john wyclif

great medieval thinkers

Series Editor
Brian Davies
Fordham University

duns scotus
Richard Cross

bernard of clairvaux
Gillian R. Evans

john scottus eriugena

Deirdre Carabine

robert grosseteste
James McEvoy

boethius
John Marenbon

peter lombard
Philipp W. Rosemann

bonaventure
Christopher M. Cullen

al-kindī
Peter Adamson

john buridan
Gyula Klima

anselm
Sandra Visser and Thomas Williams

abelard and heloise

Constance J. Mews

john wyclif
Stephen E. Lahey
john

wyclif

Stephen E. Lahey

1 2009
 1
Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further
Oxford University’s objective of excellence
in research, scholarship, and education.

Oxford New York

Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi
Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi
New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto

With offices in
Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece
Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore
South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam

Copyright © 2009 by Oxford University Press, Inc.

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.

198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016

www.oup.com

Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of Oxford University Press.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lahey, Stephen E.
John Wyclif / by Stephen E. Lahey.
p. cm. — (Great medieval thinkers)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 978-0-19-518331-3; 978-0-19-518332-0 (pbk.)
1. Wycliffe, John, d. 1384. I. Title.
BX4905.L34 2008
270.5092—dc22 2008013774

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
 series foreword

Many people would be surprised to be told that there were any great medi-
eval thinkers. If a great thinker is one from whom we can learn today, and
if “medieval” serves as an adjective for describing anything which existed
from (roughly) ad 600 to 1500, then, so it is often supposed, medieval think-
ers cannot be called “great.”
Why not? One answer often given appeals to ways in which medieval
authors with a taste for argument and speculation tend to invoke authori-
ties, especially religious ones. Such invocations of authority are not the stuff
of which great thought is made—so it is often said today. It is also fre-
quently said that greatness is not to be found in the thinking of those who
lived before the rise of modern science, modern philosophy, and theology.
Students of science are nowadays hardly ever referred to literature earlier
than the seventeenth century. Students of philosophy in the twentieth cen-
tury were often taught nothing about the history of ideas between Aristotle
(384–322 bc) and Descartes (1596–1650). Modern students of theology have
often been frequently encouraged to believe that significant theological
thinking is a product of the nineteenth century.
Yet the origins of modern science lie in the conviction that the world is
open to rational investigation and is orderly rather than chaotic—a con-
viction which came fully to birth, and was systematically explored and

v
vi series foreword

developed, during the Middle Ages. And it is in medieval thinking that we

find some of the most sophisticated and rigorous discussions in the areas of
philosophy and theology ever offered for human consumption—not sur-
prising, perhaps, if we note that medieval philosophers and theologians,
like their contemporary counterparts, were mostly university teachers
who participated in ongoing worldwide debates and were not (like many
seventeenth-, eighteenth-, and even nineteenth-century philosophers and
theologians) people working in relative isolation from a large community
of teachers and students with whom they were regularly involved. As for
the question of appeal to authority: it is certainly true that many medieval
thinkers believed in authority (especially religious authority) as a serious
court of appeal; and it is true that most people today would say that they
cannot do this. But, as many contemporary philosophers are increasingly
reminding us, authority is as much an ingredient in our thinking as it was
for medieval thinkers (although, because of differences between thinkers,
one might reasonably say that there is no such thing as “medieval thought”).
Most of what we take ourselves to know derives from the trust we have
in our various teachers, colleagues, friends, and general contacts. When it
comes to reliance on authority, the main difference between us and medi-
eval thinkers lies in the fact that their reliance on authority (insofar as they
had it) was often more focused and explicitly acknowledged than is ours.
It does not lie in the fact that it was uncritical and naive in a way that our
reliance on authority is not.
In recent years, such truths have come to be increasingly recognized at
what we might call the academic level. No longer disposed to think of the
Middle Ages as “dark” (meaning, lacking in intellectual richness), many
university departments (and many publishers of books and journals) now
devote a lot of their energy to the study of medieval thinking. And they do
so not simply on the assumption that it is historically significant but also
in the light of the increasingly developing insight that it is full of things
with which to dialogue and from which to learn. Following a long period
in which medieval thinking was thought to be of only antiquarian interest,
we are now witnessing its revival as a contemporary voice—one with which
to converse, one from which we might learn.
The Great Medieval Thinkers series reflects and is part of this exciting
revival. Written by a distinguished team of experts, the volumes in the series
aim to provide substantial introductions to a range of medieval authors.
 series foreword vii

And they do so on the assumption that these authors are as worth reading
today as they were when they wrote. Students of medieval literature (e.g.,
the writings of Chaucer) are currently well supplied (if not oversupplied)
with secondary works to aid them when reading the objects of their con-
cern. But those with an interest in medieval philosophy and theology are by
no means so fortunate when it comes to reliable and accessible volumes to
help them. The Great Medieval Thinkers series therefore aspires to remedy
that deficiency by concentrating on medieval philosophers and theologians
and by offering solid overviews of their lives and thought coupled with
contemporary reflections on what they had to say. Taken individually, vol-
umes in the series provide valuable treatments of single thinkers, many of
whom are not currently covered by any comparable books. Taken together,
they constitute a rich and distinguished history and discussion of medieval
philosophy and theology considered as a whole. With an eye on college
and university students, and with an eye on the general reader, authors of
volumes in the series strive to write in a clear and accessible manner so that
each of the thinkers can be investigated by those who have no previous
knowledge about them. But each contributor to the series also intends to
inform, engage, and generally entertain even those with specialist knowl-
edge when it comes to medieval thinking. So, as well as surveying and
introducing, the volumes in the series seek to advance the state of medieval
studies at both the historical and the speculative levels.
The subject of the present volume belongs to the period of late scholasti-
cism. Wyclif was the most prominent English philosopher of the second
half of the fourteenth century. He wrote voluminously on topics such as
logic, language, epistemology, and politics. Yet he was also a very distin-
guished theologian. He had things to say about, for example, God’s exis-
tence and nature, the Bible, grace, the sacraments, and ecclesiology.
Condemned as a heretic after his death, Wyclif stressed the authority
of scripture, attacked the notion of transubstantiation, and was a vigorous
critic of several aspects of the church as he took it to be in his lifetime. So
he has often been regarded as a forerunner (or the major forerunner) of
sixteenth-century Reformation thinkers. But was Wyclif really that? To
answer this question, we need to know how his philosophical and theo-
logical conclusions compare and contrast with those of his predecessors,
and this is something that Stephen Lahey explains in some detail. In addi-
tion, Professor Lahey provides us with a comprehensive introduction to
viii series foreword

Wyclif ’s thinking as a whole, one which will help readers to understand it

in its own terms and even without reference to the work of other authors.
Wyclif wrote in both English and Latin, but many of his Latin works have
yet to be translated into English. So he is somewhat hard to get to know.
Professor Lahey’s volume will help to make him accessible to those who do
want to get to know him.

—Brian Davies
 preface

The study of medieval thinkers can be hampered by the compartmentaliza-

tion of contemporary academic disciplines, which demand that an individ-
ual be examined through the lens of one specific approach. The result is a
host of generally brilliant portraits of fragments of the work of a thinker for
whom the subject-based differentiation of twenty-first-century scholarly
pursuits would be utterly foreign. That a thinker was actively engaged in
ongoing theological and political conflicts is easily overlooked by a scholar
intent on fishing out a particular argument or a commentary on a specific
text. This is certainly the case for John Wyclif. For historians, he is impor-
tant as the instigator of the popular lay piety movement known as Lollardy,
or as the inspiration for the Hussite rebellion in Bohemia. For some church
historians, he is remembered as the antipapal and antifraternal heresiarch
responsible for the resurrection of Donatism and the denial of transubstan-
tiation. For others, his evangelically motivated translation of the Vulgate
Bible into Middle English and his arguments for the royal divestment of
church property earn him status as the morning star of the Reformation.
For students of English literature, the influence of his sermons and biblical
hermeneutics on Lollardy nurtured vernacular religious dialogue among
the lower and middle classes, contributing a new theological edge to prose
and poetry. For philosophers, he was an ontological realist memorable for
his attempts to oppose Ockhamist conceptualism with a fourteenth-century

ix
x preface

version of the Augustinian Platonism of Grosseteste and Anselm. For his-

torians of political thought, he was an advocate of a royalist version of the
theory of grace-founded dominion, previously employed only by papalists
like Giles of Rome and Richard Fitzralph. Historians of logic remember
him for his influence on the Logica Magna of Paul of Venice, and historians
of science study his spatiotemporal atomism, as well as his use of Vitello’s
optics in his metaphysics.
The 600-year anniversary of his death in 1984 saw an international flow-
ering of scholarship on many aspects of Wyclif ’s life, thought, and age, the
culmination of a century of scholarly effort. Toward the end of the nine-
teenth century, the Wyclif Society had begun to edit and publish Wyclif ’s
Latin works, hoping to establish his reputation as England’s most signifi-
cant contribution to the Protestant Reformation. While the Wyclif Society
editions continue to serve as they make the transition from crumbling vol-
umes on library shelves to digitized texts on the Internet, the interest has
shifted away from Wyclif the proto-Protestant to Wyclif the fourteenth-
century thinker. Sir Anthony Kenny’s 1986 Wyclif in Oxford’s Past Masters
series describes Wyclif the professional philosopher and theologian, for
whom his contemporary cognomen, doctor evangelicus, was far more fit-
ting than the anachronistic tag of “proto-Reformer.” In the years since,
scholars have contributed to our understanding of Wyclif the metaphysi-
cian and semanticist, Wyclif the scriptural exegete and hermeneuticist, and
Wyclif the preacher and polemicist. In what follows, I will piece together
a portrait of Wyclif by relying on the scholarship that has flourished in the
past few decades. As scholars have researched Oxford in the fourteenth
century, it has become increasingly obvious that those, like Wyclif, who
were active there in the years following the Black Death in 1349 continued
a dialogue that had begun in the early years of the century. As a conse-
quence, the reader will learn of the arguments and ideas of Wyclif ’s Oxford
predecessors, from William Ockham and Walter Burley in the first decade
through to Bradwardine, Fitzralph, Holcot, and Wodeham in the years
just before Wyclif entered the university. The guiding idea behind this sur-
vey of Wyclif ’s thought is that he cannot be understood without an appre-
ciation for the philosophers and theologians who preceded him; in several
chapters in this volume, Wyclif ’s predecessors get as much attention as
Wyclif himself does. Because of the extra space devoted to establishing the
intellectual atmosphere in which Wyclif ’s thought developed, I have had to
reduce the amount of attention to the relatively large body of writings that
 preface xi

Wyclif devoted to attacking the papacy and the friars. Those with a taste
for Wyclif ’s antipapal and antifraternal polemics should turn to the studies
I list in the notes for chapter 6. Likewise, I have made no more than passing
reference to the phenomena of Lollardy and the Hussites. In the first case,
readers are advised to look to the relative wealth of studies of Lollardy that
have followed on the groundbreaking work of Anne Hudson. In the sec-
ond, readers unfamiliar with Czech have considerably fewer alternatives
beyond the pioneering work of Thomas A. Fudge, Howard Kaminsky,
and Matthew Spinka. The best bibliographic resource is at http://lollard
society.org.
I am indebted to Lesley Ann Dyer for making available to me her dis-
covery of the Wyclif Society’s handwritten manuscripts of De Ydeis and
De Tempore, which had been left in a drawer in Trinity College library.
Similarly, I am indebted to Michael Dunne, Rega Wood, Aidan Breen,
Dallas Denery, Laurent Cesalli, Christina van Nolcken, Michael Treschow,
and Paul Streveler, each of whom have made their scholarship available to
me as I researched this book. I am particularly grateful to the late Norman
Kretzman, who kindly gave me his collected notes on and translations of
Wyclif ’s atomism, and wished me luck in studying a heretic in a field in
which such a thing still matters. I am also grateful to Stella Wilks who,
with the help of Diana Wood, made the collected papers of the late Michael
Wilks available to me. Ian Levy, Ruth Nisse, and Anne Hudson have read
and commented on sections of this book, and Brian Davies, Merryl Sloan,
Patrick Hornbeck, Fiona Somerset, and Julia McQuillan have read the
whole of it; to each, I am very grateful for saving me from having made
unfortunate mistakes. Those that remain are my own. Ian Levy has helped
immeasurably in many conversations and e-mail exchanges, and his scholar-
ship has contributed much to what follows. Finally, I am particularly grate-
ful to A. S. “Steve” McGrade, my dissertation advisor and mentor, who,
when I said I thought that Wyclif might be a good candidate for Oxford’s
Great Medieval Thinkers series, heartily encouraged me. I hope this book
will serve as a token of thanks for the friendly guidance he has provided
me over the years.
This page intentionally left blank
 contents

1. Wyclif ’s Life and Work 3

2. The Oxford Context of Wyclif ’s Thought 32

3. Wyclif in Oxford: Logic, Metaphysics 65

4. Denying Transubstantiation: Physics, Eucharist,

and Apostasy 102

5. The Logic of Scripture 135

6. Predestination and the Church 169

7. Dominium as Foundation of Wyclif ’s Political

and Ecclesiological Vision 199

Epilogue 222

Appendix: Wyclif ’s Confessio 226

Notes 245

Bibliography 271

Index 287

xiii
This page intentionally left blank
john wyclif
This page intentionally left blank

1

wyclif’s life and work

William James commented that, while there is no special affinity between

crankiness as such and superior intellect, the cranky person’s extraordinary
emotional susceptibility, combined with a superior intellect, shows the “best
possible condition for the kind of effective genius that gets into the bio-
graphical dictionaries.” The cranky are not content to sit comfortably, cul-
tivating a rich understanding of things. Instead, they are possessed by their
ideas, and “they inflict them, for better or worse, upon their companions or
their age.”1 James’s comments apply readily to the life and thought of John
Wyclif, who began as an Oxford philosopher and theologian, but ended in
tumultuous conflict, an enemy of the church hierarchy and a frustration to
the Crown. Certainly, the Wyclif of popular imagination is the angry old
controversialist, a John Brown figure prophesying the eventual storm of the
Reformation. It is not easy to connect this vituperative critic of the papacy,
the friars, and the fourteenth-century ecclesiastical status quo with the
abstractions of scholasticism. Yet Wyclif ’s later public life is incomprehen-
sible without an understanding of his Oxford years. Thanks to the vigor
with which Wyclif was opposed by his contemporaries, we have a wealth of
biographical information for him from the final dozen years of his life, but
records for his first four decades are almost nonexistent.
There is no clear evidence for either the year or the place of Wyclif ’s birth.
In earlier biographies, the Yorkshire towns of Hipswell and Wycliff-on-Tees

3
4 john wyclif

are suggested as his birthplace, and historians generally recognize the latter
as most likely.2 This tiny village is not far from Richmond castle, a northern
stronghold in a time when Bannockburn and Scots raiders haunted living
memory. J. M. W. Turner’s romantic depictions of Richmond castle and
Wycliffe near Rokeby show a thickly wooded landscape of towering hills
and secluded glens. While appealing to us, in Wyclif ’s time, this was fron-
tier territory, the beauty of which may have been lost on its inhabitants. We
know that Wyclif ’s family was of lesser nobility and that his parents were
married in 1319. Many priests of the age were younger sons deprived by
primogeniture of landholding, so it is probable that Wyclif, likely a younger
son, was born sometime in the 1320s; the accepted date is 1328. Of his early
life, nothing is known, save that his first teacher was one John de Clervaux,
the rector of Wycliffe Church until his death in 1362. Extant records sug-
gest that Wyclif became lord of the manor around 1360, thereby assum-
ing responsibility for supplying Wycliffe Church with its rector. This office
was occupied by William Wyclif, a cousin of John and a fellow student at
Oxford, and later by other members of his family. More important, the
small landholding’s overlord was the Duke of Lancaster, John of Gaunt,
which may account for the genesis of Wyclif ’s later political affiliation.
While we know little about the actual appearance of many medieval
figures, we have an idea of Wyclif ’s physical presence. A contemporary
source describes him as having a distinctly charismatic aura and a frail, per-
haps birdlike physique, while an illumination in a 1410 Prague manuscript
depicts a bearded, faintly scowling scholar. Certainly, Wyclif ’s writings give
evidence of a contentious, acerbic personality who evolved from a philoso-
pher with a quicksilver wit to a churchman unswervingly dedicated to the
pastoral responsibilities of preaching and writing. Also, we can be sure that
Wyclif ’s native tongue was what we now call Middle English, the version of
English most often encountered by students reading Chaucer’s Canterbury
Tales. Despite the historically widespread belief that Wyclif wrote volumi-
nously in English for the spiritual edification of the laity, there is no extant
text that can be attributed to him with certainty. That Wyclif spoke, prob-
ably wrote, and very likely thought in his native tongue is relevant to under-
standing his Latin works, though. Wyclif ’s Latin is difficult to understand
at its best, and sensitivity to the speech patterns and vocabulary of Middle
English can help to clarify at least some of the difficult areas in it.
Wyclif likely began studying at Queen’s College, Oxford, in the 1340s,
perhaps with an eye on a career in the law, and we know that he graduated
 wyclif’s life and work 5

and became a fellow at Merton College in 1356. If he began his studies in

his late teens, he was at Oxford during the Black Death in 1349, and would
have heard Bradwardine preach at St. Paul’s in London before the latter
was made archbishop of Canterbury and then died in August of that year.
Wyclif ’s early years at Oxford correspond to the heyday of the Mertonian
calculators and to the years in which the logicians Richard Brinkley,
Richard Kilvington, and William Heytesbury were active. Walter Burley
and Richard Fitzralph had left Oxford by the time Wyclif arrived. Wyclif
entered Oxford about the same time as the logician Ralph Strode, who
would later become friendly with Chaucer.
Wyclif ’s life was given significant direction when he was ordained as
a subdeacon at St. Mary’s in Yorkshire on 12 March 1351, as a deacon
on 18 April, and then as a priest on 24 September of the same year, by
Archbishop William de la Zouche at York Minster. Shortly thereafter, the
archbishopric of York was given to John Thoresby, a Yorkshireman who
had been bishop of St. David’s and then of Worcester. In 1357, Thoresby
wrote a catechism for the instruction of the laity, which he had translated
into English verse by John Gaytrick, a Benedictine of St. Mary’s, the church
in which Wyclif had served. This catechism explained the elements of
belief, the sacraments, the seven deadly sins, and the virtues, and quickly
became well known throughout the archdiocese. Thoresby’s Lay-Folk’s
Catechism was an attempt to realize the reformative ideals of the Fourth
Lateran Council (1215–1216) as implemented in England by Archbishop
John Peckham in the Lambeth Constitutions of 1281. Arguing that priestly
ignorance foments popular error, Peckham’s goal was to enlighten both the
lower clergy and the laity, and throughout the fourteenth century, manu-
als for priests inspired by Peckham were common throughout England.
Thoresby’s catechism inspired Archbishop Islip of Canterbury to publish a
similar catechism in 1361. Given his university training, Wyclif could have
been involved in Thoresby’s project. It is conceivable that the young priest’s
association with Thoresby brought him to the attention of Archbishop Islip,
who would later attempt to appoint him as warden of the newly founded
Canterbury College. On the other hand, it is hard to imagine Wyclif ’s later
followers not taking advantage of the fact, had he been associated with
Thoresby; indeed, the Lay-Folk’s Catechism was converted into a Lollard
catechism, and no mention is made of Wyclif ’s relation to Thoresby.3
Wyclif ’s first accomplishment at Oxford was to graduate as a bachelor
in the Faculty of Arts in 1356, the year he became a probationary fellow at
6 john wyclif

Merton College. He spent the next four years pursuing a master’s degree
at Balliol College, during which period he was also elected to be Balliol’s
third master. In gaining this distinction, Wyclif had to receive the concur-
rence of numerous other officials at Oxford, notably Uthred of Boldon, a
Benedictine scholar who was to become one of his first intellectual oppo-
nents. Upon receiving his master of arts degree, Wyclif was installed as a
parish priest in Fillingham, Lincolnshire, on 14 May 1361. The next year,
he formally asked the pope for a canonry in Yorkshire, somewhat closer to
home, but instead was granted another parish in Bristol, Aust at Westbury-
on-Trym, which he held in addition to the one in Fillingham. Wyclif was
at best an infrequent figure at Westbury. Instead, he requested permission
to return to Oxford, which was granted on 29 August 1363. Holding sev-
eral livings in different parishes was quite common, and had Wyclif been
any other scholarly priest, this pluralism would have been unremarkable.
Given Wyclif ’s later vehement excoriation of the practice, it is difficult to
understand why he engaged in it throughout his Oxford career.
In the autumn of 1363, Wyclif began his theological training, which
would involve four years of lectures and several more years of experience in
formal disputation. Following this demanding curriculum, the theologian
in training was required to begin studying and constructing a commentary
on Peter Lombard’s Sentences. Should he finish this, he would receive a doc-
torate in theology.4 All the while, Wyclif was expected to remain respon-
sible for his parish in Fillingham and his prebend at Aust, although he
exchanged Fillingham for Ludgershall, Buckinghamshire, in November
1368. Wyclif achieved a bachelor’s of theology in March 1369, and a doctor-
ate in late 1372; the three-year period between the two was full of signifi-
cance for his later career.
Archbishop Simon Islip of Canterbury had founded Canterbury Col-
lege at Oxford in 1361 and, perhaps remembering the promising young
cleric from Thoresby’s diocese, selected Wyclif to be its warden in December
1365. The college was founded to include a mixture of monks and secular,
nonmonastic students, which in those times could be a volatile combina-
tion. Quarreling between the two factions had driven out the first warden,
a monk named Woodhull, and the monks had little interest in the super-
vision of a secular priest like Wyclif. Islip supported Wyclif for a year in
the face of this tension, but died and was succeeded by John Langham, who
had been a Benedictine abbot before becoming archbishop of Canterbury.
Langham immediately ordered Wyclif from Canterbury’s wardenship, but
 wyclif’s life and work 7

Wyclif would not submit to this sort of politics and appealed the case to
Pope Urban V at Avignon. Urban had little love for Langham, who had
earlier thwarted Avignon’s attempts to exact tribute from England. Five
uncomfortable years passed at Canterbury College before Urban finally
decided against Wyclif. During that period, Wyclif occasionally ran afoul
of the “regulars,” the scholars who as monks and friars had sworn to live
according to a rule.

Wyclif ’s Oxford Works to 1372

To understand Wyclif ’s academic disputes, it is important to become famil-

iar with the body of writing he produced during the years leading up to his
association with the Duke of Lancaster. What led to his reputation as the
greatest secular philosophical theologian in the Oxford of his day, and why
did he get involved in so many high-profile arguments with other scholars?
In one sense, being involved in many noteworthy disputations was a func-
tion of being an eminent scholar. As in academia today, most noteworthy
philosophers and theologians in the Middle Ages were known for their
frequent and lively disputes with one another. What is significant about
Wyclif ’s reputation is the controversy his ideas seemed to stir up among his
fellows, and the impact those ideas had on academic discourse in Oxford
and elsewhere over the next century. While he never shook a fireplace
poker in the face of a rival, as Wittgenstein is rumored to have done, his
reputation as something of a hothead flourished at Oxford.5
A caveat is necessary before describing Wyclif ’s writings in the context
of his biography. We have no certainty regarding the dates of his works,
beyond those few in which he makes note of a particular event, like the
Earthquake Council, when positions associated with Wyclif were con-
demned at Blackfriars in 1382, or the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, or of a spe-
cific date. Further, it is entirely likely that Wyclif reworked the contents of
all of his writings during the last years of his life in Lutterworth. The extent
to which he revised individual treatises may have been minimal, for exam-
ple, simple rewriting or cross-referencing, or it may have been considerable,
perhaps recasting sections from his lost Sentences commentary into individ-
ual treatises. It is tempting to rely on cross-referencing within the works
themselves for a date before which a given treatise would not have been
written. If, for example, we find in De Ecclesia, which includes discussion
8 john wyclif

of a specific incident occurring in 1378, a reference to De Incarnacione, it is

logical to conclude that Wyclif wrote the former after the latter. But our rea-
soning must be inductive, and our conclusion merely probable. It is entirely
possible that a later copyist inserted the reference, using the first person,
and even more likely that Wyclif himself put the reference in after both had
been written. The majority of cross-references are in a neutral, third person,
ut dicitur or ut patet est (“as it is said in,” or “as it is clear in”), which suggests
scribal insertion. We cannot be certain, however, in large part because we
have no manuscripts we can identify with certainty to have been written by
Wyclif himself. The editions published by the Wyclif Society a century ago
give the appearance of static finality to treatises that Wyclif may have begun
writing early in his career and continued revising until his death. Michael
Wilks noted, for example, references in De Logica, Tractatus Tercius, a work
associated with Wyclif ’s early days, to ideas about the Eucharist that only
arose later in his life. All of this means that an intellectual biography of
Wyclif must be provisional at best. I have argued elsewhere against the
assumption among scholars that Wyclif had cast aside philosophical con-
cerns for political and reformative ones after entering the service of John of
Gaunt. Wyclif ’s continued philosophical interest is clear from the content of
the treatises he wrote in royal service, and from treatises we can date with
certainty to the period in Lutterworth. The ambiguity regarding certain
dating of most of Wyclif ’s works need not keep us from an inductively con-
sistent intellectual biography. At the very least, evidence of Wyclif ’s having
engaged in revision of his philosophical works later in his life supports the
idea that he never abandoned his earlier logical and metaphysical interests.6
On the other hand, evidence suggesting antipathy toward the pope or the
friars in the earlier works cannot be taken to mean that Wyclif had thought
out his reformative ideas while still a young scholar, given that his rather
jaundiced eye may well have revised these earlier writings much later in his
life. In this narrative, all dates for Wyclif ’s works will be understood to be
approximate, unless otherwise noted.
The earliest of Wyclif ’s works about which we know are his logic trea-
tises. The first, De Logica (1360), is an exploration of the fundamentals
of scholastic logic, intended to acquaint the beginning student with the
complexities of formal reasoning. By the fourteenth century, logic had
become highly specialized, complicated by attention to the relations hold-
ing between written and conceptual terms within propositions. It had sub-
sumed what we today would call philosophy of language, along with the
 wyclif’s life and work 9

more recognizably formal science of syllogistic reasoning, and had built up

such a rich vocabulary of specialized terms over two centuries as to require
a handbook for easy reference.7 Wyclif ’s treatise is interesting both for its
frequent forays into ontological topics not usually found in introductory
logic texts and for its stated purpose.

Certain people who love God’s law have persuaded me to compose a

reliable treatise aimed at making plain the logic of Holy Scripture. For
in view of the fact that many people go into logic having imagined that
they would thereby come to know God’s law better, and then, because
of the tasteless concoction of pagan terms in every analysis or proof of
propositions, because of the emptiness of the enterprise, they abandon
it, I propose to sharpen the minds of the faithful by introducing analyses
and proofs of propositions that are to be drawn from the Scriptures.8

Numerous similarly structured introductory logic texts survive from the

later Middle Ages, but few are so explicitly aimed at elucidating the truths
of scripture. The famous logician Paul of Venice composed a Logica Parva in
1393, which while similarly structured, is more fully developed while lack-
ing the many references to scriptural examples that characterize Wyclif ’s
text. Two logical treatises follow this handbook in the collection published
as Tractatus de Logica, namely, Logice continuacio and De Logica, Tractatus
Tercius (written prior to 1363), but they do not bear a strong resemblance
to other scholastic logic texts, perhaps because Wyclif appears to have been
unable to keep himself from wandering into ontological issues suggested
by the logical and linguistic subjects at hand. More likely is the possibil-
ity that Wyclif substantially revised these works later in his life, using his
early logico-semantic thought as a basis for the analysis of attendant philo-
sophical problems. Another logical treatise is devoted wholly to insolubilia
(1365), one of the subgenres of late medieval logic. Insolubles are paradoxi-
cal sentences or antinomies like “this sentence is false.” Do such sentences
say nothing at all, or do they say something simultaneously both false and
true? Wyclif ’s approach, which we will discuss briefly in the next chapter,
would interest logicians over the next century.
Two other early works address Aristotelian physics and psychology.
Wyclif ’s commentary on the eight books of Aristotle’s Physics has not yet
been edited, nor even established with certainty to be his. His examina-
tion of how acts of the understanding relate to acts of sensation within
the soul has, and indicates his conviction that philosophical realism is not
10 john wyclif

inconsistent with Aristotelian thought. In De Actibus Anime, Wyclif exam-

ines mental acts. Are they really distinct from the mind, or are they only
qualities of the mind? Or is it better to define them in terms of the genus
“action” without putting all of the weight of explanation on their relation
to the mind?
The first opinion suggests a propositional realism in which meaning-
bearing mental acts have a reality of their own as disembodied, substance-
less qualities. Initially, this seems odd, but given the linguistic philosopher’s
tendency to focus on propositional thoughts as having characteristics of
their own, as being able to be thought simultaneously by several minds,
and as being divisible into identifiable parts, it might be natural to assume
that meaning-bearing mental acts have a reality apart from the mind. This
is not the same as the objective being (esse objectiva) that Ockham briefly
considered as the kind of being that concepts have, because objective being
was meant to account for the existence of the intentional objects of the
thoughts—what the thoughts are about—and not the being of the thought
itself. Ockham never considered the possibility that thoughts could have
existence apart from any minds thinking them.9 Mental acts might also be
qualities of the mind that produces them. On the analogy of substances
having properties in themselves accidental to the being of the substances,
the mind could have properties that convey intentionality that change over
time. That is, just as red hair turns to grey, from one property to another,
without a change in the underlying substantial being of the hair in which
the properties inhere, so a sad mental act might become an angry one with-
out changing the being of the mind itself.
Wyclif argues against both positions, first as ultimately incapable of
explaining how the mind can produce, understand, or reflect on mental
acts. Second, both positions involve metaphysical problems that raise more
questions than they resolve. How can there be a substanceless quality, and
in what sense is an act a quality? Both fly in the face of Aristotelian ontol-
ogy. Wyclif continues his analysis by distinguishing means by which acts
are individuable and how acts can have qualities or modal notions like con-
tingency and necessity predicable of them. Both physical and mental acts,
he argues, can only be defined by the common genus “act,” which is itself
given reality by the primary necessary truth of God’s being. This primary
act is the foundation of all created acts, the means by which created actions
themselves have both their formal and their material being. The signifi-
cance of De Actibus Anime is in its illustrating how Wyclif ’s metaphysics
 wyclif’s life and work 11

avoids Platonism, which supposes there to be a realm in which entities like

“whiteness” or “circularity” have being apart from any substance, divine or
created. This treatise also prepares the way for Wyclif ’s later description of
the nature of universals, the existence of which relies on the ideas in God’s
mind, the divine mental acts by which created beings have their reality.
Understanding mental acts per se prepares us for understanding the rela-
tion between divine thought and created being, even given the vast differ-
ences between the divine and human minds.
We have already paid closer attention to the earliest of Wyclif ’s writ-
ings than might be expected in a survey of his extant works because they
illustrate two features typical of them. First, the analytic rigor with which
Wyclif approaches any problem, whether it be the nature of a mental act,
a universal, a sacrament, the church, or scripture, is relentless. To readers
unaccustomed to fourteenth-century philosophy, including many of the
nineteenth-century editors of Wyclif ’s Latin works, this seems to be aca-
demic nitpicking. To others, particularly philosophers trained in the second
half of the twentieth century, Wyclif ’s zest for analysis embodies a precision
comparable to contemporary philosophical debate. Second, Wyclif cannot
keep himself from digressing. In his philosophical works, his hobby horse is
ontology. For example, in his logical treatises, he typically begins by exam-
ining a fine point of philosophical logic, and inevitably wanders into talk of
universals and particulars. He states his reason for this in De Universalibus:
“Beyond all doubt, intellectual and emotional error about universals is the
cause of all sin that reigns in the world.”10 In his later works, it is the failure
of prelates, friars, bishops, and popes to live up to their ideals. His trea-
tises on heresy, for example, begin as disquisitions on blasphemy, simony,
and apostasy, but quickly turn into indictments of his fellow clergy. In each
body of work, his analytic rigor and his tendency to return to specific issues
suggest a mind determined to resolve error by using remorseless reason.
Thirteen of the remaining seventeen treatises that Wyclif wrote at
Oxford before formally entering royal service comprise his Summa de
Ente, a masterpiece of fourteenth-century Augustinianism. His second
summa, the Summa Theologie, contains treatises he produced while associ-
ated with John of Gaunt, which we will discuss below. The Summa de Ente
is divisible into two books, one of philosophical subjects that address our
understanding of created reality, which contains seven treatises, and one of
theological issues that concern the divine reality, which is made up of six
treatises. Of these, the first book most fully depicts Wyclif ’s realist ontology
12 john wyclif

and is indispensable for understanding how his philosophical theology dif-

fers from Ockhamism, Thomism, or Scotism. The second book consists
of less philosophically controversial, more conventional Augustinian the-
ology, and is likely evidence for Wyclif ’s commentary on the Sentences of
Peter Lombard, the standard work required for an advanced theological
degree.11

Summa de Ente
I.1. De Ente in Communi
I.2. De Ente Primo in Communi
I.3. Purgans Errores circa Veritates in Communi
I.4. Purgans Errores circa Universalia in Communi
I.5. De Universalibus
I.6. De Tempore
I.7. De Ente Predicamentali
II.1. De Intellectione Dei
II.2. De Sciencia Dei
II.3. De Volucione Dei
II.4. De Trinitate
II.5. De Ydeis
II.6. De Potencia Productiva Dei ad extra

Wyclif ’s conviction is that universals have a reality prior to and causally

directive of their particulars, the significance of which we will discuss in
chapter 3. He develops this ontological position throughout the first book
of his first Summa, perhaps most fully in De Universalibus, which for dense
argument and complexity rivals the writings of Scotus. In order to under-
stand how the elements of De Universalibus fit together, one must turn back
to the earlier four treatises, each of which explains aspects of Wyclif ’s real-
ism leading directly to De Universalibus.
From our created viewpoint, explaining how things are related in the
world, whether they are as fundamental as the relation of genera and spe-
cies to individuals, or more complex, as in dominium relations, must involve
reference to the universal-particular relation. The most fundamental thing
understandable is being itself. Once we see how being differentiates into
more specific universals, and thence into particulars, we are on the way to
accurate metaphysics. Theology is directly connected to this progression.
When Wyclif considers God’s attributes, he explains that some are intrin-
sic to the divine nature, such as eternity, omniscience, and omnipotence.
 wyclif’s life and work 13

Others are predicable of both divine and created nature, though only analo-
gously. These are goodness, knowing, power, understanding, and volition.
Wyclif begins with these in the second book of the Summa de Ente, devot-
ing individual treatises to God’s knowing, understanding, and willing. The
contents of God’s knowledge, the divine ideas, are the subject of De Ydeis,
while De Trinitate addresses the relation of the three persons of the Trinity.
We will consider these in our summary of Wyclif ’s conception of God’s
nature in chapter 3.
Wyclif ’s expressly philosophical works also include a discussion of
Aristotelian hylomorphism in light of his realism, De Materia et Forma,
and an exploration of the relation of body to soul in human beings, De
Composicione Hominis. These treatises, while not part of the Summa de Ente,
are important to Wyclif ’s later philosophy because the relation of soul to
body, he explains, causally prefigures the relation of lord to master, which
he views as the fundamental human relation in creation.12 This is also a
significant element of De Benedicta Incarnacione, Wyclif ’s analysis of the
relation of divine and human natures in the incarnation. Here, he empha-
sizes that Christ’s life as described in scripture embodies the intertwined
relation of servanthood and lordship that holds between Christ’s divinity
and humanity. As with his conception of God’s nature and the Trinity, his
Christology is characterized by emphasis on the primary causative reality
of the divine ideas and universals.
Throughout this book, reference will be made to “the moderni,” a term
frequently interpreted as synonymous with followers of Ockham. While
this may be acceptable in contemporary historical studies, it is not accurate
for fourteenth-century Oxford usage. In Wyclif ’s day, the term was gen-
erally used to refer to anybody active from the time of Aquinas onward.
Wyclif himself uses the term with profligacy, sometimes referring to theo-
logians like Henry of Ghent or Thomas Bradwardine, with whom he
generally agrees. More often, his reference has a derisory tone, as when
he charges the moderni with ignoring the universal “humanity’s” place in
Christ’s assumption of created substantial form, which he holds as tanta-
mount to closing one’s eyes to the incarnation’s majesty. This antagonism
toward the Ockhamist rejection of realism runs throughout these early
works, as does a concurrent frustration with Thomist and Scotist attempts
at moderating Augustine’s realism. It would be inaccurate to hold that
Wyclif rejects Ockhamism as a whole, just as it would be shortsighted to
ignore the influence of the Aristotelian syntheses of Thomas and Scotus
14 john wyclif

on his work.13 Throughout these expressly philosophical works, though,

Wyclif ’s determination to emphasize the formal and efficient causal pri-
macy of universals is never far from the subject at hand. As we will see in
his later works, he did not abandon this realism. The term “modern” only
came to be closely associated with Ockhamism after Wyclif ’s condemna-
tion in 1415.
During the 1360s and ’70s, Oxford was a battlefield on which several
factions regularly met in combative disputation. As in universities today,
tensions between professors in disparate disciplines regularly erupted into
disputes over curriculum, university governance, and so forth. The four
faculties of Oxford, and of many later medieval universities, were arts, the-
ology, medicine, and the law. Of these, the Faculty of Arts had the most
influence; each student had to master the seven liberal arts before proceed-
ing on to the study of theology or one of the applied sciences, and Oxford’s
constitution ensured that the arts faculty was immune to encroachment by
law or theology. This did not prevent the law faculty from attempting to
draw arts students to the study of law, though, causing a marked rivalry be-
tween the two branches. Further complicating matters was the rivalry
between “seculars” and “regulars,” that is, between arts and theology
professors who were priests associated with the hierarchy of the English
church, and those who were priests or brothers associated with one of sev-
eral fraternal orders of friars or monks.14 We have already noted an instance
of this tension in Wyclif ’s ill-fated appointment at the Benedictine-domi-
nated Canterbury Hall. Another earlier, more notable instance is the tem-
pest caused by Archbishop Richard Fitzralph’s De Pauperie Salvatoris, his
indictment of the Franciscan claims to apostolic poverty. Fitzralph presented
the substance of his criticisms of the friars in several sermons at St. Paul’s
Cross in London from December 1356 through March 1357, returning to
Avignon thereafter. His arguments became the subject of relentless debate
at Oxford, and several of the foremost scholars during Wyclif ’s early days
were friars determined to refute Fitzralph’s arguments.
Although his later years were defined by a savage antifraternalism,
Wyclif, a secular scholar, got on well with the friars at first. His early
years were leavened by Fitzralph’s discourse about grace, lordship, and
poverty, which we will see led to his own distinctive theories of domi-
nium. Among Wyclif ’s early fellow scholars were Thomas Winterton,
an Augustinian (“Austyn”) friar, and William Woodford, a Franciscan,
both of whom showed sincere respect for their secular comrade’s abilities.
 wyclif’s life and work 15

Another friar, the Carmelite John Kenningham, argued vigorously against

Wyclif ’s realist metaphysics, attacking it for being incommensurable with a
full theological comprehension of scripture. Kenningham’s arguments are
important as evidence of early recognition that Wyclif ’s thought could lead
to doctrinal error. Further, they suggest that Wyclif ’s personal style of argu-
ment was even more aggressive than was normal. “He says that my argu-
ments are nothing but childish quibbles,” Kenningham complained. “And
that I am one of those wordy sophists who cannot distinguish between sign
and signified. It is amazing that a man of such virtue allows himself such
words.”15 Kenningham attacked Wyclif ’s theory of signification, which he
held prevented a complex interpretation of scriptural commands, as well
as his theory of how universals are part of the divine nature, holding that
Wyclif ’s realism compromised correct understanding of God’s unified per-
fection. These attacks appear in the compendium of documents attributed
to another Carmelite, Thomas Netter, called Fasciculi Zizianorum (The
Bundle of Tares). This is a rich source of contemporary documentation of
the growth and persecution of Wyclif ’s ideas and provides a valuable record
of his progression from Oxford don to liegeman of John of Gaunt.16

Wyclif ’s Royal Service

By November 1372, Wyclif had entered into the service of John of Gaunt,
the Duke of Lancaster. Gaunt was the most powerful, and the most
unpopular, individual in England in the 1370s. The third surviving son
of Edward III was also the only member of the king’s immediate family
with a future, such as it was. The aging Edward suffered from dementia,
while the heir apparent, Edward the Black Prince, was slowly dying of
an infection contracted while campaigning on the Continent. The Black
Prince had arranged that his younger brother John should have sufficient
power to protect the dynastic line for his own son Richard, but had sowed
discord among other nobles and prelates against his brother to keep John
from making an attempt on the crown for himself. So John of Gaunt had
custody of royal power, but no sovereignty. He had need of academic minds
in his retinue, and his selection of Wyclif is not surprising. Wyclif had an
agile mind, was a younger son of the lesser nobility, and was familiar with
ecclesiastical politics. That the Duke of Lancaster was engaged in conflict
with powerful bishops likely had nothing to do with the invitation, for
16 john wyclif

Wyclif had not yet manifested the anticlericalism that would identify his
later works.
One of Wyclif ’s first responsibilities, after receiving the living associated
with the parish of Lutterworth in Lincolnshire, was to serve at a meet-
ing between representatives of the Crown and the pope at Bruges in July
1374. The conference was ostensibly an attempt to iron out past differences
on the subject of papal provisions, but in fact was meant to facilitate the
flow of funds from the English church to the Crown. Wyclif ’s presence was
unnecessary, and he returned to England that September. In the late sum-
mer, he had begun to develop his theory of dominium, explaining that “it is
time to devote my energies as much to practical as to theoretical affairs, for
as much time as God has given me.”17 His dominium treatises, in which he
explains the relation of God’s creation and subsequent lordship over cre-
ation to all instances of human lordship and servitude, mark a significant
turning point in Wyclif ’s writing career. While he would refer regularly
to metaphysical subjects in his writings, he would only address them in
something resembling a sustained fashion once more, in Trialogus, a summa
summe, in 1383. Now his attention was directed to producing the Summa
Theologie, a collection of treatises on the foundation of all human law in
God’s law and its implications for secular politics, ecclesiology, scriptural
interpretation, and crimes against God’s commands. Just before beginning
the work that would become his second Summa, Wyclif wrote De Dominio
Divino (1373), a treatise in three books that examines the nature of God’s
lordship over creation. Given Wyclif ’s metaphysical realism, it is difficult
to avoid concluding that he viewed God’s lordship relation as having a pri-
mary causal bearing on human lordship relations, in the manner of a uni-
versal to particulars.18
The opening treatises of the Summa Theologie were the cause of Wyclif ’s
first significant clashes with the church hierarchy. On the face of it, trea-
tises on the foundation of just human law in the Ten Commandments
(De Mandatis Divinis, 1375) and the ideal human state in Eden (De Statu
Innocencie, 1376) seem innocent enough. In the former, there is already evi-
dence for Wyclif ’s suspicion of the church’s inordinate concern for tempo-
ralia, but Wyclif ’s contention that property ownership follows from original
sin, which is outlined in these treatises, is consonant with Augustinian the-
ology. The treatise on civil lordship that was to follow changed everything.
De Civili Dominio (1376–1377) argued for a total royal divestment of all
ecclesiastical property on this Augustinian foundation. Wyclif ’s argument
 wyclif’s life and work 17

included claims about the evils of property ownership that had been made
by radical Franciscans during the poverty controversy, arguments for cleri-
cal submission to secular justice, the renunciation of papal authority, and
the assertions that the damned are no part of the church and that no one
in mortal sin can function as a priest. As we will see, these positions follow
logically from his earlier treatises, but their effect, given Wyclif ’s promi-
nence in the service of the noble most at odds with Canterbury and the
papacy, was dramatic.
On 19 February 1377, Wyclif answered a summons to appear before
Archbishop Sudbury, Bishop William Courtenay of London, and several
other notables at St. Paul’s to account for his heretical ideas. He did not
appear alone, though; John of Gaunt, his associate Henry Percy, and vari-
ous other nobles of the duke’s retinue accompanied him to the arraignment,
much to the interest of the gathering crowd of Londoners. The proceed-
ings resembled a stereotypical press conference before a championship
bout. John of Gaunt’s appearance guaranteed that little of substance would
occur, given his well-known energetic antipathy for England’s ecclesiastical
establishment, and little did occur beyond some name calling, grumbled
threats, and acrimonious posturing. Upon hearing the duke threaten to
drag Courtenay out of the chapel by his hair, the crowd erupted in clamor-
ous rage against the nobles, and the arraignment dissolved into confusion.
Had it not been for the duke’s soldiers, a full-scale riot would have fol-
lowed. As it was, Wyclif and his protectors escaped to safety elsewhere,
while the mob spent the next day tearing London apart in search for the
hated duke.
It is unlikely that the duke had paid much attention to the substance of
Wyclif ’s arguments. The arraignment at St. Paul’s had been an opportunity
for him to humiliate his enemies, and the angry Londoners had interceded
too quickly for his purposes. John would bide his time and wait for a new
chance to attack the bishops. Wyclif, perhaps sensing that he had been used
by his patron, attempted to address criticisms of De Civili Dominio made by
his Franciscan colleague William Woodford, hoping that his many argu-
ments taken from canon law, patristic authority, and especially from scrip-
ture would help to win over his erring fellow clerics. The result, the second
and third books of the treatise, introduces many of the topics that would
later occupy Wyclif ’s full attention, including the church’s need for pastoral
reform, the problems inherent in devoting one’s life to a monastic or frater-
nal rule, the nature of heresy, and the place of scripture in a life of faith.19
18 john wyclif

The English bishops were not the only church authorities alarmed
by De Civili Dominio. The pope, who had until very recently been based
in Avignon, had moved to Rome. Unaware of the theatrics at St. Paul’s,
Gregory XI issued a series of five bulls on 22 May 1377, demanding that
Sudbury and Courtenay address the problem by extracting a confession
from Wyclif and imprisoning him to await judgment from Rome. Should
Wyclif go into hiding, Gregory continued, he should be ferreted out.
Judgment from Rome would have been contingent on the Crown’s reac-
tion to Wyclif ’s seizure. Gregory had been trying to reconcile England with
France, and may have had Wyclif ’s disposition in mind as a means of per-
suading Edward to reconsider his antipathy toward the French. Certainly,
the language Gregory used made it clear that he expected Edward to recog-
nize the danger that Wyclif posed to England’s well-being:

Recently, with great bitterness of heart we have learned from the

report of many trustworthy persons that John of Wiclyffe, rector of the
church of Lutterworth, of the diocese of Lincoln, a professor of holy
writ—would that he were not a master of error!—has burst forth in
such execrable and abominable folly, that he does not fear to maintain
dogmatically in said kingdom and publicly to preach, or rather to vomit
forth from the poisonous confines of his own breast, some propositions
and conclusions . . . which threaten to subvert and weaken the condition
of the entire church.20

Gregory appended a list of nineteen errors of which Wyclif was accused,

should Edward miss the significance of the problem. These catalog Wyclif ’s
accusations of the church’s supposed abuse of its authority, including papal
excommunication, the validity of its claims on property willed to it by civil
lords, and the church’s refusal to recognize secular authority over its tempo-
ral goods. Were the Crown not to act on such accusations, the implication
was that the progress that had been made in England’s relations with the
papacy would be jeopardized. Even had Edward been lucid, Gregory’s
timing was unfortunate; his bulls did not reach England until December,
by which time Edward had died, and John of Gaunt was made the young
Richard’s protector. The pope’s luck held, however, in that the new govern-
ment’s reaction to Wyclif ’s approach was less than enthusiastic.
Arnald Garnier, a papal agent assigned to collect funds, had begun
pressing the Crown for a substantial sum of money. The child king’s coun-
cil requested that Wyclif provide a written assessment of whether or not the
 wyclif’s life and work 19

kingdom of England could lawfully withhold these funds, which he pro-

vided in his Responsio of 1377. Here, he attacked the papal presumption of
worldly pomp, just as he had in De Civili Dominio. The council’s reaction to
Wyclif ’s rousing argument supporting its request was enigmatic; it ordered
him to cease his attacks on the church and proceeded to give Garnier what
he had requested. Had Wyclif been an influential advisor to the duke, it
is hard to imagine that he would have been treated this way. Appearances
suggest that the government had wind of Gregory’s bulls, and acted with
their general sentiments in mind, to give Gregory the impression that his
concerns were being taken seriously. When the bulls were published shortly
before Christmas, Wyclif was in residence in Oxford. The vice chancel-
lor ordered him held in Black Hall, presumably believing himself to be
obeying papal command, but friends soon released Wyclif, who was likely
spluttering with rage. Archbishop Sudbury and Bishop Courtenay acted
quickly and ordered Wyclif to appear at Lambeth palace for a formal trial
no later than 27 March 1378.
This time, the duke could not afford to shout down the bishops, which
would have been a direct affront to the papacy, something the young
Richard’s court could ill afford. So it looked as if Wyclif might have to
answer for his opinions about widespread clerical negligence to the author-
ity that had the most to lose from his version of reform. The prelates were
rumored to be set on destroying him, whatever the shape of his arguments,
ensuring a humiliating trip to Rome, imprisonment, and possibly tor-
ture and death. On the scheduled day of the trial, though, someone in the
royal family undercut the bishops. As the trial began, Sir Lewis Clifford, a
haughty knight in the royal retinue, announced to the assembled bishops
that Joan, the queen mother and widow of the Black Prince, would not
allow any ecclesiastical court to presume to pass judgment on Wyclif, who
had acted in royal service. No doubt very relieved, Wyclif proceeded to
explain that he had not explicitly said that the church was presently in the
state that he had been excoriating; such judgments were the province of
political authorities, not priests. While showing his blindness to the bish-
ops’ indignation that his arguments implied that they ought not to claim
autonomy from secular authority, this explanation accords with the argu-
ment of De Civili Dominio. Thomas Walsingham, the contemporary chron-
icler of the Lambeth trial, fumes that Wyclif dissembled, when in fact he
likely honestly believed that his explanation would mollify the prelates. It is
impossible to know whether Joan herself interceded for Wyclif, or whether
20 john wyclif

her younger brother-in-law John of Gaunt employed her revered name for
his purposes. Given the royal council’s earlier orders that Wyclif desist his
troublemaking, though, it appears that the duke was beginning to weary
of his servant’s zeal. The zealous and cultured Sir Lewis Clifford would
later be among the seven highly placed knights accused of having Lollard
sympathies in the early days of the movement.
Wyclif ’s usefulness to the duke ended later that year. Two English sol-
diers, Robert Hauley and John Shakyl, had captured a Spanish nobleman
while on campaign with the Black Prince eleven years previously, and had
been holding him for ransom, as was common in medieval warfare. In 1377,
the Crown had decided that it would profit more from holding the noble-
man directly and ordered the two soldiers to surrender their hostage. They
refused and were thrown into prison. The next summer, they managed to
escape and received sanctuary at Westminster Abbey. On 11 August, the
duke’s soldiers broke into the abbey during mass and tricked Shakyl into
fleeing to the steeple, which did not count as sanctuary. Meanwhile, Hauley
had run to hide at the altar, where he was caught and butchered by the
soldiers, who also murdered one of the priests celebrating the Eucharist.
Walsingham reports that the soldiers took Hauley’s corpse by the ankles and
heaved it outside, “bespattering everything with his blood and brains.”
Canterbury’s reaction was outrage, although the cautious Archbishop
Sudbury waited three days before formally excommunicating the soldiers
involved. That October, when Parliament met at Gloucester, the archbishop
made formal demands that those responsible, namely, John of Gaunt,
be held accountable for polluting Westminster and violating sanctuary.
Wyclif had been asked to represent the duke, who presumably expected
his servant to have learned about diplomacy from the Lambeth incident.
His arguments showed that he had learned little: sanctuary was in no
wise permissible when the royal authority was so flagrantly threatened, he
argued, and while the violence was regrettable, it had been brought on by
Hauley’s aggressive behavior. Parliament tabled discussion of the incident,
but Wyclif ’s unsuitability as a public spokesman for the Crown was by now
painfully obvious to the duke.21
Royal service must have been disagreeably confusing to Wyclif, who
had been used to the intellectual duels of Oxford. Why would his lord ask
him for arguments, which he could craft with such incisive skill and theo-
logical purity, only to back away from them as being too likely to upset his
opponents? Was that not the whole point? He had been engaged for some
 wyclif’s life and work 21

years in running debate with the eminent lawyer and Mertonian logician
Ralph Strode, who disagreed forcefully with Wyclif ’s determinism and its
implications for a church of the predestinate. Strode argued that Wyclif ’s
ideas led to a dozen distinct problems linked to predestination and pre-
sented a host of objections about the dangers of total church reform.22 A
lawyer of some renown, Strode had not quailed before Wyclif ’s intellec-
tual onslaught; he had responded in kind. On the other hand, the prelates
responsible for the church’s welfare hid behind the questionable authority
of their office and of the power of the pope of Rome. Could the duke not
see that this gave evidence of their own guilt?
When Gregory XI died in March 1378, Bartolomeo Prignano, well
known for his probity and devotion to the ideal of apostolic poverty, became
Pope Urban VI. Hoping that this election signaled a new beginning for an
ailing church, and suspecting that Gregory had harbored personal animus
against him, Wyclif wrote to Urban to explain the orthodoxy of his thought.
He never lost hope that Urban would live up to his judicious reputation,
as is clear from an extant 1384 letter to that pope.23 Unfortunately, Urban
rarely gave evidence of his earlier sagacity. Shortly after his election, he
displayed a pugnacity that contributed to the French cardinals’ decision to
elect Robert of Geneva to the papacy instead. With the election of Cle-
ment VII, the Western schism had begun, and prospects for serious, sober
dialogue with the papacy on reform had vanished.
During these years, Wyclif wrote many of the treatises for which he is
now best known, including De Veritate Sacrae Scripturae (1377–1378), De
Ecclesia (1378–1379), De Officio Regis, De Officio Pastoralis, and De Potestate
Pape (all 1379). In addition, throughout the 1370s, Wyclif maintained a
heavy schedule of preaching and biblical scholarship, producing several
hundred sermons and commentaries on the Bible, including Postilla super
totam Bibliam and Opus Evangelicum. As we consider the arguments of the
works of the late 1370s in later chapters, we should remember that their
author made weekly appearances in London to preach and was probably
involved in pastoral responsibilities at Oxford. When he left Oxford in the
summer of 1381, he went to serve as the parish priest for the Leicestershire
village of Lutterworth, where he continued his scholarly projects as he cared
for the needs of the villagers. While reading his polemical outbursts against
the abuses he perceived throughout England and his sustained arguments
for a renewed church, it is easy to forget that Wyclif was all along actively
engaged in cura animarum, the care of souls.
22 john wyclif

The Bible, Rebellion, and Earthquake

Wyclif ’s last year in Oxford was one of controversy, in which ongoing argu-
ments that he and his disciples had with various opponents escalated into
hostile conflict. His followers were primarily younger, secular scholars eager
to defend their master’s views against their more conservative opponents,
who tended to be monks or friars. Among these followers, three stand out
because of their later roles in the genesis of Lollardy: Philip Repingdon,
Nicholas Hereford, and John Purvey. Repingdon was held in high regard
among his fellows at Oxford, and his extant writings give evidence of a
broad, seasoned theological mind. His sensitivity to theological error led
him to disavow his Wycliffite leanings early on, shortly after Wyclif him-
self left Oxford, forever vilifying himself to his former associates and their
Lollard disciples.24 Repingdon went on to become the bishop of Lincoln
and personal confessor to Henry IV. He would even receive a cardinal’s
hat, but from Gregory XII, whose papal authority would ultimately be nul-
lified. Despite almost joining the princes of the church, though, Repingdon
never abandoned his belief in the need for clerical reform; however, unlike
the Wycliffites, he believed such reform to be possible from within the hier-
archy of the church.25
Hereford and Purvey remained within the Wycliffite fold longer, one
at least until shortly after his master’s death and the other for the rest of his
life. Hereford, a zealous preacher, was condemned along with Repingdon
by Archbishop Courtenay in May 1382. Rather than bow to local ecclesiasti-
cal authority, as Repingdon would do, Hereford chose to travel to Rome to
appeal personally to Urban VI. He was immediately imprisoned, but man-
aged to escape somehow and return to England. There, he continued lead-
ing Lollards until 1391, when he was forced to recant in Nottingham. Ever
the zealot, he became a vigorous prosecutor of Wycliffism and continued
for the rest of his days to serve his new masters as enthusiastically as he had
Wyclif. Purvey, known as the librarian of Lollardy, was made to recant in
1401 and was given a benefice near Archbishop Arundel’s castle, where he
struggled to restrain himself from heresy for three years. Finally, he could
stand no more and returned to Lollardy for the rest of his life.26
The debates at Oxford shifted from intellectual duels to theological
combat following Wyclif ’s volte-face regarding the Eucharist. As we will
see in a later chapter, Wyclif ’s position evolved from orthodoxy to heresy.
In 1376, he had embraced transubstantiation, in which the bread and wine
 wyclif’s life and work 23

become the true body and blood of Christ in substance while retaining the
physical properties of bread and wine, but he would come to reject this
as metaphysically impossible several years later. William Berton, a secular
scholar from Merton College and the new chancellor of Oxford, sensed
a shift in the political wind when the Crown attempted to mollify the
church after the Hauley-Shakyl incident. Likely hoping that this signaled
the end of Wyclif ’s political protection, he summoned a formal council of
twelve scholars—eight regular and four secular—to weigh the orthodoxy
of Wyclif ’s views on the Eucharist. Given Berton’s leeway in selecting the
members of the council, it is surprising that any of its members were dis-
posed to entertain the prospect of Wyclif ’s innocence, but four eventually
concluded that he was orthodox. The remaining eight (one apparently
abstained) were convinced that he was a heretic, and they published a list
of twelve conclusions that included the demand that Wyclif ’s teaching be
banned at Oxford. This document was formally promulgated by a public
reading, at which Wyclif was present. Having had no knowledge of the
chancellor’s actions, Wyclif was thunderstruck and responded, “Neither the
chancellor, nor any of his accomplices, can cast aspersions on what I say!”27
Rather than register an appeal in the approved academic courts, Wyclif
immediately asked John of Gaunt for help. Mindful of his responsibility,
the duke complied, advising his charge to be silent henceforth. Wyclif
was incapable of this and published a formal response on 10 May 1381, his
Confessio (see appendix). Here, he declaims his fidelity to the spirit of the
church fathers and doctors and accuses his opponents of sliding into inno-
vations that sully the sacrament and the church itself: “Woe to this genera-
tion of adulterers, who puts more belief in the testimony of an Innocent or
a Raymond than the sense of the gospel . . . who moulds the later church
in ways contrary to the earlier!”28 Blistering responses came from the
Franciscan John Tissington, the Augustinian Thomas Winterton, and sev-
eral Benedictines, but Wyclif seems to have ignored them. There is an anec-
dote from this period that could account for this. Wyclif, sick to the point of
death, is lying in bed, surrounded by friars intent on rescuing him from his
heresy. Wyclif rallies, rising up and crying, “I shall not die, but shall live and
declare the works of the Lord!”29 Whatever the state of Wyclif ’s health, this
was his last season at Oxford; he left for Lutterworth in the fateful summer
of 1381, when rebellion was in the air.
During this period, Wyclif was involved in the project for which pos-
terity remembers him best, the translation of the Bible from the Vulgate
24 john wyclif

Latin into English. By the fourteenth century, scripture was still largely
beyond the reach of English folk unable to read Latin. Several much earlier
Old English translations existed, ascribed to Alfred the Great, Bede, and
Aelfric, and there were French versions as well, one completed as recently
as 1355. Richard Rolle, the Yorkshire mystic, had translated the Psalms into
English earlier in the fourteenth century, and there were other translated
books and sections available in scattered locations, but no complete vernac-
ular scripture existed. As a young priest, Wyclif had likely been inspired by
Archbishop Thoresby’s translation of the catechism; by now, it had become
clear to him that this was not enough. The church’s present state demanded
a wide-scale return to the truths most clearly expressed in scripture itself, and
Wyclif determined that a translation project was the best means of achieving
that end.
It is easy to confuse this with what was to follow in the Reformation,
but Wyclif was not intent on a scriptura sola theology. As we shall see in a
later chapter, Wyclif ’s theology of scripture did not involve the idea that the
reader needed nothing but faith to read the Bible. Nor, in fact, was Wyclif
himself actively engaged in the actual translation. Scholarship indicates that
work on the Old and New Testaments was undertaken by John Purvey,
among others, at first in Oxford, then in Lutterworth and elsewhere, into
the 1390s. There are 250 manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible that survive, of
which 21 contain the entirety of both testaments. This is the largest num-
ber of copies known for any medieval English text; in comparison, only 64
copies of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales exist, none complete. Of these Bibles,
there appear to be two versions, one stiffly literal, the other more natural
and less Latinate. Tradition holds that Hereford was responsible for most
of the literal version, and Purvey for most of the latter, with Wyclif serving
as the inspiration and guide for one, if not both. More recent scholarship
suggests otherwise; the scope of this project and the variation in transla-
tion styles suggests a host of anonymous hands at work, thereby forestalling
attempts to trace individual personalities behind the translations.30
The summer of 1381 was a tumultuous one throughout southern En-
gland. Early June saw a popular rising against taxes in Essex, which spread
within a fortnight through Kent, Middlesex, Hertfordshire, Cambridgeshire,
Norfolk, and Suffolk to London. Its leaders, Wat Tyler and a vagrant priest
named John Ball, rallied a huge mob against injustices they perceived in
both secular and sacred rule, and for a brief period, both church and Crown
were in serious danger. Riots and burning in London and its outskirts led to
 wyclif’s life and work 25

the capture and murder of Archbishop Simon Sudbury, among other nota-
bles. While the mob also burned John of Gaunt’s Savoy palace, the duke
himself was in Scotland, where he remained for a time. The weekend of
15–17 June saw similar violence throughout southern England, with crowds
hurling documents that provided legal structure to the feudal machinery
into bonfires. The young Richard II, in what would turn out to be the high-
point of his reign, managed to quell the rebellion outside London by sheer
force of his youthful character, and Tyler and Ball were hastily executed.
Thereafter, the revolt fizzled out, although its clamor echoed in the minds
of ecclesiastical and royal authorities for the next quarter-century. That so
much rage had been directed against the church, and that it had come to a
head so quickly, led many among the clergy to connect Wyclif ’s preaching
and writings to the uprising. Had Wyclif restricted his activities to Oxford,
these accusations would be easily dismissed, but his disciples were active in
the world outside of academe.
Wyclif’s disdain for the friars was founded on his anger that their orders
were defined by manmade sets of rules, but not on their dedication to a life
of apostolic purity. If we live the apostle’s life as imitators of the rule that
Jesus the man exemplified, he reasoned, we are but “Jesusans,” followers of
a man. If grace inspires us to a life in faithful service to God, which is likely
to result in a life of apostolic poverty, we are “Christians,” followers of the
Christ.31 To outward appearances, the results are the same, but Wyclif was
convinced that it was the mediation of another man’s interpretation of
scriptural truth that made monks or friars prone to error. Why rely on the
teaching of Francis, or Benedict, or Dominic when one can learn to read
scripture for oneself? The result was that Wyclif ’s disciples took on the cast
of a mendicant order of preachers whose mission was to bring scripture’s
truth to everyone. Preaching this truth involved exposing the present evils
of political ambition and greed afflicting the church hierarchy, which illus-
trated the divergence between scripture’s ideal and ecclesiastical reality.
Contemporary chronicles describe Wyclif ’s “poor preachers” wander-
ing the countryside in russet robes, enthusiastically fomenting discord in
an already disaffected populace. One chronicler, Thomas Walsingham, is
unequivocal in connecting these preachers with the revolt of June 1381,
decrying Wyclif ’s teachings as the cause of the fire and death of rebellion.
Scholars today are less likely to equate the two phenomena of Wyclif ’s
preachers and the rebellion, although many agree that some crossover was
likely. John Ball, the vagrant priest and rebel, claimed Wycliffite sympathies,
26 john wyclif

but his connection to Wyclif ’s movement is doubtful. Interestingly, Wyclif ’s

condemnation of the rebellion is tepid, considering his allegiance to the
unpopular duke. While the violence and loss of life are lamentable, he
wrote, the common people “acted a little beyond the law.” Had secular
authority acted to divest the church of its ill-gotten political station, such
unpleasantness could have been avoided.32 While it is hard to believe that
Wyclif actually delighted in the murder of Sudbury, it is equally difficult to
overlook the schadenfreude in his comments.33
The new archbishop of Canterbury wasted no time in connecting
Wyclif with the revolt. William Courtenay, the bishop of London and a
long-time opponent of Wyclif, was elevated to the See of Canterbury in
January 1382. He was only able to begin his duties, though, upon receiving
the pallium from Urban VI, which he did on 6 May. Determined to stamp
out Wycliffism at Oxford, the source of its respectability for the middle
and upper classes, Courtenay summoned seven other bishops, sixteen mas-
ters of theology, fourteen doctors of civil and canon law, and six bachelors
of theology to council in the chapter house of the Dominicans (known as
Blackfriars) on 17 May 1382. For several days, the council deliberated on
the orthodoxy of at least twenty-four separate propositions that Courtenay
had culled from Wyclif ’s writings, each member testing each proposition
for the taint of heresy. Four days later, the council reconvened and began
formal discussion. That day, London was shaken by a rare and violent
earthquake, which terrified several council members. Could God be on
Wyclif ’s side? Courtenay would brook no such sentiment:

For as there are held in the bowels of the earth the air and spirit of
infection, and which escape by means of some earthquake, by means
of which the earth is purified not without great violence, so there were
previously buried in the hearts of the reprobate many heresies of which
the realm has been cleansed after their condemnation, but not without
travail and great effort.34

The sense of the propositions in question suggests a shift away from

the comparatively innocent propositions that Gregory XI had condemned
in 1377. Now, Wyclif was guilty of denying the efficacy of the mass, deny-
ing transubstantiation, denying papal authority, and worst of all, denying
a priest’s capacity to carry out his office should he not be in a state of grace.
This last proposition is the Donatist heresy against which Augustine himself
struggled. Can Wyclif have knowingly countenanced so anti-Augustinian
 wyclif’s life and work 27

a position? As we will see in a later chapter, this is not as easily answered

as Courtenay’s council believed. Wyclif did indeed deny that a cleric in a
state of sin has just authority to execute his office, but he did not believe this
to be Donatism. While Wyclif dismissed the Blackfriars council as friars
and bishops in conclave to condemn England and Christ himself as hereti-
cal, Courtenay succeeded in having a royal proclamation against false and
heretical preaching promulgated throughout the realm on the force of the
Earthquake Council’s conclusions. Within the month, the new archbishop
was free to begin a vigorous, nationwide prosecution of Wycliffism.
The first instance of Courtenay’s success was at Oxford. While Wyclif
had been in rural isolation for almost a year, Courtenay saw the university as
swarming with his disciples. Foremost was Philip Repingdon, who actively
preached Wycliffism and recruited more “poor preachers.” Oxford’s chan-
cellor, Robert Rigg, would have none of Courtenay’s attempted interfer-
ence and reacted angrily to the archbishop’s pressure. Rigg was called to
a second Blackfriars council, and on 12 June 1382 was forced to give in to
ecclesiastical power. Repingdon and his associate John Aston were immedi-
ately called to Blackfriars to recant, which they refused to do. The council
excommunicated them, and the die was cast. Refusal to recant Wycliffite
beliefs meant excommunication and opprobrium, virtual suicide for any
medieval scholar. To avoid this, scholars had to formally disassociate them-
selves from Wyclif ’s thought, and Wycliffism soon gave up the ghost at
Oxford.
Wyclif spent his last few years as a parish priest at Lutterworth but did
not enjoy a peaceful retirement there. During those three years, he wrote
a truly voluminous body of treatises directed against the problems that
plagued the church, its priests, and Christendom as a whole. Many were
relatively short pieces with titles like “On Christ and His Adversary
Antichrist,” “On False Commands and Other Subtleties of the Antichrist,”
“On the Devil and His Parts,” “The Empty Religions of the Monks,” and
“On the Loosing of Satan,” which were polemical diatribes against the
papacy and the friars. Others were explicit commentaries on the Gospel of
Matthew, which were filled with references to the present sorry state of the
church. Several were directed at one contemporary event that especially
infuriated Wyclif. Henry Despenser, the bishop of Norwich, undertook
a crusade against the French in Picardy, ostensibly to fight supporters of
Clement VII, the French pope, but primarily to shore up English interests
in Flanders. Despenser led an army of professional soldiers, mercenaries,
28 john wyclif

and thugs from Calais to Dunkirk to Ypres in the summer of 1383 in

an improvised chevauche of looting, burning, and killing. As soon as the
French army was in position to destroy Despenser, the campaign dissolved
in confusion, and the bellicose bishop returned to England in disgrace.
Wyclif vented his rage against a purported servant of Christ who indulged
in the obscenity of warfare and plunder in tracts like “On the Torment
(Against War of the Clerics).”
The last significant work that Wyclif completed was Trialogus, an
overview of all that had occupied his mind from his early Oxford days
through to 1383. Approachable summaries of his ontology, philosophi-
cal theology, and conception of human nature flow naturally into discus-
sions on the nature of the incarnation, the founding and purpose of the
church, the sacraments, scripture, and explorations of virtues, vice, pen-
ance, and salvation. Any suspicion that his earlier interest in metaphysics
had waned is dispelled in this summa summe, which is framed in the form
of a three-way conversation among Alithia (Wyclif ’s version of pure phi-
losophy), Phronesis (Wyclif himself), and Pseustis (the infidel). Unlike his
earlier, academic works, Wyclif apparently meant this to be read by a non-
academic, educated upper class. It is refreshingly free of the apparatus of
formal argument, and moves at what, for Wyclif, must have been a very
brisk pace. Absence of mention of Despenser’s crusade suggests that it was
completed before the summer of 1383. Perhaps most notable is that Wyclif
had suffered a stroke in November 1382, but apparently did not allow this
to interfere with the work’s composition.35
Wyclif ’s final work is Opus Evangelicum, an exegetical analysis of Mat-
thew 5–7 and 23–25, and John 13–17. Unlike his other exegetical works
and sermons, the Opus Evangelicum ranges from biblical commentary, to
philosophical theology, to antifraternal and antipapal polemics. The last
two volumes are entitled “Of the Antichrist” and contain some of Wyclif ’s
most vehement indictments of the misuse of clerical office. He does not
hesitate to identify the pope, or popes, with Antichrist here, although it
would be a mistake to interpret this as later antipapalists who made similar
claims were to do. It is not clear that Wyclif ’s Antichrist is the harbinger
of apocalypse, for he says, “Any person, whether an individual or a group,
who is perceptibly against Christ according to the sense of Scripture, is
Antichrist.”36
In addition to these treatises, Wyclif continued to compose and preach
sermons to the very last. It is interesting to speculate what his South
 wyclif’s life and work 29

Leicestershire parishioners made of their fiery pastor and his entourage of

preachers and hangers-on. While it is tempting to assume that most paid
little attention to the finer points of Wyclif ’s program of stipulating the
universal applicability of the law of the Gospels, this would follow the
Enlightenment canard that medieval commoners were superstitious illiter-
ates. Twentieth-century scholarship suggests that literacy, and hence appre-
ciation for the nuances present in Wyclif ’s sermons and treatises, was more
widespread than previously believed.37 That Wyclif made his ideas avail-
able in English is certain; he writes that he has translated some of his anti-
fraternal writings into the common tongue in Trialogus.38 Unfortunately,
none of the Middle English writings attributed to Wyclif by earlier editors
can be ascribed to him with certainty, as Anne Hudson and Margaret Aston
have amply established.39
In the midst of his work on the Opus Evangelicum, Wyclif was no doubt
aware that the end was near. In 1381, he had written that death would be
a gift, “the freeing from the prison of the body that our soul like an eagle
may soar on high.”40 It is likely that Wyclif had become physically incapaci-
tated by his first stroke and that many of his duties had been shouldered by
John Horn, his curate at Lutterworth. Horn writes that Wyclif had been
attending mass, and that, at the elevation of the host, he had fallen down
paralyzed and speechless by a second stroke. He lingered for three days and
died on 31 December 1384.
Wyclif ’s story does not end without a macabre coda. His writings and
teachings were formally condemned at the Council of Constance in 1415,
the same event at which the Bohemian priest Jan Hus, who had been influ-
enced by Wyclif, was burned for heresy. While he had never been excom-
municated, Wyclif was declared to be a heresiarch, the founder of a new
heresy, and on 4 May 1415, the council ordered that he be exhumed and
burned. These orders were not carried out for some time, possibly because
Philip Repingdon, the bishop of Lincoln and thereby the one responsible
for this act, could not bring himself to do it. It was not until the spring of
1428 that a party of churchmen exhumed Wyclif ’s bones and burned them.
Later Wyclif hagiographers took grisly delight in depictions of the event;
Fox’s Book of Martyrs includes a lithograph of grimacing clerics engaged
in opening the coffin, disarticulating the skeleton, roasting the bones, and
throwing the ashes into the river Swift.
The story of Wyclif ’s posthumous reputation is complex, and this survey
cannot do more than make the briefest reference to it. Two movements
30 john wyclif

grew out of Wyclif ’s ideas in the fifteenth century. In England, the phenom-
enon of Lollardy, which evolved into a vehicle for vernacular theology and
political ideology, would come to be equated with treason during the reign
of Henry IV and would be the cause for the introduction of burning at the
stake into England in 1401. Despite this dire punishment, Lollardy lasted
into the sixteenth century in some quarters, although its ties to Protestant
Reform in England are tenuous at best. In Bohemia, Wycliffism catalyzed
the Czech nationalist movement and quickly became the framework on
which Hus and Jerome of Prague constructed their own reform movement.
Wycliffism came to Prague through academic connections that had arisen
from Richard II’s marriage to Anne of Bohemia, and the force of its philo-
sophical realism appealed to Czechs resentful of the moderni Germans who
exercised control at Charles University. Wycliffism soon became an ideol-
ogy for revolution and led to open conflict with the Holy Roman Empire.
Jan Hus, the gifted preacher and leader of the movement, explicitly denied
following Wyclif into any of his heretical positions regarding the Eucharist
or Donatism, but was nonetheless made to suffer and die at the Council of
Constance in 1415. The war that broke out shortly after Hus’s martyrdom
would tear apart Central Europe for decades to come. Wyclif ’s ideas were
known through early publication of Trialogus in 1525, but played no sig-
nificant role in Reformation thought. His place in history grew in import
as scholarship began to view the medieval as worthy of serious study in the
nineteenth century, with a series of nineteenth-century biographies endors-
ing a view of Wyclif as the “morning star of the Reformation.”
The work of the Wyclif Society, which flourished from the 1880s to
the 1920s, made Wyclif ’s Latin works available in then state-of-the-art
editions to libraries throughout the Anglophone world. His reputation
evolved during the twentieth century from a proto-Reformer to a philoso-
pher and theologian of his age as contemporary academics learned how to
read fourteenth-century thought. Recently, the earlier view of Wyclif as
an Augustinian “ultrarealist” braving a forlorn hope against the forces of
Ockhamism has been replaced by a nuanced understanding of philosophi-
cal theology in fourteenth-century Oxford. The great growth of interest
in late medieval English literature, both of Lollards and of more ortho-
dox writers, has sparked real interest in Wyclif ’s ideas as indicative of the
fourteenth-century English theological milieu, and Wyclif now seems able
to be understood as something more than heretic, or proto-Reformer, or
lone intellectual holdout facing the Ockhamist tide of change. Hume’s
 wyclif’s life and work 31

assessment of Wyclif as “a man of parts and learning, [having] the honor

of being the first person in Europe that publically [sic] called in question
those principles which had universally passed for certain and undisputed
during so many ages,” while suitable for justifying scholarly interest in the
evangelical doctor over the past two centuries, no longer carries the day.
Now, Wyclif is interesting not as presaging the future, nor as a reaction-
ary throwback to earlier theological ideals, but as one of the great voices of
fourteenth-century England.41

2

the oxford context

of wyclif’s thought

In late August 1909, Charles Doolittle Walcott was prospecting for fossils
on the Burgess ridge in what is now Yoho National Park, in the Canadian
Rockies of British Columbia. He found a section of rock embedded in the
mountainside that contained the richest and strangest collection of fossils
ever discovered, which today we call the Burgess shale. Walcott struggled
to classify these tiny animals from the Middle Cambrian period, 530 million
years ago, because they just didn’t fit the expectations of early twentieth-
century paleontology. So he described them as he felt they should have been,
interpreting the fossil evidence to fit into the accepted scientific expectations
of what lived in the warm sea beds of the early Paleozoic era. In the 1970s,
when paleontologists at Cambridge recognized Walcott’s error, they began
to explore the fascinating possibilities of almost twenty unknown phyla.
Today, there are some thirty-two distinct phyla in the animal kingdom; the
Burgess shale shows us almost twenty directions that evolution could have
taken, but didn’t, thus giving paleontologists and evolutionary biologists a
tremendous opportunity to explore possibilities that would otherwise never
have been imagined.
Our understanding of the period in which Wyclif developed as a theo-
logian has changed in the same way that our understanding of the Burgess
shale has changed. What looked like a degenerate, inbred version of high
medieval theology to scholars as recently as the mid-twentieth century now

32
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 33

seems a century rich in innovation, particularly important for understand-

ing the theological arguments that raged during the Reformation and the
philosophical and scientific ideas of early modernity. This is thanks to
scholars committed to state-of-the-art editions of texts, to historians of
thought tracing the development of ideas, and to philosophers who have
been influenced by the analytic approach of the twentieth century. What
appeared to one editor at the Wyclif Society as philosophy of “a spuriously
technical type . . . [lacking] the true philosophical spirit which, in spite of
its over-refinement, impresses one with admiration in Duns Scotus” has
since come to be recognized as evocative of the interests and methodology
of philosophers today.1
To understand the positions that Wyclif adopted during his years at
Oxford, from the early 1350s through the 1370s, a familiarity with the issues
that were in the forefront of intellectual debate at the time is necessary. It
was understandable for scholars a century ago to have seen Wyclif as a proto-
Reformer emerging from the sterile debate of the schools, imbued with a
vision of the needs the church would face in the coming centuries. Given
the conviction that theologians spent their days parsing logical phrases and
splitting ontological hairs, what else but a vision of the Reformation to
come could explain the volumes demanding ecclesiastical reform, a rebirth
of scriptural hermeneutics, criticism of the sacraments, and indictment of
the friars that came from the evangelical doctor’s pen? But much of what
Wyclif would later write had already been debated in the early decades
of the fourteenth century, and in many instances, his seemingly forward-
looking ideas had been in the works at the Oxford schools for years before
he was born.
Theology in the thirteenth century was characterized by grand, all-
encompassing systematizing, but in the fourteenth century, it evolved into
a more epistemologically oriented project, preoccupied with questions as to
the possibility of understanding theology to be a science. The most impor-
tant figure in this evolution was William Ockham (1287–1347), whose logi-
cal and linguistic investigations catalyzed a new approach, both at Paris and
Oxford.2 Indeed, the period beginning with Ockham’s presence at Oxford
and extending to 1349, when the plague hit England, has been described as
a golden age of theology for the university. Ockham was born in Surrey and
was probably in London before 1300. He began formal theological train-
ing in 1310, and given the general requirement of seven years’ training in
the trivium and quadrivium of the arts curriculum prior to the study of
34 john wyclif

theology, he was likely studying at Oxford by 1304. At that point, Henry

Harclay, a secular trained in Paris, was chancellor of the university. Harclay
and Richard Campsall, who was affiliated with Merton College, were
Oxford’s most eminent figures at the time, and both were skeptical of the
Scotist approach then dominant at Paris. Campsall in particular was inter-
ested in the use of terminist analysis, the increasingly influential logico-
semantical approach, for ferreting out the metaphysical phantoms that
clouded theological problems. During his period in Oxford, Ockham wrote
the influential Summa Logicae, an exposition of the relation of things to
words and concepts, which embodied his philosophical approach. He also
wrote commentaries on Aristotle’s logic, works on physics, and a treatise
on future contingents grounded in Aristotle’s On Interpretation. In addition,
his quodlibetal disputations, Sentences commentaries, and treatises on the
Eucharist also date from this period.
His innovations led to questions both within his provincial chapter of
friars and at Avignon, and Ockham departed for the Franciscan convent at
the papal see in 1324. There, he met Michael of Cesena and other influen-
tial continental Franciscans, and in the midst of increasingly hostile criti-
cism of his thought, he fled to Munich with his like-minded fellows on
26 May 1328. His flight was not from cowardice, but from a conviction that
the pope, John XXII, was incapable of objectivity. Ockham had identified
himself with the Franciscans committed to St. Francis’s ideal of apostolic
poverty, and John had famously condemned their theological arguments
against the legitimacy of property ownership in 1323. This papal condem-
nation put a formal end to the “poverty controversy,” to be discussed in
chapter 7. Ockham’s arguments for the “spiritual” Franciscans date from
this period in Germany, and include detailed examination of lordship, the
ownership and use of property, legal and natural rights, and the authority
of the papacy both within the church and in the secular realm.
Ockham’s metaphysics and epistemology did not have a causal philo-
sophical bearing on these latter works, but Ockham (or more likely, some-
one close to him) explains in Tractatus de Principiis Theologiae that his overall
approach is based on two fundamental principles, namely, the principle of
parsimony and the principle of absolute divine power. The former, known
popularly as “Ockham’s razor” is usually formulated “plurality is never to
be posited without necessity,” or “it is foolish to do with more what can be
done with fewer,” an Aristotelian maxim well known throughout the medi-
eval period. Ockham’s philosophical approach involved using the principle
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 35

to avoid positing metaphysical entities beyond what was absolutely neces-

sary. The classic example of this is with the ten Aristotelian predicables. In
Categories, Aristotle lists ten things that can be said of an object: substance,
quality, quantity, relation, place, time, position, state, action, and passion.
Ockham argued that philosophers were too quick to allow abstract reason-
ing about these categories to lead to supposing that there were such things
as relations or points in time or space existing apart from related things.
His position was to restrict the number of kinds of things to two: substances
and qualities. Everything else, including relations, places, times, motions,
instants, are not real beings, but the products of our thinking and speak-
ing about the world. Why did Ockham allow qualities to remain? Most
of his contemporaries believed that the doctrine of transubstantiation, the
theological account of what takes place at Eucharist, lies at the heart of
Ockham’s belief that qualities are real beings, as we will discuss in chapter 4
on Wyclif ’s eucharistic theology.
The principle that “God can produce anything the production of which
does not involve a contradiction” is a succinct statement of God’s absolute
power. In discussing God’s omnipotence, theologians since Peter Damian
(d. 1072) had found it useful to distinguish between what God in fact wills
and does in creation, and what God could do, all things being equal. That
is, God has ordained that creation proceed according to fundamental laws,
and what God wills and does within creation is in accord with those laws.
But God could have willed that different laws be in effect, or that fewer
laws apply, or more, which would have made for a different structure to
creation. In 1290, the conflict between the mendicant orders and papal
authority involved Nicholas IV moving to rescind the privileges granted to
the friars in Ad fructus uberes (1281) by his predecessor, Martin IV. Nicholas
relied on Henry of Ghent, who saw potentia absoluta as involving change in
the created structure laid out according to potentia ordinata, allowing muta-
bility in divine law. Henry argued that popes could conceivably change rul-
ings of their predecessors on the strength of papal power’s analogy to divine
power, but was loath to admit that God would actually make such changes.
By the end of the thirteenth century, the distinction had come to suggest the
possibility of God altering the created order of things. Further complicating
matters, Scotus continued to use it in the traditional manner, despite having
acknowledged this mutation in the distinction’s applicability.3 This opened
the door to his followers’ using the distinction to generate possible divine
courses of action within creation outside the purview of potentia ordinata.
36 john wyclif

In 1315, regent masters of theology at Oxford condemned several theolo-

gians for making use of the distinction in generating counterfactuals. While
not condemning use of the distinction, this effectively limited the scope of
possible scenarios that theologians might generate.
The distinction figured again in 1324–1328, during the Avignon com-
mission’s investigation and ultimate condemnation of Ockham. Included
among the positions condemned were some that Ockham had adopted
from Scotus on the possibility of God, through potentia absoluta, being able to
accept someone lacking the created habit of grace among those predestined
for salvation. Ockham’s argument in Quodlibet VI.1 was a response to those
who conceived of the two kinds of divine power as license to speculate about
God doing things in creation that might depart from the divinely ordained
plan. The distinction should not be understood to mean “that God is able
to do certain things ordinately and certain things absolutely and not ordi-
nately, for God cannot do anything inordinately.”4 Here, Ockham argued
that, by potentia absoluta, God could conceivably save an unbaptized per-
son, but that he would not do it against his will. John XXII, Ockham’s
papal nemesis, argued that the distinction was theologically useless, holding
that since God’s eternal knowledge is immutable, and since all things can
only happen as God knows them, then all things must happen of necessity.
Since scriptures are unequivocal about baptism now being necessary for
salvation, nobody can possibly argue that God would ever countenance the
unbaptized being saved, through whatever kind of trumped-up distinction
in the divine power one might cook up. Ockham angrily responded from
Munich, in his Opus Nonaginta Dierum, that the pope completely missed
the point of the distinction, denying all freedom, divine and human; this
was the sort of nonsense one might expect from heretics, laymen, and old
women.5 It would be easy to dismiss this as political bickering under the
guise of theological controversy, but the argument set the stage for much
that would comprise fourteenth-century Oxford’s debates, particularly
about the relation of theology to the other sciences.
But before we survey Oxford’s theological golden age, it is important
to bear in mind that the theological positions that evolved over the next
three decades were not simply members of one camp championing their
founder’s position against the paladins of another theologian’s school. It
would be very convenient if the Dominicans were uniformly Thomists, the
Franciscans were either Scotist or Ockhamist, the Augustinians disciples
of Giles of Rome, and the seculars generally adherents of the approach of
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 37

Grosseteste. But this was not the case; among Ockham’s most active oppo-
nents at Oxford was Walter Chatton (d. 1343), a fellow Franciscan, while
Henry Harclay, Oxford’s chancellor during the latter part of Ockham’s stay
there, whose ontology was quite similar to Ockham’s, was a secular. Despite
the great impact that Scotus had in Paris, Scotism at Oxford was a paltry thing,
and Thomism was not the authoritative approach among Oxford Dominicans
that it might have been. The emphasis on science and logic that character-
ized Oxford thought led away from broad, all-encompassing metaphysical
approaches and tended to foster a more individualistic, analytic brand of
theology than the phrase “school of thought” might allow.
Adam Wodeham (d. 1358), Ockham’s student and friend, attacked the
arguments of his fellow Franciscan Walter Chatton with notable vigor.
Chatton had argued, as Wyclif would, that a return to the safety of theo-
logical tradition and scriptural foundation would best serve the needs of
the day.6 Wodeham argued against using natural reasoning to broaden our
understanding of the divine, rejecting Chatton’s attempts at natural theol-
ogy to emphasize this impossibility. While one scientific conclusion may
seem applicable in another field, it would be foolhardy to assume that this
holds across all science. We may presume that two diverse lines of argu-
ment lead to the same conclusion, as in the famous five ways that Aquinas
uses to demonstrate God’s existence, but “diverse sciences do not prove
formally the same conclusion through the same medium, unless by men-
dacity.”7 Scientific reasoning’s ability, for example, to construct arguments
demonstrating the existence of an infinite being may entice one to suppose
that it can demonstrate God’s existence, but the God it constructs is ulti-
mately nothing in comparison to the God of theology. There is no possibil-
ity of reason establishing the falsity of the apparently valid syllogism “this
thing is the Father; this same thing is the Son; therefore the Father is the
same as the Son,” for by Aristotle’s rules, the conclusion follows neatly from
the premises. “And thus unless through our faith it were known that one
thing is three things, we would believe firmly the aforesaid sophism to have
been well argued.”8

Bradwardine and the Calculators

Further emphasizing the problems that come with trying to fit these theolo-
gians into neatly defined groups is the thought of the calculators, a group of
38 john wyclif

secular scholars at Oxford’s Merton College. Like Ockham and his follow-
ers, the calculators were philosophers with a keen interest in logical dispu-
tation and the complexities of mathematics and theoretical physics to which
they could lead. Being a calculator was certainly not the same as being an
Ockhamist. One of the foremost calculators, Thomas Bradwardine, vigor-
ously opposed Ockhamist theology. Disputations de sophismatibus were the
standard genre of argument in which undergraduate students learned to
engage one another in intellectual dispute in medieval universities. The
students used ambiguously worded sentences like “Socrates twice sees every
man besides Plato” to analyze how terms functioned within propositions.
In most cases, the analysis focused on syncategorematic terms, which lack
independent signification outside of their use in sentences. In the example,
the term “besides” has an ambiguous reference, and resolving the ambigu-
ity would involve addressing the larger question of how exceptive terms
function in the distribution of meaning within a proposition. While, at first
sight, sophismata may appear to be a recondite academic exercise, the pur-
pose of the genre was to sensitize students to the relation of language use
and reasoning by exploring the problems that come from assuming things
about meaning that have not been established. As is the case now with
courses in logic or programming, formulating texts whereby the rules for
this level of analysis could be established was a very specialized affair, and
the logicians at Merton College were tasked with this responsibility.
Merton College had been founded in 1264 and was reserved for those
studying for higher degrees. Both Scotus and Ockham had studied there,
and many of the foremost figures in fourteenth-century Oxford were asso-
ciated with the college. Here, a movement arose among the logical theorists
intent on regulating sophismata in which physics and theoretical mathe-
matics began to figure importantly. Take a proposition like “Socrates is
whiter than Plato begins to be white.” This sophisma, the first in Richard
Kilvington’s collection from the 1320s, tests the extent to which we can
understand a degree of a quality, whiteness, and its ratio to a lesser degree of
whiteness.9 Kilvington’s sentences, with their problems involving degrees
of quantity or quality, or traversing distances, find their resolution in logical
analyses of the terms, but as the genre developed, mathematical and physical
speculation became increasingly complex. Walter Burley, a Mertonian from
1305 to 1309, had investigated the physics of a substance beginning to be and
ceasing nonexistence in his quodlibetal question De primo et ultimo instanti,
and he introduced analyses of problems of natural philosophy into the
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 39

genre. Bradwardine’s interest was in the mathematics of ratios and how it

applied to theoretical understanding of force, resistance, and velocity, and
his De Proportionibus (1328) would revolutionize the physics of motion.
Thomas Bradwardine (c. 1300–1349) began his career as a theologian
and natural philosopher at Merton College in the 1320s, and had entered
the service of Edward III in 1339 as royal chaplain. In the king’s service,
Bradwardine was witness to the battle of Crécy in 1346, served as a negotia-
tor for peace with France, and delivered a famous sermon on the occasion
of victory over the Scots at Neville’s Cross. He was elected archbishop of
Canterbury in August 1348, but because the election had bypassed Edward’s
permission, he had to stand aside and allow John Ufford to occupy the See
at Canterbury. When Ufford died later that year, Bradwardine was elected
again, and Edward appears to have allowed his chaplain to become arch-
bishop in July 1349. The Black Death had been devastating English society
for several months, and it claimed Bradwardine only thirty-eight days after
his accession. Despite the fact that he likely had left Oxford toward the end
of the 1330s, the effects of his presence were felt well into the 1360s and
’70s, when Wyclif was active. Not only had he been foremost among the
calculators of Merton College, but he had formulated a theological response
to Ockhamism during the 1340s that was influential into the sixteenth cen-
tury. Historians of science remember him for advances in kinematics and
mathematical theory, while students of the Reformation turn to his De
Causa Dei contra Pelagium to understand the debates that raged in the uni-
versities when Luther and Melancthon studied. Each of these venues figure
importantly in Wyclif ’s writings, in which Bradwardine—alone among all
the figures of Oxford’s golden age—is frequently mentioned with respect
and reverence.
“Mathematics,” Bradwardine wrote, “is the revelatrix of truth, has
brought to life every hidden secret, and carries the key to all subtle letters.”
An example of Bradwardine’s mathematical thought can be found in his
assessment of how to explain the relation of variation in the velocities of a
moving thing to variation in the forces and resistances that affect velocity.
The traditional understanding in Aristotelian physics relied on the axiom
that motion occurs only when the motive force is greater than the resis-
tance offered, so that velocity is explained as proportionate to the ratio of
force to resistance. Bradwardine reasoned that, if we begin with a rate of
motion in which the force is greater than the resistance, and if we continu-
ally double the rate of resistance while holding the rate of force constant,
40 john wyclif

at some point the rate of resistance will be greater than the rate of force.
The problem lies in the axiom of velocity being proportionate to the ratio
of force to resistance; as the rate of velocity decreases in proportion to the
increase of resistance, there will still be a rate of velocity assignable at the
point that resistance is greater than force. This would mean that there is
a measurable, albeit tiny, rate of velocity assignable to a stationary object.
Better, Bradwardine argued, to recognize that velocities vary arithmetically,
while the ratios of force to resistance vary geometrically.10
In the two decades that followed, the calculator tradition at Oxford
would flourish. Foremost among the calculators was William Heytesbury,
who would become chancellor of the university in 1370. Heytesbury’s inter-
est was in infinite divisibility and the nature of continua, and he was a pio-
neer in analyzing the logic of quantitative statements about heat and color.
His Regulae Solvendi Sophismata, one of the textbooks for undergraduates
that was the initial aim of the calculators, illustrates the reciprocity of logic
and mathematical physics that characterized the movement. In it, problems
of physics and mathematics are examined as logical constructs, with the
application of physical and mathematical principles mixed into the seman-
tical analysis. Another important figure, Richard Swineshead (pronounced
Swinnis-et), elevated the abstraction in the mathematical analysis of physi-
cal propositions to new levels of intricacy. His Liber calculationum considers
how to parse propositions concerning the measurement of the intensity or
absence of qualities. Does one understand a quality’s intensity by proximity
to the highest degree of a quality, or by distance from the absolute absence
of the quality? Further, is it possible to analyze the distribution of intensi-
ties of a quality across a given substance? What of the intensity of light?
And building on Bradwardine’s understanding of motion, if we consider
an object falling through the center of the earth, does the part of the object
that has already passed the center resist the descent of the parts that have
yet to reach the center? The practical, physical applicability of these ques-
tions is beside the point. Swineshead, like all of the calculators, was more
interested in the complexity of mathematical analysis that the logically
formulable problems demand.11 Leibniz would later praise Swineshead as
the individual who introduced mathematics into philosophy, and Robert
Burton, author of the encyclopedic Anatomy of Melancholy, described him
as exceeding the bounds of human genius, but later humanists would gen-
erally reject the calculator tradition as typifying the subtleties that had com-
plicated scholasticism to the point of irrelevance. From the standpoint of
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 41

the history of science, the Oxford calculators introduced mathematics into

speculations about problems in physics, illustrating the need for advanced
mathematical operations, but their interest was primarily in using science
as a heuristic device for logical analysis. For the purposes of our survey
of fourteenth-century Oxford, though, this calculator tradition shows the
level of the analytic nature of philosophical discourse in Wyclif ’s day.

Skepticism and Certitude

The meticulous logical analysis of propositions was not, despite appear-

ances, an end in itself. The calculators were motivated by a strong desire to
unravel theological problems that had long plagued Christian thinkers, a
prime example of which was the problem of predestination and human free-
dom. Bradwardine’s De Causa Dei contra Pelagium is the most important
fourteenth-century articulation of a traditional, Augustinian approach
to this problem. Ockham had formulated a position that Bradwardine
thought to be suspiciously evocative of Pelagianism. This position, first
articulated by Pelagius in the fourth century, entails a radical voluntarism,
in which God’s causal power has no purchase on human willing. In effect,
Pelagius’s position allowed human beings to merit salvation through their
own good works, without God’s cooperation through grace. We will dis-
cuss Bradwardine’s association with the circle of Bishop Richard de Bury of
Durham in chapter 3; it was during these years that he composed De Causa
Dei, a work that was to have a significant impact on Wyclif ’s understand-
ing of divine knowledge and of the nature of the church. Because tracing
out Bradwardine’s argument would take us too far astray from the topic
of theology and epistemology, we will save that for chapter 6, on Wyclif ’s
ecclesiology.
If the reaction to Ockham at Oxford had just been an old-fashioned
Augustinian hostility toward Pelagianism, we could classify this as a largely
in-house theological debate and move on. But there was more at stake than
the right approach to the hoary problem of God’s foreknowledge and human
freedom. The arguments consequent on Ockham’s approach suggested that
theology might not fit the standard of scientific reasoning. Given the pos-
sibility of God causing our perception of nonexistent entities, it was even
plausible that all human knowledge might be, at best, only probable. If it
is possible that God can cause us to perceive things that are not present,
42 john wyclif

or to believe things to be true that are not true, then all that seems evi-
dent to human reason runs the risk of being dubitable. When discussing
the history of skepticism in Western thought, the usual course is to pro-
ceed from the academics of ancient Greece and Rome to the use of sys-
tematic doubt as the basis for modern thought in Descartes’ Meditations,
on the assumption that Christian dogmatism forbade its use in scholastic
thought, or that Aristotelian thought provided sufficient material to stave
off skeptical tendencies. The great figures in skepticism include Pyrrho,
Carneades, and Sextus Empiricus in antiquity, and Descartes, Bayle, and
Hume in early modernity. Augustine had rejected skepticism as a useful
philosophical method in Contra Academicos ( 386 ce) and had argued in De
Utiliate Credendi (392 ce) that, since few men were sufficiently wise as to
understand the truth, it is better to believe and avoid sin than to doubt
and risk damnation. And until the fourteenth century, skepticism had a
bad reputation; to accuse one’s opponent of having a position that led to
skepticism, as Scotus did to Henry of Ghent, was as good as rendering it
untenable.12 Etienne Gilson set the terms for twentieth-century consider-
ation of skepticism in scholastic thought by identifying it with Ockhamism,
describing Ockham’s thought as an apprentice sorcerer unleashing forces
that would overturn the classical scholasticism of the thirteenth century.
Because Ockham was ontologically a “nominalist,” it became the norm to
equate Ockham’s ontological approach with a skeptical distrust of natural
theology and a correspondent fideism.13 But the reality of later medieval
skepticism is much more complex. Not every fourteenth-century theolo-
gian with a healthy respect for the limits of human reasoning was a skeptic.
Still, burgeoning interest in the absolute power of God and its relation to
human knowledge, an important aspect of Ockham’s thought, led many
to explore the philosophical uses of epistemic skepticism.
For centuries, scholastic thinkers had Aristotelian reasoning as their
firm foundation, and by the end of the thirteenth century, theologians had
used syllogistic reasoning to articulate ideas of great subtlety about the
divine nature. In his Summa Logica III, 16, Ockham argued that great care
should be taken with the terms in an expository syllogism, the building
block of scholastic reasoning. It could not have as its subject a term that is
ambiguous in number. For instance, “homo est Socrates, homo est Plato,
ergo Socrates est Plato” may be true, and it may be false, depending on
how the term “man” refers. If the term stands for a singular thing, a man,
then the syllogism would prove that Socrates and Plato are two names for
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 43

the same person. This is either the truth, or it is not. If the term stands for
a plural, then the conclusion would be impossible if Socrates and Plato are
two different people. So the ambiguity of the term “man” means that the
syllogism doesn’t really tell us anything. The subject of a syllogism must
be either recognizably singular or recognizably plural to prevent the syl-
logism from being useless. The problem for theology arises in discussing
God’s triune nature. “This essence is the Father, this essence is the Son,
therefore the Son is the Father” is useless as an expository syllogism because
of the ambiguity of the term “essence” when describing God. Does it refer
to one thing or to more than one? If essence describes one thing, then the
syllogism is saying something about the identity of the persons of the Son
and the Father within the essence. If it describes several things, then its
meaning is confusing: do the different persons themselves have essences?
Or is the syllogism just falsely conceived, since the faith holds that there
can only be one essence and several persons? The syllogism is not wrong
in itself; in Quodlibet III, q.3, Ockham explains that if we could enjoy the
vision that those in heaven have of God, the ambiguity of the term would
vanish and the syllogism would clearly and unequivocally describe the real-
ity we perceive. But the unbeliever, for whom the term “God” refers to a
fictional entity, will not recognize the truth of any syllogism in which there
is reasoning about the divine nature as something real. Ought we then to
conclude that philosophy is of no help whatever to theology? In Quodlibet V,
q.1, Ockham explains that delineating the way that terms in statements
refer, whereby he has established that a theological truth cannot be proven
scientifically, is itself a philosophical activity. Hence, philosophy is of tre-
mendous utility for the theological project. The result of this general line
of reasoning, though, is that theology is distinct from other sciences, and
philosophy, theology’s erstwhile handmaiden, becomes the de facto queen
of the sciences.
Peter Aureol (1280–1322), a contemporary of Ockham’s in Paris, had
warned strenuously against assuming that “whatever appears, exists” in his
analysis of human cognition, indicating that the appearances of things per-
ceived serve as the basis for our knowledge of things in the world. In the next
generation of Parisian theologians, Nicholas of Autrecourt (c. 1295–1369)
stunned his colleagues by arguing that, aside from the certainties of faith, all
that we have to rely on in our reasoning is the principle of noncontradiction.
This means that basic principles of cause and effect, and metaphysical fun-
damentals like “accidents require substances for their existence” are ruled
44 john wyclif

out as the bases for knowledge, because doubting them does not entail a
contradiction. While we may never have experienced an accident without
a substance, or smoke without fire, it would not involve a contradiction
of terms to imagine them, in the way that one imagines a square circle
or a married bachelor. This seriously endangers the certainties of science,
broadly understood to include all descriptions about the world around us.
Nicholas was famously censured at Avignon in 1346. Although his skepti-
cal tendencies do not amount to classical skepticism, they are indicative of
a tendency toward skeptical reasoning in fourteenth-century theology that
was quite active in Oxford.14
Some Oxford theologians were willing to question the tenets of causality
to test the extent to which we are capable of certain empirical knowledge,
even if only to sharpen their students’ wits. One, a Benedictine known only
as Monachus Niger, or the Black Monk, who wrote between 1337 and 1341,
suggested that we cannot know substances by natural knowledge:

[B]ecause then it could be known in the Sacrament of the Altar [i.e., the
Eucharist] when it would be bread there, and when not. From this it
follows that it is not pure philosophy to hold a substance to exist in the
nature of things. I prove this because nothing holds naturally unless the
knowing of it naturally comes, and the knowledge of substance cannot
come naturally, as demonstrated with the Sacrament of the Altar . . . so
there can be no experience had of a substance.

We seem to have knowledge of a substance underlying accidents,

because something remains underneath even as the accidents change. Just
because something seems to remain constant as a ball of wax melts from
a solid lump to a liquid mass, it does not follow that there is something
underneath.15
Richard Fitzralph was another prominent member of Richard de Bury’s
Durham circle, and we will describe the relation of his thought to Wyclif ’s
in our discussion of dominium in chapter 7. Later in his career, he would
become the archbishop of Armagh, earning the nickname “Armachanus,”
and proved to be an influential figure at Avignon during negotiations
with the Orthodox church in the late 1330s and early 1340s. His Summa de
Quaestionibus Armenorum, a dialogue in nineteen books outlining papal pri-
macy in the face of Greek and Armenian theological objections, is a store-
house of classical arguments for papal authority and was used extensively
in Reformation and Counter-Reformation debates. Included in this work
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 45

is an autobiographical prayer, from which we can get a sense of his feelings

about his time at Oxford:

Before, I supposed myself profound through Aristotelian dogmas and

argumentation with men of limitless shallowness, when You touched me
at my core with Your heavenly truth, dazzling me with Your scripture,
scattering the clouds of my error, showing me how I was croaking with
the frogs and toads in the swamps.16

One manuscript of Fitzralph’s Sentences commentary contains a ques-

tion in which the author argues that one cannot know whether there is any
material substance aside from oneself. The sensations experienced of one’s
own body are not sufficient for knowing the body, though; we need some
sort of dialectical argument to establish that we have a body, which would
provide the certainty that we cannot attain with sense experience alone.
Does this make him a skeptic? Fitzralph knew that Henry of Ghent had
answered a similar question by advocating an epistemology reliant upon
divine illumination, in keeping with traditional Augustinian thought. In
his De Magistro, Augustine had argued that we attain understanding of any
truth only through God’s illumination of our minds: “Regarding each of
the things we understand, however, we don’t consult a speaker who makes
sounds outside of us, but the Truth that presides within over the mind
itself.”17 If God provides human understanding of truth, then this argu-
ment would only show that, without divine illumination, we are helpless.
Aquinas, Scotus, and Ockham rejected illumination theory, but it was by
no means lacking proponents in fourteenth-century Oxford; Wyclif would
be an advocate. Fitzralph devotes considerable attention to epistemology in
his Sentences commentary, distinguishing between what is present to our
understanding as a result of perception and what the act of understanding
what is present involves. Further, he continued throughout his academic
career to revise his thoughts on the unity of the soul and on the issue of
how correctly to delineate the process of understanding, complicating any
attempt to categorize Fitzralph’s epistemic program. Gordon Leff argues
that Fitzralph was a proponent of illumination theory, but more work
needs to be done before we can understand the place of this question in his
overall epistemology.18
A somewhat later figure, also suggesting the skeptical approach of
Nicholas of Autrecourt, instead uses the uncertainty of human knowledge
to underscore a determinism suggestive of Bradwardine. Nicholas Aston,
46 john wyclif

a post–Black Death theologian slightly older than Wyclif, was chancellor of

Oxford from 1359 to 1361. He argued that only God is necessary; the past
is contingent, as is the present, and God can make it to have been different,
although he does not. Any truth we have about created being might easily
dissolve into falsehood without our understanding the reason. This does
not mean that the created order is so fluid as to bring about that change.
God is necessarily perfect and is reliable as the necessary foundation for
created order. The problem lies in our understanding, which is based in
dubitable sense perception and is thus possibly illusory. Even something as
apparently certain as “nothing can be in two places at the same time” is up
for questioning: “God can make it that the same man would be in differ-
ent places, [and] a man could meet himself and not know that it was him,
and cut off his [own] head without knowing.”19 Causality is likewise open
to doubt, because if some particular effect has to follow from some cause,
as our thinking suggests, then God’s being would not be the only neces-
sary thing in creation. Likewise, logical inference is jeopardized, because
a given conclusion need not follow from premises that appear necessarily
to lead to it.
Interestingly, Aston’s extreme position is more in keeping with Brad-
wardine than with Ockham or others. First, Aston believes that only God’s
being is necessary and that propositionally structured truth exists indepen-
dently of the sentences we construct. While our understanding of causality,
and hence of the causal order, is so imperfect as to be incapable of demon-
strating God’s existence in the way that Aquinas or Scotus suggested, it is
still possible to use logic to show the necessity of God’s being. Aston notes
that his opponents, the moderni, hold that the statement “God does not
exist” is not formally contradictory, despite the fact that all created being
is contingent on God’s existence. Consider a proposition and the state of
affairs it describes. If the state of affairs changes, so does the truth value of
the proposition. But if the proposition contains a contradiction, it is always
false, even if the proposition also accurately describes the state of affairs. If
God exists, then a proposition p asserting that God does not exist would
contain a contradiction, namely, that a necessary being does not exist. It’s
being made false by God’s existence would not be the cause of its inherent
falsity; that it contains a contradiction is the cause of its inherent falsity.
Now, Aston continues, if God’s existence were contingent, like the mod-
erns say it is, then it could begin to be and cease to be. The proposition
would still contain a contradiction, though, so it cannot be that a necessary
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 47

being does not exist. This is what Aston calls his “Achilles argument,” and
it is obviously based on an assumed real relation holding between true state-
ments and things. A skeptic holding that true statements only accidentally
reflect reality would never agree to this variation on Anselm’s famous argu-
ment from Proslogion 2–4, and a follower of Ockham, for whom the refer-
ence of terms within propositions is dependent upon the concepts we derive
from what we perceive, would reject Aston’s semantic realism. Further,
since God is the only necessary being, any true answer to the question “why
is this the way things are?” must find its basis in God’s being. This includes
every case of human willing, whether good or evil, although Aston shies
away from what he sees as an excessive determinism in Bradwardine. Because
his approach is semantically oriented, grounded in a propositional realism
in which true statements are made true by their correspondence to a prop-
ositionally structured truth in God’s being, it would be a mistake to call
Aston a skeptic. It is difficult to avoid the powerful skeptical overtones in
his description of the contingency of human understanding, though.
The case is similar for Robert Holcot (d. 1349), whose arguments are
easily interpreted as skeptical but are better understood in their theologi-
cal context. Holcot was a Dominican known both for his incisive logical
mind and his remarkable gifts as a preacher. He was active at Oxford from
1330, but by 1337 may have left to join Richard de Bury in Durham, where
we will see him in our discussion of the de Bury circle in chapter 3, on
Wyclif ’s realism. By 1342, he was active as a pastor in Salisbury, and later
in Northampton, where he died of plague. He was best known during the
centuries after his death for his remarkable Commentary on Wisdom, an
encyclopedic scripture commentary on the apocryphal Book of Wisdom,
which contains pastoral advice about the path of one’s life, just political rule,
married life, and many social issues. At present, this fascinating work is all
but forgotten; those few familiar with his thought today recognize him as
an important, original response to Ockham. In his Sentences commentary,
Holcot addressed the incompatibility of Aristotelian logic and the nature
of the Trinity typified by this syllogism: “the divine essence is the Father,
the divine essence is the Son, therefore the Father is the Son,” the premises
of which are true, which lead to a valid but false conclusion. While earlier
theologians had addressed this by qualifying how the divine essence “is” the
person, Holcot denied the validity of using a distinction to avoid the doc-
trinally problematic conclusion. This led him to decide that the demands of
the faith so contrasted with the rules of logic that there must be two systems
48 john wyclif

of logic: the Aristotelian one, applicable to the natural order of creation,

and a higher logic in which supernatural truths are comprehensible.
It is likely that Wyclif formulated his own position on the relation of
faith to reasoning in response to Holcot, who held that what is evident as
scientific knowledge is born from demonstrative arguments; no faith is
involved in the process. Theology could only be considered a science if it
conformed to one of the three senses in which the term scientia is under-
stood. In the broadest sense, it is firm adherence to the truth, and in this
sense theology is a science. But what is the basis for this adherence? If the
assent is based in evident knowledge of empirical data, or in necessary first
principles, then one cannot include theology among the sciences, for no
viator can claim either empirical knowledge or intuitive comprehension
of supernatural truths as necessary first principles.20 Holcot would change
his position somewhat in his Quodlibeta, where he agrees with Ockham
about the ambiguity in the reference of terms about God impeding syllo-
gistic function. One simply cannot form syllogisms about God that suggest
that we are reasoning about him. This allows Aristotelian logic to remain
universal, because its principles do not include reasoning about such a
being as God. Thus, truths of faith, which are essential for salvation, must
be held on the doctrinal authority of the church. Attempting to demon-
strate such truths by using reason is a waste of time, for the light of reason
simply cannot shine brightly enough and needs the help of Catholic teach-
ings. Logic does have an important role to play for theology, however; one
can—and in some cases must—use it to investigate theological statements
and arguments. With heretics, it is best to stick to analyses of the forms of
the arguments they use and to leave the divergence in content to ecclesiastic
authority. Theologians must be well versed in logic, since sophistic argu-
ments frequently arise that require careful parsing.21 Later, in his Wisdom
commentary, he explains that true seekers can count on God to reveal him-
self, despite the limits of reason:
It has not been proven by any reason up to now that God exists, or that
God is the creator of the world, but to all who bear themselves innocently
in God’s sight and use their natural reason to enquire, putting no obsta-
cle in the way of divine grace, God will communicate sufficient knowl-
edge of himself in such a way as to suffice for their salvation. . . . the man
who uses his natural reason blamelessly will never lack real knowledge
of God.22
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 49

This is not fideism, for Holcot does not evoke an individual faith, but
the security and stability of ecclesiastical authority. Those entrusted with
this authority must hold more truths of the faith through belief than those
without it, because their duty is to understand and teach the faith. This
does not mean that a separate faith exists for the clergy—every statement
held true by scripture or the church must be conceded by every Catholic—
but that some of the relations of the truths of the faith are the concern of
the magisterium alone.
We are left, then, with a sampling of theologians who were writing when
the cohesive theological systematizing of figures like Thomas Aquinas
and Scotus was no longer an option. While theological problems like the
determinism–human freedom issue commanded great interest, the shift of
attention from primarily ontological issues to problems involving language
and logic made epistemology the field in which theological innovation was
necessary. Bradwardine’s De Causa Dei contains little that addresses the dif-
ficult questions of how we gain understanding and how we use it as a basis
for theological certainty. Those thinkers who do face down this problem are
haunted by the specter of skepticism, and, for Wyclif, their results seemed
inadequate to address theology’s needs. So his approach was to engage in
questions like “what is knowing?” “what is mind?” and “what is the basis
for theological science?” to shore up Bradwardine’s approach with reliable,
philosophical underpinnings.

Wyclif ’s Epistemology:
The Mind and the Eye

At this point, it would be very helpful for us to turn to Wyclif ’s Sentences

commentary, as we can do with figures like Wodeham, Holcot, and
Crathorn, to find his developed positions on the questions that defined
fourteenth-century Oxford epistemology. While he certainly would have
had to construct a Sentences commentary during his theological studies,
we have no record of it. The only evidence we have for one are the trea-
tises De Composicione Hominis, De Trinitate, and De Incarnacione, which
clearly address questions connected to the commentary tradition.23 The
first third of De Trinitate addresses whether theology is a science, but its
argument is comprehensible only with familiarity with the fundamental
50 john wyclif

questions then current, about knowledge, certainty, and what is involved

in understanding.
A glance at a catalog of his Latin works suggests that he had little inter-
est in the problems. The titles of his treatises preceding the Summa de Ente
appear to focus on logic, with only the brief De Actibus Anime addressing the
problem at hand. And De Actibus Anime, it turns out, does little more than
argue that mental acts are indeed properties of the mind and not entities
distinct from it. The key lies in seeing through the deceptive title of the
collection of treatises known as Tractatus de Logica. Scholars of medieval
logic have noted that Wyclif does relatively little formal logic in these
early works. While the first treatise, entitled De Logica, is a primer-level
introduction to Aristotelian logic, it is not comparable to Paul of Venice’s
somewhat later Logica Parva in scope or depth. The remaining treatises,
entitled Logice continuacio and Tractatus Tercius, are filled with chapters
that begin with formal logical issues, but quickly seem to bog down in
frustratingly detailed semantic minutiae. Logice continuacio appears to be
two treatises, the first dealing with simple, categorical propositions, while
the second deals with propositions involving exceptive terms like “but” or
“except.” Tractatus Tercius, by far the most extensive, is devoted to hypo-
thetical propositions. The chapter containing Wyclif ’s account of how our
vision functions and how it serves as a heuristic device by which to explain
our understanding begins with the formidable question of how kinds of
terms function within comparative hypothetical sentences. This approach
is confusing and obscure for readers used to the more clearly defined struc-
ture of a standard Sentences commentary, but patience yields evidence that
Wyclif was engaged in the ongoing epistemological dialogue that charac-
terized much of fourteenth-century Oxford thought.
Vision and understanding, which are frequently connected in episte-
mological theories, had an important relationship for thirteenth- and
fourteenth-century philosophers. Roger Bacon had advocated an under-
standing of the sciences of optics, psychology, epistemology, and logic under
the uniting idea that objects generate iterative similitudes, or “species” of
themselves into the media that contain them. Just as light moves through the
air, from the sun to our eyes, so too does every appearance perceptible move
through every medium and into our perception and understanding. This
seems both bizarre and not very explicative. How can an individual object
emit iterative similitudes of itself, which fly about in the air until they are
caught in the organ of sense perception? And how does positing perceptible
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 51

similitudes emitted by objects explain anything about the accuracy of what

we perceive? Is this the same as saying that digestion occurs through the
stomach secreting a digestive enzyme onto a digestible characteristic in the
thing eaten? While a considerable number of thinkers accepted the exis-
tence of species to explain perception, Ockham would have none of it. For
him, the act of intuitive cognition in which the perceiving mind apprehends
an object of perception involved no phantom intermediaries. When I see a
tree, I do not see the species of the tree that the tree emits into the atmo-
sphere; I directly see the tree in all its glory. Twenty-first-century episte-
mologists look wistfully at Ockham’s approach, called “direct perception,”
as touchingly naive in its simplicity. Most of his contemporaries regarded it
as shortsighted, not least because it did not accurately take into account the
optical phenomena of lenses, which anyone could see was the basis for the
functioning of the eye.
Vision, Wyclif explains, is the most subtle of our senses, capable of per-
ceiving the greatest diversity, and since it is closest in complexity to the way
our understanding works, it is the ideal means of explaining intellection.24
So the best way to explain our understanding is to explain the mechanics of
vision. In both sensitive and intellective vision, the vision might be distinct
or confused. In both, there are three kinds: direct, when seeing the object
directly; refractive, or seeing through a medium; and reflexive vision, as
in seeing through a mirror. Our eyes cannot see the finite points of which
a thing is made, no matter how distinct the visual act, but our intellective
powers are capable of isolating these points, as we will see in Wyclif ’s assess-
ment of the Eucharist. Aside from the reference to atomism, Wyclif is not
saying anything revolutionary here, although he is simplifying matters con-
siderably. Peter Aureol had taken Scotus’s distinction between intuitive and
abstractive cognition and converted it into one between ocular and imagi-
nary cognition, between exterior and interior acts of perception. The latter
is not the vision of the understanding that Wyclif describes, but only the
imaginative faculty, whereby we call to mind things not immediately evi-
dent to the external senses. Wyclif ’s predecessors, from Ockham and Scotus
onward, intended the distinction between intuitive and abstractive cogni-
tion to explain acts of perception, but they allowed the distinction to play at
the level of the intellect as well. Indeed, philosophers devoted great care to
explicating the relation of interior to exterior acts of perception, and to the
analogy of perception and its objects to the understanding and its concep-
tual objects. In asserting that both species of vision involve degrees of clarity
52 john wyclif

and are divisible into direct, reflective, and refractive subspecies, Wyclif is
deliberately papering over some very complex issues.25
In his discussion of how human intellectual faculties are deducible from
analyses of intuitive and abstractive cognition, John Rodington, O.F.M.
(d. 1348) had expressed an interest in the functioning of the eye, especially
in whether the visual power is located on the eye’s surface, as Bacon had
suggested, or inside the eye, in the optic nerve, as Scotus had thought.
Rodington pursued the matter carefully, comprehensively analyzing the
theories of vision available to fourteenth-century science. Wyclif ’s brief
account of the anatomy of the eye, describing the aqueous and vitreous
humors, the path of the optic nerves, the dura and pia mater protecting
the brain, and the connective web of veins and arteries that “bear life and
spirit from the heart, and nutrition from the liver” suggests familiarity with
Rodington’s interest in the connection of anatomy and perception. Medieval
scientists were not certain that the eye actively sends out rays of perception
(as Aristotle had suggested) that meet up with the species being emitted
by perceptible objects. Rodington struggled with this question. Alhazen
(Ibn al-Haitham c. 965–1039), the Persian scientist whose Kitâb al-Manâzir,
known to medievals as De Aspectibus or Perspectiva, was the primary source
for optics, thought that “extramission” was nonsense, as would the influ-
ential thirteenth-century Polish scientist Witelo, whose Liber Perspectivae
would be an important text for fourteenth-century Mertonians. Bacon and
Pecham advocated a combination of extramission and intromission, as did
Rodington. Wyclif, too, suggests that vision involves both the eye sending
something out to contact the object perceived and the eye’s reception of spe-
cies emitted by the perceived object.26
In Wyclif ’s Trialogus, a later work written for the instruction of the edu-
cated laity, he argues that an understanding of brain anatomy reveals the
different areas in which sense perception is interpreted into thought. In
the first ventricle, at the front of the brain, the sensus communis flourishes,
where sense data from all of the sense organs are sorted and interpreted
into a common sensory language that is interpreted by the higher powers.
Here also is where imagination is based, where we construct the illusory
stuff of dreams. The estimative and fantastic powers occupy the middle
ventricle, where we make judgments about the physical world and, like
other animals, “syllogize about particulars,” as when a fox stalks its prey.
In the rear ventricle, memory and locomotive power are located, “through
nerves in junctures in the back of the spine it is diverted to the other parts
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 53

of the body.”27 Defects in the eye, such as cataracts or trauma to the eye or
optic nerve, cause distortion in the objects as they are perceived. Changes in
the media through which perception occurs bring about changes in percep-
tion itself, as when a torch, when waved in a rapid circular motion at night,
appears to be a ring of fire. Wyclif ’s gross anatomy of the brain is in keeping
with the understanding of his contemporaries; William Crathorn, whose
unique epistemology particularly incensed Wyclif, gives a similar account
in his Sentences commentary I, q.2, conclusion 4, although he uses cellula
where Wyclif uses ventricula.
Why does Wyclif wander into an anatomical explanation of the eye in
explaining knowledge? Wyclif ’s approach is to follow the lead of a Polish
theologian and scientist, Erazmo Witelo (c. 1230–c. 1300), whose thought
provides a ready source of heuristic devices throughout Wyclif ’s Latin
works. Witelo’s Perspectivae is a ten-volume analysis of the science of optics
as applied mathematics, and its impact on Western scientific thought was
remarkable. For centuries, scientific theorists would make considerable use
of Witelo’s approach in their own attempts to mathematize the understand-
ing of physical phenomena. Wyclif ’s Parisian contemporary Nicole Oresme
(1323–1382) made considerable use of it in his own scientific thought, as did
later theorists from Regiomontanus and da Vinci, Galileo and Tycho Brahe,
to Descartes. Kepler’s work Ad Vitellionem paralipomena (1604) marks the
end of Witelo’s tenure as a scientific authority. More recently, Witelo has
been interpreted as being an advocate of the theological light metaphysics
best articulated by Grosseteste in De Luce, but this is an overstatement;
his interest was in systematizing Alhazen, the great Persian optic theo-
rist, along the lines of Euclidean demonstration.28 Witelo was not a great
mathematician, although he was the first to introduce ideas of Eutochius
and Apollonius of Pergia into European thought, thanks to the translat-
ing work of his contemporary William of Moerbeke. His importance rests
in his systematic presentation and application of theory to applied math-
ematics; Perspectivae appears to have been a particularly important text for
Mertonian instruction. Wyclif ’s description of the eye in Logica Continuacio
is a precis of Witelo’s Perspectivae, book 3. His account of how the species
follows a perpendicular line from the object to a point in the core of the eye
is that of Witelo, who describes very carefully the function of the aqueous
and vitreous humors in the act of perception. Hence, for Wyclif as for other
Oxford theorists, optics provided a useful means of modeling and analyz-
ing our understanding of ideas. But what is involved in knowing ideas?
54 john wyclif

Using Logic to Resolve Confusion I:

Mental Acts as Qualities of the Mind

Early in his career, Wyclif addressed the nature of the mental act of know-
ing in De Actibus Anime. He devotes a large portion of the treatise to refut-
ing the position of an unnamed predecessor who believed that mental acts
are absolute things capable of per se existence, the way bodies are. Instead,
Wyclif argues that the acts of the mind are accidents of the genus action, and
not beings distinct from the mind that forms them. The usual assumption
that Wyclif is addressing Ockham or his followers is groundless, because
neither Ockham nor most of the philosophers who wrote in response to
him thought of mental acts as really different from the mind.
Ockham’s innovation was to dismiss the need for species in the act of
understanding. Earlier epistemic models, like that of Aquinas, held that we
arrive at judgments about extramental objects through an involved process.
First, our senses take in the perceptible appearance of some object that is
transmitted from the object through the air and received in the senses as
“sensible species.” Next, another part of the cognitive apparatus takes these
raw sensible species and turns them into mentally encoded “phantasms,”
which become the mental image of the object perceived when cognized
by the mind. The mind does not yet recognize the object of which it has
a mental image, though; the understanding is simultaneously abstracting
from the raw sensible species a higher, more comprehensive form of the
object perceived by the senses, which Aquinas calls the “intelligible spe-
cies.” This intelligible species is what Aquinas believes to be the univer-
sal, which is converted into a concept, and it is this concept that is used to
interpret the mental image. None of these beings by which we comprehend
extramental objects, these species or phantasms, can exist on their own; each
is an act of the mind the purpose of which is to facilitate understanding.
Ockham rejected the existence of species in our act of understanding some-
thing extramental, in part because of doubts he had about the reliability
of the species’ representation of their object. Instead, we directly perceive
the object through “intuitive cognition,” from which the understanding
abstracts in a distinct action called “abstractive cognition.”
At an early point in his career, Ockham was willing to concede that
the product of abstractive cognition, namely, a concept, might have a kind
of being of its own. This being, which he called “objective being” and
which today’s philosophers might call “intentional being,” is but a ghost
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 55

in comparison to the being that substances and accidents have. Ultimately,

he rejected this objective reality as superfluous, having been convinced by
Walter Chatton’s arguments that concepts are merely acts of the mind, with
no more being of their own than any other action.29 Very simply, when one
runs, there are not two things, the runner and the running, but only one,
the runner. When one thinks, there are not two things, the thinker and the
thinking, but only one, the thinker.
Ockham’s trimmed-down epistemology was not terribly popular at
Oxford. Chatton argued that, in eliminating species, Ockham had destroyed
the means by which we distinguish between the acts of the senses and the
qualitative contents of those acts. During the 1320s and ’30s, most agreed
with Chatton, endorsing the importance of species in the mind’s cognitive
processes and differing only in the species’ relation to the mind’s acts of sens-
ing and judgment. The important thinkers, particularly John Rodington,
Richard Fitzralph, Adam Wodeham, and Robert Holcot, each argued
against Ockham’s reduction of our epistemic machinery. Only William
Crathorn, whose epistemology had prompted Holcot to comment that
one should only read Crathorn’s Sentences Commentary for laughs, seems
a likely candidate for Wyclif ’s opponent. While Crathorn, like the others,
agreed that species should not be eliminated from the process, he advocated
the elimination of mental acts. This leaves only the mind and species, which
amounts to a unique epistemology. The mind receives the species, which
are reflective of the qualities of the object to which they are connected, and
so in cognizing the object, the mind takes on the qualities of the species.
“When something is such accidentally, through another, then that other
is essentially and through itself.”30 If the species is that through which the
mind knows its object, then the species must exist per se. So, when I recog-
nize a white cat before me, the species that contains the qualities of feline-
ness, white, furry, quadrupedal, and so forth, is a real being distinct from
my mind, but in my mind, meaning that my idea of the white cat is, in fact,
white, furry, quadrupedal, and feline.31
Wyclif describes a mental act as likely to be one of three things: it is either
nothing but the mind itself, or it is a quality of the mind, accidental and reli-
ant upon it, or it is a thing separate from the mind. He devotes the first half
of De Actibus Anime to constructing six arguments against the third possibil-
ity, and turns to a discussion of the nature of our ideas about the past in the
treatise’s second half. He never addresses arguments against the first pos-
sibility, namely, that a mental act is nothing but the mind itself, a position
56 john wyclif

which could be a reference to Ockham’s argument that concepts are merely

acts of the mind, with no more being of their own than any other action.
That Wyclif declines to pursue this suggests that his efforts are indirectly
aimed at Crathorn. Crathorn argued that there are no mental acts, only
the mind and species, and Wyclif is arguing vigorously for mental acts as
qualities of the mind by rejecting the possibility that our ideas are distinct
from our minds. If we assume that Wyclif recognizes that there are species
distinct from our mental acts, then arguing against the third possibility is
sufficient for dismissing the first as well.
Wyclif begins De Actibus Anime by explaining that all of the soul’s actions,
its powers, intentions, and habits, are best approached through understand-
ing its acts, which are best known and the ideal medium through which to
know the others:

Few or none would disagree that there are acts of the soul. Nobody doubts
that at some time [the soul] can sense, understand, wish or eschew, and
other particular acts. And it is impossible thus to have one’s self, unless
there were a being indicating itself to be in this way; therefore such a
being is recognized as such.32

After a little unpacking of the language, the sense of the last sentence
should be familiar. Even if one doubts that there are acts of the soul, one
cannot doubt that there is something there doing the doubting. This truth,
generally connected with the Meditations of Descartes, was well known by
the scholastics and had been mentioned by Augustine in De Civitate Dei
11.26 and De Trinitate XI. Scotus and Henry of Ghent made reference to
it in arguing against skepticism, while Nicholas of Autrecourt argued that
it did not provide sufficient epistemic certainty. In the 1330s, Fitzralph
referred to it as reliable evidence that some things can be known with cer-
tainty, and Crathorn did as well: “If someone doubts a proposition like this
one, ‘I exist,’ it follows that he exists, because this follows: ‘I doubt that
I exist; therefore, I exist.’ For anyone who does not exist does not doubt.
Therefore no one can doubt this proposition: ‘I exist.’ ”33
Wyclif includes another approach among his arguments for mental acts
as qualities. Acts of the mind, he begins, have attributes that no thing exist-
ing on its own could have, which means that they would have to be acci-
dents, beings reliant on the existence of another. Imagine assuming that
the statement “every man understands himself to be a non-understanding
being” is true. Call the statement A. It is possible to imagine assuming this,
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 57

because we immediately recognize that it is impossible that A is true. “And

it is clear that A, when it is understood, does not name its subject [i.e., a
member of the set ‘every man’] to be not-understanding, but to be under-
standing.” If A did designate a man to be not-understanding, it would
designate every man to be not-understanding and would be contradicted
by the fact that there is somebody who is understanding A. Now, if ideas
are things distinct from the mind and per se substantial beings, then some
would exist as true and some as false. It would be impossible for one to exist
where both its affirmation and its denial leads to a contradiction. But A, if
true, would be contradictory, because it would require an understanding
man to recognize its truth. If A is false, then there would be some man
who does not understand himself to be a non-understanding being. Then
that man would be able truly to say “I am not understanding.” But if he
were truly saying this, he must have some understanding, at least of what
is involved in understanding something, which would be a contradiction.
Hence, Wyclif argues that he can imagine a statement the truth and the
falsity of which lead to a contradiction, and since no per se substantial being
can do this, then this kind of idea, at least, must be reliant on the existence
of the mind that comprehends it.
The argument rests on the ontological status of a class of statements that
fascinated medieval thinkers, insolubilia, which they used to probe the rela-
tions among spoken, written, and mental language. These statements can
be understood as a class by thinking of the famous liar paradox, in which the
speaker says, “I am lying.” Is the statement true or false? If true, then it is
false, and if false, then it is true. Thomas Bradwardine suggested that such
sentences signify that they are at once true and false, and Burley responded
that all sentences imply that they are the truth. Following Burley’s reason-
ing, such insoluble sentences are true only if they are both true and false at
the same time. Since this is impossible, then all insoluble sentences are sim-
ply false. Richard Swineshead had suggested that such sentences are useful
in helping us to distinguish between a sentence’s truth and its correspon-
dence to reality. Consider the pair of sentences “this sentence is false” and
its contradiction, “this sentence is not false.” The first is itself false, because
what it is asserting is the truth. But it does correspond to reality. But the
second sentence, its contradiction, does not correspond to reality, so it really
is a false sentence, which also makes the contradiction false. Wyclif ’s inter-
est in these sentences was so great that he wrote an entire treatise on them,
apparently during the same time that he wrote De Actibus Anime.34
58 john wyclif

Using Logic to Resolve Confusion II:

Knowing and Belief

In the questions of what knowledge involves, and what the act of knowing
is, Wyclif ’s approach is to turn to logic to clear up problems that threaten
to swamp the project of theology. Wyclif ’s conception of what knowledge
involves will influence his argument that theology, which involves faith,
counts as a science. His discussion in Logice Continuacio is part of a larger
analysis of the kinds of terms that need special treatment when parsing the
meaning of propositions. The assertion of knowing, or of doubt, within a
proposition points to the nature of knowledge itself. If we have knowledge,
we have something present to us the certainty of which can be measured.
If what we know is certain because anytime we test it, it turns out to be the
truth, we have knowledge of a universally holding statement. Knowing
that “every fire is hot” is an example of this kind of knowing. Knowing a
first principle is even more certain. Once every part of such a statement is
understood, the truth of the statement is given. Knowing that “nothing at
once is and is not” is like this, since its truth is evident from the very nature
of the terms. Finally, knowing a deductively clear truth is the best sort of
knowing, Wyclif argues, because such a truth tells us more about the world
than the first two. Such a truth, which arises from the conjoining of two
simpler statements in syllogistic reasoning, is the basis for deductive science.
Here, Wyclif has deductive systems like Euclidean geometry in mind.
But there are more kinds of knowledge than these. Acts of knowing
either proceed from these habitually present things known, or they pro-
ceed from what is evident to the senses, or from evidence of what could
be perceived, if the knower were locally or temporally situated. That is, I
might recognize a triangle that I happen upon in architecture or in a paint-
ing as being a right triangle, and so know both from what is evident to
my senses and from what I have in my head about right triangles. Or
I might know that Paris is a beautiful city, even though I’ve never been there.
Actual knowing, Wyclif explains, is ultimately belief in the truth of some-
thing, without fear of the contrary being true. My actual knowing might
be either of a universal, as in knowing what “humanity” is, or it might
be of a particular person. Knowing the universal allows me to recognize
the particular. Knowing that this recognition is a dependable result, in that
I will usually recognize people to be human beings, given my knowledge of
humanity, allows me to know with a general certainty that when I meet the
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 59

next person, I’ll recognize her as being a person. But an element of doubt
has crept in. There is always the possibility that I might not recognize the
next person I meet as a human being, so I can’t say with certainty that
I know that I will recognize her.
Actual knowing, which always includes belief, functions on a par with
habitual knowing, the term Wyclif uses for the first kind of more certain
knowing. If yesterday I saw the pope standing before me, I knew him to be
alive at that time, but because I do not now see him, my knowledge of him
being alive involves belief that nothing has since happened to him. Strictly
speaking, my knowledge about him now is not really knowing: it is believ-
ing that counts as knowing. Now, when I saw him standing before me yes-
terday, there was certainly a degree of belief involved. I believed my senses,
and I believed that the man before me was indeed the person he presented
himself as being. But now, belief is more of an issue, because while certainty
that the pope still lives is high, it is not absolute.
Ordinarily, people don’t make this kind of distinction. We don’t usu-
ally measure what we know based on the percentage of slippage caused by
the possibility of doubt: “So the laity, who do not doubt or argue about the
media that verify the thing believed, frequently know, while the literate,
and especially the philosophers, are ignorant.”35 Philosophers can easily let
this need for belief lead to problems with skepticism. The right approach
to measuring knowing, Wyclif argues, is not to wander in skeptical specu-
lation, but to focus attention on how the language we use about knowing
shows what is present to our minds. At a very basic level, a proposition Fx
either signifies (a) that you know that there is a given proposition, Fx, or
(b) that you know that the proposition Fx signifies a state of affairs about
x and F, or (c) that the proposed state of affairs Fx is the truth. Without speci-
fying which way of signifying we have in mind, Fx is something that can
be both known and not known at the same time. We can know Fx in the
first and the second senses, without knowing whether Fx is really true, in
the third sense.
Imagine that you are told that you know a sentence A. Sentence A could
be one of two sentences: “God exists” or “a man is an ass.” Now we know
at the outset that the first is necessarily true, while the second is impossible.
Still, you must admit to the truth of knowing the sentence A, with A’s con-
tent being indeterminate. If by indeterminate, we mean “either of the two”
(altera istorum), all is well. Even if A most likely stands for the impossible
proposition, there is always the chance, since “either of the two” admits
60 john wyclif

of both, that the other, necessary sentence is what A stands for. But if by
indeterminate, we mean “only one of the two” ( alterum istorum), then of
course there will be a problem, because the leeway that “either of the two”
provides is gone. You commit yourself to either knowing that something is
necessarily true, or knowing something that you cannot know. “Either of
the two” provides a middle ground, while “only one of the two” does not.
The point of this example is to show that how we conceive of the names
of the things that are given in a proposition that we claim to know has
everything to do with whether we really know what we think we know.

Wyclif ’s Arguments for Theology

as Science in De Trinitate

By now, the grounds for Wyclif ’s argument that theology should indeed
be counted among the sciences are clear. He has argued that all knowledge
outside of the limited sphere of habitual knowledge of indubitable truths,
first principles, and deductively certain conclusions involves an element of
belief. Given that belief is the foundation for theological reasoning as well,
it follows that theology is a science like any other. Wyclif makes the case
for this in De Trinitate, a treatise included in the Summa de Ente, which
he appears to have written around 1370. Despite its title, which suggests
Augustine’s magisterial work on the Trinity, De Trinitate focuses on sev-
eral particular problems that had become set pieces for theologians in the
mid-fourteenth century. The complexity of the reasoning that had evolved
from theologians’ commentaries on book I of Peter Lombard’s Sentences
had become breathtaking.
If God the Father (G[f ]) generates God the Son (G[s]), meaning that
God generates God, God would have to be distinct from God insofar as
the Son and the Father differ. Otherwise, insofar as G(f ) is not the same
as G(s), then God is not God. One way of interpreting this would be to say
that “God is different from God.” This could mean that God is not the
same as G(f ), G(s), and G(hg), which would mean that the Trinity is other
than God. Or if G(f ) is not the same as G(s), then God the Trinity differs
from G(insert a person here). If God is not the same as God, then the differ-
ence either lies in number within God, or somehow outside of God, with a
distinct God. The former, that there is a difference in number within God,
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 61

cannot be held by reason of the indiscernibility of identicals. But the latter

leads to a difference between God as God and God (a person).
Wyclif ’s approach to resolving puzzles like this should not be a surprise
at this point. Paying attention to how language is used in reasoning about
the Trinity, and how that language use pinpoints our ontological commit-
ments, is the key to finding a way out of problems like this one. He had
laid the groundwork for his approach to understanding the relation of the
persons in the Trinity earlier, between 1366 and 1368, in Purgans Errores
circa Universalia in Communi:

In predication according to essence the singular and its universal are dis-
tinct, since the singular is one, as the universal another individual. It
does not follow, “these are distinct things, so to these we assign number”
because through most general and most singular demonstrating of its
supposit, any things distinct are these, yet they are not held numerable,
since one of them remains. Thus they are distinct formally, but not for-
mally distinct things. Nor are they formally “these two” [indicating this
universal and this singular] but they are this, and so the differences are to
this sense, that these differ, but not through numerical difference; because
only by difference formally or according to reason are they “these.”36

The details of Wyclif ’s use of Scotus’s formal distinction in his own

approach to resolving issues like this are manifold, incorporating ontologi-
cal questions of how God might function as a universal of which the divine
persons are particulars, as well as semantic problems as deeply rooted as
how to use analogy in talking about God. While these details illustrate
Wyclif ’s conviction that his metaphysical realism is the ideal approach to
the complex questions that had developed in the previous decades, our
interest here lies in his more general arguments for recognizing theology
as foremost among the sciences. Augustine had famously argued that we
can come to appreciate the triune nature of God by using our reason to
recognize the trinities in nature, most particularly the threefold nature of
the human mind: reason, memory, and willing. This use of human rea-
son to reach truth about divinity was among the many called into question
by fourteenth-century theologians. Wyclif was not the first to argue that
Augustine’s approach was valid; Richard Fitzralph argued that the human
mind is an imperfect image of the Trinity in his Sentences Commentary.37
Before addressing this issue, the more general question of whether, given
62 john wyclif

the skeptical tendencies that affected fourteenth-century philosophy, we

can even use our reason for such a problem needs to be answered.
Wyclif was not the first to raise the banner for theology as a science in
response to the moderni. We have seen that Bradwardine’s thought in De
Causa Dei presupposes some kind of connection, although he did not artic-
ulate it. Further, Aston had shown that we can use logic to demonstrate
the necessity of God’s being, even if we cannot actually argue from created
being to the divine as Aquinas and Scotus had thought. Finally, Richard
Brinkley, O.F.M. (f1. 1355–1375) appears to have blazed the path for Wyclif
in arguing that man can, by evident reason, infer that human life is itself
ordered to another life than the present. Sadly, we do not have Brinkley’s
Sentences commentary, and all that remains appears to be an abbrevatio
prepared by Etienne Gaudet, a Parisian scholar in the 1360s.38 Further
work on Brinkley will likely yield evidence of his influence on Wyclif.
Wyclif believed that when human reason establishes God’s existence, it
also establishes the triune nature of the divine essence, even if the demon-
strator is unaware of this feat. His interest in relating our rational recogni-
tion of God’s existence is limited. Elsewhere, he asserts that it is part of our
fallen nature that we do not know created beings as they are in their uni-
versals, but come to knowledge of universals from their particulars. That
is, we come to know the universal X by knowing individual x’s. Yet within
us, he argues, is the possibility of knowing divine things: “Any such cre-
ated nature has an innate concrete knowledge by which it knows things
as they are in their natural order, and thus the soul has innate comprehen-
sions which it does not receive from the things of sense.”39 Apparently, then,
we know innately of God’s existence and have no need of a demonstrative
proof. In Trialogus, Wyclif ’s character Phronesis, the wise theologian, says,
“God’s existence is the first thing following from any truth, such that a for-
mal contradiction would arise when holding something to be, or something
to be in some way, without first recognizing God to exist.”40 In our discus-
sion of the first treatises of Summa de Ente in the next chapter, it will turn
out that anyone with a clear understanding of being will recognize that
God’s existence is necessary for the being of, and our knowing of, anything
in creation.
Authorities like Anselm, Augustine, the Victorines, and Grosseteste
all argue that the Trinity is evident through recognition of trinities in
creatures, natural signs by which we can deduce syllogistically the divine
Trinity. Augustine’s arguments show that reason allows us to recognize the
 the oxford context of wyclif’s thought 63

divine truths woven into creation, but in each case the faith must serve as
foundation. “This is generally said,” Wyclif continues, “that no one can
assent to this deduction [of the threefold divine nature from perceived
created trinities] without faith, and so it is not merely natural, and is not
demonstrated in the natural light.”41 But if faith is the foundation, is dem-
onstration through natural reasoning impossible? All reasoning demands
some sort of nonrational assent, Wyclif argues, either before or outside
of the reasoning process, to conditions that serve as evidence for the rea-
soning to take place. Learning to read or to speak requires a degree of
faith in the teacher. The absence of the light of faith infused in the mind
allows one to give assent to many ideas, but in each case, the mind craves
evidence of some kind. The testimony of authority counts as such even in
matters otherwise neutral, so assent can be given in these matters from
the authority of scripture or teaching that will be, in light of divine reality,
rationally clear to all.
Later in his life, Wyclif made a similar argument in Trialogus, where
his foil, Pseustis, argues a simplified version of the Ockhamist position.
His champion, Phronesis, responds:

It is impossible for the faithful or the heretic to know something, unless

they know it fundamentally through faith; because just as nobody knows
letters—that one is A, the next B, and so of other—unless they believe, so
nobody by their senses know[s] anything sensible, unless first truth speaks
and teaches that, that a thing is sensible in one way or in another.42

Faith is not judged to be better relative to the wealth of evidence avail-

able; the faith of a rich man with a Bible is not superior to that of a poor
man without one. Not all acts of faith result in immediate understanding.
Sometimes, we believe something, yet never understand it, while at other
times, we come to an understanding immediately on giving assent to it,
and at still others, what is believed is only understood after thought. This
shows that not all faiths are of a kind.
But are they always present in any act of knowledge? And if so, and if
faith is a virtuous qualitative habitus, which all theologians recognize to be
a theological virtue, can we know anything without the assistance of grace,
which is necessary for any theological virtue? Wyclif is not clear on the
place of illumination in knowledge in De Trinitate, although he does argue
that grace is necessary for any virtuous act in De Dominio Divino III. We
must deduce his allegiance to Augustine, Grosseteste, and Bonaventure.
64 john wyclif

Their position was that every act of understanding entails the divine illu-
mination of the mind, a participation in the light of Truth every time we
apprehend the truth. Aquinas and Scotus limited the need for this illu-
mination to the sphere of revelation, arguing that the unassisted human
reason is capable of accurately perceiving the truth about things in this
world without the need of divine assistance. Faith factors into this question
when truths understood by pagans such as Aristotle must be explained;
Aristotle lacked the Christian faith, yet reasoned out the truth of things in
the world. This led Aquinas to conclude that one could not have faith and
knowledge about the same thing. Faith requires assent without evidence,
while knowledge entails having that evidence. Henry of Ghent (d. 1293)
is the last widely studied philosopher to have argued the need for divine
illumination before Nicholas of Cusa in the fifteenth century. By the shape
of Wyclif ’s arguments here, it is difficult to avoid concluding that he fol-
lowed Henry, Bonaventure, and Grosseteste in arguing the need for divine
illumination. “For it is impossible for a creature to know anything unless
it knows it through grounding from the authority of God teaching and
moving to assent.”43
All that we understand, then, requires some faithful assent of the human
mind, some acquiescence to evidence that might be doubted. In the case of
understanding objects we perceive, our intuition of sense data entails faith,
which kindles the growth of knowledge as our experiences increase and
leads to acts of judgment about the world. Faith has a natural place in all
of our acts of understanding, great and small, and if we can claim to have
an accurate explanation for even the least act of understanding the simplest
thing, we should also admit to the possibility that great truths of faith, like
the Trinity, may be explored and understood by human reason. If the arti-
cles of faith were demonstrable scientifically, philosophers would already
have done so, without the need for revelation. But the articles of faith are
subtle, hidden from natural light. The merit that comes from faith consists
in voluntarily and humbly submitting the sensibility to the authority of the
Catholic church and the articles of faith, against which rebellion is a sin. So
to view faith and reason as incompatible is premature. Faith is at once an
act of believing, a habit, an assent to a truth; since what is known is believed
as well, faith and knowing are not really incompatible.

3

wyclif in oxford
Logic, Metaphysics

Grosseteste, Ockham, and

Schools of Thought

Two English thinkers define later medieval Oxford philosophy and the-
ology: Robert Grosseteste (1170–1273) and William Ockham (1287–1347).
Each attracted students who would further their intellectual vision and
profoundly influenced thought in fourteenth-century Oxford. It would
be premature to view their differing approaches as inherently antitheti-
cal to one another, though. Both were willing to countenance Aristotelian
thought as the basis for understanding the created universe, and both have
been described as philosophical mathematizers, in reference to their inter-
est in taking an analytical approach to problems. The differences between
them lie more in how they thought Aristotle’s philosophy could articulate
the traditional Augustinian Christian ideal.1
A handy means of distinguishing them is their answer to the question
of what there is in the universe. Do individual members of a species have
their special identities through their relations to an unchanging universal,
or are individuals of a species related to one another without reference to
an additional universal? That is, is there a universal “dog” by virtue of
which all animals that have a canine nature are defined, or are all canine
animals members of the species dog without reference to some immutable,

65
66 john wyclif

eternal dog-ness? Grosseteste argued for the existence of universals ante

res, following the traditional Boethian version of the Categories in which a
Neoplatonist reading of Aristotle’s ontology determined much of twelfth-
century philosophy. This does not mean that Grosseteste conceived of a
realm of universals having existence between God and creation, a Platonic
world of forms. Universals do not exist apart from their particulars, but
are ontologically distinct from the particulars in which they inhere. This
distinction is most fully realized in our mind’s understanding of them, but
it does not depend upon our recognition for its reality. The subordinate
relationship of species universals to genus universals, for example, is not
dependent upon our recognition of that relation, but is a real relation based
in the directive creative force of the divine ideas, God’s definitive under-
standing of creation. Grosseteste’s position appears to have been the ideal
formulation of a Christian Aristotelian ontology for Wyclif, and it will help
our understanding to discuss it briefly.
Grosseteste’s realism arises in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Posterior
Analytics, where he explains how the objects of demonstration in scien-
tific knowledge are incorruptible. Aristotle argues in Posterior Analytics I.8
(75b22–36) that, if the premises in a syllogism are universally true, the con-
clusion must also be universally true, or eternal. If you formulate a proof
for a universal truth like “all dogs are mammals,” and you rely on existing
dogs as your only verification, Aristotle appears to be saying, the truth is not
universal and eternally true, but reliant on the contingent being of individ-
ual dogs. For Grosseteste, this led to an exploration of the kinds of universal
truths that our minds can encounter. First, we are capable of recognizing
that God’s mind contains uncreated reasons, the eternal ideas that are the
archetypes for all of the kinds of creatures. Second, angelic minds, or intel-
ligences, have a complete knowledge of creation, which they derive from
their contemplation of the divine ideas. The universal truths as understood
by the intelligences can be communicated to human minds through divine
illumination, and these are the bases for human understanding of incor-
ruptible truth. Third, we can recognize with our unaided reason that the
heavenly bodies have the power to cause acts in the world, to bring about
events without themselves experiencing change or diminution. Fourth, we
are capable of recognizing forms in created substances that can be classified
according to genera and species.
Ockham is famous for having interpreted Aristotle as having elimi-
nated universals from ontology altogether, rejecting talk of “natures” as
 wyclif in oxford 67

philosophical constructs grounded in a misunderstanding of what there

is in the world. A being is either really distinct from all other beings, as
Snoopy is distinct from all other dogs, or is only distinct from them by
virtue of our thinking them so. There are no real universal natures, only
conceptual constructs that human beings have put together from experi-
ence with beings in the world. Thus, Grosseteste is more of a Platonist,
and Ockham much less of one, denying the existence of universals ante
res altogether.2 These two positions represent comparative extremes in the
debate about universals. Between them are arrayed a host of more refined,
“moderate” positions, most of which recognize the existence of universal
natures, but only insofar as individual members of a species have common
natures that we, in cognizing them, recognize to be universal. The posi-
tions of Aquinas, Scotus, Henry of Ghent, and others fit into this middle
ground, as do many of the thinkers we will discuss later in this chapter. The
most extreme realist position, like that of Burley or, later, Wyclif, would
hold that a universal exists whole and complete in each of its particulars
and is not affected by changes in the number of these particulars. Their
conceptualist opponents, like Henry Harclay and, later, Adam Wodeham,
rejected the idea that a thing can exist unchanging and undivided in two
distinct particulars. So when Wyclif championed the existence of universals
ante res, citing Grosseteste as his authority and the “doctors of signs” as the
agents of deception, he was not arguing for the existence of universals apart
from their particulars, as Plato did, but for the priority of the existence of
universals in the being of their particulars. This appears to have been the
consensus of those who followed in the footsteps of Grosseteste at Oxford,
particularly at Merton College.

The Circle of Richard de Bury

Of the many important thinkers who figured in the theological and scien-
tific debates at Oxford between 1315 and 1349, several tower over the rest.
Not by coincidence, these theologians also play an important role in Wyclif ’s
thought. Walter Burley, Thomas Bradwardine, and Richard Fitzralph are
each mentioned by Wyclif as authoritative in the arguments that underlie
his own theological vision: Burley in metaphysics, Bradwardine in formal
theology, and Fitzralph in his theory of dominion. Robert Holcot’s name, on
the other hand, does not appear in Wyclif ’s works, but his presence looms
68 john wyclif

nonetheless, because Holcot embodied much of what Wyclif detested, both

as a philosopher and as a preacher. These four figures were included in
a remarkable unofficial affiliation of theologians at Durham, a circle of
comrades associated with the highly placed Bishop Richard de Bury (1287–
1345), whose love of the world of ideas had led him to gather a select group
of scholars and clerics into his household. Bury had studied at Oxford in the
first decade of the fourteenth century and then moved on to royal service,
where he occupied a trusted position with the young Edward III. During
the mid-1330s, he served Edward as treasurer of the exchequer, chancellor
of the realm, and diplomatic envoy to the French, the pope, and the Scots.
Bury was an enthusiastic bibliophile, amassing a remarkable library of
theological and philosophical works. He also wrote the Philobiblon, which
begins as an encomium to the book’s status as a permanent repository of
human wisdom, worthy of infinite respect and care. It moves into an indict-
ment of contemporary attitudes toward the liberal arts, castigating scholars
for plagiarism, monks for indifference to the treasures in their libraries,
and friars for turning from their founders’ ideals. Soon, Bury is expressing
his anguish that scholars have turned from the depth and profundity of the
masters of antiquity to the flashy seductions of modern novelties. At the
universities, young scholars confuse general familiarity with the liberal arts
for wisdom:
While still beardless boys they gabble with childish stammering the
Categorics and the Peri Hermeneias. . . . Passing through these faculties
with baneful haste and a harmful diploma, they lay violent hands upon
Moses, and sprinkling about their faces dark waters and thick clouds of
the skies, they offer their heads, unhonoured by the snows of age, for the
mitre of the pontificate.

Paris is particularly infected with this tendency to wrap shabby doctrine in

unskilled discourse; its scholars are weak in logic and devoid of the depth
of true wisdom. Only in England’s scholars is wisdom served:
Admirable Minerva seems to bend her course to all the nations of the
earth. . . . she has already visited the Indians, the Babylonians, the
Egyptians and Greeks, the Arabs and Romans. Now she has passed by
Paris, and has happily come to Britain, the most noble of islands, nay,
rather a microcosm in itself, that she may show herself a debtor both to
the Greeks and to the Barbarians.3
 wyclif in oxford 69

Bury’s words suggest that Oxford scholars saw their university as the
new Athens, where the rich heritage of classical antiquity, notably the works
of Aristotle, could enrich Christian doctrine and discourse. The members of
Bury’s circle of scholars included most of the important Oxonians of the mid-
dle decades of the fourteenth century: in addition to Burley, Bradwardine,
Fitzralph, and Holcot, Bury included a number of other scientists and theo-
logians, including Richard Kilvington and Walter Chatton, in his entou-
rage. Scholars continue to suspect that the long-standing view that Holcot
helped in the writing of Philobiblon is the truth, suggesting a general under-
standing among the theology faculty that Oxford had established itself as
a worthy successor to the academic mantle that Paris claimed. The ideal
of recovering the riches of classical antiquity for the benefits of contempo-
rary society, which is usually associated with Renaissance humanism, is very
much in evidence in the writings of Bury’s circle, suggesting that only the
horrors of the plague staved off a humanist florescence at Oxford.4

Walter Burley and Universals

Walter Burley was renowned at both Oxford and Paris as a logician, phi-
losopher, and theologian, and in his early years at Merton College, he was
likely to have been a student of Scotus and a contemporary of Ockham.
When Burley had moved to Paris to lecture on the Sentences in 1318,
Ockham was teaching his austere ontology at Oxford. The two seem to have
been well acquainted by this point. Burley energetically opposed Ockham’s
logic and metaphysics, and Ockham made use of Burley’s thought both
to formulate his own philosophy and to respond to Burley’s challenges.
The cliché that Ockham’s logical and semantic analytic approach neces-
sarily entails a rejection of metaphysical realism is undone with a reading
of Burley’s philosophy. He was an important innovator in several logical
genres, including the theory of the logical disputations called obligationes,
the theory of reference called supposition theory, and other questions in the
semantic analysis of the language of written terms and concepts. While his
ontology rates as the most realist regarding the existence of universals, his
understanding of the importance of linguistic and logical analysis of how
terms function in arguments rivals Ockham’s. The realists who were to
follow at Oxford throughout the fourteenth century were heavily indebted
70 john wyclif

to Burley’s thought, and even thinkers more disposed to Ockham’s meta-

physics, like Adam Wodeham, recognized his importance.
Burley left Paris in 1327 and served Edward III as a diplomat to
Avignon, along with John Thoresby, later archbishop of York and patron
to the young Wyclif. He returned to England to stay with Bury in 1334,
and there he produced most of his philosophical works. By now in his six-
ties, he left in 1341 for southern France and Italy, where he engaged in a
Commentary on Aristotle’s Politics in honor of his comrade from his days
at Paris, now Clement VI. He returned to England several years later to
serve as rector at Kent, where he likely died.5 Scholarship has recently
begun to reflect the many facets of Burley’s philosophical corpus, but our
attention will focus only on his realist metaphysics because of its bearing
on Wyclif ’s thought. Burley was not the only thinker to formulate a real-
ist metaphysics in response to Ockhamist conceptualism. Walter Chatton,
O.F.M., the Carmelite Robert Walsingham (d. 1313), and the secular Richard
Kilvington number among those who argued that while the terms we use,
like “human” and “animal,” do signify concepts that we have formulated in
our minds, the concepts naturally signify extramental, real, universal beings
the existence of which is mind-independent. While there were certainly
conceptualists to oppose them, the proponents of realism seem to have been
widespread in Oxford in the first half of the fourteenth century.
Burley’s realism evolved. Before 1324, his ontology was similar to the
“moderate” approach of Henry of Ghent, in which a universal is not some-
thing really distinct from its particulars. In this stage of his thought, universals
have being outside of our minds in the individual things they define, and they
have being as concepts within our minds. Beyond our minds, these universals
are capable of being in many things at once, and they have a part to play in the
concepts we form of them, but they do not have any real being beyond the
things in which they inhere and the concepts that we form of them. Further,
they are constitutive parts of the things in which they inhere and lack any
individuality of their own. This approach differs from Aquinas’s in that
Aquinas believed that universals exist in potentiality only in things and are
brought into real being by our understanding of them, while Burley believed
that universals do not require our understanding for their being. All they
require, in this early view, is the being of particulars. For example, humanity
does not require our understanding of it to exist as a universal; it requires
only the existence of individual people. The change came about when he
began responding to Ockham’s criticisms of the moderate realist ontology in
 wyclif in oxford 71

general. Ockham’s attacks had validity, Burley responded, insofar as univer-

sals are believed not to be really distinct from their particulars, and so rather
than discard them altogether, it would be better to recognize that universals
are really distinct from, and indeed superior to, their particulars.6
Burley, like many medievals, did not understand Aristotle to have ruled
out the existence of universals altogether. One of the texts most commonly
used as access to Aristotle’s Categories, where Aristotle explores the rela-
tion between words and things, was the Isagoge of Porphyry, a student of
Plotinus. This text gives a Neoplatonic approach to Aristotle’s understand-
ing of ontology and language. Porphyry leads the reader along a line of
reasoning that lends itself to realism. He explains that, in examining the
relation of universals to singulars, one must first ask whether universals
exist, and if so, whether they have being as concepts only or as extraconcep-
tual beings, and if the latter, whether they exist corporeally or incorporeally,
and if incorporeally, whether they exist apart from perceptible objects or
not. In his later commentary on Porphyry, Burley began on the assumption,
for which he had argued in his 1310 analysis of the Categories, that there is
an important link between how we compound sentences or propositions
out of terms, and how things are arranged in the world into facts.
Take a person like Socrates. He is a being existing in the world, and
we can recognize the fact that he is (or was) a human being. We describe
this state of affairs with the proposition “Socrates is a human.” Burley’s
reasoning was that “is a human” describes a truth about Socrates, so being
human must be something distinct somehow from being Socrates. We can
formulate the proposition “Socrates is not a human,” and it makes enough
sense for us to recognize that it is not the truth. Duns Scotus had argued
earlier that being human is indeed distinct from being Socrates, but that
the distinction is formal. This means that we can separate out being human
from being Socrates in our minds, allowing us to recognize a common
human nature in Socrates distinct from the particularized being peculiar
to Socrates alone (“haecceity” is Scotus’s term for this), and this recogni-
tion mirrors a reality within Socrates. But because Scotus thought it impos-
sible for the haecceity of Socrates to be really separated from his common
human nature, the two are only distinct formally. Burley thought that the
common human nature would have to be really distinct from the being of
the individual person, in part because Ockham pointed out that attributing
reality to the common human nature within Socrates would lead to some
uncomfortable consequences. For example, if the common human nature
72 john wyclif

in Socrates is a constitutive part of Socrates, and if it is a constitutive part

of Plato as well, then if Plato is sitting and Socrates is not, the real human
nature must be both sitting and not sitting. If the universal humanity is
not a part of Socrates, then, and if it is not merely a concept, as Ockham
thought, it must be something real and mind-independent existing in
Socrates. It is not in Socrates like a swallowed cherry pit, though, because
the swallowed cherry pit does not contribute to the metaphysical makeup
of Socrates, while humanity does. Nor is it in Socrates like an accident, like
being six feet tall or weighing 150 pounds, because a substance can exist
without a particular accident (Socrates could gain weight, or grow), but a
singular would not exist without the universal defining it.
The time-honored response to this is called the Third Man argument,
which was first formulated by Plato in Parmenides (132A1–B2; 132D1–
133A3) and wielded by Aristotle in his refutation of Platonism in Meta-
physics 1.9. If every agreement between two things is an agreement in
something they share, and the universal humanity exists in Socrates, and
if these two agree because both share a nature, then there must be some
common nature that is the ground for which the universal humanity and
Socrates are in agreement. Call this H1. In what, then, do the universal
humanity, Socrates, and H1 agree? This leads to an infinite regress, which
suggests an infinite number of men in Socrates, who is himself a finite sub-
stance. The problem with this reasoning, Burley explains, lies in the signi-
fication mechanism we use to differentiate the universal humanity and the
singular Socrates. These two names, “humanity” and “Socrates,” are used as
signs for individuals, but they are different kinds of individuals: humanity
is a universal, and Socrates is a singular, and there are no grounds for com-
paring the two in the same way that one would compare two individuals.
Burley explicitly rules out Platonism, the position that universals exist
separately from individuals in an ideal realm. Scientific knowledge is of
sensible things, but not of individual things. If a universal, like humanity,
were separate from the individual people to whom it gives definition, it
would be an individual thing, and we could not have scientific knowledge
of it.7 Universals exist in individual substances, which are composed of mat-
ter and form. Burley’s realism addresses the problem of the unity of form
by recognizing that there is one primary substantial form that gives iden-
tity to the matter of an individual, but this does not rule out the existence
of secondary substantial forms that give identity to parts. For example, in
Socrates, there is one substantial form, namely, his intellective soul, which
 wyclif in oxford 73

gives Socrates his individual identity, but since there are differences in his
various parts, in that his bones are different from his muscles, there must be
forms by which parts of the matter of Socrates are differentiated into mus-
cle and other parts into bone. Thus far, Burley’s account is similar to that
of Aquinas described above, in that one substantial form gives identity to a
substance, while lesser forms coexist within it. Burley’s departure lies in his
assertion that there are other general forms or natures in a given substance
that can be shared with other substances, forms like humanity and ani-
mality, substantiality and rationality. Earlier, he had argued that these are
component parts of a substance, but his later position was to rule out these
general forms being constitutive of an individual. This does not mean that
humanity is not part of the makeup of Socrates. When we cognize Socrates,
our intellective soul actualizes the potential of the universal humanity that
is naturally present to it as an organizing force, which makes the universal
essential to Socrates, but not actively constitutive of his being. The intellec-
tive soul relies on these universals, making them quidditative parts, but this
reliance does not make them component parts of Socrates.
These universals do not exist apart from the individuals to which they
give identity, but their identity is not the same kind as the identity that they
give. “This name ‘man’ signifies a thing outside the soul yet this thing is not
one in number, but one according to species, nor is every thing outside the
soul one thing in number.”8 Burley calls the identity of a universal “specific
or generic identity,” while the identity of a substance is “numerical iden-
tity.” Beings with specific or generic identity are not limited by the rule
that a thing cannot be two places at the same time, simply because they do
not have the numerical identity that would make this rule apply. Burley is
not simply using an invented identity distinction to define universals into
existence. He is following Aristotle’s division of the categories of being,
where a secondary substance is described as being different from a primary
substance. A primary substance is something that can exist on its own, with
its own essence, capable of accidents or properties, while a secondary sub-
stance is dependent on individual primary substances for their own exis-
tence. Burley understands Aristotle as describing secondary substances as
universal types, of which primary substances are the individual tokens. The
identity of the individual depends on the universal, but the being of the
type rests on the being of the tokens.
This is the strongest sort of realism about universals that there was in
fourteenth-century Aristotelian metaphysics, but Burley appears to have
74 john wyclif

emerged as the benchmark for realism only in the 1360s. Most in Oxford
recognized Adam Wodeham as the chief exponent of Ockhamism, and it
would be logical to expect him to have argued energetically against Burley.
But Wodeham rarely mentions him, leading William Courtenay to sus-
pect that Walter Chatton’s realism was more widely discussed at the time.9
Chatton was vigorously attacked by Wodeham for espousing an ontol-
ogy similar to Burley’s around 1330, long after Burley had left Oxford.
By the time Burley was in Bury’s circle in Durham, he would likely have
been familiar with Wodeham’s arguments. It was during this period that
he wrote the Commentaries on Porphyry and Aristotle that express most
fully his belief that universals have real being apart from particulars. In the
meantime, Chatton was in the company of Walsingham, Ralph Pigaz, and
Kilvington, although none of these were to present as forceful and extended
an argument for realism as Burley did. By the 1340s, Richard Kilvington
had joined Bury in Durham, Walter Chatton had moved to Avignon, and
we have no evidence for Ralph Pigaz beyond 1329.

William Crathorn

William Crathorn, O.P., formulated a conceptualist viewpoint worth con-

sidering, partially because its ontology accurately reflects Ockham’s own
and partially because his conceptualism serves only as a basis for his chief
concern, which is about how we know things. In this, Crathorn is very
much like many of his colleagues, for whom epistemic questions were
more important than ontological ones. While Crathorn’s account of how
we understand was certainly not typical of fourteenth-century theorists of
knowledge, his ontology is sufficiently representative of the pared-down
Ockhamist position against which Burley had argued. We know little
about Crathorn save that he was present at Oxford in the 1330s and that,
despite being a fellow Dominican, he was the target of Holcot’s deter-
mined opposition. While his position appears related to the position against
which Wyclif argued in De Actibus Anime, he is especially worth our atten-
tion here because his discussion of how universal terms signify figures sig-
nificantly in Wyclif ’s De Universalibus.
The topic of Crathorn’s discussion in the second question of his Sentences
commentary is not ontology, but epistemology. How we form mental prop-
ositions and how we reason with them occupies center stage, but the subject
 wyclif in oxford 75

matter demands being clear about what singular and universal terms are.
Aristotle had said in Physics that universals are the place where we begin
with our understanding of things in the world. Crathorn explains that there
are five ways that a universal term may be understood. First, the term may
refer to something having causal power over all or many things, as God has
over creation, or as a heavenly body has over beings inferior to it. Another
way something is said to be universal is through its perfection, as God is
perfect in anything that can be said of him, and each thing that can be said
is equivalent to all the rest within the unity of God’s perfection. Then again,
universality can be predicated of something similar to many other things. A
fourth way is when something represents other things either naturally, as
with smoke signifying combustion, or artificially, as when a given word,
like “dog,” stands for anything canine. Finally, Crathorn concludes by say-
ing that something could be universal according to essence or existence, “in
the way that Aristotle explains about what Plato believed to be universal.”
In this brief catalog of the uses of the term “universal,” Crathorn dis-
plays a decidedly Ockhamist position: there are no real, extramental, uni-
versal entities listed, nor is there room for the introduction of concepts that
naturally signify natures or essences having universal identity. Things are
similar to one another, and words stand for concepts and things by human
convention. A thing may naturally stand for another thing all of the time,
as with the relation of smoke and fire, but by no means are we to think
that there is some supervening universal relation involved. His final com-
ment about what Aristotle attributes to Plato intimates that he understands
Aristotle effectively to have refuted Plato’s ontology. In short, the only thing
that is universal is a term, which may be mental or written. It is important
to ask where Crathorn came up with his list of variant uses of the term
universal, though; his arrangement is by no means novel. His listing sug-
gests familiarity with the kinds of universal truths that Grosseteste lists in
his Commentary on the Posterior Analytics. Wyclif may have had Crathorn’s
list in mind in his recounting of Grosseteste’s list in De Universalibus 2, since
he comments that all of the respectable authors he can recall having read
understand Aristotle only to have argued against the divine ideas being
included among the universals.
Crathorn figured in the previous chapter as having advocated the odd
position that, since there are no mental acts, when we know something like
a white cat, we have a white feline-ness in our minds. In eliminating men-
tal acts and formulating the outlandish idea that our minds take on the
76 john wyclif

qualities of the species of the perceived objects, he seems to be approaching

the idea that our knowing involves more than just knowing a proposition
only, and more than just knowing the thing that the proposition is about.
While he followed Ockham in rejecting universals, he departed from
Ockham epistemologically by holding that even the most basic elements
of knowing are propositional. Given that there are no universals, it follows
that there are only individual things in the world about which we make
propositions. But knowing these individual things always involves com-
plexity: “To be white, or not to be white, is not something simple [incom-
plexum] but complex.”10 So, for any given proposition we formulate, there
must be something complex, and distinct from the proposition, that the
proposition is about. Holcot regarded this position with disdain, arguing
that, if this were true, there would have to be two classes of things sig-
nified: simples and complexes. A proposition like “Socrates exists” would
signify the simple Socrates, while “Socrates is white” signifies the complex
Socrates and his whiteness. But a proposition like “man is not an ass” signi-
fies neither man nor ass; are we to conclude that there is a third class that
propositions can signify, namely, the class of nothing?11 Holcot’s rejection of
Crathorn’s belief that the objects of science are more than just propositions,
while consonant with Ockham, did not convince Wodeham, who devel-
oped a more philosophically tenable version of what Crathorn was moving
toward, without the attendant epistemological peculiarity.

Adam Wodeham contra Walter Chatton

Fourteenth-century thinkers concentrated on the relation between how

things are in the world and how we know them. All talk of universals,
whether in favor or against, boils down to the relation between how extra-
mental reality is structured, and how our understanding of it is structured
by how thought itself is structured. One does not simply assert that there are
no universals in things outside the mind without accounting for how those
things relate to the universal concepts that our minds construct and use to
explain extramental reality. Likewise, one does not argue for the existence
of universals without explaining how the concepts that our minds use
are related to the extramental universal realities they describe. The argu-
ment about universals has, thus far, been described in deceptively simple
terms. Some thinkers, like Grosseteste and Burley, have been portrayed as
 wyclif in oxford 77

arguing for universals outside the mind, with attention to the propositional
structure of language, while others, like Ockham, have been described as
rejecting extramental universals as extraneous to a more simplified ontol-
ogy of things and accidents. In both cases, the positions represent ontological
extremes without much attention to the logical and epistemological com-
plexity that was the hallmark of fourteenth-century philosophical debate.
Some attention to that complexity will help us to understand why Wyclif
took the position that he did.
Adam Wodeham’s Sentences commentary provides a convenient start-
ing point for our exploration of the relation of logic and epistemology to
ontology. Wodeham enjoyed great prominence at Oxford as Ockham’s
foremost disciple, and was active there from 1322 to his death in 1358,
except for a short stay in Norwich in the mid-1320s and a trip to Basel in
1339. Lombard’s Sentences begins with Augustine’s dictum that all teaching
is either of things, or of signs.12 Wodeham takes this opportunity to contrast
the approaches of two of his senior colleagues, Walter Chatton and William
Ockham. Chatton, he explains, had argued that the objects of scientific
knowledge are things outside the mind, which are mind-independent
realities that we translate into the terms that make up mental propositions.
Ockham, on the other hand, held that the object of knowing is the men-
tal proposition we formulate about the things we perceive. Both views are
admissible, Wodeham admits, but taken separately, each falls short.
On the face of it, Chatton and Ockham may not appear to be in too much
disagreement. Chatton holds that we understand things outside the mind,
make judgments about them, and translate that understanding into mental
propositions, while Ockham argues that we perceive things outside the mind
and immediately translate those perceptions into mental propositions, which
are what we understand and about which we make judgments. Either way,
our understanding tracks directly onto extramental reality and is naturally
structured in our minds according to the propositional structure of subjects
and predicates. But Chatton’s position dispenses with the mediation of prop-
ositions, while Ockham’s emphasizes this. Chatton argued:
Assent to a proposition itself necessarily presupposes assent to the thing
signified by the proposition, because I assent that “thus it is in reality
as is signified by the proposition” before I assent that the proposition is
true. Hence the first assent which the intellect has in forming the propo-
sition does not have the proposition itself for an object but [instead] the
thing or things signified by means of [the proposition].13
78 john wyclif

Ockham, on the other hand, argued that the first assent our intellect
gives in an act of knowledge is to a proposition naturally formed about
what we perceive:

The intellect apprehending a singular thing performs within itself a cog-

nition of this singular only. This cognition is called a state of mind, and
it is capable of standing for this singular thing by its very nature. . . . The
mind’s own intellectual acts are called states of mind. By their nature
they stand for the actual things outside the mind or for other things in
the mind, just as spoken words stand for them by convention.14

Chatton’s was only one voice among the many critics of Ockham’s
approach in fourteenth-century Oxford, but his was a critical one because
it led to Wodeham’s idea that, in making judgments about things in the
world, we take more into consideration than the bare particulars under
discussion. Wodeham agreed with Chatton that we make judgments about
the perceived thing, and not about the mental proposition we form about
it. Science is not about sentences, after all, but about things. But scientific
knowledge involves time-relative truths that are glossed over by Chatton’s
approach. If all that is needed is a thing to serve as a statement’s reference,
then so long as there is an angel, the statements “there was an angel” or
“there will be an angel” are not just true, but functionally identical. This
seems wrong. Hence, Wodeham argued that our knowledge is not just
about bare particulars, things in themselves, but about how things are in
the world. Wodeham calls this thing known quoddam significabile per com-
plexum, something signifiable through a complex (proposition), or a com-
plexly significable. What Wodeham believes that we understand and make
judgments about is how things are in the world when the world conforms
to the mode of signifying that is characteristic of the proposition formed by
the mind. That is, Wodeham’s complexly significable theory proposition-
alizes the world. Put another way, complexly significables are “modes of
things rather than things, answers to questions about how things are rather
than what they are.”15
In 1918, Bertrand Russell gave a series of lectures entitled “The Philos-
ophy of Logical Atomism” in which he argued that true statements describe
facts, but that facts are not particular things in the world. While facts are a
part of the natural world, they are not real things apart from, or in addition
to, the objects to which they refer. They arise from objects in the world as we
make statements about the world. We use symbols, words, numbers, and so
 wyclif in oxford 79

on to refer to the elements of these facts. He sternly warned against philoso-

phers, and other scientists, presuming that the symbols they use to describe
the world map directly onto things in the world: “Unless you are fairly self-
conscious about symbols, . . . aware of the relation of the symbol to what it
symbolizes, you will find yourself attributing to the thing properties which
only belong to the symbol.”16 Wodeham’s ontology is in no real way com-
plicated by his compromise between Chatton and Ockham, because he does
not believe that this logical means of distinguishing the complexity of what
is known entails the separate existence of a corresponding complexity in
being. Likewise, Crathorn, who seems to have adopted the complexly sig-
nifiable for his own uses in the account just given of his conception of uni-
versals, did nothing with the idea to suggest ontological complexity. Russell
would have approved. But the idea of a complexly significable lent itself to
trouble. Nicholas of Autrecourt was charged with holding that the com-
plexly significable expressed by this statement, “God and creatures are dis-
tinct,” is nothing, and Gregory of Rimini (c. 1300–1358) appears to have
used the idea to enrich his ontology considerably. Autrecourt’s condemned
teaching suggests that scholars were soon debating the ontological status of
an idea that Wodeham had used to mediate the disagreement about the
object of scientific knowledge. Wyclif used the idea to explain the relation
of propositions about things to things themselves in a way that would have
appalled Wodeham and infuriated Russell.

Wyclif ’s Propositional Realism

Wyclif ’s conception of the relation of propositions to things has been use-

fully characterized as “pan-propositionalism”: at its core, Wyclif ’s theory is
that whatever is, is a proposition.17 “A proposition, broadly speaking, is ‘a
being signifying in a complex way’; and so, because everything that is signi-
fies in a complex way that it exists, everything that is can well enough be
said to be a proposition.”18 The problems that arise from this vie noisily with
one another for our attention. One might ask immediately how, assuming
every proposition to have a truth value, there could be false propositions
like “nobody exists.” How can this verbal construct, which signifies an
absence of everybody, including somebody to put these words together as
they have been, have being? How can there be any false propositions at all?
And what about propositions of indeterminate or future contingent truth
80 john wyclif

value? Another problem would be, how can a thing “say itself ” if it has no
language, or no mouth? Another problem would be, what is the relation
between the being of a thing and the being of the proposition that it “says”?
Are they the same? How can there be anything “propositional” in the being
of a stone lying on the ground? There may be a propositional structure to
my recognition of the stone lying on the ground, but why should that sug-
gest anything about the being of the stone?
Wyclif begins explaining this seemingly bizarre assertion by distin-
guishing between natural and artificial signification:

The primary signification of a natural proposition is that mediating by

which proposing it naturally signifies itself. The primary signification of
an artificial [proposition] is that mediating by which proposing it signifies
from idiomatic imposition the truth as it is, or as it is not; but this propo-
sition, “God is” primarily signifies from imposition this truth, namely,
“God’s being”; and this proposition, “man is” primarily from imposition
signifies “man’s being,” and this proposition, “there is no God” signifies
primarily from imposition such as is not, nor is possible to be.19

By “idiomatic imposition,” Wyclif means attaching words, which are

human inventions, to the reality they function to describe. Combining the
noun “God” with the verb “to be” conjugated in the third-person singu-
lar makes an artificially signifying proposition that refers to the extra-
verbal truth that there is a God. His theory of the reference of terms is not
anything new for fourteenth-century thinkers, who, following Ockham,
understood that terms naturally signify concepts, which naturally represent
things in the world. The remarkable thing is that Wyclif made the leap to
suppose that reality is structured in exactly the way that the sentences we
form in our minds, and with our words, suggest. He explains that there are
five kinds of propositions: mental, vocal, and written ones, real ones, and
true ones. Leaving aside the complex relations among the first three, our
chief concern should be the latter two.
A “real proposition” would be the individuated reality of a creature,
such as a man or a stone. In it, Wyclif explains, there is a subject and a
predicate. Take Socrates; in him, there is this person, an individuated parti-
cular of the human species, which functions as the subject. In him, there is
also a human nature, which is essentially present in the subject as a predi-
cate. Uniting the subject, Socrates, and the predicate, a human nature, is
his essence, which functions as the actualization of the union of the two,
 wyclif in oxford 81

making the real proposition “Socrates (subject) is (essential actualization) a

human being (predicate).” A “true proposition” is a truth that is significant
apart from the thing. This truth, “to be a man,” is a complex truth, because
it reflects the truth of a number of real propositions considered in itself.
That is, the existence of all of the male subjects having human being as a
predicate essentially actualized in them must be a reality formulable into
a more general proposition, “to be a man.” So there are real propositions
existing as individuals in creation, and true propositions existing as describ-
ing, and likely organizing, the individuals.
At the base of Wyclif ’s ontology, then, is an isomorphism between lan-
guage and reality. Just as a linguistic proposition has a subject and a predi-
cate, so too, every being, of whatever kind, has a predicative structure. This
makes his account of predication particularly important not just for his phi-
losophy of language, but for his entire metaphysical scheme, and he pre-
sents three kinds of predication in the opening chapter of De Universalibus
that encompass every aspect of the being of a particular thing. Real formal
predication expresses the existence of a form in a subject. The proposition
“Peter is a man” describes the state of affairs of the form humanity existing
in Peter, while “Peter is musical” describes the state of affairs of a formal
quality in Peter whereby he is musical. In each case, the proposition maps
directly onto the being of the object it describes, with the subject of the
proposition referring directly to the being itself and the predicate referring
directly to the quidditative or qualitative formal aspect of the being.
Real essential predication involves an identity between subject and predi-
cate that is absolutely indissoluble, although we can rationally distinguish
between the definition of the subject and the definition of the predicate. We
have used the proposition “Peter is a man” to describe real formal predica-
tion, in which the form humanity exists in Peter, as Peter’s particular “to
be a man.” What of the proposition “humanity is in Peter”? While the two
propositions appear to tell us the same thing, the first says something about
the natural form of Peter, while the second suggests something beyond
Peter but, in Peter’s case, inseparable from him. Humanity is something
that is formally distinct from Peter, in that we can distill an idea of human-
ity from our experience of Peter, but we could never take humanity from
Peter. Likewise, we could never take any of the individuals in which there
is humanity from humanity. The same essence, Peter, is both subject and
predicate, while the notion of the subject differs from the notion of the
predicate.
82 john wyclif

To explain real formal predication, Wyclif gives the puzzling example

of “the universal is particular.” It appears to be a contradiction to say that
something that is universal is particular as well. How can the same thing
be common and not common at the same time? He means for us to think
of things this way: “In the same essence, there inheres both being a man,
and being this man. And being a man is common to every man, and thus
is formally universal, while being this man is restricted individually to this
essence.”20 This predication describes the union of two formally distinct
entities, like humanity and Socrates, in the same essential substratum and,
in Wyclif ’s metaphysics, provides the definition for his philosophical rea-
soning about the relation of universals and particulars.
The third kind of real predication is relational, in which some kind
of change takes place with a subject, although the subject itself does not
change. Say that the father of Peter is bigger than Peter when Peter is
a child, but smaller than Peter when Peter is an adult. Peter’s father has
not changed at all, but with relation to Peter, there has been a change that
one can quite correctly predicate of Peter’s father. There is no formal or
essential reality within the subject of real relational predication. Paul Spade
notes that this kind of predication suggests the “Cambridge changes” of
twentieth-century analytic philosophy. Taken together, the three kinds
of real predication encompass the essential and qualitative characteristics
within a being, the real ties between a particular being and a universal one,
and the accidental ties between a being and other beings.21

Philosophy of Being

Wyclif ’s Summa de Ente, which he wrote between 1365 and 1372, contains
many of the treatises that articulate his metaphysics. Our understanding
of fourteenth-century philosophy can easily be colored by the interests of
past historians of thought. The primacy of universals over particulars in
Wyclif ’s thought has led to extended focus on his realism, and the relatively
recent (1985) edition and translation of the Tractatus de Universalibus has
kept scholarly attention squarely on the role that universals play in his phil-
osophical program. But even though he rashly exclaims that error about
universals is at the base of all that is wrong in society, realism about univer-
sals is only one aspect of his metaphysics.22 The Summa de Ente is made up
of two books, the first (I) with seven treatises about being and how it relates
 wyclif in oxford 83

to man, and the second (II) with six concerning formal theology (the divine
nature, its attributes, divine ideas, and the Trinity). The fifth treatises in
each of the two books (I.5 and II.5) appear to relate to one another from
the standpoint of the other. In the first book, concerning being and how we
can understand it, I.5 is De Universalibus, while in the second, concerning
the divine being, II.5 is De Ydeis, which explores the philosophical possi-
bilities of how God’s ideas relate to one another and to things in creation.
Taken together, I.5 and II.5 might provide a useful means of moving back
and forth between the metaphysics of created being and the metaphysics
of divine being. Given the depth and breadth of the subject matter of the
Summa de Ente, what follows will do little more than suggest the philosoph-
ical richness of Wyclif ’s metaphysics, which deserves much further study.
Aristotle begins Physics by explaining that scientific knowledge about
anything involves, first, gaining acquaintance with the more general, and
then moving in analysis toward the particular. When considering any class
of beings, we begin by asking whether the principle or element that ulti-
mately constitutes it is one or many. Since everything that we might con-
sider would fall under the category “being,” Aristotle explores whether
Parmenides was right to hold that it is one or more than one, and points
out the many problems consequent for the scientist involved in taking
Parmenides seriously. Wyclif comments that Aristotle has made “being”
and “what is” interchangeable in this, and concludes that it would be con-
tradictory, then, for someone “actually or habitudinally to know something
to be, unless he cognizes proportionately Being to be.”23
In one sense, this is consonant with the linguistic approach that has
defined twentieth-century Anglo-American philosophy. When we say
something about a subject, like “the apple is red,” we are really saying two
things: first, there is such a thing as the apple, and, second, it is red. There
is an “existential predication,” or an existence claim, inherent in any state-
ment we make about something, whether true, false, or ambiguous.24 But
in another sense, to claim that there is a correlative “being,” in which the
subject that has been identified as existing participates, is something else
entirely. Most philosophers, at least since Kant, reject the idea that exis-
tence is a property that a thing can or cannot have. Nor can it fairly be said
that Aristotle himself believed there to be such a thing as “being” really or
possibly distinct from individual beings.
Aquinas’s description of the two possible concepts of being is a good place
to begin. At a very basic cognitive level, he says, “what comes first to our
84 john wyclif

apprehension is being, an understanding of which is included in anything

else anyone apprehends.” At the level of metaphysical inquiry, we discover
by intellectual abstraction that the purest thing one can study is being as
being. At this level, we consider things as abstracted, or freed, from their par-
ticularizing limits; substance, quality, being, potentiality, actuality, and such
do not depend on matter to exist and to be understood, Aquinas explains,
and of these, being as being is most removed from metaphysical boundaries.
In discussing God’s essence, Aquinas describes it as pure, subsisting being.
When discussing created things or natures, he describes them as participat-
ing in existence in general (esse commune). When discussing individuals, he
characterizes the act of being that is intrinsically within the existing creature.
One’s philosophical point of departure has everything to do with which of
these senses of being as being is under discussion. If our project is theologi-
cal, we begin with an attempt to understand the perfect, subsisting being
of the divine essence. If our aim is to understand creation, we are likely to
come upon the notion of existence in general before the individuated being
of a particular creature. It is in this sense, our attempt to understand creation
from general to particular, that Wyclif begins his Summa de Ente.25

On Being in Common

We cannot demonstrate deductively that being is; all that we can do is

draw it out from our thinking about individual things. “Every thinking
thing thinks such Being to be in common at the same time as it thinks of
some other thing, and it can understand Being to be in common without
thinking of some distinct other, that is less than it.”26 The reason that we
are able to abstract being from our thinking of any given thing, Wyclif
explains, is that there is an ontological connection between any true
thought and Truth as such. As Aristotle explains in Metaphysics II, when
we give an account of a given property of something, or a set of things, we
must first know what the source of that property is. Anything that has heat
gets it ultimately from fire, which is the hottest thing; likewise, “what is
most true is the reason why other things are derivatively true. Hence the
principles of eternal things are necessarily the most true, for they are true
always . . . and there is nothing that explains their being what they are,
since they are what explain the being of other things.” If the first thing we
think when we think about something is the being of that something, then
 wyclif in oxford 85

when we recognize its being, we are mentally referring to the transcen-

dental being, which is the reason for that individual being.
Here, Aquinas and Wyclif differ. Aquinas recognized an important dis-
tinction when considering being: “In one way, it is used apropos of what is
divided into the ten genera; in another way, it is used to signify the truth
of propositions. The difference between the two is that in the second way
everything about which we can form an affirmative proposition can be
called a being, even though it posits nothing in reality.”27 Aquinas recog-
nized that there are substances and accidents in the extramental world, and
he begins with them to catalog being in the first, ontological sense. He also
recognized that we use the term “being” to make true affirmative state-
ments about subjects, whether the subjects exist extramentally or not. If we
can say “it is” in answer to the question “is it true that x is F?” we are using
the term in the second, logical sense that Aquinas described. It is important
not to mix the two senses together, not least because something may be true
in the logical sense about a subject that lacks ontological reality, as in the
statement “blindness exists.” The subject of this kind of truth is a being
of reason in Aquinas’s system, and not something in the world. Aquinas
equates being with truth in his “fourth way” to demonstrate God’s exis-
tence, from degrees of perfection, in Summa Theologica Ia, q.2, a.3.
Do we really think of the transcendental being when we think about the
being of, say, a rabbit? Other animals, like foxes, think about rabbits with-
out thinking about the transcendental being. Surprisingly, Wyclif suggests
that other animals, too, think about being at some level. Following the lead
of Roger Bacon, who had argued that nonhuman animals are capable of
estimative judgment in Opus Maius II.4 a century earlier, Wyclif argues that
beasts compose, divide, and indeed syllogize about individuals and com-
mon properties. The dog recognizes its master, so it must think at some
level that its master is. Hence, it must cognize being to be.

Just as men discourse by compounding through interior senses about a

sensible thing, so beasts having [an] interior sense of the same species are
equally vivid, as a dog knows by experience that blows and other punish-
ments are harmful, it cognizes through estimation that the man calling
sensibly intends it with his words, just as do birds, and other animals.
Thus it concludes fleeing to exist, as if it were arguing: everything harm-
ful to me is to be fled, these blows are harmful to me, so they are to be
fled. Many men think this way, just like beasts. . . . it is clear that the cat
and other irrational things cognize movement.28
86 john wyclif

Wyclif does not really expect us to believe that nonhuman animals think
about being. First, he admits that this would suggest that they might also
love God, and so turn away from loving God and thus sin. Probably their
idea of something general is nothing at all like our idea of the transcen-
dent. After all, they don’t have a language. But then, neither are the ideas
of the moderni about general things anything like Wyclif ’s conception of
the transcendent; they reject transcendentals and lay all their metaphysical
explanations on individual things and terms about them. So, the doctors of
signs would attribute to human beings no higher a level of comprehension
of truth than is available to beasts. Here is the real point of Wyclif ’s intro-
duction of nonhuman judgment: given that animals make decisions with-
out understanding transcendental truths, and given that his opponents hold
that there are no such truths available to metaphysicians, it follows in his
eyes that his opponents make us into nothing more than animals that have
a language. We would have no knowledge whatever of the eternal, if all
of our knowledge was composed of terms about things in the world. If the
first truth is the cause of knowing what is true, and if we are able to reason
back to this, as Aristotle has suggested, it must be that we are able to use
our words to refer to the transcendental reality of the existence of being.
We are able to sort how we perceive things from how things are by rec-
ognizing that our perceptions of individual, material things lead us to recog-
nize universals, which have ontological priority to the things we perceive. It
does not follow that, because our perceptions of things precedes our recog-
nizing general truths, these general truths only have their bases in individual
things. Our fallen nature keeps us from seeing things as they are in the natu-
ral order, causing a division between the order of knowing, which is ascend-
ing, and the order of being, which is descending. In our analysis of Wyclif ’s
conception of the relation of God’s knowledge of our actions and the free-
dom of our will, this will be particularly important. Here, everything rests
on the distinction between the hypothetical necessity of God’s knowledge
and the freedom with which we will and act. It will appear that God’s neces-
sary knowledge of what we do is dependent upon our willing and acting,
which preserves human freedom, but this is only the result of our inability to
reconcile the order of knowing with the order of being. Wyclif ’s condemna-
tion for a fatalistic determinism rested, in his view at least, on a confusion
between the two orders. This will occupy our attention in chapter 6.
Those who would hold that Aristotle meant for us to suppose that a prop-
osition like “man is an animal” is about terms that refer only to individual
 wyclif in oxford 87

beings, men, need to reconsider to what the embedded proposition “man is”
refers. Any singular man, the referent of this embedded proposition, is in
fact a metaphysical proposition: wherever any man is, there is “man is.” But
we need to distinguish between “this man is” and “man is.” Here, Wyclif
suggests that we recognize that Aristotle distinguished between two types
of substances in the Categories: a primary substance, which is articulated
by “this man is,” and a secondary substance, which is directly connected to
the primary substance of this man, but is signified by “man is.”
The doctors of signs who deny that “man is” signifies anything beyond
individual men are guilty of more than misunderstanding Aristotle, though;
they make understanding the ontology expressed in scripture impossible:

Indeed I often wonder now how anyone could so churlishly explain the
philosophical sense of a philosophical text. But even more, I wonder how
an advanced theologian would dare this, because of the danger to the
soul in interpreting the words of Scripture about universals to be only
about signs.29

The Bible often refers to creatures according to their kinds; are we to think
that these kinds have no referent? When we read in Genesis that God said,
“Let the earth put forth vegetation: plants yielding seed, and fruit trees of
every kind on earth that bear fruit with the seed in it,” are we to suppose
that the “excellent philosopher Moses brought from [his] clear vision of
God on the mountain the sense that the earth would make seed according
to a concept” that was extrapolated from mere particular things? When
we read that God created man shortly afterward, what is the referent of
“man” (hominem)? Just the individual Adam, “this man,” or the entire kind,
“man”? According to Aristotle, “For in definition, universals are prior, in
relation to perception, individuals [are].” One might well mistake how we
perceive things to be prior, Wyclif explains, but ontologically the kind is
prior to the individual, meaning that, in the passage relating the creation of
man, the term “man” means primarily the universal, and only secondarily
the particular, Adam.30

Divine Ideas

Is being something different from God and individual creatures? Someone

seems to have understood Wyclif as having meant this; Summa de Ente I.3,
88 john wyclif

entitled Purgans Errores circa Veritates in Communi, begins by addressing

the problem of whether there is some being distinct from the Creator and
creation. The chief contenders seem to be the divine ideas, the eternal exem-
plars through which God creates; are these beings distinct from the Creator
and creation? Answering this involves discussing Augustine’s deduction
that, while God is eternally the foundation of truth, his dominion over
creation—and hence, God’s lordship—began with the act of creation. “It
appears to me that God eternally beforehand would be God of Truth, and
in time, Lord of Truth.”31 But what about God’s understanding of what he
would create? These ideas are eternally “about” what God would create,
and so could arguably be distinct from one another. If they are analogous to
our own ideas, which are distinct from our essence, they must also be dis-
tinct in some way from the eternal knower, as well. Are they eternal beings
distinct from God? Are God’s ideas of being and truth, as they are directive
of creation, things other than God himself?
In question 83 of De Diversis Quaestionibus, Augustine wrote:

There are certain principal ideas of form, or stable and incommutable

reasons of things, which themselves were not formed (and so, having
themselves eternally and always in the same way), which are contained
in the divine understanding; and since these neither come into being nor
perish, everything that can come into being or perish, and everything
that does, is said to be formed according to them.32

It might seem the height of intellectual arrogance for a theologian to

presume to comment upon the nature of the contents of God’s mind,
particularly given the ongoing controversies regarding how the human
understanding functions. Yet medieval thinkers from Eriugena to Anselm,
and particularly from Aquinas onward, were keen to do just that, precisely
because so much rests on what we are able to deduce from considering
creation from God’s perspective. In our discussion, if God has an idea of
humanity, and God eternally knows who will be among the predestinate,
something about the idea of humanity must be in some way connected to
that knowledge. If God has an idea of the predestinate in humanity, and of
the foreknown, are there two kinds of human beings?
Two problems in particular arose in these debates, notably the resolu-
tion of divine simplicity with the plurality of things divinely known, and
the problem of whether God knows creatures through ideas, or directly
in themselves. The first is a problem regarding our understanding of the
 wyclif in oxford 89

divine nature, because the possibility of a multiplicity of ideas suggests a

limit to the extent to which we are to understand the divine nature to be
absolutely one and simple. We assume that because we perceive multiplic-
ity through the discursive operation of our understanding, Wyclif responds,
there must be a correlative multiplicity in the divine essence. The ideas are
not things, though, but the reasons whereby creatures come into being. They
are formally not reasons, but the divine essence, and so are neither essen-
tially nor formally many. If we reason backward, from the human intellect
to God’s, we misconstrue the nature of the ideas as well as their being in
God’s understanding.33
The second problem allows us to contrast Wyclif ’s position with that of
some of his predecessors. If it is true that God knows Peter, does he know
Peter through an idea of Peter, or does he know Peter as he is in creation?
If God knows humanity, does he know it through the immutable, eternal
idea, through the universal that provides special form to all of the individ-
ual human beings, or does he know it through knowing all of the human
beings that ever were, are, or will be as they are in themselves? And most
worrisome, does God know the elect through an unchanging, uncreated
idea, or does he know each of them individually, according to the choices
they make in this life? The former possibility suggests a determinism that
rules out human free will’s relevance to salvation, while the latter suggests
that God’s knowledge is caused by a created act.
Aquinas had argued that the divine ideas are identical to God’s essence,
yet different through a distinction of reason. They exist because God con-
siders his essence as imitatable by something he creates, allowing Aquinas
to posit standards against which created beings are measurable without
compromising divine unity. When a creature comes into being, the idea
becomes more than a divine consideration; it is an exemplar through which
God creates. This is not to say that every creature has a correspondent,
exemplary divine idea. The understanding of individuals that God has
necessarily comes about from his perfect knowledge of their formal and
material causes.34
In response to this, Henry of Ghent emphasized the primacy of God’s
attention to divine ideas. Henry’s objection to what he conceived as Aquinas’s
attempt to generalize the focus of the divine understanding as broadly as
possible sparked considerable debate in the early fourteenth century. Scotus
objected to the emphasis in both Henry and Aquinas on God’s knowledge
of the ideas as mediated through a relation produced by the divine intellect,
90 john wyclif

stressing instead their immediacy to God’s understanding. Divine ideas do

not arise from God’s consideration of his essence as imitatable in creation,
because if they did, they would be beings grounded in mental relation and, to
that extent, independent beings. Better to think of the divine ideas as imme-
diately known, not dependent on the primacy of God’s self-knowledge. Peter
Aureol agreed with Scotus that Aquinas’s explanation tended to hypostasize
the ideas, attributing independence that compromises the divine simplicity.
But Scotus erred by upholding the distinction between God’s essence and the
ideas themselves, even if it is a formal distinction. Aureol denied any “men-
tal being” of a creature in God’s understanding whatsoever, whether as an
individual or as a possible iteration of a species. For him, the divine ideas play
no role in creation, because creation comes about from the act of the simple
divine essence. It is the divine essence itself that is imitated by what follows
from creation, by the creatures which are brought into being as a result of
God knowing his own essence. The ideas arise denominatively, Aureol held,
connotated by the divine essence.35
Aureol’s critique of any position willing to admit any kind of reality to
divine ideas suggests Ockham’s, even if the two Franciscans had little in
common philosophically save a repugnance for metaphysical realism. Like
Aureol, Ockham reacted vigorously against Henry and Scotus, formulat-
ing a searing indictment of any reality to divine ideas. There can be no rela-
tive being mediating between the knowing God and the known creatures.
If anything must serve as the idea by which God knows the creature, it is
the creature itself. Adding something to the divine essence, even if it were
only a “being of reason,” formally distinct from the divine nature, compro-
mises God’s simplicity. There is no call for a known similitude of a created
being, because a similitude is either real or rational: if real, divine simplicity
is jeopardized, and if rational, it is redundant, since God’s understanding
already encompasses all of creation in his essence. God’s understanding of
species and genera arises from his perfect grasp of how our minds work, for
these are concepts naturally signifying reality for us. A species, then, has its
reality in the divine mind through its conceptual being in our own, while
God immediately knows each individual. Ockham’s point is to deny any
sort of being whatsoever to anything corresponding to a class term. Positing
any sort of being to a genus or a species opens the door to Platonism.36
Response to Ockham was hostile, and the dialogue ground to a halt
for the first half of the fourteenth century. In 1326, the papal commit-
tee investigating his thought, spearheaded by John Lutterell, declared
 wyclif in oxford 91

Ockham’s position to be an affront to orthodoxy. Lutterell’s committee

included Durandus de St. Pourcain, whose position was not far removed
from Ockham’s, so the official report did not venture an articulated
orthodox position on the ontological status of ideas. Sentences commen-
taries in the decades immediately following followed suit. Holcot and
Wodeham say little in their commentaries, and Bradwardine has relatively
little to say in De Causa Dei:

It seems to me that the divine essence might be like an intelligible mirror,

absolutely clear and infinite, carrying nothing from its object, or reflect-
ing, but active by its infinite clarity, distinctly not confusedly preferring
the countenance and idea of every intelligible object; in which mirror
of the divine eye of the intellect all things regarded are reflected.

Walter Chatton edges carefully around the issue, arguing against Ockham
and Aureol without making any commitment to ontological reality in any
way.37
Wyclif begins his analysis by bringing the problem back to the pre-
Ockhamist approach: the very term “idea” signifies an eternal, rational
exemplar by which God creates, a medium between the being of the crea-
ture and God’s act of knowing. The host of problems accompanying the
doctrine, which have led to so much erroneous speculation, arises from
confusion about the nature and extent of the ideas. Assuming that they
have reality, the questions become, how much reality, and how many of
them can there be? Wyclif ’s attention lies with the latter problem first:
can there be ideas for impossibles? What about unactualized possibles, or
counterfactuals? These questions in themselves should suggest Wyclif ’s
realism; they would not long interest someone thinking that the ideas
arise out of the fact of creation. Thus, it is likely that Wyclif has a more
developed picture than Aquinas, whom Scotus and Aureol had accused of
hypostasizing. At the very outset, then, Wyclif is ready to argue for ideas of
actual beings, if ideas for impossibles and counterfactuals are on the table.
Wyclif dismisses ideas for impossibles and counterfactuals quickly, if
for no other reason than because scripture rules them out. “In Him are all
things that were made” ( John 1:3) is also evidence suitable for arguing in
favor of ideas for all actualized creatures. Dionysius the Areopagite argued
that the goodness of all things preexists in God’s understanding, having
their origin in his unity and their formal identity in the actuality of form,
just as the human soul provides the basis for all of our organic powers,
92 john wyclif

as well as our willing and understanding. While a Platonic realm of ide-

als would compromise divine simplicity, Wyclif argues for an Augustinian
model similar to the one envisioned by Anselm and Grosseteste.
Further, the absence of an idea for a counterfactual or an impossible
may help with the threat of skepticism that arose from the Ockhamist fas-
cination with absolute power. Recall that Ockham had argued that God’s
absolute power is so complete as to allow God to cause us to perceive things
that are not real. Thinking about this led to a widespread tendency to limit
the certainty associated with sense perception. But if God only has ideas
of the actual, how likely is it that God could cause intuition of a nonexis-
tent in a perceiver? God would have to have an idea of the phantom object,
which is impossible in Wyclif ’s model. Even if I perceive an actual object
that is not present, there would have to be a counterfactuality associated
with the object in God’s idea of it for this to be possible. This is beyond
pink elephants; say that I am in my office, and I perceive the Great Wall
of China outside of my window, brought about by God’s absolute power
and not my own delusion. (My office is in Nebraska, nowhere near the
Great Wall.) God would have to have associated with the divine idea of
the Great Wall the possibility of it being in Nebraska, which it certainly
lacks. Thus, the stipulation that God only has ideas of actuals defeats
one of the great bugbears of the moderns, namely, the possibility that God
might deceive us. The philosophical approach that Wyclif associates with
the moderns, which puts great emphasis on what can be known with cer-
tainty through the senses, is blind to the kinds of subtlety possible for those
who take ideas seriously, Wyclif continues. To suppose this approach suit-
able for comprehending scripture with the depth of understanding neces-
sary to teach the sacred page surely strains credibility.
But it would also be foolish to attribute any sort of being distinct from
the divine essence to these ideas. They are formally or essentially the divine
essence only, and so not formally many. We must be very careful to avoid
reasoning backward from multiplicity in creation to multiplicity in God.
Aristotle’s arguments against Plato’s forms have some validity in this regard,
but Wyclif cannot imagine that Plato would have envisioned the forms as
distinct somehow from God. Wyclif decides that Aristotle probably mis-
understands Plato. Since Augustine was sufficiently confident that ideas
have reality in the divine mind, and since scripture asserts that all things
have being in God, then it is likely that Aristotle’s disagreement with Plato
is predicated on a semantic or logical misunderstanding. Wyclif ’s habit is to
 wyclif in oxford 93

assume that Aristotle implicitly assumed divine ideas, even if at times this
is difficult to ascertain. To suppose otherwise would make scripture incom-
prehensible: “I preach to the laity that every creature was alive eternally in
God, but because of my limits, I am subtle about it. Nor do I know how to
express the sense of Scripture, if not in this way.”38
Aquinas and Grosseteste suggest that an idea is best understood as a
relation of reason, Wyclif continues, but this cannot be right. Any relation
other than an identity relation must have relata, but what would be the
second term of the relation, if not the creature understood? If it were the
creature, the idea would presuppose itself, since God knows what comes
into being through the ideas. Hence, Aquinas’s belief that ideas fall out of
God’s creative relation to creation cannot be accurate, either:

Thus I believe that an Idea is understood in this way: it is something

known in the intellect from the beginning, which regarded, can in the
same knowing produce ad extra something that, if ampliated to be to
intelligible being with truth, would be a reasoning, specifically that a
given creature according to its eternally being intelligible is an exemplar
of itself according to the creature’s existence.39

After unraveling the tortured syntax, we can see that the statement allows
Wyclif to avoid hypostasizing the ideas as known by God. The “creature
as understood by God” is the cause for the creature’s production without
having anything like substantial being. It is a “body through which,” intel-
ligible as actualized in creation, yet eternal and complete in God’s mind.
With this conception of ideas, we need not concern ourselves with ideas
of ideas, or other problematic issues.

Universals

The extent of Wyclif ’s realism has been exaggerated, at least from the
time of Thomas Netter, and certainly in contemporary scholarship. In
J. A. Robson’s Wyclif and the Oxford Schools, he is described as “ultrareal-
ist” in an otherwise excellent treatment of his Summa de Ente. As we gain
a more developed picture of fourteenth-century Oxford’s metaphysics, it is
clear that Wyclif ’s understanding of universals was much more moderate
than was Burley’s, whose position Wyclif had expressly hoped to modify.40
Wyclif makes comments throughout the treatises of the Summa de Ente that
94 john wyclif

lead one to believe that he thought there were any number of kinds of uni-
versals: “Here we must say that there are only five universals, and that there
are only ten universals, and that there are any number of universals that
you want; because numbers, as things counted, vary in accordance with the
size of the units chosen.”41 It is easy to envision him smiling while making a
comment like this in a lecture, as his students scratch their heads in frustra-
tion. In fact, he argued for only three: universals by causation, universals by
community, and universals by signification. Both in De Ente in Communi,
the first treatise of the first half of the Summa, and in De Universalibus, this
is Wyclif ’s list. The differing medieval approaches to universals suggest
his reasoning for this list. The traditional, ontologically oriented approach,
founded in Boethius’s second Commentary on Porphyry’s Isagoge, under-
stands a universal to be one something common to many, with each par-
ticular containing the whole universal in itself. Thus, the universal man
is fully in Socrates, and in Plato, and in any other male human being as
well. Further, the universal man “constitutes and forms the substance of the
[men] to which it is common.” Peter Abelard’s approach was different. He
explained universals by concentrating on predication, shifting the explana-
tion from ontological to a more logically oriented account. Universals are
predicated in many things, but what sorts of things are “capable of being
predicated of many”? The statements “Socrates is a man” and “Plato is a
man” use the predicate “is a man.” These statements reflect how things
are in the world, for their subjects are things in the world. So the question
is whether “is a man” is also something in the world; if it is, what is it?
Abelard’s approach allowed philosophers to argue about whether predica-
tion could be a relation applied to nonlinguistic things, and while Wyclif
is committed to the Boethian approach, he is also an enthusiastic advocate
of framing metaphysical accounts in terms of predication. Both sorts of uni-
versals fit into his system.42
He is also very sensitive to Ockham’s critique of realism and recognizes
that we can easily suppose that something real lies behind linguistic signs
or concepts, when frequently there is nothing there. When we say that the
universal man is argued by one philosopher to be a real thing, part of every
male animal with a human form, while it is explained away by another phi-
losopher as but a puff of air, or marks on paper, or a concept used to stand
for something similar in the nature of every male animal with human form,
what is the status of the terms we use? Is there some universal term “man”
that gives meaning to each use of the term in a sentence? And is there a
 wyclif in oxford 95

membership relation holding between that and the universal term “ani-
mal” that is similar to the membership relation holding between the uni-
versal man and the universal animal? What would be the relation between
the universal term “man” and the universal man? Wyclif ’s universals by
representation are the terms we use to account for the other two kinds of
universals, but he says that they are only equivocally universal, as when we
see a picture of Abraham Lincoln and say, “That’s Lincoln.”43
Wyclif ’s universal by community, which he describes as a thing shared by
many supposits, corresponds to the Boethian universal. General and specific
natures, like animal and human, fit this bill. Albert the Great and Aquinas
had thought that genus and species are the products of our intellects’ actu-
alization of potential commonalities of common forms, but Wyclif was
frustrated with their denial of these universals having extramental real-
ity. He understands them as being faced with a problem, namely, how can
a universal man exist in several other, particular human beings, without
being divided up between them? Their answer was to emphasize the com-
monality of the form of the human beings, which commonality is realized
as a universal man in our understanding of the things. His answer was
to distinguish between man’s existence in God’s mind and man’s existence
in creation, a distinction between first- and second-intention universals. A
first-intention term is a concept we derive from a real thing: when I hold a
red apple, I can consider the redness of that apple. That concept is a first-
intention concept of the apple’s redness. I can then reflect back on all of
the other red apples I’ve encountered, and compare this apple’s redness
with them. This reflection back is itself a concept, derived from earlier con-
cepts, and is a second-intention concept. Similarly, universals by commu-
nity have existence as objects of God’s mind, or divine ideas, and they also
have existence in the being of things. When we encounter an individual
apple, we recognize the universal “fruit” as it exists in the essential nature
of the apple as a universal of the first intention. This gives us a foundation
for understanding the universal’s primary being, which is to have being as
a second-intention idea in God’s mind. Since the divine ideas are eternal,
while universals are created, this means that second-intention universals
have ontological primacy over first-intention universals.
This does not mean that God’s knowledge is reliant on the being of
creatures. Wyclif ’s use of first- and second-intention universals should not
confuse us into thinking that the created order is the basis for divine real-
ity. Logically, we consider universals from their particulars back to their
96 john wyclif

correlates in the divine ideas, but metaphysically, the idea is the basis for the
being of all the particulars. The being of man as a divine idea is the ground
for the existence of all individual people. The being of man in Socrates is
not different from the being of Socrates; it is only formally distinct from the
being of Socrates. Put another way, the universal man is each of its particu-
lars, but with differing supposits, or different individual referents. Still, it is
nothing more than its particulars. In this way, Wyclif sees himself as avoid-
ing Platonism, which he thinks Burley has not avoided, without sacrific-
ing the reality of universals, as the Thomists, Scotists, and the Ockhamists
have done.44 In Wyclif ’s Christology, his conception of the universal man is
central to the metaphysics of the incarnation. On becoming a man, Christ
incorporated the universal man into the identity of the second person of
the Trinity. Since the universal man is each of its particulars, by Wyclif ’s
description, Christ became Everyman.
Universals by commonality, the familiar Boethian universals, are joined
by universals by causality, because everything in creation that is, was, or
will be exists in a certain way in its causes at the beginning of time. The
most universal cause is God, and all secondary causes that act in creation
have their structure and being from the divine nature. So when God made
the first human being, all of his progeny, the entire human race, was within
Adam. When Adam sinned, then all sinned. This is not part of the created
human nature, though, because the universal man was created free of the
stain of sin. Universals by commonality do not explain how we came to be
the way we are, so the causal agency of the first human being’s sin, which
affects all subsequent human beings, functions as a universal in this sense.
This universal by causality is the reason that I have been brought into being
by my father, by Adam, and ultimately, by God’s creation of man. Because
the universal by causality has its primary being in God’s creation, it fol-
lows that God’s causal knowledge is the most primary kind of universal by
causality. If this is so, God’s causal knowledge of my coming into existence
is the primary cause of my being, and my father’s efficient causality is only
a mediate cause, determined by God’s knowing from eternity. In our dis-
cussion of determinism in a later chapter, it will be clear that this causal
account is made more complex by understanding the reciprocity that holds
between created action and divine knowledge.
Efficient causality is not the only kind of causal relation Wyclif has in
mind for universals by causality. Every relation describable by Aristotle’s
categorical structure is founded in universals by causality because the
 wyclif in oxford 97

categories themselves are based in God’s understanding of the ontology of

creation. That is, the general structure of substances and the various kinds
of accidents of which substances are capable—qualities, quantities, rela-
tions, locations, acting upon, being acted upon, and so forth—has its pri-
mary being as a divine idea. So when we consider the fact of Socrates being
black, we recognize that Socrates is the substance, and black is the qualita-
tive accident that has its being in Socrates. The relation that defines every
quality’s dependence on some substance has its foundation in the primary
divine idea of the relation of the categories, in this case, the category “qual-
ity” to the category “substance.” In the case of the being of a quality and its
dependent relation on a substance, the relation is, in effect, the expression
of the black of Socrates. This relational realism, in which a state of affairs
holding between two relata is asserted to have being apart from the two
relata, has its basis in Wyclif ’s propositional realism. The predication of an
accident of a subject is of less importance than the predication of a universal
by commonality of a subject. The being of the subject expresses the being
of the accident, and this expression per accidens, while a real thing distinct
from the dependent being of the accident and the independent being of the
substance, does not describe the essential nature of the substance. Recall
that, in Socrates being a man, Wyclif understands Socrates to be “saying”
his specific nature, the universal man by which he is speciated, in his very
existence as a human being. The proposition “Socrates is a man” accurately
reflects the reality of Socrates being a man, down to the very structure
of being.
In explaining the metaphysics behind “Socrates is black,” Wyclif does
not need to explain anything beyond Socrates, but when he explains
“Socrates is a man,” more is involved. He needs not only to explain the
secondary substance “man,” which he does by positing universals by cau-
sality, but he needs to account for the relation of one substance (the pri-
mary substance, Socrates) to another formally distinct one (the secondary
substance, or universal by commonality, man). This he does by pointing
to the relation of formal causality that holds between man and Socrates.
In Aristotle’s metaphysics, four kinds of causality explain a substance: for-
mal, efficient, material, and final. The efficient cause of Socrates is Socrates’
parents, his material cause is physical matter, and his final cause is happi-
ness. His formal cause is the universal by commonality man, and the cause
of Socrates’ essential nature lies in Adam, at the beginning of the species’
causal chain. In Socrates expressing man in his being, he is instantiating
98 john wyclif

the universal by causality of the being of his formal cause, which was first
instantiated in Adam. Simply, while universals by commonality give the
basis for what a thing is, universals by causality provide the reason for how
that thing has come into being.
But it would be a mistake to interpret this as leading to the belief that
universals by commonality simply account for essences, and universals by
causality account for the actual being of the essential nature. The relation
between essence and existence was a matter of some disagreement among the
later scholastics. Aquinas and Giles of Rome had argued for a real distinc-
tion between essence and existence in the composition of a substantial being,
which Ockham, Henry of Ghent, and Scotus rejected. Perhaps influenced
by Henry of Ghent’s attention to the different kinds of being of an essence,
Wyclif insisted that there is no real distinction between being and essence,
that the essence of a given substance does not precede its being in creation.
He explains:
[An essence is t]he matter, the form, and the union of these. There is no
matter, unless [it is] able to exist or be informed by the absolute essence,
and there is no form unless [it is] actually existing or informing the same
essence, and there is no union of these unless the same essence is one from
this: that formally it is this, that it is to its potency, and all this is the essence.
From which it is clear that any essence exists perpetually, because it can-
not be brought to an end, save through annihilation. But nothing can be
annihilated. . . . For prime matter is not corrupted because of generations
of different kinds of forms; but it remains constant underneath, with
various forms at different times; therefore so with essence, which exists
with this matter, since matter predicates, beyond the essence, a relation
to form in common.45
This is confusing, in that it seems to say that essence is both limited to
the duration of the union of a particular form with some particular mat-
ter, and unlimited in that it holds across all time in the relation of prime
matter to form in common. There are, in fact, two kinds of essence. The
individual being of a substance in time and space is defined by its singu-
lar essence, while the type that this individual instantiates is its universal
essence. Being, too, is manifold: Wyclif describes creatures as having four
kinds in the same discussion. First, there is the eternal mental being of
ideas in God. From eternity, for example, God has understood the idea of
a “rose.” Next, there is the being that a creature has in its causes. This can
either be being in a universal cause, like a species, or in a particular cause,
 wyclif in oxford 99

as with an efficient cause like a parent, or Adam. A particular rose grow-

ing in my yard has had its being in the universal by commonality rose
from the beginning of creation, and in its seed in its parent flower from the
time of pollination. In these first two kinds of being, the creature’s substan-
tial potential is not yet actualized, but the grounds for the actual existence
of the individual nature are sufficiently real as to compel us to recognize
a degree of particular being. The third kind is the familiar substantial
being of the individual in time; “this is the only being the modern doctors
accept.”46 Finally, the accidental being caused in a substance by the inher-
ence of one predicable of the nine categories must count as a kind of being,
albeit dependent on the actuality of the substantial being of a creature. The
third kind would be the existence in time of the rose in my garden, and the
fourth might be the hue of red that inheres in its blooms, as distinct from
the shape of its petals.
Perhaps it is tempting to assign the universal essence to the first two
kinds of being and the particular essence to the third, as the basis for the
fourth. Here, Wyclif faces the fact that there must be some sort of distinc-
tion between being and essence, if one can speak of the essence of rose in a
universal sense when there are no roses in actual being. This reality suggests
some sort of distinction that remains to be drawn between the universal
essence of rose and the individual essence of a rose. If this is so, there must
be a distinction between the actual existence of a particular rose and the
universal essence of rose and, likewise, a distinction between the individual
essence of a rose and its particular existence. Each pair, he says, is defined
by a formal distinction. This is best understood by recognizing “essence” as
meaning not the essential quiddity of a thing, but as the kind of being that
proceeds from it:

For just as a thing is an entity before it is any kind of thing, since the
question “Is there such a thing?” presupposes the question “What kind
of thing is it?,” and a man is an entity before he is a substance, so too
it seems that essence, the putting of the bare question “Is there such a
thing?” precedes the quiddity which adds genus to being. In such cases
therefore there is a mental distinction.47

This mental distinction, or distinctio rationis, allows him to assert the real-
ity of universals by commonality and by causality without bringing free-
floating universals into the discussion, as Burley did, and without relegating
universals to being only creatures of the understanding, brought about by
100 john wyclif

our perception of natures as common, as the moderate realists like Aquinas

argued.
Many of Wyclif ’s metaphysical works have been in modern editions for
almost a century. But the philosophy of some of his predecessors, notably
Ockham, Scotus, and Henry of Ghent, only began to be widely understood
in the latter half of the twentieth century. Without a secure grasp of their
ontological programs, Wyclif ’s positions could not hope for a fair hearing,
and the result has been an undue attention to the question of universals,
to the exclusion of his wider program of a metaphysics of being. While
Wyclif ’s realism about universals is worth much more investigation, a more
thorough understanding of his metaphysics might arise from a broader
line of questioning. Desmond P. Henry has suggested mereology, the study
of the relation of parts to a whole, as a useful means of understanding how
Wyclif departs from standard medieval thought.48 Wyclif ’s ontologically
manifold understanding of reality as propositionally structured may not be
Platonist, but it certainly is divergent from standard Aristotelian models.
It is normal for us to say something like “the Union is preserved!” without
presuming there to be something above and apart from the collection of
things we call the Union. Wyclif ’s approach, on the other hand, allowed an
aggregate with identifiable ontological reality to arise from any set of two
substantial beings. What follows from this is that, for any set of three peo-
ple, there are four aggregate beings: the three ordered pairs derived from
the set, and the universal humanity defining the particularized humanity
of each member. There cannot be more than this, he argues, for each aggre-
gate being can only arise from substantially real beings.49 Wyclif devotes
considerable effort to refuting the predictable Third Man arguments that
arise from his position throughout De Universalibus, and he uses the real-
ity of aggregate beings in his descriptions of how “a certain man” in the
parable of the Good Samaritan serves as an aggregate for all saved people,
among other things. Still, Henry remains puzzled as to why Wyclif would
have made such an ontological claim, suggesting that the grounds for such
a baroque ontology have yet to be identified. Why, then, would he attribute
reality to aggregate beings derivable from any set of two particular objects?
Aren’t universals enough of an ontological problem without including
another class of being?
The beginnings of an answer may rest in Wyclif ’s handling of the nature
of the Trinity, both in De Universalibus and De Trinitate. A century and a
half earlier, Joachim of Fiore had criticized Peter Lombard’s innovative
 wyclif in oxford 101

analysis of how terms refer to the persons within the Trinity. The Calabrian
claimed that Lombard’s description of a Trinity that neither begets nor is
begotten entailed a fourth entity in addition to the three divine persons.
Lombard had emphasized the impossibility of attributing particular actions
of the divine persons to the divine essence, and caused Joachim conster-
nation by having used the term “essence” to mean something other than
“person.” Joachim was rebuked by the Fourth Lateran Council for con-
ceiving of the divine unity as a collective, or group of individual persons.50
He erred, Wyclif explains, by confusing the reference of terms predicated
of the divine essence and terms predicated of persons. The absolute nature
of the divine essence precludes generating or being generated, so the pres-
ence of this generating, which holds between Father and Son, cannot be
essential to God. Yet to hold that the essence is something beyond the gener-
ating and the being generated of the persons seems to lead to positing a
quaternity that includes a fourth divine being beyond the generating, the
generated, and the spirated persons. The divine Trinity, he argues, is an
aggregate of the three persons, Father, Son, and Spirit. While the Father
begets, the Son is begotten, and the Spirit is spirated from the Father and
Son together, the aggregate godhead neither begets nor is begotten. The
Trinity is a universal, of which the divine persons are the instantiates. But
this aggregate of the three persons is more than just a universal, because
universals only give being to their particulars, while the godhead is both
subsistent being and the source of being to all creatures. So this aggregate
must have reality of some kind, beyond that of a universal. If Wyclif ’s trini-
tarian thought is the basis for his belief that any ordered pair of creatures
gives rise to an aggregate third, apart from any universal the two might
have in common in their natures, then it would seem that here his meta-
physics is, at least in part, an outgrowth of theology. The same cannot be
said for his understanding of the Eucharist. There, his conviction of the
impossibility of annihilation, along with spatiotemporal atomism, leads to
his argument that transubstantiation is impossible.

4

denying transubstantiation
Physics, Eucharist, and Apostasy

When the mass of cardinals, archbishops, abbots, bishops, and other clergy
met in ecclesiastical council at Constance in the fall of 1414, much needed
to be done. Five years earlier, they had met in Pisa hoping to resolve the
schism that had divided Western Christendom in 1378, when the elec-
tion of Urban VI in Rome had prompted French cardinals to name
Clement VII in Avignon. The result had been a third pope, John XXIII,
who proved anything but unifying in his dealings with the other church-
men. Sigismund of Luxembourg had managed to force John to decree the
council at Constance, and hopes were high among the conciliarists that a
watershed in Christian history was at hand. The conciliarists, political the-
orists who advocated an Aristotelian polity rather than a papal monarchy
within the church, were determined to use the crisis to eliminate the basis
for any pope to exercise absolute power over the cardinals and bishops. The
drama that would play out over the coming three years saw the ultimate
triumph of the papacy and the conciliarists’ defeat. But this was only after
the drama of a decree declaring the pope’s duty to obey the council, the
resignation of Gregory XII (who had succeeded Innocent VII, Urban’s
successor), the deposing of Benedict XIII (Clement’s successor), and the
trial and deposing of the slippery John XXIII.
In the midst of all this, Bohemia was headed toward open rebellion
against both the church and the empire. The conciliarists could ill afford

102
 denying transubstantiation 103

to show weakness when quelling heresy, and they brought the full weight
of their corrective power against Jan Hus and Jerome of Prague, both of
whom had been inspired by Wyclif ’s theological vision. In the course of
this, the council also formally condemned 45 propositions directly associ-
ated with Wyclif ’s thought, and 260 others more indirectly relevant. Of all
of these, Wyclif ’s eucharistic errors topped the list, but among the proposi-
tions that drew the council’s ire, several seem less predictably inflamma-
tory: “It is impossible for two corporeal substances to be co-extensive, the
one continuously at rest in a place and the other continuously penetrating
the body of Christ at rest.” Further, “[a]ny continuous mathematical line is
composed of two, three or four contiguous points, or of only a simply finite
number of points; and time is, was and will be composed of contiguous
instants.”1 What these assertions about physics have to do with Wyclif ’s
heresies is by no means immediately obvious, and it is difficult to imagine
the beleaguered churchmen fulminating for very long about the assertion
that time and space are composed of indivisible atoms. Yet, in Wyclif ’s analy-
sis of the Thomist doctrine of transubstantiation, this innocuous position
features prominently. In this dense section of De Eucharistia, Wyclif seems
to suggest that error about the makeup of spatiotemporal continua leads to
believing that transubstantiation somehow makes sense. This connection
is by no means an easy one to make, but if it is tenable, it might help us to
understand why Wyclif seemed driven to deny a doctrine that was cen-
tral to the medieval world. Philosophers generally like to have alternatives
ready when they disprove long-held beliefs, and one wants to read that a
clever philosopher like Wyclif came up with some sort of tenable eucharis-
tic theory to replace transubstantiation. Unfortunately, aside from insisting
that Christ is really present in the consecrated host, Wyclif did not pre-
sent a philosophically developed alternative to what he angrily dismissed as
“accidents without a subject.” In fairness to him, Wyclif might have replied
that such an alternative was unnecessary; the words of scripture and the
teachings of the fathers should be sufficient. A response like this would
be consonant with the Confessio, which is translated as an appendix in this
work. We will be forced to jump from sacramental theology to spatiotem-
poral physical theory in what follows, if we are to understand why Wyclif
felt that the prevalent explanations of transubstantiation were insufficient.
So, following a discussion of the development of eucharistic theology, we
will explore Wyclif ’s theory of indivisible instants of time and space and
his arguments against the possibility of annihilation.
104 john wyclif

The Doctrine of Transubstantiation:

Radbertus to Ockham

During the meal Jesus shared with his disciples on the evening before his
arrest, the Gospels tell us that he took bread and said, “Take; this is my
body.” Next, he took a cup of wine and told them to drink from it, saying,
“This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many” (Mark
14:22–25; Matthew 26:26–29; Luke 22:19–21). Throughout the medieval
period, the words Jesus used, called the words of “institution,” were the basis
for the central liturgical office of the faith, the Eucharist. Of the sacraments
recognized to be outward signs of inward grace, the liturgical celebration
of Eucharist in the Mass was regarded as the supreme sacrament, in which
the entire salvation of the world is embodied. The attempt to understand
exactly what occurs in the Eucharist was an important part of medieval the-
ology from the ninth century onward. Extensive theological dialogue was
devoted to understanding exactly what Jesus meant by “this is my body.”
After all, anyone could see that it was bread he was holding. Today, many
Christians, particularly Protestants, are content to approach the Eucharist
as a communal activity in which believers participate. Whether the ele-
ments undergo some sort of mystic change is of much less importance than
the accompanying grace that moves within the participants. In antiquity,
Augustine’s interests were similarly directed, although it would be an over-
statement to say that he had no interest in the reality of Christ’s presence in
the elements.2
The great rebirth of scientific interest in the ninth century was accom-
panied by serious efforts to shore up liturgical practice, and two monks
from the French monastery of Corbie defined the beginning of medieval
eucharistic thought. Paschasius Radbertus (c. 790–865) argued that the ele-
ments of bread and wine change into Christ’s body and blood at the conse-
cration. They may not change in appearance, but in a spiritual sense, they
really do become parts of the risen Christ. Ratramnus (d. 868) agreed that
Christ’s spiritual presence in the elements is real, but objected to what he
perceived to be a lack of sensitivity regarding the means through which the
consecrated elements “are” the body and blood. He distinguished between
“figure” and “reality” in the being of Christ in the elements. If Christ were
“in reality” in the elements, he would be empirically present, but if he were
there “in figure,” he would not be perceptibly present but “proclaimed
inwardly to the minds of the faithful.” A very useful way of understanding
 denying transubstantiation 105

Ratramnus’s position, particularly from Wyclif ’s linguistically oriented

viewpoint, is to understand him as thinking of the Eucharist as an activity
in the empirical world that is analogous to metaphor in the logical order.3
For Radbertus, then, a theology of the Eucharist begins in the ontology of
the perceptible world, while for Ratramnus, the starting point is herme-
neutics, a recognition that the liturgical text of the sacrament signifies a
division foreign to empirical analysis of things in the world. It is impor-
tant to remember that the term “transubstantiation” was not coined until
1079, so to summarize their difference as based on affirming or denying the
idea is anachronistic. While Radbertus would be remembered through the
medieval period as the first great eucharistic theologian, Ratramnus was
soon forgotten. When his works were discovered a century later, they were
attributed to Eriugena.
The next important disagreement about the Eucharist began in 1047,
when Berengar of Tours (999–1088), believing himself in agreement with
Eriugena, argued that the substance of the bread and wine remained after
the consecration. His position caused him great trouble, drawing official
condemnation in 1050 and leading to his being forced to sign a retraction in
1059. This retraction was not carefully worded, and it allowed for the inter-
pretation that the elements remained in some sense what they had been
before consecration. As Berengar afterward pointed out, the retraction’s
semantics required one to recognize that there is something bread and
something wine that is the true body and blood of Christ. In saying that
“the bread of the altar is only the true body of Christ, one is not denying
that the bread exists on the altar, but is instead confirming that the bread
and the wine are present on the Lord’s table.”4 Berengar’s main opponent
was Lanfranc of Bec (d. 1089), who took him to task for failing to pay suffi-
cient attention to Christ’s words of institution; Berengar appeared to refuse
to follow the progressive logic of Christ’s declaration that the bread he held
in his hand had been substantially converted into his body. In stubbornly
insisting that “this” refers to the same thing, bread, at the beginning and the
completion of the utterance, Berengar completely overlooked the mystic
transformation that the Gospels describe. But Berengar’s position was not
so simplistic. He distinguished between that which is visible, the physical
elements, or sacramentum, and the invisible res sacramenti, Christ’s body, as
analogous to the sign and what is signified. Take a simple example (obvi-
ously not Berengar’s): the handle on the left hand of the faucet is marked
“hot,” but it is likely the same temperature as the handle on the right. The
106 john wyclif

label refers not to the handle, but to the water that comes from the faucet.
In the same way, the visible sacrament is not Christ, but it signifies the
invisible body of Christ one receives when eating it.
Lanfranc’s criticism of Berengar was bolstered by his use of a more com-
plex notion of substance than Berengar seems to have envisioned. He was
the first to formulate the essential change of bread into body by using the
framework of the Categories, which allows for the exchange of one sub-
stantial platform for another, without a change in the perceptible qualities
resting upon them. The stage was set for the introduction of the concept
of transubstantiation. This term was being used by 1140 to distinguish
between the usual sort of change we see in bodies, when qualities or proper-
ties change, while the underlying nature remains constant, and the mystical
change of the Eucharist, when the opposite occurs. Of the many theologians
who addressed the metaphysics of the Eucharist in the late twelfth century,
Lothario of Segni stands out. Lothario’s approach was not novel, nor were
his explanations that much more compelling than those of his fellows. He
distilled the best of the explanations then prevalent in his own mind, and
on becoming Innocent III, he convened the Fourth Lateran Council, where
transubstantiation became the established term for explaining the real pres-
ence of Christ. Lateran IV’s codification of transubstantiation was not the
end of eucharistic speculation; three distinct means by which the miracle
occurs attracted their own admirers, and each was judged to be a valid
explanation. First, the substance of the bread might remain along with the
substance of Christ’s body, which is consubstantiation. Where once there
was one thing, bread, now there are two, for the body of Christ is now in
the same place. Second, the substance of the bread might be annihilated and
replaced by the substance of Christ’s body. Third, the substance of the bread
itself might change, becoming the substance of Christ’s body, without pass-
ing out of existence. Here, the substance itself converts, from “being bread”
to “being body” without a change in the underlying subject.5
While the advent of commentary on Lombard’s Sentences afforded
some structure, it wasn’t until 1234, with the publication of the Decretales
by Gregory IX, that canon law provided firm boundaries to define late
medieval eucharistic theology. While many theologians in the ensuing two
centuries assayed explanations of the real presence, the limits of space in
this volume prevent us from doing more than mentioning the three land-
mark theologians’ approaches. For Aquinas, the Eucharist is “the summit
of spiritual life, and all the sacraments are ordered to it.” Its centrality to the
 denying transubstantiation 107

Christian life defines the individual’s continued self-identification in the

living body of Christ. Through it, we remember his sacrifice, we continue
to live in the unity of the church, and we anticipate our enjoyment of God
in heaven. As such, Aquinas felt that Christians ought to take Eucharist
as often as possible. By the thirteenth century, it was common for only
the priest to consume the consecrated elements, leaving the laity only the
chance to commune by “receiving the species,” i.e., looking at it. He insisted
that the laity ought to consume it as well, given its centrality to the life of
the church. Likewise, the theologian should guard carefully against mis-
representing the mystery with explanations of transubstantiation that could
lead the believer into error. Of the three alternatives, his approach is nearest
to the second, for he rejects both consubstantiation and the idea that there
is an underlying substantial being that shifts in form from “being bread”
to “being Christ.” To suggest that the bread, or something else, remains
would be to allow that one worships something created when rendering
the consecrated host the adoration it is due as Christ. This rules out con-
substantiation, which he declares to be heretical. Yet he does not advocate
annihilation; the elements are changed substantially to become body and
blood. But if this is so, how does one explain the consistency of the acci-
dents after consecration? Does Christ’s body go from not being round and
white to being round and white? Aquinas explains that these accidents
cease to inhere in any substance, since they cannot continue to be related to
the bread, which has substantially changed to become body. Further, they
do not inhere in Christ, for Christ’s resurrected body is at rest in heaven,
where it exists unchangeably: “We are left to conclude that the accidents in
this sacrament do not inhere in any subject.” What causes them to remain
coherent is “dimensive quantity”; in effect, quantity steps in and serves as a
surrogate platform for the substance of Christ’s body.6
Scotus agreed with Aquinas that transubstantiation occurs through the
conversion of substance, but he did not reject consubstantiation as hereti-
cal. God could, by absolute power, allow Christ to be present in the sub-
stance of the bread, two things being in one place, but the teaching office
of the church has shown that this is not what occurs. Scotus disagreed with
Aquinas regarding how Christ’s body can begin to be present in the host.
While both agreed that Christ does not physically move through space
into the host, Scotus was frustrated with Aquinas’s apparent willingness to
allow the phenomenon of transubstantiation to be a sufficient explanation
for how Christ can be both in heaven and on an altar. There must be some
108 john wyclif

sense in which the conversion involves Christ being in two places at once,
with one being in place remaining unchanging, and the other beginning to
be at the moment of consecration. His approach is to look at what is involved
in being in a place, and he thinks of it as relation based. That is, “being in
a place” is like “having a relation.” Just as someone can have one relation
to one person, and another to another, so God could arrange it that Christ’s
body is in one place and that it can begin to be in another place at the same
time. Hence, God can make Christ’s body present in many separate loca-
tions without a change in Christ. But if Christ can begin to be on an altar,
and be unchangeable in heaven, what about the being of the bread? Does
it undergo a commensurate ceasing to be at the same time? Scotus seemed
to envision the bread as losing its “being here” without losing its “being as
such,” avoiding annihilation, but only barely. In general, Scotus was willing
to support conversion on the force of his adherence to church teachings, even
if he could imagine that consubstantiation might fit more to the structure
of our reasoning than does transubstantiation by conversion.7
Ockham’s approach seems to be the last important variation before
Wyclif ’s rejection of transubstantiation. Like Scotus, Ockham was willing
to countenance consubstantiation as a reasonable possibility. If two bodies
can exist in the same place, which is certainly within God’s power to effect,
then Christ’s body can exist alongside the substance of the elements. Like
Scotus again, Ockham addressed being in a place as central to explaining
how Christ’s body can be both in heaven and on a thousand altars across
Christendom. While consubstantiation is a reasonable possibility, transub-
stantiation is the church’s preferred approach, and Ockham abided by this
in his eucharistic theology. Ockham’s innovation was to distinguish between
being in a place and being in part of a place. When a given substance is
whole in one place and exists in part in a correspondent part of that place,
this is circumspective place, the way that extended bodies normally exist in
space. But a thing might exist whole in a given place, and whole in every
part of the given place; this would be an indivisible being, and it would
have definitive place. Our experience tells us that no material substance can
occupy a place in this way, although Christ’s body and blood exist in defini-
tive place in the consecrated elements. So at least one material substance
must have definitive place, for Christ’s ascended body remains extended,
material substance. And this is also the way the intellectual soul exists in the
body: whole in the body and whole in each of its parts. But Ockham was not
simply inventing a distinction to explain dogma. God could cause Christ’s
 denying transubstantiation 109

material body to be present on a thousand altars at once while whole in one

place and in part in parts of a place. Given this, there is no need to posit the
qualities of the host existing in the quantity of the bread; they can exist in
the converted, and definitely present, body of Christ.
The substance of the bread, though, has been annihilated. Two kinds of
annihilation are possible. In one, the substance is absolutely destroyed, so
that nothing remains to be converted into something else. In the other, the
substance is reduced to nothing, but not absolute nothingness. Instead, the
annihilated substance reverts to the being it had as a potential substance in
God’s mind before creation. This second, “weaker” species of annihilation,
Ockham asserted, is what occurs to the substance of the bread. Once this
occurs, the whole Christ is present in the consecrated host under the species of
the bread, transubstantiated into definitive place. Yet despite the apparent
consistency of Ockham’s account with the church’s position, he was called
to account by a council of theologians at Avignon in 1325. His erstwhile col-
league John Lutterell, who had gone from being chancellor of Oxford to ser-
vice at Avignon the previous year, had found over fifty propositions associated
with Ockham’s thought that he felt were sufficiently dangerous to warrant
condemnation. Among these was Ockham’s account of annihilation, which
Lutterell felt was too excessive. After consideration, the panel of theologians
decided that Ockham’s eucharistic theology fell short of actual error. The
same cannot be said for his political and ecclesiological thought, the condem-
nation of which led to his fleeing Avignon three years later. He remained in
Munich for the remaining twenty years of his life.8

Eucharistic Theology at Oxford

after Ockham

Ockham’s influence regarding the Eucharist at Oxford in the years follow-

ing his departure from England in 1324 remains to be analyzed. During the
following quarter-century, Franciscans, Dominicans, Carmelites, and secu-
lar doctors would all compose Sentences commentaries. The fourth book of
Lombard’s Sentences is primarily devoted to the sacraments, and given the
philosophical variety of the period, it is difficult to imagine little being said
about the metaphysics of transubstantiation. The problem, for now, lies in
the relative absence of extant editions of commentaries on Sententiae IV.
The only record we have of the range of Carmelite philosophical theology,
110 john wyclif

for example, remains Xiberta’s 1931 De Scriptoribus Scholasticis Saeculis XIV

ex Ordine Carmelitarum. Here, we see that Robert Walsingham, who flour-
ished in the decades just prior to Ockham’s departure, stoutly defended the
eucharistic theology of Henry of Ghent. Further, John Baconthorpe, a stu-
dent of Walsingham who was prominent at Oxford in the 1330s, explored
eucharistic theology in five questions in his Commentary on Sententiae IV.
Interestingly, he later rewrote his Commentary on book IV, calling his ear-
lier questions “speculative” and his later ones “canonical.” His eucharistic
questions fall in the former category. Osbert Pickenham, another Carmelite
who may have been known to the young Wyclif, rejected annihilation and
challenged the contention that the quantity of Christ’s body was not imme-
diately present in the consecrated host. My account of the contributions of
Adam Wodeham and Robert Holcot, then, will be very general, and pos-
sibly not indicative of the tenor of eucharistic theology of the period before
Wyclif. Still, both appear to have had a bearing of some sort on Wyclif ’s
eventual rejection of transubstantiation.9
Wodeham’s foray into the territory of the Lord’s Supper is primar-
ily an argument about whether the quantity defining the bread is mind-
independent and really distinct from the bread’s substance and qualities.
Ockham’s position was that quantity is, from an ontological standpoint,
but another quality. This put him at odds with the Thomists, who believed
the bread’s quantity to be really distinct from its other qualities, a kind
of substitute substance in which qualities like white, round, hard, and so
forth inhere. As Ockham’s chief disciple at Oxford, it comes as no sur-
prise that Wodeham takes up this cause. Perhaps in an attempt to elucidate
Ockham’s position, he also argues against the possibility of interpreting
annihilation as an alternative to the orthodox position:

I say that transubstantiation is not annihilation but the conversion of

bread’s substance into the body of Christ from the power of consecra-
tion, so that in the instant of conversion the substance of bread and wine
ceases to be under the species in which they existed before, and the
body of Christ succeeds under the same by the sacramental power of
consecration.10

Of special interest to understanding Wyclif ’s position are the references

Wodeham makes to spatiotemporal atomism throughout his energetic
arguments against quantity being anything more than another quality. As
we will see, Wodeham’s commitment to refuting indivisiblists was resolute;
 denying transubstantiation 111

it appears that his opponents made arguments in which indivisible atoms

were a live possibility. In one case, Wodeham tackles an argument designed
to establish quantity’s separability from substance and other qualities in which
the hypothesis is that, if quantity is a separable part, it would be either an
indivisible part or divisible. In another, he struggles with the possibility that
substance is quantifiable and extended through something that is itself
divisible, and again brushes up against the possibility that there is a small-
est possible unit of quantity. In each case, he dismisses indivisiblism in sub-
stance as having been effectively refuted in his Tractatus de Indivisibilibus.
He makes no reference to indivisibles in the temporal continuum, though;
his attention is not on change over time, but on the change within the sub-
stance as it undergoes consecration. Had temporal atoms figured in his
eucharistic theology, though, he would certainly have referred his reader
to his earlier treatise, where he devotes attention to refuting the temporal
arguments of Henry Harclay and Walter Chatton, the primary exponents
of indivisibles.
Robert Holcot takes a very different approach, one that some have
seen to be suggestive of Wyclif ’s overall frustration with the doctrine of
transubstantiation.11 He begins with a general discussion of whether the
body of Christ truly and really exists under the appearance of bread. Either
something of the bread remains after the conversion, he continues, or the
bread is annihilated altogether. But discussing this troubles Holcot: “If such
a conversion of one thing into another were possible, then either the thing
into which it was converted would not increase, and it would follow that
God could convert the entire machinery of the world into the body of a
fly, or He could place any substance under the appearance of any other
substance.” In arguing the mechanics of conversion in transubstantiation,
we are missing a much larger problem. Nothing we perceive could be what
it seems: “If such transubstantiation of one thing into another were pos-
sible for God, it would follow that God could transubstantiate a man into
a stone, and vice versa, and so every accident of the man would remain in
the same place where there was a man, and now is a stone.” His reason-
ing continues relentlessly, considering the possibility that, if a consecrated
host contains one of Christ’s eyes on one altar and another of his eyes on
another, then Christ could see himself from one altar to the other, all the
while presumably knowing himself to be bodily in heaven.
Another problem, in addition to the threat to human knowledge the
doctrine presents, is what role the intention of the priest plays in the
112 john wyclif

sacramental transformation. For our discussion, this possibility is of inter-

est, not least because of its backhanded dismissal of indivisiblism:
Again, I posit a certain priest who believes a continuum to be composed
of indivisibles, and blesses the body of one host, which he believes to be
composed of a certain specific number of indivisibles; and I want him to
be thinking that he is consecrating only one of the indivisibles in the host
today, and tomorrow the second, and the third on the third day, so that
on the fifth day he wants the entire host to have been consecrated. With
this posited, I ask whether he has consecrated it or not . . . [given that] the
host is not composed of indivisibles in the truth of things.

His arguments regarding the untenability of transubstantiation increase

in seriousness as he proceeds, ultimately leading him to conclude that the
faith asks us to believe that accidents remain without a subject and that,
if the species were moved, during the elevation of the host, for example,
motion would occur without a moveable subject. If there were a subject,
it would be the body of Christ. If there were two priests at two conjoined
altars, and one priest was a step ahead of the other in the Mass, then it
would be accurate to say that, when the first priest was bringing the con-
secrated host down from elevation and the second was still in the process
of elevating the host being consecrated, Christ is at one and the same time
both ascending and descending. The problems that we are asked to accept
along with this doctrine, Holcot concludes, are almost more than can be
borne. But the faith requires it.
God can do more than we are able to understand, and can cause things in
the world that we cannot investigate. So it does not follow that, because
man cannot sufficiently explain how Christ really exists under the spe-
cies of bread and wine, that this is not how things are, and not what
should be believed. For from this, we undoubtedly believe God is more
able to do what we cannot, from our own natures, investigate. . . . as far
as transubstantiation or the conversion of one thing into another is con-
cerned, it is not a greater insult to reason than the many transformations
that not just the unlettered are held to believe.

For example, Augustine and Boethius both note the widespread accep-
tance of the story of Circe, who turned the comrades of Ulysses into beasts,
and the story about the Arcadians, who swam across a pool and turned
into wolves. Scripture itself tells us of Lot’s wife being turned into a pil-
lar of salt; the transubstantiation of bread into the body of Christ is not
 denying transubstantiation 113

harder to believe than these examples are. As to Christ being in many

places at once, Holcot continues, so it is with the intellects who direct the
celestial spheres. Avicenna thought that all human beings share one intel-
lect in common, which, while admittedly a misreading of Aristotle’s De
Anima, is no more difficult than believing that Christ can be in many places
at once. In the end, reason will not be able to persuade those who reject
the irrational aspects of transubstantiation, nor should we expect it to be
able to do so. Holcot’s argument here is markedly fideistic, suggesting that
moderni reasoning has cordoned off yet another section of traditional scho-
lastic theology as beyond rational analysis. Wyclif ’s rejection of this ten-
dency throughout his writings should lead us to expect him to formulate
a coherent, realist alternative to this species of argument. After all, he has
championed universals as the metaphysical answer to the church’s woes,
so some explanation in which universals figure would be in keeping with
his general program. Unfortunately, eucharistic theology seems to be one
subject where his realism does not provide a ready answer. To begin under-
standing why this happened, it is important to remember that, for Wyclif,
reality is structured propositionally. Universals, like humanity, animality,
and so forth, follow logically from the need for an unchanging truth value
for statements like “man is a rational animal.” So, we cannot begin explana-
tion of the Eucharist with recourse to universals of commonality, causality,
or representation. This is a different kind of argument, about the relation
of the scriptural words of institution to change over time and place, with
the confusion over how the bread changes to Christ being only one aspect
of the problem. Our discussion of Wyclif ’s eucharistic theology will have to
begin with what we understand about the deep structure of physical objects
and how linguistic statements correspond to changes in that structure.

Indivisibles

Wyclif ’s conviction that reality is propositionally structured and mathemat-

ically comprehensible led him to take on difficult questions about how to
understand statements about change over time. De Logica contains nothing
terribly innovative regarding the theory of syllogistic logic, but it does pro-
vide a rich source for readers interested in the semantic properties of dif-
ferent kinds of terms in propositions. And given his propositional realism,
when he addresses terms like “begins to be” or “ceases to be,” or “infinite”
114 john wyclif

or “in a place,” he cannot help but address complicated issues of physics. As

mentioned earlier, the Mertonian calculators were famous for their meticu-
lous analyses of propositions, patiently using logic to tease out truths about
the physical world from the semantics of terms. De Logica, likely completed
before 1364, is interesting because it gives evidence of Wyclif developing
his philosophical method in the Mertonian tradition, using semantic analy-
sis to uncover basic truths about nature.
The truth central to our discussion is the existence of atoms, indivis-
ible particles of space and time, individual degrees of change and qual-
ity, and their relation to continuous objects—periods of time, extents of
space, units of motion, physical objects—called continua. Not all medieval
thinkers were willing to accept Aristotle’s arguments in Physics VI.1 that
indivisibles do not compose continua, although they largely denied that
continua were entirely composed of indivisibles.12 Ockham rejected indi-
visibles entirely, arguing that a “point” or an “instant” is not even a “some-
thing,” but only a hypothetical construct used to explain geometric truths
about lines or mathematical truths about duration. In 1323, Ockham pre-
sented a line of reasoning in Tractatus de Quantitate that began by denying
the existence of spatiotemporal points, or indivisibles, and led to an analysis
of change in the quantity and quality of the bread in the Eucharist. Here,
Ockham argued against Aquinas, who believed that dimensive quantity
could act as a subject for the other accidents of the bread, by arguing that
quantity cannot be considered an absolute thing distinct from the substance
in which it inheres. Beginning with points, Ockham argued that the points
of a line cannot be considered as really distinct from the line, the lines mak-
ing up a surface cannot be considered really distinct from the surface, and
the surfaces of the body likewise cannot be considered really distinct from
the body. In the same way, the quantity of a body cannot be considered
really distinct from a body, and Aquinas’s theory runs aground. Because
points are hypothetical constructs, not really distinct from the lines or bod-
ies they make up, the kind of division within a substance that Aquinas has
in mind is impossible.
Aquinas, of course, would have agreed with Ockham about there
not being indivisible atoms in the makeup of objects, or of any continua,
hence the telling nature of Ockham’s argument. But in Oxford, several of
Ockham’s contemporaries argued that continua were wholly composed of
indivisibles; Henry Harclay, Walter Chatton, and William Crathorn are
among the better known. Chatton opted for a finite number of indivisibles
 denying transubstantiation 115

in a continuum, while Henry argued for an infinite number in every con-

tinuum. Henry understood Grosseteste as having been an advocate of indi-
visibles, because Lincolniensis had argued that any finite extended entity
is composed of both an infinite number of divisible parts and an infinite
number of indivisible parts. Crathorn agreed with Chatton, supporting a
finite number of indivisibles in any given continua.
Crathorn seems to have been among the last at Oxford to advocate
indivisiblism. Between them, Adam Wodeham and Thomas Bradwardine
eliminated spatiotemporal atomism as a viable means of explaining quan-
tity in continua. Wodeham, a student of Chatton, collected a mass of argu-
ments against indivisibles, cataloging every possible philosophical problem
that can arise from supporting the infinite divisibility of space and time.
Indeed, Wodeham eagerly waded into the Zeno paradoxes familiar to phi-
losophy students today, exploring the soundness of Aristotle’s resolutions
of these classic problems. The Tractatus de Indivisibilibus, perhaps among
his earliest works, dating to the mid-1320s, addresses Henry and Chatton
directly, but does not mention Crathorn, who would comment on the
Sentences several years later, along with Wodeham. Bradwardine anato-
mized the indivisiblist position and its possible iterations in his Tractatus
de Continuo:
[T]here are five well known opinions among the old philosophers and the
moderns about the composition of continua. Some hold, as Aristotle and
Averroes and many moderns, that a continuum is not composed from
atoms, but from parts divisible without end. Others say that it is com-
posed from indivisibles variant in two ways, since Democritus holds a
continuum to be composed from indivisible bodies. Others, though, from
points, and these in two ways, because Pythagoras, father of this sect, and
Plato, and Walter the Modern [Chatton], hold it to be composed from
finite indivisibles. Others, though, from infinite[ly many], and these are
in two groups, because some of them, as Henry the Modern [Harclay] says
it is composed from infinitely many indivisibles immediately conjoined,
and others, as Lincolniensis, from infinitely many alternately mediated.13
Given Wyclif’s by-now familiar allegiance to Bradwardine and Grosseteste,
it seems nothing short of astounding that he would join Crathorn in support-
ing spatiotemporal atomism. Norman Kretzman commented that, given the
generally recognized impossibility of indivisiblism in Oxford in the 1350s
and ’60s, Wyclif ’s approach seems anachronistic at best. Certainly, it seems
that Wyclif himself recognized the immense problems associated with the
116 john wyclif

position that time and space are divisible into atomic units. At one point in
his attempts to overcome the prevalent rejection of indivisiblism, he admits,
“And I do not yet know how to disprove any of these three replies effec-
tively.”14 Walter Burley had weighed in against indivisiblists, but he did
not reject the possibility of the existence of indivisibles in continua. Not all
parts of a given continuum actually exist, but God sees all the atoms on a
continuum as potentially existing, and the intervals between them as well.
Logic demands that there be indivisibles in time. Two contradictory sen-
tences about a given time cannot both be true, but if they are about a unit
of time that is divisible, like an hour or a minute, they could both be true, if
one is about the first part and the other is about the second part. Of course,
these would not be real contradictories; two truly contradictory sentences
about a given unit of time would require that the unit be indivisible. Since
there are such sets of contradictories, there must also, Burley reasoned, be
indivisibles in time.15
It is possible that Wyclif ’s approach is related to Burley’s reasoning as
a consequence of his propositional realism. Kretzman describes Wyclif ’s
indivisiblism in terms of his use of Mertonian methodology to disprove the
calculators’ rejection of indivisiblism. As described in chapter 2, the cal-
culators were skilled in using the analysis of sophismata to reason out the
physical laws of mechanics. Wyclif, a product of Merton College, was cer-
tainly adept at this method, and he appears to have developed one sophisma
to show the untenability of the infinite divisibility of time. Unlike Zeno’s
paradox of complete divisibility, which Aristotle described as having com-
pelled the ancient atomists to advocate indivisibles, this puzzle is meant
solely to show a problem with how we understand the truth of a statement
like “Socrates begins to move east.” This puzzle, known as the “vacillating
man,” asks that we imagine a period of time, say, an hour, with a marked
midpoint, and divided such that each half on either side of the midpoint is
respectively divided in half, and then in half again, and so on. The number
of divisions, according to the continuist, can be infinite. Consider one of
the halves, say, the first half hour. It is divided in an infinitely diminish-
ing number of halves, so that each division consists of half of the previ-
ous quantity and an infinitely divided other half. Give each half a number.
Now, imagine Socrates moving in this period of time, so that he moves
east during the odd-numbered periods of time, and west during the even-
numbered periods. Never mind that, at a certain point, this will be physically
 denying transubstantiation 117

impossible; the point is that, at the midpoint, Socrates would be both begin-
ning to move and beginning to be at rest:
And yet immediately after this, he will begin to move, and the same
holds regarding rest. Indeed, now he is not moving, and immediately
after this he will not be moving, and immediately before this he was not
moving; and yet he begins to move, and he ceases not moving—just as
immediately before this he ceased not moving, and immediately after
this he will cease not moving.16

The result of this thought experiment is, for Wyclif, forcing the continuist
to acknowledge that beginning to move is not instantaneous but successive,
so that there will always be contradictories true of any given case of some-
thing beginning to move:
But those who claim that a continuum is composed of indivisibles—e.g.,
Time composed of instants, a line composed of points, a surface composed
of lines, a body composed of surfaces, a motion composed of mutata esse,
and so on . . . say that it is impossible that any entity begin or cease to be
except in virtue of the introduction of the present.

This means that any sentence involving “begin” or “cease” must involve a
uniform unit of indivisible time.17 Wyclif ’s indivisiblism is not enthusiastic,
though; he recognizes that reason throws up as many arguments against
spatiotemporal indivisibles as it presents supports:
Leaving the deeper investigation of all these matters to the subtle logi-
cians and natural philosophers, I ask those who read through this chap-
ter not to condemn or deride the things that have been said here . . . for
I know that these things are rejected by many authorities, and that they
demolish the Calculators’ arguments [along with] many doctrines and
fanciful examples put forward by the moderns.18

Kretzman suggests that, seeing the inevitable difficulty of defend-

ing indivisiblism, Wyclif ultimately fell back on theological necessity as
trumping the rational objections posed by continuists. This is understand-
able, given Wyclif ’s final comment on the matter in Trialogus: “I give this
response along with Augustine and faith in Scripture, that just as God saw
everything that He had made, so He understands distinctly every part of
every continuum, so that there are not given more or other components of
that continuum. And in that way the reasoning seems plainly to succeed.”19
118 john wyclif

The problem with this, though, is that this reasoning in obedience to author-
ity is what compelled Holcot to accept transubstantiation in the face of the
welter of reasons to the contrary. One might well respond that Holcot’s
acceptance of transubstantiation on faith is something altogether different
from Wyclif ’s acceptance of atomism on faith, were it not for the connec-
tion that had been established in Ockham’s argument against Aquinas’s
version of transubstantiation.

Temporal Atomism

Wyclif ’s apparent dissatisfaction with his general discussion of spatiotem-

poral atomism in De Logica led him to compose De Tempore (1368), which
explores the philosophical problems associated with time and is included
as the sixth treatise of the first part of the Summa de Ente. This treatise,
among the last from this Summa to be edited, has been rightly described as
central to our understanding of Wyclif ’s realism. Just as De Universalibus
explores the formal aspects of the being of universals, De Tempore ana-
lyzes their eternality and the nature of temporal succession in their created
particulars.20 Here, Wyclif ’s sensitivity to the questions that captivated the
Mertonian calculators is most obvious, as he probes the nature of time’s
constancy and of the gradations of motion’s acceleration and deceleration
in relation to time. If time is an accident of the world, if there were several
worlds, would there be different kinds of time, each relative to its world?
Wyclif ’s response, predicated on possible worlds theorizing, will introduce
us to his conception of how time is divided into indivisible instants.
Contemporary philosophers are familiar with possible worlds theories as
useful means of exploring questions of modality or the nature of necessity
and possibility. Asking questions about possible worlds was also a means
whereby medieval thinkers struggled with modal metaphysics. Most nota-
bly, it has been argued that Scotus revolutionized the analysis of modal
semantics with his use of possible worlds theorizing to explore questions
of human free will and divine knowledge.21 Wyclif ’s question about tem-
poral continuity across worlds, or synchronic unity across possible worlds,
points to the consistent relation of time to the world. In whatever world
we choose, time is a property of the world’s substantial nature. If we posit
two worlds, in the first of which, A, there is consistent motion, and in the
second of which, B, there is none, then there must be some sense in which,
 denying transubstantiation 119

at a moment N on A, it would be true to say, “Now there is no movement

on B.” The temporal indicator “now” must refer to something on B that is
at least like moment N on A, Wyclif reasons, suggesting grounds for cross-
world temporal continuity. Some species of a unit of duration would have
to be analogous between A and B, and because of this more general concept
of duration ranging across worlds, in which the time N on A is analogous
to some time on B, there must be some broader plane on which the two
worlds share being: “And thus from the unity of time it appears plainly
that it would be impossible for many worlds to exist unless they constitute
one world.”22
This one, overarching world that could contain all possible worlds
must itself have a temporality that is a property of its substantial nature.
This Wyclif calls “duration,” which contains what we perceive as tem-
poral succession, as well as the aevitas defining the angelic existence, and
the eternal instant of divine being.23 Aristotle had argued that time relies
on movement to give it identity in Physics IV, but Scotus broke with tra-
dition by arguing that there can be time without motion, even without
the motion of the heavens.24 Wyclif, true to his realism, follows Scotus,
viewing time’s independence from motion as essential to its place among
the predicables. While our arrangement of time into hours, days, months,
and years may be dependent upon how we perceive time, time itself has
a nature, independent of our perception. Indeed, God understands any
time “by its instant number,” its individuating principle, which makes the
members of the species time distinct from individuals in aevitas or the sole
being in eternity.25
At the outset of his treatise, Wyclif asserts that time is individuated by
temporal instants, and he begins arguing for their indivisibility. The mag-
nitude of duration within the world, which he calls diurnitas, suggests that it
is the smallest possible mass, an unextended point. If a body moves in some
unit of duration, of whatever magnitude, or diurnitas, it remains the same
substance continuously. An essence can retain its constancy even without
the same body, as the same thing is first a caterpillar and then a butterfly.
So much the more for a universal form, or a number; humanity remains
a constant even as human beings come and go. A nonextended essence or
number is prior before it is extended in act, as is the smallest possible unit
of magnitude. Diurnitas is the principle of magnitude in the duration of
time, and it is what makes up “lastingness,” or duration, over temporal
succession. If diurnitas is the form that precedes extension in act, it must be
120 john wyclif

unified; so, too, must any of its instantiations in act be unified. Hence, time
is measured by the indivisible mass, or point, that instantiates the magni-
tude of time. There is a one-to-one correspondence of body to instant, then,
in which the body’s continuity persists from instant to instant, because the
body’s form is anterior to its material extension. For moving bodies, the
movement is itself composed of indivisible instants, and these correspond
directly with temporal instants.26
What Wyclif has in mind is a picture of time structured in the way we
watch movies. Each frame of the movie is in itself unified, a moment frozen
in time. From one frame to the next, the subject portrayed seems to move,
but in fact there is no movement distinct from the time in which it occurs,
or the succession of frames. On this analogy, God is the great director, view-
ing all created being through the medium of time, knowing each occur-
rence and each individual through its placement in individual frames of
the movie. This structure, Wyclif suggests, is more coherent than the one
in which there is no one-to-one correspondence of body to instant, for
there we are expected to believe that some accident of a substance might
have a greater reality than the substance itself. Wyclif throws this com-
ment off quickly, and moves back to the virtues of his own position, but this
statement bears closer examination. In the context, Wyclif appears to be
referring to an understanding of time and movement in which there are no
indivisibles, and a body moves continuously through two infinitely divisible
media. Here, the substance moving is finite, but it is moving across infi-
nitely divisible time and space. In holding this, “I have denied substance to
be equal to its duration and consequently some accident of a subject is great
which does not have a subject equally great, but equally lasting.” In itself,
the criticism points to a disparity in the Aristotelian scheme wherein the
accidents depend for their being on a substance. In a later chapter, Wyclif
is discussing the nature of indivisibles, and the question of persons arises.
Are persons indivisible? It does not lead to a contradiction to suppose that
several natures might be contained in one person, he reasons, given that
Christ had both a divine and a human nature, “but it is contradictory for
the same to be communicated as [the] same nature to many supposits, as is
clear elsewhere.” By “the same,” does Wyclif mean Christ? Thomson notes
in his catalog of Wyclif ’s Latin works that Wyclif seems to have had the
Eucharist on his mind in this work; these two comments can be construed
as supporting his thesis.27
 denying transubstantiation 121

Annihilation

Wyclif ’s rejection of the possibility of annihilation is another constant in

his thought, one he repeats tirelessly in his critiques of contemporary argu-
ments for transubstantiation. If he formulated it in response to extant
eucharistic theology, we would be justified in our suspicions that Wyclif had
harbored a grudge against transubstantiation for extraphilosophical reasons.
But the evidence suggests that he rejected annihilation as a possible physi-
cal option very early on. In the third part of De Logica, he considers anni-
hilation as a repellent consequence of misunderstanding the semantics of
“going to be” and “was being.” If we imagine the reality of “the sun is going
to rise” to be dependent upon time, and not upon the being of the sun, then
as time progresses, all things would continue to be made new, and creation
would be continual. This would mean that all substantial form would be
continually dissolving and resolving, “but it is impossible for something to
be recreated, and likewise it appears that nothing can be annihilated.”28
But surely if God can bring a thing into being from nothing, he can
likewise bring it back from being into the nothingness from which it came?
This is the question in De Potencia Productiva Dei ad Extra 12.29 It seems
that denying God’s ability to annihilate would limit omnipotence. But
annihilation is different from creation, and equally difficult to conceive
for a realist of Wyclif ’s bent. To undo creation, not by making a part of
it simply pass out of being in the usual way, through substantial corrup-
tion, but by eradicating the substance so that both form and matter cease
to be, has disastrous consequences for the being of the universals identified
with the substantial form in question. If it were simply the elimination of
one, isolated substantial composite of matter and form, it would be analo-
gous to replacing one number in a series of numbers with a zero. This, it
seems, is what Wyclif imagines his opponents to conceive. But because the
substantial form of any given thing enjoys an identity relation with the
universals it instantiates, dire consequences await the universals as well as
the particular substance. For example, the substance of a plant instantiates
the universal “rose” so that its form has identity with its universal. But the
universal rose is a species of a larger genus, “plant,” which is itself a species
of “animal” (by Aristotelian biology), and so on up to “substance” itself.
If the rose were annihilated, because of this identity, so would rose, plant,
and substance itself be annihilated: “God cannot annihilate any substance
122 john wyclif

unless He annihilate the whole created universe.”30 On our mathematical

analogy, annihilation would be multiplying the sum of a complex equation
by zero; not only do you turn the sum into zero, you also render to a nullity
the complexity on the other side of the equals sign.
At this point, Wyclif takes up the Eucharist and considers the possibility
of annihilation as a means of explaining transubstantiation. To imagine that
the substance of the bread is annihilated in its entirety is madness, because
the accidents are part of the substance, and they remain. So perhaps the
form of the bread itself, apart from the accidents, is annihilated? But this
cannot be, because then “bread” itself would cease to be, and so on up the
chain to “substance.” In fact, given that the universals have their being by
virtue of instantiating the divine ideas, Wyclif continues, destroying uni-
versals would entail destroying the contents of the divine mind as well,
and ultimately God himself: “A thing could not be annihilated unless God
as well as its ideal reason would cease to be; because each of these is essen-
tially the same as the remaining [subject annihilated], at least according
to intelligible being.”31 An important piece of the puzzle remains to be
considered: how can a change in the substantial form of a created being,
even one so radical as to involve its ceasing to be, bring about change in the
eternal divine ideas? Even given the conception of identity that Wyclif has
in mind, which allows for annihilation up the chain of universals, which
are created beings, how can he countenance such a radical jump from cre-
ated to uncreated being? We will see in the chapter on determinism that
Wyclif ’s conception of the reciprocal causality of divine knowing and cre-
ation provides the basis for arguing that God’s understanding is, to a certain
extent, caused by created being. It is likely that he had this in mind while he
argued against annihilation. Any theory accounting for transubstantiation
that depends upon it, as Ockham’s does, will fail; this, indeed, is the conclu-
sion that Wyclif would reach in De Eucharistia 3.

Wyclif ’s First Position:

A Mathematical Object

Wyclif never really constructed the kind of philosophically complex, logi-

cally coherent position about the Eucharist that thinkers like Aquinas,
Scotus, and Ockham did. Those topics that he felt he had fully grasped,
like universals and dominion relations, he fully described in the treatises
 denying transubstantiation 123

associated with them; his major treatise De Eucharistia, written in mid- to

late 1380, does not so much articulate a Wycliffian eucharistic theology as it
explores the problems plaguing the extant explanations of transubstantia-
tion. The other works that feature his eucharistic thought, including the
famed Confessio, either attest to the orthodoxy of his approach or, as in De
Eucharistia Conclusiones Duodecim (1381), describe points of disagreement
with his contemporaries. Had he arrived at a systematic understanding of
the sacrament at some point in his life, we could expect to see it carefully
espoused in Trialogus, but as we will see, his treatment of the subject there is
murky. It is possible that his intellectual reach exceeded his grasp regarding
the sacrament of the altar, and that while he imagined the possibility of a
coherent metaphysics of the Eucharist that didn’t involve transubstantia-
tion, he simply didn’t live to make the attempt.
Early in his career, Wyclif tackled questions about how the Aristotelian
predicables function in sentences, and how this helps us to understand the
nature of things in the world. As mentioned, his De Logica may not contain
much of interest to the historian of logic, but as a resource for understand-
ing his ontology, it is invaluable. When we say that a given thing is in a
particular place, when we predicate a location of a subject, we are making
certain claims about how things are related to their locations. For example,
the simple truth “two things cannot be in the same place at the same time”
seems clear enough. Something being in a particular place seems to involve
there not being the possibility that something else is in that exact place in the
same way. We might both be in a given field, for instance, but it’s probably
big enough for you to be in one particular part of it and me to be in another
with room to spare. “For as the logicians say, every body of the world is in
the same place, broadly construed, and all bodies are however much dis-
tinct in their particular places.”32 But what about the monumental prob-
lems attendant upon Christ being in the same place as the consecrated host,
and about Christ being in a number of places at once? While advocates of
transubstantiation may believe that the former problem is easily addressed
by having Christ’s substance occupy the same location as the bread’s acci-
dents, how can Christ be on all of those altars across Christendom? And
what of Holcot’s example of two masses being said in the same cathedral,
with one priest a step behind the other?
Being in a place, Wyclif explains, can be understood in three ways.
First, just as a king is in a kingdom where his power lies, so one can be in a
place insofar as one’s power extends there. Second, just as a king is said to
124 john wyclif

be everywhere when present in his hall, by which he has actual knowing

of everything going on in it and is present to every point in it, so one can
be in a place insofar as one’s presence is immediate. Third, when one is fill-
ing up a given place with one’s physical being, one is essentially in a given
place. We can be certain that Christ, insofar as he is the second person of
the Trinity, is everywhere in all three senses. And it is likewise certain
that he is present everywhere in the first two senses insofar as he is the
incarnate word. But the corporeal quantity and quality corresponding to
the incarnate Christ is not present in the Eucharist; it is in heaven, whence
it ascended centuries ago. Those who would say that Christ is present in
quantity and quality in the Eucharist, just as he is extended in bodily pres-
ence in heaven, open themselves to many complex problems, Wyclif notes.
As for him, it is likely that every part correspondent to Christ is in the
Eucharist, without specific position, figure, or quantity, just as the human-
ity of Christ is not concomitantly everywhere existing in the second person
of the Trinity, although it is the same person. Still, the consecrated host
does not cease to be bread:

[B]ut it remains one body serving as subject to the accidents of the bread,
which I call an abstract mathematical body. Just as a substance is first
not a being more than it is a something, so the bread first in its nature
is a body more than it is bread. . . . And thus the same being, which
first is bread, remains a body under this degree of general quiddity, but
it does not remain purely the body of Christ, nor pure bread, but the
bread is converted into the body of Christ, because the bread remains
the body of Christ sacramentally, existing under those accidents under
which formally it was bread.33

What Wyclif means by “mathematical body” is not terribly clear. Perhaps

he envisions the body in question as like a set containing even numbers.
Set P could contain 2, 6, 10 at one point, and 4, 8, 12 at another point, and
at both points be accurately described as “P, the set containing even num-
bers.” Correspondingly, the body that started off as bread need not cease to
be what it was, namely, a body, on being converted into the body of Christ.
Wyclif knows that he has veered into dangerous waters and immediately
follows with a disclaimer: “Because this matter is irrelevant here, I do not
treat it further, but I expect a determination to treat of the special quiddity
of this sacrament remaining to the senses. An accident is just as any crea-
ture is a substance, because otherwise it would be a sensory illusion.”
 denying transubstantiation 125

Better to continue by talking about how two things can be in the same
place at the same time; a thing that is at once corporeal and spiritual is said
to be located equivocally. As Grosseteste said, the soul is more truly with
that of which it is desirous than where it provides form, and in this way,
Wyclif continues, we speak about visual abilities. When the sensible species
of something appears in a medium that causes it to be multiplied through-
out the medium, as when something appears in a mirror, and is reflected
again in another mirror, the image of the thing reflected can be said to be
present to the vision of one seeing the thing in the mirror. When I look
at my back in a mirror in a clothing store, I do not see my back; I see an
image of my back with clarity, and I see the color and shape of the mirror
confusedly. Characteristically, Wyclif returns to the example that haunts
him: “In this sensible way is the body of Christ in the Eucharist, but not
extensively. And so it is not right that the same [body of Christ] be moved,
but that it be multiplied, as it is here [in the mirror example].”
That Christ is present in the Eucharist as an image is in a mirror is as
near to a positive assertion of how Wyclif understands the sacrament as
we are likely to get. Heather Phillips has argued that we ought not under-
estimate this imagery from a philosopher given to enthusiastic use of the
science of optics in his philosophical reasoning.34 She points out that he
gives exactly the same explanation several times throughout De Eucharistia,
as here in chapter 5:

[T]he pious philosopher says that a body has intentional being through
a medium which receives its species, spiritual being in the soul through
the consideration of the soul, without being moved there. Why can it not
be thus of the sacramental being which the body of Christ has in the host
by virtue imparted to the host, without being moved there locally?35

Indeed, in his Postilla, Wyclif says much the same thing in his comments
on 1 Corinthians 10:

It could be said, then, if it pleases the satraps, that the bread and wine
remain, and every particle of the body of Christ is sacramentally mul-
tiplied to every one of their points. Nor is this inconvenient for God,
because according to another perspective the sensible body is multiplied
through every distance, where it is perceived, therefore the body of
Christ has a certain being under the sacrament, but not a dimensional
one, nor is it perceptibly there as a quantum or quality, nor is it there
a non-quantum, but it is there a non-quantum there.36
126 john wyclif

This again appears in Trialogus IV.9, following which he explains again

the need for care in predicating place:

So the body of Christ is to every point of the world, since the power of
this body perfects any part of the world more than a terrestrial king
can perfect any part of his kingdom. Nevertheless it is believed, that the
body of Christ is in another way largely in the consecrated host, since it
would be habitudinally the same as the host, and by reason of [its] power
and of virtual existence it is otherwise to any of its points. And it is clear
that according to this two-fold reason the body of Christ is in the place
of the consecrated host.37

One could be forgiven for supposing that Wyclif has formulated a clear
philosophical explanation for the Eucharist to counter transubstantiation;
after all, he uses this mirror analogy repeatedly throughout his career. But
making an analogy is one thing, and constructing a philosophical account is
quite another. One could as easily dismiss any thorny problem in Christian
theology with a handy analogy. The real heavy lifting comes in explaining
the analogy. If Christ is to bread as an image is to mirror, what is to stop
us from freezing that image on the glass, as in a daguerreotype, and mak-
ing the claim that just as Christ is really present in the bread, so Abraham
Lincoln is really present in the picture I have of him on the wall? Of course,
Wyclif recognized this, and while he continued to use the example until he
died, he seems to have realized that he needed substantially more early on,
at least by Easter Sunday 1378, when he preached on Mark 16:2.
Beginning from a discussion of the appearance of the risen Christ, he
distinguishes between our perception of Christ in the host with our vision
and with our mind, and asserts that the Christian perceives “by faith that
the fullness of the body of Christ, and the blood and the soul, is from its
integrity to every point of this sacrament.” But how this takes place has
given rise to erroneous theorizing, “some supposing that the bread is the
body of Christ, some that the bread becomes and will be the body of Christ,
some that the bread is converted into the body of Christ through the drain-
ing away of the bread in some of its parts.” All of this should be swept away
as useless theorizing: “It is enough that a Christian believe that the body
of Christ is in some spiritual, sacramental way present to every point of
the consecrated host.” In the mirror of the world, Christ appears to every
point as a full likeness, which one sees in one place, and another somewhere
else: “If a created nature can make itself or its likeness to be multiplied,
 denying transubstantiation 127

according to intentional being, to every point of a given medium or mirror,

it is simple for uncreated nature to make a body of its supposit to be sacra-
mentally throughout every part of the perceptible sacrament.”38
Wyclif makes a final attempt to clarify the situation by using Lombard’s
threefold distinction involving the sacrament and “thing”:

[There is] the sacrament alone as the consecrated host, as theologians

call the sacrament and not the “thing,” second in this sacrament there is
the body of the Lord, which is at once sacrament and “thing,” and third
in this sacrament there is grace as God gives through rightly taking this
venerable sacrament, and this is the “thing” and not the sacrament; and
so it is necessary to understand the sacrament and not the “thing” as
consecrated host, sacrament and “thing” as the body of the Lord, and
the “thing” and not-sacrament as grace.39

Wyclif is following Lombard’s approach here, matching up sacrament-

and-not-thing to the consecrated host (although, significantly, Lombard
refers to it as “the visible appearance of the bread and wine”), sacrament-
and-thing to the body of Christ (“Christ’s proper flesh and blood” in
Lombard), but he departs from the master by identifying thing-and-
not-sacrament as the grace given by the sacrament, where Lombard
describes this as “His mystical flesh.” This is consonant with general
practice, for Aquinas describes it similarly: “We can consider three things
in this sacrament: namely, that which is sacrament only, and this is the
bread and wine; that which is both reality and sacrament, to wit, Christ’s
true body; and lastly that which is reality only, namely, the effect of this
sacrament.”40
Wyclif seems not yet ready to turn from the scholastic model of the
Eucharist. Henri de Lubac noted that Lombard drastically changed the
conception of the church’s relation to the Eucharist. In the patristic vision,
the church is the “true body,” while the Eucharist is the “mystical body,” but
by the eleventh century the emphasis had switched, and the Eucharist was
the “real body” on the altar, present in the “mystical body” of the church.
Lombard’s use of “mystical body” to mean the church, de Lubac explains,
made a “real Church” reliant upon a “real Eucharist,” emphasizing the
need for scientific exactitude regarding the ontology of the central sacra-
ment.41 Had Wyclif been ready to start a revolution, he would have identi-
fied sacrament-and-thing as Christ’s mystical body, not as the generic “body
of the Lord,” which can be interpreted either way.
128 john wyclif

Denying Transubstantiation
by Process of Elimination

Wyclif ’s De Eucharistia is most notable for its critical analysis of the extant
theories of transubstantiation of Scotus, Aquinas, and, in a different con-
text, Ockham. His rejection of Ockham’s position is based primarily in
his refutation of the possibility of annihilation. Wyclif addresses Scotus by
exploring how one says that the soul and the body of Christ are, at the same
time, in many places at once. The Scotist approach, based as it is on the
assertion that a thing can be whole in several places at once, would allow us
to conclude that God could make it possible that someone other than Christ
be multiplied across time and space. Importing God’s absolute power into
creation to allow for the multiplication of Christ effectively undercuts all
laws of God’s ordinate command, Wyclif argues, and can as easily be used
to allow that two contraries coexist. Does the need for transubstantiation to
be true go so far as to violate the idea that God’s absolute power would not
surpass the laws of logic? Further, multiplying any being, even a point of
space, would eliminate the coherence of time and space, the dependability
of the senses in accurately measuring the world, and the way we use terms
to explain reality:

Every man would be dizzy, not knowing how to discern sensible things—
and all of this error was born in the lying story of the sacrament of the
altar! . . . there are a thousand such instances disturbing the church, all of
which are dependent upon, or are based in, the most impossible fantasy
and occasion of heresy introduced by the sacrament of the Eucharist.42

The key here seems to lie in Wyclif ’s conception that all continua are com-
posed of indivisibles, because if there are infinitely many possible places
between any two given places, as Scotus would have asserted, there would
be room for the insertion of something new without destroying the cohe-
sion of time and space. Wyclif ’s atomism compels him to declare Scotus’s
theory of conversio guilty of the introduction of skepticism; but with infi-
nitely divisible continua, there is room for change without the peril of illu-
sion causing us to doubt our every step.
Aquinas’s conception of transubstantiation requires an understanding of
change over time, and seems to be the place where atomism plays the most
important role in Wyclif ’s eucharistic thought. If time really is divided in
discrete units, continuous motion seems impossible, while if our senses are
 denying transubstantiation 129

correct, and continuous motion is real, time must also be similarly continu-
ous, and infinitely divisible. But because time is naturally prior to motion,
Wyclif reasons, there is no need to justify time to continuous motion by
admitting it to be continuous. Wyclif is making use of an innovation of
Scotus here; Scotus had argued for the priority of time to motion in a signifi-
cant break with Aristotelian physics, likely reacting to the 1277 condemna-
tion of the proposition “if heaven stood still, fire would not burn flax, because
time would not exist.” He is likewise in direct opposition to Ockham, for
whom time and movement are directly related, such that movement is what
allows us to define time. Wyclif reads Aquinas’s Sentences Commentary IIa,
d.3, q.25, as recognizing the possibility of indivisibles in time, thereby sup-
porting a model of time made up of indivisibles in the midst of an otherwise
infinitely divisible continuum, rather like pebbles caught in concrete. But
why have both? “God could annihilate every continuum of this sensible
world while preserving every one of its [indivisible] points . . . and it is clear
that there would be a temporal continuum just as there is a permanent spa-
tial continuum, yet time would be composed of instants.”43 Simply, if God
could ensure motion across time defined by indivisibles, why hold onto the
idea of an infinitely divisible temporal continuum? Wyclif concludes that
Aquinas gave in to the laws of man here and bent his theory of time to suit
the desires of his ecclesiastical superiors: “Who would believe this of such
a man?” It looks very much as if Wyclif is hinting that Aquinas would
have been more favorably inclined toward atomism than his followers had
wanted him to be. Wyclif is probably goading later Thomists, whom he
appears to have believed were using Aquinas for their own purposes.44
Piecing together Wyclif ’s temporal atomism and its relation to his rejec-
tion of the Thomistic version of transubstantiation will require a full
understanding of the contents of De Tempore, which he wrote twelve years
prior. The best we can do here is reason through the problem. Let us follow
Aristotle in holding that the accidents we perceive depend on some under-
lying substantial being. Up to time 1, that substantial being is bread. At
time 2, that substantial being is Christ. The use of “x” is a temporal place-
holder, and contains no ontological assumptions beyond what is given.

1.A. Assume that, at time 1, x is bread at a point n on the altar; this is

the last instant of the substance being bread.
1.B. At time 2, x is the body of Christ at point n on the altar; this is the
first instant of the substance being Christ.
130 john wyclif

2. For any given substance to exist at a given time, it cannot both

have and not have a given substantial nature. It cannot both be
and not be bread.
2.A. For instantaneous change to occur, there must be an underly-
ing subject of this change; it is not sufficient for instantaneous
change that one thing cease to be in a given place and some-
thing else begin to be in the same place at the same time.
3. Either there is, or there is not, an intermediate time N, between
time 1 and time 2.
Now, assume that time is composed of indivisibles.
3.A. If there is an intermediate time N, then either x is bread and
not Christ, or x is Christ and not bread, or x is both bread and
Christ, or x is neither bread nor Christ.
3.A.i. If at time N, x is bread and not Christ, then 1.A is false.
3.A.ii. If at time N, x is Christ and not bread, then 1.B is false.
3.A.iii. If at time N, x is both bread and Christ, then 2 is false.
3.A.iv. At time N, x must then be neither Christ nor bread. This
would make accidents without a supporting substance, which is
impossible.
3.B. If there is no intermediate time N, then the conversion of bread
to substance is instantaneous.
Therefore, if you are an indivisiblist, you must hold that the change is
instantaneous.
4. If time is infinitely divisible, then instantaneous change
between time 1 and time 2 will permit the continuation of the
accidents despite the conversion, because there will always be
a possible time in which the first substance is ceasing to be and
the second substance is beginning to be. This is the potentially
gradual change model.
5. If time is composed of indivisible points, and if there is no time
N, and the change is instantaneous, then,
5.A. there is no point at which x ceases to be bread and begins to be
Christ, and nothing underlies the change. If x were substantial,
this problem would not arise, given that “beginning to be” and
“ceasing to be” are predicated of only one subject. But since x
is only a temporal placeholder, there is nothing to serve as an
underlying supporter of the change; “beginning to be” and
“ceasing to be” cannot be predicated of a substanceless bundle
of accidents.
 denying transubstantiation 131

Therefore, instantaneous change is only possible if there is an underlying

substance to experience that change.
Conclusion: The change from bread to Christ is only possible on a model
of time entailing its infinite divisibility. So given that (a) Wyclif had earlier
established that time is composed of indivisible instants, and (b) Aquinas
appears to have entertained the same idea as a live possibility, it follows,
for Wyclif anyway, that Aquinas may have recognized the limits of his
doctrine, even if his followers lack the capability.

Apostasy, Blasphemy, and Antichrist

Wyclif ’s denial of transubstantiation was to be the crucial factor in deter-

mining his relations with the friars, the bishops, and possibly the Duke of
Lancaster for the remaining years of his life. His public assertion that the
standing philosophical explanations for the doctrine were untenable in the
treatise De Eucharistia in mid- to late 1380 cast the die. The sharpening
in tone of his reformulation of his critiques is notable; he began with cor-
dial academic dissatisfaction in De Apostasia, probably written just after De
Eucharistia, and slid into bitter recrimination in De Blasphemia, likely writ-
ten in the teeth of his colleagues’ condemnation. This condemnation, the
result of a committee of twelve theologians’ analysis of his position, was the
basis for his Confessio, Wyclif ’s public defense of his eucharistic position,
which was delivered on 10 May 1381. He appears to have promised John
of Gaunt that he would stop using the terms “substance of material bread
and wine” outside of the classrooms around this time, possibly as the result
of a visit the duke made to Oxford.45 While he may have stuck to the letter
of his promise by not using those specific words, Wyclif was by no means
silent about the Eucharist. Transubstantiation’s philosophical problems,
and the errors of its defenders, appear frequently in his later works.
The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth books of his Summa Theologie make up
a trilogy of sin, one for each of the three persons of the Trinity. De Simonia,
written in early 1380, is ostensibly devoted to the selling of ecclesiastical
office, which Wyclif describes as a sin against the Holy Spirit. De Apostasia
concerns the turning away from religion, a sin against the Father, and
De Blasphemia concerns the slander of God’s power, a sin against the Son:
And thus in this threefold way is the entire Trinity offended: by apos-
tasy, God the Father, who binds the bride of Christ strongly to himself
132 john wyclif

with a pure and spotless religion; God the Son, who, since he is the virtue
and wisdom of God, is daily blasphemed . . . God the Holy Spirit, who,
although by his great benevolence he wisely establishes a peaceful order
in his house, is thwarted by simoniacal corruption contrary to his plan.46

This catalog of sin, a project he had envisioned since finishing De Veritate

Sacrae Scripturae two years earlier, encompasses the range of evils that
Wyclif had come to see bedeviling the church: selling office, papal tyranny,
episcopal negligence, clerical ignorance, and the lies and malpractice of the
friars each receive their share of Wyclif ’s polemical ire. The doctrine of
transubstantiation figures as a perfect example of the lies with which the
hierarchy manipulates the good will of the faithful.
Transubstantiation is a sign of apostasy in that the fathers, including
Jerome, Augustine, and John Damascene, refer to Christ’s presence in the
bread; if the bread is annihilated, how could he be in it? The great mis-
take, Wyclif explains, was made by Innocent III, when he asserted that
the accidents of the bread remain without the bread’s substance. Neither
God nor man can make accidents without a subject, and no pope should be
believed who does not speak with the guidance of the Holy Ghost, or foun-
dation in scripture. Why would the Holy Ghost have waited more than a
thousand years, for this pope’s appearance, to make such an astounding
revelation? After all, this is the same pope who levied a tax of 900 marks on
England: are we to believe that all that Innocent did and said was de facto
correct? In the first millennium, heretics abounded, but the great teachers
of the church consistently uncovered their lies. Nowadays, lying seems to be
increasingly acceptable: “A certain teacher, whose religion should, accord-
ing to the truth, lie securely locked away, publicly dogmatized on behalf of
the father of lies in the Oxford schools, [saying] that in many cases it is licit
and meritorious to lie.”47 The line of reasoning illustrates the structure of
Wyclif ’s argument in De Apostasia and in many of the works that would
follow. In many cases, the argument trails off into vituperative digression
and rant, until Wyclif comes to himself and returns to the subject at hand.
In this case, the argument comes to rest on the impossibility of the multipli-
cation of Christ’s body. His arguments do not differ markedly from those
given earlier, and while describing Christ’s figurative perceptibility in the
sacrament as being like seeing a coal burning without wondering whether
it is stone or wood, he does not make the analogy between the host and a
mirror reflecting Christ.
 denying transubstantiation 133

When he is not careful, Wyclif allows himself to slide from serious argu-
ment into ridicule, giving some sense of what it must have been like to
listen to him lecture when he was in high spirits. For example, later in
De Apostasia, while engaged in a catalog of theological authorities whose
thought would unweave the web of authority supporting transubstantia-
tion, he wanders into a discussion of papal authority. Many popes are too
quick to allow themselves to use their power for their own ends, he com-
plains, and they may even veer into madness:

The pope could fall into such a madness as to believe that the entire rest
of the world depends on his willing, in temporal as much as in spiritual
things . . . so that the church cannot be governed without it, so that not
only all sublunar corporeal bodies, but even all spiritual gifts, like grace
and the virtues, depend on him. This is as blasphemous as to believe
that the body of Christ is, in its nature, as imperfect as rat feces. The rat
is a melancholic animal, and the madness of philosophers grows from
melancholy; Magog is read in Genesis as having been the son of Joseph,
whose generation is said to have occupied the western territory, where
melancholy reigns.48

Comments like these certainly lead the reader to regard his continual avow-
als of willingness to be corrected by ecclesiastical authority with skepticism.
Given that the doctrine of transubstantiation is about Christ’s presence
in created being, it would be natural to expect the book assigned to sins
against God the Son to be devoted to more of the same. De Blasphemia
has a wider scope than De Apostasia, though; blasphemy is a detraction
from the honor due to God, in particular, when we attribute honor to
creatures which are due to God alone. Adoring the host is one aspect of
blasphemy, but so is honoring a man as one ought to submit oneself to
God. All are part of too great an allegiance to temporal, mutable things and
too little thought given to the spiritual. The triumph of Satan has turned
men’s minds from their spiritual welfare and toward fascination with the
mundane. His daughters, hypocrisy and tyranny, have enchanted men:
“And just as the thorny briar and the poisonous herb grows out of the earth
and perchance flourishes, despite many attempts to root them out, so it is
with the words of hypocrisy and tyranny.”49 The ecclesiastical hierarchy,
from pope down to verger, is as likely to be infected with this tendency as
any secular organization. And thus the treatise launches into the indict-
ment of clerical corruption, the misuse of office, and the priestly neglect of
134 john wyclif

the spiritual needs of the people that characterizes many of Wyclif ’s later
works. In De Blasphemia, foisting off bread as the body of the Savior is but
one of the ploys that clergymen use in furthering their worldly aims, albeit
one of the more pernicious ones.
Wyclif reiterated his eucharistic theology during the remaining six
years of his life, attacking transubstantiation in De Fide Sacramenti (a por-
tion of which was translated into English perhaps a year after its composi-
tion), in Trialogus, and finally in the section of Opus Evangelicum entitled
De Antichristo.50 The Opus Evangelicum is an extended commentary on
three selections from the Gospels; the first, Matthew 5–7, on the Sermon
on the Mount, is followed by De Antichristo, an exegesis on Matthew 23–25
and John 13–17. His criticism of transubstantiation here is a summary of his
earlier arguments against the doctrine, interlarded with vituperative com-
ments like “if these lying disciples of Antichrist would have us believe that
they annihilate substance when they bless it, perhaps we should ask rather
that they curse us at the benediction.”51 Still, he does not shy away from
discussions of the need for distinctions in kinds of identity and predication
in understanding the force of “this is my body,” repeatedly reminding his
reader of the arguments he made in De Eucharistia and De Apostasia.
Scholars have long argued about the relation of Wyclif ’s eucharistic
theology and his metaphysics, some holding that there is an important tie
between the two, others denying one. In arguing against this connection,
Maurice Keen has suggested that Wyclif was angrier with the clerical abuse
of a sacrament than with the ontological twisting the abuse involved, and
that he was angriest of all about how the “followers of Antichrist” misused
scripture to their own ends. In arguing for a connection, Gordon Leff has
held that Wyclif ’s realist system was the beginning point for an unavoid-
able collision with the ontologies that admitted transubstantiation. While
the intent of this chapter has been to show the tie between Wyclif ’s atom-
ism and his eucharistic theology, his overall position on the subject involves
scriptural hermeneutics as much as philosophy, and granting pride of place
to either “theology” or “philosophy” misdirects the force of Wyclif ’s thought.
Throughout his writings, he insisted that “the logic of Christ” is the proper
instrument with which to read scripture and to understand any theological
position. In this case of the Christ being asserted to be present in the elements
of a sacrament, the eternal word’s presence to those taking the sacrament
is at issue, and in Christ there is no room for an either-or relation between
theology and philosophy.52

5

the logic of scripture

Medieval thinkers who achieved the doctorate in theology had to have

completed a sustained commentary on the Sententiae of Peter Lombard.
In the course of that commentary, if his philosophical and theological posi-
tion were sufficiently indicative of some species of phronesis, the theologian
might eventually come to be known by a cognomen tailor-made for him.
Henry of Ghent was known as doctor solemnis, Thomas Bradwardine
as doctor profundus, Bonaventure was referred to as the seraphic doc-
tor, Scotus was called, not surprisingly, the subtle doctor, and Aquinas
was known both as angelic doctor and doctor communis. Wyclif ’s zeal to
emphasize the centrality of scripture in his philosophy and theology led
him to be known as doctor evangelicus—although “detestable heresiarch”
also became common.1
This dichotomy, in which one man is known both for his enthusiasm
for scripture in philosophical theology and for having been condemned as
heretical in the eyes of the Catholic church, has led many to associate Wyclif ’s
scriptural theology with the biblical emphasis of the early Protestants. The
radically Protestant John Bale even coined the epithet “morning star of the
Reformation” for Wyclif in 1548. This association has guaranteed Wyclif ’s
place in a class with other figures anachronistically defined by events that
took place decades, if not centuries, after their deaths. Wyclif ’s approach
to scripture is typically medieval in hermeneutical approach, of a piece

135
136 john wyclif

with the traditional Augustinian quadriga, or four-level reading of scrip-

ture. Here, the reader looks for four interrelated, yet distinct, senses within
each scriptural proposition in an interpretive tradition stretching across
Christian history. The four-level approach was endorsed in the earliest
period of the church by Origen, formalized by Augustine in De Doctrina
Christiana (397, 426 ce), and institutionalized in Western Christendom in
the ninth century with the Carolingian revival.2
By the fourteenth century, Robert Holcot argued that natural reason
and scripture were sufficiently disparate to warrant considering questions
pertinent to unaided reason without reference to scripture. Wyclif ’s posi-
tion, likely formulated in response to Holcot’s influence, was to argue for
the centrality of scripture to all human experience. His De Veritate Sacrae
Scripturae (1377–1378) emphasizes the need for the reader to understand
scripture’s proper logic, or hermeneutical structure. Wyclif ’s well-known
connection with the first English translation of the Bible, his earlier Postilla
(1371–1376), a comprehensive summary of both Old and New Testaments
meant to give students a sense of the order and structure of scripture,
his later, extensive commentaries on Matthew and John in the Opus
Evangelicum (1383–1384), and his many surviving Latin sermons all point
to the centrality of scripture. With this kind of orientation, it is tempting
to envision Wyclif as having foreseen Reformation ideals. Until recently,
many of the vernacular sermons associated with the Lollard movement
were assumed to be Wyclif ’s. Thomas Arnold published three volumes of
vernacular writings entitled The English Works of John Wyclif (1869, 1871),
and in 1902 F. D. Matthew revised his 1880 edition of The English Works of
Wyclif Hitherto Unprinted, but by the 1970s Anne Hudson had established
that none of these could be attributed to Wyclif with any certainty. By the
time Hudson’s argument had been promulgated, the scholarly wind had
shifted, and Wyclif was no longer universally seen as a proto-Reformer.
Heiko Oberman has argued that Holcot’s approach to scripture, which
emphasizes the need for faith to overcome the skepticism to which unas-
sisted reason is prone, is important for understanding the development of
Reformation thought.3 As we will see, Wyclif ’s approach is, in comparison
to Holcot’s, much more thoroughly medieval.
But if we discard the Reformation lens through which some have exam-
ined Wyclif ’s extensive works on scripture, what should we use instead?
Simply to describe a “theology of scripture” without reference to other
 the logic of scripture 137

elements of a thinker’s philosophical theology is shortsighted. Who would

venture to describe Aquinas’s scriptural hermeneutic without relying on
his formal theology? How could we understand Augustine’s assertion in
De Doctrina Christiana that all instruction is about either signs or things,
without a grasp of his epistemology? It is the same with Wyclif. In De
Veritate Sacrae Scripturae (DVSS), he describes the relation of the spoken
and written word of the Bible in all its physical instantiations to its univer-
sal, the “Book of Life” of Revelation 20 and 21. This book, Wyclif explains,
containing all uncreated truth, became incarnate in Jesus. Citing John
10:35–36, “and the Scripture cannot be destroyed, whom the Father sancti-
fied and sent into the world,” Wyclif reasons, “[f ]rom these words he seems
to imply that he is the truth itself, when Christ had been established and
became a human being. . . . God the Father sent this book into the world in
order to save the world.”4
Wyclif begins DVSS by arguing against sophists who would subject
scripture to logical analysis. They are sophomoric fools who would be so
bold as to exclaim, “Look how you were proven to have contradicted your-
self! Today I learned in the lecture halls to concede that there are contra-
dictions found within the sacred page.” He was one once, he says, but now
knows that apparent contradictions in scripture should educate its readers
in a more subtle revelation of truth than a literal reading affords: “One
must learn a new grammar and a new logic when attempting to explicate
or understand Holy Scripture.”5 Holcot had come to a similar conclusion
thirty years earlier, in his Sentences Commentary, when he faced the incom-
patibility between Aristotelian logic and the persons of the Trinity. He
concluded that there are really two logics: Aristotle’s, which applies to the
natural world, and a higher one, applicable to the supernatural order. As
mentioned in chapter 2, Holcot’s view developed and led him to concur,
with Ockham, Wodeham, and others, that while God could not be the sub-
ject of an expository syllogism, Aristotle’s logic was not thereby restricted
to the natural order. Aristotle’s logic and grammar are universally appli-
cable, but where they appear to cause scripture to be untenable, they must
be understood to be only human constructs. Still, Holcot’s commitment was
to the separation of theology from the other sciences. This was because its
first principles are not things evident to any reasoning mind, as they are in
the natural sciences, but things taken on faith.6 Wyclif ’s argument seems a
response to Holcot’s position, which would have been well known in the
138 john wyclif

Oxford of his day. Philosophers, Wyclif responds, are devoted to what is

true, and must reject the false:

Now a philosopher is described as a lover of prudence, though it is evi-

dent that nobody is a philosopher inasmuch as he lapses into error. For
then he is a fool who hates prudence or wisdom, the very opposites of
falsehood. Therefore, the greatest philosopher is none other than Christ,
Wisdom itself, our God. Consequently, it is by following and studying
Him that we too become philosophers, while in learning various false-
hoods we are straying from philosophy insofar as we drift away from the
authentic understanding of the saints, who are the true philosophers.7

Even before engaging in the reasoning that Holcot used to separate out
what is tenable to the human mind lacking faith from what is theologically
grounded, Wyclif argues, one must proceed on the assumption that all of
our reasoning has its basis in the authority of Christ. This is Augustine’s
approach, and Wyclif ’s admiration for it is as enthusiastic as is his antipathy
toward those who would sidestep its dedication to scripture’s centrality in
all reasoning: “In every case I am in conformity with both the logic and the
metaphysics of Augustine, which are all the more excellent for belonging to
Holy Scripture, the very first rule of all human perfection.”8 Anselm, Hugh
of St. Victor, Bernard, and Grosseteste are his authorities, and, he con-
tinues, they would certainly have agreed. Scripture is the source of every
valid system of logic and the eternal source of truth in creation. To under-
stand it, one must recognize that it has its own all-encompassing logic, and
devote oneself to learning it. And if there is a real connection between Holy
Scripture and the Christ himself, this logic of scripture must be tied to the
nature of the incarnation somehow. So, in this chapter, we will pursue this
connection between hermeneutics and incarnational theology.

The Law of Love

His moderni colleagues would have regarded Wyclif ’s identification of

scripture with Christ as reactionary at best, if not ludicrous. For Holcot,
the Bible is a text. It is the revealed holy text of salvation, but like the clas-
sical sources he delights in using to develop his commentary on the book
of Wisdom, it remains a text. To identify it with the being of the second
person of the Trinity in some ontological sense would be bibliolatrous. Why
 the logic of scripture 139

would Wyclif make such a case for equating Christ’s nature with the Bible?
By 1378, when he was at work on DVSS, he suggests that the case has been
made: “I have often said that the entire Holy Scripture is the one word of
God, and that every one of its parts should be condensed into the totality
of that Word in whom the blessed in heaven see the multitude of truths
spoken by God.”9 He had argued this way at least as early as 1372 in De
Benedicta Incarnacione, when he considered the unlikelihood of a dissolu-
tion of the union of God and man in Christ. Following John 10:35–36 (as
it appears in the Vulgate: “ ‘Scripture,’ He said, ‘cannot be dissolved, which
the Father blessed and sent into the world’ ”), Wyclif reasoned that Christ
cannot mean the physical books themselves, because they can be destroyed
just like anything else. What the Father has blessed and sent into the world is
the incarnate word, and Christ’s words are self-referential.10 He carried this
relation between Bibles and Christ further, explaining that Bibles are sugges-
tive of a hypostatic union themselves. They are a union of the divine word
and parchment, just as Christ was the word made flesh. This does not mean
that we should worship Bibles, though. The material book is no more scrip-
ture than Jesus’ body was the Christ when it lay dead in the tomb.
Robert Grosseteste’s influence on Wyclif resonates in the idea that
Christ’s centrality to the very being of the Bible emerges as we trace the
evolution of God’s covenant with humanity. Grosseteste had written two
treatises central to his formal theology in the 1230s. In De Decem Mandatis,
Grosseteste gives a pastoral analysis of the Ten Commandments, with a
central focus on the implicit command to love God and our neighbors. The
accompanying, longer De Cessatione Legalium contains his account of the
evolution of the divine law given to man, from the Mosaic code of cer-
emony and behavior to the law of Christ, through which salvation is possible.
In both treatises, the development of law from commands given to subjects
to a code of love depends on the incarnation, in particular the passion and
resurrection. So, if scripture is the record containing this evolution of law,
Christ occupies the foremost position. Grosseteste explains in De Decem
Mandatis that love lies at the heart of all the teachings and laws of scripture,
citing Matthew 7:12 (“All things therefore whatsoever you would that men
should do to you, do you also to them. For this is the law and the prophets”):
“In these brief words the Lord gave the law of love, from which alone hang
all the laws and commands of the prophets.”11 In De Cessatione, Grosseteste
describes Christ’s primacy as lawgiver to all of humanity, as both the living
word of God and the perfect exemplar of the law of love: “So then with all
140 john wyclif

works of the good the Word is the eternal principle, just as was written [in
the prologue to De Decem Mandatis]: the foundation of all works [is] the
Word. For the life and the form of everything exterior to the Word that
proceeds by ordained, loving cognition, is the eternal Word of the Father
Jesus Christ.”12 Here, he distinguishes himself by arguing that the incarna-
tion would have occurred even without sin. As he had explained in his
Hexamaeron, his commentary on the creation, it was the necessary conclu-
sion to creation, completing the Neoplatonic return of all being to God:
“But when God became a human being, the God-man shared in a nature
with the rational creature in a univocal way, and the making of the circle
was perfect, and the circular return to God was joined up.”13 With this,
Grosseteste shifts the Christological emphasis on redemption from sin to
cosmological completion, allowing him to emphasize the “law of love” as
what binds the elements of creation. This motif lies at the center of Wyclif ’s
prolonged study of the law of scripture as the purpose for a revealed body
of truth.
Wyclif wrote De Mandatis Divinis, a treatise grounded firmly in these
two works of Grosseteste, in early 1376. Here, he takes this theme of Christ’s
loving command as the basis for all of the laws and teachings of scripture
and develops it as the basis for understanding his relation of Christ to scrip-
ture. Contained within every word of scripture, Wyclif argues, is an under-
lying truth that was known before the Fall. Now, because of our damaged
faculties, it must be written: love of God is our first and final duty, which
when carried out, will unite all creatures in harmonious concord. The
core of De Mandatis Divinis is five chapters that he calls “the more pleasant
treatise on love,” a development of Grosseteste’s discussion of love in De
Decem Mandatis. Wyclif argues that the command to love God with all your
heart, soul, mind, and strength of Deuteronomy 6:5–9, echoed in Matthew
22:37–40, is the primary rule for all created being, the foundational precept
for all human endeavor, and the chief scriptural truth. All of the virtues
that Aristotle describes, as well as the theological virtues, have the com-
mand to love God as their necessary condition. Without this absolute sub-
mission of the self to God, a right ordering to the rest of created being is
impossible. Our first urge, he explains, is to know that which we are created
to love, so more than anything, we need knowledge of God. God may be
comprehended, and so loved, in three ways. The blessed receive intuitive
awareness in paradise, philosophers achieve a discursive awareness through
philosophical reasoning, and the simple Christian gains God through simple
 the logic of scripture 141

faith. The infidel, who balks at elevating the mind to a love of that which
surpasses empirical evidence, cannot hope to lead a properly ordered life.
His virtuous behavior is accidental at best.
Naturally, Wyclif takes this opportunity for a riposte at the moderni,
who reject the possibility of theological knowledge of God grounded in cre-
ated being, and at the Thomists and Scotists, who reject illuminatio as the
basis for understanding God. Regarding the latter, who think that theology
is possible from the created order, Wyclif suggests that their way, taken in
itself, has limited value:

But since nothing is loved unless known, it is clear that the true order
of knowing God leads the reason into His love, and although from
creatures they take philosophically evident knowledge of God . . . the
way is more compendious and more certain in which, following the
exemplary reasons or the intelligible being of creatures, it ascends
to God.14

Regarding the moderni, who imagine that knowledge of the sensible order
of created being is grounded in empirical evidence, Wyclif is less forgiving.
To gain knowledge of a thing simply for the sake of having knowledge of
that thing is intellectual fornication, or using a means as an end unto itself.
We are to know creatures as a means to know, and love, God. In words
certainly meant to evoke Romans 13:13, and so the climactic moment of
Augustine’s Confessions, he equates moderni empiricism with wanton cham-
bering: “Not in contemplating the tumultuous cares of the world, nor the
subject spirit’s collisions with fantasmata, to which the imagination is led
hurriedly here and there, nor indeed to the passions of the body, but by
quiet speculation is the highest good contemplated.”15
We should begin our knowledge, and love, of God, in the way Anselm
had suggested in Proslogion 5. Reasoning from the idea of a being greater
than which cannot be conceived to recognition of its necessary existence
outside the mind leads us to recognize God as the “most useful, most beau-
tiful, and most delectable” being, the supreme good. Plunging from this
pinnacle of being down to created being is madness. When we recognize
the absolute nature of God, our first instinct should be to seek the reasons
of things in the world in the divine. Rather than try to understand the con-
tents of God’s mind from things as they exist in the world, we should use
our reason to touch the divine ideas, which are “so necessary [to created
being] that without knowledge of them, no one would be wise, nor as a
142 john wyclif

consequence, virtuous.” Short of the divine ideas, our concern should be

universals, the created exemplars by which particulars have their being in
species. To work the other way around, to move toward God from indi-
vidual creatures, is to risk constructing a palpable, sensible god for oneself,
a hollow mockery of divine being.
If we have access to something so universal, so perfectly connected to the
divine mind, as a written record of truth, we must surely use it if we are to
love God in all that we do. This is the line of reasoning in De Amore sive ad
Quinque quaestiones, a letter written in the last year of Wyclif ’s life. Here, as
the title suggests, he addresses five questions on the love of God, of which
the last is about the state of life in which the faithful can best love God.
While some in this life can enjoy the ideal Christian state, that of virginity
and/or priesthood, others must serve God as members of the military or
peasant classes. Because servants of the devil constantly prowl in search of
prey among all Christians:

Many viators should carefully study the Gospel in that language in which
the sentences of the evangelists are most clear, because from faith all the
faithful should follow the lord Jesus Christ, and however many will have
followed Him, that many and more love Him meritoriously. Since, then,
the story of Christ is even more fully expressed than His doctrine, it is
clear how carefully the faithful ought [to] study this book.16

The story of Christ’s life, the center of scripture for medieval exegetes,
is as important to the viator as are his teachings. Christ gave his law, the
most perfect vehicle for loving God available to us, in the manner of his life
as well as in his teachings. This gift does not dissolve the law of the Jews,
Wyclif says, following Grosseteste’s De Cessatione. It completes it. He gives
two examples, one from the world of objects, and the other from the world
of words. Imagine a house the foundation of which is the eternal truths of
God’s mind. The stones of its walls are the laws of Moses, and the mor-
tar binding them together is love and grace. This is the law of Christ, he
explains, a house that will stand for as long as time endure. Now consider
the letter i (iota). In its form, it is the simplest of letters, without twist, bend,
or break. In the same way, the chief commandment to love God is the most
brief and direct, without possibility of misinterpretation. The dot on the
letter, the simplest of all written marks, is equivalent to all letters figura-
tively, and so denotes all of the other laws of God in the figurative sense.
One needs the industry of a bee to study scripture, and an understanding of
 the logic of scripture 143

all of its content, surpassing a simple historical understanding, to plumb its

depths. Yet all of its content, all of its depth, all of its mystery is signified by
the dot on the i, while the body of the letter is the law of love.17 The example
of the house shows how Wyclif has incorporated Grosseteste’s understand-
ing of the incarnation as completing creation. Christ’s law is the house, and
Christ is the architect; the law of Moses is as much a part of the revealed
word as are Christ’s own life and teachings. The example of the letter i
underscores the centrality of the command to love God to all precepts, laws,
and accounts of scripture. The word speaks the letter, and the letter on the
page stands for more than one simple sound. It stands for all of the letters
and words of the truth revealed by Christ.

Christ and Everyman

Clarity about the metaphysics of the incarnation is important. So far, Wyclif

has argued that the word of God is at once the great legislator of all justice
and the living Book of Life. Christ and scripture are somehow identical,
and the incarnate word is contained within all scripture. The possibilities
for confusion are legion. How can the Bible be at once Christ, and have
the incarnate Christ as its chief figure, and also be spoken by Christ? Put
in Aristotelian causal terms, scripture appears to have the second person
of the Trinity as its formal, efficient, and material cause. What really is
Christ? Since the great figures in medieval philosophy from the thirteenth
century onward were theologians first and foremost, they frequently used
this question as a showcase for their metaphysics, and no place was better
suited to this than during the required commentary on Peter Lombard’s
Sentences, in which the third book is devoted to questions on the incarna-
tion. Fourteenth-century Oxford theologians did not devote their attention
to covering every distinction in the Sentences, preferring instead to analyze
a few distinctions relevant to their own interests. In many cases, when theo-
logians did have something to say about the metaphysics of the incarna-
tion, it was consonant with a recognized luminary, like Aquinas, Scotus,
or Ockham.
In general, the models for explaining the incarnation fall into two groups.
In the first group, epitomized by Peter Abelard and Thomas Aquinas, divinity
and humanity are described as parts that make up the whole Christ. Peter
Lombard described three variations on this first approach in Sententiae III.6.
144 john wyclif

In the first, the word clothed himself with human nature as a man wears
a cloak. This is the habitus theory, suggested by Augustine. In the sec-
ond, a man composed of body and soul was assumed by the word so that
he became identical with the word. This is the assumptus homo theory,
endorsed by Hugh of St. Victor and Anselm. In the third, Christ begins
to be composed of divinity, along with body and soul, in a subsistence
relation. This appears to have been Lombard’s approximation of the posi-
tion of Gilbert of Poitiers.18 Aquinas understood both the habitus and the
assumptus homo position to have been condemned by Alexander III in
1170 and 1177, and he supposed that any theory in which Christ’s human-
ity is described as accident was heretical. In the second general group,
including Bonaventure, Giles of Rome, Henry of Ghent, and Scotus, the
theologians used a substance-accident model, where Christ’s humanity is
related to the word as an accident or property is related to its substance.
Ockham’s ontology, where “humanity” is a concept naturally referring
to a concrete individual or individuals, denies any further reality to what
his predecessors called universals. In his pared-down ontology, Ockham
rejected the existence of a common nature like humanity apart from indi-
vidual people. But this easily leads to understanding him to have held
that in Christ was an individual human person in addition to the divine
nature, making up either a two-person person (that is, the human person
Jesus and, with the added word, the person of the Christ), or a Christ in
which a human person and the divine person of the word are not united
by anything into a third composite. Both suggest the Nestorian heresy,
and despite his arguments, many opponents of Ockham interpret him as
a Nestorian.19
After Ockham, both Holcot and Adam Wodeham wrote on incarna-
tional theology. Wodeham’s Oxford Lectures of 1332 and several of Holcot’s
Quodlibeta suggest a sustained interest in Christology among the moderni.
These works are not yet edited, and may prove to be a gold mine for post-
Ockham incarnational theology at Oxford. Wyclif ’s contemporary Nicholas
Aston, who was by no means Ockhamist in his theology, also lectured on
Christological questions, but what survives of Aston’s work in this vein is
unedited as well. The major secular figures among Wyclif ’s predecessors,
Walter Burley and Thomas Bradwardine, leave no record of contributing
to the debate. Burley’s Sentences commentary, if he produced one, has never
been identified, while what remains of Bradwardine’s does not touch sig-
nificantly on the incarnation’s metaphysics.20 Of the Franciscans, Walter
 the logic of scripture 145

Chatton, a determined opponent of Ockham whose Sentences Commentary

has recently been published, would be a good resource in tracing the history
of Christological controversy after Ockham.
In rejecting Ockham’s austere ontology, Wyclif used the Scotist
substance-accident model for his more full-bodied ontological articulation
of humanity being assumed by the word. His treatise on the incarnation,
De Incarnacione, also called De Verbi Incarnacione, written in 1372, evokes
Anselm’s similarly titled work in title, but in content it is more concerned
with the metaphysics of the incarnation than with the doctrine of substitu-
tionary atonement. He had written a treatise on the ontological makeup of
human beings, De Composicione Hominis, almost immediately beforehand,
and Wyclif ’s description of the incarnation relies heavily on his analy-
sis of the relation of body and soul in that work. Scripture shows us that
the human soul is a created spirit itself indivisible, able to be unified to a
body. The resulting union is an integrated human being: soul, flesh, and
the union of the two (body + soul), which aggregate Wyclif calls the inte-
grated nature, ontologically commensurate to body and soul considered in
themselves. If body and soul are distinct from one another, what provides
the formal basis for accidents for a body without a soul? Wyclif posits a
corporeal form in the body prior to ensoulment. This causes the problem
of there being two possible ontological beings contained in one person. One
being, a body with a corporeal form considered as such, is distinct from
the ensouled integrated person. Yet the two are not really distinct, because
these coextensive bodies communicate equally in the same material essence.
The soul requires the preexistence of the body since its chief act is to ani-
mate a body, but not necessarily a temporal priority:

It appears more likely that “this man” communicates more than “this
body and this animal” for it communicates “this spirit,” which remains
[a] human spirit existing as such, even when it no longer remains a body
or an animal. It is not the case that these two [spirit and body] are the
same animal or the same body in number, for the prior corporeal nature
is a body and yet is not thereby an animal. Since man is all three [body,
soul, and integrated body + soul], he exists, after his body is dead, by vir-
tue of the prior corporeal nature, and he is a composite, prior to being an
animal, according to his corporeal nature and the soul.21

Scripture regularly shifts from one aspect of a human being to another.

Sometimes, the term “man” refers principally to a soul (Colossians 3:10),
146 john wyclif

sometimes to a body (2 Corinthians 4:16), and sometimes to the aggregate

of the two, which philosophers understand to refer to a rational animal, a
composite of body and soul. In a fourth way, scriptures refer to Christ as
a man, alternating between the previous senses while still referring to the
same God-man.

[F]or the person or for the substance, which is any of these three natures
or things, or indeed all beings contracted [together], which is each of
them, and in this way the faith speaks from Scripture that this Man, who
created heaven and earth, was born of a virgin, conversed with men,
suffered, died, and was buried, descended to hell, and ascended, etc. Not
according to the assumed nature did He create the kingdom, nor accord-
ing to Deity did He suffer, nor according to His soul was He dead and
buried, nor according to His body or other integrated nature did He
descend to hell, but since the same person was all these, according to one
of these He did one, and according to another He did the rest, just as it
was best suitable.22

One final element from De Composicione Hominis aids our understand-

ing of its place in Wyclif ’s Christology. While discussing the relation of cor-
poreal essence to the human form, Wyclif asks whether Christ’s incarnation
preceded creation, a question common in many Sentences commentaries.23
The priority of the created human essence, or humanity as such, to all indi-
vidual human beings means that individual humans are instantiations of
a universal by community. By virtue of the corporeal presence of the cre-
ated human essence in Adam, all men are contained in Adam. In the sense
that each being exists in raciones seminales, contained within first principles
being actualized in the earlier creation, each of us preexists our own exis-
tence, but the level of preexistence is extremely weak. Better to say that each
person exists as intelligible to God, which does not posit anyone preexisting,
only God’s knowing eternally.
There are differences between how the human nature becomes instan-
tiated in a particular human being and how the word became man.
Humanity is united to its particular, and does not unite itself. It is passive
in this sense, and does not come together ahead of time with the soul that
will occupy the body, but is active in the sense that it acts upon the individ-
ual substance realizing the nature of the species therein. The word, on the
other hand, temporally precedes humanity, because the word creates, then
assumes humanity. It acts upon humanity and remains the word while also
 the logic of scripture 147

becoming the integrated whole (word + humanity) and each of its parts.
The number of parts varies, depending on how you count the elements
and the composites that arise from them, which in Wyclif ’s account, can
be dizzying in their complexity. Many of the difficulties that arise in the
Christologically oriented study of scripture can be avoided by remember-
ing that “there are three incommunicable natures in Christ: deity, body, and
soul. This is clear in this way. Christ is God and perfect man, as supported
by the faith: God is wholly deity, and the perfect man is wholly as much
body as soul.”24 While any individual member of the species is body, soul,
and the aggregate (body + soul), Christ differs through the addition of deity
to these three components, although this in no way affects the truly human
nature of Christ. The word assumed not a human nature, but humanity
as such. Perhaps the right approach is to imagine that deity, the universal
divine nature shared by the persons of the Trinity, needs something more
than a human nature to offset its magnitude in the Christ: the balance is
achieved by the word’s assuming humanity as such.
In the medieval play Everyman, Death causes the eponymous character
to go from carefree ignorance of his place in creation to an awareness of
his need for good deeds and the sacraments. Death says, “Every man I will
beset that liveth beastly / Out of God’s laws, and dreadeth not folly. . . . Lo,
yonder I see Everyman walking; / Full little he thinketh on my coming.”25
Wyclif makes a jump similar to the one Death has just made. He argues that,
if every man would be Everyman, then Everyman would only be one man,
and if Christ assumes humanity, then Christ, too, would be Everyman.26
It cannot be that Christ is every man, of course, nor that Christ is more
than one man, nor can the universal humanity itself be a man capable of
receiving accidents like individual men. What Wyclif means is that Christ
has the same kind of body and soul as all other men have. In assuming the
universal, he did not become the being of the universal by which all of its
particulars have their being. There need be no posited haecceity by which
individualization occurs for Wyclif, and there need be no additional indi-
viduating element added to the hypostatic union of the word and human-
ity. In assuming humanity, Christ did not assume every relation that holds
between the universal and its particulars.
Wyclif proceeds from the being of Christ into creation by means of the
truth he defines. In De Veritate Sacrae Scripturae, he describes five grada-
tions, or equivocations, by which we can understand the identity of Christ
with scripture. First is the Book of Life, described in Revelation 20:12,
148 john wyclif

which represents the divine mind revealed in glory at the apocalypse as

divine legislator and judge. Second are the truths contained within the
Book of Life. These are not essentially distinct from the being of the Christ,
but formally distinct in that we can consider individual divine ideas apart
from the being of the word in which they have eternal being. Third are the
truths considered as realized in creation, each defining genus and species
by which created being is organized. These are the universals of Wyclif ’s
ontology, which correspond to the divine ideas as created instantiations of
the unchanging eternal truths. Fourth are the truths we comprehend when
we encounter the world and gain understanding. These are the subject of
epistemology, the concepts that reflect created beings that we use to recog-
nize the universals. At this level are the concepts we glean from experience,
as when we encounter people and formulate the concept “humanity.” This
concept refers to the universal humanity, which itself is the created mani-
festation of God’s idea of humanity. Finally, at the lowest level of Christ’s
truth is scripture, the written signs, manuscripts, and so forth that tell us of
the reality of Christ at the center of the universe.27
From a philosophical viewpoint, this is an interesting way to unite Christ
to the contents of the set of books that describes the Old and New Law, but
Wyclif ’s scope was far broader than incarnational theology. Throughout his
adult life, he was engaged in an active program of scripture commentary.
While still in Oxford, he completed a Postilla of the Bible and had begun
writing and preaching a remarkable number of sermons. Further, in his last
years, he composed a sustained commentary on Matthew 5–7, De Sermone
Domini in Monte, and in his final major work, De Antichristo, a commen-
tary on Matthew 23–25 and John 13–17, all grouped together under the
title Opus Evangelicum. Wyclif ’s scriptural works are remarkable in their
combination of traditional medieval hermeneutic method with Wyclif ’s
own unique vision of the church as it was, and as he believed it could be.
Readers and scholars interested in Wyclif ’s vision of the clergy, in his ethi-
cal program, his ecclesiology, his eschatology, or his soteriology will find
this portion of his work rich with ideas, opinions, and reasoning. Further,
Wyclif ’s theological debt to Augustine, the Victorines, and other impor-
tant figures in the medieval commentary tradition is particularly evident
in these works. Following the theme of scripture as embodying the “logic
of Christ,” we will follow Wyclif ’s interpretation of the Beatitudes, which
he believed contained the very essence of the Christian life, throughout his
biblical works.
 the logic of scripture 149

Wyclif the Postillator and Exegete

Medieval scripture commentary is a universe unto itself. Readers of the

Bible were committed to weaving connections not only between every
part of scripture, but also to the vast body of writings of the authoritative
commentators who had preceded them. The classic image of the medieval
commentary tradition is of a page with a line of text from, say, the prophet
Isaiah, surrounded with a selection from a sermon of Ambrose or some
other Latin father, itself enclosed in a running commentary composed by
a twelfth-century theologian. The term “gloss,” earlier used for a continu-
ous commentary on a selection from the Bible, had lost its earlier sense of
straightforward theological explication by the later medieval period. The
earlier glosses of theologians like Stephen Langton, Peter Comestor, or the
Victorines had become so compendious as to require their own system of
summaries. The student of the sacred page in the later Middle Ages was
also in great need of linguistic advice and terminological explanation, given
the respect that had grown for the Hebrew biblical tradition in the preced-
ing centuries. A new species of scriptural tool evolved in the thirteenth cen-
tury, called the postilla, possibly from the phrase “after these words” ( post
illa verba). Twenty-first-century readers may be familiar with The Jerome
Biblical Commentary or Harper’s Bible Commentary; a postilla is the medieval
equivalent. The Dominican Hugh of St. Cher (d. 1263) was the first to com-
pose a Postilla on the entire Bible, summarizing biblical scholarship, parti-
cularly literal and moral interpretations, for preaching friars and students.
The Franciscan Nicholas of Lyra (1270–1349) is perhaps the most famous
postillator. His Postilla Literallis et Moralis in Vetus et Novum Testamentum
is imbued with medieval Jewish scripture scholarship, along with a distinct
suspicion that the Jews had rewritten their holy texts to erase evidence of
Christ’s divinity. The tendency before Lyra was for postillators to use their
summaries to further their own positions. Dominicans and Franciscans
tended to argue for apostolic poverty, and followers of Joachim of Fiore
for an eschatological interpretation of the events described. Lyra eschewed
this, preferring the earlier, nonparticularizing approach that had been the
hallmark of earlier postillators. His style was to avoid referring to church
fathers, Franciscan ideals, or other topics not immediate to his exegesis,
which earned him the nickname “clear and plain doctor.”28
Wyclif had high regard for Lyra, describing him as, “although recent, yet
a copious and gifted postillator of Scripture” with sensitivity for historical
150 john wyclif

tradition.29 It is likely that Wyclif ’s Postilla was presented in lecture format,

from 1372 to 1374, later transcribed, and much later, likely during his last
years, reedited. In both structure and substance, Wyclif ’s approach is simi-
lar to Lyra’s; he avoids the hectoring tone and polemical approach of his ser-
mons and Opus Evangelicum, while emphasizing the centrality of scripture
to the Christian life and especially to the work of the theologian. Following
Peter Aureol, he divides his Postilla into eight parts, of which five survive
in manuscript. His summaries of the Pentateuch, the historical books,
and Proverbs, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus are lost, although the flavor of
his postillae of Genesis and Exodus likely remains in De Statu Innocencie
and De Mandatis Divinis. An emphasis on exploring the senses buried in
seemingly simple words begins with the opening verses of Genesis. Wyclif
describes a threefold allegorical sense, a sixfold tropological or moral sense,
and a twofold analogical sense, all described in Grosseteste’s masterful
Hexamaeron.30 The fact that Wyclif, a secular, took on the task was itself
noteworthy. Since Stephen Langton (d. 1228), only friars had done this sort
of thing. In distilling the contents of scripture into lectures and his Postilla,
Wyclif was demonstrating that preaching was the province not of friars
only, but of all clergy. In fact, Wyclif ’s Postilla follows Lyra very closely,
although Wyclif is more prone to cite the fathers. Beryl Smalley, the great-
est scholar of Wyclif ’s Postilla, distills his postillating formula into a simple
recipe: “use Auriol’s Compendium as a mould, pour in Lyre, flavour with
Augustine, and sprinkle with Grosseteste.”31
Postillating and glossing were serious business for the evangelical doc-
tor. A tendency to elide subjects that might prove tricky for a theologian
with extratheological motives had already given rise to the tendency to
“gloss over” extraneous details. Wyclif was tireless in decrying this as but
the first step to the creation of a private religion. A classic example appears
in eucharistic theology:
If, without scriptural authority, one may stray by calling a sacrament
what scripture calls bread, [or] not bread but a quantity, or some other
vanity (and there is no end of doing so when glossing), it seems that the
whole sacred scripture by equal authority can thus be glossed, and so the
whole ancient faith is perverted from scripture and led into something
new, to denying the whole history of the deeds of Christ in the letter
and asserting the opposite, and likewise of other things grafted into the
Bible.32
 the logic of scripture 151

A study of Wyclif ’s reading of scripture will require analysis of all that

remains of Wyclif ’s Postilla, in addition to the extant sermons and Opus
Evangelicum, which would be a project that would greatly advance our
understanding of Wyclif ’s thought.
Our scope here is restricted to a survey of Wyclif ’s reading of a brief
section from Matthew 5, the Sermon on the Mount, which “most suffices
perfectly to regulate the wayfarer without any [extraneous] human tradi-
tion.”33 Following Augustine, who produced two books of commentary on
it, Wyclif devoted half of the Opus Evangelicum and several sermons to the
Beatitudes, in addition to references scattered throughout his other works.
Gustav Benrath’s study surveys the content and scope of Wyclif ’s Postilla
and provides a reliable point of departure for any study of his reading of
scripture. In his account of Wyclif ’s treatment of Matthew 5–7, Christ the
divine legislator is the central figure, who realizes the distilled truth of the
Mosaic law in his perfect life, and Benrath rightly stresses the significance of
the Beatitudes as the essence of Christian morality for Wyclif. The Old Law
of the Jews is by no means superseded by the coming of the New. Just as we
see the type of Christ throughout the Old Testament, and the fulfillment
of the prophecies in the New, both laws are means by which God perfects
creation, and both are continually present in the integrated whole. This is
what makes the Sermon on the Mount the focal point of the Christian life.
Its prescription of a life given over to kindness, love, and a spiritual identity
with the Christ unites one with the Savior, the fulfillment of the law. It is
the perfect expression of Christian morality.
This same young Jesus who began his ministry with the Sermon on the
Mount, Wyclif reminds us, is identical to the eternal word who framed
the universe. Just as the movement of the celestial firmament does not lose
uniformity despite the wobbling of the sublunar sphere, so the soul need
not be disturbed by the changing goods of fortune. The conclusion is clear:
the moral legislation of the Sermon on the Mount should guide the soul
with the same infinite certainty with which the celestial legislator governs
the spheres. The antithesis of the Beatitudes is the Pharisaical legalism that
is described as characterizing Jesus’ critics. We must concentrate on realiz-
ing the theological virtues without excessive concern for the details that so
easily captivate the mundane mind. The worldly concerns that accompany
a life given over to temporal matters are resolved in the life Christ out-
lines. Simplicity and orderly balance characterize the soul of the Christian
152 john wyclif

who realizes this ideal, just as they define the Lord’s Prayer, which Christ
teaches in Matthew 6:

The Lord’s Prayer excels in authority because it is edited by the Savior, in

utility because it asks with greater order that for which one ought ask or
that which is conceded by God to man, in brevity because it only contains
seven request[s], and finally, in simplicity, first because of brevity, and
next because of the delectation consequent upon it.34

Familiar concerns soon surface. With Matthew 5:13, “You are the salt
of the earth,” we see Wyclif returning to the threats facing the church. He
begins by taking Bede’s approach, with a discussion of salt’s formation from
“sand and water and the heat of the air, compacted by blowing air,” and
its properties of desiccating and flavoring food. This signifies good priests,
who at one time may have come from shifting sand, but have been trans-
formed by the waters of baptism and the fires of divine ardor, and whitened
in purity. When this salt is mixed with the earth, the earth becomes sterile.
In the same way, when priests come into contact with mundane evil, their
purity nullifies its powers. As salt desiccates meat, keeping it from putre-
faction, so too the priest can keep his flock from the corrosion of sin, the
stink of defamation, and the corruption of the devouring worm. But if the
salt should lose its taste, if the priest should be caught up in the very tem-
poral desires he is meant to overcome, then he becomes useless and is best
trampled underfoot. The clergymen who turn to avarice or lust hasten the
spread of sin throughout the church. The best course is to fight the threat
by relieving priests and bishops of any source of temptation: “It would be
meritorious for someone to lovingly relieve our clerics from temporal dig-
nities, so that, made spiritual, they could regard the law of God.”35
The unmistakable form of Aristotelian philosophy gives shape to Wyclif ’s
account of Christ’s teachings throughout. The virtues by which one realizes
happiness both in this life and in the next define the normative commands of
Jesus. Not for Wyclif the mystic elevation from scholastic reason, nor the
ineffable encounter with the godhead, nor even the prospect of a journey of
the mind to God through love of the visible creatures of the world. Despite
being an advocate of the illumination theory of understanding and a devoted
adherent of the connection of every created particular to its divine idea, the
Bonaventuran spiritual approach is foreign to Wyclif. His Beatitudes are the
means by which the virtues are perfectly realized, by which body and soul
are placed into the balance for which they were created, and ultimately by
 the logic of scripture 153

which the church can best function on earth. Benrath comments that, for
Wyclif, the Golden Rule is the rational basis for all Christian morality. Love
should be sought not because the loving soul realizes Christ’s ongoing rela-
tion to creation, but because it best aligns every soul with the purposes for
which they were created: “What the Square of Opposition is to logic, thus
the Golden Rule is to ethics.”36 For Wyclif, the New Testament does indeed
provide a road map for the soul’s journey to God, but it is a map defined by
justice and reasoned truths for communal use, not one by which the soul
necessarily enters into the holy otherness of the divine.
Is this a fair judgment? After all, one rarely finds the spiritual path to
mystic union with God from a concise scripture summary, which is only a
tool for preachers and scholars. Benrath’s assessment is accurate, though, as
a reliable guide through Wyclif ’s exegetical works. A good instance is the
brief, later work De Amore (1383). Here, in an apparent response to a request
for an explanation of the nature of love, Wyclif delivers a terse, reasoned
response. True love, he explains, is a movement of the will toward a given
subject, the ideal of which is God. Hence, only those for whom God is the
object of the will experience true love. Lovingly studying the law of God
lies at the base of such a life, and the laws of Christ lie at the base of a loving
understanding of the ideal object of the will. All of the teachings of the Old
and New Law are summed up in Christ’s teachings, interconnected and
made into a perfect whole to be realized by diligent study. But which state of
life is most proper for a man to love God? This depends on whether one is a
priest, a soldier, or a laborer. Ideally, the states most suitable are those of the
virgin and of the priest, as was Jesus, but “for some men, one state is right,
for others, another is right.” The important thing is that every man should
study the gospel “in that tongue in which the reasonings of the evangelist
are most clear, because all the faithful should follow their Lord Jesus Christ
from faith, and insofar as they are able to follow Him in a like manner, thus
the more meritoriously will they love Him.” Perhaps the best expression of
this love is martyrdom, a total giving of the self to God, but for those for
whom this is not an option, a communal life in Christ is the best choice.37

Opus Evangelicum

While Wyclif believed that the Gospels comprise the perfect clothing for
the soul of the Christian, he felt some parts to be more important than
154 john wyclif

others, requiring particularly careful exposition. The final major work

of his life, Opus Evangelicum (OE), is devoted to this concerted exegesis.
The first part is given to analysis of Matthew 5–7, the second, known as
De Antichristo, to Matthew 23–25, and the third to John 13–17, although
Wyclif never gets beyond John 13. Williell Thomson observes in his cata-
log entry on OE that classifying these works as exegetical is too restric-
tive. They range over most of the topics that captivated Wyclif throughout
his life, with digressions on philosophical conceptions of identity, division
within the church, the Eucharist, heresy, and of course, popes and friars.
It is not difficult to imagine Wyclif reliving his battles in the isolation of
Lutterworth, warmed by memories of academic triumph and burning
with frustration at the church’s refusal to follow his sage advice. Along
with Trialogus and the sermons, we have Wyclif at his most personal in
the OE, at least where he chooses to write in his own voice. More than in
any other work, Wyclif adorns his prose with long quotations from his
favorite theological authorities, including Augustine, Chrysostom, Jerome,
and Grosseteste. This is a feature which, in itself, helps us to assess Wyclif ’s
final view of his place in the church. Throughout his writings, he com-
plains that innovation and infatuation with novelty threaten the integrity
of Christianity and the church. The remedy for this, Wyclif believes, lies
in a return to scripture and the pure interpretation of the fathers, from
antiquity through to the giants of early scholasticism. What better final
statement than to embody this in a prolonged study of lex Christi, the basis
for all just law, for all religious life?
His exegesis of Matthew 5–7, the Sermon on the Mount, takes up the
first two books of the OE, with Augustine’s De Sermone Domini in Monte as
its theological guide. Wyclif turns to Matthew 23–25 in the third book. This
section of Matthew contains the “little apocalypse” (Matthew 24:4–31), the
seven “woes” of Christ’s indictment of the scribes and Pharisees (Matthew
23:13–39), and the parables of the bridesmaids and of the talents (Matthew
25:1–13, 14–30), lending itself admirably to Wyclif ’s chosen theme, which
is the looming threat of Antichrist. The fourth and final book (Wyclif calls
it the third, counting the first two as one), devoted to John 13–15, begins by
observing that here, in Christ’s farewell message to his disciples, he sum-
marizes all that led to the final sacrifice and victory of Easter. This seems to
have been a conscious choice of subject matter, for it and De Antichristo are
filled with references to his earlier biblical teachings and to his postillating
 the logic of scripture 155

organization, and finally, the work ends with some parting words for theo-
logians, perhaps written within a week of his death:
It is necessary that a theologian be instructed in right logic, philosophy and
metaphysics, and that he have these five pieces of armor at hand: first that
he know universals apart from things, through which he can know the
words Moses spoke of genus and species. . . . Second he should know the
teachings of Christ according to right metaphysics of the nature of time and
other accidents, how they do not exist unless as formal and accidentally
inherent dispositions of their subject. And through this he can under-
stand the distinction of the nine kinds of accident and how Augustine
rightly teaches that from his youth he had taught that it is not possible
for an accident to be without a subject. And this confounds the heresy
that consecrated host could be accident without underlying subject, or
a nothing. Third that he knows that with God and the creating spirit
everything that was or will be are present to Him in the greatness of
time. . . . Fourth, that he know that a creature has in God ideal eternal
being existing in its kind antecedently. . . . And fifth that he know the
natural essence to be perpetual and not composed of quanta, and mate-
rial forms to be its dispositions, although they would be quiddities of the
species and the genus. And through this it can be known how God sees
everything that He [has] made and they [are] very good, how one ele-
ment will remain, although substantial form[s] which are material acci-
dents would be renewed. Through these five with their appendices the
subtle logician can theologically defend the catholic text of Scriptures.38
Wyclif ’s sources are the core of his treatment of the Sermon on the
Mount and, given their authors, warrant some attention. Woven into the
Beatitudes are the guiding words of Augustine and Chrysostom, two pillars
of right exegetical and preaching practice. But aside from Augustine and
his De Sermone Domini in Monte, Wyclif ’s sources turn out to be people very
different from these models of orthodoxy. Chrysostom’s Opus Imperfectum,
a collection of sermons on Matthew cited at length throughout Wyclif ’s
exposition of the Sermon on the Mount, would seem a logical choice for
an exegesis of the Gospel of Matthew. The Opus Imperfectum was a widely
used source for later medieval exegetes, as is clear by the wealth of manu-
scripts remaining, but by the time it was included in Migne’s collection of
Chrysostom’s works in the Patrologia Graeca, it was clear that it could not
have come from Chrysostom’s hand. It has turned out to be a sermon col-
lection written by an anonymous Arian cleric of the fifth century, likely
156 john wyclif

from the region of the southern Danube. Its Arianism is negligible in the
selections Wyclif cites, and any medievalist knows that spurious sources
like these were common. Because Lollards were very glad to make use of
sources that Wyclif favored, particularly in Opus Evangelicum, citations
from the Opus Imperfectum were relatively common in their sermons.39
Much more interesting is an odd piece that Wyclif attributes to Augustine,
entitled De Duodecem Abusivis Saeculii (De XII ), the centerpiece for his han-
dling of the Beatitudes. The bulk of Wyclif ’s efforts are devoted to correlat-
ing the nine groups Christ lists as “blessed” with the twelve threats to the
Christian kingdom described in De XII. The treatise is a catalog of the moral
evils that plague humanity. Six of these affect the lives of every Christian,
including clerical hypocrisy, the immoral behavior of social leaders, rebel-
lious youth, widespread avarice, sexual prurience, and incompetent nobles.
The remaining abuses target specific evils in the body politic: strife among
Christians, rebellious peasants, wicked kings, negligent bishops, schismatic
sects, and people who have turned away from religion. The list seems ide-
ally crafted for fourteenth-century England, and Wyclif likely treasured the
text for its seemingly perfect intersection of Augustinian authority and the
social and ecclesiastical diagnoses at which he himself had arrived. So appo-
site are its critiques to Wyclif ’s own thought that one wonders why De XII
plays no part in his other works. Its hefty authority and pungent phrases
might have added just the right force to his critiques of the papacy, the fri-
ars, the bishops, and the unraveling social order. However, De XII might not
have been available to Wyclif until 1383, since its general structure would
have fit very nicely with the twelve torments of the church described in De
Blasphemia, written shortly after the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381.
Perhaps Wyclif suspected the truth about the treatise. It is not Augustine’s
work, as anyone familiar with his polished Latin style would recognize
instantly. De XII was written by someone with a much more primitive style,
and was attributed as much to Cyprian as to Augustine. It was an extremely
popular work, mined by preachers throughout the Middle Ages for pithy
images and succinct indictments of a failed social order. Manuscripts have
been found with the text in Old and Middle English, Castilian Spanish,
Latin, and Irish, from Scandinavia to Byzantium. While its author remains
anonymous, scholars agree that it likely dates to seventh-century Ireland
and is perhaps the work of a Benedictine well read in Isidore of Seville and
Jerome, among many others. Its prevalence in Irish manuscripts lent it to be
attributed to St. Patrick, but this is very unlikely.40
 the logic of scripture 157

The tone of sustained moral outrage of De XII blends smoothly into

Wyclif ’s exposition of lex Christi in Opus Evangelicum, and the plight of
a society that allows itself to stray from an original commitment to the
Beatitudes is sharply defined by its catalog of ills. The words of the Sermon
on the Mount form the basis for the purest expression of divine law given to
man, and here again Wyclif emphasizes the dictum that all just human law,
whether civil or ecclesiastical, must be grounded in this infinite wisdom.
Christ’s injunction to humility in the first Beatitude is directed principally
against the sin of pride, and Grosseteste’s helpful list of the eight signs of
humility, included in the body of the text, includes one’s willingness to be
rebuked by juniors, indifference to honors, and an unwillingness to return
evil for evil. Prelate and pope alike, Wyclif continues, repeatedly demon-
strate their unfamiliarity with humility. Correcting the pope invites eccle-
siastical remonstrance, while puffing him up with honors is a sure way to
advance in the church:

It is clear in practice how one pope curses the other with the utmost
severity, which is a sign that the pope who curses the other more lightly
is less cursed by God. Both reveal themselves in doing this, and infi-
nitely many other things, not to be vicars of Christ but chief vicars of
antichrist.41

While these references to the ongoing schism, as well as to other eccle-

siastical problems, run throughout the Opus Evangelicum, this is not the
substance of the work. In an important sense, Wyclif intends his exegesis of
the Sermon on the Mount as a completion of what he began in De Mandatis
Divinis, almost a decade earlier. The relation of the Old Law to the New is
not antithetical, but both are of a piece with God’s eternal ordering of cre-
ation. Before Christ’s coming, the Mosaic code laid the foundation for his
life, which is clear throughout the Gospels. In each of Christ’s actions, he
demonstrates the consonance of Mosaic law with the simple, pure precepts
he formulates in the Sermon on the Mount. The first five Beatitudes cancel
out the seven deadly sins through their distillation of the virtuous life: “The
first virtue excludes pride, the second envy and wrath, the third sloth, the
fourth gluttony, lust, and greed, indeed all the virtues are connected, so
that any of them excludes any of the seven [sins]; whoever has one of the
virtues has all of them, and whoever lacks one, lacks all.”42 In the “Treatise
on Love,” which is an exegesis on the First Commandment, Wyclif lays
out the theoretical basis for his argument in Opus Evangelicum that the
158 john wyclif

Beatitudes express the essence of lex Christi: “Since the whole Christian
religion is founded in this love, it is clear how it is the work of any believer
to learn this art of loving, in which the whole salvation of man rests, and
[which is] the reason of every good thing.”43
“Christ’s law would in itself suffice to regulate the entire church militant
better than it is ruled through artificed human tradition. . . . the Sermon
on the Mount should suffice to rule viators perfectly without any human
tradition.”44 While Benrath’s assessment is of the Postilla, it applies equally
to the much more detailed Opus Evangelicum. Along with the philosophical
reduction of Christ’s teachings to the fundamental, rationally self-evident
precept of the Golden Rule, to which Wyclif repeatedly reduces the contents
of Matthew 5–7, we also find stern injunctions to root out those social evils
that keep us from realizing this. Christ gave us a renewed natural domin-
ion through his victory over death, yet his church continues to embrace
sin and death, Wyclif declares. Taking the salt that has lost its flavor and
trampling it underfoot is not an empty metaphor, it is a call to action. The
church must be cleansed of its impurities, divested of the cares that keep it
from realizing the ongoing perfection of lex Christi, and secular lords are
the ones to do the work.
Our brief description of one part of Wyclif ’s extensive exegesis has bor-
rowed heavily from the tone of all of his exegetical works. The threats that
Wyclif devoted himself to uncovering—the unruly cleric, the immoral
noble, the dissolute bishop, and the schismatic sect—are never far from his
mind as he explicates the reasonableness of Christian morality. Neither is
his conviction that no part of scripture is greater than the rest in embody-
ing God’s word. A study of Wyclif the exegete, a very welcome addition to
scholarship, will involve both the theoretical elements of De Veritate Sacrae
Scripturae and the applied exegesis of De Mandatis Divinis, the (still largely
unedited) Postilla, and the Opus Evangelicum.

Wyclif the Preacher

It is tempting to suppose that there were two kinds of sermons preached

in late medieval England: those addressed to the educated, preached in
Latin, and those to the uneducated, preached in English. But this is not
terribly helpful. Sermons preached in English were likely to have had lis-
teners fluent in Latin, while those preached in Latin were likely to have
 the logic of scripture 159

had non-Latin-speaking listeners sufficiently familiar to make out what

was going on, especially if they could talk about the sermon with someone
who had a clearer grasp of the language afterward. It is better to divide
up medieval English preaching into venues, of which there were gener-
ally four. There were the standard, liturgical sermons of ordinary parish
life, which could be preached from the pulpit of a humble parish church
or a private family chapel, or from the bishop’s chair in a cathedral filled
with parishioners high born and low. There were the sermons preached by
friars, in marketplaces and at public festivals, for the edification and enter-
tainment of audiences hungry for the outdoor spectacle of a stem-winding,
stump sermon. There were the sermons preached in universities, both to
demonstrate theological competence and for ceremonial occasions, and
there were sermons designed specifically to stir up popular spirits, for any
number of reasons. While the academic sermons were likely to have been
in Latin, it is presumptive to assume that either Latin or English would be
the exclusive language of any of the other types. And why assume that the
preacher would stick to one language? He might well have moved from a
Latin gospel reading, to an English translation, back to Latin quotations
from the fathers, and back again to English for the body of the homily.
Academic theologians with a preaching office might have used the pul-
pit to weave their formal thought into the day’s lesson, but the evidence
belies this. Generally, learned preaching was understood as a place not for
continued disputation, and authority-laden logical disquisition is foreign
to medieval English sermons. While most preachers made free use of the
usual host of authorities, from the fathers to more contemporary luminar-
ies, it was not in the service of some theological position. The central source
was first and always the Bible. Preachers routinely infused every sentence
of their sermons with scriptural citations and allusions, confident that their
audiences would follow and appreciate their skillful use of its riches. For
many, the art was in the deft infusion of extrabiblical sources, including
saints’ lives, historical tales, and classical literature, into the biblically based
mixture. Especially among the friars, anecdotes and verbal pictures lifted
from Virgil, Macrobius, and others made listening to their sermons as aes-
thetically entertaining as it was spiritually edifying. “Classicizing” friars
competed with one another for the most ingenious combinations of Virgil
and biblical morality, or Ovid and Old Testament history.45
One of the best indicators of the potential for integrating classical learn-
ing and biblically rich preaching is Robert Holcot’s Commentary on the
160 john wyclif

Book of Wisdom. On the face of it, Holcot’s work is an exegetical analysis

of the apocryphal book of Wisdom, but it functions as one of the greatest
handbooks for learned and entertaining preaching of the Middle Ages. If
the range and substance of Holcot’s sermons are reflected in his Wisdom
Commentary, his preaching was likely both deeply informed and delight-
fully entertaining. The popular image of medieval English preaching given
by Chaucer’s Parson is but a pale shadow of the heights to which it could
aspire. Evidence for the widespread appreciation of Holcot’s Wisdom
Commentary and a continuation of his erudite and witty preaching style
lies in the significant number of manuscripts of the text. Unfortunately, its
content remains obscure, in large part due to the absence of any modern
edition.
If Holcot was foremost among fourteenth-century Oxford preach-
ers, the guiding light and definitive force of medieval English preaching
as a whole was Robert Grosseteste. While Oxford’s theologians may have
turned from his Augustinian philosophical approach in enough numbers
to warrant Wyclif ’s anger, its preachers continued to regard his dicta, De
Decem Mandatis, Hexamaeron, and De Cessatione Legalium as models of
exegesis and ready sources for their preaching. Wyclif was by no means
alone in his willingness to cite whole paragraphs from Grosseteste, whose
rhetorical style was as popular as those of Bernard and Augustine. Nor
was he the only one to rely on Grosseteste’s emphasis on pastoral responsi-
bility, which characterizes his sermons and letters. Well into the fifteenth
century, Lincolniensis figured as the pastoral model and preaching master
for Oxford preachers. Siegfried Wenzel, whose research in medieval ser-
mons continues to enrich twenty-first-century understanding of the sub-
ject, argues that allegiance to Grosseteste defines the English theology of
preaching of the later Middle Ages. This frees us from the presumption
that Wyclif ’s regular references to Lincolniensis in his sermons and his the-
ology of preaching was a departure from the norms of his day, and helps to
resolve our focus on his theology of preaching.
All that we have of Wyclif ’s sermons are academic sermons, in Latin,
preached to or written for an educated audience. The large body of English
sermons that were collected and edited by Thomas Arnold cannot be
linked to his hand, and are now known as the English Wycliffite sermons.46
So, to get a sense of Wyclif the preacher, we must turn to a body of sermons
many of which may never be able to be dated with certainty. Edited and
published by Johannes Loserth over a century ago, they fill four volumes
 the logic of scripture 161

and are divisible into two distinct groups. The larger collection makes
up the first three volumes, which were likely compiled during Wyclif ’s
last years in Lutterworth, perhaps as a homiletic manual for the band of
preachers he seems to have been organizing. They certainly do not seem to
have the popular appeal one would expect from a preacher sensitive to the
needs of ordinary listeners, as they contain arguments for predestination
and the true nature of the church, frequent interjections of pastoral the-
ology, and vituperative indictments of academic practices. It is likely that
this collection, with 120 sermons on the Gospels and 58 on epistolary read-
ings, was meant as the practical application of Wyclif ’s pastoral program
as described in De Veritate Sacrae Scripturae, De Officio Pastoralis, and Opus
Evangelicum.47 Wyclif himself described this collection as the product of his
last years:

And so that the teaching of God be more distinct and his servant bet-
ter exempted from uselessness, it appears that in this quiet in which we
are at leisure from scholastic affairs, we are roused, in the end of our
days, into the building of a portion for the church, to collecting simple
sermons for the people, so that things they might recognize in the right
teaching of Christ be better known, and things be avoided by which will
have slid away from the catholic truth.48

Another, much smaller collection of sermons provides an example of

Wyclif ’s preaching earlier in his career. The forty collected in Loserth’s
fourth volume of sermons differ from the others by their generally ortho-
dox content, free from the polemical bitterness that flavors the contents
of the other three volumes. Dating from January 1375 to September 1379,
this collection may have been edited by Wyclif later, but with a different
purpose, namely, to apply the formal program of the Summa Theologie.
William Mallard has described the overall message of the Forty Sermons
as an exhortation to be strong, a stout hierarchical articulation of the just
dominion of the spirit over the flesh. Recognizing the truth of the Gospels
demands the right ordering of reason, in which the excellence of the uni-
versal determines the value of the particular, which can only occur in a
mind free of materialistic desires and anxieties. Only then can the Christian
understand how to apply the truths of scripture in life, to articulate the logic
of Christ in the sustained proposition of Christian living. Running through-
out this collection is the idea that part of the Christian life involves patient
suffering, enduring injustice and tyranny on earth to avoid damnation for
162 john wyclif

succumbing to the temptation to return evil for evil. Mallard notes that this
injunction to patient acquiescence to temporal evil also entails a willingness
to engage in fraternal correction. A good and faithful Christian will not
shrink from admonishing a fellow for moral lapses for fear of a reputation
for being difficult. If all Christians are equal heirs of a restored natural
dominion, no one can shirk in upholding lex Christi, whatever their earthly
station. It is one thing to suffer the injustice of a powerful temporal lord,
but quite another to ignore priestly tyranny.
All of this suggests that Wyclif had the same audience in mind for both
sets of sermons. Sprinkled throughout the Forty Sermons are reminders
that preaching the word lies at the heart of the priest’s life. Preaching well
requires not simply a sound understanding of scripture, but a sober demeanor,
forceful delivery, and awareness of the needs of the audience.49 Just as in the
parable of the sower, seed carelessly strewn onto rocky soil, or to the crows,
will fail to grow, no matter its great potential, and so it is with sowing the
word of God. This familiar parable from Luke warrants two disparate ser-
mons in this collection. The first, Sermon 30, is a sober consideration of the
preacher’s need to steer away from sin in his own life and to fearlessly face it
down in the lives of his flock. The sin lying at the base of every other is pride,
and Wyclif devotes the bulk of his message to warning against its insidi-
ous way of sneaking into one’s thoughts, slipping in among praiseworthy
ideas and emotions and planting the seeds that sprout quickly into thorns
that choke out the word of God. Reading it, one cannot help but suspect
that Wyclif had some familiarity with this vice. The next sermon is a tour
de force of Wyclif ’s preaching abilities, beginning with a survey of the lev-
els of meaning possible in the parable and fixing quickly on the connection
between sowing the divine seed and preaching the gospel. Preachers today,
Wyclif exclaims, have taken on the loathsome habits of the vainglorious dis-
play of learning, clever rhythmic schemes and metrical novelties, and a tire-
some reliance on silly stories. No wonder that the word does not have the
force it once had; its preachers have killed it with their worldly sophistica-
tion and gross popularizing. What once leaped and danced gracefully as the
simple, sweet word of God has become a ponderous beast, or worse, is now
like a reanimated cadaver, lurching out of the grave to wreak havoc among
the living. Readers who sigh at Wyclif ’s tendentious and dusty prose in his
theological and political works would do well to investigate his sermons.
His voice remains the same, but freed of the constraints and formal require-
ments of the schools, his sermons can be zestful, even entertaining.50
 the logic of scripture 163

In his sermons, he begins exegetically, perhaps introducing a related

theological issue familiar to the college classroom, and then moving to the
pastoral ramifications of applying the formal analysis to preaching the les-
son at hand. Throughout the sermons, Wyclif warns of three impediments
to effective preaching: laziness in addressing the needs of the laity, episco-
pal hegemonic control of preaching authority, and the practice of avoid-
ing preaching to laity served by another priest. Zeal for evangelizing must
outstrip worldly caution, and a true minister of the word will not shrink
from preaching the gospel truth in the face of social, or even mortal, dan-
ger. A good preacher bases his message on biblical texts, eschews literary
flourishes that detract from the force of the words of scripture, and places
his sermon foremost in the laity’s worship experience. The first duty of
every Christian is familiarity with the teachings of the wellspring of cre-
ated truth, the scriptures; salvation rests upon it. So preaching the Bible is,
in a real sense, uniting the hearers with the living word of God, “the most
dignified work a creature can perform.” If one were told that he would sire
the next king of England, Wyclif comments, he would “take great pains
to accomplish the task.” So much more for the preacher, who through his
office spiritually begets children of God.51 One might consecrate a host, and
dispense its salvific grace to only a small number, but preaching brings the
possibility of salvation to all within earshot. Wyclif never tires of emphasiz-
ing that the power of preaching far exceeds that of the sacraments, always
condemning any attempt to place the liturgy of the table over that of the
word: “Preaching the gospel exceeds prayer and administration of the sac-
raments to an infinite degree.”52
So rich a source of authority is the Bible that it perfectly instructs the
preacher in his work. All one need do is adopt Jesus’ own teachings to
strengthen one’s homiletical skills. Jesus never indulged in learned stories
or rhetorical flourishes, but time and again used the words of the prophets
to illustrate lex Christi. Simple preaching, lacking the fripperies of classical
learning or droll tales, serves the Christian soul best. Indeed, the clergy-
man who uses his preaching office more to entertain than to sow the word
might better serve his flock by allowing the educated laity to preach in the
simple words of the people. Metaphor and allegory ought not be empha-
sized in explicating scripture for this same reason; it is too easy to allow
what is novel or entrancing, even if true, to lead the attention of the audi-
ence astray. Simple preaching and the moral life are never far from Wyclif ’s
mind: “There are two things that pertain to the status of the pastor: the
164 john wyclif

holiness of the pastor and the wholesomeness of his teaching.” Friars who
seek money, priests and bishops concerned with temporal status, and prel-
ates enamored of political authority, from priests to popes, are all incapable
of perceiving their own cupiditas, their own inability to live as shepherds of
Christ’s flock. A good pastor does not shrink from telling his flock about
this danger and should expect his flock to be vigilant accordingly: “The
faithful conclude that when a curate is notoriously negligent in his office,
they as subjects should, yea ought, to withdraw offerings and tithes from
him and whatever might be the occasion for fostering such wickedness.”53
This warning, which recurs throughout Wyclif ’s writings, lies at the base
of the accusations of Donatism against him, which we will consider in the
next chapter.
The friars are usually the object of Wyclif ’s criticism in his homiletic
teachings. Time and again, if he inveighs against some bad preaching habit,
it’s likely to be a hallmark of fraternal preaching. They school their preach-
ers to develop an entertaining delivery and to put minimal emphasis on
the need for penitence. They manipulate their preaching venues to garner
the largest offerings from their audiences and avoid those where funds are
scarce. Such a preacher happily tells his audience what they want to hear,
all the while handing around the collection plate, bilking the very souls for
whom he pretends to care. Wyclif comments that the friars’ habit of using
frivolous stories in preaching appears to come from a deliberate refusal to
take Christ’s sewing advice in Matthew 9:16. They are willing to attach
themselves to their sect, which is a patch ready to unravel at the seams
from the fabric of the church, and so delight in their “unseemly” stories.54
While an honest preacher goes no further than scripture for his meter and
rhythm, the friars consistently indulge in ornament and deride those who
do not as fools:

And thus with clamor and ornate words they overcome the faithful who
would speak the sense of God, and where God wills to have helpers for
the simple, and mild speaking, as the Apostle says with “We are God’s
servants,” they regard this with disdain, asking against the rule of love
for money, doing the devil’s work with frivolous tales and sophistication,
rather than the simple truth of the gospel.55

During the Despenser crusade, it appears that friars were particularly

enthusiastic in their support of the bishop’s campaign of sustained pillage
and murder, which Wyclif viewed as another, predictable result of the
 the logic of scripture 165

friars’ departure from lex Christi: “They use their preaching office to incite
the people to spill their blood in misguided crusades, like the fiasco led by
Bishop Spencer in Flanders, and this more for the money they can hope to
gain from the plunder!”56

Vernacular Preaching and Scripture

Modern understanding of the relation of Wyclif to Lollardy, and of the

further relation of the two to the Protestant reformation, has shifted con-
siderably. A century ago, the long-standing assumption of the legitimacy of
both relations began to crumble, until scholars routinely discounted strong
connections both between Wyclif and Protestantism and between Wyclif
and Lollardy. By the mid-twentieth century, the received opinion was that
of K. B. McFarlane, who discounted the significance of both, leading to
a sharp distinction between Wyclif and the variegated Lollard advocates
of ideas he had voiced. Anne Hudson’s landmark study The Premature
Reformation put an end to the legitimacy of this tendency to draw a dis-
tinct line between the academic Wyclif and the lower- and middle-class
lay piety movement that had adopted his ideas, pointing to the possibility
that Wycliffism might even have had some impact on events in sixteenth-
century England, if not on the Continent. More recent studies have encour-
aged a nuanced understanding of the relation between Wyclif ’s thought
and vernacular literature, in which lay authors and readers are given credit
for a greater intellectual sophistication than had been imagined.57 Our sur-
vey of Wyclif ’s thought cannot address Lollardy as a phenomenon, much
less the possible ties between Wyclif and the birth of Protestantism. We
must remain within the bounds of his own life, if only because the growing
body of literature catalyzed by Hudson’s work would demand a survey of
a length equal to this.58
Two related areas of contention remain, then: did Wyclif organize a band
of preachers to evangelize throughout England, and what was his relation
to the translation of the Bible into English? The popular image of the exiled
reformer translating scripture into the language of the people and dissemi-
nating the word by sending forth a small army of educated preachers remains
in numerous popular histories. Was Wyclif a theological Robin Hood, tak-
ing scripture—the ultimate source of true wealth—from the hands of the
privileged and putting it into those of the poor? The way to answer this is by
166 john wyclif

looking at the evidence. Is there reason to believe that he was involved either
in the production of the eponymous Bible or with the storied russet-robed
preachers? As to Wyclif ’s having translated the Bible from Jerome’s Latin
into Middle English, an idea reported as commonly understood by Hus in
1411: this was laid to rest in Margaret Deansley’s The Lollard Bible in 1920.
Wyclif ’s disciples, chiefly Nicholas Hereford, were given the credit.
The second question has been more controversial. Workman’s 1926 biog-
raphy is dramatic:
Clad in russet robes of undressed wool reaching to their feet (a garb which
Wyclif had assumed at Canterbury), without sandals, purse, or scrip, a
long staff in their hand, dependent for food and shelter on the good will
of their neighbors, their only possession a few pages of Wyclif ’s Bible
(especially the gospel and the epistles for the day), his tracts and sermons,
moving constantly from place to place like the early Methodist preachers
on their “circuits”—for Wyclif feared as Wesley feared lest they should
become “possessioners,” tied to one place like a dog—given not “to fre-
quenting taverns, hunting or to chess,” but “to the duties which befit the
priesthood, studious acquaintance with God’s law, plain preaching of
the word of God, and devout thankfulness,” Wyclif ’s poor priests, like
the friars before them, soon became a power in the land.59
Workman’s depiction harks back to Thomas Walsingham’s description
of Wyclif ’s Oxford comrades wearing russet robes to demonstrate their
superiority, going barefoot to trample popular errors underfoot. But
Walsingham’s description lacks the approving tone of Workman; the
famous chronicler was a monk at St. Alban’s, and he thought that Wyclif ’s
teachings were venomous poison seeping into the body of Christ, espe-
cially given the violence of the Peasants’ Uprising in the summer of 1381.
Walsingham’s narration of the chaos spreading across the land attributes at
least some of the blame to Wyclif, given the reputation of one of the rebel-
lion’s leaders, the priest John Ball: “He taught the perverse doctrine of the
perfidious John Wiclyf, and the opinions that he held, and the insane lies,
and many other things it would take long to recite.”60 Wyclif ’s horrified
reaction to the uprising notwithstanding, the story of the russet-robed poor
preachers sent out to promulgate his reforming agenda would stand as long
as writers connected Wycliffite ideology with the Peasants’ Revolt. Thus,
mid-twentieth-century scholars found themselves searching for firmer evi-
dence than the assumptions made in biased contemporary sources and the
passing references in English works once thought to be Wyclif ’s. While
 the logic of scripture 167

several other chroniclers describe educated disciples of Wyclif gathering

his teachings of their own volition, they do not constitute reliable evidence
for an organized movement actively launched by Wyclif. Scholars have
found themselves unable to believe in the reality behind the myth:

If he had been active in the development of preaching programs, then

one would have expected Lutterworth to have been a centre of popular
Lollardy. Yet it produced [a] single Lollard in all the record of heresy
trials. . . . Wyclif was not the organizer of the heresy: his legacy to his
followers lay in the realm of ideas.61

The myth had its foundation in more than just the frets of chroniclers,
though. Michael Wilks noticed that Wyclif ’s writings are filled with refer-
ences to the small number of his associates who saw the awful truth of the
church’s need for renewal and reform. While Wyclif certainly had the ten-
dency to view himself as a lonely, prophetic figure, his gestures toward “the
simple few who speak the truth,” the “unknown true priests in the world,”
as well as the fact that his sermons are unmistakably designed to instruct an
educated elite group of preachers, make certain the reality of a small num-
ber of “poor preachers.” Whether Wyclif hand-picked his disciples during
his years at Oxford, preparing them for evangelizing throughout the coun-
try, or whether it was a self-selecting group of Oxford scholars, given ben-
efices by their colleges in parishes across England, is beside the point.62 The
fact remains that an educated corps of preachers, likely also responsible for
the Wyclif Bible, did champion his ideas throughout England in the 1380s.
In one of Wyclif ’s sermons on the parable of the sower, he devotes consider-
able attention to the need for preachers to pay close attention to the ground
on which their words are cast, and his references to “my brothers” certainly
suggest that these earlier sermons could be evidence that Wyclif was con-
sciously organizing a band of educated preachers while still at Oxford. In
this sermon, dating to February 1376, Wyclif also refers to “your frater-
nity,” which was an unusual form for him to use. This is a common address
for papal rescripts, letters in which the pope answers specific requests with
the force of ecclesiastical law.63 Wyclif also uses this form in Sermons 37 and
38 from the same, earlier collection. Leaving aside, for now, the question of
tone in his use of a form of address normally reserved for popes, his audi-
ence must have had a degree of internal coherence to deserve being called a
fraternity. Whether this was simply because of collegiate ties, or something
more, remains open to speculation.
168 john wyclif

So, answering the second question remains a problem. On the one hand,
as Anne Hudson has commented, given that a fair number of educated
men set out from Oxford before or shortly after Wyclif ’s departure in 1381,
“it would seem perverse to maintain that Wyclif himself had nothing to do
with their activities.” On the other hand, as Gillian Evans has observed,
we have no texts explicitly outlining plans for organizing a band of poor
preachers written by Wyclif himself. All we have is the basis for an induc-
tive conclusion. If Wyclif had purposively organized a band of preachers,
there are numerous references throughout his works that would apply
well to them. For example, embedded in several of his sermons is what
appears to be a treatise describing the six yokes that bind people together
in the service of Christ. It is reasonable to assume that the sermons are
intended for an educated audience preparing to engage in their own hom-
iletics, not least because of the frequent excursions into homiletic theory
they contain. Here, Wyclif actually provides a handy outline for the extem-
poraneous preacher in need of a structure for a series of sermons outlining
the Christian life: “Since these six yokes are, by their lightness and smooth-
ness, able to be grounded in Scripture, evangelists animated by God ought
preach this order with zest and strength.”64 Still, his antipathy for what
he called “private religions,” which he viewed as nothing more than sects
founded on the charismatic force of a saintly personality, suggests some-
thing other than the founding of an order of preachers.65 A thorough study
of the content of Sermones will likely provide the best means of tackling this
question, which for now must remain unresolved.

6

predestination and the church

Of the four major orders of mendicant friars in the medieval period, the
Carmelites laid claim to the earliest origins. The Dominicans, Franciscans,
and Augustinians (or “Austyns”) originated in the thirteenth century, as do
the first records of the Carmelites, but these earliest records point to a com-
munity of hermits on Mount Carmel in Israel dating to the time of Elijah.
John the Baptist, say the Carmelites, was a member of this ancient and
honored community, and St. Anne, mother of the Virgin, had sought their
advice. There had been Carmelites at Pentecost, and they had worn their
white cloaks with pride, until Muslims conquered the holy lands, when
they had to shift to a black-and-white-striped habit. This mythic history
seems to have been well received, since the number of Carmelite houses
in England increased from six to twenty-seven in the second half of the
thirteenth century.1 Not only were they daring in making historical claims
questionable even to sympathetic popes, they were relentless in their criti-
cism of Wyclif ’s views of the church and its ordering. One of the earliest
records of the tempestuous events of Wyclif ’s career was given the pro-
vocative title Fasciculi Zizianorum Vuiclevi, or The Bundle of Wyclif ’s Weeds.
Following the parable in Matthew 13:36–43, where Jesus likens evildoers to
the weeds that will be separated out at the harvest and cast into the fire, the
English Carmelite friars began gathering up records of Wyclif ’s arguments

169
170 john wyclif

with his contemporaries for the eventual systematic identification of this

dangerous new heresy.
The Fasciculi Zizianorum (FZ) has long been associated with the famous
Carmelite Thomas Netter of Walden, the confessor of Henry V and Henry VI
and a tireless foe of Lollardy. While Netter compiled the Doctrinale Fidei
Ecclesiae, a systematic refutation of Wyclif ’s theology, internal textual evi-
dence suggests that he may have contributed to FZ, but could not have
authored it. Netter’s grasp of Wyclif ’s thought was considerable, and his
Doctrinale is a meticulous dissection of Wyclif ’s philosophical and theologi-
cal system, centering on the Eucharist and especially on Wyclif ’s troubling
conception of the church as the eternally foreknown body of the elect.
Netter was not the first Carmelite to be deeply concerned with the theo-
logical basis for Wyclif ’s conception of the church, though; a sizable por-
tion of FZ is devoted to John Kenningham’s earlier critique of Wyclif.
Kenningham (d. 1399), later confessor to John of Gaunt, seems to have
been a slightly senior contemporary of Wyclif ’s. Their correspondence,
namely, three of Kenningham’s criticisms of Wyclif ’s thought and parts
of Wyclif ’s responses, suggests an ongoing, rather combative relationship
between the two theologians.
Most troubling of Wyclif ’s philosophical doctrines, Kenningham argued,
was what Wyclif believed to follow from a phrase that recurs throughout
his writings, “Everything that occurs, occurs of necessity.”2 This determin-
ism, a theme running throughout Wyclif ’s thought, is in itself unremark-
able, if understood properly. That God foreknows all that will occur in
creation, and that this perfect foreknowledge is necessary, is a common-
place in medieval theology. As we will see, Wyclif has very carefully worked
out a philosophical approach whereby the absolute necessity of God’s know-
ledge of all events in creation does not rule out human freedom. In part,
this is because he is applying the strongly determinist thought of Thomas
Bradwardine to what he perceived as the dangerous misreadings of scrip-
ture of the moderni doctors. He needs a workable theory of the relation
of God’s understanding to the revealed truth of scripture to explain cases
in which educated readers might question the truth of problematic sec-
tions. In parts of the Gospels, Christ’s enemies tell lies about him. In
what sense are they true, and in what sense does this truth reflect God’s
immutable, perfect understanding? Obviously, one cannot take the indi-
rect discourse of a statement like “[he] has a demon” in John 10:20 as
true, but are the levels of truth in the Jews’ accusations sufficiently evident
 predestination and the church 171

to permit universal agreement with the proposition that “all that is in scrip-
ture is truth”?
Kenningham argued, as do most twenty-first-century scripture scholars,
that sensitivity to the human hands behind the Gospels is a central part of
appreciating biblical truth, while Wyclif stoutly defends the self-evidence
of its truth by reason of its divine authorship.3 Lying behind their debate
was Kenningham’s great distaste for Wyclif ’s contention that all that is,
was, or will be is immediate to God’s understanding. The absolute necessity
of God’s knowledge of all created events, Wyclif believed, involved every-
thing being immediately present to God’s cognition. This rules out the pos-
sibility of counterfactuals that lead one to conclude that “it might have been
otherwise,” objected Kenningham, who pushed for nuance in describing
God’s understanding. Better to say that things in time are present to God
subjectively, as something is present in a mode of time, rather than in the
immediate clarity of objective understanding. This prevents us from rea-
soning that “A is known by God, therefore A is,” which, at the least, endan-
gers human freedom. The appeal of the idea for Wyclif, though, lies in the
ties possible between eternal divine ideas, the universals to which they cor-
respond in creation, and created particulars, on the one hand, and the Book
of Life (another way of referring to the divine ideas), scripture, and truth in
creation, on the other. If all created truth is tied directly to scripture, as we
noted in chapter 5, and scripture is a particular of the Book of Life, a certain
degree of determinism will be unavoidable.
While Kenningham’s objections are more to what follows from Wyclif ’s
hard-headed hermeneutic than to the implications of his determinism, he
felt that Wyclif ’s readiness to transcend temporal limitation in interpreting
scripture was impracticable in the church. Even more problematic were its
implications for understanding sentences like “Now you are the body of
Christ and individually members of it” (1 Corinthians 12:27). By Wyclif ’s
reasoning, God knows to whom “you” refers, and to whom it does not,
down to the last member. This makes defining the church as the elect,
those eternally foreknown to merit salvation, and no one else, a natural
conclusion. Wyclif is clear about this: “Although the church is mentioned
many times in scripture, I suppose that it can be taken most famously by
the proposition, the congregation of the faithful.”4 This definition, with its
roots in Augustine’s thought, was foundational to the medieval church.
Wyclif ’s position, as it will be articulated in this chapter, turns out to be
an attempt at mediating between the fatalistic determinism he perceives in
172 john wyclif

Bradwardine and the semi-Pelagian position of the moderni. The connec-

tion between scriptural hermeneutics and the definition of the church will
hinge on how we are to understand Christ’s prediction that Peter would
deny him. If Christ knew with eternal certainty that Peter would deny
him, then it follows that God knows the two classes of the elect and the
damned from eternity as well. From this, it would appear to follow that
Peter had no choice in the matter, which is the first step on the slippery
slope to the doctrine of double predestination. The trouble with this is that,
if God predestines a group of humans to damnation, it seems that he cre-
ates them without any hope of salvation. This would mean that Christ did
not die for all men, but only for those whom he eternally foreknew would
be saved. This is so opposed to the faith that one wants to find a way for
God to know who will be in which group without making that knowl-
edge causal. The philosophical heirs of Ockham, trading on the venerable
inceptor’s innovations in understanding the truth value of future contin-
gent propositions, argued that Christ’s assertion at the Passover feast was
a future contingent truth, lacking the ontological certainty of statements
about things in creation that had already occurred. As we will see, this line
of thinking ignited a fiery debate in fourteenth-century Oxford schools.
Wyclif and Kenningham were arguing about hermeneutics, but at stake
was more than how the reader understands the sacred page. The nature
of salvation and the efficacy of the church hung in the balance.
As with his dominion thought, Wyclif ’s description of the church pro-
vides a certain connection between his earlier, metaphysical analysis of the
divine ideas and his later thought. In the late 1360s, when he wrote De
Ydeis, he argued, “If God understands Peter, it is true that Peter is under-
stood by God. But since this truth cannot depend upon the existence of
Peter, it remains that it would be eternal . . . and this truth is the reason
or the Idea of Peter, which is called his intelligible being.” If this is true
for a given individual, and for a species, it must be true for an aggregate
like the church, the existence of which is eternally foreknown. This is not
something Wyclif was eager to pursue at the time, but he seems to be steel-
ing himself: “I say, along with Luke 14, that he who would not consider a
creature save in its proper essence is shaking with fear. Ascend willingly the
heights and see how the creature is according to the eternal reason in God as
it is known by Him.”5 Wyclif ’s understanding of the church as the congre-
gation of the elect relies upon his philosophical understanding of necessity,
 predestination and the church 173

which provides the underpinning for his understanding of the relation of

God to human action. In his accounts of God’s knowing, understanding,
and willing (De Sciencia Dei, De Intellecione Dei, De Volucione Dei), his
arguments provide firm support for his belief that the church’s member-
ship is brought about as much by human agency as by divine willing. Here,
we will recount the position formulated in De Volucione Dei to illustrate the
reciprocity Wyclif envisioned between divine and human willing, which he
believed allowed for escape from a fatalistic determinism. The major work
that articulates Wyclif ’s vision of the church, De Ecclesia, assumes a gen-
eral understanding of these theological positions, making his arguments
for the church’s identification with the elect little more than afterthoughts.
Our discussion of this treatise will be somewhat anticlimactic as a result.
A significant portion of Wyclif ’s writing includes treatises, polemical tracts,
and responses concerning the state of the church militans, particularly of
the papacy and the friars. Limits of space will preclude all but the briefest
overview of this body of Wyclif ’s writings, which made him notorious in
his day, but are not dissimilar in argument or content from many other
fourteenth-century critics of the ecclesiastical status quo.

Determinism and Free Will:

Bradwardine’s De Causa Dei

The philosophical problem of reconciling the absolute perfection of God’s

knowledge of created events with the freedom of human willing had been
in the forefront of Oxford theological debates for several decades before
Wyclif arrived there. William Ockham had argued that statements of the
form “X will occur at time N” have a truth value contingent upon what
will happen in the future, so knowing them must be a different sort of
knowledge than knowing statements about the present or the past, for
which the truth value is already clear. Since this is a natural fact about such
future contingent statements, God’s knowledge, too, must be that “X will
occur at time N” is true contingent upon X’s occurrence. The difference
between our fallible and uncertain knowing and God’s infallible and per-
fect knowledge is that, while for us knowing X or knowing not-X are two
very different mental states, for God, knowing X or knowing not-X are
the same. “For just as this or that future contingent contingently will be,
174 john wyclif

so God knows that it contingently will be, for if He knows it, He can not
know that it will be.” Ockham was aware that what he was suggesting,
while certainly preserving the freedom of human willing and action, could
easily be understood to restrict the range of God’s knowledge, and he admit-
ted, “it is impossible to express clearly the way in which God knows future
contingents; nevertheless, it must be held that He does, but contingently.”6
Ockham’s resolution of the puzzle was not necessarily a departure from
earlier thinkers like Grosseteste or Peter Lombard, but in his delicately
nuanced treatment of the relation of God’s eternal knowledge and the contin-
gency of action in time, it seemed that we might be able to earn salvation on
our own merit, without grace. In short, it was possible to interpret Ockham’s
approach as countenancing elements of Pelagianism. Bradwardine describes
it this way:
When I was applying myself to the study of philosophy, I was foolish and
empty of the knowledge of God, and was seduced into error. When I
heard theologians discuss this matter, the part of the Pelagians appeared
more true to me. In the schools of the philosophers, I rarely heard any
talk of grace, unless perchance through equivocation, but all the time I
heard that we ourselves are the lords of our actions, and that it is in our
power to do good and evil, to have virtue and vices, and many simi-
lar things. And if, in church, I ever heard a reading from the Apostle
explaining grace, as in Romans 9, “Not on [human] willing or exertion,
but on the mercy of God,” and such like, it grated on me mightily. With
the Manichees I believed the Apostle in his humanity to have deviated
from the path of truth, just as anyone might have done.7
Bradwardine appears to have come to this realization as he began his
theological studies in the late 1320s. His first approach to the question
of God’s foreknowledge and future contingents can be found in some
recently discovered Sentences commentaries, dating to 1332–1334, and in
the more developed De Futuris Contingentibus, which was written several
years later. Bradwardine’s interest in the subject developed, and after he
had become a member of de Bury’s circle, he compiled De Causa Dei, a
labyrinthine refutation of “the Pelagians.” This massive work is not con-
structed along a recognizably scholastic model, but appears instead to be
a summa encompassing all that Bradwardine understood to be involved in
explaining grace, merit, human salvation, and God’s knowing and will-
ing. Unlike Aquinas’s Summa, Bradwardine’s does not proceed methodi-
cally and logically; instead, each topic Bradwardine addresses finds its way
 predestination and the church 175

back to God’s unmediated causal influence over creation. Topics that do not
interest him, particularly metaphysical questions of ontology or epistemol-
ogy, rarely arise. He appears to have had no interest whatsoever in the ques-
tion of universals, for example, and questions of how terms or propositions
express created or divine truths do not arise. Earlier readers have supposed
that Bradwardine’s departure from the logico-semantic approach of the
Ockhamists represents a reactionary Augustinianism, but this fails to take
into consideration his earlier, mathematically oriented thought, including
his fully developed theory of signification in his treatise on insolubles of
1324. The more freely flowing theological arguments of De Causa Dei sug-
gest a polemicized summa, in which the reader is able to recover the nature
of more informal—but still extraordinarily complex—arguments in which
Bradwardine engaged during his years in Durham.8
At the heart of Bradwardine’s theology is the fundamental truth that
God’s causal power over creation is absolute; nothing occurs that is not
willed by God. On the face of it, this seems so deterministic as to be fatal-
istic. If all that happens is in accord with God’s will, then the revealed
certainty that some will be damned and others saved amounts to double
predestination, the ancient heresy in which God has consigned some to hell
and others to heaven from eternity. Later theologians with a predilection
for determinism, particularly Luther, the Calvinists, and the Jansenists,
interpreted Augustine’s thought in this manner, and some philosophers
like Descartes and Nicolas Malebranche even espoused occasionalism, the
position that God directly causes every created occurrence, without created
agency playing any role. Bradwardine’s position was not so extreme. Even
if God is a co-agent in every created action, including the evil that men
do, he is neither responsible for evil nor is his foreknowledge the cause
of men’s damnation. Those who would warn theologians away from the
murky depths of this problem for fear of causing despair and abandonment
of the faith should know that only the shortsighted will suffer:
On the basis of such preaching a predestinate person grows in a use-
ful way; for he can know on the basis of it that if he is predestinate he
will be saved, and so he has more material for praising God than if
he were not to know the eternity of predestination and the eternity of
reprobation. . . . But all the same, it can allowably be left out [of preach-
ing] because of the simplicity of most men, since they can easily fall into
heresies by thinking a great deal on the difficult subject of whether they
are reprobate or elect.9
176 john wyclif

That said, Bradwardine’s position that God is a co-agent in all human

actions provides the basis for his arguments against Pelagianism, but it
also demands an account of how we, not God, are responsible for evil.
This is particularly a problem if (a) God necessarily knows all that will
occur in creation, (b) necessarily, all that God knows will occur, will occur,
and (c) God’s will and knowing are identical, so if God knows that a thing
will occur, God necessarily wills that it occur. Theologians from Anselm
onward had responded to this by exploring the nature of necessity and
contingency, and De Causa Dei is exhaustive in its analysis of the wide
variation that scholastic thinkers found in these apparently basic notions.
Modal philosophy is the metaphysical analysis of the possible, or what can
or could be; the actual, or what is; the necessary, or what cannot not be;
and the impossible, or what cannot be. Medieval philosophers developed
a complex body of philosophical literature in this area, primarily because
of the difficulties of the problem of God’s foreknowledge and human free-
dom. On the face of it, necessity is a simple notion: if a thing is necessary,
it cannot not be. Likewise, if something is contingent, this means that it
relies on something outside of it for its being. Complications arise when
we try to qualify things within time; if we consider a past event, from our
vantage point, its occurrence is necessary, in that we cannot undo the past.
But what about the relation of God, who is outside of time, to events in
time? If God knows something that occurs in time, and that knowledge
is eternal, does this mean that what occurs in time is connected to God’s
knowledge?

Wyclif ’s Modal Theory

Augustine had argued that, just as our memory does not force the past to
have happened, so God’s knowledge does not force the future to happen, at
least as far as human sin is concerned. A problem arose with understand-
ing the prophets’ foretelling of Christ’s coming and his death, though. Was
Christ’s suffering and death necessary eternally by reason of something
that occurred in time, namely, human sin? Anselm explained that “there
is a necessity which precedes, being the cause for an actuality’s existence,
and there is a necessity which is consequent, being caused by an actual-
ity.”10 That is, there is a difference between saying “it is necessary that
Socrates sits,” meaning that Socrates cannot help but sit, and saying the
 predestination and the church 177

same thing simply because Socrates has already taken a seat. The first rules
out Socrates choosing to sit, while the second simply describes what already
is true. Likewise, Anselm believed that God knows our sinning by conse-
quent necessity, the kind that follows from what already is true, and not by
the former, compulsive kind, called antecedent necessity.
Peter Lombard popularized a further distinction, between kinds of con-
sequent necessity. If it is necessarily true that “if God knows that man will
sin, then man will sin,” it follows that “if God knows that man will sin,
then man’s sinning is necessary” is also necessarily true. Aquinas would
argue that the first conditional statement, “if God knows that man will
sin, then man sins,” is true by “necessity of the consequent” (necessitas con-
sequentiae), but the second conditional statement, “if God knows that man
will sin, then man’s sinning is necessary,” is necessary conditionally (necessi-
tas consequentis). Human freedom is preserved, Aquinas argued, in the first
statement, because man’s sinning is not necessitated by God’s knowing. In
the second, freedom is compromised since the consequence follows neces-
sarily from the antecedent, and so instead of saying that the will of God has
a necessary relation to man’s sinning, it is better to say that it is necessary
by supposition. Aquinas introduced this kind of necessity in distinguish-
ing between the necessity by which a bachelor is an unmarried male, or
man is a rational animal, and the necessity by which Socrates sits. In the
latter, so long as he is sitting, he must necessarily be sitting, but he certainly
needn’t be sitting.11 This makes “if God knows that man will sin, then man
sins” true because the necessity in “man sins” is not inescapable, and not
brought about by God’s knowing, but entirely reliant upon the fact that,
so long as he is sinning, he must necessarily be sinning. Another way that
Aquinas clarifies the difference between kinds of consequent necessity, one
that Wyclif would favor, is by describing the freedom-threatening neces-
sity of “if God knows that man will sin, then man’s sinning is necessary”
as absolute necessity, and the necessity of the freedom-preserving “if God
knows that man will sin, then man sins” as necessity by supposition. So
long as man’s sinning is not necessitated by God’s knowing, but only by
man’s choice, the consequent necessity by which man sins is necessary by
supposition.
Unlike Aquinas, Bradwardine felt that necessitas consequentis, or abso-
lute necessity, is commensurate with God’s foreknowledge without leading
to a fatalistic determinism. Talk of God knowing a thing before it hap-
pens, or of a thing being necessary because God knows it ahead of time, is
178 john wyclif

confused. God is eternal, and eternality is not a mode in which “before” or

“ahead of time” applies. Hence, if God eternally wills that man act freely
in time, the freedom of human action is not limited by the necessity of the
divine willing. This is not the fatalism that Stephen Tempier condemned in
1277, because God has ordained that, despite divine co-agency in every act
and all good willing, human willing and action be free. Bradwardine man-
aged to have both God’s eternal foreknowledge and human freedom by dis-
tinguishing between kinds of antecedent necessity. Recall that, for Anselm,
antecedent necessity precedes the event, serving as the cause. Bradwardine
argued that some antecedent necessity is wholly absolute, but some is rela-
tive to an extent. The relative antecedent necessity can describe the second-
ary cause of an event, or it can describe the first cause. Peter may be free to
choose to sin by virtue of an antecedent necessity relative by virtue of his
being a member of the human species (a secondary cause of Peter’s exis-
tence), or by virtue of God’s willing (the primary cause of all created acts).
Peter’s choice may be determined to an extent by being a member of the
human species, but his biological form does not compel his choice. God’s
will, on the other hand, does, by virtue of its being the sufficient cause of
every effect in creation, including human willing. Bradwardine believed that
he preserved God’s eternal foreknowledge by making antecedent relative
necessity commensurate with necessitas consequentis. The statement “if God
knows that man will sin, then man’s sinning is necessary” is true, but escapes
fatalism by decreeing that man’s sinning is free by virtue of God’s willing it
to be so. The final effect of Bradwardine’s exhaustive catalog of arguments in
De Causa Dei is to strike down any attempt at compromising the necessity of
divine knowing and willing. The correspondent robust predestinarian view
regarding human willing struck many of his readers, Wyclif included, as
heavy-handed.12
Wyclif felt that Bradwardine’s approach was excessively deterministic,
and commented that the doctor profundus dove too deep, leading to ques-
tionable conclusions about the divine nature.13 Bradwardine had strayed
too far from the balanced position of Aquinas for Wyclif ’s taste, largely
because of his belief that necessitas consequentis did not compromise human
freedom. Wyclif ’s approach was to distinguish between absolute and hypo-
thetical, or suppositional, necessity, but the blizzard of kinds of necessity he
generated in his modal thought does not make the distinction immediately
clear. In the interests of clarity, we will keep track of the kinds of necessity
 predestination and the church 179

Wyclif described, because losing track can too easily lead one to suspect that
he obscured the question of determinism with an ink cloud of distinctions.
He described necessity in four places: Logice continuacio I.11, De Logica
III.10, De Actibus Anime 1, and De Universalibus 14. Wyclif was not overly
consistent in his terminology in his catalog of types of necessity in these four
works, much to the frustration of anyone trying to formulate a coherent
Wycliffian modal philosophy. In the chapters in De Logica, he began by
distinguishing between what cannot not be by virtue of itself, or “primary
per se necessity” (i.e., God’s being) (A); that which cannot not be by virtue of
something outside itself, or “secondary per se necessity” (B); and things that
are necessary, but could have been otherwise, or “accidental necessity” (C).
In De Actibus Anime, he called the necessity of God’s being “simple, absolute
necessity” (A.1), and seems willing to include the world’s being, which by
Logice continuacio.11 would be secondary per se necessity (B), under the
heading “created absolute necessity,” suggesting a close tie between A and B.
(Here, he described the secondary per se necessity as “a created truth with-
out which God could not be,” the meaning of which he does not pursue.)
For our purposes, A and B seem to point to the kind of absolute necessity
that earlier philosophers had posited as distinct from necessity by supposi-
tion. What he described in. Logice continuacio11 as “necessary secundum
quid” appears to be the same as necessary by supposition in De Logica III.10
and in De Actibus Anime, and likely would correspond to accidental neces-
sity (C).14 In this category, Wyclif described antecedent (C.1), consequent
(C.2), and concomitant necessity (C.3) by supposition in the two sections of
De Logica and De Actibus Anime. In De Universalibus, suppositional neces-
sity is divided into “nonvolitional natural necessity,” “volition-dependent
natural necessity,” “agent compulsive natural necessity,” and “free neces-
sity.” Where did “natural” necessity come from? It seems to refer to C.1. In
Logice continuacio.11, Wyclif divided antecedent suppositional necessity
into “necessity of volition” (C.1.a), a willing that brings something about by
necessity; “necessity of nature” (C.1.b), as with fire burning anything com-
bustible; and “necessity of coercion” (C.1.c), when a force elicits a response
that rules out freedom. “Free necessity” (C.1.d) seems to point to an ante-
cedent necessity by supposition that lacks a defining force like a will or a
law, “free either in the sense of freedom between alternatives or of freedom
from compulsion.” Anthony Kenny described nine kinds of necessity in
his catalog of Wyclif ’s modal thought, but Wyclif himself suggested that
180 john wyclif

this could be the tip of the iceberg: “There are many other similar, non-
exclusive notional distinctions.”15
Consider the following argument:
1. If God eternally knows that Peter sins today, then Peter sins today.
2. God eternally knows that Peter sins today.
3. Therefore, Peter sins today.
Statement 1 is eternally true, and would be logically unavoidable, no mat-
ter what. This is an instance of absolute necessity because it is connected to
the necessity of divine omniscience (A.1). Likewise, the argument formed
by combining 1 and 2 leads directly to the conclusion according to modus
ponens. This argument is both valid and true by absolute necessity from
eternity, according to Wyclif ’s understanding of the nature of logic. All
logical, mathematical, and geometric truths are absolutely necessary (A.2).
Suppositional necessity is so called because everything depends on the
relation of the truth of one part of a proposition to another. An if-then
statement might not be an instance of relative necessity for a host of rea-
sons; both antecedent and consequent might be impossible, or contin-
gent, or even absolutely necessarily true. But the world is structured so
that many things that are necessarily true are so because of the truth of
something prior. Wyclif envisions a complex modal system to describe the
many sorts of necessary truths that derive their necessity from the relation
of one truth to another. Any given modal proposition, he explains, must
be dissected carefully prior to seeing how the whole statement works.
There is a world of difference between the assertion “Peter necessarily
sins” and “necessarily, Peter sins,” and this realm of suppositional neces-
sity is where this kind of care is needed. With antecedent suppositional
necessity (C.1), once the truth of the situation described as antecedent
is met, the consequent will necessarily come about; as with “God wills
Socrates to exist,” the truth of “Socrates exists” will necessarily follow. As
just mentioned, there are three species of antecedent necessity by supposi-
tion. The first, volitional, involves a willing that brings something about
by necessity, as with “God wills Socrates to exist” (C.1.a). Wyclif believes
this to be the critical issue in the problem of free will and determinism.
That God’s willing brings about Socrates’ existing is necessary, but that
Socrates might not have existed is also a real contingency. Likewise,
that God knows that Peter sins today may be necessary, but Peter’s sin is
not thereby inescapable. The necessity of the truth of statement 2 in our
 predestination and the church 181

paradigmatic argument, Wyclif thinks, is C.1.a necessity: “And this does

not eliminate freedom of choice, merit, demerit, contingency, or fortune,
just as the theologians declare.”16
The second species is the necessity of nature (C.1.b), as when fire comes
into contact with something combustible, it will burn it. Third is the neces-
sity of coercion, as when some external force compels somebody to do some-
thing against his will, and he does it (C.1.c). This might also be subdivided
into cases in which someone is compelled to do something through duress,
as in giving over money to a robber (C.1.c.i), and doing something with
absolute spontaneity, as when the blessed in heaven adore God (C.1.c.ii).
One is not likely to gain merit from actions following from C.1.b or C.1.c.i,
Wyclif comments, but one might well suffer demerit, because vice causes
people to behave with this species of compulsion, as when an addict cannot
help but give in to the addiction.
The next kind of hypothetical necessity, consequent necessity (C.2), sim-
ply describes whatever effect follows as the consequent follows from the
antecedent. Wyclif does not distinguish between necessitas consequentis and
necessitas consequentiae because the distinction needed to preserve human
freedom in the statement “if God knows that Peter sins, then Peter sins”
already has been made. If we can say that the antecedent is necessary (C.1),
then the consequent, “Peter sins,” is only relatively necessary. Human free-
dom is preserved, so long as “Peter sins” is not absolutely necessary.
The result of Wyclif ’s analysis is to begin with a relatively orthodox
position and then to argue that truths like “God eternally knows that Peter
sins today,” true by antecedent suppositional necessity, do not thereby lose
contingency. Peter’s sinning is dependent upon Peter, and God’s knowl-
edge follows from Peter’s choice. That God eternally knows how Peter
will choose does not cause Peter’s choice. This allows room for contingency
in Peter’s action without plunging the eternality of God’s knowledge into
temporal constraints. While God knows what Peter will choose, it is pos-
sible from all eternity that Peter might have chosen differently, thereby
admitting contingency into the mix without limiting the necessity of God’s
knowing:
Such a relationship depends on each of the terms, since if God is to will
that Peter or some other creature should be, it is requisite that it should
in fact be. And thus the existence of the creature, even though it is tem-
poral, causes in God an eternal mental relationship, which is always in
the process of being caused and yet is always already completely caused.
182 john wyclif

He departs from the traditional position by positing a two-way rela-

tion between eternal knowledge and created action, as contingent created
acts bring about divine knowledge. Anthony Kenny comments that earlier
condemnations of Wyclif for excessive determinism were very wide of the
mark; if anything, Wyclif started from a Thomistic position and erred on
the side of allowing contingent created acts a causal power over God’s neces-
sary understanding of them. Wyclif admits that he had been convinced by a
different position, likely Ockhamist, early on, but that he came to embrace
this interpretation of the traditional approach as he learned more:

Once I had imagined it madness to speak this way, because I was bur-
dened by a young mind, and smitten with the mutability of corporeal
fantasmata, not conceiving of the priority and the coexistence of eternity
with time. . . . Error in this logic causes many to err in the matter of the
necessity of futures. Some suppose that every future is absolutely neces-
sary, perhaps because of foreknowledge, foreordination, or the determi-
nation of God. But this does not follow, since it can always be that God
did not know it thus; and as it is contingent for the world not to be, or
not to have been, it is as contingent for this soul not to be in the future,
indicating whatever that soul produces.17

Reciprocity in God’s Willing:

De Volucione Dei

J. A. Robson rightly points out that Wyclif charted his position on neces-
sity and contingency by tacking between Bradwardine’s De Causa Dei and
Fitzralph’s De Quaestionibus Armenorum. Fitzralph’s antipredestinarian
position appears to have been well established by the time he was called
upon to summarize the points of disagreement between the Western
church and the Armenian church in the early 1340s. Here, he articulates a
position akin to Bradwardine’s, but emphasizes the infallibility of scripture,
which gives him a moderating position between the profound doctor and
the moderni. In fact, his emphasis on scripture’s centrality to theological
argument would later inspire the Lollards to list him among their guiding
lights. In De Dominio Divino I.14–18, Wyclif relates Fitzralph as arguing
that Christ’s knowledge of futures was imperfect during his time on earth,
so that he could have preached inaccurately about the future. In effect, Peter
 predestination and the church 183

might have gotten through that famous Thursday night without denying
Jesus, had he really tried. The temporally oriented Christ might have been
wrong about Peter’s denial, because otherwise Peter would have been fatally
compelled to sin. This nuanced understanding of prophetic statements and
Christ’s predictions, like the one made about Peter’s denial, gave Wyclif a
reason to implement the results of his modal theory in describing the rela-
tion of God’s knowledge and willing to human action.18 Of the treatises in
which Wyclif most fully articulates this position, De Intellectione Dei, De
Sciencia Dei, and De Volucione Dei (Summa de Ente II.1–3), only two have
been edited and published, and these from the poorer of the two extant
manuscripts. In the case of De Volucione Dei, the present edition is missing
chapter 12 and most of chapter 13. It is easy to get the sense that Wyclif ’s
zeal for explaining it all was beginning to flag by the time he was to weave
the elements of his philosophical theology into a coherent picture of God’s
dominion. As he begins his explanation of how our actions have causal
power over divine ideas, he grumbles, “I am certain that nobody may dis-
cover another solution of the argument of the necessity of futures, even if
he were to study diligently through a life as long as Methuselah’s.”19
If created action has a causative effect on God’s knowing, is it true also
to say that created willing might affect God’s willing? Wyclif is prepared to
argue that one can cause God’s willing, without imagining that God’s will
is within human power. The relation of God’s knowing and willing is so
close as to demand care to avoid both the fatalism of Bradwardine and the
voluntarism of the moderni. If God eternally knows that Peter denies Jesus,
in what sense does he will this? Wyclif explains that God’s will is a conse-
quence of Peter’s denial in the same way that the divine knowledge is: that
God will something about Peter’s denial is absolutely necessary, but that he
will that Peter denies Jesus is hypothetically necessary, and could have been
otherwise, had Peter not denied Jesus. There is a strong reciprocity holding
between God and creation, then. The creature has its being through the
divine idea that exists eternally. God has this eternal idea by virtue of the
temporal being that is realized as the creature lives in time:

Thus the logician concedes that for the instant of eternity, there is such
contingent willing completely caused, since in this measure it lacks the
creature’s [moving] causing. And this is consonant with the popular and
philosophical way of speaking in which it is truly said that God’s willing
is not satisfied before what He intends occurs.20
184 john wyclif

Is God complicit in sin? If sinners can expect punishment, then either

their punishment is to a certain extent unjust, or God created a class of human
beings knowing—and willing—that they be damned. Wyclif departs from
Aquinas’s clear rejection of the possibility that God is the cause, either direct
or indirect, of sin in Summa Theologica Ia–IIae, q.79, a.1. In De Intellectione
Dei 5, Wyclif stipulates that God does not cause error in us when we act in
error, despite being the cause of all created action, because the error lies in
our subjective reception and not in the positive nature of the act. It is as if
God had said at our creation:

Behold, I fortify you from all evil, and suggest that under pain of certain
damnation, you shun it, since I have given you assistance through grace
by which to avoid Satanic temptation. Yet a condition of your liberty
is that you have free power to accomplish whatever you might wish,
whether good or evil. I will not incite you nor stir you to something, nor
permit anything evil, save the punishment of sin.21

While it is madness to imagine that God approves of our sinning, it does not
follow that God does not will sin. In fact, the main thrust of De Volucione
Dei is that God does will sin, but that he does not will the sinner to sin.
This runs against the scriptural assurance that God wills the salvation of
all mankind (1 Timothy 2:4), but there are many ways of construing such
a blanket statement. Paul might have meant all classes of men, rich and
poor alike, or he might have meant that God wills that all men ought to
be saved. Wyclif thinks the possibility that God wills all men’s salvation
insofar as each human being wills his or her own salvation is the most
likely. It also challenges the assumption that God’s will would not be per-
fectly free if it were in some way caused by something outside it, which is
Bradwardine’s position. In most cases, it is probably wiser to be quiet about
this around most people: “It seems expedient to me to be silent about such
things with the ill-educated and the common people, as much because they
are not disposed to addressing scripture’s subtlety as because of the sense
in which they might err heretically by supposing that God unduly or cul-
pably ordains things.”22 Should such questions arise, it is helpful to have
Paul’s analogy of a potter in mind (Romans 9:21). A pot cannot censure
a potter, if it is made to hold urine, even if it is made from the same lump
from which a wine jug is made. Likewise, a man cannot censure God,
even if created insufficient in his nature, because God created the mass of
humanity from nothing.
 predestination and the church 185

This analogy appears to oppose Wyclif ’s argument, perhaps leading to

double predestination. But Wyclif reminds us that nobody is so poorly cre-
ated as to be unable to receive saving grace. If one does what lies within
him, God will not fail in directing him to his proper end. And since God
wills all humanity’s salvation as its proper end, the threat of double pre-
destination is vanquished. The threat to God’s freedom is equally illusory,
because in giving human beings a free will, God freely obligates himself to
what follows:

Just as the religious, who by choice necessitates himself to the act of

observing the rule, does not make himself less free than the secular who
does not obligate himself in this way, so God does not give less freely in
promise and pledge of reward, than if He did not obligate Himself by
promise or foreordination, but is far freer, as Paul says in Hebrews 6.

The confusion arises from conceiving of God’s willing as able to begin or

cease as do ours in time. God’s will is not consequent upon our own in a
temporal sense, and precedes ours as prior and perfect. But just as human
freedom is preserved in Wyclif ’s system by the hypothetical necessity of
God’s knowing, so it is with God’s willing: “And although God had made
many miraculous things, yet among everything caused by Him, His rela-
tive knowledge and will are the most miraculous.”23
But what of the idea of the group of people foreknown to be damned?
Is there an eternal idea of the damned, and another of the elect, and does
this mean two kinds of humanity? Wyclif ’s conception of the divine ideas
leaves no space for double predestination. There is no idea for a sin or
other defect in a creature, so no creature as producible by God is designed
for damnation. We bring that about ourselves. As we have seen, we cause
God’s eternal understanding of the two ideas, the foreknown and the elect,
through our actions in time. As in his modal theory and his understanding
of divine volition, Wyclif ’s conception of the ideas emphasizes a reciprocal
relation between eternal knowledge and created action. Contingent created
acts bring about divine knowledge, while eternal ideas serve as the basis for
all created acts, as described in scripture. This remarkable position depends
on Wyclif ’s earlier account of modality. Given his articulation of how hypo-
thetical necessity functions in the relation of God’s knowledge of human
action, Wyclif is able to argue that human acts in time have a causal bearing
on God’s knowledge and willing. If this is so, individual human choice lies
at the basis of God’s eternal understanding of who among us will be saved
186 john wyclif

or damned. This will allow Wyclif to champion the Augustinian concep-

tion of the church as the body of the elect in the face of semi-Pelagian mod-
erni theologians, without running afoul of fatalism.

The Church as the Unknowable

Body of the Elect

The centerpiece of Gordon Leff ’s assessment of Wyclif ’s thought in his

noted study of medieval heresy is his withering indictment of Wyclif ’s idea
of the church.24 Wyclif ’s dedication to 1 John 3:9, where it is said that those
born of God cannot sin, appears to lead him to a terrible misunderstand-
ing of Augustine’s two cities argument. There is the institution that func-
tions as the church in the world, and there is the congregation of the elect,
known only to God. The intersection of the two is an unknown, taking
away the sacramental office, the teaching authority, and the social structure
of the institution that defined medieval society. Earlier heresies, like those
of some of the Beguines or the Waldensians, had demanded a new church
to replace the tired mechanism of their day, but Wyclif managed one better.
With his conviction that the church is nothing other than the body of the
elect, he as much as denied any claim that the historical church made to
being the body of Christ on earth. Along with the call for civil lords to take
control of the church in all matters other than preaching and spiritual guid-
ance, Leff concludes, Wyclif ’s thought is politically impracticable, given
the reality of fourteenth-century Europe. Further, Wyclif ’s denunciation
of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, the very office of the pope, and any hint of
immorality among the clergy so decentralized and secularized the church
as to destroy it altogether. Small wonder that the official reaction was to
condemn him as a heresiarch.
Wyclif does little to help the contemporary reader to garner sympathy
for his position, despite his repeated claims of willingness to accept correc-
tion for any ideas that might be shown untenable. Sprinkled throughout his
indictments of the church hierarchy, the friars, the papacy, and the generally
disreputable state of the ecclesiastical status quo, they have a disingenuous
cast that only adds to Leff ’s indictment. Yet the fact remains that Wyclif
was never actually excommunicated and that he continued to function as
a priest, to celebrate Mass, to preach and pray as a Catholic believer. Is this
 predestination and the church 187

disconnection between thought and practice evidence of bad faith, or of

something else? While it would be an overstatement to claim that Wyclif ’s
many writings on the church, the pope, and the friars constitute a well-
conceived ecclesiology, it seems premature to dismiss it as impractical rant
and vituperative polemics. Wyclif ’s conviction that God necessarily eternally
knows the elect and the damned leads him to emphasize determinism in
all of his definitions of the church. In each case, though, Wyclif emphasizes
its traditional threefold division: the church militant (in the world today),
the church dormant (those who have already died), and the church trium-
phant (post-judgment). Augustine had written that the population of the
church militant may well fluctuate throughout time, even from day to day.
Those who threaten the church from within, he continued, have the chance
of redemption. If they give this up, they pass from membership, yet still
serve the purpose of training the church: “They train her in benevolence, or
even beneficence, so that love may be shown her enemies, whether this takes
the form of persuasive teaching or stern discipline.”25 All too often, the evil
within the church causes those who want to lead a devout life to suffer. Yet in
that suffering arises a love for the persecutor and for one’s fellow sufferers.
It is reasonable to imagine that Wyclif saw himself as one of these “per-
suasive teachers,” seeking to enrich the spiritual life of the members of the
church militant rather than to redefine the entire structure of the institution.
The trick is in recognizing that he slips from the church as we understand
it within time to the church as God eternally knows it to be without any
explanation, assuming that the reader understands the difference between
created instantiation and divine idea. Wyclif envisions his readers or audi-
ences to be university-trained sophisticates, conversant with the distinction
between absolute and hypothetical necessity, with Augustine and the other
fathers, and with the disputes then occupying the church at its highest intel-
lectual levels. Thus, when he begins De Ecclesia with the assertion that the
church militant does not have any of the damned in it, he expects the reader
to be aware of the nuance behind this statement. Those who would include
the damned and the elect under the same rubric completely miss the point.
It is one thing to equivocate by speaking of the English church and the
Roman one, but it is simply illogical to understand “the church” to mean
both the damned and the saved. One might as well think that, when we
read of “the church,” we are meant to think of the stone building in which
we worship.26
188 john wyclif

Christ has remained the head of this church throughout its history, from
the beginning down to the present. Sadly, as the church has grown and
aged, it has become weaker than it once was:
Once the Elect so fully filled the Church Militant that few weeds could
mix in. . . . but after these, those who followed were much more thinly
dispersed, so that you would survey many a wayfarer before you would
find one of the Elect, as one after harvest seeking to find a cornstalk, with
one here, and another far away. From the blindness of stupidity, they
accept wayfarers who are thistles and other poisonous weeds as branches
of the Mother Church, when they really deserve to be eradicated as
members of the devil.27
This sentiment appears repeatedly throughout his writings, usually in
equally explicit language. Along those lines, those who would imagine
themselves to be safely among the elect do themselves a serious disservice:
From the faith of the Scripture it is clear that nobody can cease to be
a member of the holy mother church, or [cease to] be condemned in
perpetuity, and from this, those wayfarers unfamiliar with the revela-
tion of the apostles, who were told that they should not idly anticipate
that they are the head of the church or its members, do whatever they
would, and thereby contradict [their membership] with their life and
presumption.28
Acting as if scriptural injunctions against hypocrisy, greed, and selfishness
do not apply in every moral decision, even if apparently on behalf of the
church, is definitive of sin. The result is that those who do behave this way,
whether lay or ordained, are eternally known to be damned—but we can-
not lay claim to this kind of knowledge:
And it is clear how the prayers of the predestinate are infinitely better
than the prayers of the foreknown, since God, who cannot err in His
judgement, accepts the first to be infinitely better than the second. And
this we piously believe to be the reason why God willed the Elect and
the damned to be hidden from us in this life, so that we may escape the
urge to buy a priest’s prayers. If the ministering priest is of the Elect, or
this curate, priest or prelate is damned, the prayer and the merit of the
ministering priest is infinitely more valid than is the merit or prayer of
the other kind of priest. Who is so prudent as to buy with certainty?29
This is the kind of statement that led many to identify Wyclif with the
Protestantism that would evolve over a century after his death, or even with
 predestination and the church 189

the ancient Donatist heresy. The very existence of the priestly office appears
up for questioning. If we cannot know who is damned, and who is saved,
why rely on a clerical class for sacraments? Indeed, why have any sacra-
ments at all, if one’s fate is eternally foreknown? And if these are valid
questions, then why even go to the trouble of reforming the earthly church,
when its true membership is unknowable? Yet for all the seeming ecclesi-
astical anarchy that results from his criticisms, we also find frequent indict-
ments of any attempts to revolutionize the social structure. At the time,
critics invariably connected his ideas with the uproar of the 1381 Peasants’
Revolt. His defense of the social status quo, with its division into nobility,
clergy, and peasantry, is an important aspect of his ecclesiology. While he
did not actively condemn the Peasants’ Revolt, his social ideals were far
from incendiary:

It is fitting that in this household [of Christ] there be three kinds of min-
isters reciprocally helping one another, so that the clergy, who should be
the highest and most worthy of God, but not attending to earthly honors
or wealth, should expect a whole faith of the retribution to come in the
Church triumphant. The second, middle part should be the knights and
secular lords; the third, lowest part, defending the house as above should
be the community of commoners, as cultivators of fields and other arti-
sans. And from all those three parts come the martyrs and the glori-
ous of the Church triumphant. . . . it is clear that anyone of these three
estates will have suffered meritoriously and [be] among those accepted
of the Lord.30

The storm that was to envelop Western Christianity in the sixteenth

century continues to make medieval reformative ideals difficult to envision,
and this is certainly so with Wyclif ’s idea of the church and its ministers.
His writings are filled with sentiments that bespeak Lutheran, Calvinist,
or Anabaptist ideas: a universal spiritual priesthood of Christians, an
emphasis on scripture preaching over sacramental offices, a rejection of
ecclesiastical hierarchy, and the absolute revocation of secular political
authority for the church—all suggest Protestantism. Yet Wyclif ’s intent
was far from that of the later Reformers, not least because he never seemed
to imagine the doctrine of justification by faith. Understanding Wyclif ’s
reformative scheme involves understanding the medieval dispensationalist
philosophy of history that he took as part and parcel of the Augustinian
world view.
190 john wyclif

Apocalypse or Reform?

Augustine had divided history into six ages in De Catechizandi Rudibus,

and Christian thinkers henceforth were to view the church’s history in
terms of specific periods corresponding to a human life. Michael Wilks
described Wyclif ’s historical vision of the church as a cycle divided into
distinct periods, with the incarnation at the apex of the circle. Leading up
to the incarnation were the Old Testament ages: the period of innocence,
the patriarchal age, and the period of the Levitical priesthood. As soci-
ety grew more complex, the temple priesthood became more defined by
laws and material definitions, until the coming of Christ signaled a radical
change, a new covenant. The first age of the church, Wyclif explained, was
commensurate with the period before the Fall, an age of apostolic purity
and poverty, in which property ownership and civil authority were abso-
lutely foreign to Christians, who enjoyed relatively direct access to Christ
through the teachings of the apostles and the early fathers. The first turn-
ing point came with the Donation of Constantine, which Wyclif, along
with everybody else until the fifteenth century, believed to be associated
with the Constantinian legitimation of Christianity in the fourth cen-
tury. During this period, the church suffered its greatest threats not from
Rome, but from heresy within its own body. With the institutionalization
of Christianity came a shared, “two-swords” arrangement, in which kings
exercised power in the secular sphere, while priests, bishops, and popes
exercised spiritual power. From the fourth to the eleventh century, the
church needed the cooperation of both secular and spiritual power to ward
off the great threats from the non-Christian world, most particularly from
Islam. But just as the progress of the ages in the Old Testament steadily
rose to the new covenant through Christ, the movement of ages after the
incarnation was downward, away from the purity of apostolic times and
into the chaos of the time of Antichrist. The coming of the third age, the
time of the imperial papacy, was bringing the church to the lowest point
of the cycle, to the age of Antichrist. The time of the Gregorian reforms
and the attendant rise of the decretals and canon law enabled the papacy
to take on the accoutrements of secular power. Now the pope was the most
powerful ruler in Europe, and his rule aped the Caesars, the persecutors of
the first popes. All that had cropped up in recent centuries, Wyclif argued,
gave evidence that sin was in the ascendancy in the church, that Antichrist
was building authority and power to previously unimagined heights. The
 predestination and the church 191

pope’s seemingly endless wealth of lands, armies, and secular authority had
fostered the expansion of canon law to encompass all worldly affairs. The
time was coming for a change, Wyclif concluded, and with it a completion
of the cycle of history. If the incarnation were the midpoint, then the end
would come at the close of the third age.31
But if the end times were at hand, why bother reforming the church?
To understand Wyclif ’s brand of apocalypticism, it is necessary to gain per-
spective on the range of orthodox and heterodox apocalyptic ideas prev-
alent in his era. Two figures define later medieval apocalyptic literature,
Hildegard of Bingen and Joachim of Fiore. Of the two, Joachim’s influence
on the Franciscans warrants our attention, especially because of Wyclif ’s
use of Franciscan conceptions of poverty and property. Joachim of Fiore
(c. 1135–1222) had founded an offshoot of the Cistercian order and had
become one of the great prophetic voices of the period. Joachim’s approach
to scripture was similar to Wyclif ’s in that both believed it to contain the
whole of created truth. The two differed significantly about what to take
out of scriptural study. Joachim read the Bible to understand the whole of
human history and devised a complex schema using numerology and pro-
phetic imagery to tease out God’s plan for Christendom. The result was
that Joachim’s thought was taken to endorse a prophetic approach to his-
tory, and kings like Richard I of England and Emperor Henry VI came to
him for advice about their crusading ventures. By one reading, Joachim’s
moments of mystic revelation opened the curtains to show the biblical
forces at work in contemporary events, and central to this mechanism was
the coming new age. The Old Testament was the age of the Father, and
the New Testament heralded the age of the Son, but the future was the
domain of the Spirit proceeding from Father and Son. The age of the Son
replaced law with grace, but the age of the Spirit would replace both with
love. Hence, the incarnation was not the completion of God’s creation, but
only a milestone. By another reading, Joachim believed the incarnation to
be the crucial dividing point in created history, and the age of the Spirit was
to be understood as arising from the ages of the Father and the Son, just
as the Spirit proceeds from the first two persons of the Trinity.32 The two
readings go together for Joachim, but many who would take up his cause
were not as subtle in their prophetic understanding.
Of the many who would embrace Joachism, perhaps the most notori-
ous were the spiritual Franciscans, who eagerly placed St. Francis at the
inauguration of the age of the Spirit. Most dramatic was Gerard de Borgo
192 john wyclif

San Donnino, whose innovation it was to proclaim Joachim’s works, along

with some of his own, to be the “Eternal Evangel,” superseding the Old and
New Testaments. Gerard and similar enthusiasts were disciplined by their
fellows, and Bonaventure was named general of the order with the charge
of sobering the Franciscans. Bonaventure himself appears to have adopted
Joachite tendencies in the philosophy of history he lays out in Collationes
in Hexamaeron, and the Franciscan chronicler Salimbene suggests that
Bonaventure’s refined Joachism represented only the more conservative
attitude among the friars. In the later decades of the thirteenth and into
the fourteenth century, there was no shortage of Franciscans willing to use
Joachim to support their vision of the overthrow of Antichrist and the cor-
rupted, old church and the subsequent triumph of the new spiritual men,
the spiritual Franciscans. These would found a new church on the ideals
of St. Francis, with communal, apostolic poverty and simple goodness as
the hallmarks of the age of spirit. Angelo Clareno, Peter John Olivi, and
Ubertino de Casale were among the most notable advocates of a Joachite
apocalypticism among the spirituals, while Ockham became involved
with their cause in his defense of apostolic poverty, although he did not
espouse their prophetic tone.33 The church’s response to this was energetic
persecution of Joachite spiritual Franciscans, and after John XXII’s 1322
rejection of apostolic poverty, of all spiritual Franciscans. While Joachim
himself seems to have done his best to stay within the bounds of ortho-
doxy, many of his adherents strayed into heresy, poisoning the general
ecclesiastical attitude against Joachism.
A long-standing myth has it that England never really felt much of
the impact of Joachim and that, for medieval Englishmen, heterodox calls
for ecclesiastical reform entailed Wycliffism. Kathryn Kerby-Fulton has
shown that not only was there non-Wycliffite heterodoxy in England, but
that Joachism had indeed figured importantly in the reformative dialogue
there. Dark prophecies, reliant on adroit interpretations of scripture and
recent events, loomed behind many worries for Englishmen high born
and low. If the structure of ecclesiastical reform within Wycliffism has one
notable property, though, it is a rejection of this prophetic element. Wyclif
had no patience with Joachite willingness to engage in prophetic foretell-
ing, and ridiculed the Calabrian abbot throughout his writings. In De
Universalibus, he mocks Joachim’s understanding of the Trinity for its lack
of comprehension about universals, while in De Antichristo, he castigates
anyone, particularly Joachim, who claims knowledge about the timing of
 predestination and the church 193

the day of judgment.34 Wyclif explains that Christ wisely keeps three things
hidden from us, namely, the hour of our death, the nature of our election
or damnation, and the exact time of the apocalypse. Preachers who pretend
knowledge of such things only confuse the faithful: “preaching to the people
of the future should be moderated prudently. . . . By narrating the events of
the day of judgement and the future from prognosticating by the constella-
tions they often deceive themselves and others.”35 A presumptuous care to
discover things that God means us not to know only detracts from the more
important business of saving souls.
While Wyclif had no patience with Joachism, his entire ecclesiology
depends on awareness that the end was soon to come. His commentary on
the “little apocalypse” in Matthew 24 illustrates this well. Rather than pars-
ing scripture to eke out hints about historical warnings of the end times,
we ought to take Jesus at his word and accept that no one knows the day
and hour of the coming end. He speaks of those in Judea who flee to the
mountains, and of one on the house top, and another in the field (Matthew
24:16–18). These tell us of the three classes of society that will have to face
the end times, namely, the priests, who should flee to the example of the
early church; the secular lords, who ought to keep to their civic duties and
guard society against the depredations of Antichrist; and the common peo-
ple, whose duty it is to labor for the good of all: “And if these three parts
of the Church are constantly instructed in this catholic faith, it would be
a sufficient medium for removing the perfidy of Antichrist.”36 The tradi-
tional temptations each class will face, whether it be secular authority for
priests, a life of ease for lords, or material goods for peasants, are the chief
means by which Antichrist will keep the church militant from its end. Any
movement from within the church that fosters these temptations can only
be meant to forestall the completion of history.

Popes and Friars

Two dark forces swirl through the shadows of the twilight of history,
namely, the papacy and the friars. While Wyclif ’s program for reform of
the church is as vague on details as his eucharistic theology, it is quite spe-
cific in its rejection of a papal hierarchy and the proliferation of fraternal
orders. Before the imperial papacy and the four sects were introduced, the
church blossomed, but afterward, its blooms withered and its branches
194 john wyclif

became tangled in diabolical knots. So poisonous has their influence become

that it is more fitting to expect an end to the church as it exists today: “Just
as a pond that had perchance been formed through the advent of pooled
water would be able to be dispelled, so a kingdom is finally ruptured by
the build-up of sin, and as with one kingdom, it is the same with the whole
of Christianity or the Church Militant.”37 Before we look at his specific
concerns, though, we should be careful about the terms Wyclif employs.
“Antichrist,” for Wyclif, is not one particular, historical personage; rather,
it refers to the diabolical forces actively working against Christ and his
body on earth. Hence, when Wyclif identifies the pope with Antichrist,
he never has specific eschatological intentions. Still, the line of Antichrist
is rooted in the priestly class. And just as we are told of sects in the time of
Christ, of the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essenes, so in our own time,
Wyclif reasons, the monks, canons, and friars comprise another branch of
Antichrist’s line. These three, along with priests and bishops entranced
with secular authority, known as “Caesarian clergy,” make up the “four
sects” Wyclif constantly attacks. Among the friars are four distinct orders,
from whose names Wyclif crafted the name “Caim” (a then common alter-
native to the Cain from Genesis 4). The acronym stands for Carmelites,
Austins (or Augustinians), Jacobites (another name for Dominicans), and
Minorites (referring to the whole of the Franciscan order). All receive the
name “Antichrist” at one time or another in Wyclif ’s voluminous polemical
attacks on popes and friars.38
Wyclif devotes considerable intellectual energy to the papacy through-
out his writings, with a major treatise, De Potestate Pape, designed to fit
into the church-state program outlined in the Summa Theologie’s De Civili
Dominio and De Officio Regis, as well as thirty-five minor works either
summarizing his antipapal ideas or criticizing specific aspects of the pres-
ent state of the office. The foundation of Wyclif ’s description lies in De
Potestate Pape. Here, he describes the nature of the papacy in terms of the
power to which it lays claim. The most well-known division of power was
made by Hugh of St. Victor, into power over the body and power over
the soul, Wyclif begins. Hugh identified the former with secular authority,
and the latter with spiritual. The disagreements that arise over the relation
of the two kinds are manifold, with some parties giving pride of place to
spiritual power, but in God the power of materially ruling creation pre-
cedes spiritual power. Just as the work of sustenance follows upon creation,
so too must created power mirror the divine order. God grants all men
 predestination and the church 195

corporeal and spiritual power, but there is a notable difference in how God
wills these to be organized in human affairs. While God gives all a degree
of secular power by which they can direct themselves and their goods, civil
lords have been ordained to direct more generally. It is similar with spiritual
power, a degree of which is entrusted to all, and another degree of which is
given to the clerical order. The mistake lies in the clergy’s assumption that
their power is analogous to that of civil lords. God gives kings authority to
make material judgments about subjects, but popes and bishops can never
lay claim to a similar spiritual authority over the laity. Further, kings may
delegate to lesser lords power over material goods, but spiritual lords have
no basis for delegating their power to clerical authority. There is no simple
basis for comparing the spiritual to the material in allocating and quantify-
ing power, because the two kinds lack a commonly shared property, other
than being itself.
Here, Wyclif ’s metaphysics provides the ground for his assessment of
power. His conviction that the order and structure of created being lies in
universals and, even more fundamentally, in the divine ideas, leads him to
concentrate more power in God’s direct control the higher up the chain of
being we inquire. Material goods are lower than spiritual ones and have a
lower degree of correspondent being. Hence, while all that occurs materi-
ally is directly subject to God, our rational, spiritual power allows us some
control over material goods. The same is not true for spiritual goods. Grace,
by which God sustains and nurtures the universe, is the basis for all spiritual
goods’ distribution in creation. While material goods are also distributed
by grace, the higher nature of spiritual goods places them more directly
under divine control. In the case of spiritual goods in the purview of spiri-
tual lords, which is the term Wyclif frequently uses for the clergy, grace
is always the means by which preaching and the sacraments are directly
distributed. Priests are only human vehicles for their promulgation and dis-
tribution.39 But Wyclif ’s theology of the priesthood is so heavily weighted
toward preaching as to require attention to the specifics of a priest’s role in
creation. God ordained the priestly office to protect Christ’s body on earth
from external evils and to foster its growth and life in lex Christi. To that
end, priests must instruct the members of the body both by personal exam-
ple and by the specific duties of their office. The actions and words of the
individual priest’s life have a more immediate force than do the sacraments,
because they are more evident to the faithful. Hence, “preaching the gospel
exceeds prayer and administration of the sacraments to an infinite degree.”
196 john wyclif

As is clear following the careful delineation of Wyclif ’s understanding of

the necessity by which God knows and wills our salvation, the individual
Christian’s will is so actively involved as to demand regular, careful instruc-
tion in Christ’s teachings. That the instruction and encouragement offered
by preaching the gospel must reach the ears of the faithful is critical to
salvation, more important in the ordering of the church militant than the
sacramental machinery through which the hierarchy maintains its control.
Likewise, the personal behavior of the spiritual lord must be exemplary,
free from the anxieties and vices to which material concerns subject his
flock. A priest who allows himself to use alms entrusted to him for the
poor for his own ends, or who engages in greedy or lustful behavior, is
guilty of a tyranny more grievous than any civil lord could perpetrate. And
while such sins are damnable in a rector, “they are even more damnable in
a bishop or abbot, not only because they exceed rectors [in possible material
wealth] . . . but because from greater obligation and hypocrisy they do these
things more openly in the world.”40
Given this demand that priests embody the spiritual concerns of lex
Christi and abandon concern for material affairs, the conclusions at which
Wyclif arrived from his observations of the schismatic papacy, the Despenser
crusade, and his own prosecution by Archbishop William Courtenay should
come as no surprise. The ecclesiastical hierarchy, from popes to cardinals
to bishops, he believed, was riddled with disease and ought be cut away
just as a surgeon cuts away a tumor, as we will discuss in the next chapter.
To many contemporary ears, Wyclif ’s approach smacked of Donatism, the
ancient heresy in which the priest’s individual morality has a bearing on
the efficacy of the sacraments. Among the propositions listed as heretical at
Blackfriars in 1382, and again at Constance in 1415, “If a bishop or a priest
exists in a state of mortal sin, he does not ordain, nor consecrate, nor baptize”
figures importantly. Wyclif ’s reputation for Donatism continued, despite
his protestations in De Ecclesia and in Sermones: “It appears to me that
the damned in mortal sin might actually minister to the faithful, although
damnably.” This was almost certainly thanks to his growing impatience
with clerical misbehavior; his later writings contained increasingly irate
comments regarding the utility of the sacramental ministry of immoral
priests.41
In a similar manner, as he aged, Wyclif ’s view of the papacy itself grew
increasingly dimmer. At a relatively early stage, he had emphasized the
importance of the papacy for the well-being of the church. In De Ecclesia
 predestination and the church 197

(c. 1379), he argued that the church militant needs a pope, but that the pope
ought to be wary of assuming that he is, by the fact of exercising papal office,
necessarily among the elect. De Potestate Pape followed within the year, and
he took up papalist theories with great enthusiasm. What Bradwardine’s
De Causa Dei is to Pelagianism, De Potestate Pape is to papal triumpha-
lism, both in structure and approach. Wyclif refuted any and all arguments
for any papal responsibility or power beyond continual prayer on behalf of
the faithful without reference to contemporary papal theorists like Giles of
Rome or Augustinus Triumphus, but also without the structure and rea-
soned approach of John of Paris. At the center was Wyclif ’s admission that
if the church must have a pope, he should meet the thirty-four rigorous
standards that Bernard set in his Letter to Eugenius.42 Arguments intimat-
ing the need for papal rule as a basis for sacraments, bishops, or other eccle-
siastical necessities are specious at best, and are evidence of Antichrist’s use
of clerical weakness in the face of material temptation. Excommunication,
a favorite weapon in the pope’s bag of dirty tricks, has no theological jus-
tification whatever, given the close connection between divine and human
will. If someone excommunicates himself from Christ’s body on earth, God
knows of this eternally, and no papal pronouncement will make the slight-
est difference one way or the other.43
While the friars lacked a treatise of their own, Wyclif ’s attacks against
them appeared throughout his works. His attitude against them was adver-
sarial in Oxford, but developed into real antifraternalism as organized eccle-
siastical opposition against him mounted. Wyclif ’s antifraternalism was of
a piece with the attitude of many secular clergy of his age, who resented the
friars for a host of reasons. They were accused of hypocrisy; abusing their
vow of poverty; slick, crowd-pleasing preaching; and stealing the rights of
secular priests and bishops. Any reader of Chaucer or Langland will recall
the portraits of nefarious, seedy friars preying on the ignorant laity. As far
as Wyclif was concerned, the best that might be expected for these artificial
churches within the church would be for them to be dissolved and their
members absorbed into Christ’s body. But the odds of this happening are
as good for the Saracen or the Jew, Wyclif continued, so it would be best
simply to cleanse the church of the friars, root and branch.44 If any among
the friars could lay claim to the apostolic ideal of the church, though, it was
the Franciscan spirituals. Wyclif noted that Ockham had worked “along
with other faithful friars” in an attempt to lift his order from the sorry state
to which it had sunk. If only all the Franciscans were like their founder, he
198 john wyclif

commented, they would serve as an ideal for the Christian life, rather than
its antithesis.45 As we will see in the next chapter, Wyclif ’s opinion on the
Franciscan dedication to poverty and his view of the apostolic ideal that had
inspired the friars were by no means the same. The friars’ claim to poverty
is grounded in the rule of St. Francis, a human invention, while the pure
apostolic communalism of the early church is a recovered Edenic state.

7

dominium as foundation
of wyclif’s political
and ecclesiological vision

In 1373, Wyclif ’s attention turned from expressly philosophical topics to

more ecclesiological and political concerns. “It is time for me,” he wrote, “to
devote the rest of my life to matters that are as much speculative as practi-
cal, according to the measure God has given me.”1 While his primary focus
shifted from the philosophical theology and metaphysics that had occupied
him during the 1360s, his realism continued to undergird his thought at
least through the 1370s, when he wrote the first treatises of his Summa
Theologie. In De Dominio Divino, De Mandatis Divinis, De Statu Innocencie,
and De Civili Dominio, he provides the theological foundation for the radi-
cal transformation of the church he prescribes in De Ecclesia, De Potestate
Pape, and De Officio Regis. The dominium that defines God’s primary rela-
tion to creation justifies all human dominium, whether it be the mastery of
a king, a lesser civil lord, or a priest. But unlike his predecessors who were
content to define God’s mastery as foundational to human lordship in non-
metaphysical terms, Wyclif made ready use of his realist ontology to argue
that God’s dominium functions as a universal by causality for all instances
of just human dominium. For medieval political theorists, this was not
common practice. While a few thinkers, like Aquinas, may have presented
unified systems of metaphysics, political thought, and ecclesiology, many
others, including Ockham, Marsilius of Padua, John of Paris, and Giles of
Rome, cannot be held to the same standard. If, like Ockham or Giles, they

199
200 john wyclif

had metaphysical positions, it is impossible to argue persuasively that their

ontologies affected their politics.2 This makes Wyclif ’s political and ecclesi-
ological thought notable, for it is one of the few cases where a distinguished
metaphysician used his ontology as a foundation for a detailed examination
of the just arrangement of authority in church and state.
Wyclif ’s vision of the church’s renewal involved a thorough reform of
clerical hierarchy, a shift in emphasis away from manmade law to scrip-
ture as the basis of theology, and a return to the simplicity of the apostolic
ideal. He was certainly not the first theologian to make such arguments,
nor would he be the last. Indeed, from Wyclif ’s day to the present, critics
have derided his program for ecclesiastical reform as impracticable, with
its contention that the king’s first duty is to the true church, which is the
body of the elect known only to God. How would the king know whom
to number among the church’s members? The earlier clerical reform of
Archbishop Peckam, and the later structural and theological reformation
begun by Luther and Calvin both were more practically applicable than
Wyclif ’s program. Wyclif ’s vision is unique because of the framework he
used to articulate its theological and political details. He believed that domi-
nium, translated loosely as “lordship,” defines God’s relation to creation,
man’s natural place in creation, the central element of political power, and
the true nature of ecclesiastical authority. This framework allowed him to
construct a social order in which the church is protected from dangers with-
out and within by a civil lord who, as God’s steward, governs both church
and state through God’s law of love (caritas). While this vision likely had
little direct causal influence on the Tudor Reformation that was to come
150 years in the future, it does suggest a continuity between later medieval
and early modern England.
Wyclif ’s writings on dominium, which make up the bulk of the first half
of his Summa Theologie, contain the essence of his theological vision, unit-
ing his metaphysics to his sociopolitical and ecclesiological thought. The
first treatise begins as an outgrowth of his realist philosophical theology,
and the final works in which dominium figure contain Wyclif ’s detailed
prescription for the revival of the church and the right ordering of soci-
ety. Wyclif was not the first to use dominium to describe God’s relation to
creation and men’s relation to other men. The use of terms referring to
mastery runs throughout recorded history, and Wyclif made use of ideas
like proprietas, iurisdictio, and ius that had been mainstays of Roman law
for centuries. The theological dialogue on divine and human mastery in
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 201

which Wyclif participated has its roots in Augustine’s De Civitate Dei, in

the flourishing of the papal monarchy, and in the Franciscan poverty con-
troversy. It will be easier to recognize what is unique to Wyclif ’s thought by
becoming familiar with the disparate voices that influenced him.

The Dominium Tradition

preceding Wyclif

While to post-Enlightenment ears, dominium and the generally accepted

translation “lordship” suggest the sovereignty that one individual exercises
over another, necessarily entailing ownership and governmental authority,
this is a canard. Roman law allowed for complexity in distinguishing among
property ownership, dominium’s primary referent, and jurisdiction, gov-
ernance, and political power. In the twelfth century, when canon lawyers
resurrected Roman law to give structure to a legal edifice for the ascendant
papal monarchy, it was common to distinguish among jurisdictive author-
ity, secular power, and the use and possession of private property.3 By the
beginning of the fourteenth century, dominium had primarily proprietary
connotations, although it was an inescapable fact that those who owned the
most property tended to have the most jurisdictive authority. Most politi-
cal theorists agreed with Thomas Aquinas in saying that a civil lord who
supposed that his jurisdictive authority arose from his property ownership,
and not from a constitution, was a tyrant.4 Given that the medieval legal
use of dominium referred to property ownership, and not to the authority to
govern, it makes sense to wonder why Wyclif used the term to do so much
more. The reasons lie in the connection of Augustinian theology to theories
of the justice of property ownership; as the church developed into a politi-
cal force in Europe, papal theorists like Giles of Rome found it useful to
identify all earthly justice—including just property ownership—with the
source of justice in creation.
Augustine’s De Civitate Dei is the primary theological authority to relate
property ownership and secular justice to divine authority. Here, the divi-
sion between two classes of men is clear: some are members of the city of
man, motivated by love of self, with wills turned from God and true justice,
while others are motivated instead by love of God and a contempt for self,
placing them in the city of God: “In the one, the princes and the nations
he subdues are ruled by the love of ruling; in the other, the princes and the
202 john wyclif

subjects serve one another in love, the latter obeying while the former take
thought for all.”5 There is really only one true lord in creation, God; mas-
tery of one man over another is the result of original sin and is unnatural,
save in the case of paternity, which is founded in the parent’s love for the
child. Among members of the city of God, the relation of prince and sub-
ject is not a political one as understood in the city of man, and it does not
entail mastery, but rather service and sacrifice, as exemplified in parental
relations.
Property ownership has become associated with mastery in the city of
man because of original sin, when man turned away from God and mistak-
enly believed that he could make claims of exclusive ownership of created
beings. This is not to say that Augustine thought that all private property
relations are wrong; indeed, he is famous for having argued that all things
belong to the just.6 People who own things are not de facto just. Those
for whom ownership is not an end in itself but a means by which to do
God’s will are freed from the bondage of selfishness imposed by the Fall.
They easily recognize the truth of the dictum “[o]ne should abstain from
the possession of private things, or if one cannot abstain from possession,
then from the love of property.”7
These brief summaries show that Augustine’s thought on the relation
of ownership to political authority is open to interpretation. One can easily
read Augustine as having argued that the church, as the body of Christ and
the earthly instantiation of the city of God, can best exemplify love-centered
lord-subject relations in its hierarchical clerical structure, thereby justifying
a top-down papal monarchy. Likewise, one can interpret him as having so
totally separated secular political authority from the rule of love as to rule
out all similarity between political and ecclesiastical jurisdictive authority.
Again, one can interpret Augustine’s “all things belong to the just” as mean-
ing that the church is the arbiter of all property ownership by virtue of its
being the body of Christ and the seat of all created justice. Or, one could
argue that the church should abandon all claims to property ownership,
just as the apostles abstained from the possession of private things. This
openness to interpretation was the source of several competing theories that
led to Wyclif ’s position.
In 1301, during the conflict between Philip IV of France and Pope
Boniface VIII, an Augustinian friar named Giles of Rome wrote De
Ecclesiastica Potestate, a treatise designed to establish the absolute secular
superiority of the papacy. Earlier, Giles had written a less papally centered,
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 203

Aristotelian treatise meant to help Philip IV learn to govern his kingdom,

somewhat akin to the political thought of Aquinas, who may have been
Giles’s teacher. Giles’s master, Boniface VIII, was responsible for the two
famous bulls Clericos laicos (1296), which forbade the clergy to give up
property without papal approval, and Unam sanctam (1302), which declared
that secular power was in the service of, and subject to, papal authority.
De Ecclesiastica Potestate is an exposition of the theological conception of
power underlying these bulls, which is reliant on one of the two possible
interpretations of Augustine mentioned earlier. In it, Giles describes all
power—spiritual and secular—as rooted in the papacy, likening its struc-
ture to a papal river, from which smaller, secular streams snake out. The
source of this river, he continues, is the sea, which is God: “God is a kind of
fount and a kind of sea of force and power, from which sea all forces and
all powers are derived like streams.”8 Secular power is not all that is reliant
on papal authority. All property ownership, insofar as it is just, is similarly
reliant on an ecclesiastical foundation. The only owner who can make a
just claim to ownership is a servant of the church, by whose sacraments
man receives the grace necessary to make such a claim. The key element in
just secular power and just ownership, he continues, is sacramental grace,
without which power and ownership are empty claims, devoid of justice.
While Giles does not explicitly call the combination of ownership and tem-
poral power dominium, that he unites the two in a consistent, Augustinian-
centered argument was sufficient for the next generation of Augustinian
theorists.
Twenty years earlier, another movement within the church had taken
quite a different approach to property ownership, which they identified as
dominium. The Franciscans had defined any property ownership, commu-
nal or individual, as inimical to the ideals of their order in Bonaventure’s
Apologia pauperum of 1269. The Fall from paradise and the introduction of
selfishness into human nature makes property ownership of any type—
private or communal—equivalent to a separation from our place in the right
ordering of creation. For the Franciscans, all things belong to the just only
in the sense that “belonging” entails non-exclusive sharing, not ownership.
Within three decades, a distinct division had eroded the order’s unity; one
party, the spirituals, rigorously demanded that the friars adopt usus pauper
as the ideal of their spiritual perfection, while the other, the conventuals,
argued for a more lenient interpretation of the rule. The spirituals, under
the guidance of Peter John Olivi and Ubertino de Casale, outnumbered the
204 john wyclif

conventuals by century’s end, and had become sufficiently vocal as to attract

the attention of the pope.9
In the investigation that followed from 1309 to 1312, Clement V strug-
gled to mediate between the two factions, legitimizing a discussion of the pos-
sible harmony of apostolic poverty and ecclesiastical authority. Clement’s
eventual successor, John XXII, was deeply suspicious of the spiritual
Franciscans’ arguments, perhaps in part suspecting a reappearance of the
communitarian Waldensian heresy, which had plagued the church for over
one hundred years. Private ownership, John argued, was not the result of
original sin, but a gift from God that Adam had enjoyed in paradise. Grace
provides a blessed justification for property ownership, and the righteous
property owner can rest secure in the knowledge that his ownership is
sanctioned by God’s dominium. This wrangling between Franciscan fac-
tions and the pope had notable consequences; John’s eventual controversy
with the spirituals’ champion William Ockham led to the first important
use of the concept of a natural right, but for our purposes what matters is
that iurisdictio and proprietas were united in the concept dominium. Wyclif
would soon make use of the Franciscans’ arguments for apostolic pov-
erty and of John XXII’s idea that divine dominium provides the basis for
all human dominium in a way that would certainly have displeased both
parties.10
By the 1350s, critics of the mendicant ideal had shifted their attention
away from the poverty issue and toward the legitimacy of friars’ engagement
in pastoral work outside of parochial or diocesan supervision. Never mind
the aspersions they cast on church ownership, ran the argument; how can
they preach and administer the sacraments without the direct supervision
of the local bishop? One of Avignon’s most incisive critics of the friars’ privi-
leges was Richard Fitzralph, who wrote De Pauperie Salvatoris, a sustained
examination of the Franciscans’ place in the church. Fitzralph’s approach
was not expressly antifraternal, despite appearances. His arguments showed
a deep respect for the ideals of apostolic poverty and selfless pastoral work,
which Franciscans have always valued highly. The problem, he explained,
lies in the Franciscans’ assertion that their apostolic poverty has no restric-
tive bearing on their preaching privileges. Why is it licit for a friar to make
use of someone else’s property without accepting some of the responsibilities
of that ownership being transferred along with the use? If the friars rely on
the justice of the owners of what they use, they are bound by the same laws
that bind the owners. If the owners of what the friars use are ecclesiastical,
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 205

it follows that the friars are bound to obey ecclesiastical authority. Thus,
friars’ claims to be unaffected by ecclesiastical authority—at the papal, dioc-
esan, or parochial level—are unfounded.11
For our purposes, Fitzralph’s position is important because it argues that
grace alone is the justification for any instance of dominium in creation, and
that all just dominium ultimately relies on God’s dominium; both serve as the
cornerstones of Wyclif ’s position. All species of man’s exercising authority
involve, at their base, divine dominium, he explains. Fitzralph’s interest is
directed primarily toward ownership, and much less so toward political
jurisdiction, but his catalog of the many species of private and communal
ownership, possession, and rights of use occasionally lead him to address
the legitimacy of political authority and its relation to ecclesiastical author-
ity. God’s dominium over creation is a natural consequence of the act of
creating, and with it comes divine governance and conservation of created
being. The rational beings in creation, angels and men, enjoy the loan of
elements of God’s created universe, but this communicative giving is not a
divine abdication of ultimate authority, because everything is still directly
subject to divine dominium.
When the nature of the dominium loaned to Adam changed with the Fall,
the peaceful coexistence of Eden and the love embodying the grace of our
natural dominium was damaged, but not eradicated. Man devised political
dominium to restrict and regulate the property relations that were no longer
guaranteed to be pure by grace. Original sin clouds our eyes, keeping us
from naturally recognizing the loaned nature of any dominium in creation,
but it does not preclude there being grace-justified property ownership. In
some cases, God infuses the artificial property relations that we call domi-
nium with sufficient grace to make them almost as pure as prelapsarian
dominium. These grace-favored cases of human dominium cannot claim the
authority of God’s dominium, but can be so pure as to exhibit the caritas,
or love, that characterizes God’s dominium. Unfortunately, Fitzralph is not
particularly clear about determining which of our dominium relations are
favored by grace, and which are phantoms, thereby restricting the applica-
bility of his argument to theological investigation about the friars’ claims
to be free from ecclesiastical authority.
Thus, from Augustine’s position that all things belong to the just comes
Giles’s position that all property ownership and all secular lordship are
grounded in ecclesiastical authority, as well as Franciscan arguments that
expressly reject connections between property ownership and the apostolic
206 john wyclif

ideal. Fitzralph’s expression of the Augustinian papal position made grace

the deciding factor in ownership relations, and ultimately in political author-
ity, both of which had become nested in the term dominium. Wyclif ’s inter-
pretation of the Augustinian position would stretch past arguments about
papal authority and the friars, even past arguments between popes and
kings, to stir the very nature of the church as Christ’s earthly body. All of this
begins, he would argue, with an understanding of God’s dominium as the
causal exemplar of all created lordship.

Dominium’s Foundation:
De Dominio Divino

The relation of universal to particular defines Wyclif ’s conception of how

God’s dominium causes all instances of dominium in creation. Divine domi-
nium is “the standard prior to and presupposition of all other dominium; if
a creature has dominium over anything, God already has dominium over it,
so any created dominium follows upon divine dominium.”12 This relation is
powerful, exceeding mere exemplarity, in which human dominium strug-
gles to approximate the perfect ideal of God’s dominium. An exemplary
relation would not necessarily involve God’s direct causal influence. One
can imagine a lord imitating every aspect of God’s dominium to the letter
for purposes that are quite his own, even going so far as to mold his will
to act lovingly in every dominative action. Western literature provides a
wealth of examples of characters like Captain Ahab, whose pious imitation
of God’s loving governance masks a (likely unwitting) tyranny evident only
in fleeting glimpses. Wyclif thinks that mere exemplarity is not enough.
God’s dominium has causal efficacy on all instances of human mastery such
that no true created dominium is possible without direct participation in
and constant reliance upon God’s dominium. Each instance of just, created
dominium can exemplify the perfection of divine dominium only through
this causal efficacy; without it, a human lordship relation is only a panto-
mime, however many characteristics it might have in common with God’s
dominium. The instrument through which divine dominium moves is grace,
which instills in human lords an essential caritas that characterizes their
every dominative action. Thus, every case of just human dominium entails
a constant reliance upon grace as the hallmark of its being an instantiation
of God’s universal dominium.
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 207

God’s dominium has six aspects, three identifiable with lordship’s rul-
ing element (creation, sustenance, and governance), and three that define
lordship’s proprietary nature (giving, receiving, and lending).13 Wyclif
argues that the necessary precondition for an act of dominium is the first
act, creation, of which no created being is capable. This makes God’s domi-
nium the only true instance of dominium, the source from which all created
instances of dominium originate. Because the divine ideas and their created
correlates, the universals, are prior in being to particular created beings,
God’s dominium over universals is prior to his dominium over particulars.
This means that God creates, sustains, and governs the species humanity
prior to ruling—and knowing—individual people. Without the carefully
crafted modal theory lying at the base of his understanding of how God
knows and wills human actions, Wyclif ’s position could be crippled by
fatalism. This is why a significant portion of the first book of De Dominio
Divino involves his recapitulation of the position described in the previous
chapter of this volume.
The second set of acts that defines dominium—giving, receiving, and
lending—provides the foundation for his arguments that all created domi-
nium necessarily requires grace. God’s act of giving the divine essence in
order to realize creation is the truest form of giving because God is giving
of himself through himself, which no created being can do. Nor can any
created being receive as God receives. God truly receives only from himself
through his giving. God gives up nothing in his giving, and acquires noth-
ing in his receiving; creation is God’s self-expression in which the divine
essence is neither decreased nor increased. The crucial act from the created
standpoint is God’s lending, for here there is real interaction between the
Lord and his subjects. What human beings, as rationally aware participants
in God’s lending relation, can claim as their own is loaned to them by divine
authority, and they enjoy it through grace.
People can confuse giving with lending, because a lord who has been
“loaned” a gift of God for use during his lifetime appears to have been “given”
that gift. God’s giving is communicative, not translative. For us, most giv-
ing is translative, in that it involves the giver’s surrender of every connec-
tion to the gift, making it natural for us to suppose that God renounces his
authority over what he gives to us. In fact, God’s giving is communicative,
which does not involve surrender of the gift. His gifts to people are meant
to be enjoyed in common, and the more commonly enjoyed, the more the
giver is enriched. On the broadest level, God’s gift to creatures is being,
208 john wyclif

given through the Holy Spirit, which is differentiated through the divine
ideas into created substance. Two aspects of that gift, Wyclif explains, are
necessarily connected: caritas and dominium. Rational creatures are given
participation in divine dominium through the Holy Spirit, and are thereby
responsible to God for that gift, which, when enjoyed commonly, engen-
ders true caritas, God’s caring love, in creation, thereby enriching both the
creature and the Creator.14
Because all that God gives to creation will ultimately return to him, it
makes more sense to speak of God’s giving as lending. With any instance
of lending, Wyclif explains, the lender seeks assurance that the borrower
truly deserves what is to be loaned. Rational beings’ desert of the dominium
they are loaned is a matter of some complexity involving examination of the
relation of deserving to grace, which is particularly clear in the distinction
between congruent and condign grace. When a temporal lord lends to his
subject according to the subject’s worthiness, the subject’s merit is on a mea-
surable level to the lord’s merit, and the mutual agreement that defines the
loan is made according to the respective merit of each party. The merit that
allows the subject desert of consideration for the loan is condign, grounded
in the dignitas shared by lender and subject. Condign merit implies that
the meritorious truly deserves the reward, requiring the giver to give the
merited as something due, as when an Olympic athlete earns a gold medal
by besting all opponents. Such a loan is impossible between the Creator
and creature, because there is no way of comparing a creature’s merit with
God’s perfect nature; all that is the creature’s, including its worth, is from
outside itself, from God, while God’s perfection is from within. There is
no way in which a creature can be considered to “deserve” anything from
God in such a relation. Congruent merit is when the meritorious does not
have the power to require of the giver. In instances of congruent merit, the
goodness of the act does not require the giver to reward the agent, but it
provides sufficient cause for the reward to be given, as when one receives
an Academy Award. While many of the audience members may deserve an
Oscar, the recipient receives one because something about her performance
was somehow pleasing to the academy. Yet Wyclif believes that it must
make some sense to talk of deserving grace: “It is the invariable law of God
that nobody is awarded blessedness unless they first deserve it.”15 Merit, he
says, requires the motion of an object, the deliberation of the mind, and
finally voluntary adherence, which does not happen instantaneously. We
can move our wills to the good, and from this, Wyclif says, grace may—but
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 209

need not—follow. Thus, we merit congruently thanks to God’s generosity

toward a will in accord with his own. In effect, God lends merit.
To understand how grace functions in this divine lending relation, it is
important to understand the difference between divine and temporal grace.
The former, uncreated grace essentially denotes the divine essence, per-
sonally denotes the Holy Spirit, and habitudinally denotes God’s good will
toward creatures. It is with all creatures intrinsically, and with all things
simply coeternal with God, as is said of divine understanding, knowing, and
willing. Temporal, or created, grace is supernaturally given to rational crea-
tures as the basis for all theological and moral virtues. All rational creatures
ought to have such grace by virtue of their being as caused by God, and this
is prevenient to meriting. Uncreated grace and condign merit are roughly
complementary, for both correspond to a quality in the subject: condign
merit indicates a quality of deserving in the subject, while uncreated grace
indicates God’s good will toward creation. If we could have a perfect will,
we might merit God’s gift condignly. Created grace and congruent merit
are also roughly complementary, for both are based on something extrinsic
to the recipient, namely, the uncreated grace of God’s will. In fact, because
created grace is what is loaned to creatures who merit congruently, both are
corresponding elements of God’s lending. So God’s lending is the temporal
bestowal of created grace on the congruently meritorious, which is based in
the uncreated grace that characterizes the Holy Spirit itself.16
Wyclif ’s theology of grace is the key to understanding how his theory
of human dominium relates to divine dominium, its causal paradigm. Man’s
lordship is at once ownership and jurisdictive mastery, but when a human
lord governs, or gives, or receives, or lends, these acts are only just insofar
as the lord recognizes that his authority is that of a steward: “Any rational
creature is only improperly called a lord, and is rather a minister or steward
of the supreme Lord . . . and whatever he has to distribute, he has purely
by grace.”17 The necessary characteristic of every instance of human domi-
nium is the created grace God lends to the individual lord, which itself is
grounded in the uncreated grace of the Holy Spirit. Thus, grace-favored
human lordship is causally brought about by God’s perfect dominium with-
out mediation by some other, created source: any human lord is a steward,
or bailiff of God, and grace allows a clear understanding of this relation.
The human lord appears to have proprietary and jurisdictive authority by
virtue of his own excellence, but is really only an instantiation of divine
dominium, a grace-realized agent of God’s lordship. This makes the human
210 john wyclif

lord both master and servant; from the divine perspective, the lord is God’s
servant, but from the viewpoint of the subject, he is master. Wyclif is tire-
less in his emphasis on the illusory nature of this mastery. Grace allows the
human lord to recognize that he is, in fact, his subjects’ servant, ministering
to them as a nurturing steward, not lording over them as would a powerful
sovereign.

Natural Dominium in Eden

De Civili Dominio begins with the motto “Civil justice presupposes divine
justice; civil dominium presupposes natural dominium.” Wyclif means his
readers to be aware that his discourse on human dominium is already in
full swing as he begins his explication of how the grace-favored civil lord is
obligated to take control of the church. Critics who have dismissed Wyclif ’s
political thought as an iteration of Marsilius of Padua, as did Pope Gregory XI
in 1377, or as written largely as a vehicle for John of Gaunt’s anticlerical
leanings, as has K. B. McFarlane, should take Wyclif at his word. Man’s
dominium is threefold—natural, civil, and evangelical—but comprehensi-
ble only in terms of its instantiation of the justice of God’s dominium. As he
moved into his general analysis of human dominium, his thoughts turned
to the most fundamental instance of God’s loving governance, the scrip-
tural commandments. The foundation of all that is right (ius) in creation,
he explains, is the justice (iustitia) of God’s eternal righteousness, which
means that we cannot begin to understand right and wrong in creation
without understanding God’s uncreated right. This is a significant depar-
ture from the Aristotelian position that unaided human reason is capable of
justice, and Wyclif explicitly rejects any conception of justice that does not
rely on uncreated right.18 The basis for justice in creation is not necessarily
evident to human eyes, because the Fall has made humans prone to value
natural, material goods above spiritual ones: “Because the human commu-
nity appreciates greatly these goods, of course it says that this law [founded
in material goods] is most useful, and the law of the Gospel which is of the
virtues and in general against the vices they call useless.”19
The laws of scripture are the purest expression of uncreated right avail-
able to human eyes, he explains, and are most clearly expressed in the Ten
Commandments of Exodus 20 and again in Matthew 22:37–40. Wyclif ’s
analysis of Christ’s law of love and of the Ten Commandments proceeds
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 211

directly from his disquisition on the relation of earthly justice to eter-

nal right in his De Mandatis Divinis. That Wyclif uses the same title that
Robert Grosseteste had used in his analysis of the Decalogue is no accident;
Wyclif ’s debt to Grosseteste’s conceptions of sin, love of God, idolatry, and
the substance of true faith is obvious throughout the treatise. In the cata-
log of sins in the later commandments, Wyclif makes repeated use of the
thirteenth-century Dominican William Peraldus, whose treatise Summa
de Vitiis was influential in disseminating the conception of the traditional
seven deadly sins.
Almost as an afterthought, Wyclif reflects that it might be useful to
digress for a bit on how man lived in paradise, before the Fall. In De Statu
Innocencie, the innocence into which we were created, he says, is the optimal
state for any rational being. Lacking sin, death would be unknown. As man
aged, he would gradually attain an indissoluble spiritual body ultimately
destined to worship God in the celestial Jerusalem that now awaits only the
elect. In this prelapsarian state, the wills of men would be in perfect concord
with the divine will, and all human action would be just, effortlessly aligned
with the natural ordering of creation. In this condition, all need for the
liberal arts would be met naturally, meaning that quadrivium, trivium, and
mechanical arts would be unnecessary, as would any civil or criminal law,
since man would understand the right naturally. This denial of the need for
human law is of special import, for Wyclif will later argue that the evangeli-
cal lord, or priest, as heir of Christ’s restoration of the possibility of natu-
ral dominium, should never be concerned with such matters. Nor, Wyclif
argues in a later chapter, would there be any need for the moral virtues, or
even the theological virtues, although he admits that it is difficult to imagine
our natural state without the theological virtue of caritas. This may be one
benefit of the Fall: “It is probable that we have now a degree of caritas from
grace which we would not have had in innocence, for . . . maiorem caritatem
[sic] nemo habet quam ut animam suam ponat quis pro amicis suis.”20
In such a state, private property ownership would be unknown. The
natural dominium described in Genesis 1:26 is characterized by lack of self-
ishness, ownership, and the distinction between “mine” and “thine.” Every
act of a natural lord epitomizes love and is a direct participation in, and an
instantiation of, the perfect caritas of God’s loving dominium. The selfless
natural lord’s position is his by virtue of grace, of course; an absence of sin
does not ensure a connection between uncreated grace and condign merit.
The true sense of Augustine’s “all things belong to the just” is most fully
212 john wyclif

apparent in the prelapsarian natural disposition to share in the use of cre-

ation while acting as a faithful steward to its perfect Lord.21
The Fall was brought about by the first sin, which Wyclif characterizes
as nothing other than the privation of God’s right in man’s soul. The result
is that man’s natural concord is gone, as are his power over the animals and
his ability to serve God according to the order of his nature. We are left
with wills that are prone to value the physical, material world above spiri-
tual concerns, and the unavoidable result is private property ownership and
all the anxieties and cares that attend it. We no longer understand a given
created good as a gift on loan from God, but can only see it in terms of our
own self-interest and can only comprehend it in the expressly selfish terms
mine or thine. The execrable result is civil dominium, the odious and end-
less enslavement to material goods.

After the Fall: The Institution of Civil

Dominium and Christ’s Redemption

Wyclif defines civil dominium as “proprietary lordship in a wayfarer over

the goods of fortune fully according to human law.”22 This definition is
centered not on legislative authority, but on the private property ownership
enjoyed by “active travelers” (not monks) along life’s path of created goods.
This is because all civil dominium is based on the use of goods owned, which
is the basis for all postlapsarian conceptions of justice. Before the Fall, our
use of created goods was communal, unencumbered by the complexity that
follows from selfishness. Now, Wyclif explains, there are three types of use:
that directly consequent on civil ownership, civil use without ownership,
and evangelical use. The first two are natural results of the Fall, and the
third is the result of Christ’s incarnation. Before the incarnation, civil owner-
ship and civil use were grounded in manmade laws designed primarily to
regulate property ownership. These legal systems tended to have two gen-
eral structures; they were either monarchical, as in most cases, or they were
aristocratic polities. The harmony of an aristocratic polity is certainly pref-
erable, because it most resembles the state enjoyed before the Fall. A
benevolent aristocracy would foster the contemplative life, communalism,
and an absence of corruptible governmental apparatus. Wyclif has the time
of the judges in mind, and he doubts that this arrangement is attainable
now, in an age rife with avarice.
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 213

The most common species of civil dominium is monarchy, which Wyclif

holds to be necessary, given man’s fallen nature. In any kind of state, he
argues, a chief executive power that holds ultimate legislative authority is
necessary, otherwise there would not be order in the implementation of any
kind of political act. The possibility that the many are capable of ruling on
behalf of the many is negligible, given the prevalence of sin. Wyclif ’s diver-
gence from a traditionally Aristotelian approach to political theory is clear;
the point of civil dominium is not, as with Aristotle, the sustenance of indi-
vidual virtuous activity. Civil dominium is a phenomenon that arises from
original sin and is not likely to result in justice in itself. The government
of Caesar may on occasion be just, but only if it accidentally realizes divine
justice. At this point, a tension in Wyclif ’s general talk of civil dominium
should be evident. If civil dominium that is not grounded directly in divine
dominium is incapable of sustained just governance, and if natural dominium
is the instantiation of divine dominium for which man was created, how
can any talk of just civil dominium be possible? To return to the opening
dictum of De Civili Dominio, if natural dominium is free from private prop-
erty ownership, how can civil dominium rely upon it in any way? Before
resolving this problem, we will need to address evangelical dominium as yet
another factor in Wyclif ’s conception of man’s postlapsarian state.
Christ makes possible the attainment of the natural dominium that man
lost with the Fall, both through the exemplary apostolic poverty and the
redemptive sacrifice described in holy scripture. Because of Christ’s sin-
less nature, he was the first man since Adam to be capable of the purity
that characterized natural dominium. This, Christ shared with the disciples,
who were able to renounce all exclusive claims to created goods in a rec-
reation of the communal caritas that was lost with the Fall: “Christ was a
true pauper, as was prophesied in the Old Testament, in that He came into
the world to destroy sin, and above all the customs of human secular con-
duct that had developed since the state of innocence . . . which He could not
have done unless He adopted the opposite state, which is poverty.”23 This
poverty is not simply the state of not owning things, though. One can as eas-
ily live sinfully in squalor as one can in luxury, if one’s attentions are turned
toward material goods. The apostolic poverty which characterized Christ’s
life and the state of the early church is a spiritual state, not an economic
one. To view Christ’s poverty as a reaction against and a rejection of civil
dominium is to err by presupposing the potential validity of civil dominium.
On the contrary, Wyclif argues that Christ’s poverty is a realization of the
214 john wyclif

state we enjoyed prior to the institution of civil dominium, before selfish-

ness and private property were even shadowy threats: “Man in a state of
innocence had lordship over every part of the sensible world and by virtue
of Christ’s passion the just man is forgiven all sins and restored in lordship;
thus the temporal recipients of grace rightly have the fullness of universal
dominium.”24
It might appear that Wyclif is making a case similar to the spiri-
tual Franciscans, for certainly the results are the same: Christ’s life was
exemplary for all Christians, Christ lived in apostolic poverty, hence, all
Christians ought to follow his example or, at the least, have the option
open to them. Wyclif ’s consonance with the Franciscan tradition is also
suggested in his use of Bonaventure’s definition of apostolic poverty in the
third book of De Civili Dominio, but as mentioned at the end of the previ-
ous chapter, Wyclif ’s motives are distinctly different from those of the fri-
ars.25 While the Franciscans argued that their rule allowed them to regain
the ownership-free purity enjoyed by the early apostolic church, Wyclif is
arguing that Christ’s redemptive sacrifice enables all Christians to regain
natural dominium itself. This as much as made Franciscanism a pale imita-
tion of true Christianity, and Wyclif ’s Franciscan colleagues were quick
to notice this. One of the first critics of Wyclif ’s dominium thought was
William Woodford, O.F.M., who argued that, among other things, Wyclif
had gone too far in equating apostolic, spiritual poverty with prelapsar-
ian purity. The third book of De Civili Dominio, by far the largest of the
three, is Wyclif ’s prolonged response to Franciscan critics like Woodford
in which lie the seeds of the antifraternalism of his later writings. The
Franciscan rule, despite its goodness and moral reliance on divine justice, is
but the product of human hands and not equal to the evangelical rule given
by Christ. Followers of St. Francis’s rule are called “Franciscans”; while
followers of Christ are called “Christians,” not “Jesusans.” In a manmade
order like Franciscanism, obedience to the rule may or may not be a neces-
sary condition for grace, for one can easily envision Franciscans who live a
life of sinful poverty. A faithful life in Christ, the divinely ordained ideal,
involves more than life according to a rule; it is a spiritual change involving
a redirected will, not just the outward trappings of apostolic purity.26
Wyclif describes apostolic poverty as a mode of having with caritas, the
degree of which is comprehensible in terms of the use the owner makes of
a created good for the greatest spiritual benefit. The caritas that instanti-
ates divine dominium is only possible through grace, which makes grace
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 215

necessary for apostolic poverty. The church, Christ’s body on earth, ought to
preserve this apostolic poverty with a purity exceeding any manmade insti-
tution, because it is based in the true justice of Christ’s evangelical law, not
the illusory justice of human law: “For the law of Christ teaches about the
glory of tribulations and condemns fame, prosperity, and the riches of the
world, advising the relinquishment of proprietary lordship; civil law seems
to command the opposites of all these.”27 Because the church is founded not
on the materially based laws of man, but on the spiritually grounded lex
Christi, it must be absolutely free of any property ownership, the better to
realize the ideal of spiritual purity required by apostolic poverty. That the
church must be characterized by a total absence of ownership is central to
Wyclif ’s understanding of the ecclesiastical implementation of Christ’s law.
Any material riches that the church comes upon as “goods of fortune” must
be distributed as alms for the poor, which was the practice of Christ, the dis-
ciples, and the apostolic church. This alms giving must not be motivated by
worldly aspirations to appear “charitable,” for that is nothing more than the
kind of giving common to civil dominium. A kindly civil lord may give the
use of some good to a poor subject while still retaining ultimate dominium
over that good, but true giving according to the evangelical law entails rec-
ognition that the church—and no man—has the dominium necessary to
make this kind of gift. Hence, what goods come to the church ought auto-
matically to be bestowed upon those in need as a matter of course, without
the church’s having anything to do with civil dominium.
This is the ideal for which the church was ordered by Christ, and some
of the harshest invective in Wyclif ’s prose is against the church’s inability
even to desire to return to this apostolic state. For example, in Dialogus
sive Speculum Ecclesie Militantis (The Dialogue; or, A Mirror of the Church
Militant, 1379), he attributes all of the clergy’s shortcomings to their captiva-
tion with property: “And so as the devil perverts [the church’s] priests from
Christ’s poverty to secular lordship, thus he turns them away from humil-
ity, from evangelical preaching and from every other duty for which Christ
anointed them.”28 The turning point in church history was the Donation of
Constantine, the basis from which the church claims to have the civil domi-
nium of a Caesar. Wyclif was vigorous in his condemnation of the Donation
and would likely have been pleased, had he lived into the early fifteenth
century, when Nicholas of Cusa, Lorenzo Valla, and Reginald Pecock
argued persuasively that the document in which Constantine conferred
considerable temporal privileges to the papacy was a ninth-century forgery.
216 john wyclif

Not only was such a gift impossible, according to the right understanding
of civil dominium—for, as we will see, a just civil lord cannot grant any gift
in perpetuity—but the Donation opened wide the floodgates that had been
protecting the church from the evils of the world, the flesh, and the devil.
Now that the pope and the bishops were allowed to be temporal lords, they
were polluted with the same cares and fears that haunt the machinery of
secular human dominium. The result is not a class of evangelical lords who,
through the power of grace, are better able to guide the secular world, for
civil dominium is an onerous, degrading business that soils anyone involved.
The Donation has resulted in a church riddled with tumorous growths
of civil dominium that strangle its chances of embodying Christ’s law of
caritas.
Given the obviously poisonous influence that civil dominium has had
on the evangelical dominium of Christ’s law, it is difficult to imagine how
Wyclif would set aside some civil lords as capable of instantiating divine
justice. But apostolic poverty is not identical to an absence of property owner-
ship; it is having with caritas. While the clergy as spiritual lords ought to
follow Christ’s example of material poverty, this does not mean that all
ownership precludes caritas. Recall that Wyclif had argued that all grace-
favored human lords who instantiate divine dominium are able to recognize
their true place as stewards. Those civil lords made able through grace to
recognize this truth are as much capable of apostolic poverty, he reasons,
as are any of the postlapsarian meritorious. But this does not mean that
Wyclif endorses the feudal structure of fourteenth-century Europe. We
will see that he rejects hereditary succession and servitude, two practices
that defined the lordship of his age.
Wyclif envisions the just civil lord or king as the means by which the
church is relieved of its accumulated burden of property ownership. So
long as the church exists in postlapsarian society, it must be protected from
the avarice of thieves, the errors of heresy, and the depredations of infi-
dels. Certainly, priests ought not to be concerned with such matters, given
their higher responsibility for the welfare of Christian souls. As a result,
the church needs a worldly protector, a guardian to ward off enemies while
caring for the church’s physical health and administering its alms on behalf
of the poor. This allows Wyclif to describe just, grace-favored civil domi-
nium as different in kind from the civil lordship predicated on materialistic
human concerns: “It is right for God to have two vicars in His church,
namely a king in temporal affairs, and a priest in spiritual. The king should
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 217

strongly check rebellion, as did God in the Old Testament, while priests
ought minister the precepts mildly . . . as did Christ, who was at once priest
and king.”29 In saying this, he calls to mind an argument made by an anony-
mous Norman political theorist in the twelfth century, in which the king is
an image of God, the almighty Lord, while the priest is an image of Christ
the spiritual counselor. While it is unlikely that Wyclif had access to the
writings of “Norman Anonymous,” and while Wyclif ’s conception of king-
ship was not theocratic, it is interesting to note that both argued for the
church’s need for the guiding hand of secular rule.
When Wyclif discusses civil dominium and kingship, which terms he
generally uses synonymously, his interest is in explaining their function in
God’s dominium, especially as paladins of Christ’s body on earth:

Since the king is the minister of God, according to the correspondent

eminence of virtue, it is clear that he should rule according to the divine
law by which men are ordered. Since it is the part of justice to decline
from evil and to do good, the king should coerce rebels against divine law
and other authorities, and advance the factors of justice according to the
rules of caritas. The king should have the power of ruling his subjects as
a minister from God, not by human law without divine sanction.30

His attention occasionally wanders to conventional topics in political

thought, like the particulars of just rule, the responsibilities of royal coun-
cilors to their king, the nature of just war, and royal jurisdiction in com-
merce. When he does mention such subjects, his advice is priestly: “[A] lord
ought not treat his subjects in a way other than he would rationally wish to
be treated in similar circumstances. . . . the Christian lord should not desire
subjects for love of dominating, but . . . for the correction and spiritual
improvement of his subjects, and so to[o] the efficacy of the church.”31 He
advises the king to provide few and just laws wisely and accurately admin-
istered, and to live subject to these laws, since the law is more necessary for
the community than is the king. Also, the king should strive to protect the
lower classes’ claims on temporal goods in the interests of social order, for
“nothing is more destructive in a kingdom in its political life than immod-
erately to deprive the lower classes of the goods of fortune.”32 Occasionally,
he hints at the king’s need for reliable advisors, generally when discussing
the king’s need for sacerdotal advice in directing church reform. Wyclif
never mentions Parliament as a significant aspect of civil rule, and the only
international relations that interest him are those between king and pope.
218 john wyclif

As a consequence, it is difficult to classify him as a political theorist in the

sense that Marsilius of Padua or Ockham are; civil dominium is less a politi-
cal phenomenon than an aspect of divinely guided human dominium meant
to protect and defend the church in the postlapsarian state.
Certainly, the most immediate concern of a civil lord living in an age
in which the church has become bloated on the poison of material wealth
should be the radical divestment of all ecclesiastical ownership. Wyclif is
tireless in arguing for the king’s right to take all land, all goods, indeed even
the buildings themselves away from the church to purge it of the virulent
infection that impedes its realization of Christ’s restored natural dominium.
Should the clergy protest against royal appropriation, threatening the king
with excommunication or interdict, the king should proceed with steely
resolve, just as a physician applies his lancet to an infected boil. The threat
of excommunication need not bar a king from his duty, Wyclif explains,
since no one can be cast out of Christ’s body unless he has first cast him-
self out. Certainly, a king acting on behalf of the health of the church is
in no danger of casting himself out of Christ’s body, so long as his actions
are grace-founded and his motivation is ecclesiastical well-being. In places,
Wyclif even argues that the buildings that make up England’s mantle of
churches are superfluous extravagance, suggesting that in times of national
emergency they be razed to construct fortresses or watchtowers. No grace-
favored civil lord will be disposed to save up the divested goods of the
church for his own enrichment, despite the obvious temptations. He will
distribute the church’s ill-gotten lands and goods to the people of his king-
dom, acting as a beadle to give alms on the church’s behalf. This, Wyclif
explains, will be his continued responsibility even after the church has been
purged, for he is the church’s custodian as well as its protector.
The hereditary succession by which civil lordship passes from father to
son is a problem for Wyclif. How can someone inherit the grace needed
to ensure just ownership and jurisdiction from a parent? The practice of
primogeniture has injured the possibility of grace-founded civil lordship,
because lords are thereby prone to rule on behalf of their own familial
interests rather than in the interests of their subjects. The only means by
which Wyclif can envision hereditary succession operating is through spiri-
tual filiation, in which a civil lord instructs a worthy successor, “which is
analogously similar to natural filiation, for the seed, the Word of God, is
sown in an instructed soul.”33 He suggests adoption as the basis for the spiri-
tual primogeniture by which lordship is passed on, possibly akin to the way
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 219

Antoninus Pius adopted Marcus Aurelius. This would be preferable to gen-

eral election, for Wyclif is clear about the impossibility of the widespread
recognition of grace in a potential civil lord: “It does not follow that ‘all the
people want Peter to be their civil lord, therefore it is just.’ ”34 But just as
a rejection of hereditary succession and popular election poses a problem
for the practical implementation of Wyclif ’s political theory, it underscores
his contention that any instance of human giving based in human conven-
tion alone lacks divine justice. Grants in perpetuity, which were commonly
employed by civil lords to guarantee the ongoing obligation of liegemen in
return for a gift of land or political authority, are as impossible as hereditary
inheritance. A lord might reward a liegeman with a grant while acting as
God’s steward, but he certainly cannot thereby grant that his subject’s prog-
eny likewise deserve the gift. If civil lords cannot make such grants to their
liegemen, they certainly cannot do so to priests, which provides Wyclif with
further ammunition to question the validity of ecclesiastical reliance on the
Donation of Constantine to justify the church’s secular power.
The grace-favored civil lord, then, must bear the responsibility of mate-
rial power as a steward or bailiff of God, ever aware of his duty to protect
and provide for both his realm and the church within it. History is rich
with examples of kings who lost sight of their ministerial positions and
wielded secular authority in their own interests, cruelly using the land and
the church for their own gain. Such tyrants cause Wyclif problems, because
in many cases it is difficult for the subjects to determine whether their lord
is acting viciously as a crowned brigand, or sternly, as a physician purging
a patient. For the same reason that Wyclif denies the suitability of popular
elections and the possibility of excommunication, he is cautious regarding
tyranny. It is impossible for human minds to gauge the presence of grace
in another. What may be cruel persecution to a subject may in fact be just
punishment, while what may appear to be benign, permissive rule may in
fact be a poisonous lassitude indicative of malignant misrule. A priest is
in no position to assess the justice of a civil lord, given his dedication to
apostolic ideals, which are foreign to civil dominium. Thus, in some cases,
Wyclif advises that one must suffer tyrannical rule as a divine punishment,
a scourge cleansing the realm or the church of impurities, particularly in
instances where a king deprives subjects of material wealth. In other cases,
especially when a civil lord is fostering ecclesiastical decay by not persecuting
heretics or regulating the church’s goods, Wyclif suggests that resistance to
tyranny may be justifiable. Better to focus on the greater danger of priestly
220 john wyclif

tyranny; after all, a tyrannical civil lord can only do damage to one’s mate-
rial well-being, but a tyrannical priest can endanger one’s very soul.
The guardian against priestly tyranny must be the civil lord, whose
responsibility to the church requires him to monitor the clergy’s execution
of its spiritual duties. This responsibility is his by virtue of the responsibil-
ity he has to God to protect the church from dangers without and within.
Those who argue that a civil lord has no business interfering with spiritual
concerns overlook the fundamental relation that holds between just civil
law and divine law; because the civil lord’s responsibility is to God, his first
concern must be to ensure that nothing any man may do can block obedi-
ence to divine law. The cumbersome apparatus of canon law that has built
up over the centuries like barnacles on a ship’s hull is held up as the means
by which the church regulates spiritual affairs, but this, Wyclif explains, is
a superfluous creation of priests, ultimately hindering the church by intro-
ducing material structure to what should be a spiritual enterprise. This is
not to say that the king should take on the spiritual authority of a pope, for
as we will discuss, such a concentration of spiritual authority is antithetical
to Wyclif ’s vision of ecclesiastical structure.
The means by which a king ought to monitor the spiritual offices of
priests are bishops, who exist to correct the errant and to reward the excel-
lent clergy. Bishops, he explains, were the early church’s means by which
its priests were protected from error, and the king should use them as his
deputies to protect the church from the dangers of simony, pluralism,
absenteeism, and heresy. The bishops ought also to act as royal theologi-
cal advisors, helping the civil lord to understand how lex Christi is best
implemented in his own legislation. Post-Reformation readers of Wyclif
may be surprised by this apparent reliance on a hierarchy of the spiritual
lords, given Wyclif ’s generally dim view of the church being organized
according to the needs of secular society. Yet a bishop’s power is analogous
to a civil lord’s. Just as a civil lord is God’s steward and a servant to his sub-
jects, a bishop is not superior to the laity or the priests, but a steward whose
responsibility is to God and the divine law, which ordains subservience to
the grace-favored civil lord.
Wyclif continued to argue for the centrality of the episcopal office
throughout his life, despite his troubles with the bishop of London and
the archbishop of Canterbury. While a church untroubled by the material
world may need only priests as spiritual shepherds, he argues in Trialogus
 dominium as foundation of wyclif’s vision 221

IV.15 in early 1383, in this age it needs bishops to provide supervisory and
regulatory guidance in the service of a just civil lord.
This, then, is Wyclif ’s conception of how human lords ought to serve as
instantiations of God’s dominium in postlapsarian society. A civil lord must
recognize that his jurisdictive and proprietary authority are based not in his
own worth, but are founded in grace given for the purpose of serving God’s
will in human society. Kings must hold all material power as stewards in
service of the divine Lord and are bound especially to protect the church,
Christ’s body on earth, from the world, the flesh, and the devil. While evan-
gelical lords may believe themselves to wield secular authority justly, theirs
is a higher, purer sphere of influence, and the civil lord’s responsibility is
to help them to realize this. Given the ecclesiastical status quo of the late
fourteenth century, this would involve the radical divestment of all church
property ownership and a strict regulation of clerical behavior. The place
of the human lord—whether natural, evangelical, or civil—in Wyclif ’s
thought is ultimately that of a guardian, not a philosopher-king, a means
by which creation’s true Lord realizes perfect justice.
 epilogue

Wyclif ’s legacy has long been a matter for partisan debate. The theological
cataclysm that broke over sixteenth-century Europe dramatically polarized
opinions about a thinker whose ideas appeared to presage those of Luther.
His monarchism seemed to foresee the Tudor state, his emphasis on scrip-
ture as the divine standard of truth evoked Protestant bibliolatry, and his
vigorous antipapalism rivaled all but the most vehement of Reformers. It is
no wonder that modern assessments of Wyclif ’s thought have ranged from
vigorous Catholic condemnation to adulatory Protestant encomia, with
almost nothing in between.
Even before the Reformation, polarization over Wyclif had been com-
mon. In England, his Oxford-trained preachers had instigated a program
of preaching and teaching according to his ideals, which continued after his
death in 1384. The first fruit was the Wyclif Bible, a complete translation
of Jerome’s Vulgate into English. While parts of scripture had been avail-
able in translation as far back as King Alfred the Great, the Wyclif Bible
warrants attention as the first complete English Bible in the history of the
language. This Bible, and the energetic preaching that became associated
with its proponents, gave rise to the Lollard movement, the lay piety phe-
nomenon that, because of Lancastrian politics, would soon be associated
with treason. The Lancastrian crusade against Wycliffism brought burn-
ing at the stake to England in 1401, and scores would perish in this way

222
 epilogue 223

for their association with the writings of a man for whom rebellion against
the social order was unthinkable. Defining Lollardy became very much a
matter of circumstance, though; by the middle of the fifteenth century, an
accusation of Lollardy might be made for any number of reasons. Some
were accused of questioning the ecclesiastical monopoly on scripture inter-
pretation, others for their complaints about what they perceived as idolatry,
while still others were questioned for expressing doubts about the sacra-
ments. Our understanding of the Lollards continues to develop as scholars
continue to study fifteenth-century England, and the phenomenon appears
to have been much more complex than it was previously understood to be.
The absence of the formal organization of the Protestant movements that
scholars first used as paradigms to explain Lollardy does not demonstrate a
correspondent theological simplicity. Something linked to Wyclif ’s teach-
ings certainly compelled Bishop Reginald Pecock (c. 1390–1461) to launch
a one-man crusade against scripturally founded anticlericalism, using rea-
soned argument, rather than the more standard threats of imprisonment
and burning. The result was what may be the first genuine philosophi-
cal literature in the English language. Pecock’s unpleasant personality and
his willingness to count church doctrine as secondary to reason led to his
own conviction for heresy, and rather than face the fate of the Lollards, he
recanted. Pecock’s campaign ended two decades before the end of medieval
England on Bosworth field, suggesting that there were “fellow travelers,”
if not actual Lollards, into the first decades of the Tudor era. Most scholars
agree that Lollardy had little to do with the genesis of Anglicanism. John
Foxe (1517–1587), author of the widely read Actes and Monuments (1563),
introduced Wyclif into the sixteenth-century mix from his encounters
with his manuscripts on the Continent, and contributed significantly to the
Protestant myth of Wyclif and Lollardy as proto-Protestantism. The same
is true of John Bale (1495–1563), an ex-Carmelite who embraced Wyclif ’s
memory, coining the epithet “morning star of the Reformation.”
The established church, on the other hand, had long followed the lead
of the Earthquake Council and refused to admit that Wyclif or his writings
had described Catholic truth. Wyclif ’s ideas had attracted some attention
among the lesser English nobility in the 1380s, prompting Richard II to join
forces with Archbishop Courtenay in an active program dedicated to elimi-
nating Wycliffism. A minor uprising against Henry V, led by a Lollard
knight, Sir John Oldcastle, in 1414, made Wycliffism synonymous with
treason. Henry’s confessor, the Carmelite Thomas Netter, penned the most
224 john wyclif

complete denunciation of Wyclif ’s thought yet to have appeared, the Doc-

trinale Fidei Catholicae, between 1423 and 1430. The Doctrinale would
remain the standard account of Wyclif ’s theology for Rome for centuries
to come. Netter had been present at Constance, where the orthodoxy of the
English church had been impugned by the specter of Wycliffism, and his
Doctrinale offers an exhaustive, point-by-point refutation of Wyclif ’s errors.
While Wyclif ’s own writings were scarcely available after Constance, the
Doctrinale was reprinted three times in the seventeenth century and again
in 1757. Before antiquarians began to recover Wyclif from his own writ-
ings, Netter’s depiction of Wyclif as the Donatistic, antipapalist denier of
transubstantiation was the standard portrait accepted by the majority of
Western Christians, both Catholic and Protestant.
A minority viewed Wyclif in a different light. Richard II’s marriage to
Anne of Bohemia in 1382 had opened Oxford to Bohemian scholars, who
returned to Charles University in Prague with the latest in English theolog-
ical innovations. The Bohemian scholars, resentful of the imperial authority
exercised over the university, were quick to notice that Wyclif ’s metaphysics
proved particularly irksome to their Ockhamist German superiors. Wyclif ’s
theological works soon garnered Czech attention, and two figures in particu-
lar quickly became associated with Wyclif ’s thought: Jan Hus (c. 1373–1415)
and Jerome of Prague (c. 1373–1416). Frustration with the ecclesiastical sta-
tus quo had smoldered throughout Bohemia before the influx of Wyclif ’s
thought, and the two preachers fanned this into a burning flame during the
first decade of the fifteenth century. Both ended up being tried for heresy.
Jerome recanted, was released, and then took back his recantation; he was
executed, defending Wyclif to the last. Hus was tricked into appearing at
Constance in 1415, where his trial and execution were foregone certainties.
These two martyrdoms kindled a Czech revolution against the empire and
the pope, and led to wars that raged across Bohemia from 1420 to 1434. The
Hussite wars saw the first use of massed gunfire against armored cavalry,
and the Bohemians invented the mobile fortress, circling their caravan of
stout war wagons into impregnable defensive formations. While the Hussite
revolution ultimately ended in imperial and papal victory, the figure of Jan
Hus and his Wycliffite theology inspired Czech nationalism through the
German and Russian occupations of the twentieth century. The largest col-
lection of Wyclif ’s writings remains at Charles University, and the as-yet
little understood phenomenon of fifteenth-century Czech scholasticism
suggests an exciting frontier for intellectual historians.
 epilogue 225

Wyclif ’s legacy as a late medieval philosopher rests on his contribution

to realist metaphysics for three reasons. First, his writings helped to define
scholastic thought at Charles University, which remains one of the great uni-
versities of Europe. Second, the official response to Wyclif ’s thought coin-
cided with a general dissatisfaction with nominalism at the beginning of the
fifteenth century. Philosophers at Oxford and Paris had begun to shift away
from Ockhamism, and the condemnation of Wyclif ’s approach encouraged
a tendency toward Scotism and Thomism among many fifteenth-century
thinkers.1 While Wyclif certainly never intended his thought to serve in
this fashion, it functioned as the ontologically opposite pole to Ockhamism,
providing a second point by which fifteenth-century metaphysicians could
triangulate a more suitable approach. Finally, Wyclif ’s thought provides a
fascinating instance of scholastic philosophy rigorously applied to its foun-
dational commitments to doctrinal truths.
I hope to have shown in this survey that many elements of Wyclif ’s
thought were not original to him, but arose from a complex dialogue that
had been ongoing at Oxford from the early decades of the fourteenth cen-
tury. Wyclif ’s genius lies in the philosophically consistent approach he con-
structed from what he believed to be the scripturally defined truth of
a scholasticism that had run afoul of newfangled innovation. He more than
meets the criteria that William James set forth for the religious innovator,
who introduces “one to regions of religious truth, to corners of the universe,
which your robust Philistine type of nervous system, forever offering its
biceps to be felt, thumping its breast and thanking Heaven that it hasn’t a
single morbid fibre in its composition, would be sure to hide forever from
its self-satisfied possessors.”2
 appendix
Wyclif ’s Confessio

In late 1380, when a panel of twelve Oxford theologians condemned his

eucharistic theology, Wyclif is reported to have been astounded. Soon,
John of Gaunt began to pressure him to rethink his rejection of transub-
stantiation. This led to Wyclif ’s publication of this document on 10 May
1381. The Confessio is a precis of the arguments in De Eucharistia, which
he had written in 1380, and the manuscripts that exist fall into two groups.
The first, larger group contains a relatively shorter version, which was
published in the Fasciculi Zizianorum, along with an extended refuta-
tion by John Tyssington, O.F.M. Wyclif used parts of what follows in De
Apostasia, although it is not clear whether he borrowed from De Apostasia
in the composition of the Confessio, as Williel Thomson argues, or whether
he improved a later version of De Apostasia with what he had written to
explain himself to the authorities. The Bohemian manuscripts contain a
longer version, the additional material of which Wyclif used also in a ser-
mon for Corpus Christi Day, with only slight variations. This additional
material was published by I. H. Stein in his “An Unpublished Fragment
of Wyclif ’s Confessio,” as well as in Sermon 34 in the Wyclif Society edition
of the Sermones. Parts of this entire document, then, appear in three of
Wyclif ’s works. Aside from its value in articulating Wyclif ’s eucharistic
theology in a relatively brief manner, then, what follows illustrates the
problem lying at the base of providing a firm date for any of Wyclif ’s
writings. Since he was actively engaged in reworking earlier works while
in Lutterworth, we must conclude that any work we examine, whether

226
 wyclif’s confessio 227

a title associated with his earlier days or one written during his final years,
has been subjected to his editorial hand.

Text of the Confessio

I have often confessed and acknowledge that numerically the same body
of Christ that was assumed from the Virgin, that suffered on the cross,
that [lay] dead in the tomb during the holy triduum, that rose on the third
day, that ascended into heaven after forty days, and that sits forever on the
right hand of God the Father, this same, I say, the same body and the same
substance is truly and really the sacramental bread or consecrated host that
the faithful perceive in the hands of the priest. This was established because
Christ, who cannot lie, asserts as much. I do not dare to say, though, that
the body of Christ is essentially, substantially, corporeally, or identically this
bread. Just as the body of Christ was extended, this bread [is], but the same
body is not extensionally or dimensionally this bread.
Indeed, we believe that the way of being of the body of Christ in the
consecrated host is threefold, namely, virtually, spiritually, and sacramen-
tally. It is virtual by which He does the good throughout all His kingdom,
according to the goodness of nature or of grace. The spiritual mode of
being, though, is that by which the body of Christ is in the Eucharist and
holy through grace. And the third way of being is sacramental, by which
the body of Christ is singularly in the consecrated host. And just as the
second way precedes the first, so the third precedes the second, because it
is impossible for the foreknown, lacking faith according to the present jus-
tice, to obtain. He who believes, either consumes or one does not consume,
as one chews as Augustine says in Homily 25 on John.1 And this mode of
spiritual being is more true in the soul. Indeed, it is more true and more real
than the first way of being, or according to a part of the second way of being
in the consecrated host, since it is a per se cause of this kind (of being in the
consecrated host), either efficient or final, and a per se cause is a greater and
more true being in its causation.
The mode of being by which the body of Christ is in the consecrated
host is a true and real way, since the Author who cannot lie said, “This
is my body,” and left to his priests the power of doing similarly. This is
completely gathered from Scripture. Thus Christ is in a more special way
in this sacrament than in the others, since He is at the same time the truth
and figured in this; however, He is not this way in the other sacraments.
228 appendix

And so this miraculous way of sacramental being is evident. Worshippers

of signs do not know how to establish that their sacrament is really the body
of Christ.
But beyond these three ways of being of the body of Christ, three other
ways should be given, more real and true, which the body of Christ properly
has in heaven, namely the modes of substantial, corporeal, and dimensional
being. And many, not understanding other modes of being of material sub-
stance beyond these, are greatly indisposed to conceiving the mystery of
the Eucharist and the subtlety of Scripture. So I say to them that the two
prior ways coincide, unless substantial being is attendant upon the body
of Christ insofar as [it is] substance, and corporeal being is attendant upon
the body of Christ insofar as [it is] a body. The mode of dimensional being,
however, follows upon the two prior, just as a passion [follows upon the
being of ] a subject. And any of these three ways will be more real, and [are]
causes more prior than the earlier ones. The body of Christ is in the sacra-
ment in none of these three modes, but in heaven, because otherwise the
body of Christ would be seven feet high in the host. So just as the body of
Christ is this host, so it is substantially, corporeally, and dimensionally the
same, regarding the host according to its nature, as was said above, and not
regarding the body of Christ according to its nature. And so it is conceded
that just as the body of Christ is corporeal substance in the consecrated host,
so it is in the host in the third way, according to the reason by which it is
this host, but not according to the reason by which it is the body of Christ.
And so it is conceded that the body of Christ is varied inasmuch as how
much it is here, since it is in any quantitative part of this host, and yet it is
not quantified by any quantity of this kind, and so it is variably great in the
diverse parts of this host, but not formally great in itself, in some other such
magnitude.
But many grumble beyond this, that it follows from this reasoning that
the body of Christ would not be in the Eucharist in any way other than
being a sign, as He is in the image of a crucifix.2 Here the faithful say that,
the body of Christ is not in heaven or in the assumed humanity in a differ-
ent way than in a sign, because then He would be in a different way here
than in some sign, and since either of these are signs, He would be in a
different way here than He would be there. Yet they say that although
the body of Christ is not otherwise in a sacrament than He is in a sign, He
is, nevertheless, here in a different way than the way He is in a sign. For the
sacrament, insofar as it is in this way, is a sign, and indeed humanity is a
 wyclif’s confessio 229

sign, since in Luke 2:34 it is said that “He is given for the falling and rising
of many, and in His sign is He opposed.”
And the second part of the conclusion is clear because the way of being
a sign of the body of Christ is one thing, and the way of true and real being
by the power of the words of our Lord Jesus Christ is another. It is conceded
that these two ways are conjoined inseparably. Yet this infinite sign is more
present than the sign of the body of Christ in the Old Law, or the images in
the New Law, since it is at the same time the truth and a figure.
Moreover, I understand what I have said in this matter according to the
logic of Scripture, and indeed, according to the logic of the ancient doc-
tors and the decrees of the Roman church, according to which I declare
myself prudently to have spoken. It is not right, though, to cause a scandal
in the whole Roman church when the bread and wine are said to be, after
consecration, the body and blood of Jesus Christ, and, when not impeded
by the glossators’ error, this faith remains constant in the church, especially
among the laity. Since the faithful do not desire corporeally to eat the body
of Christ, but spiritually, it is clear that the All-Knowing prepared this
spiritual way of the being of His body in the host according to which He
should be eaten by the faithful. Any other mode of being, since it would
be superfluous, He has excluded.
So those without faith murmur, either with those who have cast [this
teaching] away from them, saying “This teaching is hard,” when the body
of Christ would be corporeally eaten, or with those legal observers of the
Old Law, who do not imagine there to be a more immediate degree or
mode of being of Christ in the sign of the Eucharist than there was in the
Old Law, or than there is in the humanly instituted signs. And they imag-
ine that an accident can be made of the body Christ, and that Christ would
better and more plainly have said, “This accident without a subject signifies
my body.” Both of these sects are, through their faithlessness, the poorer
from their ignorance in the gradations of signs.
So we hold that, by the power of Christ’s words, the bread becomes
miraculously the body of Christ, beyond the possibility of a humanly insti-
tuted sign. Nevertheless, this unity, whether a union or a joining, does not
achieve the identical, numerical, or hypostatic unity, but it is believed that
it would be unmediated after this, and so the corporeal accidents of the
body of Christ, such as quantity, the corporeal quality of the body of Christ
do not appear to be multiplied concomitantly to the body of Christ in the
host, and through this, no other respective accidents which are based in
230 appendix

this, because all of these accidents have already gone on to be corporeal with
their subject, wherever they were. So that if here is “seven feet tall,” or
“colour,” or “corporeal glory of the Lord,” then it is here that the body of
Christ is seven feet tall, coloured, and corporeally glorified, and so Christ
has corporeal existence here. Since this is false, such a multiplication of acci-
dents concomitant to the body of Christ was denied, according to material
conditions in the consecrated host.
The quantitative parts of the body of Christ have a spiritual being in the
host, indeed they have the same sacramental being, since, in a certain way,
they are any quantitative part of this host. And the soul of Christ is much
more greatly multiplied through the host, according to a certain spiritual
being, than is that being that the body of Christ has in heaven. And the
cause of this multiplication of the soul of Christ is that it is more founda-
tional in the person of the Word than is His body. The immaterial quali-
ties which have the soul of Christ as a subject are multiplied with it in the
host, such as knowledge, justice, and the other powers of the soul of Christ,
which do not require a preexisting body, wherever they have been. These
same powers were with Him, because with His spirit, in Hell. So just as
Christ is powerful throughout the entire host, so the power of Christ is
throughout it. So the author of On the Divine Office 3 believes that because
of the spiritual body of Christ in the host, there is a concomitance of the
angels. Because this oblation can be complicated by defects in the power
of faith, and of the words of the priest, many of the religious adore this
host conditionally, and they are unmistakenly at rest in the body of Christ,
which is substantially, and ineffably, raised up, and is walking in heaven.
But the ignorant continue to grumble, asking how the body is this holy
bread, since it is not [holy] according to substance or nature. But it is right
for them to learn about the incarnation, how two substances or natures,
very distinct from one another, are the same suppositum, and yet are not
the same, because both of them are Christ, and then they can ascend, by a
posteriori reasoning, to cognizing this miraculous union; conserving both
natures, not made identical, in the Word of God. But it is right that they
bear in mind a gradation of signs, and put away the baseless blasphemy of
the miraculous coming-into-being of accidents, and believe the power
of the words of Christ, and then they can know how this bread is truly,
miraculously, really, and powerfully, and sacramentally the body of Christ.
But many are not contented by this way, and demand that this bread, or
at least through this bread, is substantially and corporeally the body of
 wyclif’s confessio 231

Christ. So they want to eat Christ with the zeal of blasphemers, but they
cannot.
There is a witness for this in Hugh of St. Victor, On the Sacraments II,
8.7, “In whatever way this species is distinguished, the thing or substance
of which is not believed to be here; so the thing is believed truly and sub-
stantially to be here present, the species of which is not distinct.” Regarding
this doctor, it is clear what he subtly mixes into the above-said Catholic
reasoning. He wants [to argue] that the species are perceived sensibly here,
and that these same species are essentially bread and wine, which are dis-
tinguished, although through the accidents [alone]. So he often calls them
bread and wine, the which are usually foods, and principally the substance
of food, as is clear in the chapter mentioned, and in those following. He says
that the same bread having the substance by which it is perceived, is not
here distinguished, since it is the body of Christ.
But for this adverb, “substantially,” it should be known that whenever
it is taken simply for the mode of substance, [it is] such that the same thing
would be the body of Christ present there substantially, and being there
in the substantial way. And this is how Hugh spoke. In due time, he adds
“reduplicative” by reason of body, insofar as [it is] such a substance. And
so I properly understand this adverb in this way. So in the same chapter it
is said that, we take Christ at the altar corporeally, according to the power
of the body and blood of Christ. It is fitting that it be understood that we
spiritually take the body of Christ at the altar. And this is the true mode of
the body, although it is not a mode in which “body” is understood as body,
because [in] John 6:63, Christ says, “[It is the spirit that gives life;] the flesh
is useless,” since He is brought forth neither by corporeal assumption nor
by the corporeal eating of the body of the Lord. For it is taken invisibly
insofar as the form of His body, as the doctor [Hugh] says in chapter 3 of the
same work, but visibly insofar as the substance of the sacrament. So such
equivocation was made adverbially, for the declaration of the excellence
of the Eucharist beyond the figure of the Old Law. Our words are appro-
priate because otherwise it would be right to concede that to be substantially
would be to be accidentally, and to be corporeally would be to be spiritually,
and to be carnally would be to be virtually, and to be dimensively would
be to be multiplicatively, and ways of making distinction would cease.
So, then, it is conceded that the body of Christ is held in symbol, or in
the host, and it is perceived; and yet it is not moved thus, because [it is] not
according to the nature of the body of Christ or insofar as [it is] the same
232 appendix

body; thus it is conceded that the body of Christ is in the host in the acci-
dental mode of substance, because the spiritual way and the sacramental
presupposing three other ways [are] more real ways for the same body [to]
exist causatively. So it was not in the figure of the Old Law, nor [was it] in
the sign of our laws humanly instituted. And so before the fact, the ways
can be distinguished by which [the body of Christ] is in heaven, and after
the fact [the ways] by which it is in the sacrament.
So we differ in three ways from the sect of signs.
First, we hold that the venerable sacrament of the altar is bread and
wine in nature, but the body and blood of Christ sacramentally. But the
opposing sect imagines the same sacrament to be unknown accidents with-
out substantial subject.
And [second,] from this erroneous root a wide variety of errors grows.
For our sect adores the sacrament not as the substance of bread and wine,
but as the body and blood of Christ. But the sect of the cult of accidents, as
I believe, adores this sacrament not as it is accidents without a subject, but
as it is the sacramental sign of the body and blood of Christ. The signs of
their cult show that they adore this sacrament, since they adore the cross
and other images of the church, which have less a reason for adoration than
does this venerable sacrament. For God is more really in any created sub-
stance and more substantially, than the body of Christ is in the consecrated
host. So unless the same makes His body by power of the words of Christ,
there is no reason for such excellence of adoring.
Third, our sect would take up the arguments of our adversaries through
the detection of equivocation and of other fallacies, so that some things are
said of the sacrament as it is bread, and others speak of it not as identical
with the body of Christ, but sacramentally. But the sects of our adversaries
introduce useless difficulties, imagining miracles about the operations of
accidents.
For our reasoning there is the definition of the Highest Judge [Summa
Judicis from Decreta Summi Pontificis V], our Lord Jesus Christ, who at
table on the night he was betrayed, took bread in His hands, blessed it
and broke it, and instructed that they eat of it, saying, “This is my body.”
When the bread had been indicated, which He had referred to with the
demonstrative pronoun [“this”], then, according to He who does not lie,
the complete rest of the proposition signifies that the same is His body. So
it is manifest from the authority and the words of Christ that this bread
was and is sacramentally His body.
 wyclif’s confessio 233

Seven witnesses are added onto this to testify to the judgment of the
church about this reasoning.4
The first is the Blessed Ignatius, contemporaneous to the apostles, who
from them and with them received the sense from the Lord. And Lincolni-
ensis cites him in On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy 3. “The sacrament,” he says,
“or the Eucharist is the body of Christ.”
The second witness is the Blessed Cyprianus in his letter of the body of
Christ. “Taking the cup on the day of the passion, He blessed it and gave it
to His disciples, saying, ‘Take and drink of this all of you, this is the blood of
the new covenant, which is spilled for many for the remission of sins. Verily
I say to you, I will not drink again of this fruit of the vine until the day when
I drink it new with you in my Father’s kingdom.’ ” “By which in part,”
says the saint, “we have discovered the mixed chalice to have been what He
offered, and the wine to have been what He called His blood.”
The third witness is Blessed Ambrose in his book on the sacraments,
and he is placed in the canon on Consecration, d.2, “The bread is on the
altar.” “What the bread was,” he said, “before the consecration, the same is
the body of Christ after the consecration.”
The fourth witness is Blessed Augustine in a certain sermon explain-
ing Luke 24:35, “They knew Him in the breaking of the bread.” “Not all
bread,” he said, “but in taking the bread with the blessing of Christ was it
the body of Christ.” And this is held in the canon mentioned above.
The fifth witness is the Blessed Jerome in the letter to Elvidam. “We
understand the bread which the Lord broke and gave to His disciples to be
the body of our Lord Saviour, Himself saying to them, ‘Take and eat, this
is my body.’ ”
The sixth witness is the decretum of the Roman church in which Nicho-
las II, with 114 bishops, dictated prudently under right reasoning, which
was taken for the entire church, that the bread and wine that are placed on
the altar are, after consecration, not only sacramentally but truly the body
and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, as is clear in the canon given above.
The seventh witness is the use of the church, in the canon according to
which the Mass is held, [which] says that this oblation becomes for us the
body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. This oblation the church calls
earthly substance, just as is clear in the secreto mediae of the mass of the
nativity of the Lord.
The glossators poison these witnesses, so that they say tacitly all such
words of the saints ought [to] be understood through what is contrary to
234 appendix

them, and so [should] in the end be denied, with Scripture. The faithful
should consider whether it is sound to make heresy, or to cause scandal, in
this way, of these witnesses and many similar. He should consider secondly
how he could extend honor to the body of Christ, or [how he could direct]
the devotion of the people, with this same most worthy body being acci-
dents without subject, which Augustine says is not able to be, or if it is, it is
one nothing or something most abject in its nature. Then, I say, Augustine
would be largely consonant with a heretic, when he writes in Epistle XIV
to Boniface of the faith of the Church: “If a sacrament did not have a certain
similitude to the things of which they are sacraments, there would not be
any sacraments. They take their names from these similitudes and from
the fullness of strength in these things. Just as according to a certain sacra-
mental way the body of Christ is corporeally Christ, and the sacrament of
the blood is Christ’s blood.”5 Here it is plain that it is said of the sacrament
that the accidents are imagined without a subject. But in what, I ask, is its
similitude to the body of Christ? Really the fruit of this madness would be
to blaspheme God, to bring scandal to the saints, and to ridicule the church
through lies about accidents. To this, certain testimonies of the saints are
subverted by glossators, so that by thinking in an equivocal sense, anything
that is said, even scripturally, is not shameless to the faith.
Hilary writes, as is repeated in On Consecration d.2, “The body of Christ
which is taken on the altar is the figure, while it appears bread and wine
externally, the truth is believed on the inside, with the body and blood of
Christ.” See how plainly this sacrament is the bread and wine, as in the
decretum Ego Berengarius. So for the uncovering of equivocations in this
matter, it is written according to Jerome, “Of this particular host, through
which a commemoration of Christ is miraculously made, one may eat”
[Jerome’s commentary On Leviticus]. Here it is plain that what is discussed
is corporeal eating, and he distinguishes between these two hosts according
to their substances or natures; granted that this bread would be according to
another reason as sacramentally the same body as Jerome says in his letter
to Elvidam, as listed above.
And it is clear how difficult the cultivators of signs are in this matter
of heresy, not to say because they impose a heresy upon the faithful when
they elucidate this faith; and an accusation of heresy obligates a punishment
in retaliation, because they deny and falsify our Lord Jesus Christ. For we
ought [to] believe nothing according to faith in the gospel of Jesus Christ if
He did not assert that the bread that He held in His hand and broke was
 wyclif’s confessio 235

His body, just as Augustine says about Psalm 66, “If I were to have said any-
thing, I do not will that you believe it thereby, but if Christ speaks, woe to
he who does not believe.” Nor should we believe something to be the sense
of the Gospels, if it is not so.
So woe to the adulterous generation, who believes more the testimony
of Innocent or Raymond, than the sense of the Gospels taken from the wit-
nesses just given. This would indeed bring scandal to them, and impose
the heresy through the perversion of Scripture. Particularly again, woe
to the perverse mouth of the apostate accumulating lies about the Roman
church, who imagines that the later church has corrected the faith of the
early church through opposing it, that this sacrament would be accident
without a subject, and not true bread and wine, as the Gospels say with
the decretum. For by Augustine’s witness, priests cannot confect such acci-
dents without a subject. And yet the priests of Baal prize this above all, lying
without a doubt, just as they have been instructed by their father, about the
consecration of accidents, so that they count other masses to have been heard
unworthily, or those who dissent from their position to be unfit for a position
anywhere.
But I believe that, in the end, the truth will overcome them.6
From the understanding that every adverb determines its verb in com-
parison to the subject, with this proposition “The body of Christ is substan-
tially in the sacrament of the altar,” this sense should be held, i.e., the body
of Christ is in the sacrament of the altar in substantial mode. But it remains
that it is not there in an incorporeal, substantial mode, therefore it is there
in a corporeal, substantial mode, and hence, dimensively. Again, the body of
Christ is not otherwise in the sacrament of the altar than it is [when] eaten
by the faithful; but it is not eaten by the faithful substantially, therefore it is
not in the sacrament of the altar substantially. The minor is clear from the
blessed Augustine and is posited in the decretal, where it says this, “The
body of Christ may not be ground down by faithful teeth.” Again, Christ
is not in the sacrament of the altar in some way other than the way He is
there sacramentally. But nothing being Christ is essentially its sacramental
being, therefore Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar essentially. The
minor is clear, that He is only there sacramentally, just as is clear through
the exponents, therefore, etc. Again, thus truly is Christ in the soul of the
just in the same way as He is in the sacrament of the altar, but He is not
in the soul of the just essentially substantially. Therefore He is not in the
sacrament of the altar, and this can be proven as such with Anselm. And
236 appendix

the major is proven [in that] where Christ has perfect and real being, there
He is perfectly and really, but in the soul of the just He has a being more
perfect and real than in the sacrament of the altar, therefore, etc. And many
doubt what is denoted by the word “this” when “this is my body” is said.
A certain decretist as ordinary glossator [John of God] holds that noth-
ing is denoted by the name “this” since the same and the whole oration is
taken materially just as spoken by Christ; which if it were true in signify-
ing everything the whole oration and the good subject it denotes, it would
indicate nothing on the inside. How would these words of Christ be an
effective sacrament of the altar in us, or bread miraculously convertible?
Thus others say that through this pronoun is denoted the body abso-
lutely simply, but these fools soil the faith, since according to them Christ
would not intend more save that His body is His body, which was true
beginning with His birth. Thus the reasoning of the blessed Jerome in his
letter to Hedibiam was held, “We should hear the bread which the Lord
broke and gave to His disciples to eat to be the body of the Lord Savior,
Himself saying, ‘This is my body.’ ” Where it is clear that this saint, who
more understood the sense of Scripture than all the lying postillators from
the time of Innocent III to today, acknowledges as a certitude of the faith
that in this proposition, bread is denoted sacramentally as substance rather than
Christ, just as its speaker had accepted it in His hands before, and from this
repeatedly the Apostle in this treatise chapters 10 and 11 pronounces this
sacrament to be bread. And the same is clear in the four evangelists (Luke
24 and Acts 2). Nor do I doubt but that the authors of Scripture understood
the bread to be not a nothing, or unknown accidents, but the true bread
which the priest transubstantiates by virtue of the sacramental words into
the body of the Lord; and truly this holy doctor [Jerome] with others in
the age of Christ clearly and deeply perceives the sense of Scripture, and
especially the propositions of the faith, better than every pope or postillator
succeeding from the time in which the devil was loosed. This same saint
manifestly says that this bread that the priest takes in consecrating hands
is the body of the Lord; which proves through this that He who cannot lie
says, “This is my body” when without doubt he denotes this bread. But
from the time in which the Church was divided through the introduction
of apostasy, the faith about the sacrament of the Eucharist was divided,
indicating an ulterior division between popes and such and the simple reli-
gion of the Christian, since nevertheless the Apostle says that there should
be one faith. But all the friars or others from private religions do not know
 wyclif’s confessio 237

what is denoted by the pronoun, or what in its nature would be the percep-
tible sacrament discernible to the eye, secondly divided into three parts, and
third devoured by chewing teeth. The instant one of the faithful asks this
question of the satraps, they flee in ignorance, insanely simulating weight
with extensive subterfuge. He cannot convince the faithful that this is the
faith before he could disclose this matter of the faith. I often have asked the
friars in what sense the sacrament that is frequently called bread should
be understood, but they have not dared to express their position, as if they
were innocents not knowing the faith.
But these ignorant ones argue against our reasonings and the sense of
the Lord first, paralogistically, which they call an expository syllogism,
claiming that they prove that the entire body of Christ, united and in each
individual part, may cruelly be broken by us, decay, and be devoured by
vile beasts, because this bread has been treated thus by many, and this bread
according to us is the body of Christ, therefore the body of Christ is thus
treated.
But, as I have often said, these ignorant people should first learn by logic
and the faith of the Church how this does not follow expositorily if this
divine nature is communicated to these three supposits, and thus of a thou-
sand examples in the matter of the Trinity. The second example is in the
matter of Incarnation, where it does not follow: This Christ is the assumed
humanity, and this Christ is deity, therefore the assumed humanity is deity;
indeed, through this same argument they argue and hold with other infi-
dels that deity had been laid open and died, because Christ, who is this
deity, underwent this. The third example is in the matter of universals,
through which an example of the ignorant faith is brought into service in
the matter: if A is the common man [i.e., humanity], it is not right if this
A were Socrates and this same A [because] since the common man is every
man, that the pope would be Socrates. Therefore, as they say reasoning
properly, only when the middle term [i.e., humanity] exists, is this neces-
sitated through the force of an expository syllogism for the extreme terms
[i.e., Socrates and the pope], of which one is as such conjoined through the
common, because this way, if Socrates dies, and he is as such the human
species, then the whole species dies. The minor is false, since Socrates is an
individual according to his personal propriety; but a man is the human spe-
cies according to the commonality that is communicated to any individual
of the species, and you will run into such wasteful reasoning whenever such
a paralogism is called expository syllogism.
238 appendix

So some ignoramuses, because of fear of similitude, deny the reasoning

about the common things [i.e., universals]. But they cannot escape their rea-
sons, and neither can they turn away from the common nature of the three
divine persons, nor from the disparate communion in the person of the
nature of the Word. So a certain secular scholar was present at a perfidious
Council in which his adversary, along with his puppies, decided through
Scripture that [the scholar] had damned himself [by saying] that after the
consecration the substance of the bread remained, but by arguing thus and
not receiving a response, the secular disagreed with their perfidy. The most
general genus of substance remains there, he said, and the same genus is in
any substance, and thus the substance of the bread, unless everything of the
bread were to be destroyed, and so the substance of the bread remains after
consecration. If the church were to acknowledge that since Christ is our
substance united in heaven, not to say the most general genus but because
in species and nature human, with which in His nature He is everyman in
common with every individual human being.
Such an innocent would not forsake logic so much as syllogisms and
consequences, lest they be seduced by children, and so faithlessly might
seduce the Christian people. Just as expository paralogism is absent in the three
examples given, thus it is absent in this matter: If one will have had this
sacramental bread for himself, and this bread is the body of the Lord,
then he has the body of the Lord for himself. The faithful should be far
indeed from these heretics who think that in any sacrament of the altar they
see the body of the Lord with corporeal eyes, that a mouse eats the body of
Christ, or that they might tear apart and break the body of Christ with their
fingers, or with the grinding of their teeth. Although such conclusions will
have been approved in bulls or letters from the Roman curia, they ought
to be denied. And the ignorant who speak in syllogistic manner and figure
with right reasoning ought to be taken in the same way: All sacramental
bread is round, they say, and has a figure and other such accidents, the
whole sacramental bread is the whole body of Christ, therefore the whole
body of Christ has such accidents. And the multiplication of the aforesaid
inconveniences follows.
But these innocents unknowingly syllogize fraudulently about these
three terms: the friar, the liar, and the mendicant think syllogistically in
the three matters mentioned. It does not follow: The whole Christ is the
divine nature, the whole humanity is in Christ, therefore the whole human-
ity in Christ is the divine nature, and similarly of other such syllogisms.
 wyclif’s confessio 239

But third a certain puppy argues principally in this manner: If the sacra-
ment of the altar were material bread, it follows, that every viator would be
thus perfected in his nature, such that the final form of any man would
be accidentally more perfect; the final form of this sacrament would be
accidental, since the same would be a sacrament accidentally. But the fox
has often grumbled about this argument, first about the conclusion of the
first proposition, since every dog contrary to the faith of the sacrament
perceives that the same would be more imperfect in its nature than what
could be allotted to another substance. In this way, then, this puppy holds
as unsuitable that a man in whose grace the sacrament is eaten would be
more perfect than the sacrament on its own. I am astounded at the form of
this dog’s argument. For if this argument were to describe the faith, then
any created substance would be more imperfect than what might be allot-
ted to another.
Fourth, it is not created substance, although it were informed with acci-
dents. In dismissing these arguments I concede that this sacrament would
be in its nature more imperfect than the paschal lamb prefigured in the
old testament, but it is sacramentally far more perfect, because [it is the]
created body of Christ. And I wish that the faithful, or the heretical if they
dare, would place their faith on the quiddity of this venerable sacrament.
Nor do I doubt but that everyone pertinaciously opposed to this reasoning
are the heretics, whether pope, or bishop, or member of a private religion.
For according to the saints in the age of Christ, and especially in the ancient
faith preserving the laity, this sacrament is the body of Christ in the form of
bread. But these obtusely defend the contrary, so according to the definition
of heresy, these are manifestly heretics, which if they will have denied Holy
Scripture to assert this, they fall apart through the testimony of the saints
and arguments of the watchful about how the words of Truth that cannot
lie should be understood: “This is my body.” They ought not believe the
false fables of the false brothers, that this sacrament is nothing or accidents,
but (as the Scripture faith often says) the substance of true bread. Just as
Christ is two natures, namely humanity and divinity united in [one] person,
such that any of these is the person of Christ, so in the same manner this sac-
rament is true bread naturally and sacramentally the body of Christ. And
in this union of titles the hypostatic union is most fully. It is right, though,
for the faithful theologian to know triple predication for detecting sophis-
tic arguments of the devil in this matter, namely formal predication, essen-
tial predication, and habitual predication. Whoever is ignorant of these
240 appendix

three [should be] securely forewarned against [the sophistic arguments],

and he will not know how this bread is truly the body of Christ; not accord-
ing to predication of identity, or identically, but sacramentally and figura-
tively is this bread the body of the Lord; just as according to Augustine man
truly and really, but figuratively eats the body of Christ.
And through this knowledge of triple predication can the faithful defend
the manner in which the truth of this matter should be enclosed in the form
of the words, as well follows in the expository syllogisms aforementioned
that the body of Christ is that which is broken, that it decays and is chewed
by teeth, and yet the body of Christ does not formally have itself so, as in a
like manner of speaking it is in the threefold example given above. And in
the same way the syllogism in the second conclusion has been formed in the
essential predication that follows.
Secondly the faithful should know how it should be conceded that the
body is Christ is shown in the sacrament, because the bread is shown, and
yet neither He nor any part of Him is shown, but He has spiritual being
that is multiplied there as the soul; nor do I dare say that the bread or any
part of it is the head of Christ or any other of His parts, although probably
it can be said that any quantitative part of this bread is truly the body of
Christ and since any part of this host would be spiritually according to the
concomitance of any of His parts.
Third the faithful should stop up the cases of the heretics when they
argue through place from similitude, and through the same, “the paschal
lamb” and any figure or term signifying being should be conceded to be
the same as “the body of Christ” in the Eucharist. In doing so, it would
be good in so arguing first to establish that the Word which cannot lie
will have said such a thing to be His body, as He said of the sacramental
bread, that if Christ had conceded this, then I will so concede. It plays no
part that our imposition or imagination of signs has as much efficiency
as the word of Truth has, who says “this was done for all”; I concede,
though that Christ is “a lion,” “a worm,” and “a calf ” with similar figu-
rative predications; and that in predications of this type there are many
degrees of which the final evidence is this: the Scriptures say it. And from
this I do not wish to be wasteful in terms beyond learned conversation,
in defining that this sacrament is material bread, the substance of bread,
or any other name that comes up, with which one will be able to cause
trouble for the church beyond the faith of Scripture. Many are the truths
which can be said scholastically and especially with catholicity. The faith
 wyclif’s confessio 241

of Scripture, though, says that the same sacrament is the bread that is
broken, and it is certain that this bread is not identical to the body of Christ,
nor [is it] the accidents obscure to the faithful, nor [is it] nothing. And so
I deny that this bread in its nature is prior [to] the bread a horse might
eat, nor to any other material substance as poison. So in such arguments
I look closely at heretics seeking the way of Christ from these things that
they themselves perceive of the quiddity and the passions of this venerable
sacrament.
Returning to the text, [which is] often put forth as the reasoning of Christ
alluding to our reasoning, where He says, “Do this in remembrance of me.”
For Christ wished the bread and wine to be sacramentally consumed as
a memorial for His faithful. In doing this, the text says the chalice there is
“a new testament” in the blood of Christ [which] is fully indicated through
predication of habitus, since the new testament has been understood to be
identical with neither the chalice nor the wine it contains. It is treachery to
disbelieve that the Word of God, who is eternal wisdom, alternates with
His words indifferently in this, but productively and with comprehensive
reasoning. He does not say this wine is my blood, but “this cup is the new
testament” in my blood, where it is clear that according to metonymy He
understands through this chalice, the wine to be contained in the chalice,
and through this is taught that in the prior proposition, “this is my body,” is
uniformly demonstrated through the pronoun that sacrament, since there
would not be an imaginable reason why in the following proposition “this
cup is the new testament” the liquor perceptibly contained in the cup is
demonstrated, but that through the same in the prior proposition would
be demonstrated the bread that He holds in His hands.
Second it is known how Christ through the second word says in different
ways “this cup” not “to be” His blood but “a new testament in His blood,”
so that thus He would teach His church such predication to be habitual,
and not identical. Thus the postillators, who say that from the order of
words before and after it is clear that this is not figurative locution without
foundation, in fact deceive themselves and their followers.
But third it is clear that, just as the sprinkling of the blood of a calf
remotely figured the confirmation of the old testament, thus the wine of
this cup figures the nearness of the new testament, and it is in accordance
with the realization of the testament itself, and is not contradictory. Indeed
the Holy Spirit at once says both, although differently and equivocally,
that “This is the cup of my blood of the new and eternal testament,” and
242 appendix

“This cup is the new testament” in my blood, because on both sides, the
same reasoning is thus expressed.
And a grammarian would be ashamed by the baseless rudeness with
which they say that this pronoun “this” refers only to an insensible thing.
For the Holy Spirit shows in the grammar a thing commonly perceptible,
as is clear in this proposition from the end of Ecclesiastes, “Fear God and
keep His commandment, this is all man” [Ecclesiastes 12:13]. And this at
the end of Mark, “And these signs shall follow them that believe” [Mark
16:17]. “For as often,” it says, “as you shall eat this bread and drink this
cup, you shall show the death of the Lord, until He comes” [1 Corinthians
11:26]. A certain body is to that end made sacramental and whence to the
day of judgment the viator may memorialize the death of the Lord. But
from this to arriving at clear knowledge of the presence of the body of
Christ in accidents through experience would be a waste of this kind of
sacrament. Thus, “Whoever will have eaten the bread and drunk this cup
of the Lord unworthily will be answerable for the body and blood of the
Lord” [perhaps a variant of 1 Corinthians 11:27], for just as a lying traitor
impiously kissing, he simulates the sacramental and fruitful memory, and
like another Judas, he lies beneath the cup pointlessly pretending.
For “let a man prove himself ” [1 Corinthians 11:28] and thus the world
may be saved from crime, and in the right intention to fruitful remember-
ing through these parts of the Lord, as much in the body as in the soul. “He
who eats and drinks unworthily, eats and drinks in judgment of himself ”
[1 Corinthians 11:29] since falsity presents an appearance contrary to the
judgment of the truth; in which way, therefore, “he discerns,” that is, in dis-
tinguishing in his memory the end from which he judges with the reason of
which such a corporeal meal is eaten; the end of which God would intend
of such thoughtless judgment of a traitor of this kind has been frustrated.
If, on the other hand, without such eating a man would drink the fruitful
memory from the body and blood of Christ, he spiritually eats the body
of Christ and drinks His blood [as] well. And by this quadruple recita-
tion by which the sacrament is said to be “bread” is the faithful awakened
to defending the reasoning and words of Paul, even though he had been
baselessly dreaming during the words and the extraneous reasoning. What,
then, would Saint Paul understand by bread and wine?
But if it is objected that according to this reasoning the sacrament is
violated, it may be said to the adversary of the faith that they themselves
object even as they are idolatrously raising up perceptible creatures in their
 wyclif’s confessio 243

faithless worship of God; thus indeed the ignorant carry on, who, unaware
of the proper voices, lack understanding of what the sacrament is. But they
know, just as they falsely imagine, that it [the sacrament] would be more
imperfect than any other material substance signified, and through this
they seduce the people that this sacrament is not honorable in its nature, but
deserves honor because it is really, if imperceptibly, the body of Christ. We,
however, say that this sacrament is honorable in its nature and much less in
its nature, but the same really is, as the faithful people believe, the body of
Christ. The faithful are stimulated in their faith by this faithless reasoning,
for they believe in concord, and they adore in effect, this sensible thing just
as they would Christ, and by lifting up some little piece of wood there is in
it the blessed Trinity, since necessarily it would be both, and consequently a
more perfect body of Christ, in which indeed there is commonly the same
body of Christ, since it has itself spiritually in any part of His kingdom.
By this the adversary of the faith would dishonor through evil ignorance
the body of Christ inasmuch as it is in the sacrament. And thus this little
treatise is ended.
This page intentionally left blank
 notes

abbreviations
CCSLC Corpus Christianorum Series Latina Clavis
CHLMP Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy
DCD De Civili Dominio
DCH De Composicione Hominis
DD De Dominio Divino
De XII De Duodecem Abusivis Saeculii
DI De Incarnacione
DMD De Mandatis Divinis
DOR De Officio Regis
DT De Trinitate
DU De Universalibus
DVSS De Veritate Sacrae Scripturae
EETS Early English Text Society journal
FZ Fasciculi Zizianorum
OP Opera Polemica
PG Patrologia Graeca
WS Wyclif Society

chapter 1
1. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (Viking Penguin,
1982), “Lecture I: Religion and Neurology,” 24.

245
246 notes to pages 4– 9

2. See H. B. Workman, John Wyclif: A Study of the English Medieval Church

(Oxford, 1926), 2 vols., which remains the fullest biography. More recently,
Gillian Evans, John Wyclif: Myth and Reality (Lion Hudson, 2005), provides
an accurate and useful biographical study. I am indebted to Anne Hudson for
providing me with her recent research on Wyclif ’s early years, which appears
in her entry on Wyclif for the New Dictionary of National Biography, and to
Stella Wilks, for providing me with her late husband’s papers, from which I
have mined a wealth of information. For an analysis of Wyclif ’s later years of
contention with ecclesiastical authority, see Joseph Dahmus, The Prosecution
of John Wyclyf (New Haven, Conn., 1952), and Andrew Larsen, “John Wyclif,
c.1331–1384,” in Levy, 2006; for examination of his Oxford experiences, see
J. A. Robson, Wyclif and the Oxford Schools (Cambridge, 1966). The fullest con-
temporary chronicle of Wyclif ’s later career is Fasciculi Zizianorum Magistri
Johannis Wyclif, ed. W. W. Shirley (London, 1858) (hereafter FZ).
3. Thoresby’s Latin catechism and Gaytrick’s Middle English versifi-
cation of it are published in The Lay Folk’s Catechism, ed. T. F. Simon and
H. E. Nolloth, EETS, o.s. 118 (London, 1901), along with a later Wycliffite
version of the same catechism and corresponding canons from the Lambeth
Council of 1281.
4. For Wyclif ’s Oxford education, see Robson 1966 and Evans 2005. See
also William Courtenay, Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth Century England
(Princeton, N.J., 1987), for a complete overview of the intellectual milieu in
which Wyclif participated.
5. For accounts of Wittgenstein’s behavior in arguments with Karl Popper,
see John Eidinow and David Edmonds, Wittgenstein’s Poker (New York, 2005).
6. See Anne Hudson, “Cross-Referencing in Wyclif ’s Latin Works,” in
The Medieval Church: University, Heresy, and the Religious Life, ed. Peter Biller
and Barrie Dobson (1999), 193–216; “The Development of Wyclif ’s Summa
Theologie,” in John Wyclif: Logica, Politica, Teologia, ed. Mariateresa Fumagalli
and Stefano Simoneta (Florence, 2003), 57–70. I rely on the dating provided
by S. H. Thomson and W. R. Thomson in the latter’s The Latin Writings of
John Wyclyf (Toronto, 1983), an indispensable guide to Wyclif ’s voluminous
philosophical, theological, and polemical writings.
7. For a thorough overview of the development of logic from the twelfth
century onward, see Norman Kretzman, Anthony Kenny, and Jan Pinborg,
eds., The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge, 1982),
99–383 (hereafter CHLMP). See also Alexander Broadie, Introduction to Medieval
Logic (Oxford, 1993).
8. Tractatus de Logica, I, 1.2–10. Translation by Norman Kretzman in his
“Continua, Indivisibles, and Change,” in Anthony Kenny, ed., Wyclif in His
Times (Oxford, 1986), 42.
 notes to pages 10–20 247

9. For Ockham’s ideas on the ontological status of concepts, particularly on

his progression from concepts having esse objectiva to having esse subjectiva, see
Marilyn McCord Adams, William Ockham (Notre Dame, Ind., 1987), 73–107.
10. On Universals, trans. A. Kenny (Oxford, 1985), chap. 3, 22.162–165.
11. Robson convincingly argues for this in his study of the Summa de Ente
(Cambridge, 1966), see 128–135. For an overview of the extant manuscripts of
the treatises of this Summa, see W. Thomson 1983.
12. DCH, chap. 1, esp. 2.20–3.22; see also De Ente Predicamentali, chap. 7, 66.
17–67.14; and the causal relation extant between God’s dominium over univer-
sals and created substance and the dominium given to mankind as described in
DD, De Statu Innocencie, and DCD.
13. Wyclif makes frequent mention of Aquinas and Scotus in these pre-
1372 writings. Amusingly, he complains in DI (chap. 4, 51.4) that Scotus’s Latin
is, as far as he and many of his associates are concerned, far more difficult to
understand than Augustine’s. Given the inventive and inconsistent nature of
Wyclif ’s own Latin, this is understandable, and reassuring to twenty-first-
century readers for whom Latin is more foreign than it was for Wyclif.
14. See J. I. Catto, ed., The History of the University of Oxford (Oxford, 1984),
vol. 1; Courtenay, Schools and Scholars; John M. Fletcher, “Inter-Faculty Disputes
in Late Medieval Oxford,” in From Ockham to Wyclif, ed. Anne Hudson and
M. Wilks (Oxford, 1987), 331–342.
15. FZ 54–55.
16. See FZ. For a history of the manuscript and the identity of its compiler,
see James Crompton, “Fasciculi Zizianorum I and II,” Journal of Ecclesiastical
History 12 (1962): 35–45, 155–166.
17. DD I.1, 1.6. W. Thompson estimates that Wyclif had begun work on
this treatise in 1373.
18. For development of this tie between Wyclif ’s metaphysics and his domi-
nium treatises, see chapter 4 below, and also my Philosophy and Politics in the
Thought of John Wyclif (Cambridge, 2003). Earlier scholars have dismissed the
possibility that this tie binds the two bodies of work, perhaps because it had
been assumed that the only extant manuscripts of DD are incomplete.
19. See Eric Doyle, O.F.M., “William Woodford, O.F.M., His Life and Works,”
Franciscan Studies 43 (1983): 17–187; and his “William Woodford’s De Dominio
Civili Clericorum against John Wyclif,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 66
(1973): 49–109. See also Jeremy Catto, “William Woodford, O.F.M. (c. 1330–
c. 1397),” D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 1969.
20. Quoted in Joseph Dahmus, The Persecution of John Wyclyf (New Haven,
Conn., 1952), 46; see also Chronicon Angliae 180–181.
21. Wyclif ’s defense of the duke’s actions appears as chapter 7 of De Ecclesia.
His formal arguments supporting this defense comprise the next nine chapters,
248 notes to pages 21–26

which makes up the middle portion of a treatise otherwise devoted to theo-

logical analysis of the proposition that the church is made up of the body of the
elect. Shakyl managed to keep his captive until 1383, when Parliament granted
him 20,000 gold francs. Hauley’s sister sued for a portion, but the suit was not
resolved until 1409, after Shakyl had died of old age.
22. Responsiones ad argumenta Radulfi Strode, in Opera Minora I, 175–200.
See also Wyclif ’s responses to Strode’s criticisms of DCD I, 398–404, and to
Strode’s criticisms of Wyclif ’s antipapalism, 258–312. For Strode’s own work, see
Wallace K. Seaton, “An Edition and Translation of the Consequentiae of Ralph
Strode, Fourteenth Century Logician and Friend of Geoffrey Chaucer,” Ph.D.
diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1973.
23. See Dahmus 1952, 141–142, for a translation of the 1384 letter.
24. There has been considerable discussion as to the proper referents of the
terms “Wycliffite” and “Lollard.” Some scholars hold that the former refers to
the earlier, academic stage of the movement and the latter to the more wide-
spread, social stage, but Anne Hudson has argued convincingly that the two
terms should be viewed as synonymous. See Hudson, The Premature Refor-
mation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford, 1988), 2–4; 1986, 85–86.
25. Simon Forde, “Theological Sources Cited by Two Canons of Repton:
Philip Repyngdon and John Eyton,” in Wilks and Hudson 419–428, provides
a good overview of Repingdon’s theology.
26. See M. Jurkowski, “New Light on John Purvey,” English Historical
Review 110 (1995): 1180–1190.
27. For the twelve conclusions, see FZ 105–109; for Berton’s condemnation
and Wyclif ’s subsequent response, see 110–132.
28. Confessio; FZ 131. The references are presumably to Innocent III and
Raymond of Penafort, a Dominican canonist.
29. Workman, vol. 2, 148, who quotes John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, vol. 3,
20. Several Victorian engravings of this scene exist, the compositions of which
are obviously influenced by David’s Death of Socrates. Wyclif ’s supposed
quote is a reference to Psalm 118.17, “non moriar sed vivam et narrabo opera
Domini.”
30. Hudson 1986, 228–247.
31. DCD III.2, 15.5–23.
32. De Blasphemia 13, 190.
33. For Wyclif, the poor preachers, and the Peasants’ Revolt, see Michael
Wilks, “Reformatio Regni: Wyclif and Hus as Leaders of Religious Protest Move-
ments,” Studies in Church History 9 (1972): 109–130; “Wyclif and the Great Per-
secution,” Studies in Church History Subsidia 10 (1994): 39–63 (both reprinted in
Wilks 2000, 63–84 and 179–204). See also Hudson 1988, 60–69.
 notes to pages 26 –33 249

34. FZ 272–273; translation by Joseph Dahmus in Dahmus 1952, 93. See

also Dahmus, William Courtenay, Archbishop of Canterbury (Pennsylvania State
University, 1966).
35. Johannis Wiclif Trialogus cum Supplemento Trialogi, ed. Gotthard Lechler
(Oxford, 1869). I expect to complete a translation of this text soon, which will
take into consideration all extant manuscripts of the work.
36. Opus Evangelicum III, 107.19–22.
37. See Janet Coleman, Medieval Writers and Readers, 1350–1400 (Columbia,
1981); Steven Justice, Writing and Rebellion: England in 1381 (Berkeley, Calif.,
1994); Fiona Somerset, Clerical Discourse and Lay Audience in Late Medieval
England (Cambridge, 1998).
38. Trialogus IV, chap. 28. See Hudson, “Wyclif and the English Language,”
in Kenny 1986.
39. Hudson, English Wycliffite Sermons, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1983); Margaret
Aston, Lollards and Reformers (London, 1984); Hudson, “Contributions to a
History of Wycliffite Writings,” in her Lollards and Their Books (London, 1985).
The collection of sermons that Thomas Arnold published in his multivolume
Select English Works of John Wyclif has since been reedited and published in
Anne Hudson’s English Wycliffite Sermons, vols. 1–5. The collection of writings
edited by F. D. Matthew and published as The English Works of Wyclif by the
Early English Text Society (o.s. 74; 1902) also cannot be ascribed to Wyclif with
certainty.
40. De Blasphemia, chap. 10, 154.13–155.13. His reflections on mortality are
based on Ambrose of Milan’s De Bono Mortis.
41. David Hume, The History of England, vol. 2 (Philadelphia, 185). For a
historiography of Wyclif, see Margaret Aston, “Wyclif ’s Reformation Reputa-
tion,” in Lollards and Reformers, 243–272; also see Workman, vol. 1, 12–20. The
premier study of Lollardy remains Anne Hudson’s The Premature Reformation
(Oxford, 1988); for the Hussite phenomenon, see Howard Kaminsky, The His-
tory of the Hussite Revolution (Berkeley, Calif., 1967). See the bibliography of
the Lollard Society at http:// lollardsociety.org/bibhome.html for a much more
extensive listing of secondary works.

chapter 2
1. See R. L. Poole’s introduction to DD, xxi. The groundbreaking
survey of the philosophy and theology of the period remains The Cambridge
History of Later Medieval Philosophy, ed. Norman Kretzman, Anthony Kenny,
and Jan Pinborg (Cambridge, 1982). Accompanying this is The Cambridge
Translations of Medieval Philosophical Texts, a set of anthologies exemplifying
250 notes to pages 33–42

the development and breadth of later medieval thought. See volume 1, Logic
and the Philosophy of Language, ed. Norman Kretzman and Eleonore Stump
(1988); volume 2, Ethics and Politics, ed. A. S. McGrade, John Kilcullen,
and Matthew Kempshall (2001); volume 3, Mind and Knowledge, ed. Robert
Pasnau (2002). Volume 2 contains Kilcullen’s translation of the first ten chap-
ters of Wyclif ’s DCD I.
2. See Marilyn McCord Adams, William Ockham (Notre Dame, Ind., 1988),
2 vols.; Paul Vincent Spade, A Cambridge Companion to Ockham (Cambridge,
1999). For an overview of Oxford’s “golden age,” see William Courtenay,
Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth Century England (Princeton, N.J., 1987).
3. Hester Gelber, It Could Have Been Otherwise: Contingency and Necessity
in Dominican Theology at Oxford 1300–1350 (Leiden, 2004), 313n9; reference is
to Scotus’s Ordinatio I, d.44, in Opera Omnia, ed. Charles Balic (Vatican City,
1963), 6, 363.17–364.10.
4. William Ockham, Quodlibetal Questions, trans. Alfred Freddosso (New
Haven, Conn., 1991), vol. 2, 491.
5. See William Courtenay, Capacity and Volition (Bergamo, Italy, 1990).
6. See ibid., 265–266; also Gracia 674–675. The influence of Chatton on
Wyclif deserves much fuller consideration than is possible here, where Wyclif ’s
more immediate opponents are of interest. See Girard Etzkorn and Joseph
Wey, eds., Reportatio in I Sent. Dist. 1–9 and Dist. 10–48 (Toronto, 2002), 2 vols.
7. Adam de Wodeham, Lectura Secunda in Librum Primum Sentatiarum,
ed. Rega Wood and Gedeon Gàl (St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1990). “Et ideo ad
variationem mediorum secundum speciem variatur actus sciendi secundum
speciem, et diversae scientiae non probant formaliter eandem conclusionem
per idem medium, nisi mendicando” (d.1, q.3.12, 247).
8. Ibid., vol. 2, “Et ideo nisi per fidem nobis innotuisset quod una res est
tres res, credidissemus firmiter sophismata praedicta bona fuissa argumenta”
(d.2, q.1.13, 25).
9. See Norman Kretzman and Barbara Ensign Kretzman, The Sophismata
of Richard Kilvington (Cambridge, 1990); Edith Dudley Sylla, “The Oxford
Calculators,” in Kretzman, Kenny, and Pinborg 1982, 540–563.
10. John E. Murdoch, “Mathesis in Philosophiam Scholasticam Introducta:
The Rise and Development of the Application of Mathematics in Fourteenth
Century Philosophy and Theology,” in Arts Libéraux et Philosophie au Moyen
Age (Montreal and Paris, 1969), 215–254.
11. Curtis Wilson, William Heytesbury: Medieval Logic and the Rise of
Mathematical Physics (Madison, Wisc., 1956); Marshall Clagett, The Science of
Mechanics in the Middle Ages (Madison, Wisc., 1959).
12. See Opus oxoniense I, d.III, q.4, in Philosophical Writings, trans. Allan
Wolter (Hackett, 1987), 97–132, esp. 106–115.
 notes to pages 42–48 251

13. Philosophically, the term “nominalist” today suggests an ontology

generally more sparse than the Aristotelian categories to which Ockham was
committed. While Ockham believed that universals have no reality beyond the
concepts we use to describe things, he also believed that there are spatiotem-
poral objects that exist independently of our perceptions, with properties and
relations independent of our concepts. The philosophical antirealism that can
be associated with contemporary nominalism is foreign to the “nominalism”
of the medieval thinkers. For an overview, see D. M. Armstrong, Universals
and Scientific Realism (Cambridge, 1978), or his Universals: An Opinionated
Introduction (Boulder, Colo., 1989).
14. See Nicholas of Autrecourt, The Universal Treatise, trans. Leonard
Kennedy, Richard Arnold, and Arthur Millward (Milwaukee, Wisc., 1971).
15. Leonard Kennedy, “Philosophical Scepticism in England in the Mid-
Fourteenth Century,” Vivarium 21.1 (1983): 43–44. Kennedy’s survey of fourteenth-
century skeptical tendencies here and in his “Late-Fourteenth-Century
Philosophical Scepticism at Oxford,” Vivarium 23.2 (1985): 124–151, are useful
resources, although his The Philosophy of Robert Holcot: A Fourteenth Century
Skeptic (Lewiston, Maine, 1993) overemphasizes the place that skepticism had
in Holcot’s thought. See also Paul A. Streveler, “Gregory of Rimini and the
Black Monk on Sense and Reference,” Vivarium 18.1 (1980).
16. L. L. Hammerich, The Beginning of the Strife between Richard Fitzralph
and the Mendicants (Copenhagen, 1938), 20.74–80. See also Katherine Walsh,
A Fourteenth-Century Scholar and Primate: Richard Fitzralph of Oxford, Avignon,
and Armagh (Oxford, 1981).
17. Augustine, On the Teacher, II.38, trans. Peter King (Hackett, 1995),
139. See Gareth Matthews, “Knowledge and Illumination,” in The Cambridge
Companion to Augustine, ed. Eleonore Stump and Norman Kretzman (Cambridge,
2001), 171–185.
18. Gordon Leff, Richard Fitzralph: Commentator on the Sentences (Manchester,
1963); see also Katherine Tachau, Vision and Certitude in the Age of Ockham
(Leiden, 1988), 236–242. I am grateful to Dr. Michael Dunne for his advice
about the likelihood of Fitzralph’s authoring the question discussed.
19. Kennedy 53. See Joel L. Bender’s “Nicholas Aston: A Study in Oxford
Thought after the Black Death,” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1979, for
a well-rounded study of this overlooked figure.
20. See Holcot’s denial of the possibility of establishing God’s existence
through unaided reason, “non habemus ab aliquo philosopho demonstra-
tive probatum quod aliquis angelus est, neque de deo, neque de aliquo
incorporeo,” 144, in J. T. Muckle, C.S.B., “Utrum Theologia Sit Scientia: A
Quodlibetal Question of Robert Holcot, O.P.,” Mediaeval Studies 20 (1958):
127–153.
252 notes to pages 48–56

21. Quodlibet 87, Utrum haec est concedenda: Deus est Pater et Filius et Spiritus
Sanctus, in Hester Gelber, Exploring the Boundaries of Reason: Three Questions
on the Nature of God by Robert Holcot, OP (Toronto, 1983), 34–36.
22. Robert Holcot, Super Libros Sapientiae (Hagenau, 1494; rpt., Frankfurt,
1974), lect. 155, translated by Beryl Smalley in English Friars and Antiquity in
the Early Fourteenth Century (Oxford, 1960), 185.
23. It is still too soon to declare certain treatises to have been included
in Wyclif ’s Sentences commentary. This line of reasoning was introduced by
J. A. Robson in Wyclif and the Oxford Schools (Cambridge, 1961); I explore it more in
“Wyclif ’s Trinitarian and Christological Theology,” in A Companion to John Wyclif,
ed. Ian Levy (Leiden, 2006), 127–198, but further documentary research is needed.
24. See also De Trinitate, chap. 10, 110.
25. See Katherine Tachau, Vision and Certitude in the Age of Ockham: Optics,
Epistemology and the Foundations of Semantics 1250–1345 (Leiden, 1988), for a
definitive history of the complexities of early fourteenth-century epistemology.
For Peter Aureol, see Scriptum proem I, 204–205 (Aureol’s Sentences Commentary
in its second version), in E. Buytaert, ed., Petri Aureoli Scriptum super primum
Sententiarum, prooemium-dist. 8, 2 vols. (St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1953–1956);
Tachau 85–112. For Scotus on intuitive cognition, see Sebastian Day, Intuitive
Cognition: A Key to the Significance of the Later Scholastics (St. Bonaventure, N.Y.,
1947); Allan Wolter, “Duns Scotus on Intuition, Memory, and Our Knowledge
of Individuals,” in The Philosophical Theology of John Duns Scotus, ed. Marilyn
McCord Adams (Ithaca, N.Y., 1990).
26. For Rodington, see Tachau 216–236; for Bacon, Pecham, and Witelo on
optics, see David C. Linberg, “Lines of Influence in Thirteenth-Century Optics:
Bacon, Witelo, and Pecham,” Speculum 46: 66–83; for Witelo, see Sabetai
Unguru, “Witelonis Perspectivae Liber Primus,” Studia Copernicana 15 (1977).
27. Trialogus II.6.
28. See Unguru 12–40.
29. See Eleonore Stump, “The Mechanisms of Cognition: Ockham on
Mediating Species,” in Spade 1999, 168–203.
30. Translated by Robert Pasnau, in The Cambridge Translations of Medieval
Philosophical Texts: vol. 3, Mind and Knowledge (Cambridge, 2003), 255.
31. For Crathorn, see Quaestiones super librum sententiarum, in Questionen
Zum ersten Sentenzenbuch, ed. F. Hoffmann (Münster, 1988); also Sent. I, q.1, trans.
Pasnau; Tachau 255–274; Robert Aurélien, “William Crathorn,” in Stanford
Encyclopedia of Philosophy, available at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/crat
horn/#8b.
32. De Actibus Anime I, 1.1–10.
33. Pasnau 298–299. See also Adams, William Ockham, vol. 1, 552–571, for
Henry of Ghent’s position, and William Frank and Allan Wolter, Duns Scotus,
 notes to pages 57–70 253

Metaphysician, 125, 167. See Julius Weinberg, Nicholas of Autrecourt (Princeton, N.J.,
1948), and Constantin Michalski, Le Criticisme et le Scepticisme dans la Philosophie
du XIVe Siècle (Cracow, 1926), reprinted in La Philosophie au XIVe Siècle: Six
Etudes (Frankfurt, 1969), 100. On the differences between Descartes’ use of this
argument and Augustine’s, see Gareth Matthews, “Si fallor, sum,” in Augustine:
A Collection of Critical Essays, ed. R. A. Markus (New York, 1972), 151–167.
34. Insolubilia literature is extensive in medieval logic. See Paul V. Spade,
“Insolubilia,” in CHLMP 246–253, and also online at The Stanford Encyclopedia
of Philosophy. See Johannis Wyclif: Summa Insolubilium, ed. Paul V. Spade and
Gordon Wilson (Binghamton, N.Y., 1986).
35. De Logica, vol. 1, 181.
36. Purgans Errores circa Universalia in Communi, De Ente I, Tractatus IV,
chap. 5, in Johannis Wyclif De Ente Librorum Duorum (WS 1909), 47.7–22.
37. See Gordon Leff, Richard Fitzralph: Commentator on the Sentences
(Manchester, 1963), 52–55. My thanks are due to Michael Dunne, who kindly
provided me with a draft of his edition of Fitzralph’s discussion in I, q.5, a.6.
38. Zénon Kaluza, “L’ouevre théologique de Richard Brinkley, OFM,”
Archives d’Histoire Doctrinale et Littéraire du Moyen Age 56: 169–273.
39. Summa de Ente, Libri Primi: Tractatus primus et secundus, ed. S. Harrison
Thomson (Oxford, 1930), xxv (translation by Thomson).
40. Trialogus I, i.
41. DT, chap. 1, 3: “Hic dicitur communiter, quod nemo potest sine fide
prima assentire isti deduccioni, et ideo non est mere naturalis, et sic non demon-
stratur in lumine naturali.”
42. Trialogus I.6, 55.
43. DT, chap. 2, 19.

chapter 3
1. James McEvoy, Robert Grosseteste (Oxford, 2000); and Marilyn McCord
Adams, William Ockham (Notre Dame, Ind., 1987).
2. See Marilyn McCord Adams, “Universals in the Early Fourteenth
Century,” in CHLMP 411–439.
3. The Philobiblon of Richard de Bury, trans. E. C. Thomas (London, 1888),
chap. 9. See www.philobiblon.com/philobiblon.htm.
4. See Beryl Smalley, English Friars and Antiquity in the Early Fourteenth
Century (Oxford, 1960), for development of the idea that Oxford friars were
moving toward humanism.
5. Jennifer Ottman and Rega Wood, “Walter of Burley: His Life and
Works,” Vivarium 37.1 (1999): 1–23. This edition of Vivarium is devoted entirely
to Burley and provides the most up-to-date introduction available.
254 notes to pages 71–79

6. For Aquinas, see Sententia super Posteriora Analytica II.20.14. For Burley,
see n. 7. See also Alessandro Conti, “Walter Burley,” in The Stanford Encyclopedia
of Philosophy, online at http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fa112004/entries/burley.
Also see his “Ontology in Walter Burley’s Last Commentary on the Ars Vetus,”
Franciscan Studies 50 (1990): 121–176; and Elizabeth Karger, “Walter Burley’s
Realism,” Vivarium 37.1 (1999): 24–40.
7. See Walter Burley, Super artem veterem Porphirii et Aristotles, trans. Paul
Vincent Spade, in Readings in Medieval Philosophy, ed. Andrew Schoedinger
(Oxford, 1996), 619–646. Reference here is to Metaphysics VII.
8. Stephen F. Brown, “Walter Burley’s Quaestiones in Librum Periher-
meneias,” Franciscan Studies 34 (1974): 213 (1.82). See Elizabeth Karger’s discus-
sion in Karger 1999, 34–36.
9. William Courtenay, Adam Wodeham (Leiden, 1978), 59–60.
10. Tachau 269n81. See 255–274 for a more complete discussion than is
possible here.
11. Robert Holcot, Conferentiae, ed. Fritz Hoffman, in Die “Conferentiae” des
Robert Holcot O.P. und die Akademischen Auseinandersetzungen an der Univerität
Oxford 1330–1332 (Münster, 1993), 73–82.
12. Peter Lombard, Sententiae I, d.1, chap. 1; reference is to Augustine, De
Doctrina Christiana I.2.
13. Walter Chatton, Lectura, prologue, q.1, translated in Tachau 205.
14. William Ockham, Exposition super librum Perihermenias, translated in
Philosophical Writings, ed. Philotheus Boehner and Stephen Brown, 44.
15. Adam de Wodeham, Lectura Secunda in Librum Primum Sententiarum,
ed. Rega Wood and Gedeon Gàl (St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1990), I, d.1, q.1,
180–208; see also Jack Zupko, John Buridan: Portrait of a Fourteenth-Century
Arts Master (Notre Dame, Ind., 2003), 126; and Gabriel Nuchelmans, “Adam
Wodeham on the Meaning of Declarative Sentences,” Historiographia Linguistica 7
(1980): 177–187.
16. Bertrand Russell, “The Philosophy of Logical Atomism: 1. Facts and
Propositions,” in Logic and Knowledge, ed. Robert Charles Marsh (London,
1956, 1989), 185.
17. See Laurent Cesalli, “Le ‘pan-propositionalisme’ de Jean Wyclif,”
Vivarium 43.1: 124–155. See also his “Some Fourteenth-Century Realist Theories
of the Proposition: A Historical and Speculative Study,” in Signification in
Language and Culture, ed. H. S. Gill (Shimla, 2002), 83–118, and his Le réal-
isme propositionnel: Sémantique et ontologie des propositions chez Jean Duns Scot,
Gauthier Burley, Richard Brinkley et Jean Wyclif (Paris, 2007).
18. De Logica, vol. 1, chap. 5, 14.1–4. Recall that this first treatise of De
Logica is Wyclif ’s primer written for students hungry to understand the logic
of scripture through the lens of formal academic logic.
 notes to pages 80 –89 255

19. Ibid., lines 13–24.

20. DU, chap. 1, 5.215–218, trans. Kenny.
21. See Paul V. Spade, “Introduction,” in John Wyclif, On Universals, trans.
Kenny (Oxford, 1985), 31–45; Cesalli 137.
22. “From all this it is clear, I think, that all envy or actual sin is caused by
the lack of an ordered love of universals . . . because every such sin consists in
a will preferring a lesser good to a greater good, whereas in general the more
universal goods are better.” DU, chap. 3, 11.145–157, trans. Kenny.
23. Wyclif, Summa de Ente, Libri Primi: Tractatus primus, De Ente in Communi,
ed. S. Harrison Thomson (Oxford, 1930), 2.5–7. Reference is to Aristotle’s Physics
I, chap. 2, esp. 184b25–185b7. For a complete list of the treatises of Summa de
Ente, see the bibliography.
24. See Bertrand Russell, “On Denoting,” in Logic and Knowledge, ed.
R. C. Marsh (London, 1968). See also Barry Miller, “Existence,” in The Stanford
Encyclopedia of Philosophy, available at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/
existence.
25. See John Wippel, “Metaphysics,” in The Cambridge Companion to Aquinas,
ed. Norman Kretzman and Eleonore Stump (Cambridge, 1993), 85–127, for an
introduction to the senses of being as Aquinas described them.
26. Wyclif, Summa de Ente, Libri Primi, ed. S. Harrison Thomson, 1.5–9.
27. Thomas Aquinas, De Esse et Essentia, par. 3, in Joseph Bobik, Aquinas
on Being and Essence (Notre Dame, Ind.), 21. For the division of kinds of being,
see also 31–43.
28. De Ente in Communi 7.23–8.10. A century later, Reginald Pecock would
make the same argument in his description of judgment; see my “Reginald Pecock
on the Authority of Reason, Scripture, and Tradition,” Journal of Ecclesiastical
History 56.2 (April 2005): 241–242.
29. De Ente in Communi, chap. 4, 47.15–20.
30. Wyclif ’s reference is to Genesis 26–27 and, in Aristotle, to Metaphysics V,
chap. 11, esp. 1018b30–36.
31. Purgans Errores circa Veritates in Communi, chap. 1, 4.22. See also
Augustine, De Trinitate V, chap. 4: “He cannot be everlastingly lord, or we
would be compelled to say that creation is everlasting, because he would only
be everlastingly lord if creation were everlastingly serving him” (Edmund Hill,
trans., 200).
32. Augustine, De Diversis Quaestionibus 83, q.46, PL 40, cols. 29–31.
33. De Ideis, chap. 2. In this description, I have made use of the unpublished
version of De Ideis that was prepared by a transcriber of the Wyclif Society
at the beginning of the twentieth century. This was rediscovered in 2005 by
Lesley Ann Dyer in Trinity College library, Cambridge, who generously made
it available to me. A list of the manuscripts used in this book can be found in
256 notes to pages 89 – 98

the bibliography. Professor Wilem Herold and Dr. Ivan Mueller are in the fin-
ishing stages of a complete edition of De Ideis, which will certainly supersede
the incomplete version I’ve used.
34. De Veritate, q.3, a.1, ad.5; Summa Theologica Ia, q.15, aa.1–2. For a
comparison of theories of divine ideas, see M. J. F. M. Hoenen, Marsilius of
Inghen (Leiden, 1993), 121–156; Alessandro Conti, “Divine Ideas and Exemplar
Causality in Auriol,” Vivarium 38 (2000): 99–116.
35. For Henry of Ghent, see Quodlibeta VIII, q.1 and q.8; IX, q.2. For Scotus,
see Lectura I, d.35. For a discussion of the relation of Henry and Scotus, see
William Frank and Allan Wolter, Duns Scotus, Metaphysician (West Lafayette,
Ind., 1995), 165–166. For Peter Aureol, see Commentariorum in primum librum
Sententiarum Pars prima, d.35.
36. Ordinatio I, d.35, q.5, in Opera Theologica IV, 483, ed. Etzkorn and Kelly
(St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1979).
37. See Adams, William Ockham, 1033–1063; Thomas Bradwardine, De
Causa Dei I.xvii, 219; Walter Chatton, Reportatio super Sententias I, d.35, q.2,
316–317.
38. De Ideis, chap. 3
39. De Ideis, chap. 4.
40. See Robson 1961, 141–171. For a recent plea for moderation regard-
ing Wyclif ’s realism, see Paul V. Spade, “Universals and Wyclif ’s Alleged
‘Ultrarealism,’ ” Vivarium 43.1 (2004): 111–123. See this also for a complete bib-
liography of recent scholarly assessments of Wyclif ’s thought on universals.
41. DU, trans. Kenny, chap. 9, 402–405.
42. For Boethius, see Second Commentary on Porphyry’s Isagoge, in P. V. Spade,
ed., Five Texts on the Mediaeval Problem of Universals (Hackett, 1994), 20–26;
for Abelard, see “Glosses on Porphyry,” in Logica “ingredientibus,” ibid.,
26–56.
43. This explanation of Wyclif ’s types of universals is more fully presented
in Paul V. Spade’s “Introduction” to Kenny’s DU translation. For an excellent
introduction to the medieval discourse on universals, see Spade’s Five Texts on
the Mediaeval Problem of Universals.
44. This is more fully discussed in my Philosophy and Politics in the Thought
of John Wyclif (Cambridge, 2003), 73–75. See also De Logica III, chap. 2, 35.
11–33; Purgans Errores, chap. 4, 41.14–30; DU, chap. 4, 28.
45. De Ente Predicamentali, chap. 5, 43.9–27. For a more complete discus-
sion of Wyclif ’s conception of essence and being, see A. D. Conti, “Logica
intensionale e metafisica dell’essenza in John Wyclif,” Bullettino dell’Instituto
Storico Italiano per il Medioevo e Archivio Muratoriano 99.1 (1993): 159–219;
Conti, “Wyclif ’s Logic and Metaphysics,” in Levy 2006; Conti, “Wyclif,” in
The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, available at http://plato.stanford.
 notes to pages 99 –109 257

edu/entries/wyclif/#3, which this outline follows closely. For Henry of Ghent’s

assertion that the being of a thing is not something other besides its essence, see
Summa Quaestionum Ordinarium, q.21, a.3, in Henry of Ghent’s Summa, trans.
Jos Decorte and Roland J. Teske (Leuven, Belgium, 2005), 69. The consonance
of De Ente in Communi with Henry of Ghent’s metaphysics is worth much
further analysis.
46. DU, chap. 7, 1.55, trans. Kenny, 49. In Trialogus II.3, Wyclif ’s list leaves
the fourth kind, accidental being, off the list.
47. Ibid., 11.114–119, trans. Kenny, 50.
48. D. P. Henry, “Wyclif ’s Deviant Mereology,” in Die Philosophie im 14.
Und 15. Jahrhundert, ed. Olaf Pluta (Amsterdam, 1988), 1–17.
49. See DU, chap. 9. For a brief, accessible discussion, see Trialogus II,
chap. 1.
50. Joachim’s De Unitate seu Essentia Trinitatis has not been found, and
given Wyclif ’s apparently loose formulation of Joachim’s errors, it appears not
to have been available to him at Oxford. Joachim’s problem lies in his reading of
Sententiae I, d.25, chap. 2. See Giles Emery, Trinity in Aquinas (Ypsilanti, Mich.,
2003), 12–13.

chapter 4
1. H. von der Hardt, Magnum oecumenicum Constantiense concilium, 6 vols.
(Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1696–1700), vol. 4, 406. See John Murdoch, “Infinity
and Continuity,” in CHLMP 576n36. For a translation of much of the council’s
condemnation of Wyclif, see http://www.dailycatholic.org/history/16ecume1.
htm.
2. Augustine, De Sacramentis IV, 14–15; Tractatus in Iohannis Evangelium
XXVI, 11; De Doctrina Christiana 55.
3. Levy 135; Gary Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in Early Medieval
Europe (Oxford, 1984). See Paschasius Radbertus, De Corpore et Sanguine
Domini; Ratramnus Corbie, De Corpore et Sanguine Domini.
4. Quoted in Levy 140. Cited in Lanfranc of Bec, Liber de Corpore et
Sanguine Domini. For Berengar, see De Sacra Coena Adversus Lanfrancum.
5. Lotario de Segni, De Sacro Altaris Mysterio.
6. See Summa Theologica IIIa, q.77, a.1–7.
7. See David Burr, “Scotus and Transubstantiation,” Mediaeval Studies
34 (1972): 336–360. See Duns Scotus, Quaestiones in Librum Sententiarum IV,
d.10–11; Ordinatio Liber Primus, d.11.
8. William Ockham, Reportatio IV, 8; Tractatus de Quantitate; Tractatus
de Corpore Christi. An edition of the latter two, entitled De Sacramento Altaris,
ed. T. Bruce Birch (Burlington, Iowa, 1930), has been superseded by the Opera
258 notes to pages 110–118

Theologica published by the Franciscan Institute. See also Quodlibeta II, 19;
IV, 13.
9. Bartolme Maria Xiberta y Roqueta, De Scriptoribus Scholasticis Saeculis
XIV ex Ordine Carmelitarum (Louvain, 1931).
10. I am indebted to Rega Wood, who provided me with a draft of a trans-
lation of Ordinatio Liber Primus IV, q.5, which is being prepared by Professor
Wood and Father Gedeon Gàl. See also Adam de Wodeham, Tractatus de
Indivisibilibus, ed. Rega Wood (Dordrecht, 1988).
11. See Levy 280–281; Dallas G. Denery II, “From Sacred Mystery to
Divine Deception: Robert Holkot, John Wyclif and the Transformation of
Fourteenth-Century Eucharistic Discourse,” Journal of Religious History 29.2
( June 2005): 129–144. All quotations from Holcot are from In Quatuor Libros
Sententiarum Quaestiones IV, q.3.
12. See John Murdoch, “Infinity and Continuity,” in CHLMP 564–591.
13. This translation is from Murdoch’s edition published in CHLMP
576n36. Note Bradwardine’s willingness to include Grosseteste among the ato-
mists. For a lucid survey of Bradwardine’s theory of time and rejection of atom-
ism, see Edith Wilks Dolnikowski, Thomas Bradwardine: A View of Time and a
Vision of Eternity in Fourteenth-Century Thought (Leiden, 1995).
14. Norman Kretzman, “Continua, Indivisibles, and Change in Wyclif ’s
Logic of Scripture,” in Kenny 1986, 31–65; here, see n. 78. I am very grateful
to the late Professor Kretzman for having given me his extensive notes and the
translations of De Logica that he used in preparing this article.
15. See Calvin Normore, “Walter Burley on Continuity,” in Infinity and
Continuity, ed. Norman Kretzman (Ithaca, N.Y., 1982), 258–269.
16. Kretzman, 57–58, translating Logice continuatio, chap. 14, 194.36–195.2.
Note that the Oxford schools were well aware of Zeno’s arguments thanks to
Aristotle’s records of them. Wyclif refers once in passing to Zeno in De Logica,
but Wodeham explores his arguments in Tractatus de Indivisibilibus, q.3.
17. Kretzman, 61–62, translation of Logice continuatio 197.3–6.
18. Kretzman, 63, translation of Logice continuatio III, 132.25–32.
19. Trialogus II, chap. 3.
20. See Robson’s (1966) discussion at 156–161. De Tempore has been made
available to me in the version prepared under the supervision of M. H. Dzwiecki
for the Wyclif Society a century ago, thanks to its discovery by Lesley Ann
Dyer in the spring of 2005. The text is being prepared in a critical edition by
Wlodzimierz Zega.
21. See Simo Knutilla, Modalities in Medieval Philosophy (London, 1993),
138–150. For critique of Knutilla’s position, see Nicole Wyatt, “Did Duns Scotus
Invent Possible Worlds Semantics?” Australasian Journal of Philosophy 78.2
( June 2000): 196–212.
 notes to pages 119 –129 259

22. DT, chap. 4.

23. See Trialogus II.2 for a discussion of duracio as the genus in which time,
aevity, and eternity exist.
24. Neil Ward Lewis, “Space and Time,” in The Cambridge Companion to
Duns Scotus, ed. Thomas Williams (Cambridge, 2003), 69–99.
25. DT, chap. 1.
26. De Logica III, chap. 9, 32.9: “Similarly are given indivisible movements
insofar as duration [is] unmediatedly succeeding; therefore also measuring
instances, measuring them.”
27. DT, chap. 6: “nec repugnat eadem personam communicari multis
naturis ut patet de Cristo, qui est tam natura humana quam natura divina, sed
repugnat ipsam communicari multis suppositis eiusdem nature ut patet alibi.”
See Thomson 25.
28. De Logica III, chap. 8, 192.8; see also chap. 9, 137. It is possible that
Wyclif is writing in response to Holcot’s advocacy of annihilation, which is dis-
cussed in Joseph Incandela, “Robert Holcot, O.P., on Prophecy, the Contingency
of Revelation, and the Freedom of God,” Medieval Philosophy and Theology 4
(1994): 165–188.
29. See De Ente Librorum Duorum, ed. M. H. Dziewicki (WS 1909), 287–
312, entitled Tractatus Sexti Fragmentorum, because Dziewicki included only
chapters 12–14 of the otherwise unedited treatise.
30. De Potentia Productiva, chap. 12, 289.24.
31. Ibid., 290.30–34; see also DU, chap. 13, 307–308, and Levy 2003,
224–226.
32. Trialogus IV, chap. 10
33. Logice continuacio II.10, 137.12–23 (vol. 3 of WS edition).
34. Heather Phillips, “John Wyclif and the Optics of the Eucharist,” in
Hudson and Wilks 245–258.
35. De Eucharistia, chap. 5, 83, trans. Phillips 254.
36. Gustav Benrath, Wyclif ’s Bibelkommentar (Berlin, 1966), 370, cited in
Levy 2003, 229n19 (my translation).
37. Trialogus IV, chap. 9.
38. Sermon XLII, 350–351, in Sermones, vol. 4 (London, 1890).
39. Ibid., 352.34–353.8. See Peter Lombard, Sententiae IV, d.8, c.7; see also
Philipp Rosemann, Peter Lombard (Oxford, 2004), 152–153.
40. Summa Theologica IIIa, q.73, a.6.
41. Henri de Lubac, Corpus Mysticum: The Eucharist and the Church in the
Middle Ages, trans. Gemma Simmonds, C.J. (1944; rpt., Notre Dame, Ind.,
2007).
42. De Eucharistia, chap. 8, 242–243.
43. De Eucharistia 253.8.
260 notes to pages 129 –136

44. See Levy 265.

45. See Dahmus 133–134; based on an aside in Trialogus 375.
46. De Simonia 1; see John Wyclif, On Simony, trans. Terrence A. McVeigh
(New York, 1992), 29.
47. De Apostasia, chap. 5, 67.1–4. Wyclif likely has Ockham in mind; see
Reportatio III, q.xi; Quodlibet I, q.20; also Lucan Freppert, The Basis of Morality
according to William Ockham (Chicago, 1988).
48. De Apostasia, chap. 15, 205.10–22.
49. De Blasphemia, chap. 4, 34.11–14.
50. See S. H. Thomson, “John Wyclif ’s ‘Lost’ De Fide Sacramentorum,”
Journal of Theological Studies 33 (1932): 359–365; Anne Hudson, ed., Selections
from English Wycliffite Writings (Toronto, 1997), 17–18; Trialogus IV, chaps.
1–10.
51. Opus Evangelicum III, chap. 39, 149.
52. Ian Levy’s John Wyclif: Scriptural Logic, Real Presence, and the Parameters
of Orthodoxy (Milwaukee, Wisc., 2003) typifies this approach of avoiding argu-
ments about the preeminence of either theology or philosophy in Wyclif ’s
thought. See also Stephen Penn, “Wyclif and the Sacraments,” in A Companion
to John Wyclif, ed. Ian Levy (Leiden, 2006), 241–272.

chapter 5
1. These honorific titles lack the imprimatur of official sanction, despite
their widespread use. In fact, the Catholic designation “doctor of the church,”
which has been bestowed upon Aquinas, Bonaventure, and Albertus Magnus,
each of whom have his own medieval “doctor” cognomen, was first instituted
by Boniface VIII in 1925. Hence, Anthony of Padua (1195–1231, proclaimed
doctor of the church in 1946) is officially known as doctor evangelicus, while
Wyclif ’s name is not included among the officially celebrated doctors.
2. See Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre
Dame, Ind., 1964), for the classic narrative of the development of this tradi-
tion. For theological analysis, as well as a sustained argument for its continued
relevance, see Henri de Lubac, Scripture in the Tradition (New York, 1968). This
work is compiled from his four-volume Exégèse Médiévale, which is being pub-
lished in translation by Eerdmans.
3. See Heiko Oberman, “Facientibus Quod in se est Deus non Denegat
Gratiam: Robert Holcot, O.P., and the Beginnings of Luther’s Theology,” in
Oberman, The Dawn of the Reformation (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1992), 84–103.
For a fuller treatment of this in the context of the development of late medieval
theology, see Oberman, The Harvest of Late Medieval Theology (Harvard, 1963).
 notes to pages 137–146 261

4. De Veritate Sacrae Scripturae (hereafter DVSS) I.vi; translation from Ian

Christopher Levy, On the Truth of Holy Scripture (Kalamazoo, Mich., 2001),
98. Hereafter, all citations from DVSS not otherwise noted will be from Levy’s
translation.
5. DVSS 54, 65.
6. See Hester Gelber, ed., Exploring the Bounds of Reason: Three Questions
on the Nature of God by Robert Holcot, OP (Toronto, 1983), 23–28. See also
Quodlibet 86, ed. J. T. Muckle.
7. DVSS 60.
8. DVSS 62.
9. DVSS 264.
10. DI, chap. 5, 73. See Levy 2003, 87.
11. Robert Grosseteste, De Decem Mandatis, in Auctores Britannici Medii
Aevi VI(2), ed. Richard C. Dales and Edward B. King (Oxford, 1987), prologue,
chap. 2, 2.18–22.
12. Robert Grosseteste, De Cessatione Legalium, in Auctores Britannici Medii
Aevi VI(2), ed. Richard C. Dales and Edward B. King (Oxford, 1986), IV, viii,
21, 191.7–11.
13. Robert Grosseteste, On the Six Days of Creation, trans. C. F. J. Martin,
in Auctores Britannici Medii Aevi VI(2), ed. Richard C. Dales and Edward B.
King (Oxford, 1996), 282. See R. W. Southern, Robert Grosseteste: The Growth
of an English Mind in Medieval Europe (Oxford 1986), 222–225. In contrast, see
Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica IIIa, q.1, a.3.
14. DMD, chap. 11, 96.22–27.
15. DMD, chap. 11, 102.28–103.2. See Augustine, Confessions VIII, chap. 12.
16. De Amore in Opera Minora, ed. J. Loserth (WS 1913), 9.19–27.
17. DMD, chap. 7, 50.
18. Richard Cross, The Metaphysics of the Incarnation: Thomas Aquinas to
Duns Scotus (Oxford, 2002), 1–26. See also Philipp Rosemann, Peter Lombard
(Oxford, 2004), 118–143.
19. For the historical evidence of Ockham’s struggles against the label of
Nestorianism, see Oberman 249–261. For a philosophical analysis of Ockham’s
Christology, see Marilyn McCord Adams, “Relations, Inherence and Subsistence;
or, Was Ockham a Nestorian in Christology?” Nous 16 (1982): 62–75.
20. See Gillian Evans, Mediaeval Commentaries on the Sentences of Peter
Lombard (Leiden, 2002).
21. DCH, chap. 3, 48.10–22. See also Emily Michael, “Wyclif on Body and
Soul,” Journal of the History of Ideas (2003): 343–360.
22. DCH, chap. 1, 18.3–22. The reference is in fact to 2 Corinthians 12:3.
See also Trialogus II, chap. 7.
262 notes to pages 146 –156

23. This question is the subject of Sentences III, d.12, c.1, and it appears that
what follows here is Wyclif ’s discussion of Lombard’s position.
24. DI, chap. 1, 3.6–11.
25. Everyman in Medieval English Literature, ed. J. B. Trapp (Oxford,
1973), 390–391.
26. DI, 216.13–16. For a more developed analysis of Wyclif ’s Christology,
see my “Wyclif ’s Trinitarian and Christological Theology,” in Wyclif Handbook,
ed. Ian C. Levy (Leiden, 2006).
27. DVSS I, 6; see Levy 2001, 97–112. By 1382, Wyclif had reduced the
number of levels to three; see Trialogus III, 31.
28. See Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre
Dame, Ind., 1964); Philip Krey and Lesley Smith, Nicholas of Lyra: The Senses
of Scripture (Leiden, 2000).
29. DVSS I, 12, 276.1–4.
30. Alistair Minnis, “ ‘Authorial Intention’ and ‘Literal Sense’ in the Exe-
getical Theories of Richard Fitzralph and John Wyclif: An Essay in the Medie-
val History of Biblical Hermeneutics,” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy
(Section C) 75.1 (1975): 1–30.
31. Beryl Smalley, “John Wyclif ’s Postilla Super Totam Bibliam,” Bodleian
Library Record 4.3 (April 1953): 186–205; Smalley, “Wyclif ’s Postilla on the Old
Testament and His Principium,” in Oxford Studies Presented to Daniel Callus,
O.P. (Oxford, 1964), 256.
32. De Apostasia, chap. 3, 49.17–25.
33. Opus Evangelicum II, 368.22–24.
34. Benrath 115n3.
35. Benrath 353. Benrath’s study contains twelve edited sections from
Wyclif ’s Postilla.
36. Benrath 119.
37. De Amore (ad Quinque Questiones), in Opera Minora, ed. J. Loserth (WS
1913), 8–10.
38. Opus Evangelicum IV, chap. 12, 325.17–326.30. W. Thomson suggests
that the passage’s appearance at the end of the manuscript may give evidence of
its composition on the last day of Wyclif ’s life. While the possibility exists that
he had written it earlier and that it was inserted by a later hand, it is satisfying
to imagine Wyclif seeing his coming end and attempting one last summation of
his guiding principles. See W. Thomson 1983, 221.
39. See J. van Banning, S.J., ed., Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum (Praefatio)
(Turnhout, Belgium, 1988), 87B, esp. 276–277. The complete edition has yet
to appear, and the reader must be content with Migne’s 1859 PG, vol. 56,
611–916.
 notes to pages 156 –164 263

40. Siegmund Hellman, ed., De Duodecem Abusivis Saeculi: Texte und Unter-
suchungen zur Geschichte der Altchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig, 1910). See Aidan
Breen, “Pseudo-Cyprian De Duodecim Abusivis Saeculi and the Bible,” in Irland
und die Christenheit (1987); and his “De XII Abusivis: Text and Transmission,” in
Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages: Texts and Transmission, ed. Próinséas
Ní Chatháin and Michael Richter (Four Courts, 2002), 78–94. I am grateful to
Dr. Breen for having kindly provided me with his edition and translation of
this text.
41. Opus Evangelicum I, chap. 6, 18.19–25.
42. Postilla Matt. 5:8; DMD, chap. 12, 115.32; cited in Benrath 114n102.
43. De Mandatis Divinis, chap. 12, 93.8–11. See chapters 11–15 for the entire
“Treatise on Love.”
44. Opus Evangelicum II, chap. 33, 367.30–368.24. See Benrath, esp. 110–
122, “Das Gesetz Christi.”
45. See Siegfried Wenzel, Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval
England: Orthodox Preaching in the Age of Wyclif (Cambridge, 2005); Smalley
1960.
46. See English Wycliffite Sermons, ed. Anne Hudson and Pamela Gradon
(Oxford, 1983–1996), 5 vols.
47. Edith Wilks Dolnikowski, “Preaching at Oxford: Academic and Pastoral
Themes in Wyclif ’s Latin Sermon Cycle,” in Medieval Sermons and Society, ed.
J. Hamesse et al. (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1998), 371–386.
48. Praefatio, in Sermones, vol. 1, 1.7–14.
49. See William Mallard, “Clarity and Dilemma: The Forty Sermons of
John Wyclif,” in Contemporary Reflections on the Medieval Christian Tradition,
ed. G. H. Shriver et al. (Durham, N.C., 1974), 19–38.
50. See Sermones, vol. 4, 256–275.
51. DVSS II, 21, trans. Levy 287. For Wyclif on preaching, see Ian Levy,
“Wyclif and the Christian Life,” in A Companion to John Wyclif, ed. Ian Levy
(Leiden, 2006), 302–316.
52. De Officio Pastoralis, ed. G. Lechler (Leipzig, 1863), II.1, 32. Abridged
translation by Ford Lewis Battles in Advocates of Reform, ed. M. Spinka
(Philadelphia, 1953), 32–60. See also Sermones I, 110, 377.
53. De Officio Pastoralis I.1, ed. Spinka 32; I.8, ed. Spinka 38. See also
Sermones I, 244; DVSS III.25; Levy 306–310; DOR, chap. 7, 165–166.
54. De Ordinatione Fratrum, in Polemical Works in Latin, ed. R. Buddensieg
(WS 1883), vol. 1, 96.15–20. The Latin has panni rudis for the untreated patch,
and Wyclif also uses rudis to refer to their crude stories.
55. De Diabolo et Membrus Eius, in OP, vol. 1, 372. Reference is to 1 Corin-
thians 3:9.
264 notes to pages 165–171

56. De Fundatione Sectarum, in Polemical Works, vol. 1, 20.1–2. See also De

Fide Catholica, chap. 8; Opera Minora 128.
57. See Fiona Somerset, Clerical Discourse and Lay Audience in Late Medieval
England (Cambridge, 1998).
58. See K. B. McFarlane, John Wycliffe and the Beginnings of English Non-
conformity (London, 1952), 100–101; following McFarlane, see Gordon Leff,
Heresy in the Later Middle Ages (Manchester, 1967), 559; Malcolm Lambert,
Medieval Heresy (Oxford, 1977), 241. See Anne Hudson, The Premature
Reformation (Oxford, 1988). In Richard Rex, The Lollards (London, 2002), we
see a useful, if provocative, narrative taking into account the great scholarly
advances that have been made since McFarlane’s work.
59. H. B. Workman, John Wyclif (Oxford, 1926), vol. 2, 203–204; this is
reliant on H. L. Cannon, “The Poor Priests: A Study in the Rise of English
Lollardy,” in Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1899
(Washington, D.C., 1900), vol. 1, 451–482.
60. Thomas Walsingham, Hist. Angl. II, 32; see also I, 324. For Wyclif ’s
reaction, see De Blasphemia, chap. 13, 190–202.
61. Lambert, Medieval Heresy, 241.
62. Michael Wilks, “Reformatio Regni: Wyclif and Hus as Leaders of
Religious Protest Movements,” Studies in Church History 9 (1972): 109–130;
reprinted in Wilks 2000, 63–84. For the argument that Wyclif ’s preachers
were part of an Oxford network of benefices, see A. K. McHardy, “The Dis-
semination of Wyclif ’s Ideas,” in Hudson and Wilks 361–363.
63. See Sermon XVI, in Sermones, vol. 1, ed. J. Loserth (WS 1886), 107–
114; W. Thomson 1983, 179; J. I. Catto, “Wyclif and Wycliffism at Oxford:
1356–1430,” in The History of the University of Oxford, vol. 2, ed. J. I. Catto and
R. Evans (Oxford, 1984), 208.
64. De Sex Iugis appears serially in Sermons 27, 28, 31, 32, and 33 in Sermones,
vol. 2. Gotthard Lechler published this as an independent piece in Johann von
Wiclif und die Vorgeschichte der Reformation (Leipzig, 1873), vol. 2, 591–605.
65. Hudson 1988, 81; see also G. R. Evans, John Wyclif: Myth and Reality
(Lion Hudson, 2005), 250–254.

chapter 6
1. Richard Copsey, O.C., The Hermits from Mount Carmel, vol. 3 of Carmel
in Britain (Kent, 2004).
2. See De Volucione Dei 117.20–21; Sermones I, 12; see also W. Thomson
1983, 100n8, citing at least fourteen other instances
3. See Ian Levy, “Defining the Responsibility of the Late Medieval Theo-
logian: The Debate between John Kynnyngham and John Wyclif,” Carmelus 19
 notes to pages 171–182 265

(2002): fasc. 1, 5–29; Martin Hoenen, “Theology and Metaphysics: The Debate
between John Wyclif and John Kenningham on the Principles of Reading
the Scriptures,” in John Wyclif: Logica, Politica, Teologia, ed. Fumagalli and
Simonetta (Florence, 2003), 23–56.
4. De Ecclesia, chap. 1, 2.25. See Augustine, De Civitate Dei XVIII, 49; De
Praedestinatione Sanctorum, chap. 11.
5. De Ideis, chap. 3, see n. 21.
6. William Ockham, Predestination, God’s Foreknowledge, and Future
Contingents, ed. Marilyn McCord Adams and Norman Kretzman (Hackett,
1983), q.2, art. 4, pt. 1, 67. See also Tractatus de Principiis Theologiae I.5, and
Calvin Normore, “Future Contingents,” in CHLMP.
7. De Causa Dei I.35, 308c– d.
8. A complete study of Bradwardine would take both his mathematically
grounded physics and his theology into consideration, across the whole of his
career. The nearest to this is Edith Wilks Dolnikowski, Thomas Bradwardine: A
View of Time and a Vision of Eternity (Leiden, 1995). For his earlier theological
works, see Jean-Francois Genest, ed., “Le De futuris contingentibus de Thomas
Bradwardine,” Recherches Augustiniennes 14 (1979): 249–336; “Les premiers
écrits théologiques de Bradwardine: Textes inédits et découvertes récentes,” in
G. R. Evans, Mediaeval Commentaries on the Sentences of Peter Lombard (Leiden,
2002), vol. 1, 395–421.
9. De Futuris Contingentibus, trans. Norman Kretzman, unpublished draft,
1981; also see Genest 317.
10. Anselm, Cur Deus Homo II.17.
11. Summa Contra Gentiles I.67; Summa Theologica Ia, q.19, a.3. For Brad-
wardine’s deviation from Aquinas, see Oberman 1957, 71–76.
12. See Calvin Normore, “Future Contingents,” in CHLMP 374–377; see
also Bartolomew De La Torre, Thomas Buckingham and the Contingency of
Futures (Notre Dame, Ind., 1987).
13. De Ente Libri II, Tractatus iii (De Volucione Dei), 2, in De Ente Librorum
Duorum, ed. M. H. Dziewicki (WS 1909), 136.16–24.
14. Kenny translates this as “hypothetical” necessity; Conti refers to it as
“relational” necessity; to show Wyclif ’s ties to Aquinas in this discussion, I will
use necessity “by supposition.”
15. DU, chap. 14, 64–68. See Kenny 1985, 31–41; Kenny, “Realism and
Determinism in the Early Wyclif,” in Hudson and Wilks 165–178; Alessandro
Conti, “Wyclif ’s Logic and Metaphysics,” in Levy 2006, 67–126. See also Logice
continuacio I, xi, 157–161; De Logica III, x, 179.17–196.32; De Actibus Anime I,
71.23–76.20; DU, chap. 14.
16. De Actibus Anime I, 72.20.
17. DU, chap. 14, 162.336–339; De Logica III, x, 181.10–25.
266 notes to pages 183–193

18. See Robson 88–96; Walsh 1981, 129–181; K. Walsh, “Die Rezeption
der Schriften des Richard FitzRalph (Armachanus) in lollardisch-hussitischen
Kreisen,” in Das Publikum politischer Theorie im 14. Jahrhundert, ed. J. Miethke
(1992), 237–253. An edition of the Summa de Quaestionibus Armenorum is sorely
needed; the only extant edition is that of Johannis Sudoris (Paris, 1511).
19. De Dominio Divino (DD) I, 14, 130.23–25. See Ian Levy, “Grace and
Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif,” Traditio 60 (2005): 279–337, for a
thorough analysis of the extent of Wyclif ’s theological determinism.
20. DD I, 18, 165.
21. An abridgment of DD I, 16, 121.17–30.
22. De Volucione Dei, chap. 2, 131.18–24.
23. De Volucione Dei, chap. 6, 176.33–35 (see Hebrews 6:13), 180.28–30.
24. Gordon Leff, Heresy in the Later Middle Ages (Manchester, 1967),
516–545.
25. De Civitate Dei XVIII, chap. 51, for a complete overview of recent
literature.
26. De Ecclesia, chap. 1, 1–5; Sermones 50, vol. 3, 434.
27. Sermones 50, vol. 3, 435.8–436.3.
28. Sermones 5, vol. 4, 45.7–12.
29. Sermones 9, vol. 4, 76.3–14.
30. Sermones 49, vol. 2, 354.24.
31. Michael Wilks, “Wyclif and the Wheel of Time,” reprinted in Wyclif:
Political Ideas and Practice, ed. Anne Hudson (Oxbow, 2000), 205–221. I am
grateful to Professor Wilks for providing me with his thoughts on Wyclif ’s
understanding of the church in additional correspondence.
32. See Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages
(Oxford, 1969), 16–27; Reeves, Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future (London,
1976), 1–58; E. Randolph Daniel, “The Double Procession of the Holy Spirit in
Joachim of Fiore’s Understanding of History,” Speculum 53 (1980): 469–483.
33. See Malcolm Lambert, Franciscan Poverty (St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1998);
Christopher Cullen, Bonaventure (Oxford, 2006), 177–187; G. C. Coulton, From
St. Francis to Dante: Translations from the Chronicle of the Franciscan Salimbene
(Philadelphia, 1907).
34. Kathryn Kerby-Fulton, Books under Suspicion: Censorship and Tolerance
of Revelatory Writing in Late Medieval England (Notre Dame, Ind., 2006), 45–
188. See Tractatus de Universalibus, chap. 11, 108, 119; Opus Evangelicum III,
chap. 58, 216.35–38. For more of Wyclif ’s derisory comments about Joachim,
see Thomson’s list in W. Thomson 1983, 14n4.
35. De Antichristo, chap. 28, 102.18–25, which is contained in Opus
Evangelicum II.
36. De Antichristo, chap. 49, 181.6.
 notes to pages 194–202 267

37. De Antichristo, chap. 24, 125.36. For the ties between Wyclif ’s eschatol-
ogy and his antifraternalism, see Penn Szittya, The Antifraternal Tradition in
Medieval Literature (Princeton, N.J., 1986), 152–182.
38. See Margaret Aston, “ ‘Caim’s Castles’: Poverty, Politics, and Disendow-
ment,” in The Church, Politics, and Patronage in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Barrie
Dobson (Gloucester, 1984), 45–81.
39. De Potestate Pape, chap. 1, 10–17; DD II.
40. De Officio Pastoralis, ed. G. Lechler (Leipzig, 1863); see a translation by
Ford Lewis Battles in Advocates of Reform, ed. Matthew Spinka (Philadelphia,
1953), 32–60.
41. De Ecclesia, chap. 19, 448–449; De Antichristo, chap. 48, 175–176. For
a full discussion, see Ian Levy, “Was John Wyclif ’s Theology of the Eucharist
Donatistic?” Scottish Journal of Theology 53 (2000): 137–153; Levy 2003,
305–307.
42. De Potestate Pape, chap. 11; see Gillian Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux (Oxford,
2000), 158–165.
43. DCD I, chap. 38, 275.3; DOR, chap. 7, 166–175; De Blasphemia, chap. 7,
97–110.
44. De Oratione et Ecclesiae Purgatione, in OP I, 343–354; De Fundacione
Sectarum (OP I), 13–80.
45. De Ordinatione Fratrum (OP I), 92.2.

chapter 7
1. DD I, 1, 1.6.
2. Earlier scholars of medieval political theory expended a lot of energy to
establish overarching theories that would predict a philosopher’s political position
given his metaphysics. The most famous instance of this is Martin Grabmann’s
Studien über den Einfluss der aristotelischen Philosophie auf die mittelalterlichen
Theorien über das Verhältniss von Kirche und Staat (Munich, 1934). Much of the
scholarship of the past fifty years has demonstrated that such theorizing is pre-
mature; particularly influential has been A. S. McGrade’s The Political Thought
of William Ockham (Cambridge, 1974), which demonstrated that Ockham’s
political thought cannot be connected to his conceptualist ontology.
3. See Janet Coleman, “Property and Poverty,” in The Cambridge History
of Medieval Political Thought c. 350– c. 1450, ed. J. H. Burns (Cambridge 1988),
607–648.
4. Summa Theologica Ia–IIae, q.56, a.5; q.58, a.2. See also J. H. Burns,
Lordship, Kingship, and Empire (Oxford, 1992).
5. Augustine, On the City of God, bk. 14, chap. 28; Basic Writings of
St. Augustine, ed. Whitney Oates (New York, 1948), vol. 2, 451.
268 notes to pages 202–211

6. Augustine, Epistola 93, chap. 12; Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1st ser.,
vol. 1, 400.
7. Enarratio in Psalmam 132.4; Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1st ser.,
vol. 8, 617.
8. Giles of Rome, On Ecclesiastical Power: The De Ecclesiastica Potestate of
Aegidius Romanus, ed. and trans. R. W. Dyson (Drew, N.H., 1986), III, 2, 4.
9. D. L. Burr, Olivi and Franciscan Poverty (Philadelphia, 1989), and
M. D. Lambert, Franciscan Poverty (St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1998).
10. For details of the controversy between John XXII and Ockham, see
William Ockham, A Letter to the Friars Minor and Other Writings, ed. and trans.
A. S. McGrade and John Kilcullen (Cambridge, 1995). See also McGrade 1974.
11. Fitzralph’s arguments concerning the Franciscans await a thorough
scholarly study. The first four books of De Pauperie Salvatoris were included in
the Wyclif Society’s 1890 edition of Wyclif ’s DD, while Richard Brock edited
the latter books of the treatise in “An Edition of Richard Fitzralph’s ‘De Pauperie
Salvatoris’ Books V, VI, and VII,” Ph.D. diss., University of Colorado, 1954.
See Katherine Walsh, A Fourteenth-Century Scholar and Primate: Richard Fitzralph
of Oxford, Avignon, and Armagh (Oxford, 1981); and James Doyne Dawson,
“Richard Fitzralph and the Fourteenth Century Poverty Controversies,” Journal
of Ecclesiastical History 34 (1983).
12. DD I, 3, 16.18–22.
13. DD III, 1, 198.9. Although Wyclif gives a list of sixteen characteris-
tics, he proceeds to discuss only these six. This has prompted some scholars to
suppose that his discussion of the remaining ten has been lost, leaving us with
only a fragment of the original treatise. I suspect that Wyclif recognized these
six acts to be sufficient for his argument and abandoned the remaining ten as
superfluous.
14. DD III, 2, 207–210. See also my discussion of God’s giving and receiving
in Metaphysics and Politics in John Wyclif (Cambridge, 2003), 97–105.
15. DD III, 4, 229.18.
16. This is the sense of DD III, 5–7, which corresponds to Trialogus III, 7,
written in 1383.
17. DD III, 6, 250.25–29.
18. Compare Wyclif ’s discussion of justice and right in DMD, chap. 3,
to Aquinas’s in Summa Theologica Iia–IIae, q.57, aa.1–4, and q.58, aa.1–12.
Aquinas argues that, while right is the object of justice, natural reason is capa-
ble of ascertaining justice without an understanding of God’s uncreated right.
See also my “Wyclif on Rights,” Journal of the History of Ideas 58 (1997): 1–20.
19. DMD, chap. 4, 32.24–27.
20. De Statu Innocencie 8, 34–37. Note that Wyclif uses caritatem for the
standard dilectionem in John 15:13; this is likely because Wyclif is quoting from
 notes to pages 212–227 269

memory. Ian Levy has kindly pointed out to me that Wyclif makes this same
substitution in DCD I, 24, 175; DVSS II, 40; and De Antichristo 289.
21. De Statu Innocencie 6, 508.7–9. For Wyclif ’s conception of the nature
of original sin as an ongoing inherited separation from justice, see Trialogus III,
26.
22. DCD III, 11, 178.9–17. For a translation of DCD I, 1–10, see A. S.
McGrade, John Kilcullen, and Matthew Kempshall, eds., The Cambridge Trans-
lations of Medieval Philosophical Texts: vol. 2, Ethics and Politics (Cambridge,
2001), 587–654.
23. DCD III, 4, 51.17–24.
24. DCD I, 9, 62.9.
25. DCD III, 8, 119–120.
26. DCD III, 2, 15.5–23. For Woodford’s criticism, see Eric Doyle, O.F.M.,
“William Woodford, O.F.M., His Life and Works,” Franciscan Studies 43 (1983):
17–187; Doyle, “William Woodford’s De Dominio Civili Clericorum against
John Wyclif,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 66 (1973): 49–109.
27. DCD II, 16, 209.13–18.
28. Dialogus 35, 83.25–29. See also Michael Wilks, “Thesaurus Ecclesiae,”
reprinted in Wyclif: Political Ideas and Practice, ed. Anne Hudson (Oxbow,
2000), 147–177.
29. DOR, chap. 1, 13.4–8.
30. DCD I, 26, 188.14–24.
31. DCD I, 22, 231.18–30.
32. DOR, chap. 5, 96.9–27. For a fuller discussion of Wyclif ’s conceptions
of royal responsibility to the realm, see chap. 6 of Lahey 2003. See also William
Farr, Wyclif as Legal Reformer (Leiden, 1974), for a consideration of Wyclif ’s
use of English law in his vision of the reform of the church.
33. DCD I, 30, 215.10–12.
34. DCD I, 18, 130.6.

epilogue
1. See Zénon Kaluza, “Late Medieval Philosophy 1350–1500,” in Routledge
History of Philosophy: vol. 3, Late Medieval Philosophy, ed. John Marenbon (New
York, 1998), 426–451.
2. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (Viking Penguin,
1982), 25.

appendix
1. Wyclif cites Augustine, Tractatus in Johannem 25, “Why preparest thou
the teeth and the belly? Believe and thou hast eaten.”
270 notes to pages 228 –235

2. The text beginning with “But many grumble” through to the paragraph
ending “as this same saint says in the letter to Elbidiam” is reproduced without
substantial alteration in De Apostasia, chap. 16, 222.40–229.37.
3. William Durandus (1237–1296), Rationale divinorum officiorum IV,
chap. 1, who probably took the remark from Gregory, in whose “Paschal Homily”
it occurs.
4. Wyclif appears to have Gratian’s Decretum III De Consecratione open before
him as he writes; aside from Ignatius, which he likely took from Grosseteste,
Super Ecclesiastica Hierarchia, chap. 3, the sources are all cited in Gratian. See
Cyprianus Carthaginensis, Epistulae, ep. 63, c.9 (Corpus Christianorum Series
Latina Clavis [CCSLC] 0050); Ambrosius (dubia), De Sacramentis (CCSLC
0154); Augustinus, Sermones 234 (CCSLC 0284); Hieronymus, Epistulae 120
(CCSLC 0620); Augustinus, Epistulae 98 (CCSLC 0262).
5. The completion of the text in Augustine’s letter is “, thus the sacrament
of the faith is the faith.” This is not included in Wyclif ’s citation.
6. Here, the FZ version ends; what follows appears in the Bohemian manu-
scripts. After the first paragraph, this is also the text of Sermon 34 in vol. 3 of
Sermones, with only minor variants.
 bibliography

Note: Publications of the Wyclif Society are denoted as WS.

primary sources
Unpublished Works
De Ydeis, unpublished WS edition of: Praha, UK, IV.H.9 (773) ff. 114r–130v;
Praha, UK, VIII.F.1 (1955) ff. 73va–87rb; Stockholm Lat.A.164, ff. 244ra–
258va; Trinity B.16.2, ff. 131ra–137va.
De Tempore, unpublished WS edition.

Works by John Wyclif

De Actibus Anime, in Miscellanea Philosophica, vol. 1. Ed. M. H. Dziewicki. WS 1902.
De Antichristo, in Opus Evangelicum, vol. 2. Ed. J. Loserth. WS 1896.
De Apostasia. Ed. Michael H. Dziewicki. WS 1883.
De Blasphemia. Ed. Michael H. Dziewicki. WS 1893.
De Civili Dominio, Liber I. Ed. R. L. Poole. WS 1885.
De Civili Dominio, Libri II et III. 3 vols. Ed. J. Loserth. WS 1900, 1902, 1904.
De Compositione Hominis. Ed. Rudolf Beer. WS 1884.
De Confessione. Ed. J. Loserth. WS 1892.
De Dominio Divino. Ed. Reginald Lane Poole. WS 1890.
De Ecclesia. Ed. J. Loserth. WS 1885.

271
272 bibliography

De Ente Librorum Duorum. Excerpta: Libri I Tractatus III & IV; Libri II Tractatus I
& III; et Fragmentum de Annihilatione. Ed. M. H. Dziewicki. WS 1909.
De Ente Praedicamentali, Quaestiones XIII Logicae et Philosophiae. Ed. Rudolf
Beer. WS 1891.
De Eucharistia Tractatus Maior: Accedit Tractatus de Eucharistia et Poenitentia sive
De Confessione. Ed. J. Loserth. WS 1892.
De Logica. 3 vols. Ed. M. H. Dziewicki. WS 1893–1899.
De Mandatis Divinis. Ed. Johann Loserth and F. D. Matthew. WS 1922.
De Officio Pastoralis. Ed. G. V. Lechler. Leipzig, 1863.
De Officio Regis. Ed. Alfred W. Pollard and Charles Sayle. WS 1887.
De Potestate Pape. Ed. J. Loserth. WS 1907.
De Simonia. Ed. Herzberg-Frankel and M. H. Dziewicki. WS 1898.
De Statu Innocencie, published in De Mandatis Divinis. WS 1922.
De Trinitate. Ed. Allen duPont Breck. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 1962.
De Veritate Sacrae Scripturae. 3 vols. Ed. Rudolf Buddensieg. WS 1905, 1906, 1907.
Dialogus sive Speculum Ecclesie Militantis. Ed. Alfred W. Pollard. WS 1886.
Johannis Wyclif: Summa Insolubilium. Ed. P. V. Spade and G. A. Wilson. Binghamton,
N.Y., 1986.
“A ‘Lost’ Chapter of Wyclif’s Summa de Ente.” Ed. S. Harrison Thomson. Speculum
4 (1929): 339–346.
Miscellanea Philosophica. 2 vols. Ed. M. H. Dziewicki. WS 1902–1905.
Opera Minora. Ed. J. Loserth. WS 1913.
Opus Evangelicum. 2 vols. Ed. Johann Loserth. WS 1895, 1896.
Polemical Works in Latin. 2 vols. Ed. R. Buddenseig. WS 1883.
Sermones. 4 vols. Ed. J. Loserth. WS 1886–1889.
Tractatus de Benedicta Incarnacione. Ed. Edward Harris. WS 1886.
Tractatus de Universalibus. Ed. Ivan J. Mueller. Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1985.
Trialogus. Published as Io. Wiclefi viri undiquaque piis. dialogorum libri quattuor.
Ed. Johann Froben. Basel, 1525.
———. Published as Ioannis Wiclefi viri undiquaque piissimi Dialogorum Libri
Quatuor. Ed. L. P. Wirth. Leipzig, 1753.
———. Published as Johannis Wiclif Trialogus cum Supplemento Trialogi. Ed.
Gotthard Lechler. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1869.
“An Unpublished Fragment of Wyclif ’s Confessio.” Ed. I. H. Stein. Speculum
8 (1933): 503–510.

Works by Wyclif: English Translations

All translations in the text are from the works listed below. Translations from
texts not listed below are my own.
 bibliography 273

On Civil Lordship: Selections (Book I). Trans. John Kilcullen. In A. S. McGrade,

John Kilcullen, and Matthew Kempshall, eds., The Cambridge Translations
of Medieval Philosophical Texts: vol. 2, Ethics and Politics. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2001.
On the Pastoral Office. Ed. and trans. F. L. Battles. In M. Spinka, ed., Advocates
of Reform from Wyclif to Erasmus. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1953.
On Simony. Trans. Terence A. McVeigh. New York: Fordham University
Press, 1992.
On the Truth of Holy Scripture. Trans. Ian Levy. Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval
Institute, 2001.
On Universals (Tractatus de Universalibus). Trans. Anthony Kenny. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1985.

Other Primary Sources

Adam de Wodeham, Lectura Secunda in Librum Primum Sentatiarum. Ed.
Rega Wood and Gedeon Gàl. St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Institute,
1990.
———, Tractatus de Indivisibilibus. Ed. Rega Wood. Dordrecht: Kluwer
Academic, 1988.
Anselm of Canterbury, The Major Works. Ed. Brian Davies and Gillian Evans.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.
———, Opera Omnia. Ed. F. S. Schmitt. Stuttgart: Fromann, 1968.
Augustine, On the City of God. Ed. R. W. Dyson. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2005.
Giles of Rome, On Ecclesiastical Power: The De Ecclesiastica Potestate of Aegidius
Romanus. Ed. and trans. R. W. Dyson. Drew, N.H.: 1986.
Henry of Ghent, Henry of Ghent’s Summa. Trans. Jos Decorte and Roland J.
Teske. Leuven, Belgium, 2005.
John Duns Scotus, God and Creatures: The Quodlibetal Questions. Trans. F.
Alluntis and A. B. Wolter. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,
1975.
———, Philosophical Writings: A Selection. Trans. A. B. Wolter. Indianapolis,
Ind.: Hackett, 1987.
Nicholas Aston, In Sententiae. Ed. Joel Bender. In Bender, “Nicholas Aston: A
Study in Oxford Thought after the Black Death.” Ph.D. diss., University
of Wisconsin, 1979.
Nicholas of Autrecourt, Nicholas of Autrecourt: His Correspondence with Master
Giles and Bernard of Arezzo. Trans. L. M. De Rijk. Leiden: Brill, 1994.
———, The Universal Treatise. Trans. Leonard Kennedy, Richard Arnold, and
Arthur Millward. Milwaukee, Wis.: Marquette University Press, 1971.
274 bibliography

Richard Brinkley, De Significato Propositionis. Ed. and Trans. Michael J.

Fitzgerald. In Richard Brinkley’s Theory of Sentential Reference. Leiden:
Brill, 1987.
Richard Fitzralph, De Pauperie Salvatoris. In R. L. Poole, ed., De Dominio
Divino. WS 1890.
Robert Grosseteste, De Cessatione Legalium. In Richard C. Dales and Edward B.
King, eds., Auctores Britannici Medii Aevi VI(2). Oxford: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1986.
———, De Decem Mandatis. In Richard C. Dales and Edward B. King, eds.,
Auctores Britannici Medii Aevi VI(2). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.
———, On the Six Days of Creation. Trans. C. F. J. Martin. In Richard C. Dales
and Edward B. King, eds., Auctores Britannici Medii Aevi VI(2). Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1996.
Robert Holcot, Conferentiae. In Fritz Hoffmann, ed., Die “Conferentiae” des
Robert Holcot O.P. und die Akademischen Auseinandersetzungen an der Uni-
versität Oxford 1330–1332. Münster: Aschendorff, 1993.
———, Quaestiones de Quodlibet. In Hester Gelber, ed., Exploring the Bounds
of Reason: Three Questions on the Nature of God. Toronto: Pontifical
Institute, 1983.
———, Quaestiones quodlibetales. In Paul Streveler and Katherine Tachau
with William J. Courtenay and Hester Goodenough Gelber, eds., Seeing
the Future Clearly: Questions on Future Contingents. Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1995.
———, Super Libros Sapientiae. Hagenau, 1494. Rpt., Frankfurt: Minerva,
1974.
———, Utrum Theologia sit Scientia. Ed. J. T. Muckle. Mediaeval Studies 20
(1958): 127–153.
Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica. Ed. Petrus Caramello. Turin and Rome,
1948.
Thomas Bradwardine, De Causa Dei contra Pelagium. Ed. H. Savile. London,
1618. Rpt., Frankfurt: Minerva, 1964.
———, De Futuris Contingentibus. In J.-F. Genest, ed., “Le De futuris contin-
gentibus de Thomas Bradwardine.” Recherches Augustiniennes 14 (1979):
249–336.
———, Tractatus de Proportionibus. Ed. H. Lamar Crosby. Madison: University
of Wisconsin Press, 1955.
Walter Burley, De Puritate Artis Logicae Tractatus Longior. Ed. Philotheus
Boehner. St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Institute, 1955.
Walter Chatton, Questio utrum quantum et continuum componantur ex indivisibl-
ibus sicut ex partibus integrantibus. Ed. J. Murdoch and E. Synan. Franciscan
Studies 26 (1966): 234–266.
 bibliography 275

———, Reportatio super Sententias. 4 vols. Ed. Joseph Wey and Girard Etzkorn.
Toronto: Pontifical Institute, 2002–2005.
William Crathorn, Quaestiones super librum sententiarum. In F. Hoffmann, ed.,
Questionen Zum ersten Sentenzenbuch. Münster: Aschendorff, 1988.
William Ockham, A Letter to the Friars Minor and Other Writings. Ed. and Trans.
A. S. McGrade and John Kilcullen. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1995.
———, Opera Philosophica. 7 vols. Ed. Philotheus Boehner, Gedeon Gàl, et al.
St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Institute, 1974–1988.
———, Predestination, God’s Foreknowledge, and Future Contingents. Ed.
Marilyn McCord Adams and Norman Kretzman. Indianapolis, Ind.:
Hackett, 1983.
———, Tractatus de Principiis Theologiae. Trans. Julian Davies. Published as
A Compendium of Ockham’s Teachings. St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan
Institute, 1998.

secondary sources
Adams, Marilyn McCord, William Ockham. 2 vols. Notre Dame, Ind.: University
of Notre Dame Press, 1988.
Aston, Margaret, “ ‘Caim’s Castles’: Poverty, Politics, and Disendowment.” In
Barrie Dobson, ed., The Church, Politics, and Patronage in the Fifteenth
Century (Gloucester, 1984), 45–81. Reprinted in Aston, Faith and Fire,
95–132.
———, Lollards and Reformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion.
London: Hambledon, 1984.
Benrath, Gustav, Wyclif ’s Bibelkommentar. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1966.
Beonio-Brocchieri Fumigalli, M. T., and M. Parodi, Storia della Filosophia
Medievale: Da Boezio a Wyclif. Rome: Editori Laterza, 1988.
Biller, Peter, and Anne Hudson, eds., Heresy and Literacy, 1000–1530.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Breck, Allan DuPont, “John Wyclyf on Time.” In W. Yourgrau and Allen d. Breck,
eds., Cosmology, History, and Theology, 211–218. New York: Plenum, 1977.
———, “The Manuscripts of Wyclif ’s De Trinitate.” Medievalia et Humanistica,
o.s. 7 (1952): 56–70.
Breen, Aidan, “Pseudo-Cyprian De Duodecim Abusivis Saeculi and the Bible.”
In Irland und die Christenheit, 1987.
Burns, J. H., ed., The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350–
c. 1450. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
Burr, David, Olivi and Franciscan Poverty. Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1989.
276 bibliography

———, “Scotus and Transubstantiation.” Mediaeval Studies 34 (1972): 336–360.

Catto, J. I., and Ralph Evans, eds., The History of the University of Oxford:
vol. 2, Late Medieval Oxford. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992.
———, “John Wyclif and the Cult of the Eucharist.” In Walsh and Wood
269–286.
Cesalli, Laurent, “Le ‘pan-propositionalisme’ de Jean Wyclif.” Vivarium 43.1:
124–155.
———, Le réalisme propositionnel: Sémantique et ontologie des propositions chez
Jean Duns Scot, Gauthier Burley, Richard Brinkley et Jean Wyclif. Paris:
Vrin, 2007.
———, “Some Fourteenth-Century Realist Theories of the Proposition:
A Historical and Speculative Study.” In H. S. Gill, ed., Signification in
Language and Culture, 83–118. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced
Studies, 2002.
Conti, Alessandro, “Analogy and Formal Distinction: On the Logical Basis of
Wyclif ’s Metaphysics.” Medieval Philosophy and Theology 6.2 (September
1997): 133–165.
———, “Divine Ideas and Exemplar Causality in Auriol.” Vivarium 38
(2000): 99–116.
———, “Logica intensionale e metafisica dell’essenza in John Wyclif.” Bullettino
dell’Instituto Storico Italiano per il Medioevo e Archivio Muratoriano 99.1
(1993): 159–219.
———, “Wyclif ’s Logic and Metaphysics.” In Levy 67–126.
Courtenay, William J., Adam Wodeham. Leiden: Brill, 1978.
————, “Antiqui and Moderni in Late Medieval Thought.” Journal of the
History of Ideas 48.1 (1987): 3–10.
———, “Augustinianism at Oxford in the Fourteenth Century.” Augustiniana
30 (1980): 58–70.
———, Capacity and Volition. Bergamo: Pierluigi Lubrina, 1990.
———, “The Dialectic of Divine Omnipotence.” In Covenant and Causality in
Medieval Thought, 1–37. London, 1984.
———, “The Effect of the Black Death on English Higher Education.”
Speculum 55.4 (1980): 696 –714.
———, “Force of Words and Figures of Speech: The Crisis over Virtus Sermonis
in the Fourteenth Century.” Franciscan Studies 44 (1984): 107–128.
———, “The Reception of Ockham’s Thought in Fourteenth-Century
England.” In Hudson and Wilks 89–107.
———, Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England. Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1987.
Crompton, James J., “Fasciculi Zizaniorum.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 12
(1961): 35–45, 155–165.
 bibliography 277

Dahmus, Joseph, The Prosecution of John Wyclyf. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press, 1952.
Daly, Lowrie J., The Political Theory of John Wyclif. Chicago: Loyola University
Press, 1962.
Dawson, James Doyne, “Richard Fitzralph and the Fourteenth-Century
Poverty Controversies.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 34 (1983).
Deanesly, Margaret, The Lollard Bible and Other Medieval Biblical Versions.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920. Rpt., Eugene, Ore.: Wipf
and Stock, 2002.
Denery, Dallas, “From Sacred Mystery to Divine Deception: Robert Holkot,
John Wyclif and the Transformation of Fourteenth-Century Eucharistic
Discourse.” Journal of Religious History 29.2 ( June 2005): 129–144.
Dipple, Geoffrey L., “Uthred and the Friars: Apostolic Poverty and Clerical
Dominion between Fitzralph and Wyclif.” Traditio 49 (1994): 235–358.
Dolnikowski, Edith, “The Encouragement of Lay Preaching as an Ecclesiastical
Critique in Wyclif ’s Latin Sermons.” In Beverly M. Kinzie et al., eds.,
Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, 193–209. Louvain-la-Neuve:
Fédération Internationale des Institutes d’Etudes Médiévales, 1996.
———, “Preaching at Oxford: Academic and Pastoral Themes in Wyclif ’s
Latin Sermon Cycle.” In J. Hamesse et al., eds., Medieval Sermons and
Society: Cloister, City, University, 371–386. Louvain-la-Neuve: Fédération
Internationale des Institutes d’Etudes Médiévales, 1998.
Doyle, Eric, O.F.M., “William Woodford, O.F.M., His Life and Works.”
Franciscan Studies 43 (1983): 17–187.
———, “William Woodford’s De Dominio Civili Clericorum against John
Wyclif.” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 66 (1973): 49–109.
Evans, G. R., John Wyclif: Myth and Reality. Lion Hudson, 2005.
———, Mediaeval Commentaries on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, vol. 1.
Leiden: Brill, 2002.
———, “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” In Hudson and Wilks 259–266.
Farr, William, Wyclif as Legal Reformer. Leiden: Brill, 1974.
Fletcher, John M., “Inter-Faculty Disputes in Late Medieval Oxford.” In
Hudson and Wilks 331–342.
Fumigalli, Maria Theresa, and Stefano Simonetta, eds., John Wyclif: Logica,
Politica, Teologia. Florence: Sismel, 2003.
Gelber, Hester, Exploring the Boundaries of Reason: Three Questions on the Nature
of God by Robert Holcot, OP. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983.
———, It Could Have Been Otherwise: Contingency and Necessity in Dominican
Theology at Oxford 1300–1350. Leiden: Brill, 2004.
Ghosh, Kantik, The Wycliffite Heresy: Authority and the Interpretation of Texts.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
278 bibliography

Grabmann, Martin, Studien über den Einfluss der aristotelischen Philosophie auf
die mittelalterlichen Theorien über das Verhältniss von Kirche und Staat.
Munich, 1934.
Gwynn, Aubrey, The English Austin Friars in the Time of Wyclif. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1940.
Harvey, Margaret, “Adam Easton and the Condemnation of John Wyclif.”
English Historical Review 113 (April 1998): 321–335.
Henry, Desmond P., Medieval Mereology. Amsterdam: Grüner, 1991.
———, “Wyclif ’s Deviant Mereology.” In Olaf Pluta, ed., Die Philosophie im
14. Und 15. Jahrhundert, 1–17. Amsterdam, 1988.
Herold, Vilém, “Platonic Ideas and ‘Hussite’ Philosophy.” In David R. Holeton,
ed., The Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice: vol. 1, Papers from the
17th World Congress of the Czechoslovak Society of Arts and Sciences, 13–18.
Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Main Library, 1994.
Hoenen, Martin, “Theology and Metaphysics: The Debate between John Wyclif
and John Kenningham on the Principles of Reading the Scriptures.” In
Fumagalli and Simonetta 23–56.
Hoffmann, Fritz, Die “Conferentiae” des Robert Holcot O.P. und die Akademischen
Auseinandersetzungen an der Univerität Oxford 1330–1332. Münster, 1993.
Hudson, Anne, “Accessus ad auctorem: The Case of John Wyclif.” Viator 30
(1999): 323–344.
———, “Aspects of the ‘Publication’ of Wyclif ’s Latin Sermons.” In Minnis,
Late Medieval Religious Texts, 121–129.
———, “Cross-Referencing in Wyclif ’s Latin Works.” In Peter Biller and
Barrie Dobson, eds., The Medieval Church: University, Heresy, and the Reli-
gious Life (1999), 193–216.
———, “From Oxford to Prague: The Writings of John Wyclif and His
English Followers in Bohemia.” Slavonic and East European Review 75
(October 1997): 642–658.
———, Lollards and Their Books. London: Hambledon, 1985.
———, “The Mouse in the Pyx: Popular Heresy and the Eucharist.” Trivium
26 (1991): 40–53.
———, “Poor Preachers, Poor Men: Views of Poverty in Wyclif and His
Followers.” In Šmahel and Müller-Luckner 41–54.
———, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History. Oxford:
Clarendon, 1988.
———, “Wyclif and the English Language.” In Kenny 85–103.
———, “Wycliffism in Oxford 1381–1411.” In Kenny 67–84.
———, “Wyclif ’s Latin Sermons: Questions of Form, Date and Audience.”
Archives d’Histoire Doctrinale et Littéraire du Moyen Âge 68 (2001): 223–248.
 bibliography 279

Hudson, Anne, and M. Wilks, eds., From Ockham to Wyclif. Oxford: Blackwell,
1987.
Hurley, Michael, “ ‘Scriptura Sola’: Wyclif and His Critics.” Traditio 16 (1960):
275–352.
Jurkowski, Maureen, “Heresy and Factionalism at Merton College in the Early
Fifteenth Century.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48 (October 1997):
658–681.
Justice, Steven, Writing and Rebellion: England in 1381. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1994.
Kaluza, Zénon, “Late Medieval Philosophy, 1350–1500.” In John Marenbon,
ed., Routledge History of Philosophy: vol. 3, Late Medieval Philosophy, 426–
451. New York: Routledge, 1998.
————, “L’ouevre théologique de Richard Brinkley, OFM.” Archives
d’Histoire Doctrinale et Littéraire du Moyen Age 56:169–273.
Kaminsky, Howard, “Wyclifism as Ideology of Revolution.” Church History 32
(1963): 57–74.
Keen, Maurice, England in the Later Middle Ages: A Political History. London:
Methuen, 1973.
———, “The Influence of Wyclif.” In Kenny 127–145.
———, “Wyclif, the Bible, and Transubstantiation.” In Kenny 1–17.
Kennedy, Leonard A., “Late-Fourteenth-Century Philosophical Scepticism at
Oxford.” Vivarium 23.2 (1985): 124–151.
———, “Philosophical Scepticism in England in the Mid-Fourteenth Century.”
Vivarium 21.1 (1983): 43–44.
———, The Philosophy of Robert Holcot: A Fourteenth-Century Skeptic.
Lewiston, Maine: Mellen, 1993.
Kenny, Anthony, “Realism and Determinism in the Early Wyclif.” In Hudson
and Wilks 165–178.
———, Wyclif. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985.
Kenny, Anthony, ed., Wyclif in His Times. Oxford: Clarendon, 1986.
Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn, Books under Suspicion: Censorship and Tolerance of
Revelatory Writing in Late Medieval England. Notre Dame, Ind.: Notre
Dame University Press, 2006.
Knowles, David, “The Censured Opinions of Uthred of Boldon.” In D. Knowles,
ed., The Historian and Character and Other Essays, 129–170. Cambridge:
University of Cambridge Press, 1963.
———, The Religious Orders in England. 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1961.
Kretzman, Norman, “Continua, Indivisibles, and Change in Wyclif ’s Logic of
Scripture.” In Kenny 31–65.
280 bibliography

Kretzman, Norman, and Barbara Ensign Kretzman, The Sophismata of Richard

Kilvington. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
Kretzman, Norman, Anthony Kenny, and Jan Pinborg, eds., The Cambridge
History of Later Medieval Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1982.
Lahey, Stephen, Philosophy and Politics in the Thought of John Wyclif. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2003.
————, “Wyclif on Rights.” Journal of the History of Ideas 58 (1997): 1–20.
————, “Wyclif ’s Formal Theology.” In Ian Levy, ed., The Companion to
John Wyclif. Leiden: Brill, 2006.
Lambert, M. D., Franciscan Poverty. St. Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Insti-
tute, 1998.
Larsen, Andrew E., “The Oxford ‘School of Heretics’: The Unexamined Case
of Friar John.” Vivarium 37.2 (1999): 168–177.
Lechler, Gotthard, Johann von Wiclif und die Vorgeschichte der Reformation.
2 vols. Leipzig, 1873. Published as John Wycliffe and His English Precursors,
trans. Peter Lorimer. 2 vols. London: Religious Tract Society, 1884.
Leff, Gordon, Bradwardine and the Pelagians. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1957.
———, Heresy in the Later Middle Ages: The Relation of Heterodoxy to Dissent,
c. 1250– c. 1450. 2 vols. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967.
———, “Ockham and Wyclif on the Eucharist.” Reading Medieval Studies 2
(1976): 1–13.
———, “The Place of Metaphysics in Wyclif ’s Theology.” In Hudson and
Wilks 217–232.
———, Richard Fitzralph: Commentator on the Sentences. Manchester: Man-
chester University Press, 1963.
———, “Wyclif and the Augustinian Tradition, with Special Reference to His
De Trinitate.” Medievalia et Humanistica, n.s. 1 (1970): 29–39.
———, “Wyclif and Hus: A Doctrinal Comparison.” Bulletin of the John
Ryland’s Library 50 (1967): 387–410. Revised version in Kenny 105–125.
Levy, Ian, “Christus Qui Mentiri Non Potest: John Wyclif ’s Rejection of Tran-
substantiation.” Recherches de Theologie et Philosophie Medievales (1999):
316–334.
———, “Defining the Responsibility of the Late Medieval Theologian: The
Debate between John Kynnyngham and John Wyclif.” Carmelus 19 (2002):
fasc. 1:5–29.
———, “The Fight for the Sacred Sense in Late Medieval England.” Anglican
Theological Review 85 (2003): 165–176.
———, “Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif.” Traditio 60
(2005): 279–337.
 bibliography 281

———, “John Wyclif and Augustinian Realism.” Augustiniana (1998): fasc.

1–2:87–106.
———, John Wyclif: Scriptural Logic, Real Presence, and the Parameters of
Orthodoxy. Milwaukee, Wis.: Marquette University Press, 2003.
———, “John Wyclif ’s Neoplatonic View of Scripture in Its Christological
Context.” Medieval Philosophy and Theology 2 (2003):. 227–240.
———, “Texts for a Poor Church: John Wyclif and the Decretals.” Essays in
Medieval Studies 20.1 (February 2004): 94–107.
———, “Was John Wyclif ’s Theology of the Eucharist Donatistic?” Scottish
Journal of Theology 53 (2000): 137–153.
Levy, Ian, ed., A Companion to John Wyclif, Late Medieval Theologian. Leiden:
Brill, 2006.
Lewis, John, The History of the Life and Sufferings of the Reverend and Learned
John Wiclif, D.D. London, 1720. Rpt., New York: AMS, 1973.
Loserth, Johann, Wycliffe and Huss. Trans. M. J. Evans. London, 1884.
Luscombe, David, “Wyclif and Hierarchy.” In Hudson and Wilks 233–244.
Mallard, William, “Clarity and Dilemma: The Forty Sermons of John Wyclif.”
In G. H. Shriver et al., eds., Contemporary Reflections on the Medieval
Christian Tradition: Essays in Honor of Ray C. Petry, 19–38. Durham, N.C.:
Duke University Press, 1974.
———, “Dating the Sermones Quadraginta of John Wyclif.” Medievalia et
Humanistica, o.s. 17 (1966): 86–104.
———, “John Wyclif and the Tradition of Biblical Authority.” Church History
30 (1961): 50–60.
McFarlane, K. B., John Wycliffe and the Beginnings of English Nonconformity.
London: English Universities Press, 1953.
McGrade, A. S., The Political Thought of William Ockham. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1974.
———, “Somersaulting Sovereignty: A Note on Reciprocal Lordship and
Servitude in Wyclif.” In Wood 261–278.
Michael, Emily, “Wyclif on Body and Soul.” Journal of the History of Ideas
(2003): 343–360.
Michalski, Constantin, Le Criticisme et le Scepticisme dans la Philosophie du
XIVe Siècle. Cracow, 1926. Reprinted in La Philosophie au XIVe Siècle: Six
Etudes. Frankfurt, 1969.
Minnis, Alastair J., “ ‘Authorial Intention’ and ‘Literal Sense’ in the Exegetical
Theories of Richard Fitzralph and John Wyclif: An Essay in the Medieval
Theories of Biblical Hermeneutics.” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy
(Section C) 75.1 (1975): 1–30.
———, Medieval Theory of Authorship. 2nd ed. Aldershot, England: Wildwood
House, 1988.
282 bibliography

Muckle, J. T., “Utrum Theologia Sit Scientia: A Quodlibetal Question of Robert

Holcot, O.P.” Mediaeval Studies 20 (1958): 127–153.
Mueller, Ivan J., “A ‘Lost’ Summa of John Wyclif.” In Hudson and Wilks
179–183.
Nuchelmans, Gabriel, “Adam Wodeham on the Meaning of Declarative Sen-
tences.” Historiographia Linguistica 7 (1980): 177–187.
Oberman, Heiko A., Archbishop Thomas Bradwardine, a Fourteenth-Century
Augustinian: A Study of His Theology in Its Historical Context. Utrecht:
Kemink and Zoon, 1958.
———, “Facientibus Quod in se est Deus non Denegat Gratiam: Robert Holcot,
O. P., and the Beginnings of Luther’s Theology.” In Oberman, The Dawn
of the Reformation, 84–103. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1992.
———, The Harvest of Late Medieval Theology: Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval
Nominalism. 3rd ed. Durham: Labyrinth, 1983.
Owst, G. R., Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1961.
———, Preaching in Medieval England. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1926.
Pantin, William A., “A Benedictine Opponent of John Wyclif.” English Histo-
rical Review 43 (1928): 73–77.
———, “The Defensorium of Adam Easton.” English Historical Review 51
(1936): 675–680.
———, The English Church in the Fourteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1955.
Penn, Stephen, “Antiquity, Eternity, and the Foundations of Authority: Reflec-
tions on a Debate between John Wyclif and John Kenningham, O.Carm.”
Trivium 32 (2000): 107–119.
Phillips, Heather, “John Wyclif and the Optics of the Eucharist.” In Hudson
and Wilks 245–258.
Pyper, Rachel, “An Abridgement of Wyclif ’s De Mandatis Divinis.” Medium
Aevum 52.2 (1983): 306–310.
Read, Stephen, “ ‘I Promise a Penny That I Do Not Promise’: The Realist/
Nominalist Debate over Intentional Propositions in Fourteenth-Century
British Logic and Its Contemporary Relevance.” In P. O. Lewry, ed., The
Rise of British Logic, 335–359. Toronto: Pontifical Institute, 1985.
Rex, Richard, The Lollards. London: Palgrave, 2002.
Robson, J. A., Wyclif and the Oxford Schools: The Relation of the “Summa de Ente”
to Scholastic Debates at Oxford in the Later Fourteenth Century. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1961.
Rubin, Miri, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991.
 bibliography 283

Sergeant, Lewis, John Wyclif: Last of the Schoolmen and First of the English
Reformers. New York, 1893. Rpt., New York: AMS, 1978.
Shogimen, Takashi, “Wyclif ’s Ecclesiology and Political Thought” In Levy
199–240.
Simonetta, Stefano, “The Concept of Two Churches in the Religious Philosophy
of the English Reformer, John Wyclif.” Studi Medievali 40 (1999): 119–137.
———, “John Wyclif between Utopia and Plan.” In Sophie Wlodek, ed.,
Société et Église: Textes et discussions dans les universités de l’Europe centrale
pendant le moyen âge tardif, 65–86. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1995.
———, “La maturazione del progetto riformatore di Giovanni Wyclif: Dal De
Civili Dominio al De Officio Regis.” Medioevo 22 (1996): 225–258.
———, “Una riforma prematura? Realizzabilita del progetto di Wyclif.”
Pensiero Politico: Rivista di Storia della Idee Politiche e Sociali 29.3 (1996):
343–373.
———, “Una singolare alleanza: Wyclif e Lancaster [A Singular Alliance:
John Wyclif and the Duke of Lancaster: A Study of Ecclesial Politics in
the Fourteenth-Century English Church].” Studi Medievali 36.2 (1995):
797–837.
———, “Two Parallel Trains of Anti-Hierocratic Thought in the Fourteenth
Century: Marsilius of Padua and John Wyclif.” Rivista Di Storia Della
Philosophia 52.1 (1997): 91–110.
Smalley, Beryl, “The Bible and Eternity: John Wyclif ’s Dilemma.” Journal of
the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 27 (1964): 73–89. Reprinted in Beryl
Smalley, ed., Studies in Medieval Thought and Learning from Abelard to
Wyclif, 399–415. London: Hambledon, 1981.
———, English Friars and Antiquity in the Early Fourteenth Century. Oxford:
Blackwell, 1960.
———, “John Wyclif ’s Postilla Super Totam Bibliam.” Bodleian Library Record
5 (1953): 186–205.
———, “Problems of Exegesis in the Fourteenth Century.” In Paul Wilpert,
ed., Antike und Orient im Mittelalter, 266–274. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1962.
———, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages. Notre Dame, Ind.: University
of Notre Dame Press, 1964.
Somerset, Fiona, Clerical Discourse and Lay Audience in Late Medieval England.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
Spade, Paul V., A Cambridge Companion to Ockham. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999.
———, “Universals and Wyclif ’s Alleged ‘Ultrarealism.’ ” Vivarium 43.1 (2004):
111–123.
Stein, I. H., “Another ‘Lost’ Chapter of Wyclif ’s Summa de Ente.” Speculum 3
(1928): 254–255.
284 bibliography

———, “Two Notes on Wyclif.” Speculum 6 (1931): 465–468.

———, “The Wyclif Manuscript in Florence.” Speculum 5 (1930): 95–97.
Streveler, Paul A., “Gregory of Rimini and the Black Monk on Sense and
Reference.” Vivarium 18.1 (1980).
Sylla, Edith Dudley, “The Oxford Calculators.” In Kretzman, Kenny, and
Pinborg 540–563.
Szittya, Penn, The Antifraternal Tradition in Medieval Literature. Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Tachau, Katherine, Vision and Certitude in the Age of Ockham. Leiden: Brill, 1988.
Tatnall, Edith Comfort, “The Condemnation of John Wyclif at the Council of
Constance.” In G. J. Cuming and D. Baker, eds., Councils and Assemblies,
209–218. Oxford: Blackwell, 1977.
———, “John Wyclif and Ecclesia Anglicana.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History
30 (1969): 19–43.
Thomson, S. Harrison, “A Gonville and Caius Wyclif Manuscript.” Speculum
8 (1933): 197–204.
———, “John Wyclif ’s ‘Lost’ De Fide Sacramentorum.” Journal of Theological
Studies 33 (1932): 359–365.
———, “The Order of Writing of Wyclif ’s Philosophical Works.” In
O. Odlozilík et al., eds., Ceskou Minulostí, 146–165. Prague, 1929.
———, “The Philosophical Basis of Wyclif ’s Theology.” Journal of Religion
11.2 (January 1931): 86–116.
———, “Some Latin Works Erroneously Ascribed to Wyclif.” Speculum 3
(1928): 382–391.
———, “Three Unprinted Opuscula of John Wyclif.” Speculum 3 (1928): 248–253.
———, “Unnoticed Manuscripts and Works of Wyclif.” Journal of Theological
Studies 38 (1937): 24–36, 139–148.
———, “Unnoticed Manuscripts of Wyclyf ’s De Veritate Sacre Scripture.”
Medium Aevum 12 (1943): 68–70.
———, “Wyclif or Wyclyf?” English Historical Review 53 (1938): 675–678.
Thomson, Williell R., The Latin Writings of John Wyclyf. Toronto: Pontifical
Institute, 1983.
———, “Manuscripta Wyclifiana Desiderata: The Potential Contribution of
Missing Latin Texts to Our Image of Wyclif ’s Life and Works.” In Hudson
and Wilks 343–351.
———, “An Unknown Letter by John Wyclyf in Manchester, John Rylands
University Library MS. Eng. 86.” Mediaeval Studies 43 (1981): 531–537.
Treschow, Michael, “On Aristotle and the Cross at the Center of Creation: John
Wyclif ’s De Benedicta Incarnacione, Chapter Seven.” Crux 33 (1977): 28–37.
Tresko, Michael, “John Wyclif ’s Metaphysics of Scriptural Integrity in the De
Veritate Sacrae Scripturae.” Dionysius 13 (December 1989): 153–196.
 bibliography 285

Unguru, Sabetai, “Witelonis Perspectivae Liber Primus.” Studia Copernicana

15 (1977).
van Nolcken, Christina, “Another Kind of Saint: A Lollard Perception of John
Wyclif.” In Hudson and Wilks 429–443.
Vaughan, Robert, The Life and Opinions of John De Wycliffe, D.D. 2 vols. 2nd ed.
London: Holdsworth and Ball, 1831.
Walsh, Katherine, A Fourteenth-Century Scholar and Primate: Richard Fitzralph
of Oxford, Avignon, and Armagh. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981.
Walsh, Katherine, and Diana Wood, eds., The Bible in the Medieval World:
Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley. Oxford: Blackwell, 1985.
Weinberg, Julius, Nicholas of Autrecourt. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press, 1948.
Wenzel, Siegfried, “Academic Sermons at Oxford in the Early Fifteenth
Century.” Speculum 70.2 (April 1995): 305–329.
———, Latin Sermon Collections from Later Medieval England: Orthodox
Preaching in the Age of Wyclif. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2005.
———, “A New Version of Wyclif ’s ‘Sermones Quadraginta.’ ” Journal of
Theological Studies 49 (April 1998): 154–160.
Wilks, Michael, “The Early Oxford Wyclif: Papalist or Nominalist?” Studies in
Church History 5 (1969): 69–98.
———, “Predestination, Property and Power: Wyclif ’s Theory of Dominion
and Grace.” Studies in Church History 2 (1965): 220–236.
———, “Reformatio Regni: Wyclif and Hus as Leaders of Religious Protest
Movements.” Studies in Church History 9 (1972): 109–130.
———, “Royal Patronage and Anti-Papalism: From Ockham to Wyclif.”
Studies in Church History Subsidia 5 (1987): 135–163.
———, “Royal Priesthood: The Origins of Lollardy.” In The Church in a
Changing Society: CIHEC Conference in Uppsala 1977, 135–163. Uppsala,
1978.
———, “Thesaurus Ecclesiae.” Studies in Church History 24 (1987): xv–xlv.
———, “Wyclif and the Great Persecution.” Studies in Church History Subsidia
10 (1994): 39–63.
———, Wyclif: Political Ideas and Practice. Ed. Anne Hudson. Oxford:
Oxbow, 2000.
———, “Wyclif and the Wheel of Time.” Studies in Church History 33
(1997): 177–193.
Wilson, Curtis, William Heytesbury: Medieval Logic and the Rise of Mathematical
Physics. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1956.
Wood, Diana, ed., The Church and Sovereignty c. 590–1918: Essays in Honour of
Michael Wilks. Oxford: Blackwell, 1991.
286 bibliography

Wood, Rega, and Gedeon Gàl, “Richard Brinkley and His Summa Logica.”
Franciscan Studies 40 (1980): 59–102.
Workman, Herbert B., John Wyclif: A Study of the English Medieval Church. 2
vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1926.

internet resources
Aurélien, Robert, “William Crathorn.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
Available at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/crathorn/#Oth.
Gelber, Hester, “Robert Holcot.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Available
at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/holkot.
 index

Abelard, Peter, 94, 143 Bonaventure, 144, 192

Ad fructus uberes, 35 Bradwardine, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury,
Al-Haitham, Ibn, 52, 53 5, 13, 37, 67, 91, 170
Alhazen. See Al-Haitham, Ibn on insolubles, 57
Animals, syllogizing of, 85 on mathematics, 39
Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, 141, 144, 176 De Causa Dei, 39, 40, 62, 173–178, 182
Antichrist, 190 –193 De Futuris Contingentibus, 174
Aquinas, Thomas, 54, 70, 83, 85, 89, 98, 106, Tractatus de Continuo, 115
127–129, 143, 177, 201 Brinkley, Richard, 5, 62
Aristotle, 66, 71, 87, 106 Burgess Shale, 32
Physics, 75, 83 Burley, Walter, 5, 38, 69
Arnold, Thomas, 136 on identity, 73
Aston, John, 27 on indivisibles, 116
Aston, Margaret, 28 on insolubles, 57
Aston, Nicholas, 45–47, 62, 144 realism of, 69 –74
Augustine of Hippo, 61, 88, 104, 136, 144, 154, 176,
187, 190, 201, 202 Cambridge Changes, 82
“All things belong to the just,” 211–212 Campsall, Richard, 34
Augustinian order, 169 Carmelite order, 169
Aureol, Peter, 43, 51, 90 Chatton, Walter, 37, 55, 69, 70, 74, 114
difference from Ockham, 77–78
Bacon, Roger, 50, 85 Chrysostom, John, 154
Baconthorpe, John, 110 Clareno, Angelo, 192
Bale, John, 135, 223 Clement V, 204
Ball, John, 24, 166 Clement VI, 70
Benedict XIII, 102 Clement VII, 21, 27, 102
Benrath, Gustav, 151 Clifford, Sir Lewis, 19
Berengar of Tours, 105 Cogito, medieval use of, 56
Berton, William, Chancellor of Oxford, 23 Complex significable, 78
“Black Monk,” the, 44 Constance, Council of, 29, 102, 224

287
288 index

Consubstantiation, 106 Hereford, Nicholas, 22, 24, 166

Courtenay, Bishop William, of London, 17, 22, Heytesbury, William, 5, 40
26, 196, 223 Hildegard of Bingen, 191
Courtenay, William, 74 Holcot, Robert, 47, 55, 67, 74, 111–113, 136
Crathorn, William, 53, 55 authorship of Philobiblon, 69
ontology of, 74–76 Commentary on the Book of Wisdom, 47, 48, 160
Quodlibets, 48, 144
De Bury, Richard, Bishop of Durham, 67– 69 Sentences commentary, 47
De Casale, Ubertino, 192, 203 two logics, need for, 137
De Clervaux, John, 4 Hudson, Anne, 29, 136, 165
Decretales, 106 Hugh of St. Cher, 149
De Duodecem Abusivis Saeculii, 156 Hugh of St. Victor, 144, 194
De Lubac, Henri, 127 Hus, Jan, 29, 30, 102, 224
Descartes, René, 56, 175
Despenser crusade, 27, 164, 196 Illuminatio, theory of, 45, 63– 64
Dionysius the Aeropagite, 91 Indivisibles, dispute over, 113–116
Dispensationalism, 189 –193 Innocent III, 106, 132
Dominican order, 169 Innocent VII, 102
Donation of Constantine, 190, 215 Insolubilia, 57
Donatism, 189
Double predestination, 172, 175, 185 Jerome, 154
Durandus de St. Pourcain, 91 Jerome of Prague, 30, 103, 224
Joachim of Fiore, 100, 191
“Earthquake Council,” 26 John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, 4, 15–24,
Eriugena, John Scotus, 105 131, 170
Everyman, 147 John XXII, 34, 192, 204
John XXIII, 102
Fasciculi Zizianorum, 15, 169 –170
Fitzralph, Archbishop Richard, of Armagh, 5, 14, Keen, Maurice, 134
44, 55, 67 Kenningham, John, 15, 170
De Pauperie Salvatoris, 204–206 Kenny, Sir Anthony, 179, 182
Sentences commentary, 45, 61 Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn, 192
Summa de Quaestionibus Armenorum, 44, 182 Kilvington, Richard, 5, 38, 69, 70
Foxe, John, 223 Kretzman, Norman, 115–116
Franciscan order, 169, 191, 203
Lanfranc of Bec, 105
Garnier, Arnald, 18 Langton, Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury, 150
Gaudet, Etienne, 62 Leff, Gordon, 45, 134, 186
Gaytrick, John, 5 Lollardy, 22, 30, 165, 182, 223
Gerard de Borgo San Donnino, 191–192 Lombard, Peter, 100, 127, 143, 177
Gilbert of Poitiers, 144 Lothario of Segni. See Innocent III
Giles of Rome, 98, 144, 201, 202 Lutterell, John, 90, 109
God, Absolute and Ordained power of, 35
Gregory IX, 106 Marsilius of Padua, 210, 218
Gregory XI, 18, 210 Merit, condign and congruent, 208
Gregory XII, 22, 102 Merton Calculators, 37–41, 114
Gregory of Rimini, 79 Michael of Cesena, 34
Grosseteste, Robert, 65, 139, 154, 160 Moderni, use of the term, 13
Commentary on Posterior Analytics, 66, 75
Necessitas consequentiae and consequentis, 177
Haecceity, 71 Necessity by supposition, 177
Harclay, Henry, 34, 37, 114 Netter, Thomas, 15, 93, 170, 223
Hauley-Shakyll incident, 20 Nicholas of Autrecourt, 43, 79
Henry, Desmond Paul, 100 Nicholas of Lyra, 149 –150
Henry of Ghent, 13, 35, 70, 89, 98, 110, 144 Norman Anonymous, 217
 index 289

Oberman, Heiko, 136 Species, epistemic use of, 50

Ockham, William, 10, 33, 51, 65, 90, 108, 172, Strode, Ralph, 5, 21
204, 218 Sudbury, Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury, 20, 25
epistemology of, 51 Swineshead, Richard, 40
future contingents, on, 173 on insolubles, 57
Nestorianism of, 144
Opus Nonaginta Dierum, 36 Tempier, Stephen, Bishop of Paris, 178
Quodlibets, 36 Third Man argument, 72, 100
species, rejection of in epistemology, 54 Thomson, Williel, 154
theology distinct from other sciences, 43 Thoresby, Archbishop John, of York, 5, 70
thought on Aristotle’s categories, 35, 66 Tissington, John, 23
Tractatus de Principiis theologiae, 34 Transubstantiation, history of the doctrine of, 104
Tractatus de Quantitate, 114 Trinity, recognizable in created natures, 61
Ockham’s razor, 34 Tyler, Wat, 24
Olivi, Peter John, 192, 203
Opus Imperfectum, 155 Urban V, 7
Oresme, Nicole, 53 Urban VI, 21, 22, 26, 102
Origen, 136 Uthred of Boldon, 6
Oxford University, 4–22
Balliol College, 5 Vitelo, Vitellonis. See Witelo
Canterbury College, 5
Merton College, 5, 34, 38, 69, 116 Walsingham, Robert, 70, 110
Queens College, 4 Walsingham, Thomas, 19, 25, 166
Wilks, Michael, 8, 167, 190
Paschasius Radbertus. See Radbertus William de la Zouche, Archbishop of York, 5
Paul of Venice, 9 Winterton, Thomas, 14, 23
Peasant’s Revolt, 189 Witelo, Erazmus Ciolek, 52, 53
Peckham, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, 5, 200 Wodeham, Adam, 37, 55, 70, 76 –79, 110 –111, 144
Pecock, Reginald, 223 Tractatus de Indivisibilis, 115
Pelagianism, 41 Woodford, William, 14, 17, 214
Perauldus, William, 211 Wyclif, John
Philobiblon, 68 aevitas and diurnitas, theory of, 119 –120
Pickenham, Osbert, 110 annihilation, rejection of, 121–122
Pigaz, Ralph, 74 Antichrist, thoughts on, 190 –194
“Poor Preachers,” 25, 165–166 antifraternalism of, 25, 197
Possible Worlds, medieval theories of, 118 atomism, theory of, 118 –120
Poverty Controversy, 17, 34 being, philosophy of, 82– 87
Pseudo-Chrysostom. See Opus Imperfectum being and essence, rejection of distinction
Purvey, John, 22, 24 between, 98 – 99
belief, at the base of every act of knowing, 60, 63
Radbertus, Paschasius, 104 birth, 3–4
Ratramnus of Corbie, 104 brain anatomy, description of, 52
Repingdon, Philip, 22, 27, 29 “Caim” acronym, use of, 194
Rodington, John, 52, 55 Christology of, 96, 143–48
Rolle, Richard, 24 Church, theory of, 186 –189
Russell, Bertrand, 78 –79 death of, 29
diurnitas. See aevitas and diurnitas, theory of
Sacramentum vs. res sacramenti, 105 divine ideas, theory of, 87– 93
Scotus, John Duns, 89, 107, 128, 144 dominium, theory of, 16, 200
Segni, Lothario. See Innocent III civil dominium, 212–221
Shakyl, John. See Hauley-Shakyl Incident divine dominium, 206 –210
Skepticism, 41–49, 92 natural dominium, 210 –212
Smalley, Beryl, 150 Donatism, accusation of, 26, 189, 196
Sophismata, 38 –41 English works of, 4
Spade, Paul V., 81 epistemology of, 49 – 64
290 index

Wyclif, John (continued) De Veritate Sacrae Scripturae, 21, 132, 136 –143
errors about universals, 11, 82 De Volucione Dei, 173, 182–186
Eucharist, theory of, 22, 122–131 De Ydeis, 13, 83, 172
“Everything that occurs, occurs of necessity,” 170 Dialogus, 215
excommunication, belief in the impossibility Logice Continuacio, 9, 50, 53, 58, 179
of, 197 Opus Evangelicum, 21, 28, 134, 136, 148,
formal distinction, use of, 61 153–158
hermeneutics, scriptural, theory of, 24 Postilla super totam Bibliam, 21, 125, 136, 148
illumination, theory of, 63– 64, 141 Purgans Errores circa Universalia in Communi, 61
knowledge, kinds of, 58 Purgans Errores circa Veritates in Communi, 88
Latin works of Responsio, 19
Confessio, 23, 103, 123, 131 Sermones, 160 –165, 196
De Actibus Anime, 10, 50, 55, 74, 179 Summa de Ente divisions of, 11–12, 82– 83
De Amore sive ad Quinque quaestiones, 142, 153 Summa Theologie divisions of, 16, 131
De Antichristo (Opus Evangelicum III–IV ), 28, Trialogus, 16, 28, 30, 52, 62, 63, 117, 123, 126,
134, 148, 154 134, 154
De Apostasia, 131–132 Lollardy, relation to, 165
De Blasphemia, 131, 133, 156 Lord’s Prayer, commentary on, 152
De Civili Dominio, 16, 19, 194, 199 mental acts, on, 10, 50, 54
De Composiciione Hominis, 13, 49, 145 mereology of, 100
De Dominio Divino, 16, 63, 182, 199, 206 –210 modal theory of, 86, 176 –186
De Ecclesia, 7, 173, 186 –189 modern conceptions of, 29 –30
De Ente in Communi, 94 Ockham, opinion of, 197
De Eucharistia, 103, 122, 128, 131 Oxford career of, 4–24
De Eucharistia Conclusiones Duodecim, 123 papal authority, critiques of, 133, 190, 194–197
De Fide Sacramenti, 134 pluralism of, 6
De Incarnacione, De Benedicta Incarnacione, post-mortem career of, 29
De Verbi Incarnacione, 8, 13, 49, 139, 145 preaching, views on, 158 –165
De Insolubilia, 9, 57 predication, kinds of, 81– 82
De Intellectione Dei, 173, 183, 184 priesthood, theology of, 195–196
De Logica, 8, 50 propositional realism of, 79 – 82, 97
De Logica Tratatus Tercius, 8, 9, 50, 121, 179 realism
De Mandatis Divinis, 16, 140, 150, 157, 199, 211 kinds of universals, 95– 96
De Materia et Forma, 13 ultrarealism or realism?, 30, 93– 94
De Officio Pastoralis, 21 universal-particular relation, 12, 62, 82
De Officio Regis, 21, 194 relations, theory of, 97– 98
De Potentia Productiva Dei ad Extra, 121 Sermon on the Mount, commentary on, 151–158
De Potestate Pape, 21, 194, 197 signification, natural vs. artificial, 80
De Sciencia Dei, 173, 183 skepticism, arguments against, 92
De Simonia, 131 theologians, instruction of, 155
De Statu Innocencie, 16, 150, 199, 211 theology as a science, 60 – 64
De Tempore, 118, 129 Trinity, description of, 100 –101
De Trinitate, 13, 49, 60, 100 vision, theory of as heuristic for epistemology, 51
De Universalibus, 11, 74, 75, 81, 83, 94, Retirement to Lutterworth, 21, 27
100, 179 Wyclif Bible, 222