METHODOLOGIES FOR THE ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL

PARTY PROGRAMMES

QUERY SUMMARY

Is there any methodology you would recommend for There are four main aspects to consider for the
analysing party programmes for themes such as anti- analysis of political party programmes: the function of
corruption, transparency or (mis)use of public funds? the political programme, the context in which it is
Are there any benchmark pieces of research in this created, the drafting process, and ultimately its
field, best practices for party programmes and so content. There are several research methodologies
on? used to analyse party programmes in terms of a
particular policy area, but two of the main
approaches are content analysis and discourse
CONTENT analysis.

1. Political party programmes: elements of Content analysis seeks to quantify patterns within a
analysis text in an objective, replicable and systematic
2. Methods for the analysis of political party manner. It entails the codification of a text into
programmes: content analysis and smaller components in order to analyse textual
discourse analysis passages and identify a political party’s position on a
3. Benchmark research and datasets given issue as well as the relative emphasis the party
4. Anti-corruption best practices for party places on it. The codification of the text can either be
programmes done manually or with computer-aided tools.
5. References Discourse analysis is a qualitative methodology that
provides a framework for a richer understanding of
how meaning is constructed and construed in
political debate.
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Author(s) Best practices on anti-corruption for party

Nieves Zúñiga, Transparency International programmes depend very much on the party and the
[email protected] context. Nevertheless, there are universal
recommendations and measures to ensure parties’
Reviewer(s) commitment with internal accountability and
Matthew Jenkins, Transparency International transparency, especially regarding party financing.
[email protected] Finally, several studies are considered which have
ROBERTO applied these techniques to study party programmes.
Date: 16 March 2018

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official position. Neither the European Commission,Transparency International nor any person acting on
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 Methodologies for the analysis of political party programmes

1. POLITICAL PARTY PROGRAMMES: act as a constraint, becoming the benchmark by which

ELEMENTS OF ANALYSIS a party is assessed should that party be elected to
government (Hofferbert and Budge, 1992).
Political party programmes communicate the values
and concerns of a political party, as well as the ideas, In addition, political programmes can play an
the policies it advocates, and demands the party important role in structuring processes of government
wishes to see enacted. Party programmes play a key formation after an election (inter-party function), in the
role in democratic political systems as they shape sense that they provide the basis for negotiations with
voters’ decisions during elections, serve as reference other parties to build a governing coalition (Van der
points to evaluate the performance of political parties, Does and Statsch, 2016). They might also serve as a
set policy agendas and propose solutions to address means to reach agreement within a party or safeguard
societal challenges. Moreover, they structure party cohesion through the party’s commitment to the
interactions between political forces and can initiatives included in their programmes (intra-party
significantly shape government policy (Van der Does function) (Van der Does and Statsch, 2016; Thomson
and Statsch, 2016). There are four important aspects 2001).
to consider when analysing political manifestos: their
function, the context in which they are designed and Context
exist, how they are created, and their content.
Political programmes are written and disseminated in
Function specific contexts, which naturally have concomitant
effects on their content. Of the many contextual factors
Political programmes have two main types of with influence over the content and objectives of
functions: improving electoral success and managing political programmes, a particularly potent one is past
relations both within the party and outside the party experience, notably in the form of the last election
with other political forces. results. Parties’ expectations for the future might also
shape manifestos’ content, which might rely in survey
Electoral manifestos are designed to improve party polls and public opinion research (Van der Does and
performance during elections and their content is the Statsch, 2016).
outcome of a calculation intended to win votes.
Manifestos generally cover a wide variety of policy The external political environment at the national and
issues, strategically described, interpreted and international level, including the programmes of other
emphasised by the party to express its distinctive political forces, the strengths and weakness of the
ideological position on which a party competes in ruling political party, political and corruption scandals,
elections (Downs, 1957). Along these lines, Eder, political, social and economic crisis, and foreign policy,
Jenny and Müller (2016) distinguish between three are likely to exert influence over political proposals
functions that a manifesto can serve: made in the manifesto.

 provide a party position; Discord within the political party such as internal goal-
 establish supremacy over other policy conflicts and leadership struggles, as well as the
positions of the same party and thereby decision to bet on continuity or change (Adams, 2012)
streamline the party’s campaign; can also determine the function and content of the
 inform voters. political programme. Finally, the social landscape and
trends among the constituents political parties want to
According to some authors, parties do not tend to see win over are likely to be reflected in the topics covered
to increase their vote share by changing their position in and language of manifestos.
on issues, but rather by shifting the focus and
emphasis they place on various issues (Klingemann et Drafting
al., 1994). In this view, the interests of a party’s core
constituency and voter base could affect the will of a The relevance of political programmes is not merely a
party to overhaul the content of its programme and reflection of the political statements and topics
political agenda. In addition, a party’s programme can included in the final version. In fact, the processes and

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 Methodologies for the analysis of political party programmes

actors involved in drafting manifestos are not only 2. METHODS FOR THE ANALYSIS OF
constitutive of a manifesto’s content but also reveal a POLITICAL PROGRAMMES
lot about the political agenda behind a party
programme and that party’s stance on issues covered The analysis of anti-corruption measures included in
– and omitted – from the manifesto itself. Van der political programmes can be performed in at least two
Does and Statsch (2016) identify five key components ways: first, by looking at the political party’s overt
of drafting procedures: inclusiveness, centralisation, emphasis, position and prescriptions on the issue, and
deliberativeness, structure and participation. For second, how political parties construct specific
instance, the number of people involved in drafting a meanings of corruption and anti-corruption and use
political programme might determine its length, since these meanings as instruments to further their
the more authors the greater the chances of objectives in political discourse.
disagreement and the more likely that additional topics
will be included to satisfy the diverse interests. The Two research methods offer tools to undertake these
degree to which the drafting process is centralised two levels of analysis respectively: content analysis
(e.g. coordinated from the national level) or and discourse analysis. The use of one method over
decentralised (e.g. involvement of the general the other depends on the objective of the analysis. For
electorate) can also have significant implications in the example, content analysis allows one to compare the
topics and priorities included in manifestos. How position on anti-corruption of different political parties
extensive any such deliberation is, the diversity of or track the evolution of that position over time.
participants and the form of their participation can also Discourse analysis provides the necessary depth to
shape and transform party’s initial preferences. understand how political parties use the language of
“anti-corruption” as an instrument to shape political
Content reality and position themselves in the political system.

The content of political manifestos can vary depending Content analysis

on the emphasis, type and formulation of different
principles and policies. For example, not all the The most common method to assess parties’ policy
statements in a manifesto might be of the same value positions is the analysis of their written programmatic
to the political party; some statements might represent statements using content analysis. Content analysis is
firm commitments to a particular policy whereas others a research technique used to quantify patterns within
might be rhetorical in nature (Royed, 1996). a text or other form of communication in an objective,
This differentiated weighting implies that not all replicable and systematic manner. To conduct content
contents in a political programme communicate analysis the text is broken down into smaller
necessarily a policy position, and that often political components (words, phrases, themes), which are
commitments are complemented with other types of quantified and analysed in order to make inferences
text (Van der Does and Statsch, 2016). Those about the messages, authors and purpose of the text.
complementary texts can be the description of party’s Thus, it entails two phases: 1) the reduction of the text
achievements, financial statements, detailed to a smaller set of coded data, and 2) the manipulation
information of party’s candidates, and so on. The way and analysis of that data.
the content of manifestos is formulated, for instance in
terms of how they address potential voters or their Codification
different audiences, can also be informative.
The codification of the text requires three steps: the
In sum, considering these four factors when design of a coding scheme, the definition of a text unit
researching party programmes will provide a more to be coded (political programmes, speeches,
complete picture of the origin, nature and commitment interviews, etc), and the actual coding of the units
of any pledges or policy prescriptions made in them. (Laver and Garry, 2000). One of the first
considerations in coding is how fine-grained a coding
scheme should be. According to Laver and Garry
(2000), a fine-grained coding scheme –in other words,
with specific and detailed categories- is more useful
and allows more flexibility for the analysis of the data.

3
 Methodologies for the analysis of political party programmes

combination of previously manually designed

Another consideration is the types of categories, being ‘dictionary’ signalling key words with machine-coding
the most used types of categories unipolar, bipolar or of texts, or transforming texts fully automatically into
tripolar. An example of unipolar category would be matrices of words or phrases analysed using statistical
‘transparency’. The same category as bipolar would methods (Bräuninger, Debus and Müller, 2013).
be ‘transparency: positive’ and ‘transparency:
negative’. A tripolar code for transparency could be There are two techniques for fully computer-aided
‘transparency: pro’, ‘transparency: con’ and content analysis: ‘wordscores’ (Laver, Benoit and
‘transparency: neutral’. Unipolar coding provides Garry, 2003) and ‘wordfish’ (Slapin and Proksch,
information about the emphasis of an issue like 2008). Both techniques aim to compare the frequency
transparency by showing the number of times in which of words from different texts and to estimate the policy
‘transparency’ appears in the political programme. position of a text based on the differences in the share
Bipolar and tripolar coding offer information on the of used words. The difference between these two
position of a political party regarding that specific techniques is that ‘wordscores’ compares the
category. frequency of words of the texts at hand with the
frequency of words in reference texts with a known
Coding schemes can be plain, in which all categories position, and assign scores based on the similarity to
are equally important, or hierarchically structured, in these reference texts (Bräuninger, Debus and Müller,
which at the highest level there is a broad domain (for 2013).
example, anti-corruption) and in the lower levels there
are more concrete categories presenting different In order to obtain valid results, the reference texts
positions around the broad domain. For instance, should be of the same character as the one whose
inspired by the model presented by Laver and Garry position is unknown (Bräuninger, Debus and Müller,
(2000), within the broad domain of ‘anti-corruption’ 2013). So, if the analysis is on a political programme,
there could be four branches: to increase anti- it would be advised to use as reference texts party
corruption measures, to reduce anti-corruption programmes since they have similar structure and
measures, to be neutral about anti-corruption language. Validity risks would increase, however, if
measures, to display a general concern about the estimation of a position in a political programme is
corruption. Within each of those branches, other obtained using political speeches as reference texts
categories can be displayed. For example, ‘to increase since the use of words in both text might be less
anti-corruption measures’ can be divided in four more homogenous (Bräuninger, Debus and Müller, 2013).
branches: legal, institutions, transparency and ‘Wordfish’ estimates document positions by
accountability. And within ‘legal’ there can be options implementing a statistical model based on word
such as ‘reinforcement of laws’, ‘implementation of frequencies and it does not require the use of
laws’, ‘creation of new laws’, and so on. The anchoring texts to perform the analysis. In both cases,
advantages of a hierarchical coding scheme is that it the political party estimation is done using computer
provides more detailed information to infer the position algorithms, which prevents subjectivity issues involved
of a party over an issue, it allows for comparisons in human coding.
between parties, and it is flexible to adapt to real
circumstances by adding and deleting categories if In addition, manual coding raises issues of validity and
necessary. reliability when used to make comparative analysis.
For example, it is not unlikely that human coders in
There are two ways of doing the codification of a text: different countries might attach different meanings to
manual coding and computer-coding. In the first case, the same words resulting in different classifications
the text is broken down into smaller pieces and re- that cannot be compared with any validity (Bräuninger,
classified into new categories by a human coder. Debus and Müller, 2013). The reliability of content
Manual coding involves a great deal of human analysis also refers to the stability in coding the same
interpretation of the meaning of a text to make text at different times. Computer coding is considered
inferences on positions (Bräuninger, Debus and more reliable since it allocates text units according to
Müller, 2013). In computer-coding the codification of a mechanical criteria (Laver and Garry, 2000).
text is made automatically based on either a

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 Methodologies for the analysis of political party programmes

Another criterion for choosing manual or computer made a posteriori (Laver, Benoit and Garry, 2003). For
coding is the objective of the content analysis at hand. example, when looking at how a political manifesto
Some authors distinguish between two functions of addresses anti-corruption, instead of doing it from a
doing content-analysis of political programmes, to predefinition of what anti-corruption involves (e.g.
identify policy emphasis on one hand and to identify accountability, transparency), an inductive approach
policy positions on the other. According to Laver and would look at how the party defines corruption and get
Garry (2000), two parties may have different positions an estimation according to the anti-corruption
on the same issue but emphasise the issue to the components defined by the party.
same extent in their respective manifestos. In
principle, it would seem that computer coding would Discourse analysis
be more appropriate to assess policy emphasis
through the counting of a term, for example anti- Discourse is commonly understood as “an ensemble
corruption, and it would struggle to accurately capture of ideas, concepts, and categories through which
the nuances of a party position on the topic. meaning is given to social and physical phenomena”
(Gephart, 2012: 7). According to discourse theory, the
Nevertheless, Laver and Garry (2000) argue that purpose of discourse is to fix the meaning of the
computer-coding techniques are more appropriate to concepts, identities, and actions in a system (Laclau
extract information about policy positions from political and Mouffe, 2001). It is through the process of fixing
texts, whereas hand-coding deals more with policy meaning that social reality is created. Hence,
emphasis. This is because, they argue, parties’ policy discourse analysis tries to understand how meanings
positions are not solely reflected in their manifestos; a are constructed in a particular social context (Howarth,
party’s true stance on an issue may be more 2000).
accurately accounted for by studying a range of
additional documentation, such as policy papers, For discourse theorists, the significance and meaning
speeches and party conferences. It also requires of an issue such as anti-corruption is not fixed or given,
consideration of potentially contradictory policy but it is the result of the interactions and power
positions of various figures within the same party and struggles between political actors. Indeed, within any
the development of those positions over time and given discourse, like that on corruption, there are
between elections (Laver and Garry, 2000). The scale multiple rival and antagonistic narratives seeking
of the task of manually coding this volume of discursive hegemony (Gephart, 2012). The relational
documentation is a challenge, and implies that manual constellations of these narratives in a “field of
coding is more appropriate for studies of the emphasis discursivity”, variously nurtured or hindered by shifting
parties’ place on a particular topic in their manifesto. social, ideational and material forces, change over
time (Laclau and Mouffe, 2001).
Analysis
This idea suggests interdependence in the sense that
There are two approaches to analysing a text: no element or practice in a society is completely
deductive and inductive. In a deductive approach, the immune from the effects of others. For example, the
dimensions on which the estimation of the political hegemonic narrative on anti-corruption in society or in
positions are made are defined a priori (Laver, Benoit the international community influences the way a
and Garry, 2003). In other words, the political political party addresses corruption in its manifesto;
programme is approached knowing in advance the parties can choose to either position themselves in line
categories to look at, being those categories decided with the dominant narrative or contest it by
based on previous knowledge and not based on the propagating an alternative meaning. Thus, the actors
program. An example of this approach are surveys in a society formulate their demands in response to
that ask experts to place parties’ positions on a scale others’ narratives about corruption. In this sense,
with predefined categories. In an inductive approach, discourse constitutes and organises social relations
on the other hand, the analyst extracts from the and modifies reality, and a hegemonic discourse
original text the patterns and analytical categories. In presents meanings that creates a certain reality that
this case, the dimensions that form the basis of benefits one group of the society and excludes
subsequent interpretations of policy positions are another (Laclau and Mouffe, 2001).

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 Methodologies for the analysis of political party programmes

The Manifesto Project is the largest hand-annotated

Within this understanding of how reality is socially and dataset of electoral programmes available. It provides
politically constructed through discourse, discourse parties’ policy positions from the application of content
analysis offers the following analytical categories: analysis to political manifestos of 1000 political parties
from over 50 countries, on five continents, and
- The construction of meaning. In the case of anti- covering the period from 1945 until the present. The
corruption, discourse theory would imply analysis of dataset is updated twice a year and provides access
how a political party uses its manifesto to bolster a to manifestos text and content-analytical data. The
particular interpretation of corruption. Does the party main objectives are to analyse the role of parties at
view corruption as the result of personal moral failure, different stages of the political process, the quality of
perverse systemic incentives or something else programmatic representation, the programmatic
entirely? How does a party relate corruption to other supply of parties, the relationship between parties and
topics, such as economic growth, human rights or the voters, the role of parties in parliament, and the
environment? translation of the programmes in policy outputs.
‘Political corruption’ is included as unipolar category,
- What exclusions or inclusions does this particular meaning that manifestos are assessed in terms of the
meaning produce? Discourse theorists would look at proportion of their length they dedicate to emphasising
what is included and excluded in how a party defines political corruption.
corruption and anti-corruption by considering who is
held responsible for corruption as well as who is The Manifesto Corpus (Merz, Regel and
expected to lead efforts to curb it. Lewandowski, 2016).
The Manifesto Corpus is a free resource for research
- Related concepts. Are related concepts such as on political parties and quantitative text analysis that
transparency and accountability imbued with new offers a digital, open access, annotated corpus of
connotations when a political party articulates them in electoral programmes. It is based on the Manifesto
connection with a specific understanding of Project and it offers 1800 readable documents from 40
corruption? For example, do parties mobilise countries. The corpus is the result of the digitization of
definitions of accountability rooted primarily in the local the infrastructure and coding processes of the
context and adapted to local forms of corruption, or do Manifesto Project, which included the conversion of
they adopt standard definitions borrowed from the documents to a machine-readable format and the
international conventions? implementation of a digitized document coding
procedure. The Manifesto Corpus can be browsed
- Articulation. How does a party’s narrative about online or accessed with an open- source package for
corruption relate to competing understandings of the the statistical software R called manifestoR.
phenomenon? Is the party manifesto concerned with
corruption primarily in reaction to exogenous factors The Party Change Project
such as scandals? Does it seek to mobilise narratives The Party Change Project, led by Robert Harmel and
of corruption solely to discredit other parties? Or does Kenneth Janda, aimed to extract policy positions and
the manifesto include proactive and considered party organisational characteristics from 1950 to 1990.
proposals to reduce corruption? The study covers 19 parties in four countries: the
United States, the United Kingdom, Germany and
- Creation of identity. Is corruption a core Denmark. The information is classified in four
consideration of the party, does the manifesto speak categories: issue orientation, organisation complexity
of good governance as a core consideration of the variables, organisational power variables, and
party’s programme for government? coherence variables. Issue orientation measures the
party’s position on thirteen issues and each issue
3. BENCHMARK RESEARCH AND receives a score indicating if the position of the party
DATASETS on that issue is weak, moderate or strong. The study
established a framework to determine pro and con
The Manifesto Project Database positions for each issue linking the pro position with
greater governmental activity in the issue (+5) or

6
 Methodologies for the analysis of political party programmes

opposed to greater governmental activity in the issue candidatures for elected public office and, where
(-5). The study does not include corruption as one of applicable, the funding of political parties.’
the issues. Regarding transparency measures, United Nations
(2014) addresses issues such as the definition of a
Examples of similar studies on anti-corruption donation or a contribution, restrictions on the source of
In April 2015, just before the 2015 General Election in funding contributions, value limits on contributions,
the United Kingdom, TI UK published an analysis of public contributions to political parties and electoral
the manifestos of the seven major political parties campaigns, limitation on expenditure during electoral
competing in the elections called Manifestos: Where campaigns, and transparency in relation to funding
do the UK’s parties stand on corruption? There is not and expenditure during electoral campaigns.
available information about the methodology used in
this analysis. The purpose of the analysis was to Civil organizations such as Transparency International
identify where the parties stood on various corruption (2009) and IDEA (2001), among others, have also
related issues within the following themes: politics, highlighted best practices of accountability of
business property and economy, external relations, campaign and political party financing, including the
media, and policy and justice. establishment of (TI, 2012):

There are some examples of the implementation of 1. parameters for the limits, purpose and time
content analysis and discourse analysis to study anti- periods of campaign expenditures;
corruption. For instance, Kearns (2015) uses 2. limits on contributions;
discourse analysis and content analysis to study 3. identification of donors, including whether or
Transparency International’s role in the anti-corruption not anonymous, international and third-party
industry. Torois, Jepleting and Tanui (2016) uses donations or loans are permissible, restricted
content analysis to analyse Anti-Corruption Quarterly or prohibited;
Reports from 2003 to 2013 in Kenya. Beyond content 4. what types of in-kind contributions are
and discourse analysis methodologies, Curini and permissible;
Martelli (2015) present a statistical model to analyse 5. the form and timing of submission and the
parties incentives to emphasise corruption issues on publication of accounts and expenditure by
their manifestos. The authors find that the more party organisations;
parties resemble each ideologically, the greater is their 6. means to verify income and expenditure
incentive to use shared values – such as corruption – disclosure by an independent and
as a competitive strategy, since the possibility of autonomous oversight body;
obtaining larger vote-shares through a successful 7. whether tax relief is allowed on donations or
valence campaign increases with the proximity loans;
between party’s ideological positions. 8. means to dissuade governments from using
public resources for electoral purposes;
4. ANTI-CORRUPTION BEST PRACTICES 9. how government subsidies for elections and
FOR PARTY PROGRAMMES parties are calculated and awarded and how
the development of new parties is
Political parties’ stances on anti-corruption reforms encouraged (while the creation of parties
depend very much on the party and the context. whose prime purpose is to access funding is
Nevertheless, there are universal measures and good avoided)
practices to ensure integrity and anti-corruption at
party’s internal level, particularly with regards to party Even where not required by law, parties and
financing. individual candidates running for elected office could
voluntarily disclose financial statements for their
The United Nations Convention Against Corruption campaigns detailing itemised income and
(2004) highlights the importance of adopting expenditure, as well as individual donors to their
appropriate legislative and administrative measures campaign finances.
‘to enhance transparency in the funding of

7
 Methodologies for the analysis of political party programmes

For further information on campaign and political Gephart, Malte. 2012. “Contested Meanings of
party financing, see: Corruption: International and Local Narratives in the
Case of Paraguay.”
● Global Integrity/Sunlight Foundation: Money http://repec.giga-
Politics and Transparency, country hamburg.de/pdf/giga_12_wp191_gephart.pdf
assessments
(https://data.moneypoliticstransparency.org)
● Council of Europe: GRECO evaluation Hofferbert, R. I. and Budge, I. 1992. “The Party
reports (round 3 and follow-up reports),
(https://www.coe.int/en/web/greco/evaluation Mandate and the Westminster Model: Election
s) Programmes and Government Spending in Britain,
● International IDEA political finance database 1948-85.”
(currently being updated, https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/194058.pdf?refreqid=
http://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/political- excelsior%3A2f6ed71cc918abed045b353e5e0e75b7
finance-database)
● TI Policy Position 01/2009: Standards on
Howarth, D. (2000). Discourse. Buckingham: Open
Political Funding and Favours
(https://www.transparency.org/whatwedo/pub University Press.
lication/policy_position_no._01_2009_standa
rds_on_political_funding_and_favours) International IDEA. 2001. Funding of Political Parties
● IFES: TIDE Political Finance Oversight and Election Campaigns.
Handbook https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/fun
(http://www.ifes.org/publications/tide-political- ding-of-political-parties-and-election-campaigns.pdf
finance-oversight-handbook)

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 Methodologies for the analysis of political party programmes

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“Anti-Corruption Helpdesk Answers provide
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United Nations Convention Against Corruption. demand briefings on corruption. Drawing on
https://www.unodc.org/documents/brussels/UN_Conv publicly available information, the briefings
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do not necessarily reflect Transparency
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administrative measures, including measures to
enhance transparency in the funding of candidatures