Fitzsimmons Craft2012 PDF
Fitzsimmons Craft2012 PDF
Fitzsimmons Craft2012 PDF
Body Image
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/bodyimage
a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t
Article history: Sociocultural models of disordered eating lack comprehensive explanations as to how thin ideal inter-
Received 31 May 2011 nalization leads to body dissatisfaction. This study examined two social psychological theories as
Received in revised form 6 September 2011 explanations of this relation, namely social comparison and objectification theories, in a sample of 265
Accepted 7 September 2011
women attending a Southeastern university. Social comparison (both general and appearance-related)
and body surveillance (the indicator of objectification) were tested as mediators of the relation between
Keywords:
thin ideal internalization and body dissatisfaction using bootstrapping analyses. Results indicated that
Social comparison
body surveillance was a significant specific mediator of this relation; however, neither operationalization
Objectification
Body surveillance
of social comparison emerged as such. Results serve to elaborate upon the sociocultural model of dis-
Thin ideal internalization ordered eating by providing a more comprehensive understanding of the processes by which thin ideal
Body dissatisfaction internalization manifests itself in body dissatisfaction. The current findings also highlight the importance
Sociocultural model of targeting body surveillance in clinical settings.
© 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction Rodin, 1988; Spitzer, Henderson, & Zivian, 1999; Vohs, Heatherton,
& Herrin, 2001).
In university settings, the statistics regarding eating disorder Research has found support for a sociocultural model of dis-
prevalence are alarming, as between 4% and 9% or more of col- ordered eating among college women (e.g., Stice, 1994; Stice,
lege women suffer from diagnosable eating disorders (Hesse-Biber, Nemeroff, & Shaw, 1996; Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-
Marino, & Watts-Roy, 1999; Keel, Heatherton, Dorer, Joiner, & Zalta, Dunn, 1999). According to this model, disordered eating is a result
2006; Pyle, Neuman, Halvorson, & Mitchell, 1991). When disor- of pressure for women in Western society (e.g., from media, family,
dered eating estimates for this group are broadened to include and peers) to achieve an ultraslender figure (Malkin, Wornian, &
subthreshold levels, prevalence ranges from 34% to 67% of college Chrisler, 1999; Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986; Sypeck,
women (e.g., Berg, Frazier, & Sherr, 2009; Franko & Omori, 1999; Gray, & Ahrens, 2004). Indeed, Chernin (1981) described that a
Hoerr, Bokram, Lugo, Bivins, & Keast, 2002; Krahn, Kurth, Gomberg, “tyranny of slenderness” rules over women in the United States. For
& Drewnowski, 2005; Mintz & Betz, 1988; Mintz, O’Halloran, example, the media has espoused a viewpoint that the ultraslender
Mulholland, & Schneider, 1997), indicating that disordered eating is look is both desirable and achievable, when in fact, this “ideal” is
relatively “normative” for this group. Furthermore, body dissatis- very difficult or near impossible for most women to achieve without
faction, which has been described as one of the “most consistent engaging in extreme weight loss efforts (Brownell, 1991). Of course,
and robust risk and maintenance factors for eating pathology” for these sociocultural pressures to have harmful effects on an indi-
(Stice, 2002, pp. 832–833) has been reported at rates as high as 80% vidual, they must be internalized. If a woman does not “buy in” to
for college women (Heatherton, Nichols, Mahamedi, & Keel, 1995; such pressures, it is unlikely that they would lead to disordered eat-
Neighbors & Sobal, 2007; Silberstein, Striegel-Moore, Timko, & ing. However, if a woman does assimilate and internalize the thin
ideal and the values associated with it into her worldview (e.g., in
order to be considered attractive, I must be thin), it is likely that
this internalization will have negative consequences (Thompson,
van den Berg, Roehrig, Guarda, & Heinberg, 2004). For example,
∗ Corresponding author at: Department of Psychology, University of North Car-
research has indicated that those who most aspire to being thin are
olina at Chapel Hill, CB#3270-Davie Hall, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, United States.
Tel.: +1 919 962 5989.
the most negatively affected by thin ideal images (e.g., Dittmar &
E-mail address: [email protected] (A.M. Bardone-Cone). Howard, 2004; Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004).
1740-1445/$ – see front matter © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.bodyim.2011.09.002
44 E.E. Fitzsimmons-Craft et al. / Body Image 9 (2012) 43–49
Cross-sectional research has demonstrated a robust link et al., 2003). For example, Gilbert and Meyer (2003) found that the
between thin ideal internalization and body dissatisfaction, and general tendency to compare one’s performance with others was
prospective research has indicated that thin ideal internalization significantly correlated with body dissatisfaction in a sample of col-
predicts increased body dissatisfaction (e.g., Keery, van den Berg, lege women. Morrison et al. (2003) similarly found that socially
& Thompson, 2004; Shroff & Thompson, 2006; Stice & Whitenton, comparing one’s performance (as well as one’s opinions) with oth-
2002); body dissatisfaction is in turn is a strong predictor of dis- ers was significantly associated with body dissatisfaction among
ordered eating (e.g., Stice, 2002). However, sociocultural models university females.
of disordered eating (e.g., Stice, 1994; Stice et al., 1996) currently Overall, the relation between social comparison and body dis-
lack comprehensive explanations as to how thin ideal internaliza- satisfaction has been confirmed by meta-analytic work (Myers &
tion leads to body dissatisfaction. Theoretically, women who have Crowther, 2009). Further, research has indicated that internaliza-
internalized the thin ideal would be at risk for developing body tion of the thin ideal may spur social comparison processes as a
dissatisfaction when the ideal is not actualized; yet, how do these way for individuals to gain information regarding how they mea-
individuals come to know that they have not realized such an ideal sure up to that ideal (Harrison, 2001; Richins, 1991), which in turn,
– through what mechanisms does this occur? How does a woman may lead to dissatisfaction with the body (Engeln-Maddox, 2005;
come to know that there is a discrepancy between her ideal and Shaw & Waller, 1995). While one cross-sectional study has found
what she currently is? that social comparison behavior (specific to physical appearance)
In the present study, we investigated two social psycholog- mediated the relation between internalization of the thin ideal and
ical theories as explanations of the relation between thin ideal body dissatisfaction among preadolescent girls (Blowers, Loxton,
internalization and body dissatisfaction, namely social comparison Grady-Flesser, Occhipinti, & Dawe, 2003), to the authors’ knowl-
(Festinger, 1954) and objectification (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; edge, such a mediation model has yet to be tested in a sample of
McKinley & Hyde, 1996) theories. Specifically, social comparison college women.
and body surveillance (i.e., the indicator of objectification; Moradi
& Huang, 2008) were examined as two important constructs that
may mediate the thin ideal internalization–body dissatisfaction
relation. Body Surveillance as a Mediator of the Thin Ideal
Internalization–Body Dissatisfaction Link
Social Comparison as a Mediator of the Thin Ideal
Internalization–Body Dissatisfaction Link Body surveillance, the indicator of objectification, may also
mediate the relation between thin ideal internalization and body
Festinger’s (1954) social comparison theory forwards that dissatisfaction. Objectification theory posits that within dominant
humans engage in social comparison with others in order to under- American culture, the feminine body has been constructed as an
stand how and where they fit into the world when objective object to be looked at and gazed upon; thus, girls and women
standards are not available. Comparing oneself to others, both learn to view themselves from an observer’s perspective and to
intentionally and unintentionally, is a pervasive aspect of social treat themselves as objects to be looked at (Fredrickson & Roberts,
interactions and has been described as a “core element of human 1997; McKinley & Hyde, 1996). In addition to being reduced to
conduct and experience” (Suls, Martin, & Wheeler, 2002, p. 159). the status of mere objects, women are given the message that
Further, college campuses provide environments that lend them- they have the ability to control their bodies and that given the
selves to engaging in social comparisons; specifically, women are appropriate amount of effort, it is possible to comply with cultural
surrounded by many other women of approximately the same age standards of beauty (i.e., the thin ideal; McKinley & Hyde, 1996).
with whom they interact with both directly (e.g., in class, room- The internalization of the “objectifying observer’s” (Fredrickson,
mate interactions) and indirectly (e.g., passing another woman on Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twenge, 1998) perspective of one’s own
campus) on a daily basis (Lindner, Hughes, & Fahy, 2008). body is known as self-objectification, which manifests itself in
Research has indicated that women frequently make the act of body surveillance (Moradi & Huang, 2008) – a behav-
appearance-related social comparisons (Leahey, Crowther, & ior that many women feel they must engage in constantly in
Mickelson, 2007), and one negative psychological consequence order to ensure their compliance with the thin ideal (Gilbert &
that may result when the comparison is unfavorable is body dis- Thompson, 1996; McKinley, 2004; Thompson & Stice, 2001). It is
satisfaction (e.g., Myers & Crowther, 2009; Trampe, Stapel, & Siero, via this surveillance that many women perceive there to be a dis-
2007). Indeed, comparisons made by women on appearance- crepancy between what they see and what they would ideally
related dimensions are generally upward (i.e., the individual like to look like, which often results in negative consequences,
compares themselves to someone they deem as more attrac- such as dissatisfaction with the body (McKinley & Hyde, 1996).
tive or “better off” in some area; Morrison, Kalin, & Morrison, Indeed, research has found that the development of body dissat-
2004). For example, research has indicated that the majority of isfaction can be partly explained by body surveillance (e.g., Knauss,
comparisons made by women in the naturalistic environment Paxton, & Alsaker, 2008; McKinley, 1998; Muehlenkamp, Swanson,
are in the upward direction (>80%; Leahey et al., 2007). Such & Brausch, 2005).
upward comparisons generally result in feelings of discontent and Harper and Tiggemann (2008) conceptualized objectification as
dissatisfaction (Thompson et al., 1999) because of the gap that is an outcome that may result from internalization of the ultraslender
created between one’s actual and ideal selves (Cash & Szymanski, ideal. It may be that women who have internalized the thin ideal
1995). For example, Rodgers, Paxton, and Chabrol (2009) found are compelled to engage in body monitoring as a way to assess
that a latent variable encompassing appearance-related social their standing relative to that ideal; when a woman comes to the
comparison behavior and thin ideal internalization was associ- realization that she does not measure up, discontent with her body
ated with greater body dissatisfaction among college women. may result. Indeed, Myers and Crowther (2007) found that the pro-
Similarly, Keery et al. (2004) found that the tendency to make cess of self-objectification mediated the relation between thin ideal
appearance-related comparisons was significantly associated with internalization and body dissatisfaction in a cross-sectional study
body dissatisfaction. of college women. Although these results indicate that having an
Research has indicated that general social comparison tenden- objectified perspective of oneself may be one mechanism by which
cies are associated with body dissatisfaction, as well (e.g., Morrison thin ideal internalization leads to body dissatisfaction, research has
E.E. Fitzsimmons-Craft et al. / Body Image 9 (2012) 43–49 45
Table 1
Correlations among and means and standard deviations of the measured variables (N = 265).
1 2 3 4 5
Note. SATAQ-3 = Sociocultural Attitudes Toward Appearance Questionnaire-3. INCOM = Iowa-Netherlands Comparison Orientation Measure. PACS = Physical Appearance
Comparison Scale. OBCS = Objectified Body Consciousness Scale. EDI-BD = Eating Disorder Inventory-Body Dissatisfaction. Possible ranges for the study variables are as
follows: SATAQ-3, Internalization (5–25), INCOM (11–55), PACS (5–25), OBCS, Surveillance (1–7), and EDI-BD (9–54).
**
p < .01.
***
p < .001.
Body Surveillance score. Also of note, if more than two items are Results
missing on an OBCS subscale (with a “not applicable” option being
counted as missing), then the score for that subscale is not com- Descriptive Statistics
puted (McKinley & Hyde, 1996). Only one study participant had
more than two items missing on the Body Surveillance subscale and Means and standard deviations for the study variables and their
thus a score for this subscale was not computed for this individual. correlations are presented in Table 1. Correlations were in the direc-
Construct validity is demonstrated by high correlations with public tions expected based on the literature; that is, we found positive
self-consciousness (r = .73) and non-significant relations with pri- correlations between all measured variables. However, the corre-
vate self-consciousness (McKinley & Hyde, 1996). McKinley and lation between the general measure of social comparison and body
Hyde (1996) reported a coefficient alpha of .89 in a sample of stu- dissatisfaction (r = .17, p = .005) was less strong than was expected.
dent and nonstudent women, and in the current study, alpha was
.80 for the 7-item version of the OBCS Body Surveillance subscale. Mediation Analyses
Body dissatisfaction. The 9-item Body Dissatisfaction subscale
of the Eating Disorder Inventory (EDI; Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, When examining general social comparison and body surveil-
1983) was used to assess the belief that specific parts of the body are lance as mediators, the bootstrap results indicated that the total
too large (e.g., hips, thighs, buttocks). An example item is, “I think indirect effect of thin ideal internalization on body dissatisfaction
that my stomach is too big.” These items are rated on a 6-point scale through this set of mediators was significant, with a standard-
ranging from never to always, with higher scores indicating greater ized point estimate of 0.18 (p < .001) and a 95% BC (bias-corrected)
body dissatisfaction. Garner et al. (1983) originally recommended bootstrap confidence interval (CI) of 0.10–0.26. Thus, general social
that item responses never, rarely, and sometimes receive a score of comparison and body surveillance partially mediated the relation
0, and the responses often, usually, and always receive scores of between thin ideal internalization and body dissatisfaction. The
1, 2, and 3 respectively; however, because this reduces the vari- specific indirect effects of each mediator showed that body surveil-
ability in responses in nonclinical samples, like others, we coded lance was a unique and significant mediator, with a standardized
these responses using the continuous 6-point scale (see Tylka & point estimate of 0.19 (p < .001) and a 95% BC CI of 0.10–0.27. How-
Subich, 2004). Construct validity is demonstrated by the measure’s ever, general social comparison did not add significantly to the
high correlation with body preoccupation (Tylka & Subich, 2004) model, with a standardized point estimate of −0.01 (p = .674) and
and association with eating disordered behavior (Spillane, Boerner, a 95% BC CI of −0.05 to 0.03. A contrast confirmed that the indirect
Anderson, & Smith, 2004). Reliability coefficients for college women effect of body surveillance in the thin ideal internalization–body
range from .83 to .93 (Garner et al., 1983); in the current study, dissatisfaction relation was significantly stronger (p < .001) than the
alpha was .89. indirect effect of general social comparison (see Fig. 1 for the full
meditational model).
When examining appearance-related social comparison and
body surveillance as mediators, the bootstrap results indicated
Analytic Strategy that the total indirect effect of thin ideal internalization on body
more diverse sample of women, as participants in the current study Blowers, L. C., Loxton, N. J., Grady-Flesser, M., Occhipinti, S. & Dawe, S. (2003). The
were undergraduate women and mostly Caucasian. As previously relationship between sociocultural pressure to be thin and body dissatisfaction
in preadolescent girls. Eating Behaviors, 4, 229–244.
mentioned, future research will likely benefit from examining and Brownell, K. D. (1991). Dieting and the search for the perfect body: Where physiology
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ordered eating, as well as other potentially important constructs, Image Ideals Questionnaire. Journal of Personality Assessment, 64, 466–477.
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The current findings highlight the importance of targeting body Fredrickson, B. L., Roberts, T., Noll, S. M., Quinn, D. M. & Twenge, J. M. (1998). That
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surveillance in clinical settings. Indeed, body checking, or persis-
and math performance. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 269–284.
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determine the bones’ prominence) is conceptualized as a form of a multidimensional eating disorder inventory for anorexia nervosa and bulimia.
body surveillance and has been suggested as an important focus in International Journal of Eating Disorders, 2, 15–34.
Gibbons, F. X. & Buunk, B. P. (1999). Individual differences in social comparison:
cognitive-behavioral therapy for eating disorders (Fairburn, 2008). Development of a scale of social comparison orientation. Journal of Personality
Many individuals engaging in body checking may not disclose these and Social Psychology, 76, 129–142.
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links with restrictive and bulimic attitudes among nonclinical women. Eating
as many women have been socialized to assume monitoring and Behaviors, 4, 257–264.
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body dissatisfaction. Decreasing surveillance behaviors may facili-
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of function rather than her body as an object not meeting her eating disorder symptomatology in adolescents. Journal of Social and Clinical
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