented him with a robe
and showed him due deference. Battle was joined between the
armies of the two degenerates contending for the imperial throne
on 10 January 1713. Churaman, without batting an eyelid,
lightened the burdens of both sides by looting them in succession
and then left for Thun. Jahandar Shah was soon strangled to
death and Farrukh-Siyar was crowned Emperor.
Real power, however, was in the hands of the two Sayyid
brothers. Sayyid Abdullah became the Wazir and Sayyid Hussain
Ali the Commander-in-Chief. Chabela Ram was appointed
Subedar of Agra. He made unwise moves to curb the activities of
Churaman, but without success. Above the Subedar was the
Governor of Agra - Shams-ud-Daulah, who carried the impres-
sive imperial title of Khan-i-Dauran. Shrewd and far-sighted he
had no desire to follow the example of his Subedar, Chabela
Ram. Shams-ud-Daulah made friendly approaches to Churaman
as he did not wish to cross the path of the formidable Jat and
thus risk his reputation in a doubtful enterprise. Although
Churaman had looted Farrukh-Siyar's armies and effects, he was
shrewd enough not to continue offending the new Emperor. The
Khan-i-Dauran obtained the Emperor's pardon for Churaman
who was invited to Delhi. Once again Churaman marched to
Delhi at the head of 4,000 horsemen and was escorted with
honour befitting a rajah from Baraphula into the city. He was
conducted to the Dewan-i-Khas by Khan-i-Dauran himself, and
appointed by the Emperor to be in charge of the royal highway
(Shah-rah) from the neighbourhood of Delhi to the crossing of
the Chambal. Prof. Kanungo, commenting on his change in
Churaman's status, remarks, 'A wolf was left to watch over the
flock' or, to put it less bluntly, the poacher had turned game-
keeper. Churaman thus had finally acquired the seal of imperial
approval. He was now authorised to levy a toll on traffic in the
area left in his charge. He went about his collections with the
same zeal with which he had looted Mughal convoys. He was a
tough tax collector. Complaints of Churaman's high-handedness
reached Delhi but an impotent Emperor could do nothing to
check or punish him. Besides, while attaching himself to the
Sayyid brothers, Churaman also exploited the differences existing
between the Khan-i-Dauran and the Sayyids.
Farrukh-Siyar owed his throne to the Sayyids, yet he intrigued
against them. Knowing that the Jaipur ruler was not considered
friendly by the Sayyids (who encouraged Churaman in cutting
the Kachawa down to size) Farrukh-Siyar went behind the backs
of the Sayyids and asked Jai Singh Sawai of Jaipur to attack
Churaman's stronghold at Thun. Rivers of blood divided the
Kachawas and the Sinsinwars. Aurangzeb had used Raja Bishan
Singh to crush the Jats. Now Jai Singh was the new mercenary.
He was liberally supplied with men, money and arms. The Rajas
of Kotah and Bundi too had grievances against Churaman and
they joined Jai Singh. Churaman was kept informed by his agents
at Delhi of all that was being planned to destroy him. He prepared
himself for a long campaign against Jai Singh. Churaman gathered
grain^ salt^ ghee^ tobacco, cloth and firewood for twenty years.
He also sent away all those who were not involved in the fighting,
thus saving unnecessary expenditure on rations. The siege lasted
twenty months, without any conclusive result. Court intrigues at
Delhi between the Turrani and Irani factions proved Churaman's
salvation. The besiegers were allowed no respite by the Jats.
In the summer the Thun area became a cauldron of heat and
dust and in the monsoon a swamp. This military stalemate did
not suit either side. Churaman opened negotiations with the
Sayyids over the head of Jai Singh, agreeing to pay a tribute of
five million rupees to the Emperor. This gives some idea of the
enormous wealth the Sinsinwar had accumulated. The Emperor
readily accepted. The Thun siege had cost the imperial treasury
twenty million rupees, besides loss of life and prestige. Jai Singh
was ordered to raise the siege. He left, publicly fretting, privately
glad.
The Sayyids had had enough of Farrukh-Siyar. They decided
to do away with him. First they blinded him and executed him in
an ignominious manner. The blind man was actually strangled
to death in his harem.
Churaman followed the Sayyids like a shadow; he was with
the army of Hasan Ali at the time of Farrukh-Siyar's deposition.
Later he accompanied him to Agra in the expedition against a
pretender, Neku-Siyar, who had been proclaimed Emperor by
the enemies of the Sayyids. The Sayyids promised Churaman the
title of Raja, which, to avoid arousing jealousies among other Jat
chiefs, he declined. In any case the Sayyids could not live to
fulfil their promise as both were soon murdered. At the appro-
priate moment Churaman shifted his allegiance to the new
Emperor, Mohammed Shah, who offered the Jat chief large
rewards which he accepted, considering it foolish to incur the
enmity of the Emperor for nothing. But he could not resist
looting the camps of Sayyid Abdullah and the Emperor at the
battle of Hodal in 1720. Churaman first looted the Emperor's
camp and then Abdullah's and retired with spoil amounting to
six million rupees, thus making good the expenses he incurred
during the siege of Thun. Shah-Rah Churaman now behaved
and acted as an independent Raja. He had an alliance with Ajit
Singh Rathor of Jodhpur to keep Amber subdued. He also helped
the Bundelas. But his depredations, his constant change of side,
his lack of loyalty and his opportunism were getting too much
even for some of his close clansmen, whose claims and causes
he contemptuously ignored.
Following the death of his brother Bhava Singh, Churaman
had brought up his two nephews, Badan Singh and Roop Singh.
Churaman was installed at Thun and Badan Singh lived in
Sinsini. Badan had no stomach for his uncle's methods and
double-dealings. He believed that the time had now come for the
Jats to conduct themselves as rulers and not as rebels. Churaman
had wealth, territory and a Mughal title. Why should he not settle
down and take care of his estates? The Jats were at this time
divided into two groups. Those siding with Churaman and his
uncontrollable son Mokham Singh were Sardar Khem Karan
Sogharia, Vijai Raj Gadasia, Faujdar Fateh Singh of Chattarpur
and Thakur Tula Ram. They all belonged to an older generation.
Badan Singh was supported by Faujdar Anup Singh, Raja Ram's
son Fateh Singh, the Thakurs of Gairoo and Halena, and chiefs
from other communities. Badan Singh also maintained contact
with Churaman's deadly enemy, Jai Singh of Jaipur. Under the
influence of his hot-headed son Churaman made the gravest error
of his life, on a flimsy pretext - he arrested Badan Singh and Roop
Singh and kept them at Thun. This news spread like wildfire in
the Jat country and caused great dismay. All Jat chiefs pressed
Churaman to set his nephews free. Churaman's conditions for
their release were that Badan Singh should not oppose him or
his policies. Badan Singh would have none of it. At least one
historian has suggested that Churaman at one stage thought of
doing away with Badan Singh but no historical evidence is
forthcoming. What is known is the refusal of important
Sardars to attend the wedding of Mokham Singh if Badan Singh
was not set free. This protest had the desired effect. Churaman
finally saw the writing on the wall and released Badan Singh and
Roop Singh. The former first went to Agra and then to Jai Singh
at Jaipur.
Few events in human affairs produce the debris that family
feuds do. All that Churaman had achieved, built, fortified and
won was soon to be destroyed and demolished by none other
than Jai Singh Sawai of Jaipur, and that with Churaman's nephew
helping him. This time Jai Singh did a thorough job. He avenged
the disgrace of his earlier failure at Thun. Churaman committed
suicide before the Amber armies guided by Badan Singh reached
Thun.
But first the story of Churaman's suicide. One of his relations.
a wealthy merchant, died childless. The brethren sent for
Mokham Singh, the eldest son of Churaman, and made him head
of the deceased's Zamindari, and gave over to him all his goods.
Zulkaran Singh, the second son of Churaman, said to his brother,
'Give me a share too in those goods and admit me as a partner.'
A verbal dispute followed and Mokham made ready to resist by
force. Zulkaran determined to have the quarrel out, gathered his
men and attacked his brother. The elders sent word to Churaman
that his sons were quarrelling, which was not good. Churaman
spoke to Mokham who snapped back in abusive language, and
showed himself ready to fight his father as well as his brother.
Churaman lost his temper, and from chagrin swallowed a deadly
poison which he always carried with him (in the event of his
capture by the enemy) and, riding to a remote orchard, he lay
under a tree and died. Men were sent to search for him and
found his dead body. The poison which no enemy had succeeded
in making him swallow was now 'administered' by a foolish and
disobedient son. Thus died Churaman Singh, unsung and
unwept, in October 1721.
The next year Thun was taken. (Mokham Singh escaped to
r
Jodhpur to take refuge with his father's ally, Ajit Singh Rathore.)
Jai Singh had 14,000 horsemen and 50,000 troopers. The
impenetrable jungle belt on the outskirts of Thun was first cut
down. Badan Singh directed the attack as he knew the weak spots.
On 18 November 1722 Thun fell. Sir Jadunath Sarkar writes,
'The Jat levies raised and held together by Churaman, after
escaping the slaughter of the battle-field, had been dispensed to
their homes and forced to turn their swords into ploughshares.
The city of Thun itself was ploughed by asses under orders of
the victor, to make it an accursed soil, unfit to serve again as a
seat of royalty. The work of Raja Ram and Churaman left no
trace behind it, and their successor had to begin everything from
the very foundation.' Dr Satish Chandra in his erudite work.
Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court 1707-1740, puts it less
dramatically:
Although Jai Singh was keenly desirous of curbing the Jat

pretensions, with his previous failure in mind he refused to
move till he was also appointed the Governor of Agra. This was
done on September 1, 1722, and soon afterwards, Jai Singh
left Delhi at the head of an army of 14-15,000 sawars. By this
time, Churaman had died and his son, Mukham Singh, had
assumed the leadership of the Jats.
Jai Singh laid siege to Thun, the Jat stronghold, and
proceeded by systematically cutting down the jungle, and
closely investing the garrison. A couple of weeks passed in this
way. It is difficult to say how long the siege would have lasted,
but dissensions broke out among the Jats. Badan Singh, the
cousin of Mukham Singh, came over to the side of Jai Singh
and pointed out the weak points in the Jat defences. Mukham
Singh's position now became precarious. One night, he set
fire to the houses, exploded the magazines, seized as much cash
and jewellery as he could, and fled to Ajit Singh who gave him
shelter. Jai Singh now entered the fortress in triumph and
levelled it to the ground, having the ground ploughed up by
asses as a sign of contempt.
For this victory, Jai Singh received the title of Rajah-i-
Rajeshwar. The terms granted to the Jats are not mentioned
by any contemporary author. Badan Singh succeeded to the
headship of the Jats, and received the zamindari of Churaman.
It may be inferred that while the important fortresses were
destroyed, Churaman's family was not deprived of the entire
state they had gradually won. Henceforth, Badan Singh humbly
styled himself a feudatory of Jai Singh. But apparently, he was
a good administrator, and under his watchful stewardship the
Jat house of Bharatpur gained in power silently and steadily
for the next two decades. Thus, the set back to the growth of
the Jat power was more apparent than real.
From the ashes of Thun and Sinsini, Suraj Mai was to

vast and powerful Kingdom the Hke of which the Jats
ver to see again.
Badan Singh and
Suraj Mai: Consolidation
and Construction
Although geography dictated the course of the history of
Bharatpur, the creation of the kingdom of Bharatpur is the work
of two outstanding statesmen of the eighteenth century, Thakur
Badan Singh and Maharaja Suraj Mai.
Almost up to the fifth decade of the unsettled eighteenth
century there was no Jat state, no politically-united Jat nation,
no Jat ruler who was accepted or recognised as the undisputed
leader or even considered as first among equals. Churaman had
almost made it but he had also tried the patience of his people
and lost much respect after his arrest of Badan Singh. An absence
of forceful and far-sighted leadership meant an absence of com-
munity cohesion, programme and policy. Proud and unbending,
each head of clan stood by himself, his vision narrow and his
ambition unlimited. Badan Singh was only too aware of the
formidable obstacles he faced. Even within his own family of
Sinsinwars he was not accepted as the head. Churaman's sons,
Mokham Singh and Zulkaran Singh, had abandoned neither their
claims nor their hostility. Dispossessed heirs, belonging to the
senior branch, they were for ever on the lookout to strike. The
other chiefs adopted a policy of watchful waiting.
Badan Singh possessed the qualities required to face up to his
monumental problems, and he went about his task with uncom-
mon skill and tireless patience, employing a judicious mixture of
force and persuasion. He used every method known to man to
destroy his enemies, reward his friends, enrich his kingdom and
widen the area of his influence. He waged war when necessary,
bribed freely and married frequently, choosing wives from power-
ful Jat families. Behind a mild manner and well-practised public
humility, he concealed an iron will and ruthless determination.
The patronage of Jai Singh Kachawa of Jaipur assured success.
Jai Singh showed uncommon foresight when he put Badan Singh
on the 'gaddi' vacated by Churaman. From every point of view it
made sense to keep the Jats with him rather than against him.
The Amber rulers had been prominent Mughal mercenaries,
rendering great service to the Empire. They were well rewarded.
Authority, influence, office, prestige, territory and wealth were
all at their command. The 'Subedari' of Agra and Mathura, where
the Jats lived, was bestowed on the Amber house on more than
one occasion.
In the hilly northern parts of Bharatpur lived the fearsome
Meos, whose religion was Islam and way of life looting. Jai Singh
asked Badan Singh to put an end to the lawless activities of Meos.
He sent his teenaged son, Suraj Mai, and a close relative, Thakur
Sultan Singh to deal with the Meo menace. Satisfactory results
were achieved and Suraj Mai impressed his troops with his level-
headed conduct and courage. Jai Singh was well pleased with
the outcome. He not only bestowed on the Sinsinwar the Nishan,
the kettledrum and thefive-colouredflagbut most importantly, the
title of Braj-Raj. There seemed no end to his generosity. For
an annual payment of 240,000 rupees he placed Mewat under
Badan Singh which ensured him an annual income of 1,800,000
rupees. Badan Singh had no desire to look the gift horse in the
mouth, and publicly acknowledged his debt to Jai Singh. Gradu-
ally he won the total confidence of Raja Jai Singh, who formally
entrusted to the Jat chief the patrolling of the King's highway to
Agra, Delhi and Jaipur and the collection of tolls from those who
used the highways. Thus Badan Singh acquired authority, title
and territory which no other Jat chief possessed. The astute
Sinsinwar wisely resisted the temptation of assuming the title
of Raja. His eyes were on the substance, not on the shadow.
Badan Singh's next act was to look for a suitable site for a new
capital. Thun summoned unpleasant memories. Sinsini was only
a large village with inadequate water supply. He finally decided
on Deeg, on the advice of a holy man named Pritam Das, whom
he invited to the ground-breaking ceremony. When Pritam Das
had dug out eleven spades-full of earth, Badan Singh said, 'Baba,
you must be tired, eleven is enough.' Pritam Das dropped the
spade and putting his hand on Badan Singh's shoulder said, 'For
eleven generations your family will rule.' His prophecy proved
remarkably correct.
Work on the Deeg fort, gardens and palaces began in 1725,
and continued till the end of the century, each ruler adding a
building here, a pavilion there, altering a garden, enlarging a tank,
Badan Singh and Sura] Mai 23
redesigning the bastions. Indian architecture had reached its high
point of excellence in the reign of Akbar. Fatehpur Sikri (ten
miles east of present-day Bharatpur) is a fitting memorial to his
genius. While Jahangir took less interest in buildings and more
in gardens, it was left to Shah Jahan to create some of the most
beautiful buildings the world has ever known.
Shah Jahan was also the last great builder of the Mughals. The
Taj Mahal remains unsurpassed. But towards the end of his reign
(1658) Mughal buildings began to show a weakening in archi-
tectural design. Aurangzeb's reign witnessed a visible decline. He
has much to answer for the subsequent woes of India. By the time
of his death Mughal architecture practically ceased to exist as a
separate school. The master builders at Agra and Delhi found
employment with the Rajasthan princes. Except for the pink city
of Jaipur and the palaces of Deeg no other secular building of
any artistic distinction went up in Hindustan for the two hundred
years from 1650 to 1850. Even the tomb of Nawab Safdar Jung
at Delhi is a feeble replica of Humayun's only a mile away.
Bibi-ka-Makbara at Aurangabad is undoubtedly the ugliest build-
ing of its kind in India, a fitting monument to a man who decried
all civilised pleasures.
For one who was totally illiterate, Badan Singh showed
astonishing aesthetic sense. It was he and he alone who conceived
the grand design of these beautiful garden palaces. In droves the
master builders from Delhi and Agra sought employment at the
courts of Badan Singh and Suraj Mai. Both used their great and
newly-acquired wealth to create works of art. But something
more than wealth was needed - aesthetic sense plus order. The
Bharatpur kingdom provided the rare and much-needed blessings
of settled order, security of life and property. In contrast, in the
chaos and disorder at Delhi and Agra (the Jats could take some
credit for this) neither art nor craft flourished.
Badan Singh had at his command men, money and material. To
supervise his great architectural undertaking he appointed Jivan
Ram Banchari as his Minister of Works. Banchari was quite
obviously a man of great ability and good taste. For himself he
built a huge red stone house which today is occupied by the
local medical authorities. A poetic description of the fort, gardens,
lakes, palaces and temples is given in Sujan-Vilas, written by
Suraj Mai's lesser-known court poet, Somnath. One thousand
bullock carts, 200 horse carriages, 1,500 camel carts and 500
mules were employed to carry marble from Bansi Pharpur and
red stone from Baratha to Deeg, Bharatpur, Kumher and Weir.
Twenty thousand men and women worked round the clock for
almost a quarter of a century to complete the buildings at these
four Dlaces and minor works at Brindaban, Goverdhan and
Ballabhgarh. At Brindaban two handsome mansions were built
for Rani Kishori and Rani Laxmi, both senior Ranis of Suraj
Mai. Two other Ranis, Ganga and Mohini, gave picturesque
temples to Pani Gaon. The Aligarh fort was also built by Suraj
Mai. At Suhar, fifteen miles east of Deeg, Badan Singh built a
'handsome house' which became his favourite residence during
the later part of his life.
Within a generation the landscapes of Bharatpur and Deeg
were altered. From a sleepy little town Deeg was transformed into
a garden city of great beauty and wealth, where first Badan Singh
and later Suraj Mai presided over glittering courts which at one
time rivalled Agra and Delhi. The jungles and marshes of Soghar,
twenty miles south-west of Deeg, were cut and cleared and there
sprang up the fort of Bharatpur, massive and majestic. But of
Bharatpur more later.
It is proper that an effort be made to describe these exquisite
buildings. At Deeg the principal palace, Gopal Bhawan, was
finished by 1745. 'It combines the elegance of Shah Jahan's
palaces with the more robust character of Rajput architecture,
being better adapted to the amenities of modern hfe than the
earlier fort-palaces of Rajputana. . . . In grandeur of conception
and beauty of details it has few equals. The Gopal Bhawan
contains the great Diwan-i-Am which faces the garden front in the
South. The terraced roof is given more than its usual importance
as a place of promenade in the cool of the evening by the
omission of domes and cupolas and by being extended on all four
sides beyond the walls of the building by a bracketed parapet
of pierced stonework. The combination of the parapet with the
usual wide dripstone beneath it, which protects the walls from
rain and sun, forms the strikingly characteristic cornice of the
whole building - more original and beautiful in form than the
useless "designed" cornices of Italian Renaissance palaces, which
only serve the purpose of providing constant employment for
the plumber, plasterer, and paperhanger by diverting tJie flow of
from the exterior to the interior of the building n
Gopal Bhawan is built of red sandstone, and the foliated Hindu
arches show that Suraj Mai gave employment to the craftsmen
who since the time of Aurangzeb had ceased to work at the
Badan Singh and Suraj Mai 25
Mughal court. 'The construction of these wide openings on the
bracket principle, in two blocks of stone, instead of by radiating
voussoirs, is usually attributed by the western critic to an obstinate
Hindu prejudice against the western arch. Really it is the simplest,
most practical, and most artistic way of dealing with such a form
when good building stone of sufficient size is easily procurable....
The private apartments of the Gopal Bhawan occupy the north,
east and west side of the building. The north front faces a large
bathing tank, and is charmingly diversified by a number of
balconies and two large open pavilions with typical Bengah roofs.
Placed on the side of the grand canal at Venice, it would be
acclaimed as the most delightful of Venetian palaces.'
An exquisite marble swing in front of the Gopal Bhawan has
not been mentioned by the observant Havell. Its marble pedestal,
adorned with pietra dura, carries a Persian inscription dated
1630-1. Only a great builder like Shah Jehan could have wanted
anything so delicate, stylish and elegant to adorn his palaces. The
hindola was brought from Delhi by Suraj Mai, transported by
bullock carts. Not one marble piece was broken - not even the
fragile marble screen which surrounds the platform on which the
swing is erected. In my childhood the royal band used to assemble
on it each evening to play soft melodies to entertain the
Maharaja's guests (mostly unworthy and uninterested in their
historic setting) who dined on the vast roof of Gopal Bhawan
under a benign full moon.
Of the workmanship J. H. Devnish, who looked after these
buildings in the late nineteenth century, writes glowingly: 'The
plan of every building is governed by exact symmetry and every
feature has its counter part . . . the alcoves in the wall are treated
like kosus in miniature in their decoration, the opening pierced
through the wall being decorated with semblance of domed roofs
carved in relief against the face of the wall . . . their carved and
pointed eaves are wonderful examples of delicate stone
carving . . .' Comparing them to the palaces at Agra and Delhi,
Devnish says, 'On the other hand, the inlay work at Deeg is dis-
similar from that at Agra and Delhi, and if possible more artistic'.
Of their originality he commented thus, 'Now the only marble
building at Deeg is distinctly different in detail from works of
Mohammedan art; the whole feeling of it is Hindu, and the
buildings of the Deeg palaces needed not to copy or remove
other buildings for want of originality'. So much for the outrage-
ous canard that Suraj Mai and Jawahar Singh uprooted whole
buildings from Agra and Delhi and transplanted them at Deeg.
But in history nothing sticks like a falsehood.
Thornton in the Gazetteer of India had this to say, 'At the
height of his glory, Suraj Mai erected the fountain palaces called
Bhawans which are surpassed in India for elegance and perfection
of workmanship only by the Taj Mahal at Agra. . . .' Even James
Fergusson concluded that they 'were a fairy creation'.
We must now leave Deeg and move to Bharatpur. Apart from
the Sinsinwars, the other prominent Jat family in the region was
that of the Sogharias of Soghar village, south-west of Deeg. It was
surrounded by a low-lying marsh, access to which in the monsoon
was not easy. For defence it was ideal ground. In times of war
water from the two rivers, the Banganga and the Ruparel, could
be released to flood the countryside to thwart the enemy's
progress.
Early in the eighteenth century Thakur Khem Karan Singh
Sogharia gained control of Soghar and neighbouring villages. He
built a fort at the highest point and called it Fatehgarh. He and
his family prospered for many years, gaining influence and com-
manding respect, so much so that the Sinsinwars did not consider
it infra dig to marry into the Sogharia clan. Badan Singh's
mother was the daughter of Achal Singh Sogharia. But there was
not enough room in Bharatpur for these two proud clans to co-
exist peacefully. Power-sharing does not come easily to the Jats.
Badan Singh could not tolerate a rival power next door. So in
1732 he sent his 25-year-old son Suraj Mai to capture Soghar,
which he did in a lightning attack. The Sogharias fought well
but on being overcome accepted the new regime. Badan Singh
taught his son the necessity of conquest as also the value of
conciliation. The Sogharias were not alienated and their
smouldering resentment was contained by tact and goodwill.
Folklore has it that, after capturing Soghar, Suraj Mai one
evening rode into the nearby jungles. There he came to a lake
where he saw a lion and cow drinking water standing at no
distance from each other. Naturally, so unusual a sight made
a deep impression on him. In the vicinity was the retreat of a
Naga saint. The surroundings were idyUic. Suraj Mai proceeded
to the retreat and paid his respects to the Mahatma who blessed
him and advised him to build his capital at Soghar.
Work on the fort was started in 1732. The court astrologers
chose the right day and auspicious hour. Hundreds of Brahmins
were fed, the blessings of Sri Giriraj Maharaj at Goverdhan
sought. The puja would have taken almost a whole week. Once
begun the construction did not cease for the next sixty years.
The principal fortifications were completed in eight years includ-
ing the two moats, one on the outer boundary of the city, the
second, narrower but deeper, encircling the fort. Two dams and
water reservoirs were commissioned to prevent flooding and
provide succour in times of famine. These occurred frequently
as did malaria, smallpox, cholera and a multitude of other diseases.
Additions, alterations, modifications and extensions continued up
to the reign of Suraj Mai's great-great-great-grandson, Maharaja
Jaswant Singh (1853-93).
The fort when completed became the most formidable in
Hindustan. Before the arrival of the aeroplane it was almost
impregnable. Lord Lake's unsuccessful siege lasted four months
from January to April 1805. At Bharatpur the British suffered
their most humiliating setback in Hindustan.
+
Since the fort was in many ways an unusual structure, it is

necessary to describe it. The outer ditch was nearly 250 feet
wide and 20 feet deep. All that came out of the ditch went into
building a 25-feet high and 30-feet broad wall, which completely
encircled the city. Ten big gates regulated entry and exit. Their
names are Mathura gate. Veer Narayan gate, Atal Bund gate,
Neem gate, Anah gate, Kumher gate, Chandpol gate, Goverdhan
gate, Jaghina gate and Surajpol gate. These gates are used even
to this day, although the mud wall has been breached in many
places and hideous unauthorised structures disfigure it.
Each gate led to a pukka road beyond which was the inner
moat, 175 feet wide and 40 feet deep. This moat was paved with
stone and mortar. Two bridges on either side led to the gates to
the main fort. The doors of the eastern gate were made of eight
metals and that is why it is called Ashta Dhatu gate. Maharaja
Jawahar Singh brought it from Delhi as a war trophy. The walls
of the main fort were 100 feet high and their width was 30 feet of
which the frontage was of stone, brick and mortar and the rest
was of mud on which no artillery bombardment made any impact
or impression. Inside the fort the buildings were both ceremonial
and functional. Eight bastions were erected. The tallest was the
Jawahar Burj from which the Buland Darwaza of Fatehpur Sikri
can be seen on a clear day. On all bastions were placed enormous
cannons. Sir Jadunath writes, 'Suraj Mai's chief aim was to
fortify Bharatpur so strongly as to make it absolutely impregnable
and a worthy capital of his Kingdoms . . . all these forts were
put in a strong posture of defence, being armed with an infinite
number of small pieces of artillery acquired by plunder or
purchases and larger pieces cast by himself.'
Not all these guns were easy to fire or use - one 48-pounder
needed forty pairs of oxen to pull.
Smaller forts were built at Kumher, midway between Deeg and
Bharatpur, and Weir, where the Jat scholar prince, Suraj Mai's
younger brother Pratap Singh, lived, leafing through books in the
beautiful gardens of Weir in the cool of monsoon evenings, or
humming a morning melody.
Thakur Badan Singh's eyesight began to fail not too long after
work began on the Bharatpur fort. He was therefore compelled
to entrust the running of his kingdom to his most able and
trustworthy son. Suraj Mai's apprenticeship was long but in fact it
was he who ruled and Badan Singh who reigned. Badan Singh
presided over the State Council and was kept fully informed. For
every new venture, enterprise or expedition his approval and
blessing were sought by Suraj Mai. By the time of Nadir Shah's
invasion in 1739 Badan Singh, from an ordinary Zamindar, had
in the words of Wendel 'rapidly become a Raja with sufficient
power to keep himself secure in his rank, despite the opposition of
his people, and to make himself not only respected but eventually
feared'. But when the Jesuit comes to describe Badan Singh's
matrimonial activities his imagination soars. He credits Thakur
Badan Singh with having about 150 wives. 'Some he acquired
by means of a formal engagement^ others he simply seized by
force.' Badan Singh did have several wives and, in keeping with
the spirit of the age, many concubines. We have the names of
his twenty-six sons. Daughters too he must have had, but they
were not considered worthy of mention. Suraj Mai ran the
kingdom, but each of the other twenty-five was given jagirs and
their descendants to this day are respected and well known in
Bharatpur as 'Katribund Thakurs'.
During the last decade of his life Badan Singh spent most
of his time at Saliar and Deeg. So long as his health permitted he
made his annual pilgrimage to Jaipur, but less frequently after
1750. None could induce him to visit Delhi. *I am a Zamindar. I
have no business to be at an Imperial audience.'
Wendel, though an unreliable chronicler, is lively and enter-
taining. Describing Badan Singh's large family he observes, 'It is
rumoured too that the ant-hill of his descendants is so enormous
that he himself had difficulty in recognizing its members and in
remembering who had been the mother of any one of his children
when they were presented to him. This difficulty grew greater as,
through the ravages of age and debauchery, he gradually began
to lose his sight. In the end, his children when they went to pay
their respects to their father had to announce their mother's
name, their own age and place of residence, before they could
secure any acknowledgement.' A good Homeric tale, possibly
true, probably false.
Early Campaigns of
Suraj Mai
The decline of the Mughal empire also initiated the decline and
eclipse of the great Rajput houses of Mewar, Marwar and Amber.
Rajsthan became 'a zoological garden with the barrier of the cage
thrown down . . . the fiercest animal passions raged throughout
the land, redeemed only now and then by individual instances of
devotion and chivalry . . .'^ For three centuries the Rajputs had
won the respect and gratitude of the people of India. The high
virtues of courage, good character and honour were associated
with them. By the eighteenth century they were a played-out
steadily but surely falling into the background of
Hfe
No outside power could compete with the death wish of the
Rajputs. 'The houses of Jaipur and Jodhpur vied with each other
to destroy themselves. There was no crime a Rajput would not
commit for the sake of land. Father killed son and son murdered
father. Women of the noblest rank gave poison to their trusting
kinsmen. None, not even the highest born descendant of the God
Rama, shrank from buying the aid of an alien plunderer to decide
domestic contests.'^ No amount of glossing over this deplorable
state of affairs can hide the reality. The Almighty inflicted on a
long-suffering people wholy unworthy rulers.
The sad sunset years of Rajput fortunes coincided with a
Martha, Jat and Sikh dawn. In Rajasthan the chronic inter-state
and inter-clan rivalries wholly preoccupied Rajput chiefs. As time
went by the Marathas and the Jats began to have much say in
their affairs.
During the 1720s and 1730s the Bharatpur Jats were treading
cautiously and Badan Singh was not the man to rock the boat. He
was content with not doing anything spectacular or dramatic, and
we hear little about them. Badan Singh and Suraj Mai gave every
day of their lives to consolidating their position at home. Not only
Soghar but other Jat chiefs who came in their way were
Early Campaigns of Sura] Mai 31
eliminated without hesitation, with a firm and decisive hand. Up
to the invasion of Nadir Shah they kept out of the way of the
rulers at Delhi, busy with their grand buildings and gardens and
enriching themselves. No excess which would attract attention at
Delhi was committed. Survival in the initial years was all that
mattered.
Badan Singh amply justified the confidence Raja Jai Singh
placed in him. He maintained cordial and respectful relations with
the Jaipur ruler. Each year he visited Jaipur, where Jai Singh,
not the most considerate of men, extended every courtesy to the
Sinsinwar and treated him like a Raja. The suburb of Jaipur
where Badan Singh stayed was named Badanpura. This close Hnk
between the two did not go unnoticed and benefited Badan Singh
and Suraj Mai in their dealings with troublesome Jat chiefs not
belonging to the Sinsinwar clan. The patronage of Amber had its
uses.
When Peshwa Baji Rao visited Jaipur in 1736, Jai Singh held
a big durbar in his honour. Badan Singh could not attend, but
Suraj Mai represented him. The young man was welcomed like a
prince by Jai Singh. The durbar was not an unqualified success.
The Peshwa's manners left much to be desired and caused aristo-
r
cratic eyebrows to be raised. At Jaipur Mughal ceremonial and

etiquette were strictly if not joyously observed. During the durbar
Jai Singh, noticing the condescending attitude of the Peshwa,
asked Baji Rao why he did not treat him as he did the Raja of
Udaipur. Baji Rao's crushing reply was, 'The Raja of Udaipur is
equal in rank and status with my own king, Sahu Maharaj, who
had never considered the Musalman Padishah of Delhi as his
sovereign, while you are nothing but a Mughal Mansabdar.' It
needed some nerve to say this as Baji Rao was keen to enlist Jai
Singh's support to obtain from Delhi the Subadari of the Province
of Malwa. Baji Rao did not stop there. He added injury to
insult. He puffed his hukka and blew the smoke in the face of his
host. Laws of hospitality forbade Jai Singh from creating a
scene which would have only made an already nasty situation
worse.
When Jai Singh introduced Suraj Mai to the Maratha, Baji
Rao made disparaging remarks about Suraj Mai's humble origins.
The young Sinsinwar kept calm and responded with a dignified
silence. But his guardian, Thakur Shardul Singh of Halena,
could not contain himself and returned the compliment by
reminding the Peshwa of Shivaji's humbler origins. The first
Jat-Maratha encounter was not a happy one.
Badan Singh kept himself aloof from the Amber-Maratha and
Maratha-Mughal exchanges. Like the Rajputs, the Jats, while
recognizing the Emperor as their sovereign, raised not a finger
when Nadir Shah invaded Delhi in 1739. But they took full
advantage by making inroads into Mughal territory in the disarray
following that invasion.
As their hold over their own people and territories tightened
and as their wealth increased they began to flex their muscles, but
guardedly. 'The fame of Suraj Mai's capacity for leadership and
tough fighting qualities of his troops spread rapidly and there
came repeated solicitations for his sword from the highest in
the land.'^
The first excursion that Suraj Mai made outside the Jat country
was in May 1745 when he led a Jat contingent under Emperor
Muhammad Shah in his expedition against AH Muhammed
Rohilla, and 'fought creditably in that campaign'. In the next year
he helped the Governor of Aligarh, Fatah Ali Khan, to regain
his estate from Asad Khan Khananzad. At Chandaus, Suraj Mai
routed the forces of Asad, who was killed in the battle. The
exploits of Suraj Mai in this campaign and in the following two
are described in colourful detail by Sudan in Sujan Charitra.
From the Chandaus battle Suraj Mai returned with a fair amount
of cash and had made himself beloved of his Jat brethren in the
Aligarh area.
When Jai Singh Sawai died in 1743 Badan Singh lost a patron.
Jai Singh had ruled for forty-four years. The first half of his
long reign was a saga of success and achievement and during it
he built the pink city of Jaipur and the famous observatories at
Delhi and Jaipur; but his later record was devoid of glory or
success. He failed against the Marathas. After failing to keep
them out of Malwa, and inducing the Emperor to make a
complete surrender to them in 1736 Jai Singh returned to his own
state and gave himself to sexual excess. He always had a weakness
for alcohol and now the habitual 'use of aphrodisiacs to stimulate
his failing powers entirely ruined his health, till at last he died
of a loathsome disease on September 21, 1743. Three wives and
countless concubines committed sati."^
His death was followed by the customary fratricidal war
between his sons, Ishwari Singh and Madho Singh. Madho
Singh's mother hailed from Udaipur and the Rana of Mewar
Early Campaigns of Sura] Mai 33
successfully used his influence and authority to get formidable
support for his nephew. The Marathas vacillated and finally
backed Madho Singh as did the rulers of Jodhpur, Bundi and
Kotah. Only the Bharatpur Sinsinwars stood by Ishwari Singh,
honouring their pledge to Jai Singh. Badan Singh, without the
accident of noble birth, possessed the qualities which are
associated with it. Ishwari Singh inherited all his father's vices.
Virtue he had none. At the time of Ahmed Shah Abdali's first
invasion he had run away from Manupur in March 1747. Even
his wives had chided him for his cowardice. Aware of the weak
character of Ishwari, Thakur Badan Singh asked Suraj Mai to
proceed to Jaipur to help him. Suraj Mai left Kuhmer with
10,000 hand-picked cavalrymen, 2,000 troopers and 2,000
spear bearers. His contingent consisted of Jats, Gujars,
Ahirs, Meenas, Rajputs and Musalmans. Ishwari Singh received
Suraj Mai with honour due to an equal. The Jaipur forces were
led by Shiv Singh. With Suraj Mai were his uncles and cousins,
Sukhram Singh, Gokalram Singh, Sahaj Ram Singh and others.
The armies of Ishwari Singh and Madho Singh met on 21
August 1748 at Bagru, eighteen miles south-west of Jaipur. The
monsoon was not quite over and heavy rain on the second day
drenched both sides.
On the face of it the contest was unequal. Ishwari Singh's
opponents outnumbered him seven to one. Madho Singh had
an impressive array of famous names on his side, Malhar Rao
Holkar, Gangadhar Tatiya, the Rana of Mewar, the ruler of
Jodhpur and the Rajas of Bundi and Kotah. With Ishwari Singh
was only the little-known Suraj Mai. What Suraj Mai lacked in
numbers was made up by the quality of his troops; well-trained,
adequately paid and ably led. There was no central co-ordinating
agency on Madho Singh's side. He was in no position to give
orders to his allies who were all senior to him and did not take
kindly to any form of discipline.
Kanwar Shiv Singh, the chief of Sikar, led the van. Suraj Mai
was posted in the centre and Ishwari Singh commanded the rear.
The artillery duel on the first day ended indecisively. The
advantage on the second day was with Madho Singh. On the
second day Ishwari Singh lost his Commander-in-Chief, the
valiant Sikar chief, and he appointed Suraj Mai to lead the
Harawal (van) on the third day. A furious and mighty battle raged
throughout the day. Then the Maratha chief, Malhar Rao, sent
Gangadhar Tantiya with a strong detachment to surprise the rear
34 Maharaja Sura] Mat
of Raja Ishwari Singh. Gangadhar marched undetected and fell
upon Sardar Singh Naruka of Uniara, one of Jai Singh's
more able commanders. He threw the rear division into confusion
and pressed vigorously upon the artillery posted in the centre.
The gunners were cut down and the cannon spiked- defeat stared
Ishwari Singh in the face. In sheer desperation he asked Suraj
Malj his last hope, to challenge Gangadhar. The young Sinsinwar
obeyed without a moment's pause and delivered a flank charge
upon the advancing enemy. A grim struggle between the half-
victorious Marathas and the stubborn Jats lasted two hours. At
last Gangadhar was halted and pushed back. Suraj Mai, restoring
the broken rear and leaving Sardar Singh Uniara in command
there, returned to the van to fight on the other front. In that
supreme hour of peril he fought with superhuman valour, 'killing',
says a contemporary chronicler, 'fifty and wounding one hundred
and eight of the enemy with his own hands'. Then night fell and
the combatants parted to tend the wounded and cremate the
dead and get ready for the morrow. Suraj Mai's valour saved the
day and made him well known.
A graphic account of the battle of Bagru is given by Sudan in
Su]an Charitra and also by the Bundi bard, who had the distinc-
tion of being Raja Suraj Mai's namesake. He wrote:
'The Jatni did not in vain bear the pain of travel,

The issue of her womb was Suraj Mai,
The scourge of enemies, and well-wisher of Amber,
Turning back the Jat began,
to fight Malhar in the van,
Holker was the shadow (night)
and the Sun: (Suraj)
the two champions well matched in conflict.'
Within a few months of Bagru, providence offered Suraj Mai

another opportunity to prove his strength and enhance his fame
and power.
On 21 June 1749, the Jodhpur ruler Maharaja Abhay Singh
died. He combined an uncontrollable temper with an alarming
weakness for opium. As Subedar of Gujarat he had not distin-
guished himself. On his death he was succeeded by his son Ram
Singh. The young man's joy was short-lived. His maternal uncle
Bakht Singh threw his turban in the ring. Ram Singh turned for
help to Ishwari Singh of Amber. Emperor Ahmed Shah backed
Bakht Singh and in November sent Mir Bakshi Salabat Jung
%
4"
^ •
^ '
î^
Thakur Churaman Singh

4
n
s
Raja Badan Singh
->
Maharaja Jawahar Singh

* •T*
Early Campaigns of Suraj Mai 35
with a force of 18,000 men to help him. The Mir Bakshi decided
to proceed to Ajmer not by the well-established Delhi-Agra road,
but via Mewat, which was under the Jat Raja. The plan was for
Salabat to retake from the Jats portions of territory captured by
them in his Suba of Agra and Mathura. After dealing with the
Jats the Mir Bakshi was to proceed to Ajmer and unite with the
forces of Bakht Singh.
The Mir Bakshi's progress was leisurely. He first stopped at
Patuadi for ten days. Thereafter he ravaged Mewat and captured
the mud fort of Nimrana in the Jat kingdom. This minor success
made the Mir Bakshi overconfident and he haughtily dismissed
an emissary from Suraj Mai and decided to teach Suraj Mai a
lesson. Ajmer and Jodhpur were for the time being forgotten.
Suraj Mai held his hand. He was watching and waiting. When
the Mir Bakshi got to Sarai Sobhachand, the Jats descended on
him. Suraj Mai with a mobile force of 6,000 surrounded the
Mughals on New Year's Day 1750. Suraj Mai had with him
important Jat chiefs. Sudan in Sujan Charitra mentions Gokla
and his brother Surat Ram Singh. The latter led a mounted troop
of 1,500, while Balram Singh had 1,000 troopers. Suraj Mai's
brother Pratap Singh led 500 horsemen. The Mir Bakshi was
surrounded on all sides. He asked Delhi for reinforcements. They
arrived too late. Retreat was blocked by the Jats, 'their mounted
matchlock men closed in small bodies and discharged volleys upon
the confused Muslim troopers without dismounting. Such a
mobile force as Suraj Mai's mounted matchlockmen could hardly
be brought to the grapple in the darkness of night.'^ The Jats
charged with speed and determination causing many deaths.
Among those killed were two important Mughal commanders;
Ali Rustum Khan and Hakim Khan. Salabat Khan was now at
the mercy of Suraj Mai.
After three days Salabat thought discretion the better part of
valour and sued for peace. Suraj Mai did not wish to have the
blood of an imperial Umra on his hands and graciously accepted
the peace offer. This was an act of statesmanship; he was winning
and he made no move to provoke further the Mir Bakshi or
arouse suspicion at Delhi. The Bakshi had earlier demanded over
twenty million rupees from Raja Badan Singh for the few
villages which the Jats had taken. These, the Bakshi alleged, were
a part of his jagir. The money demanded was out of all proportion
to the value of these villages and Badan Singh had no intention
whatsoever of paying even a tenth of the sum. Suraj Mai asked
his very young son Jawahar Singh to conduct the peace negotia-
tions with the Bakshi. This was the young prince's debut as a
soldier-emissary. He conducted himself to the entire satisfaction
of his father and grandfather, and gave no indication of the
bellicosity which in years ahead was to cause much heartache
and bloodshed.
The Mir Bakshi accepted the terms on which the Jats would
agree to peace:
The imperial government would promise not to cut down

pipal trees;
(ii) nor hinder the worship of that tree;
(iii) not to offer any insult or injury to the Hindu temples in the
region;
(iv) Suraj Mai would collect fifteen lakh rupees* from the Rajputs
as the revenue of the province of Ajmer and pay it into the
imperial exchequer, provided the Mir Bakshi did not pro-
ceed beyond Narnol. . .
The Jat gains were considerable. Victory over an Amir-ul-

Umara was not an everyday event. Salabat Jung should have
known better than to antagonise the one power that alone could
have protected his Subah of Agra. This success gave Suraj Mai
and the Jats new confidence. It proved their military potential.
The terms of the treaty were a public recognition of the Bharatpur
rulers' superior position in Braj Mandal, justifying their title of
Braj Raj. Lastly this victory gave the Sinsinwars undisputed
leadership of all Jats. At the age of 43, Suraj Mai was the coming
man in Hindustan. With the death of Nizam-ul-Mulk in 1748
there was no one to match his military strength, diplomatic skill,
administrative ability and soundness of political judgement or his
understanding of the temper of the times.
* One million five hundred thousand rupees.

Suraj Mai and
Safda r Jung
The time has now come to divert our gaze towards the city of
Delhi where the scene changed for the worse following the death
of Muhammad Shah in 1748. At the time of his death, the heir-
apparent Ahmed Shah was in the fateful city of Panipat, fifty
miles north of Delhi. His escort was under the command of
Nawab Safdar Jung, whose acquaintance we must now make. He
was the Subedar of Oudh and the son-in-law of the powerful
Sadat Khan Buran-ul-Mulk. Safdar Jung was a Shia and the
Shia Muslims of Hindustan looked upon him as their leader and
conscience-keeper following the death of his father-in-law. Safdar
Jung maintained a well-equipped army which included several
thousand Quizilbashes who had accompanied Nadar Shah on his
1739 invasion, but elected to make India their home. Good
fighting men, they settled down with ease in their new environ-
ment.
As soon as Safdar Jung heard of the Emperor's death, he had
the presence of mind to improvise a royal umbrella and holding
it over Prince Ahmed's head loudly said, 'I congratulate your
Majesty on becoming Emperor.' The young man, not to be out-
done, responded expansively, 'I congratulate you on your
Wazirship.' However, this instant elevation of Safdar Jung was
kept secret as the illustrious Asaf Jha the Nizam was still alive.
He obligingly died on 21 May and Safdar Jung formally assumed
charge of his post a month later. While the new Wazir was no
Napoleon, he was the best of a bad lot. Fate was not always kind
to him. From the very beginning the dice were loaded against
him, and but for Suraj Mai's steadfast support (after an initial
period of misunderstanding) Nawab Sahib's shaky craft would
have hit the rocks much earlier.
The court at Delhi was at sixes and sevens - the Turrani and
Irani factions were at each other's throats most of the time. All
that the Emperor could do was to play one against the other. But
that too required skill which was not forthcoming from the
imperial harem, where the Emperor spent most of his time. Much,
therefore, depended on the personality of the Wazir. He had a
decisive role to play. For a quarter of a century Qamr-ud-din
Imad-ud-daulah II was the Wazir and leader of the Turranis.
The Emperor Mohammad Shah got the Wazir he deserved. Their
manner of facing problems was as novel as it was ineffective.
Contemporary historian Warid gives an excellent description of
these two lotus-eaters who held the destiny of nearly 200 million
people in their feeble hands. 'For some years past it has been the
practice of the imperial court that whenever the officers of the
Deccan or Gujarat and Malwa reported any Maratha incursion
to the Emperor, His Majesty in order to soothe his heart afflicted
by such sad news, either visited the gardens - to look at the
newly planted and leafless trees - or rode out to hunt in the
plains, while the grand wazir, Qamr-ud-din Khan Imad-ud-
daulah went to assuage his feelings by gazing at lotuses in some
pools situated four leagues from Delhi, where he would spend a
month or more in tents, enjoying pleasure or catching fish in
the rivers and hunting deer in the plains. At such times Emperor
and Wazir alike lived in total forgetfulness of the business of
administration, the collection of the revenue, and the needs of the
army. No chief, no man, thinks of guarding the realm and
protecting the people, while these disturbances daily grow greater.'^
The young Emperor was as ignorant of the administration as
he was well-informed about sexual perversions. Real power rested
in the deplorable hands of Javid Khan, the eunuch paramour of
the Queen Mother, Udham Bai, a former dancing girl picked up
by Mohammad Shah. Between the two they were to reduce
imperial administration to a tragic farce.
The Queen Mother daily held court with her favourites,
receiving petitions and passing orders. Rightly did the court
historian cry, 'Oh God! that the affairs of Hindustan should be
conducted by a woman so foolish as this.' Her squalid liaison with
Javid Khan became the talk of the town. The salaries of troops
fell in arrears for fourteen, eighteen and finally thirty-six months.
The royal guards were so enraged and disgusted that one day
they tied up a black bitch and a donkey at the gate of the palace,
and asked all those entering the palace to respectfully bow 'to
the Nawab Bahadur Javid Khan and Hazrat Qudsia, the Queen
mother'.^ Although the imperial government was bankrupt and
only two lakh rupees could be raised by the sale of royal plate
Suraj Mai and Safdar Jung 39
to pay the soldiers, Udham Bai managed to find and spend two
crores celebrating her birthday in January 1745.
It fell to Nawab Safdar Jung as Wazir to produce order out
of chaos, sense out of nonsense. Being a Shia, his firepower was
limited. His appointment had aroused resentment among the
Turrani nobles among whom Ghaziuddin and Javid Khan were
the most prominent. They gave him no respite. Within five
months of his becoming Wazir an attempt was made on his life.
He escaped, but the warning was clear. Safdar Jung was assured a
bumpy ride. The Emperor under the influence of Javid also
worked against his First Minister. From so intrigue-ridden an
establishment the Empire could neither be run nor retained. To
add to his problems Safdar Jung faced revolt in two areas which
were his private fief - Ballabhgarh and Rohilkhand. In his
campaign against the former, Suraj Mai opposed him while in
the latter he supported him. We shall first take a look at the
Tewatia Jat House of Ballabhgarh, which owes much to the
House of Bharatpur.
Early in the eighteenth century, probably in the lifetime of
Aurangzeb, Gopal Singh Tewatia acquired a little wealth and
modest authority by robbing the imperial convoys travelling from
Delhi to Agra and further south. He had the sense to ally himself
with the Gujars of Tiagaon. The two together killed the Rajput
Chaudhuri of nearby villages. Murtaza Khan, the local Mughal
official at Faridabad, was a practical man, and an early convert to
the dictum 'if you can't beat them join them'. Instead of punishing
Gopal Singh he appointed him Chaudhuri of the Faridabad
pargana, which was an office of considerable profit, entitling him
to claim a cess of one anna* in the rupee on the revenue. Gopal
Singh was succeeded by his son Charan Das.
By now both Aurangzeb and Bhadur Shah had died and the
administrative grasp of Delhi was loosening. So Charan Das took
a calculated risk. He withheld payment of his revenue dues to
Murtaza Khan, who was unwilling to let this act of defiance go
unpunished. He had Charan Das arrested and imprisoned at
Faridabad. Charan Das had fathered a resourceful and enter-
prising son. Balram Singh pleaded with Murtaza Khan on behalf
of his father and promised to pay all the revenue dues if his father
was set free. This Murtaza Khan accepted. The ransom was to be
paid at a specified place where Charan Das was to be present, so
that he could be released as soon as the dues were paid. The
* Sixteen annas = one rupee.
Delhi Gazetteer records the incident thus: 'According to previous
agreement, Charan Das was brought guarded to the side of a
tank near Ballabhgar, and when the carriage bringing the treasure
had come up, and one or two bags of rupees had been examined,
Charan Das was released. By the time the Mughals discovered
that Balram Singh had filled the rest of the bags with something
less valuable than money, father and son had escaped to Bharatpur
to seek shelter and help.'
Suraj Mai provided both. An attack was launched, Murtaza
Khan was killed and the pargana fell in Balram's hands. Such
a rebellion by a petty Chaudhuri had to be put down. The Wazir,
Safdar Jung, wrote repeatedly to Balram Singh and Suraj Mai
to give up the above-mentioned pargana but to no avail. Suraj
Mai by backing Balram was looking for an excuse to extend his
kingdom further north. He welcomed the Wazir's challenge.
When Safdar Jung learnt that Suraj Mai would be personally
leading his forces he decided to lead the imperial troops and to
face the Jat. In January 1748 Safdar Jung set out from Delhi.
Suraj Mai was fully prepared. He had not gone far when he
learnt of the Rohilla rebellion in the neighbourhood of his Subha
of Oudh. This was a far more serious development and the Wazir
returned to Delhi and proceeded to Rohilkhand. Safdar Jung
looked upon the Rohillas as serpents infesting his road and he
made overtures to Suraj Mai.
Safdar Jung had enough enemies at court and now the Rohillas
had opened a new front. He thus could not afford to have Suraj
Mai added to that formidable list. An understanding was reached
and their quarrel was patched up. Pride was set aside. Mutual
self-interest triumphed. Suraj Mai had wealth and an expanding
kingdom but lacked imperial recognition. Here the Wazir could
help. Both sides needed a face-saving device. 'A compromise was
effected through the mediation of the Maratha Vakil. In order to
save appearances, Balram, with his wrists bound together,
accompanied the Maratha envoy to the presence of the Wazir,
who graciously pardoned him and gave an implicit sanction to
his ilUegal acquisitions. Rajah Suraj Mai was given a Khilat of
6 pieces, and his Bakshi one of two pieces. Mutual appreciation
of merit and ability laid the foundations of a true friendship
between the Nawab Wazir and the great Jat, who ever stood faith-
fully by his ally even under the most desperate circumstances.'^
The alliance was put to the test almost immediately. Ahmad
Shah Bangash had killed Nawal Rai, Safdar Jung's deputy, and
driven out Safdar Jung's troops from Khudaganj. An immense
amount of booty fell into Rohilla hands. Safdar Jung could not
let the Bangash get away with such an open challenge to his
authority. He decided to march against Bangash but took an
inordinately long time to get moving. A month passed before he
caught up with the Rohillas. Raja Suraj Mai accompanied Safdar
Jung on this expedition. Suraj Mai occupied Ahmed Bangash's
capital Farrukhabad and this was the only success Safdar Jung
was to score, although he had under his command a large army of
70j000 horse. Suraj Mai brought with him his trusted com-
manders, including Sahib Singh, Sukhram Singh and his brother
Pratap Singh. Ahmed Bangash had attempted to come to terms
with the Jat Raja but Suraj Mai turned away the Rohilla emissary
saying that he had given his word to Safdar Jung and would do
all he could to help the Wazir. Raja Suraj Mai commanded the
right wing and Ismail Beg the left, with Safdar Jung in the
centre. The battle of Pathari was fought on 13 September 1750.
The Rohillas were routed and many thousands killed, including
their General Rustam Khan Afridi. But they were not yet fully
defeated. Ahmed Bangash not only concealed from his troops
the news of Rustam Khan's death, but announced that Rustam
had won the battle. This put new heart in his soldiers and
Bangash called on them to make one last effort, 'otherwise every
Afridi will make water upon the beard of the Bangashes'. The
Rohillas assembled in a nearby graveyard and charged wildly on
Safdar Jung's troops. Safdar Jung was wounded and brought
into camp and Ahmad Bangash regained all he had earlier lost
and more.
Safdar Jung decided to return to his duties at Delhi where
his enemies, hearing of his setback, were tightening the noose.
For once the Wazir arrived in time to terminate court intrigue
and plot. After reasserting his authority Safdar Jung once again
diverted his gaze towards his beloved Subas of Oudh and
Allahabad where the Bangashes reigned supreme.
Again, Suraj Mai had emerged with flying colours. The
Ballabhgarh problem was settled to his satisfaction. Nawab
Safdar Jung had befriended him and sought his help. In the
campaign against the Rohillas the Jats had given a good account
of themselves and were once again to go to the rescue of the
beleaguered Wazir.
Safdar Jung before setting out a second time to crush the
Rohillas concluded an alliance with the Marathas. Jayaji Rao
Scindia and Malhar Rao Holkar lent their services for 25,000
rupees a day and Raja Suraj Mai was to receive 15,000 rupees
a day for his contingent.
Safdar Jung's Rhoikhand campaign of 1751 was short and
successful. The Jats and Marathas devastated the Rohilla country.
Safdar Jung planted a thorn in the 'side of the Rohillas to torment
them perpetually by giving the tract of country from Koel
(Aligarh) to Korah to the Marathas as Jagir.'* Safdar Jung in a
triumphant mood sent his respectful greetings to the Emperor,
announcing his victory over the Rohillas, But the Emperor had
other things on his mind and no time for rejoicing. In February
the alarming news of Ahmad Shah Abdali's invasion of the Punjab
had caused panic and confusion in Delhi and revived unpleasant
memories of Nadir's visitation. Safdar Jung was ordered to hasten
to the capital. On returning to Delhi Safdar Jung gratefully
remembered Suraj Mai's help in his two campaigns. He recom-
mended to the Emperor the conferment on the Jat Raja of a
mansab of 3,000 Zat and 2,000 horse, and on his son Ratan
Singh the title of Rao and that of 1,000 Zat, and 1,000 horse
upon Jawahar Singh in addition to his former rank, making
him, Jawahar, in all a mansabdar of 4,000 Zat and 3,500 horse.
A few days later the Wazir induced the Emperor to create
Badan Singh a Raja with the title of Mahendra and Suraj Mai
a Kumar Bahadur with the title of Rajendra. And we can imagine
the surprise and joy of Suraj Mai when the Emperor made him
the Faujdar of Mathura. This gave him command of most of
the territory on both sides of the Jamuna in the province of
Agra and environs of the city. All for a modest annual tribute.
Father Wendel, who was at that time residing in the vicinity
of the Jat country, took note of this change in the fortunes of
the Sinsinwars and writes, 'This was indeed the high point of the
Jats' power; and it is from here that we can begin to reckon the
epoch of their present good fortune. For although they already
had enough and more possessions, to give them a high place
among the powers of Hindustan, this substance had so far lacked
a title, or as it were an authority; to give weight to the exercise
of their power and give legahty to their actions. It is true that
Badan Singh had received a certain dignity from Jai Singh of
Amber which counted among his people. Specious as it was,
however, this power did not extend beyond the original domain
of the Jats. Suraj Mai, on the other hand, had been made a
Raja by the hand of the Great Mughal himself, to whom Jai Singh
and the other Rajas and important men of the empire all owed
their dignity and their rights over the lands annexed to their
titles.'^ In a footnote Wendel suggests that Suraj Mai, after he
had been created a Raja with the greatest possible solemnity,
adopted the name of Jaswant Singh, 'but he never used this
name except on occasions when it was unavoidable to do so. As
a child, among his people, he had been given the surname and he
always kept to this. Jaswant Singh, his proper name, appeared on
his seal, and a few people knew about it.'® This is unlikely. Suraj
Mai did have another name, Sujan Singh, and that is the reason
for Sudan calling his book Sujan Charitra. Unlike in the West,
Indian aristocrats and princes do not take the names of their
ancestors. Suraj Mai's great-great-great-grandson was named
Jaswant Singh (1853-93) and he would never have been given
that name had his great forebear adopted it.
For Wazir Safdar Jung there was to be no respite. We create
our own enemies and Safdar Jung had done rather well in this
regard. He proposed to the Emperor the name of Imad-ul-Mulk,
the son of Ghaziuddin Firoz Jung and grandson of the great
Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah, for the post of Mir Bakshi. A more
relentless foe could hardly have been appointed. The Queen
Mother and her eunuch friend Javid Khan had no love for Safdar
Jung, who did not lack courage but had no foresight. He did not
know the relation between income and expenditure. He spent four
million six hundred thousand rupees on his son's wedding. Above
all he was a poor judge of men. He was unfortunate in his
Emperor and no match for the powerful gang of flunkeys who
surrounded Ahmed Shah. The only friend the Wazir had was
Raja Suraj Mai and he alone stood by him in fair weather and
foul.
The history of mid-eighteenth-century Hindustan is a
depressing chronicle of betrayal, conflict, corruption, confusion,
disruption and invasion. At Delhi the Emperor neither ruled nor
reigned. His deportment was neither gracious nor dignified. His
nobles were proficient in the ignoble art of flattery. Good
character they had none. Their decadence and lack of occupation
made them victims of wine, women and tobacco. When asked why
he was harming himself by smoking so much, a noble recited a
Persian verse:
*Turfah-i-Shaghle Shaghal-i-Tambaku,
Kih zin Shaghal gham faru gardad:
Ham-dam astin, be waqt-i-tanhai,
Tabai-i-badiaziiniku gardad.
Smoking Tobacco is a rare pastime

oom
time
It is a help to a bad digestion.'
This engaging Mughal aristocrat was an exception. The rest were

far less attractive.
While the Wazir was engaged in his Rohilkhan campaign, 'a
lady of the harem, an eunuch, and a supple intriguer had acquired
complete control over the Emperor's fickle mind. They induced
him to accept the terms of the Durrani (Ahmed Shah Abdali)
invader, who consented to retire on getting the subhas of Lahore
and Multan. On his return to the capital the Wazir justly resented
this ignominious treaty made in his absence and without con-
sulting him. He was bent upon punishing the evil-doers. The
eimuch was to be the first victim of the Wazir's wrath.'^ His
friendship with Suraj Mai gave him a false confidence. He
unwisely decided to take on the entire imperial establishment;
Ahmad Shah the Emperor, his mother, Javid Khan, Intizam
and Imad.
Javid Khan was constantly creating problems for Safdar Jung,
and filling the Emperor's empty head with tales which could
only harm the Wazir. The Turrani party was favoured by the
eunuch who had benefited by Safdar Jung's long absences from
Delhi. One of the two had to go. Safdar Jung struck first, but
with disastrous results.
We have seen how Balram Singh with the aid of Suraj Mai
had regained control of Ballabhgarh. He was now to acquire a
short-lived importance which he did not wholly deserve. In the
first week of July 1752 Safdar Jung was travelling from his camp
across the Jamuna to his Delhi residence. Javid Khan left the
Red Fort and halted at the Anguribagh, which Safdar Jung had
to pass. The eunuch expected the Wazir to call on him, but
Safdar Jung did not oblige him and proceeded straight to his
house. To save face, Javid Khan sent for Balram Singh, who
happened to be in Delhi that day. Not only did the Q
Mother's favourite give much time to the Tewatia Jat but gave
him a robe of honour. He lured Balram to his side and encouraged
him to loot and plunder. Balram played for high stakes. He looted
Sikandrabad which was part of the Emperor's privy purse estate.
The people of Sikandrabad sent a messenger to the court to
complain against Balram. Safdar Jung, rebuking Javid, asked, *If
Balram has been appointed the new faujdar of Sikandrabad by
you, why is he plundering and slaying the people there? If he is
acting contrary to your wishes, then I shall immediately punish
him.' Javid Khan assured the Emperor and the Wazir that he
would himself chastise Balram. He did nothing of the sort. On
the contrary he allowed him to take refuge in the fort of Dankaur
which was a part of the eunuch's jagir. Thus the man who
plundered the Emperor's estate got away with an offence which in
an earlier reign would have cost him his head.
All this was galling to the Wazir, who in desperation decided
to do away with Javid Khan. Safdar Jung invited Raja Suraj Mai
and his trusted and wise Minister Roop Ram Kataria to Delhi.
The eunuch was asked to have his morning meal, a combination
of breakfast and lunch, at Safdar Jung's house. Suraj Mai joined
them in the afternoon 'and the discussion was prolonged. After a
while Safdar Jung led Javid Khan away by the hand to an alcove
or bastion of the house and talked with him about Suraj Mai in
privacy. Then Muhammad Ali Jerchi and some other Turkish
soldiers entered the alcove; the Wazir rose up; Muhammad Ali
stabbed Javid Khan in the liver from behind crying out, "Take
the fruit of your disloyalty", the other man came up and finished
the deed of blood'.*
The magnitude of the deed was matched only by its folly. Javid
Khan dead proved worse than Javid Khan alive. The Emperor,
the Queen Mother and the entire imperial household were
antagonised. The eunuch's place was taken by the Wazir's worst
enemies, Imad and Inztizam. They were far abler than Javid
Khan.
The days of the Wazir were now numbered. Javid Khan was
murdered on 27 August 1752. The civil war between Safdar
Jung and the Emperor was instigated by the Queen Mother and
the Turrani factions at court. The Emperor dismissed Safdar
Jung, confiscated his estates and deprived him of the viceroyalties
of Allahabad and Oudh. Safdar Jung wanted to teach his ungrate-
ful king a lesson and laid siege to the capital and sought Raja
Suraj Mai's help.
From March 1753 to November 1753 civil war engulfed Delhi.
The first few weeks did not produce much action, but with the
arrival of Suraj Mai in the first week of May the picture changed.
On his way to Delhi Suraj Mai attacked, defeated and killed
Bahadur Singh Bar Gujar of Chakla Koil in Aligarh and captured
the fort of Ghasira after a long siege and hard battle in which
Suraj Mai lost 1,500 men. Bahadur Singh fought violently, and
'at last in despair slew all his women, threw the gates open, and
rushed upon the enemy with twenty-five desperadoes like himself,
who perished to a man', on 23 April. Bahadur Singh's son Fateh
Singh was not with his father but was in Delhi where he joined
Suraj Mai's adversary Imad-ul-Mulk and with his help recovered
Ghasira the next year.
Suraj Mai answered the Wazir's call and reached Delhi with
a large army and 15,000 horse. He recommended resolute and
vigorous action. Between 9 May and 4 June the Jats thoroughly
plundered old Delhi. Why Suraj Mai permitted this is not clear,
but no amount of sophistry can excuse his wanton conduct.
According to the author of Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 'The Jats
plundered up to the gates of the city, lakhs and lakhs were looted,
the houses were demolished, and all the suburbs (puras) and
Churania and Wakilpura were rendered totally lampless.' It is
from this date that the phrase Jat-Gardi (Jat loot) gained
currency. Ahmed Shah Abdali's Shah Gardi and Bhao Gardi of
the Marathas were soon to eclipse the outrages committed by
Suraj Mai's troops.
But the dice were loaded against the Wazir. Once the energetic
Imad got the Rohillas under Nijib Khan to his side the tide
turned against Safdar Jung. 'His only hope now rested upon Suraj
Mai, and the Jat proved no broken reed to him in this hour
of supreme need. Promises of high honours and threats of
vengeance were treated with equal scorn by that faithful chief,
who was determined to fight to the last for his ally, though his
was clearly a lost cause. In order to terrify him, Ghazi-ud-din
(Imad) sent for Malhar Rao Holkar from the South. But this
was equally unavailing, the clever Jat took advantage of the
jealousy of the new Wazir Intizam-ud-daulah towards his
ambitious nephew Ghazi-ud-din, whose motive he suspected and
whose ability he dreaded. So successful was the diplomatic move
of Suraj Mai that before the Marathas could arrive, offers of
peace were made from the Emperor's side; Maharaja Madho
Singh Kachawa who came to Delhi about the end of 1753, was
asked to mediate. The Jat Raja refused to sheath his sword unless
the Emperor restored the viceroyalties of Oudh and Alllahabad,
if not the office of Wazir, also to Safdar Jung. At last peace was
concluded on the above conditions; and Nawab Safdar Jung
departed to rule his subah. Suraj Mai had saved his ally from
almost inevitable ruin by drawing upon himself the implacable
enmity of Ghazi-ud-din, the full force of which he was made to
feel very soon.'^
The Siege of Kumher
January-May 17S4
Today Kumher is a neglected, run-down dusty little town, lying

midway between Deeg and Bharatpur. It has neither Deeg's
elegance nor Bharatpur's pride. The palaces built by Suraj Mai
for his favourite wife. Rani Hansia, make impressive ruins. In
the middle of the eighteenth century Kumher was altogether a
different place. Strategically placed in the heart of Suraj Mai's
kingdom it controlled the highway connecting Bharatpur and
Deeg. It was at Kumher that Suraj Mai defied a combined
Mughal-Maratha army of 80,000 men for four months. The
siege which began in the freezing month of January 1754 ended
in the scorching and dust-filled month of May, the honours going
to Suraj Mai.
Suraj Mai had, as we have seen, sided with Safdar Jung against
Ahmed Shah and Imad. The Emperor through Imad had
appealed to the Peshwa at Poona for help to put down Safdar
Jung's rebellion. Safdar Jung had also appealed to him but the
Peshwa elected not to back the rebellious Wazir. To the Emperor
he sent only a small contingent of Maratha troops and these took
their time to reach Delhi. The bulk of the Maratha army was
directed to sit on the fence, watch the civil war and to join the
victor or, failing that, to profit by the exhaustion of both sides,
and then arbitrate in the affairs of Hind. When news of Safdar
Jung's departure for Oudh reached them the Marathas with their
main army entered Jaipur and a small force of 9,000 under
Khande Rao, the young son of Malhar Rao Holkar, was
despatched to Delhi. The army that made for Jaipur was under
the command of the Peshwa's younger brother, Raghunath Rao.
At Jaipur they demanded their dues and the Kachawa reluctantly
paid. Their next target was Suraj Mai. The Jat chief had lost
neither money nor territory during Safdar Jung's rebellion. The
loot of Delhi had enriched him further. The rebellion had cost
Imad cash and the only source from which he could make good
The Siege of Kumher, January-May 1754 49
his loss was to squeeze Suraj Mai. The Marathas, always short of
cashj also had their eyes on Jat riches. Suraj Mai had been careful
not to provoke the Marathas, but he had enough foresight to
realise that he would not be left in peace for long and con-
sequently directed his attention to his defences and put these in
good shape. Deeg was left in the charge of Jawahar Singh who
among others was assisted by the son of the Jat chief of Hathras.
Suraj Mai himself proceeded to Kumher where the fort was well
provided for by his able Finance Minister Mohan Ram Barsania,
who said to his master, 'Maharaj, you have enough armaments
and provisions here to last several years. Sire, have no worry
on that score.'
Suraj Mai wished to avoid a confrontation with the Marathas.
Not long before both had been on the same side in Safdar Jung's
campaign against the Rohillas, and both their people had suffered
during Aurangzeb's reign. So he made a genuine effort to come to
terms with them and sent his astute poHtical adviser Pandit Roop
Ram Kataria to Jaipur to negotiate with Raghunath Rao. But
plunder, not peace, was on the Maratha mind. The flourishing
Jat kingdom was at once a provocation and an irresistible tempta-
tion. Suraj Mai was to be humbled. Khande Rao made that clear
to the Emperor and Imad in Delhi in late December 1753. *I
have come here on my father's orders to help in your campaign
against Suraj Mai and not to get involved in the quarrel between
Intizam and Imad.' Being the cautious and shrewd man that Suraj
Mai was, he attempted to exhaust all peaceful avenues before
opting for conflict.
The Marathas had become accustomed to getting their way.
Chauth and Sardeshmukhi were as well known as they were
dreaded. Woe betide those who resisted. Suraj Mai tested the
ground before stepping upon it. This was a time when the
qualities of courage and patience were called for and summoned.
Surrounding him were powers older, more experienced, more
ambitious and more unscrupulous. A false step and he would face
some hideous danger at his door. It is unlikely that any Indian in
the eighteenth century had read Cicero, but what the great Roman
said is relevant to Suraj Mai's predicament at this time. 'A man
cannot let himself be carried away by the honour which a policy
of vigorous action gains for him if it means that he takes no
thought of security; on the other hand he cannot embrace at any
cost a security which is repugnant to all standards of honour.'^
Suraj Mai chose honour.
Unlike the Marathas, Suraj Mai avoided over-reaching or over-
extending himself. He had given Roop Ram a fairly wide
negotiating brief, but Raghunath Rao demanded two crore (twenty
million) rupees for leaving Suraj Mai alone. Roop Ram agreed to
pay forty lakhs (four million) rupees, a large enough amount by
any standards. Malhar Rao Holkar, who was also at Jaipur,
claimed that while looting Delhi recently Suraj Mai and his Jats
had amassed vast wealth and should pay up the two crores or
else. Roop Ram Kataria returned to Kumher to report to his
master. Having made a serious offer and extended the hand of
friendship Suraj Mai concluded that enough was enough. He
would not let the Marathas push him around. He asked
Raghunath Rao either to accept the forty lakhs offered or face
the consequences. Even at a trying and anxious time Raja Suraj
Mai did not lose his sense of fun. With his epistle to the Peshwa's
brother, 'he sent five cannon balls and some gun powder as
samples of the hospitable fare he might expect in the Jat country'.^
The Marathas converged on Kumher in vast numbers and cut
off the approaches to the besieged town. They encircled Kumher
but, lacking siege guns, failed to make any impression on Suraj
Mai. The southerners did nevertheless make their presence felt
in the countryside where neither man nor beast, home nor hearth
was safe. Crops were flattened up to fifteen miles of Kumher.
In March, Khande Rao on his way from Delhi to Kumher
captured Hodal before joining Raghunath Rao and Malhar Rao
Holkar. At the same time Imad-ul-Mulk advanced from Mathura
to Kumher. Their enthusiasm was somewhat dampened on seeing
the formidable fortifications at Kumher. The combined Mughal
and Maratha forces numbered over 80,000 with the Amber ruler
as usual indulging in calculated ambiguity - he sent a token force
with Malhar Rao and at the same time kept open his lines of
communication to Suraj Mai.
I shall now quote at some length from Father Wendel's
unpublished memoir in order to capture the atmosphere of the
siege of Kumher and Suraj Mai's qualities as a military leader.
He put down his impressions while they were still fresh in his
mind. We take up his narrative from the time when Khande Rao
and Imad-ul-Mulk have joined the siege:
Shortly after this, the Amir Bakshi or generalissimo of the

Emperor's forces, Gaziuddin Khan, came to join the Marathas
with the royal troops, which numbered between twenty-five
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and thirty thousand; so that, together with the remaining
troops of the Raja of Jaipur, Kumher was eventually sur-
rounded on all sides by a formidable army of over 80,000 men,
all of them better than were to be found at that time in that
country. It is obvious enough that it can have been no small
number of forces that was needed to keep busy a people who
were as numerous and aggressive as the Jats had been for some
time past, and to make them defend themselves with troops of
strong, well-armed peasants. But this great army was not
enough to make Suraj Mai lose courage, nor yet to bring him to
his knees as soon as had been expected. Kumher at that time
was a fairly ordinary fort like any other of that country, its sole
advantage being in its situation, which was in the middle of a
predominantly sandy plain with no source of drinkable water in
the surrounding countryside. (This, of course, was also very
inconvenient for the people inside and for the garrison. No-
where in the whole vast extent of this place is there a well of
sweet water, although in wartime, quite apart from its
inhabitants, it contains no less than fifty to sixty thousand
riflemen, then there is the cavalry). It had fairly thick curtain
walls, although these were unfaced and flanked with as many
bastions as the fancy of each Zamindar had prompted him to
add, in the old architectural style of the country. These, apart
from the ditch and some work in the form of a redoubt in front
of the gates, came to be the sole defence of the place, and
amount to little. It (the fort) had enough ammunition of all
kinds, and the ramparts were equipped with artillery; and,
most important, it had several of those great pieces of iron
which are of very low caliber in proportion to the amount of
metal from which they are forged, but whose discharge did not
fail to wound the enemy as it was meant to, and, on account
of the great crowd outside, never failed to hit somebody. It is
true that Suraj Mai never expected less from any war than
he did from this; but, being perpetually on his guard, he had
taken precautions against such an eventuality. Having the reins
of government completely in his hands, he left no place which
he had had to visit without making sure that it was well
protected. It is also through his care and attentiveness that all
the great fortresses occupied by the Jats are now so well stocked
with abundant provisions. These are sufficient to last for several
months, indeed for years, despite the vast numbers of people
who flock into these places in wartime. I do not believe that
any place in Hindustan contains as many provisions as the
places of the Jats do. Artillery, bullets, cannon-balls, powder,
and materials for making these, are to be found there in such
quantities that it is amazing how the peasants have stored
them up in so short a time and to learn their use.''
The answer is: Suraj Mai. In every crisis and campaign he

was not wanting in military foresight or political judgement. He
understood well the use of time and circumstance. His iron will
saw him through many a tricky situation. He was also fortunate
in one of his wives. Rani Hansia, who was to play a crucial role
in getting her husband off the Mughal-Maratha hook at Kumher.
For the moment we return to Wendel's interesting narrative:
The siege of Kumher was now in its fourth month, and the
besieged had suffered no injury apart from the damage which
the surrounding countryside inevitably suffered from being
trampled by a huge army. Whenever the enemy artillery made a
breach in the ramparts during the day time, this was quickly
and effectively filled in through the indefatigable industry of
Suraj Mai and his Jat cultivators, during the night, so that
the following morning it was hard to find any trace of the
damage. The Jats, moreover, achieved something positive in
addition to this, moving their fortifications outwards under
cover of their artillery, so that by the time the siege was lifted
Kumher had acquired outworks and grown considerably larger
than it had been before this. And I have said nothing of the
many, courageous sorties which the Jats made, disregarding
the great tide of enemy forces which surrounded them. The
besiegers lived in dread of their raiding parties, which were
familiar with the area and all the forms of cover which it gave;
and none of their forays was fruitless, since convoys were
constantly being attacked and surprised, sometimes being put to
flight and at other times captured. Thus, Malhar Rao and
Ghasiud-din Imad-ul-Mulk felt almost exhausted by the slow
progress of their campaign. At the same time, they felt ashamed
that they had undertaken this siege and were unable to
satisfactorily complete it or even to congratulate themselves
that it would soon be over. The hot weather was also on the
way, and aside from the inconvenience which it suffered from
the lack of drinking water, the army was afflicted by the
burning sun.*
A great misfortune befell Malhar Rao Holkar at Kumher. His
brave, handsome, alcoholic and sensual son, Khande Rao, was shot
dead by a Jat swivel-gun. Various versions of this tragedy have
gained currency. One is that he was lured near the ramparts by a
'nautch' girl, another that he was killed by a stray bullet while
inspecting an advanced battery. Perhaps Sir Jadunath Sarkar has
the right answer: 'Khande Rao having made covered lanes
approached the walls. One day (15 March 1754) he had gone in a
Palaki (Palanquin) to inspect the trenches, in his usual tipsy condi-
tion, when the fort opened fire and he was killed by a Zamburak
shot.'^ Nine of his wives burnt themselves on his pyre. The great
Ahilya Bai did not join the nine as she was pregnant. She lived
to become a great queen and a saintly widow. Khande Rao's
father, Malhar Rao, 'turned almost mad with grief and vowed
to extirpate the Jats in revenge'. The eighteenth century in India
is not renowned for decency or generosity, but Suraj Mai was an
exception in so many things. He shared a father's sorrow and sent
mourning robes to Malhar and Khande Rao's son in sympathy.
Where Khande Rao fell a temple was built.
Malhar Rao kept his word and put the heat on and the Jats
began to feel it. No one came to Suraj Mai's aid - not even Safdar
Jung. How long could he hold out? For the first and last time in
his life depression and melancholy enveloped Suraj Mai. Even the
ever-resourceful Roop Ram Kataria failed to suggest a way out.
Defeat and destruction could not be postponed indefinitely. When
all seemed lost Rani Hansia 'roused the drooping spirits of her
husband, telling him to trust her and banish depair from his
mind'.® Interested in the affairs of state, Rani Hansia kept her
eyes and ears open. She was aware of the dissensions and divisions
in the Maratha camp. There was no love lost between Malhar
Rao Holkar and Jayaji Rao Scindia. Hansia knew that Scindia
was a man of generous heart and a straightforward disposition. In
a mean age he remained chivalrous. One night she sent out Tej
Ram Kataria, son of Roop Ram, with a note from Suraj Mai.
She also sent Suraj Mai's turban to Jayaji Rao Scindia seeking
his help and friendship through the well-estabhshed custom of
exchange of headgear. The Gwalior chief responded with alacrity
and generosity and sent his own turban in return along with an
encouraging letter, and a leaf of the sacred Bel tree, taken from
the offerings to his patron diety (Bel Bhandar), as the most
solemn proof of his sincerity. The news of this contact between
Scindia and Sinsinwar soon leaked out and had the desired
demoralising effect on Malhar Rao Holkar.
Suraj Mai's spirits soared, but he was not yet home and dry.
His agents at Delhi kept him fully posted of the deep divisions
between Intizam and Imad. The later had asked for reinforce-
ments but the Emperor on the advice of Intizam failed to oblige,
as he had no desire to strengthen further the Imad-Maratha
alliance. Even a modest addition to the armies of Imad and
Marathas could tilt the balance against Suraj Mai. If the Jat lost,
then his vast wealth and miUtary hardware would fall into Imad's
hands. Such a prospect did not cheer the Emperor or his Wazir.
Thus no help was sent to Imad. On the contrary, Suraj Mai and
Imad-ud-daulah were busy in weaving a net of diplomatic
intrigue round the Marathas and Ghazi-ud-din. Ahmed Shah was
a party to this conspiracy (and was to pay with his life). He sent
out letters to Madho Singh of Amber, the ruler of Marwar and
to his erstwhile enemy Safdar Jung. All had suffered at the hands
of the Marathas. Response to these royal letters was positive.
The actual plan of attack and the tactics were to be devised by
Suraj Mai who proposed the Emperor leaving Delhi for
Sikandrabad on a hunting expedition, where, as previously
arranged, Suraj Mai and Safdar Jung were to join him. Thereafter
the Emperor would march to Agra where the Amber and Marwar
rulers would await his arrival. The object of this complicated plan
was to close the escape route of the Marathas. The scheme looked
workable in theory but putting it into practice was another matter.
Neither the Emperor nor his easy-going Wazir could be relied on
to act either decisively or efficiently. No reliance could be put on
the word of the Amber and Marwar chiefs. Suraj Mai also had his
hands full. Safdar Jung was a spent force and was to die within
a few months. Thus the enterprise was doomed to failure.
It commenced with the Emperor leaving Delhi with his entire
court, harem and hangers-on. Anything more disorganised is hard
to imagine. The gunners agreed to move only after their salaries
had been paid; the elephants had not been fed for days and
drought bullocks were in short supply. When finally the royal
crowd moved, it did so at a pace which even by Indian standards
was leisurely. Instead of marching to Aligarh, Ahmed Shah
halted first at Luni and then Sikandrabad. Malhar Rao got scent
of this. He left Kumher with 2,000 light horse, and surprised
the Emperor's camp. Whatever there was to loot was looted and
the royal ladies were forced to satisfy the sexual appetites of the
The Siege of Kumher^ January-May 1754 55
Marathas who had been having a pretty thin time at Kumher.
The Emperor lost nerve and disguised as a woman sneaked into
Delhi. In the meantime peace had been made between Suraj Mai
and the besiegers. This enabled Imad to join the Marathas and
proceed with them to Delhi.
Suraj Mai came out of the siege with his kingdom intact and
his reputation enhanced. His main aim was to get the Marathas
off his back and in this he was eminently successful. Through
Roop Ram Kataria he promised to pay three milhon rupees to
them in three years. Only two hundred thousand rupees were ever
paid. Raghunath Rao evacuated the Jat territory and made for
homCj Malhar and Imad went to Delhi and Jayaji Scindia to win
fame and meet death in Western Rajputana. Imad, not the most
likable of men^ was justifiably outraged by the Emperor's double-
dealings. His vengeance was terrible. On reaching Delhi, he first
imprisoned the Emperor, then blinded him and finally had him
murdered. He put Prince Aziz-ud-din on the throne as Alamgir II
and had himself appointed Wazir.
Summing up Suraj Mai's role at Kumher Wendel says, 'Suraj
Mai, whose reputation during the course of the siege had acquired
further greatness and had spread through Hindustan, thus
achieved the glory of being able to bargain with two chiefs who,
in their own armies, were his equals in rank, and impose on them
the conditions he chose to make.'
Grit and good luck, plus the bold initiative of Rani Hansia and
the negotiating skill of Roop Ram Kataria, helped Suraj Mai to
emerge unscathed.
Rebellion of
Jawahar Singh
The end of the siege of Kumher provided Raja Suraj Mai with a
welcome relief. His resources had been stretched to the limit and
he needed a breather to do some administrative, financial and
military stocktaking. Conditions in Delhi were even more
disturbed than usual and gave Suraj Mai an opportunity to pick
up some fringe benefits through the understanding he reached
with the Marathas. He agreed not to oppose Maratha enterprises
in the north or to obstruct their frequent marches through
northern India. Raghunath Rao allowed Suraj Mai to occupy
much of the territory of the province of Agra, then at Maratha
disposal. Soon Suraj Mai and Jawahar Singh captured Palwal,
recovered Ballabhgarh and most important of all, gained control
of Alwar in March 1756. But all was not smooth sailing. A new
and subsequently very formidable man now enters the affairs of
the Empire - Najib Khan, the Afghan-Rohilla. Suraj Mai was
at once made aware of this new presence. In June 1755 Najib
Khan, under orders of the new Wazir Imad-ul-Mulk, set out to
recover the areas seized by Suraj Mai in the Ganga-Jamuna Doab.
As neither side was anxious to undertake long military campaigns,
a settlement, not wholly satisfactory to either side, was worked out
by the Diwan of the Crownlands, Nagar Mai. The terms of the
Dasna settlement were:
Suraj Mai was to retain the lands in Aligarh district that

he had occupied,
(ii) Twenty-six lakh rupees (two million, six hundred thousand
rupees) was settled as the perpetual revenue of these lands,
out of which eighteen lakh rupees (one million, eight hundred
thousand rupees) was deducted as cash compensation for the
Jagirs which the eunuch Javid Khan and Safdar Jung had
formally assigned to Suraj Mai in Ahmed Shah's reign, but
Rebellion of Jawahar Singh 57
which on account of the chronic confusion prevailing at the
time had not been formally transferred to him.
(iii) Suraj Mai would vacate the fort and district of Sikandrabad,
which had earlier been handed over to him by the Marathas.
(iv) Out of the balance of eight lakhs (eight hundred thousand
rupees) due to the imperial exchequer, Suraj Mai was to
pay two lakhs at the time of the signing of the Dasna
settlement and the remaining six lakhs in one year.
The Treaty of Dasna was not an unqualified triumph but

neither can it be called a major setback. We would describe it
as a draw, with the Jats having had an edge throughout.
Inscrutable indeed are the ways of providence. So far Suraj
Mai's radiant star had been shining bright, illuminating the Jat
sky with its glow. Suddenly two personal tragedies darkened his
life. First his father, Thakur Badan Singh, died in June 1756 at
Deeg. The end was not unexpected as the old Thakur had been
in failing health, totally blind and confined to his quarters. Even
the visits to the holy temples at Goverdhan, Vrindaban and Gokul
were reduced to the minimum. While he was living Suraj Mai
could go ahead with his work and shape his destiny with a light
heart. If things went wrong, he could always run to his father
who would find the right answer. With his death Suraj Mai's
worries, burdens and responsibilities increased. He was now both
de jure and de facto ruler of a large and strategically placed
kingdom, carved out of nothing by his father who, by any
reckoning, was a very substantial person.
He had hardly got over the grief of his father's death when
his son Jawahar dealt a near mortal blow by raising the banner of
rebellion.
Before unfolding the saga of Jawahar Singh's rebellion against
his father it might be useful to say something about Suraj Mai's
personal affairs, for these have a bearing on the quarrel which
assumed alarming proportions and had wide ramifications. Philip
Mason in his admirable history of the Indian Army writes, *For
the son of one of the later Mughal Emperors, to raise an insur-
rection was the equivalent of nursing a constituency. It showed
ambition, tested adherents and provided experience, it might clear
the way to the throne.'^
The insurrection disease was contagious. The Afghans, the
Rajputs, the Marathas, the Sikhs and the Jats were also affected
by it and it did them no good. To have an insurrection is one
thing, to make it succeed is quite another. The casualty rate in
this particular pastime is rather high.
While there can be no certainty on the question, tradition has
it that Raja Suraj Mai had fourteen wives. The two most famous
are Rani Hansia and Rani Kishori. Rani Hansia came from
Salimpur Kalan and Rani Kishori from Hodal where her father
Chaudhuri Kashi Ram was a man of some consequence and
wealth. Suraj Mai followed his father's example in using matri-
mony as a political weapon. Rani Hansia mothered Nahar Singh
who wasn't much of a man and it remains a mystery why Suraj
Mai ever thought of nominating him as his successor. The third
wife was Ganga who had two sons, Jawahar Singh and Ratan
Singh. Thakur Ganga Singh in his Yadu Vamnsha maintains
that Ganga was a Chauhan Rajput, while others say she was a
Gori Rajput. Col. Tod's claim that Jawahar Singh was the son
of a Koormi (sub-caste) lady is not supported by any evidence.
But speculation is futile and need not detain us any more. Ranis
Kavaria and Khetkumari gave birth to Nawal Singh and Ranjit
Singh. Rani Kishori had no children and adopted Jawahar Singh.
The other four brothers were no match for Jawahar Singh, whose
virtues were not negligible but flaws in his character outnumbered
them. A man of quick temper, he failed to appreciate the value of
patience and cool persistence. Ambition unchecked leads to
disaster. Jawahar Singh was courageous to a fault. His impulsive-
ness made him disregard the wisdom of others. He responded to
flattery and was hypersensitive to criticism. He had the mistaken
notion that those who practise moderation seldom achieve fame
and fortune. He possessed none of his father's serenity of spirit
nor his cautious sagacity. Jawahar Singh's sustained petulance
ensured a rift and then a revolt. So often petty antagonisms
springing from petty issues lead to major conflicts. It was a wise
man who said, 'The bow that can bend shoots the arrow a long
way'. Jawahar Singh never could bend.
The first stirrings of trouble began when Suraj Mai showed
reluctance to meet Jawahar Singh's ever-growing financial
demands. Suraj Mai was careful with money, his son was not.
Jawahar Singh's lifestyle precluded his making any effort to
establish even the most tenuous Hnk between income and expendi-
ture. On himself Suraj Mai spent little and made what he
considered generous provisions for his demanding son. As usual
the flunkeys and courtiers created trouble. Jawahar collected
around him a group of young nobles who were for ever playing
on his weaknesses and egging him on. Jawahar Singh had
accompanied his father on a number of successful expeditions and
attended the Imperial Court at Delhi and durbars at Jaipur. He
saw no reason why he, the son of the richest and arguably the
most powerful potentate in Hindustan^ should be expected to
live in less grandeur, or be wanting in anything. Suraj Mai
disapproved of extravagance and remonstrated but made no
impression on Jawahar. To please Jawahar he appointed him
Commandant of Deeg. Both the post and the place should have
satisfied any reasonable man but reason played Httle or no part
in Jawahar Singh's life. He paid no heed to his father's advice
when he desired his son to keep better company. Inevitably the
Bharatpur court was spHt into cliques. The princes were as
divided as the courtiers and 'emotions that determined their
attitude towards each other were fratricidal rather than fraternal'.
One group was led by the elderly Balram and Mohan Ram. The
former was Suraj Mai's brother-in-law and Commandant of the
Army and Governor of Bharatpur. Mohan Ram was in charge
of finance and the state artillery. There was no love lost between
them and Jawahar. Both were powerful men who enjoyed the
confidence and ear of Suraj Mai and Rani Hansia.
The younger nobles did not take kindly to the activities of the
older group and gravitated towards Jawahar Singh. They included
Thakur Ratan Singh and Thakur Ajit Singh, Rajkumar Ratan
Singh and Rani Ganga.
The third group was led by Rani Kishori. Its most prominent
member was Roop Ram Kataria. He did his best to bring about
a rapprochement between father and son, but failed. Another
active noble was Thakir Sabha Ram, Chief of Gaadoli village.
He was rich and from time to time gifted large sums of money
to Jawahar Singh. Sabha Ram once gave seven lakh rupees to
Jawahar Singh. When Raja Suraj Mai pulled him up for indulging
Jawahar, Sabha Ram coolly replied, 'Birds drink from a tank, but
they cannot empty it. I have enough to spare, besides I look upon
him as my nephew.'
Matters came to a head after Thakur Badan Singh's death.
Suraj Mai for the first time in his life played his hand prematurely
and indicated that Nahar Singh would succeed him. 'Suraj Mai
rightly divined that his son (Jawahar) would bring ruin upon
the Jats.'^ This decision of his father was totally unacceptable to
Jawahar Singh who without much ado declared himself inde-
pendent. In this he was encouraged by his youthful aristocratic
companions. When Suraj Mai had exhausted all peaceful means
to bring Jawahar to his sense s^ he had no option but to mount an
expedition against his rebellious son. Jawahar Singh proved to be
no pushover. He put up stiff resistance and came out of Deeg
fort and attacked Suraj Mai's troops. Wendel describes what
followed. 'A dogged combat took place under the walls of the
town. Those who had been wicked enough to encourage Jawahar
Singh in such a monstrous business were pushed back but
Jawahar Singh rushed into the thickest of the fray and fought
with exceptional courage. He was seriously wounded by a sabre
cut, a lance thrust and a musket shot which went through the
lower part of his abdomen - Suraj Mai, more pained about the
wounds of his son, than about the destruction of Deeg, rushed
breathlessly to snatch his son away from the hands of those, who
in spite of all the prohibitions and cries of his father, were about
to crush him.'^ His wounds were long in healing and Jawahar
Singh could never fully regain the use of his limbs and was lamed
for life.
So far Wendel's account rings authentically but hereafter his
fertile imagination soars. He continues, 'Although it was only too
true that Jawahar Singh had been drawn into this unpleasant
business, partly due to his own temperament and in part because
of the advice of those around him, nevertheless, it is also true
that the extreme reserve with which he was treated by Suraj Mai,
the poverty to v/hich he found himself reduced due to the
miserliness of his father and wickedness of those who furnished
the money for Jawahar Singh's ventures, obliged the latter to take
this final step of violence for which he was justly reproached.
There was also another subject of aversion between them. Badan
Singh, before his death, consigned to the young Jawahar Singh
3r whom he felt a certain affection and preference) a note
believed to be an intimation about a deposit of a large treasure.
Suraj Mai was very keen to have this note for himself. The story
I am just about to tell seems that much more likely because
people of credit have all, without exception, assured me of its
truth. Apparently the same day and the same time that Jawahar
Singh's wounds were being dressed before Suraj Mai, Jawahar
Singh having fainted and almost about to die, his father could
not stop himself from asking him several times where he had
kept the note that the old man had sent him . . . at this Jawahar
Singh turned his head, and with a signal of his hand which
indicated his displeasure at the covetous nature of Suraj Mai,
who in a situation like this, seemed more worried about the
treasure, than about his son who was about to die before his eyes.'*
This is not only fanciful but it is verging on the absurd. Can
we imagine Suraj Mai on the one hand praying for the life of
his son and on the other demanding from the half-dead youth
Badan Singh's non-existent note, and that he should be doing
so in the presence of all and sundry? Equally outrageous is the
suggestion that Badan Singh was willing to share a secret with
Jawahar but not with Suraj Mai, who as we know had been the
de facto ruler of the kingdom for the past twenty years. It is
inconceivable that Suraj Mai would not have been taken into
confidence by his father. So we can dismiss Wendel's assertion
as we must his imputation that Suraj Mai was not the son of
Badan Singh.
That this violent and tragic feud soured relations between
father and son is not to be disputed. Suraj Mai looked at the
future with some apprehension. A fratricidal war after his death
could not be ruled out. Jawahar Singh relished a fight. It was
not a prospect which brought any cheer to Suraj Mai, who knew
that Balram and Mohan Ram were unlikely to accept Jawahar
as their ruler. They would if necessary fight it out, and in the
long run there would be no victors and the Jat nation would be
the loser. Kanungo says that Jawahar did not understand his
people as his father did. 'Jawahar gave himself the airs of an
aristocrat and never failed to bring home to the mind of his
nearest kinsmen and relatives his own superiority and right to rule
them by reason of his birth. Nothing was more offensive to a
Jat who, like the Afghan, would not fear to tell any pretender
to his face, "What art thou that I am not? What shalt thou be
that I shall not?" Besides, the character of the prince was least
calculated to create confidence in others.'^ All Suraj Mai's fears
were to prove justified. Jawahar Singh after Suraj Mai's death
did exactly what his father feared. In no time he lost and
destroyed almost all that his father and grandfather had so
painstakingly conquered and consolidated.
Suraj Mai versus
Ahmed Shah Ahdali
We have now reached a stage in the troubled and confused

history of eighteenth-century Hindustan where it is finally
possible to identify the various contenders for power. These
were the Marathas, the Afghans and the Jats. The Rajputs and
Rohillas also made their presence felt from time to time but their
role was secondary and restricted. Finally there were the Sikhs
who under Baba Ala Singh, a valiant Sikh Jat, had carved and
secured a kingdom in the Sarhind district and not long afterwards
the Manjha Sikhs controlled large areas of the Punjab. For all
practical purposes these parties were independent but each
accepted the Emperor at Delhi as his sovereign and wished to act
on his behalf. Nirad Chaudhuri puts it well when he says, 'What
the power and prestige of the four Emperors from Akbar to
Aurangzeb were able to do was to make the powerless dynasty
the repository of legitimate status for all subordinate rulers of
India. All of them could be independent de facto, but none
legitimate de jure, without sanction from the Emperor.'^ This
was so even when the emperor was a nerveless nonentity, like
Alamgir H.
We need not lose ourselves in the chronic confusion and
unseemly intrigues that debased life and dishonoured the majesty
of the crown. The Wazir and the Bakshi were at loggerheads and
government was at a standstill. In short the Mughal Empire had
been reduced to a functioning anarchy. It only needed a daring
spirit to expose its all-round weakness and decay. Nadir Shah had
done so two decades before. Now another northern adventurer,
Ahmed Shah Abdali, was further to cripple the Empire. Following
Nadir Shah's murder on 9 June 1747 the Afghans found a leader
of genius in Ahmed Shah Abdali. But Abdali's genius was flawed
by a streak of fanatical cruelty and lowly greed. He was no Babar
but a mere adventurer, who conquered but did not construct,
Suraj Mai versus Ahmed Shah Ahdali 63
destroyed and did not build. Conflict, not conciliation, suited his
genius better. He was no stranger to Hindustan and his excursions
into the Punjab had not gone unnoticed. On succeeding Nadir
Shah, whose employee he had been, AbdaH took the title of
Durr-i-durrani - pearl among pearls. He finally conquered the
Punjab in 1756 and continued his march to Delhi, 'while the
Great Mughal and his great nobles lay quietly prostrate at the
feet of the Afghan and Hfted not even their Httle finger in defence
of their empire and people, nay not even the defence of the
honour of their dear and near ones, the Shah smelt a spirit of
refractoriness in the Marathas and the Jats. It was from these
people that he experienced whatever Httle opposition was offered
to his arms.'^
When news of Abdah's rapid progress reached Delhi, most
people sent their women and children away from the capital,
mainly to Mathura which was in the charge of Suraj Mai. Imad,
failing to get support from Najib, turned to one of his favourite
confidants, IbaduUah Khan Kashmiri, for advice, who suggested
that he approach the Jats and Marathas. Letters from the Wazir
were immediately despatched to Raja Suraj Mai and Antaji
Manakeshwar, the Maratha agent at Delhi. Negotiations on behalf
of the Wazir were conducted by Rajar Naga Mai. Suraj Mai had
no love for Imad who had relentlessly opposed him for siding
with Nawab Safdar Jung; but he responded to the Wazir's call
(there you have a statesman whose vision never excludes his self-
interest) and met Nagar Mai at Tilpat. Najib Khan Rohilla, the
Amirul Umrah, was also present. This was perhaps his first
meeting with the Jat chief and their initial encounter seems to
have gone well, even though the substantial negotiations with
Nagar Mai did not bear fruit. Suraj Mai was of the view that
the Wazir should assume leadership in the war, and get the
Rohillas, Jats, Rajputs and Mughals together. He should also
persuade the Marathas to retreat to the Narbada river and then
deal with the Abdali. But Imad could not go along with the Jat
prince as he did not at this stage wish to jettison the Marathas
whom he needed to block Najib. Imad also feared Suraj Mai and
Najib joining in a common cause. Not surprisingly the negotia-
tions broke down. Suraj Mai returned to Bharatpur but left a
temporarily-chastened Jawahar Singh in the neighbourhood of
Delhi to keep his eyes and ears open.
Abdah's progress was rapid. All Imad could do was to consult
astrologers or 'he stood under the Jharoka (balcony) on the river
bank in battle array, merely gazing at the enemy troopers on the
other side, for some hours'. On the night of 17-18 January 1757
Najib Khan threw off all pretence of hiding his intentions.
Fearing an Imad-Maratha alliance he had quietly been in touch
with the Abdali. On this cold winter night he crossed over to the
Abdali camp. Imad-ul-Mulk swallowed whatever little pride he
had and made up with Raja Suraj Mai. He even sent his family
to Deeg which was a haven of tranquillity. The only resistance
to Abdali came from Antaji Mankeshwar on 21 January but he
too was subdued without much effort. Abdali entered the outskirts
of Delhi on 27 January after summoning the Emperor Alamgir II
to meet him there. The Abdali had a rare gift for sarcasm and
irony. He sent a message to Alamgir which for its condescension
has few equals: 'I bestow the Empire of Hindustan on you. Visit
me tomorrow in full royal state.' On 29 January the two
sovereigns held a joint public durbar. Coins were issued in the
Abdali's name. Imad abjectly surrendered and lost his Wazirship
and one crore (ten million rupees). Then began Delhi's woes.
It was a repetition of 1739. Abdali had learnt his trade from
Nadir Shah. In the calmest, most dispassionate manner he
ordered the massacre of innocent people. Nothing horrified him.
Cruelty came naturally to him. For a whole month he terrorised
the capital and on 22 February 1757, 'having settled all his
business in Delhi and given Alamgir II his throne again, Ahmed
Shah Durrani, began his southward march for exacting tribute
from the Jat Raja.'^
Abdali had a number of scores to settle with Suraj Mai. Abdali
needed his vast wealth, which at this time none in Hindustan
could equal let alone exceed. The Jat prince had added insult
to injury by giving refuge to Antaj Mankeshwar and Imad's
family. Earlier Abdali had summoned Suraj Mai to his presence
to pay tribute, serve under his banner and surrender his recently-
acquired territories. Suraj Mai disregarded this summons and
retired to Deeg, leaving Jawahar Singh to defend Mathura. But
this was not all. Suraj Mai not only refused to return the well-
known refugees to AbdaH but sent back the Shah's agents with
replies couched in language which must be the envy of every
diplomat. 'When the leading Zamindars come to attend His
Majesty's presence, this slave will also kiss the royal threshold.
How can I send Raja Nagar Mai and others who have sought
asylum with me ?' Finally Jawahar Singh had the temerity to attack
and defeat an Afghan foraging party in the neighbourhood of
Faridabad and Ballabhgarh. The Abdah was beside himself with
rage and ordered his senior general Abdus Samad Khan
Mohammedzai to lay an ambush for Jawahar Singh. The decoy
plan nearly succeeded but Jawahar Singh managed to get away
with minor losses of men and materials and reached Ballabhgarh.
When Abdali left Delhi for the Jat country he was seen off by
Emperor Alamgir. He halted for two days at Khizerbad. On the
25th he was in Badarpur where Abdus Samad Khan informed
his master about Jawahar Singh's escape. The Abdali decided to
reduce Ballabhargh right away. This was the weakest of the Jat
military establishments and Ahmed Shad did not encounter much
resistance. But the prize birds had flown. Prince Jawahar Singh
who had been joined at Ballabhgarh by Antaji Mankeshwar and
Shamsher Bahadur escaped late at night on 3 March, disguised
as Qizilbashes. They used an underground tunnel which brought
them to the Jamuna. The Abdali carried the fort by assault and
no one was left alive on his orders. All that he found in the
Ballabhgarh fort were the paltry sum of 12,000 rupees, some
Utensils of gold and silver, fourteen horses, eleven camels and
some grain. Small fare for the conqueror of Hindustan.
When the Abdali decided personally to direct the siege of
Ballabhgarh, he detached Najib-ud-Daulah and Jahan Khan with
20,000 men and gave them his infamous orders. 'Move into the
boundaries of the accursed Jat and plunder and ravage every town
and district held by him. The city of Mathura is a holy place
of the Hindus, and I have heard that Suraj Mai is there; let it
be put entirely to the sword. To the best of your power leaving
nothing in that kingdom and country up to Agra, leave nothing
standing.'* There was no end to his excesses. He issued a
proclamation which gave a free hand to his troops to carry fire
and sword wherever they went. 'Any booty they acquired was
made a free gift to them. Every person cutting off and bringing
in heads of infidels should throw them down before the tent
of the Chief Minister. An account would be drawn up and five
rupees per head would be paid them from Government funds.'^
This was a full-blooded religious war conducted in the sacred
Braj region, the playground of that most endearing of Hindu
gods, Shri Krishna and his sporting gopis.
According to Indian Antiquary^ Vol. 36, the Abdali had at
Ballabhgarh put into practice what he had asked Najib and Jahan
Khan to do. For two days a general slaughter was carried out.
'It was mid-night when the camp followers went to the attack.
It was thus managed; one horseman mounted a horse and took
ten to twenty others, each tied to the tail of the horse, preceding
it, and drove them just like a string of camels. Every horseman
had loaded up all his horses with the plundered property, and
atop it rode girl-captives and slaves. The several heads were tied
up in rugs like bundles of grain, and placed on the heads of the
captives, and thus did they return to the camp. Daily did this
manner of slaughter and plunder proceed. All those heads that
had been cut off were built into pillars, and the men upon whose
heads bloody bundles had been brought in, were made to grind
corn, and then, when the reckoning was made up, their heads too
were cut off. These things went on all the way to the city of
Akbarabad (Agra), nor was any part of the country spared.'^
Najib and Jahan Khan showed exceptional zeal in carrying out
their master's orders. But before they could get to Mathura they
were obliged to face ten thousand Jats at Chaumuha, eight miles
north of the holy city. Let Sir Jadunath Sarkar describe what
followed: 'But the fabled birth-place of the Divine preserver
was not to fall without a struggle. True, the Marathas, after
sucking the Delhi-Agra region and the Doab on the other bank
dry for three years had fled away. Not a single Maratha bled in
defence of the holiest Vaishnav Shrines; their pan-Indian
suzerainty (Hindupad Padshahi) did not involve the duty to
protect. But the Jat peasantry were determined that it was only
over their corpses that the ravager should enter the sacred capital
of Brij.'^ The Chaumuha battle is a saga of supreme courage
and grit. Yet it is hardly remembered. I find it so inspiring
and moving an event that I shall summon no less an authority
than Nirad C. Chaudhuri to highlight further this memorable
event.
The Abdah's atrocities aroused the latent Hindu spirit, which
*was invoked in the Hindu uprising against the Muslims, and it
was invoked both consciously and successfully. Most Hindu
rebels, amongst whom I would also include the Sikhs, claimed
with justice that they were fighting for Dharma, their way of life
which was righteous. This gave a new form to the old Hindu love
of war, and brought about what might be called a renaissance of
Hindu militarism. It even collated some of the most famous
fighting communities of modern India out of elements in the
population which had never been martial in the past. These were
the Marathas, the Jats around Mathura and the Sikhs. Let me
give the example of the Jats whose record is the least known.
'In 1757 the Afghan king Ahmed Shah AbdaU advanced on
Mathura and gave the order: "The city of Mathura is the holy
place of the Hindus, let it be put to the sword, up to Agra leave
not a single place standing". Even though aware of the power
of the Afghans, the peasants of Brij under their peasant prince
Jawahar Singh stood in the way. Eight miles from Mathura, at
Chaumuha, ten thousand Jats fought for nine hours until they
were broken.'^
The Rajputs stuck to their territories, sunk in petulant
indolence, surrounded by concubines and eccentrics, drunk by
day and exhausted by night, totally indifferent to the rape of
Mathura, which began on 1 March. The peaceful, harmless,
undefended, priest-ridden city awoke to the sound of cannon
fire and horse hoof. The festival of Holi had been celebrated two
days earlier and Mathura was full of pilgrims from all parts of
Hindustan. They were cannon fodder for Najib and Jahan Khan.
Jahan Khan and Najib had been given a very rough time by
Jawahar Singh at Chaumuha and were in a sizzling mood when
they reached Mathura. An indiscriminate massacre of unarmed
and unsuspecting citizens was ordered. A macabre and bloody
Holi was played a second time and the colour of the Jamuna
turned pink. Such was the scale of Afghan bestiality and fury.
To make a bad situation worse the city was set on fire. 'Groans of
outraged women and cries of mothers from whose bosom the
fiendish soldiers tore away their children for slaughter echoed
through the burning streets . . . The devotees of the degenerate
Vaishnavism, who lived in bowers beside the stream, dreaming of
the frolics of the Divine cowherd and hearing in ecstasy the tune
of his amorous flute, met with fit retribution. The throats of the
meek Babajis were cut in the exact manner of Muhammadan
butchers, in their dwelling places. In each hut lay a severed head
of a bairagi, with the head of a slaughtered cow applied to its
mouth and tied to it with a rope round his neck.'^
The Hindus were not the only ones to suffer. The Afghan
sword fell with equal vigour on the few Muslims who lived in
Mathura. In Indian Antiquary, we read that Muslims had to
strip naked to show that they had been circumcised. One incident
will suffice to show the horrors the Afghans inflicted on the
people of Mathura. A few days after the massacre, out of the
debris emerged a stark-naked man who, still dazed, blabbered,
'I am a Musalman; I was a dealer in jewellery, my shop was
a large one. On the day of the slaughter . . . a horseman, drawn
sword in hand, came at me and tried to kill me. I said I was a
Musalman. He said, "Disclose your privities." I undid my cloth.
He continued, 'Whatever cash you have, give it to me that I may
spare your life." I gave him my four thousand rupees.' Greed
knows no religious barriers. Mathura lay prostrate but the killer
appetite of the marauding hoards had not been satisfied. On
6 March they turned to Brindaban, a lovely little village known
to every Hindu child as Krishna's playground. Jahan Khan's men
were expert killers. 'Wherever you gazed you beheld only heaps
of slain. You could only pick your way with difficulty, owing to
the quantity of bodies lying about and the amount of blood spilt.
At one place, we saw about two hundred children in a heap. Not
one of the dead bodies had a head . . . The stench and fetor and
effluvium in the air were such that it was painful to open your
mouth or even draw a breath.'
Their religious hunger satisfied, Abdali's troops moved on to
Agra, 'where there are many wealthy men who were subjects of
that Jat'. Abdali's plan was to get to Agra, then advance to
capture Suraj Mai's forts - Bharatpur, Deeg or Kumher - and
compel Raja Suraj Mai to pay a large tribute. Agra was thronged
with the richest fugitives from the capital Delhi. On 21 March
Jahan Khan at the head of 15,000 horse raided and looted Agra
with zeal and without pity. Wendel writes, 'Suraj Mai looked
from a distance at this catastrophe to his Braj, which was totally
set on fire. . . .'^° At this stage Ahmed Shah Abdali's luck ran
out. The gods intervened. An epidemic of cholera broke out and
his men began dying in hundreds each day. They longed to return
to Afghanistan. For cholera there really was no remedy although
tamarind juice was prescribed but it cost one hundred rupees
to buy two pounds of the stuff. The Afghan soldiers would fight
no more. As Alexander's army had given notice 2,300 years before
on the banks of the Indus, Ahmed Shah found himself in a
similar situation on the banks of the Jamuna. He had no choice
but to wind up his campaign, and order Najib and Jahan Khan
to join him at Mathura for the return journey to Delhi.
On 26 March Abdali sent Qalandar Khan to Delhi to inform
Alamgir H that he was calling off his campaign against Suraj
Mai and returning to Delhi. Simultaneously he sent two envoys
with a threatening letter to warn Suraj Mai of the dire conse-
quences that would follow if he continued to evade payment of
tribute. Suraj Mai had 'promised' to pay five lakh rupees to the
Abdali and a gift of two lakhs to his Minister, A small price to
Suraj Mai versus Ahmed Shah Abdali 69
pay, but the cholera epidemic made sure that even this money
would never be paid. The Abdali had rather rashly hinted in his
letter that the forts of Bharatpur, Deeg and Kumher would be
razed to the ground.
Suraj Mai's reply is a splendid example of epistolary art. It
combines subtlety with firmness, teasing candour with undisputed
courage, humility with pride, and in addition it is a document
of great serenity. This devastating letter must have made the
Abdali realise that Suraj Mai was no supine Prince. Raja Suraj
Mai wrote.
I have no important position and power in the empire of

Hindustan. I am one of the zamindars living in the desert, and
on account of my worthlessness not one of the emperors of
the age thought it worthy of him to interfere with my affairs.
Now that a powerful emperor like Your Majesty, determined
on meeting and opposing me face to face in the field of battle,
would draw his armies against this insignificant person, that
action alone would be discreditable to the dignity and greatness
of the Shah and would help in the elevation of my position (in
the public estimation) and would be a matter of pride for my
humble self. The world would say that the Emperor of Iran
and Turan had, out of extreme fear, marched his armies upon
a penniless nomad. These words alone would be a matter of
great shame for Your Majesty, the bestower of crowns. More-
over, the ultimate result is not altogether free from uncertainty.
If, with all this power and equipage, you succeed in destroying
a weakling like myself, what credit will there be gained? About
me they will only say, 'what power and position had that poor
man?' But if by divine decree, which is not known to anyone,
the affair takes a different turn, what will it lead to? All this
power and preponderance brought about by Your Majesty's
gallant soldiers during a period of eleven years will vanish
in a moment.
It is a matter of surprise that your large-hearted Majesty has
not given thought to ^ i s small point, and with all this congre-
gation and huge multitude has taken upon yourself the trouble
of this simple and insignificant expedition. As to the threatening
and violent order issued for the slaughter and devastation of
myself and my country, warriors have no fear on that score.
It is well known that no intelligent man has any faith in this
transient life. As for myself, I have already crossed fifty of
the stages of life and know not anything about the remaining.
There shall be no greater blessing than that I should drink
the draught of martyrdom, that has to be taken sooner or later
in the arena of warriors and in the field of battle with valiant
soldiers, and leave my name, and that of my ancestors, on the
pages of the book of the age to be remembered that a powerless
peasant breathed equahty with such a great and powerful
emperor as had reduced mighty kings to subjection, and that
he fell fighting. And the same virtuous intention lies at the
heart of any faithful followers and companions. Even if I wish
to make up my mind to attend at the threshold of your angelic
court, the honour of my friends does not permit me to do so.
Under such circumstances, if Your Majesty, the fountain of
justice, forgive me, who is weak as a straw and turn your
attention to expeditions of greater importance, no harm shall
come to your dignity or glory. The truth about the three forts
(Bharatpur, Deeg, and Kumher) belonging to me, the objects
of your wrath, which have been regarded by Your Majesty's
Chiefs as weak as a spider's web, shall be tested only after
an actual contest. God wiUing, they shall be as invincible as
Alexander's Rampart.
Prof. Ganda Singh in his book on Ahmed Shah Abdali quotes

from QudratuUah's Jam-i-Jahan Nama a passage summarising
Suraj Mai's negotiations with Ahmed Shah Abdali: 'On account
of a rich treasury, strong forts, a numerous army and large
quantities of war material, Suraj Mai did not leave his place and
prepared himself for war. He told the envoys of Ahmed Shah,
"You have not conquered India as yet. If you have taken hold of
an inexperienced child (Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-din) who held
Delhi, what is there to be proud of? If you have any pretensions,
why this delay in attacking me?" However conciliatory the Shah
became, the pride and arrogance of the Jat increased, and he said,
"I have spent large sums of money on these forts. The Shah can
be kind to me by fighting with me, so that the world may
remember in future that a Badshah came from Vilayat and
conquered Delhi, but was helpless against an insignificant
Zamindar." Fearful of the strength of the Jat forts, the Shah
went back and taking in marriage at Delhi the hand of the
daughter of Emperor Muhamed Shah for himself, and of the
daughter of Emperor Alamgir II for his son returned to Qandhar,
appointing Najib Khan as his supreme agent in India.'
Suraj Mai versus Ahmed Shah Abdali 71
Thus the campaign of the Abdali against the Jats was a military
failure and politically he got Httle out of it. Even when Ahmed
Shah was well on his way to Delhi, Suraj Mai did not trust him
and instructed his envoys to keep parleying and negotiating. A
promise of ten lakh rupees was made. Once AbdaU reached
Delhi, it became clear that he was returning to Afghanistan. Fast
camel riders conveyed the news to Suraj Mai, who uncere-
moniously turned out the Shah's envoys without paying them a
rupee. The Jat Raja had in fact come out with flying colours.
His forts had not been touched, he suffered insignificant territorial
losses in the Doab. Diplomatically he had outwitted Abdali and
his son's valour at Chaumuha had not gone unnoticed. It was
recognised that the Bharatpur Jats were the only people in
Hindustan willing to lay down their lives to protect their holy
places.
Like his ferocious predecessor Nadir Shah, Ahmed Shah did
not wish to make India his permanent home, nor did he desire
to dismantle the Mughal empire. He did, nevertheless, intend to
ensure that the Delhi throne was occupied by a pliant monarch.
To ensure that his interests were safeguarded Abdali appointed
Najib Khan as his principal agent at court. This poor, ilHterate
Umer-Khel Afghan had climbed the ladder of fame and fortune
unaided and the AbdaH's patronage was most welcome and
eagerly accepted.
Ahmed Shah Abdali did not return empty-handed. The long-
suffering city of Delhi was bled white. His loot was transported
by thousands of camels, elephants and bullocks. Their numbers
are mind-boggling. 'The AbdaH's own goods were loaded on
28,000 camels, elephants, mules, bullocks and carts, while 200
camel-loads of property were taken by Muhammad Shah's widows
who accompanied him and these too belonged to him. Eighty
thousand horse and foot followed him, each man carrying away
spoils. His cavalry returned on foot loading their booty on their
chargers. For securing transport, the Afghan King left no horse
or camel in anyone's house, not even a donkey. The guns he had
brought for taking the Jat forts, he abandoned because their
draught-cattle had to be loaded with his plunder, and the Jat
Raja Suraj Mai took these guns away into his fort. In Delhi not
a sword was left with anybody.'^"
By all accounts Raja Suraj Mai was now the wealthiest and
wisest (some would say wiliest) potentate in Hindustan, and the
only one who without paying chauth and sardeshmukhi to the
Marathas was on good terms with them. The AbdaH he had
outwitted.
Neither War Nor Peace
The Abdali enjoyed his orgy of deliberate destruction. He left
Delhi charred and scarred. But no sooner was his back turned
than the jejune intellect of that vindictive conspirator, Imad,
produced a plan not for reducing the agony of the people, not
for bettering the administration of the Empire, not for arranging
better commerce, but for cutting Najib to size. The Emperor
Alamgir II was a pale shadow and Intizam a blundering, scheming
courtier.
What escaped Abdali's eye and arm, nature took care of.
Shortly after his departure, 'a shaking fever raged with violence
through the entire city, and left the eyes affected. Then came an
epidemic of brain fever in the following March and April. Grain
became very dear, Mung daal was so scarce that only half a seer
could be had for a rupee, mash daal 5 seers, and wheat 9 seers;*
even medicines became very dear and scanty on account of the
exactions of the Marathas . . . theft and dacoity prevailed greatly
owing to the breakdown of the Emperor's administration. The
head of the city police was accused of shielding the burglars and
sharing their spoils.'^ This was not all. In November 1757 the
capital experienced a severe earthquake. 'It was so violent that
Doomsday semed at hand.'^
In the midst of this desolation and unmitigated misery life
went on and with it the never-ending squabbling of government
officials. Abdali had hardly reached Lahore when the insecure
Imad invited the Marathas to come to Delhi. Raghunath Rao
reduced everything before him and captured Delhi. Najib, the
Rohilla, begged Raghunath's fellow Maratha, Malhar Rao Holkar,
to spare him and called Malhar his 'Dharma pita'. Raghunath Rao
invaded the Punjab, drove out Abdali's son Timur Shah and
captured Lahore in April 1758. This was the high noon of
Maratha power. Elphinstone writes, 'Their frontiers extended on
the north to the Indus and the Himalayas, and to the south nearly
to the extremity of the peninsula.' When the news of Raghunath
Rao's successful exploits reached Poona, there was public jubila-
* One seer =2 lbs.
tion and rash talk of the 'Bhagwa Jhanda' flying over the walls of
Attock. But the Marathas were hatching their eggs before they
were laid. Not only was geography against them but they had
neglected to study it.
Raghunath Rao's victories were short-lived. It was abundantly
clear that the Marathas had over-stretched themselves. Their
means of communication did not keep pace with their conquests,
nor did their supply lines. Something more than bluster and
bombastic rhetoric was needed to build an empire and sustain
it - some programme, some plan, some philosophy of life. By
their actions the Marathas had not endeared themselves to the
northerners. All that Raghunath Rao achieved was to reduce the
Peshwa to near bankruptcy. Ahmed Shah Abdali retaliated and
did so with speed and resolution, 'to bring to a decisive issue
the quarrel with the Hindu power which had crossed his track
of conquest, ill-treated his allies, and made war on true believers'.
Raghunath Rao returned to the Deccan in the summer of 1758,
having landed the Peshwa with a debt of eighty lakh rupees (eight
million rupees), while his Punjab foray was not a lasting achieve-
ment. Nevertheless he did for a time re-establish Maratha pride
and fame. He made a friendly settlement with Raja Suraj Mai,
by which the Jat prince was confirmed in his annexations on
promise of payment of a tribute and Raghunath did succeed in
posting 5,000 troops at the Emperor's court on an annual payment
of thirteen lakh rupees (one million three hundred thousand
rupees).
Raja Suraj Mai was keeping his powder dry while at the same
time keeping one vigilant eye on the Marathas and the other on the
Afghan. Uncomon skill, strong nerves and luck were required for
him to maintain his unenviable position. His good fortune could
not last for ever and sooner rather than later he would be required
to make a choice. Kanungo portrays Suraj Mai's dilemma with
rare insight and perception. 'He had now to make a choice
between the Abdali and the Marathas; between an enemy of his
faith and his own unscrupulous co-religionists. His Pan-
Hinduistic ideal inclined him to the Maratha course, though their
conduct inspired little confidence. But he was too prudent to
join them in their offensive campaigns and thereby diminish his
resources and earn the enmity of his Muslim neighbours. This
informal Jat-Maratha alliance was of a purely defensive nature
against the foreign Afghan invader. The political views of the great
Jat chiefy expressed on many occasions during this period, deserve
Neither War Nor Peace 75
high admirationy and had the Maratha Government acted upon
them their de facto sovereignty in Hindustan would have long
remained unshaken.'^
Suraj Mai was master in his own house and could take decisions
which no one questioned, but this was not the case with the
Marathas. The Scindias and the Holkars had chronic differences
and in the Peshwa's camp at Poona powerful individuals were
pulling in different directions representing different interests.
In 1758 the main Maratha army departed from the Punjab,
leaving a small detachment at Lahore under Sabaji Scindia. Suraj
Mai at this stage suggested the isolation of Najib-ud-daulah and
the suppression of other Rohilla chiefs who were acting as fifth
columnists for the Abdali. Raghunath Rao and Dattaji Scindia
shared Suraj Mai's views but Malhar Rao Holkar did not. Suraj
Mai also proposed getting rid of Imad and bestowing the Wazir-
ship on Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah, the son of Safdar Jung, who
might be a match for the wily Najib-ud-daulah. Again, Malhar
Rao Holkar put forth a contrary proposition. He had no great
affection for Suraj Mai. Had not Khande Rao Holkar been killed
by the Jats at Kumher? Malhar supported Najib, his Dharma
Putra, and with his help he could crush Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah
and thus ensure Oudh coming under his (Malhar's) control. Thus
no united front against the Abdali emerged. Nawab Shuja-ud-
daulah got wind of Malhar's plans and commenced negotiations
with Najib even though he was not in favour of inviting the
Abdali to invade Delhi again.
Alamgir H's lot was a sorry one and he secretly made contact
with Abdali to get him out of the clutches of Imad. But Abdali
needed no invitation. Furious and outraged at the expulsion of his
son from Lahore, he crossed the Indus in August 1759 and
ousted Sabaji Scindia from Lahore. His march to Delhi was
speeded up on hearing of the dastardly murders of Alamgir II
and Intizam by Imad, who placed Shah Jahan II on the throne
on 29 November 1759. Abdali was joined by all the Rohilla
chiefs and most importantly by Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah of Oudh
- a formidable combination. Abdali defeated and slew Dattaji
Scindia in January 1760 at Badli. The Marathas fought well but
AbdaH's superior leadership and the audacity of the Rohillas
proved too much for them. Jankoji Scindia survived but was
severely wounded. He and the Maratha ladies were taken to
Kumher by Roop Ram Kataria, 'and with them came the harem
of the Wazir of Hindustan, who did not hesitate to trust the
honour of his ladies to the custody of his generous foe. (Not
much honour remained as Najib had already dishonoured them).
Suraj Mai had hitherto maintained an attitude of suspicious aloof-
ness while the fortunes of the Marathas were in the ascendant.
But at this critical stage, he was not deterred by the fear of the
Abdali's vengeance from coming forward and standing by their
side. The Jat had not forgotten the good done to him by Jayaji
Scindia during the siege of Kumher, and was on the look out for
an opportunity to return it.'*
Hindus and Muslims flocked to his kingdom for security. Not
once did Suraj Mai send away a refugee from his threshold. He
even gave asylum to his open foe, the despicable Imad-ul-Mulk
Ghazi-uddin. 'After murdering the Emperor, he ran to Suraj Mai,
with a small suite of his dependents and a few hundred of his
superior cavaliers to join his women at Bharatpur and put himself
under the protection of Suraj Mai. Thus he surrendered his
dignity of Prime Minister of the Great Mughals to the Jats. He
had not the slightest shame in imploring, with his joined hands
like a supplicant, the kindness of a Zamindar Jat and in seeking
refuge among his people while earlier he had armed the whole of
Hindustan to get rid of him. The Mughal pride had never before
suffered a greater and most just reversal. This unexpected event
lowered and demolished their pride; they have not been able to
recover from this up to the present and by all appearances never
will again.'^
Wendel goes on to describe the change that came about in the
lifestyle of the Bharatpur Jats after the arrival of Mughal refugees.
It is an interesting sociological observation not made by Indian
writers. It is but natural to imagine that the Jats, and above all
Suraj Mai, must have felt extremely proud about this event,
*. . . although I know that glory did not please him as much as
profit, he did not, nevertheless, fail to praise himself several times
saying that not being able to become a king and not having any
pretentions to being a king, he had nevertheless the fortune of giv-
ing shelter at his home, to the Wazir of the Empire and seeing him
ask for quarter - he who had expressed so much haste earlier in
launching a most cruel war against him, and although he did not
have any other nobiHty to leave to his descendants this event alone
was enough to make them for ever illustrious and distinguished
in the history of the land. This was only too true. What is more,
from this time onwards the Jats (whether due to contacts with the
world of Delhi, or due to their affluence which they had not been
accustomed to and which they had no use of earlier) began to
appear less rustic, or to put it better, they began to feel that there
is a difference between a rich peasant and a polished city dweller;
and that money has other uses besides merely buying a simple
meal and burying the rest. Earlier, only the most powerful among
them knew of Agra and Delhi (although these places were so
close), and these men for a long time had knowledge of the
maxims or rather the vices of the big cities, which they emulated.
But at present, Delhi was seen in the middle of Deeg, Kumher
and Bharatpur; little by little the people got used to these ways
and they began to follow them. I was present among those
refugees in the fortresses of the Jats and I can say that with the
arrival of these new people who have since then established
themselves in these parts the customs, the style of dressing, the
edifices, the language, almost everything has changed among the
Jats.'® There is no doubt that the impact Muslim culture made on
the Hindus has been profound and lasting. Nowhere is this more
true than of the regions inhabited by the Jats. Sartorially, gastro-
nomically and linguistically Islam enriched Indian life. But that
was all. Inter-religious marriages were very rare and no Hindu
studied the Koran and no Muslim the Gita. They co-existed in
water-tight compartments.
We must now get back to the mainstream of our history. While
Suraj Mai was playing host to these frightened refugees, his mind
was not free from anxiety. Ahmed Shah was casting his sinister
shadow and Suraj Mai knew his name figured high on the Abdali's
list of those who had to be punished and chastised and from
whom arrears of tribute were overdue. Suraj Mai had not paid a
rupee to the Abdali during his previous visitation. This time he
rightly feared the axe falling on him.
By the first week of January 1760 Ahmed Shah Abdali had
reached Delhi and made himself master of an Emperor-less and
Wazir-less capital. He ordered makeshift arrangements for the
running of government. He was restless to get at Suraj Mai.
On 14 January from Khizarbad (south of Delhi) he sent letters
to Suraj Mai and other Rajas of Rajputana, calling upon them to
pay tribute to him and appear before him. Suraj Mai was asked
to pay the not insignificant sum of ten million rupees. As always
Suraj Mai played for time. 'He greased the palms of those who
were sent by the Abdali to press him for his tribute for which
Ahmed Shah waited; these men got more out of Suraj Mai than
they would have from the Abdali. They paid their master with
the same coin as the Jat did, viz., with good promises.'^ The
Abdali had no patience with these delaying tactics and with
Najib marched against Suraj Mai on 27 January 1760. Early in
February he for some inexplicable reason half-heartedly attacked
Deeg and diverted his attention to the Marathas.
Providence once again came to Suraj Mai's rescue. As soon as
Abdali's back was turned Suraj Mai set out from his kingdom and
made incursions into the Doab. He stormed Koel. Between them
the Jats and Marathas carried on a hit-and-run campaign against
the Abdali with modest success. Suraj Mai was aware of the
pitfalls he might encounter and the risks he was taking. But
nothing venture, nothing gain. Common interest demanded that
Malhar Rao Holkar and he sink their differences but Suraj Mai
turned down Holkar's proposal for taking on the Abdali unless
reinforcements were sent to him from Poona. Malhar Holkar had
escaped with his life from Sikandra where the Abdali had inflicted
a decisive defeat on him. Now all roads seemed to lead to
Bharatpur. Malhar Rao too took that road. Purshottam Hingne*
records this event in the style of all courtiers. 'Hafiz offers to
come and meet our Sardar and set the Abdali on the path to
return, and then join us with his troops for humbling Najib. He
promises never to help Najib. Our Sardar has agreed not to cross
his path, nor to molest his territory. This has been sworn by both
sides . . . when Malhar arrived about thirty miles from Bharatpur,
Suraj Mai came and met him, and was given assurances of
friendship and protection, sworn to be on bel leaves and Ganges
water. Then the Jat Raja was dismissed with robes of honour to
Bharatpur.'^ Malhar was hardly in a position to dismiss Suraj
Mai. He had escaped from Sikandra with only the clothes he
was wearing. Probably Suraj Mai lent him the robes which, as
custom demanded, he presented to the Jat prince.
The Marathas were hated in Hindustan with the same intensity
as the Abdali. Aware of this Ahmed Shah tried to come to terms
with the Hindu and Muslim princes who had suffered so much at
the hands of the 'southern robbers'. He assured them that his
mission was not to subjugate them but to save them from Maratha
depredations and enslavement. The Marathas were the common
enemy, so let us join hands to crush, defeat and destroy them. The
Abdali, knowing his Hindustan well, first approached the man
Quotation from a report by Purshottam Hingne, the Maratha

representaive of Delhi, to the Peshwa at Poona.
who mattered most - Suraj Mai - and through him Imad-ul-Mulk
Ghazi-ud-din who was enjoying the luxurious and seemingly
indefinite hospitality of the warm-hearted and forgiving Jat
prince. Not surprisingly Suraj Mai decHned to join the Abdali.
He allowed complete freedom of action to Imad who, on joining
the Afghan, was suitably rewarded by the Abdah and made
Wazir.
Suraj Mai was, not for the first time, left alone to shape his
destiny, protect his kingdom and to ensure that the political forces
then operating did not give the Afghan king the upper hand.
Suraj Mai acted with great foresight and wisdom. It was not
merely the sentiment of gratitude to Jayaji Scindia that deter-
mined his conduct during this critical period. To him the annual
Maratha raids appeared to be a lesser evil than the revival of a
strong Muhammadan empire under a new dynasty, that of the
Durrani. 'He regarded the presence of the Marathas in Northern
India as a great political necessity to keep out all foreign invaders
and hold the balance between the Hindu and the Muhammadan
powers. He was too much of a practical statesman to think of an
exclusive and intolerant Hindu Swaraj like the short-sighted Bhao.
No one was more conscious - as we shall see hereafter - of the
value of preserving the dignity of the Mughal imperial throne,
as the only centre of attraction and the sole bond of union among
newly risen Hindu and Muhammedan principalities. So far as we
are in a position to infer from his attitude towards his neighbours,
his aim was to establish a confederation of several practically
autonomous states under the headship of the Mughal Emperor,
having no other obligation than to combine under the imperial
banner in times of common danger. He was willing to give the
Mughal empire a new lease of life, but not of power, being
averse to the idea of reviving the tradition that had been in the
days of Akbar and Aurangzeb, when aspiring smaller nationalities
were mercilessly crushed under the dead-weight of the despotic
imperialism of Delhi. Any attempt in that direction, he knew full
well, could begin only with the destruction of the Jat power.'^
Suraj Mai attempted a scheme in which the Emperor would
have the role of a figurehead monarch, with the Wazir having the
real power in his hands, but never enough for overthrowing the
Emperor or ignoring the confederated states on whom in the
final analysis rested the fate of the Emperor and the Wazir. Suraj
Mai's choice for Wazir was the son of his erstwhile patron Safdar
Jung, Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah. This, as we have seen, was not to
be; Holkar's territorial greed had aroused Shuja's fears and he,
in spite of the past antagonisnij joined hands with Ahmed Shah
Abdali.
Suraj Mai spent a busy and anxious 1760 and Hindustan
witnessed military ineptitude and political blundering at Delhi.
The Marathas had as usual no longterm policy. The Emperor
was totally inoperative, the Rajputs were rejoicing at the setbacks
the Marathas had suffered at the hands of the Abdali. Had not
the Marathas played havoc in Rajputana through their thought-
less chauth extracting annual raids? Suraj Mai was active on
the diplomatic and political fronts. Ahmed Shah was doing his
best to 'invent a sordid quarrel between himself and the Marathas
over the carcass of the Mughal Empire for the dominion of India.
The credit of Raja Suraj Mai lies in baffling this aim of Afghan
diplomatic activity.' But the storm clouds were gathering. The
Peshwa had selected Sadasiv Rao Bhao to lead a vast army to
drive the Afghan from the soil of India.
Suraj Mai and the
Third Battle ofPanipat
While in the north the Marathas had suffered severe setbacks^ in

the Deccan their star was in the ascendant. The Peshwa's cam-
paign against the Nizam had ended in a resounding victory. In
the words of Azad Bilgrami, a protege of the great Nizam-ul-
Mulk, 'The descendants of Asaf Jah retained nothing more than
the suba of Haiderabad, some portions of the Bijapur province^
and a little of Bidar, and that too on condition of paying the
Maratha one fourth of their revenues'. In this campaign Sadasiv
Rao Bhao had played a significant role and led the Maratha
armies to a decisive victory at Udaigir. There was jubilation and
rejoicing in Poona, where the Peshwa's sycophants were com-
paring him with Alexander the Great who was born under the
'same natal star'. Balance or the pursuit of the golden mean does
not come easily to the Indian.
The Peshwa appointed the Bhao to lead his army in the
all-important forthcoming northern campaign. Raghunath Rao's
military and financial failures ruled him out. The Peshwa himself
was in no condition to lead. Following tradition, he sent his
young heir, Vishwas Rao, aged 17, as nominal head with Bhao
as his guardian and commander-in-chief. 'The army that set out
from Patdir in the Deccan on March 10, 1760, was the most
magnificent that the Marathas had ever sent forth to battle.
There were twenty-thousand of the famous Maratha horse. . . .'^
It was magnificent no doubt but it was not an effective instrument
for waging war or winning battles. 'An experienced observer
would have noted signs about this imposing array well calculated
to make him uneasy. Shivaji's successes had been due to the fact
that his men moved without transport, subsisting on a nose bag of
grain carried on the saddle and on feed taken from the surround-
ing country. And that great commander had made it an offence
punishable with death to bring a woman into the camp. But the
4
Bhao Sahib moved with a vast amount of equipage and thousands

of camp followers; behind followed number of elephants, loaded
with lofty silken tents; the wives of the principal nobles accom-
panied their husbands with numerous retinues, and the officers
were resplendent in cloth of gold.'^ No wonder Bhao and his
unwieldy host took seventy-eight days to reach the Chambal.
When Sadasiv Rao Bhao arrived at Dholpur on the Chambal
river, an invitation was sent to Raja Suraj Mai to come over for
a meeting with Bhao. Malhar Rao Holkar and Scindia were
instrumental in preparing the ground for this high level Jat-
Maratha encounter between a veteran fighter and an abrasive man
of thirty. Bhao had plenty of time on the way to educate himself
and reduce his ignorance of north Indian affairs, its political and
military leaders and rulers and most importantly to study the
Abdali's military tactics and political machinations. This he did
not do. He was even doubtful of the route he would take to
Delhi. However, when he approached Suraj Mai's territory he
had the good sense to issue instructions to his men to behave
themselves and do nothing that would cause offence to the Jats.
This spark of wisdom was the first and last to emanate from the
insolent Bhao.
Suraj Mai responded by readily making available large
quantities of foodstuffs and other supplies to the Maratha army
who enjoyed a month of plenty and repose after their constant
marching for over two months. Suraj Mai had not been diplo-
matically idle. He and Malhar Rao Holkar's diwan Gangadhar
Yashwant met the AbdaH's emissary Hafiz Rahman to work out
a peace formula but nothing emerged as Maratha demands were
excessive. On the other side Najib had persuaded Nawab Shuja-
ud-daula of Oudh to opt for the Abdali. Consequently Afghan
morale had risen. The other setback that Bhao suffered was from
his own co-religionists. The Peshwa had sent emissaries to every
important prince in Rajputana. All the Rajput princes elected
to give evasive replies and sat 'on the fence and keeping both
sides in play till some great battle should prove which of the two
powers was decidedly the stronger'.^
Raja Suraj Mai's deep sagacity never deserted him. Once
assured his safety (Bhao's ill-temper, arrogance and vanity were
known to him) by Holkar and Scindia, Suraj Mai went to the
Maratha camp to meet the Bhao. He was received with courtesy
and honour. From Agra they marched together to Mathura,
where Bhao spotted a mosque and his petulance got the better
The Fortj Bharatpur
Mural - Suraj Mai's Chattri
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a i .-ftfliT * . n t ^Htaav:ssan:>>.
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Suraj Mai's Chattri, Goverdhan

Suraj Mai and the Third Battle of Panipat 83
F
of him. He taunted Raja Suraj Mai, 'You profess to be a Hindu;

but how is it that you have kept this mosque standing so long?'
Who but a vaporous ignoramus could have posed so thoughtless a
query? He must surely have known that only a short while before
thousands of Jats had died defending Mathura against the
Abdali's fanatics. What had the Maratha done at that time?
Had Chaumuha been in vain? And was not Suraj Mai, Braj
Raj? Suraj Mai, a practical and seasoned statesman, ignored
Bhao's bad manners and scarcely-hidden menacing hostihty. In
measured words he replied with aloof but gracious courtesy,
befitting a guest who had unexpectedly run into a rude and rash
host. But Suraj Mai's subtle and loaded poHteness was like water
on a duck's back. Suraj Mai said to Sadasiv Rao Bhao, 'Bhao
Sahib! of late, the Royal fortune of Hindustan has become fickle
in her favours like a courtesan; to-night she is in the arms of one
man and next in the embrace of another. If I could be sure that
I should remain master of these territories all through my Hfe,
I would have levelled this mosque down to earth. But of what
use will it be, if I today destroy this mosque, and tomorrow the
Musalmans come, and demolish the great temples and build
four mosques in the place of this one? As Your Excellency has
come to these parts the affair is now in your hands.' Bhao bragged,
'After defeating these Afghans I shall everywhere build a temple
on the ruins of mosques.'
Apart from this rather bristly verbal exchange Jat-Maratha
contacts continued to be cordial, but this cordiality was short-
lived. Suraj Mai, hke feudal kings, was always on the move,
and his court was a bivouac between two campaigns. Through
experience he had learned to travel light. That had been one of
the reasons for his military successes. When he saw the Maratha
army, his heart sank. He had spent years studying the organising
of armies and battles. While the broad organisation of his army
was on Mughal-Maratha Hues, he believed that numbers should
be sacrificed for speed.
Suraj Mai possessed an intense clarity of mind and military
purpose. The Bhao lacked even the meanest strategic compre-
hension. Mihtary craft and the science of warfare in India had
been frozen for almost two thousand years. What had been laid
down in the Arthashastra had been accepted and followed un-
questioned. The results were disastrous. The only foreign army
ever to be defeated in battle on Indian soil was in 303 BC when
Chandra Gupta Maurya defeated the Greek, Seleukos Nikator.
There is one important exception, Shivaji. He had given serious
thought to improving an army's fighting abilities and to bringing
them up-to-date. Discipline in his army was strict. No women
were admitted to his camp. His troops travelled light. The results
were spectacular. Regrettably, this example did not prove
contagious. His austere discipHne did not last even fifty years
after his death in 1680 and his grandson Shahji 'moved like a
Mughal Emperor of the same period'. What was said of
Aurangzeb's army could be said of Maratha armies in the mid-
eighteenth century. Both resembled mobile cities rather than
battle-worthy outfits.
'First came the camels bearing treasure, one hundred loaded
with gold and two hundred with silver; there was the Emperor's
hunting establishment with hawks and cheethas; there were the
official records, which could never be parted from the Emperor,
and to carry them were 80 camels, thirty elephants and twenty
carts. Fifty camels carried water for the Emperor's kitchen and
another fifty the kitchen utensils and provisions; there were fifty
milch cows and a hundred cooks, each a specialist in one
dish. Fifty camels and a hundred carts took the Emperor's
wardrobe and that of his women; thirty elephants bore the
women's jewellery and presents for successful commanders; next
came the great mass of the cavalry, the main strength of the army
proper; two thousand men with spades went before it to smooth
the ground and one thousand after it; then came the elephants
of the Emperor and his women. There was a rearguard of infantry
. . . Thus the Mughal armies combined almost every military vice.
They were without discipline, they could not move swiftly or
manoeuvre in the face of an enemy, their supply arrangements were
rapacious and inadequate, and above all there was neither spirit
nor organisation to hold them together."^ The state of Bhao's
army was even worse. It arrived in northern India in the middle
of the summer. The Maratha soldiers wilted in the heat and there
was a chronic shortage of water; sanitation in the camp was
deplorable and Bhao could not pay his soldiers as the Peshwa had
no cash to spare. Finally, Maratha equipment was outmoded,
and discipline there was none.
Suraj Mai's keen eye saw this and at the council of war called
by the Bhao he gave his mature views on the way the campaign
against the Abdali should be conducted. As usual he put forward
his point of view in a polite, low-key but forthright manner. 'I am
a mere Zamindar, and you are a great prince. Every man forms
F

r '
his plan according to his capacity. Whatever appears advisable in

my opinion J I shall submit to you. This is a war against a great
emperor, assisted by all the chiefs of Islam. Though the Sahn-i-
Shah is a sojourner in Hindustan, his adherents are all inhabitants
of this country and lords of large estates. If you are clever, the
enemy is cleverer still. Undoubtedly it is proper that you should
act with great caution and reflection in conducting this war. If the
breeze of victory breathes upon the cow's tail on your standard
it should be considered as written by the pen of destiny on your
auspicious forehead. But war is a game of chance, holding out
two alternatives. It is wise not to be too confident and rest in too
much tranquility. It seems proper that your ladies, the unneces-
sary baggage, the large cannon which will be of little use in this
war, should be sent off beyond the Chambal, to the Forts at
GwaHor or Jhansi, and you yourself with light armed warlike
troops, meet the forces of the Shah. If victory is won, much booty
would come to our hands; if the case is the reverse, we shall
have our legs (unfettered by females and other impediments) to
flee away on. If you are opposed to the idea of sending them to
such a distance or consider it impractical, I shall vacate one of
my iron-like forts according to your choice where you may keep
in safety your women and baggage, stocking it well with
provisions, so that at the moment of decisive action your heart
may not be weighed down and your hands fettered by anxiety
about the honour of your ladies. And in this time of famine, the
need for the supply of grain must be kept open, so that scarcity of
grain may not cause hardship to the army. I shall wait upon your
stirrup with my troops; and as my country has been free from
the depredations of the enemy, supplies can be secured from that
quarter.'^ Suraj Mai was never wanting in good maimers and
never neglected to uphold ceremonial proprieties.
He next came to the substantial and most important part of his
argument. Had the Bhao heeded his advice, not only would he
have saved his Hfe but the result of the third battle of Panipat
on 14 January 1761 might have been different, and consequently
the history of Hindustan might have taken quite another turn.
Raja Suraj Mai continued. I t is advisable to carry on an
irregular war-fare with light cavalry - jang-i-Kazzaqu'na - against
the Shah, and not encounter him in pitched battles after the
manner of kings and emperors - jang-i-Sultani. When the rainy
season will arrive both sides will be unable to move from their
places, and at last the Shah, who will be in a disadvantageous
position, will of himself become distressed and return to his own
country. The Afghans, thus disheartened, would submit to your
power.'^ Suraj Mai also made another shrewd suggestion to the
Maratha chief. He advised that a division of his army should be
diverted to the east, another to Lahore, 'so that by devastating
those countries, the supply of grain to the army of the Durrani
may be cut off'. Suraj Mai was confident that a Maratha con-
tingent could rely on the assistance of Sikh leaders who had
suffered at the hands of the Abdali. In the east, that is, Oudh, the
Marathas could count on the Banares Raja to lend his support
to them. Raja Balwant Singh of Banares was the sworn enemy of
Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah of Oudh.
Since Suraj Mai's plan was eminently wise and practical, all
the commanders of the Maratha armies supported it. 'We are
ourselves predatory fighters (Kazzaqs); so this mode of fighting
can bring no blame upon us. Our skill lies in flight. If the enemy
cannot be conquered by strategem, it is not wise to be entangled
in a difficult situation and throw ourselves into destruction.'
Bhao Sahib's bellicosity was in marked contrast to Suraj Mai's
serenity. Sadasiv Rao Bhao would have none of it. He considered
Malhar Rao Holkar senile and untrustworthy and Raja Suraj Mai
a parvenu. The council ended in disarray and confusion, but it
did not break up as the Maratha leaders made it clear to the Bhao
that Suraj Mai's adherence was of paramount importance and
there was no point in rubbing him the wrong way. Without him
success was doubtful.
Suraj Mai did not wish to act precipitately and wished to avoid
a break with the Bhao. So he and his distinguished guest Ghazi-
ud-din Imad-ul-Mulk, with eight thousand crack troops, marched
with the Bhao to Delhi towards the end of July 1760, and that
tormented and leaderless city was taken on 3 August. The
Marathas and Imad threw themselves with dedicated gusto into
plundering the capital 'so much booty fell in their hands, that
none remained poor among them'. Ghazi-ud-din was reinstated
as Wazir and placed Aurangzeb's great-grandson Muhi-ul-millat
on the throne under the little Shah Jahan II.
Not only was Bhao a poor military captain, his approach to
political matters was wanting in sound judgement. He announced
to everyone's dismay that he would not recognise Imad as the new
Wazir. Instead he appointed Naro Shankar to that post. This was
too much for Raja Suraj Mai who had risked much to protect
Imad and to put him back on the Wazir's chair. The Bhao was
aware of all this and yet he produced Naro Shankar from a hat.
Suraj Malj Hokar and Scindia all remonstrated but to no avail;
Bhao had no misgivings and would have his way. If ever the
Sanskrit saying, Vinash kale viparit buddhi - whom God wishes
to destroy he first makes mad - fitted anyone, it fitted Bhao.
Raja Suraj Mai took his astute and far-sighted adviser Roop
Ram Kataria aside and expressed both his anxiety and disgust.
Roop Ram too did not like the look of things. 'It is no good our
staying here. It is prudent to get away.' But this was not going to
be an easy undertaking as the camps of Holkar and Scindia were
next to Suraj Mai's.
That Sadasiv Rao was an unsteady and reckless young man
becomes clear when we observe his subsequent behaviour. He was
chronically short of money. 'His monthly expenditure ran to five
and a half lakhs for the first four months and a half, seven lakhs
for the next two months and a half, and about ten lakhs during
the last three months - or a total of seventy-two lakhs, more than
three times his income. And this at a time and in a country where
he had not a single ally nor a single banker willing to give him
credit.'^ The one man who could have baled him out he had
treated with crude arrogance. Instead of seeking him out he
resorted to a novel and barbaric solution to solve his monetary
plight. The magnificent and bejewelled ceiling of the Diwan-i-am
in Delhi's Red Fort caught Bhao's fancy. Prof. Kanungo relates
subsequent events with animated accuracy. 'At heart he
deliberated, "Here is this ceiling; I shall strip it off and melt it
^
to pay the daily wages of my troops. And in its place I shall make
a wood one! " Having first decided he called Scindia, Holkar and
Raja Suraj Mai to hear their advice about it. Nothing does so
much credit to the heart of Raja Suraj Mai as the foUov/ing
passionate appeal to the Bhao to spare this last relic of imperial
grandeur. He said, "Bhao Sahib! This room of the Emperor's
throne is a place of dignity and veneration. Even Nadir Shah and
Ahmed Shah Durrani, who had laid their grasp upon many a
precious thing of the imperial palace, spared this ceiling. The
Emperor and the amirs are now in your hands. We shall not
see this disfiguring of the place with our own eyes. It can bring
us no credit but only the odium of disloyalty. To this humble
prayer of mine about it today, you should kindly pay due con-
sideration. If you are short of funds, you have only to order me.
I am ready to pay five lakhs of rupees for sparing their ceiling." "*
But the Bhao now displayed an attitude which is an invariable
I

symptom of extraordinary immaturity - the insistent demand for
instant gratification of all whims and desires. He ignored what
Suraj Mai said and had the silver from the ceiling taken down,
which when melted turned out to be worth only three lakh
rupees I
Even the patient Suraj Mai could not contain himself and
he spoke to Bhao forthrightly. 'Bhao Sahib, you have destroyed
the sanctity of the throne while I am present here, and thereby
brought odium upon me as well. Whenever I make any request
on any affair, you disregard and reject it. We are at heart Hindus.
Do you attach this much importance to the Jamuna's water which
you touched as solemn proof of your alliance with me ?'
Each day he had evidence of Bhao's thoughtlessness and was
no longer able to put up with the unbridled nonsense of the
mercurial Brahman. He kept his dignity and temper and made his
valid assertion in unambiguous words.
*You have removed the ceiling against our wishes. Replace it.
Give back Imad his wazirship, which by right belongs to him.
Scindia, Holkar and I myself are all embarrassed on this account,
and our honour and good name have been affected by it. From
now, be so good as to give greater consideration to what we say.
If you do that then you can consider me and all my resources at
your disposal. I shall continue to help and supply you with
provisions as before. You should not leave Delhi. Mature your
w
plans from this place.' It was sound advice, given by a man who
knew what he was talking about and who had an uncanny knack
of so often saying the right and judicious thing. Any reasonable
person would have welcomed such wise counsel. But Suraj Mai's
candour was like salt on a wound. Bhao flared up, 'What! have
I come from the south relying on your strength? I will do what
I like. You may stay here or go back to your own place. After
overthrowing the ghilcha Abdali, I shall reckon with you.'
Raja Suraj Mai was too superior a ruler to be drawn further
into a verbal dispute with an arrant and callow young fool. He
was keen to ensure that peace and security continued in his
kingdom. Hence he did not deem it wise to offend either Abdali
or the Peshwa. But he was unwilling to achieve peace and security
at the expense of his self-respect. Honour is very dear to the Jats
and to uphold it they will defy the world.
Raja Suraj Mai found himself pushed by fate into a whole
chain of events which he would have given a great deal to stay
out of. He regretted coming with Bhao to Delhi. Although Malhar
Rao and Scindia had pledged his safety Suraj Mai could not but
feel uneasy as the Bhao was keeping an eye on him and the two
Maratha chiefs feared that their thoughtless leader might go as
far as to attempt to hold Suraj Mai in Delhi against his wishes.
Since they had persuaded him to join them in the march to Delhi
they felt morally obliged to help him to get away. They sent for
Roop Ram Kataria and in strict confidence suggested that Raja
Suraj Mai should leave Delhi 'tonight by any means. The
encampment of the Bhao Sahib lies at a distance; without letting
him know it, slip out in silence. The pledge of honour between
you and us is thus redeemed; say not a single word to us after
this'; saying these words the two 'pulled their own ears in
repentance and made a silent vow not to compromise their honour
and involve themselves in such a difficult situation again for the
benefit of such a haughty and faithless master'.^
The unflappable Roop Ram conveyed to his master what
Holkar and Scindia had told him. He had after deep reflection
decided to throw in his lot with the Marathas against Abdali and
now he found himself in a most unenviable position and un-
burdened himself to his chief political adviser and troubleshooter.
'If by fortune we manage to escape tonight, we incur the enmity
of the Bhao. Should he succeed by chance in beating the Durrani,
my ruin is inevitable. If he is in earnest, I shall find no refuge
and none will be able to save me. Should I stay here, in fear
of this future danger, I become a virtual prisoner. Both courses
are beset with danger. What is to be done now?' Roop Ram
Kataria, who was a combination of Todar Mai and Wolsey, replied,
'Maharaj, you know the proverb - Escaping one bad astral con-
junction in one's horoscope means a further lease of twelve years
of life. Both the Bhao and the Durrani are equally implacable
enemies. Who knows which of them would come out successful?
Till then, in our own place we shall sit silent, holding our breath.
Whatever is destined ahead for us by God must be good, why
do you trouble yourself now by the thought of the future which is
uncertain? Let what may come afterwards; but tonight we must
flee.' Such sane advice, coolly given, was not to be taken lightly.
Suraj Mai's indecision - a rare occurrence - was wiped away and
he left Delhi for Ballabhgarh, the nearest Jat stronghold. Holkar
and Scindia waited a respectable time before they broke the news
to the Bhao who fumed, 'God willing, if the Durrani is defeated,
of what greater weight the affair of the Jat can be.'
Here we must also take note of what Dr Sardesai has to say
about Suraj Mai's 'defection'. He offers four main reasons for
Raja Suraj Mai parting company with Sadasiv Rao Bhao. (i) the
families of the Marathas were not sent to Gwalior, (ii) the Wazir-
ship was not offered to Ghaziuddin Imad-ul-Mulk^ (iii) the removal
of the silver ceiling from the Diwan-i-Khas and (iv) the manage-
ment of Delhi was not given to him. Prof. Kanungo has examined
each point. 'The first point is undisputably true. The second is
mentioned explicitly in Maratha chronicles only, but not in the
Persian histories^ which however make certain statements leading
to confirm this, as we shall see next. As regards the third, the author
of the Siyar says: "What had so much shocked the Jat prince
was this - the Marathas stripped the imperial Hall of Audience
of its wainscoting which was of silver, elegantly enamelled, and
had sent it to the mint; and without any respect for things held
sacred by mankind, they had laid their sacrilegious hands upon
the gold and silver vessels consecrated to the use of the monument
of the sacred foot-prints, and of the mausoleum of saint Nizam-
ud-din; nor did they spare Muhammad Shah's mausoleum, which
they stripped of its incensory, candelabras, lamps and other
utensils, all of solid gold - all of which was torn away and sent
to the mint." For the last point, bearing against Suraj Mai, Dr
Sardesai gives no authority and he silently passes over the
treacherous design of the Bhao, which is attributed to him by the
Persian historians as well as by the Maratha Bhakhars. The
author of Imad-us-Saadat says that the Bhao demanded two
crores of rupees from Suraj Mai, and kept him under suspicious
watch and the Jat Raja owed his deliverance to Malhar Rao.'^
While we must show deference to Imad, it is not possible to
accept Malhar Rao as the benefactor of Raja Suraj Mai. Holkar's
loyalties altered whenever it suited him; Suraj Mai's did not.
So the Bhao went forth to the battle of Panipat without the
support of the most powerful, reliable and experienced Hindu
prince in the land. At each stage he had disregarded the wise
counsel of Suraj Mai and given great offence by his boorish
behaviour. The large-hearted Jat chief had offered to place all
his military and monetary resources at Bhao's disposal who
instead of grasping them treated them with scarcely-concealed
contempt. The moment Suraj Mai left Delhi reality hit Bhao -
the price of grain shot up, a sure sign of impending trouble in the
Empire. The area surrounding Delhi had been subjected to con-
tinued depredation for the past decade and would yield nothing.
Ahmed Shah obtained his supplies from the Rohilla country and
Bhao had been fed by Suraj Mai. 'The foolishness and treachery
of the Bhao now dried up this inexhaustible source. So it is no
wonder that the Marathas had to fight on an empty stomach at
»10
Panipat
Raja Suraj Mai's kingdom was in the heart of Aryavrata and
the Jats were fine cultivators and brave and ready fighters. His
authority, military acumen and wealth made even his neutrality
a weighty factor. Ahmed Shah too tried to woo the Jat prince
and thought that, if he could not be won over, then he should
at least be certain of his neutrality. The AbdaH ensured this
through the good offices of Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah, who worked
out a mutually acceptable compromise. 'The practical result of
this treaty was to ensure only the neutrahty of Suraj Mai, not his
active assistance on the Afghan side. In spite of the harsh treat-
ment of the Bhao, the sympathy of Suraj Mai continued to be
with the Marathas. He entered into this alliance with the Abdali
only to provide against an emergency, and because complete
isolation was too dangerous for any State in the then prevailing
political condition of India.'^^ This was an act of statesmanship
and not of treachery. Suraj Mai owed it to his people to ensure
their security and welfare. This he achieved.
Sadasiv Rao Bhao went to the battlefield of Panipat without a
single important non-Maratha Hindu prince or noble on his side.
He and his forces were destroyed on 14 January 1761. The rout
was complete and a total of a hundred thousand Maratha survivors
reached Suraj Mai's territory sans arms, sans clothes and sans
food. Suraj Mai and Rani Kishori received them with tender
warmth and hospitality, giving free rations to every Maratha
soldier or camp follower. The wounded were taken care of till
they were fit to travel.
Sir Jadunath Sarkar puts the figure of Maratha refugees at
50,000 but Wendel's figure of 100,000 is more realistic. If one
rupee per day was spent on each Maratha then Suraj Mai and
Rani Kishori spent no less than three million rupees on their sick
and wounded guests. This alone is enough to dismiss the charge
often made that Suraj Mai was close-fisted. Grant-Duff in his
History of the Marathas writes of Raja Suraj Mai's treatment
of Maratha refugees thus. 'Sooraj Mull treated such of the
fugitives as reached his territory with the greatest kindness, and
the Marathas to this day view the conduct of the Jats on that
occasion with gratitude and regard.'^^
In a letter Nana Fadnavis wrote: 'The Peshwa's heart was
greatly consoled by Suraj Mai's conduct.' Wendel says, 'The
Jats had enough pity for the Marathas to assist them in spite
of the fact that it was in their power not to let a single Maratha
ever return to the Deccan again had Suraj Mai so desired. People
will perhaps say that fortune took pleasure in favouring this Jat
extraordinarily. I agree with this in part. But one cannot deny
that he had great control over even the most troublesome situa-
tions and a kind of untutored wisdom in the act of governing
which was common among all other rulers of his time and I
daresay he surpassed most of them in it. While the Nawabs and
the other powerful Mohammedan rulers of Hindustan were
obliged to serve (at their own expense) the Abdali in his carefree
expeditions of pillaging and ravaging their own lands, Suraj Mai
in his own house, knew how to protect his own territory against
such a redoubtable enemy, to enjoy rest in the midst of all the
troubles in which his neighbours were plunged, to strengthen his
power while the others were falling, in a word to take advantage
of the common decadence of the Empire - without putting himself
into any danger and without spending money he had a way of
avoiding being pursued by those who brought about defeat and
destruction. In the whole of Hindustan I have not seen others
who are capable of doing as much. For after such a remarkable
routing of the Marathas who would expect the Shah not to turn
immediately to the Jats . . .'^^ and Wendel gives a number of
reasons for Abdali's not attacking Suraj Mai, the principal ones
being the climate of Hindustan in the summer, the Abdali's
supply lines being overstretched and the formidable forts of Suraj
Mai which could stand a siege for four to five months.
In the aftermath of the battle of Panipat Suraj Mai 'made
himself master of numerous important places which had earlier
been entirely in their (Marathas) domain. From the side of the
Chambal there was no other government now except his and
towards the Ganga it was almost the same situation.'^* The Abdali
had returned after putting Shah Alam on the throne but the
real power was Najib-ud-daulah who became Mir Bakshi and
Governor of Delhi. Shah Alam was a nominal monarch whose
territory extended from Delhi to Palam - five miles from the
capital. As a Persian wit put it:
Saltanat ae Shah Alam
Az Delli to Palam
How had the mighty fallen.

10 Capture of Agra and
Conquest of Haryana
1761 was a good year for Raja Suraj Mai; perhaps the most
rewarding and satisfying of his reign. The Panipat debacle had
ruined just about everyone of any consequence in Hindustan. The
afihcted and defeated were Hcking their wounds and counting the
cost. Suraj Mai was the one exception. He had neither bent nor
bowed before the AbdaH. He was a vassal of no Mughal or
Maratha. The Rajputs and Rohillas respected him. The former
had kept strictly aloof from Panipat and resembled 'obsolete
dinosaurs moving inappropriately in the wrong geological age'.
They were a spent force, nostalgia being their principal pastime.
The Rohillas returned from Panipat chastened and exhausted.
Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah proceeded to Oudh to keep one eye on
Emperor Shah Alam and the other on the EngHsh who were
making inroads near his territories, although, surprisingly, the
battle of Plassey (1757) had made little impact in Hindustan.
Najib had won Ahmad Shah's confidence but had yet to
establish his hold over Delhi and his authority over older nobles,
who feared him less and despised him more. To consolidate his
position and become the effective ruler of Hindustan he had
either to come to terms with Suraj Mai or destroy him. The
reverse applied to Suraj Mai. There was not enough room for
two such forceful and vigorous spirits in post-Panipat Hindustan.
Sheikh Sadi Shirazi puts it well, 'Ten poor men can sleep com-
fortably under one blanket, while two kings cannot be contained
in one kingdom.'
For the moment time and circumstance favoured Raja Suraj
Mai. He used both to his advantage. Near home a substantial
prize awaited him. Agra was only thirty miles east of Bharatpur.
It had once seen great days and had been the first city of the
Empire. In 1761 it appeared a bit shop-soiled, yet it was still the
Capture of Agra and Conquest of Haryana 95
second city of the Empire and had to a considerable extent
escaped the fate of Delhi. Nadir Shah had spared it, but not the
Abdali. Many of the prosperous families of Delhi had moved
to Agra placing their honour and fate in the hands of the Jats.
The city was well located for commerce. Enough wealth remained
to tempt a daring spirit.
Suraj Mai had a superb eye for opportunity combined with an
insight into the underlying sentiments of the age. He knew that
the Mughal Emperor lacked the most essential of all requisites
to rule - resources of power. Secure in the knowledge that no one
would stand in his way Suraj Mai proceeded with a large army to
Agra and had no misgivings about the enterprise. He met httle
or no opposition and all the Jat chiefs of the Agra Suba joined
him. Suraj Mai's target was the Red Fort, a truly formidable
and magnificent edifice, once the centre and symbol of Mughal
power and prosperity. The Qilader, Fazil Khan, was in charge of
this vast citadel. Although his post was directly under the
Emperor, it had fallen on evil days. He and his soldiers, gate-
keepers, retainers, gardeners and bhistis had not been paid for two
years and had provided for themselves by selling the royal plate,
furniture and robes. They were in no state or mood to take on
Suraj Mai or resist his monetary and military muscle for any
length of time. After a thirty-day blockade the Red Fort fell into
Jat hands on 22 June. Fazil Khan had offered the only public
resistance. He was handsomely rewarded - one lakh rupees in
cash and five villages. Musa Khan, the keeper of the gate, had
been promised three lakhs rupees (three hundred thousand), but
he was never paid this amount. The Jats cleaned up the fort
with rapine enthusiasm. Cash amounting to a crore of rupees was
removed on the backs of elephants and camels; vast quantities
of artillery, ammunition, guns, gold and silver howdahs and
precious stones were taken to Deeg and Bharatpur. Individual
Jat commanders too enriched themselves.
The capture of Agra bestowed fresh power and authority on
Suraj Mai. He was now the undisputed master of the Jamuna
tract. For the Jats its capture was a moment of deep emotion.
Nearly ninety years back Gokal Ram had been cut to pieces not
too far from the main gate of the Fort. He was now avenged.
Najib at first considered taking punitive action against Suraj
Mai but in the end did nothing to provoke the Jats or challenge
Suraj Mai's conquest of the city of the Taj. Legend has it that
an over-enthusiastic court priest suggested converting the Taj
Mahal into a temple. This asinine recommendation Suraj Mai
rejected without hesitation.
Suraj Mai's capture of Agra produced wide ramifications. Most
importantly it revived Hindu confidence and threw Islam on the
defensive. For the next hundred and fifty years the followers of
Mohammed were to play a secondary role in the affairs of
Hind.
Agra was a rehearsal for the conquest of Haryana where the
Jats were the dominant community but had not produced a
leader of any consequence. Suraj Mai's incorporation of Haryana
into his kingdom^ his seizure of Maratha Jagirs in the Doab, his
recovery of Aligarh and Bulandshar, the annihilation of the
Bahaduria Rajputs of Agra and Mendu and his chastising of the
Mursan Jats, were all part of a grand design, not ad hoc assertions
with no purpose save glory. He was not indifferent to fame and
glory, but they were not the mainsprings which spurred him to
action. There was one other reason for his conquest of Haryana.
Jawahar Singh was once again becoming restless. The Haryana
campaign would occupy him gainfully. Looking a little ahead,
Suraj Mai planned to put Jawahar in charge of that rich,
important and strategic territory.
In contrast to the previous century, India in the eighteenth
century 'remained a conspicuously uneasy country', divided
against itself. Devoid of ideas or energy the later Mughals were a
disappointing, even pathetic, lot. They loved power but were
completely unfit to use it. They and their nobles were robbing
the Empire without serving it. The Empire never had a manifesto,
only a mystique and that too was now gone. Suraj Mai was only
too aware of the state of affairs at Delhi. The Marathas for the
time being incapacitated and unable to provide any leadership,
it was left to Suraj Mai to pick up the pieces. If he was to make
any lasting and worthwhile contribution to Indian polity then
he had to produce a policy which not only suited him but had
wider appeal and support. It was his ambition to have *a solid
block of a Jat confederacy between the Abdali and Rohillas,
extending from the Ravi to the Jamuna',^ and secondly to reduce
the power of Najib-ud-daulah and cut him down to size. This
could only be done if Suraj Mai had his own man as Wazir,
through whom he could in reality be running the affairs of the
Empire.
It was Suraj Mai's dream to unite the Jats of the Braj and
Jamuna regions with those of the Punjab. This could be achieved
if Haryana formed part of his kingdom. He could not go south
beyond Agra and Dholpur. In the west was the house of Amber
and in the east the Rohillas. It would be fatal to his interests if
the Rohillas got their grip over Delhi. They would then encourage
their compatriots in Mewat, which along with Alwar formed part
of Suraj Mai's domain^ and become a wedge between the two
Jat areas. So he decided on a dual attack and appointed his sons
Jawahar Singh and Nahar Singh to take command of the armies
setting out for Haryana and the Doab. Jawahar Singh met with
quick success. Rewari, Jajjhar and Rohtak fell to him in quick
succession. At Farrukhnagar he met stiff opposition from Masavi
Khan Baluch. The town was taken when Suraj Mai personally
intervened to give support to his son. Masavi Khan was taken
prisoner and sent to Bharatpur.
Najib-ud-daulah was keeping a close watch on Jat encroach-
ments so close to the imperial capital. Aware of Suraj Mai's
strength the Rohilla did not wish to join issue with his redoubtable
adversary till he was sure of the Abdali's return to Hindustan.
So he played for time and sought to come to terms with Suraj
Mai. These negotiations were conducted by Roop Ram Kataria
and Diler Singh representing Najib. Suraj Mai's newly-acquired
territories in Haryana were formally approved and confirmed;
Suraj Mai being required to pay a nominal tribute to the Emperor
for which Nagar Mai Seth stood security. Yet suspicions
remained. Only when Najib had sworn solemnly to safeguard
Suraj Mai did the Jat prince accept a meeting with him. 'The
armies of these two chiefs alighted on the opposite banks of the
Jamuna at Dankaur-ghat. Najib went towards Suraj Mal^ seated
in a small boat, widi only a few servants, leaving all his troops
on the other side of the river . . . Suraj Mai behaved towards
him with great purity of heart.'^ All this cordiality produced
nothing concrete.
Najib waited in vain for his master Ahmed Shah Abdali to
show up in Delhi. The Sikhs in the Punjab kept him occupied.
Raja Suraj Mai also held his hand till he was sure of Abdali's
non-intervention. Without the Abdali, Najib could not lighdy
attempt any military action against Suraj Mai. Najib's caution was
Suraj Mai's opportunity. 'The Jat prince, finding from this
cautious behaviour of Najib-ud-daulah that he was afraid of a
war became the more daring and he demanded the faujdari of
the districts around the capital.'^
The defeat of Masavi Khan at Farrukhnagar and his subse-
quent confinement at Bharatpur brought matters to a head. For
the first time we find Raja Suraj Mai adopting an aggressive
posture. The calculated caution, the practised flexibility are
missing in this final phase of his life. He was now at the zenith
of his power and influence. The only credible opponent was
Najib and he too was fearful of Suraj Mai. Suraj Mai and Roop
Ram calculated that to delay matters would be to give Najib time
to get help from his foreign master, Abdali and in the meanwhile
he would attempt to satisfy the Jats by making minor concessions.
But when Suraj Mai got control of the districts around Delhi,
Najib's fief, Najib could not sit idle. The Mewatis and Baluchis
appealed to him for help. Even though Najib was lying ill at
Najibabad he wrote to Suraj Mai after the fall of Farrukhnagar,
'Let what is past be past. You may keep the fort that you have
captured. But it was not proper to hold Masavi Khan and his
family in captivity. You ought to release them out of regard of
my friendship with you.' It was not an objectionable letter. Suraj
Mai's reply was candid and not lacking in dignity. 'These men are
my enemies. Between you and me there is agreement and friend-
ship. How is it consistent with that friendship for you to march
from Najibabad to Delhi (during my siege of Farrukhnagar)? It
became publicly known that you were leading your army against
me. If I had not in the meantime taken the fort, you would have
joined Masavi Khan against me. The idea was in your mind. You
have thus already broken the alliance between you and me. You
have committed a breach of faith.'
Suraj Mai was also successful in the Doab where his youngest
son Nahar Singh and Suraj Mai's brother-in-law Thakur Balram
Singh had won singular victories against Mughal chiefs. Najib's
treasury was empty, his troops exhausted and he was unwell.
He again made an effort to come to terms with Suraj Mai and
•
sent a peace messenger to him. Yakub Ali Khan, the brother-in-

law of Shah Wali Khan (the Wazir of Abdali) was asked by
Najib to do all he could to pacify the Bharatpur ruler. He took
suitable gifts for the Raja, which among other things included
'two pieces of beautiful Multan Chintz, painted in yellow and
pink'. The presents were accepted with grace but the envoy was
clearly told that his master had broken his word by threateningly
arriving at Najibabad. The time for parley was over. Yakub Ali
Khan returned after four days on 23 December 1763 and reported
to Najib.
Najib now had no option but to challenge Suraj Mai. Whatever
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Najib Khan (centre) Nawab Shuja-ud-daula (bottom left-hand corner)

The Ruling House of Bharatpur
might or might have been his failings, Najib
lacking in physical courage. With inadequate forces - not more
than fifteen thousand - he set out to meet Hindustan's most feared
prince. With him on his crossing of the Jamuna were his sons
Afzal Khan and Zabita Khan, and also the Rohilla chief Mahmud
Khan Bangash to give battle to the 'proud uncircumcised'.
r
11 Last Battle and Death
Najib crossed the Jamuna on 24 December 1763 to face Suraj

Mai J who after leaving Jawahar Singh at Farrukhnagar had
reached South Delhi earlier. Both armies took up positions on
the banks of the Hindan river (a tributary of the Jamuna). In the
initial exchange the Jats had the upper hand. Suraj Mai's army
was an efficient mobile force and his commanders all experienced
and battle-scarred veterans like Sardars Mohan Ram, Balram,
Mansa Ram, Kashi Ram (of Hodal), Ramkishen of Bancheri,
Thakur Madh Singh of Bachamdi and Thakur Bhawana Singh
of Sinsini. Sardar Sita Ram earned immortality in the Haryana
campaign. Very rarely did Raja Suraj Mai make use of elephants
in his campaigns, either to pull guns or carry provisions. They
only slowed movement and their feeding and caring were both
expensive and time-consuming. He made maximum use of the
horse. Tabatabai in his Siyar says that Suraj Mai 'had in his stables,
twelve thousand horse, mounted by as many picked men, amongst
whom he had himself introduced an exercise for firing at a mark
on horseback, and then wheeling round in order to load under
shelter, and these men had by continual and daily practice become
so expeditious and such dangerous marksmen, and withal so
expert in their evolutions, that there were no troops in India
that could pretend to face them in the field. Nor was it thought
possible to wage war against such a Prince with any prospect of
advantage.'
On his Haryana campaign he did use elephants. At Ghari
Harasu Suraj Mai's elephant hesitated at the massive gate of
the fort - ten-inch sharp steel spikes were protruding out of
the gate. Seeing that the behaviour of the elephant might have
decisive effect on the battle, Sardar Sita Ram got down from his
horse and coaxed the animal up to the gate. He then hacked at
a portion of the gate with his axe, creating an opening.
Around 3 p.m. on 25 December 1763 Raja Suraj Mai crossed
the Hindan near Shahdra with six thousand horse under his own
^
Last Battle and Death 101
comand and attacked Najib's rear. 'A furious battle raged for
sometime, with charges and counter-charges, and nearly a
thousand men fell down on the two sides taken together.'^ At this
stage we enter the arena of confusion and muddle. Kanungo, who
is careful about facts, quotes from Waqa to describe the death
of the Jat prince. 'In the heat of action Suraj Mai Jat with thirty
horsemen only fell upon the centre of Mughals and Baloches and
was slain.'^ In Siyar-ul-Mutakh Kharin Sayyid Gulam Husain
Tabatabai says, 'So admirable was the discipHne of the Jat army,
that though the news of Suraj Mai's death spread through the
ranks, not a single soldier was shaken. They stood their ground
as if nothing had happened, while the Musalman army broke and
fled to their camp. Afterwards the Jat army left the field with
the mastery of victors."^
In Bayan-i-Waqai Khawja Abdul Karim Kashmiri writes, 'His
corpse did not come into their hands. The news of his death was
not verified at that time. Najib Khan remained standing on his
ground throughout the night for the safety of his army. At
midnight the Jats retreated from the opposite bank of the Hindan.
Not a trace of the Jat army was to be found, and then only was
the news of the death of Suraj Mai beUeved.'^ It was at this
moment that Najib is said to have made his celebrated remark,
'Don't believe a Jat dead till his shrardha (thirteenth day)
ceremony is over'.
Sir Jadunath Sarkar gives his version based on accounts
available in Wendel, Bayan, Siyar and Chahar Gulzar. 'But in
crossing a nala left behind by the river, he (Suraj Mai) fell into
an Afghan ambush and was shot down with most of his com-
panions by the Ruhela musketeers lying concealed among the
jhau bushes. The rest of that squadron broke and fled into the
jungle, abandoning their horses to plunder. The triumphant
Ruhelas rushed forward from their ambush. One of them, Sayyid
Muhammad Khan, popularly called Sayyidu, recognized Suraj
Mai, and thirsting for vengeance, dismounted, and plunged his
dagger twice or thrice into the Raja's stomach. Two or three of
his hght horsemen also struck at the body with their swords. He
then ordered the head to be cut off. Five or six men plied their
swords at the head and it was hacked to pieces, and one sword
too was broken. Then Sayyidu came away from the place.' Sir
Jadunath then gives some more details which are imprecise and
not wholly enlightening. He writes, 'The Jat force facing Najib
kept up their fire, the flag on their elephant still stood erect.
and their kettledrums continued to be beaten. When Sayyidu
came up and boasted that he had slain Suraj Mai, none would
credit it, as the entire Jat army was holding its ground as firmly
as before. Three hours after sunset both armies fell back to their
encampments. Next day at dawn, spies brought the report that no
trace of the Jat army could be found for thirty miles. Najib asked
for proof of Suraj Mai's death. Sayyidu cut off an arm from the
corpse of Suraj Mai and showed it to Najib. The Rohilla Chief's
envoys, Sagar Mai Khatri and Shaikh KaramuUah, who had
visited Suraj Mai only a day before the battle, at once identified
the body by the design of the chintz cloth of his tunic and the
mark of the amulet that the Jat Raja was known to have worn
for years. Thus, all became convinced that Suraj Mai had been
slain.'"^
We can dismiss Col. Tod's and Mr Growse's fanciful con-
clusions that Raja Suraj Mai was ambushed by Najib's men and
killed 'while hunting defiantly in the royal preserve near
Shahdara'. A contemporary version is given in Waqa-i-Shah
Alatn Sanij which Sir Jadunath Sarkar says 'is of priceless
importance and constitutes a record of supreme value to the
critical historians of this period. Here we have an absolutely
contemporary chronicle of the events and rumours of Delhi,
written down immediately afterwards by an inhabitant of the
city, without any embellishment, garbling or artificial arrangement
of a later date. . . .'^
The Waqa offers this account: 'Sayyid Muhammad Khan
Baloch cut off the head and a hand from the body of the Jat,
and brought and kept them with himself for two days. After that
these were taken to the presence of Nawab Najib-ud-daulah.
Then only could be believe that Suraj Mai was dead.' The
Siyar-ul-Mutakh Kharin is more detailed if not entirely convinc-
ing,'Raja Suraj Mai was galloping up and down to examine the field
of battle and to make his choice, after which he stopped a while to
make his considerations. While he was thus standing, there passed
by him some of Afzal Khan's troops who had been beaten by
Mansaram Jat - he commanded Raja Suraj Mai's vanguard. The
few people that were with Suraj Mai, represented the impropriety
of his remaining so near the enemy with only a few friends (?)
about his person; and Karimullah, and Mirza Saifullah respect-
fully insisted on his returning. He paid no attention to what they
said and seemed intent only on considering the enemy's motions.
They both renewed their instances and he gave no answer; but
sent for another horse, mounted it and continued his vigil from
the same exposed quarter. While he was mounting, it happened
that Sayyid Muhammad Khan Baloch, better known by the name
of Saydo, was just flying close by him with about 40 or 50
troopers, when one of these turning about recognised Suraj Mai's
features, and advancing to Saydo, then cried, "The Thakur Sahib
was standing there". Saydo hearing these words turned about and
fell upon Suraj Mai; and one of his men singhng the Jat prince
smote him with his sabre, and cut off one of his arms, which by
the by was maimed and actually got entangled. While the arm was
falling off, two other men rushed together upon him and
dispatched him, as well as Mirza Saifullah and Raja Amar Singh
and two or three more. The remaining fled towards their own
people. But one of Saydo's troopers taking up the severed arm,
fixed it on the spear of a standard and carried it to Najib-ud-
daulah. The latter could not believe it to be Suraj Mai's and
continued doubting it for two whole days. But it was past doubt
in the Jat army, which had retreated with still a formidable
countenance. The second day Najib-ud-daulah, having received
a visit from Yakub Khan, showed him the arm, and the latter
at once affirmed it to be Suraj Mai's not only from the sleeve
which was on it, and which happened to be that very calico of
Multan which Suraj Mai had put on in his presence. After this
the death was ascertained and it became pubhc'
Wendel too has a version: 'One day Suraj Mai getting news
that a large body of the enemy was coming to pounce upon Nahar
Singh (his son and chosen successor) who was in that expedition,
marched in haste with a few thousand horsemen to succour him.
Unfortunately in passing through a ditch which the river Hindan
had left there, he was surprised on both sides by a party of
Rohilla infantry who had been placed in ambush there. By a
furious discharge of their muskets . . . they brought down
Suraj Mai with all his retinue who lay there on the plain either
slain or wounded.'^
None of these versions really rings true, none is wholly con-
vincing. Not one authority gives any reason for the disappearance
of Raja Suraj Mai's body. While most are agreed on the date
of his death, 25 December 1763, at Shahdra (one or two have
mentioned 25 December 1764 but this is wholly wrong), the
manner of his death is not quite clear. Where does truth lie?
A. J. P. Taylor has tried to ease the historian's dilemma. He says,
'Certainly we guess. We are writing to shape into a version
a tangle of events that was not designed as a pattern. . . .
Guessing is the only way of explaining when solid evidence runs
out.'^«
Normally we should be guided by the Waqa, but can we 7 It is
stretching credulity rather far if we are required to accept the
fact of Sayyid Khan Balooch keeping Raja Suraj Mai's head in
his house for two days. On the contrary he would have run to
his master Najib to show his invaluable trophy and thus win
favour, promotion and reward. The Siyar too does not offer
enough light. Yakub Khan had presented the Multani chintz on
23 December and it is most unlikely that Raja Suraj Mai would
have rushed into ordering a garment to be made from that chintz
and having done so would have worn it to go into battle on the
25th. We know that Suraj Mai had little time for matters
sartorial but Yakub Khan's claim that he saw the Jat prince
put on 'the calico of Multani' is also far-fetched.
Their meeting had not gone well. It would also be out of
character for one in Suraj Mai's position to try out the Multani
garment in the presence of his unwelcome guests. If we are to
accept this version then we are led to conclude that the Bharatpur
prince did not change his clothes for forty-eight hours. Granted
that it was the height of winter and one might be tempted to avoid
a too frequent change of attire, but Raja Suraj Mai had been
engaged in several minor battles in the previous few days and it
is reasonable to assume that as a good Hindu he must have had
his evening bath, done his puja and got into a different set of
clothes. On the morning of the 25th he would have got into his
battledress and it is unlikely that he set out to fight Najib
wearing garments (assuming that these could be tailored in the
course of the campaign) made out of material sent by him. Suraj
Mai was not setting out for a peace council, but for a war to
finish his enemy. So we must doubt the Waqa and Siyar.*
The most mind-boggling mystery is the disappearance of Suraj
Mai's body. It was never found. It is possible that in the heat
of battle it was mutilated beyond recognition and cremated along
with the hundreds who had also perished. Mass cremations after
battles were not unknown.
Thakur Ganga Singh quotes the contemporary poet Zulkaran
to support the theory that the Maharaja's body was cut into bits.
'The body was cut into bits by swords.'^^

See Appendix 4.
ThuSj on Christmas day, under the shadow of the capital, on
the banks of a holy river, 'the eye and the shining taper of the
Jat tribe - the most redoubtable prince in Hindustan for the last
fifteen years disappeared from the stage of life leaving his work
half done. He was a towering personality and a transcendental
genius to whom homage has been paid by every eighteenth
century historian.'^^
The undefeated, leaderless, heartbroken Jat army left the
battleground in uncommon order. The advance columns arrived
at Deeg ninety miles south-west of Delhi only thirty-six hours
later. Rajkumars Nahar Singh, Nawal Singh and Ranjit Singh
and the widowed Maharanis had all assembled in that grief-ridden
town, so beloved of the slain ruler. Jawahar Singh was still at
Farrukhnagar. Balram Singh and Mohan Ram as the senior
members of the nobility declared their intention to respect
Maharaja Suraj Mai's wishes and place Nahar Singh on the
'gaddi' and to do so without delay. But they had underestimated
the capacity of Jawahar Singh to act, and act he did with lightning
speed. With a fast camel courier he despatched a letter to Deeg
in which he reproached the Jat chiefs for their cowardly desertion
of their master and for their unreasonable deliberations to choose
a successor without first avenging his death. He added that he
would go alone to fight Najib and think of the succession after-
wards.
Jawahar Singh's daring and defiance created doubts, divisions
and fears among the Maharanis, princess and nobles. Nahar
Singh, the heir chosen by Suraj Mai, was a paper tiger. He had
no intention of crossing Jawahar's path. Wisely he fled, first to
Kumher and then to Jaipur. By this time Jawahar Singh, accom-
panied by Roop Ram Kataria, had reached Deeg. His arrival
produced a dramatic change of mood. Critics and opponents now
there were none. But Jawahar had noted their names and was
to wreak bloody vengeance on them at a later date. After the
symbolic cremation of his father he assumed the 'gaddi'. As there
was no body to cremate, two teeth of the late ruler were produced
by one of the Ranis. The Raj Pandits had no difficulty in stretch-
ing Hindu scripture and credulity and said that the teeth were
as good as the body. So, at Goverdhan, that holy playground of
Krishna, the ceremonial cremation took place. Later, Lake Kusum
Sarovar was dug and on its eastern bank a chattri (memorial) was
built, a hauntingly beautiful example of Jat architecture.
12 The Achievement of
Maharaja Suraj Mai
He died in the midst of a career of almost uninterrupted triumph.

He died just when he was emerging as the man whose impact
on the affairs of Hindustan was becoming decisive. His death
at fifty-six deprived the Jats of their greatest statesman, diploma-
tist and military leader.
Suraj Mai's contribution to Indian polity was structural and
practical, not academic or intellectual. To an astonishing degree
the creation and nurturing of a Jat nation was the work of this
man of exceptional ability. He cast a spell over his era without
becoming the victim of any embrace, Muslim, Maratha or Rajput.
Politically and militarily he seldom lost his way. At times the
cards he carried did not amount to much but rarely did he make
a false or feeble move. The highest qualities of courage and
resourcefulness were needed to protect the infant Jat state and to
ensure its survival. He not only achieved both, but he also
succeeded in giving his people the positive and much-needed
\ blessings of settled order and security of life and property in an
age of chronic disorder. He gave the Jats honour and pride. The
versatility and superhuman force of this man made a deep impres-
sion on them. With awe and admiration they watched him go
from one success to another, mounting and sustaining campaigns
and sieges and at the end of the day emerging with regathered
strength and poise.
All historians and chroniclers of the eighteenth century have
recognised his quickening ability, talents and grit. Sayyid Ghulam
Ali Naqvi, in his Imad-us-Sadat^ writes: 'In prudence and skill
and ability to manage the revenue and civil affairs he had no
equal among the grandees of Hindustan, except Asaf Jah Bahadur,
the Nizam. He possessed preeminently all the nobler quahties of
his race: energy, courage, shrewdness, dogged perseverance and
indomitable spirit that would never accept defeat. But in the
pursuit of an exciting game, whether in war or diplomacy, he
The Achievement of Maharaja Sura] Mai 107
equally baffled the dissembling Mughal and the cunning Maratha.
In short, he was a shrewd old bird that picked up grain from
every net, without getting entangled in the noose.'^
While he was a product of his times and could be ruthless,
unbending and use every trick mentioned in the Arthashastra to
achieve his objective, he was not mean, dishonourable or untrust-
worthy. He was singularly free from those degrading vices so
prevalent in eighteenth-century Hindustan, which ruined great
Rajput houses, destroyed health and vigour and enfeebled the
intellect. He was deeply religious and took his duties as Braj Raj
with seriousness bordering on devotion. For his age he was as
secular as it was possible to be. He destroyed no mosques and
employed Muslims in high posts. He preferred issues to be settled
through debate and negotiation and not by 'the length of the
sword'. He carved out a large kingdom with a minimum of
expense to Jat blood and treasure.
His rule was autocratic and personal. His authority was un-
disputed. Only Jawahar Singh challenged it and that too only
once. He picked good and able men to assist him in running the
affairs of state. Roop Ram Kataria and Mohan Ram Barsania
could do credit to any cabinet in any age.
Always watchful, observant, vigilant, a good listener, he refused
except when absolutely necessary to speak his own mind. In short
the man had gravitas.
As we have seen, Suraj Mai and his father began as humble
Zamindars of Sinsini and Thun. When Suraj Mai died, his
kingdom included Agra, Aligarh, Ballabhgarh, Bulandshar,
Dholpur, Etah, Hathras, Meerut, Mathura, Rohtak, Hodal,
Gurgaon, Farrukhnagar, Mewat and Rewari. Its length was two
hundred miles and its width one hundred. Suraj Mai's administra-
tion was run on Mughal lines. He held the daily durbar where
he met his nobility and heard petitions. His council of state was
almost always with him. Diwans, Nazims, munsiffs, Kotwals,
Lambardars and Patwaris looked after affairs temporal. Security,
defence and intelligence were under the ruler. A widespread net
of informers and agents kept Suraj Mai up-to-date on what was
going on in his kingdom. The duties of the Kotwals were the
same as defined an Ain-i-Akbari: i) to detect thieves; li) to
regulate prices, measures; iii) to keep watch at night and patrol
the city; iv) to keep a register of houses and watch the movement
of strangers; v) to employ spies among the vagabonds, gather
information about the affairs of the neighbouring villages and the
income and expenditure of the various classes of the people;
vi) to prepare an inventory of and take charge of the property of
persons who left no heirs; and vii) to prevent the slaughter of
oxen, buffaloes, horses and camels.
Financial and credit institutions like banks and co-operatives
did not exist. Trade was conducted through an age-old and
elaborate system of short-term credits and loans, based on the
drawing and discounting of Hundis. The Hundi was a written
document or promissory note. It was as good as a bank draft. All
that one had to do was to go to a Sarraf (bania - banker) who
accepted the amount and drew a Hundi. It was an amazingly
efficient system and on the whole free from abuse. Suraj Mai
did not issue his own coins. Mughal currency remained legal
tender till 1835 throughout Hindustan. Though 'no new
principles of administration were enunciated, the rise of a Jat
State had a definite impact on the state system of North India,
and affected land holding and social developments over a large
area'.^
It is tempting to be romantic about Braj Mandal, but it was
even in Suraj Mai's time not a land of milk and honey or some
never-never land where Ram Rajya prevailed. Disease, famine
and floods were constant companions as were thieves and highway
robbers. Yet, broadly speaking, the tiller and the trader, the
cobbler and the carpenter, the potter and the weaver, the black-
smith and bhisthi lived in reasonable security and austere
simplicity. Essential items of daily use were, in normal times,
inexpensive, but prices shot up during Maratha and Afghan
incursions. At Delhi during the Abdali's last invasion the rich
were selling their gold for ten rupees per tola ($1 a gram) while
the price of wheat shot up to one hundred and twenty rupees per
maund or six rupees per kilo.
It can be asserted with some confidence that the two out-
standing features of rural life in the eighteenth century were its
near self-sufficiency and its isolation from the outside world. The
village remained largely undisturbed even in times of conflict and
conquest, unless it was close to the main highways. The Panchayat
dominated and regulated life. The word of the village elders was
as good as law. The Panches discussed and decided issues,
pronounced judgement and carried out punishment. Their
proverbial wisdom, their robust earthy commonsense and un-
debased language saved them from the perils of Brahmanical
intellectual and metaphysical hair-splitting.
Karma, custom, tradition and superstition had the upper hand.
Men's horizon were limited as were their opportunities. Only
the barest of echoes from the outside world ever reached them.
Education was almost totally confined to the Brahmin, Bania and
Kayastha. The first doled out instant spiritualism, the second
finance at exorbitant rates of interest and the third was the munshi
or scribe. Women had a rough time. Girls were more often than
not put to death at birth and those that survived were married
off before reaching their teens. Travel was infrequent and
hazardous. What the highway robbers and professional thieves
spared was taken care of by wild beasts prowling the countryside.
People travelled in groups and their journeys were made for
marriages, festivals and pilgrimages. Astrologers, ascetics,
palmists, quacks and stargazers abounded. The spirit of inquiry, a
by-product of the scientific temper, was totally missing. Super-
stition fed on ignorance and no attempt was made to establish
facts and no distinction was made between the acts of God and
natural causes. The villager displayed no curiosity to explore
and no desire for change. A passive fatalistic acceptance of things
as they were left little desire or room for initiative.
Life was not easy or exciting and at times the monotonous
and limited routine must have reduced existence to a listless
and torpid level. Yet the village was not wholly devoid of song,
dance and poetry. The tedium and boredom were to a con-
siderable extent alleviated by Kirtans and Bhajan Mandalis.
Tulasidas's Ramayan was widely recited and almost every child
knew stories from the Mahahharat. Entertainment was provided
by acrobats, wrestlers and nomads at fairs and major festivals
like Janma Ashtami, Dushera, Diwali and Holi were
with great abandon and gusto. Even the Muslim nobility partici-
pated in this most rowdy and colourful of Hindu festivals.
The aristocracy hunted, played chess, took snuff, married
frequently, watched elephant and cock fights, saw men wrestle
in Akharas, rode regularly, built temples and Dharamsalas,
smoked the hukka and avoided getting on the wrong side of the
ruler. Drinking was not common but vegetarianism was. The
nobility provided its fair share of eccentrics who consumed much
bhang,* often gave way to infantile outbursts of passion and
hysteria, composed verse, and died young, unsung and unmissed.
At court an atmosphere of adulation and obsequiousness, if not
* Intoxicant.
grovelling servility, no doubt pervaded. It continues to this day,
in different forms; only the faces are different.
The lives of the princes, nobles, priests, senior military and
civil officers on the one hand, and on the other of the farmer,
labourer and the common man, ran on parallel lines and to this
day have not met. The two Indias have existed from time
immemorial.
Over such a people and kingdom presided the great Suraj Mai,
at all times displaying an instinctive sagacity of political manage-
ment and administrative benevolence, and retaining to the end
his rustic simplicity. 'He made himself great amidst the general
decay of the Empire; none else in Hindustan had such good
fortune. He attended so admirably to the business of a landlord,
in increasing the value of the country he had subjugated. He
greatly augmented his revenue and at the same time he controlled
his expenditure so well that after some years he used to save at
least half the annual yield of his dominions, in spite of the large
sums he spent on his forts and palaces.'^
By all accounts Maharaja Suraj Mai had amassed great wealth,
but no one knows how much he left at the time of his death.
Wendel writes, 'Opinions differ on the subject of the treasure
and property which he left to his successors. Some say it was
nine crores, others less. I have inquired into his annual revenue
and expenditure from men who managed them; all I could learn
as more credible is that all his expenses were not above rupees
sixty-five lakhs a year nor below sixty lakhs and he had at least
during the last five or six years of his reign, not less than Rs. 175
lakhs of revenue annually.'^ Sarkar claims that 'the revenue of the
entire Subah of Agra was less than two crores, and that the Jat
kings did not hold more than three-fourths of the territory.
Although Suraj Mai tried his best to make the country yield
double the revenue which the Mughal Emperors used to draw
from it, yet taking all circumstances into consideration, his total
wealth, both inherited and acquired could not have exceeded
ten crores.'^
These are all speculative estimates. Revenue records have not
survived. Even if they had they would not have given the exact
figure. Much of the wealth - cash and fabulous Mughal jewellery
- was kept in the ruler's private treasury, and some with his
Ranis. Some was undoubtedly never discovered and the legend
of the secret vaults of Bharatpur containing many rarities and
the choice plunder of Delhi and Agra, persists. In a rare moment
of candour about his wealth, Suraj Mai said at the time of the
Third Battle of Panipat, I possess territories yielding one crore
and a half and have in my treasure five or six crores of rupees.'
In addition he left 15,000 well-trained and equipped cavalry,
25,000 infantry, 300 pieces of cannon of all kinds, 5,000 horse,
100 elephants and much ammunition, and gold plates, silver
utensils and robes too.
Maharaja Suraj Mai's great and unrivalled achievement was to
weld warring Jat factions into one and to have done so in the
most unstable and unsettled century in Indian history. Only
Shivaji and Maharaja Ranjit Singh excelled his political skill,
organisational genius and qualities of leadership; and like them he
too was an isolated phenomenon. All three died in their fifties.
Given another decade of life, each would no doubt have left more
enduring kingdoms. Lesser men succeeded them. They were not
up to finding answers to the political and military tempests that
engulfed the country, nor could they unite to defeat the British
who, benefiting from the prevailing confusion and disunity,
established their Raj with breathtaking ease. Not for the first time
in our history had an outside power restored order in India. Let
us hope and pray that it was the last such occasion.
One must in conclusion thank Maharaja Suraj Mai for causing
a break in the dark clouds of eighteenth-century India, on behalf
of the neglected virtues of courage, honour and loyalty. He was
the only prince of his time to stem the debilitating tides of drift,
feebleness and surrender in an otherwise unworthy era. That is
achievement enough.
Notes
Prologue
1 The Hutchison History of the World by J. M. Roberts, page 476.
2 T. G. P. Spear on Aurangzeb in the Encyclopaedia Britannica,
Vol. 2, page 372.
3 Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan by James Tod.
4 Renaissance and Reformation by V. H. H. Green, page 348.
Chapter 1 Aurangzeb and Suraj MaVs Forebears

1 Fall of the Mughal Empire by Sir Jadunath Sarkar. Vol. II, page
300.
2 History of the Sikhs by Khushwant Singh. Vol. I, pages 15-16.
3 A History of the Jats by K. R. Kanungo, page 23.
4 Twilight of the Mughals by T. G. P. Spear, page 5.
5 Ibid.
6 Wendel-Orme's Manuscript.
7 History of Aurangzeb by J. N. Sarkar, Vol. V, page 225.
8 History of Aurangzeb by J. N. Sarkar. Vol. Ill, page 195.
9 A New History of the Jats by U. N. Sharma. Vol. I, page 397.
10 History of the Jats by K. R. Kanungo, page 39.
11 Storia do Mogor by N. Manucci. Vol. II, page 320.
12 *Sir Jadunath Sarkar'. Article in the Modern Review, October 1923.
13 A History of the Jats by K. R. Kanungo, page 51.
14 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sarkar. Vol. II, page 306.
15 Parties and Politics at Mughal Court 1707-1740 by Satish Chandra,
pages 178-79.
Chapter 2 Badan Singh and Suraj Mai

1 Yadu Vamnsha by Ganga Singh, page 111.
2 Indian Architecture by E, B, Havell, pages 225-26.
3 Indian Architecture by E. B. Havell, pages 225-26.
4 Indian Architecture by E. B. Havell, pages 225-26.
5 The Bhawans on Garden Palaces of Deeg by J. A. Devnish,
page 71.
6 History of Indian Architecture by James Fergusson, page 256.
7 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sarkar. Vol. II, page 316.
Chapter 3 Early campaigns of Suraj Mai

1 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sarkar
5 History of the Jats by K. R. Kanungo, page
Notes 113
Chapter 4 Suraj Mai and Safdar Jung
1 Mirat'i'Waridat by Mohammad Sh 18.
Quoted in Sarkar, Vol. I, page 8.
2 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N
Quoted from Tarikh-i-Ahmad Sha.
3 History of the Jats by K. R. Kanun
7 History of the Jats, by K. R. Kanur
8 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N 34.
Chapter 5 The Siege of Kumher, Jan-May

1 Cicero: Selected Political Speeches.
2 History of the Jats by K. R. Kanungo, i
5 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sar
6 History of the Jats by K. R. Kanungo, f
Chapter 6 Rebellion of Jawahar Singh

1 A Matter of Honour by Philip Mason^ page 92.
5 History of the Jats by K. R, Kanungo, page 165.
Chapter 7 Suraj Mai versus Ahmed Shah Abdali

1 Clive of India by Nirad C. Chaudhuri, page 19.
2 Ahmed Shah Abdali by Ganda Singh, page 170.
3 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J, N. Sarkar. Vol. II, page 80.
6 Indian Antiquary, Vol. 36, page 60.
7 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sarkar, Vol. II, page 82.
8 The Continent of Circe by Nirad C. Chaudhuri, page 101.
9 Indian Antiquary. Vol. 36, page 62,
11 Selections from the Peshwa's Daftar. Quoted in Sarkar, page 91
Chapter 8 Neither war nor peace

1 Delhi Chronicle quoted by J. N . Sarkar in Fall of the Mughal
Empire. Vol. II, page 107.
2 Delhi Chronicle quoted by J. N. Sarkar in Fall of the Mughal
Empire. Vol. II, page 108.
8 ^Xêndel-Orme's Manuscript.
9 History of the Jats by K. R. Kanungo, pages 116-17.
Chapter 9 Suraj Mai and the Third Battle of Panipat

1 The Cambridge History of India. V o l IV, page 417
2 The Cambridge History of India. Vol. IV, page 417
3 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N . Sarkar. Vol. II, page 171.
4 A Matter of Honour by Philip Mason, pages 45-9.
5 Imad-us-Sadat by S. G. A. Naqavi, pages 179-80.
6 Imad-us-Sadat by S. G. A. Naqavi, pages 179-80.
7 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N . Sarkar, Vol. II, page 185.
8 History of the Jats by K. R. Kanungo, pages 131-32.
10 Bhao Sahib Chi Bakhar. Quoted by Kanungo, pages 114-21.
11 Bhao Sahib Chi Bakhar, Quoted by Kanungo, page 139.
12 A History of the Marat has by Grant Duff, page 30.
Chapter 10 Capture of Agra and conquest of Haryana

2 Nur 56. Also See Delhi Chronicle and Sarkar. Vol. 2, page 320.
3 Siyar-ul-Mutakh Kharin. IV, 30.
Chapter 11 Last battle and death

1 Siyar-ul-Mutakh Kharin. IV, 28. See Kanungo, page 169.
2 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sarkar, page 323.
3 Waqa-i-Shah Alam Saniy page 199.
4 Siyar-ul-Mutakh Kharin. IV, 32.
5 Bayan-o-Waqai by A. K. Kashmir, page 303.
6 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sarkar. Vol. II, pages 323-24.
7 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sarkar. Vol. II, pages 323-24.
8 Sir Jadunath Sarkar at the third meeting of the Indian Historical
Records Commission, Bombay.
10 Essays in English History by A. J. P. Taylor.
Chapter 12 The achievement of Suraj Mai

1 Imad-us-Sadat by S. Ghulam Ali Naqvi.
2 Gazetteer of India.
5 Fall of the Mughal Empire by J. N. Sarkar. Vol. II, page 326
Notes 115
Manuscript
This, like all the other manuscripts, books and printed tracts belonging
to Robert Orme - 1728-1801 - are with the India Office Library,
London. Several translations of the Wendel monograph on Jats are now
in circulation and I have used a number of these.
Robert Orme was born in 1728. Between 1754-58 Orme was a Member
of Council at Madras. In 1760 he published A History of the Military
Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan from the year 1745,
In 1770 appeared his Historical Fragments of the Mughal Empire. He
was also on friendly terms with Dr Samuel Johnson. At one time
he was close to Clive but later the two fell out. Orme died at Great
Ealing on 13 January 1801, leaving all his papers with the East India
Company.
A Note on Father Francois Xavier Wendel

He lived in India from 1751 to 1803. He spent almost four years with
Raja Jawahar Singh at Bharatpur, Deeg and Agra between 1764-1768.
There are many references to him in the Calendar of Persian
Correspondence. The East India Company authorities used him as some
sort of an agent on a number of occasions.
It is a mystery why he elected to serve Raja Jawahar Singh. Kanungo
is of the view that he was a 'plant' at Jawahar Singh's court: 'The
fact that he went there shortly after the flight of Sumru to
the Court of Jawahar Singh leads us to suspect that he was in the pay
of the English and that his real object was to keep the Bengal Govern-
ment informed of any hostile designs of the powerful and ambitious Jat
Raja who held the balance in Northern India between the Abdali and
the Maratha.'
Appendix
Names of Maharaja Suraj MaFs Brothers
in Alphabetical Order
J r
1 Akhay Singh 14 Lai Singh

2 Balram Singh 15 Man Singh
3 Bhawani Singh 16 Medh Singh
4 Bijay Singh 17 Pratap Singh
5 Birnarayan Singh 18 Prem Singh
6 Dalel Singh 19 Ram Bal Singh
7 Devi Singh 20 Ram Kishen Singh
8 Duleh Singh 21 Sabha Ram Singh
9 Guman Singh 22 Sakat Singh
10 Himmat Singh 23 Sukh Ram Singh
11 Jodh Singh 24 Sultan Singh
12 Khushal Singh 25 Uday Singh
13 Khem Karan Singh
Appendix 2 Genealogical Charts
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Appendix 3
A Note on Sujan Charitra
Mai
He hailed from Mathura and his father's name was Basant, He does
not tell us much else about himself.
This long poem gives an eyewitness account of Maharaja Suraj
Mai's first seven campaigns up to 1754. Sudan describes in lively
detail all the seven batdes, giving the names of the participants, their
background, their dress, arms, horses, elephants, camp life. Poetic
descriptions of the flora and fauna of Braj Mandal enrich the work.
He obviously is smitten by his hero but does not hesitate to praise
his master's enemies for their valour. The poem is written in
eighteenth-century Braj Bhasha, the sweet and melodious dialect of
Eastern Rajasthan and Western Uttar Pradesh. In places it is obscure
and rather prolix, but that does not detract from its historical or
poetic value. Without it our knowledge of the life and times of Raja
Badan Singh and Maharaja Suraj Mai would be even more frag-
mentary than it is.
Sudan informs us that before each campaign Suraj Mai sought his
father's blessings and on his return always reported to him.
Sudan uses authentic dialogue in several languages, including
Punjabi, Arabic, Persian and Deccani Urdu, apart from Hindi and
Braj Bhasha.
His account of the Jat loot of Delhi and the planning that went
before it is accurate but he passes no value judgement.
He confirms that Raja Badan Singh's sight became progressively
worse and for the last twenty years of his life Badan reigned and Suraj
Mai ruled.
We also learn from Sujan Charitra that before embarking on his
conquests Suraj Mai completed the forts of Deeg, Kumher, Bharatpur
and Weir.
Roop Ram Kataria (c. 1710-1780)
This highly-intelligent, cultivated and devoted Katara Brahman was

friend, philosopher and guide to Suraj MaL He was also his principal
troubleshooter and financial wizard. Roop Ram was bom around
1710 at Barsana, one of four brothers. His family were professional
priests and connected with the royal families of Bharatpur, Jaipur,
Gwalior, Karauli and Jodhpur. Thus Roop Ram had contacts in high
places in several princely houses, and made good use of them to serve
his main employer, Suraj Mai.
f"
He was a find of Raja Badan Singh, who spotted him during one
of his pilgrimages to Barsana. Badan Singh, a shrewd and sound
judge of men, immediately saw Roop Ram's worth and brought him
to Deeg as his financial adviser and 'purohit', priest. From then on
Roop Ram never looked back. F. S. Growse in his Mathura: A
District Memoir mentions Roop Ram Kataria several times. He calls
him Katara but the identity of the man is not in doubt. Growse does
not extend our knowledge but he fortifies what we know. *Rup Ram,
a Katara Brahman, who having acquired great reputation as a Pandit
in the earlier part of the last (18th) Century, became a Purohit to
Bharatpur, Sindia and Holkar, and was enriched by those princes with
the most lavish donations, the whole of which he appears to have
expended on the embellishment of Barsana and other sacred places
within the limits of Braj, his native country.'
After Suraj Mai's death, Roop Ram served Jawahar Singh and later
Maharaja Ranjit Singh who ruled Bharatpur from 1776 to 1805.
Roop Ram died about 1780 but there is certainly no sanctity about this
date.
Appendix
Account of Maharaja Sura] MaVs death in Siyar pages 27-33
We have been mentioning that Bedjib-ed-dowlah, a Rohillah Prince,

promoted by the Abdali-king to the office of Prince of Princes, or of
Emir-el-umerah, had been left as a guardian over the young Prince,
Djuvan-baqht, who had been placed by a faction upon the throne
with the same name and title as was borne by his father, who was
then waging war in Bengal. Nedjib-ed-dowlah, under the young
Prince's name, governed with absolute authority in the Capital, and
it must be acknowledged that for an Afghan and a Rohillah, he was
not defective either in sense or in good manners; but he deserved
besides such a high elevation, by his possessing all the qualifications
of a General of army, being a man of conduct as well as personal
prowess. His next neighbour was the Radja Suraj Mai, the eye and
the shining taper of the Jat tribe; a Prince who rendered himself
famous by his good manners and civil deportment, as well as by his
conquests, and his superior knowledge in the arts of Government:
qualifications in which he had not then, and never has had since, his
equal amongst the Hindu Princes. He had raised or repaired four
fortresses in his dominions in such a manner^ that no Indian Power
could pretend to take them by a siege, and he had stored them with
such quantities of ammunition, provisions, and necessaries, that the
garrison, for years together, would not have wanted anything from
abroad. So that if we were to make a description of their fortifications,
or an enumeration of their means of defence, we would be found to
have wrote a book, and to have involved ourselves in a complete
volume. In one word, if we except a certain number of famous fort-
resses in India, which are still more indebted to Nature than to Art,
there was nothing in his time that could stand in comparison with
the
He had in his stables twelve thousand horses, mounted
many picked men, amongst whom he had himself introduced an
exercise of firing at a mark on horse-back, and then wheeling round
in order to load under shelter; and these men had by continual and
4
1 Comir and Dig, fortresses of which wonders are reported, were two of
those strongholds of his; Bellemgarh was another. The ramparts, and of
course the ditch, of Dig were of such dimensions as would astonish a
European Engineer.
daily practice become so expeditious and so dangerous marksmen
expert
them in the field. Nor
possible for any Indian Prince to wage war against such a Prince
with any prospect of advantage. Many a time did the Marhattas, and
many a time did the Abdalies, invade his country. In such a case he
never failed to retire into his fortresses with his people, and to bid
defiance to these invaders; nor did he ever pay any contributions to
any of them. And it was with such a variety of military talents he had
already vigorously supported his character in his many engagements
with the Afghans and the Rohillahs, when he went to Abdul Mansur
Khan's assistance. He constantly beat the one and the other, and
always came off victorious. Insomuch that no less a man than such a
Wazir thought proper to apply for his succour, and always found it
an effectual one. But Suraj Mai was likewise very ambitious and rest-
less; and, as his zamindari and dominions stretched in the very
neighbourhood of Shahjahanabad he was eternally bent on expelling
his neighbours, and on taking possession of their lands. Such a conduct
could not but excite perpetual disputes between Nedjib-ed-dowlah and
him; so that they looked with an evil eye at each other like two men
inclined to come to blows together on the first occasion. It may be
even said that Nedjib-ud-dowlah was uneasy at his power and
character, and that he concealed his inquietude thereon. For there was
no General and no Prince in India that would choose to risk a war
against him; an assertion proved beyond doubt by the effectual assist-
ance which he gave in person to Abdul Mansur Khan in his wars
with Muhammad Khan Bangash and the Afghans; and afterwards
by the superiority with which he always fought the Marahattas, render-
ing himself at all times respectable, not only to the Wazir Umad-ul-
Mulk and to Zulfiqar Jung, but to the Abdalies themselves. This is so
far true that Abdul Mansur Khan's successes against the Afghans are
in a great measure attributed to Jat Prince's assistance. Nevertheless
as his days were counted, and his last moment was come, all these
fortifications, all these excellent troops, and all this formidable
character of his, availed nothing, and he was slain in an inconsiderable
skirmish.
A Colony of Baluchis had settled themselves for some time in the
Districts of Feroh Nagar, where in the reign of Mohammad Shah
an extraordinary man had appeared amongst them. This was one
Camcar Khan, a man who had good luck enough to acquire a
character, and also influence enough to obtain the Fouzdari of the
Gurd, that is of the rounds about the Capital and its environs. Several
times he had been entrusted with the command of Panioat, and some
found
mission
Appendix 4 125
able people; and this conduct had drawn the applause of the Minister
who in general left him in possession of both his office and his
conquests. One of his Officers, named Bahadur Khan, who had raised
his character during his master's life, had recommended himself so
well to the Minister Umad-ul-Mulk as to obtain the Fouzdari of
Saharanpur, from whence he was recalled to his assistance, on the
war breaking out between Ahmad Shah, the Emperor of Hindustan,
and his then Wazir, Abdul Mansur Khan; in which expedition he
assisted his protector so well, that he was thought worthy of the
highest dignities, being promoted to the grade of seven thousand
horse, with the insigne of the Mahi or Fish. But a peace having been
concluded, and Umad-ul-Mulk having come to an agreement with
Abdul Mansur Khan, this Baluch, now a man of great character and
eminent dignity, retired to a spot at twelve cosses distance from the
Capital, where he raised a fort and a town which he called Bahadur-
pur, after his own name, making it his residence, as well as that of
his family; so that in process of time it came to be known under the
name of Bahadurgarh. Meanwhile his master, Camcar Khan, dying
soon after, dissensions arose between his children and his Com-
manders; of which Suraj Mai, the Jat, availed himself to fall upon
the Baluch Colony, and to make himself master of Rewari and Feroh
Nagar, of which he kept possession. He wanted also to render himself
master of Bahadurgarh; when the Baluch, thinking himself an unequal
match for such an aggressor, applied to Nedjib-ed-dowlah for assistance,
and spoke vigorously on the impropriety of neglecting his protection.
The remonstrance had little effect; and the Jat Prince, finding from
this cautious behaviour of Jedjib-ed-dowlah that he was afraid of
a war, became the more daring, and he requested the Foujdari of the
environs of Shahjahanabad, called the Foujdari of the Gurd or Circuit,
and that of Carvar. Nedjib-ed-dowlah, unwilling to see matters come
to a rupture, sent him a person of consequence, called Yakub Khan,
a brother of the Abdali king's Wazir, and who had sometimes com-
manded in Shahjahanabad, as Governor-General. The instructions to
this envoy were to endeavour, by mild words, to bring matters to a
pacification, so as to smother the seeds of tumult and war. The envoy
had brought with him the Raja Diler Singh the Khatri, as his
associate, and two pieces of Multan-chintz, of exquisite beauty^, as a
2 The Europeans who cannot believe that there are in India plain red
cotton handkerchiefs of five or six Crowns a piece, and Mulmuls of a hundred
and two hundred, will never be brought to believe that there are Chintz or
Callicoes of Multan, of an admirable fineness and painting, that form
Gowns and Jammahs of four hundred Crowns a piece. They are of so
exquisite a fineness that the two pieces are brought always in the Chonga
of a Bamboo, that is, in the empty space contained in a bit of that reed
between two knots. The turban and Girdle are brought in another; and we
have seen several such Poshaks, worth eight hundred rupees and more. The
present; and these being elegantly painted in those favourite colours
of the Gentoos, yellow and pink, proved a present exceedingly welcome
to Suraj Mai, who ordered their being made into a Jammah or Gown
for his person, immediately. The conference being interrupted by this
incident, Yakub Khan rose, and in taking his leave, he said: 'My
Lord Raja, I hope you shall not decide upon anything, as I shall
come again tomorrow'. Suraj Mai answered, that if he came for a
pacification only, he had better not come at all. 'By all means,' added
he, 'do not come,' The negotiation ending there, Yakub Khan
returned with one Karimullah, a faithful servant which Nadjib-ed-
dowlah had given him and being arrived in this Minister's presence,
he commenced discoursing on the possibility of bringing matters to
a pacification by fair words and patience. 'My Lord,' interrupted
Karimullah, 'if there is the least spark of honour left in your breast,
you shall come to war immediately; there is no other remedy, and no
other party. And this is the result of the whole "embasst".' Nedjib-ed-
dowlah, turning towards him, answered: 'True, and I hope to do for
this uncircumcised.' After saying so much, he sent for his sons, Afzal
Khan, Sultan Khan and Zabetah Khan, and ordered them to keep
themselves in readiness to cross the Jumna tomorrow, at Rajghat; he
also directed several Commanders of his, then present, to attend
with their troops. These were Saadet Khan, Sadiq Khan, Malkhan
and Mohammad Khan Bangash, with some others. 'You must cross
over early tomorrow,' said Nedjib-ed-dowlah, 'and fight this proud
uncircumcised.' And they prepared themselves accordingly; but the
distance being so small, Suraj Mai was beforehand with them, and
at the head of his troops, he had already crossed the little river
Hinden, and commenced entrenching himself on its banks over against
the ford of the Jumna. Nedjib-ed-dowlah, prevented by this
manoeuvre, advanced by the Ganj or Mart of Shahdra, of which he
took possession; but which he left behind him, as a good post to
secure his rear. After which he ordered Afzal Khan, his eldest son, to
charge at the head of his vanguard, and the engagement commenced
directly. Suraj Mai had placed apart from his army a body of ten
thousand of those horse mounted and disciplined after his own method,
and anxious to determine on what party of the enemy they should fall
first, he quitted their ranks, and advancing between the two armies,
with a small number of friends, of which Kalimullah Khan, son to
Yahya Khan, his Moonshi or Secretary, was one, he was galloping
up and down, to examine the field of batde, and to make his choice,
after which he stopped a while to make his considerations. Whilst he
Poshak implies the Turban and Girdle, with two pieces of ten yards each,
for the Jammah. A Jammah of Shawl would not cost much more, in these
days. The Chonga is a cylinder of about one foot or more in length, and
two or three inches diameter, more or less.
Appendix 4 127
was thus standing, there passed by him some of Afzal Khan's
troopers, who having been beaten by Mansa Ram the Jat, who com-
manded Suraj Mai's vanguard, were flying by troops one after
another. The few people that were with Suraj Mai, represented the
impropriety of his remaining so near the enemy with only a few
friends about his person; and Kalimullah Khan, with Mirza Seifullah,
respectfully insisted on his returning. He paid no attention to what
they said, and seemed intent only on considering the enemy's motions.
They both renewed their instances, and he gave no answer; but send-
ing for another horse, he mounted, and stood in the same place.
Whilst he was mounting, it happened that Syed Mohammad Khan,
Baluch better known under the name of Syed, was just flying close
by him with about forty or fifty troopers; when one of these turning
about recollected Suraj Mai's features, and advancing to Syed, he
cried that the man he was seeing there alone with a few men, was
no other than Suraj Mai himself. *I know him well,' said the man;
'shall we miss such an opportunity? If we do, we shall never see it
again'. Syed, hearing these words, turned about and fell upon Suraj
Mai; and one of his men, singling the Jat Prince, smote him with
his sabre, and cut off one of his arms, which by-the-by was maimed
and actually entangled. Whilst the arm was falling off, two other men
rushed together upon him and soon dispatched him, as well as Mirza
Seifullah and Raja Amar Singh, and two or three more. The few
remaining put spurs to their horses, and fled towards their own
people. But one of Syed's troopers taking up the severed arm, fixed
it on the spear of a standard, and carried it to Nedjib-ed-dowlah.
The latter could not believe it to be Suraj Mai's, and continued
doubting of it for two whole days together. But it was past doubt in
the Jat army, which had retreated with still a formidable countenance.
The second day Nedjib-ed-dowlah, having received a visit from Yakub
Khan, showed him the arm, and the latter at once affirmed it to be
Suraj Mai's not only from the maimed appearance, but also from
the sleeve which was on it, and which happened to be of that very
Calico of Multan which Suraj Mai had put on in his presence. After
this the death was ascertained, and it became public. This death is
an event the more extraordinary, as it had always been observed of
Suraj Mai, that in all his battles he never exposed his person to
unnecessary danger, but reserved himself in some eminent spot, from
whence he was issuing his orders, often boasting that batdes were to
be gained by art and conduct much more than by courage and
forwardness. But at this time, however, probably because fate had
overtaken him, he seemed to have forgotten this caution, and he
remained almost alone in that dangerous spot, where at last he was
cut down, and where, by his death, he relinquished to Nedjib-ed-
dowlah a victory which no one had expected.
Appendix 5
The House of Bharatpur
1 Thakur Badan Singh 1723-1756

2 Mahara a Suraj Mai 1707-1763
3 Mahara a Jawahar Singh 1764-1768
4 Mahara a Ratan Singh 1768-1769
5 Mahara a Kehri Singh 1769-1776
6 Mahara a Ran jit Singh 1776-1805
7 Mahara a Randhir Singh 1805-1823
8 Mahara a Baldev Singh 1823-1824
9 Mahara a Balwant Singh 1826-1853
10 Mahara a Jaswant Singh 1853-1893
11 Mahara a Ram Singh 1893-1900
12 Mahara a Krishna Singh 1900-1929
13 Mahara a Brijendra Singh 1918
Appendix
The Mughal Emperors of India
1 Zahir-ud-Din Babar 1526-1530

2 Nasir-ud-Din Humayun 1530-1538
and 1555-6
3 Jalal-ud-Din Akbar 1556-1605
4 Nur-ud-Din Jahangir 1605-1627
5 Shihab-ud-Din Shah Jahan 1627-1658
6 Muhiy-ud-Din, Aurangzeb, Alamgir 1658-1707
7 Shah Alam Bahadur Shah 1707-1712
8 Azim Ush-Shan 1712
9 Mu'izz-ud-Din Jahunder Shah 1712
10 Muiy-ud-din, Farrukh-Siyar 1713-1719
11 Rafi-ud-Darajat 1719
12 Shah Jahan II (Rafi-ud-Daula) 1719
13 Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad Shah 1719-1748
14 Mujahid-ud-Din Ahmad Shah 1748-1754
15 Aziz-ud-Din, Alamgir II 1754-1759
16 Shah Jahan III 1759
17 Jalal-ud-Din, Shah Alam II 1759-1806
18 Akbar Shah II 1806-1837
19 Bahadur Shah II 1837-1858
Bibliography
HINDI
1 Sujan Charitra by Sudan - Benaras, 1925.

2 Jat Itihas by Thakur Desh Raj. Agra, 1934.
3 Yadu Vamnsha by Thakur Ganga Singh. Bharatpur, 1967.
4 Vamnsha Bhaskar by Suraj Mai Mishran. Jodhpur.
5 Jaton Ka Navin Itihas Vol. I by U. N. Sharma. Jaipur, 19'
6 Maharaja Jzvahar Singh by Manohar Singh Ranawat. Jodh
1973.
7 Aaoo Ka Tila (novel) by Nathan Singh. Bharatpur, 1974.
MARATHI
1 Selections from the Peshzvd's Daftar ed. by G. S. Sardesai

2 Marathi Riyasat by G. S. Sardesai. Vols. II, III & IV.
3 Bhao Sahibchi Bakar ed. by Kashinath Sane.
ENGLISH
1 Athar Ali. The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb. Asia Pub.

House, Bombay, 1968.
2 Bernier, Frangois. Travels in the Mughal Empire. Constable,
London, 1891.
3 Cambridge History of India. Vol. IV.
4 Chandra, Satish. Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court 1707-
1740. Peoples Pub. House, New Delhi, 1979.
5 Chaudhuri, Nirad C. Clive of India. Barrie & Jenkins, London,
1975.
6 ' /
Press, New York, 1966.

7 Cunningham, J. D. History of the Sikhs. Oxford, 1918.
8 Devnish, J. A. The Bhawans and Garden Palaces of Deeg.
Allahabad, 1903.
9 Edwards, Michael. King of the World, Shah Alam. Seeker &
Warburg, 1970.
10 Fergusson, J. History of Indian & Eastern Architecture. John
Murray.
11 Grant-Duff, James. History of the Marathas. Bombay, 1878.
12 Ganda Singh. Ahmed Shah Ahdali. Asia Pub. House, Bombay.
13 Growse, F. S. Mathura: A District Memoire. London. 1882.
14 Havell, E. B. Indian Architectur John Murray
15 Irwine, William. Later Mughals
Bibliography 131
16 Joshi, M. C. Deeg. Archaelogical Survey of India. 1968.
17 Kanungo, K. R. History of the Jats. Calcutta, 1925.
18 Keene, H. C. Fall of the Mughal Empire, London, 1887.
19 Khushwant Singh. A History of the Sikhs. 2 vols. Princeton, 1966.
20 Khushwant Singh. Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Allen & Unwin, 1962.
21 Lawford, J. P. Britain's Army in India. Allen & Unwin, 1978.
22 Mazumdar, Ray Chaudhuri and Dutt. An Advance History of
India. Macmillan, 1965.
23 Manucci, N. Storia do Mogor. India Text Series, 1907.
24 Mason, Philip. A Matter of Honour. Jonathan Cape, London, 1974.
25 Nehru, Jawaharlal. The Discovery of India. Meridian, London, 1956,
26 J
27 Panikkar, K. M. A Survey of Indian History, Asia Pub. House,
Bombay, 1947.
28 Prawdin, Michael. The Builders of the Mughal Empire, Allen &
Unwin, 1963.
29 Sarkar, Jadunath. Fall of the Mughal Empire - Orient, Longman,
1934. 4 vols.
30 Sarkar, Jadunath. History of Aurangzeh-Orienty Longman, 1912.
5 vols.
31 Sahay, Jawala. History of Bharatpur. Lahore, 1902.
32 Sardesai, G. S. A New History of the Marat has. 1946.
33 Sen, S. N. The Administrative System of the Marathas. Calcutta,
1925.
34 Sleeman, W. H. Rambles & Recollections. London, 1844.
35 Spear, T. G. P. Oxford History of India. Oxford, 1965.
36 Spear, T. G. P. Twilight of the Mughals. Cambridge, 1951.
37 Thorn, William. Memoirs of the War in India. London, 1818.
38 Tikkiwal, H, C. Jaipur and the Later Mughals. Jaipur, 1974.
39 Tod, James. Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan. Routledge, Kegan
6 Paul. London, 1950.
40 Thompson, E. J. The Making of the Indian Princes. Oxford, 1943.
41 Wendel, F. X. An Account of the Jat Kingdom. (Original in
French.) Orme Manuscript, India Office, Library, London.
PERSIAN
1 Aurangzeh Nama by Munshi Devi Prasad.
2 Bayan-i-Waga by Abdul Karim Kashmiri.
3 Char Gulzar-i-Sujai by Harcharandas.
4 Imad'Us-Sadat by Sayyid Ghulam Ali Naqvi.
5 Siyar-ul-Mutakh Kharin by G. Hussain Tabatabai.
6 Tarikh-i'Ahmed Shahi. Author not known.
7 Halat'i'Ahmed Shah Abdali by Samin (Irvine's translation. Indian
Antiquity. Vol. 36, page 62).
8 Waga-i'Shah Alam Sani.
9 The Ibratnama by Khair-ud-din. Allahabad.
10 Calendars of Persian Correspondence, published by the Imperial
Records Department, Calcutta.
11 Muzaffar-Namah by Karam Ali,
FRENCH
1 Joseph Tieffenthalec
2 Memoires de Vorigine, acrossement, et etat present de puissance
des Jats dans VIndoustan by Wendel.
1 Gazetteers of India.
2 Gazetteers of India. Bharatpur & Rajasthan.
3 Indian Antiquary, Vol. 36.
\
Index
Notes: Page numbers in bold type refer to major passages

Page numbers in italic type refer to tables, figures etc.
Abdul Karim Kashmiri 101 Baba Ala Singh 62, 86

Abdullah, Sayyid 15, 16, 17 Badanpura 31
Abdun Nabi Khan 6 Badan Singh (father) 13, 18-19, 33,
Abdus Samad Khan Mohammedzail 42, 60-1, 119, 111, 123; and
65 creation of Bharatpur 21-9; family
Abhay Singh 34 of 28-9; and visits to Jaipur 3 1 ;
Abul Fazal 10 death of (1756) 57
Achal Singh 26 Bagru, battle of (1748) 33-4, 122
achievements of 106-11 Bahadur Shah II 14, 15, 118
Afzal Khan 99 Bahadur Singh Bar Guiar 45-6, 122
Agra 68; capture of (1761) 94-5 Baji Rao 31, 120
Ahilya Bai 53 Bakht Singh 34, 119
Ahmed Shah Abdali 33, 37, 44, 48, Ballabhgarh 56; and siege of (1757)
54, 62-72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 80, 65-6
91, 92; and march to Delhi 63-4; Balram Singh 35, 39-40, 44-5, 59,
and siege of Ballabhgarh (1757) 61, 98, 100, 105
65-6 Balwant Singh 86, 779, 123
Ahmed Shah Bangash 4 0 - 1 ; and Bayaii-i-Waqai 101
battle of Pathari (1750) 40-1 Behava Singh 18
Ajit Singh Rathor 17, 19, 59 Bhajja Singh 8, 779; and siege of
Akbar, tomb of, attack on by Raja Sinsini (1690) 12
Ram 10-11 Bharatpur: creation of 21-9; house
Alam, Shah 92-3, 118, 123 of, genealogical chart 779, 123
Alamgir II (Aziz-ud-din) 62, 64, 75, Bhav Singh 13, 779
118 Bhawana Singh 100
Aligarh fort 24, 96 Bibi-ka-Makbara 23
Ali Rustum Khan 3 5 Bidar Bakht 10-11, 12, 118
Alwar 56 Bishan Singh 12
Amar Singh 103 Brahmder Sisodia 7
Amrit Kaur 12, 13 Brajraj Singh 8, 12
Antaji Manakeshwar 63, 64, 65
Anup Singh 18 campaigns, early 30-6; battle of
Asad Khan Khananzad 32, 121 Bagru (1748) 33-4
Asaf Jha the Nizam 37; see also Chabela Ram 16
Nizam-ul-Mulk Chandra, Satish 19-20
Ati Ram 13, 779 Charan Das 39-40
Aurangzeb 1-14, 123; and defeat of Chaudhuri Chandra Singh 13, 62
Gokal Ram at Tilpat (1669) 8-9; Chaumuha, battle of (1757) 66-7
and Raja Ram 8-12 Churaman Singh, Jat Cincinnatus
Azad Bilgrami 81 (grand-uncle) 12-19, 779; suicide
Azam 14 of (1721) 12, 14, 18-19; and fort
Aziz-ud-din (Alamgir 11) 55, 118 at Thun 14, 16, 18-19; as imperial
r
commander 14-15; and battle of Ibadullalh Khan Kashmiri 63

Hodal (1720) 17 Ibrahim Haidrabadi 11
Imad-us-Sadat 106
Dasna, Treaty of 56-7 Imad-ul-Mulk 4 3 ^ , 46, 48, 50,
Dattaji Scindia 75 63-4, 73; and siege of Kumher
death of (1763) 100-5 (1754) 50-2, 53, 54, 55; see also
Deeg, fort of 2 2 - 3 , 24, 49; Gopal Ghazi-ud-din
Bhawan palace 24-6 Indian Antiquity 65, 67
Delhi 73, 77; and Civil War of 1753 Indra Kaur 12
4 5 - 7 ; and march on, by Ahmed Intizam-ud-daulah 46, 54, 75
Shah abdali 63-4, 71 Ishwari Singh 32; and battle of
Devnish, J. A. 25 Bagru (1748) 33-4
Diler Singh 97 Ismail Beg 41
Fadnavis, Nanda 92 Jahan II (Rafi-ud-Daulah) 75, 775,

Farrukhabad 41 123
Farrukhhnager 97, 98 Jahandar Shah 15, 77<^
Farrukh-Siyar 15, 16, 17 Jahan Khan 65, 66, 67, 68
Fatah Ali Khan, Governor of Aligarh Jaipur 32
32, 121 Jai Singh (Kachewa of Jaipur) 16-
Fatehgarth 26 17, 18, 19, 20, 21-2, 31-2; as
Fatehpur Sikri 23 Rajah-i-Rajeshwar 20; death of 32
Fateh Singh 18, 46 Jam-i-Jahan Numa 70
Fazil Khan 95 Jankoji Scindia 75
Fergusson, James 26 Jaswant Singh 27, 43, 779, 123
Jats: origin of 1-5; and disinte-
Ganda Singh 70 gration of Mughal empire 4ff
Gangadhar Tatiya, and battle of Jat Singh 16
Bagru (1748) 33-4 Javid Khan 38, 39, 44; death of
Gangadhar Yashmant 82 (1752) 45
Ganga, Rani (wife) 24, 58, 59 Jawahar Singh (son) 27, 36, 42, 49,
Ganga Singh 58, 104 63, 64-5, 67, 105, 115, 779, 123;
Gazette of India 26 rebellion of 56-61
genealogical charts 117-20 Jayaji Rao Scindia 41-2, 53, 55, 79
Ghasira, fort of 46 Jivan Ram Banchari 23
Ghazi-ud-din 39, 46, 50, 54, 76, 79,
86, 87; see also Imad-ul-Mulk Kanungo, K. R. 2, 8-9, 16, 61, 74,
Gokal Ram (Gokla) 6, 35; and 87, 90, 101, 115
defeat in Tilpat by Aurangzeb KarimuUah 102
(1669) 7-8 Kashi Ram 100
Gokla see Gokal Ram Kavaria, Rani 58
Gopal Bhawan, palace in Deeg 24-6 Khan Chaud 8
Gopal Singh 39 Khande Rao 48, 49, 50; and siege of
Ghulam Ali Naqvi, Sayyid 106-7 Kumher (1754) 50-2, 53
Grant-Duff, J. 91-2 Khan-i-Jahan Kokaltosh Zafar Jang
Growse, F . S. 102 10, 11
Khem Karan Singh 26
Hafiz Rachman 82 Khetkumari, Rani 58
Hakim Khan 35 Kishori, Rani (wife) 24, 58, 59
Hansia, Rani (wife) 48, 52, 55, 58 Kumher, siege of (1754) 48-55
Hari Singh 14
Haryana, conquest of (1761) 96-9 Lake, Lord, and siege of Soghar
Hasan Ali Khan 6-7, 17 (1805) 27
Hodal, battle of (1720) 17 Lai Beg 9
Hussain Ali, Sayyid 15-16, 17 Lai Kumari (Lai Kanwar) 15
%
Index 135
Laxmi^ Rani 24 Panipat, third battle of (1716) 81
93, 110-11
Madho Singh 32, 46, 54, 100; and Pathari, battle of (1750) against
battle of Bagru (1748) 33-4 Ahmed Shah Bangash 40-1
Mahmud Khan Bangash 99 Peshwas, genealogical chart 120
Malhar Ro Holkar 33, 42, 46, 75, 78, Plasey, battle of (1757) 94
82, 86, 89, 90; and siege of Pratap Singh 28, 35, 41
Kumher (1754) 50, 52, 53, 54, 55 Pritam Das 22
Mansa Ram 100 Purshottam Hingue 78
Manucci, N. 11
Marathas 56, 74, 75; and siege of Qalandar Khan 68
Kumher (1754) 48-55 Qamr-ud-din Imad-ud-daulah II 38
Masavi Khan Baluch 97, 98
Mason, Philip 57 Radandaz Kl\an 6-7
Mathura 67 Raghunath Rao 48, 49, 50, 55, 73-4,
Meos, defeat of 22 75, 81, 120
Mirza Saifullah 102, 103 Rajputana, map of 3
Mohammed Shah 17 Ram Cherara Sogharia 9; death of 11
Mohan Ram Barsanai 49, 59, 61, Ram, Raja 7-11; formation of army
100, 105 9; and attack on Akbar's tomb
Mohini, Rani 24 10-11; and killing of Turrani
Mokham Singh 18, 19, 20, 21, Agha Khan 10; death of 11
119 Ram Singh 34, 35, 119, 123
Mughal Emperors of India 123 Ranjit Singh 58, 105, 111, 119, 123
Muhammad Khan, Sayyid (Saydo) Ratan Singh (son) 42, 58, 59, 119,
101, 102, 103, 104 123
Muhi-ul-millat 86 Rohilkhan, campaign of (1751) 42
Mukhtar Khan 13 Roop ram Kataria 49, 50, 53, 55,
Murshid Quli Khan Turkman 5 59, 75, 87, 89, 97, 98, 105, 122
Murtaza Khan 39, 40 Roop Singh 18, 119
Musa Khan 95 Rustam Khan Afridi 41
Muzzam (Shah Alam I) 13
Sabaji Scindia 75
Nadir Shah 28, 62 Sabha Ram 59
Nagar Mai 56, 63, 64 Sadasiv Rao Bhao (Bhao Sahib) 80;
Nahar Singh 58, 59, 98, 105, 119 and battle of Panipat (1761) 8 1 -
Najib Khan (Afghan-Rohilla) 56, 91
63, 64, 66, 67, 71 Sadi Shirazi, Sheikh 94
Najib-ud-Daulah 65, 75, 92, 97, Safdar Jung 37-47, 48, 54, 117, 111;
98-9; and death of Suraj Mai and dealings with Suraj Mai 40;
100-1, 102, 103 and march against Ahmed Shah
Naro Shankar 86 Bangash at Pathari (1750) 4 1 ;
Nawabs, of Oudh, genealogical chart Rohilkhan campaign (1751) 42,
44; and death of Javid Khan 45;
117
and 1753 Civil war 45-7
Nawal Rai 40
Nawal Singh 58, 105, 119 Safi Khan 10
Neku-Siyar 17 Sahib Singh 41
Nijib Khan 46 Salabat Jung 34-5, 36
Nimrana, fort at 35 Sardar Khom Karan Sogharia 18
Nizam-ul-Mulk 36, 81 Sardar Singh Naruka 34
Sardesai, G. S. 90
Sarkar, Jadhunath 1, 7, 20, 53, 66,
Orme Manuscript 115 91, 101, 102, 110
Sayyidu see Muhammad Khan,
Palwal 56 Sayyid
Shahdra, battle of, and death of Taylor, A. J. P. 103-4
Suraj Mai 100-5 Tej Ram Katari 53
Shah Jahan 23 Tewatia Jat House of Ballabhgarh 39
Shahji 84 Thun, 14, 16, 18, 20^ fall of (1722)
Shakh Razi-ud-din Bhagalpiri 7 19
Shamsher Bahadur 65 Thornton, William 26
Shams-ud-Daulah (Kahn-i-Dauran) Tilpat 7
15 Timur Shah 73
Shardul Singh 31-2 Tod, James 58, 102
Sharma, U. S. 6, 7 Tula Ram 18
Shivaji 81, 84, H I Turrani Agha Khan, death of 10
Shiv Singh 33
Shuja-ud-daulah, 75, 79, 82, 91, 94, Udaigir 81
102, 117 Uday Singh 7
Singh family 116; see also individual Udham Bai 38-9
names
Sinsini, 8, 11; siege of (1690) 12, Vijai Raj Gadasia 18
13 Vishwas Rao 81, 120
Sita Ram 100
Siyar-ul-Mutakhkharin 101, 102 Waqa-i-Shah Alatn Sani 102
Soghar: capture of (1732) 26; fort Warid 38
of 26-8 Wendel, Father Frangois Xavier 5,
Sogharias 8-9, 26 28-9, 42-3, 60-1, 68, 76, 92, 115;
Somnath 23 and siege of Kumher (1754) 50-2,
Sudan 32, 34, 35, 43 55; and death of Suraj Mai 103;
Sujan Charitra 32, 34, 35, 43, and Orme manuscript 115
121-2 wives of 58
Sujan Singh (Suraj Mai) 43, 119
Sujan-Vilas (Somnath) 23 Yadii Vamnsha 58
Sukhram Singh 41 Yakub Ali Khan 98, 103, 104
Sultan Singh 22
Zabita Khan 99
Tabatabai, G. Hussain 101 Zulkaran Singh 19, 20, 21, 119
Taj Mahal 23
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K. NATWAR-SINGH
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Printed in Great Britain
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1 ;

Maharaja Suraj Mai

Maharaja Suraj Mai

His Life and Times

^Circumstances! I create circumstances.''

^With them the Seed of Wisdom did I sow, '

Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam

Printed in Great Britain

Frontispiece 1 Maharaja SuraJ Mai

I am happy to acknowledge the assistance given to me by

Coming as I do from Bharatpur, it was inevitable that I should

Singh whose book, Yadu Vamnsha, is a mine of information.

On 26 December 1530 Jalaluddin Babar the Chaghatai Turk and

'Every Jat village was a small republic made up of people of

Prof. Kanungo singles out the inbred democratic strain in the

Suraj Mai's Kingdom

SCALE: 100 miles to 35 mm

his decision to build a mosque in the heart of Mathura on the

appointed Faujdar of Mathura.

Gokla's fame endured, his example continued to inspire. The

uncanny political sense. He united the two principal Jat clans,

THAKUR CHURAMAN SINGH

We know a little more about Churaman Singh than we do about

Although Jai Singh was keenly desirous of curbing the Jat

From the ashes of Thun and Sinsini, Suraj Mai was to

Since the fort was in many ways an unusual structure, it is

cratic eyebrows to be raised. At Jaipur Mughal ceremonial and

'The Jatni did not in vain bear the pain of travel,

Within a few months of Bagru, providence offered Suraj Mai

Thakur Churaman Singh

Raja Badan Singh

Maharaja Jawahar Singh

The imperial government would promise not to cut down

The Jat gains were considerable. Victory over an Amir-ul-

* One million five hundred thousand rupees.

Smoking Tobacco is a rare pastime

This engaging Mughal aristocrat was an exception. The rest were

Today Kumher is a neglected, run-down dusty little town, lying

Shortly after this, the Amir Bakshi or generalissimo of the

> t. > . % - '

The answer is: Suraj Mai. In every crisis and campaign he

Suraj Mai was to retain the lands in Aligarh district that

The Treaty of Dasna was not an unqualified triumph but

We have now reached a stage in the troubled and confused

I have no important position and power in the empire of

Prof. Ganda Singh in his book on Ahmed Shah Abdali quotes

Quotation from a report by Purshottam Hingne, the Maratha

While in the north the Marathas had suffered severe setbacks^ in

Bhao Sahib moved with a vast amount of equipage and thousands

Suraj Mai's Chattri, Goverdhan

of him. He taunted Raja Suraj Mai, 'You profess to be a Hindu;

Suraj Mai and the Third Battle of Panipat 85

his plan according to his capacity. Whatever appears advisable in

88 Maharaja Suraj Mai

How had the mighty fallen.

sent a peace messenger to him. Yakub Ali Khan, the brother-in-

Ahmad Shah Durrani on horseback

Siili^ i^^. t*v ^,-' • • / / f M .»^ i*

Najib Khan (centre) Nawab Shuja-ud-daula (bottom left-hand corner)

Siili^ i^^. tv ^,-' • • / / f M .»^ i