Markku Peltonen - Classical Humanism and Republicanism in English Political Thought, 1570-1640 (Ideas in Context) (1995)
Markku Peltonen - Classical Humanism and Republicanism in English Political Thought, 1570-1640 (Ideas in Context) (1995)
Markku Peltonen - Classical Humanism and Republicanism in English Political Thought, 1570-1640 (Ideas in Context) (1995)
The books in this series will discuss the emergence of intellectual traditions
and of related new disciplines. The procedures, aims and vocabularies that
were generated will be set in the context of the alternatives available within
the contemporary frameworks of ideas and institutions. Through detailed
studies of the evolution of such traditions, and their modification by different
audiences, it is hoped that a new picture will form of the development of ideas
in their concrete contexts. By this means, artificial distinctions between the
history of philosophy, of the various sciences, of society and politics, and of
literature may be seen to dissolve.
A list of books in the series will befound at the end of the volume.
CLASSICAL HUMANISM AND
REPUBLICANISM IN ENGLISH
POLITICAL THOUGHT
1570-1640
MARKKU PELTONEN
University ofHelsinki
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Bibliography 313
Index 348
vu
Note on text
Original spelling has been retained throughout (except i/j and u/v in
quotations), with the exception of those editions I have used where
spelling has been modernized.
The year is taken to begin on i January.
The absence of any reference to women is, of course, due to the fact
there were no such references: all treatises cited were written by and
for an audience of men.
vni
Acknowledgements
XI
xii List of abbreviations
The Civil War and the Interregnum hold a prime place in the history
of English political thought. There is a high degree of unanimity
amongst historians that English political discourse faced an abrupt and
total turning point in the 1640s and that the period between 1640 and
1660 gave rise to an exceptionally diverse body of political under-
standing and interpretation. One of the most significant and far-
reaching traditions to emerge upon the stage of English political
thinking was republicanism, in the writings of such men as John
Milton, Marchamont Nedham, James Harrington and Algernon
Sidney. Whilst scholars have long been aware of the great importance
of these theorists, they have been keen to emphasize two issues in so far
as the moment of the emergence of republicanism is concerned.
In the first place, they have pointed out that distinctively republican
themes were discussed in a comprehensive manner relatively late.
During the Civil War the idea of kingship was tenaciously held, and
republicanism only gained currency for the first time after the regicide,
as a device to legitimate the foundation of the republic. Secondly, and
closely related to this, scholars have stressed even more strongly that
before the Civil War there were no discernible signs of republicanism.
That is to say, the republican strand of political discourse only
appeared in England after the collapse of the traditional frames of
reference. Before this there was simply 'no room for republican
notions'; the dominant modes of discourse stressing eternal unity,
harmony and hierarchy effectively inhibited the emergence of repub-
lican modes of thinking.1
1
E.g. Zagorin 1954, pp. 146-9, quotation p. 146; Rawson 1969, pp. 187-8; Worden 1990, pp.
225-6; Worden 1991a, pp. 443—5; Wootton 1986, pp. 70—1. Cf., however, Worden 1981, pp.
182, 185-90, which depicts some family contacts; Scott 1988, pp. 18, 48-58. For the abrupt
2 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
The republicanism of the 1650s is often referred to as classical
republicanism because of its obvious intellectual debt to classical Greek
and especially Roman sources. It conceived of men as citizens rather
than subjects; they were characterized not so much by obedience to the
king as by active participation in the political life of their community
through counselling and the law-making process. The citizens' partici-
patory role was chiefly based on their virtuous characters, which
enabled them to promote the public good. The term 'classical repub-
licanism' thus embraces a cluster of themes concerning citizenship,
public virtue and true nobility. But it also refers to a more specific
constitutional stance. Virtue was closely linked with the distinctively
republican character of classical republicanism: to ensure that the most
virtuous men governed the commonwealth and to control corruption,
magistracy should be elected rather than inherited. In this sense
republicanism (in the narrow sense of a constitution without a king)
could be an anti-monarchical goal: civic values required concomitant
republican institutions, but monarchical arrangements were said to
suppress these. Arrangements usually favoured by classical republicans
were those of the mixed constitution, and the term republic was also
used in the wider and more general sense of referring to a good and
just constitution.2
If historians have concurred that classical republicanism only
emerged in England during the 1650s, their unanimity further extends
to its wider ideological background. They agree, in other words, that
the broader political vocabulary which to a great extent underlay this
form of republicanism - classical humanism - was also absent from
English political debate between the mid sixteenth and mid seven-
teenth centuries. It is commonly assumed that classical humanism
appeared twice in England. In its original form it reached England in
the late fourteenth century and flourished during the early part of the
sixteenth. It fizzled out, however, in the middle of the century to re-
emerge transformed in the 1650s. Most accounts of the role of
humanism in English political thought break off at the middle of the
change, see also Eccleshall 1978, pp. 153, 2; Sharpe 1989, p. 18; Salmon 1959, p. 12. See also
Sommerville 1986, p. 58, for the absence of republicanism before the Civil War. Sommerville,
however, maintains that the Civil War 'was no great watershed in English political thinking',
p. 238.
For an excellent definition of the terminology, to which I am particularly indebted, see
Goldsmith 1987, pp. 226-30. For suggestive remarks, see Worden 1991b, pp. 249-53; Mendle
1989a, pp. 116-17. See also Fink 1945; Worden 1981; Worden 1990; Scott 1988; and more
generally Nippel 1988.
Introduction 3
sixteenth century; 3 Lawrence Humphrey's treatise The nobles or of
nobilitye (1560 in Latin, 1563 in English) was already 'a belated
Humanist treatise'. 4 It has often been suggested that humanism must
have had a considerable impact on Elizabethan and Jacobean states-
men, but this suggestion has never been fully explored. 5 By and large,
scholars have moved directly to the mid seventeenth century. A case in
point is Zera Fink who, having discussed the mid-sixteenth-century
upholders of the mixed constitution, almost immediately shifts his
attention to James Harrington and John Milton, hence skipping almost
a century. 6 Likewise, Donald W. Hanson claims that pre-Civil War
England was completely dominated by the concept of 'double majesty',
whether in its medieval form of dominium politicum et regale or in its early-
seventeenth-century form of dominium regale et legale. It was only during
the mid-century upheavals that 'civic consciousness', a 'loyalty to
abstract principles of government, justified in the name of concern for
the public good', emerged. This new concept is exemplified by Milton's
insistence that 'the task was "to place every one his private welfare and
happiness in the public peace, liberty, and safety"'.
Historians of English political thinking in the late sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries have mainly been concerned with the question of
whether there existed any profound ideological disagreement. Whilst a
number of scholars still maintain that the political thought of the
period can be inclusively described as the common theory of Tudor
monarchy - a theory of order and the rule of law 8 - recent scholarship
has stressed that other political vocabularies - absolutism, the ancient
constitution, contractarian theories, including even some forms of
resistance theories - were in fact employed in political arguments of the
day and that 'there was a variety of political viewpoints in early Stuart
England'. 9 A common characteristic of all these accounts, however, is
that they all ignore the humanist tradition. Scholars, irrespective of
3
E.g. Bush 1939, pp. 69-100; Ferguson 1965; McConica 1965; Dowling 1986, Fox and Guy
1986; Schoek 1988; Elton 1990; Guy 1988, pp. 408-13.
4
Morris 1953, pp. 21-6,143-4
5
Caspari 1954, pp. 157, 207-8; Hill 1965, pp. 266-8; Rabb 1981, pp. 72-3; Ferguson 1986, pp.
89-92, 112-25; Gharlton 1965, pp. 41-85; Skinner 1988, pp. 445-6; Worden 1991a, p. 444;
Guy 1993, pp. 14-15.
Fink 1945. See also Rawson 1969, pp. 186-201; Mendle 1985.
7
Hanson 1970, especially pp. 42, 248, 254, 287-90, 310, 333.
8
Raab 1964; Smith 1973; Mendle 1973; Weston and Greenberg 1981; Sharpe 1985, pp. 14—18,
28-31; Russell 1990, pp. 131-60; Collins 1989.
9
Sommerville 1991, p. 70; Peck 1993b; Sommerville 1986; Sommerville 1989; Eccleshall 1978;
Bowler 1981; Bowler 1984; Collinson 1987; Cust 1987, pp. 176-85. See also Men 1938, Judson
1949; Greenleaf 1964.
4 Classical humanism and republicanism ijyo—1640
12
Pocock 1975b, pp. 338-9, 347, 350-7; Pocock 1966, p. 279.
13
Pocock 1966, pp. 278-9; Pocock 1975b, pp. 334-7, 340-7; Pocock 1977, p. 15; Pocock 1981a,
pp. 54-6; Pocock 1981b, pp. 356-7; see in general also Pocock 1970; Pocock 1971; Pocock
I9
,4 .75a*
Hirst 1975, especially pp. 4, 6-7, 104-5, I52~3> I76~7, I 9 I ~3- Cf. Underdown 1985,
pp. 106-45.
Sacks 1992, quotation from p. no.
16
Norbrook 1984, especially pp. 12-16.
6 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
17
Peck 1993a, p. 208 and in general pp. 161-207.
18
Kupperman 1989.
19
Collinson 1987, citations pp. 422,408, 423, 402; see also pp. 406-7.
20
Collinson 1990, pp. 23-4, in general 22-34.
21
See, however, Pocock 1985b, p. 150.
Introduction 7
writing. A partial embracing and employment of republican themes in
England was not entirely dependent on a complete and dramatic change
in the political context. Nor was a fully fledged republican theory
obligatory for the development of civic consciousness. Englishmen were
to an extent able both to embrace parts of the republican vocabulary in
their own context and to articulate their civic consciousness without a
full-scale republican theory.
The main aim of the present study is, accordingly, to examine the
role of classical humanism in English political writing from the 1570s to
1640. It is hoped that this examination will throw light on a number of
issues central to early modern political thinking. First, a study of
classical humanism should enable us to consider civic consciousness
and the idea of citizenship in pre-Civil War England. If we wish, in
other words, to assess the nature and development of these issues
properly, it is to a large extent the continuance of the classical humanist
vocabulary that ought to serve as the focus of our attention. Moreover,
this investigation will enable us to analyse the republican features of
early modern English political thinking. It is again primarily the
classical humanist tradition which should be examined in order to
gauge the extent of republicanism before the Civil War.
11
25
Bacon, Advancement of learning, in Works, 111, p p . 283-4. See e.g. McGonica 1965.
26
Mitchell 1938.
27
See e.g. McConica 1965; Caspari 1954; Zeeveld 1969; Ferguson 1963; Ferguson 1965;
Berkowitz 1984; Elton 1979; T o d d 1987; Fox a n d G u y 1986; Elton 1990. For More, see
especially Skinner 1987; Bradshaw 1981. For Starkey, see Mayer 1985; Mayer 1986; Mayer
1989. For Elyot, see e.g. Lehmberg i960.
28
See e.g. Skinner 1990a; N e d e r m a n 1993.
29
Skinner 1978 1, p. 200.
Introduction 9
their counsellors - and were disposed to endorse similar sets of values
as their Italian predecessors: the commonwealth was in its best state
Q/-V
ments against Mary Tudor and that John Aylmer used it in his defence
of her half-sister Elizabeth.36
The belief in their own capacity to bring up and tackle the pressing
problems of the commonwealth increased, as Ferguson and Pocock have
pointed out, English humanists' 'self-image' and their understanding of
their own active political role. 37 It also led them to discard the Italian
princely humanists' predilection for the vita contemplativa and to embrace
instead the Ciceronian and republican conviction that the vita activa was
the highest form of life. Otium — learning — was, however, accommodated
to this conception as a necessary requirement for achieving the true ideal
ofnegotium. An active member of the commonwealth was something akin
to the Ciceronian ideal of a rhetorician: he joined learning (philosophy)
with the active life (eloquence). This was one of the topics which engaged
Hythlodaeus and More in Utopia,38 and it was a governing theme of
Thomas Elyot's The boke named the govemour. It was also the topic with
which Starkey opened his Dialogue, where Lupset persuaded Pole to
believe that 'al men are borne & of nature brought forth, to commyn
such gyftys as be to them gyven, ychone to the profyt of other, in perfayt
cyvylyte, & not to lyve to theyr owne plesure'. This was the true end of
'cyvyle lyfe', as Starkey termed it in true humanist fashion.39 This
essentially Ciceronian doctrine of the great importance of the vita activa
was repeated in numerous lesser known humanist tracts, and it is scarcely
an exaggeration to state that it became a hallmark of the English
humanists.40 The chief ways in which a man could offer his services to
the commonwealth were either to act as a counsellor or more indirectly
to submit written advice. An increasingly important role, however, was
attached to parliament and its law-making function, which was in some
ways becoming central to the English vita activa?1
Another closely related topic which gained currency amongst
36
J[ohn] P[onet], A shorte treatise of politike power (n.p. [Strasburg?], 1556), sigs. A4V-B5V; cf.
Peardon 1982. [John Aylmer], An harborowe for faithfull and trew svbiectes (Strasburg, 1559), sigs.
H2 v -i3 v , Q4V.
Ferguson 1965; Pocock 1975b, pp. 339-40.
38
Skinner 1987, pp. 128-35; Skinner 1988, pp. 449-50; Fox and Guy 1986, pp. 4 0 - 1 .
39
Starkey, A dialogue, pp. 1-6, cf. p. 142.
40
Ferguson 1986, pp. 57-8; Kelso 1929, pp. 39-40. See e.g. c An exhortacyon', The thre bookes of
Tullyes offices, sigs. a5 r , b2 r , b4r; Marcvs Tullius Ciceroes thre bokes of duties to marcus his sonne,
translated by Nicolas Grimalde (London, 1556), sig. c8 v . [Braham], The institudon, sig. D6 F , see
in general sigs. D5V-6V, A2 V , C4r G6 F . See also e.g. [Leonard Cox], The arte or crqfte ofrhethoryke
(London, n.d. [1532?]), sig. B7r; [fosse Glichtove], The boke ofnoblenes: that sheweth how many sortes
andkyndes there is, translated from French by J o h n Larke (n.p. [London], n.d. [1550?]), sig. G I V -
2r.
41
Ferguson 1965, pp. 146-52; Pocock 1975b, pp. 339-40.
Introduction II
English humanists was the issue of true nobility.42 The idea that only
virtue constituted true nobility had, of course, been stated by Roman
moralists and historians and their authority was used with vehemence
by Italian republican humanists to mount an attack against their
scholastic rivals. Likewise, Thomas More arranged some of the most
important parts of Utopia around this theme, and it was an equally
central topic in Thomas Elyot's and Thomas Starkey's writings. But
the most extensive treatment of this theme appeared in treatises
specifically devoted to the question of what constituted a true gen-
tleman. The earliest treatise in English in this tradition was of course
John Tiptoft's translation of Buonaccorsa de Montenagna's Controversia
de nobilitate and a similar range of topics was later discussed in such
well-known indigenous treatises as John Heywood's Of gentylnesse &
nobylyte (c. 1525) and Humfrey Braham's The institution of a gentleman
(1555). Braham promised to 'describe such a man as may be worthelye
called master, not leaving undeclared the blindnes of those which
thincke theimselves Gentlemen, onely because their fathers & auctoures
did discend of noble houses'. He invoked Cicero in declaring that
'those men maye worthely bee called honourable whom vertue hath
avaunced and reysed them to dignitie'.43 Together with the idea of the
vita activa, this notion could lead to the conclusion that there was an
intimate connection between virtue and citizenship. It was only by a
relentless pursuit of civic virtues that a man could serve the common-
wealth and become a truly noble citizen.
in
In this study I am particularly concerned with examining the con-
tinuity, development and re-evaluation of this cluster of closely related
themes in early modern English political thought. I wish to challenge
the assumption that they were completely replaced by other political
vocabularies after the mid sixteenth century. I shall endeavour to
indicate the remarkable extent to which Elizabethan and Jacobean
writers maintained these values. More particularly, I seek to emphasize
that, far from being completely absent, classical republicanism (as a
42
For an interesting and perceptive discussion of the concept of honour in early modern
England, see James 1986, pp. 308—415.
43
[Braham], The institucion, sigs. *jT, c^T~^. See also for example [Clichtove], The boke ofnoblenes,
passim; The thre boohs ofTuliyes offices (1534), sig. bi r -2 r , D71"; Ciceroes thre boohs of duties (1556),
sig. C3r, c8v. See Zeeveld 1969, pp. 204—11; James 1986, pp. 376-9.
12 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
57
Sommerville 1986, pp. 57-85; Sommerville 1989; Sommerville 1991; Peck 1993b.
58
For documentation, see chapter 4 below.
59
Raab 1964 pp 30-106. See also Praz 1928; Beck 1935; Mosse 1957; Morris 1969. Cf. Shutte
1983-
Sharpe 1989, pp. 25-8; Sharpe 1985, p. 28. Cf. Collins 1989, especially pp. no—11.
Introduction 17
18
Classical humanism restated 19
For a recent statement to this effect, see Smuts 1987, pp. 20-1. For a more balanced account,
see Ferguson 1986.
Boutcher 1991, pp. xii—xiii, 44, 46; in general pp. 45-67; Norbrook 1994, p. 46; Womersley
1991. The importance of translations in this period is acknowledged by Caspari 1954, pp. 152-
5. See also e.g. Gonley 1927; Matthiessen 1931; Lathrop 1933; Baldwin 1944.
For Guazzo's impact on England, see lievsay 1961.
20 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
Plutarch's The lives of the noble Grecians and Romanes first published in 1579
and reprinted four times before 1640.
By and large, a similar set of ideas was developed in a number of
tracts composed by Englishmen themselves. Although the arguments of
these English tracts converged, it is important to understand that they
owed allegiance to two different intellectual traditions. First, there are
Thomas Rogers's extensive A philosophicall discourse entituled, the anatomie of
the minde published in 1576 and John Foord's compact Synopsis politica
published in 1582,5 which owe their closest allegiance to the Aristotelian
theory of citizenship. Secondly, there are a number of writers whose
arguments are essentially Ciceronian in character. Amongst these are
the dialogue with the somewhat misleading title The praise of solitarinesse
by Roger Baynes (who incidentally was soon to leave the country for his
religion) published in 1577, John Lyly's Euphues, Thomas Pritchard's The
schook ofhonest and vertuous lyfe and an anonymous dialogue, entitled Cyuile
and vncyuile life (reprinted in 1586 as The English courtier, and the cuntrey-
gentlemari), all published in 1579. One of the most centrally important of
these treatises is Haly Heron's strongly Ciceronian A newe discourse of
morall philosophie, also issued in 1579 and sometimes described as the first
English collection of essays.6 These were soon followed by such treatises
as William Blandy's own tract The castle: or picture ofpollicy (1581), Lodovick
Bryskett's A discourse of civill life (written in the early 1580s, but not
published until 1606), based on G. B. Giraldi Cintio's Diabghi della vita
civile, and John Feme's extensive and somewhat conservative The blazon
qfgentrie published in 1586. Some of the same themes were reiterated by
John Rainolds in his lectures on Aristotle's Rhetoric delivered in the
1570s,7 and by Philip Stubbes in The anatomie of abuses (1583).
Perhaps the most obvious point of contact between the earlier
humanist tradition and these writers is the prominent place given to the
unqualified endorsement of the benefits of the vita activa. The literary
tactics often chosen were first to emphasize the theoretical excellence of
the contemplative life, and then to show that in practice the civic life of
negotium proved to be the most desirable. This arrangement appeared in
5
John Foord matriculated from St John's, Cambridge in Michaelmas 1572, obtained his BA
1576—7 and his MA in 1580. In 1584 he became rector of Goodnestone, Kent, Venn and
Venn 1927 pt 1, vol. 11, p. 157; John Foord, Synopsis politica (London, 1582), sig. ^4 V ; for his
admiration for Ramus, see sig. U41". For Ramus, see e.g. Grafton and Jardine 1986, pp. 161—
200. Foord's tract is mentioned but not discussed in Binns 1990, p. 517.
6
For Heron, see Heltzel 1952.
7
John Rainolds, Oxford lectures on Aristotle's 'Rhetoric', ed. Lawrence D. Green (Newark: University
of Delaware Press, 1986).
Classical humanism restated 21
8
Francesco Patrizi, A moral methode of ciuile polide, translated by Richard Robinson (London,
1576), fo.iv.
Ibid., fos. 48V~49V.
10
Stefano Guazzo, The ciuile conuersation ... divided intofoure bookes, the first three translated from
French by G[eorge] Pettie, the fourth translated from Italian by Barth. Young (London,
1586), fos. 6v~7r, 8 r -i3 v . See also Conrad Valerius, The casket of iewels: contaynynge a playne
description ofmorallphilosophie, translated byjfohn] C[harlton] (London, 1571), sig. B4V; Joannes
Sturmius, A ritch storehouse or treasuriefor nobilitye and gentleman, which in Latine is called nobilitas
literata, translated by Tfhomas] Bfrowne] (London, 1570), fo. igv; Jeronimo Osorio de
Fonseca, The five bookes ... contayninge a discourse of duill, and Christian nobilitie, translated by
William Blandy (London, 1576), fos. 5 v -6 r , 2$v; Federico Furio [Ceriol], A very briefe and
profitable treatise declaring howe many counsells, and what maner ofcounselers a prince that willgouerne well
ought to haue, abridged and translated by Thomas Blundeville (London, 1570), sig. N4r; cf. also
e.g. Pierre de La Primaudaye, The French academie, translated by T. B[owes?] (London, 1586),
PP- 74-5, 98-9, 369-70-
22 Classical humanism and republicanism 15J0-1640
argued, 'say with Tully, that it is better to practise and doe advisedly,
then to thinke and imagine never so wysely.'11 Not surprisingly, Heron
placed his chief emphasis on 'the true knowledge of duties, than the
which nothing is more commendable in youth, nothing more profitable
in a common welth, & nothing more acceptable unto God, which thing
M. Cicero, the floare of eloquent Philosophers' had eminently showed
in his 'large instructions of Duties'.12
According to Thomas Rogers, mankind could be divided into two.
The first group consisted of those who forsook 'this world' and 'addicte
them selves to the contemplation of celestiall thinges'. They imitated
'the divine & celestiall nature' and they were, therefore, called
'Contemplators'. Although there were 'infinite' arguments in support
of their goal, Rogers dismissed them outright. 'Those contemplators',
he argued, were 'not onely odious, but also ridiculous unto many'.
Those who were called 'Civile' and whose chief end was 'a civile and
active felicitie' formed the second group. Rogers gave several reasons
for preferring this civil mode of life to the contemplative. On the one
hand, was the argument based on the Aristotelian idea that man was
'called Animal sociale'. But the main argument Rogers put forward
was that man was not born for himself, but partly for 'his friends' and
mostly for 'his countrey'. A 'good man', therefore, was 'a civile man'. 13
John Lyly explained that there were both the 'active life', which was
'about civill function and administration of the common weale', and
'the contemplative life', which was 'continual meditation and studie'.
As the former was 'an idle life' without the latter, so the latter was
utterly 'unprofitable' without the former.14
As David Norbrook has emphasized, Philip Sidney's Old Arcadia not
merely 'subverts the expectations aroused by its title and subjects the
Italian courtly ideal of retirement, contemplation and love, to severe
Protestant humanist scrutiny', it also calls into question the irresponsi-
bility of an absolute ruler and seeks the ideal solution from the vita activa.15
11
Haly Heron, A newe discourse of morall philosophie, entituled the kayes qfcowisaile (London, 1579), pp.
101-2,109—10.
" ibid., pp. 5-6.
Thomas Rogers, A philosophical! discourse, entituled, the anatomie of the minde (London, 1576), fos.
8i v -82 v , 8 4 r - 8 5 v ; see also fos. 68 V -69 V , sig. z 3 v - 4 r , z 5 ™ , z8r"v. In the preface Rogers said
that he had already written his treatise whilst he was a student, sig. [A3V—41]. Gf. in general
e.g. Anon., A discourse of the commonweal of this realm of England (1581), ed. Mary Dewar
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1969), pp. 16-17.
14
John Lyly, Euphues: the anatomy of wit (1579), ed. Edward Arber (London, 1868), p. 142, in
general pp. 143,154; cf. however pp. 148,187—8.
15
Norbrook 1984, pp. 92-7; Worden 1991b, pp. 244-5.
Classical humanism restated 23
At the beginning of the Old Arcadia Basilius tries to avoid the future
blows of fortune, forecast by the oracle, by resolving 'to retire himself
with his wife and daughters into a solitary place'. Although Philanax
makes the attempt to change Basilius' mind by calling forth virtuous
action to overcome fortune, Basilius keeps his head. A similar discus-
sion is repeated by Musidorus and Pyrocles, the former of whom
impugns the contemplative life and 'solitariness', which 'doth most
separate a man from well doing'. The latter retorts that solitariness and
excellent contemplation go hand in hand. Moreover, the vita contempla-
tiva receives fulsome praise in some of the eclogues of the Old Arcadia}6
Later in the work, however, negotium gains the upper hand of otium. In
the third book, Basilius regrets his embracement of 'this solitary life'
and he feels 'inclined to return to his palace'. Euarchus agrees to help
the Arcadians because it enables him 'to employ his old years in doing
good, the only happy action of man's life'. Finally, Philanax receives his
compensation when it is generally admitted that Basilius' 'solitary life'
has not merely failed to bring the desired effect, but has exposed him
'to any traitorous attempt'. 17 In The defence ofpoesie, Sidney, of course,
abandoned all this evocation and gave his unconditional preference for
the active life.18 'But the truth is,' Fulke Greville described Sidney, 'his
end was not writing even while he wrote, nor his knowledge moulded
for tables or schools, but both his wit and understanding bent upon his
heart to make himselfe and others, not in words or opinion, but in life
and action, good and great.' Thomas Moffet agreed: Sidney esteemed
'the commonwealth before all things', being 'inspired by a certain
heroic temper and very active virtue'. 9
The question as to whether the contemplative or active life should
be preferred forms a central theme in the anonymous Cyuile and vncyuile
life. This is a dialogue between 'Vincent' and 'Vallentine', and the chief
issue 'whyther it were better for the Gentlemen of Englande to make
most abode in their Contrey houses, (as our English manner is,) or els
ordinaryly to inhabite the Cittie and cheefe Townes, as in some
16
Philip Sidney, The Countess of Pembroke's Arcadia (The old Arcadia), ed. Katherine Duncan-Jones
(Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 5-9, 12-15, 76, 145-6.
17
Sidney, Old Arcadia, pp. 156, 310, 334. See also Fulke Greville, A dedication to Sir Philip Sidney, in
The prose works, pp. 8, 9-10.
18
Philip Sidney, Vie defence of poesie, in The complete works, 4 vols., ed. Albert Feuillerat
(Cambridge University Press, 1922—6), in, pp. 11-12. See e.g. Caspari 1954, pp. 161-5, 171;
lindebaum 1990.
19
Greville, A dedication to Sidney, in The prose works, p. 12, cf. e.g. p. 25. Thomas Moffet, Nobilis: or
a view of the life and death of a Sidney (1593), ed. and translated by Virgil B. Heltzel and Hoyt H.
Hudson (San Marino: Huntington library, 1940), p. 88, see also pp. 71, 76, 79, 80-1, 83.
24 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
citizen.'31 But Cicero had also argued, as Foord was careful to point
out, that citizens should know how to obey in order to know how to
rule.32
Reading Foord's tract, Gabriel Harvey fully concurred. Negotium, he
commented both on the title-page and in the margins of Foord's tract,
was far more important than otium, since 'all theory is puerile, without
manly practice'. 3 A decade earlier Erasmus' Parabolae had occasioned
Harvey to voice the same opinion; even most refined knowledge was
mere vanity without private or public action. 34 In his Ciceronianus (1577)
Harvey pointed out that Cicero was 'supreme in all pleadings, forensic
and parliamentary [senatoriis], rustic and urban, oratorical and philoso-
phical, jesting and serious, public and private'. But it was not merely
Cicero's style and eloquence which aroused admiration; his subject
matter inspired equal respect. Harvey explained that he had observed
in Cicero 'not only the oratorical eloquence ... but also consular and
senatorial wisdom'. Cicero had thus been a man of 'profound wisdom
in thought' and a real 'statesman' (politicum). Beside many other things,
Cicero taught how to be 'a highly respected citizen' and 'the possessor
of a soul overflowing with the noblest virtues'.35
Philip Stubbes's Anatomie of abuses is, of course, permeated by puritan
strictures on public morality, but every now and then Stubbes had
recourse to classical and renaissance authors including Aristotle, Cicero
and Sallust as well as Erasmus, Vives and Thomas Elyot. It should
occasion little surprise, therefore, that he could write in his discussion
of charity: 'And common reason advertiseth us, that wee are not borne
for our selves onelie: for Ortus nostri partem patria, partem amid, partem
parentes vendicant, Our Countrey challenged! a part of our byrth, our
Ibid., fo. 24V: 'Cicero primo officiorum privatum voluit, neque submissum and abiectum,
neque se efferentem, sed aequo and pari cum civibus jure vivere: eaque in repub. velle, quae
tranquilla and honesta sunt. Quia talem and sentire, inquit, and bonum civem dicere
solemus.' Cicero, De qffidis, 1.34.124.
Foord, Synopsis politica, fo. 24V: 'Idemque Cicero tertio de legibus, non solum ut tempore
imperaturos. Nam qui modeste paret, inquit, videtur, qui aliquando imperet dignus esse.'
Cicero, De legibus, 111.2.5.
Gabriel Harvey, Marginalia, ed. G. C. Moore Smith (Stratford, 1913), p. 199; Stern 1979, p.
154-
Harvey, Marginalia, pp. 141-3.
Gabriel Harvey, Ciceronianus (1577), ed. Harold S. Wilson, translated by Clarence A. Forbes,
University of Nebraska Studies in the Humanities, no. 4, 1945, pp. 49-51, 79, see also pp. 97,
101; idem, The works, ed. Alexander B. Grosart (London: Huth Library, 1884), 3 vols., 1, pp.
136-7; idem, Rhetor, vel duorum dierum oratio, de natura, arte, & exercitatione rhetorica (London, 1577),
sigs. E3 r , n v
Classical humanism restated 27
brethren and frendes require an other parte, and our parentes . . . doe
vendicate a third parte.' 3
The longest and most thorough treatment of the respective merits of
the contemplative and the active life appeared in Roger Baynes's
dialogue The praise of solitarinesse. Its main topic was whether man 'ought
rather to make choise of Solitarinesse or Societie'. 37 Eudoxus argued
for the vita contemplativa, presenting most of the traditional arguments in
support. He began by pointing out that the curing of the mind by the
exercise of philosophy was possible only in complete solitude. It was in
this state that we could reach 'the freenesse and libertie of our minde'.
The majority of the people were corrupted, discarding true honesty
and thinking that the things which were profitable were also honest. By
reversing the order of these crucial concepts they abandoned all
morality. It was impossible to try to cure them; a man could 'but little
benefite the common wealth, nor doe good unto such, as will neyther
take warning, nor can away to be controlled'. On the contrary, such
company would also corrupt the wise man. The only way a man could
safeguard himself from degeneration was to remain in a solitary state,
to 'withdrawe him from the companie of such lewde disposed persons,
retiring from thence into some solitarie corner'. The clearest instance
of this prevailing degeneration and perverted order of values was the
fact that 'small and petite robberies are severally punished, when great
and horrible offences are praysed and commended'. Faced with such
atrocities a wise man should 'patiently suffer, all adversities and
mischaunces that shal hap to betide him' and instead 'enjoy a well
settled minde'.
The contention of the advocates of the vita activa that man was born
primarily for the commonwealth could easily be answered by pointing
out that man was not merely a member of the particular common-
wealth 'whereunto by birth we are privately allotted'. All men were
also members of the universal commonwealth of mankind and it was
'more commendable' to pursue the good of this larger community. But
this was not possible so long as a man was 'conversaunt abroade in any
publike assembly, bycause in such places he can never be at quiet, but
shall still be tormented and beaten with trouble'. To prove his point,
Eudoxus resorted to the authority of religion and 'the auntient
Philosophers' like Seneca and Plato. Although they had taught us 'to
36
Stubbes, The anatomie of abuses, sig. B4V.
37
Roger Baynes, The praise of solitarinesse, set down in the form of a dialogue, wherein is conteyned, a
discourse philosophical, of thelyfeactiue and contemplatiue (London, 1577), p. 1.
28 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
exercise pittie towards our parents, our friends, our countrey, and
generally unto al men', their most important lesson was 'to have a
continuall regarde to the due preservation of oure just and honest
minds'. Most importantly 'Cicero himselfe' had agreed about this.
Although Cicero had declared that 'the lyfe active' was 'more commo-
dious' 'for the benefite of the common wealth', he had also confessed
'that the contemplative life, is more safe and easie both for the soule
and bodie'. It was easy, therefore, to point at 'the leadable disposition
of Cicero, or the excellencie of his glorious quietnesse'. Finally,
Eudoxus gave a short exposition of both ways of living. Whereas man
leading a vita activa was beset by troubles from the very beginning and
was bound either to oppress 'the just & rightfull cause' or to uphold
'the wicked and unhonest pretence', solitary man had, as Eudoxus
carefully pointed out, 'free choyce, either to staye at home, to walk
abrode, or at libertie to go whersoever he lusteth', being 'without
trouble or care of the worlde'; he could perfect himself in the 'fynding
out and foliowyng of Truth'. 38
Lysippus was the interlocutor who attempted to discharge Eudoxus'
arguments and to uphold the values of an active life. He opened his
case by ridiculing Eudoxus' entire stance. The most ideal life advocated
by Eudoxus consisted of solitude where 'a man withdrawing himselfe
from company, seeketh rather to live in the voide and desolate places
of the earth, and there playing the Philosopher in the open wildernesse,
doth seeme alone to contente hymselfe'. But the main way in which he
sought to establish the superiority of the vita activa was by giving a
Ciceronian account of the beginning of the commonwealth. Those who
were accounted wise utterly condemned 'that uncivile kind of life,
which ignorant people in the beginning of the world did brutishly
leade, much after the manner of unreasonable beastes'. Lysippus
described this original state of nature in most gloomy terms. Amongst
these people 'there was neyther societie nor friendship maynteyned, no
man living in the boundes of lawfull matrimony, no man certaine of his
owne children, nor any law to distinguish the good from the evill
mainteyned among them'. It was only when they were taught by
reason that men began to organize themselves into commonwealths.
This further taught man that it was 'his duetie, not onely to employ the
best of his labour, but also to adventure the losse of hys life, for the
better maintenance of the commen Wealth'. This straightforward
38
Ibid., pp. 2-3, 7, 49-50, 52-5, 65-6, 75-6, 80; see especially also pp. 61-6, 73-84.
Classical humanism restated 29
lesson could be gathered from Plato, but above all from Cicero.
Cicero's true message had been that a man ought to avoid withdrawing
himself 'unto Solitarinesse' and ought instead 'to stay in the Citie, and
there to endevour as well as hee maye to doe that which is good'. The
practical results of this lesson could be seen in innumerable instances
amongst the Greeks and above all the Romans, but it was most readily
to be seen in 'Tully, that greate Prince of Eloquence . . . who although
sometimes', as Lysippus was willing to admit, 'seemed to command the
Solitary life', had in fact been forced to do this and his real preference
had always lain in 'the Citie, which he esteemd more pretious than any
golde'. 39
Despite their numerous convincing arguments, neither Eudoxus nor
Lysippus could persuade the other to renounce his own conviction and
accept the opposite. Although Eudoxus in particular showed some
signs of giving in, admitting that 'manye things . . . maye on both sides
be spoken', in the end he remained 'fully perswaded, that more may be
alleaged, in the commendation of Solitarinesse, than of Societie'. 40 The
decision of the debate was, therefore, referred to Tales - the third
interlocutor. At an earlier stage of the debate Tales had drawn
attention to the rhetorical nature of the discussion by pointing out that
'this question may sufficiently be debated on both sides'. 41 When it fell
to him to settle the debate, he began by showing similar hesitations;
there was scarcely anything substantial to be added to Eudoxus' or
Lysippus' arguments. Whether the preference was to be given to the
contemplative or the active life depended partly on 'the time and the
nature of eche man'.
At the beginning of his account Tales reminded his interlocutors that
every living creature now and again needed solitude, and men also
needed solitude of mind in order to be able to dwell by themselves and
to converse with the wise. But the kind of solitude Eudoxus had in
mind was suitable only for those who were capable of conferring 'wyth
their bookes', since withdrawal 'wythoute learning is a very banish-
ment, or rather a prison'. It was primarily this solitude that Eudoxus
had been defending and it was essentially the same that underlay
Cicero's rhetorical question: 'What is sweter than learned rest?' There
39
Ibid., pp. 4 - 5 , 56—9, 67, 69-71; see in general pp. 67-73. For a Ciceronian account of the
birth of civil life, see also Heron, A newe discourse, pp. 37-8, and especially Blandy, The castle, fo.
I V
3 -
40
Baynes, The praise of solitarinesse, pp. 59, 73, 49.
41
Ibid., p . 6.
30 Classical humanism and republicanism i^yo-1640
was no doubt that the 'Solitarinesse of place' was 'to be preferred unto
students, & to such only as are thought to be wise5. It was thus Eudoxus
and the otium which seemed to carry the day.
But Tales went on to argue that although withdrawal ought to have
preference for the sake of learning, learning itself should not be
favoured for its own sake. Those who were inclined to solitude in order
to achieve learning should always be ready, 'when neede shall require',
to 'come abroade, refusing no peril, either for the safetie of their
countrey, or for the savegarde of their friends'. Learning was but a
means to the further end of the promotion of the commonwealth; life
was given to man 'for the only use and behoofe of his countrey'. An
active life for the good of his country was the true end of a man's life
and it was the only way in which he could win 'fame and everlasting
renowne' and not 'live in shame and reproche'. Tales' conclusion was
thus that both the contemplative and the active life were required. 'A
wise man therfore', he told his interlocutors, 'ought chiefly to knowe,
howe beste to applye bothe time and place, aswell unto Solitarinesse as
to Societie, following therin as nere as he may, the example of suches
as in former time, have to his knowledge performed the like.' This was
a conclusion which Eudoxus and Lysippus could readily accept.42
Before reaching this essentially Ciceronian conclusion, namely that a
contemplative life of learning was invaluable, but only in so far as it
served the ends of the active life, a question of crucial importance had
to be settled. As Lysippus put it, 'we first define what vertue is: And
after ... we wil further consider, whether Solitarinesse or societie may
seme more convenient for the obteining therof.43 The point of
departure of the treatise had been to explain 'first, what Vertue is, and
whether a wise man that desireth to live vertuously ought rather to
make choise of solitarinesse or Societie'.44 The ensuing, somewhat
ambivalent, discussion of virtue was opened by a brief description of
the different classical schools of ethics excluding 'the Cinicke secte'. A
strong case was presented for the superiority of the stoic definition. It
was above all Cicero whose authority was employed in arguments
against the role of the goods of body and fortune. Every day it was
possible to encounter evidence 'that a noble & vertuous minde may
possible lie hid under each kind of forme'. Along with physical beauty,
physical strength and riches were regarded as 'indifferent things' in
42
Ibid., pp. 84-6.
43
Ibid., p. 7.
44
Ibid., p. 1.
Classical humanism restated 31
mistake, since the ultimate end of all learning was its virtuous applica-
tion in practice.57 Pritchard said: 'if diligence bee dismiste, and practice
put aside, all is vaine, for the beeinge and continuance of Vertue, is in
action and exercise'. Cicero had established this point not merely in his
own life by being 'advaunced to dignitie and high calling among the
Romaines', but also cin his Rhetorickes' by writing 'that preceptes and
rules of disciplines avayle nothinge, without daily diligence and
paynefull practise therof. 'The true tutche of vertue', Pritchard later
added, 'doth not consist in the knowledge and science therof: but in
exhibiting the same'; virtue 'consisteth in action, and daily deede of
honesty'. In a well-known passage, Philip Sidney concurred: 'So that
the ending end of all earthly learning, being vertuous action, those skils
that most serve to bring forth that, have a most just title to be Princes
over al the rest.'58
As well as discussing the nature of virtue, these authors treated the
question of its particular qualities. First and foremost, as Baynes's Tales
argued, the general virtue consisted in searching out 'the truth of eache
matter' and especially in making 'choyce betweene profitable and
unprofitable' - a quality which was called 'by the name of Prudence'.
When the general virtue focused on 'the mayntayning of humayne
Societye', it was called 'by the name ofJustice'; when it exhibited itself
in the 'valor of an unvincible harte', it was called courage or fortitude;
and when it pertained to 'the orderly disposition of our sayings and
doings', its name was 'Modestie' or temperance. 59 The same list of
cardinal virtues (although hardly with such a close imitation of Cicero's
actual choice of words) was prominent in Patrizi's description of the
qualities of magistrates, in Furio Ceriol's account of the counsellor, in
Osorio's account of nobility and in Valerius' treatment of moral
philosophy, where the whole discussion was organized in accordance
with it.60 It occupied a scarcely less conspicuous place in the tracts
composed by Englishmen. Although in the second part of A discourse of
civill life Lodovick Bryskett drew the Aristotelian distinction between
intellectual and moral virtues, later, when he defined the virtues
'appertaining to civill life', he maintained that they were four in
57
Heron, A newe discourse, pp. 101-2.
58
Pritchard, The schoole of honestlyfe,pp. 15-17, 28; Sidney, The defence ofpoesie, in Works, in, p. 12.
59
Baynes, The praise ofsolitarinesse, pp. 40-1.
60
Patrizi, A moral methode, fos. 2i r -22 r , 5OV; cf. Richard Robinson, The vineyarde of vertue collected,
composed, and digested into a tripartite order (London, n.d. [1579]), where the account was essentially
Christian; Furio [Ceriol], A briefe treatise, sig. D3 v ~4 r ; Osorio, The jive bookes ofnobilitie, fos. 24r—
27V; Valerius, The casket ofiewels, sigs. D2 v ~3 r , K7 r .
34 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
67
Heron, A newe discourse, p. 46.
68
Bryskett, A discourse ofcwill life, pp. 222, 231, 241—2, see also p. 76.
69
Rogers, A philosophicall discourse, fos. IO V -II V , 8V, 6g v , i37v— i38 v . Cf. in general Feme, The blazon
ofgentrie, sig. A3V. Blandy, The castle, fos. f, io r .
70
Osorio, Thefiveboohs of nobilitie, fo. 2V.
36 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
71
Guazzo, The duile conuersation, fos. 8 i v - 8 2 r .
72
Heron, A newe discourse, p. 36.
73
Feme, The blazon of gentrie, 1, p. 12.
74
Richard Mulcaster, Positions wherin those primitive circumstances be examined, which are necessariefor the
training vp of children (London 1581), p. 197.
75
Register of the University of Oxford, vol. 11 (1571-1622), p t 1, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford University
Press, 1887), p . 170; cf. 1587, p. 171.
76
Patrizi, A moral methode, fos. 59™.
77
I b i d , fo. 3V.
78
Furio [Ceriol], A very brief treatise, sig. C4V; see also sig. I3 v ~4 r .
79
Osorio, The Jive bookes of nobilitie, fos. 22V, 23 V , cf. sig. b3 r . See also L a Primaudaye, The French
academie, p. 254; Guazzo, The duile conuersation, fo. 84 r .
Classical humanism restated 37
Thomas Rogers firmly held that those who were born of 'noble
parentage' but who did not possess 'noble qualities' could not win
honour and glory. 'And therefore', he continued, 'true is that sentence
of Cicero, Noble men, except they be vigilant, honest, valiant, and
mercifull (notwithstanding their byrth) must needes geve place unto
them, which are adorned with those goodly vertues.' A man is happy
when 'he is honored of men', and 'this honor is called the reward of
vertue'. Rogers illustrated his argument by providing a traditional
humanist example of how the temple of honour in Rome had been
reached in no other way than by going through the temple of virtue.
Although John Foord followed Aristotle and defined nobility as
'ancient riches and virtue', he nevertheless freely admitted that
common people could attain nobility by excelling in virtue rather than
in fortune.81 Even the herald John Feme, who argued that 'Noblenes
mixt', combining birth and virtues, was the best one, confessed that
'the inmeasurable highte, of eternall glorye and immortalitie' acquired
by virtues 'excelleth the other noblenesse of bloode', and cited Cicero
against Aristotle's 'childish' doctrine 'that noblenes (the honor due to
vertues) might proceede from riches'. Instead, 'true nobilitye, hath no
other fountaine, from whence to fetch her source, then onely vertue'. 82
For William Blandy, 'every man in this lyfe (as on a Theatre or stage)
playes one parte or other, which meriteth shame and obloquie, or
deserveth (as his owne right) due commendation'.
In his educational handbook Richard Mulcaster explained that 'to
become a gentleman is to beare the cognisance of vertue, wherto
honour is companion'. He did not feel inclined to give a further
account of the issue partly 'bycause the argument is so large . . . and so
brave a subject cannot chuse but minister passing brave discourses' and
partly because there were already so many treatises on the issue. But he
nonetheless reminded the reader that 'true nobilitie have vertue for her
ground'. 84 In the Cyuile and vncyuile life Vincent and Vallentine could
easily agree that it was not the external things such as riches, 'apparell
and jesture' which made a gentleman but rather 'the inwarde vertues
80
Rogers, A philosophical! discourse, fos. 67 r -6g r . Cf. e.g. Geffrey Fenton, A forme of Christian pollide
gathered out of French (London, 1574), p . 222.
81
Foord, Synopsis politico, fos. i3 r , i2 v .
82
Feme, The blazon ofgentrie, sig. A3 r , 1, pp. 4, 13-30, and especially p. 76. For Feme, see James
1986, pp. 379-80, 382. See also Leonard Wright, A display of duty, deckt with sage sayings, pithy
sentences, and proper similies (1589), (London, 1616), fo. 4 r .
83
Blandy The castle, fo. T .
84
Mulcaster, Positions, pp. 194-201.
38 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
85
Anon., Cyuile and vncyuile life, sigs. M^r, N3V; see also F4V.
86
Heron, A newe discourse, pp. 37-8, see also p. 46. Cf. in general e.g. Thomas Crewe, The nosegay
of morall phibsophie (London, 1580), sigs. ci r , Gir; John Bosswell, Workes ofarmorie, deuyded into
three bookes (n.p., 1572), fos. i6 r ~ v ; George Whetstone, The honourable repvtation of a sovldier
(Leyden, 1586), pp. 26-8, 32, 60.
87
Lyly, Euphues, pp. 190-1, 135.
88
Greville, A dedication, in The prose works, p. 23; Rainolds, Oxford lectures, pp. 301-5.
89
Stubbes, The anatomie of abuses, sigs. c8 r -Di r , B6 v ~7 r .
Classical humanism restated 39
95
Valerius, The casket qfiewels, sig. H7 r -8 r ; cf. sig. vf.
96
Osorio, TheJive bookes ofnobilitie, fos. 2^r-2jT.
97
Patrizi, A morall methode, fos. 761"—77 r, 82 v -83 r , f, cf. 72V.
98
Pritchard, The schoole qfvertuouslyfe,p. 30. Cf. e.g. Anon., Cytale and vncyuile life, sig. ci v .
99
Rogers, A philosophical! discourse, fo. io,8r, cf. Foord, Synopsis politico, fos. 131", iyr~v.
Classical humanism restated 41
T[homas] P[rocter], Of the knowledge andconducts of wanes, two bookes (n.p., 1578), fo. 48 V , see also
sig. f 3 v -4 r ; Leonard and Thomas Digges, An arithmetkall militare treatise, named Stratioticos
(London, 1579), sig. A2r, ai v . See also Thomas Styward, Thepathwaie to martiall discipline, deuided
into two bookes (London, 1581), sig. A4r; Barnaby Rich, Allarme to Englandforeshewing what perilles
are procured, where the people Hue without regarde of martiall lawe (London, 1578), sig. F2r.
Geoffrey Gates, The defence of militarieprofession (London, 1579), especially p . 12. See in general
Jorgensen 1956, pp. 224-30.
Guy 1988, p . 287. For the renaissance background, see e.g. Bayley 1961; Hale i960.
Thomas Churchyard, A generall rehearsall of wanes, wherein isjiue hundred seuerall sendees of land and
sea (London, 1579), sig. M2V. Cf. Styward, Thepathwaie to martiall discipline, p . 149.
Pjrocter], Of the knowledge of wanes, fos. 3 5 r v - See in general Thomas Blundeville, The true order
and methode ofwryting and reading hystories (London, 1574), sig. A3 V -£. George Whetstone, The
English mynor: a regard wherein al estates may behold the conquests ofenuy (London, 1586), p. 83. Cf.
also Charles Merbury, A briefe discourse of myall monarchie, as of the best common weak (London,
1581), p . 14.
42 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
105
Pfrocter], Of the knowledge of warres, fos. i4 v -i5 v . Gf. Feme, The blazon ofgentrie, 1, p. 38; Rich,
Allarme to England, sig.
106
Digges, Stratioticos, sig. ai v .
107
Ibid, pp. 81, 83.
108
I b i d , sig. A 3 V .
Classical humanism restated 43
John Lyly and John Foord not only claimed that education was of
crucial importance for the attainment of virtue, but also gave a short
description of the contents of an ideal schooling. These included
religion, languages, rhetoric, dialectic and philosophy, and this broad
programme was crowned by travelling, preferably by taking part in a
diplomatic journey. Foord was fully convinced that if young men
carefully followed his plan of tuition, they would become good men
and 'best citizens'. 133 It was, however, Lodovick Bryskett who offered
the most detailed analysis of the importance of education. 'The
foundation of honest and vertuous living', as he put it, was established
already during one's childhood. Without a proper training in his youth,
a man could not become virtuous later; the only 'way to have cities and
commonwealths furnished with vertuous and civil men, consisted in the
bringing up of children commendably'.
If education was the means to inculcate virtues into people's minds
and to prepare them for civic life, a principal way in which their actual
participation in politics and the well-being of their community had
been guaranteed in the republican tradition was to hold on to the
mixed constitution. This arrangement had also been suggested in
England by Thomas Starkey in his reform programme and it had
received further treatment in writings of men such as John Ponet and
John Aylmer. In the latter part of the sixteenth century we still
sometimes catch an echo of the principles of mixed government, as in
Thomas Smith's account of England as a mixed state. According to
John Vowell alias Hooker, parliament 'is the hiest, cheefest, and
greatest Court' of the realm consisting of the three estates of the king,
the nobles and the commons. Hooker did not employ the term 'mixed',
but he argued that laws were only made with the approbation of these
three estates.135
According to Fulke Greville, Philip Sidney regarded Poland as a
'well-mixed and balanced aristocracy' and thought that Italy was bereft
of the 'excellent temper of spirits' because of the 'tyrannies of Spain
and Rome'. 136 In a letter to his brother Robert, he asserted that the
English government was similar to that of Venice; in all the other
133
Lyly, Euphues, pp. 123,136; Foord, Synopsis politico, fos. 5 V -7 V .
134
Bryskett, A discourse qfciuill life, pp. 42-3, 9, 50-61, 97-119.
135 T h o m a s Smith, De republica Anglorum (1583), ed. Mary Dewar (Cambridge University Press,
1982), pp. 49-52; John Vowell alias Hooker, The order and usage of the keeping of a parlement in
England (1572) in Vernon F. Snow, Parliament in Elizabethan England: John Hooker's Order and usage
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), p. 181. See e.g. Mendle 1985, pp. 56-9.
136
Greville, A dedication, in The prose works, pp. 50, 61.
48 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
141
Collinson 1987, p p . 413-21. See also Cressy 1982; Guy 1988, pp. 331-3.
142
Collinson 1987, pp. 419, 421; Lake 1987, p. 336.
143
Foord, Synopsis politico., fo. i5 r : 'In electione Regis cavendum, ne quis nisi Senator, aut Eques,
isque reqendae reipub. scientissimus a d regiam dignitatem admittatur: quod prudenter
Aristoteles quinto lib. polit. admonet.' Aristotle, Politics, I 3 i o b 8 - i o .
144
Foord, Synopsis politico, fo. 22 r : 'Est autem Interrex, magistrates in demortui regis locum
legitime suffectus, comitiis scilicet suffragatoriis.' See also the chart at the end of the tract. In
J o h n Lyly's Euphues and his England, Fidus' bees summoned ' a Parliament, wherin they consult,
for lawes, statutes, penalties, chusing officers, and creating their king, not by affection but
reason, not by the greater part, but the better'. Euphues found this description so convincing
that h e thought it highly apposite for men to imitate Fidus' bees, Euphues and his England
(1580), ed. Edward Arber (London, 1868), pp. 263-5.
50 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
treatise, but neither he nor any other English author examined in this
chapter subscribed to the idea of the mixed constitution, or even had
anything relevant to say about the issue. Anticipating subsequent
chapters, it is arguable, perhaps surprisingly, that the English were
more taciturn about the issues of the mixed constitution during the late
sixteenth century than they were during James I's reign.
This is not to say, however, that the idea of the mixed constitution
was totally absent from public discussion in the 1570s and 1580s.
Michael Mendle has shown how the first wave of presbyterianism in
England (Thomas Cartwright and Walter Travers) explored the
possibility of mixed government in the service of their cause. 145 More-
over, even if the English writers examined in this chapter felt disin-
clined to discuss these issues, they were treated in a comprehensive
manner in translated treatises. Discussing the different forms of govern-
ment, Conrad Valerius claimed that 'that Common weale whiche
consisteth of them three whiche are esteemed good, Cicero in his
bookes De Repufc supposeth to be best, by reason it is more excelent,
more profitable, and of longer perpetuitie than the rest'. 146 Furio
Ceriol embraced the same idea, offering amongst his instances Poland
as well as England.147
Patrizi opened his whole treatise by posing 'a very olde5 question
'disputed upon amongest excellenteste writers in Philosophic: whether
it were better to live wel, and safelye to bee governed by a good Prince,
and to obey him rulinge injustice and equitie, or elles to live in a free
cittie and Communaltye established by good lawes & traditions 5.148
Although in principle a monarchy seemed to be an ideal form of
government, since it enabled the people 'to leade a private lyfe', in
practice it proved to lapse easily into corruption. 'Therefore', Robinson
rendered Patrizi's argument, 'I judge, that the lyfe of a Civil and well
instituted common weale is to be thought far more safer, then of everye
Prince, for that is a continuall and almoste an immortall state of
lyfe.'149 The main weakness of monarchy was the fact that it turned out
to be impossible to find 'one prince whiche embraceth all vertues' and
145
Mendle 1985, pp. 6 4 - 8 .
146
Valerius, The casket ofiewels, sig. E5 r -6 r .
147
Furio [Ceriol], A very brief treatise, sig. Fi v -2 r . T h e other translated treatises which argued for
the mixed state included [Pierre de La Place], Politiqve discourses, treating of the differences and
inequalities of vocations, as well publique, as priuate, translated by Aegremont Ratcliffe (London,
1578), fos. i8r—2i r; Bartolome Felippe, The covnseller: a treatise of counsels and counsellers of princes,
translated b y j [ o h n ] T[horius] (London, 1589), pp. 34—5.
148
Patrizi, A morall methode, fo. i r .
149
Ibid., fos. i v -2 r .
Classical humanism restated 51
about by her counsellors was the 'most holsome, godly, & politique
lawes, and constitutions, for the continual conservation of the publique
weale therof universally, free from all private prejudice and publique
perturbation5.153
The promotion of the common good and the safeguarding of the
commonwealth were an outcome of the active participation of govern-
ours and counsellors, rather than emanating from the prince alone. In
translating Patrizi's treatise, Robinson also endeavoured to guarantee
the continuity of this happy state of affairs. Although the book
consisted, as Robinson explained, mainly of 'prophane principles of
olde time . . . for the direction of Mundane matters, in Civyll govern-
emente', it was still highly applicable to a Christian commonwealth. He
boldly maintained that 'therein is Copie of matter worthye Memorye
and Imitation for every estate and member of a good Christian
common weale at this daye'; the book touched 'good order in
mayntenaunce of a Monarchye, and the government thereof.154 This
suggests, then, that when Robinson presented his translation of Patrizi's
republican De institution* reipublicae to his English audience, he intended
its meaning to be taken seriously. Just as the organizers of the Bond of
Association took their own semi-republican devices to be the best
means of preparing for a possible interregnum, so Robinson claimed
that Patrizi taught England how it could avoid the grasp of the
continental 'civil dissention'.
In this chapter we have discussed the continuity and revival of the
humanist political vocabulary in mid Elizabethan England. There
seems to be little doubt that far from fizzling out in the mid sixteenth
century, the humanist tradition continued to flourish. However, the
question arises of why the English continued to use it. What were they
in effect doing by writing or translating these humanist treatises? On
the most general level this question can be answered by saying that
they did not do this for any one particular reason. In translating
Patrizi's De institutione reipublicae, Robinson could be said to have
endeavoured to stave off the corruption of the English commonwealth
and many of the tracts examined in this chapter should perhaps be
read against the backcloth of the increasing ideological tension of the
1570s and 1580s. But Haly Heron composed A newe discourse of morall
philosophie for a certain John Kay and for all those who were in need of
some guidance about how to 'be well armed against those daungerous
153
Ibid.,sig. 2.v.
154
Ibid.,sig.3.r.
Classical humanism restated 53
delights' which ever loomed large at the entrance of the court. The
only way, he said, to sail the 'boysterous Sea' of the court or to climb
without falling its 'steepe hyll' and 'huge mountayne' was to strenuously
embrace the cardinal virtues.155 In the following chapters we shall see
more specifically how the humanist political vocabulary and sometimes
even outright republicanism were used in a variety of different contexts
and with a variety of different intentions in English political debate
before the Civil War.
54
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 55
politics, but it was not completely absent. The aim of this chapter is to
show that even the most radical Machiavellian form of republicanism
could be both understood and used in Elizabethan England.
11
Anon., A breefe, declaring and approving the necessarie and inuiokble maintenance of the laudable customes
of London (London, 1584), sig. AI V , pp. 3—10.
12
Reynolds 1982, pp. 22—3; For Latini, see e.g. Skinner 1990a.
13
Patrizi, A moral methode, sig. ,/£\ cf. Wright 1958, p. 356.
14
Guazzo, The civile conuersation, fos. I5 r-V .
15
John Vowell alias Hooker, Orders enacted for orphans and their portions within the citie of Excester
(London, [1575]), sig. A2r~JV. See also J o h n Vowell alias Hooker, A pamphlet of the offices and duties
of euerie particular sworned officer, of the citie of Excester (London, 1584). For Vowell's humanist
background, see Snow 1977, pp. 38—49.
16
John Vowell alias Hooker, The order and usage of the keeping of a parlement in England (1572), in
Vernon F. Snow, Parliament in Elizabethan England: John Hooker's order and usage (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1977), p. 117.
58 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
and greate deale more delighted'. But he had also compared 'the
growth of our english lawes' with the laws of other nations.25
Despite these elaborate comparisons, Barston did not claim any
originality for his conclusions or precepts: they were scarcely more
than 'borowed speeches, of the store of other authors' and his
'argumente . . . often handled of many learned heretofore'. None-
theless, he expressed a sincere hope that his readers would be
delighted 'with the varietie of examples and speeches of learned
writers' to be found in his book.26 Apart from 'the Bookes of holy
Scripture', these 'learned writers' were the staple authors of classical
learning: the Greek philosophers Plato and Aristotle; the Roman
historians Iivy, Sallust and Tacitus; the Roman moralists Seneca,
Martial and Cicero. Of all these authors it was Aristotle and
especially Cicero whom Barston cited and whose authority he
invoked most often. In particular, his long discussions on marriage,
family and household were mainly derived from Aristotle.
Barston could devote a considerable space to the issues of family and
household, but the main purpose of the work was to lay down the
principles concerning the organization of the government of towns and
cities. The numerous books on 'regiment and common weale' dealt
with issues of communities at large, but they also focused attention on
'that special kind of societie and felowship of one people gathered
togither in one towne'. Following these books, Barston intended to
show how to build a 'societie of people' into a 'commonweale' in
general and how to establish 'civill behaviour in towns and cities' in
particular: 'how cities are incorporate & maintained', why they were
'put in use', how they were governed and how, unlike 'the rusticke and
unmanored sorte sequestred and devided', they could become 'a body
politicke and civill in themselves'.28
If towns and cities were proper commonwealths in their own right,
for what reason were they established as civic communities? Barston
answered this in two different ways. On the one hand, he emphasized
the importance of peace and tranquillity as a true end of a common-
wealth.29 But he also boldly proclaimed that another central goal of the
commonwealth was to uphold liberty. The manner in which laws were
25
Barston, Safegarde of societie, sig. A3 v ~4 r .
26
Ibid., sigs. A7 V -8 V , Bi r , B2 r .
27
I b i d , sig. B I ™ , fos. 26™, 45 v -6o v .
28
lI D
b ii da ,, SlgS. A 8 V --BBI VI , fos. i r , 4 r , 25™, 2 3 r .
sigs. AB
22 99 ThiH T V
I b i d , fns
fos. mi
io7 r ,OA
24'
62 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
37
Ibid., fos. 6i v -62 r .
38
I b i d , sigs. A8 V , Bi v -2 r .
39
I b i d , fo. 3OV; De qfficiis, 1.17.57.
40
Barston, Sqfegarde of societie, fos. 3O r -3i v .
I b i d , fos. 3i v ~32 r .
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 63
'occupied ... to obscure and deface the universall stat of all' and, most
importantly of all, took no care whatsoever 'to enlarge the common
weale'.42
Barston's argument can thus be said to be essentially classical
republican in character. Liberty was closely linked with civility, the
civic mode of life; freedom was found not so much in nature as in civic
society without which men would be living in 'servitude'. Moreover,
liberty could be realized only if everyone led the civic way of life, was
willing to disregard his own particular good and to promote whole-
heartedly the good of the whole community, without which it was
impossible to avoid servitude.
Completely in line with the classical humanist tradition, Barston
never tired of repeating that there was an exceptionally close link
between civic life and virtue. It was 'behavior tempered by vertue'
which led to 'civilitie'. When Plato, Aristotle and Cicero had given
their accounts of the commonwealth, they had begun 'first of all to set
foorth vertue' since 'it is the only cause efficient of a civill and happye
life'.44 Barston followed suit. He asserted that the first thing to be
spelled out was that 'the state of civill life' was best explained by 'a
morall description of the actes of vertuous living'.
The possession of virtue was thus the indispensable wherewithal to
secure civic life and thereby the commonwealth. Virtue was, as Barston
went to great lengths to emphasize, 'the fountaine and roote of all that
may be called honest and good, the possession whereof must needes be
then the only ornament of mans life'. This overarching concept was, as
he defined succinctly, 'the very consente or righteousnes of reason it
self. It consisted of four specific qualities: prudence, justice, courage
and temperance. Rather than offering detailed definitions and exposi-
tions of the contents of these qualities, Barston simply stressed their
importance and concurred with Cicero that 'all that may bee called
honest, proceedeth from one of these foure'.47 Virtue taught 'to know
office and dutie to such as defende our tranquility, and minister justice
to all that are oppressed'. Following his stoic authorities, Barston also
maintained that virtue taught men 'howe to pacifie and rule the
disordered passions and perturbations of the minde, and to subject the
42
Ibid., fos. 33 r ~34 r .
43
Cf. Skinner 1990b, p . 305.
44
Barston, Sqfegarde of societie, sigs. A ^ r , A$r, BI V , fos. i r , i v .
45
Ibid., fos. i n v , 2 5 v .
46
Ibid., fos. i v -2 r , 35 r .
47
Ibid., fos. 35 r -36 r .
64 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
motions of our appetites and unrulie wil, to obey reason'. Virtue urged
man cto use reason for the governoure of all his appetites, and to
subdue all manner affections to the rule of reason'.48
It is clear that the time-honoured humanist notion of the virtuous
civic life underlay Barston's idea of the local community of towns. It
comes as no surprise, therefore, that Barston turned to a further theme
of classical humanism: the question of what qualities constitute a truly
noble citizen. It is arguable that the humanist notion of true nobility
furnished Barston with an argument to censure the oligarchy of
Tewkesbury. According to him, it was a widely held belief that birth
and riches made the true citizen. But in his view, this was an utterly
wrong way of settling the issue. He was fully convinced that 'dignitie
was not ballanced by birth: estimation rayned not in riches: credite
came not of continuance'. Denouncing the holder of the opposite view,
he averred that 'to bee a gentleman, to bee a riche man, to be an elder,
without vertue, withoute wisedome, without experience or knowledge,
were counted bare bragges, supercilious sutes, and a naked nothing, to
bring a man to dignitie, estimation, or credite'. Instead of ancient
lineage or the possession of riches, the only way to be counted a true
citizen of an urban community was to embrace virtue. 'In such civill
societies of one towne', Barston firmly held, 'each degree likewise was
duely made of suche as by wisedome, good moderation, vertuous
endevours and knowledge, deserved of the common weale.' He
illustrated his argument with the staple example of Cicero and
contended that it was better to stand at the beginning of a noble family
than to bring up the rear. Cicero had himself been named 'Pater Patriae'
although, as Barston carefully emphasized, 'of long time hys linage was
obscured'. Plato, too, had stated most emphatically that those who 'by
their vertue and good gifts' attained 'nobilitie by themselves' were 6vere
nobiles, noble men indeede'.49
A true humanist, however, Barston thought that it was one thing to
identify such a happy commonwealth and quite another to achieve it
in practice. The reason why Barston was not content with a mere
account of a virtuous commonwealth is not far to seek. One of the
themes which runs through his entire work is man's proneness to
48
Ibid., fos. 2^ v , 35 r . T h e only stoic concept which Barston criticized was that of 'severe life'. It
was improper to claim that that which 'soundeth not of the very inwardes of vertue, were to
be condemned'. This stoic severity was 'to grafte men of stone that have no feeling'. There
should be, according to Barston, room for 'bodyly health', 'honest pleasure' and 'lawful
lucre', fos. 34V, 4i r .
49
Ibid., fos. 62 r -63 v , cf. fo. 28™.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 65
50
Ibid., fos. 1™, 2V, 4 - v - 5 r , sigs. Bi r , A8 V .
51
Ibid., fos. 2 V -3 V , 42 r -45 r .
52
Ibid., sig. Bi r .
53
Ibid., fos. 2Q.r-3Or; i o 2 r - i o 5 r .
54
Ibid., fos. iO2v—iO5r, 109/— n o r .
66 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
65
Ibid., fos. 24 v -25 r , cf. fo. I5 r .
66
Ibid., fo. 25V.
67
Ibid., fos. 25V—26r, cf. sig. B2r; Cicero, De republica, n.33.57,1.35.55.
68
Barston, Sqfegarde ofsocietie, fos. 78 r ~ v ; Strabo, Geography, 4.1.5. For Cicero, Massilia was a pure
aristocracy, De republica, 1.27.43.
70 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
the central role of one or two magistrates. In some towns the chief
magistrate's task would have been given to ten or twelve 'jurates or
sworne men', but to determine the exact number was not so important
as to follow the general rule 'that many heads do rather endanger and
prejudice tranquilitie'.69
Barston emphasized the fact that these chief magistrates should be
'yeerely' elected, because power had the irresistible tendency to
corrupt: 'continuance' could 'easily change' the rulers' 'conditions', so
much so 'that in stede of justice, tyrannie should be used'. Taking
Caesar as his example, he explained the corrupting effect of power:
'when Julius Caesar would have bin Dictator of Rome by patent, many
good men, forseeing what mighte folowe, they abjured the citie, and
some chose to die, and the greatest part betooke them to a private life'.
Experience thus taught that 'honor and estimation wil make most men
to adventure honestie' and that without limiting their term of office
many 'woulde make maisteries and gaynes of offices'. The only
conceivable way of bridling this 'ambition' was therefore to limit the
duration of a magistrate's office to one year.70
An equally important question concerning these 'yeerely offices of
magistrates' was: 'who shuld be elected thereunto?'7 Barston placed
especial emphasis on the same values that we found in his account of
true nobility, thereby revealing his critique of oligarchy. First, 'simple
and ignorant men of handicrafts' were disqualified, both because they
were 'rash' and because they could not suppress their own 'affection'.
Moreover, to an accomplished magistrate, learning was an indispen-
sable asset.72 But it was of the greatest importance that he was 'an
honest & civil man', which Barston took to mean that he was 'more
careful for common weale, than greedy after gaines: not so wise in his
owne conceit, as submisse & tractable to beare the wisest: not
impugning good councel, not of manifest evill report, not a mayntayner
of quarells, & last of al, not unexpert in the customes of his country'.
The election of a magistrate should, therefore, be based on the
personal merits and virtues of the candidates, not, as Barston was at
some pains to point out, on ancestry or personal wealth: 'How far
69
Barston, Sqfegarde qfsocietie, fos. 78 v ~79 r . Cf. Robert Greene, The royal exchange: contayning sundry
aphorismes of phyfosophie, and golden principles of morrall and natural! quadruplicities (London, 1590),
sig. f 2V, where 'the Lord Mayor of London' is said to possess 'absolute governaunce and
regiment of the Cittie' in contrast to the limited authority of the Venetian 'Duke'.
70
Barston, Sqfegarde ofsocietie, fo. 7gr.
71
Ibid., fos. 7 9 r - v .
72
Ibid., fos. 79 v -8o r .
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 71
deceyved then are they, that make no more a doe to choose a
magistrate, but to find him ancient & welthy, though he lack al things
else besides?'73
In his short description of the chief magistrates' duties, Barston put a
high premium on the good of the whole commonwealth. The magis-
trate 'must forget his private being, so long as his office lasteth, and
should more esteeme publike utilitie than his owne lucre'. He should,
as Cicero had affirmed, embrace 'humanitie' rather than 'prowes of
manhood'; he should preserve equity and justice like Manlius Tor-
quatus, who had been ready to punish his own son; and he should
uphold the laws and customs remembering that 'chaunge and ex-
chaunge of government' had caused Rome's eventual ruin.74 Rather
than being 'of an abjecte and servile minde', he should be 'a prudente
and politike governour' and remember that 'the maintenaunce of
liberties ... [was] the whole charge of the Magistrates'.75 As to the
common people, the magistrate ought to bear in mind that 'it shoulde
be lawfull in all free Cities, for every man to speake his conscience'.76
Finally, the magistrate should win the common people's 'favoure' and
'forfeite good governement by their necessarie ayde' thinking that
'nothyng may safely be established without them'.77
But urban government required two further arrangements, should
the best state of the commonwealth be achieved. First, in addition to
the magistrates there should be 'the senate or elders' whose chief duty
was to give 'councell'. A consummate counsellor ought to have
'experience in things passed', 'due consideration of the tyme presente'
and 'a good understanding of al that may folowe'. He should also know
'whether it be lawfull that is proposed, by what meane it maye bee,
howe necessarie it is, and for what cause' it was proposed. In a word,
he must thoroughly embrace prudence and he would be able 'to doe
good service in counsell for the common weale, and to make him
merite the good reporte and estimation'.78
The common people made the triple form of government of an
urban community complete. In line with his earlier denunciation of
democracy, Barston stressed that the common people were but 'a
73
Ibid., fos. 8 o r - 8 i r . Cf. e.g. Robert Crowley, A sermon made in the chappel at the Gylde Halle in
London, the xxix. day of September, 1^4 (London, 1575), sigs. 03*", D2 v ~3 r .
74
Barston, Safegarde ofsocietie, fos. 82 v -83 r , 8 4 r - 8 8 r .
75
Ibid., fo. 87".
76
Ibid., fo. 8 3 V .
77
Ibid., fo. 88 r .
78
Ibid., fo. 9i v -gg r ; cf. sig. B2 r .
72 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
79
Ibid., fos. 66 V -68 V , in general fos. 6 6 v - 7 8 r .
80
I b i d , fo. 28V.
81
I b i d , fos. 83 V , 88 V .
82
I b i d , fos. 7 8 ^ . Cf. Greene, The royal exchange, sig. ^J2V, where the 'absolute governaunce' of
'the Lord Mayour of London' is, nevertheless, described as being ultimately dependent on the
fact that 'the honourable Cittizens' of London were 'alwaies carefull for the Common-wealth'
and willing, therefore, to 'elect such a grave, an auncient Magistrate, as for his vertue,
religion, wealth & worthinesse, may rightly be called Pater Patriot.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 73
and his concept of the mixed constitution in particular, can be taken as
a critique of the oligarchic form of municipal government and as a
defence of a virtuous aristocracy. Above all, Barston seems to have
regarded a self-governing republic as the ideal type of commonwealth,
since, as he was most careful to emphasize, its governors were to be
elected.
11
'Goe forwarde', Beacon exhorted the queen, 'Brutus, for thy glory in
reforming, is farre greater then the glory of Romulus in building and
instituting of the citie of Rome.' Beacon boldly equated Elizabeth with
the greatest hero of republican Rome, Brutus, who conducted the
reform of the Roman commonwealth by expelling the tyrant, Tarqui-
nius Superbus, from Rome, and instituting the republican form of
government.
The whole treatise is thus preoccupied with one issue: the reformation
of English government in Ireland — 'the sound & universall reformation
of this your Realme of Ireland'.97 Completely in line with other English
writers on Ireland, Beacon's aim was twofold. He wanted, in the first
place, to demonstrate how the conquest of Ireland could be carried out.
More importantly, since he, like most other writers on Irish affairs,
acknowledged that there was something seriously wrong with Ireland, he
regarded his main task to be an explanation of how these problems
could be remedied and the Irish commonwealth reformed.98 This
twofold aim created a certain tension in the book. Although the two
themes overlapped on certain issues, as we shall see, there was an
obvious discrepancy: the ruthless completion of a conquest was hardly
fully compatible with the reformation of a community.
The causes of decline and corruption are discussed several times in
the course of the treatise but they emerge most clearly in the third
book, where Epimenides takes up Solon's request to scrutinize the issue
of decline, and this theme occupies them for the rest of the book. 'A
Declination of a body polliticke,' he defines at the outset of his analysis,
'is nothing els but a fall and departure from his first institution, and
perfection.'99 It can be degeneration 'from a just proportion eyther in
obeyinge or governing the subjecte'. That is to say, the decline can
occur because of the failures of the subjects or those of the govern-
ment. 100 Furthermore, the tendency of decay belongs to the nature of
commonwealths: they are dominated by a cyclical pattern. As Beacon
96
Beacon, Solon hisfollk, sig. I 3 v - 4 r . Cf. White, 'Discors', p . 446.
97
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, sig. itf-f.
8
For the twofold nature of other treatises, see in general Quinn 1947, pp. 303—7. For specific
schemes, see also Edward Walshe, 'Conjectures', p . 316; Edmund Spenser, A view of the present
state of Ireland (1596), ed. W. L. Renwick (Oxford University Press, 1970), p p . 16-17; Herbert,
Crqftus, pp. 16-17; John Davies, A discoverie of the trve causes why Ireland was neuer entirely subdued, nor
brought under obedience of the croume of England, vntill the beginning of his maiesties happie raigne (n.p.
[London], 1612), pp. 4-5; E. C. S., The government of Ireland vnder the honorable, ivst, and wise
gouernour sir John Perrot (London, 1626), sig. d2 r .
99
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p. 65.
100
Ibid., pp. 96-7.
78 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
put it, from their very being commonwealths 'receive progression, from
progression they receive continuance, from continuance a perfection,
from their perfection a declination'.101
Some of the causes and occasions of decline were mainly impedi-
ments to accomplishing the complete conquest and subjugation of
Ireland. Solon maintained that there was not a single occasion which
'holde the subject of Salamina, in their disobedience and savage life'
more than 'the difference of lawes, religion, habite, and language'. The
disorder and violence of soldiers could also stir up discontent amongst
the people, which offered opportunities for corruption. 102 Further-
more, certain mismanagements in local government prompted oppor-
tunities for decline. Without the active support of the central
government, the magistrates placed in a conquered territory would
soon face a rebellion.
When Beacon proceeded to treat the more general causes of
corruption, he broadened his perspective and employed the central
themes of the classical republican tradition. As we have seen, the first
way in which corruption could arise was by the people's failure to act
in accordance with the right rules. This amounted to their neglect of
the values and qualities which directed their attention to the main-
tenance of the commonwealth. Three fundamental values kept society
safe: 'the feare and reverence of God', 'the honour and obedience due
unto Princes governours and Magistrates' and 'the love which wee owe
unto our Country'.104 These values entailed 'a just care and regarde of
publike affaires', which was achieved through 'heroicall vertues' in the
defence of the fatherland. On the most general level the corruption of
manners suggested the loss of these values. People were carried away
by the feeling of 'an universall securitie' and they ignored not only their
religious rites but also 'all their former discipline of warres'. Corruption
'breedeth in men a base opinion and estimation of vertues', and they
were ready to replace them with 'pleasures, wantonnesse, vices, and
other such private respectes and regardes'. 105 Corruption was thus
interpreted as the exhaustion of virtues and regard for the common
good. Instead of honouring and promoting them, 'we banish and put
to death men of rare and excellent vertues'. 06
101 Ibid., pp. 69-72.
102
Ibid, pp. 86-91.
103
Ibid, pp. 91-2.
104
Ibid, pp. 50, 52, 66.
105
Ibid., pp. 50-2, 66, 9 8 - 9 . Cf. in general Herbert, Crqftus, pp. 46, 51, 9-10.
106
Beacon, Solonhisfollie,p. 51.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 79
The people lost their former virtue and regard for the good of their
community most easily by certain domestic developments. Beacon
mentioned in passing the danger constituted by 'bitter adversities', the
general idleness of the people and factions.1 7 The most important
cause of the corruption of manners, however, and the one to which
Beacon devoted most of his attention, was the growth of private riches.
A body of people could be 'bewitched with a glistering shew of profit
and gaine', and it would be easy for a tyrant to corrupt the people with
money so that 'they became rebels and traitoures to their countrie'. 108
Beacon's most telling example was the Romans' universal feeling of
security caused by the growth of wealth. It had engendered in them a
neglect of their religious institutions and their military valour just at the
time of most urgent need. Even worse, they had 'jested and made
themselves merry' with those who had given 'them warning thereof.
Their offices as well as 'the voices of election, yea even Justice it selfe'
had been sold 'in open market', a development which had ultimately
enabled 'Caesar with the money of the Gaules to purchase not onely
favour, and offices, but even the libertie of Rome'. 11
The second and perhaps the gravest danger for a commonwealth
was created not by the people but by the government itself, when it
failed to maintain 'a just proportion' in governance, and when it
departed 'from all the partes and right rules of government'.
According to Beacon, misgovernment develops from the imbalance
between the nobility and the people in the share of authority and he
insists, moreover, that there are two chief ways in which misgovern-
ment could manifest itself. First, when 'the nobility is not respected', a
propitious occasion is offered for decline.111 Another, and yet even
more important, manifestation of misgovernment was the absolute
supremacy of the nobility. If 'the nobilitie is in so great measure
advanced,' Beacon argued, '... they become thereby dangerous &
feareful unto the state'. Underlying this was, as Beacon explained, the
inherent ambition of the nobility. 12 The absolute supremacy of the
nobility was so menacing because by having an excessively powerful
role the nobility could hold 'as it were a soveraigne commandement
over the commonalty' and not only claim their pieces of land, but
107
Ibid, pp. 51,98.
108
Ibid., pp. 98-9,51.
109
Ibid., p. 66.
110
Ibid., p. 50.
111
Ibid., p. 75, cf. p. 67.
112
Ibid., p. 97.
80 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
most happy lawes, and more happy restitution of the declined state
of that polliticke body'.116 Beacon endorsed, to a degree, one of
Machiavelli's most original contributions, that one way to sustain
virtue in a citizenry was through the encouragement of conflict
between different social groups.
Although decline could have positive consequences, Beacon devoted
most of his treatise to explaining how a reformation of corruption
could be accomplished: 'Sith then this generall corruption of manners
doth draw with it so many publicke miseries and calamities, as are
before remembred, we can not, except men be altogither voide of
humanity and reason, but abhorre even the remembraunce of these
lamentable times, and be forthwith kindled with a desire of reforma-
tion.'117 As in the disentanglement of the causes of decline, so in its
reformation a tension is apparent between the completion of the
conquest of Ireland and the reformation of the Irish commonwealth.
Beacon first alluded to this at the very beginning of his treatise. When
Epimenides asked the reason for Pisitratus' arrival in Cyprus (i.e.
Ireland), he answered that it was his intention to 'leade heere a strong
army by the commaundement of the councell of Athens unto Salamina,
for the better repossessing and reforming thereof.118 The first general
rule Beacon laid down was that in effecting a conquest it was best to
adopt extreme courses rather than rely on a mean between two
extremes. His discussion at this point is based on several chapters of the
Discorsi in which Machiavelli had surveyed the ways in which a
conquered or subjugated people should be treated. Beacon pointed out
that there were three major ways of accomplishing the reform of a
conquered community. The first method was to imitate king David and
Lysander and make 'a thorough alteration and chaunge of auncient
lawes, customes, and governement . . . not leaving any shadow or
resemblance in place thereof. The contrary method was to follow
those who, like Sulla, 'reserved onely unto themselves a principalitie
and commaundement' and left the conquered people to enjoy 'their
owne lawes'. The third manner was a mean between these two
extremes, which had been used by the Florentines in their suppression
of the rebellion in Arezzo. They had removed most of their comman-
ders but they had not resumed 'into their handes the landes', nor had
116
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p. 72; cf. Anglo 1990, pp. 157-8.
117
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p. 51.
118
Ibid., p. 1; cf. Herbert, Crqflus, p. 17; Spenser, A view, pp. 95-6. For Spenser, see in general
Jardine 1990; Norbrook 1984, pp. 139-52.
82 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
they destroyed 'the principall citie, but [had] preserved the same'.
Beacon utterly condemned this line of policy. 'This meane course', he
remarked, 'hath never as yet beene founde happy and prosperous.' It
followed that they who wanted 'to be prosperous, and make continu-
ance of their state, and governement' must imitate the Romans and
either 'so suppresse and sharpely punish the Latines' that they are not
able to rebel or 'with bounty and goodnes so winne' their affections
that they are not 'willing to rebell'. According to Beacon, the English
policy in Ireland had for a long time been dominated by the mean
course. The only way to complete the conquest was, however, to
abandon that ruinous policy and to embrace either the severe or
lenient means.
The decision between these two extreme courses depended on one's
resources. Beacon confessed that those whose purpose was 'to performe
great actes, and to winne fame and glorie' did best if they chose 'the
counsell of Sylla' and employed the lenient method. This, however,
required 'a mighty power', and those who did not possess great forces
and power but who yet wanted 'to make continuance of their conquest'
ought to 'imitate Lysander' and leave nothing intact. The conclusion
Beacon drew from his discussion was that the best way to consolidate
the conquest of Ireland was to leave nothing unaltered and to construct
everything anew.
The first practical rule of completing the conquest was that the
opportunity for rebellion offered by differences in laws, religion, habits
and language could most easily be prevented by compelling the natives
to adopt the laws, language, habits as well as religion of the conquerors.
This was proven by the experience of Salamina for, as Solon put it,
those parts of it which had embraced 'an uniformity of lawes, religion,
habite, and language, with the Cittie of Athens, are founde by daily
experience, much more loyal, civil, and obedient' than other parts of
the island. The best way to avoid the occasions of decline arising from
the cultural differences was to suppress the native indigenous
culture.120
To consolidate the conquest, it was also necessary to take hostage
those who could be expected to cause disturbance.12 Furthermore, in
line with other English authors, Beacon argued that colonies were of
119
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, pp. 46—9; Machiavelli, Discord, 1.25, 26,11.23.
120
Beacon, Solon his/oUie, pp. 94-5. Gf. Herbert, Crqftus, pp. 38—9, 53, where the same line of
policy was recommended; see also CSPI1586-8, pp. 531.
121
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p. 102.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 83
great significance in subjugating a conquered territory. Some writers
had maintained that garrisons were more efficient than colonies, but
Beacon did not find their arguments convincing. The maintenance of a
garrison required continual expense and it revived the discontent of the
conquered people. On the other hand, the benefits of colonies were
numerous: they required little or no public charge; 'the matter of
sedition is remooved out5; colonies would persuade the conquered
people 'to embrace the manners, lawes, and governement of the
conquerour'. Beacon was convinced that the only way to pacify Ireland
and remain strong against possible invaders was to build colonies.122
Beacon also agreed with other English writers that to prevent
possible rebellions it was best 'to disarme the people, and not suffer
them at all to be trained or exercised in militarie discipline, especially
where the people be not free, but obedient and tributaries unto us'.
Instead, the conquered people should be employed like 'Heilotes to
laboure, and plough the grounde', and learning and sciences should be
advanced amongst them so that they 'may be drawen from the study
and thoughts of innovation and change'.12
Scarcely less important was to have soldiers to consolidate the
conquest. This could create, however, an occasion for decay in cases
where the soldiers were too oppressive. Since the inherent problems of
the suppressive soldiers were 'want of pay' as well as 'want of other
discipline', the surest way to prevent this opportunity for decline to
arise was to look after these two defects. In the case of sufficient pay,
Epimenides first argued that the exaction of money should not be
forced but should happen by 'the consentes of the subjectes', but he
was soon made to change his mind by Solon's compelling argument
that 'Princes may lawfully commande and exact the same at the hands
of the subject.' The requirement of the people's consent depended on
the nature of the commonwealth. If it had been 'from time to time a
free estate and not subject to other' as Rome, then all kinds of tributes
were 'grievous', and they should not be exacted but in great necessity.
If the commonwealth, however, had 'always lived in servitude', like
122
Ibid., pp. 107-14; Herbert, Crqftus, pp. 36-8; but see CSPI1586-88, pp. 529-30. Cf. Quinn
1945; Quinn, 1976. Well-fortified towns with garrisons were defended by Spenser, A view, pp.
119, 125, in general pp. 119-40; Thomas Blenerhasset, A direction for the plantation in Vlster
(London, 1610), sig. BI V .
123
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, pp. 102-3; cf- Herbert, Crqftus, p. 53; CSPI 1588-92, pp. 221-2; Barnaby
Rich, A new description of Ireland (London, 1610), p. i n . See e.g. Quinn 1945, p. 548. Although
Beacon here briefly mentioned the importance of learning, it is still true to say that religion
and education were almost totally absent from his account, in striking contrast, e.g., with
Herbert, Crqftus, pp. 44-5, 47, 48-51. For religion, see Bradshaw 1978.
84 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
Roman commonwealth. The same could also be seen in the Anno salutis
of Florence (1494), when the Medici family had been expelled from the
city. This change of government had been accomplished 'without
daunger and difficultie', because it had been 'effected by the good-will
and consentes of the people'. 138 But a major obstacle to enacting the
new and worthwhile laws arose since there was, as Epimenides
explained, 'the contrarietie of humours and opinions, lodged in the
brests even of the wisest5. These humours were, in practice, associated
with two main categories: 'the poore and the rich'.
There were two main ways to win the goodwill of the people and to
appease the animosity between the rich and the poor. The first method
consisted in the usage of persuasion and rhetoric. Pythagoras had been
'greatlie honoured' because of 'his singular arte and knowledge in
winning the affections of the multitude, and in perswading, and
dissawing the people'. The importance attached to rhetoric seemed to
have obvious links with the active participation of the people in the
political life of their community. It is, however, clear that Beacon's
discussion of persuasion points less at the active role of the people and
more at the methods of manipulating them. The corrupted people
could hardly be expected to act virtuously; they had, Beacon argued in
a distinctively republican passage, to be induced 'even against their
wils' to become 'profitable to the common-weale'. The main aim of
persuasion was to induce the people to accept the new laws imposed on
them and it was to a considerable extent accompanied by deceit and
fraud. A consummate persuader ought to bear in mind that the
multitude was not able to discern the 'true causes' of things, and that
he ought to appeal to particulars or even concoct fables in order to
induce people to follow his will.141
The rhetorician must, moreover, be ready 'to delude either faction
[i.e. the rich and the poor] by faire promises and sweete wordes'.
Another way in which the people could be induced to act as one
wished was to coin new terms for old things and thereby to camouflage
'bitter and unpleasant' things with 'plefasing names'. 42 In a highly
revealing passage Beacon made Solon espouse the idea that 'for the
better justifiyng of this manner of proceeding herein, you shall under-
138
Beacon, Solon his follie, p . 26. For the ''Anno salutis1 of Florence Beacon mistakenly has
MCCCCXLIIII.
139
Ibid., pp. 10-1.
140
Ibid., pp. 27-31.
141
Ibid., pp. 34-7-
Ibid., pp. 31—2,11-12. Cf. Skinner 1990c, p. 26.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 89
ready 'with Brutus . . . to condemne and execute even our owne sonnes,
corrupted by Tarquine'. 152
Although Beacon deemed the establishing and enforcing of good
and profitable laws to be highly important in the reformation of a
corrupted community, and consequently dwelt at length on this issue,
he never thought that such laws alone could reform an entirely
degenerate commonwealth. Epimenides reprimands Solon for having
attempted to change the decadent course of Athens simply by estab-
lishing new laws, when it 'was declined by many and infinite disorders'
and was in need of more rigorous and extreme methods as well as a
more thorough reformation. In Ireland the utter decline prompted by
the general corruption of manners could not be reformed 'by the lawes
against Captainship, against Coyney and Lyvery, or against the
unlawefull custome of supporting and maintaining of rebels or any
other new lawe whatsoever'.153 The methods of the English in their
numerous attempts to reconstitute the Irish commonwealth had so far
been like Solon's attempts to reform Athens. Many ancient customs,
which had originally been granted for the advancement of the public
good, had by now 'turned by a generall corruption in the subject, to
the ruine of themselves and the lande of Salamina'. It was clear that
Ireland was in urgent need of a thorough reformation of her whole
154
society.
How was this entire reform of a commonwealth to be carried out?
As we have seen, Beacon believed that decay could arise either because
the people failed to pursue the common good or because the govern-
ment declined from just rule. When both of these factors occurred at
the same time a most serious corruption ensued. It followed that in the
reform of a universal corruption efficacious remedies should be
prescribed for both of these annoyances. Beacon took a complete and
universal reformation to mean 'nothing els, but a thorough and
absolute mutation and change, of auncient lawes, customes, and
manners of the people, and finally of the common-wealth it selfe, unto
a better forme of govemement'.155
If a universal reformation required a change in the form of govern-
ment, it followed that the partial reformation by the new laws entailed
the right kind of government. It was, in other words, only if a
152
Ibid., p . 100, see also p p . 2, 7-8, 43, 59; Machiavelli, Discorsi 111.3, 9, 30.
153
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p p . 7, 45.
154
Ibid, pp. 20-1.
155
Ibid., p. 19.
92 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
commonwealth was constituted from the outset in the correct way that
its partial decay could be reversed by the force of new laws. In
discussing the proper form of government, Beacon drew heavily on
Machiavelli. Because the original institution of Athens had been
'meerly popular, corrupt, and unperfit', it had proved to be insufficient
to resist 'the tyrannie of such as did aspire unto the principalitie'. The
lawgivers in Athens had indeed established 'many lawes for the
reformation of the insolencie of the noble men, as also to restraine the
libertie of the people', but to no avail: these laws 'could not maintain
the same more than a hundred years'. On the other hand, those
commonwealths which 'have their first institution and foundation
good, though not altogether perfit and complete' could be 'at any time'
restored back to their first perfection if they happened to face any form
of degeneration. Even more importantly, this 'happie estate thereof
may thereby be long continued and augmented', as the Roman
example convincingly demonstrated. The first institution of the Roman
commonwealth was 'so wel laid by Romulus & Numa, as that after by
new laws made for the reformation thereof, as the necessity of that
commonweale did require, the same was rendered long, happy, and
prosperous'. Beacon did not mention liberty and was thus silent about
one of Machiavelli's chief arguments: in spite of the fact that it was set
up as a monarchy, Rome had been fortunate enough to have had as its
founding fathers such prudent kings that they had enacted laws which
had been compatible with liberty. Nevertheless, Beacon entirely agreed
with Machiavelli about the happy result of the Roman commonwealth:
she had proved to be prosperous as well as long-lasting by virtue of the
balanced mixed constitution which she had eventually acquired. The
laws and constitutions which had been founded by the kings had
enabled Rome to attain 'an happy temper and forme of governement,
compounded of three sortes and kindes of governement, namely the
Monarchia, Aristocratia, and Democratia'. 15
The conclusion Beacon drew was to the effect that only those
commonwealths which were organized as mixed states were capable of
being reformed simply by establishing new laws and changing the
corrupted customs of the people. But he also made it clear that
Salamina could not be reformed by new laws alone. Consequently, if
one wanted to reform Ireland, one had to organize her government
156
Ibid., p . 6. T h e e n d of the sentence appears in Latin: ' n o n earn tamen conservare supra
centessimum a n n u m potuerunt'; see also p . 45. Cf. Machiavelli, Discorsi, 1.2.
157
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p p . 6-7.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 93
afresh. Beacon divided this topic into four separate issues. He started
by discussing 'the soveraintie and commaundement3. This, he insisted,
was sometimes given 'into the hands of one, sometimes in the handes of
fewe, and sometimes into the handes of all in generalT. In a distinctly
Bodinian manner, Beacon declared that the location of sovereign
power, rather than 'the diversity which sometimes appeareth in the
forme and government thereof, determined the peculiar character of a
commonwealth - whether it was a democracy, aristocracy or mon-
archy. Moreover, he insisted that this definition embraced every single
commonwealth: all of them were constituted after one of these three
forms or their corrupted equivalents. When it came to decide 'which
institution is to be preferred above others', Beacon had little doubt that
a monarchy was 'the most firm and durable'. It was not merely 'freest
from trouble', it was also 'most honourable and glorious'. Although an
aristocracy most easily avoided 'corruption', the same would be
destroyed by the 'envie' and dissention' prevalent amongst the nobles.
But 'least permanent' was 'the popular estate', especially if the whole
commonwealth was 'mere popular, as well in regard of the soveraintie
and commaundement, as of the forme & manner of governement'.158
Having made this preliminary concession, however, Beacon moved
to praise the mixed constitution. The second issue of the discussion was
'the forme of governement', and Beacon gave his unequivocal assent to
the excellence of the mixed state. He firmly believed that a constitution
where a balance existed between the one, the few and the many, was
by far the most perfect form of government. Solon was made to confess
that 'that popular institution, which is equallie tempered, and com-
pounded of the three sortes and formes of governement, after the
maner and institution of Rome' was 'more firme and durable'. It was
'this forme of governement' which gave 'a perfection and continuance'
to all estates mentioned before.159 Romulus had aimed at this ideal
'forme of government in the institution of the common-weale of
Rome'. First, he had reserved for himself'the sole and kingly auctority':
the command of the army and the power to summon the senators for
consultation. 'The person of the Senators' had constituted the aristoc-
racy of the Roman mixed constitution. They had had authority 'to
consulte, and publikely to perswade and disswade the attempts for
wars, and to discusse all other civill causes, as the state of that
common-weale required'. Finally, to perfect the Roman common-
158
Ibid., pp. 6 o - i .
159
Ibid, pp. 61-2.
94 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-164.0
increased his personal wealth. In this way ca Citizen' had become 'a
fearefull enemy to the state of Rome' and the Romans had found
themselves in a dilemma. On the one hand, they could not have
endured Appius Claudius' 'pride and insolencie' yet, on the other
hand, they had been unable to find a safe way to 'suppresse the same
without their common peril and daunger'. 162
To avoid the peril of the Decemviri, it was safest, Beacon believed, to
pursue the Spartan or Venetian policy. In both commonwealths the
chief magistrates had been watched in two crucial areas. First, they had
appointed 'certaine watchmen, as daily beholders and observers of all
their actions and doings'. Beacon thus endorsed the Machiavellian idea
that those who were given great authority must always be watched, lest
the unlimited power would corrupt them and they would become
tyrants. Secondly, the Spartans and Venetians had set up 'certaine
limits and bondes, not lawfull for them [i.e. kings and doges] to
exceede'. The most important limit, and the only one which Beacon
discussed in detail, was the limit of time. In Rome Caesar's absolute
power to reform Gallia had later been 'so long proroged and
continued' that in the end Caesar had become 'terrible, as well to the
Gaules, as to the Romaines'. By 'making a Dictator perpetuall', the
Romans had ultimately lost 'the libertye of their Citie'. In other words,
'authority' could 'easily corrupt the maners of good subjectes'. The
only efficient remedy for the situation was that 'every good and faithfull
councellour unto the state' followed Cato and resisted 'the proroging of
Caesar his governement, least too late with Pompey they acknowledge
their errour'. 163
The final question concerning the princely aspect of the mixed
constitution Solon and Epimenides addressed themselves to was 'unto
what person may this authority be safely graunted'. The suitable
person had to be 'good and honest'; on the other hand, he must not be
'of great might, power and wealth', because this combination would
facilitate the degeneration of the magistrate. What Beacon mainly had
in mind was that since 'honours change habiyts', it often happened that
even the best fell 'by reason of honours and dignities into a generall
corruption of manners'. 164
How was all this connected with Ireland? Beacon's native examples
of persons with unlimited power were the ninth and tenth earls of
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p . 23; Machiavelli, Discorsi, 1.35, 40.
163
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p p . 23—4.
164
Ibid, p. 24.
96 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-164.0
and that without errour by many; so many wits judge more soundly
and sincerely then one'. 170
Beacon thus maintained that a chief aim of the government of a
commonwealth was to preserve the liberty of the people. In order to
ensure this, the people must be given a share in government. If they
were not given the opportunity to check the few, they would become
totally oppressed by them. The people, in other words, must be
granted guardianship of their own liberty.
What was Beacon doing with the classical republican tradition
whose vocabulary he was using? To answer this, we must recall that,
according to Beacon, there were two ways in which corruption could
arise within a commonwealth: the decay of the people, or the decay of
the government. In reforming the former, it was essential to impose
strict new laws upon the people. But with a view to enacting this kind
of reform it was necessary that the commonwealth be organized at the
outset as a mixed state. Unless this requirement was fulfilled, the
reformation of the corrupted manners of the people by establishing
good laws could not succeed. Moreover, if the decay of the manners of
the people coincided with the corruption of the government, the
reformation of this universal corruption could not be accomplished
simply by establishing new laws. The government itself also needed to
be reformed. The only way in which the universal reformation of an
entirely corrupted community could be carried out was to reconstitute
its government in accordance with the principles of the mixed constitu-
tion. Beacon asserted, therefore, that if the aim was to accomplish 'the
sound & universall reformation' of Ireland and to organize the Irish
community on a firm foundation, everything had to be constructed
afresh and Ireland established as a mixed state. Furthermore, pains-
taking care had to be exercised to avoid the danger of an overmighty
governor. This was achieved by placing a limit of one year on his
period of authority and by establishing a powerful council to watch
over his actions. Hardly less meticulous care was to be exhibited to
safeguard the people against the ambitious nature of the nobility. What
was needed to curb the excessive ambitions of the nobility was not
merely good laws but above all good institutions capable of enforcing
them. The most efficacious way of keeping the nobility in check was to
maintain a widely based court of appeal.
Although Epimenides and Solon had come to complete agreement
170
Ibid., pp. 80-1; Machiavelli, Discorsi, 1.49.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 99
that the mixed constitution was the best form of instituting a common-
wealth, their task was only half-completed. They had heretofore
discussed only two of the four proposed issues. The two remaining
topics concerned 'the forme and manner of the institution it selfe' and
'the severall endes and scopes of this institution'.171 The underlying
assumption was that corruption could come from both within and
without the commonwealth: it could arise from 'the malice and
practises of forreine enemies'.172 In order to check the development of
degeneration, scrupulous care should be taken to organize the foreign
affairs of the community. Moreover, the way of instituting a common-
wealth and the decisions regarding its proper aims were so entangled
with each other that Epimenides and Solon treated them together. The
manner of setting up a commonwealth, in other words, depended on
its chosen end. Again, Beacon's account was essentially Machiavellian
in its character.
Solon defined the range of their discussion when he maintained in a
distinctively Machiavellian vocabulary that there were both common-
wealths which aimed 'at peace' and commonwealths which aimed 'at
honour, as the butte and scope of all their actions'. The importance of
the decision of the goal of the commonwealth was increased by the fact
that the form of institutions of the commonwealth depended on the
decision of its aims. A community should be organized, Beacon
believed, in a wholly different manner when its aims were peace and
longevity than when it strived for glory and empire. Beacon singled out
three institutions which a community must build if it was going to
attain longevity. First, it should imitate Sparta and 'seclude strangers'.
Secondly, again following the Spartan example, it must avoid training
its people in 'militarie discipline'. Furthermore, it was scarcely less
essential to imitate Venice and 'to possesse a place or fort' which was
made invincible by nature as well as by man. Beacon departed from
the traditional account by claiming that Sparta did not arm its
citizens. Despite this dissimilarity, it is scarcely less important to
stress the basically Machiavellian features of Beacon's argument. If a
community aimed at peace and permanency, it was safest neither to
enlarge the population by admitting strangers nor to train the people
in warlike discipline, but on the contrary, to seclude oneself from the
rest of the world by constructing the community as a stronghold.
171
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p . 60.
172
Ibid, p. 52.
173
Ibid., p. 63; Machiavelli, Discord, 1.6.
ioo Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
174
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, pp. 63, 101; Machiavelli, Discord, 11.4.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 101
175
Beacon, Solon hisfollie, p p . 63-4.
176
Ibid., p. 64.
177
Ibid., p. 101.
178
Ibid., p . 64; Machiavelli, Discorsi, 11.3.
102 Classical humanism and republicanism 15J0—1640
possible revolts in Ireland it was safest to disarm the people and deny
them military discipline. England, on the other hand, was not a servile
commonwealth. The Englishman was not a servile subject, on the
contrary, he was a Tree Citizen'. It was best, therefore, to adopt the
policy of aggression, admit strangers, entertain friends and associates
and arm the Englishman as well as train him in military discipline.
This was the only way to guarantee not merely that he could perform his
public duty and safeguard his liberty, but also that his commonwealth
could attain glory and greatness. To organize England internally along
the Roman lines and to see that its external affairs were conducted along
concomitant principles was to ensure, in the first place, that the English
conquest of Ireland was carried out and consolidated. In the second
place, Beacon was convinced that by adopting the policy he was
proposing in Solon hisfollie England could emulate Rome as far as the
scope of the commonwealth was concerned. To render England
populous and to exercise the people in warlike discipline was to promote
the greatness of England. The completion of the conquest of Ireland was
but a means towards this loftier goal.
in
189
Ncale 1924; Axton 1977, p p . 89-91.
190
Register, vol. 11, pt, 1, p . 172.
191
Axton 1977, p p . 97—130, citation from p . 89.
192
[Robert Parsons], A conference abovt the next svccession to the crowne of Ingland (n.p., 1594), 1, pp. 3 -
13, 33,130. Gf. Collins 1989, p p . 103-8.
193
Axton 1977, pp. 95—7; Thomas Craig, The right of succession to the kingdom of England (London,
1703); John Harington, A tract on the succession to the crown (1602), ed. C. R. Markham (London:
Roxburghe Club, 1880); John Hayward, An answer to thefirstpart of a certaine conference, concerning
svccession (London, 1603), see e.g. sig. A3V.
194
Peter Wentworth, A pithie exhortation to her maiestiefor establishing her svccessor to the crowne (n.p.,
1598), 1, sig. A2 r , p p . 5, 5 0 - 1 , 79-81,117,11, p p . 6, 46-50.
195
Wilson, ' T h e state of England', p p . 2 - 9 .
106 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
196 r j , ^ e m o s t conspicuous examples are J o h n Hayward's, Thefirstpart of the life and raigne of king
Henrie the IIII (London, 1599), sig. A3 r ~4 r ; William Fulbecke's, An historicall collection of the
continuallfactions, tumults, and massacres of the Romans and Italians (London, 1601), sig. Ai r -2 V ; Levy
1987, p p . 1-3, 15-21. Gf. the vehemence with which T h o m a s Bedingfield disapproved of
aristocracy a n d democracy in his preface to his translation of Niccolo Machiavelli, The
Florentine historie (London, 1595), sig. A4 r ~5 r .
197
Norbrook 1984, p . 130.
198
Gasparo Contarini, The commonwealth and government of Venice, translated by Lewes Lewkenor
(London, 1599), p . 7; Laurentius Grimalius [Goslicius], The counsellor: exactly pourtraited in two
bookes, translated by anon. (London, 1598), p . 2. For Goslicius' translation, see Gollancz 1914;
Ghwalewik 1968, p . 22; and especially Baluk-Ulewiczowa 1988, who points out that there is a
manuscript translation of Goslicius' first book, dated before 1585.
Gontarini, The commonwealth of Venice, pp. 1-6.
200
Ibid., pp. 10—12.
201
Ibid., p p . 9, 13.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 107
attained only if, as he was never tired of repeating, there was 'such a
mixture of all estates' as could embrace at the same time ca princely
soveraigntie, a government of the nobilitie & a popular authority' 'so
that the formes of them all seeme to be equally ballanced'. The
democratic element, or 'the forme of a popular state', of the Venetian
commonwealth was represented by the great council from whose
'decrees and lawes aswell the senate as all other magistrates derive
their power and authority'. 203 The aristocratic element, which con-
sisted in the senate, was the strongest: 'The whole manner of the
commonwealths government belongeth to the senate.' 204 Contarini
devoted the second book of his treatise to the third element of the
mixed constitution - the duke. His authority was strictly limited and
he was thus deprived of 'all meanes, whereby he might abuse his
authoritie, or become a tyrant'. The chief issue here and the one to
which Contarini devoted most space was the election of a new prince.
This happened in a most intricate way to ensure that, on the one
hand, the people had a part in it, whilst, on the other hand, the
ultimate decision was taken by the senators. The decision was made
by 'certain several parliaments', as Lewkenor put it. 205
Although Goslicius' avowed aim was to discuss 'the duetie, vertue
and dignitie of a perfect Councellor', he was also concerned with his
own country and thus gave an account of an aristocratic mixed state.
He first pointed out that of the three pure forms of government, 'the
Principalitie and Optimatie\ had much to commend themselves. But he
immediately added that 'some men have thought the moste perfect
commonweale, should be tempered and framed of all of the three
estates'.207 This mixture had already been clearly discernible in 'the
Lacedemonian government', which had been 'compounded of the
nobilitie, (which was the Senators) of the authoritie of one, (which was
the King) and the people (which were the Ephori)'. But the most
remarkable instance of the mixed consitution was, as Polybius had
pointed out, 'the Romane state, because it consisted of the King, the
Nobilitie, and the people; supposing that the king for feare of the
people coulde not become insolente, and the people durste not
disobeye him, in respecte of the Senate'. Cicero had also explained that
2 2
° Ibid., pp. 15, 33-4, 67, 83,146.
*** Ibid., pp. 15-16,18, 21-2.
904.
Ibid., pp. 64-9; cf. in general pp. 64-98, 99.
205
Ibid. pp. 42,51-62.
206
[Goslicius], The counsellor, p. 1.
207
Ibid., p. 18.
108 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
the best commonwealth was a mixture 'of the best, the meane, and the
base people' and that a commonwealth 'attained perfection when it
was governed by a king, a Senate, and consent of the people'.20 The
same preference for a mixed state emerged in the second book, where
Goslicius argued more specifically that 'the bodie of our commonweale
consisteth in the conjunction of three estates'.209
Goslicius' discussion of the prince's role was brief, and the translator
had made it even shorter.21 The king must pursue 'the common
commoditie of his subjectes' and 'preserve the rights and liberty of the
people'. Although the translator omitted Goslicius' most crucial passage
in favour of the elective monarchy, the translation still made it clear that
Goslicius took the election of the prince for granted. Confronting an
elected prince and a tyrant, he wrote that 'the election of kinges was in
time paste proper to the moste vertuous people, unto whome the
government of Tyrantes was odious'.211 With regard to the popular
element of the mixed state, 'those people are accounted the beste, which
within a good commonweale doe live with justice and libertye'. The
'consente of the people' was a necessary requirement of good laws. But if
liberty completely dominated, the commonwealth would be governed
'without vertue and reason'.212 It was, therefore, best to aim at liberty as
well as peace and tranquillity. To ensure this, it was safest, Goslicius
held, to rely on the authority of the optimates. An aristocracy and the
senate, the mean between a monarchy and democracy, was thus like 'a
watch-tower'; it provided all the necessary things 'for the state, pre-
venting all seditions, tumultes, and perils that can be attempted' being
able to 'finde the perfection of all things'. It was only 'thorough Counsell
and authoritie of the Senate' that 'the state would be exceedingly
encreased and inforced'.213 The success of an aristocratic mixed state
was most readily seen in the Venetian commonwealth which had
'constantly lived in one forme of government, by the space of a thousand
years, or more', as Goslicius restated the myth of Venice.214
208
Ibid., pp. 1, 8-19, cf. p. 29.
209
I b i d , p. 76.
210
Baluk-Ulewiczowa 1988, pp. 268—71. T h e omissions concerning religion were much longer,
eadem pp. 271—2.
211
[Goslicius], The counsellor, pp. 29, 73-5, 15-16. For the omissions of the translator, see Baluk-
Ulewiczowa 1988, p . 268. Although George Garew vehemently criticized an elected
monarchy, he, nevertheless, provided a detailed account of the Polish princely elections,
'Relation', pp. 40-53,107,130-2,145-6.
212
[Goslicius], The counsellor, p. 16-18, 79-80.
213
Ibid., pp. 29-31.
214
I b i d , p. 18.
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 109
222
[Goslicius], The counsellor, pp. 43-59.
223
Ibid., pp. 59—61, 66,102; in general pp. 59—68.
224
Cf. Pocock 1975b, p. 350; Sharpe 1989, p. 18. See Salmon 1959, p. 22, for the ways in which
Bodin was perhaps seen as 'an encyclopaedia of political wisdom' rather than 'a source of
controversial argument'.
H2 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-164.0
turne your eyes, they shall not encounter any thing but obiectes of
admiration'.2 8 He was ready to admit his own gullibility regarding
'the report of rare and unusuall accidentes', but he considered it far
less serious than the outright contempt for new and strange things so
typical amongst his contemporaries. Lewkenor wanted, in other
words, to dispel suspicions about the use of instances which at first
glance seemed to be foreign and irrelevant to the English context,
but which on second thoughts turned out to be highly apposite. He
criticized, as he put it, those 'who presentlie doe condemne for false
fryvolous & impossible whatsoever is not within the narrow lymits of
their own capacitie included'.239
The admirable nature of Venice consisted partly in its longevity
and partly in its empire. It seemed as if it was in league 'with the
heavenly powers' since for '13 hundred yeares', it had been 'an estate
so perpetually flourishing & unblemished'. It was admired 'for power
and glorie', for its 'infinit affluence of glorie, and unmeasurable
mightinesse of power'.240 But the chief reason why Venice should be
honoured was the peculiar way in which it was organized, and which
ultimately accounted for its greatness and longevity. Spenser firmly
believed that Venice 'farre' exceeded all the other commonwealths 'in
policie of right'.241
There were three features in particular which Lewkenor found
highly commendable in the Venetian commonwealth. The first was
its ability to hold corruption at bay. If 'no ambitious force' could
destroy Venice from without, neither could internal division jeopar-
dize its well-being since 'all corrupt means to aspire are curbd' in
Venice.242 There were more than 3,000 citizens who took part in its
political life - not as soldiers, as Lewkenor took some pains to point
out, but as 'unweaponed men in gownes' - giving 'direction & law
to many mightie and warlike armies'. Nonetheless, Venice had not
encountered the perennial problem of factions and overambitious
citizens which was traditionally claimed to be inseparable from as
well as fatal to aristocratic commonwealths. None of her citizens had
been induced to 'aspire to any greater appellation of honour, or
higher tytle of dignitie then to be called a Gentleman of Venice'.
238
Gontarini, The commonwealth of Venice, sig. Ai v -2 r , A2V.
239
Ibid., sig. *4 V .
240
Ibid., sigs. A 3 r , *4r-
241
Ibid., sig. *3V.
242
Ibid., sig. V -
Classical republicanism in Elizabethan politics 117
The Venetians' love of their country was so profound and deep that
they were content to serve it with all their energy. 243
The preeminence of the Venetian commonwealth also emerged in
the election of its magistrates. Venice had avoided internal discord
since, in the words of one poet, her magistrates were 'elected' on the
basis of 'vertues'. Lewkenor completely concurred. Not only did the
Venetians diligently maintain justice 'pure and uncorrupted'; 'their
encouragements to vertue' were hardly less 'infinite'. This encourage-
ment was a consequence of the peculiar way in which 'offices &
dignities' were distributed, a way which 'utterly overreacheth the
subtilitie of all ambitious practises'. Lewkenor was careful to emphasize
that the principles of a truly virtuous nobility had been realized in
Venice. All the 'offices and dignitie' were conferred on people whom
'the whole assembly' regarded as 'men of greatest wisedome, vertue
and integritie of life'.245
The final feature of which Lewkenor strongly approved was the
Venetian form of government. Lewkenor insisted that 'the Venetian
prince' represented 'a most excellent Monarchic'. He possessed 'all
exterior ornamentas of royall dignitie' but his authority was 'wholy
subjected to the lawes'. The Venetian 'Councell of Pregati or Senators'
embodied 'Aristocraticall government'. This senate, Lewkenor faith-
fully acknowledged, possessed 'all supreame power' but was totally
unable to 'tyrannize, or to pervert their Country lawes'. The final
feature of the Venetian form of government was 'their great Councell,
consisting at the least of 3000. Gentlemen, whereupon the highest
strength and mightinesse of the estate absolutely relyeth'. This 'great
Councell', which had not caused any 'tumult' or 'confusion', was 'a
most rare and matchlesse president of a Democrasie or popular estate'.
For Lewkenor, accordingly, Venice was the embodiment of the mixed
246
constitution.
Lewkenor thus revealed the excellence of the Venetian common-
wealth and its government, but perhaps the most astonishing character-
istic of his preface is the forthrightness with which he suggested that
Venice was a touchstone for the governments of other commonwealths.
As a result, to give a picture of the Venetian government was to
'deliver unto other a cleare and exact knowledge' of the different forms
243
Ibid, sig. A3 r .
244
Ibid., sig. * 4 r -
245
Ibid., sig. A 2 V .
246
Ibid., sig. A2r-V
n8 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
of government so that all could comprehend 'the fruite of all whatso-
ever other governments throughout the world that are of any fame or
excellency'. Surely it would not be too much to say that one of the
points Lewkenor had in mind when he translated Contarini's treatise,
and criticized those who refused to see the relevance of a foreign
example, was that the English might have something to learn from the
Venetian experience.
247
Ibid., Sig. A2F.
CHAPTER 3
Jacobean political thought has often been studied from the viewpoint
of a polarity of opinions between the king and his parliaments. James,
together with his Anglican clerics and his lawyers, invoked royal
absolutism, whilst the House of Commons attempted to oppose
royalist claims by arguments based on their view of the nature and
contents of the ancient constitution or, more generally, on theories of
contract. This is the focal point of the older - or cWhig' interpreta-
tion. But it is also that of recent studies whether written against, or in
defence of, the older account.2 It is not the aim of this chapter to
deny the obvious truth that perhaps the majority of early-seventeenth-
century English political discourse centred upon the disagreements
between the king and his parliaments and upon the debates on the
nature of the ancient constitution. But what I do wish to argue is that
the narrow concentration upon these issues, displayed by most
scholars, tends to yield an over-restricted picture of the range of
Jacobean political thought. It is, in other words, worth our while to
take a fresh look at the political writings of the first two decades of the
seventeenth century. Although the bulk of political discourse was
conducted in juristic parlance - variously absolutist, contractarian or
legal in character - it is argued below that the opposing tradition,
which emphasized the virtuous citizen's active life, was also present
during this period.
The advocates of royal absolutism often directed their arguments
against contractarians - both Calvinist and catholic alike, as exempli-
fied by Bartholomew Parsons, the incumbent of Ludgershall, Wiltshire,
1
E.g. Allen 1938; Judson 1949.
2
Smith 1973; Eccleshall 1978; Weston and Greenberg 1982; Sommerville 1986; Christiansson
"9
120 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
Bartholomew Parsons, The magistrates charter examined: or his duty and dignity opened: in a sermon
preached at an assises, held at Sarum in the county of Wiltes, on the ninth day of March, last past, 16 14
(London, 1616), p . 4. See also e.g. William Wilkes, Obedience or ecclesiasticall union (London,
1606), pp. 49, 56-60, 63-4; John Dunster, Caesars penny: or a sermon of obedience . . . preached at St
Maries in Oxford at the assies the 24 ofluly 1610 (Oxford, 1610), sig. A2 v -3 r , pp. 17—18; Christopher
White, A sermon preached in Christ-church in Oxford, the 12. day of May 1622 (London, 1622), pp. 4,
17-21.
Buckeridge, A sermon preached at Hampton Court before the kings maiestie, on Tuesday the 23 of
September, anno 1606 (London, 1606) sig. A3 r ; Robert Anton, The philosophers satyrs (London,
1616), sig. 0 2 ^ .
William Dickinson, The kings right, briefely set downe in a sermon preached before the reuerend iudges at
the assizes held in Reading for the county of Berks. Iune 28. i6ig (London, 1619), sig. C4V; cf. Judson
1949, pp. 192-3, 213-14.
E.g. Robert Home, The Christian gouernour, in the common-wealth, and priuate families (London,
1614), sig. C4V~5V; cf. E. Njesbit], Caesars dialogue: or a familiar communication containing the first
institution of a subiect, in allegiance to his soueraigne (London, 1601), sig. A5V, pp. 4, 90-118; George
Webbe, The practice ofquietnes: or a direction how to Hue quietly (London, 1608), pp. 155-6.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 121
11
George More, Principlesforyong princes: collected out ofsundry authors (London, 1611), fo. 69/.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 123
raignes, the kingdome was for the most part governed in this same
manner that it is now'.12
In More's vision, the authority of the king was thus clearly limited. It
was confined by the original contract as well as the immemorial custom
which defined England as having 'regall and politicke government5.
But in so far as the subject was concerned, his role was not one of an
active citizen; the original contract and the ancient custom simply
secured his absolute property in his goods and land. When the issue of
impositions surfaced in Jacobean parliaments, it was essentially these
arguments to which the king's opponents resorted. The liberty of the
subject tended to be equated with his right in property which was
safeguarded by the ancient constitution. This line of reasoning emerges
clearly in Nicholas Fuller's speech in opposition to the king's right of
impositions in parliament in June 1610. He constructed his account as
an argument Tor the freedom of the subject'. The pivotal point was
that 'the laws of England are the most high inheritance of the land' and
they defined as well as directed both the king and his subjects. The law
preserved subjects' 'right and liberty' 'in their lands and goods' and in
'lawful and free trades'.13
To conceal the fundamental disagreements between absolutists and
their opponents, these arguments were often presented in the 'rhetoric
of reconciliation': there was an intimate link between the king's
authority and the people's liberty defined by a balanced constitution.14
This vocabulary was used by the defenders of the king's claims. 'The
King's Sovereignty and the Liberty of Parliament', Francis Bacon told
a committee of the House of Commons in 1610 in a highly revealing
passage, 'are as the two elements and principles of this estate; which
though the one be more active the other more passive, yet they do not
cross or destroy the one the other, but they strengthen and maintain
the one the other ... And herein it is our happiness that we may make
the same judgement of the King which Tacitus made of Nerva. Diuus
Nerva res olim dissociabiles miscuit, Imperiam et Libertatem. Nerva did temper
things that before were thought incompatible or insociable, Sovereignty
12
More, Principles for yong princes, fos. i r -2 v . Cf. e.g. Richard Middleton, The carde and compasse of
life: containing many passages, jitfor these times (London, 1613), pp. 62, 231, 235-6. Middleton wrote
that the prince ought 'to governe and defend the Common-wealth, according to the prescript
of the Lawes: therefore is infinite power not to be ascribed to him'.
13
PP1610, 11, p. 152. Gf. the interesting discussion of the concept of liberty in Thomas Palmer,
An essay of the meanes how to make our trauailes, intoforraine countries, the more profitable and honourable
(London, 1606), pp. 69—70,117—18.
14
Sommerville 1986, pp. 134-7; cf. e.g. Hirst 1981; Hirst 1985, p. 124.
124 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
11
his successors; and so [had] played with the Romanes, as vermine doe
with poultry, sucking the best blood, and leaving the refuse for all
commers'. Wybarne believed that Tiberius had learned 'his plot-forme
from Augustus'. Their common method had been that 'the name be as
little changed as may bee, though the thing bee altered'.27
This theme was developed in an anonymous treatise, Horae subseciuae,
published in 1620 and now thought to have been written partly by
William Cavendish and partly by his tutor, Thomas Hobbes.28 The
discussion occurs in a lengthy 'Discourse upon the beginnning of
Tacitus', attributed to Hobbes. After a brief introduction, where the
'accidentall' nature of 'the first forme of government in any State' was
emphasized and the earlier constitutional history of Rome briefly
rehearsed, the author explained how the constitutional development of
Rome after the expulsion of the kings had been totally unsteady. The
people 'grew perplexed at every inconvenience, and shifted from one
forme of government to another, and so to another, and then to the
first againe; like a man in a fewer'. The chief reason for this wavering
situation had been the rivalry between the commons and the nobles:
'For on whomsoever the commons conferred the supreme authority,
the Senate and Nobility still gained in all suites and offices to be
preferred before them, which was the cause of most of the seditions
and alterations of the State.' The Roman people had soon realized that
although it had been necessary to trust the defence of their liberty to
someone, at the same time the power had corrupted those in authority,
and they had quickly turned against the people and their liberty. 'But
indeed the thing they most feared, was, that they saw those who
possessed the power for the present, would not give it over, but sought
to make it personall, and perpetuate it to themselves.' The Romans
were faced with a dilemma for they 'were jealous of their liberty, and
knewe not in whose hands to trust it, and were often at the point to lose
if.29
Instead of explicating the means whereby corruption might be
staved off by limiting the power of those in authority, the author simply
27
Joseph Wybarne, The new age of old names (London, 1609), p p . 15-17, 78. Wybarne was also
disposed to endorse scepticism, pp. 10-11.
28
Reynolds a n d Hilton 1993; see also Malcolm 1981. For a n account of the arguments of the
Horae subseciuae, see Saxonhouse 1981. Other English examples of the commentary-style
include Robert Dallington, Aphorismes civill and militarie: amplified with authorities, and exemplified
with historie, out of the first quarterne ofFr Guicciardine (London, 1613). Thomas Gainsford wrote a
similar treatise, which remained in manuscript, see Salmon 1989, p . 217.
29
Anon., Horae subseciuae: observations and discourses (London, 1620), p p . 229—34. Cf. Henry Wright,
Thefirstpart of the disquisition oftrvth concerning political affaires (London, 1616), pp. 45-6.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 127
England managed to avoid a civil war,36 but the political world of the
early seventeenth century offered ample opportunities to describe it in
terms of flattery and servility, hypocrisy and dissimulation. The court in
particular was denounced as a place of vices and corruption. According
to Francis Bacon, the court abounded with men whose 'Art5 made 'a
flourishing estate ruinous & distressed' but who could at the same time
'fiddell very cunningly' and gain 'both satisfaction with their Masters,
and admiration with the vulgar'.37 The court was regarded as completely
devoid of virtues. 'The Courtier', Thomas Gainsford defined, 'that is all
for shew and complement, is the onely professor of humanitie, master of
curtesie, vaine promiser, idle protester, servant of folly, and scholler of
deceit.' Nobody should be so foolish as to trust a courtier, for, in a word,
'he neither performeth, what hee commonly sweares, nor remembers in
absence, what hee hath formerly protested: so that his oaths and words
are like smoake and aire: and his deeds and actions meerly shadowes, and
farre from substance'.38 According to Henry Wright, the court was a
place where 'all credit, countenance, honors, and authority' were 'for
the most part slippery, and not to be trusted unto'. 39
The analysis of corruption was often based on the history of imperial
Rome. Tacitus' excellence, Richard Brathwait wrote, derived from the
fact that he offered 'a dilated compendiary of many declined States,
disunited Provinces' and he showed 'the vices of the time, where it was
dangerous to be Vertuous, and where Innocence tasted the sharpest
censure'. He taught 'men in high estates how to moderate their
Greatnesse', but 'others of inferior ranke' could gather from him that it
was worthwhile 'rather to live retired, then to purchase eminence in
place by servile meanes'.40 Describing the flattery, dissimulation and
corruption of his age, Anthony Stafford made extensive use of Seneca
J o h n Hitchcock discussed rebellion and civil war in A sanctuary for honest men: or an abstract of
human wisdome (London, 1617), pp. 120-3, arguing that there were two options open for private
persons: 'if they bee men of publike charge and credit they ought to joyn themselves to the
better part', but 'if they be private men of a lower degree the best way is to retire themselves
to some peaceable and secure place'.
37
Bacon, Essaies (1612), in Works, v i , p. 587. See also William Govell, Polimanteia: or, the meanes
laivjull and vnlawjull, to ivdge of the fall of a common-wealth (Cambridge, 1595), sigs. 03 r , D4V, SI V ;
Cornwallis, Discourses, sig. B4 r ~5 v .
38
(Thomas Gainsford], The rich cabinet furnished with uarietie of excellent discriptions (London, 1616),
fos. i8 v -ig r , in general fos. i8 v -2i r . Cf. e.g. Robert Dallington, Aphorismes, p p . 104-5, 2 2 4i
T h o m a s Churchyard, A pleasant discourse of court and wars (London, 1596), sig. A3V~4V.
39
Wright, Thefirstpart, pp. 19-20.
40
Richard Brathwait, The schollers medley: or an intermixt discourse vpon historicall and poeticall relations
(London, 1614), p p . 10, 13-14; idem, A svruey of history: or, a nursery for gentry (London, 1638),
pp. 38, 50-1; cf. in general idem, Essaies uponfivesenses (London, 1620); idem, The golden fleece
Civic life and the mixed constitution 129
strong emphasis on the active life, but he also called patience 'an
excellent quality' and named 'Constancy' as 'the honorablist Vertue of
all Vertues'. Robert Dallington explained that everyone ought to be
carefully prepared for sudden change. 'But the resolved man,' he
wrote, 'is ever the same, in the period of both fortunes'.46 In his
translation of Seneca, Thomas Lodge advised his reader that he could
find in the volume, 'how much thou hast lost in life in begetting vanities
and nourishing them, in applauding follies, and intending them'. From
this the reader was supposed to infer that 'no time is better spent' than
that spent in studying 'how to live, and how to die weF. Seneca taught
that 'to be truely vertuous is to be happy, to subdue passion is to be
truely a man ... to live well is to be vertuous, and to die well is the way
to eternitie'.47 Having condemned 'the Jesuites positions', as well as the
doctrine held by 'Buchanan and the fayned Junius Brutus' that a tyrant
could be resisted, Christopher White emphasized: 'There is no defen-
sive resistance allowed, unlesse thy defence be such, (as livie only allots
to subiects)... the buckler of patience.' 48
A similar conclusion was drawn from Tacitus' Annals in 'A discourse
upon the beginning of Tacitus' of the Horae subseciuae, attributed to
Hobbes. Whilst virtues of 'deepe wisedome and great, and extra-
ordinary valour' had flourished in republican Rome and generally 'in a
free State', the virtue which had acquired prominence in imperial
Rome and which had always been 'the greatest vertue' of 'the subject
of a Monarch' was 'obedience'. Showing the point of contact of royal
absolutism and the Tacitean tradition, the author argued that a
prince's subject did not need to possess those virtues which were vital
for 'the Art of commanding'. He ought to either lead the life of
retirement or apply himself to 'the Art of service', where 'obsequious-
nesse' was the chief virtue.
Since the contemporary world was conceived as a place full of
decay, deceit and flattery, it was empty of active virtue and the best one
could do was to express serene admiration for the great achievements
of former ages whilst concentrating oneself on more passive qualities.
'Rise, Sidney, rise:' wrote Anthony Stafford a quarter of a century after
46
Harvey, Marginalia, p . 157; Dallington Aphorisms, p p . 115, 64-5, 137-8, 172; Johnson, Essaies,
sigs. Bi r -4 V , G4 r , G6 V .
47
The workes of Lucius Annaevs Seneca, both morrall and naturall, translated by Thomas Lodge
(London, 1614), sig. [xxi1""^. Cf. William Cornwallis, Essayes (1606-10), ed. D o n Cameron
Allen (Baltimore: J o h n Hopkins University Press, 1946), pp. 167-73.
48
White, A sermon, p . 29.
49
Anon., Horae subseciuae, pp. 305-17.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 131
Philip Sidney's death, 'thou Englands eternall honour, revive, and
leade the revolting spirits of thy countrey-men, against the soules basest
foe, Ignorance.'5 But as to his own times, Stafford advocated the
contemplative life: the qualities of fortitude, steadfastness and resolu-
tion - the extreme suppression of emotions - were the chief character-
istics of virtue. In his treatise, Stqffbrds heauenly dogge - a biography of
Diogenes - he promised to treat 'a strange, inimitable man, who had
nothing, yet never knew adversity'. 'The cruell effects of Fortunes
malice' had not made Diogenes 'change his minde, nor his counte-
nance.'51 Stafford combined this stoicism with academic scepticism.
Because of his 'wandring ambitious spirit', man had sought to know
more with the contrary result that he had come cto know lesse'. 'All
that miserable man now knowes,' Stafford declared, 'is, that hee
knowes nothing.'52 Diogenes' qualities made him the epitome of
Stafford's ideal man. 'Vertue', Stafford explained, 'never tooke a
deeper root in any mind, then in that of Diogenes.' But this was not the
virtue of the active life; rather it was that of a private life, providing
proof 'to abide the battery of Fortune'. Stafford was careful to point
out that Diogenes was 'no Statist', nor even a citizen of any town 'but
of the world', and he therefore excluded prudence and justice from his
discussion, focusing his attention on such virtues as temperance,
modesty and patience.53 When Sir John Holies feared that his patron's
(Robert Carr, earl of Somerset) fall could jeopardise his own safety, he
complained that 'too late I find ... Tacitus his opinion confirmed, that
safety dwelleth not in doing well or ill, but in doing nothing'.
The case for the life of retirement was also explored by Thomas
Gainsford, Owen Felltham and Joseph Hall. 'The safest way to live
under tyrants', Gainsford argued, 'is to do nothing, because of
nothing no man is to yield an account.' 55 Felltham, likewise, pointed
out that 'retirednesse is more safe then businesse'.56 Perhaps the
fullest account of the vita contemplativa was offered by 'the English
50
Stafford, Stqffords Mobe, pp. 112-7.
51
Anthony Stafford, Stqffbrds heauenly dogge: or the life, and death of that great cynicke Diogenes (London,
1615), sig. A5™.
Ibid., pp. 2—4, 22.
53
Ibid., pp. 20, 26-31, 55. See in general Anon., The treasure of tranquillity: or a manvall ofmorall
discourses, tending to the tranquillity ofminde, translated by James Maxwell (London, 1611).
54
Cited in Smuts 1994, p. 35.
55
Cited in Salmon 1989, pp. 218-19, see in general pp. 217-19.
56
Owen Felltham, Resohes diiane, morall, politicall (London, [1623]), pp. 218-19. See also Anon., A
twofold treatise, the one deciphering the worth of speculation, and of a retired life. The other containing a
discoverie of youth and old age (Oxford, 1612), sig. A2V—3 r, A4 v -5 r , A6 r , AIO V .
132 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
E.g. Joseph Hall, Characters of verities and vices (1608), in The works of Joseph Hall (London, 1647),
pp. 155, 158. For Hall's cognomen, see Monsarrat 1984, pp. 98-100.
Hall, Characters of vertves and vices, pp. 155, 157-8. 163; Heaven vpon earth (1606), in Works,
pp. 66-7.
Hall, Epistles in six decads, in Works, pp. 270-1.
Sejanus, in. 168.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 133
Laugh, when their patron laughs; sweat when he sweats;
Be hot, and cold with him; change every mood,
Habit and garb, as often as he varies.
It is hardly surprising that Sejanus got Jonson into trouble with the
authorities.70
Pardy the challenge of absolutist vocabulary but mainly the ascen-
dancy of these Tacitean aspects has led some scholars to see the turn of
the century as a decisive point in humanist political discourse. 'By the
end of the [sixteenth] century', we are told, 'the dominance of Cicero
was over5, and the older humanism had comprehensively been replaced
by 'a wholly new kind of humanism5, with Tacitus playing the central
role. The chief ingredients of this new moral oudook were ethical
scepticism, the stoic attempt to enter into a state of apathy, as well as
the principles of self-interest and self-preservation.71 As far as England
is concerned, there is litde doubt that after surfacing in the 1590s this
kind of vocabulary acquired popularity in Jacobean court circles and
that many an author, as we have briefly indicated above, was
preoccupied with these themes. It is clear, however, that neither the
growth of royal absolutism, nor the legal accounts of the freedoms of
the Englishman, invoked to meet the challenge of absolutists, nor even
Tacitean pessimism and its related insistence on the merits of the
contemplative and private life, could completely outweigh traditional
Ciceronian humanism and its urging of the merits of the active life. But
rather than seeing these new emphases, somewhat misleadingly, as the
antithesis of classical Ciceronian humanism, such emphases should be
interpreted as a part of the humanist political vocabulary. New genres
as well as new features - reason of state, dissimulation, scepticism and
the neostoic idea of self-preservation - were introduced into humanist
political parlance, but these novelties could hardly be said to have
Tuck 1993, chapters 2 and 3; Tuck 1990, pp. 63—5, Tuck 1989, pp. 6-11; cf. Tuck 1987, pp.
108-19; Tuck 1983; Levy 1986; Baldwin 1944 11, pp. 589-90.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 135
completely undermined the older values of the active life, true nobility
and cardinal virtues.72
Tacitus was not the only Roman historian whose works were
published in English at the turn of the century. Philemon Holland's
translation of livy appeared in 1600 and of Plutarch's Morals in 1603.
Sallust's The conspiracy of Catiline and The Jugurthine war were issued in
1608. Many of the Tacitean treatises contained numerous traditional
elements of Ciceronian humanism. It was 'civil life' attained by virtues
which formed Lipsius' chief aim in the Sixe bookes of politickes. The
same values of the virtuous active life permeated Du Vair's A bvckler
against adversitie, so much so that, according to the translator, Andrew
Court, Vertue' was 'the maine pillars of civill life and humane
societie'.74 On the other hand, Gabriel Harvey, who is often regarded
as a prime example of new pragmatic humanism and who admired
Tacitus, also admired livy and especially Cicero, endorsing, as we
have seen, some of the central values of Ciceronian humanism. But he
also extolled Cicero's letters to Atticus for their value in politics as well
as in 'everyday life'.75 Moreover, as we shall see, many of the English
authors who developed Tacitean themes were ready to endorse the
central convictions of classical Ciceronian humanism. To the extent
that some scholars have demonstrated the appeal of Tacitean tenden-
cies among court circles, their works have made a valuable contribution
to our knowledge about the depth and width of the neostoic moral
outlook in early-seventeenth-century England and an important recon-
struction of a proper intellectual context for some of the great
seventeenth-century contributions to political theory. But to the extent
that they have regarded this neostoic and Tacitean movement as
entirely superseding the old Ciceronian humanism, hence failing to
detect the continuity of Ciceronian values, they have oversimplified the
issue. As a matter of fact, it can be argued that some of the early-
72
It should be pointed out that Peter Miller has recently shown that the role of Cicero's moral
and political writings in shaping the new vocabulary of reason of state was more prominent
than the dominant account allows. Cicero was used alongside Tacitus as an authority for the
extreme measures that the preservation of the community demanded. It was above all
Cicero's ambiguous discussion of the honestum and utile which provided respectable support for
an argument that the pursuit of the public good justified overstepping the bounds of law.
Miller 1994, chapter 1, especially p p . 21—8, 50—1, 57-9.
73
Justus Lipsius, Sixe bookes of politickes or civil doctrine, translated by William Jones (London, 1594),
e.g. p . 1; see also van Gelderen 1990, pp. 206-10; Grafton and Jardine 1986, pp. 197-9.
74
D u Vair, A bvckler against adversitie, p. 115.
75
Gabriel Harvey, Marginalia, p p . 122, 133-4. For Harvey's admiration for Tacitus a n d livy, see
Stern 1979, p . 151.
136 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
in
In 1619, an anonymous tract entitled The court of the most illvstrious and
most magnificent James, thefirstwas published. The author, CA. D. B.', was
a foreigner residing at the English court76 and was preoccupied with
presenting rules for the conduct of a courtier. He had, he told his
readers, resolved 'to divulge and set forth unto publike view, somewhat
concerning the life of a Courtier'. This involved explaining how a
determined courtier could 'wisely and warily' sail 'the deepe of this
difficult and turbulent Sea', how he could escape 'Scylla and Charibdis'
and how he could avoid being 'dasht against the wrath and indignation
of [his] Prince'.77
A successful advancement of one's career in the court demanded
several indispensable qualities, and the author offered detailed rules for
a courtier about his apparel, conduct, behaviour and various activities
useful to him.78 Even more careful attention was paid to the courtier's
behaviour towards his master. The basic rule was that the king's word
was the courtier's law. He should know how to 'carry himselfe in the
change and alteration of a King or Kingdome', and if he 'hath
inconsiderately displeased his Prince'. Above all, he must never
commence anything which is against the king's taste and always know
how to please the king.79 Furthermore, the courtier should always bear
in mind the true nature of the court - that 'Courts are never empty of
fained friendship'. The courtier's basic course must be to look for 'his
owne well-fare in due time' since, as the author put it, 'every man is the
cause of his owne misery'. °
To illustrate his point, the author called attention to the 'most sage
76
A. D . B., The court of the most illvstrious and most magnificent James, the first; Jang of Great Britaine,
France, and Ireland: &c (London, 1619), sig. jtof.
77
Ibid., p p . 1, 4.
78
Ibid., p p . 5 5 - 6 , 110-16.
79
Ibid., p p . 60—1, 6 5 - 6 , 68—9, 97-^99.
80
Ibid., p p . 67,146,153-4, 99-100,103-4,105.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 137
Philosopher, and sweet Oratour' who had laid down that 'vertue
consists not in words, but in workes'. Although the author could use a
Ciceronian maxim to define the courtier's art, he was more prone to
appeal to the authority of another Roman author - Tacitus. Life at
court was not merely or even chiefly ca soft, delicate, easie, or calme'
life, but was full of dissimulations, infirmities and calamities; every-
where 'full many thornes and thistles doe privily grow up.' 81 In order
to describe this darker side of the courtier's pursuits, the author
resorted to the Roman historian and claimed that 'wicked and ungodly
Courtiers' purchase for themselves 'great power and authority' 'by
pretending and counterfeiting the contrary of what they intend'. These
courtiers use 'Sejanus as their best tutor and Schoole-maister'. In
addition to the rules of dissimulation, Tacitus provided the courtier
with the most useful advice of 'Obsequious pliantnesse'. 'By how much
the more readie a man is in obsequiousnesse, by so much the sooner
shall he be raised to Dignitie and Noblenesse.'
The author dwelt at length on the issues of the architecture of
fortune, but it is arguable that his chief polemic lay elsewhere. He
pointed out that he had not undertaken the project on his own
initiative but had 'urgently [been] solicited thereunto, by the vehement
perswasions of some worthy personages, who themselves have observed
divers Pamphlets' which had severely castigated the court. The purpose
of the tract was mainly to counter those who had offered wholesale
criticism of the court. The author scorned 'the perverse petulancie of
many Poets, which laid so many odious aspersions upon Courts, as if
no vertue had in them any residence'. Because of this belief, these
critics retired 'themselves to a certaine unprofitable contemplation,
wherein they studie to barke and snarle at the honourable labours and
indevours of others, being in themselves absolutely immeritorious'; they
held nothing 'more happie, or more blessed then a priuate kind of life,
moderated and decorated with the Golden meane and mediocritie'. It
was chiefly Seneca, the author believed, who taught 'the tranquillitie
and sweete securitie of a Countrey-mans private life'.
The author, in other words, directed his arguments against the
exponents of the vita contemplativa. The opinions of those who espoused
this mode of life had no effect on those who were inclined 'to square
their lives and actions, by the rule of true vertue and piety'. Rather
than convincing their adversaries, the representatives of the vita
81
Ibid., p. 10, see also pp. 10-11.
82
Ibid., pp. 91-3, 83; see also pp. 100-1.
138 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
83
Ibid., p. 3, sig. 4 3 v - 4 r , pp. 13-16.
84
Ibid., sig. Ai v -2 r , p. 13; see also pp. 13-16.
85
Ibid., sig. Ai r - 2 V , M r -
86
Ibid., p. 144.
87
Ibid., pp. 40-1.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 139
Offices that "We are not borne onely to our selves, but our Parents,
Gountrye, and Friends, doe challenge unto them a part in our being'".
It followed that everyone must avoid 'a private, obscure, and solitary
life', because this mode of life was utterly unprofitable, consisting of
'nothing at all beneficiall to the Common-wealth, whereinto, and
whereunto they were borne and brought up'. To summarize his whole
argument, the anonymous author evoked the authority of Sallust
according to whom 'it is a very noble and worthy thing, to doe good to
the Common-weale'.88
A somewhat more theoretical attempt of a similar nature was made by
Francis Bacon. While the anonymous author of The court of James tried to
repudiate those who called the court in question, Bacon had a more
philosophical target in mind. He could admire Tacitus and devote a
considerable part of his presentation of civil knowledge to the 'architec-
ture of fortune', but he never thought that this was the only, let alone the
worthiest, pursuit. Embarking on his doctrine of the architecture of
fortune in the Advancement of learning, Bacon felt it necessary to justify his
undertaking. He admitted that the architecture of fortune was but 'an
inferior work' since 'no man's fortune can be an end worthy of his being'.
It often happens that 'the worthiest men do abandon their fortune
willingly for better respects'. The pursuit of one's own fortune should be
but 'an organ of virtue and merit'. 89 Bacon presented an essentially
similar argument in the second edition of his Essayes, published in 1612.
He wrote of the possible discrepancy between the common good and the
architecture of fortune since 'extreme lovers of their Countrey, or
Masters, were never fortunate'. But personal fortune should never
become the chief end of a man's pursuits. Men who were 'great lovers of
themselves,' Bacon argued, 'waste the publike'. 'The referring of all to a
mans selfe' was 'a desperate evill'.90 'The affecting of the Weale of men'
Bacon took to be 'the greatest' of all virtues. The only way to justify the
architecture of fortune was to take it as an efficacious means of enhancing
the public good. 'But power to doe good,' he explained in his essay 'Of
great place', 'is the true & lawfull end of aspiring. For good thoughts,
(though God accept them) yet towards men are little better then good
dreams: except they be put in Act; and that cannot be without power and
place; as the vantage & commanding ground.' 91 Bacon turned Ducci's
88
Ibid., pp. 18-19.
89
Bacon, Advancement of learning, in Works, 111, p. 456.
90
Bacon, Essaies (1612), in Works, vi, pp. 574, 561-2.
91
Ibid., pp. 545, 550.
140 Classical humanism and republicanism 1370-164.0
argument upside down: the pursuit of the architecture of fortune was but
a means to the more valuable aim of the good of the commonwealth.
In assessing the role of moral and civil philosophy, Bacon put
forward a fully fledged Ciceronian account of the birth of civil society.
Using 'persuasion and eloquence', philosophy had induced men to
embrace 'the love of virtue and equity and peace', taught them 'to
assemble and unite and take upon them the yoke of laws and submit to
authority', and provided them, in short, with the wherewithal to build
homes, till the soil and found cities.92 When he discussed the questions
of ethics in the Advancement of learning, his analysis was grounded on the
same tradition. He began by taking pains to demonstrate what kinds of
standpoint he wanted to refute. Following the general scheme of the
treatise, he first examined the deficiencies of contemporary moral
philosophy. On the one hand, he expressed his criticism towards 'the
subtilty of disputations' in scholastic moral philosophy and, on the
other, towards 'the eloquence of discourses' of humanists concerned
only with the elegant language. The basic weakness of the prevailing
moral philosophy was that it had offered 'good and fair exemplars and
copies, carrying the draughts and portraitures of good, virtue, duty,
felicity'. Since the purpose was, however, 'not to write at leisure that
which men may read at leisure' but quite on the contrary 'to instruct
and suborn action and active life', it was crucial, instead of simply
describing virtue and duty in subtle disputations or in elegant style, to
explain 'how to attain these excellent marks'. Bacon thus aligned
himself with the general Ciceronian humanist assumption that the
main aim of ethics was to teach how virtue might be acquired. A firm
commitment to the values of the vita activa underlay his exposition of
moral philosophy, the central part of which was directed precisely
against the advocates of the contemplative life.
Following this scheme, Bacon divided ethics into two halves. The
first part dealt with 'the exemplar or platform of good', explaining the
meanings of the terms involved, whilst the other dealt with 'the
regiment or culture of the mind' explaining how to train men in
attaining the marks of ethics. Bacon devoted much space to the issues
surrounding this second question, both because of its importance and
92
Bacon, De sapientia veterum, in Works, vi, p. 648, translation p. 722; cf. Advancement of learning, in
Works, in, p . 302.
93
Gf. Bacon's assessment of humanism and scholasticism, Advancement of learning, in Works, i n ,
pp. 282—7.
94
Ibid., pp. 418-19.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 141
because it had not been treated properly,95 but he never thought that
even the problems of the nature of moral good had been totally settled.
Previous writers, he wrote, had excellently handled 'the forms of Virtue
and Duty'. They had no less skilfully described 'the Degrees and
Comparative Nature of Good' in their 'comparisons between a con-
templative and an active life, in the distinction between virtue with
reluctation and virtue secured, in their encounters between honesty
and profit, in their balancing of virtue with virtue, and the like'.
Nevertheless, they had not provided an exhaustive account of the
nature of the good, and it was Bacon's aim, therefore, to offer some
particular rules for completing this part of ethics.
There was in everything, he began, 'a double nature of good: the
one, as every thing is a total or substantive in itself; the other, as it is a
part or member of a greater body'. It was beyond doubt that the latter
was to be preferred, since 'the public ought to be much more precious
than the conservation of life and being'. Once this issue was settled,
Bacon firmly believed, 'most of the controversies wherein Moral
Philosophy is conversant' could be easily determined. Once we
admitted that virtue consisted of 'the actions and exercises whereof do
chiefly embrace and concern society' and that 'in this theatre of man's
life it is reserved only for God and Angels to be lookers on', we could
readily see which school of moral philosophy was to preferred. 'The
question touching the preferment of the contemplative or active life'
could be decided. 6
Bacon first directed his argument - perhaps typically for a Cicero-
nian humanist - 'against Aristotle' who had erroneously maintained
that the contemplative way of living was the most valuable and who
had substantiated his claims with arguments which were all 'private,
and respecting the pleasure and dignity of a man's self. Having
dismissed the Aristotelian standpoint, Bacon turned his attention to
other schools of moral philosophy, which opposed the idea of the active
life. He identified his own point of view with the one represented by
'Zeno and Socrates and their schools and successions . . . who placed
felicity in virtue simply or attended' and, according to whom, 'the
actions and exercises' of virtues 'do chiefly embrace and concern
society'. Bacon employed this as an index by which he measured
various ethical schools. He dismissed, to begin with, 'the Cyrenaics and
Epicureans' who placed felicity 'in pleasure, and made virtue, (as it is
95
Ibid., pp. 432-44.
96
Ibid., pp. 419-21.
142 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
used in some comedies of errors, wherein the mistress and the maid
change habits) to be but as a servant'. Next, he dismissed 'the reformed
school of the Epicureans' who, according to Bacon, regarded 'serenity of
mind and freedom from perturbation' as true felicity. He further refuted
the viewpoint ascribed to Herillus (in 1623 n e added, significantly,
Pyrrho) and to contemporary Anabaptists according to which happy life
consisted of'extinguishment of the disputes of the mind, making no fixed
nature of good and evil, esteeming things according to the clearness of
the desires, or the reluctation'. This subjective ethics, calling the validity
of objective ethical commitments into question, led 'to private repose
and contentment' rather than to the good of the community.97
The position Bacon adopted also enabled him to censure 'the
philosophy of Epictetus' which taught that 'felicity must be placed in
those things which are in our power, lest we be liable to fortune and
disturbance'. For Bacon, it was foolish to claim that obtaining 'all that
we can wish to ourselves in our proper fortune' rendered us happier
than even failing 'in good and virtuous ends for the public' - let alone
succeeding in promoting the common good. True felicity consisted
rather of'the conscience of good intentions, howsoever succeeding' than
of 'all the provision which can be made for security and repose'. It was
much more valuable to fail in lofty attempts to enhance the good of
one's commonwealth than to succeed in pursuit of one's own private
good. Moreover, Bacon regarded his general argument to be convincing
enough to refute the doctrine that man's chief preoccupation must be
the pursuit of the kind of life where even the causes of perturbations
could be avoided. This ethical standpoint, which had grown 'general
about the time of Epictetus', received nothing short of ridicule from
Bacon. Neither 'health of mind' nor bodily health were proper goals in
themselves for man's life. They were but means to an end. They were
external qualities which enabled men to 'refer themselves to duties of
society'. Finally, Bacon employed his argument to condemn in general
'the tenderness and want of application in some of the most ancient and
reverend philosophers and philosophical men, that did retire too easily
from civil business, for avoiding of indignities and perturbations'.98
We are not, of course, concerned in the present context with the
accuracy of Bacon's descriptions of various schools of philosophy or
with his identifications of particular philosophers. But in order to
grasp what Bacon was doing in his argument, it is of great importance
97
Ibid., pp. 420-3; De augmentis, in Works, 1, p. 719, translation v, p. 9.
98
Bacon, Advancement of learning, in Works, in, pp. 423-4.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 143
mind and freedom from perturbation3 and refrain from any moral
commitments. Bacon countered the sceptic and neostoic challenge with
a strong restatement of the virtuous vita activa. The considerable
prominence given to the architecture of fortune in Bacon's presentation
of civil knowledge was not indexical of its equal importance. The
reason, rather, is to be ascertained in the nature and purpose of the
Advancement of learning. Bacon intended to offer rules as to how to
proceed and develop those branches of learning which previously had
been deficiently presented or even overlooked altogether. Whereas the
architecture of fortune had been much practised, 'it hath not been
reduced to writing'. But the citizen's duty or, as Bacon put it, 'the
common Duty of every man, as a man or member of a state', was
'extant and well laboured' and he could refrain from repeating these
instructions.
If Bacon could discuss the architecture of fortune whilst embracing
the conventional Ciceronian ethics of the vita activa, the same was
equally true of Fulke Greville and Ben Jonson. Having suggested that
'great men of estate' should seek comfort from retirement, Greville
quickly changed his priorities and stressed the crucial importance of the
active life: 'Yet whoe are free, must labour and desire.' He claimed that
the king's 'best help indeed is happy choice / Of underministers in
every kinde', as the example of Alexander Severus demonstrated. 107
Later in the Treatise of monarchy Greville went still further, arguing that
'All arts preferred by odds of practicke use, / The meere contemplative
scorn'd as abuse.' It was only by educating the people in those arts
'wherof both warr and peace finde use' that 'greate estates' could be
maintained 'in reputation'. 108 It should occasion little surprise that,
despite his decided preference for monarchy, Greville contrasted
between the slaves of tyrants and 'free Citizens' of well-governed
commonwealths.
In Ben Jonson's Catiline (1611) corruption occurred when people
placed their private good before the common good. As Curius revealed
the aims of the conspiracy to Fulvia: 'By public ruin, private spirits
must rise.' The virtue of frugality was replaced by the prevalence of
excessive wealth, and
106
Bacon, Advancement of learning, in Works, m, pp. 455-6, 428.
107
Greville, Treatise of monarchy, stanzas n o , 125, 126, in Remains, p p . 62, 66.
Ibid., stanzas 4 8 4 - 9 0 , citations from 484, 489, in Remains, p p . 156-8.
109
Ibid., stanza 511, in Remains, p . 163.
110
Catiline, 11.362.
146 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
114
Anon., Horae subseciuae, pp. 138, 141,165—6,169—70; cf. pp. 3-4.
115
Ibid., pp. 335-6.
James Cleland, Propaideia: or the institution of a young noble man (Oxford, 1607), pp. 5-6, 50, 69,
119-23,135-7.
William Martyn, Youths instruction (London, 1612), sig. A3V, pp. 18,19.
148 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
away from the active life (1.16.19), Brinsley explained the content of this
passage to his readers by insisting that by 'studies wee suffer not our
selves to bee drawne away from more necessarie imployments'. This
was so, because 'all the praise of vertue consisteth in action or
performing Duties, from which yet there may be intermissions and
returning to studie'.122
Anthony Nixon defined duty as 'the end whereunto Vertue tendeth'.
Since everything had been created for man, it followed that man
himself was created 'for the benefite of man'. It was, therefore, contrary
to man's happiness to live 'to him selfe'. Nixon admonished his readers
to ponder over this carefully in order to draw the proper conclusion
that everybody should dispose 'his actions to the end and purpose of
every good worke'.123 According to Henry Crosse, 'every day offereth
a new occasion to doo good, and therefore no one houre ought to slip
away without some profitable thing done'. When Crosse explained his
reasoning at this point, he repeated the familiar conviction that man
was not 'borne onely for himselfe; but as Plato saith, for our friends,
parents, countrey, and such common duties, which are the finall endes
of every mans labour'. 124
One of the principal forms of human weaknesses was, according to
John Hitchcock, 'the nice kind of life that some men addict themselues
unto'. He characterized this manner of living as one where people
'mue up themselves at home, and never see the face of a publike
assembly, but live as it were in a well or a bottle'. To lead this kind of
life made people utterly 'unfit to be employed for the common wealth,
because they see nothing clerely, but a far off and through a hole and
vnderstand onely by tradition and report'. 125 Having established this in
the first chapter of his treatise - dealing with the 'Theoretike part of
Wisdome' - Hitchcock devoted the second chapter to the 'Practicke
part of Wisdome'. The justification for such a rationale was not hard to
find. As he explained, 'a man is not therefore honest or virtuous,
because he knowes what is virtuous or honest, but because he doth the
things that are so; Virtutis omnis in hoc laus est, the praise of virtue consists
122
Ibid., P . 44.
123
Anthony Nixon, The dignitie of man, both in the perfections of his sovle and bodie (London, 1612), p. 4.
124
Henry Crosse, Vertues common-wealth: or the high-way to honour (London, 1603), sig. R3 r ; see in
general sig. G4v-Hir, R2v~3r, R4r, S3r. In Walzer's account Crosse's ideas could 'safely be
labelled puritanical', Walzer 1965, pp. 207-10. See also D[aniel] Tfuvill], Essayes, morall and
theologicall (London, 1609), pp. 4-6, 23-4; T[uvill], The dove, pp. 39-40, which drew chiefly on
Bacon's Advancement of learning.
125
J o h n Hitchcock, A sanctuaryfor honest men, p p . 34-5, cf. p p . 45-7.
150 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
in the action'.126 But Hitchcock coupled this analysis with the stoic
notion that man should 'exempt & free' himself 'both outwardly from
popular & multitudinary errors & opinions, and inwardly from
passions'. This was accomplished by 'praecaution or praemeditation
whereby a man flyeth or extinguisheth whatsoever might kindle or
enflame his passions'. This armoured him 'to beare without passion or
distemper whatsoever happeneth'.127
Similarly, John Ford linked his strong stoicism with the principles of
the vita activa.128 On the one hand, he was inclined to confess that 'the
toyle in common affaires, is but trash and bondage, compared to the
sweete repose of the minde, and the goodly Contemplation of a mans
peace with Himselfe'. But, on the other, this belief did not amount to
an endorsement of the life of total withdrawal. Rather, it prompted
Ford to combine the virtuous public service with inward, stoic resolu-
tion.129 A man must attempt to be 'a good Man', one who voluntarily
promoted the common good. He must always have 'an eie, to the
North Starre of Vertue: without which, men cannot but suffer ship-
wrack'.130 Those people, he argued, whose aim was simply to live were
mostly preoccupied with the fear of death, since 'such men that so live,
when they dye, both dye finally & dye all'. But those people who
endeavoured to 'live well', live with the expectation of death, since
'when they dye, [they] dye to live, and live for ever'. The underlying
assumption here was, of course, that by living well a man won honour
and glory and when he died his death acted as 'a passage to glorie'.131
There was yet another reason why the public life was preferable to the
contemplative one: virtue materialized in action alone; 'action is the
Crowne of Vertue'. 'To be vertuous', Ford invoked, 'without the
testimonie of imployment, is as a rich Minerall in the heart of the
Earth, un-useful because unknowne.'132
If these theorists portrayed an essentially traditional picture of the
public life, they adopted a similar perspective towards the means to
accomplish the same. It was assumed that men could engage them-
126
Ibid., pp. 5 0 - 1 .
127
Ibid., pp. 52-3. See also Anon., Of affectation: a morall discourse, of some delight, and of much vsefor
these times (London, 1607), P- *45- Cf. however, A sanctuary for honest men, p p . 58—9, a n d
especially p. 4, where Hitchcock condemned 'Stoicall austerity'.
128
For Ford's stoicism, see Monsarrat 1984, pp. 236-52.
129
Ford, A line of life, pp. 120-1.
130
Ibid., pp. 117-27.
\V2 ^ i d . , pp. 2-4,17-19.
Ibid., pp. 4-6, 9; see also Edward Topsell, The house-holder: or, perfect man:preached in three sermons
lately at Hartfield in Svssex (n.p., 1609), pp. 72—3.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 151
selves in the public life by their moral qualities - virtues. It was only,
that is, by exercising his virtues that a man could hope to discharge his
duty and promote the common good. This was, as we have already
seen, Bacon's view and the one put forward in The court of James. Those
who had had good education and who were, therefore, 'generous,
liberall, and free-hearted' readily understood that 'true glory, reputa-
tion, and renowne consisteth in Vertue, which also is especially
illustrated and made famous by worthie and meritorious actions and
imployments in a Common-wealth'.
The same analysis of the connection between the vita activa and
virtue also permeated the educational and moral treatises; they
repeated the Ciceronian slogan that the glory of virtue consisted in
action. And since negotium constituted the ultimate aim, the discussion
centred around moral virtues, as in Henry Crosse's Vertves common-
wealth. At the beginning of his treatise Crosse reminded his readers of
the importance of Christian virtues and explained that one should
never be content to rest on moral virtues. They but fashioned 'the
outward man to civill obedience, making that the end which are but
motives to the end'. Having made this concession, however, he moved
to discuss the moral virtues, and devoted the entire treatise to this
theme. 134
There was wide agreement that it was only by possessing the four
cardinal virtues that a man could fulfil his civic mode of life and
effectively enhance the common good. This was the opinion of Henry
Crosse and John Hitchcock, as well as Anthony Nixon. 'But to
prosecute my intent', expounded Crosse, thereby revealing his acquain-
tance with stoic ideals, 'which is to handle the morall Vertues, and lay
open the parts of humanitie, it wil not be amisse to touch by the way
the foure chiefe and principall Vertues, called cardinall Vertues.' A
little later he pointed out that 'where vertue is wanting in a generall
government, that Common-wealth is wholly overthrowne'. Accord-
ing to Richard Brathwait, the chief lesson man ought to learn from
history was the centrality of virtue. In a good historian, 'vertue never
wants her character, nor vice her reproofe'; the best 'Hystoricall
Relations' were such that they induced men to virtue and deterred
133
A. D . B. The court of James, pp. 18-19.
134
Grosse, Vertves common-wealth, sig. BIV—2 T.
135 Ibid.,
TU:J „:
sigs. B2r-v
r v
, E4 r , cf. C3 r ; Nixon, The dignitie of man, pp. 4 - 6 ; Hitchcock, A sanctuary for honest
men, pp. 8off.
136
Brathwait, The schollers medley, p. 7.
152 Classical humanism and republicanism 15J0—1640
137
Ibid, pp. 81-2.
138
Ibid., p . 5.
139
Ibid., p p . 9-10, see also, pp. 15-16, 75.
140
Cleland, Propaideia, p p . 163-247, especially pp. 163, 167-8,198.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 153
cease 'from any toile, if thereby he may profit others, either particularly
to themselves, or generally for the good of many, and of the common
weale'. Martyn was never tired of repeating that 'it is not enough to
boast of the name of vertue, without vertuous deeds and actions, for
without them, the name of vertue is fitly compared to a shadow
without substance'. Philosophers had offered various definitions of
virtue but they all agreed 'that virtue consisteth in action, and that the
meditation thereof without practise, is as an unstringed instrument,
whereon no man plaieth'. 141
Although the issues of the virtuous active life already had a
conspicuous place in these moral and educational treatises, the extent
to which the Jacobean theorists were prepared to go towards the
assumptions of republican 'civic' humanists is most perceptible in two
more openly political treatises. Rather than taking so much issue with
the advocates of the vita contemplativa, the authors of these treatises
simply assumed the context of the active life. In 1606 Barnabe Barnes
published a long treatise entitled, interestingly enough, Fovre boohs of
offices. In writing the treatise, Barnes was engaged in an attempt to set
out the necessary qualities for the active members of the common-
wealth. In his preface to the reader, Barnes pointed out that the book
was intended to explicate 'certaine speciall qualities and principles . . .
for generall governement, and the choise both of civill and martiall
ministers in every Commonwealth'. He was, that is, writing an
advice-book for nobles, counsellors and magistrates. But Barnes in-
tended his treatise for a broader readership. He explained on the title-
page that the book was directed to help 'privat persons for the speciall
service of all good Princes and Policies'. It was thus Barnes's ultimate
aim to treat the issues of the people's participation in the active life of
the commonwealth.
Barnes divided his treatise into four books each of which explained
in detail one indispensable quality and the area of activity closest to
that quality. The division was based on the four cardinal virtues and
each one of them governed a particular appointment (temperance -
treasurer, prudence - counsellor, justice - judge, courage - soldier).
Perhaps the most important was 'civile prudence' which 'doth (as it
were) prescribe unto citizens their actions'. By and large, however, a
consummate member of the commonwealth was expected to master
147
p . R . ] , Organon reipvblicae, sig. Di r : 'Certare oportet, omni tempore, non privatis simultatibus
& odijs; sed vter o m n i u m melius d e principe & patria mereri, & plura in earn beneficia
conferre possit.' Cf. sig. B2 r : 'Cavendum, n e rerum privatarum respectus, publicis rebus
noceant, & officiant.' The north starre, sig. EI V , cf. c i v .
148
[I. R . ] , Organon reipvblicae, sig. Bi r , 'Excellens etiam ingenij solertia, & in consilijs optimis
inveniendis celeritas & sapientia admiranda requiruntur.' The north starre, sig. B3V.
149
(1. R . ] , Organon reipvblicae, sig. Bi r : 'Nullus Thesaurus principi & Reip. vtilior, q u a m
Consiliarij, virtute, prudentia, fide, & fortitudine, praestantes.' The north starre, sig. B3 V.
156 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
some ruder lineaments and traces of unjustice'. A public person must 'so
fashion and conforme his carriage, that the benefit of the publike weale
maybe the onely marke and scope of his endeavours'.162
It is this same line of thought which seems to guide John Hitchcock's
discussion of prudence. Hitchcock, we recall, argued for a virtuous
active life and offered an account of the four cardinal virtues. In
addition, he wanted to distance himself from those who 'may be
without essential honesty and piety'. But when he explored the
cardinal virtue of prudence he gave his unqualified endorsement of the
principles of reason of state. According to Hitchcock, 'in the Justice of a
Prince we must not bee too strict; for (in as much as it is a matter of no
small moment well to governe a State) it is expedient for a Prince
enterchangeably to assume the skinne of the Foxe and the Lion'. It
followed that the prince should 'doe that for the good and safetie of
himselfe and the weale publike which in private persons were vicious
and unlawfull'.164 Hitchcock gave a list of 'eight things expedient in a
Prince, although some question the lawfulnesse'. The list included not
only distrust, dissimulation and secrecy, but also items of more
straightforward advice. A prince must 'clip the wings of anyone that is
like to soare too high in the State'; he should be ready 'in a time of
necessitie and povertie of the State' to 'take by authoritie the wealth of
the richest'; and he ought 'to cancell the lawes or priviledges that are
any way prejudiciall to the authoritie of the Prince'. 65
IV
The meticulous attention paid to the issues of the vita activa and the
closely connected theme of civic virtues was often accompanied by an
equally thorough discussion of another classical republican theme. This
was the question of what constituted true nobility. The persistent
occurrence of this topic is an important index for the continuity of
Ciceronian humanist values. Although its emergence could be seen as
an integral part of humanist political discourse, it is of some importance
to bear in mind that to maintain the humanist idea of true nobility was
not merely to repeat a time-honoured truism; it was also to argue
against those contemporaries who endorsed the contrary view. In
162
T[uvill], The doue, pp. 36-40.
163
Hitchcock, A sanctuaryfor honest men, pp. 4, 54-5.
164
Ibid., pp. 85-6.
165
Ibid., pp. 86-8.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 159
'highly prized, every one [had] aymed at Nobilitie, and none [had]
refused the most desperate attempts for the good of his Countrey'. But
it also followed that one's lineage and wealth were totally irrelevant in
so far as true nobility was concerned. 'Neither', Peacham wrote, 'are
the truly valorous, or any way vertuous, ashamed of their so meane
Parentage, but rather glorie in themselves that their merit hath
advanced them above so many thousands farre better descended.'168
The same preference for a virtuous true nobility was expressed in
Ben Jonson's Catiline. When Sempronia claimed that 'virtue, where
there is no blood: 'tis vice', Fulvia retorted that 'Twas virtue only, at
first, made all men noble'.169 Cicero emphasized the same point even
more strongly:
I have no urns; no dusty monuments;
No broken images of ancestors,
Wanting an ear or nose; no forged tables
Of long descents, to boast false honours from.
By calling himself 'a new man', Cicero underscored the fact that he
owed his advancement entirely to his own 'virtue'.170 Catiline, as
depicted by Cicero, was the complete opposite: despite his illustrious
background, Catiline failed to live up to his 'excellent gifts of fortune
and of nature'.
An important discussion of nobility is to be found in Thomas Scott
of Canterbury's treatise on civil nobility. Thomas Scott, an important
local politician and MP in Canterbury, is famous for his puritan diary,
and his ideas are mostly accounted for by his godly religion.172 Scott's
A discourse of polletique and civill honour^ written in 1619, is a vehement
critique of the contemporary manner of granting honour and nobility;
'that plague of sellinge and prostituting of honour'. The importance of
the matter was intensified, since 'the confusion of order and honor'
would ultimately lead to 'the confusion and mine of state'.173 There
were two chief ways in which Scott sought to justify his position. On
the one hand, he emphasized the inherited nature of nobility. It was
important, as he succinctly put it, 'not to make any knights ... but of
168
Henry Peacham, The compleat gentleman, pp. 1—5, 9—10; cf. idem, Minerva Britanna: or a garden of
heroical deuises (London, 1612), p. 54.
169
Catiline, 11, 122, 127.
170
Ibid., in, 14-17, 19, 21.
171
Ibid., iv, 120.
172
Clark 1978; Clark 1977, p . 341; Cust 1987, p p . 175-85.
173
Thomas Scott, A discourse of polletique and civill honour in G. D . Scull, Dorothea Scott (Oxford:
Parker & Co, 1883), pp. 156,152. For the suggested dating, see Clark 1978, p. nn.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 161
174
Scott, A discourse, p . 160; Clark 1978, p. 7.
175
Scott, A discourse, pp. 185-7. For Fulke Greville's similar position, see J a m e s 1986, p p . 404-5.
176
Scott, A discourse, p p . 188-9,188-194 passim.
177
Ibid., p . 192; Bacon, Essayes (1597), in Works, vi, p . 532.
178
See Scott, A discourse, p . 195.
162 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
parents were ready to invest more money in 'a fellow who can but
teach a Dogge, or reclaime and Hawke' than in 'an honest, learned,
and well qualified man to bring up their children'. He provided an
even more detailed and staggering list of subjects which a young
gentleman should master. The basis of his education rested, however,
on the pillars of rhetoric, history and moral philosophy.207 Thomas
Morrice reiterated that 'good education' advanced and preserved 'true
Nobilitie'. But many parents paid more careful attention to receiving
into their service 'a Cooke, a Falconer, or an Horse-rider' than to
getting a proper 'Schoolmaster' for their children. 'They doe not much
care', he lamented, 'whether hee bee well learned, or hath taken any
degree of Schoole, or is lawfully allowed to teach, or hath any good
methode in teaching, or hath had experience and approbation in the
trayning up of children, and doth understand and speake perfectly
pure English, Latine and Greeke, with the right accent and true
pronunciation thereof
The humanist education also furnished Barnes and the author of the
Organon reipvblicae with the chief way of attaining virtues and thereby the
commonwealth. According to the latter, the four cardinal virtues were
not natural qualities, but were acquired by perseverance alone. A
matter of crucial importance in the maintenance of the commonwealth
was, therefore, to pay sufficient attention to the issues of 'the education
of youth'. 'Good education is called the foundation of wisedome.'209
Questions concerning morality and politics were to be learned from
both holy scriptures and 'Prophane Authors' including Aristotle,
Cicero, Seneca and Tacitus. In learning it was important to perceive
'what wee learne' and to keep 'that which wee learne', but most vital
was to see to it that something was brought forth and framed from our
learning, and this was 'a worke of continuall exercise'.210 History was a
key subject since, 'as Cicero saith', it was 'the mistresse of life, and the
witnesse of times'. The reason why history was most useful training for
the future active members of the commonwealth was ascribed to the
fact that 'the nature of man continueth the same'. 'Onely the persons
and Actors of the Historie,' the author wrote, 'doe succeede new every
age; and the names being changed, the stories are now told as it were
207
Peacham, The compkatgentleman, pp. 30-7, 42—55.
208
Morrice, An apology, sigs. B4r, cy v -8 v .
209 [I. R.], Organon reipuvblicae, sig. c^T; The north starre, sig. D4V; Barnes, Fovre boohs of offices,
pp. 60-2,67.
2 0
p . R.], Organon reipvblicae, sig. A3r~v; The north starre, sig. Bi r -2 r . Cf. piichard West], The schoole
of vertve, the second part: or, theyoung schollers paradice (London, 1619), sig. A5V.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 169
was its practical utility has long been identified with Bacon. Only
recently, however, have scholars tended to link this aspect of Bacon's
thinking to the humanist tradition.216 Dedicating the De sapientia veterum
to his alma mater, Bacon announced: 'Certainly I am of opinion that
speculative studies [contemplatives] when transplanted into active life [in
vitam activam] acquire some new grace and vigour, and having more
matter to feed them, strike their roots perhaps deeper, or at least grow
taller and fuller leaved.'217 It is important to bear in mind that there
was nothing exceptional in Bacon's arguments; they were endorsed
equally strenuously by a number of other theorists examined in this
chapter.
James Cleland opened his chapter, entitled 'Howe profitable
learning is, and how hurtful ignorance is unto a Noble man', with a
traditional lamentation over the prevalence of the 'false and fantastical
opinion' that 'ignorance is thought an essential marke of a Noble man'.
Those who professed learning were ridiculed as 'clerks or pedants', and
if a child did not love 'an Hawke and a Dogge', this was taken as a
token of his degeneracy. To oppose these prevailing attitudes, Cleland
placed chief emphasis on the usefulness of learning in the active life. An
ignorant man could perform no public service, he was totally 'unapt for
all dignities, offices or Charges' of the commonwealth. 18 William
Martyn similarly stressed the importance of virtue, but added that it
did not suffice 'that a man be vertuously enclined'. In addition to the
embracement of virtue, 'he must likewise be furnished with learning,
and with wisedome'. The chief benefit of deep learning was said to be
found in its helping to put virtue into action. It was only when a man
was able to combine virtues with learning that he was able 'to make a
profitable dispensation and distribution of his vertues, for the good of
himselfe and of other men'. To summarize his point, Martyn an-
nounced that 'concerning the necessity of being learned, (for the better
practising of religion, and of vertuous actions) you must know, that
without learning, you shall be unprofitable to the common-weale'. A
man could achieve nothing 'excellent' without labour and pain and
'learning being so gotten doth not only make men excellent, but she is
(indeed) the excellency of man'. 219
216
Vickers 1984; cf. Skinner 1978 1, p. 107; Shapiro 1983, p . 18; McNamee 1971. Cf. Cochrane
1976, pp. 1050-2.
217
Bacon, De sapientia veterum, in Works, vi, p. 621, translation, p. 691.
218
Cleland, Propaideia, pp. 134-9; c^- Peacham, The compleatgentleman, pp. 18-21; A. D. B., The court
ofJames, pp. 6-7.
Martyn, Youths instructions, pp. 24, 31, in general pp. 24-33.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 171
This Volumnia
Is worth of consuls, senators, patricians,
A city full: of tribunes such as you,
A sea and land full. You have prayed well today.222
220
Coriolanus, i.i, 146-51.
221
Ibid., in.iii, 28, 67.
222
Ibid., v.iv, 51-4.
172 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
But not only did Coriolanus fail to master the complexities of rhetoric;
for him, idle and empty rhetoric epitomized the useless civic sphere of
negotium. He pointed out that 'when blows have made me stay, I fled
from words'.
I had rather have one scratch my head i'th'sun
When the alarum were struck than idly sit
To hear my nothings monstered.223
Eloquence was simply a sign of base behaviour because it consisted in
nothing but flattery and dissimulation.
Coriolanus' most serious defect and the one on which all his other
shortcomings ultimately hinged was his utter lack of wisdom and
learning. Preferring sword to schoolmaster, he failed to embrace
learning and thereby the essential virtues of negotium. According to
Volumnia, Coriolanus' son was his 'father's son' because he 'had rather
see the swords and hear a drum / than look upon his schoolmaster'.
VI
Having devoted a considerable amount of attention to the issues of the
active life and true nobility, the writers examined in this chapter
confronted the question of how men could expect to lead the active life
and fulfil their truly noble qualities in practice. One way of answering
this question was to project the venerable image of counsellor. This idea
emerges in Bacon's writings, who even asserted that because of the
exceptionally powerful position of learned counsellors, 'the governments
of princes in minority (notwithstanding the infinite disadvantage of that
kind of state) have nevertheless excelled the government of princes of
mature age'. As we have seen, the idea of the counsellor was also
central in Barnes's Fovre bookes of offices and in the Organon reipvblicae. The
purpose of Barnes's book was, as he wrote in the opening pages, to offer
'instructions for noblemen, and sage Counsellors of any Common-
wealth'. If the king was 'absolute in his parts onely', 'the state' could not
be prosperous. This could only be achieved when 'his Senatours' were
furnished with 'dutifull diligence and proportion of vertues'. 226 The
author of Organon reipvblicae claimed that the most necessary thing for a
223
Ibid., 11.ii, 70, 73-5.
224
Ibid., i.iii, 56-7.
225
Bacon, Advancement of learning, in Works, in, p. 270; Essaies (1612), in Works, vi, pp. 553-6.
226
Barnes, Fovre bookes of offices, pp. 24-5, sig. A3 r .
Civic life and the mixed constitution 173
Above all, he must bear in mind in his role of local governor that he
should stand above competing factions and moderate them by 'the
vertue of his authority'. Secondly, it belonged to the duty of a country
gentleman 'not only to prevent il, but to do good'. This was accom-
plished 'in the sollemne and publike meetings, for distribution of
Justice'. Conducting himself on these occasions with 'an excellent
restraint of partialitie and favour' and 'without private ends', a true
gentleman was able to enhance the good of his country and to induce
other men to imitate his example.232
As well as discussing the idea of counselling and the governance of
the local community, some of these theorists felt inclined to accept, at
least to some extent, the more genuinely republican idea that the active
life was not confined to the exclusive coterie of counsellors, but should
instead be extended to a larger body of virtuous men. According to
Cleland, learning was vital for a true noble, since it enabled him 'to sit
in a Kings Privie Councell, to have a voice in the Parliament house, to
undertake an embbasage, or to bee imployed in some other honorable
charge for the publike'.233 John Ford called him 'a publike man' who
was employed 'in affaires for his Countrey, Prince and Common-
wealth', and later, in the definition of the scope of his actions, Ford
emphasized that 'places of Authority in a Commonwealth' should be
disposed to virtuous men who could be called 'Bonus Ciuis\ or 'a good
Statist'.234 Similarly, since parliamentary participation was considered
as a service for the common good, MPs could be conceived as political
actors. 35
The essay 'Of a country life' in the Horae subseciuae asserted that
the locality was not an adequate arena of activity for the country
gentleman. A retired country life was not sufficient for a gentleman
since this made him unable to gather the experience of public life
available only in the city and at court. Although learning acquired
by extensive reading was important for a gentleman, it was not
adequate since the world, especially as it stood presently, was so
variable. Knowledge based merely on books could not, therefore,
guide a man safely through the ever-changing landscape. Practical
experience was indispensable for a gentleman in the managing of his
own affairs. But more importantly, practical experience made a
232
Anon., Horae subseciuae, pp. 141-5, see also pp. 147-8.
233
Cleland, Propaideia, pp. 135-7, 1 44~6, 51; Wright, A display ofdvty, fos. 4 r ~5 r .
234
Ford, A line of life, p p . 52-4.
233
Sacks 1992, pp. 91-3.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 175
gentleman capable of performing his duty towards the common-
wealth. It enabled him to act as a 'minister' or statesman. 236 In his
apology for schoolmasters, Morrice maintained that the acquisition
of 'vertuous Learning' made men 'worthy Governours of their
Countrey'. He summarized his whole argument by invoking the
authority of Thomas Elyot to the effect that those who were not
learned could not act as 'politique Statesmen, or wise Councellours,
or discreet Governours'.23
The idea that the vita activa should not be confined to the
exclusive group of counsellors, but must include as wide a body of
virtuous citizens as possible, was most clearly set out in Barnes's
Fovre bookes of offices and in the anonymous Organon reipvblicae. We
have already noted how Barnes maintained that 'a good Common-
wealths man' displayed his 'civile vertues' and acted as 'a noble
citizen'. The chief way in which this could materialize was when
citizens took care of the government of the community. 'Their
whole care and studie', Barnes wrote, should 'bee bent to maintaine
the reputation of that Common-wealth, where they governe under
their prince.' 238
A striking feature of the argument presented in the Organon
reipvblicae was the serious curtailment of the role of the prince. The
original edition was dedicated to James and the author paid lip
service to the king with a dedicatory remark: 'to whom this kind of
small work could rather be offered than to him who presides over the
highest government of the commonwealth'.239 Nonetheless, in the
tract the king's power or his indispensable qualities and characteristics
were hardly mentioned at all. As a result, the chief responsibility for
the maintenance of the commonwealth did not lie with the king but
on the contrary with a larger body of citizens. As we have seen, the
tract emphasized negotium and discussed the four cardinal virtues
implying that they should be possessed by the whole body of the
people. 'The Law, equitie, execution of Lawes, the dexteritie of the
Magistrates,' the author listed as the true sinews of the common-
wealth, 'are the patrimony of a Common-wealth.' 240 It is possible to
catch an echo of the republican priority of liberty. Although the laws
236
Anon., Horae subseciuae, pp. 163-71.
237
Morrice, An apology, sigs. B3 r -4 r , B?, C6 V .
238
Barnes, Fovre bookes of offices, p. 88, cf. pp. 28, 57.
239
Organon reipvblicae, sig. A2r: 'Cui enim potius offerentur istiusmodi opuscula, quam ei qui
Reipublicae summo gubernaculo praesidet.'
240
[I. R.], The north starre, sig. c i v .
176 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
had to restrict excessive liberty, at the same time they had to secure
'moderate liberty5 which was 'profitable for every one, and for the
Common-wealth' ,241
But the republican nature of the arguments of the Organon
reipvblicae emerged most clearly when the author discussed how to
ensure that the people could perform their public duty. He quoted
Cicero to the effect that when 'Judges and magistrates doe well and
justly execute their offices ... there it must needes be, that the same
Common wealth do florish, and flow with all good things'. In this
commonwealth the people applauded and praised 'the excellent
beautie of vertue shining in their superiours', and so attempted to
follow their example.242 To ensure that this state of affairs continued
and that magistrates executed their offices, certain strategies had to
be assumed. First, as we have already seen, promotion should be
based on virtues and personal merits. Secondly, care should be taken
that 'there be successive Magistrates'. If this was not taken seriously
and the same magistrates stayed long in power, the continuous
exercise of power would corrupt them. The calamitous results of
such practice could be seen in the Roman triumvirates. By having a
continuous succession of magistrates, it was possible to avoid the
situation where they might become 'proud with continuall govern-
ment'. The rotation of magistrates helped in preventing their own
decline, but it also ensured that the 'hope of advancement' would
'comfort' as many as possible.243
Finally, the rotation of magistrates served to promote the health of
the commonwealth by ensuring that the most virtuous members of the
commonwealth became magistrates. 'Where there bee fewe which
desire offices,' the author contended, 'there the common wealth is in
danger.' Severe competition for office, in other words, ensured that
magistrates were men of true virtue. 'Let no estate of men', he added,
'bee deprived of hope to attaine anie preheminence.' The competition
for office was itself maintained by the system where everyone had a
chance to be promoted. The underlying assumption was that a system
241
Ibid., sig. B4 r -ci v , BI V -2 V ; cf. Wright, Thefirstpart, pp. 46-50.
242
[I. R . ] , Organon reipvblicae, sig. B2V: 'Vbi iudices & magistratus suis officijs, p r o sua imperiique
dignitate, egregie & iuste perfunguntur, earn R e m p . facile florere, omnibusque bonis affluere
necesse est; populo applaudente & collaudante excellentem virtutis pulchritudinem, in
superioribus.' The north starre, sig. c i v .
243
p . R . ] , Organon reipvblicae, sig. A4V; The north starre, sig. B3 r . Contrast this with Charles Gibbon's
definition of equality - 'one to Rule and the rest to obey is the onely square of equalitie', The
order qfeqvalitie, p. 5.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 177
VII
So far in this chapter we have examined two closely related, central
concepts of humanist political thought - the active life and true nobility
- and how they could be promoted and how jeopardized. Although
English writers of the early seventeenth century mainly drew - the
common classical sources apart — on the northern humanist tradition as
well as on its forerunner, the Italian literature of advice-books for
princes, the contrasting tradition of republican humanism also had a
discernible impact at the time. This is clear enough from the occasional
exertions of this literature in discussions of the active life and true
244
[I. R . ] } Organon reipvblicae, sig. C4V: 'Vbi pauci candidati, status in periculo.' 'Nulli hominum
ordini, praecludatur, ad quamcunq; dignitatem . . . spes.' 'Praemijs & titulis, splendida
ingenia, ad virtutis studium, accriori animi impetu, concitantur.' The north starre, sig. Ei r . T h e
same idea was endorsed e.g. by Nixon, The dignitw of man, p p . 81-3; Wright, Thefirstpart, p p .
61-3; Hitchcock, A sanctuary for honest men, p. 16; Crosse, Vertves common-wealth, sig i4 v ; Joseph
Wybarne, The new age of old names, p p . 55-6; and most strongly by Anon., Horae subseciuae, p p .
11-30: ' T o desire precedence above others in respect of ones service, or merit is a good
emulation', p . 26.
245
Catiline, 11.371-406.
178 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
246
Weston i960; Hinton i960; d'Avack 1975; Eccleshall 1978, p p . 120-1; Weston and Greenberg
1981, p p . 8—34; Pocock 1975b, p . 355; Sommerville 1986, p p . 57-8; Mendle 1973, p . 222;
Mendle 1985, pp. 3, i n ; Nippel 1980, p p . 218—37; Collinson 1990, p . 23; Smith 1973. But see
recently W . Klein 1987.
247
Pierre d'Avity, The estates, empires, & prinapallities of the world, translated by Edward Grimeston
(London, 1615), pp. 10—11, 526-7, see also pp. 529—30. Cf. W. Klein 1987, p . 214.
Thomas de Fougasses, The generall historie of the magnificent state of Venice, translated by W. Shute
(London, 1612), sig. A3 r .
Civic life and the mixed constitution 179
between either the three good or the three bad forms of government.
This is not to say, however, that he failed to reveal his own ideal
form of government. He did not specify his preferences from the
pure forms mainly because he held that none of them was sufficient
in itself. 'It is to be noted,' the author pointed out, 'that a Common-
wealth and the most perfect kindes of governments, are very seldome
found absolutely simple, but fitly composed amongst themselves.' He
expressed, in short, serious doubts that there could exist a pure
monarchy, aristocracy or democracy. But he also believed that the
best and most durable form of government was a mixed one. It is
often seen, he wrote, that 'a certaine mixture is voluntarily admitted
amongst them'. They were 'so mixt and tempred, that in a triple
forme (as in a mervailous and sweet harmonie) one counsell signifieth
as it were one minde'. Finally, the author stated that a common-
wealth retained the name of the dominant part.
If Anthony Nixon's discussion of the four cardinal virtues and
their political character was derived almost word for word from the
Organon reipvblicae, this was equally true of his scrutiny of the
different forms of government. Nixon opened his chapter 'Of
Policie' by defining what he meant by the term. 'It is', he argued,
'the regiment of a Citty or Commonwealth: the bond of all
society.' The proper end of government was 'publique benefit'.
When he explained the good and bad forms of government, he
quoted almost verbatim the definitions put forward in the Organon
reipvblicae. Having laid down the tripartite divisions of government
he posed the question: 'How are these kindes of governments
disposed?' Citing the Organon reipvblicae in response, Nixon wrote: 'It
is to be noted that a common-wealth, and the good, and most
perfect kindes of government, are very seldome found absolutely
simple, but fitly composed amongst themselves: For a certaine
mixture is voluntarily admitted amongst them, yet so mixt and
tempered, that in a triple forme (as in sweet harmonie) one counsell
signifieth as it were one minde.' 2 5
264
p. R.], Organon reipvblicae, sigs. A4r-Bir: 'Notandum est, quod perraro Resp. & perfectissimua
gubernandi genera absolute simplicia, sed concinne inter se composita inveniuntur. Mistura
enim quaedam inter se voluntarie admittitur; adeo tamen mixta & temperata, vt in triplici
forma (veluti Harmonia mira & iucunda) vnum consilium, vnam quasi mentem significet et:
Nomen tamen Resp. retinet, a parte digniore, caeteris imperante.' The north starre, sig. B2V~3V.
The discussion bears a close resemblance to that of Thomas Smith, De republica Anglorum,
PP- 49-52-
Nixon, TTiedignitieqfman, pp. 115-18.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 185
268
Ibid, pp. 9-10.
Civic life and the mixed constitution 187
concurred, it followed that aristocracies which were based rather on
blood than on virtues quickly degenerated. 'I conclude', Wright held
firmly, 'That the Aristocraticall government cannot stand long firme,
and stable, much lesse to bee permanent and durable.' 269
The problems of a pure monarchy were similar to those of an
aristocracy. Wright began his analysis with a dichotomy that every
'Monarch is either tied to rule, according to the lawes of the
kingdome hee possesseth, or he is not'. In the latter case, when the
prince is not bound by the laws, 'all men will confesse with me,
that Monarchy may easily degenerate, and grow into tyranny'. If
the laws, in other words, did not check the king, he would become
a tyrant. But even if the king was bound by the laws of his
kingdom, 'that forme of Commonwealth may not bee durable'; it
was ultimately impossible to evade the ensuing corruption.
Although the laws could check a ruler as long as he reigned, they
were not able to make his heir virtuous. 'For very seldome',
Wright announced, 'falleth it out, that to a wise and godly Father,
a Sonne of that stampe, and endowed with like vertues, should
succeed.' The confrontation of a corrupt king and good laws
always ended up with the subjection of the laws. The reason was
not far to seek. A degenerate prince would also corrupt his subjects
and the authority of the law would ultimately become subdued.
'Now, whenas by the perverse, carelesse, or bad carriage of the
Monarch toward his people, the manners of his subjects are once
corrupted, it must of necessitie follow, that either the lawes are of
small force, or none at all.' All these arguments enabled Wright
boldly to conclude his discussion: 'And so farewell to that forme of
governement. ' 27 °
If democracy was bad in itself and if it was not possible to check the
growth of corruption either in an aristocracy or in a monarchy simply
by establishing laws which would in principle coerce the ruler(s) to
behave virtuously, the question emerged as to how the government of a
commonwealth should then be organized. How was a commonwealth
to be rendered durable? At the beginning of his answer Wright
emphasized that one should conform with tradition. In general, the
best form of government in a commonwealth was that which was
'already established'. The underlying assumption was that people were
so used to the form of government which had been established in their
269
Ibid., pp. 11-12.
270
Ibid., pp. IO-II.
188 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
190
Francis Bacon, Thomas Hedley and the true greatness of Britain 191
Botero's treatises, which were translated into English around this time.
It first emerged in 1601, in the second English edition of Botero's Delle
relationi universali (originally published in 1591-2).11 In 1606 Botero's
Delle cause della grandezza delle citta (originally published in 1586) was
rendered into English.12
But the idea of civic greatness had a scarcely less conspicuous place
in Barnabe Barnes's Fovre bookes of offices. In the fourth book, devoted to
the cardinal virtue of courage, Barnes referred to the rules offered 'by
the politicke Florentine Secretarie to Petro de Medici' giving advice on
how 'to conserve and augment, th'empire' and pointed out that 'the
amplification of Empire' was 'most noble and loveable'. 13 As late as
1616 we find Henry Wright asking the ways in which a kingdom might
be got and kept as well as 'how a new-got Kingdome may be
enlarged'.14
The greatness of states was discussed during the first years ofJames's
reign to such an extent that it raised objections. In Aristotelian fashion
Edward Forset asserted that the main end of a government was 'to
make the state happie', which he carefully distinguished from 'the
largenesse, the power, or the well shewing composure' of the same.
Studying the differences between 'religion' and 'policy' in 1608,
Christoper Lever came to realize that they differed radically in so far as
their rules and ends were concerned. Although a commonwealth
relying on 'the judgement of sense and politique advice onely' pursued
'greatnes' as its chief end, it ought to 'square out her forme of
government by religious rules', and aim at 'goodnes'. 15
One of the first writers, and certainly the most important, to devote
11
Giovanni Botero, Delle relationi vnwersali: parte seconda (Rome, 1592), pp. 1-11. The earliest
translation, The travellers breviat: or an historical! description of the most famous Jdngdomes in the world,
translated by R[obert] Jjohnson] (London, 1601) did not contain this discussion, but it
appeared in The worlde, or an historicall description of the most famous Idngdomes and common-weales
therein, translated by R[obert] J[ohnson] (London, 1601), pp. 1-10. I have used the 1608
(London) edition, entitled Relations, of the mostfamous kingdoms and common-weales thorough the world.
12
A treatise, concerning the causes of the magnificencie and greatnes ofcitie, translated by Robert Peterson
(London, 1606). A new translation was published in 1635, The cavse of the greatnesse of cities: with
certaine observations concerning the sea, translated by Sir T. H. (London, 1635).
13
Barnabe Barnes, Fovre bookes of offices: enabling private persons for the speciall service of all good princes
and policies (London, 1606), p. 172. For earlier examples see e.g. John Dee, General and rare
memorials pertayning to the perfect arte of navigation (London, 1577); Bartolome Felippe, The counseller:
a treatise of counsels and counsellers ofprinces, translated by J[ohn] T[horius], (London, 1589), pp.
166-70, which is based on Machiavelli.
14
Wright, Thefirstpart: of the disquisition oftrvth concerning political affaires (London, 1616), pp. 26-7.
15
Edward Forset, A comparative discourse of the bodies natural and politiqve (London, 1606), p. 4;
Christopher Lever, Heauen and earth, religion and policy: or, the maine difference betweene religion and
policy (London, 1608), pp. 49, 53, 95.
194 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
customs and example of the single state of Rome are worth more
than all of them combined, so far as military and political prudence
are concerned.'33
Bacon's keen awareness of recurrent errors in the appraisal of
civic greatness prompted him to correction. He contrasted 'popular
errors' to 'the sounder sort of judgements', which were grounded
on 'reason and examples',34 and promised in 'Of the true greatness
of the kingdom of Britain' to begin 'by confuting the errors or
rather correcting the excesses of certain immoderate opinions'.
Having done this, he intended to propound and confirm 'those
other points of greatness which are more solid and principal,
though in popular discourse less observed'. In proposing this order
of procedure Bacon was, first, following his own instructions. He
had assured his audience at Gray's Inn in 1600 that 'it is the
nature of all human science and knowledge to proceed most safely
by negative and exclusion, to what is affirmative and inclusive'.
Secondly, and more importantly, by using this order of presenta-
tion, he made it clear that he intended to intervene in a
contemporary debate. He wanted, in other words, to refute some of
the claims put forward about the attainment of civic greatness and
to uphold more solid principles.
Although accurate appraisal of power and strength was a difficult
task, Bacon's theoretical starting point was similar to that of
Machiavelli. According to Machiavelli, a commonwealth could either
pursue civic greatness and glory or hold longevity as its chief goal.
The organization of the commonwealth depended on its chosen end;
in the former case it should adopt the policy of Rome, while in the
latter it should imitate Sparta. But, in practice, the pursuit of
durability was forlorn, for it was, he argued in a celebrated passage,
impossible to be successful in the policy of longevity. The only real
option was to consider the possibility of civic greatness.36 We have
already seen that Richard Beacon adopted Machiavelli's line of
reasoning, and Bacon fully agreed. Rather than arguing in the
context of the juxtaposition of civic greatness and longevity, he took
it for granted that whereas Roman policy proved to be immensely
33
Bacon, Redargutio philosophiarum, in Works, in, p . 569; I have modified Farrington's translation,
see Farrington 1964, p. 115. Cf. Advancement of learning, in Works, in, p. 335; Charge touching duels
(1614), in Letters, iv, p. 404. See in general Fischer 1857, p . 288.
34
Bacon, T G K B , pp. 55, 49-50.
35
Bacon, 'Reading on the Statute of Uses', in Works, v n , p . 398.
36
Machiavelli, Discorsi, 1.6.
Francis Bacon, Thomas Hedley and the true greatness of Britain 199
completely based on the fact that they 'fashion their whole dessignes to
the war, and bend all their thoughts and studies to the exercise of
armes, rejecting all others course, and pleasing themselves onely in
what may stand them in stead for that profession'.55
The idea that valour and military disposition were necessary for civic
glory recurred throughout Bacon's writings on true greatness. He
connected civic greatness and warlike ability as early as his long
parliamentary speech in 1607 and reiterated the connection in his
argument in Calvin's case, and in De sapientia veterum,56 But the theme
was most extensively explored in cOf the true greatness of the kingdom
of Britain' and in the essay 'Of the greatnesse of kingdomes'. What was
needed above all, he emphasized in the former, was 'martial virtue and
discipline'; the import of every other quality was scrutinized in relation
to this basic value.57 'It is necessary', Bacon announced, 'in a state that
shall grow and inlarge, that there be that composition which the poet
speaketh of, Multis utile bellum.'58
There were two distinct aspects to Bacon's conception of valour and
warlike disposition. First, the people must have courage and warlike
spirit. like tiny grains of mustard seed there were states which had the
appearance of small states, but were apt to grow, by virtue of the
warlike and courageous spirit of the people. There were, Bacon
pointed out, 'States that are great in Territory, and yet not apt to
conquer or inlarge: and others that have but a small dimention or
stemme, and yet apt to be the foundation of great Monarchies'.59 But
it was not enough to possess the spirit. Bacon firmly endorsed the idea
that a thought without an ensuing act was completely futile. 'For good
thoughts,' he wrote, '(though God accept them) yet towards men are
little better then good dreams: except they be put in Act.'60 The
military virtue and spirit was completed by the concrete warlike ability
and the art of war.61
55
de Lucinge, The beginning, p. 4, in general pp. 3—8; cf. e.g. Wright, Thefastpart, p. 27.
56
Bacon in parliament 17 February 1607, in Letters in, p . 313; ' T h e case of the post-nati', in
Works, VII, pp. 664-5; D* sapientia veterum, in Works, vi, p . 642, translation p. 715; 'Lowe's case
of tenures', in Works, v n , p. 548.
57
Bacon, T G K B , pp. 53, 55, 58.
58
Ibid., p. 59.
Bacon, ' O f the greatnesse of kingdomes', in Works, vi, p . 587; Bacon in parliament 17
February 1607, in Letters, HI, p. 323.
60
Bacon, 'Of great place', in Essaies, (1612), in Works, vi, p . 550.
61
For a short account of the basic rules of the art of war, see Bacon, De sapientia veterum, in
Works, vi, pp. 641-3, translation pp. 715-17.
Francis Bacon, Thomas Hedley and the true greatness of Britain 203
Since military disposition and the actual art of war were indispens-
able for every state which pursued civic greatness, warfare lay at the
heart of Bacon's concept of the true greatness of states. To emphasize
the force of his argument, Bacon contrasted military virtues with
qualities such as the territorial size of a state and cthe strength and
fortifications of towns or holds' as he put it in 'Of the true greatness of
the kingdom of Britain'. A few years later he added that 'walled
Townes, stored Arcenals and Armories, goodly Stables, Elephants' as
well as 'Number in Armies, Ordinance, and Artillerie' were of no use
without the military virtue of the people. They were nothing 'but a
Sheep in a lions skin', Bacon wrote, 'except the breed and disposition
of the people be militarie'. They were, in short, 'mercenary aides' -
one of the epithets Bacon contrasted most strongly with true civic
greatness.62 But, expressing his opinion on this issue, Bacon was not
merely repeating a self-evident truism; he was also arguing against
those who, like de Lucinge, maintained that fortifications were of great
importance in warfare.6 It was of utmost importance, according to
Bacon, to appreciate that the quality which was needed above all in the
pursuit of civic greatness was military virtue and valour. Fortresses and
artillery were not so much in themselves inimical to civic greatness, but
the feeling of security to which they gave rise as well as the misleading
scale of priorities which they engendered usually ruined the quest for
civic glory.64
The final, and perhaps the most important, polarity in Bacon's
account of the people's bellicose virtues was the one between military
valour and riches. He vigorously opposed those who argued that
money was a crucial element in war. This was central in lipsius,
62
Bacon, T G K B , p p . 48, 49-55; A brief discourse, in Letters, in, p . 96; cf. ' O f the greatnesse of
kingdomes', in Works, vi, p . 587. For a strikingly similar wording for the virtue of courage, see
Anon., 'The genealogie of vertue', in The anathomie ofsinne, briefly discovering the braunches thereof
(London, 1603), sig. wf. Although Giovanni Botero argued in Relations of the most famous
kingdoms and common-weales (sig. BI 1 ""^ that a prince could obtain rule and dominion over
another amongst other things 'by largnesse of Territory', this principle was refuted in A
treatise, p . 1. Botero opened his treatise by asserting that 'the greatnes of a Citty, is sayd to be,
not the largenes of the scite'.
63
de Lucinge, The beginning, pp. 14—23 where the argument is directed against Machiavelli; cf.
also Giovanni Botero, The reason of state, translated by P. J. and D . P. Waley (London:
Roudedge, 1956), pp. 117-18.
64
Cf. Hale 1975. It is arguable that, when Ralegh argued that Alexander would easily have
conquered Rome had he chosen to make the attempt, he was criticizing or even poking fun at
this aspect of Bacon's argument; see Ralegh, The historie of the world (London, 1614), v.i.i, pp.
309-10: 'It were needlesse to speake of Treasure, Horses, Elephants, Engines of batterie, and
the like: of all which, the Macedonian had aboundance; the Romans having nought save men
and armes.'
204 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
alone, but the records of all times that do concur to falsify that
conceit, that wars are decided not by the sharpest sword but by the
greatest purse.'69 The Roman empire was not destroyed by 'some
constellation or fatal revolution of time', but by the effeminacy of its
former valour.70 The same idea clearly emerged in the fourth book
of Barnes's Fovre bookes of offices, where he wrote that 'all places
naturally munited and fortified are nothing without the willing aide
of men valiant to defend them by force' and that 'treasure is wonne
by the sword, and not the swords vertue by treasure'.71 The inherent
danger of money in warfare was exactly the same as that of
strongholds and artillery: the wrong and eventually ruinous scale of
values which went with it prevented the ultimate success of the
pursuit of civic greatness. Military virtue always found money, but
money never found military virtue.
From the centrality of military virtue and warlike disposition, it
followed that constant warfare was a crucial element of the quest for
civic greatness. Peace was, therefore, inimical to a state pursuing glory.
'No body', Bacon wrote, 'can be healthfull without exercise, neither
naturall body, nor politike; & to the politike body of a Kingdome or
estate, a civill warre is like the heate of a fever: but an honourable
forraine warre is like the heate of exercise.' The underlying assumption
was, as Bacon put it, that 'in a slothfull peace, both courages will
effeminate, and manners corrupt'.72
In 1596 Bacon associated the flourishing of 'civil knowledge' with the
continuous exercise of bellicose qualities. Writing on behalf of the earl
of Essex to the earl of Rutland, he maintained that civil knowledge was
ruined either 'by civil wars', or by 'wealth' and 'too great length of
peace'. In times of peace and prosperity, men became interested in 'the
study of artes luxuriae' instead of pursuing proper learning. 'If it seem
strange', Bacon went on, 'that I account no state flourishing but that
which hath neither civil wars nor too long peace, I answer, that politic
69
Bacon, T G K B , p. 55-6. Gf. in general Barnes, Fovre bookes of offices, p . 172.
70
Bacon, T G K B , p. 53.
71
Barnes, Fovre bookes of offices, p. 172.
72
Bacon, 'Of the greatnesse of kingdomes', in Works, vi, p . 588. T h e maxim appeared for the
first time in 'Observations on a libel' (1592), in Letters, 1, p . 174. T h e same idea was endorsed
e.g. by Forset, A comparative discourse, p. 44; Barnes, Fovre bookes of offices, p. 162; Greville, Treatise
of monarchy, stanza 539, in Remains, p. 170; J o h n Wybarne, The new age of old names (London,
1609), pp. 32—3; Robert Johnson, The new life of Vtrginea: declaring the former svccesse and present
estate of the plantation being the second part ofNoua Britannia (London, 1612), sig. F4^ v ; Dallington,
Aphorismes civill and militarie amplified with authorities, and exemplified with historie, out of the first
quarterne ofFr Guicciardine (London, 1613), pp. 1, 143.
206 Classical humanism and republicanism 1370-164.0
bodies are like our natural bodies, and must as well have some exercise
to spend their humours, as to be kept from too violent or continual
outrages which spend their best spirits.'73
Although the flourishing of civil knowledge required circumstances
and qualities similar to those required by civic greatness, the notion
that the most crucial quality for a great state was warlike disposition
clashed directly with Bacon's idea of the advancement of learning. 74 In
the famous letter sent with a part of Instauratio magna to Toby Matthew
in 1609, Bacon described himself: 'Myself am like the miller of
Huntingdon, that was wont to pray for peace amongst the willows; for
while the winds blew, the wind-mills wrought, and the water-mill was
less customed. So I see that controversies of religion must hinder the
advancement of sciences.'75 While civic greatness demanded warlike
disposition and consequently also wars, science made its advancement
in peace alone. Towards the end of the Advancement of learning Bacon
argued that one of the reasons why his own times were so conducive to
learning was 'the present disposition of these times at this instant to
peace'. Two years later in 1607 he expressed the same firm belief
that his own age would witness the advancement of learning, since 'the
balance of power' in Europe would maintain peace which 'is fair
weather for the sciences to flourish'.77 The fact that Bacon believed in
the advancement of science through universal peace as he was else-
where arguing that warfare was indispensable for civic greatness,
suggests the distance between his search for the progress in science and
his idea of civic greatness. Science was an international pursuit
progressing only in universal peace. The quest for civic greatness was
the opposite; it was a purely national undertaking demanding not only
warlike disposition, but continuous wars.
Although valour, courage and military virtue were the essential
characteristics of a state which aimed at empire, these qualities were
hardly maintained and their ultimate object scarcely accomplished
73
T h e earl of Essex to the earl of Rutland (1596), in Letters, 11, p p . n - 1 2 .
74
Cf. liljeqvist 1894, p. 335; Box 1982, p. 41.
75
Bacon to T o b y Matthew, 10 October 1609, in Letters, iv, pp. 137-8.
76
Bacon, Advancement of learning, in Works, in, pp. 476-7; cf. however, ' O f the interpretation of
nature', in Letters, i n , p . 86. In addition to universal peace, amongst the factors which m a d e
Bacon's own time so conducive to the augmentation of sciences was 'the leisure wherewith
these times abound, not employing men so generally in civil business, as the states of Graecia
did in respect of their popularity, a n d the state of R o m e in respect of the greatness of their
monarchy', p p . 476-7. This was against the ideal of the vita activa which Bacon so vehemently
defended in the Advancement of learning, see Chapter 3, p p . 139—45.
77
Bacon, Thoughts and conclusions, in Farrington 1964, pp. 9 4 - 5 ; the original, Works, in, p . 613.
Francis Bacon, Thomas Hedley and the true greatness of Britain 207
without the other qualities enunciated in 'Of the true greatness of the
kingdom of Britain5. The first in the list of the six true qualities, and
the only one treated in detail, was 'a fit situation'. This was composed
of three aspects, all of which were perfectly applicable to the kingdom
of Britain (although the unfinished treatise breaks off before Bacon
reached the section of application). The region of a great monarchy
should be 'of hard access', but at the same time 'in the midst of many
regions'. Finally, the region needed to be 'maritime'. This property
brings us to another practical quality of a truly great state. It was
crucial, Bacon maintained, that a state possessed 'the commandment
of the sea'.79
The third indispensable practical feature of a great state was a
large population. Although it was above all the military virtue of
the people which brought about civic greatness, it was extremely
difficult to achieve durable success without a large population. 80
One method of increasing the population was to acquire colonies
as the Romans had done.81 A second procedure for attaining a
large population, again following the Romans, was to form leagues
with other states. The most important method of increasing the
number of inhabitants, however, was to admit strangers. This line
of thought appeared first in 1603 in Bacon's discourse on the
union. 'So likewise', he wrote, 'the authority of Nicholas Ma-
chiavel seemeth not to be contemned; who enquiring the causes of
the growth of the Roman empire, doth give judgement, there was
not one greater than this, that the state did so easily compound
and incorporate with strangers.'83 A few years later in parliament
he attempted to prove 'a position of estate, collected out of the
records of time' that the union of the kingdoms must be fortified
by a further union of naturalization and presented Rome and
78
Bacon, TGKB, pp. 48, 62. Cf. Robert Cotton, An answer to such motives as were offer'd by certain
military-men to prince Henry (London, 1675), p. 96.
79
Bacon, T G K B , p . 49. Cf. e.g. de Lucinge, The beginning, pp. 72-3; Ralegh, 'Of the art of warre
by sea', in Works, v i n , pp. 600—1.
80
Bacon, T G K B , p. 49. Cf. e.g. Botero, A treatise, pp. 87—8, 33-5, [idem], Observations, sig.
G 4 V -6 V .
81
Bacon, 'The case of the post-nati', in Works, v n , p . 661. Cf. e.g. Barnes, Fovre bookes of offices, p .
172; Anon., ['A treatise about the union'], in The Jacobean union, p. 44. It can be noted that the
theme of civic greatness was a common topic in the treatises of colonies, see e.g. R[obert]
J[ohnson], Nova Britannia: qffiing most excellent fruites by planting in Virginia (London, 1609), sigs.
Bi r , C2 r , E2 V .
82
Bacon, A brief discourse, in Letters, in, pp. 93-5. Cf. Barnes, Fovre bookes of offices, p. 172; Anon.,
['A treatise about the union'], in The Jacobean union, p . 44.
83
Bacon, A brief discourse, in Letters, in, p . 96, see also p. 95.
208 Classical humanism and republicanism i^yo-1640
the majority of the people was to carry arms, to be ready to fight for
their commonwealth. A matter of even more decisive importance was
to avoid the usage of a professional army. Bacon's constant advice that
a state pursuing civic greatness ought to concentrate almost exclusively
on warlike disposition, that the people ought to 'make profession of
arms'," and his continuous insistence on martial 'discipline' seem to
point to the idea of the standing army. But this is hardly the case. His
idea that every subject should be capable of bearing arms and his social
analysis of a truly great state suggest the contrary. Bacon was most
emphatic that mercenaries should be avoided at all costs; if a state
relied on 'waged Companies of forraine Armes, and not' on its 'owne
Natives', it would never achieve long-lasting greatness.
By identifying courage with the people, Bacon endorsed the repub-
lican idea that a central part of the active role of the people was their
martial character. Warfare was the area in which the people demon-
strated their public spirit - military virtue. The powers of fortune were
exceptionally great in wars. But the effeminate states alone were under
her spell, and those states which had warlike people and strong military
valour could overcome fortune.101 Bacon approved of Xenophon's
saying that 'we have now but those two things left, our arms and our
virtue; and if we yield up our arms, how shall we make use of our
virtue?'102 Underlying Bacon's argument was the Machiavellian idea of
the armed citizens of the Roman republic. The inescapable conclusion
was that the only way to successfully pursue civic greatness, or even to
survive in the predatory world, was to attain a large population and to
arm it. Almost as soon as Sparta had been forced to acquire an empire
(i.e. when it had been forced into a martial policy) it had been
destroyed.
Bacon coupled this moral evaluation of the armed citizen with an
argument that society should be organized in a way which enabled the
people to perform their military role. To ensure that the people were
capable of cultivating valour, certain material standards should be met.
Bacon opened his analysis by stressing that sedentary and indoor arts
were not conducive to military character; these 'nice manufactures', by
requiring 'rather the finger than the hand or arme, have in their nature
99 Bacon, TGKB, p. 48, cf. p. 59.
100
Bacon, 'Of the greatnesse of kingdomes', in Works, vi, p. 587.
1
Bacon, Of the colours ofgood and evil (1597), in Works, vn, p. 79; 'Character of Iulius Caesar', in
Works, VII, p. 344.
102
Bacon, Advancement of learning, in Works, in, p. 313. For Bacon's source, see Wolff 1913 n, pp.
27-8.
212 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
the knights of the shire are required to be chosen milites gladio cincti; so
as the very call, though it were to council, bears a mark of arms and
habiliments of war'. It was only when everyone set aside their
narrow private interests and dedicated themselves to the public good
that a state could attain civic greatness. Although Walter Ralegh
disagreed with Bacon about the role of money in the attainment of
civic greatness, he wholeheartedly agreed with him about the impor-
tance of civic virtue. Summing up Bacon's idea of civic greatness, he
wrote: 'Certaine it is (as Sir Francis Bacon hath judiciously observed)
That a State whose dimension or stemme is small, may aptly serve to
be foundation of a great Monarchic: which chiefly comes to passe,
where all regard of domesticall prosperitie is laid a side; and every
mans care addressed to the benefit of his countrie.'120
It comes as no surprise, therefore, that Ralegh's account is also
strikingly similar to Bacon's in so far as the close connection of the
citizen army and a certain type of government is concerned. Whereas
mercenary troops were usually employed by tyrants, a citizen army
entailed 'the moderate government of the Romans'. Since they had been
free, the Romans and the Latins had been particularly willing to fight.
Slaves could be 'furious' and 'outragious', but they always wanted
virtue. Only those who lived 'under a pleasant yoke' were courageous as
well as 'stout fighters'. Ralegh found this argument so compelling that he
was astonished how rarely it had been followed up: 'The moderate use
of souereigne power being so effectuall, in assuring the people unto their
Lords, and consequentlie, in the stablishment or enlargement of
Dominion: it may seeme strange, that the practise of tyrannie, whose
effects are contrarie, hath beene so common in all ages.'
Bacon's account of the social and political underpinnings of a truly
great state formed a startling contrast to that presented in de Lucinge's
The beginning, continuance, and decay of estates. In the second book of his
treatise, de Lucinge enquired into the means of preserving greatness
once it was attained. The chief responsibility in the maintenance of an
empire lay in organizing of its social and political structure. The first
rule was carefully to ensure that the subjects 'have alwaies neede of him
that is their Commander'. The sultan was 'Master of the persons,
liabilities, goods, houses, and possessions of his vassals'. But it was not
119
Bacon, 'Lowe's case of tenures', in Works, v n , p. 548.
120
Ralegh, The historie of the world, v.iii.xiii, p. 49*
496.
121
Ibid., v.ii.ii, pp. 376-7, 382—6.
382-6.Cf. howeveri v.iv.v, p . 607, where mercenary troops were said
Cf.however
to prevail against the militias of'free States'.
218 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
merely their homes, lands and other goods which the subjects had
solely by the favour of the sultan: they owed their very lives to him.
'And in a word', de Lucinge argued, 'their being and life depending
indifferently upon the Prince, their principall care is to winne his
favour.' It was scarcely surprising that the subjects called themselves
'slaves of their Prince'. 122
The next step in safeguarding an empire was to take care of possible
popular commotions. It was, in the first place, important to disarm the
people, so that they would 'forget both the use and courage to handle'
arms. In order to keep the subjects under 'so barbarous a yoake', it was
of the highest importance for the sultan to maintain 'a general peace
and tranquillity throughout his estate'; to make certain 'that justice be
equally distributed' and that the people had 'plenty of victuals, and all
other usuall commodities'. As de Lucinge put it, it was best 'to lull
asleepe their fury'. Under these circumstances 'every one maketh the
best of his fortune and liveth quietly at home, embracing that naturall
desire of holding his owne', and 'they rest free from the thought of
plotting or understanding sturs and rebellions'.123 The final step in
organizing the empire was to have a standing army always ready to
suppress possible commotions. The prince, de Lucinge argued, ought
to maintain 'a great number of horse and foot alwaies armed, alwaies
in pay, and distributed in garrisons thorow out his Empire, especially,
in places most proper to resist or assaile'.124
The central features of Bacon's concept of the true greatness of
states - that every subject ought to be fit to act as a soldier and that
'the temper of the government' must not keep subjects 'in the
condition of servile vassals' - can perhaps be seen as a sarcastic
repudiation of the values put forward by de Lucinge. On several
occasions Bacon firmly maintained that the English as well as the
Scottish were military in character. In A brief discourse, Bacon
remarked that union entailed the unification of 'these two mighty
and warlike nations' 125 and he told the Commons that Britain had
'the best iron in the world, that is the best soldiers of the world'.126 In
Calvin's case he described England as 'a warlike and a magnanimous
122
d e Lucinge, The beginning) pp. 95-6.
123
Ibid., p p . 102.
124
Ibid., p . 105; see in general pp. 9 6 - 8 , 105-8 for the details of the professional army. It should
be noted that de Lucinge disassociated himself from the policy conducted in Turkey, p . 9 6 ,
cf. however, p . 95.
125
Bacon, A brief discourse, in Letters, in, p. 92.
126
Bacon in parliament, in Letters, in, p p . 313, 325, cf. p . 315.
Francis Bacon, Thomas Hedley and the true greatness of Britain 219
nation fit for empire5.127 The point he was making was that the new
united kingdom of Britain, if not destined, was at least eminently
qualified, to attain civic greatness. Britain met the conditions of a fit
situation. More importantly, it fulfilled the social and political require-
ments of a truly great state. It was a populous and warlike state, and its
social structure was based on armed citizen-farmers, ready to die for
their country. Finally, its political institutions were such that the people
were well equipped to participate in political life by answering the
summons for a parliament, and by playing the honourable role of a
counsellor.
The lively debate about civic greatness calmed down with the end
of the union project in 1608. The theme emerged only sporadically
during the next decade, and although Bacon published 'Of the
greatnesse of kingdomes' in 1612, he had by then turned his attention
to other political issues. It was only during the major crisis of the
1620s that similar issues surfaced with equal vigour. And it was then
that Bacon returned to the theme of the true greatness of states,
developing his earlier ideas and making his final contribution to
English political debate. His tract 'Of the true greatness of the
kingdom of Britain' remained, however, unpublished as well as
unfinished. This was no doubt partly because the union project for
which it had been intended had come to an end. But there is little
doubt that the general thrust of Bacon's idea of civic greatness also
had something to do with it. Considering James's fame for peaceful
policies and in particular the great emphasis he laid on peaceful
methods for attaining an empire (through union), the extent to which
Bacon's conception of civic greatness implied an aggressive advocacy
of martial enterprises might account for the incompleteness of his
tract. Furthermore, the utmost importance Bacon attached to warfare
in his essay 'Of the greatnesse of kingdomes' put him in surprising
and even awkward company.
A central argument in George Wither's Abvses stript, and whipt
(published in 1613) called for a radical change in James's foreign policy.
Wither could expatiate on the vita activa and vera nobilitas, but he also
claimed that meticulous attention should be paid to external relations.
The peace which God had brought about had made the English
127
Bacon, 'The case of the post-nati', in Works, vn, pp. 664—5; c^- 'Lowe's case of tenures', in
Works, VII, p. 548.
220 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
'feareless, careless and secure', and they had passed 'slightly' their
'former care of Martiall discipline'.128
II} p p 170-1; cf. however, p . 180, where Hedley confessed, after a long discussion of
the excellence of the common law, that he was 'necessarily drawn to digress'.
135
Ibid., 11, p p . 172-6. For Bacon, see Letters, i v , p . 191; cf. Bacon in parliament 28 February
1607, in Letters, in, p. 327.
136
PP1610,11, p . 176.
137
Ibid., 11, pp. 176, 178-9; Bacon, Advancement of learning, in Works, in, p. 465, cf. p . 454. T h e first
phrase is taken from Livy, 39.40, while the other one is a paraphrase from Cicero, Brutus,
95.327, where Cicero wrote 'remanebat idem nee decebat idem1.
222 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
the wars design him but to the galleys or the gallows.'146 If a man lost
his material independence, he also lost his moral independence, and his
ability 'to do service to his country'.
Without liberty in their property, subjects would become 'little
better than the king's bondmen' and consequently unfit to bear arms.
To be 'the king's bondmen' would 'so discourage them and so abase
and deject their minds, that they will use little care or industry to get
that which they cannot keep and so will grow both poor and base-
minded'.147 In England, however, this was not yet the case. England
met the material conditions of a warlike commonwealth. Because the
Englishman had his ancient liberty, he was an able soldier. Hedley
contrasted sharply 'the peasants in other countries' who were not free
and who were 'no soldiers nor will be ever made any' to free
Englishmen. 'Every Englishman', he argued, 'is asfitfor a soldier as
the gentleman elsewhere.'
If England could enjoy 'the blessings and benefits' of an absolute
monarchy — benefits which Hedley refrained from spelling out — it was
scarcely less fortunate in enjoying, to an equal degree, the benefits of 'a
free estate'. Because of the peculiar nature of the English common-
wealth, it could easily defend itself against any threat from without.
The military virtue of the Englishman grounded on his freedom in
property maintained and safeguarded the whole kingdom.149 This was
the essence of 'the blessings and benefits' of 'a free estate'. Moreover,
the armed citizens who enabled England to withstand the corruption
coming from without could also help her play a more honourable role.
England had, Hedley reminded his colleagues in the House of
Commons, 'prevailed with a perpetual happy success to the everlasting
honor of the realm and the admiration of all the world'. Although
Hedley did not argue that England could pursue civic greatness, as
explicitly as Bacon did, his employment of the example of the Romans
who had performed 'vast exploits' and had become 'conquerors'
pointed in this direction.150
It was, however, a cardinal error to suppose that the amassing of
wealth could produce great success. Hedley was careful to emphasize
the fact that riches never brought civic glory. He first cited Bacon's
146
Ibid., 11, p. 194.
147
Ibid., 11, p. 194.
148
Ibid., 11, pp. 194-5.
149
Ibid., 11, p . 195.
150
Ibid., 11, p . 195.
Francis Bacon, Thomas Hedley and the true greatness of Britain 225
153
Ibid., 11, p . 196. It should b e remembered that Bacon developed his similar social analysis
only in ' O f the greatnesse of kingdomes' in 1612, although the embryo was already there in
T G K B , p p . 4 8 - 9 ; see also Letters, in, p. 36.
154
PP1610,11, p. 196.
155
Cf. Nicholas Fuller, 23 J u n e 1610, in ibid., 11, p p . 160-1.
Francis Bacon, Thomas Hedley and the true greatness of Britain 227
weaken the king and kingdom that he will want both gold and iron,
both men and money, and so will be unable to defend himself and
kingdom with his own force.'156 If the king had the power to impose,
he was also bound to resort to foreign help; he 'must depend on other
princes or states' and employ 'mercenaries'. Some 'great and ample
kingdoms and monarchs' had been able to maintain, besides their own
forces, 'a sufficient number of mercenaries' to the extent that 'some
wise statesmen have held it as good to lose with their own as win with
others' arms'. But Hedley repudiated the value of mercenaries.
Although they could serve well, it was his firm opinion that England
'must (as it hath done) stand of its own strength, which (as hath been
said) resteth principally in the liberty and wealth of the commons'.157
The conclusion Hedley drew from his argument was that impositions
without the consent of the subject were not merely against the common
law, but were also a most imprudent line of policy. 'That prerogative,
then,' Hedley concluded, 'that shakes this so long settled freedom of
the subject in point of profit or property, hazards ... to unjoint the
whole frame of this so ancient, honorable and happy state, so prudently
compact of the sovereignty of the king and the liberty of the subject.'158
By reducing the courage of his subjects, the king would not only
jeopardize his own treasure; he would also compromise his whole
realm. The decrease in valour of the people meant that the king could
not defend his realm by his own forces, but would have to resort to
foreign help. And this was the most perilous menace.159
Although Hedley had gone a long way towards employing Bacon's
notions, there was a striking difference between their social analyses.
Bacon concentrated exclusively on the role of farmers. In arguing that
sedentary and indoor arts were contrary to military disposition, he was
consciously belittling the role of merchants. Hedley, on the other hand,
wholeheartedly included merchants among his warlike people. One
does not have to go far to find the reason. To demonstrate the
imprudence of impositions it was reasonable for Hedley to include
156
Ibid., ii, p . 196.
157
Ibid., 11, pp. 196-7.
158
Ibid., 11, p . 197.
159
It should be noted that Hedley circumscribed the people's active role to the military sphere
and left government to the king. T h e common law allowed 'to the subjects such ingenuity
and freedom as maintains him in spirit a n d courage a n d yet contains him in all duteous
subjection'; ibid., n , pp. 191, 192. Cf. Forset, A comparative discourse, p . 18 (see also p . 21): 'If the
people be tractable, a n d truely serviceable, with all dutious subjection, in the nature of right
alleagiance, then as loving subiects, by their forwardnesse in cooperating with him, they give
strength and stay unto his government.'
228 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
merchants, for the efficacy of his line of reasoning hinged upon the
maritime nature of England. This difference contains a touch of irony.
Bacon's idea of the true greatness of states has often been seen as an
embodiment of commercial imperialism because of his insistence on
the control of the seas. But it was in fact Hedley (as well as Ralegh) -
not Bacon - who embraced merchants, and thereby commerce, in his
conception of a warlike nation and a great state.
CHAPTER 5
229
230 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
6
Cogswell 1989a, pp. 281-307. James Howell, Dendrologia: Dodona's grove, or the focall forest (n.p.
[London], 1640), pp. 170—3. See also Limon 1986.
7
See Adams 1973, pp. 448-62; Adams 1976.
8
Wright 1943. Cf. van Eerde 1968.
9
Judson 1949, pp. 328, 333-4, 342-3.
232 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-164.0
;» I b i d , p. 39.
39
Ibid., p . 56.
40
Scott, The high-waies of God, pp. 69-70; Lky 1.50. Cf. e.g. [Thomas Scott], Englands toy, p. 7.
41
[Scott], Voxpopvli, sig. B3V. Cf. [Leighton?], The interpreter, p. 7.
42
[Scott], Vox regis, p . 23.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement' 239
do this they were, in fact, causing James to become a Tarquinius
Superbus. In Scott's definition of 1624, 'a Parliament where Prince and
People meet and joyne in consultation, is fit only for that weightie and
important worke, in whose even ballancing, the weale of a State doth
consist. And without this Councel, the greatest Peere or Officer, yea,
the greatest profest Engineere in State stratagems, may easily erre
upon either hand, many degrees from good government, and so fall
into an Anarchy or Tyrannie.'43
Scott was not content, however, with a description of a corrupted
commonwealth. He also wanted to show how the growth of corrup-
tion could be halted or even avoided altogether. It is arguable, in
other words, that it was Scott's main aim to explain the ways in
which the most serious trouble ravaging the English commonwealth
could be cured or eradicated. The first remedy for corruption lay in
reversing the dominant values. In one of his most important
pamphlets, The Belgicke pismire, Scott declared that the two first things
to be done were 'to full the veines of a decayed estate' and 'to inrich
a Common-wealth'. If Scott was fully convinced that corruption
was closely linked with people privileging their own private gain, he
was scarcely less persuaded that citizens of a healthy commonwealth
placed the good of the community before any consideration of
personal gain. When crucial issues of the commonwealth, such as the
one of peace and war, were to be decided, 'wee must not consider
nor respect any mans particuler interest, but the benefit and
commodity of the generality'. There was no real advantage 'in
seeking after our owne particuler benefit', since its pursuit meant
that 'the generall commodity is lost' and if this happened, 'the
particuler cannot continue'. 'It ought to be', as Scott concluded his
examination of the state of Holland, 'a Maxime in all good and
politicke Governments, to doe Justice, and procure the good of the
generality, and particuler profit will of it selfe come unto you.'45 If
one wanted to reform a degenerate community, it was essential to
change people's morality; instead of preferring their own personal
interest, they ought to place the good of the commonwealth above
anything else. Whereas Tarquinius Superbus was Scott's most telling
example of a tyrant, Cato epitomized republican virtues. 'We have',
Scott proclaimed, 'more neede of a Cato to reforme our corrupt
43
Ibid., p. 68.
44
[Scott], The Belgicke pismire, p. 39.
45
[Scott], A relation of Holland, pp. 5, 18-19. Cf. [Leighton?], The interpreter, p. 7.
240 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
It is above all the cardinal virtues of courage and prudence that a man
needs in order to enhance the good of his community. Scott vehe-
mently admonished his countrymen: 'cease to be foolish, and become
wise; cease to be a Sluggard, and become diligent; cease to be fearefull,
and become couragious and active'.64 It is 'humane and politique
providence' which helps us 'foresee that which in our actions and
dealings is fit to be foreseene and prevented'.65 'Consideration', as he
defined it, 'is a serious examination of any businesse, with the causes,
effects, beginning, continuance, and issue thereof.' It is simply 'a
rumination of the judgement, pondering, and revolving some matter in
hand, untill the same be perfectly digested, settled, and disposed by
reason'.66
Scott's example of 'a good Commonwealths-man' was a pismire (i.e.
ant) who, as he took pains to explain, 'forecasts where best to provide
herselfe, and then diligently takes the oportunitie of the time for her
best advantage'. Furthermore, her wisdom was such that 'shee doth not
onely and barely know this by a naked speculation; but considering it
aright, shee puts it in practise, and makes use of every occasion, for the
full and finall accomplishment of her purposes'.67 Later in the same
treatise, Scott spelled out the relevance of the pismire's example to
human life: 'Now, since wisdome is so requisite for the life of man, as
that without it a man is worse then a Pismire; and, since wee see to be
wise, is not only to know by speculation, nor only to goe and to
consider, but also to resolve, to practise, and to execute what wee
know, and have considered.'68 To be devoid of prudence 'keepes men
in slouth'; they are unable to ponder upon 'the reward of glorie' which
they would only attain by their 'good and vertuous actions'.69
It is thus no exaggeration to state that one of Scott's main aims in his
pamphlet campaign was not only to lay bare the serious menace to the
English commonwealth but also to indicate the way out of this
64
Ibid., p. 16; cf. A relation of"Holland, pp. 16—19.
65
[Scott], A relation ofHolland, p. 1.
66
[Scott], TheBelgickepismire, p. 14.
67
Ibid., p. 25.
68
Ibid., p . 43; see also The high-waies of God, p p . 6-7. According to Francis Rous, 'the maine
Faultinesse of these Times, is a Disproportion, betweene Knowledge and Action; or rather a
meere resting in knowledge short of Action', Meditations of instruction, p . 1. Cf. J o h n Everard,
The arriereban: a sermon preached to the company of the Military Tarde (London, 1618), p. 47; J[ohn]
R[eynolds], Votivae Angliae: or the desires and wishes of England (Utrecht, 1624), sig. B2r, A$T. For a
strikingly similar rhetoric, see Secretary Edward Gonway's strategic plans cited in Cogswell
1989a, p. 70. See also [Alexander Leighton], Speculum belli sacri: or the looking-glasse of the holy war
(n.p., 1624), PP- 32-3-
[Scott], The Belgicke pismire, p. 14.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement' 245
done with a view to encouraging 'all of every ranck, high and low, the
witty and valiant, in their severall kindes, to do their best, and to
adventure for the publique good5. This kind of system, Scott assured
his readers, where honours were conferred on the basis of merits alone,
'would animate and stirre up noble spirits to excellent actions and
enterprizes through emulation'.74 Elsewhere he pointed out that the
idea of a meritocracy was exemplified by the governors of the
contemporary Netherlands as well as by Roman consuls. In both cases
'the wisest and worthiest persons' were employed, in spite of the fact
that they were 'without traine, or pompe, or titular vanities; and many
of them [were] raised for their experience, fidelity and wisedome, from
meane stations, to treade in those high steps of authority and super-
ioritie'.75
In The Belgicke pismire Scott opened his discussion of nobility by
quoting Aristotle to the effect that nobility proceeded from excellent
lineage. Conversely, the wrong kind of nobility was exemplified by
those who had either degenerated from 'the nobilitie and vertue of
their Ancestors' or were 'base in their Originals'.76 But in general
Scott's treatment of the issue was dominated by a different set of
values. The true nature of nobility became clear as soon as attention
was focused on 'Antiquitie'. When 'the desire of dominion' had begun
'to disturbe the whole World', people had had 'to elect out some of the
strongest' for protection. 'And to these', Scott proceeded, 'they gave
both titles and priviledged, to incourage their diligent attention on
their offices.' The moral of this ancient instance was obvious. Nobility
was based on personal qualities rather than ancestry, or as Scott put it:
'Thus it appeares, that Nobility was first from Office, not from nature.'
Although the eldest son could inherit his father's 'titles and lands', his
'most vertuous and active' son was 'the heyre of his fathers honors'. 77
Even 'Principalitie it selfe', Scott added, 'springs from this low but
fruitefull root.' It followed, therefore, that 'virtue' alone determined
'nobility'.78 He insisted that at birth men were equal and it was only
their later lives that determined their worth. According to him, 'all
have alike common entrance into the world; the King and the beggar;
the foole and the Philosopher; and that only the difference betwixt
74
[Scott], Synmachia, pp. 26-8.
75
[Scott], A tongue-combat, p . 50.
76
[Scott], The Belgicke pismire, pp. 27-8.
77
Ibid., pp. 29-30.
78
I b i d , p . 28.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement3 247
Man and Man was, in the different use of themselues, and the choyce
of their wayes heere, where there was a way of wisedome and vertue,
and a way of ignorance and vice propounded to all'. 79 The same point
was versed by George Wither in 1621:
I care not for that Gentry, which doth lye
In nothing but a Goat of Heraldry.
One Vertue more I rather wish, I had;
Then all, the Herald to mine Armes, could add:
Yea, I had rather, that by my industry
I could acquire some one, good quality.
Then through the Families, that noblest be
FromfiftyKings, to drawe my Pedigree.80
Scott's strong emphasis on the importance of virtuous actions as the
chief quality of true nobility had an immediate bearing upon the role
the nobility was expected to play in the public life of the common-
wealth. The maintenance of the commonwealth hinged on their active
participation. It was the 'vocation' of 'true Nobility' to promote the
common good. 'For all the honors & priviledges of the ancient
Nobilitie', Scott argued, 'were granted upon this ground, that they had
worthily acted something for the generall benefit of many.' 81 Any
attempts 'to purchase honour without some worthy action fore-going,
or for any man to conferre this without merit concurring' was doomed
to fail; it was not 'truely to be Noble, but the idole of Nobility'. 82 Scott
never tired of repeating that 'Nobilitie' sprang 'from action'; 'the
workes that Nobility is originally tyed unto, are actes of bountie,
justice, charity, piety, loyalty, and prudence'. True nobility ought 'to
watch and warde, and study, and counsell, for the Common-wealth'. It
had been created 'for the generall service of the State in publique
imployments'.83
For those who pursued the virtuous active life with vigour and
success Scott retained his most honorific term 'commonwealth-men'.
He defined 'worthy Commonwealths-men' as those who 'with his
Majesties good liking, the peoples generall applause, to Gods glorie,
the States good, and their owne personall honours, have liberally and
freely layd open the Grievances of all good men, and with solid
arguments inveighed against the Abuses of the Time, presented to their
79
Scott, Thehigh-waiesgfGod, p. 1. Cf. Sutton, The serpent anatomized, pp. 11, 17-18.
80
Wither, Wither's motto, sig Ei v -2 r .
81
[Scott], TheBelgickepismire, p. 28.
82
Ibid., p. 30.
83
Ibid., pp. 30-1; Vox Dei, pp. 1-3, 16-17.
248 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
Gibson, Christiana-polemica, sig. A5r v; Thomas Trussell, The sovldier pleading his owne cause, 2nd
impression (London, 1619), sig. A3r. Pierre Du Moulin, A preparation to suffer for the Gospell ofIesvs
Christ (London, 1623), pp. 1-3, 42—4, amply evoked forbearance and patience.
J. T., The ABC ofarmes, or an introduction directone; whereby the order ofmilitarie exercises may easily bee
understood, and readily practised, where, when, and howsoeuer occasion is offered (London, 1616), sig. A4r.
Cf. e.g. Jeremy Leech, The Wayne souldier: a sermon preached befor the worthy Societie of the captaynes
and gentlemen that exercise armes in the Artillery garden (London, 1619), pp. 60-1; Trussell, The sovldier,
pp. 31-2; Gibson, Christiana-polemica, pp. 1—2, where the argument is conventionally directed
against the Anabaptists. For this, see e.g. [Leighton], Speculum belli sacri, p. 6. Cf. Croft 1986,
P-I4-
Edward Davies, The art of war, andEnglands traynings (London, 1619), sig. T[2V. Cf. idem, Military
directions, or the art oftrayning (London, 1618).
John Everard, The arriereban, pp. 25, 27—8, 56, 73-4, 87-9, 91—2, 101—2. See in general Hunt
1990, pp.226-8.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement' 251
unlimited Peace' because the excess of peace chath long since turned
vertue, into Vice, and health into sicknes'.97
The fact that John Reynolds's Votivae Angliae was published in 1624
might serve to explain the absence of any lavish description of
corruption, but Reynolds was careful to warn the king about the
shameful consequences of an overlong period of peace. 'And although
your Majestie', he wrote, 'delight and glorie to be tearmed, A Prince of
Peace; yet lett your Peace live and flourish in Honnor, and not wyther
dye in Contempt and shame.' He was not 'a true Subject' and 'a
faithfull and loyall-harted Britton' who was not ready to sacrifice his
life for the good of his country.98
In his denunciation of peace and his exhortation to martial enter-
prises, Scott was concerned to uphold the same set of values. It was his
firm opinion that England ought to renounce James's peaceful foreign
policy, denounce every possible treaty with Spain (including of course
the marriage treaty) and adopt a more aggressive role in international
politics. As early as 1621, when the truce between Spain and the
Netherlands was due to expire, Scott insisted that 'all Treaties of Peace
and Truce to be made with the King of Spaine, are wholly unprofi-
table' for the Dutch. Since a permanent peace was 'impossible' and the
'Truce hurtfull', 'what resteth onely to bee expected but warre?' 99 Two
years later, he repeated that although peace was in principle a valuable
thing, in practice it turned out to be ruinous because 'the time agreeing
with the necessity, we are in regard of the feare of the Spanish
greatnesse'.100 This kind of rhetoric became especially powerful and
explicit in 1624 when Charles and Buckingham decided to campaign
for war. Scott dedicated his tract The Belgick sovldier, subtitled 'warre was
a blessing', to parliament, and promised to prove 'that Warre hath
97
Anon., Tom tell troath, p . 7, cf. pp. 10-11, 27. Cf. e.g. Sutton, The serpent anatomized, p . 8; Francis
Markham, Five decades of epistles of warre (London, 1622), especially sig. A3V, p . 9; Samuel Buggs,
Miles mediterranevs: the Mid-land souldier: a sermon (London, 1622), p. 17; Richard Bernard, The
seaven golden candlestickes: Englands honour (London, 1621), sig. A4 r . It was opinions such as these
that Thomas Adams sought to answer in his Eirenopolis, when he pointed out that it was not
simply prosperity which destroyed our peace; it was 'the prosperitie of fooles' alone which
brought about the violation of peace, The workes, p . 1012.
98
R[eynold]s, Votivae Angliae, sig. EI V , *4 r ; idem, Vox coeli, pp. 31, 34, for corruption see pp. 35,
36; [Leighton], Speculum belli sacri, pp. 7-8, 42. Cf. the views expressed by the prince's
c h a p l a i n , Isaac B a r g r a v e , A sermon preached before ...the lower house of parliament: February the last
1623 (London, 1624), PP- 25~6, 35-6; idem, A sermon against selfe policy, pp. 30—4. Later in the
1620s those who criticized Charles saw James's foreign policy as an epitome of England's
corruption; see e.g. J. R., The spy discovering the danger of Arminian heresie and Spanish trecherie
(Strasburg, 1628), sig. B2r~~v.
99
[Scott], A relation of Holland, sig. A2r, p . 11.
100
[Scott], An experimentalldiscoverie, pp. 1—2, 6-7.
252 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
been better than peace, and that the Commonwealth and Religion of
England have had their glory and propagation by opposing Antichrist,
and in plaine termes reputing Spaine'. 01 Using the earl of Essex as his
spokesman, Scott insisted that James was being seriously misled 'by
(some) false hearted Counsellours5 and that the king had himself been
c
a peaceable King from his Cradle', so much so that CBEATI PACIFIGI is
his happy destined Motto'. Although it was a good thing to be at
peace, it was 'an unhappy and dangerous a thing to have league or
amity with Romane-Catholique Kings'. 102
Although in arguing against effeminate peace and for a valorous war
Scott had the possible misfortune or success of his native country in
mind, he employed specific vocabularies in support of his case. First,
the pursuit of a martial policy could be justified on the basis of religious
arguments alone. Scott claimed that 'I will onely deale with the Church
of God, and cause of Religion.' But he also ridiculed the earlier
Christian humanists for extolling the blessings of the peace with Cicero.
'He that pleaded for peace', he expounded, 'and cried out in an
insulting bravery, Cedant arme [sic] togae, concedat laurea linguae [sic], that
maintained the morrall precepts of Philosophy, that an unjust peace
was to be preferred before a just warre' singlemindedly forgot that
Cicero had also set down 'in his lib. I. De qfficif that *Suscipienda quidem
bella sunt ob earn causam, vt sine iniuria in pace Vivatur [War could only be
justified that we may live in peace without harm]'. 1 3
Nevertheless, elsewhere Scott was inclined to use a somewhat
different vocabulary. In denouncing sloth and idleness and exhorting
his countrymen to action, Scott proclaimed that continual exercise was
of vital importance since otherwise men would become weak and
wholly 'unfit for any imployment'. Hence, Scott wrote, 'an army is
termed Exercitus, quod exercitandofitmelior, because it is much bettered by
exercise'. The truth of this was most easily discerned from the examples
of the Romans, who had known it well and who had therefore been
'not only carefull to exercise their owne persons and the people at
home, but their armies abroad'. 104 In his prefatory verses to Samuel
Bachiler's Miles christianvs in 1625, Scott rhymed:
[Scott], The Belgick sovldier, pp. 2—3; cf. e.g. A second part, sig. G4r; [Thomas Scott?], Certaine
reasons and arguments qfpolicie (n.p., 1624), sig. B2V, B4 V .
[Thomas Scott], Robert earle of Essex his ghost, sentfrom Elizian: to the nobility, gentry, and commvnaltie
of England (Paradise [i.e. London], 1624), pp. 2, 4.
[Scott], The Belgick sovldier, pp. 4-5; cf. in general Digitvs Dei; Cicero, De qffidis, 1.35.
[Scott], TheBelgickepismire, pp. 12—13; cf. A tongue-combat, p. 61.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement3 253
The Campe's a Court, where all heroick seedes
Of Courage, freedome, Noblesse, vertue breedes,
Where native comelynes is man-like brave,
And inward worth may unbought honour have.105
112
R[eynold]s, Vox coeli, p. 34.
113
See Bacon to Father Redemptus Baranzano, 30 June 1622, in Letters, vm, pp. 375-7.
114
Ibid., VII, p. 445.
115
Bacon, Essayes, p. 90; De augmentis, in Works, 1, p. 793.
116
Bacon, 'Considerations touching a war with Spain', in Letters, vn, p. 469.
256 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
have been, and much have I read; so that few things which concern
states or greatness, are new cases unto me.' 117
Bacon strongly emphasized that the only way to attain civic greatness
lay in the possession of arms. 'But above all', he insisted vigorously, 'for
Empire and Greatnesse [ad Imperil Magnitudinem], it importeth most;
That a nation doe professe Armes, as their principall Honour, Study,
and Occupation.'11 To enhance the military valour of the people, it
was essential to have 'just causes' or 'pretexts' for waging a war. 119
Following this principle, Bacon carefully pointed out that a war against
Spain was a preventive war and thus justifiable. 'Howsoever', he
argued, 'some schoolmen (otherwise reverend men, yet fitter to guide
penknives than swords) seem' to insist, they were of no 'authority to
judge this question against all the precedents of time.' 'For certainly,'
he went on, 'as long as men are men ... and as long as reason is
reason, a just fear will be a just cause of a preventive war.' 120
Although Bacon expressed his admiration for the Spanish veteran
army which was 'alwaies on Foot', nonetheless reason and experience
told him that Spain could scarcely match England. Spain lacked both
men and valour. It was a country 'thin sown of people'. Even more
importantly, 'the Spaniard's valour lieth in the eye of the looker on'
while 'the English valour lieth about the soldier's heart'. 121 But the
most ruinous weakness of Spanish politics was that the greatness of
their empire was not grounded on arms but on money. In his earlier
papers on civic greatness, Bacon had, of course, rejected the idea that
money contributed to civic greatness and warlike valour, and the same
idea continued to occupy a prominent place in his later writings on the
same issue. In October 1620, Bacon introduced a draft of a proclama-
tion to summon a parliament and wrote that for 'moneys being the
sinews of war' 'no man is so ignorant' as to think that a successful war
could be waged without 'some large and bountiful help of treasure'. 122
But in the De augmentis as well as in 'Of the true greatnesse of kingdomes
117
Bacon to Buckingham 18 April 1623, in Letters, v n , p. 424.
118
Bacon, De augmentis, in Works, 1, p p . 794-5, 799—800; Essayes, pp. 91-2, 95-7.
119
Bacon, De augmentis, in Works, 1, p . 800; Essayes, pp. 96-7.
120
Bacon, 'Considerations touching a war with Spain', in Letters, v n , p . 477. Cf. Secretary
Conway's justification, Cogswell 1989a, p. 70; Walter Ralegh, 'A discourse of the original and
fundamental cause of natural, arbitrary, necessary, a n d unnatural war' (1614-16), in Works,
VIII, p p . 253-97, p. 259. For Ralegh's tract in general, see Luciani 1948.
121
Bacon, De augmentis, in Works, 1, p . 801; Essayes, p . 97; 'Considerations touching a war with
Spain', in Letters, v n , p . 499. Cf. in general Roger Williams, The actions of the Lowe Countries
(London, 1618).
122
Bacon, Letters, v n , p. 126.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement' 257
and estates', Bacon squarely denied this and maintained: 'Neither is
Money the Sinewes of Warre, (as it is trivially said) where the Sinewes
of mens Armes, in base and Effeminate People, are failing.'123 Instead
of being based on valorous people, the greatness of Spain ultimately
hinged on the treasures and riches she had obtained from America.
Tor Money', Bacon wrote, 'no doubt it is the principal part of
greatness of Spain.' Spanish 'greatness', he added, 'consisteth in their
treasure; their treasure in their Indies; and their Indies (if it be well
weighed) are indeed but an accession to such as are masters by sea'. 124
One of the main aims of Scott's public statements was to effect a
dramatic change in English foreign policy, and to insist, therefore, that
she was quite capable of adopting a more militant role. But he never
limited the scope of his discussion to warfare alone. The people's
martial deeds did not comprise the only domain of their active role.
Their virtuous character was not limited to courage but also included
prudence. Similarly, the children of true nobility ought to be trained
not merely in warlike discipline but also 'in counsell'. True nobles,
Scott wrote, are not 'accomplished, till they are able both to advise,
and execute in matters of State'. 125 As Scott saw it, it was above all the
role of counsellor which recommended itself to the active subject. On
the one hand, he was most emphatic that it was unfaithful counsel
which had misled James into adopting the ruinous foreign policy of
peace. On the other hand, the solution was not to disregard counsellors
and to establish an absolute monarchy, but rather to give sincere
advice. Scott had the earl of Essex admonish the nobility, gentry and
commons 'seriously and yet submissively to dehort and dissawade your
King, to leave off and absolutely dissolve all Treaties of Matches' with
Spain.126 Counselling called for prudence or 'humane and politique
providence' which enabled one to 'foresee that which in our actions
and dealings is fit to be foreseene and prevented'.
Scott stressed that a man ought to participate on his own initiative in
both the military and the political arenas. Advising the king in 1623 * o
123
Bacon, De augmentis, in Works, 1, p p . 794-5; Essayes, p p . 91-2. Gf. Everard, The arriereban, p . 7.
124
Bacon, 'Considerations touching a war with Spain', in Letters, v n , p p . 499-500; 'Notes of a
speech concerning a war with Spain', in Letters, v n , p . 464; De augmentis, in Works, 1, p p . 795,
801; Essayes, p . 91, 9 7 - 8 . Cf. [Leighton], Speculum belli sacri, p p . 31-2; R[eynold]s, Vox coeli, p .
32. It is probable that Buckingham was following Bacon's advice when he told his strategic
plans to the parliament on 3 March; see Ruigh 1971,191-2; Cogswell 1989a, 181-2.
125
[Scott], The Belgicke pismire, p p . 3 0 - 1 . Cf. Leech, Trayne souldier, p p . 6 2 - 3 ; [Leighton], Speculum
belli sacri, p. 91.
126
[Scott], Robert earle of Essex his ghost, p. 13.
127
[Scott], A relation of Holland, p. 1.
258 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
But parliament also took part in more general matters of policy. The
chief grievance of England - the Spanish match - had been caused by
disregarding the normal procedure of decision-making. The prince was
'a publike and private person'. Both aspects had to be respected when
his consort was chosen. 'As a private person,' Scott argued, che may
chuse for his private affection, and match where he list; provided he
neglect not the publike part, which is the principall.' The prince, in
other words, ought to listen to popular opinion about his spouse. And
this opinion was aired by 'the State representative (that is, the
Parliament)... wherein the consent of everie Subject is included'.135
Most importantly, Scott saw parliament as both discussing and
deciding on the central issues of foreign policy. In 1624 n e offered
parliament a long list of detailed issues for discussion. 'First, whether
we have sufficient occasion or no to fall out with Spaine? Secondly,
how shall a warre be maintained? Thirdly, where the seate of this
warre shall be? Fourthly, who shall be called to our assistance? And last
of all, whether the Country be willing to such a designement?' Scott
did not answer these questions but told the MPs that they were
summoned to a parliament 'to decide these things'.136
So far we have seen that in Scott's vision a healthy commonwealth
was represented by a community where everyone would be willing to
practise his virtues to its benefit. It is clear, however, that Scott was not
completely satisfied with this rather platitudinous view. Although he
espoused the idea that the reform of corruption was, to a great extent,
a matter of morality, it is obvious that he never thought that corruption
and servility could be nipped in the bud by simple moral inducements.
This was so because moral decay had a striking parallel in the social
domain.
When Bacon turned to the issues of civic greatness anew in the early
1620s, he developed his former discussion of the material basis of a
truly great state. Although he now placed a somewhat stronger
emphasis on the commanding of the seas, he did not abandon his
former conviction that the infantry formed the backbone of an
army. To ensure that a state which aimed at greatness had a proper
infantry, it was of crucial importance to look after its social organiza-
tion. Since free and sturdy farmers made a good infantry, the nobility
135
[Scott], Vox regis, p . 14.
136
[Scott], The Belgick sovldier, p . 4; cf. [Scott], Second part, p . 24.
137
Bacon, De augrnentis, in Works, 1, p . 796; Essayes, p p . 92—3. Cf. Everard, The arriereban, p . 7;
Markham, Five decades, p . 43.
260 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
138
Bacon, The history of the raigne of Henry the seventh, in Works, vi, pp. 93-5; De augmentis, in Works, i,
pp. 796-7; Essayes, pp. 92-3. Cf. Markham, Five decades, p. 17; Trussell, The sovldier, p. 30.
According to Trussell, soldiers should be 'neither servant nor hireling ... but home-keepers of
good worth and ability'. In 1623 John Bingham published his translation of Xenophon and
appended to it portions from Justus Iipsius' De militia Romana where it was argued that militia
suited only a 'Free-estate' and that princes ought to follow 'what the Turke doth in his
Ianizar'; The historie of Xenophon: contaning the ascent of Cyrus into the higher countries, translated by
John Bingham (London, 1623), S^E- V 2 r v .
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement3 261
the actions of their social superiors; 'the lordly Owner', Scott argued,
'is in all the fault5. The primary objective of the nobility had been 'to
live at Court (not for action, but idlenesse)' and in order to be able to
afford a sumptuous courtly life, they had had to raise their rents 'to the
extreamest racke5. To increase his profits, the noble 'never lets out
Lease but from yeere to yeere; and he that gives most is the next new
Farmer for my next new master5. The situation had become worse
because the nobles5 idle course of life had forced them on many
occasions to sell their lands to 'the diligent tradesman5 who was even
more prone to maximize his profit. The fact that the peasant was often
driven from his farm gravely impoverished the country. But it also
prompted the farmer himself to fall 'to theft as well as beggerie5 and
thereby to a 'lazie kinde of life5 and, in a way, to imitate his former
landlord. Having reached this ultimate state of corruption, the peasant
no longer cared for the common good, since 'such as have nothing are
without care and fear', and instead he became the stuff from which
those desirous of'theft, ryot, or rebellion5 were made.142
This most unhappy state of affairs contrasted sharply with a healthy
commonwealth. The date of The Belgicke pismire (1622) might account for
the fact that Scott depicted a similarly disastrous development taking
place in England. 'And whilst I speake of Scotland,' he carefully
emphasized, 'because it is there a generall practise, I except not
England, as if this sinne were a stranger in any part of Brittaine.5 The
partial corruption of the English nobility could precipitate a similar
development amongst the common people. But in England there were
both 'some long Leases yet unexpired5 and 'some good men yet left'.
By and large, the English commonwealth was chiefly based on 'the
Yeomandrie'. They were 'one of the chiefe glories of our Nation, and
the principal base and foundation of the Common-wealth, at least of
the strength and libertie thereof. The only way to keep the external
corruption at bay and to uphold liberty was to secure the economic
position of the yeomen so that they would be willing to fight for their
country.
But as well as constituting the military strength of the common-
wealth, 'the ancient English yeomandrie' also helped to sustain its
political well-being. In politics corruption occurred when the active
people lost their freedom and thereby their dedication to the common-
wealth, and instead became dependent on others. It was exactly this
142
Ibid., pp. 32—3.
143
Ibid., pp. 28, 34.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement3 263
with each other about the best choice. Their choice, Scott argued,
ought to fall upon such who sought no 'change of the State, Lawes, and
Religion' and not upon such who were 'ambitiously' looking for 'place,
honor, and preferment'. Most importantly, freeholders should neglect
'both their landlords, or great neighbours, or the Lord Iiftenants
themselves'. As freeholders they ought, in other words, to assert their
concomitant freedom from their superiors. They ought to 'looke upon
the wisest, stoutest, and most religious persons; and be carefull to
choose such as have no dependancie upon Greatnes'.
The final measure for preventing the decay of the commonwealth
and for restoring the community to its efflorescence involved its
political institutions. Corruption and slavery could infiltrate most
insidiously, we recall, when those in authority abused their position to
the point of becoming tyrannous. Although this menace was partly
solved by reorientating people's morality, it was also essential to look to
it that the political institutions of the commonwealth were such that
they stunted the growth of tyranny whilst at the same time securing the
people's and the nobility's role in virtuous public life. To restore 'a
decayed estate', Scott wrote in The Belgicke pismire, required not only
morality but also 'rule by vertuous Lawes'. 47 When Scott discussed
this issue of institutions, he put forward arguments for the mixed
republican form of government in general and for the Dutch version in
particular. His stubborn insistence that one should advise and act on
one's own initiative, his idea of the preeminent role of parliament in
decision-making and his scathing criticism of the court as a place of
subjection where genuine counsel is impossible; all point to republican
concepts of equality and of people themselves being the governors of
their commonwealth. His use of the ant as an example of 'a good
Commonwealths man' points in the same direction, for the anthill was
commonly seen as a republic.148 In The Belgicke pismire, he roundly
declared that the pismire's 'waies in the Politickes' taught us among
other things that 'what shee doth, is freely of herselfe without coaction,
or instruction, having no guide, governour, nor ruler'. 149
146
Scott, The high-waies of God, p p . 86-7. Cf. R[eynolds], Vox coeli, p . 40. This is not to imply that
Scott aimed at contested elections; cf. Kishlansky 1986, pp. 11, 62, 71-2. Gf. Hirst 1975, p p .
65-89-
147
[Scott], The Belgicke pismire, p. 39.
148
[Richard Brathwait], A strange metamorphosis of man, transformed into a wildernesse (London, 1634),
sigs. Fii v -Gi r . Brathwait argued that ants 'have n o King, because they will have none ...
T h e y like better of the Republiques, then of Monarchies, for so they may come happily to
shuffle their owne cards themselves.'
149
[Scott], The Belgicke pismire, p . 25. Cf. however, Vox regis, p p . 68, 6, sig. [..]2 r .
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement' 265
151
Bacon, De augmentis, in Works, 1, p. 795; Essayes, p. 92. For a similar remark, see Croft 1986, p.
167; Rabb 1981, pp. 63-4. Gf. John Yates, Ibid ad caesarem: or a svbmissiue appearance before Caesar
(London, 1626), pp. 39—40.
152
Bacon, ' O f nobility', in Essayes, p. 41.
153
Lake 1982, p . 811.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Governement3 267
Dutch were imitating 'the renowned Spartans' 154 and occasionally
used Athens and Venice as cases in point. 155 More importantly,
religion alone did not account for the excellence of the Netherlands.
According to Scott, the whole Dutch commonwealth was so prosperous
that it was difficult to decide whether to attribute this 'to the good
disposition of the people, and their care of posteritie, or to the
wisedome and diligence of the Magistrates, executing good lawes
strictly and impartially which tend and respect publique utility; or to
the people and Magistrates joyntly concurring and consenting in one
for the common good5.156
The most conspicuous feature of the Dutch commonwealth was,
however, its form of government. Scott opened his account of the
Dutch commonwealth in The Belgicke pismire as follows: CI should
conclude all with a touch of their Councel, and politique Government
in point of State, but that the businesse is too deepe and private for
my inquisition.' These scruples did not, however, restrain him from
making a few observations. In the Netherlands there was ca generall
freedom' which Scott took to amount to a constitution which allowed
every free man to take part in the government of the commonwealth.
The general freedom, Scott wrote, was permitted and used 'where
generall actions which concerned all, and are maintained by all, are
generally debated, argued, sifted and censured by all men without
contradiction'. This system yielded the best counsel. Scott believed
that the aim of the Dutch system was 'that ... the best and worst may
bee seene or heard, and all danger and advantages discovered which
are subject to the common eye'. Everyone was permitted 'freely to do
all the good they can with their tongues, without feare of punishment'.
Despite this extended system of counsel, the final power to decide
remained in the hands of a more exclusive council. When it was time
to decide matters, 'the resolution and conclusion is silent and sodaine'
and 'whilst they give all men libertie to informe, they themselves only
direct and dispose of the businesse'. The aim of the system, Scott
emphasized, was not to seek 'the satisfaction of their owne wils so
much, as the generall satisfaction of all, where in may be with the
good of all'. Scott conscientiously added that all this meant that the
Low Countries were 'a Common-wealth' and hence they did not have
154
[Scott], The Belgicke pismire, p. 81.
155
[Scott], An experimentall discoverie, pp. 25-6, see also pp. 3-4, 6-7; The Belgicke pismire, p p . 51, 8 7 -
8.
156
[Scott], The Belgicke pismire, pp. 73-4, cf. p. 82.
268 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
'that absolute power over their members, which Monarchies have and
may use'.157
In A tongue-combat Scott presented a somewhat more detailed account
of the Dutch form of government. His advocate for the United
Provinces argued: 'I will briefly as I may, satisfie all your demands,
shewing first the true and naturall constitution of that mixed Governe-
ment ab initio.' He stressed that the Dutch 'first possest the Land which
they now hold'. This served as an important argument to prove that
the Low Countries had always been free. Explaining what he took the
freedom of a commonwealth to be, Scott wrote: 'Thus originally they
are free without forraine tenure for the place, or complaint of any
person for elbow-roome or intrusion.' But to be a free commonwealth
implied internal as well as external freedom. 'Their Government also',
Scott added, 'was as free as governement could possibly be.' This
meant that the people themselves were in charge of their government.
First of all, 'they chose their Governours themselves'. They were also
most careful to look to it that 'their Liberties and welfare should not
rest in the bosome or disposition of one man onely'. They imposed
such strict limits upon their governor that he was unable to ruin the
commonwealth irrespective of his personal qualities. The Dutch people
controlled the movements of their governor to the extent that he could
only 'profit them' but could not 'ruine them himselfe, or betray them
to be ruined by the Tyrannie of others'. To accomplish their aim, the
Dutch had a council; 'they chose', as Scott put it, 'a certaine mixed
number of the Nobles and Commons to sit in Councell, whom they
called States Generall'. It was this body which was invested with the
chief authority; 'these consisted a great part of the Soveraingtie'. 'States
Generall' had the power to curb 'the over-swelling torrent of Tyrannie
in the Superiour', but at the same time they made sure that the
popular element did not grow excessively. In this way 'States Generall'
acted 'as a Moderator betwixt Prince and people'. Just as in The Belgicke
pismire, Scott's mouthpiece in A tongue-combat argued that 'in these States
united, together with their Prince ... was the Soveraigne Power
included'. The people completed this picture of the 'mixed Governe-
ment'. It was again as advisers that they could actively participate.
'States Generall' and the prince 'had reference in all great affaires to
the people also'. This enabled Scott's spokesman to boast that in the
United Provinces the people 'were not shut out, (like beastes by
157
Ibid., pp. 89-91.
Thomas Scott: virtue, liberty and the 'mixed Govemement' 269
After more than twenty years of peace, England finally entered the
European war in 1625. But m e ensuing campaigns — Mansfeld's expedi-
tion, the Cadiz, Re and La Rochelle expeditions - resulted in a series of
infamous defeats which do not rank particularly high in the list of English
martial achievements. As a result, England negotiated peace with France
and Spain in 1629 and 1630 respectively and this marked the end of
England's active involvement in the Thirty Years War, to the dismay of
many protestant subjects who were willing to support the protestant
cause, especially when Gustavus II Adolphus scored his victories.
War demands money, and Charles's war policy led to numerous
parliaments and heated disputes over supply. In 1625 ^ w a s mainly the
distrust and suspicion towards Buckingham that prompted the
Commons to decline the traditional lifelong grant of Tonnage and
Poundage. Charles summoned another parliament early in 1626 in order
to finance a renewed war effort. Although the Commons was willing to
contribute, it was resolved in its attempt to impeach Buckingham. The
king refused to abandon his favourite and instead dissolved parliament.
By 1626 Charles had radically altered his former favourable view of
parliament and sought to gain money by extra-parliamentary means, of
which the Forced Loan was the most successful and notorious. Although
he was still disinclined to summon a parliament, his ministers managed
to persuade him to do so in 1628. One of his aims seems to have been to
achieve a reconciliation with his subjects, but the outcome was quite the
contrary, as the session ended with the famous Petition of Right. The
second session of the same parliament met in January 1629 a n d although
a major obstacle to a more cooperative session, Buckingham, had been
removed, the session ended in a serious deadlock and the king refused to
summon another parliament for more than a decade. l
1
Russell, 1979; Lockyer 1989, pp. 217-31, 325-51; Gust 1987; Reeve 1989.
271
272 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
These years have naturally aroused keen interest and they have
provided abundant material for studies in political history and the
history of political thought alike.2 Although scholarly attention has
mostly focused on the absolutist, contractarian and juristic arguments,
it is of some interest to ask whether the vocabulary of the humanist
tradition was at all employed in these debates. There is indeed some
evidence that this was the case.
To begin with, Roman historians and moralists were used to level
criticism at the king and his politics. It is perhaps not without
significance that an edition of Sallust's histories was published in
English in 1629. ^n a prefatory poem addressed to the translator,
Francis Wortley sharply contrasted the virtue of the Romans with that
of his own times: 'Twas native love durst such a Genius raise, / To tell
Romes vertue in our Sluggish dayes.' By reading Sallust one could see
'the horrid plots of faithlesse Kings, / Whose jealous feares ne'r wanted
Instrument'.3 One author argued that though the emulation of
Demosthenes' and Cicero's speeches against tyrants 'would better fit
the times', he must imitate Solon 'and write rimes'. For such was 'the
malice of the age' that opinions voiced 'in presse, or pulpit' were
always censured although they aimed 'at the common good' and
strictly avoided 'blame'. The author was encouraged in his attempt by
the 'Councels, of old . . . Who boldly would, for publiq; safety utter /
What, now, the best, in private, dare not mutter'.4 He assured his
readers that he was himself one of the 'true Patriots' who sought
'publiq; preservation'. By carefully studying 'the monuments of former
ages', one could easily learn that 'No State, or Kingdome ever did
sustaine / Such fatall downfalls, gene'rall devastations, / Finall subver-
sions, and depopulations,' prompted either 'by open foes' or 'by
intestine civill broyles'. 'The Greacian Monarchy' and the Roman
'greatnes' had been destroyed by internal discord.5 The modern
'Catilines' were those who favoured 'Spaines designes'. They had been
corrupted by 'Indian gold' and they had, therefore, lost their proper
sense of the common good. These 'abused statesmen' made England
lose 'honour' and incur the 'contempt and hate' of 'all nations', as was
obvious for everyone to see in the case of 'RochelP and 'th' lie of Re'. 6
2
E.g. Judson 1949; SommerviUe 1986; Cust 1987.
3
The workes qfCaius Crispus Salustius, translated by William Crosse (London, 1629), s*8- M ^ -
J. R., The spy discovering the danger o/Arndnian heresie and Spanish trecherie (Strasburg, 1628), sig. Ai r .
5
J . R., The spy, sigs. A2r, C2r~b.
6
Ibid., sigs. D2 r, D3V, ET~ V .
The continuity of the humanist tradition 273
The foolhardy foreign policy was thus an index of the total degenera-
tion of the English commonwealth:
sometimes 'awe the Counsell', so much so that God often made 'much
alteration / in formes of Government'.37
There is thus little doubt that humanist parlance was used to level
criticism at the king and his government: the present state of the realm
was depicted in terms of corruption, the court was seen as a place
devoid of true nobility and it was possible to seek the solution in the
qualities of negotium and vera nobilitas. Nevertheless, it seems to be the
case that no extensive analysis of England as a virtuous commonwealth,
let alone as a mixed state, was developed in the late 1620s. The
importance of parliament and of more effective parliamentary control
was often stressed but without any reference to a humanist vocabu-
lary. There seemed to be, in other words, a partial decline in the
popularity of Ciceronian humanist concepts in the English political
discourse of the 1620s.39
If Ciceronian ideals were receding, Tacitean values were, to an
extent, taking their place, though again they often appeared together.
As is well known, Buckingham's opponents invoked Tacitus' analysis of
imperial Rome in their accusations against the duke. John Eliot
compared Buckingham with Tiberius' corrupt favourite L. Aelius
Sejanus in the 1626 parliament when the Commons endeavoured to
impeach the duke.40 Writing immediately after Buckingham's assassi-
nation in 1628, Alexander Leighton went even further and claimed
that 'Sejanus' had never been as 'ungratefull, nor perfidious to his
Master' as Buckingham. In 1628 too, two separate translations of
Pierre Matthieu's The powerfvll favorite, or the life of Aelius Seianus were
published as an attack on Buckingham. Matthieu did not confine
himself to a mere description of Sejanus' infamous life; he claimed that
37
Ibid., fo. 2 6 5 ™
38
See e.g. Henry Burton, Israels fast: or, a meditation vpon the seuenth chapter qfjoshuah; a faire precedent
for these times (London, 1628), sigs. A4r~v, Bi r ~4 r , p . 13; and especially idem, An apology of an
appeale: also an epistle to the true-hearted nobility (n.p., 1636), pp. 20-3; idem, A plea to an appeale:
trauersed dialogue wise (London, 1626), p . 2. See Cust 1987, p p . 302—3. For examples of non-
puritan views, see e.g. [Robert Cotton], The danger wherein the kingdom, now standeth & the remedie
(n.p., 1628), p p . 7—12; [Ralph Starkey], The priviledges and practice of parliaments in England: collected
out of the common lawes of this land (n.p., 1628). For the prevalent tendency to contrast the
corruption of one's own time with the healthy commonwealth of Elizabeth's reign, see e.g.
T h o m a s Gataker, An anniuersarie memoriall ofEnglands delivery from the Spanish inuasion: deliuered in a
sermon on Psal. 48.7,8 (London, 1626); Walter Cary, The present state of England (London, 1627).
Gf. in general Lake 1982, pp. 815-18; Gust and Lake 1981, pp. 4 4 - 8 ; Cust 1987, p . 181; Cust
1986; Clark 1978; Fielding 1988; Hughes 1986; Cope 1987, pp. 116-17, I2O 5 T h o m p s o n 1972;
Zaller 1983.
39
This has been suggested by Mendle 1989a, p p . 116-17.
40
PP1626,1, p . 462; Tenney 1941, p. 160. See in general Butler 1985, pp. 143—6.
41
[Alexander Leighton], An appeal to the parliament, pp. 160-2.
The continuity of the humanist tradition 281
the whole age had been 'so corrupted' that it had been 'then a vertue
to doe no evill, and piety not to be impious'. An absolute ruler's court
was full of obsequiousness and flattery. It was sheer madness to oppose
'the will of the Prince', for when the prince said 'I will have it so, he
renders reason enough of his actions'.42 Autocracy had abandoned
both the commonwealth and the court to Fortune. It was ultimately
her fickle nature which had caused Sejanus' ruin. He had been 'a
prodigious example of extreame insolencie and unfortunate ambi-
tion'. Matthieu was careful to point out that some people who had
been accustomed to live in the court had in the end found 'no other
defence against the violence of the time then a solitary life' and had
withdrawn to the country. 'The solitary life', he announced, 'was the
most assured, the civill more perillous, and the Country more
pleasing.'44
A new version of Matthieu's tract was published in 1632 (reprinted
in 1639),45 a n d t n e same story was retold in the translation of
Giovanni Manzini's Politicall observations: upon the fall of Seianvs in 1634.
Sejanus' tragic end was rehearsed 'rather for example then delight'.
'Let the Courtier', Manzini pointed out, 'learne true politike arts,
from the History of this wretched forlorne creature', for he 'who
studieth prudence on anothers bookes' would be happy. Manzini's
was also a story about the unsteady and fickle nature of Fortune
especially in princely courts. The reader learned how little man
'should confide in the vanity of that Fortune, which knowes not how
to be stable, even in marble'. 46 Explaining the courtier's rules,
Manzini emphasized that he ought to ascribe nothing to his own
abilities but 'all to the vertue, to merit, to the fortune of the Prince'.
Disaster was around the corner when 'the prince hath given all'
favours to the courtier, since as soon as 'the Favorite can desire no
more', he and the prince 'quickly grow weary one of another'. 47
Stoic forbearance was the best defence, for although the courtier
42
Mfatthieu], The powetfvllfavorite, pp. 30-1, for flattery, see especially pp. 40-1, 48; Sommerville
1986, p. 58.
43
Mfatthieu], The powerfulfavorite, pp. 61-2; in general pp. 43-4, 48; for autocracy and fortune,
see p. 26.
44
Ibid., pp. 25-6.
45
Pperre] Matthieu, Vnhappy prosperitie expressed in the histories of Aelius Seianus and Philipppa the
Catanian, translated by T[homas] Hawkins (n.p., [London], 1632).
46
Manzini, Politicall observations, pp. 2, 36,1, 14.
47
Ibid., pp. 37-8. Gf. T[homas] Powell, The art of thriving: or the plaine path-way to preferment
(London, 1635), sig. A5r~v; Anon., Satyrae seriae: or, the secrets of things (London, 1640), pp. 13-15,
22-3, 47—8, 94-133: John Saltmarsh, The patience ofpolicie in a Christian life (London, 1639).
282 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
Thomas May, A continuation of Lucan's historicall poem till the death oflvlivs Caesar (London, 1630),
sigs. i8 r " v , i 5 r - 6 v , K 3 r .
M. A. Lucan, Pharsalia: or the civill wane of Rome, betweene Pompey the Great, and Ivlivs
Caesar: ten boohs: the second edition, corrected, and the annotations inlarged, translated by
Thomas May (London 1631). The dedication to the earl of Devonshire was the same,
but all the dedications of the individual books had been withdrawn. According to
Norbrook (1994, p. 60), the dedications of the individual books in most surviving copies
of the 1627 edition had already been tampered with. It should be noted that May's
translation of John Barclay's Icon animorum (originally printed in 1614) was published in
1631. Barclay not only argued for a strong monarchy but also pointed out that 'those
people, who subject themselves to no Scepter, though they abhorre the name of
servitude, yet doe not enjoy true liberty. For they must needs elect Magistrates, to
whom they give jurisdiction over themselves; and the publike power, which they glory
to be in the whole Nations, is adorned in a few men; so that in those Countries,
where you would think all did reigne, the greatest part are Servants'; John Barclay,
The mirrour of mindes: or Barclays Icon animorum, translated by Thomas May (1614)
(London, 1631), sig. Ee2r~v; in general sig. Ee2 r-ior.
Norbrook 1994, p. 61.
Leonard de Marande, The ivdgement of humane actions, translated by John Reynolds (London,
1629), PP- 38~9> 44-67> 114-22, 193-4, 232-49,196-8.
284 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
J o h n Eliot, The monarchie of man 2 vols., ed. A. B. Grossart (London: privately printed, 1879), n>
pp. 41-4.
Ibid., n, pp. 44-52; cf. pp. 58—9, where he referred to J o h n Fortescue.
63
Ibid., 11, pp. 65-70.
64
Ibid., 11, pp. 75-7, 81-3.
The continuity of the humanist tradition 285
governance of the commonwealth solely to the king but to assert the
values of the vita activa.
He firmly proclaimed that 'to the publike both our words & actions
must first move without respect, without retraction for our private, they
must first intend the common good and benefitt'.65 Virtues must 'be
profytable to many: not to our selves alone, not to the advancement of
our families, not to our friends & allies ... but generally to all for the
common benefitt & commoditie, the publike utilitie & good5. Cicero
had called those 'optimates & nobles' who, irrespective of their birth,
'defend their Contrey to the utmost of their powers, those that are
ready to rescue from all dangers the Commonwealth'. 66 Eliot enquired,
moreover, whether we should be ready to forsake the sweetness of
tranquillity and quietness and to adopt negotium which necessarily
involved 'troubles & perplexities'. 'Shall wee neglect', he asked, 'that
fattnes of our peace ... for the publicke use & service; for the profitt &
comodity of others?' His immediate and unconditional answer was:
'yes, noe difficulties may retard us, no troubles may divert us, noe
exception is admitted to this rule, but where the greater good is extant,
the duty & office there is absolute, without caution or respect.' 67
Eliot's account was essentially stoic. He invoked Cicero's and
Seneca's authority and drew the stoic conclusion that 'vertue', which
was 'the reward of her selfe', was the 'summum bonum\ His definition
of virtue as 'agreeable to nature' was equally stoic. And when he
explained the qualities of virtue, he began by saying that there were
four cardinal virtues, but proceeded to point out that 'each must
participate of all to make a true vertue'. All of them must 'be
contemperate', they 'must be compounded' so that in the end they
were but one.69 True honour came 'by vertue'; it was 'the crowne of
vertue' and was attained by being 'a servant unto vertue'. 70 In a
completely stoic argument, Eliot further maintained that the cardinal
virtues would eradicate the 'impediments & corruptions' of felicity -
passions. These were four in number: 'feare, hope, joy, & sorrow', and
a great part of Eliot's treatise was devoted to explaining the ways in
which virtues could eliminate these passions.71
65
Ibid., 11, p p . 207-8.
66
Ibid., 11, p p . 182-4.
67
Ibid., 11, p p . 208-11.
68
Ibid., 11, p . 100; in general p p . 95-105.
69
Ibid., 11, p p . 108-9, 64.
70
Ibid., 11, p p . 176-86.
71
Ibid., 11, p p . 107-8, 138-205.
286 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
many subjects, yet in his need hee shall finde but few souldiers'.87
Richard Bernard, a puritan cleric from Somerset, discussed 'souldiers
honoureable calling and imployment' and asserted that 'the profes-
sion of armes5 had raised many from mean conditions to great
honour.88 The new armies of the Netherlands and especially Sweden
commanded admiration. The Swedish defence was partly based, as
one author put it, on the fact that 'the maritane parts not of
Swethland onlye, but of Finland also, are for the most part
environed with high and steepe rocky hils & Hands', which made it
difficult for strangers 'to saile neere their shore'. But it derived its
main strength from military organization. 'The military forces' of
Sweden were not 'forreine mercenary forces' but were 'culled and
pickt out from among the choicest youth of the kingdome, by
decimation, or taking every tenth man'. Becoming soldiers radically
changed the status of Swedes, since as soon as they were enrolled
'they are not onely freed from all subsidies, impositions, or other
payments whatsoever, but have also a yeerely stipend allowed them
of the king'. That is to say, they were professional soldiers, exempt
from taxation, constantly employed and paid by the king.89
But the traditional idea of the citizen militia received the widest
acceptance. Robert Cotton insisted that 'for a safetie of a
Common-wealth, the wisedome of all times did never interesse the
publique cause to any other, then such as have a portion in the
publique adventure',90 whilst William Gouge maintained that 'Free-
men, Freeborne, Native Subjects, Naturall Citizens' were also true
soldiers. According to John Davenport, soldiers must not be like
'Hannibals Army, gathered of riff-raff, the reffuse, and dregs of the
7
John Hagthorpe, Englands-Exchequer: or a discourse of the sea and navigation (London, 1625), p. 7, cf.
pp. 13-14, 21. Gf. William Hampton's sermon in favour of the benevolence, A proclamation of
wane from the lord of hosts . . . a sermon at Pauls Crosse Iuly the 23. 1626 ( L o n d o n , 1627), p . 3 6 .
According to Hampton, money was the lneruus Belli, without which Warre cannot subsist'; it
was the subject's duty to 'part with a penny to enioy a pound'.
88
Richard Bernard, The Bibk-battells: or the sacred art military (n.p. [London], 1629), pp. 31-7, see
also p p . 63-5, 69-71, 152. Cf. e.g. Thomas Barnes, Vox belli: or, an alarum to warre (London,
1626), p. 33; Edward Cooke, The character of warre (London, 1626), sig. B2 r ~3 r .
89
Anon., A short survey of the kingdome of Sweden (London, 1632), pp. 6, 36-8, 50-3. It was as early
as 1627 that the English first took interest in Sweden's success. Anon., A trumpet to call sovldiers
on to noble actions (London, 1627); [Alexander Gil], The new starr of the north shining upon the
victorious king of Sweden (1631) (London, 1632), pp. 25-9; John Russell, The two famous pitcht battels
of Lypsich and Lutzen (Cambridge, 1634), pp. 11-12, 23; and especially Anon., The Swedish
discipline, religious, duile, and military (London, 1632); Henry Hexham, The principles of the art
militarie (n.p. 1637); idem, The second part of the principle of the art militarie (London, 1638); idem,
The third part of the principle of the art militarie (The Hague, 1640).
90
[Cotton], The danger, p . 7; Burton, Israelsfast, p. 3.
The continuity of the humanist tradition 291
people, but a Company of worthy Cittizens5. Moreover, warfare
should not become a separate trade or occupation. 'Whereas in
other places, some are for Armes, some Artizans, some labourers,'
in Switzerland 'all are Souldiers.' Men must not forget their
'particular callings' although they spend some time in training: 'So
minde the exercises in the field, that you forget not necessary
businesse in your shop.'
The idea of the citizen militia was treated even more fully in
Walter Ralegh's The prerogatives of parliaments in England, first published
'in these distracted Times' in 1628. If the king was not content with
parliamentary subsidies, he might, like the French king, have to face
numerous rebellions and would need foreign mercenary troops to
suppress them. But imitating France implied giving up a strong army
since 'the strength of England doth consist of the People and
Yeomanry'. The fact that English yeomen owned their land and that
their property could not be alienated without their consent rendered
them economically independent. Although this made it somewhat
more difficult for the king to raise taxes, at the same time it made
Englishmen able soldiers. The same argument was used in the 1628
parliament to criticize the Forced Loan. Nathaniel Rich said that if
the subject did not have his property, there would be neither
'industry' nor 'valor'. For Dudley Digges, 'that king that is not limited
rules slaves that cannot serve him' and he claimed in his famous
example that because of their arbitrary government 'Muscovites' were
no match for Englishmen. 'Let us', Edward Kirton asserted, 'be free
Englishmen at home and valorous abroad.'93
When Charles informed the House of Commons on 4 June 1628
that he was determined to stick to his former answer to the Petition
of Right, which the House had found unacceptable, and that he was
going to dissolve parliament within a week, the king stung the MPs
into an outburst.94 On 5 June, John Eliot expressed fears of
employing foreign mercenaries. 'We are weakened not only in our
friends abroad but at home also. And there are drawn hither
1
William Gouge, Gods three arrowes:plague, famine, sword, in three treatises (London, 1631), pp. 410-11;
John Davenport, A rqyall edictfor military exercises: published in a sermon preached ...in Saint Andrewes
Vndershqft, in London, Iune2j. i62g (London, 1629), PP- 1 3~ 1 ^; Knevet, Stratiotikon, sig. E^T.
92
Walter Ralegh, The prerogatives of parliaments in England (Middelburg, 1628), p p . 6-7. Cf.
Thomas Overbury, His observations in his travailes vpon the state of the xvn provinces as they stood anno
dom. i6og (n.p., 1626), pp. 12—16.
93
CD1628, 11, p p . 124, 66, 71, 299; cf. p . 334, i n , pp. 187, 193. See e.g. G u y 1982; Reeve 1986;
Cust 1987, p p . 4, 331-3; Reeve 1989, pp. 16-19.
94
Cf. Russell 1979, p . 378.
292 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
praetorian bands and placed amongst us, and are drawn near this
city.'95 Although Eliot refrained from spelling out the implications of
his speech, he was arguing that foreign mercenaries could become a
dangerous weapon of arbitrary government. Next day John Strange-
ways expressed the same fear and told the Commons that scattering
billeted soldiers and importing 'troops of Germany horse9 would not
contribute to the defence of the kingdom since 'England is not so
weak as to need such succor.' He was backed by many of his
colleagues. According to Eliot, 'the drawing on of foreign horses'
was utterly useless since 'our English are not of so poor heart and
courage but that we are able to make our King great at home and
abroad'. When Sir Humphrey May told the Commons that 'the
Germany horses were not for England' but 'for a foreign service',
Eliot bluntly replied that 'no man doubts of his Majesty. But our
fear is that, contrary to his good thoughts, the horses may be
brought to his prejudice and the prejudice of the kingdom.'96 The
defence of the kingdom could only be entrusted to her citizens.
This way of thinking about the militia and mercenaries emerges
clearly when Sir John Maynard, who had close relations with Buck-
ingham, spoke on 7 June. Relying on Machiavelli, 'an author in
fashion', he said that all armies were composed either of countrymen
or strangers. In the former case there were two possibilities: they were
either 'trained bands' or 'mercenary' and, as he said, according to
Machiavelli it was 'absolutely a destruction of a country to entertain
mercenaries'. This rule also applied to foreign troops in general since
they were useless regardless of whether they were 'valiant or coward'. If
they were cowards, 'all is lost' and if they were valiant, the prince
would become their 'prisoner'. Maynard drew the conclusion that 'this
nation [is] never happy to employ strangers: the King has brave
soldiers of his own subjects'.97
The same idea found its way into the Commons' Remonstrance - a
report of the present state of the realm addressed to the king in case he
had been systematically misled. Most menacing, the Commons told
Charles, was 'the report of the strange and dangerous purpose of
bringing in German horse and riders'. Although the Commons grate-
95
CD1628, iv, p . 117; 11, 62. Cf. in general 'A letter', in Somers tracts, iv, p p . 111-12. See also
M[atthieu], The powerfvll favorite, p . 2; Virgilio Malvezzi, Romvlvs and Tarqvin, translated by
[Henry Carey] (London, 1637), p p . 160-1, where the ' G u a r d ' is linked with tyranny. Cf.
Schoewerer 1974, p p . 19-32.
96
CD1628, iv, 145-9, 244; Reeve 1989, p . 27.
97
CD1628, iv, p p . 188-9.
The continuity of the humanist tradition 293
fully acknowledged the king's assurances that these foreign troops were
not intended for use in England, they wanted to point out that the very
idea of employing foreign troops was totally at odds with the freedom
of the English people. It was not easy to 'be ignorant that the bringing
in of strangers for aid has been pernicious to most states where they
have been admitted, but to England fated'. The only way to defend the
kingdom was to have an army of countrymen. 'We', the Commons told
the king, 'are bold to declare to your Majesty and the whole world that
we hold it far beneath the heart of any free Englishman to think that
this victorious nation should now stand in need of German soldiers to
defend their own King and kingdom.'98
In Thomas May's The tragedy of Julia Agrippina, acted in 1628, the
praetorian guard, 'The German souldiers', played a central role in the
corrupt intrigues of the imperial court.9 Later in autumn 1628,
Alexander Leighton asked: 'Why are the strangers within us gott up
above us ... a sort of rude, Barbarous, needlesse, and uselesse souldiers
(without Example in a free nation?).'100
England's withdrawal from the European war in 1630 did not
terminate the furious debate over the issues of war and militia.101
Robert Johnson argued against Bacon when he noted in his 1630
edition of Botero's Relations that 'although some men will not suffer
money to be called the sinewes of warre', there were cases where
money alone would carry the day. But he also appended to his
account (though without acknowledgement) several passages from
Bacon's essay on the greatness of states. Most importantly, he cited
Bacon to the effect that a warlike disposition required freedom and a
light burden of taxes. Moreover, the strength of the Englishman was
grounded on Henry VII's prudent land policy.103
A similar argument was presented by George Tooke in The legend of
98
Ibid., iv, p p . 314-15.
May, Julia Agrippina, 1, 12-13, 537—9; iv, 294—7, 3°5~ I2 > 7^9~94I v> 5~ x o -
100
Leighton, An appeal to the parliament, pp. 146-7.
101
E.g. G[ervase] M[arkham], T h e muster-master' [1630?], ed. Charles L. Hamilton, Camden
Society, 4th ser., x i v Camden miscellany, 26 (1975); Xenophon, Cyrupaedia: the institution and life of
Cyrus, translated by Philemon Holland (London, 1632), the dedication to the king by Henry
Holland, sig. pp8 r ; Gerratt Barry, A discourse of military discipline, devided into three boohs (Brussels,
1634); William BarrifFe, Military discipline: or, theyong artillery man (London, 1635); idem, Mars his
triumph: or, the description of an exercise performed the xuii. of October, 1638 in Merchant-Taylors Hall
(London, 1639); Gervase Markham, The souldiers accidence: or an introduction into military discipline
(London, 1635); see also Henry Hexham's treatises mentioned above in n.52.
102
Giovanni Botero, Relations of the most famous kingdomes and common-wealths thorowout the world,
translated by R[obert] Jfohnson], (London, 1630), p . 34.
103
Botero, Relations, p p . 28-9; see pp. 21, 25-6, 27, 29, 30, 39-41.
294 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
The same set of values was further endorsed in his enlarged edition of
the The schollers medley, entitled A survey of history: or, a nursery for gentry,
which appeared in 1638.
Brathwait's avowed intention in The English gentleman was to explain
what belonged 'to the making up of an Accomplished Gentleman'. This
goal was of great significance, since 'the Gentry of this age' was
effeminate and depraved.118 Brathwait opened the treatise with a
definition: 'vertue the greatest Signall and Symbol of Gentry: is rather
expressed by goodnesse of Person, than greatnesse of Place'. He
contrasted true nobility with the perverted idea of nobility maintained
by 'the bleere-ey'd vulgar'. Whilst the latter was based on 'the purple',
'descent' and 'title', true nobility consisted of 'the person', 'desert' and
'merit'.119 It was virtue alone which led the way 'to the true sight and
light of glory'.120
The same conclusion also emerged in A svrvey of history. In The
schollers medley, we recall, Brathwait gave an account of virtue in
which he emphasized the values of patience, moderation and
forbearance. He continued in A svrvey of history to offer an
essentially stoic account, maintaining that a man ought to learn
'to be a Soveraigne over his owne passions: and to restraine the
surging billowes of an over-flowing will, to the command of
Reason'. He lamented, moreover, that it was 'the misery' of his
times that due respect was not always fixed 'upon Merit', that
singularly equipped persons 'sleepe many times in silence, unre-
garded, at least unrewarded: while more sterile Conceipts receive
advancement'. But he still repeated the conviction, already put
forward in The schollers medley, that true honour derived from one's
own meritorous deeds and added that honour was only won 'by
passing through Vertues Temple'. Perusing 'the lives of many
of those eminent Orators, Athenian & Roman pleaders', it was
easy to see that 'their beginnings [had been] obscure; their
Meanes of rising small; and for their outward parts' they had
been 'weakely promised' but yet 'their inward abilities' had been
118
Richard Brathwait, The English gentleman (London, 1630), sig. ^[2r. It is of some significance to
note that Brathwait explicitly compared his own treatise with that of Henry Peacham a n d
found Peacham's account much wanting, sig. f 2V.
119
Ibid., the epistle dedicatory. Cf. e.g. Anthony Stafford, Honour and vertue, triumphing over the grave
(London, 1640), pp. 9—11, 15-16, 18; Rfichard] H[erne], Ros coeli: or a miscellany of ejaculations,
divine, morall, &c (London, 1640), pp. 185-6.
120
Brathwait, The English gentleman, p. 113.
121
Richard Brathwait, A svrvey of history: or, a nursery for gentry (London, 1638), pp. 63, 96, 257-8,
119; cf. The English gentleman, pp. 110-13.
298 Classical humanism and republicanism 15J0-1640
such that they had soon become 'a glory to their Countrey; a
renowne to themselves and their surviving posterity'.122
This notion of true nobility was closely linked with another familiar
concept - the active life. It is perhaps fair to say that a central theme in
The English gentleman was the exposition of this idea. Brathwait opened
his assessment in the customary way, by extolling the merits of
contemplation. 'It is', he assured his readers, 'rare and wonderfull to
observe what admirable Contemplations the Heathen Philosophers
enjoyed.' But the chief benefits of otium were closely associated with
Christianity. If the heathens could enjoy contemplation without being
'partakers of the least glimpse of that glorious light which is to us
revealed', it was almost impossible to describe the happiness of
Christian contemplation. In order to be free from the hindrances of
'any wordly objects', it was best 'to with-draw our eye from the
Creature, and fix it wholly upon our Creator'. 123
Pursuing the topic further, Brathwait adopted quintessentially
'civic' humanist tactics and quickly changed his priorities. There was
little doubt that otium was 'sweet and delightfull' for its practioners;
but 'in respect of humanity' it was 'too unsociable'.124 Although it
had sometimes been regarded more valuable than action by virtue of
its difficulty, Brathwait was fully convinced that as a matter of fact
this was not the case. For as he pointed out, things are 'easier to
discourse of than to finde: for men naturally have a desire to know
all things, but to doe nothing; so easie is the Contemplative in
respect of the Active, so hard the Practicke in respect of the
Speculative'. We do not attain our perfection 'by knowledge only, or
Contemplation', but mainly 'by seconding or making good our
knowledge by Action'. 'Wee are therefore', Brathwait reiterated a
little later, 'not only to know, but to doe' and he added that 'it is
little or to no purpose, that wee know, conceive, or apprehend,
unlesse we make a fruitfull use of that knowledge by serious practice,
to the benefit of our selves and others'.125 It was his principal aim to
demonstrate that although 'those, who continued in a Contemplative
and solitary life, sequestring themselves from the cares and company
of this world doubtlesly conceived ineffable comfort in that sweet
122
Brathwait, A survey of history, p p . 259-61, see also p p . 23, 67-8, 381-2, 297-8; The English
gentleman, p. 70.
123
Brathwait, The English gentleman, pp. 382-6.
124
Ibid., p. 387. Cf. however, idem, Essaies upon the Jive senses, revived by a new supplement, 2nd edn
(London, 1635), P- J575 idem, Whimzies: or, a new cast of characters (London, 1631), pp. 98—104.
125
Brathwait, The English gentleman, pp. 391-2, 400; cf. pp. 135, 403, 91-3.
The continuity of the humanist tradition 299
retirement: yet in regard they lived not in the world, the world was
not bettered by their example'.
Brathwait singled out three reasons for the superiority of the active
life. On the most general level, he argued that since the ultimate aim of
man's pursuits was virtue, this had immediate bearing upon his choice
between otium and negotium. This was so because Vertue consisteth in
Action'. It was hence impossible 'to be favourers, followers, or
furtherers of vertue', as long as 'wee surcease from Action, which is the
life, light, and subsistence of vertue'. 127 Secondly, the active life
enabled men to avoid idleness and to embrace labour and diligence.
Whereas idleness was the cause of 'all vices', labour was the 'supporter
ofallvertues'. 128
Finally and most importantly, negotium made it possible to be of
benefit to one's fellow men. The man of negotium could be a homofaber
but he was still chiefly a homo politicus. Whereas 'a private or retired life
estranged [a man] from humane societie' and 'deprived others of the
benefit', an active life tended 'to the common good' and the 'benefit or
utilitie of humane societie'.129 It was man's highest duty - the point of
perfection in his life - to act in a way which profited the public good.
The solitary life of the otium, Brathwait pointed out, was 'fitter for a
Cell then a Court'. He would have young gentlemen become not
'Hermits' but active members of their community; he wanted them to
address themselves 'to those studies, exercises and labours, which may
benefit the Church or Common-wealth'. It followed that the vita
activa was mainly associated with political activities. The gentleman's
public vocation was employment 'in affaires of State, either at home or
abroad'. 131 His duty was to minister matters 'unto others' and he
needed to be well versed in rhetoric, in order to be able to perform his
duty 'in publike assemblies'.132 The Athenian and Roman orators, as
Brathwait wrote in A survey of history, had been most steadfast 'in their
Opposition to the greatest Enemies of State, they [had] stood constant
for the liberty of their Countrey, and suppressing all such ... as [had]
fished in troubled Waters, or [had] inclined to mutiny'. This meant
126
Ibid., p . 407. F o r a different interpretation, see Wright 1958, p p . 126-8, where Brathwait's
ideas are accounted for puritanism. Cf. Walzer 1965, p p . 250—3.
127
Brathwait, The English gentleman, p. 400.
128
Ibid., p p . 103-7, cf- PP- 46—7; A survey of history, p p . 165-6. Gf. e.g. Nash, Qyatemio, sig. )(3 r .
129
Brathwait, The English gentleman, p p . 407—9.
130
Ibid., p p . 3 8 8 - 9 , 397.
131
Ibid., p p . 136, 47.
132
Ibid., p p . 397, 88.
300 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570—1640
that it was 'Merit' which had held sway 'in the Court of Justice' and
that 'Corruption' had been 'a stranger to the hand or heart of a
Counsellour'. In their undertakings, Brathwait emphasized, they had
aimed 'neither at publique fame, nor private safety' but had geared all
their actions and 'the whole bent of their Councels to the improvement
and security of their Countrey'.133 Cicero, 'that Prince of Oratory',
had given a preeminent place to 'The Gowne', to those who excelled
'in Elegancy of Speech, mannaging of judiciall Causes, and steering
State-affaires'.134
Faithful to the tradition, Brathwait argued in both The English
gentleman and A svrvey of history that the chief means of inculcating the
young with a proper sense of virtue, honour and the common good
was to pay close attention to their education. The English gentleman was,
of course, cast in the form of an educational treatise and a central
chapter dealt with these issues in more detail. In youth a man was like
'the Philosophers rasa tabula', he was like clay in the hands of his tutor.
This pointed, in the first place, to the idea of meritocracy. For if men
were like tabulae rasae in their youth, it followed, of course, that it was
not so much their lineage or ancient wealth as their ensuing life which
determined their place in the commonwealth. Secondly, and more
importantly, the conviction that a man's mind was like an empty
canvas at birth demonstrated the overriding importance of education;
the mind was 'apt to receive any good impressure'. As a result, it
was relatively easy to demonstrate the 'absolute power' of education.
'For shall wee not see some,' Brathwait wrote, 'whose faire outsides
promise assured arguments of singular worth, for want of breeding
meere painted Trunks, glorious features, yet shallow Creatures? and
whence commeth this, but through want of that which makes man
accomplished, seconding nature with such exquisite ornaments, as
they enable him for all managements publike or private?'136 The
chief aim of education was not merely to impart knowledge but also
to teach how to put this knowledge into action. Knowledge gained in
education was but 'barren, fruitlesse and livelesse', if it was not
'reduced to Action'.137
Although Brathwait claimed in The English gentleman in a somewhat
133
Brathwait, A svrvey of history, p p . 260-2.
134
Ibid., pp. 259, 263-6.
135
Brathwait, The English gentleman, p. 4.
136
Ibid., p . 92.
137
Ibid., pp. 99-101.
The continuity of the humanist tradition 301
platitudinous and stereotyped manner that peace, plenty and ambition
endangered the pursuit of virtues and the public good, 138 it ought to
be remembered that the treatise appeared just after the serious
deadlock between the king and parliament in the spring of 1629 and
just when Charles was leading England away from the European
war.139 If we interpret Brathwait's treatise, to a certain extent, as a
response to the political events and circumstances of the early years of
Charles's reign, it would be possible to say that his solution to the
internal problems of England was a vigorous defence of the traditional
humanist idea of implanting virtues in the political nation which
would enable its serious involvement in a virtuous negotium for the
good of the commonwealth.
A survey of history, with its strong emphasis on the values of the active
life, was likewise published after a decade of personal rule. Brathwait
declared that 'even those Republicks' which 'promised to themselves
most security, were enforced to runne into other channels' and had
ultimately met their destruction. To provide a more tangible instance,
Brathwait resorted to the history of the Roman republic. Before the
destruction of Carthage, the republic had been almost like 'a brave
Platonicke Common-weale'. At that time, Rome had 'both quietly and
modestly govern'd her affaires'. This amounted, according to
Brathwait, to a state of affairs, where 'there was no contending nor
contesting for glory nor command amongst her Citizens; they guided
all things peaceably, and succeeded in all things prosperously'. These
blissful circumstances had, however, been destroyed as soon as the
'antient Kings-evill', ambition, or the 'desire of raigning and invading'
had begun to hold sway. The point he stressed was that these ancient
instances were applicable to 'these present times', but apart from
briefly mentioning the ills of private property, he did not elaborate on
this point.140
In addition to the idea of the militia and the virtuous civic life, it is
possible to find traces of a more distinctively republican outlook in the
1630s.141 It is of course true that a number of continental treatises
138
Ibid, pp. 30-2, 34-9.
See e.g. Reeve 1989, pp. 99-117.
140
Brathwait, A survey of history, pp. 4, 336; cf. pp. 44-5, 166-7, pp. 274-7, where Brathwait
censured 'vicious Pamphletters' who advanced anything 'noxious or malignant' 'to the State',
'our Statizing Pamphletters' who 'under borrowed names have strucke at high Personages'
and those who condemned 'Recreations of indifferency, for no other cause, but because they
are countenanc'd by Majesty'. See Butler 1984, for Brathwait's career in the early 1640s.
41
For the American puritan colonies, see Kupperman 1989.
302 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
148
Ibid., sig. A 6 ™
149
Ibid., pp. 567-8; 1.12,11.2, 5,11.30, pp. 66-8, 265-6, 284-5, 581-3.
150
Ibid., pp. 318-19; 11.13, cf. pp. 48-50; 1.19, 18.
151
Ibid., pp. 234-6; 1.58.
152
Ibid., pp. 260-2.
304 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
be, to some extent, highly beneficial. One author pointed out that the
excellence of Sweden was based not simply on her system of forming a
professional army but also on the peculiar fact that in the Swedish
parliament the peasants had their own estate; coming somewhat
inadvertently to the crux of the idea of Nordic liberty, an anonymous
author wrote: 'the countrye people' had 'a voyce as well as any of the
others' in their 'Parliaments'. It was mainly because of this that the idea
of meritocracy had flourished in Sweden; 'the meanest or lowest degree
is not neglected, nor no well deserving subject hindered to climbe to as
high a pitch of honour, as his vertues can attaine unto'. 153
Even more relevant to the English context was Francis Rous's use
of republican examples in his description of the government of
England in the Archaeobgiae Atticae in 1637. He not only described the
Polybian cycles of governments, but he also argued that the English
form of government matched those of Athens and Venice. Rous
began by giving a detailed account of the Athenian great council.
'The authority of this CounceP, he explained, 'was great, for it
handled causes of war, tributes making of Lawes, civill businesses and
events, affaires of confederates, collections of money, performance of
sacred rites' and a number of minor tasks. This council was reminis-
cent, in the first place, of 'the Venetian Gran Consiglio, or Senate' as
portrayed by Contarini. But it no less resembled the way in which
England was governed. Resorting to the authority of Thomas Smith,
Rous asserted that by the consent of 'our Court of Parliament in
England' 'all Lawes are abrogated, new made, right and possessions
of private men changed, formes of religion established, Subsidies,
Tailes, Taxes, and impositions appointed, waights and measures
altered, &c'. 154
At one point in A survey of history Brathwait maintained that,
whereas under the 'Democratick Government or headlesse Monster'
merits were not properly rewarded, a knowing Prince' could
measure 'the value of mens actions' and was, therefore, capable of
offering just rewards.155 But in his exposition of the merits and
honours of the ancient orators he drew an opposite conclusion. Like
a number of Englishmen before him, we recall, Brathwait argued
153
Anon., A short survey, p. 41, in general see pp. 34-46.
154
Francis Rous [Jr], Archaologiae Atticae libri tres: three bookes of the Attkk antiquities (Oxford, 1637),
pp. 28-35, IO 4~9- Cf. in general John Randol, Noble Blastus: the honor of a Lord Chamberlaine: and
of a good bedchamber-man: a sermon preacht the 27. ofMarch, 1631 (London, 1633), p. 19.
155
Brathwait, A survey of history, p. 54.
The continuity of the humanist tradition 305
that the idea of true nobility had materialized most successfully in
republics. 'The Athenians' had conferred the greatest amount of
honour 'upon their Consuls, Orators and Philosophers'. Similarly, in
Sparta 'the Ephori', who were equivalent to the Roman tribunes,
'were elected not in respect of their descent but of their desert:
which made a flourishing State; seeing, there was none, were he
never so ignoble by birth, but he received grace, if his inward
abilities deserved such respect'. But the most remarkable example
was provided by Rome. Discoursing 'of the Civill government of the
Romans', Brathwait observed that the Romans had reached the
pinnacle of greatness 'during their Democracy', and they 'delighted
in nothing more then advancing such, who employed their tongues
or penns in defence of the publique liberty', for 'that victorious
State' was most grateful 'to deserving men'.
Perhaps a proper conclusion to this chapter is, however, a note of
caution. Although the prevalent ways of speaking about politics in
absolutist circles were to emphasize the divine nature of the king's
earthly authority, to point to the necessity of the king's undertakings
and to belittle the role of the subject,157 the humanist vocabulary could
also be manipulated for strongly absolutist ends. In his Tacitean
treatise, Augustus, which was similar to Joseph Wybarne's account as
well as to 'A discourse upon the beginning of Tacitus' in the Horae
subseciuae, Peter Heylyn examined 'those meanes and counsels, whereby
the common-wealth of Rome was altered, and reduced unto a
monarchy'. He depicted the constitutional history of Rome essentially
in terms of Polybian cycles. But he did not draw the Polybian
conclusion about the merits of the mixed constitution. In theory it was
possible to argue that if the people had acquired their proper share in
government, the commonwealth would have become immortal. But in
practice it had turned out to be impossible to achieve an 'equall
mixture of Plebeians and Patritians'. Confusion had, in effect, con-
tinued to hold sway, until the Roman commonwealth had regressed to
a monarchy.158 The bulk of Heylyn's treatise was devoted to demon-
strating the methods which Octavian had employed to consolidate his
156
ibid, P . 263.
157
Robert Sibthorpe, Apostolike obedience: shewing the duty ofsubiects to pay tribute and taxes to their princes
...a sermon preached at Northampton, at the assises,for the countie, Feb. 22. 1626 (London, 1627), s ig-
A2V, pp. 9-15; John Featley, Obedience and submission: a sermon preached at St Saviours-church in
South-warke, at a visitation, on Tuesday, the eight day of December: anno dom. 1635 (London, 1636). Cf.
in general H a m p t o n , A proclamation of wane, especially p . 36; Mendle 1989b.
158
Peter Heylyn, Augustus (London, 1632), p p . 7-10, 13-22.
306 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
authority. By and large, he had done this pardy by force and pardy
with guile.1 9 Octavian had 'assumed to himselfe the Imperiall,
Censoriall, and Tribunitian authority together with the Sacerdotall
dignity'. Since he had made himself'Emperor and Generall of the men
of Warre', he had been in a position to 'presse Soldiers, raise Taxes,
proclaime wars, make peace; yea and put to death the very best and
stoutest of the Senators'. But in order to establish and secure his power,
Octavian had organized Rome as a mixed state. The consuls had
continued to discuss 'Matters of State' and the commons had 'as-
sembled in Comitia, to enact Lawes, and elect Magistrates'. Never-
theless, Heylyn made it clear that the purpose of these arrangements
had been to sweeten the pill of Octavian's absolute authority. Nothing
had been done without his consent and he had prescribed 'Lawes and
Orders as himselfe [had] listed'.160
A more openly political use of similar issues can be found in Henry
Peacham's The dvty of all true svbiects to their king, published in the spring
of 1639. In the episde to the reader, Peacham claimed that, according
to Plato, the ideal commonwealth included three elements: the king,
the nobility and the commons. The most precious value of common-
wealths was thus unity; 'every Common-wealth is in hazard to be
ruined, when of a third joyned with a first are made two severall or
disagreeing harmonies'. The unity of'those three Estates' was essential
for the subsistence of the commonwealth. Peacham also referred to
the 'glorious acts and noble achievements' of the ancients both 'for the
preservation and defence' and 'for the enlargement' of their countries,
such as those of Marcus Brutus who had risked his life 'to set his
Countrie at libertie' and 'Junius Brutus' who had defended the
commonwealth against his own sons and witnessed their beheading. 162
He invoked the most cherished exponents of the Roman republic so as
to argue that the subject's crucial duties were loyalty and obedience. 163
Everyone should be most willing to defend their country against
'forreigne enemies or domesticke, and homebred Traytors and Rebels',
159
Ibid., see especially pp. 35-8, 4 0 - 1 , 49-51, 89-90, 93, 107-9, H I > " 2 - 1 6 , 1 5 7 - 6 0 , 1 6 3 .
160
Ibid., pp. 116-19, 120-4, X42> !47> I 5°- Woolf 1990, pp. 183—6. See also Mendle 1985, p . 112,
and more generally Smuts 1987, pp. 258—60.
161
H[enry] P[eacham], The dvty of all true svbiects to their king: as also to their native counfrey, in time of
extremity and danger (London, 1639), sig. *3 r ~4 r . Cf. Lord Ellesmere's use of a similar vocabulary
against the enlargement of 'the Popular state' in 1611: T h o m a s Egerton, 'Speciall
observacions touching all the sessions of the last parlement' (1611), in Louis A. Knafla, Law and
politics in Jacobean England (Cambridge University Press, 1977), p. 254.
162
Peacham, The dvty of all trve subiects, pp. 7—8, 39—40, 55. See in general also pp. 27-48.
163
Ibid., pp. 4, 8.
The continuity of the humanist tradition 307
and the best way to contribute was 'to open our purses, with the widest,
for the common good5, not 'coldly' but 'freely and cheerefully'.164
Whereas the idea of the mixed state testified to the necessity of unity,
the two greatest heroes of the Roman republic, Lucius Junius Brutus
and Marcus Brutus were used to demonstrate that Englishmen should
fight for their monarch against the rebellious Scots.
Ibid., pp. 33, 62. Cf. in general idem, The truth of our times: revealed out of one mans experience, by
way of essay (London, 1638), pp. 42—9; idem, The valley ofvarietie: or, discoursefittingfor the times
(London, 1638), pp. 107-28. Cf. Robert Ward, Anima'dversions of wane: or, a militarie magazine of
the truest and ablest instruction, for the managing of wane (London, 1639), the epistle dedicatory, pp.
28, 161-4, 167; Miles Sandys, The first part of a small worke (London, 1634), pp. 3—5, 119—20;
James Howell, Dendrologia: Dodona'sgrove, or thefocallforest (n.p. [London], 1640), pp. 5-6, 2 0 9 -
Epilogue
Sixty years separated the treatises of Roger Baynes, John Barston and
John Foord from Richard Brathwait's A survey of history. It would be
wrong to deny the numerous differences between them, but it would be
equally misleading to dispute their striking similarities. There is little
doubt that humanism as political parlance was not completely over-
shadowed by other vocabularies in the mid sixteenth century. On the
contrary, its central convictions were forcefully rehearsed throughout
the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The English showed
complete familiarity with such deeply entrenched notions of the
humanist tradition as the virtuous civic life and vera nobilitas. These
notions enabled them to portray themselves as citizens and to char-
acterize their life as one of participation rather than subjection. From
Thomas Rogers to Richard Brathwait it was argued that, before
everything else, a virtuous negotium made an Englishman capable of
acting as a magistrate of his local community or of the community of
the whole realm and of performing his duty in public assemblies
whether local or national in composition. And to lead such a life
guaranteed the well-being of the whole commonwealth.
As well as subscribing to the notions of the vita activa and vera nobilitas
in their attempt to conceive of themselves as active citizens, early
modern Englishmen many a time resorted to more openly republican
themes. Ancient and contemporary republics not merely aroused
curiosity and captured attention; they also commanded sincere admira-
tion. This is not to say that those who expressed their admiration were
republicans. Nevertheless, as we have seen, Englishmen were perfectly
capable of employing at least three central characteristics of classical
republicanism. In the first place, it was often maintained that a
republican form of government implemented in a highly successful
manner the idea of meritocracy. Such was the view shared by Robert
Ashley, Francis Bacon, Alexander Leighton and Richard Brathwait.
308
Epibgue 309
They all argued that republics had succeeded in securing the rule of
the most virtuous men.
The second and more important aspect of the republican tradition
to exert profound influence was the classical idea of the mixed
constitution. Although historians have generally claimed that this
concept played no positive role in the political debate of the late
sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, it is clear that the English
never lost sight of this republican notion. It loomed large in numerous
republican translations. Even more importantly, it was voiced every
now and then in treatises composed by the English themselves. This
happened both in the context of urban communities and in that of the
situation in Ireland. But the idea of the mixed constitution was also
developed in the context of English politics: together with the notion of
virtuous citizenship it enabled the English to promote an image of the
centrality of parliament for the English commonwealth.
Thirdly, and most importantly, some of the theorists we have
examined in this study felt no qualms about employing the central
notion of republicanism - that governors should be elected rather than
inherited. John Foord stated succinctly that the princely office should
be elective. But even more to the point of English politics in the early
1580s, he espoused the view that in the case of the sudden demise of the
prince, a regent should be elected by parliament. John Barston,
Richard Beacon and the author of the Organon reipvblicae put forward an
even more genuinely republican argument. They all maintained that
power and authority had the unavoidable tendency to corrupt their
possessor(s). It followed that this corruption could only be held at bay
by setting certain limits on those in authority. One of the most effective
checks was to restrict the duration of the governor's term in office.
That is to say, the republican device that governors and magistrates
should continuously be rotated was taken to be the most effective
solution to the looming problem of corruption.
A central aim of this study has also been to locate the uses of these
arguments in their proper historical circumstances. We have seen that
the humanist and republican vocabularies were used in numerous
different contexts and with numerous different intentions. When
humanist and republican arguments were strongly reiterated in the
1570s and 1580s, one of the aims which their proponents endeavoured
to achieve was to remind the English of the importance of a virtuous
negotium in preventing the political turmoils of the continent from
reaching England. At the same time John Barston articulated the civic
310 Classical humanism and republicanism 1570-1640
gramme for the Irish commonwealth. But the most forceful use of the
humanist and republican vocabularies against corruption emerges in
Thomas Scott's pamphlet campaign in the early 1620s. A distinctively
classical republican argument runs through his whole attempt to stave
off any corruption - be it internal or external - of the English
commonwealth.
Although classical humanist and republican arguments were voiced
throughout the period from the 1570s to the 1630s, there is little doubt
that, with the passage of time, the tradition lost some of its force. The
first signs of exhaustion could perhaps be discerned already at the turn
of the century, as neostoic and Tacitean ideas made their appearance,
although this did not mean, as some scholars have claimed, that
Ciceronian humanism was totally displaced. These signs of erosion of
the humanist tradition became somewhat clearer during the 1620s and
1630s, but some of the foremost values of the tradition were still
repeated in the 1630s when Machiavelli's Discorsi was published in
English for the first time.
At about the time the classical humanist tradition was drawing to a
close, England faced a crisis of unprecedented seriousness. Although it
took a decade before republican concepts were stated afresh, it was
above all the Civil War and its aftermath which prompted this revival
of classical republicanism. It is essential to an understanding of the
classical republicanism of the 1650s, however, to recognize that John
Milton, James Harrington, Algernon Sidney and their epigoni did not
invent the republican tradition completely anew. There are of course
marked dissimilarities between their arguments and those of the late-
sixteenth- and early-seventeenth-century exponents of classical hu-
manism and republicanism. But it would be strange indeed if there had
been none after the upheavals of the 1640s. Nonetheless, these
differences should not completely overshadow the fact that Harrington,
Milton and Sidney were, to some extent, direct followers of the earlier
generations of humanist and republican writers. George Wither and
Thomas May, who had used humanist parlance and demonstrated a
keen interest in republican issues, became avowed republicans during
the Civil War and form thus a direct link between our period and the
mid-century. 1 It is a well-known fact that James Harrington cited
Francis Bacon's Essays several times in his Oceana, but the striking
similarities between Bacon and Harrington have not been adequately
1
Worden 1981, pp. 191-2.
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348
Index 349
Barnes, John, 75 Boccalini, Trajano, 235
Barston, John, 13, 59, 308, 309-10 Bodin, Jean, 93, 94 ni6i, 180
biographical details, 59 Bohemia, 229
on civic life, 60, 61—4 Bond of Association, 6,48, 52
on corruption, 64—5, 310 BookeqfS.Albans, The, 111-12
on education, 66 Botero, Giovanni, 201, 203 n62, 293, 310
on law, 66-7 on civic greatness, 193
on liberty, 60-1, 62, 63, 68-9 on commerce, 200
on magistrates, 69-71, 309 on riches, 200, 204
on mixed constitution, 68-72 Bradshaw, Brendan, 75
on monarchy, 67—8 Braham, Humfrey, 11
on nobility, 64, 70—1 Brathwait, Richard, 308
on religion, 65 on corruption, 300—1 and ni4O
on virtue, 63-4 on education, 300
Bate's case, 221 on negotium, 147-8, 298-300, 308
Baynes, Roger, 20, 308 on nobility, 163—4, 296-8
on otium and negotium, 26-30, 44 on republics, 304-5, 308
on virtue, 30—1, 32, 33 on Tacitus, 128
Beacon, Richard, 14, 75,103,196,198 on virtue, 151-2
on the aims of commonwealths, 99—102 Brinsley, John, on negotium, 148—9
on animosity between rich and poor, 88-9, Browne, Thomas, 19
96-8 Brutus, Lucius, Junius, 76-7, 80, 87-8, 90—1,
on civic greatness, 99-102
on colonies, 82—3 Brutus, Marcus, 276, 282, 296, 306-7
on the common good, 85 Bryskett, Lodovick, 20
on the conquest of Ireland, 81—4, 89, 97, on education, 47
101—2 on honour, 35
on corruption, 77-81, 99, 100 on negotium, 25
on education, 83 ni23 on virtues, 33-4
on government, 91—8 Buchanan, George, 130,185
on laws, 85-91 Buckeridge,John, 120
on liberty, 98 Buckingham, George Villiers, duke of, 229-30,
on local governors, 95-6 231, 255, 257 ni24, 271, 273, 280
on magistrates, 94-6, 309 Buonaccorso da Montemagna, 8, 11
on militia, 100,102 Burghley, William Cecil, Baron, 48,49
on misgovernment, 79—80
on mixed constitution, 92—8 Cade, Anthony, 173
on private riches, 79 Cadiz, 271
on reformation of corruption, 81, 84—91, Caesar, Julius, 31, 35,51, 70, 79, 80, 95, 183-4,
310-11 276, 282-3, 2 89
on religion, 83 ni23 Calvinism, 12—13
on rhetoric, 88-9 Calvin's case, 194, 208, 214, 218-19
on sovereignty, 93 Cambridge, University of, colleges in, 20 n5,
on Sparta, 99, 100,101 59, 275
on Venice, 95, 97, 99,101 Canny, Nicholas, 75
use of Machiavelli, 75—6, 80—1, 81—2, 85, Carey, Henry, 302
86-7, 90-1, 92, 94-5, 96-7, 99-100, 310 Cartwright, Thomas, 50
Becon, Thomas, 8 Cassius Vecellinus, Spurius, 80
Bedingfield, Thomas, 106 nig6 Castiglione, Baldassare, 19
Bellarmine, Robert, 120 Cato, Marcus Procius, 85, 237, 239-40, 276,
Bernard, Richard, 290 282
Bingham, John, 260 ni38 Cavendish, William, see Devonshire, William
Blandy, William, 19, 20, 37, 44, 56 Cavendish, earl of
Blount, Edmund, 129 Charles I, 271, 273, 289, 291, 292
Blundeville, Thomas, 19 as prince, 229-30, 230, 255
35° Index
Charlton, John, 19 Clark, Peter, on urban ideology, 56
Charron, Pierre, 125 classical humanism
Churchyard, Thomas, 41 appearance in England, 2, 7-8
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 8,15, 22, 25, 28, 35, as intellectual basis of theory of citizenship,
60, 63, 65, 71,134,135,157,161, 168,173, 7, 10-n, 12,13,14-15
183,185, 215, 222-3, 240, 252, 289, 303 defined, 7-11
as guide against tyrants, 272 classical republicanism
as guide to mixed state, 107-8 as urban ideology, 54,57, 61—2
as guide to negotium, 10, 22, 24, 25-7, 29—31, denned, 2
32-3, 34,43,44,45, 5®, 61, 62, 85,138-9, Claudius, 238
148-9,166, 242, 248, 285, 300 Claudius, Appius, 94-5, 97
as guide to true nobility, 11, 36, 37, 38, 64, Cleland, James
no, 160,163 on education, 167,169,170
Pro Balbo, 215 on governors, 174
Brutus, 221 ni37 on negotium, 147
De amicitia, 8 on nobility, 162
De legibus, 45 on virtue, 152
De qfficiis, 9,19, 24, 45, 60, 62,138-9,148, Cleomenes, 85
222-3 Codes, Horatius, 44
De republica, 50 Cogswell, Thomas, 230, 231
Tusculan disputations, 31 Coke, Edward. 288
Cincinnatus, Lucius Quintius, 42 colonies, Beacon on, 82—3
citizenship, 7, 10-n, 12,13,14-15, 39—40 Collinson, Patrick, on civic consciousness in
and arms, 40-3,113, 209-13, 216-17, 222-4, England, 6, 48, 55, 56
248-53, 259-61, 262, 289-96; and Contarini, Gasparo, 102,103, 105, 304
governance of commonwealth, 43—5, 70, on citizenship, 109—10
71-2, IIO-II, 113-14,172-7, 214-15, on civic life, 109
216-17, 247-8, 257-9, 264, 274-5, 279-80, on magistrates, 110-11
284-5, 299-300, 308 on Venetian constitution, 106-7
Bacon on, 209, 210-13, 214—15, 216-17 contract, original, 122—3
Foord on, 45 Cornwallis, William, on Anglo-Scottish union,
Roman idea of, 214—17 190-1
social basis of, 211-13, 259-64, 294, 295-6 corruption, 126-7, 128—9, 132—3, 234—5, 261—3,
civic greatness 272-3, 310-11
and armed citizen, 209-13, 224, 227, 253—4, and religion, 235
310 and slavery, 61, 64-5, 69, 237
and Anglo-Scottish union, 190—3 caused by government, 79-80, 237—9
and civic virtue, 216-17, 312 caused by wealth, 64-5, 79, 235-6, 237, 240,
and governance of commonwealth, 213-17 272, 276
and large population, 100, 102, 207-8 caused by nobility, 166-7, 236-7, 277
and liberty, 101-2, 213—14, 216, 276 equated with lack of public concern, 78—9,
and military valour, 102, 201-6, 223—4, 227, 166, 235-6, 237, 272, 277-8
256, 312 reformation of, 76-7, 81, 84-5, 90-2, 98,
and the navy, 207, 226-8 239-45
and poverty, 201 Cotton, Robert, 165, 290
and riches, 199-201, 203-5, 224-5, 256-7, courtier, skills of, 128, 129, 136-7,138, 280-2
312 see also architecture of fortune, Bacon's
attacked, 193 concept of
Bacon on, 193-8, 206, 216, 218, 254-7 Court of James, the first, The, 151
Beacon on, 99-102 on courtiers, 136-7, 165
contrasted with happiness, 196, 201 on nobility, 163
contrasted with peace, 205-6 on otium and negotium, 137—9
Civil War, 5,12,16, 53, 74, 196, 311 Cowell, John, 159
as turning point in history of political Craig, Thomas, 191
thought, 1, 4, 6 on naturalization, 215
Index
Crassus, Marcus Iicinius, 183 Everard, John, 250
Crosse, Henry
on education, 167 Felltham, Owen, on retired life, 131
on negotium, 149 Ferdinand, Archduke, 229
on nobility, 163 Ferguson, Arthur, 10
on virtue, 151 Feme, John, 20, 24-5, 34, 37
Cyuile and vncyuile life, 20 Ficino, Marsilio, 286
on otium and negotium, 23-4, 32 Fink, Zera, 3
on nobility, 37-8 Finland, 290
Florence, 81, 86, 88,101
Dacres, Edward, 302—3 Foord, John, 20, 308
Dallington, Robert, 130,157 biographical details, 20 n5
Davenport, John, 290-1 on citizenship, 45
David, 81 on civic life, 25-6, 32
Davies, Edward, 250 on education, 47
Demosthenes, 144, 272 on nobility, 37
Denison, John, 249 on prince, 49, 309
Description of the vnited Prouinces, A, 179 on regent, 49
Devon, 58 Forced Loan, 271, 275, 288, 291
Devonshire, William Cavendish, earl of, 126, Ford, John
146-7,173, 276 on education, 167
Dickinson, William, 120 on governors, 174
Digges, Dudley, 291 on negotium, 150
Digges, Leonard, 42 Forset, Edward, 193, 201
Digges, Thomas, on militia, 41, 42—3 Fortescue,John, 183
Diogenes, 131 Fougasses, Thomas de, 178
dissimulation, 125-6,157 France, 103, 105, 271
Doddridge, John, 215 Frederick, elector Palatine, 229
Donaldson, Peter S., 73 Fuller, Nicholas, 123, 208 n84
Dorislaus, Isaac, 275 Fullwood, William, 56
Dorset, Edward Sackville, earl of, 283 Furio Ceriol, Federico, 19
Draco, 181, 238 on counsellors, 45
Ducci, Lorenzo, 129, 139-40 on nobility, 36
Du Vair, Guillaume, 125,129,135 on mixed constitution, 50
on virtue, 31, 33
education, 46-7, 66,167—70, 300
Edward III, 283 Gainsford, Thomas
Edward VI, 73 on Anglo-Scottish union, 191-2, 215
Egypt, 87 on court, 128
Eliot, John, 287 on retired life, 131
compares Buckingham with Sejanus, 280 Gardiner, Stephen, 73
on mercenaries, 291-2 Garey, Samuel, 121
on monarchy, 284 Gentili, Alberico, 73, 215, 310
on negotium, 284—5 'German horse', 291—3
on otium, 286 Giacomini, Antonio, 90
on virtues, 284, 285-6 Gibson, Abraham, 249—50
Elizabeth I, 10, 18, 48, 76-7, 103, 254, 278 Gloucester, 56, 58
Elizabeth, Princess, 229 Gloucestershire, 58
Elyot, Thomas, 8,10, 11, 19, 26, 175, 296 Gondomar, count of, 235
Epictetus, 142 Goslicius, Laurentius Grimalius, 102, 103,105,
Erasmus, Desiderius, 8, 26, 148,161 178
Essex, Robert Devereux, second earl of, 104, on civic life, 109
111-12, 205 on England as a mixed state, 115
Essex, Robert Devereux, third earl of, 276 on mixed state, 107-8, 115
Etheldred, 295-6 on magistrates, 110-11
352 Index
Goslicius, Laurentius Grimalius (cont.) on negotium, 21-2, 44
on nobility, 109-10 on nobility, 36, 38
Gouge, William, 290, 296 on virtues, 32—3
Gray's Inn, 197,198 Heylyn, Peter, on Roman constitution, 305-6
Greneway, Richard, 124 Heywood,John, 8,11
Greville, Fulke, 12, 275 Hexham, Henry, 242
on negotiant, 145 Hill, Christopher, 195
on otium, 127 Hitchcock, John, 14, n53,128 n36,165
on Philip Sidney, 23, 38, 47 on negotium, 149-50
Grimeston, Edward, 178 on reason of state, 158
Guazzo, Stefano, 19, 57 on treasure, 200
on honour, 34 on virtue, 151
on negotium, 21 Hitchcock, Robert, 103
on nobility, 35—6 Hobbes, Thomas, 12,126-7,130, 146-7
Guicciardini, Francesco, 76 Holies, John, 131
Gustavus II Adolphus, 271 honour, reward of virtue, 34-5, 113—14
Horae subseciuae
Hagthorpe, John, 289-90 on governors, 173-4, 174-5
Hall, Arthur, 48 on negotium, 146-7
Halljoseph on otium, 130
on nobility, 163 on Roman constitution, 126-7
on otium, 131-2 Hull, William, 240-1
Hannibal, 290 Hume, David, 191
Hanson, Donald W., 3 Humphrey, Lawrence, 3
Harrington, James, 1, 3, 195, 199, 311—12
Harvey, Gabriel, 125,129—30 impositions, 221—7
on negotium, 26, 43, 135 Ireland, 54, 103
Hatton, Christopher, 104 as context for Machiavellian republicanism,
Hayward, John, 215 74
on civic greatness, 191 corruption of, 77, 78, 91
Hedley, Thomas English conquest of, 74, 77, 81—4
argument against Bacon, 220-1 English governance in, 74, 95-6, 309
on armed citizen, 222, 223—4, 22 5~6, 310 reform of, 77, 81, 92—3
on balanced constitution, 222 Italy, 47
on civic greatness, 224
on commerce, 226-8 James I, 15, 50, 121, 127, 155,161, 165,179,181,
on common law, 221 190,193, 220, 229, 230, 250, 251 n9§, 252,
on impositions, 221, 225, 226 254, 258
on liberty, 221—2, 224 on Anglo-Scottish union, 190
on mercenaries, 227 on civic greatness, 192, 219
on the navy, 226, 228 on money as sinews of war, 225
on private property, 223 on peace, 249, 251
quotation of Bacon, 220-1, 221, 222, 224-5, Johnson, Robert, 293, 296
310; Cicero, 222-3; Tacitus, 124, 222 Jones, William, 112
Henry II, 283 Jonson, Ben
Henry V, 18 Catiline, 145—6, 160, 177
Henry VII, 260, 293 Sejanus, 132—4
Henry VIII, 74 Juvenal, 38, 161
Henry, prince of Wales, 122
Henry IV, king of France, 254 Kildare, Gerald FitzGerald, ninth earl of,
Herbert, William, 74, 75 95~ 6
Herillus, 142, 143 Kildare, Thomas FitzGerald, tenth earl of,
Heron, Haly, 20, 52-3 95-6
on education, 46 Kirton, Edward, 291
on honour, 34-5 Knevet, Ralph, 273-4
Index 353
Lake, Peter, on Thomas Scott, 231—2, 234, 258 Mair, John, 261
La Primaudaye, Pierre, 121 Malvezzi, Virgilio, 302
La Rochelle, 271, 272 Malynes, Gerard de, 208 n87
Latini, Brunetto, 57 Manlius, Marcus, 80
laws Mansfeld, count, 271
as means to civic life, 66-7 Manzini, Giovanni, 281-2
as means to reform of corrupt Marande, Leonard de, 283
commonwealth, 85-91 Marius, Caius, 80
Leicester, Robert Dudley, earl of, 59,104 Marseilles, 69
Leighton, Alexander Martial, 60, 65, 282
comparison ofBuckingham with Sejanus, 280 Martyn, William
on mercenaries, 293 on education, 170
on negotium, 274 on negotium, 147
on parliament, 274—5, 2 ^7 on nobility, 162
on republics, 265, 308 on virtue, 152—3
Lennox, James Stuart, duke of, 302 Mary 1,10
Lepidus, Marcus Aemilius, 183 Mary, queen of Scots, 48
Le Roy, Louis, 112 and n228,113 Matthieu, Pierre, 280-1
Lever, Christopher, 193 May, Humphrey, 291
Lewkenor, Lewes, 102, 106,107 May, Thomas, 275, 311
on Venice, 115—18 on liberty, 276, 282-3, 2 ^9
liberty, 96-8 on praetorian guard, 293
and civic life, 60-3, 68-9, 214-15, 216-17, on Roman greatness, 276
245, 267, 268 Maynard, John, 292
and property, 122-4, 222-4, 226 Medici, family of, 88
Lincoln, Theophilus Fiennes, earl of, 276 Medici, Piero de, 193
lindsey, Robert Bertie, earl of, 276 Mendle, Michael
Lipsius, Justus, 125, 129,135, 144,157, 215, 260 on absence of mixed constituion in England,
ni38, 286, 310 182 n26i
on riches, 203—4 on presbyterianism, 50
Iivy, Titus, 40, 60, 130, 135, 185 on Thomas Hedley, 220
Lodge, Thomas, 125,130 Meriton, George, 120
Loe, William, on mixed constitution, 182-3 on nobility, 159
Lucan, 275, 282, 283, 289 Middleton, Richard, 123 m 2
Lucinge, Rene de, 203, 218 ni24 militia, see citizenship
on civic greatness, 192 Milton, John, 1, 3, 311
on Ottoman empire, 201—2, 217—18 mixed constitution, 2, 9—10, 47—8,50-1, 91-8,
on professional army, 201—2, 210 n98, 106-8, 112-13,115,178-89, 267-70
217-18 balance between one, few and many, 94-7
onriches,204 in England, 9-10,47-8, 68,115,179-80,
Ludgershall, Wiltshire, 119 181-5,188-9, 2 ^9-7o, 304, 309
Lupset, Thomas, 8 in urban communities, 69-72
Lycurgus, 180 used for absolutist ends, 305-7
Lyly, John, 20 Moffet, Thomas, 23
on education, 47 monopolies, 103—4
on negotium, 22, 32 Montaigne, Michel de, 125
on nobility, 38 More, George, 122—3
Lysander, 81, 82 More, Thomas, 8, 9, 10, 11, 269
Morison, Richard, 8
Machiavelli, Noccolo, 157,193, 200, 209 Morrice, Thomas, 168, 173,175
reception in England, 16—17, 40, 73-4, 75-6, Moses, 90
80-1, 81-2, 85, 86-7, 90-1, 92, 94-5, 96- Mulcaster, Richard, 36, 37
7, 99-100,103, 195,196, 210, 215, 225,
241—2, 253-4, 2 9 2 J 3O2~~3> 3 I O J 3n> 3 1 2 Nabis, 97
see also Bacon, Francis Nedham, Marchamont, 1
354 Index
negotium, 21-31, 63-4,109,137-9,139-50, on civic life, 21, 31, 33,43
153-6,166,170, 239-40, 240-3, 273, 274, on education, 46
278-80, 284-5, 296-7, 298-301 on militia, 40
as hallmark of English humanism, 10,11 on mixed constitution, 50—1
Nenna, Giovanni, 112 on nobility, 35, 36
Nero, 238 on republic, 51
Netherlands, 103, 238, 239, 246, 254, 266, 289, Peacham, Henry, 296
290 on education, 167—8
government of, 267—9 on family of Brutus, 306-7
Nimrod, 61,183 on mixed constitution, 306-7
Nixon, Anthony on nobility, 159-60
on mixed constitution, 184—5 Peck, Linda Levy, 5-6
on negotiwn, 149 Pembroke, William Herbert, earl of, 276
on nobility, 162—3 Petition of Right, 271, 288, 291
on virtue, 151,156 Petrarch, Francesco, 161
nobility Pettie, George, 57
equated with riches and lineage, in—12,158, Philip II, king of Spain, 73
160—1, 223 Pisa, 101
equated with virtues, 35-9, 64, 109—10, Plato, 60, 63, 64,138,149, 269, 306
111-12,159^-65, 245-7, 273-4, 297~8 Plutarch, 20, 25,46,135,164
Norbrook, David, 5, 22,106,127, 276 Pocock, J. G. A., on classical republicanism in
Nordic liberty, idea of, 304 England, 4-5, 6, 10,56, 124
North, Thomas, 19-20, 25,46 Poland, 47,102, 105
Northampton, Henry Howard, earl of, 222—3, Pole, Reginald, 73
225 Polybius, 107, 302, 304, 305
Norwich, 242, 269 Pompey the Great, 35, 276
Numa, Pompilius, 85, 87, 89, 92 Ponet, John, 9-10,47
Pont, Robert
Octavian, see Augustus on Anglo-Scottish union, 181-2,191
Organon reipvblicae on mixed constitution, 181—2
on civic life, 154-5 Powell, Thomas, 295
on counsellors, 172—3 prince, election of
on education, 168—9 Contarini on, 107
on magistrates, 175-7 Foord on, 49
on mixed constitution, 183-4 Goslicius on, 108
on nobility, 164-5 Pritchard, Thomas, 20
on rotation of magistrates, 176-7, 309 on armed citizen, 40
on virtue, 155-6 on education, 46
Osorio, Hieronymus, 19 on governors, 44
on armed citizen, 40 on negotium, 24, 33, 34
on negotium, 32 Procter, Thomas, on militia, 41—2, 43
on nobility, 35, 36 puritanism
on virtue, 33 and active citizenship, 12-13, 232, 240-1
otium, preferred to negotium, 120-1, 127,129-32, and republicanism, 13
133—4, 282—4, 286 as urban idealogy, 56
Oxford, University of, 36, 43, 75,105,147,192 purveyance, 104
Pyrrho, 142
Palatinate, 229, 230 Pythagoras, 88
Palmer, Thomas, 295
Panaetius, 31 Rainolds, John, 20, 25, 38
Panizza, Diego, 74 Ralegh, Walter, 201, 203 n64, 215, 241, 278,
Pareus, David, 120 310
Parsons, Bartholomew, 119—20 on aristocracy, 179-80
Parsons, Robert, 105 on common good, 217
Patrizi, Francesco, 19, 34, 52, 57, 58 on commerce, 200, 204
Index 355
on mercenaries, 210, 217 on Dutch government, 266-70
on militia, 217, 291 on free farmers, 261-2
on the navy, 204, 228 on frugality, 240
on nobility, 164 on history, 233
Randol John, 234, 235, 258 ni2g on learning, 243
reason of state, 156-8 on liberty, 240, 245, 268
Re expedition, 271, 272 on mixed constitution, 264, 268—9
republics, approved of by Englishmen, 48, on negotium, 240-3, 244, 245, 257
113-14,179-80,181, 217, 265-70, 301, on nobility, 245-7
304-5, 308-9, 310, 312 on Norwich, 269
Reynolds, John, 251, 254, 283—4 on parliament, 258—9, 269
rhetoric, as means of enforcing good laws, on parliamentary elections, 263-4
88-9 on private good, 235-6, 239
Rich, Barnaby, 173 on religion, 232—3
Rich, Nathaniel, 291 on republics, 264, 266-70
Robinson, Richard, 19, 34, 50,51—2, 57 on slavery, 237
Rogers, Thomas, 20 on tyranny, 237-9
on ambition, 35 on virtue, 243-4
on civic life, 22, 32, 34, 39, 40, 44, 308 on war, 251—2
on nobility, 37 Scott, Thomas, of Canterbury
Rome on education, 167
constitution of, 67, 71, 72, 92, 93—4,125-7, on governors, 173
180,183, 215, 276, 301 on nobility, 160-1
importance for republicanism, 2, 9 Sejanus, Lucius Aelius, 280-1
Romulus, 58, 76—7, 87, 92, 93—4 Seneca, 60,125,127,128—9, I 3°J ! 6 I , 168, 285
Rous, Francis Severus, Alexander, 145
on negotium, 241 Shakespeare, William
on republics, 304 Coriolanus, 171—2
quotation of Machiavelli, 241—2 Sherland, Christopher, 273
Russell, John, 191 ship money, 295
Rutland, Roger Manners, earl of, 205 Sidney, Algernon, 1,18, 311
Sidney, Henry, 74
Sadler, Edmund, 154 Sidney, Philip, 18
Salisbury, Robert Cecil, earl of, 225 on mixed constitution, 47—8
Sallust, 26, 58, 60, 135,161,185, 240, 272 on nobility, 38
Sansovino, Francesco, 103 on otium and negotium, 22—3, 32, 33
Sarum, Wiltshire, 120 on Tacitus, 125
Savile, Henry, 124 Old Arcadia, 22
Savonarola, Girolamo, 90 Sidney, Robert, 47
Scaevola, Mucius, 245 Skinner, Quentin, 13
scepticism, 127,134 Smith, Thomas, 8, 47, 275, 304
attacked by Bacon, 141—5 Smythe,John, 112-13
Scipio, family of, 44, 245, 296 Socrates, 141
Scot, Patrick, on nobility, 161—2 Soderini, Piero, 90
Scotland, 261 Solon, 85,181, 272
humanism and republicanism in, 233—4 Somerset, Robert Carr, earl of, 131
see also Anglo-Scottish union Spain, 47, 103, 105, 229, 230, 238, 251, 255,
Scott, Thomas, 13, 231-2, 277 271
on armed citizen, 248—9, 252—3 Sparta, 57, 95, 97, 100,101, 107,109, 180, 185,
on civic greatness, 253-4 188, 198-9, 208, 294, 305
on common good, 239—40 Spenser, Edmund, 18, 74—5, 83 ni22,115,116
on 'commonwealth-men', 247—8 on counsellors 43, 46
on counsellors, 257—9 on nobility, 38-9
on corruption, 234-7, 311 Spy discouering the danger ofArminian heresie, The,
on court, 263 272-3
356 Index
Stafford, Anthony on civic life, 44
on corruption, 128-9,131 on mixed constitution, 50
on Diogenes, 131 on virtue, 31-2, 33
on otium, 131 Vegetius, 212
on Philip Sidney, 130-1 Venice, 47, 61,101,102,109,180, 267
Starkey, Thomas, 8, 9,10,11, 47,54 government of, 41, 67,95, 97, 99,106-7, IQ8>
Stoughton, William, on mixed constitution, 112-13, 115-18,178,179,185, 265, 304
182 and n26i Vere, Horace, 276
Strabo, 69, 72 Verheyden, Willem, 240
Strangeways, John, 292 Vvndicae contratyrannos,120
Stubbes, Philip, 20, 38 Virgil, 282
on negotiwn, 26—7 virtue, centrality in negotvum, 30-4, 63—4,150-3,
J
Sturm, Johannes, 19 53> !55-6> 243-4, 285-6
Styward, Thomas, 43 Vives, Juan Luis, 25, 26,164
Sulla, Lucius Cornelius, 80, 81, 82,183 Vowell alias Hooker, John
Sweden on the beginning of civil society, 57—8
army of, 290 on Exeter, 58
parliament of, 304 on parliament, 47
Switzerland, 100, 112, 113, 188, 266, 291
Walsingham, Francis, 49, 104
Tacitus, Cornelius, 35, 60,123-4, 139, 144, Walzer, Michael, on puritanism, 12
168,185, 305 Warwick, Anne Dudley, countess of, 115
guide to republicanism, 275 Warwick, Robert Rich, earl of, 276
Tacitism, 15,124-7,J 28-31,132-5, 137,157, Webster, Charles, 195
280, 311 Wentworth, Peter, 45, 105
Tarquinius Superbus, 77, 80, 87, 90-1,183, White, Christopher, 130
238-^9, 253, 275 Whittinton, Robert, 9
Taylor, Thomas, 241 Willan, Robert, 249
Tewkesbury, 54, 58, 64, 72, 310 Willymat, William, 121
incorporation of, 59 Wilson, Thomas, 55-6, 105
Thetford, Norfolk, 242-3 Wither, George, 230, 265, 311
Thirty Years War, 271 on ancient constitution, 288
Thomas, William, 73 on corruption, 165-6, 277—8
Thornborough, John, 191, 215 on foreign policy, 219-20
Tiberius, 125-6, 276 on government, 279—80
Tiptoft, John, earl of Worcester, 8,11 on monarchy, 288
Todd, Margo, 14 on negotium, 166, 278
on Christian humanism, 13, 241, 287 on nobility, 166-7, 247, 277, 278
Tom tell troath, 230, 234, 235, 250—1 on parliament, 278—9, 287
Tooke, George, on militia, 293—5, 295—6 Wolfe, John, 73, 310
Topsell, Edward, 162 Wortley, Francis, 272
Torquatus, Manlius, 71 Wren, Matthew, 275
Travers, Walter, 50 Wright, Henry
Trigge, Francis, 209 on civic greatness, 193
Trussell, Thomas, 250, 260 ni38 on court, 128
Tuvill, Daniel on mixed constitution, 185—9
on negotium, 296 Wybarne,John
on reason of state, 157-8 on aristocracy, 180
on Augustus, 125-6, 305
Valentine, Henry, 295
Valerius Publicola, Publius, 80, 90, 253 Xenophon, 211
Valerius, Cornelius, 19
on armed citizen, 40 Zeno, 141,144
IDEAS IN CONTEXT