Arab Tribes and The Umayyad Dynasty and Abbasid Revolution

Arab Tribes, the Umayyad Dynasty,
and the Àbbasid Revolution

Roberto Marín-Guzmán
Abstract
This essay analyzes the role played by the Arab tribes in the
expansion of Islam, the consolidation of Dar al-Islam [House of
Islam], as well as in power and administration during the
Umayyad dynasty. Given the traditional rivalries between the
Mudar and the Qahtan tribes, each confederation of tribes led
the expansion of Islam in a different direction: the Mudar toward
the east, and the Qahtan toward the west. The Umayyads con-
trolled power by exploiting tribal disputes. The same practice,
skillfully used by the Àbbasids, expelled the Umayyads from
power and ushered in a new dynasty.
Introduction
O humanity! We have made you male and female, and appointed you to
be peoples and tribes in order that you know one another. (Qurán 49:13)
This passage shows the basic divisions, namely, male and female and espe-
cially peoples (sha`b) and tribes (qabaíl), that characterized Arab society
during the Prophet’s time and, later on, during that of Islam’s expansion and
consolidation of Dar al-Islam. Throughout the centuries, many Muslim
authors addressed these social divisions. For example, in his descriptions of
Arab society, Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) explained the importance of Arab
Roberto Marín-Guzmán holds two master’s degrees in Middle Eastern history (El Colegio
de México, 1983 and The University of Texas at Austin, 1989) and a Ph.D. (The University
of Texas at Austin, 1994) in the same field. He also studied Arabic and Arab culture at al-
Jamiàh al-Urduniyya (Amman, Jordan). Currently he is a professor of Middle Eastern his-
tory and Arabic language at the University of Costa Rica. He has written many scholarly
articles and has authored ten books dealing with the history of the Middle East and Islam.
58 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 21:4
tribal àsabiyah (solidarity) as a way to keep them together and oppose their
enemies.1 Putting aside the fact that he lived many centuries after the period
covered in this essay, his opinions are relevant. He showed that àsabiyah
existed even before Islam and regulated many of the inter-personal relations
among tribal members as well as the inter-tribal relations. Al-Maqrizi (d.
1442) wrote that Arab society was divided into six social categories
(tabaqat): sha`b (peoples), qaba’il (tribes), àma’ir (kindred), butun (clans),
afkhadh (lineage) and fasa’il (family groups).2 This important analysis adds
more knowledge to the study of Arab tribes and their internal divisions as
regards families, clans, kindred, and lineage, even their various rivalries.
In general, the organization of the tribes and their àsabiyah were
important elements in the Islamic expansion. Since the early stages of the
Islamic empire, Arab tribes played a major role in conquering new territo-
ries during the caliphate of Ùmar (634-44). They were also active in the
first fitnah against Ùthman (644-56), as well as in the origins of Shiìsm
and the opposition of Muàwiyah against Àli (656-61).
The Umayyads formed the first Muslim dynasty (661-750) and con-
trolled power by exploiting tribal disputes. The Àbbasids used the same
practice, quite skillfully, to replace the Umayyads. The traditional Arab
tribal rivalries played a major role during this time. This essay analyzes the
role of the Arab tribes regarding power, administration of the empire dur-
ing the Umayyad dynasty, as well as their involvement in the Umayyads’
fall and the origins of the Àbbasid revolution.
The Arab Tribes: Rivalries and Divisions

In general terms, the tribes fall into two major groups or confederations
(hilf, tahaluf): the Northern tribes (e.g., Mudar, Maàdd, Qays, QaysÀylan,
and Syrians), comprising a large number of different tribes and the
Southern tribes (e.g., Qahtan, Kahlan, Kalb, Himyar, and Yemenites),
which also had several tribal subdivisions. These two tribal confederations
were in a state of almost constant rivalry dating back to the Arab’s early his-
tory. Their rivalries were mainly economic and political. When they had to
share the same territories, space, water, and caravan routes, problems arose.
The Northerners were mainly nomads, while the Southerners were devoted
mainly to agriculture. The location of Southern tribes in northern territories
even before the origins of Islam – for example, the Lakhmids in al-Hira on
the Euphrates 3 and the settlements of Northern tribes in the south – were
motives for dispute, such as when members of the other confederation
Marín-Guzmán: Arab Tribes, the Umayyad Dynasty, and the Àbbasid Revolution 59
invaded what they considered to be their own territory, or when nomads

moved in.
The tribal conflicts were between confederations and also between a
given confederation’s tribes, as portrayed in Arab legends, literature, and
history. In many cases, the rivalries between two tribes of the Northern
group were so profound that one of the two would unite and ask for help
from their enemies, the Qahtan, to defeat the other Northern group. Such
was the case of the Rabiàh, a member of the Mudar tribal confederation,
who allied with the Azd, of the Qahtan group, in order to defend their own
interests and to oppose the Tamim, another Northern tribe.4 Islam did not
overcome these social and ethnic tribal rivalries, which were due mainly to
economics and politics. However, social, ethnic, and racial motives have
also been mentioned and taken into consideration. The process of making
alliances between different groups of tribes, even between their traditional
enemies, has been explained by many Muslim historians as well as by sev-
eral western scholars, who described how the wars between the Tamim and
the Azd in Central Asia and Khurasan generated a major problem between
the Mudar and the Yemenites. 5
Ignaz Goldziher explained that Islam teaches a different relation of the
individual and the Arab tribes with society, from that of the Jahiliyah
period.6 In pre-Islamic Arab society, the tribal feuds also had focused on
mocking the enemy through poetry. Poets frequently had a tremendous
impact on a particular tribe’s position within Arabic society:
One single line of Jarir (d. 110), that classic of the later hija’, against the
tribe of Numayr (“Lower your eyes because you are of the tribe of
Numayr,” etc.) damaged the reputation of this tribe to such an extent that a
Numayrite, when asked his tribe, did not dare to name it, but professed to
belong to the tribe of Banu Àmir from which the Banu Numayr derived.7
Poets also spread the ideals of muruwwah (virtue) and hasab (enumer-
ation of the ancestors’ famous deeds; nobility), which were important for
both the individual’s and the tribe’s esteem and for satirizing (hija’) the trib-
al enemy, then considered inferior.8 Although Islam preaches equality and
fraternity among all individuals, and that all Muslims were brothers and sis-
ters in the ummah (community), the tribal rivalries continued and much
hatred and fighting took place throughout the history of the Islamic empire.
The process of making and breaking alliances took place in both the
west and the east of the empire, and was a major reason for the success of
theÀbbasid revolution. In al-Andalus, for example, Arab tribes often allied
themselves with traditional enemies to fight another tribe from the same
confederation or sha`b to improve and defend their own position. Economic
interest was one reason for these strange, but not unusual, alliances. 9
The Arab tribes accepted Islam, as Ibn Hisham writes in his Sirat Rasul
Allah.10 Both the Northern and the Southern tribes participated eagerly in
the Islamic expansion, which had, along with religious motives, economic
and political reasons. Fred Donner emphasizes the religious motives for the
expansion. 11 Perhaps the main cause for their eager participation was the
share of booty,12 despite Shaban`s opinion that the Mudar favored a major
expansion while the Qahtan proposed a consolidation of the empire instead.
The disputes between the Qahtan and the Qays tribes increased during
the conquests for economic and political reasons. In the analysis and in the
general explanations of the tribes’ expansion along with that of Islam
(intishar al-Islam), one has to be aware of various elements of this process.
The following three are the most important:
First, the initial wave of expansion, directed toward Arabia’s north and
east, was carried out mainly by the Northern tribes, especially Arabs from
Makkah and the surrounding areas. These armies conquered Syria and
Palestine, after the battle of Yarmuk (636). Jerusalem surrendered (637) to
caliph Ùmar, and Jazirah (Iraq) fell after the battle of Qadisiyah (637). 13 It
seems possible that most heros of the riddah war were from the Mudar con-
federation.14 Thus, in this expansion, the Mudar (or Qays) obtained a large
share of the booty as well as the best lands, for the Qahtan were not favored
at that time. According to al-Baladhuri, the Qahtan, the Southern tribes, or
Ahl al-Yaman, demanded equal treatment in privileges and land ownership,
although their role in the expansion was inferior to the Mudar’s.15
These conquests opened the doors for further expansion toward the
east. They were led by the Northern tribes, who benefited the most from the
resulting booty and wealth. The Southern tribes also participated, but in
lesser numbers, and so they received a far smaller share of the spoils and
revenues than their traditional enemies. The Northern tribes also occupied
the land. Moreover, very soon after they settled down they engaged in
trade, which brought them considerable benefits.
Second, when the Southern tribes saw their opportunities for benefit,
land, trade, and especially booty, closed in the east and blocked by their
tribal enemies, they initiated another wave of expansion westward, mainly
toward North Africa and al-Andalus, two regions that they conquered with
great benefit. A close reading of Àbd al-Rahman ibn Àbd al-Hakam’s (d.
871) Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha reveals that the Southern tribes held the
main positions in the army and the governorship of provinces and cities. Al-
Maqqari (d. 1632) asserted in his Kitab Nafh al-Tib that as the Qahtan set-
tled in al-Andalus in great numbers they brought with them their hereditary
hatred of the Mudar and other tribes from the line of Àdnan.16 He also
asserted that the Qahtan tribes were more numerous in al-Andalus than
their adversaries, and always obtained a greater share of power and influ-
ence.17 This is probably one reason why the Àbbasid revolution was not as
well received in al-Andalus as it was in the East.
Moreover, al-Andalus was far from the caliphal centers of power.
Although not totally apart from the caliph’s main policies, al-Andalus faced
other problems, such as the struggles against the Christians and the Franks,
as well as the Berber revolts in both al-Andalus and North Africa, which
distracted the Qahtan from the Àbbasid propaganda (centered mainly in
Khurasan). The opposite occurred in the East, as can be seen by looking at
the tribal origin of those in important administrative and military positions,
who were mainly from the Northern tribes. Although al-Hajjaj intended to
maintain a balance of power between the two confederations while he gov-
erned Iraq and Khurasan by appointing Southerners in subgovernor posi-
tions, in the long run the Umayyads favored the Mudar over the Qahtan.
This information is provided in the major Arabic sources, such as al-Tabari,
al-Baladhuri, Ibn Majah, among others, and later Arabic works, such as al-
Suyuti’s Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’.18
However, one should not think that the Northern or the Southern tribes
settled exclusively in the east or the west, respectively, of Dar al-Islam.
Both tribal groups expanded and settled throughout the empire, a situation
that aggravated their traditional rivalries. In addition, they brought their tra-
ditional feuds to those distant regions.
Third, the expansion should not be understood only as originating from
a religious motivation. This process was neither an expansion of Islam nor a
single movement that stopped as soon as the tribes settled. The process was
quite the contrary, for Islam’s expansion also led the Arab tribes to undertake
one of the largest expansions in history: from Arabia to Iraq, Khurasan, and
the Chinese Empire, and to North Africa and Spain (al-Andalus).
Arabic became the official and religious language of the vast empire,
although some languages were kept for religious purposes (e.g., Coptic,
Greek, Latin, Persian) and others continued to be spoken (e.g., Berber,
Romance [Spanish], Aramaic, Turkish, and Persian). The conquered peo-
ples adopted Arabic culture. 19 The Arabization process took several cen-
turies and finally prevailed in the east (with the exception of Iran) and in
North Africa. The case of al-Andalus is totally different, since Islam and the
Arabic culture, language, and customs were replaced by those of the
Christian Spaniards20 after the Reconquista.21
The empire-wide expansion of the Arab tribes, which took many years,
proves several things. First of all, it shows their interest in acquiring booty,
wealth, and land in places outside Arabia. They were also seeking better con-
ditions. Al-Baladhuri’s statement that there were more Arabs in Iraq than in
Syria proves the extent of the migrations to the north and east.22 For many
Arabs of this time, this was an excellent opportunity to search for better eco-
nomic conditions abroad. In addition, the share of booty was always an
important incentive. An interesting speculation, although little evidence
exists for it since Arabic sources do not deal with it, is that Arabia was over-
populated in relation to the availability of food and water resources.
Another proof that these migrations were not undertaken in a single
wave is that the Arabic sources speak of problems between “old” and
“new” Arabs settled in different regions, whether they were in al-Andalus,
Iraq, Khurasan, or Ma wara’ al-Nahr (roughly modern-day Uzbekistan and
southwest Kazakhstan). These migrations brought new struggles wherever
the migrants settled, especially if the new Arab settlers belonged to the
opposite tribal confederation’s members already settled in those regions.
The system of land ownership and the establishment of junud (sing:
jund, armed groups) also caused increased tribal rivalries. The rapid expan-
sion from Arabia to Syria, Mesopotamia, Iran, Egypt, North Africa, and al-
Andalus made Muslims adopt the existing Byzantine and Persian institu-
tions. Lacking administrative experience and the institutions to control and
keep the conquered areas together, the Arabs transformed the basic division
of spoils and territories from the three categories explained by al-Baladhuri
in Muhajirun, Ansar, and the wives of the Prophet, 23 to a major and better
organized one following the ancient Roman practice of the limitanei: sol-
diers who received land in return for defending the empire’s frontiers. The
Muslims adopted this practice by settling the junud and building fortresses
(amsar, sing: misr) in the Dar al-Islam’s frontier areas (hudud).24
Al-Baladhuri analyzed the organization of the junud in Syria25 and
Egypt,26 as well as the divisions of the spoils of war and territories among
Muslim soldiers. For the case of Egypt, Ibn Àbd al-Hakam explained the
creation of a diwan for dividing the conquered territories. 27 After Jerusalem
capitulated, theÀhd al-Ùmariyah stipulated how the territories would be
divided.28 The presence of these armed tribal groups led to more inter-tribal
rivalries, especially in Khurasan and Iraq.29 The traditional Qays-Qahtan dis-
pute also had an economic context in Khurasan, as well as in other regions,

that was expressed in the territorial divisions and the role played by the
junud with very clear economic interests and socioeconomic status.
Religious and political issues were also important. Both tribal confed-
erations claimed superiority, but on different grounds. The Qahtan, due to
the prestige of their southern kingdoms and culture before Islam, felt that
they were superior to their enemies (the Qays). However, the origins of
Islam and the preponderance of the Quraysh tribe (a tribe of the Maàdd
group) gave the Northern tribes a more prestigious position among Arabs
and all Muslims. The Northern tribes frequently asserted that the Jahiliyah
(the pre-Islamic period of ignorance) is associated with the Yemenites,
while Islam is associated with the Mudar. 30 They also said very proudly that
the Prophet arose from their group to transmit the revelation and that the
expected caliph will rise from among them. 31
In his Al-Farq bayna al-Firaq, al-Baghdadi (d. 1037) described the
pride of the Quraysh tribe for receiving the revelation. Furthermore, they
asserted that “The imamate must not be, save among the Quraysh” and fre-
quently repeated the hadith (pl. ahadith) of Prophet Muhammad: “The
Imams are of the Quraysh”32 as well as the tradition attributed to Abu Bakr
that the Quraysh were the most noble of all Arabs. 33 They also remembered
what Abu Bakr said concerning the leadership of the Quraysh and the sub-
mission of others, even the Ansar: “Nahnu al-Umara’ wa Antum al-Ansar”
(“We are the Amirs and you are the helpers [supporters].”).
All of these ideas made the Northern tribes feel proud and superior to
the Southern tribes. The fact that the Qur’an was transmitted in Arabic to a
Qurayshi was also emphasized over the centuries, especially the importance
of Arabic in maintaining Muslim unity and the ummah’s integrity. Several
Muslim scholars wrote on Arabic’s importance and the Quraysh’s prestige.
For example, Ibn Qutaybah (d. 889?) wrote in his Ta’wil al-Qur’an about
Arabic’s importance for the revelation and the unity that it gave Muslims.34
Al-Suyuti (d. 1505), in his Al-Itqan fi Ùlum al-Qur’an, emphasized its
importance and the Qur’an’s revelation to a Qurayshi, and referred to the
importance of using one language for the sake of unity. 35
The Yemenites responded in several ways. The Southern tribes
described the greatness of their past, made Qahtan a son of Prophet Hud,
and gave him some other special genealogical origins. They also claimed
that Qahtan was a direct descendant of Ismaìl, the “father of all Arabs,” as
Ibn Hisham, al-Tabari, and other Muslim historians explained.36 Ibn
Hisham not only mentioned what the Yemenites believed and thought about
their own origins, but also their opinions about being direct descendants of
Ismaìl. He wrote:
All Arabs are descended from Ismaìl and Qahtan. Some of the people of
Yaman claim that Qahtan was a son of Ismaìl and so, according to them,
Ismaìl is the father of all Arabs. 37
The tribes played an important political role during the Umayyad

period. Despite the fact that Islam preached equality (musawah) of all peo-
ple, in which tribal origin supposedly would have no effect, the tribes were
always important. Belonging to a particular tribe could have meant either a
prestigious position or a severe social limitation.
The caliphs’ policies had a direct impact upon tribal power and land
ownership, for both the Mudar and the Qahtan could improve their position
via royal support. However, the local administration of certain parts of
Khurasan was left to the dahaqin (the Persian aristocracy). According to the
terms of surrender between ‘Umar and the conquered Persians, the local
dahaqin levied the tributes without direct Arab interference and paid them
to the ruling Arabs, after keeping a considerable part for themselves. Despite
this local administration, the whole region was undoubtedly controlled by
the Arabs, especially the Northern tribes, who were usually well-connected
with the ruling class in Damascus (a good example of this was the govern-
ment of Ibn Zuràh, who had the support of the Qaysites) and managed to
secure more privileges and a better position than the Qahtan tribes.
Sometimes, various tribes were granted special privileges and leading posi-
tions, a situation that was detrimental to other groups.
Many things were expected in return for these privileges and patronage,
such as establishing a better control of the empire’s frontiers and collecting
taxes. The major privileges granted were land, administrative positions in
cities and provinces, command in various military expeditions, booty allot-
ments, patronage, tax exemption, and favoritism in trade, industry, and min-
ing. The rulers even allowed certain governors permission to mint coins and
granted political-religious administrative positions, such as Qadi al-Islam
(judge of Islam) qadi of a city, Shaykh al-Balad (chief of a village), Sahib
al-Madinah (inspector of the city), Sahib al-Saqiyah (inspector of irrigation
and water distribution), and Sahib al-Suq (inspector of the market, later also
called muhtasib). These positions gave the holders power and prestige.
Some people improved their socioeconomic situation via favoritism and
the grant of privileges. Although the Arabic sources speak about two social
classes, the khassah (elite) and the àmmah (general public), favoritism and
privileges helped develop a middle class, so-called for lack of a better term.
This proves that there was a degree of social mobility. It was also possible
to join the middle class through education (become a member of the ulama)
and through success in trade, industry, and agriculture.
Throughout Islamic history, the opposite process also occurred. In
many instances, middle-class people lost their patrons or their property, or
saw their businesses collapse. Such events jeopardized their social status,
and, by impoverishing them, forced them to become part of the àmmah
(ra’ya in the Ottoman period). Those tribes not favored by the system
fought against it, hoping to gain the same privileges from a new govern-
ment. The betterment of those favored tribes stirred the envy, opposition,
and anger of the unfavored tribes. This led them to fight against their tradi-
tional enemies and against the Umayyad caliph, their enemies’ major sup-
porter. These tribal disputes, although ancient and traditional, assumed very
clear political and socioeconomic causes during the Umayyad period.
The possession and use of land brought many benefits to those in
charge. However, rather than cultivating their land with their own hands,
they used peasants or hired others through various agricultural contracts
(muzaraàh, mugharasah, musaqah) to do their work, and then enjoyed the
resulting revenues. However, they were supposed to respect and follow the
tradition of ihya’ al-ard al-mayyitah (revivifying the dead land, namely,
land reclamation). In an agricultural society, who received the revenues that
the land produced as well as who owned the parcels (qatiàh, pl. qataì’) of
land was extremely important.38
In dealing with such issues of land ownership, agriculture, parcels, and
so on, one has to remember that at the beginning of the expansion, these
tribes were not supposed to settle down, but were to live in the garrison cities
(misr, pl. amsar). But they did settle down and acquire land, and the caliphs
granted them privileges. After this, they lived among the mawali and the
Persians in Khurasan and Iraq. They even adopted some Persian religious
celebrations, spoke Persian in their daily market transactions, and dressed
like Persians in that part of the empire.39 Shortly afterward, they were
engaged in trade between Khurasan and Ma wara’ al-Nahr.
Those granted important political administrative positions benefited a
great deal. In most cases they were in charge of tax collection, and usually
profited personally from the revenues. The case of Yazid ibn al-Muhallab in
Iraq and Khurasan, whether or not he illegally acquired personal benefits
from this activity, is a clear example. Caliph Ùmar II jailed him allegedly
for stealing from the public treasury. This is only one of many examples.40
Those appointed to important provinces had tremendous administrative

power and often chose members of their own tribes to rule smaller provinces
and cities, as well as to raise and command armies in the wars of expansion.
For example, Khalid ibn Àbd Allah al-Qasri, governor of Iraq (724-38) dur-
ing Hisham’s (724-43) reign, appointed his brother Asad al-Qasri on two
occasions (724-26 and 734-38) as governor of Khurasan. Some tribes who
occupied administrative positions became extremely powerful. The best
example is the Thaqafi tribe, with al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf under Àbd al-Malik
(685-705) and al-Walid I (705-15). Another case was the already mentioned
Yazid ibn al-Muhallab of the Azd Southern tribe.
In their administrative positions, the governors and army commanders
gained considerably both in their persons and in their tribes. Some became
so powerful and rich that they revolted against the caliph. These rebellions
were numerous, such as the one led byÀbd al-Rahman ibn al-Ashàth.
Other governors became so powerful that the caliph removed them before
they could challenge him and establish independent states. Examples of this
are Musa ibn Nusayr’s removal in Ifriqiyah and al-Andalus, and also his
client Tariq ibn Ziyad during al-Walid I’s reign. 41 Ùmar II’s removal of
Yazid ibn al-Muhallab can be interpreted in the same way. Other governors
were removed because of inter-tribal fighting and rivalry, such as Yazid ibn
al-Muhallab, who was replaced by Qutaybah ibn Muslim. If the governors
of provinces and rulers of cities belonged to the same Umayyad ruling fam-
ily, they also profited from the properties (real estate) and luxurious houses
built with public money and given to members of the Marwanid family.
Those chosen by the caliph or his representatives (na’ib, pl. nuwwab) in
the provinces as governors (àmil, pl. ùmmal) to lead military expeditions
for new conquests also benefited greatly. In most cases, both the leaders and
their tribes profited from the booty . In the expansionist wars there was, right
from the outset, the promise of sharing the booty among the participants.
This promise was an important incentive for Arab tribes to enroll in those
campaigns. In this respect, one has to bear in mind two important issues.
First, both the Northern and Southern tribes conducted and benefited
from Islam’s expansion and conquests. Since the time of Ùmar, the Qays
tribes always favored new expansionist wars in order to benefit economi-
cally. The Qahtan tribes also favored Islam’s expansion and directed it
toward the west. The Southern tribes mainly shared with the Shuùbiyah
the projects for assimilation (i.e., acceptance and equal treatment for non-
Arab converts [mawali]). It is relevant, as well, to remember that the
Yemenite tribes also organized and participated in expansionist wars
(again, the case of Yazid ibn al-Muhallab is a good example in this respect).
In fact, on numerous occasions the inter-tribal rivalries in Iraq and
Khurasan were sparked by the expansionist wars and the share of booty,
and also because of the way the Mudar, in defense of their own group,
blocked the Yemenites from participating in such campaigns.
Second, despite the great number of Arabs who moved to Iraq,
Khurasan, North Africa, and al-Andalus, they were always a minority
(although the ruling group) population among the local Persians, Berbers,
or Visigoths. For their expansionist wars, the Arabs had to enroll and orga-
nize armies of local people. The armies organized by Tariq ibn Ziyad and
Musa ibn Nusayr to capture al-Andalus were mainly Berber. 42 In the east,
Qutaybah ibn Muslim drafted local Persians who had participated in the
conquest of Central Asia as far away as Farghana. His army, like many sim-
ilar armies organized for the expansionist wars by Arab military leaders in
the east, was composed mainly of mawali. However, the mawali were not
treated as equals of Arab Muslims, for they received a smaller share of the
booty. Arabic sources are explicit about this and show how much discrim-
ination took place in the allotment of the booty.
This unjust treatment of Persians and Berbers conscripts was an impor-
tant reason for the mawali revolts both in the east and the west, in North
Africa and al-Andalus.43 In al-Andalus, for example, land distribution was
a contentious issue. Arabs controlled the best lands, and Berbers were con-
fined to the most arid regions of Galicia, León, Asturias, La Mancha, and
Extremadura. Abu al-Àbbas Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ìdhari even
affirmed that Berbers disliked living in cities and preferred those arid lands
because they resembled their native territories in North Africa.44 These opin-
ions of a major chronicler should, obviously, be taken carefully.
Umayyad Politics and Government: Administration, Tribal

Divisions, and the Origins of the Àbbasid Revolution
The numerous privileges granted by the Umayyads to the Northern tribes
with respect to land ownership, commanding and leading positions, tax
exemption, and others upset the Qahtan. The Southerners opposed both the
Mudar and the Umayyads and fought strongly against their enemies in Iraq
and Khurasan. This led to the Umayyads’ collapse and the Àbbasids’ rise
to power. It is important to keep in mind that the Àbbasids gained power
not only because of the Southern tribes’ support, but for many other reasons
as well, such as the involvement of the mawali and other groups. The analy-
sis of their disputes in other parts of the empire, although mentioned for
North Africa and al-Andalus, is beyond the scope of this essay when deal-
ing with the Àbbasid revolution, since it had little impact on the West.
The first three Umayyad caliphs, Muàwiyah (661-80),45 Yazid (680-
83), and Muàwiyah II (683-84),47 who formed the Sufyaniyah Umayyad
46
family, supported the Southern tribes. According to al-Tabari, Muàwiyah

encouraged and even ordered the settlement of 50,000 Azd families in
Khurasan.48 They settled mainly in Merv (Marw) and its environs. He helped
them because they had supported Talhah and al-Zubayr against Àli and thus
were reputed to be anti-Àlid.49 The Northern tribes opposed these measures.
However, no fighting took place in Jazirah (Iraq) or Syria, probably due to
the fear of the caliph and his tight administration. The Mudar-Qahtan
rivalry was reactivated in those areas after Muàwiyah’s death, especially
under Yazid, who was challenged by the fitnah (civil war) of Àbd Allah ibn
al-Zubayr. Yazid faced the opposition of some Northern tribes that support-
ed Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hijaz, because of his pro-Qahtan policy. 50
Marwan I (684-85), who succeeded Muàwiyah ibn Yazid, 51 started the
Marwanid Umayyad dynasty, the second and last Umayyad ruling family.
His mother was a Kalbi, and thus he relied on the Qahtan tribes. The Qays
did not like the predominant position of their enemies, the Kalbis, and
opposed the rulers. Some Qays tribes, especially the Sulaym, the Àmir, and
the Ghatafan, supported Àbd Allah ibn al-Zubayr’s claims in the Hijaz.52 Al-
Baladhuri wrote that Ibn Ziyad, governor of the Khurasan province that
included Sistan, was neither respected nor accepted by the tribes. Due to
these reasons, he fled that region and joined Ibn al-Zubayr.53 However, a
large percentage of Southern Arabs had moved to and settled in Khurasan,
following Muàwiyah’s order, only to find that the Northern tribes had
already occupied the best land.
These facts explain, in part, the inter-tribal rivalries in both places,
especially for economic and political reasons. For example, in Iraq Arabs
moved in and settled mainly in the fertile lands of Kufah and Basrah. Those
who arrived first viewed the late-comers as a challenge to their position.
Thus, problems arose because those who were not favored by the land dis-
tribution resented the privileged status enjoyed by the region’s “old” Arabs.
The Yemenites fought the Mudar in Iraq because the Northern tribes
monopolized the best lands and blocked the Southern tribes from partici-
pating in the profitable expansionist wars in Armenia. 54 On the other hand,
the Mudar opposed and fought the Qahtan who had settled in Khurasan, a
region where there were more Northern than Southern tribes. Aside from
this, the former claimed more rights for having participated directly in the
conquest.55
Contrary to the Sufyanids’ more indirect way of governing, the
Marwanids always tried to balance the ashraf (the tribal leaders) and the
governors through a centralized system of government. The Marwanids
also established an army that was responsible to the Amir al-Mu’minin and
the governors and served as the main instrument for the empire’s central-
ization, defense, and administration. For the first time, it was loyal to the
caliph. 56 Syrian troops, who formed the imperial army, were sent to differ-
ent parts of the empire to put down revolts, centralize the administration,
and keep direct control of the empire. However, their presence in Iraq and
Khurasan caused further problems, as a result of the antagonism between
Syria and Iraq. Syrian troops were also sent to North Africa and al-Andalus
to stop Berber revolts. For example, Hisham sent Syrian troops (led by Balj
ibn Bishr) to subdue the Berber revolt in North Africa and al-Andalus. In
the Iberian Peninsula, inter-tribal feuds also occurred during the presence
of Syrian troops, since the governorship of al-Andalus was Yemenite.
During the Marwanid period, the caliphs started relying on military men
as governors. Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf is a clear example of a person of humble
origins rising to important positions through military services, which he
began in the shurtah (police) of Damascus. He eventually became the archi-
tect of Àbd al-Malik ibn Marwan’s military, political, and economic
reforms. 57 As part of the centralization program, the Marwanids started new
institutions with a clear purpose. The barid (postal system) was very well
organized both as an efficient communication system and as an excellent
way to keep the government informed about possible problems or revolts in
the provinces. The writing and sealing of documents were developed
through the institutions of diwan al-rasa’il and diwan al-khatam.
The Marwanids also introduced a specific Muslim coinage in their
lands, replacing the old Sasanid and Byzantine coins. Real Muslim coins
were minted under Àbd al-Malik and his governor al-Hajjaj. They were
purely epigraphic and without the ruler’s portrait, for Islam forbids the
depiction of any human or animal figures.58 Having their own coins, along
with the Syrian army and the centralization plans, gave the Marwanid
Umayyad dynasty, great power, and efficient control of the empire.
Àbd al-Malik ibn Marwan (685-705), who succeeded the brief reign
of Marwan I 59 and married a Qaysi woman of the Àbs, supported and relied
on the Qays tribal confederation, especially through the support he gave the
Thaqafi tribe by appointing al-Hajjaj governor of Iraq. By this time, al-
Hajjaj had already defeated Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hijaz. Al-Hajjaj consoli-
dated the Qays’ power in Iraq and Khurasan.
His mission was not easy, and numerous struggles were launched
against him. It is possible to infer that the caliph was aware of the difficul-
ties and problems associated with controlling the tribes, and, in an attempt
to convince al-Hajjaj to move to that area, even offered him the city-fortress
of Kufah as a gift (sadaqah). In a letter quoted by al-Baladhuri in his Ansab
al-Ashraf, the caliph wrote: Ya Hajjaj qad a`taytuka al-Kufah sadaqatan fa-
ta’ha wata’t yatada’al minha ahl al-Basrah. (Oh Hajjaj, I have given you
al-Kufah as a gift, therefore, control it so firmly that the people of al-Basrah
will be intimidated [they will be fearful and they won’t revolt against
you].” 60 Àbd al-Malik appointed him in order to gain effective control of
Iraq and to stop all rebellions. In order to accomplish these tasks, al-Hajjaj
obliged Arabs to join the army to defeat the Khawarij and to participate in
new wars of expansion. Those who refused faced decapitation, an effective
threat, although some Arabs complained about his tyrannical methods. In
such a decree, one can easily see why so many Arabs accuse the Umayyads
of brutality and despotism.
Al-Hajjaj was able to control the tribes in Iraq because of their weak
position. Their internal problems and the Khawarij threat had weakened
them to the point that, despite occasional and poor resistance, they accepted
him, especially in the major garrison cities of Kufah and Basrah. He faced a
more serious Khawarij opposition in Iraq in both the rural and the urban
areas. For example, the Azariqah of Basrah strongly opposed the Ummayd’s
control of the city. In Kufah, Shahib ibn Yazid led the Khawarij resistance to
al-Hajjaj.61 To quell the Khawarij revolts, Syrian forces were sent to Iraq.
Also during this time, the garrison city of al-Wasit was founded, according
to the sources, mainly to serve as a base for the Syrian troops.62
Although al-Hajjaj tried to balance the Arab tribal disputes and power
struggles, and although he appointed al-Muhallab ibn Sufrah and Yazid ibn
al-Muhallab of the Azd tribe as governors of Khurasan and kept them there
for several years, in the long run he favored the Qays’ power. Later on, he
replaced Yazid ibn al-Muhallab with Qutaybah ibn Muslim, a Qaysite from
the weak Bahilah clan. The Southern tribes opposed these political mea-
sures, and new tensions arose between the two tribal confederations.
Qutaybah ibn Muslim governed Khurasan for 10 years (705-15) and
favored the expansionist wars, as proved by his numerous successful con-
quests in Central Asia. He conquered those important cities that contributed
so much to Islam’s greatness: Samarqand, 63 Bukhara,64 Paykand, 65 and
Khwarizm. 66 His armies went as far as Farghana. 67 However, al-Walid I’s

(705-15) succession to power had a direct impact upon Khurasan and the
administration of Central Asia. Al-Walid I was very careful not to irritate the
Kalbis in those campaigns organized by Qutaybah ibn Muslim68 and was
concerned that neither the Syrian nor the Iraqi armies were strong enough to
participate in long and dangerous Central Asian campaigns. This is a major
reason why Qutaybah ibn Muslim drafted local people into his army.69
Since Sulayman (715-17) 70 supported the Yemenites and tried to bal-
ance the Qays’ power, Al-Walid I’s sudden death and the rise of the rival
party made Qutaybah ibn Muslim fear for his position. Hoping that his
army would support him, he revolted against Sulayman in 715. However,
his army deserted and killed him that same year.
This revolt exemplifies the eastern regions’ political instability, as well
as their inter-tribal struggle for power, prestige, and influence. Furthermore,
one has to keep in mind that while al-Hajjaj’s policies encouraged land own-
ership and other privileges for the Northern tribes, the Yemenites demanded
equal treatment.71 Ìzz al-Din ibn al-Athir, in his Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh, also
described these inter-tribal problems and the Azd tribe’s opposition to the
final aman of al-Hajjaj. Tribal rivalries broke out again for the same old eco-
nomic and political reasons even before al-Hajjaj dismissed Yazid ibn al-
Muhallab, the Azd governor of Khurasan, and replaced him with Qutaybah
ibn Muslim. 72 At this point, a new alliance between the Azd and the Rabiàh
was established to defend their interests and to oppose the Tamim.
These inter-tribal problems were exacerbated by the Marwanids’ appro-
priating and then dividing land among their family members and tribal
allies. This policy, clearly developed in the practice of the sawafi (gain land
capable of cultivation from deserts, marshes, and the sea), which was pur-
sued by Àbd al-Malik and al-Walid I, really angered the Southern tribes,
for the Marwanids used public funds to gain those lands, which they then
allotted only to members of the Marwanid family. Discontent spread among
many people, especially the Yemenites in Khurasan, who noted that the
Marwanids excluded them, with only a few exceptions, from public posi-
tions and from many land distribution and land ownership projects.
More social, ethnic, and economic problems arose when al-Hajjaj sup-
ported the Arabs over the mawali. This situation also aggravated the new
converts’ grievances. The mawali were ready to revolt or to join and sup-
port any rebellion against the Umayyads in order to stop the heavy taxation,
the official policies of discrimination, and the tyrannical ways of ruling. For
very similar reasons, the dahaqin of Iraq and the eastern provinces of Iran
were also in a difficult economic situation and were discouraged by the

Umayyad administration. Even the dahiqin were eager to support a rebel-
lion against al-Hajjaj. With all of these economic, political, and social
grievances, along with reduced stipends (àta’) to the army and the pres-
ence of Syrian troops in the eastern provinces, Àbd al-Rahman ibn al-
Ashàth’s rebellion broke out even before the Azdite Yazid ibn al-Muhallab
was replaced by the Qaysite Qutaybah ibn Muslim.
There is evidence in Arabic sources that after Ibn al-Ashàth was defeat-
ed in Iraq and fled with some of his followers to Khurasan, the province’s
Azdite governor (Ibn al-Muhallab) sent back to al-Hajjaj, then in al-Wasit,
only the Mudar supporters of the revolt and treated the Yemenites with
respect and consideration.73 Thus, this revolt should be analyzed according
to this understanding and general perspective. As regards the grievances
already mentioned, it is possible to note the reasons for the popular, although
limited, support this revolt gained from the different social and ethnic
groups, the major supporters being the Southern tribes and the mawali.
This revolt also had religious overtones. Both groups appealed to God,
the true religion, and other religious aspects. The rebels even called al-
Hajjaj “the enemy of God.”74 No wonder that the revolt was supported by
most religious people, the ulama (learned people, religious leaders), and the
qurra’ (the Qur’an readers), with the exception of the celebrated al-Hasan
al-Basri, as explained by Hans Heinrich Schaeder 75 and Hellmut Ritter.76
However, al-Nadim, in his Kitab al-Fihrist, affirmed that al-Hasan al-Basri
had some loyalty to Àbd al-Rahman ibn al-Ashàth.77 Thus, shortly after
Ibn al-Ashàth’s defeat by the Syrian troops, al-Hasan al-Basri went to al-
Hajjaj who, according to al-Nadim, rebuked him and then granted al-Hasan
al-Basri the pardon. Al-Hasan al-Basri never felt safe around al-Hajjaj, and,
according to al-Nadim, rejoiced when al-Hajjaj died in 714. 78
Ibn al-Ashàth’s revolt lost some popular support with al-Hajjaj’s
promises of pardon for those who renounced the revolt and submitted to the
central administration: the Umayyad state. In addition, the Syrian army was
more powerful than that of Ibn al-Ashàth. There is no doubt that the pres-
ence of Syrian troops imposed respect on the rebels, and that their mere pres-
ence convinced many rebels to submit. Al-Hajjaj was able to enter Kufah
and forgive those who had laid their arms aside. Moreover, the religious pro-
paganda also played a major role in encouraging many to revolt against the
so-called infidel Umayyads and for many to submit to al-Hajjaj, who skill-
fully spread the idea that the rebels had renounced Islam. On the other hand,
al-Hasan al-Basri also had a great influence on many people.79
The role played by the mawali was also of great relevance, since
according to general Umayyad policy, new converts were not fairly treated
because they were not Arabs. The mawali supported this revolt, for they
viewed it as a way to fight against the unjust Umayyad rule, the official dis-
crimination that considered them inferior, and the heavy taxation. For the
same reasons, the Persian dahaqin also supported the rebellion. After the
revolt was suppressed, they faced serious consequences: Al-Hajjaj removed
them from their previous position of tax collectors. Other rebellions
throughout the Muslim history had very similar causes. Their appeals for
change and equality in Muslim society were important aspirations that
resurfaced frequently. The Àbbasid revolution was no exception in this
respect.
In the long run, the Umayyad dynasty favored the Northerners over the
Southerners. Yazid ibn al-Muhallab’s revolt in 720 against Yazid II exem-
plifies both these inter-tribal rivalries and the opposition to the Umayyads.80
Thus, this revolt should be analyzed from the perspective of inter-tribal dis-
putes and enmity toward Umayyad rule. The popular support that Ibn al-
Muhallab gained in Basrah and other places in Iraq, from both the Northern
and Southern tribes, is proof of anti-Umayyad feeling. However, he
obtained more support from the Southern tribes, despite the fact that his
own tribe (the Azd) did not entirely support him. The ideology, the appeals
to religion and freedom from Umayyad control, and the Syrian troops (he
proclaimed a jihad against the Syrians) could make one think about his
proto- or semi-independent aspirations for Iraq and possibly for Khurasan.
Again, the celebrated al-Hasan al-Basri opposed this movement, as he had
done earlier with Ibn al-Ashàth’s revolt.81 Although he did not favor the
Umayyads openly, neither did he accept Yazid ibn al-Muhallab’s aspira-
tions and claims to the caliphate.82
Ibn al-Muhallab’s revolt was extremely important, enjoyed popular
support, and may be considered a precursor of the Àbbasid revolution. In
addition to Arab tribal help, he also gained mawali support. Although there
is no evidence in the sources that the dahaqin helped him, it is reasonable
to infer that they did, for they had supported Ibn al-Ashàth’s revolt. Also,
it is reasonable to speculate that they backed this revolt in the hope of
recapturing their previous position as tax collectors, which they had lost for
supporting Ibn al-Ashàth. They could also have helped Ibn al-Muhallab,
because they were interested in more expansionist wars to keep the Arabs
away and avoid the assimilation programs forwarded in the famous Fiscal
Rescript of the recently disappeared caliph Ùmar II (717-20).
For the dahaqin, Yazid ibn al-Muhallab was portrayed as a leader who
favored Islam’s expansion due to his involvement in campaigns in
Transoxiana while serving as governor of Khurasan under Sulayman.83 His
revolt had a catastrophic end when he faced the Umayyad army. 84 However,
his impact was considerable, because the Àbbasids took several of the tra-
ditions developed after this revolt. First, Ibn al-Muhallab repudiated the
Umayyads and asserted that a member of the Banu Hashim would be
appointed as Amir al-Mu’minin.85 This tradition was adopted by the
Hashimiyah and, through this group, by the Àbbasids. Second, Yazid ibn
al-Muhallab called himself “Qahtani,” which could be understood as the
one who raised the black flag (the Àbbasids’ color), the symbol of opposi-
tion to the Umayyads, whose banner was white.
The inter-tribal fighting characterizing the Umayyad period increased
during the last 25 to 30 years of their rule, because the major two of the last
four caliphs, Hisham (724-43) and Marwan II (744-50), openly relied on
the Mudar, despite the fact that Ùmar II (717-20) had kept a balance
between the tribes. When the caliphs favored the Mudar, the Yemenites
considered this situation detrimental to their own interests. The support of
a particular tribal confederation was, in most cases, crucial to the caliph’s
ability to stay in power.
The disputes between the Northern and Southern tribal confederations
were also exploited by the Àbbasids, who were fully aware of the Yeminites’
power in Khurasan and their enmity toward the Mudar and the Umayyads.
Khurasan was essential to the Àbbasids’ propaganda and their army’s orga-
nization. They had popular support in this area, as reported in a tradition.
Although written after the Àbbasids took power, this tradition says that
the Àbbasids chose Khurasan for their propaganda because its people
already accepted and supported them. However, the same tradition says
that the people of Kufah leaned toward the children of Àli ibn Abi Talib, the
people of Basrah were loyal to the memory of Ùthman, the Syrians sup-
ported the Umayyads, and the people of Jazirah (Iraq) were Khawarij. 86
By supporting the Qahtan against their traditional enemies the Qays,
the Àbbasids also gained their support in the war against the ruling
dynasty. The Àbbasid army, through Abu Muslim al-Khurasani, recruited
a large number of Yemenites, who were also good and experienced fight-
ers. Major Arabic sources contain traditions dealing with the Àbbasids’
secret propaganda in which inter-tribal rivalry can be seen as a main issue
in the Àbbasid revolution. Other Arabic sources reveal that one of the first
missions of the Àbbasid emissaries and propagandists was to approach and
gain Yemenite (not Mudar) support in Khurasan. However, other sources

offer contradictory traditions. Thus, one has to weigh the sources’ contra-
dictions as well as the reliability of various traditions and of the sources
themselves. For example, the Akhbar al-Dawlah al-Àbbasiyah contains a
tradition in which Abu Ìkrimah was told, concerning the Arab tribes:
When you comest to Marw, dwell in the midst of the tribes of Yaman,
draw near unto Rabiàh and beware of Mudar; but draw unto thyself
whomsoever thou canst of the faithful ones among them.87
These instructions were clearly directed to obtain Yemenite support;

however, the possibility of gaining the help of other Arab or mawali groups
was kept open. Concerning the mawali (Persians), the Akhbar al-Dawlah al-
Àbbasiyah also preserves a tradition that after Bukayr ibn Mahan was kept
in Kufah and Abu Ìkrimah was sent to Khurasan, one of Abu Ìkrimah’s
goals was to “attract as many Persians as possible, because they are the
upholders of our da`wah and through them, God will support it.”88 A late
source, one that is very important for the information and different traditions
cited, is al-Maqrizi’s Kitab al-Niza`, which preserves a similar sort of
instructions, but from the Àbbasid imam Ibrahim to Abu Muslim. Abu
Muslim was supposed to look for the Yemenites’ support and live among
them, probably to gain their trust, and, at the same time, beware of the
Mudar, then considered the enemy. 89
On the other hand, al-Tabari’s Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk contains
various traditions in which the mission was to approach the Yemenites, but,
contrary to the other traditions, be gentle to the Mudar (ùd al-nas ilayna wa
anzil fi al-Yaman wa altif bi Mudar).90 Several members of the Mudar con-
federation were also enrolled in the Àbbasid army. 91 How can this apparent
contradiction be solved? One explanation is that the Arab soldiers in the
Àbbasid army, which included some Qays elements, belong to the last
period of the Àbbasid revolution, when it broke out openly. The traditions
about approaching the Yemenites and rejecting the Mudar belong to the rev-
olution’s first period, when the propaganda was still secret.
The problem could also be solved by one of two other explanations. The
first is that the nuqaba’ were to attract the Qahtan to the Àbbasid cause
while being gentle to the Qays. They were to gain Yemenite support first, but
be open to obtaining the Mudar’s help as well, since all help was important
and necessary. The second is that in the early stages of the Àbbasid propa-
ganda, the nuqaba’ were to gain the Yemenites’ support to the Àbbasid
cause. Once obtained, the secret missionaries very carefully contacted the
Mudar and obtained some help from them, which is evident by their enroll-
ment in the Àbbasid army. This second idea is more reasonable, since,
according to some traditions, in the early stages of the Àbbasid da`wah,
religion (din) was the strongest call to support the movement, even stronger,
in certain ways, than tribal solidarity (àsabiyah).92
The Southern tribes, so unfavorably treated during the last two decades
of Umayyad rule, also joined the Àbbasid revolution in the hope that the
new government would improve their political and social status. The
Àbbasids were very skillful in maneuvering the inter-tribal disputes for
their own interests and objectives.93 In their call, they appeared to join the
Shuùbiyah movement by appealing to the equality (musawah) of all
Muslims. The Yemenites responded positively, since they wanted justice to
prevail. The Àbbasids also managed to transform the Yemenites’ griev-
ances into an active political and military force of opposition to the
Umayyads. Sufyan ibn Muàwiyah of the al-Muhallab family made an
unsuccessful attempt to capture Basrah for the Àbbasids in 749, which is
evidence of the Qahtan`s support for the Àbbasid cause. 94 Undoubtedly,
deep at the bottom of the Àbbasid strategy, the constant factor of Arab
inter-tribal rivalries was always present and played a significant role in the
revolution’s popular dimensions.95
It is important to bear in mind that the Umayyads tried all possible ways
to control power and gain legitimacy. They convinced many Muslims that
the Umayyads were the Prophet’s only relatives, even before the Àbbasids
started their propaganda. Several traditions, especially preserved by the later
source al-Maqrizi’s Kitab al-Niza`, report the Umayyads claimed superior-
ity to the Banu Hashim and to the Prophet himself, a claim much criticized
by several Muslims and one that tainted the Umayyads’ commitment to
Islam. In this respect, the tradition quoted by al-Maqrizi says:
[This deception on the part of the Umayyads and their partisans reached
the point] that one day, al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf ascended the wooden stairway
of the pulpit and proclaimed over the heads of those present: “Is your mes-
senger more precious to you or your caliph?” He meant that Àbd al-Malik
ibn Marwan ibn al-Hakam was superior to the messenger of God. When
Jabala ibn [Zahr] heard him, he exclaimed: “By God, I swear that I will
never pray behind him again! Moreover, if ever I see anybody taking up
arms against al-Hajjaj, I will certainly take up arms myself and join him.”96
For the Àbbasids, their claims of legitimacy had two levels: First, they
were descendants of the Prophet’s family (rida min al Muhammad [the cho-
sen from Muhammad’s family]), and second, the political activism and prac-
tices of the Shiìte Zayd ibn Àli, the great grandson of Àli and Fatimah,
had led a revolt in 740 against the Umayyads. He claimed the right to lead
not only because of inheritance (nass), but because he was the boldest and
most active of all the family’s members.97 The Àbbasids capitalized on both
grounds (the ideology and the political practice) and gained popular support
for their struggle against the Umayyds, as well as legitimacy after they
assumed power and established the second dynasty of Islam.
Conclusion
Pre-Islamic Arab society was characterized by profound tribal divisions
and rivalries. The two tribal confederations represented two different ways
of production, two opposed perceptions of the world. While the Qahtan
(Southerners) settled down and devoted themselves mainly to agriculture,
the Mudar (Northerners) were primarily nomads. Both confederations dis-
puted water, land, and trade routes. Despite their conversion to Islam, their
feuds continued and were transported wherever they went, be it to Iraq,
Khurasan, North Africa, or al-Andalus.
These tribes played a significant role in Islam’s expansion. The Mudar
directed the expansion toward the north and the east and blocked their ene-
mies from acquiring booty, land, and administrative positions. The Qahtan
then directed the Muslim armies toward the west. In Iraq and Khurasan,
both confederations disputed land, power, and prestige. Their feuds in
Kufah and Basrah, as well as the later foundation of the garrison city of al-
Wasit to control the tribes, are relevant issues of Umayyad history. To keep
power and either consolidate the empire or gain more territory, the
Umayyads exploited tribal disputes.
Despite the exceptions analyzed above, the Umayyads mainly favored,
in the long run, the Mudar confederation. The Àbbasids, in their secret pro-
paganda, which had a clear ideology and claims of legitimacy for power,
attracted the Qahtan tribes, against whom the Umayyads discriminated.
The Àbbasids were skillful enough to be gentle and attract the Mudar
tribes to their side. The Umayyad practice of exploiting tribal disputes,
skillfully used by the Àbbasids, eventually drove the Umayyads from
power and brought a new dynasty to rule the empire. The role of the tribes
was essential in this change of dynastic power. The Àbbasids also obtained
the help of the Shiìtes through the Hashimiyah as well as the support of the
mawali, both of which enabled the Àbbasids to realize their objectives.
Notes
1. Ibn Khaldun, Al-Muqaddimah, ed. Wafi Àli Àbd al-Wahid (Cairo: 1965),
passim; Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “Ibn Khaldun y el Método Científico de la
Historia,” Revista Estudios 6 (1985): 87-109.
2. Al-Maqrizi, Kitab al-Niza’ wa al-Takhasum fi ma bayna Bani Umayyah wa
Bani Hashim, ed. Von Geerhardus Vos (Leiden: 1888). Translated into
English as Book on Contention and Strife between Banu Umayya and Banu
Hashim, trans. Clifford E. Bosworth (Manchester: 1980), 103.
3. For more information concerning the kings of al-Hirah, see Ibn Qutaybah, Al-
Maàrif, ed. Tharwat Ùkasha (Cairo: 1969), 645-50. See also: Philip Hitti,
History of the Arabs (New York: 1951), 81-83; Ibn Àbd Rabbihi, Al-Ìqd al-
Farid (Cairo: 1948-53), 2:85; Montgomery Watt, Mahoma, Profeta y Hombre
de Estado (Buenos Aires: 1973), 20; Naji Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah fi
al-Mashriq khilal al-Àsr al-Umawi (Beirut: 1980), 36-37; al-Hamdani, Kitab
Sifah Jazirat al-Àrab, ed. David Heinrich Müller (Leiden: 1968), 129-31 and
205-6; al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1866; 2d ed.
Leiden: 1968), 59 and 136; al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal (Cairo: 1960),
54-55: Al-Masùdi, Muruj al-Dhahab wa Maàdin al-Jawhar, ed. G. Barbier
de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille (Paris: 1917), 4:353; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh
al-Ya`qubi, ed. Th. Houtsma (Leiden: 1883; reprint, Beirut: 1960), 1:229 and
264; al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, ed. M. J. de Goeje, (Leiden:
1879-1901), passim, esp. 1:1102, 1:1555-56, and 1:1604-5; Roberto Marín-
Guzmán, Introducción a los Estudios Islámicos (San José, Costa Rica: 1983),
passim. Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “Las causas de la expansión islámica y los
fundamentos del Imperio Musulmán,” Revista Estudios 5, (1984): 39-67;
Roberto Marín-Guzmán, El Islam: Ideología e Historia (San José, Costa Rica:
1986), 136. See also Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “Algunas notas sobre el origen,
desarrollo y expansión del Islam,” Tiempo Actual 8, no. 32 (1984): 71-79; Carl
Brockelmann, History of the Islamic Peoples, trans. Joel Carmichael and
Moshe Perlman (New York: 1960), 8-10; H. Lammens, “Lakhm,” Encyclo-
paedia of Islam (1) (Leyden: 1928), 3:11-12; H. Lammens, “Djudham,” Ency-
clopaedia of Islam (1) (Leyden: 1913), 1:1058-59; Irfan Shahid, “Lakhmids,”
Encyclopaedia of Islam (2) (Leiden: 1986), 5:632-34; G. Rothstein, Die
Dynastie der Lakhmiden in al-Hira (Berlin: 1899), passim; Roberto Marín-
Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution: A Case Study of
Medieval Islamic Social History (Cambridge, MA: 1990), passim.
4. A. Fischer, “Kays Àylan,” Encyclopaedia of Islam (1) (Leyden: 1927), 2:652-
57; A. Fischer, “Kahtan,” Encyclopaedia of Islam (1) (Leyden: 1927), 2:628-
30; Julius Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom and its Fall, trans. Margaret Graham
Weir (Beirut: 1963), passim. For the tribal settlements, see al-Dinawari, Al-
Akhbar al-Tiwal, passim, esp. 16-17 for the Rabiàh settlements in Yamamah
and Bahrayn. For the Rabiàh and the Mudar, see also al-Istakhri, Kitab Masalik
al-Mamalik, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1927), 14. For the Ghassan and Asad
tribes and the Yemenite settlements in al-Jazirah al-Àrabiyah, see al-Istakhri,
Kitab Masalik al-Mamalik, 14. See also Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 626-37 for
a detailed study of the Yemenites and their kings. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-
Ta’rikh, 4:159. (Cairo ed.); al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, 277-80. See also
Patricia Crone, Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity
(Cambridge: 1980), 43; Kitab al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq,
ed. M. J. de Goeje and P. de Jong (Leiden: 1869), 3:2-3. See also al-Ya`qubi,
Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:285. For a general view, see also Hugh Kennedy, The
Early Àbbasid Caliphate (London and Sydney: 1986), 35-37; Marín-Guzmán,
Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, passim. It is important to bear
in mind that most Arab tribes were allied with other tribes, thus accepting the
confederations. Very few tribes wished to be on their own. To confederate
was relevant for many, especially for weaker tribes seeking protection from
stronger ones. These pre-Islamic alliances had a relevant place in society.
Despite their impact, Islam denied such alliances and preached a religious
relationship of the individual with the ummah and with Allah. Islam also
preached fraternity among all people. Prophet Muhammad is reported to
have said: la hilfah fi al-Islam wa lakin tamassaku bi hilf al-jahiliyah [There
is no alliance in Islam, but respect the alliances of the Jahiliyah]. For more
information, see al-Isfahani, Kitab al-Aghani (Bulaq: 1285 a.h.), 12:157.
5. See al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1895, 1899, 1924-25, 1934-
35, 1937, 1970-71, 1986-87, and 1996 (Leiden edition); Yaqut, Mu`jam al-
Buldan, ed. F. Wüstenfeld (Leipzig: 1866-73), 3:530; Ibn Àbd Rabbihi, Al-
Ìqd al-Farid, 3:345; al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, 7. See also al-Istakhri,
Kitab Masalik al-Mamalik, 14; Reinhart Dozy, Historia de los Musulmanes
de España (Buenos Aires: 1946), 1:115-21; Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet and
the Age of the Caliphates (London and New York: 1986), 86-87. For a
detailed description of the Yemenite-Mudar struggles, and for the àsabiyah
of these tribes, see Thuraya Hafiz Àrafah, Al-Khurasaniyun wa Dawruhum
al-Siyasi fi al-Àsr al-Àbbasi al-Awwal (Jiddah: 1982), 20-28; Moshe
Sharon, Black Banners from the East: The Establishment of the Àbbasid
State: Incubation of a Revolt (Jerusalem and Leiden: 1983), passim, esp. 15.
6. Ignaz Goldziher, Muslim Studies (London: 1967), 1:54-57.
7. Ibid., 1:51-52. See also Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 2:381. For more informa-
tion concerning the poet Jarir ibn Àtiyah of the Umayyad court, see al-
Nadim, Kitab al-Fihrist, ed. Gustav Flügel (Leipzig: 1871; reimpression
Beirut: 1964), passim; The Fihrist of al-Nadim, trans. Bayard Dodge (New
York: 1970), 1:241-43. See also al-Isfahani, Kitab al-Aghani, 20:13 and 10:4;
Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan wa Anba’ Abna’ al-Zaman, ed. Ihsan Àbbas
(Beirut: 1972), 1:294; Roberto Marín-Guzmán, Kitab al-Bukhala’ [El Libro
de los Avaros] de al-Jahiz: Fuente para la historia social del Islam Medieval
(Mexico: 2001), 164-65.
8. Goldziher, Muslim Studies, 1:50- 55. Goldziher wrote: “Satires were an indis-
pensable part of war. The tribal poet boasted that he was no mere composer
of verses but an instigator of war, who sent forth mocking verses against those
who scorned his tribe” (p. 50) and: “Thus, in a contest between tribes, the
arrows flew from the mouths of poets as much as from the quivers of war-
riors, and the wounds that they inflicted were deeply embedded in the tribe’s
honour and were felt for generations. It is therefore not astonishing to learn
that poets were greatly feared amongst the Arabs” (p. 51).
9. G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam (London and Sydney: 1987), 36.
See al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1497 (Leiden ed.) for a good
study of the alliance between the Azd and the Rabiàh. See also Sharon, Black
Banners, 54-55, and 58, where he explains that in Khurasan the term Yaman
meant the alliance between Azd and Rabiàh. For more details concerning
this, see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1290 (Leiden ed.); al-
Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:399, quoted by Sharon, Black Banners, 58.
The famous Andalusian historian Ibn Hayyan dealt with these strange, but by
no means unusual, alliances between different groups. He mentioned the
alliance of the Shiìte Husaynids and Hasanids of North Africa with Àbd al-
Rahman III, the Umayyad caliph of al-Andalus. See Ibn Hayyan, Al-
Muqtabis fi Akhbar Balad al-Andalus: Crónica del Califa Àbdurrahman III
an-Nasir entre los años 912 y 942, Sp. trans. Ma. Jesús Viguera and Federico
Corriente (Zaragoza: 1981), 5:217-26. See also Ibn Hayyan, “Al-Hakam II y
los Bereberes según un texto inédito de Ibn Hayyan,” ed. and Sp. trans.
Emilio García Gómez, Al-Andalus 13 (1948): 209-26.
10. Àbd al-Malik Ibn Hisham, Sirat Rasul Allah: The Life of Muhammad, trans.
A. Guillaume (London: 1955), passim, esp. 450-51. For the Northerners’ con-
version to Islam, see 3-107, 450-51, and 620. The Southern tribes also sent del-
egations to the Prophet and accepted Islam. As for the important Southern tribe
of al-Kindah, Ibn Hisham wrote: “Al-Ashàth Ibn Qays came to the Prophet
with the deputation of Kindah (and accepted Islam)” (641). Concerning the
Azdi, he wrote: “Surad came to the apostle and became a good Muslim with
the deputation from al-Azd. The apostle put him in command of those of his
people who had accepted Islam and ordered him to fight the neighbouring
polytheists from the tribes of the Yaman with them,” (642). For more infor-
mation concerning the Kindah tribe, see al-Hamdani, Kitab Sifah Jazirat al-
Àrab, 86. For the study and understanding of al-Kindah’s expansion from
Yemen (Hadramawt) northward, dominating important parts of the Arabian
Peninsula, see al-Hamdani, Kitab Sifah Jazirat al-Àrab, 169. For their loca-
tion between al-Sham and Iraq, see Yaqut, Mu`jam al-Buldan, 3:421. See also
F. Krenkow, “Kinda,” Encyclopaedia of Islam (1) (Leyden: 1927), 2:1018-19.
For a general explanation of the Arab conversion to Islam, see Àrafah, Al-
Khurasaniyun wa Dawruhum, 21. For a detailed description of the Arabs’ reli-
gions before Islam, see Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 621, where he explained
that Christianity was found among some members of Rabiàh, Ghassan, and
Qudaàh; and Judaism among some Himyar, Banu Kinanah, Banu al-Harith
ibn Ka`b, and Kindah. The rest were polytheists. Marín-Guzmán, Popular
Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 12. See also Marín-Guzmán, Kitab al-
Bukhala’ [El Libro de los Avaros] de al-Jahiz, 44-61.
11. See Fred Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton: 1981), passim, esp.
1-49. In another of his works, he studied the role of the military institutions in
the early caliphate. Fred Donner, “The Growth of the Military Institutions in
the Early Caliphate and Their Relation to Civilian Authority,” Al-Qantara 14,
no. 2 (1993): 311-26. See also Fischer, “Kahtan,” 655. For more information
in the Arabic sources, see Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, 113-19.
12. The Qur’an provides the explanation for the spoils of war (al-anfal) in Surat
al-Anfal, 7:1, 41. The spoils of war have also been explained in the Sunnah.
See Al-Sayyid Sabiq, Fiqh al-Sunnah (Beirut: 1969), 691-92. See also M. A.
Shaban, The Àbbasid Revolution (Cambridge: 1970), passim.
13. Marín-Guzmán, “Las causas,” 39-67; Marín-Guzmán, El Islam: Ideología e
Historia, 144; Brockelmann, History, 54. For more information on the conquest
of Iraq, see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Umam wa al-Muluk (Cairo: n.d.), 4:72
(Egyptian ed.); al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, 255-62; al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar
al-Tiwal, 119-27; Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 163; Francesco Gabrieli,
Mahoma y las Conquistas del Islam (Madrid: 1967), passim; Al-Masùdi,
Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf (Beirut: 1981), 266-69; Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-
A`yan wa Anba’ Abna’ al-Zaman, 4:233 ff; Leone Caetani, Annali Dell’Islam
(Milano: 1905-26), 2 (2):831-61. For an account of the conquest of Iraq and
the taxation imposed during the time of Ùmar, see Ya`qub ibn Ibrahim Abu
Yusuf, Kitab al-Kharaj (Cairo: 1392 a.h.), 30-31; al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-
Buldan, 448-49, where he asserted that the taxation impossed in Iraq by Ùmar
was according to the Prophet’s practices (see also 300-1); al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh
al-Ya`qubi, 2:143-44. For the jund administration of Iraq (Basrah and Kufah),
see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Umam wa al-Muluk, 4:115 (Egyptian ed.); al-Ya`qubi,
Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:142-47; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 182-83.
14. Marín-Guzmán, “Las causas,” 39-67. Marín-Guzmán, El Islam: Ideología e
Historia, 72-73. For more information concerning the riddah war and Abu
Bakr’s life, see al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, 94-100; al-Suyuti, Ta’rikh al-
Khulafa’, ed. Muhammad Muhiy al-Din Àbd al-Hamid (Cairo: 1964), 27-
108; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 167-78; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi,
2:123-38; Ibn Majah, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, ed. Muhammad Muti` al-Hafiz
(Damascus: 1979), 22; al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf, 263-66; Leone
Caetani, Annali Dell’Islam, 2 (1), 510-18 (for more information on the riddah
war, see: II (1) 553-61, especially 727-28). See also Marín-Guzmán, Popular
Dimensions of the Ábbasid Revolution, 12-13.
15. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, ed. W. Ahlwardt (Griefswald: 1883), 11:282.
See also Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 142.
16. Al-Maqqari, Kitab Nafh al-Tib, ed. Reinhart Dozy and Gustave Dugat
(Leiden: 1855-61; reimpression, Amsterdam: 1967); Muhammedan Dynasties
in Spain, trans. Pascual de Gayangos (New York: 1964), 2:24. As this trans-
lation is poor and imprecise, reading the original Arabic is absolutely neces-
sary. In this essay, most of the references to Kitab Nafh al-Tib are from the
original Arabic, although for some general information and when the transla-
tion is reliable, the reader is suggested to consult the English version. See also
Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 39-60; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions
of the Àbbasid Revolution, 14.
17. Al-Maqqari, Kitab Nafh al-Tib, 2:24. See also Kitab al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq
fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:3.
18. See the major Arabic sources quoted in this essay: al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul
wa al-Muluk; al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf and Futuh al-Buldan; Ibn Majah,
Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’; al-Suyuti, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi
al-Ta’rikh (Cairo: 1290 a.h.; see also the Leiden-Beirut Ed., 1965). See also
al-Istakhri, Kitab Masalik al-Mamalik, 7-9 for a good description of Dar al-
Islam’s extensions and frontiers. For the settlements of the Arab tribes, see 12-
14, 36-55, and 78-88. Patricia Crone, in her Slaves on Horses (p. 43) asserts
that al-Hajjaj did not favor the Qays confederation over the Yemenites. To
support this idea, she provides a list of the subgovernors under al-Hajjaj
(Appendix 3, numbers 1 to 47) in which a fair division of power and positions
between the two confederations is clearly demonstrated. However, we need
to remember that al-Hajjaj, a leader and a very skillful politician, tried to keep
a balance between the tribes. But in the long run, his policies, as well as the
Umayyad administration, favored the Qays in positions of power and in land
ownership, as proven by the Arabic sources. Al-Hajjaj started a school of
rulers under his influence who followed his policies. Notably, these rulers
were mainly from the Qays. For further information concerning the role of the
Arabs as well as the importance of the mawali in the origins of the Àbbasid
revolution, see Kennedy, The Early Àbbasid Caliphate, 37-39, 42-45.
19. For more details on the importance of the various languages in the Muslim
empire, with special emphasis on Persian and Turkish in the eastern provinces,
see Richard Frye, The Golden Age of Persia (New York: 1975), 202-7, 212.
See Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom, 492 ff., where he explains the predomi-
nance of Persian in Khurasan and in Ma wara’ al-Nahr, where Arabs had to
learn and practice it for such daily activities as the inter-relations in the market
(suq). This proves that Arabization took many years to be completed. See also
Crone, Slaves on Horses, 61. For the western provinces, especially for al-
Andalus, see Ramón Menéndez Pidal, El español en sus primeros tiempos
(Buenos Aires: 1942), 33-56 and 118-19; Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Orígenes
del español: Estado lingüístico de la Península Ibérica hasta el siglo XI
(Madrid, 1950), 415-40; Montgomery Watt, Historia de la España Islámica
(Madrid: 1980), 173-74; Évariste Lévi-Provençal, España Musulmana:
Instituciones y vida social e intelectual, in Historia de España, ed. Ramón

Menéndez Pidal (Madrid: 1957) 5:118-26; Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, El
Islam de España y el Occidente (Madrid: 1974), 52-56; Américo Castro,
España en su Historia: Cristianos, Moros y Judíos (Buenos Aires: 1948), pas-
sim; Américo Castro, La Realidad Histórica de España (México: 1954), pas-
sim; Thomas Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages
(Princeton: 1979), 135-64, and 175; Armand Abel, “Spain: Internal Division,”
in Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization, ed. Gustav von Grunebaum
(Chicago: 1979), 207-30; José Angel García de Cortázar, La Época Medieval
(Madrid: 1973-74), 26-32; Vicente Cantarino, Entre Monjes y Musulmanes: El
Conflicto que fue España (Madrid: 1978), 96-109.
20. For lack of a better term, I have chosen to use “Spaniards,” although there
was no consciousness of being “Spaniards” in the early Middle Ages, nor a
clear idea of nationality. “Spaniards” implies the Christian inhabitants of the
Iberian Peninsula’s northern kingdoms, the descendants of the Hispano-
Romans and the Visigoths.
21. For more details on the Reconquista, see Ramón Menéndez Pidal, La España
del Cid (Buenos Aires: 1939), passim, esp. 23-70, 96-100, and 483-91;
Cantarino, Entre Monjes y Musulmanes, passim, esp. 116-28; Watt, Historia
de la España Islámica, passim, esp. 123-24. See also Marcelin Defourneaux,
Les français en Espagne aux XIe et XIIe siècles (Paris: 1949), passim;
Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “Crusade in al-Andalus: The Eleventh Century
Formation of the Reconquista as an Ideology,” Islamic Studies 31, no. 3
(1992): 287-318. See also Roberto Marín Guzmán, “Jihad vs. Cruzada en al-
Andalus: La Reconquista Española como ideología a partir del siglo XI y sus
repercusiones en la colonización de América,” Revista de Historia de
América 131, (2004), 9-62 (forthcoming).
22. For further information, see al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, ed. S. D. Goitein
(Jerusalem: 1936), 5:167. See also Ihsan Sidqi al-Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf
al-Thaqafi: Hayatuhu wa Ara’uhu al-Siyasiyah (Beirut: 1981), 168. This
author also asserted that Iraq became the site of the highest concentration of
Arabs, especially in the garrison-cities of Basrah and Kufah. Riyad Mahmud
Ruwayha, Jabbar Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf (Beirut: 1963), 129. Ruwayha
asserted that Iraq was the most rebellious (mutamarrid) province in empire’s
history. For more details on Basrah and Kufah, see Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif,
563-65; Kennedy, The Early Àbbasid Caliphate, 35-37. For further informa-
tion on the Arab expansion and the settlement of Arab tribes, see Donner, The
Early Islamic Conquests, passim, esp. 1-49.
23. Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan (Beirut: 1957), 636 (Beirut ed.).
24. Maurice Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Muslim Institutions (London: 1954), 108
ff. Marín-Guzmán, “Las causas,” 39-67. Marín-Guzmán, El Islam: Ideología
e Historia, 159-60; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Ábbasid
Revolution, passim, esp. 16-17. See also Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “Some
Reflections on the Institutions of Muslim Spain: Unity in Politics and

Administration (711-929),” The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences
21, no. 1 (2004), 26-56.
25. Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, 163-65.
26. Ibid., 212-20. (298-314 of the Beirut ed.).
27. Ibn Àbd al-Hakam, Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha, ed. Charles C. Torrey
(Leiden: 1920), passim, esp. 55-84, 151-56, and 158-61.
28. Al-Maqqari, Kitab Nafh al-Tib, 1:140-41; al-Ya’qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:147
ff; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif,182-83, and 569. See Ibn Khurdadhbih, Kitab al-
Masalik wa al-Mamalik, 118, where he described Ùmar’s conquest of
Jerusalem. See also Àbd al-Hamid al-Sa’ih, Ahammiyat al-Quds fi al-Islam
(Amman: 1979), 8-10; Mu’in Ahmad Mahmud, Ta’rikh Madinat al-Quds (n.p.:
1979), 54-61. For al-Andalus, see Joaquín Vallvé, “España en el siglo VIII:
Ejército y Sociedad,” Al-Andalus, no. 43 (1978), 51-112; Évariste Lévi-
Provençal, España Musulmana: Hasta la caída del Califato de Córdoba (711-
1031); Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Historia de España (Madrid: 1950), 4:13-19;
Dozy, Historia de los Musulmanes de España, 1:190-94; Glick, Islamic and
Christian Spain, 19-33; Anwar Chejne, Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture
(Minneapolis: 1974), 6-10; García de Cortázar, La Época Medieval, 51-56; S.
M. Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain (Karachi: 1984), 16-31.
29. Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, passim, esp. 2:1924-25, 1934-35,
1937, 1970-71, and 1996 (Leiden ed.); Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom, 397-
491; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 16-17.
30. Quoted by Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 145.
31. Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi, Al-Ìqd al-Farid, 3:330, quoted by Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-
Àrabiyah, 145.
32. Al-Baghdadi, Al-Farq bayna al-Firaq: Moslem Schisms and Sects, trans.
Kate Chambers Seelye (New York: 1966), 32.
33. Quoted by Manuel Ruiz Figueroa, “Imamah o autoridad en los primeros tiem-
pos del Islam,” Estudios Orientales 9, nos. 1-2 (24-25), (1974): 61-82. Àbd
Rabbihi, in his Al-Ìqd al-Farid, 4:258, quoted what Abu Bakr said to the par-
ticipants in the Saqifah affair: “We the Muhajirun were the first to accept
Islam; we possess the most noble pedrigree; our abode is the most central; we
have the best leaders, we are nearest in kin to the Prophet of Allah.” (Quoted
by Sharon, Black Banners, 37.)
34. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wil al-Qur’an (Cairo: 1973), 30, quoted by Muhammad
Husayn Àli al-Saghir, Ta’rikh al-Qur’an (Beirut, 1983), 105.
35. Al-Suyuti, Al-Itqan fi Ùlum al-Qur’an, ed. Muhammad Abu al-Fadl Ibrahim
(Cairo: 1967), 1:47, quoted by Muhammad Husayn Àli al-Saghir, Ta’rikh al-
Qur’an, 105.
36. Ibn Hisham, Sirat Rasul Allah, 691. See also 642 for the Qahtan’s submission
to Islam. In various chapters, he quoted several leaders who came to the
Prophet to submit to Islam. See Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 13-14.
37. Ibn Hisham, Sirat Rasul Allah, 691.

38. Claude Cahen, El Islam (Madrid: 1972), passim, esp. 131-47. Ziaul Haque,
Landlord and Peasant in Early Islam (Islamabad: 1984), passim, esp. 1-116,
310 ff.
39. For more details, see Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom and Its Fall, passim;
Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 21-22.
40. For more details on these issues, see Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of
the Àbbasid Revolution, 21 ff.
41. Ibn Àbd al-Hakam, Futuh Ifriqiyah wa al-Andalus: La Conquista de Africa
del Norte y de España, tras. Eliseo Vidal Beltrán (Valencia: 1966), 49-50. This
Spanish translation is only one section of Ibn Àbd al-Hakam’s Futuh Misr wa
Akhbaruha. See also Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh, 4:539-40, and for
particular information on the conquest of al-Andalus, see 4:556-67 (Leiden-
Beirut ed.). Akhbar Majmuàh, ed. and Sp. trans. Emilio Lafuente y Alcántara
(Madrid: 1867), 18-20 (30-31 of the Sp. trans.); Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Imamah wa
al-Siyasah, ed. Taha Muhammad al-Zayni (n.p.: 1967), 2:69-70, 71-77, and
82-86; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:285, see also 2:294 ff; Ibn al-Qutiyah
al-Qurtubi, Ta’rikh Iftitah al-Andalus, ed. and Sp. trans. (Historia de la
Conquista de España) Julián Ribera (Madrid: 1926), 10-11 (7-8 of the Sp.
trans.). In this respect the chronicles vary, since, in Ibn al-Qutiyah’s work,
Musa ibn Nusayr entered the al-Walid’s court before the caliph’s death. For
more information about al-Walid I, see Al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-
Haqa’iq, 3:2-16; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:283-92; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-
Maàrif, 359. See also: Abu al-Fida’, Mukhtasar min Ta’rikh al-Bashr, manu-
script no. 1641, in the Real Biblioteca de El Escorial, 123, where the author
affirms that Sulayman learned of al-Walid I’s death in Ramallah seven days
later. For this reason, he rushed to Damascus to seize power. Regarding al-
Walid’s building of several mosques and other public constructions, see Al-
Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:4-5 and 3:12; Angel González
Palencia, Historia de la España Musulmana (Barcelona: 1925), 9; Dozy,
Historia de los Musulmanes de España, 1:339-57; Lévi-Provençal, España
Musulmana: Hasta la Caída del Califato, 18-19; Chejne, Muslim Spain, 9.
42. Akhbar Majmuàh, passim, esp. 6-7 (p. 21 of the Sp. trans.); Ibn al-Qutiyah,
Ta’rikh Iftitah al-Andalus, 4-6 (2-3 of the Sp. trans.); Ibn Àbd al-Hakam,
Futuh Ifriqiyah wa al-Andalus, 41-42; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Imamah wa al-
Siyasah, 2:60-62; al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, 230-35. For a study of the
mawali formation of the armies that conquered al-Andalus, see Crone, Slaves
on Horses, 53; Vallvé, “España en el siglo VIII: Ejército y sociedad,” passim,
esp. 51-112; Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “Ethnic Groups and Social Classes in
Muslim Spain,” Islamic Studies 30, nos. 1-2 (1991): 37-66.
43. See Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 4:86-87; Akhbar Majmuàh, 6-7 (20-21
of the Sp. trans.); Crone, Slaves on Horses, 53. For more information on the
discrimination against the mawali, who were not paid for their services in the
armies in which they served, see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk,

2:1354. (Leiden ed.). See also Kennedy, The Early Àbbasid Caliphate, 43-45.
Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “Marginados y Discriminados en el Islam Medieval:
Una aproximación metodológica,” publication forthcoming.
44. Ibn Ìdhari al-Marrakushi, Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi Akhbar al-Andalus wa al-
Maghrib, ed. Reinhard Dozy, completed by G. S. Colin and Évariste Lévi-
Provençal (Beirut: n.d.), 2:7. See also Mustafa Abu Dayf Ahmad, Al-Qaba’il
al-Àrabiyah fi al-Andalus: Hatta Suqut al-Khilafah al-Umawiyah
(Casablanca: 1983), 71-72; Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “Unity and Variety in
Medieval Muslim Society: Ethnic Diversity and Social Classes in Muslim
Spain (711-1090),”; Sanaa Osseiran, Cultural Symbiosis in al-Andalus: A
Metaphor for Peace (Unesco, Beirut: 2004) 91-106, 352-60.
45. For more details on the origin of the Umayyad dynasty and Mu’awiyah, see
Ibn Majah, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 27; al-Suyuti, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 194-205.
See also Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 344-45 and 349-50; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-
Ya`qubi, 2:216-24. See also Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 43-48;
Kennedy, Prophet, 83 ff. The people of Syria gave Muàwiyah the bayàh. For
more information, see Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, 1:74. For a
detailed description of Muàwiyah’s life and activities, see al-Baladhuri, Ansab
al-Ashraf, ed. Max Schloessinger (Jerusalem: 1971), 4A:11-138. For the
bayàh to Yazid and the actual practice of a dynastic system, see al-Baladhuri,
Ansab al-Ashraf, ed. Max Schloessinger (Jerusalem: 1938), 4B:12-13; Ibn
Qutaybah, Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, 1:174-75. The Arabic sources are not
objective when dealing with the Umayyad dynasty, especially those written
during the Àbbasid period. Some early Arabic sources do not consider the
Umayyads as legitimate rulers, but as usurpers. A clear example of such
sources is the work of the Shiìte al-Masùdi, who, in his Al-Tanbih wa al-
Ishraf, explained the government of the Rashidun caliphs as khilafah (i.e.,
caliphate), as well as those of the Àbbasids up to al-Mustakfi and al-Muti’ al-
Fadl, his contemporaries. In al-Masùdi’s opinion, all Umayyad rulers were
not caliphs but kings, the only exception being Ùmar Ibn Àbd al-Àziz. Al-
Masùdi did not define their tenures as as khilafah, but as ayyam (the days or
the period) of each Umayyad rulers, with the exception already mentioned. For
example, Muàwiyah’s biography is introduced with the title “Ayyam
Muàwiyah ibn Abi Sufyan” [The period of Muàwiyah Ibn Abi Sufyan]. Al-
Masùdi also considered al-Hasan ibn Àli ibn Abi Talib a caliph, and his biog-
raphy is introduced with the title “Khilafat al-Hasan ibn Àli ‘alayhi al-Salam”
[The Caliphate of al-Hasan b. Àli, peace be upon him]. For more details, see
al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf, 276-78.
46. Ibn Majah, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 28; Al-Suyuti, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 205-10;
Al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf, 278-81. For a general account of Yazid,
see al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 4B:1-11; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi,
241-42; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 351-52.
47. Ibn Majah, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 28-29; Al-Suyuti, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 210-
11; al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf, 281; Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf,
4B:62-65; Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, l14. For more information
on the Banu Abu Sufyan, see al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 4B, passim, esp.
124-49; H. Lammens, “Mo’awiya II ou le dernier Sofianides,” Rivista degli
Studi Orientali 7, fascicolo 1, (1916): 1-49.
48. Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Umam wa al-Muluk, 2:161 (Egyptian ed.). See also
Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 24; Marín-
Guzmán, Kitab al-Bukhala’ [El Libro de los Avaros] de al-Jahiz, 48-49.
49. Michael Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest (Princeton: 1984), 248-49;
Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 21-38. The Azd tribe was one of the most
important Arab tribes, with more than 27 subdivisions that are now called
“Qahtan.” For more details, see Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 22. For
more information on these subdivisions, see also Yaqut, Mu`jam al-Buldan,
3:330 ff; on their mobilization from the areas they previously inhabitated,
especially near Makkah and the northern Hijaz, to al-Sham, see Ibn Khaldun,
Kitab al-Ìbar wa Diwan al-Mubtada’ wa al-Khabar (Beirut: 1956), 2:524-
28; on Khurasan as a frontier of the Muslim empire, see al-Hamdani, Kitab
Sifah Jazirat al-Àrab, 32; and for a clear description of Khurasan as a fron-
tier region near the Turkish land (Ard al-Turk), see 38 and 43.
50. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 5:132-33 and 136-40; Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-
Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:468-83. (Leiden ed.). See also Ibn Qutaybah, Al-
Imamah wa al-Siyasah, 2:12-13; Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 179;
Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 113. Al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi,
2:255-56 wrote that after Yazid’s death, several tribes living in the Hijaz and
many other places of the empire supported Ibn al-Zubayr. Al-Ya`qubi gave a
list of the representatives of Ibn al-Zubayr in such places as Hims, Kufah,
Basrah, Damascus, Filastin (Palestine), Qinnasrin, Khurasan, and Egypt. Al-
Ya`qubi even mentioned that the people of Egypt submitted (lit. obedience)
to Ibn al-Zubayr. He wrote: “Wa Ahl Misr fi Ta’atihi [Ibn al-Zubayr]” [The
people of Egypt were under his obedience]. For more details, see al-Ya`qubi,
Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:255 ff. See also Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 356 ff;
Kennedy, Prophet, 87, 91, and 93; Crone, Slaves on Horses, 34-36.
51. For more information concerning Marwan ibn al-Hakam, see Ibn Majah,
Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 29; al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf, 282-86. For more
details concerning Muàwiyah ibn Yazid, see al-Suyuti, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’,
210-11; al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf, 281; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Imamah wa
al-Siyasah, 2:10-11; Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 353-58; Brockelmann, History,
76-78; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 25.
52. Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “La Escatología Musulmana: Análisis del
Mahdismo,” Cuadernos de Historia, no. 44 (San José, Costa Rica: University
of Costa Rica, 1982), passim; Marín-Guzmán, El Islam: Ideología e Historia,
170-72; Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom, passim, esp. 159-60 and 181.
53. Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, 414. For more details on the Northern tribes’
support of Ibn al-Zubayr’s revolt, see al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 4:136-
40. See also Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 113, where he makes the
interesting observation that the Northern tribes joined and supported Ibn al-
Zubayr because they feared the power that the Yemenites were gaining
through the Umayyads’ support.
54. M. A. Shaban, El Islam (Madrid: 1976), 1:106-7; Marín-Guzmán, El Islam:
Ideología e Historia, 135-62. See also Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions
of the Àbbasid Revolution, 24-25.
55. Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 179-82 and 183-89; Marín-Guzmán, Kitab
al-Bukhala’ [El Libro de los Avaros] de al-Jahiz, 44-61.
56. Muhammad Diya’ al-Din al-Rayyis, ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan wa al-
Dawlat al-Umawiyah (Cairo: 1969?), 46-48; Àbd al-Wahid Dhannun Taha,
Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi (Mosul: 1985), 204-5; Crone,
Slaves on Horses, 37-39. For the army as an institution, see Marín-Guzmán,
“Some Reflections on the Institutions of Muslim Spain,” 26-56.
57. For more details concerning al-Hajjaj’s role in taxation in Iraq and the devel-
opment of iqta’, see Abu Yusuf, Kitab al-Kharj, 63; Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn
Yusuf al-Thaqafi, passim, esp. 23-24 and 85-87. Ihsan Sidqi al-Àmad dis-
cusses (85-87 and 101) the origins and development of the relations between
the Thaqafi tribe (mainly located in Ta’if) and the Umayyads. These relations
were improved mainly under Marwan ibn al-Hakam, when al-Hajjaj and his
father participated in the administration of Fustat (Egypt). The Arabic sources
contain contradictory accounts of when al-Hajjaj and his father left Egypt for
Syria, either in the time of Marwan ibn al-Hakam or Àbd al-Malik ibn
Marwan. However, the sources agree that al-Hajjaj and his father joined in
Syria the military expedition organized by Marwan ibn al-Hakam to stop the
fitnah led by Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hijaz. Whether or not that meant that they
moved to al-Sham is still a point under discussion. Later on, a Thaqafi (al-
Hajjaj Ibn Yusuf) working for the Umayyads defeated Ibn al-Zubayr. Al-
Hajjaj was also the architect of Àbd al-Malik’s reforms. For more informa-
tion concerning al-Hajjaj’s activities in Ta’if, see Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif,
548. See also the following sources: Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi,
385-386; Ibn Àbd al-Hakam, Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha, 109 ff; Ruwayha,
Jabbar Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, passim, esp. 112 and 128-42; Taha, Al-
Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 26-27. See also Ibn Qutaybah,
Al-Maàrif, 396-97. For more details on al-Hajjaj’s bayàh to Àbd al-Malik
ibn Marwan, see Al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:9 and see
3:10-11 for al-Hajjaj’s administrative positions; Kennedy, Prophet, 100;
Crone, Slaves on Horses, 42 ff. For Úmar Ibn Àbd al-Àziz following the
iqta’ institution, see Yahya ibn Adam al-Qurashi, Kitab al-Kharaj (Lahore:
1395 a.h.), 83-89; Rayyis, Àbd al-Malik ibn Marwan, 187-93; Morony, Iraq
after the Muslim Conquest, 37-38 and 95. For more details on al-Hajjaj’s role
in the shurtah of Damascus, see Ibn Àbd Rabbihi, Al-Ìqd al-Farid, 5:14. For
a general study of iqta’ and its evolution, see Claude Cahen, Les peuples
musulmans dans l’histoire médiévale (Damascus: 1977), 231-69. For more
information on al-Hajjaj’s governorship of Iraq, see Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi
al-Ta’rikh, 4:374-80. For more details on his position in Basrah, see 4:380-87
(Leiden-Beirut ed.). Al-Hajjaj also appointed a mawla in his shurtah in Iraq.
For more details, see al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:328. See also Patricia
Crone, “Mawla,” Encyclopaedia of Islam (2) (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989), 4:
Fasc. 111-12, 874-82, esp. 879; Marín-Guzmán, Kitab al-Bukhala’ [El Libro
de los Avaros] de al-Jahiz, passim, esp. 63-64, 131-32, 164-66.
58. See Arthur Pope, An Introduction to Persian Art since the Seventeenth
Century (London: 1930), passim; Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “El Islam, una
religion,” Crónica 3 (1982), 81-90; Marín-Guzmán, El Islam: Ideología e
Historia, 107-21. Concerning the mint that struck the first Muslim dirhams in
Arabic without images, in 695 or 696, see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-
Muluk, 2:939 (Leiden ed.). See also al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, 465-66,
who thinks that the first totally epigraphic Muslim coins were minted in 693
and 694, not in 695-696. Al-Mawardi, Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyah wa al-Wilayat
al-Diniyah (Cairo: n.d.), 76-77; Taha, Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-
Thaqafi,164-66, esp. 165. For the Islamic mint, see Morony, Iraq after the
Muslim Conquest, 38-51; Taha, Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-
Thaqafi, 160-81; Kennedy, Prophet, 88. See also Marín-Guzmán, Popular
Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, passim, esp. 26-27.
59. Ibn Majah, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 29; Al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf, 282-
86; Kennedy, Prophet, 93. See also Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of
the Àbbasid Revolution, passim, esp. 26-27.
60. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 4:240 (manuscript), quoted by Hasan, Al-
Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 138. See also Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 357, where he
explained Àbd al-Malik ibn Marwan’s appointment of al-Hajjaj as governor
of Iraq after al-Hajjaj defeated Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hijaz and started recon-
structing the Ka`bah in Makkah. See also Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 396-97.
61. Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1018 (Leiden ed.); Al-Baghdadi,
Al-Farq bayna al-Firaq, passim; Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 4B:90-94;
Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh, 4:365-67 and 4:437-39 (Leiden-Beirut
ed.); Ibn Rustah, Kitab al-A`laq al-Nafisah, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1892),
217; Henri Laoust, Les schismes dans l’Islam (Paris: 1977), 40-41; Morony,
Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, 473-75; Montgomery Watt, Free Will and
Predestination in Early Islam (London: 1948), 36-37; Montgomery Watt, The
Formative Period of Islamic Thought (Edinburgh: 1973), passim, esp. 20-21;
Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, passim, esp. 229-249. For more details
on the Azariqah Khawarij group, see ibid., 232-39. For more details on the
Shabibiyah, see ibid., 240-49. See also Ruwayhah, Jabbar Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj
ibn Yusuf, 154-56; Taha, Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, pas-
sim, esp. 97-101; Kennedy, Prophet, 98; Francesco Gabrieli, “Sulle origini del
movimento Harigita,” Rendiconti dell’ Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei Classe
di Scienze Morali e Storiche, no. 3: Fascicolo 6 (Nov. 1941), 110-17. For more
details on al-Hajjaj facing the Azariqah in Iraq, see al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-
Ya`qubi, 2:275-76; Crone, Slaves on Horses, 39. For the study of the Syrian
troops sent to fight the Azariqah in Tabaristan, see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul
wa al-Muluk, 2:1018 (Leiden ed.); Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 11:338 ff.
For more information on the fight against Shahib in Iraq, see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh
al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:943 ff. (Leiden ed.).
62. Brockelmann, History, 89; Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, 67;
Kennedy, Prophet, 102. For more information on al-Wasit, see Ibn al-Athir,
Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh, 4:495-97 (Leiden-Beirut ed.); Al-Hamdani, Kitab
Sifah Jazirat al-Àrab, 148; Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, 158-59;
Àmad, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 443-54. This author asserted (p. 443)
that the real reason behind al-Wasit’s foundation and construction was so that
al-Hajjaj could have a new capital from which he could administer and con-
trol his province (wilayah) and control the Arab tribes as well. In his Mu`jam
al-Buldan (5:348), Yaqut asserted that those who populated al-Wasit, besides
the Syrian troops, were generally Iraqi Arabs, especially people from Kufah,
who supported al-Hajjaj. See also ibid., 4:883, where he explained that al-
Hajjaj wanted to build a new and special city for his administrative purposes,
as he did not wish to remain in Kufah. Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-
Muluk, 6:383-84 (Egyptian ed., 1969-70). See also al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul
wa al-Muluk, 2:1125 (Leiden ed.). In his Al-Maàrif, 357, Ibn Qutaybah
stated that al-Hajjaj built Wasit in 83 A.H. Among Muslim historians and geo-
graphers, there is no concensus about why the city was called al-Wasit. For a
good discussion in this respect and for a comparison of what the Arabic
sources say, see Àmad, Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 153-
54; al-Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqasim fi Ma`rifat al-Aqalim (Beirut, reimpres-
sion of the 1906 Leiden ed., n.d.), 118. See also Sabatino Moscati, “Il tradi-
mento di Wasit”, in Le Museon, no. 64 (1951): 177-186; Amikam Elad, “The
Siege of al-Wasit (132/749): Some Aspects of Àbbasid and Àlid Relations
at the Beginning of the Àbbasid Rule,” in Studies in Islamic History and
Civilization in Honour of Professor David Ayalon, ed. Moshe Sharon
(Jerusalem: Leiden, 1986), 59-90; Àrafah, Al-Khurasaniyun wa Dawruhum,
77-82; Kennedy, Prophet, 115. See also Brockelmann, History, 105-6;
Kennedy, The Early Àbbasid Caliphate, 36; Marín-Guzmán, Popular
63. See Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 4:87; Kennedy, Prophet, 103; Ibn al-
Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh, 4:571-76 (Leiden-Beirut ed.); al-Ya`qubi, Kitab
al-Buldan, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden: 1892), 293-94; Dinawari, Al-Akhbar
al-Tiwal, 327-28; Al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:2; Al-
Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:286-87.
64. Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Ja`far Narshakhi, Ta’rikh i-Bukhara: Description
topographique et historique de Boukhara avant et pendant la conquête par
les arabes (Amsterdam: 1892, reimpression 1975); History of Bukhara, trans.
Richard Frye (Cambridge, MA: 1954), 47-55; Kennedy, Prophet, 103. See
also Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 4:86-87; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-
Ya`qubi, 2:285-86; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh, 4:535 and 542
(Leiden-Beirut ed.); al-Ya`qubi, Kitab al-Buldan, 292-93; al-Dinawari, Al-
Akhbar al-Tiwal, 327-28; Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom, 437-38;
Ruwayhah, Jabbar Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, 192.
65. Hamilton Gibb, The Arab Conquests in Central Asia (New York: 1970), 32-
35; Richard Frye, Bukhara: The Medieval Achievement (Norman, OK: 1965),
15; Ruwayha, Jabbar Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, 192.
66. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 4:87; Al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-
Haqa’iq, 3:2; Al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:286; Kennedy, Prophet, 104.
67. Al-Ya`qubi, Kitab al-Buldan, 294; Àli Bahjat, Qamus al-Amkinah wa al-
Biqa’ al-Lati Yaridu Dhikruha fi Kutub al-Futuh (Cairo: 1906), 160-61; Ibn
Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 4:87-88. See also Gibb, The Arab Conquests, 52-
53; M. A. Shaban, The Àbbasid Revolution (Cambridge: 1970), 69-70;
Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom, 436; Ruwayhah, Jabbar Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj
ibn Yusuf, 192. For more details concerning Farghana as one of Dar al-Islam’s
frontiers, see al-Istakhri, Kitab Masalik al-Mamalik, 6 and 11-12; Marín-
Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, passim, esp. 28-29.
See also Roberto Marín-Guzmán, “The Àbbasid Revolution in Central Asia
and Khurasan: An Analytical Study of Taxation, Conversion and Religious
Groups in Its Genesis,” Islamic Studies 33, nos. 2-3, (1994): 227-52.
68. Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom, 434-39; Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan,
4:86-91; Elton Daniel, The Political and Social History of the Khurasan under
Àbbasid Rule, 747-820 (Minneapolis: 1979), passim; Shaban, The Àbbasid
Revolution, 69-70; Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, 84-85; Brockelmann,
History, 82-83; Taha, Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 218-219.
For more information on the bayàh to al-Walid, see Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi
al-Ta’rikh, 4:513-15 and 4:522-23 (Leiden-Beirut ed.); al-Dinawari, Al-
Akhbar al-Tiwal, 326. For more details concerning al-Walid I’s careful policies
and Qutaybah ibn Muslim’s military campaigns in Central Asia, see Al-Ùyun
wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:11 ff.
69. Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1181 (Leiden ed.). See also Ibn
Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 4:86-87; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions
of the Àbbasid Revolution, passim, esp. 28.
70. For more information on Sulayman, see Ibn Majah, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’, 31-
32; al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, 329-30; al-Suyuti, Ta’rikh al-Khulafa’,
225-28; al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf, 291; al-Masùdi, Muruj al-
Dhahab, 5:396-415. For more details on Sulayman’s reign, see Al-Ùyun wa
al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:16-37; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi,
2:293-300. For more information on Qutaybah ibn Muslim’s revolt, see al-
Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1238 (Leiden ed.); al-Baladhuri,
Futuh al-Buldan, 422-24.
71. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 11:282.
72. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh, 4:l59 (Cairo ed.). For a good study of the
relations between al-Muhallab and al-Hajjaj, see al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-
Tiwal, 277-80. See also Crone, Slaves on Horses, 43. For more information
on the replacement of Yazid Ibn al-Muhallab by Qutaybah ibn Muslim al-
Bahali see Al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:2-3. See also al-
Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:285, where he explained that al-Hajjaj
removed Yazid ibn al-Muhallab from the governorship of Khurasan and
appointed al-Mufaddil and, later on, Qutaybah ibn Muslim al-Bahali.
73. Hasan, Al-Qaba’il al-Àrabiyah, 163-82. For more information on the Arab
settlements after the conquests (futuh), see 163-79. For a study of the tribes
after Yazid’s death, see 179-80. For the Qays settlements in Khurasan, see 181-
82. For the Tamim, see 183-89. For the Azd settlements and alliances with
other tribes, see 189-91. For more details on some of the struggles between Ibn
al-Ash’ath and al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, see al-Masùdi, Al-Tanbih wa al-Ishraf,
288-89. For the events taking place in Kufah and Basrah, see 288. Ibn al-
Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh, 4:467-69 and 4:501-2. For more details, see
4:413-16 and 4:461-62 (Leiden-Beirut ed.). Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 357;
Al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:277-79; al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal,
316-24; Ruwayhah, Jabbar Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, 172-76. For more
information on the historic fact that Yazid ibn al-Muhallab sent back to al-
Hajjaj only the Qays followers of Ibn al-Ash’ath, see 174. See also al-Tabari,
Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1318 ff. (Leiden ed.); Kennedy, Prophet, 102;
Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 30.
74. See Hellmut von Ritter, “Studien zur Geschichte der Islamischen Frömmigkeit
al-Hasan al-Basri,” Der Islam, no. 21 (1933), 1-83, esp. 50-52. For more
information on Ibn al-Ashàth’s opposition to al-Hajjaj, see Ruwayhah, Jabbar
Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, 169-70; Taha, Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf
al-Thaqafi, 84-90. This author analyzes the role of religion in this revolt,
which was supported by a great number of qurra’ and fuqaha’ (84-87). On the
other hand, Taha also emphasizes the idea that al-Hajjaj appealed to Islam as
well. Al-Hajjaj considered those supporting Ibn al-Ashàth infidels (kafirun)
and enemies of Islam (85-86). For more details on the support of the qurra’
and the fuqaha’ for Ibn al-Ashàth, see al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 11:326,
where he explained that the religious people gave the bayàh to Ibn al-Ashàth
over the Book of God and the Sunnah of His Prophet. See also al-Tabari,
Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1058 (Leiden ed.); Kennedy, Prophet, 101-2.
75. Hans Heinrich Schaeder, “Hasan al-Basri: Studien zur Frühgeschichte des
Islam,” Der Islam, no. 14 (1925): 1-75. According to al-Tabari, al-Hasan al-
Basri strongly criticized al-Hajjaj (al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk,
2:1058 [Leiden ed.]). For more details on al-Hasan al-Basri, see Ibn Khallikan,
Wafayat al-A`yan, 2:69-73. Ibn Khallikan provided al-Basri’s genealogy,
which is important for the understanding of his mawla condition, since his
father was a mawla of Ziyad ibn Thabit al-Ansari. See Ibn Qutaybah, Al-
Maàrif, 440-41, who also provided al-Basri’s genealogy, which shows his
mawla condition, as a client of al-Ansari. Ibn Sa`d, Kitab al- Tabaqat al-
Kubra (Leiden: 1905-21), 7:156, quoted by Taha, Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj
ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 87; Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom, 286.
76. Ritter, “Studien,” 50-51. See also Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest,
479. Al-Hasan al-Basri’s reputation and knowledge of Muslim traditions is
reported in several matters, including taxation. In this respect, see Abu Yusuf,
Kitab al-Kharaj, passim, esp. 11, 13, 20, 53, etc.; Ibn Sa`d, Kitab al-Tabaqat
al-Kabir, 7:118-19, quoted by Taha, Al-Ìraq fi Àsr al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf al-
Thaqafi, 87; Ibn Qutaybah, in his Al-Maàrif (441), preserved some of the tra-
ditions praising al-Basri, his personality, knowledge, and works. Marín-
Guzmán, Kitab al-Bukhala’ [El Libro de los Avaros] de al-Jahiz, 166-67.
77. For more details, see Nadim, Kitab al-Fihrist, passim; The Fihrist of al-
Nadim, 1:308. See also Marín-Guzmán, Kitab al-Bukhala’ [El Libro de los
Avaros] de al-Jahiz, passim, esp. 166-67.
78. See: Nadim, Kitab al-Fihrist, 1:308. See also Marín-Guzmán, Kitab al-
Bukhala’ [El Libro de los Avaros] de al-Jahiz, passim, esp. 166-67.
79. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ùyun al-Akhbar, ed. Carl Brockelmann (Berlin: 1900-8),
vol. 2, passim; Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, 482-83; Ruwayha,
Jabbar Thaqif: Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, 168. See Taha, Al-Ìraq fi Àhd al-Hajjaj
ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, 87 and 94, where he mentioned, from the manuscript of
Ahmad ibn Ùthman Ibn A’tham’s Futuh (2:106 b), that Àbd al-Malik ibn
Marwan’s instruction to his brother Muhammad ibn Marwan and his son Àbd
Allah, whom he sent to stop this revolt, that they were to force the Iraqis to
submit by expelling the Syrians from the Iraqis’ houses. These instructions
were influential in stopping the rebellion, in hopes of ending the Syrian pres-
ence in those regions. Moreover, al-Hajjaj’s offer of a general pardon was also
vital. However, the presence of Syrian troops was very important. For more
details, see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1060 ff. (Leiden ed.).
80. See Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 6:278-309; Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul
wa al-Muluk, 2:1360 ff., esp. 1361 (Leiden ed.); Francesco Gabrieli, “La riv-
olta dei Muhallabati nel Iraq e il nuovo Baladuri,” in Rendiconti delle Sedute
dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, no. 14, Serie Sesta, Fascicoli 3-4,
(1938), 199-236; Shaban, The Àbbasid Revolution, passim, esp. 93-96. For an
account of the mawali’s support of to Yazid ibn al-Muhallab’s revolt, see al-
Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 2:1381 and 2:1403 (Leiden ed.); Marín-
Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 30-33.
81. See Schaeder, “Hasan al-Basri,” 70-71. Despite the fact that Yazid II’s behav-
ior offended religious people, al-Hasan al-Basri criticized Ibn al-Muhallab’s
rebellion and his calls to follow the Qur’an and the Sunnah in the resistance
against the Umayyads. See also 68-69. See al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-
Muluk, 2:1400 ff. (Leiden ed.); Ritter, “Studien zur,” 50-52 ff; Gabrieli, “La
rivolta,” 209 and 219-21; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the
Àbbasid Revolution, 30-33.
82. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 6:278-309. Ibn Khallikan wrote: “Rama al-
khilafah li nafsihi” [He appropriated the caliphate for himself]. See also al-
Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 710 b from the Constantinople manuscript,
quoted by Francesco Gabrieli, “La rivolta,” 216. Gabrieli showed, after a
detailed study of the sources and all the traditions, that Yazid ibn al-Muhallab
claimed the caliphate, repudiated caliph Yazid II, declared himself caliph, and
rejected the entire Umayyad dynasty (“La rivolta,” 213-15). Shaban has a dif-
ferent opinion concerning these issues. After dealing with only a few tradi-
tions, he concluded in his The Àbbasid Revolution, 94: “There is no evidence
at all that Yazid tried to supplant Umayyad rule by any other, and it is
reported explicitly that he did not withdraw his alliance to Yazid II.” His opin-
ions should be read critically, since there is evidence in other Arabic sources
and in several traditions, as demonstrated by Gabrieli, that Yazid ibn al-
Muhallab declared himself caliph.
83. Marín-Guzmán, El Islam: Ideología e Historia, passim, esp. 78, and 158-71;
Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A`yan, 4:278-309; Kennedy, Prophet, 105.
84. Al-Masùdi, Muruj al-Dhahab, 5:454-55. See also Francesco Gabrieli, “L’eroe
Omayyade Maslamah Ibn Àbd al-Malik,” Rendiconti Delle Sedute
Dell’Accademia Nazionale Dei Lincei, no. 5: Fascicoli 1-2 (1950): 23-39, esp.
30 and 35; Gabrieli, “La rivolta,” 227; Kennedy, Prophet, 108. Concerning
Maslamah Ibn Àbd al-Malik’s short governorship of Iraq, see Ibn Qutaybah,
Al-Maàrif, 358. See also Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Maàrif, 358, for a concise
description of Maslamah ibn Àbd al-Malik’s struggles and success against the
Byzantines. See also al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:283.
85. Ibn Qutaybah, Ùyun al-Akhbar, 2:22 and 29-30; Marín-Guzmán, Popular
86. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, 3:81. See also Akhbar al-Dawlah al-
Àbbasiyah, 205-7; Al-Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqasim fi Ma`rifat al-Aqalim,
293-94. According to al-Tabari, when Abu al-Àbbas was proclaimed caliph
in the great mosque of Kufah, after the Àbbasids captured it from from the
Umayyads, he used his inaugural speech to appeal to and praise the people
of Kufah. See al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, 3:30 (Leiden ed.). I
quote John Alden Williams’ translation of this part (The Àbbasid
Revolution [New York: 1985], 154): “People of Kufa, you are the halting-
place of our love, the lodging of our affections. You it is who remained
steadfast, you who were not deflected from our love by the injustice of the
people of tyranny against you until you reached our epoch and God brought
you our revolution.” For further information, see also Àrafah, Al-
Khurasaniyun wa Dawruhum, 81; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of

the Àbbasid Revolution, 93-94.
87. Akhbar al-Dawlah al-Àbbasiyah, 202-4, quoted by Sharon, Black Banners,
158. For more details concerning Abu Ikrimah preaching the Àbbasid
da`wah in Khurasan, see al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, 333; al-Ya`qubi,
Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:312. Àrafah, Al-Khurasaniyun wa Dawruhum, 49. See
also Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 93-94.
88. Akhbar al-Dawlah al-Àbbasiyah, 204. See also Marín-Guzmán, Popular
Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 95-96.
89. Al-Maqrizi, Kitab al-Niza`, 88. Imam Ibrahim’s instructions to Abu Muslim,
as preserved by al-Maqrizi, were: “You are one of us, the House of the
Prophet; observe faithfully my instructions to you. Look to this group of the
Yamanis; treat them with honour and dwell amongst them, for God will only
bring this affair to a successful conclusion by means of their support. But be
wary of how you handle Rabià, and as for Mudar, they are the enemy who
lurks close to your door. So kill anyone whose loyalty you are doubtful
about; if you are able to clear Khurasan of every single Arabic speaker, then
do it, and if there is any youth who has reached five spans in height and you
are suspicious about him, then kill him.” Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-
Muluk, 3:25-26 (Leiden ed.) also relates Imam Ibrahim’s letter to Abu
Muslim, in which the imam ordered him to kill all the Arabic speakers in
Khurasan. What does this tradition really mean? Was it created after the
Àbbasids took power as an anti-Arab feeling? At this point, it is difficult to
determine it using the Arabic sources. On the other hand, al-Tabari also pre-
served different traditions about these events, sometimes even in clear con-
tradiction. For a detailed study of the various traditions, see Jacob Lassner,
Islamic Revolution and Historical Memory: An Inquiry into the Art of
Àbbasid Apologetics (New Haven: 1986), passim, esp. 62-71. See also
Àrafa, Al-Khurasaniyun wa Dawruhum, 79, where she analyzed Marwan
II’s fear that the Àbbasids could spread their revolt to other parts of the
empire. For this reason, the caliph decided to keep Ibrahim in prison. For
more details concerning these events, see al-Dinawari, Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal,
359; al-Ya`qubi, Ta’rikh al-Ya`qubi, 2:342-43; Al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi
Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:183 ff. See also Cahen, Les peuples musulmans, 149-
50; Crone, Slaves on Horses, 65. Crone asserted that this important leader of
the Àbbasid revolution died in Marwan II’s prison. See also al-Tabari,
Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Mulak, 3:42 (Leiden ed.), where al-Tabari explained
that despite the existence of various traditions, Ibrahim died in Marwan’s
prison. See also Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid
Revolution, 93.
90. Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Mulak, ed. Muhammad Abu al-Fadl Ibrahim
(Cairo: 1976), 7:49, quoted by Àrafah, Al-Khurasaniyun wa Dawruhum, 50.
See also Cahen, Les peuples musulmans, 137, where he analyzed the tribal
rivalries between Northern and Southern confederations. Cahen also pointed

out that the Àbbasids capitalized on these rivalries. The anonymous author of
Al-Ùyun wa al-Hada’iq fi Akhbar al-Haqa’iq, 3:183-84 also preserved the
various traditions about these inter-tribal rivalries and the Àbbasid approach to
the tribes. See also Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid
Revolution, 94.
91. Sharon, Black Banners, 223-26. See also Moshe Sharon, “The Military
Reforms of Abu Muslim, Their Background and Consequences,” Studies in
Islamic History and Civilization in Honour of Professor David Ayalon, ed.
Moshe Sharon (Jerusalem and Leiden: 1986), 105-43. For further details, see
also Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 94.
92. Sharon, Black Banners, passim, esp. 158-59; Lassner, Islamic Revolution,
passim, esp. 45, for a clear case study of Àli ibn Àbd Allah al-Sajjal, accord-
ing to the Àbbasid tradition. For more details on the idea of àsabiyah, see
Ibn Khaldun, Al-Muqaddimah, passim, esp.141 ff; Àrafah, Al-Khurasaniyun
wa Dawruhum, 51. See also Akhbar al-Dawlah al-Àbbasiyah, 144-45. See
also Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, 94.
93. For more details concerning Àbbasid da`wah, see Moshe Sharon, “The
Àbbasid Da’wa Re-examined,” Arabic and Islamic Studies, no. 1 (1973): 10-
14; Kennedy, The Early Àbbasid Caliphate, 44-45; Marín-Guzmán, Popular
Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, passim, esp. 81-96 and 108-14.
94. For more details, see al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf, fos. 612-14, quoted by
Kennedy, The Early Àbbasid Caliphate, 44-45.
95. The secret propaganda led by the Àbbasids for around 30 years (718-47)
allowed them to gain the support of the Southern tribes and of numerous
members of the Mudar confederation, as well as the mawali and the Shiìtes.
The Shiìtes acceptance came through the Hashimiyah and Abu Hashim’s
apparent designation of Muhammad ibn Àli, leader of the Àbbasid group,
as his successor. For further details, see Sabatino Moscati, “Il Testamento di
Abu Hashim,” Rivista degli Studi Orientali, no. 27: Fascicoli 1-4, (1952): 28-
46; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the Àbbasid Revolution, passim,
esp. 81-96.
96. Al-Maqrizi, Kitab al-Niza`, 68.
97. Kennedy, The Early Àbbasid Caliphate, 40. For more details on the political
and religious contexts, see also Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of the
Àbbasid Revolution, passim, esp. 60-68.

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What were the two major tribal confederations in Arab society?

What were the two major tribal confederations in Arab society?

What role did Arab tribes play in the early Islamic empire?

What role did Arab tribes play in the early Islamic empire?

Arab Tribes, the Umayyad Dynasty,

and the `Abbasid Revolution

The Arab Tribes: Rivalries and Divisions

invaded what they considered to be their own territory, or when nomads

pute also had an economic context in Khurasan, as well as in other regions,

The tribes played an important political role during the Umayyad

Those appointed to important provinces had tremendous administrative

Umayyad Politics and Government: Administration, Tribal

family, supported the Southern tribes. According to al-Tabari, Mu`awiyah

Khwarizm. 66 His armies went as far as Farghana. 67 However, al-Walid I’s

were also in a difficult economic situation and were discouraged by the

gain Yemenite (not Mudar) support in Khurasan. However, other sources

These instructions were clearly directed to obtain Yemenite support;

Instituciones y vida social e intelectual, in Historia de España, ed. Ramón

Reflections on the Institutions of Muslim Spain: Unity in Politics and

37. Ibn Hisham, Sirat Rasul Allah, 691.

armies in which they served, see al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk,

Khurasaniyun wa Dawruhum, 81; Marín-Guzmán, Popular Dimensions of

rivalries between Northern and Southern confederations. Cahen also pointed

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