B. Bourgeois ldeolqgy: Public Opinion 124 B.

Bourgeois Ideology: Public Opinion 125 BOURDIEU

seem valid to me. They are also accused of biasing majority of them were directly linked to· the political
Pierre ··Bourdieu the questions, or more a~urately, of providing a preoccupations of the ~'ruling power." If we were to
"50% of the French are for, 40% are against, and
10% have no opinion." But that isn't enough
bias in the formulation of the questions. This is amuse ourselves right now by making a list, and if I information; for instance, you ask people "Are you
PUBLIC OPINION closer to the truth, and often an answer is inferred were to ask you to write the five questions which favorable to the Pompidou government?" You
DOES NOT EXIST by the way in which the question is posed. Thus, in you feel are most important in the field of register 30% "no replies", 20% yes, 50% no. You
spite . of the elementary precept behind the education, we would surely receive a very different can say the number of people unfavorable is greater
composition of a questionnaire, which requires that list from those actually asked by the opinion polls. _ than the number of people favorable and there is a
(France, 1972) one give all possible answers "a chance", omissions The question "Should politics be introduced into remainder of 30%; or you can re-calculate those
are frequently made either in the questions the secondary schools?" (or variations on the favorable and those unfavorable, excluding the "q~
themselves or in the proposed an~wers, or else, the theme) was asked very often, whereas the question replies". This simple choice is a theoretical
"I say that to speak is to express an opinion, and very same option is proposed several times in "Should the curricUla be modified?" or "Should operation of great importance about which I would
that opinion consists of an explicitly pronounced different ways. Unless one has taken a preparatory there be a change in the way classes are taught?" like to reflect a moment.
discourse." Plato survey, one is never sure of having foreseen the was very rarely posed. Questions of major Eliminating the "no replies" is the same as
First of all, I should make clear that my whole range of possible responses. One can thus importance, at least from another perspective. what is done in an election when there are blank or
purpose is not to mechanically and simplistically ·anticipate .a repetition of.certain answers giving a null ballots; the implicit philosophy of electoral
denounce public opinion polls. Even if there is no greater chance to the answer which has been surveys is thus imposed on opinion polls. On close
.· proposed more than once; or else, among the THE FUNCTION OF THE POLLS
doubt that opinion polls are not what they would examination, however, one finds that the rate of
have us believe, they are not what many would-be answers anticipated, one can omit a particularly The problematics proposed by the opinion polls "no replies" is generally higher in women than in
demystifiers have claimed either. The polls caD. . important possible question, thus taking away the correspond to specific interests. Any problematic men, and that the margin between men and women
make a useful contribution to social science if they . likelihood of a certain answer appearing. can be said to correspond to specific interests, but in increases as the problems posed become more
are treated rigorously with certain preeautions. this particular case the interests which support these specifically political. This is true to such an extent
Neither am I attacking the people who carry out THE INEVITABLE PROBLEMATICS problematics are political interests, and this fact that we were able to determine, out of a list of
opinion polls; they are doing a certain job which, if governs both the meaning of the responses and, the _, different questions, which ones could best be
not reducible to the pure and simple sale of I therefore think that there are biases of this significance which is given to their publication: The considered political, just by evaluating· the margin
products, can not be completely identified with kind and it would be interesting to investigate the opinion poll is, at the present time, an instrument of between the "no replies" by women and men.
legitimate scientific research either. · social conditions underlying their appearance. The political action; its most important function is Another factor: the more a question concerns
sociologist supposes that nothing happens just by perhaps to impose the illusion that a public opinion problems of knowledge, the greater is the margin of
chance and that these biases can be explained. Most exists, and that it is simply the sum of a number of "no replies" between more-educated and less-
THREE IMPLIED POSTULATES of the time they are related to the work conditions
I individual opinions. It imposes the idea for instance · educated people. Another observation: when the
Having thus prefaced my remarks, I would like of the people who produce the questionnaires. that in any given assembly of people there can be questions have to do with ethical problems .
to enumerate three implied assumptions which must However, there are other factors as well. The fact found a public opinion, which would be something (example: "Should children be punished?") the·
be challenged in order to arrive at a rigorous and that the problematics devised by the polling like the average of all the opinions or the average margin of "no replies".between social classes is
solid analysis of opinion polls: institutes are subordinated to a specific kind of opinion. The "public opinion" which is stated on slight. Another observation: the more a question
-first, every opinion poll supposes that demand; a'ny investigation of the generating the front page of the newspapers in terms of poses conflictual problems, concerns a "thorny"
everyone can have an opinion; or, stated otherwise, principles behind these problematics must ask who percentages (60% of the French are in favor of.... ) .· contradiction (such as a question on the situation in
that the production of an opinion is within can afford to pay for an opinion poll. is a pure and simple artefact whose function is to · Czechoslovakia for persons who vote Communist)
everyone's range of possibility. At the risk of Recently, we undertook an analysis of a large conceal the fact that. the state of opinion at any or generates tensions for a particular category, the
offending a naively democratic sentiment, I contest national survey on the French people's opinion of given moment is a system of forces, of tensions, and more "no replies" will be received from that
this· the education system, which was based on a random that there is nothing more inadequate than a category. In other words, a simple statistical
· '-second,· it is. taken for granted that. all sample of answers given in reply to a questionnaire percentage to represent the state of opinion. analysis of the "no replies" offers information about
opinions have the same value. I believe that it can published and distributed in the French We know that relations of force can never be the meaning of the question, as well as the category
be proven that this is far from the truth, and that by newspapers. To control the validity of our sample, reduced to relations of force: any exercise of power of people questioned, the category being defined as
gathering a plurality of opinions which do not have we looked through the files of a number of research is accompanied by a discourse aimed at legitimating much by the probability of having an opinion at all
the same real importance, the results are very institutes, notably IFOP (Institut Fran~ise the power of those who exercise it. One could even as by the conditional probability of having a
severely distorted; and d'Opinion Publique) and SOFRES (So~iete say that there is a tendency in the exercise of power favorable or unfavorable one.
-third, the simple fact of asking everyone the Franfaise des Enquetes par Sondage), for all the towards its self-concealment as such, and that
same question implies the hypothesis that there is a questions dealing with education. We found that complete power is only realized when it is fully
consensus about the problem, that is, an agreement more than two hundred questions on the education THE IMPOSITION OF THE PROBLEMATIC
concealed. Stated simply, the politician who ..
about which questions are worth asking. system were posed since May 1968, compared with The scientific analysis of opinion polls shows
yesterday said "God is on our side" today says that there exists practically no catch-all problem: no
These three postulates imply, it seems to me, a less than twenty between 1960 and 1963. This "Public Opinion is on our side."
whole series of distortions which can be found even indicates that the problematics which are imposed question which is not reinterpreted in function of
This is the fundamental effect of the opinion the interests or non-interests of the people to whom
when all the conditions for methodological rigor ar~ by this kind of organization are closely linked to poll: it creates the idea that a unanimous public
fulfiiled in the gathering and analysis of the data. the socio-political conjuncture and are dominated the question is posed. Thus the first imperative in
opinion exists in order to legimate a policy, and evaluating a poll is to ask what question the
Opinion polls are often criti.cized on technical by a specific kind of social demand. In other words, strengthen the relations of force upon which it is
grounds, by challenging the representativity of the the problems posed are political problems. The different categories of people thought they were
based or make it possible. answering. One of the most pernicious effects· of the
samples, for instance. Given the methods presently question of education, for instance, cannot be posed
used by the polling institutes these objections hardly by a public opinion institute until it becomes a opinion surveys is to put people in a position where
political problem. The difference can be THE "NO REPLIES" they must answer a question they have never
immediately noted between these research Having stated my purpose at the beginning, I . tho.ught about, or mistakenly answer a different
This text was originally presented as a lecture by the institutes and those which generate their 0~ shall try to quickly indicate the operations which question from that which was asked, the
author in Noroit, France in January 1972. It was trans- problematics, if not out of a clear blue sky, at least produce this consensus effect. The first operation, interpretation only being a record of the
cribed by Uonce Petitot and first published in Les Temps which begins with the assumption that everyone misunderstanding.
Modeme (Paris), 318, January 1973. Published by per- with a much greater distance from a direct and
immediate social. demand. must have an opinion, consists in ignoring the "no I stated earlier that the opinion polls could be
mission of the author. It was translated from the French by replies." For some time now, instead of saying re-used scientifically; however, this supposes
Mary C. Axtmaun. English translation Copyright Inter: A summary statistical analysis of the questions
; . "50% of the French are in favor of the certain precautions which are excluded because of
national General1978. This is its first English publication. . asked in this survey showed us that the great
discontinuation of the railroads," the newspapers say the social conditions under which the research

I
 B. Bourgeois Ideology: Public Opinion 126 BOURDIEU B. Bourgeois Ideology: Public Opinion 127 BOURDIEU
organizations operate. Journalists who want things perceptual categories to construct and structure it, eschatological vision is arrived at: if we raise the problematic, whose image is provided by the list of
to be simple, further simplify the already simplified etc. standard of living and level of education, we will questions posed during the last two years ·by the
data ·which they have been given, and when it reaches Let us suppos.e a question formulated in the reduce the propensity to repression and authoritar-: polling institutes, is the problematic which
the public, it is likely to read as follows: "50% of the following .way: "Are you for. a structured education ianism, etc.' which are linked to low inoome and essentially interests the people who hold power and
French are for the discontinuation of the railroads." or a non-structured education?" It can be low level education, etc., and we· will thus produce who consider themselves to be well informed about
A rigorous interpretation of the opinion polls would constituted as a political question, the good citizens of American democracy and will do the means of organizing their political action. This
require an epistemological examination of each of representation of the teacher-child re~tionship away with Communist parties like they have in· problematic is very unequally overcome by the
the questions asked, plus, concerning the system of being integrated into a systematic vision of society. It Ftance or Italy. It appears to me that the crux of the different social classes and it is important to note
the questions, an analysis of the whole system of ~;:an be considered as a political question by some problem is the meaning of the answers to certain that the different social classes are more or less apt
answers, which together would be the only way to people; for others it is strictly a moral question. In questions. Imagine a group of questions like the to produce a counter-problematic. Concerning the .~· ...
know what were the -questions the people really the questionnaire which I mentioned earlier, we following: "Are you for the sexual independence of reaction to a television debate between Servan-
thought they were answering. asked people "For you, is it political or not to go on roarried.couples?", ·"Are you in favor of a•non- Schreiber and Giscard d'Estaing, a polling institute
Questions having to do with moral issues, for strike, wear long hair, participate in a rock festival, repressive education?" "Are you in favor of the posed questions. like "Is success a· function of talent;
example, the punishment of children, relations etc?" We wanted to see just how people use this new society?" Now imagine another type of intelligence, work, personal worth?" The answers
between teachers and students, and so on, are dichotomy; obviously one finds very great question, like: "Should professors go on strike received revealed nothing about objective truth, but
problems which are preceived as ethical problems differences acording to social class. when their jobs are threatened?", "Should teachers did, in fact, reply to the question "To what extent
as one descends the social hierarchy, but which can The first condition for the production of act in solidarity with other civil service employees are the different social classes conscious of the
be political problems for the upper classes. One of opinions is thus to be able to perceive a question as during periods of social conflict?" These two groups objective .laws governing the.transmission of cultural
the distorting effects of surveys is the being political; the second, once having established of questions receive replies structured inversely in capital?" It could be said generally that the lack of
transformation of ethical responses into political it as being political, is to be able to apply political relation to social class. The first group of questions, consciousness of these laws increases as one
responses by the simple imposition of a particular categories to it, categories which may be more or which deal with a certain kind of change in social descends the social hierarchy, and in the present
problematic. less adequate, more or less refined, etc. These are relations, or shall we say, in the symbolic form of state of society, the popular classes are particularly
the specific conditions for the production of social relations, provokes responses which are mystified by the school system. One can understand
opinions which the opinion surveys assume to be increasingly favorable as one ascends the social why the attachment to the myth of talent, of rising
THE TWO PRINCIPLES IN THE
universally and uniformly fulfilled when they first hierarchy and the hierarchy in the level of through the school system, of the impartiality of the
PRODUCTION OF OPINIONS postulate that everyone can produce an opinion. education; inversely, the questions which deal.with school system, of the .equity in the•distribution.of·jobs
In fact, there are several principles which can The second principle according to which people real. transformation. of the- rklations of. force according to skills, etc., is very. strong in the popular
be used to generate a response. First of all, there is produce an opinion is what! call "class ethos" (notto between classes provoke increasingly unfavorable classes. There is no.counter-problematic;.it can.exist
what could be called "political competence," a be confused with "class ethic"), by which I mean a answers as one ascends the social hierarchy. for a few intellectuals but it does not have social
notion which corresponds to a definition of politics system of implicit values which people have Thus the statement "The popuiar classes are force even though it has been taken up by a few
which is both arbitrary and legitimate, both interiorized from childhood and from which they repressive" is neither true nor false. It is true to the parties. and groups. '1}:\e poyular classes ar~ thus-not
dominant and concealed as such. This "political generate answers to very different types of extent that the popular classes tend to have a much conscious of the truth of the mechanisms and they
i::ompetence'~ is not universally. distributed. It.varies more rigid and authoritarian idea about moral cannot produce a counter-problematic: the whole
questions. An example: I think the opinions which
with the level of education. In other words, the people exchange at the end of a soccer game problems concerning relations between parents and ensemble. of social conditions. _prohibits it. being
probability of having an opinion on all the questions between Roubaix and V alenciennes owe a great deal children or between the sexes. Concerning diffused. We might add that it is not enough for a
which presuppose· a certain political knowledge can of ·their coherence ·and logic to a class ethos. problems of political structure, which brings into party to put into its program the struggle against the
be compared to the ·probability of going to a Judgements like "It was a beautiful game, but too play the maintenance or transformation of the social hereditary . transmission of . cultural . capital;
museum; it is a function of a person's level of rough" or "It was well-played, but not very beautiful order, and not just the conservation or "scientific truth" is subject to the same laws of
education. Some astounding variations can be to watch," which appear to be arbitrary, like tastes transformation of · the modes of . relationships diffusion as ideology. A scie~tific proposition such
observed: whereas a student involved in a far-left and colors, are probably generated by a very between individuals, the popular classes are much as "cultural capital is transmitted by the school and
movement perceives forty-five different divisions to systematic principle, a class ethos. more favorable towards a transformation of the by the family" is like a papal bull on birth control:
the left of the Parti Socialiste Unifie, a middle-level social. structure. We have seen how certain· one is only preaching to the converted. It is diffused
executive sees none at all. In an election, one thinks problems posed in May 1968, and often poorly according to certain laws; the probability that it will
in terms of the political gradations far left, left, THE DISTORTION OF MEANING
posed, in the conflict between the Communist party be accepted by some and rejected by others can be
center left, center, center right, right, far right, etc. Many answers which are considered political and the leftists, is intimately linked to the central determined sociologically.
One of the important facts we found as a result of a answers are in reality produced by a class ethos and problem which I have just tried to present,
t~~t we developed was that difference social can be given a totally different meaning when they concerning the nature of the answers people give in
categories would use this scale in a very different MOBILIZED OPINION·
are interpreted on political grounds. I shall illustrate reply to the questions asked, that is, the princ:iple
way from that taken for granted by "political this and you will see that what I have said is far from upon .which they . produce their answers. ,i'The The idea of objectivity enters into an opinion
science" investigations. Certain social categories abstract and unreal. Here I must refer to a specific opposition I made- between these two groups of survey by asking questions in the most neutral terms
use very intensely a small section of the far left; sociological tradition, prevalent especially among questions actually amounts to the opposition so as to give equal chance to all possible answers. In
others use only the center, while still others use the political sociologists in the United States, who between the two principles in the production of reality one could ask if the most perfectly rigorous
whole range; an election turns out· to be the commonly speak of the conservatism and opinions: an authentically political principle and an opinion survey is not one in which the imperatives of
agregation of totally different spaces; those people authoritarianism of the popular classes. These ideas ethical one, and the problem of the conservatism of neutrality and scientific objectivity are overridden
who measure in centimeters are added together are based on a comparison of the international the popular classes is produced because this entirely. Rather than asking "Some people are in
with those who measure in kilometers, or to use a results of surveys or elections which tend to. show difference is ignored. Thus, what I have called the favor of birth control, others against; how about
better image, those who use a scale of 0 to 20 with that each time the popular classes are asked, in any effect of imposition ·of the problematic, an effect you? ... ", it would provide a series of explicit
those who use only 9 to 11. Competence is country, about problems concerning relations of utilized by all opinion polls and political positions taken by groups elected to establish and
measured, among other things, by the degree of authority, individual liberty, freedom of the press, investigations (beginning with elections), results diffuse opinions, so that people could place them-
finesse of one's perception (the same is true of etc.·, they give answers .which "are more authoritarian from the fact that the questions asked in an opinion selves not in relation to a question to which they must
aesthetics, where some people can-distinguish five or than the other classes; so the global conclusion il;; survey are not ·the questions which are a real invent both an answer as well as a problematic, but in
six stages in the development of a painter). This made that. there is a conflict between democratic concern for the people questioned, and the relation to problematics and responses which have
comparison can be pushed even further. Just as in
aesthetic perception, there is a prerequisite: people'
must first think of the work of art as a work of art,
and once they have done so, they must create
values and the authoritarian l;llld repressive values
which have been iriteriorized by the popular classes
(the author I have in mind, Lipset, refers to
American. democratic values) .. Thus the folloWing
l responses are not interpreted in function of the
problematic used by different categories of
respondents in thek actual reply. Thm·the dominant
-.. already been prepared. In other words, the opinion
survey would be closer to reality if it totally violated
the rules of objectivity and gave people the means to
 B. Bourgeois Ideolog.y: Public Opinion 128 BOURDIEU B. Bourgeois Ideology: Public Opinion 129 BOURDIEU
situate themselves as they really do in real practice, politicizing effect produced by a crisis: one must · aesthetics to everyday economic decisions. The tra- weak one? Why does it not simply follow a distribu-
in relation to already formulated opinions. As a choose between groups who define themselves ditional opinion surveys produce the bizarre effect tion curve? There is a very great elasticity in
hypothesis, imagine at a given moment a proble~ politically and who increasingly define their position •of , destroying simultaneously both the study of electoral opinions: the opinion expressed by a vote
like teaching where all the courses are known m in function of explicitly political principles. The im- pressure groups and opinion, and the study of dis- is defined in an essentially negative way; there are
advance. A content analysis of the general press, portant thing is that the opinion survey treats public positions which cannot be expressed in the form of points beyond which one cannot pass, yet within
the trade union press, the political press, opinion like the simple sum of individual opinions, an explicit discourse. That is why the opinion survey, these defined limits, there is a certain leeway. This
etc., would be the basis for a sort of map which would gathered in an isolated situation where the in its present use, is incapable of generating any is all the more true when the strategy of electoral
contain all the known positions. Anyon~ who individual furtively expresses an isolated opinion. kind of reasonable prediction abo\lt, what would - campaigns is to obscure the questions and conceal
proposes a position which is not on the map would be In real situations, opiniorui are forces and relations happen in a crisis situation. the differences between candidates in order to win
considered eclectic or incoherent. Every opinion is of opinions are conflicts of forces. Taking a position
on any particular problem means choosing between ' undecided votes. All this leads one to ask what is
objectivity situated in relation to a series of known 'OPINION POLLS·AND ELECTIONS the function of both the electoral system and the
positions. One commonly speaks of "taking a real groups, which leads us to see that the second
postulate, the assumption that all opinions are equal, Let us imagine a problem like the education opinion surveys, whose properties are so similiar.
position"; the expression must be understood in its ·· To put things in very gross terms, I believe that the
strongest sense; the positions are there before us is· totally unfounded. · · system. We could ask: ''What do you think of the
Another law can be deducted from our analysis: policies of [the Minister of Education] Edgar electoral system is an instrument whose very logic
and we take them. But we do not take them -hap- tends to attenuate conflicts and differences, and
hazardly. We take the positions which we are pre- the more one is involved in a certain problem, the Faure?" This type of question is very much like an
more one will be interested in it and the more electoral survey in that the answer doesn't tell us thus naturally tends to be conservative. We can ask
disposed to take in function of our position in a cer- ourselves what we are really doing when we use this
tain domain. For example, in the intellectual opinions one will have about it. Going back to the very much. We could then go on and ask: "Are you
example of the education system, we find that the in favor of bringing politics into the high schools?" instrument. One could draw the conclusion,
domain, at a given moment, we can say that an in- perhaps, that it is really better than we think and we
dividual, given the particular circumstances, has a rate of response is very closely related to one's Here we find a very clear division; but even so,
personal proximity tci the education system, either within the upper classes, it's more complicated; the should continue to use it. A revolutionary party
certain probability of taking one position rather which wants to increase its strength in the existing
than another. Obviously there is a small margin of as an employee, professor, parent or former student, intellectual fractions of these classes tend to be in
and the probability of one's having power over the relations of force, based on this analysis, can
freedom, but there are positions which.. are posed favor, but with reservations. If we follow with
issue in question. Mobilized opinion is the opinion develop counter-problematics as its main strategy,
with greater immediacy and force. A rigorous another question: "Can teachers go _on strike?",
of influential people. If the Minister of Education we find a sharp division in the answers. Among the systematically using the procedure . instinctively
analysis of ideologies should seek to explain the used for generations (the counter-strategy of "its
relation between the structure of positions to be acted.in function.of an opinion poll-(or even a. super- popular classes there is a kind of transfer of specific
ficial reading of a poll)', he would not do what he political competence and people know exactly what the same difference" as a refusal of the problematic).
taken and the structure of the range of positions The· problem of a party· which has defined· its
already objectively occupied. does when he acts really as a politician, in response to say. We could also ask "Should the curricula be
to the telephone calls, the visit from the director of transformed?" "Should grades be based ·an final objectives is not to provide answers but to provide
. I arrive now at the· problem of the forecast· value
the Ecole Normale Superieure, or from a dean, etc. exams?" "Should parents be represented on people with the means of being the producers, not
of opinion surveys. We know that opinion surveys,
In reality he acts much more in function of forces of teachers' councils?" Should competitive exams be of their answers, but of their questions, and in doing
except for certain accidents, have a very high
actually formed opinion, which enter his field of done away with?", and so on. Behind the question so produce their means of defense against questions
forecast rate regarding elections, but they seem to
vision only to the extent that they have power, be-. "What do you think of the policies of Edgar which are iinposed upon them s_imply because they
fail when one compares an early result with a later
cause they have already been mobilized. Faure?" there were all these other questions, and do not have any others. '
one, whenever there has been an intervening crisis.
In other words, the opinion surveys capture quite people immediately took a position based on In another perspective, it could be concluded
well the structure of opinions at a given moment, in INCLINATIONS AND OPINIONS something which a good questionnaire could only that just as people must be taught certain things in
a stable situation, but they do not capture the poten- In order to forecast, for example, what will grasp if it used at least sixty questions, whose school before they can go to a museum, if electoral
tial state of opinion, and more exactly, the move- happen to the university system in the next ten variations in every direction could then be contests are to be less absurd, the difference
ment of opinion. This occurs because th_ey capture years, I think that the understanding of mobilized observed. In the case of one type of question, the between the implicit postulates of the electoral
opinions in a situation which is not the real situation opinion is essential. However, at the same time a opinions would be related positively to the position system and reality must be as small as possible. In
in which opinions are formed, and because they reading of the opinion survey can also help us to in the social hierarchy, and in another, they would other words, people must have the means -of
perceive the opinions themselves and not the discover something which does not yet exist in the producing opinions; they must therefore have the
be related negatively, or perhaps just a bit, or up to
ongoing conditions which produce them. There is a state of an opinion ·and which can suddenly emerge means to appropriate them. What this means is that
a certain point, or even not at all. Thus, when one
considerable difference betwe_en the opinion which in a time of crisis. By opinion I mean propositions from primary school on, people must have a real pol-
asks a general question like the one about Faure itical education.
people produce in an artificial situation such as a which are formulated in a coherent discourse. Do one accumulates phenomena which are related in
survey and the opinion they produce in a situation those people who do not answer or who say they very different ways to soci:U class. What is One might also be led to say: I do not want to
closer to the daily-life situation-- in which opinions have no opinion really have no opinion? I think that interesting. is that specialists .in political. sociology play the electoral game because in the existing
are confronted and confirmed, -such as conversations taking the "no replies" seriously means that the inclin~­ have noticed that the relationship between social structure of society, with the present distribution of
among people of the same milieu, etc. Thus, in a tions of certain categories of people cannot attam class, and practices and opinions, etc. which is cultural capital being one of the factors which
psychological experiment, we asked ten people to the status of opinion, that is, the status of a formu· usually observed in almost every area of social defines the capacity for producing opinions, it is an
state their opinion on the length of two pieces of lated discourse which aims at coherence, and intends practice, is very weak when it comes to electoral ·illusion to believe that equality can be achieved in
metal, which were in fact the same length. After- to be heard, imposed, etc. In crisis situations, where phenomena, to the degree that some of them do not the voting booth. It could be concluded that only
wards, we took nine of the people aside and asked formulated opinions are expressed, people who had hesitate to conclude that there is no relation whatso- active minorities are capable of mobilizing opinion.
them to say that the two pieces of metal were not no opinion will not choose one haphazardly. If they ever between social class and the fact of voting for These very different conclusions could be drawn,
exactly the same length. Then we asked all the ten perceive the problem as being political (for the right or for the left. among others. What is sure is that by studying the
people the same question a second time, and found workers, qu~stions of salary or of work cadences~, In reality, if we keep in mind that an election operation of opinion polls one gets an idea of the
that the tenth person now says that at first he they will choose in terms of political competence; if poses in a single syncretic question what can only be way this particular type of poll, the electoral survey,
thought that the two pieces were the same length, the problem is one which they do not perceive_ as reasonably understood in two hundred questions, functions, an9:_ the effect it produces.
but now it seems to him that they're not exactly the being political for them (reptessive relationships and that some people measure in centimeters and In brief, in saying that public opinion does not
same length, etc. "fhe situation in which opinions within the company) or if the problem is no~ yet other in kilometers, along with so many other exist, I mean it does not exist in the form which
are formed, in particular in times of crisis, is of this clearly perceived; they will choose by what is call~ variables, one will realize that the act of voting is a some people, whose existence depends on this
type; people are faced with already formed opinions, class instinct, but which has nothing to do wjth m- question of chance. Perhaps the traditional question illusion, would have us believe. At present, there
opinions upheld by certain groups and they must stinct: it is a system of deeply un~onscious inclin- of the relationship between voting and social class is, on the one hand, mobilized opinion, formulated
choose between opinions becat!se they must choose ations which is the principle behind innumerable should be posed in the opposite way: why is there in opinion, pressure groups mobilized around a system
between groups. This is the principle behind the choices in extremely different areas ranging froill spite of everything, a relationship at all, even a of interests; and on the other, certain inclinations,

i' -
 B. Bourgeois Ideology:· Journalism 130 B. Bourgeois Ideology·: Journalism 131 MlR
opinions in an implicit state which, by definition are Revolutionary left Movement notion. of the reader.which is peculiar. to a society-in
not really opinions, if by opinion we mean a which the roles of individuals and groups are strictly
formulated discourse with a pretention to (MlR) Every social practice in bourgeois society has
assigned, and in which the division between manual
coherence. What I have been considering here is the been invested with an ideological framework which
and intellectuallabor implies that only a select few
definition. of opinion •which is· implicitly. used in· the ON JOURNALISM justifies it, gives it meaning and tends to maintain its
status in function of its position in the ensemble of are capable of generating ideas and communicating.
public opinion sn:vey. It is not_ ~y op~~m on them while the majority can only receive the com-
opinion 1tself. It lS only an explicit definition of AND OBJECTIVITY social activities. Just as the concrete action of a
munication, even if these communications are alien
opinion as it is employed by the people ·who psychiatrist, a writer or a politician have their
nature and meaning assigned to them in bourgeois to the events in which the receivers were actually
produce the opinion polls when they ask people to (Chile, 1971) society, the practice of the workers in the communi- the protagonists. In sum, it is a conception of passive
formulate opinions or to take positions on already readers, who are suited only to take in the news
formulated opinions. This is what I mean when I say cation media has been given its ideological basis, its
particular social role and its general significance and each new day so as to better forget the news of yes-
that opinion, the sense of the social definition terday.
implicitly accepted by those who prepare or direction. Why must we criticize this so-called object-
analyze or use opinion polls, simply does not exist. In capitalist society, the mass communication One of the pillars of the bourgeois conception
of journalism is what has been called "objectivity", ivity? Because by analysing this notion point by
media serve the dominant classes. This is·generally point, it will lead us to some very concrete con-
accomplished by an attempt to impose the supposed- a notion which has practical as well as moral im-
plications. Throughout the history of journalism, clusions.
ly eternal universality and validity _of the bourgeois 1. Does there exist an exterior reality which can
ideological worldview. The techmques developed the requisite of objectivity has been elaborated and
be described "such as it is"? The only reality which
by each of the communication media have been proposed as a way of approaching reality, as a
mechanism for transmitting this approach, and as a men know is one which is modified by their con-
conditioned by mechanisms which assure the fulfill- sciousness, since the act of knowing corresponds to
ment of this ideological function. Furthermore, the desideratum, the ultimate moral goal of the pro-
the arrangement-of observable. data by means .of. a
communication media-especially in urban fession. Thus objectivity is not only a formal requis-
highly complex, but thoroughly human and historical
centers-have acquired a decisive importance in the ite for the isolated journalist: the journalist himself
has come to accept his activity as a synonym for so- mechanism, present in every individual and corres-
coercive action of the dominant classes. ponding to the society in which this individual lives
These observations have all become near-plati- called objectivity. and to his particular place in that society. The idea
tudes; nevertheless, any mass media discussion Now, what is the nature of this objectivity?
that there exists an exterior reality whose facade can
today must take them into consideration. As pre- . First of all, it supposes the existence of an ex-
be perceived without any distortion or falsity is a con-
carious and undeveloped as they may be, these con- terior reality which must be described "such as it is"
ceptual error, but one which is a part of the ideology
siderations are important, since they not only chal- by someone possessing the adequate skill.
of class society, the ideology of the dominant class.
lenge a particular form of action of the dominant Second, it implies that the viewpoint of the What exists is not an exterior reality, but a certain
ideology and the bourgeois media, but also directly person responsible for the description is capable of knowledge, a humanization of reality, produced by
concern the action and ideology of the media selectively penetrating reality, discerning between individual action and conditioned by the totality of
workers themselves. Furthermore, such a discussion what is important and what is in contingent, what is society. Therefore no description, even the most
poses the general problem of ideology, its nature worthy of being described and what is not. strictly scientific and seemingly free from subjectivity
and development and the techniques by which it is Third, it demands that the description be self- can escape an ideological connotation. Since the
transmitted. The discussion is important, therefore,_ contained, in other words, that judgements between ideology of the bourgeoisie, the dominant ideology
since it not only concerns the specific field of the good and bad, for instance, not enter explicitly in capitalist society, is a false consciousness, the
newspaper worker, but because, in order to be ade- into the description. Any judgement would thus bourgeoisie believes that it knows reality when it
quately posed, presented and developed, ~t must belong to the world of effects, the result of the actually knows only the apparent reality of and for
also incorporate a more general problematic, one reader's interaction with the description: journalism, capitalist society. Likewise, the concepts of
which transcends the area of journalism and con- therefore would be a practice of effects, and the ob- freedom, or nationality, or labor and capital are
fronts the framework of society as a whole, under- jective description, rather than being responsible rationalized, ideologized by the bourgoeisie's need
stood as the manifestation of human practices for the judgement would simply be the source of the for domination: freedom means freedom of property,
conditioned by the mechanisms of production. individual reader's reflexion. According to this which is at the same time slavery for those who
Although this discussion of the media, the role theory, the description of reality "such as it is" are not property-owners; nationality is the national-
of its workers and the sense of their possible trans- would act upon the individual consciousness which ity of the economic and political interests of the
formation is in its first stages, certain basic concepts would be responsible for giving meaning to the des- national bourgeoisies, :which simultaneously.implies
can be noted. To the extent that these concepts are cription, lending it political value and interpreting it ·· a negation of nationality whenever those interests
introduced into the discussion in a concrete and in terms of a particular conception of the world. transcend the national arena and become imperialist;
creative way, a critical self-consciousness in journal- Fourth, regarding the technical aspects them-'~ Iabor is · what. capital makes possible, what . the
istic practice may be furthered. Moreover, t~ey selves, objectivity presupposes the elimination of owners of the means of production allow the
hold the keys to an active and fruitful incorporation the journalist's subjectivity, reserved exclusively for workers, even though, paradoxically, it is the labor
of the media and their workers into the political the process of selecting material and for his "intel- of the worker which actually creates the existence of
tasks which are advancing the struggle waged by the ligence" in discerning between .what is important, capital. Thus, as we said, the concept of objectivity
oppressed sectors of society for the achievement of what is "news", and what isn't. "Objectivity" also is part of the ideological framework of the I?our-
economic, and cultural liberation. influences the practice of news production, and the geoisie. In opposition to this exterior reality, des-
norms determining how news is to be transmitted: a cribed "such as it is", there is a different reality, one
news item must be clearly written, detailed, stating in which the oppressed classes are the protagonists,
This text was a working document presented at the
First Conference of Left Journalists held in Santiago de the "how, where and why" of the event. The "how" a society in which they are excluded from power. In
Chile in April197L (For another contribution to the con· and "where" imply the description of a particular their search for their rightful hegemony, in the
ference, see the inaugutal address of President Salvador event and a particular place. The "why", according search to bring together their fundamental action
Alleni:ie to be published in Vo)ume 2 of this work.) Trans· to the demands of objectivity, must be presented and their mastery over society, they generate a new
lated from the Spimish by Mary C. Axtmann and A.rtt:?"o I. only in terms of the opinions given by the event's ideology, a new conception of the world, which is
Torrecilla. · English translation Copyright IntemattOnal· · protagonists and witnesses. not objective, and does not want to be. It is the
General 1978. This is its first publication. Fifth and lastly, objectivity responds to a ideology of a ~orld in transformation, in which the