THE JOURNAL OF

Egyptian
Archaeology
VOLUME 94
2008

PUBLISHED BY

the egypt exploration society

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issn 0307–5133
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 The naos of ‘bastet, lady of
the shrine’ from bubastis

By daniela rosenow

Although the period of the Thirtieth Dynasty is characterised by conflicts between the peoples of the
Mediterranean world and the Persians, Nekhtnebef  (I) and Nekhthorheb (II) were able to implement
an extensive building programme, which is reflected in construction work throughout Egypt. Bubastis
in the Eastern Delta benefited from this programme: Nekhthorheb II renewed the rear part of the
Great Temple of Bastet and — in the course of these building activities — dedicated a couple of
granite shrines. Recently discovered shrine fragments from Tell Basta allow a reconstruction of the
architecture and decoration of the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’ in its original context: the
naos was provided with an additional inner niche, whose socle was decorated with the icon of the
‘unification of the Two Lands’ and seems to have housed a processional image of Bastet. The shrine
offers promising insights into a sphere which has not yet been satisfactorily studied.

In the western part of the Great Temple of Bastet at Bubastis/Tell Basta, across
an area of approximately 60 × 60 m, are the remains of a building erected under
Nekhthorheb II as the sanctuary of the temple as a whole. While Naville, who docu-
mented Tell Basta in the 1880s,1 considered the temple to be an unfinished hall,
attached to the complex built by Osorkon I and II, Habachi, who worked at Tell Basta
in the mid twentieth century,2 proposed that the structure erected by Nekhthorheb II
was not merely a hall but rather a completed temple. Naville had already recognized
that the whole building was dedicated to the goddess Bastet and contained at least
one, if not two, shrines. The fragments of these naoi were sent to museums in Cairo 3
and London.4
  Naos fragments recently discovered by the Tell Basta Project,5 in work since 2001,
further our understanding of these Late Period shrines and improve our knowledge
of the Thirtieth Dynasty Sanctuary. In all, it is now possible to identify four
distinct types of shrine in the Nekhthorheb area, on the basis of their architecture,
decoration or function.6 One of these naoi, probably the main naos of Bastet erected
1
  É. Naville, Bubastis, 1887–1889 (MEEF 8; London, 1891); id., The Festival-Hall of Osorkon II in the Great
Temple of Bubastis, 1887–1889 (MEEF 10; London, 1892).
2
 L. Habachi, Tell Basta (CASAE 22; Cairo, 1957).
3
  Cairo Museum CG 70016 and CG 70013. CG 70013 is a completely preserved naos dedicated to Bastet and
Harsaphis: G. Roeder, Naos (CGC Nos 70001–70050; Leipzig, 1914), 44–5, pl. 13.
4
 British Museum EA 1005, EA 1080, EA 1078, EA 1079, and EA 1106. Unfortunately Naville gives only lim-
ited information about the original location of these shrine fragments within the temple of Bastet, see N. Spencer,
A Naos of Nekhthorheb from Bubastis: Religious Iconography and Temple Building in the 30th Dynasty (BMRP 156;
London, 2006), 39–40 and 53.
5
  The Tell Basta Project is an Egyptian–German Joint Mission, attached to the University of Potsdam
(Germany) and the Surpreme Council of Antiquities. Thanks are due to these two institutions for permission to
use material from the excavations at Tell Basta/Bubastis.
6
  See the dissertation D. Rosenow, Das Tempelhaus des Großen Bastet-Tempels in Bubastis (PhD thesis,
Humboldt University of Berlin; Berlin, 2007), to be published shortly.

The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 94 (2008), 247–66

ISSN 0307-5133
248 daniela rosenow JEA 94

in the centre of the sanctuary, has been discussed in extenso by Spencer.7 The same
publication mentions a second naos,8 that of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’, according to
its inscription. The architectural and iconographical reconstruction of this shrine can
now be considerably improved in light of the newly discovered fragments.9
  This article discusses five new blocks found in grid squares B/4, B/5, and C/5 in the
westernmost part of the Nekhthorheb structure (fig. 1),10 which, with a fragment now
in the British Museum11 as well as a further block discovered by Naville at Saft el-

Fig. 1. 3D plan of the area of the Nekhthorheb II temple building at Tell Basta;
grid squares B/4, B/5 and C/5 marked (Object Scan GmbH Potsdam, Tell Basta Project).
7
  Spencer, Naos.
8
  Ibid., 53–6.
9
 A proposed reconstruction has already been made by Charles van Siclen mixing fragments of these two naoi:
C. van Siclen, ‘Nectanebo II’s Great Naos for Bastet’, in B. M. Bryan and D. Lorton (eds), Essays in Egyptology
in Honor of H. Goedicke (San Antonio, 1994), 321–32.
10
  The blocks are catalogued as B/4.1, B/4.3, B/5.6, C/5.11, and C/5.15. These codes represent the numbering
system assigned to the temple area by the Tell Basta Project: the first part gives the relevant grid square, in which
the fragment lies, with the final number part of a consecutive series indicating individual fragments.
11
 British Museum EA 1106. I was able to study the shrine fragments in London during a research trip, funded
by the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst, to whom I am grateful for this opportunity. Furthermore, I
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 249
Hennah,12 form part of the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’, whose reconstruction
can now be undertaken with greater certainty.

The architecture
Taking these seven fragments into consideration, it is now possible to offer the fol-
lowing reconstruction of the naos’ architecture (fig. 2). Fragments British Museum

Fig. 2. Reconstruction of the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’

with hypothetical depth of the naos (author).
would like to thank Vivian Davies, Keeper of the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan, for permission to use
photographs and drawings of EA 1106, and Neal Spencer for a number of discussions about Thirtieth Dynasty
buildings in general and this naos in particular. Finally, I would like to thank him for reading and commenting
on a draft of this article.
12
  É. Naville, The Shrine of Saft el Henneh and the Land of Goshen, 1887 (MEEF 5; London, 1887/88), pl. viii
C1 and C2. Although discovered at Saft el-Hennah, it is likely that this fragment belongs to the naos of ‘Bastet,
lady of the shrine’: many blocks have been removed from Bubastis to nearby villages such as Bilbeis, Aulâd Seif,
Dundît, el-Alâqma or eq-Qînâyât, where they were reused; see Habachi, Tell Basta, 123–40. Naville describes
the block as a granite slab that was used as a corner stone. Thus the material may be consistent with that of the
Bubastis shrine, fashioned in red granite — in contrast to all shrines from Saft el-Hennah, which are made of dark
granite. The block is decorated on two opposite sides (see figs 12 and 15) and its decoration fits perfectly with the
decoration on British Museum EA 1106 and one of the blocks discovered at Tell Basta, C/5.15, discussed below.
However, Nekhthorheb is only characterised as ‘beloved of Onuris’ in the cartouche of the block from Saft el-
Hennah, whereas at Bubastis he normally has the more extensive epithet ‘beloved of Onuris, son of Bastet’. But
this apparent problem can be resolved: both writings of the king’s name are used on this naos from Tell Basta.
On the British Museum fragment the king is named as [email protected] mry-JnHr.t without the epithet ‘son of
Bastet’, while the Tell Basta fragment C/5.15 features his cartouche including the sA-BAst.t qualification, typical
of his monuments at Tell Basta. As this Bubastis-related writing seems to have been created at a time when the
naos for ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’ was built, both variations are reflected upon the monument. It is thus very
possible that the Saft el-Hennah block also originally belonged to the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’. If this
was the case, it would provide evidence that the naos’ interior walls were also decorated. Indeed, there are traces
of decoration on the return inside edge of British Museum EA 1106 as well, but only a few centimetres of the
p.t-sign and a sun-disc below are still visible today. Even if the Saft el-Hennah fragment did not belong to the
Bubastite naos, the Saft el-Hennah shrine was obviously so similar in its decoration that this fact is noteworthy,
and implies a similar reconstruction of the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’.
250 daniela rosenow JEA 94

Fig. 3. 3D reconstruction of the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’; right side and front
(Object Scan GmbH Potsdam, Tell Basta Project).
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 251

Fig. 4. 3D reconstruction of the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’; front

(Object Scan GmbH Potsdam, Tell Basta Project).
252 daniela rosenow JEA 94

Fig. 5. 3D reconstruction of the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’; diagonal view
(Object Scan GmbH Potsdam, Tell Basta Project).
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 253
EA 1106,13 B/5.6, C/5.11, and C/5.15 evidently fit together and form the pedestal,
the rear parts of the side walls and an inner niche of this shrine (figs 4 and 5).14
EA 1106 (a) (fig. 6) and C/5.15 (b) (fig. 3) both show figures of the king holding up
the heaven sign p.t. While EA 1106 represents the left outer wall, C/5.15 is part of
the right outer wall (from the viewpoint of someone approaching the naos from the
front). The fragment B/5.6 (fig. 7) can be placed exactly below C/5.15 since the feet,
belonging to the king’s figures from C/5.15, are visible here. Due to its architecture
and decoration C/5.11 can be placed exactly to the left of C/5.15. Fragments B/4.1
and B/4.3 also join to form parts of the right and left outer walls of the naos, the lintel
and ceiling of an inner niche, and the roof (fig. 4). Fragment B/4.3 belongs to the left
side of the shrine; B/4.1 is part of its right side.

Fig. 6. Lower register of fragment BM EA 1106: The king ‘supporting the sky’; left outer wall
(drawing by Claire Thorne, British Museum, London).

13
  This fragment has not yet been scanned, and so is not included in the 3D reconstructions given here.
14
  If the Saft el-Hennah block indeed belonged to the Bubastite shrine, it must also have formed part of the left
wall. This can only be judged by its decoration, as the fragment’s present whereabouts are unknown and Naville’s
publication does not give exact information concerning the block’s architecture and measurements.
254 daniela rosenow JEA 94

Fig. 7. Fragment B/5.6: The feet of the king ‘supporting the sky’;
right outer wall (drawing by author).

  The pedestal of the shrine is 52.5 cm high (one Egyptian cubit) and surpasses the
width of the side walls by 4.5 cm. It was polished, but undecorated. The outer walls
were battered and limited by a vertical and a horizontal torus moulding. Above the
latter was a decorated cavetto cornice.
  The British Museum fragment EA 1106, and both B/5.6 and C/5.15, are covered
with images and inscriptions on two sides. These second reliefs give, on account of
their position, an important clue as to the architecture of the whole naos: they are
positioned at right angles to the first relief sides, but cannot represent the front face
of the naos, because their outer walls projected further forward of this surface, as
attested by the broken edges (figs 8 and 9). Thus the shrine must have possessed an
additional inner niche with this second side being the decoration on the inside return
before the cavity. In fact the naos forms a double shrine, although this was not visible
from the outside. The inner niche was undecorated apart from its ceiling, which
was carved with a number of small stars. While EA 1106 (b), B/5.6 (b), C5.11 and
C/5.15 (b) form part of the inner niche’s pedestal, EA 1106 (c) (fig. 10) represents the
niche’s left door jamb; B/4.1 (b) and B/4.3 belong to the niche’s lintel.
  The outer walls of the shrine were 26 cm thick, exactly half an Egyptian cubit.
The rear wall of the naos was about 18 cm thick and was undecorated both inside
and outside. The inner niche was originally about 78 cm deep and 65 cm wide. The
thickness of the entire outer wall, including the walls of the shrine’s cavity, was 46 cm.
Altogether the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’ was almost 1.80 m wide and 3 m
high. Since fragments from the shrine’s outer niche are lacking,15 its depth cannot be
ascertained with certainty.
  Thus two architectural questions remain unanswered: how deep was the entire
shrine, and what form did the roof take, as no parts of the original roof survive? Other
Bubastis naoi, such as the central naos of Bastet,16 or two naos fragments belonging
to shrines for minor deities of Bubastis,17 feature a pitched or gabled roof with the
vertical front surface adorned with a frieze of uraei. Thus a flat roof can probably be
excluded for the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’.18
15
 Except for the Saft el-Hennah fragment, which cannot at present be integrated into the reconstruction of
the shrine.
16
  See Spencer, Naos, 1–5.
17
 British Museum EA 1080 (fig. 17) and C/5.17.
18
  Suggested by van Siclen, in Bryan and Lorton (eds), Essays Goedicke, 327–8 (figs 2–4).
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 255

Fig. 8. British Museum EA 1106: Lower fragment

(courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum).

Fig. 10. Fragment EA 1106:

The goddess Nekhbet on the
left jamb of the naos’ inner
niche (drawing by Claire
Thorne, British Museum).

Fig. 9. Fragment C/5.15: Right rear corner of naos (author).

256 daniela rosenow JEA 94
The decoration

The decoration of the outer walls of this naos was divided into three registers,
separated from each other by rows of stars (fig. 11). The lower register was decorated
with figures of the king with a bull tail supporting the sky (twA-p.t).19 In front of each
figure two columns of inscription are given, the right ones giving the name of the
king himself (BM EA 1106, fig. 6; and B/5.6, fig. 7):
nsw.t-bj.t nb tA.wy: %nDm-jb-Ra stp-n-JnHr.t jwj.n=(j) xr=T BAst.t nb(.t) [hn]20 | rdj a.wy=f
Hr twA psD.t (r)dj n=f Ax.w m p.t xr Ra 21
‘King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the Two Lands %nDm-jb-Ra stp-n-JnHr.t,
(I) have come to you Bastet, lady of the [shrine], | one who gives his arms supporting
the ones who shine/the shining ones(?) (= stars), one to whom transfiguration (Ax.w) is
given 22 in heaven through (xr) Re.23
The leftmost columns are less well preserved, but the following can still be read:
[sA-Ra] nb xa.w: [email protected] mry-JnHr.t jwj.n=(j) xr=T BAst.t nb(.t) [hn] | […] dj.t n=f
nswy.t aA.t tA.wy […],
[Son of Re], lord of appearances [email protected] mry-JnHr.t, (I) have come to you Bastet,
lady of the [shrine] […] | to whom a great kingship of the Two Lands has been given.
  This twA-p.t–scene is often found on barque stands or naoi, e.g. the stand of Seti I
in Vienna24 or two Ptolemaic granite naoi from Philae,25 which was dedicated to the
goddess Isis.26 According to Kurth,27 the twA-p.t–scene is simply an offering scene, but
here the offering is not an object such as food or the Maat-figure, but rather an abstract
demonstration of the following idea. Each primary deity of a temple is interpreted
as the creator god, he or she has to support heaven, as every king has to uphold the
heaven of the temple. Through performing this cult action the particular god, in this
case Bastet, is satisfied and willing to enter his/her temple. Thus ‘supporting the sky’
can symbolically be regarded as a necessary act to erect and preserve a temple.
  The middle register of exterior decoration depicts the king worshipping the
enthroned Bastet (fig. 11).28 As the accompanying label indicates, the king adores

19
  See British Museum EA 1106 (a), B/5.6 (a), C/5.15 (a), and probably the Saft el-Hennah block (Naville,
Shrine of Saft el Henneh, pl. viii C2) (fig. 12).
20
  Preserved on the recently discovered fragment B/5.6, see below.
21
  The sign for Re is not visible on EA 1106 (fig. 6), but is preserved on block B/5.6 (fig. 7), which belongs to
the opposite site of the shrine.
22
  There is no longer a difference in Late Middle Egyptian between a perfective and an imperfective parti-
ciple.
23
  Spencer, Naos, 54 translates this passage ‘The Dual King, lord of the Two Lands %nDm-ib-ra stp-n-In-@r.
(I) come (iw) to you [Bas]tet lady of the shrine/chest (kAr/hn). His arms are lifting/ supporting (as) Tuwait, glories
are given to him in satisfaction, before …’
24
  Vienna, Ägyptische Sammlung des Kunsthistorischen Museums, inv. 5106.
25
 British Museum EA 1134 and Louvre D 30. While, on EA 1134, two figures of the king support the sky, on
D 30 four figures of the king perform the act of twA-p.t. In both cases these scenes are carved on the front of these
monuments, directly below the shrine’s cavities. On the Bubastite naos of ‘Bastet, Lady of the Shrine’ this place
is adorned with a smA-tA.wy-scene, see below.
26
 Here the two figures of the heaven-bearers are depicted directly below the shrine’s cavity.
27
 D. Kurth, Den Himmel stützen: Die « &wA pt »-Szenen in den ägyptischen Tempeln der griechisch–römischen
Epoche (Rites Égyptiens 2; Brussels, 1975), 136.
28
  See British Museum EA 1106 (a) and Saft el-Hennah block (Naville, Shrine of Saft el Henneh, pl. viii C2).
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 257

Fig. 11. Reconstruction of left outer wall indicating the position of B/4.3, EA 1106,
and (possibly) the shrine fragment from Saft el-Hennah (drawing by author).

the goddess four times (dwA nTr sp 4).29 Above Bastet four columns of inscription are
associated with the goddess, who is called nb(.t) hn, ‘lady of the shrine’ here:
29
  Incorrectly copied by Naville as dwA nTr sp 3, but correctly published by Spencer, Naos, fig.12a.
258 daniela rosenow JEA 94
Dd md.w dj.n=(j) n=k nswy.t aA.t m Aw(.t)-jb
| Dd md.w dj.n=(j) n=k xAs.wt nb(.wt) Xr Tb(.w)=k
| BAst.t nb(.t) hn 3 0 jr.t @r
| xnt.t sx.t-nTr nb(.t) p.t Hn.t nTr.w nb(.w)
Words spoken: (I) give to you a great kingship in joy
| Words spoken: (I) give to you all the foreign lands under your sandals
| Bastet, lady of the shrine and eye of Horus
| pre-eminent of the god’s field,31 lady of heaven, mistress of all the gods.
On the right side another depiction of Bastet attests that a second scene with the
goddess and the king once existed, probably performing a different cult action.
  The uppermost register consisted of a frieze of falcons, protecting the king’s
cartouches, each embellished with sun-discs and nbw-signs. The falcons are identified
in the accompanying inscription as ‘the Behdedite, he gives life like Re’. These three
registers were topped by an inscription that ran around the naos, orientated towards the
front and probably proclaiming Nekhthorheb’s complete nomenclature (his Horus-
name, his nomen, and prenomen are still preserved). The edges of the decoration
were delimited by vertical bands (evident on fragments B/4.1 (a) and B/4.3 (a)). A
horizontal, 4.5 cm thick torus moulding topped the exterior faces, above which was
the cavetto cornice, decorated with cartouches on nbw-signs. The left and right outer
walls were also adorned with a 6 cm thick torus moulding.
  The decoration of the pedestal, the jambs and the lintel of the inner niche can be
reconstructed through studying the fragments British Museum EA 1106 (b) and (c),
B/5.6 (b), C/5.11 and C/5.15 (b) (fig. 13). The base of the inner niche depicts the
‘unification of the two lands’ performed by two Hapy figures, each crowned by the
heraldic plants of Upper or Lower Egypt. The cartouche of Nekhthorheb was carved
above the bound plants. The smA-tAwy motif was flanked by a depiction of the Upper
and Lower Egyptian Meret-goddesses (Mr.t ^maw.t and Mr.t MHy.t), holding their
arms in their typical pose, the Hnw-gesture. In front of her, a badly damaged column
of hieroglyphic inscription is partially preserved, mentioning r jr sA n @r jmj aH=f nb
tA.wy %nDm-jb-Ra stp-n-JnHr.t ‘undertaking protection of Horus in his palace, lord
of the Two Lands %nDm-jb-Ra stp-n-JnHr.t’ (fig. 14). The Meret-goddesses probably
acted here as representatives of the Two Lands, as they do during the sed-festival,
the Opferläufe or the ceremony of recording the king’s regnal years.32 Between the
Meret-goddesses and the Hapy figures, Bastet is cited and qualified as ‘lady of the
shrine and eye of Horus’.

30
  There is an issue about the exact reading of this sign since only the logogram of the shrine is visible on
this fragment. That its true reading must in fact be hn is demonstrated by the recently discovered new shrine
fragment C/5.15, which will be discussed in detail below. There the word is written phonetically. It can mean
‘chest’, ‘library’, or even ‘cenotaph’ (L. Habachi and P. Ghalioungui, ‘The “House of Life” of Bubastis’, CdE 46
(1971), 59–71) but in this context — depicted on a shrine — the appropriate translation should be ‘shrine/naos’.
The epithet nbt hn is discussed in J.–C. Goyon, ‘Les cultes d’Abydos à la Basse Époque d’après une stèle du
Musée de Lyon’, Kêmi 18 (1968), 41–4. C. Leitz, Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen, IV
(OLA 113; Leuven, 2002), 92 gives in all seven references for the epithet nb.t hn, three referring to Bastet, one to
the goddess Menhit.
31
  The sx.t-nTr ‘god’s field’ is a toponym especially associated with the nome of Bubastis, and can be found
numerous times in the temple: Habachi, Tell Basta, 121.
32
  See W. Guglielmi, Die Göttin Mr.t. Entstehung und Verehrung einer Personifikation (PdÄ 7; Leiden, 1991),
201–11.
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 259

Fig. 12. Fragment

of naos found at Saft
el-Hennah; outer wall
(from Naville, Saft el
Henneh, pl. viii C2).

Fig. 13. Reconstruction of front side inner niche (drawing by author).

260 daniela rosenow JEA 94

Fig. 14. Detail of C/5.15 (a) showing the Lower Fig. 15. Fragment of naos found at Saft el-Hennah;
Egyptian Hapi and columns of inscription inner wall outer niche
(drawing by author). (from Naville, Saft el Henneh, pl. viii C1).

  The inner left jamb (BM EA 1106 (c): fig. 10) was decorated with a figure of the
Upper Egyptian tutelary goddess Nekhbet as a snake wearing the white crown, coiled
around the emblematic lotus plant of Upper Egypt. She is labelled as Nxb.t dj=s
anx wAs ‘Nekhbet, she gives life and dominion’. The right jamb would have borne
a complementary image of the goddess Wadjet shown as a snake coiled around the
papyrus plant of Lower Egypt and wearing the red crown. The head of the snake and
the hieroglyph wAD are still visible on fragment B/4.1 (b). The same block preserved
a winged sun disc with its familiar annotation BHd.tj, ‘the Behdedite’, and a row of
stars which formed part of the decoration on the inner niche’s lintel (fig. 13). The
ceiling of the shrine cavity was decorated with small stars. A horizontal line is all
that has survived from the outer shrine’s ceiling, which may have been decorated in
a more elaborate manner, e.g. with vultures.
 As already discussed, the Saft el-Hennah fragment probably belongs to this naos
of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’; it can be placed directly next to EA 1106. This proves
that the shrine’s interior walls were decorated too, at least as regards the outer niche.
This decoration can be reconstructed as follows (fig. 15): the lower register features
a row of large vertical cartouches of Nekhthorheb, while the upper register was
decorated with figures of the king, perhaps offering to or worshipping Bastet, or
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 261
performing another royal ceremony. Both registers were separated with an extended
star-filled pt-sign.
  The most remarkable feature of this naos, in terms of iconography, is the depiction
of a smA-tA.wy-scene. This motif can be interpreted in relation to the act of twA-
p.t, whose principal aim was to maintain the key result of the creation process: the
separation of heaven and earth. Thus the smA-tA.wy scene recalls the instance when the
history of Egypt began, through the unification of the Two Lands. Both ceremonies
(smA-tAwy and twA-p.t) are therefore closely related to each other, as their content and
purpose partly overlap; it is therefore logical that they should be positioned in close
proximity upon monuments such as this shrine.33
 A second level of interpretation can be proposed for this smA-tA.wy scene. If a
smA-tA.wy scene is depicted upon royal monuments (other than statuary thrones), it
alludes to the coronation, as the act of smA-tA.wy was part of this ceremony since the
First Dynasty.34 The link between the two ceremonies (smA-tAwy and twA-p.t) is often
emphasized through the accompanying texts of the gods or fecundity figures who
perform the smA-tA.wy. Thus in the temple of Seti I at Abydos, Thoth states: ‘[…] I
have united for you the Two Lands in order that (you may) take possesion of the Two
Lands in triumph (r jTt tA.wy m mAa-xrw)’,35 while Horus says: ‘I unite the Two Lands
under you […]. Your person is established on the srx as Atum is strong in Heliopolis
[…]’.36 The depiction of the smA-tA.wy in the temple of Hibis,37 where the ceremony
is again performed by Thoth and Horus, is accompanied with the following speech
of ‘Amun-Re, lord of Hibis’: ‘[…] I join (Xnm) for you Upper Egypt, I unite for you
Lower Egypt. I link (dmD) for you the double crown […] forever’, and ‘I unite for
you all lands as one entity (m jx.t wa.t). I assign to you the throne of Geb, the office of
Atum, the years of Shu and Tefnut, for ever and ever’.38
  The tomb of Ipy at Deir el-Medineh shows Horus and Seth performing the
ceremony,39 but here the coronation and the smA-tA.wy are not only linked by annotations,
but explicitely by a certain gesture: the king kneels on the smA-sign, Horus and Seth
perform the ceremony of smA-tA.wy with one hand, while they hold their other hand
up towards the figure of the king, almost touching the king’s crown.
  In Ptolemaic times, it is particularly clear that the rituals of coronation and the
‘unification of the Two Lands’ were fused: the smA-tA.wy chamber in the temple of
Dendera shows the icon of the ‘unification of the Two Lands’ performed by the
Upper and Lower Egyptian Hapi. The inscription informs us about the presentation
of the red and the white crown to Horus by Nekhbet and Wadjet.40 As both textual
33
 E.g. as on the barque emplacement of Atlanarsa in the Meroitic temple B 700 at Gebel Barkal: G. Reisner,
‘The Barkal Temples in 1916’, JEA 5 (1918), 104–6, pl. xiv.
34
  The Palermo Stone mentions a smA-tA.wy for king Djer: W. Barta, Untersuchungen zur Göttlichkeit des
regierenden Königs: Ritus und Sakralkönigtum in Altägypten nach Zeugnissen der Frühzeit und des Alten Reiches
(MÄS 32; München, 1975), 48.
35
  J. Baines, Fecundity Figures: Egyptian Personification and the Iconology of a Genre (Warminster, 1985), 261.
36
  Ibid., 261.
37
  N. de G. Davies, The Temple of Hibis in el-Khargeh Oasis, III: The Decoration (PMMA 17; New York, 1953),
pl. 26.
38
 Baines, Fecundity Figures, 270.
39
  Ibid. 262–3 (fig. 154). TT 217: N. de G. Davies, Two Ramesside Tombs at Thebes (PMMA Robb de Peyster
Tytus Memorial Series 5; New York, 1927).
40
  É. Chassinat, Le Temple de Dendara, I (MIFAO 1; Cairo, 1934), 170, pls 144 (drawing) and 145 (photo).
262 daniela rosenow JEA 94

and iconographical content cannot be read separately in Egyptian temples, the

identification between the two ceremonies at this period is therefore unequivocal.
 Few sources relate to coronations in the Late Period: the Hermopolis Stela 41 and
the Naucratis Stela,42 along with the copy of the latter from Herakleion,43 hint at
Nekhtnebef’s coronation at Memphis and Sais. Furthermore, the naoi from el-
Arish 44 and Saft el-Hennah 45 refer to the coronation of divinities. The coronation
stelae of the Napatan kings Tanutamun,46 Aspelta,47 and Irike-Amanote 48 should
also be mentioned.
  The place of Nekhthorheb’s coronation is unknown, as is any knowledge about the
exact nature of this ceremony.49 Even the specific Egyptian term for ‘coronation’ is
not known with certainty. But the fact that both the Hermopolis Stela, as well as the
Naukratis/Heraklion stelae, possibly allude to coronation ceremonies of Nekhtnebef
in different places, may hint at a royal tour of inspection at the moment of accession
to power.50 A similar procedure is attested for the Napatan kings. Their coronation
stelae show that a visit to the most important sanctuaries immediately followed the
accession to the throne, so that their gods could confirm the king by handing over the
royal insigniae. As we know with certainty, Napata, Kawa, Pnubs, and a Bastet temple
near Napata were important cult places to visit during the Twenty-fifth Dynasty.51
  It is indisputable that Bubastis was one of the major cult centres in Egypt during the
Thirtieth Dynasty. Nekhthorheb renewed the sanctuary of the Third Intermediate
Period at the beginning of his reign. These building activities seem to have been
completed within his reign as, in contrast to other great buildings projects in the
Eastern Delta such as the temple of Behbeit el-Haggar,52 his temple at Bubastis was
not finished by the Ptolemies.
  The naos, one of the key components of any temple, for ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’
set up by Nekhthorheb at Tell Basta, depicts a smA-tA.wy scene. As explained above,
this may be considered as evidence for one of a series of coronation ceremonies or
celebrations at the accession of Nekhthorheb. Similar depictions or inscriptions
41
  Cairo Museum JE 72103.
42
  Cairo Museum JE 34002.
43
  The so-called Thônis stela, now in the National Museum of Alexandria.
44
  Today in the Museum of Ismailia, inv. 2248. Here the coronation of the god Geb is described, probably al-
luding to Nekhthorheb’s or Nekhtnebef’s coronation. See e.g. T. Schneider, ‘Mythos und Zeitgeschichte in der
30. Dynastie: Eine politische Lektüre des „Mythos von den Götterkönigen“ ’, in A. Brodbeck (ed.), Ein ägyp-
tisches Glasperlenspiel: Ägyptologische Beiträge für Erik Hornung aus seinem Schülerkreis (Berlin, 1998), 207–42.
45
 Here related to the coronation of the god Horus, see P. Koemoth, ‘Le couronnement du faucon-roi à Pi-Sop-
dou d’après le naos de Saft el-Henna (CG 70021)’, DE 52 (2002), 13–55.
46
  Cairo Museum JE 48863: N. Grimal, Quatre stèles napatéennes au Musée du Caire JE 48863–48866: Textes et
Indices (MIFAO 106; Cairo, 1981), 3–20, pls i–iv.
47
  Cairo Museum JE 48866: ibid., 21–36, pls v–vii.
48
  Stela IX from Kawa: M. F. L. Macadam, The Temples of Kawa, I: The Inscriptions (Oxford, 1949), I, pls
17–26; II, 56 and 57.
49
 Barta suggested a form of coronation ritual: W. Barta, ‘Rituale für Geburt und Krönung’, ZÄS 112 (1985),
1–13 and lists all known sources relating to Egyptian coronation.
50
 Already suggested by H. Bonnet, Reallexikon der ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte (3rd edn; Berlin, 2000),
398–400, s.v. ‘Krönung’.
51
  See E. Kormysheva, ‘Das Inthronisationsritual des Königs von Meroe’, in R. Gundlach and M. Rochholz
(eds), Ägyptische Tempel — Struktur, Funktion und Programm (HÄB 37; Hildesheim, 1994), 187–210; L. Török,
The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan–Meroitic Civilization (HdO I/31; Leiden, 1997), 220–30.
52
  C. Favard-Meeks, Le temple de Behbeit el-Hagara: Essai de reconstitution et d’interprétation (BSAK 6; Ham-
burg, 1996).
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 263
cannot be found on any other temple or naos walls erected under Nekhthorheb’s
reign. As this scene is unparalleled, it may indicate the ceremony at Bubastis was
particularly important, perhaps that at the start or end of a royal tour of inspection.
 A coronation of the pharaoh at Bubastis would reflect the importance of the city
during the Late Period. This would partly be a consequence of its undoubted strategic
and military importance in terms of the Eastern Delta, but also of its being one of
the major cult centres of Egypt since the Old Kingdom. Such a tradition is not, in
contrast, attested for other sanctuaries like Sebennytos,53 Saft el-Hennah,54 or Behbeit
el-Haggar. The attention afforded Bubastis under the Thirtieth Dynasty is continued
in the Ptolemaic Era. The recently discovered copy of the Canopus Decree 55 at Tell
Basta bears ample witness to the importance of this temple throughout the entire
Ptolemaic period, until probably an earthquake destroyed the temple.56

The function of the naos

Determining the exact function of the shrine is problematic. It is dedicated to BAst.t

nb(.t) hn, ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’, suggesting that the monument housed a cult
statue of Bastet and represents the main naos of the sanctuary. However, the newly
discovered fragments belonging to this naos were not found in the centre of the
sanctuary, but rather to the north-west of it. Instead it is certain that the shrine,
whose most important pieces are in the British Museum today,57 was located in
the main sanctuary 58 and housed the actual cult statue of Bastet. It is noteworthy
that there are specific iconographical elements on the shrine of ‘Bastet, lady of the
shrine’ that suggest it was part of a sacred barque emplacement.59 These decorative
motifs include the Meret goddesses or the emblematic plants — all features that are
normally absent from naoi but can often be found in the direct vicinity of sacred
barques.60 Additionally the reference to the word wTs-nfr.w on the Saft el-Hennah
block, which probably belonged to this naos, fits with the suggestion that wTs-nfr.w
can be translated as ‘processional barque’. Thus Arnold 61 and Spencer 62 suggested

53
  See É. Naville, The Mound of the Jew and the City of Onias: Belbeis, Samanood, Abusir, Tukh el Karmus,
1887 (MEEF 7/[1]; London, 1890), 23–7, pl. vi; N. A. Spencer, ‘The Epigraphical Survey of Samanud’, JEA 85
(1999), 55–83, pls vii–xiv; id. ‘Samanud: The Urban Context’, JEA 87 (2001), 23–31, pls i–iv.
54
  See Naville, The Shrine of Saft el Henneh; H. Virenque, ‘Les quatre naos de Saft el-Henneh: Un rempart
théologique construit par Nectanebo Ier dans le Delta oriental’, EAO 42 (June 2006), 19–28.
55
  J. Hallof, E. Lange, and C. Tietze, ‘Ein neues Exemplar des Kanopus-Dekrets aus Bubastis’, AfP 51 (2005),
1–29.
56
 Although often suggested, the Temple of Bastet cannot have been completely destroyed by the Persians
during the hostilities that preceded the Second Persian Dominion. The discovery of the Canopus Decree proves
that the temple was still among Egypt’s most important sanctuaries during the Ptolemaic Period and it is highly
improbable that the Ptolemies erected this edict in a completely or partly destroyed building. Thus it is more
likely that the temple either collapsed under its own weight or due to an earthquake in later times.
57
 British Museum EA 1005, EA 1078, and EA 1079; see Spencer, Naos.
58
  This assumption is also supported by the fact that the fragments from Tell Basta, that belong to this
shrine, were all discovered in the central square grid; see Rosenow, Das Tempelhaus des Großen Bastet-Tempels in
Bubastis.
59
  See Spencer, Naos, 54.
60
  Compare the the central barque chapel in the Amun-Re temple at Karnak: P. Barguet, Le Temple d’Amon-Rê
à Karnak. Essai d’exégèse (RAPH 21; Cairo, 1962), 130, pl. 20, and the Late Ptolemaic chapel at Koptos: C. Trau-
necker, Coptos: Hommes et dieux sur le parvis de Geb (OLA 43; Leuven, 1992), 293–303, pl. 7.a.
61
 D. Arnold, Temples of the Last Pharaohs (New York, 1999), 129.
62
  Spencer, Naos, 55–6.
264 daniela rosenow JEA 94

that this naos fulfilled the role of a permanent architectural setting for a processional
image. No sacred barque is depicted on the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’.
As this motif is obviously missing, Spencer thus proposes that the naos housed
an actual barque:63 it was not a substitution chapel, but a barque chapel proper. In
particular, the shrine may have housed a processional image of the goddess Bastet.
The depiction of iconographical elements linked with barque emplacements and the
textual reference to the processional barque itself (wTs-nfr.w) are consistent with such
an interpretation.
 Furthermore, a block discovered at Tell Basta depicts the cult statues of the minor
deities Shesemtet and Wadjet,64 the accompanying inscription stating their material
and size: qmA n nbw q(Aw) mH 1 ‘made of gold, height: one cubit’ (fig. 16). The statues are
labelled as WAD.t jmy.t wjA=s ‘Wadjet in her barque’ and ^smt.t jmy.t wjA=s ‘Shesemtet
in her barque’. This hints that cult statues specifically intended for sacred barques
were a feature of the Bastet temple. It is thus likely that the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of
the shrine’ housed a cult barque statue, while the central naos provided the space for
the main cult statue of the goddess Bastet, which was probably larger than one cubit
high and also made of gold.
 Further studies at Tell Basta should throw more light on this shrine, and on the
sacred buildings of the Late Period, particularly those in the Nile Delta.

Fig. 16. Fragment D/5.4 from Tell Basta: Cult statues of Wadjet and Shesemtet (drawing by author).
63
  Spencer, Naos, 55.
64
 Block D/5.4; see Rosenow, Das Tempelhaus des Großen Bastet-Tempels in Bubastis.
2008 the naos of ‘bastet, lady of the shrine’ 265
Appendix: Blocks that do not belong to the Naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’

In contrast to the reconstruction proposed by Charles van Siclen,65 the following

fragments do not belong to the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’:
Cairo Museum CG 70016 66
This fragment cannot have formed part of this naos, as is clear from its architecture and
decoration. The block is 1.01 m wide which — on the basis of a symmetrical offering
scene in the centre — leads to a reconstruction of a naos originally approximately
1.55 m wide. In contrast to that, the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’ had a width of
approximately 1.75–1.80 m. Furthermore its inscription refers to the king as ‘beloved
of Wadjet, lady of Nebu/Nebit(?),67 residing (Hrj-jb) at Bubastis’. Thus the block
is more likely to belong to a naos for Wadjet, who was worshipped at Bubastis as a
minor deity. A similar epithet can also be found on the naos for Bastet and Heryshef
found at Bubastis.68 Here, Heryshef is characterized as ‘Heryshef, king of the Two
Lands, residing (Hrj-jb) in Bubastis’. Other naoi for minor deities can be ascribed
to Montu, Sakhmet, Shesemtet, and Horhekenu.69 However, Spencer proposed that
fragment CG 70016 was part of the temple’s central naos.70
British Museum EA 1080 (fig. 17) 71
Again, the architecture and decoration of this fragment implies it did not belong to
the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’. Its reconstructed width can be determined as
1.46 m,72 in contrast to the 1.75 m wide naos discussed here. In addition its cornice
bears no traces of decoration, whereas the cornice on both the left and the right
outer walls of the naos of ‘Bastet, lady of the shrine’ was definitely decorated.73
Thus this block is also more likely to be part of a naos for a minor deity worshipped
at Bubastis.
British Museum EA 1005, 1078, 1079; 74 Cairo Museum, number unknown; 75 Switzerland
Private Collection 240; 76 missing block 77
These blocks are also included in Van Siclen’s reconstruction of the inner decoration
of the naos’ outer niche,78 but do not belong to this shrine. They all can definitely be
assigned to the central naos of the Bubastis sanctuary.79

65
  See van Siclen, in Bryan and Lorton (eds), Essays Goedicke, 321–32.
66
  Naville, Bubastis, pl. xlvii.H.
67
  See L. Habachi, ‘Edjo, Mistress of Nebt’, ZÄS 90 (1963), 41–9. Habachi identifies this toponym with an
ancient site close to the modern village Bilfiya in Upper Egypt and gives further references.
68
  Cairo Museum CG 70013.
69
  See Rosenow, Das Tempelhaus des Großen Bastet-Tempels in Bubastis.
70
  Spencer, Naos, 1–6, fig. 5, and pl. 2, although there is still a difference of 10–15 cm between the total width
of BM EA 1079, which definitely belonged to this shrine, and the reconstructed total width of CG 70016.
71
  Naville, Bubastis, pl. xlvii.D and E.
72
  See Spencer, Naos, 2.
73
  See B/4.1 (a) and B/4.3 (a), figs 3 and 11.
74
  Naville, Bubastis, pl. xlvii.A and pl. xlviii.A–D.
75
  Naville, Bubastis, pl.xlvii. C. See also Spencer, Naos, 11–12, pl. 22.
76
  Naville, Bubastis, pl. xlvii.F. See also Spencer, Naos, 12, pl. 20.
77
  Naville, Bubastis, pl. xlvii.B. See also Spencer, Naos, 13, pl. 5. Current location unknown.
78
  See van Siclen in Bryan and Lorton (eds), Essays Goedicke, 330–1 (figs 6 and 7).
79
  Spencer, Naos, 5–13.
266 daniela rosenow JEA 94

Fig. 17. British Museum EA 1080: Gabled roof with vertical front adorned with frieze of uraei
(courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum).